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EX    LIBRIS 
GUL.    CANON    BROWN  LOW. 


fW.   114     e.     33 


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TEE  IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD 

,    UNDER    EPISCOPAL    SANCTION. 


tf  THIRD    SERIES. 

VOLUME     VI.— 1885. 


"  Ut  Christiani  ita  et  Romani  sitis/* 

"  As  you  are  children  of  Christ,  so  be  you  children  of  Home/' 

Ex  Dictis  8.  Pairiciif  Book  of  Armagli^  fol.  9. 


DUBLIN : 
BROWNE     &     NOLAN,     N  ASS  AUST  R  R  KT. 

1885. 

ALL  lilGUTS  TIE8ERVED. 

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Nihil  Obstat. 


GiRALDUS  MOLIiOTf^  S.T.D., 

CENSOK.  DEP, 


^mpriiniifxtr. 


^  GULIELMUS  J.  Walsh,  ArcMep,  Dullhiensis, 


BKOWXF  ie  VVJ.AVt  STTAV  ^l^)^TrIt8,   PT'PLTV. 


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G*oogIe 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAOK 


Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet  .  .        503,  579,  621 

Among  the  Graves  .  .  .  .  81, 286, 646 

Ancient  Irish  Schools                .....  249 

An  Old  Story  of  the  Middle  Ages       .            .                        .  106 

Belgium,  The  Irish  m  .  .  .  .  .  791 
Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?  144, 334,  541 
Canlima  MacCab^,  The  l^tSB.               .            .           .            .141 

Carolan  th'^fiard           *           .....  594 

Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme    .  167 

Chant,  Plam,  for  Incurables  .....  162 
Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland,  The  Law  of     .            .          10,  277,  378 

Charles  O^Conor  of  Belinyare             ^                      .            .  560 

Compulsory  Education             .            -     .      ♦            .            •  345 

Confession,  General                 ^#,     •  .'         .           .           .  518 

COBR£SPOND£NCE  :-* 

St.  Boniface  and  St.  Virgilius,  Letter  of  Canon  Brownlow 

about                  ......  53 

St.  Virgilius,  Fr.  McCarthy's  reply  to  Canon  Brownlow  .  205 
O  Clemens,  O  pia,  O  dulcis,  Virgo  Maria,  what  is  the 
correct  English  translation  of  these  words  in  the  **  Hail 

Holy  Queen?" 274,338,406 

Is  it  right  to  purchase  tickets  at  or  to  subscribe  to  a 

.  Protestant  Bazaar?       .            .            .            ,            .  404 
Letter  of  Fr.  Livius  about  the  Enlargement  of  the 

Record             ......  745 

Liturgy               "   .            .            .            .            .            .  811 

Frequent  Communion                   .            .            .            .  811 

Deaf  and  Dmnb,  Claims  of  the,  to  be  admitted    to  the 

Sacraments            .            .            .            .            .           .  37, 258 

Disp^isation,  Matrimonial  —Who  can  fulminate  a  Dispensation  322 

How  is  it  fulminated        .            .  455 

Fulmination  in  Foro  Intemo        •  571 
A    few    points    de  Executione 

Dispensationis               .            .  675 
Angustia   Loci,  as   a   cause    of 

Dispensation                .            .  130 
Documents  : — 

Letter  of  Pope  Leo.*  XIIL,  constituting  the  Canonical 

Erection  of  the  Nc^th  American  College  in  Rome      .  59 


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IV 


Contents, 


DocUMEKTS — continued. 

Duelling,  a  Physician  not  allowed  to  assist  at  a  duel 

Decrees  ^  the  S.  Congregation  of  the  Council,  1 , 2,  treat 

about  Coadjutors.    3,  Special  faculties  granted  to  the 

Archbishops  of  Toulouse.   Bearing  of  the  decisions  on 

the  Coimcil  of  Trent 

Feast  of  the  Rosary,  when  transferable     .  .  « 

The  Pope  on  the  Study  of  Literature  in  Ecclesiastical 

Colleges  .  .  .  .  . 

Letter  of  Card.  Simeoni  to  Card.  Manning  prohibiting 
the  attendance  of  Catholic  youth  at  Protestant 
Universities  ..... 
Privilege  granted  to  the  College  of  Maynooth  of 
conferring  Minor  Orders,  Sub-Deaconship  and 
Deaconship  once  a  year  on  Ordinary  Doubles 
St.  Vincent  de  Paul  declared  Patron  of  the  Societies  of 

Charity  throughout  the  AVorld     • 
Card.  Moran^s  Letter  convoking  the  National  Synod  of 

Australia  .  .  •  .  ., 

Important  Decree  6f  the  Uoly  Office  regarding  Matri- 
monial Dispensations        ■         •  .  . 
Decision  regarding  essential  marks  of  Authentic  Decrees 

oftheS.  R.  C.  .  .  •  • 

The  Missionary  Oath  in  England 
Congregation  of  the  Council — Duties  of  a  Parish  Priest 

charged  with  two  pwrishes         .  .  . 

(Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office— About  marriages  in 
Canada,  at  which  a  priest  is  unable  to^assist.  What  is 
to  be  done  ..... 

What   Mass    necessary   to    gain   Indulgence    of   the 

Privileged  Altar  .... 

Resolutions  of  the  Lrisli  Bishops 
Ordinary  Plenary  Indulgence  cannot  be  substituted  for 

Privileged  Altar  Indulgence 
Jurisdiction  of  Hospit^  Chaplains 
Education,  Compulsory  .  , 

Elia,  Glimpses  of  .... 

Elizabeth  Tudor  and  Mary  Stuart 
Eternal  Pwiishment-  -Witness  of  Tradition 
„  Witness  of  Script lu^c 

Faith  and  Evolution 
Footprints  of  St.  Patric'c 
Fragments' of  a  Broken  Tour 
Future  Punishment 
General  Confession 
Glimpses  of  Elia 


2U1 


201 
204 

476 


547 


547 
548,  681 

606 
607 

608 
682 

747 


747 

749 
812 

814 
815 
845 

889 
424 
685 

413, 481 
180 

712,753 
295 
518 
802 


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Contents, 


Henry  PlanUgenet  and  Adrian  IV. 

Interest  of  the  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law 

lona,  St.  Columba  and  the  Western  Highlands 

Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland 

Leixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Liffey      . 

Life  and  Labours  of  Rev.  John  Francis  Shearman,  P.P.,Moone 

Liturgical  Questions  :— 

Proper  Mass  for  the  occasion  of  Laying  the  Foundation 

Stone  and  of^the  Dedication  of  a  New  Church 
Proper  Mass  for  a  Special  Want,  what  Mass  should  be 

taken  ...... 

Votive  Masses  of  the  B.  Virgin  and  of  the  S.  Heart  of 

Jesus  -....• 

Privileged  Days  for  Requiem  Masses 
Decrees  regarding  Pustet's  right  to  his  Editions  of  Church 

Chant  asserted  by  the  Sacred  Congregation 
Decisions  of  the  Congregation  of  Indulgences  regarding 

the  Benedictio  in  Articulo- Mortis,  as  to  when  it  may 

be  given,  etc.     .   ■         . 
The  Tabernacle,  Prescriptions  regarding  the  fabemacle, 

its  material,  shape,  size,  decorations,  eic. 
The  Mass  and  the  Indulgence  of  the  Privileged  Altar, 

when  are  they  separable  in  their  application 
The  Heroic  Act  and  its  Conditions 
Corporals  and  Purificatories,  How  often  should  they  be 

washed  ...... 

The  Divine  Office  and  the  Stations  of  the  Cross  . 
Conditions  for  Duplication,  What  justifies  a  priest  saying 

two  Masses  on  the  same  day,  Christmas  day  excepted  . 
Benediction  with  the  Ciborium,  Question  regarding 
May  Honoraria  be  received  in  Tribunali  Poenitentiae 
Votive  Masses — Definition  and  Division  of  Reasons  for 

Votive  Masses,    ^^Ratianabilis    Causa,"  and  **;Res 

Gravis"   "Publica  Ecclesiae  Causa,'*  Votive  Masses 

granted  July  5th,  '83.     Masses  extra  ordinem  officii 

for  Certain  days.   The  Twelve  First  Votive  Masses  at 

the  end  of  the  Missal  .... 

Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  the  Midsal  after  the  twelve 

first.    Missa  pro  sponso  et  sponsik  or  nuptial  Mass, 

May  the  nuptial  Mass  be  said  out  of  the  Church  ?  Who 

has  the  right  to   say  this  Mass.  On   what  days  is 

it  allowed,  manner  of  celebrating  it? 
Votive  Masses  of  Feasts  celebrated  throughout  the  year 

The  Masses  to  be  selected  for  various  occasions 
Votive  Masseli,  the  manner  of  sayiug  a  Votive  Mass, 

CoWur  to  tfe  used,  chant,  (5tc. 


PAGE 

o03,  579,  624 

369 

463 

10,277,378 

22 


764 


46 

48 

48 
49 

60 


51 

121 

127 
128 

129 
129 

198 
200 
200 


269-73 


329-34 


397-103 


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vi 


ConUiiU, 


Liturgical  Questions— cowa*wtif?</. 

Certain    obligations    connected    with    Votive  Masses. 
How  does  the  obligation  bind  ?  When  is  the  obligation 
fulfilled  by  saying  the  Mass  of  the  day?     Is  it  a  sin 
to  say  a  Votive  Mass  on  a  forbidden  day  ?    Privilege 
of  sayfng  the  Votive  Mass  of  the  B.  V.  M,  granted  to  a 

priest  suffering  from  bad  sight.  What  are  the  terms?  C03-5 

Offerings  at  corpse-houses,  in  what  sense  Ilonoraria    ?  .  741 

Is  Alleluia  added  to  versicle  of  B.  Virgin  in  Paschal  time  V  74i 

Rule  for  9th  Lesson  of  a  commemorated  feast               .  742 

Decrees  relating  to  the  new  Votive  Offices          .            ,  742 
Is  the  Antiphon  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  always  said  twice 

in  the  Office?                 .....  744 

Should  the  Celebrant  at  Mass  kiss  the  Altar  Stone  ?  744 
May  Laics  touch  Corporals,  &c.,  with  permission  of  the 
Bishops?    .                    ......    810 

Burial  on  Sunday  with  Requiem  Mass  on  Monday            .  810 

MacCabe,  The  late  Cardinal     .            .            .            .            .  141 

Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudor        ....  889 

Middle  Ages,  An  Old  Story  of  the       ....  106 

Missa  de  Requiem         .            .            .            .            .            .  532 

Neo-Platonic  Philosophy,  The              ....  317 

Notes  on  Vacation         .  .  .  .  -14, 234, 305 

Notices  of  Books — 

Alethcia ;  or,  the  Outspoken  Truth         .            !            .  818 

Art  M'Murrough  O'Cavanagh,  Prince  of  Leinster           ,  752 

Augustinian  Manual,  The              ....  208 

Barbavilla  Trials,  The        .....  276 

Better  than  Gold    ......  615 

Catholic  Christianity  and  Modern  Unbelief          .            .  64 

Catholic  and  Rejoinder      .            .            .            .            .  613 

Characteristics  from  the  Writings  of  Card.  Manning       .  613 

Charity  of  the  Church  a  proof  of  her  Divinity      .            .  407 

Commentarium  in  facultates  Apostolicas  .            .            .  614 
Decreta    Authentica  S.  Cong.   Indulgentiis    Sacrisquo 

Reliquiis  praepositae  ab  anno  1668,  ad  annum  1882     .  63 

Dissertationes  Selectae  in  IDstoriam  Ecclesiasticam         .  342 

Drifting  Leaves      ......  208 

Fact  Divine,  The   ......  615 

Faith  of  Catholics,  The      .....  66 

Florilegium  sen  Fasciculus  Precum  et  Exercitiorum         .  139 

Franciscan  Manual,  The    .....  683 

Francis  Macary      ......  615 

Funeral  Discourses  and  Funeral  Words    .            .            .  616 

Grammar  of  Gregorian  Music,  A  •            .            •            .  411 

Hand,  Rev.  Fr.      ...                      •           .  275 


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Contents, 


vu 


Notices  of  Books — cmtmmd. 

Historical  Researches  in  Western  Fennsylvania  . 
History  of  the  Church  from  the  Creation  to  the  present 

Day         ...  . 

Instructio  de  Stationibus  S.  Viae  Crucis 
League  of  the  Cross  Magazine,  The 
Jjectures  delivered  at  a  Spiritual  Retreat 
Lessons  in  Domestic  Science 
Lett's  Chart  of  the  Earth^s  Surface 
Life  of  Fathei  Luke  Wadding 
Life  of  Ann  Katherine  Emmerich 
Life  of  the  Right  Rev.  John  N.  Newman 
Letter  of  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Nulty  to  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Bagshawe 
Louise  de  la  Valierc 
Maynooth  College  Calendar 
Memorial  Words 
Month's  Pardon,  The 
Parish  Priest's  Practical  Manual,  The 
Philosophic  Religieuse  du  Magdeism  Sous  les  Sessanidae 
Popular  Preaching,  Notes  on         . 
Praelectiones  Dogmaticae  ... 
Reasons  why  we  should  believe  in,  love,  and  obey  God 
Respective  Rights  and  Duties  of   Family,  State,  and 

Church  in  regard  to  Education 
Sketches  of  African  and  Indian  Life  in  British  Guiana 
School  and  Home  Song-book,  The 
Spirit  of  St.  Teresa  .... 

Story  of  Early  and  Mediaeval  Abingdon  . 
Theses  Defendendae 

The  Little  Lamb  ,  ,  . 

The  Mysteries  of  the  Rosary 
Tributes  of  Protestant  Writers  to  the  wealth  and  Beauty 

of  Catholicity 
Virgin  Mother  of  Good  Counsel,  The 
Women  of  Catholicity 
O'Conor,  Charles,  of  Belinagare 
Penance,  On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament 

of  858,445,702,778 

Pernicious  Literature  and  its  Remedy  .  .  ,  C17 


616 

206 
189 
208 
820 
752 
68 
751 
752 
614 
816 
610 
140 
616 
207 
479 
408 
750 
189 


684 
819 
410 
208 
616 
616 
140 
820 

684 
684 
818 
560 


Philosophy,  Catholic,  and  the  University  Programme 
PhUosophy,  Neo-Platonic         .   , 
Pla'n  Chant  for  Licurables        .  .  .  . 

Poor  Law,  Interests  of  the  Poor  under  the 
Pr^byterianism  in  ScotlAnd 


90,  167 
317 
162 
369 
549 


Private  Mass,  can  a  Priest  say  it  for  a  Deceased  Protestant  144,884,541 


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Contents. 


Vlll 

PAOE 

Propositum,  Questions  regarding         .  ,  .  .114,  219 

Punishment,  Future      ......  295 

Punishment,  Eternal     ......   424,  685 

Questions  regarding  Propositum  .  .  .  .114,219 

Recollections  of  Granard,  Co.  Longford  .  .  .  C64 

Religious  Inspection  of  Schools  .  .  .  .  63 

Royal  University  Progranmie  and  Catholic  Philosophy  .  167 

Sacramental  Character  .....  639 

Sacrament  of  Penance,  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  358,  445,  702,  778 
Sanatio  in  Radice  ......  1 

Letter  on  the  above  subject  .  ,  ,  ,  137 

School  of  Bangor,  The,  St.  Columbanus  .  .  ,  209 

Schools,  Ancient  Irish  .  .  ,  ,  ,  249 

Schools,  Religious  Inspection  of  .  ,  .  ,  69 

Scientific  Notices — 

The  Sense  of  Feeling         .....  439 

What  is  the  Colour  of  the  Sun  ?   .  .  .  .  496 

Shearman,  Life  and  Labours  of  Rev.  John  Francis  .  764 

St.  Colga,  of  Kilcolgan  ....*".  525 

St.  Columba,  lona  and  the  Western  Highlands  .  .  463 

St.  Patrick,  The  Footprints  of  .  .  .  .  180 

Telephone,    The,     in     relation     to     the     Sacrament     of 

Penance  ....  358,445,702,778 

Temperance  in  the  Summa        .....  30 

The  Irish  in  Belgium  .  .  .  ,  791 

I'HEOLOGICAL  DECREES — 

I.  Minor  Excommunication 
II.  Absolutio  Ficta  Complicis 
III.  Craniotomy    . 
Theological  Questions — 

What  may  a  Priest  do  for  bona  fide  non-Catholics  in 

danger  of  Death  ?  .  ,  . 

Questions  regarding  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass, 
Case  of  the  Chaplain  who  built  a  house  from  which  he 

was  afterwards  removed 
Theological  Notes — Verificatio  Petitionis  . 

Certain  Clauses  found  in  Matrimonial  Dispensations 

Fulmination  of  Matrimonial  Dispensations 

How  is  a  Dispensation  fulminated  ? 

Fulmination  in  Foro  Intemo 

Angustia  Loci,  as  a  cause  for  Dispensation 

A  few  remaining  pomts  connected  with  the  Executio 

Dispensationis  Matrimonialis    .  .  ,  .  675 

Vacation,  Notes  on       .  .  •  »  .  14, 234, 3')5 


135 
135 
136 


736 
740 

680 
192 
263 
322 
455 
571 
130 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


JANUARY,  1885. 


SANATIO  IN  RADICE. 

A  GOOD  many  numbers  of  the  RECORD  have  appeared 
since  the  following  purpose  was  announced : — * 

**  Although  it  is  proverbially  easier  to  pull  down  than  to  build 
np,  still  we  purpose  in  a  future  number  to  give  our  own  views 
regarding  the  origin,  nature,  and  effects  of  a  dispensation  m  radtce. 
If  we  cannot  agree  with  our  esteemed  correspondent,  we  are  not 
the  less  thankful  to  him  for  the  zeal  and  the  learning  he  has  mani- 
fested in  his  valuable  papera." 

Our  readers  may  remember  that  the  distinguished  cor- 
respondent referred  to  had  maintained  with  much  ingenuity, 
tlv^t  whenever  a  sanatio  in  radice  is  granted,  the  marriage 
wasreally  valid  from  the  beginning,  and  that  the  effect  ofthe 
nematio  in  such  cases  is  "nothing  more  than  judicially  to 
recognise  the  case  submitted  to  have  been  exempted  from 
the  impediment,  and,  therefore,  to  declare  it  a  good  and 
valid  marriage  ah  initio  notwithstanding  the  impediment." 

We  observed  at  the  time  that  the  writer  by  adopting 
one  false  premiss,  was  driven  by  the  very  logical  acuteness 
of  his  mind,  to  this  novel  conclusion.     He  accepted  without 

iuestion  the  opinion  held  by  Perrone  (De  Mat.  Christiano, 
u  ii.,  sect,  i.,  cap.  iv.,  art.  iii.),  and  attributed  by  him  to 
Benedict  XIV,,  that  this  form  of  dispensation  is  available 
even  after  the  retractation  of  the  original  consent. 

On  this  supposition  it  is  no  wonder  that  our  correspond- 


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2  Sanatio  in  Radices 

And,  without  doubt,  if  it  could  be  proved  that  the 
sanatio  in  radice  had  been  granted,  or  could  be  granted 
after  the  original  consent  had  been  actuaUy  and  efficaciouslf/ 
withdrawn,  this  theoiy  would  seem  to  be  almost  the  only 
one  capable  of  intelligible  defence.  For,  marriage  is  a 
contract,  and  every  valid  contract  necessarily  requires  the 
consensus  duorum  in  idem  placitum.  As  this  consent  does 
not  exist  after  its  retractation,  the  marriage  rendered  valid 
by  the  sanatio^  must  have  been  valid  before  the  retracta- 
tion took  place,  and,  therefore,  ab  initio. 

But,  as  it  cannot  be  shown  that  Benedict  XIV.,  or 
indeed  any  other  of  the  Supreme  Pontiffs,  ever  granted  a 
sanatio  in  radice  after  the  actual  withdrawal  of  the  original 
consent  (unless,  on  the  condition  of*  its  renewal),  this 
theory  is  deprived  ot  all  solid  foundation. 

We  must  look  elsewhere,  therefore,  for  an  explanation 
of  this  particular  form  of  matrimonial  dispensation.  In 
giving  the  exposition  which  seems  to  us  to  be  the  true  one, 
our  only  fear  is  that  instead  of  being  encompassed  with 
difficulties,  it  will  be  looked  on  with  mistrust  on  account  of  its 
very  simplicity.  Some  readers  vnH  probably  refuse  to  accept 
it,  simply  because  it  recognises  no  mystery — no  special 
difficulty  even — connected  with  a  question  which  so  many 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  regarding  as  a  theological  crux. 

We  may  begin  by  remarking  that  marriage  as  a  natural 
contract,  is  placed  under  the  dominion  of  the  Natural  Law, 
and  as  a  Sacrament  or  sacred  contract,  is  subject  to  the 
legislative  power  of  the  Church,  just  as  civil  contracts  are 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  State. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  Natural  Law  admits  of  no  dis- 
pensation, because  it  commands  what  is  intrinsically  good 
and  obligatory,  and  it  forbids  what  is  intrinsically  bad  and 
sinful.  But  the  laws  of  the  Church,  like  the  laws  of  the 
civil  power,  admit  of  multitudinous  change  and  relaxation. 
Sometimes  it  is  found  that  the  apphcation  of  a  particular 
law  presses  too  severely  on  individuals  who,  on  account  of 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  their  position,  would  have  to 
suffer  in  some  way  not  intended  by  tne  legislator,  unless  the 
law  were  relaxed  in  their  favour. 

Sometimes,  too,  the  effects  that  have  already  followed 
from  the  enforcement  of  the  law  are  found  to  be,  as  regards 
particular  parents  or  their  children,  exceptionally  severe, 
and  admittedly  injurious.  The  supreme  power,  both  in 
Church  and  State,  has  snrelv  authority  to  make  provision  for 
these  exceptional  cases,     l^he  legislator  may,  as  is  obvious, 


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Sanatio  in  Radice,  3 

not  only  exempt  such  persons  from  the  operation  of  the  law. 
in  regard  to  the  future,  but  he  may  also  annul  the  incon- 
venient effects  that  have  followed  from  the  enforcement  of 
the  law  in  regard  to  the  past.  That  is  to  say,  he  may 
provide  that  in  these  exceptional  cases,  those  who  have 
suffered  unduly,  or  those  to  whom  the  supreme  ruler  wishes 
to  extend  a  special  favour,  are  to  be  henceforth  regarded 
as  if  they  had  not  been  brought  under  the  operation  of  the 
law  from  the  beginning.  He  may,  therefore,  command 
that  such  persons,  or  their  children,  are  to  be  spoken  of,  and 
are  to  be  treated  in  all  respects  as  if  they  had  never  suf- 
fered from  the  operation  of  the  law.  In  a  word,  he  may 
rei^tore  them  to  that  legal  position  which  they  would  have 
enjoyed  if  they  had  never  been  affected  by  the  particular 
law. 

Nor  is  this  a  mere  question  of  words  or  of  empty  forms. 
On  the  contrary,  such  a  relaxation  or  aunulhng  of  the 
law,  with  a  retrospective  effect,  produces  veiy  substantial 
results  compared  with  an  ordinary  dispensation.  An 
example  or  two  will  serve  to  bring  out  the  difference 
clearly.  Down  to  a  recent  period  we  frequently  find 
amongst  the  legislative  enactments  of  the  English  Parlia- 
ment, bills  ot  attainder,  or  bills  of  pains  and  penalties,  as 
they  were  sometimes  called.  The  usual  consequences  of 
such  extreme  penalties  includf^d  forfeiture  of  real  and  per- 
sonal estate,  corruption  of  blood,  &c.  The  removal  of 
these  penalties  might  be  effected  either  by  the  king's 
pardon,  or  by  an  express  Act  of  Parliament.  In  the  former 
cas^  new  inheritable  blood  was  imparted,  so  that  the 
children  born  after  the  pardon  had  been  granted,  might 
inherit  from  their  once  attainted  father.  But  in  the  latter 
case,  wnen  the  attainder  was  removed  by  a  special  Act  of 
Parliament,  the  children  born  before  the  removal  of  the 
attainder,,  as  well  as  those  born  after,  were  entitled  to  their 
lawful  inheritance. 

Thus,  we  read  that  in  the  case  of  Lord  Stafford,  who 
had  been  attainted  by  the  Long  Parliament,  the  attainder 
was  reversed  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  and  all 
the  records  of  the  proceedings  against  him  were  cancelled 
by  Act  of  Parliament.  Were  he  living,  therefore,  he  would 
have  been  restored  to  the  same  position  in  the  eye  of  the 
law,  as  if  he  had  never  incurred  the  penalty  of  attainder. 

No  man  could  make  use  of  the  attainder  for  the  purpose 
of  withholding  from  hiin,  or  from  his  children,  any  of  the  , 
rights  orprivileges  they  would  have  enjoyed  if  the  attainder 
had  never  been  passed* 


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4  Sanatio  in  Radice. 

Let  us  now  take  an  example  borrowed  from  ecclesiastical 
legislation.  This  example  is  all  the  more  useful,  as  it  is 
constantly  referred  to  by  canonists  as  the  tyije  of  the 
sanatio  in  radice, 

Boniface  Vill.  had  prohibited,  under  pain  of  excom- 
munication to  be  incun'ed  ipso  facto^  the  levying  of  tribute 
on  ecclesiastical  property  or  persons.  The  payment  of  such 
tribute,  or  taxes,  as  we  should  call  them,  was  forbidden 
under  the  same  censure.  After  a  time  it  was  found  that 
the  prohibition  could  not  practically  be  observed,  and  the 
penalty  in  the  circumstances  led  to  no  small  amount  of 
perplexity  and  of  inconvenience.  Accordingly,  Clement  V., 
m  tne  Council  of  Vienne,  consulting  for  the  tranquillity  ot 
gouls,  not  only  revoked  the  Constitution  of  Boniface  VIII., 
but  furthermore  annulled  all  the  effects  that  had  already 
followed  from  the  promulgation  of  that  Constitution.  "  Nos,'* 
he  says,  "  de  consilio  fratrum  nostrorum,  Constitutionem  et 
Declarationem  sen  Declarationcs  praedictas,  et  quidquidex  iis 
secutiun  est,  vel  oh  eas,  penitiis  revocamus,  et  eas  liaheri  volumus 
pro  in/ectisJ*  The  Gloss,  commenting  on  the  words,  ^^ pro 
infectis,"  observes,  *'  per  haec  puto  quod  excommunicatus 
ex  viribus  illius  Constitutionis  (Bonifacii)  absolutione  non 
egeat.  Et  vide  quanta  est  papaHs  potestas  circa  ea  quae 
simpliciter  sunt  de  jure  positivo,quia  revocat  ilia  wri  ex  ttmc.'^ 

Here  we  have  the  well-known  text  of  Canon  Law, 
Clement.  Quontam,de  I mmunitate  IiJcclesiarum,  which  supplies 
the  distinction  between  a  dispensation  ex  nunc  and  ex  tuncy 
and  which  is  so  frequently  referred  to  as  the  key  for 
the  proper  understanding  of  the  nature  of  a  dispensatio  or 
sanatio  in  radice. 

What,  then,  did  this  revocation  of  Clement  Y,  effect  ? 
l^  It  caused  the  excommimication  to  cease,  so  that  those 
who  afterwards  levied  tribute  on  ecclesiastical  property 
did  not  incur  the  censure.  2%  It  annulled  the  excommuni- 
cation and  its  effects  in  case  of  those  who  had  previously 
incurred  them.  3*",  It  commanded  all  men  to  speak  of  those 
persons,  and  to  treat  them,  as  if  they  had  always  remained 
free  from  the  excommunication. 

Hence,  in  any  legal  or  judicial  proceedings,  referring  to 
events  which  occurred  even  while  the  censure  lasted,  the 
exc(mimunication  could  not  be  quoted  as  a  bar  to  any  right 
or  privilege  these  persons  might  claim.  They  were  in  fact 
restored  to  that  position  in  the  eye  of  the  law  which  they 
would  have  occupied  if  they  never  had  been  excommunir 
cated  persons. 


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Sanatio  in  Radice^  5 

Still  this  did  not  set  aside  the /ac<  tliat  they  had  been 
exeomnmnicated,  just  as  the  reversal  of  Lord  Stafford's 
attainder  did  not  undo  the  fact  that  he  had  been  attainted. 

In  both  cases  there  was  a  double  action — one  pro- 
ducing its  effects  e:c  nunc — namely,  the  removal  of  the 
excommunication,  and  the  reversal  of  the  attainder  ;  the 
other  ^.r  tunc — namely,  the  restoration  of  those  legal  rights 
and  privileges  previously  withheld  by  the  excommunication 
and  by  the  attainder. 

Men  were  not  bound,  indeed,  to  believe  that  the 
attainder  or  the  excommunication  had  never  been  incurred, 
but  they  were  bound  to  regard  these  civil  and 
eocleeiastical  punishments  a.^  if  they  never  had  any 
existence  in  these  individual  cases. 

Now,  there  is  nothing  mysterious,  nothing  incompre- 
hensible in  this  exercise  of  temporal  or  of  spiritual 
authority.  On  the  contrary,  it  will  be  readily  conceded 
that  the  exercise  of  such  power  is  at  once  reasonable,  and 
required  for  the  equitable  administration  of  both  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  law. 

But,  in  truth,  there  is  hardly  more  difficulty  in  under- 
standing the  meaning  of  the  sanatio  in  radice  as  applied  to 
an  invalid  marriage,  than  there  is  in  understanding  the 
retrospective  effects  of  the  reversal  of  the  attainder,  or  of 
the  annulling  of  tlie  excommunication.  For,  what  is  n 
sanatio  in  radice  f  It  is  such  a  revocation  of  the  existing 
canonical  impediment  as  will  recognize  the  sufficiency  of 
the  original  consent  (virtually  persevering)  to  constitute 
now  a  valid  marriage,  and  as  will  legally  annul  all  the 
effects  which  have  hitherto  followed  from  the  existence  of 
the  impediment.  This  is  substantially  the  meaning  attached 
to  the  sanatio  from  the  time  of  Benedict  XIV.  to  the  pre- 
sent day.  It  will*be  sufficient  to  cite  one  or  two  modern 
authorities : — 

"  Sanatio  autem  in  raclice,  praeter  valorem  matrimonii  nunc 
oritunim,  id  ex  potestate  Ecclesiae  effieit  ut  aHi  effoetus  v.g. 
legitimatio  prolis  et  quae  ab  ilia  pendent,  ita  siistineantur  ac  si 
matrimoniuin  ab  initio  valiclum  fuerit."  (Lehmkuhl,  Dc  Mat, 
n.  828.) 

•'  Quare  matrimonium  in  praesenti  vires  accipit   per  hu jus- 


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6  Sanatio  in  Radice. 

*'  Hestat  ut  realis  effeotus  hujiis  actus  potest atis  locum  tantum 
in  praesenti  et  futuro  possit  habere,  sed  cum  respectu  ad  praeteri- 
tum.  Scilicet  abrogata  lege  irritante  consensus  conjugum  per- 
severans,  ut  supponitur,  evadit  eo  ipso  efficax  ad  gignendum 
vinculum  conjugale  ....  ut  proinde  opus  non  sit  ulla  renovatione 
consensus,  neque  ut  conjugibus  dispensatio  manifestetur,  si  sint  in 
bona  fide."     Palmieri  {Dc  Mat.  Christ.  Thesis  xxxv.,  n.  vi.). 

What,  then,  are  the  effects  of  the  sanatio  in  radice  ? 

1°  It  removes  the  existing  diriment  impediment. 

2°  It  renders  the  marriage  valid  e.c  nu7ic, 

3®  It  dispenses  with  the  necessity  of  a  renewal  of 
consent. 

4^  It  annuls  ex  tunc  the  legal  effects  which,  in  the 
particular  case,  the  canonical  impediment  created. 

5°  It  therefore  gives  to  the  children  bom  during  the 
existence  of  the  impediment  the  canonical  status  of  legiti- 
mate children.^ 

6°  It  imposes  on  all  the  obligation  of  recognising  the 
marriage  as  if  it  had  been  valid  ah  initio. 

These  effects  clearly  define  the  difference  between  tlie 
ordinary  dispensation  and  the  sanatio  in  radice.  In  case  of 
the  ordinary  dispensation  the  previous  consent  is  of  no 
account.  It  is  not  at  all  recognised  by  the  Church.  The 
chief  effect  of  the  ordinary  dispensation  is,  to  make  it 
possible  for  the  parties  to  give  7iow  a  valid  consent.  But 
when  a  sanatio  in  radice  is  granted,  the  original  consent  is 
still  the  radix  of  the  valid  marriage.  Hithei*to,  owhig  to 
the  impediment,  that  consent  produced  no  effect :  but  now, 
when  the  impediment  is  removed,  it  exercises  its  full 
influence  and  creates  a  valid  man'iage. 

Again,  in  case  of  the  ordinary  dispensation,  there  is  no 
retrospective  effect  produced.  The  subsequent  marriage 
will,  no  doubt,  to  a  certain  extent,  cause  the  children 
previously  born  to  be  regarded  as  legitimated   ex  nunc. 

^  Whether  this  cflFcct  extends  to  the  civil  rights  of  the  children  is  a 
question  on  which  theologians  are  not  quite  agreed.  Very  many,  follow- 
ing Sanchez  and  Benedict  XIV.,  hold  that  temporal  rulers  are  bound  to 
recognise  the  retrospective  effect  of  the  sanatio  in  radice^  and,  therefore, 
*  to  deal  with  the  children  of  a  marriage  to  which  it  has  been  applied,  as 
legiinnate  children. 

Others  with  Palmieri  (/.  c.)  maintain  that  though  it  is  very  con- 
gruous, still  it  is  not  obligatory  on  temporal  rulers,  to  recognize  in 
temporalihns  the  legitimacy  of  the  children.  Hence,  he  concludes, 
"  Quocirca  videri  posset  non  damnandus  Princeps  violatae  ecclesiaeticae 
auctoritatis,  qui  v.  g.  successionis  juia  negarevellet  prolinatae  ex  matri- 
mouio  invalido  etsi  dispensatio  (in  radice)  sequatur.*' 


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Sanatio  in  Radice.  7 

But  it  will  not  legally  remove  the  antecedent  dis- 
qualification. 

In  regard  to  the  last  effect  mentioned,  Pulmieii  (1.  c.) 
well  observes  that  the  sanatio  bj  no  means  compels  men 
to  beHeve  that  the  marriage  was  valid  from  the  beginning, 
but  it  obliges  them  to  treat  it  for  all  practical  pui-poses  as 
if  it  had  been  vahd.  "  Fit  praeterea,"  he  says,  "  ut  hoc 
matrimonium  deb  eat  ab  omnibus  juridice  spectari  tanquam 
legitime  contractum  ab  initio, prolesque  ante  dispensationem 
suscepta  tanquam  legitime  nata.  Non  lit  quidem  ut 
homines  judicare  deheant  matrimonium  ab  initio  fuisse 
legitime  contractum ;  hoc  falsum  est,  nee  ulla  est  potestas, 
quae  ad  falsum  asserendum  cogere  nos  possit ;  sed  fit  ut 
haberi  debeat  matrimonium  tanquam  ab  initio  legitime 
peractum,  exclusis  omnibus  effectibus  impedimenti 
dirimentis  quod  abrogatur." 

it  should  be  observed,  too,  that  these  effects  are 
separable  one  from  the  other.  Thus,  if  there  be  no 
children,  the  chief  object  of  the  sanatio  may  be  to  dispense 
wnth  the  necessity  of  a  renewal  of  the  consent.  If  there 
be  children  born  of  the  union  of  the  parties,  a  main  object 
of  the  sanatio  usually  is  to  establish  the  legitimacy  of  these 
children. 

It  has  been  asked  whether  the  sanatio  in  radice  may  be 
granted  in  the  interest  of  the  children,  after  the  death  of 
one,  or  even  of  both  of  the  parents. 

Although  it  is  tnie  that  in  this  case  the  full  definition 
of  sanatio  cannot  be  verified,  still  it  is  equally  true  that  in 
consideration  of  the  origioal  consent,  and  its  perseverance 
till  the  death  of  one,  or  of  both  the  parents,  the  Pope  may 
annul  the  effects  of  the  diriment  impediment  ex  tuncj  and 
therefore  give  the  children  the  legal  status  of  legitimate 
children.  With  a  proper  understanding  of  its  meaning 
there  can  be  no  inconvenience  in  classing  this  operation 
under  the  title  of  sanatio  in  radice. 

From  what  we  have  said  it  is  sufficiently  obvious  that 
certain  conditions  must  be  present  before  a  sanatio  in  radice 
can  be  granted.  First  of  all  there  must  be  question  of 
an  ecclemastical  impediment.  The  Supreme  Pontiffs  have 
never  undertaken  to  grant  a  sanatio  when  there  was 
question  of  an  impediment  instituted  by  the  Divine  or  by 
the  Natural  Law.  "  De  juris  naturalis  presse  dicti 
irapedimentis  non  est  quod  loquamur,"  says  Perrone  (1.  c.) 
sed  neque  de  irapedimentis  divmi  jiu-is  ambigi  potest.   .  ,   • 


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8  Sanatio  in  Radice, 

ac  proinde  nunquaro  ac  nuspiam  ecclesia  sanavit  matri- 
nionium  initum  cum  actiiali  impedimento  ligaminis  quod 
juris  diviui  est.  Ex  quo  seqmtur  omnia  conjugia  quae 
inita  fuerint  cum  aliquo  impedimento  sive  juris  presee 
naturalis,  sive  juris  divini,  esse  omnino  iusanibilia." 

Secondly. — The  parties  must  have  intended  ab  initio 
to  contract  marriage,  and,  therefore,  must  have  given 
nmtual  consent  sufficient  per  se  for  a  true  marriage, 
*'alioquin  deest  radix  quae  sanetur  .  .  ut  enim  ait 
Benedictus  XIV.,  in  copula  manifeste  fornicaria  nulla  est 
radix  matrimonii.'*     Perrone  (1.  c.) 

Hence  the  parties  to  the  contract  must  either  be 
ignorant  of  the  impediment,  or  if  conscious  of  its  existence 
they  must  have  been  mistaken  regarding  its  diriment 
effect. 

It*  one  of  the  parties  be  conscious  of  the  impediment, 
and  oonsoqnently  mala  fide  in  expressing  consent,  or  after- 
wards comes  to  knowledge  of  the  impediment,  practically 
speaking  a  7iew  consent  must  be  given  by  that  pai'ty,  and 
in  such  circumstances  the  full  meaning  of  the  sanatio 
c^annot  be  realized.  "Quod  si  alteruter  putativorum 
conjugum  nullitatem  matrimonii  scivit,  aut  anteasanationem 
comperit,  ille  practice  novum  consensum  dare  debet :  haec 
igitur  non  perfecta  sanatio  in  radice  est,  sed  solum  altcrius 
conjugis  ignari  consensus  in  radice  sanatur."  (Lelmikuhl, 
DeMat.  n.  831.) 

Thirdly. — It  is  required  that  the  consent  originally 
given  should  not  have  been  absolutehf  withdrawn.  It 
must,  therefore,  virtually  or  hahituaili/  persevere.  The 
necessity  of  this  condition  is  obvious.  Tlie  marriage  was 
not  valid  by  reason  of  the  original  consent,  on  account  of 
the  impediment.  When,  therefore,  the  marriage  contract 
comes  into  existence  on  the  removal  of  the  impediment, 
the  consent  which  creates  the  contract  must  be  present. 

From  the  fact  that  a  sanatio  in  radice  was  granted,  even 
after  one  of  the  parties  had  applied  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
Courts  for  a  declaration  of  the  nulHty  of  the  marriage,  as 
occurred  in  some  of  the  cases  mentioned  by  Benedict  XIV., 
Perrone  was  led  to  beHeve  that  the  sanatio  could  be  granted 
notwitlistanding  the  absolute  withdrawal  of  the  consent  by 
one  of  the  parties  concerned. 

But  he  was  not  warranted  in  drawing  from  the  premises 

such   a   conclusion.      All   they   prove  is  that  the  person 

applying  for  a  declaration  of  the  invalidity  of  the  marriage 

^had  an  interpi^etative  wish  to  withdraw  from  the  supposed 


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Scinatio  in  Radice.  9 

mamage;  not  that  he  had  absolutely  and  efficaciously 
withdrawn  the  original  consent.  *'  Si  sola  est  velleitas 
discedendi,  non  vero  propria  voluntas,  nil  impedit  quin 
ecclesia  niatrimoniura  sanare  possit.  At  etiam  in  magnis 
discordiis  vix  aHud  concipitur  ant  concipi  potest  a  discorde 
eonjuge  quani  sola  velleitas  discedendi  ab  altero,  et  a 
rinculo  matrimonii.  .  .  Et  re  quidem  vera,  teste  Benedicts 
XIV.,  sanatio  data  est  matrimonii  cujus  solutionem  vir  jam 
petierat,  sed  ex  causa  quae  vana  erat  et  quam  S.  Congr. 
rejecerat,  quum  postea  reipsa  ab  uxore  quae  instabat  pro 
sauatione  manifestaretur  aliud  impedimcntum  vere  diri- 
mens  quod  censebant  viro  esse  incognitum."  (Lehmkuhl, 
Lc.n.  831.) 

Fourthly. — An  urgent  cause  is  required.  No  doubt 
the  Supreme  Pontiff  could,  if  he  so  desired,  grant  a  sanatio 
without  such  a  cause.  But  the  grant  would  be  invalid  if  in 
the  application  the  urgency  of  the  cause  were  notably 
exaggerated.  This  form  of  dispensation  is  a  departure 
from  the  ordinary  procedure  of  ecclesiastical  jurisprudence ; 
it  is  exposed  to  more  risk  than  the  ordinary  form,  because 
it  relies  on  the  consent  originally  given,  and  dispenses 
with  the  necessity  of  its  renewal.  It  is  not,  therefore, 
desirable  to  have  recourse  to  it  except  in  cases  of  recog- 
nized necessity. 

The  causes  usually  admitted  as  sufficient  are  clearly  set 
forth  by  Cardinal  Caprera  in  his  Instructions  to  the  French 
Bishops  in  1801. 

They  are,  1°.  When  there  is  question  of  the  invalidity 
of  a  large  number  of  marriages,  such  as  occurred  in  France 
after  the  Revolution,  where,  as  is  obvious,  the  necessity  of 
a  renewal  of  consent  in  each  case  Avould  be  attended  with 
grave  danger  and  inconvenience. 

2^ .  Where  the  impediment  is  known  to  neither  of  the 
parties,  and  cannot  be  made  known  without  grave  danger 
that  one  or  other  would  refuse  to  renew  the  consent. 

S** .  Where  the  invalidity  of  the  marriage  arises  from 
the  neglect  or  oversight  of  the  Ordinary,  parish  priest,  or 
confessor. 

4** .  Where  it  is  very  desirable  that  the  children  should 
obtain  the  benefit  of  the  fullest  form  of  legitimation. 

5** .  Where,  as  we  have  said  already,  one  of  the 
parties  is  awai*e  of  the  impediment,  but  it  cannot  be 
manifested  to  the  other  without  risk  or  scandal,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  impediment  of  affinity  arising  ex  copula 
iliicita. 


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10  The  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Trehind, 

Wo  have  now  given  what  appears  to  us  to  be  the  true 
meaning,  the  circumstances,  and  the  effects  of  this  peculiar 
form  of  matrimonial  dispensation.  As  the  result  of  our 
necessarily  brief  inquiry,  we  are  disposed  to  adopt  the 
words  of  D'Annibale  (De  Matr.  n.  377.  Nota  22) :  "Haec 
sanatio  [in  radice]  in  qua  explicanda  quidam  ex  Nostris  et 
ex  Canonistis,  quasi  in  re  nodosa  laborant,  res  est,  si  quid 
opinor,  expedita.*' 

ib  Thomas  J.  Carr. 


1 


THE  LAW  OF  CHARITABLE  BEQUESTS  IN 
IRELAND. 

I. — Introductory. 

T  was  once  remarked  by  Lord  Cairns,  in  giving  judgment 
in  a  case  well  known  to  lawyers,^  that  "  there  is  not, 
perhaps,  one  person  in  a  thousand,  who  knows  what  is  the 
technical  and  the  legal  meaning  of  the  term  *  charity.' " 
It  is  not,  indeed,  to  be  supposed  that  this  judicial  dictum 
was  intended  to  apply  to  the  members  of  that  learned 
profession  of  which  Lord  Cairns  is  so  distinguished  an 
ornament.  And  on  the  other  hand,  as  regards  the  public  at 
large,  it  may  perhaps  seem  that  the  absence  of  minutely 
accurate  knowledge  on  a  point  of  law  so  purely  technical 
as  this  can  involve  no  inconvenience,  as  siu-ely  it  impUes 
no  reproach.  In  the  making  of  wills,  no  doubt,  the  services 
of  a  legal  adviser  are  not  always  within  reach.  And 
in  many  such  cases  it  may  be  necessary  to  make  provision 
for  charitable,  as  well  as  for  other  bequests.  But,  to  those 
who  are  not  acquainted  with  the  special  complications 
that  surround  this  branch  of  the  law,  it  may  perhaps 
appear  that  for  the  due  making  of  a  "  charitable  "  bequest 
it  IS  by  no  means  necessary  to  have  an  accurate  know- 
ledge of  the  technical  legal  meaning  of  the  term  "  charity" — 
no  more,  for  instance,  than  it  is  necessary  to  be  able  to 
define  with  technical  accuracy  the  legal  meaning  of 
such  terms  as  "  chattels  "  "  real  "  and  "  personal,"  things 
"corporeal"  and  "incorporeal,'*  legacies  "general,"  "de- 
monstrative," and  "  specific,"  in  order  validly  and  safely  to 
bequeath  a  sum  of  money,  or  a  collection  of  books,  as  a 
gift  to  a  friend. 

^  Bolan  V.  Macdermot,  Law  Reports,  S,  Ch.  App.  678. 

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The  Law  of  CJiaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland.  11 

In  truth,  however,  the  cases  are  widely  different.  The 
law  of  England  treats  "  charitable  "  bequests — that  is  to 
say,  bequests  for  purposes  that  come  within  the  technical 
legal  meaning  of  the  tenn  "  charity" — as  exempt  from  the 
operation  of  one  of  the  fundamental  piinciples  of  law,  a 
principle,  indeed,  so  wide  in  its  application  that  no  other 
exception  to  its  operation  is  recognised.  This  special 
provision,  it  is  well  to  note,  is  far  from  being  a  penal  one, 
operating  unfavourably  upon  "  charitable  "  bequests.  Its 
effect,  on  the  contrary,  is  to  uphold  the  validity  of  certain 
forms  of  bequests,  when  made  for  "chaintable"  purposes, 
which,  if  made  for  any  other  purpose  whatsoever,  should  be 
unhesitatingly  set  aside  by  the  courts  as  void.  Moreoxer, 
in  Ireland,  a  further  special  favour  is  shown  to  bequests 
recognised  by  the  law  as  "  charitable."  For,  in  this 
country,  such  bequests  are,  within  certain  well-defined 
limits,  altogether  exempted  from  the  charge  of  legacy  duty. 

Now,  in  the  law  whether  of  England  or  of  Ireland, 
bequests  thus  favourably  dealt  with  as  "charitable," 
in  the  legal  sense  of  the  term,  are  separated  only  by 
the  narrowest  of  lines  from  those  to  which  no  such 
special  consideration  is  shown.  In  many  cases,  indeed, 
the  omission  of  a  simple  clause,  or  even  of  a  single 
word,  in  the  written  statement  of  a  testator's  disposition 
of  his  property,  may  have  the  effect  of  transfemng  a 
bequest  from  one  side  of  this  line  to  the  other,  and  thus  of 
unnecessarily  subjecting  it  to  the  heavy  drawback  of 
ten  per  cent,  as  legacy  duty,  or,  possibly,  of  rendering  it 
altogether  void  in  law. 

It  is  still  more  important  to  bear  in  mind  that,  from 
the  principles  on  which  our  courts  have  acted,  and  which 
have  thus  become,  until  reversed  by  superior  judicial  or 
legislative  authority,  a  portion  of  the  common  law  of  the 
land,  the  special  privileges  conferred  by  the  law  on 
"  charitable  "  bequests  apply  only  in  those  cases  in  which 
the  limitation  of  the  bequest  to  some  "  charitable  "  purpose 
is  clearly  imposed  by  the  terms  of  the  will.  Thus, 
then,  it  may  easily  occur  that  from  the  absence  of 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  technical  legal  meaning  of 
the  tenn  "  charity,"  the  intentions  of  a  testator  may 
be  frustrated  in  either  of  the  respects  already  mentioned. 
The  employment,  for  instance,  of  a  general  form  of  words, 
however  fully  consistent  with  the  application  of  the  be- 
quest to  "  charitable  "  purposes,  will  not  suffice  to  bring 
the  bequest  within  this  favoured   class.     In  order  fully 


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12  The  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland, 

to  secure  the  advantages  conferred  by  the  law  on  bequests 
for  "  charitable  "  purposes,  the  application  of  the  bequest 
to  purposes  of  tins  class  must  be  imposed  as  a  matter 
of  legal  obligation^  so,  in  fact,  that  its  application  to  any 
purpose  not  *' charitable'*  would  involve  a  breach  of 
trust.  This  remark  holds  good  even  when  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case  are  such  as  to  leave  no  practical  doubt 
that  the  testator  intended  the  bequest  to  be  applied  to  a 
purpose  strictly  "  charitable,'*  and  even,  moreover,  when 
the  bequest  has,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  been  thus  apjylied  by 
the  executor  or  trustee. 

Furthermore,  as  regards  the  exemption,  in  Ireland,  of 
charitable  bequests  from  legacy  duty,  the  preceding 
remarks  are  to  be  understood  not  only  in  reference  to  the 
''charitable ''  nature  of  the  bequest,  but  also  in  reference 
to  the  imposition  of  the  special  condition  under  which 
such  bequests,  in  Ireland,  are  entitled  to  this  privilege  of 
exemption.  The  drift  of  this  observation,  and  the  importance 
of  the  point  to  which  I  thus  wnsh  to  direct  attention,  will, 
for  the  present,  be  made  sufficiently  apparent  by  reference 
to  a  case.  Attorney- General  v.  Delany^  decided  a  few  years 
ago,  in  the  Irish  Court  of  Exchequer.^ 

This  was  an  action  brought  by  the  Irish  Attorney- 
General,  as  guardian  of  the  interests  of  the  public  Trea- 
sury, claiming  payment  of  legacy  duty  on  a  bequest  of 
considerable  amount,  which  had  been  left  for  certain 
charitable  purposes,  including  "  the  Education  of  Clerg}-- 
men  for  the  Foreign  Missions."  The  ti-ustees  charged  with 
the  execution  of  the  bequest  were  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Delany, 
Bishop  of  Cork,  and  the  Very  Rev.  the  President  of  our 
Irish  Missionary  College  of  All  HalloAvs'. 

Now  it  is  to  be  borae  in  mind,  that  a  bequest  for  the 
education,  in  A II  Hallows  Colleqe^  or  elsewhere  in  Ireland^  of 
clergymen,  whether  for  the  Irish  or  for  the  Foreign  Mission, 
is  not  only  a  "  charitable"  bequest,  in  the  legal  sense  of  the 
word,  but  is,  moreover,  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  that 
favourable  provision  of  the  laAv  which  exempts  such  bequests, 
in  Ireland,  from  the  payment  of  legacy  duty.  In  the 
argument  on  behalf  of  the  Attorney-General,  it  was  in  no 
way  questioned  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  testator 
that  the  bequest  should  be  thus  applied.  Neither  was  it 
questioned  that  the  bequest  would,  as  a  matter  of  fact ^  be 
thus  applied  by  the  ti-ustees.  It  was,  indeed,  on  the  contrary, 
most  naturally  and  properly  assumed  that  the  President  of 

1  Irisli  Keports.     10  Common  Law,  page  104. 


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The  Law  of  Cliaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland,  13 

All  Hallows',  being  thus  entrusted  with  the  administration 
of  a  valuable  bequest  "for  the  education  of  clergymen 
for  the  Foreign  Missions,"  would,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
apply  it  for  their  education  in  his  own  College,  estab- 
lished and  maintained,  as  that  College  is,  exclusively 
for  this  very  purpose.  Furthermore,  if  any  legal  undertak- 
ing to  this  eflfect  were  required  by  the  Court,  it  would 
have  been  most  willingly  entered  into. 

But  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  Court  unanimously 
decided  that  the  bequest  was  not  entitled  to  the  pri\'ilege  of 
exemption  from  legacy  duty,  inasmuch  as  no  obligation  of  thus 
expending  the  money  in  a  College  in  Ireland  was  imposed 
upon  the  tnistees  by  the  terms  of  the  toill,  which,  from  the 
absence  of  any  provision  to  this  effect,  manifestly  left  it  open 
to  them  to  expend  it,  unlikely  as  it  was  that  they  should 
think  of  doing  so,  in  Paris,  Salamanca,  Rome,  or  elsewhere. 

"  To  bring  the  case  within  the  statute,"  said  the  Chief 
Baron,  in  deUvering  judgment,  "  the  legacy  must  be  for  a 
chaiitable  purpose  in  Ireland.  There  must  be  a  clear 
intention  manifested  upon  the  face  of  the  vnll  that  the  purj^ose 
should  be  effectuated  here^  and  there  must  be  an  obligation 
on  the  trustees  to  apply  the  money  in  Ireland.  It  is  not 
enough  that  an  application  of  the  money  in  Ireland  would 
mtisfy  the  bequest/*  And  as  to  the  "  presumption  ''  that 
the  money  would  be  expended  in  Ireland,  arising  from 
the  fact  that  the  President  of  All  Hallows'  College,  a 
College  situated  in  Ireland,  was  named  as  trustee,  and 
that  the  bequest  was  left  for  the  veiy  purpose  for 
which  exclusively  the  College  of  which  he  is  President 
was  founded,  the  Chief  Baron  explained  that  no  mere 
presumption  would  suffice :  there  should,  he  said,  be  an 
obligation  imposed ;  and  here  there  was  none ;  for,  plainly, 
there  would  be  no  breach  of  trust  if  Dr.  Fortune,  the  Pre- 
sident of  All  Hallows',  sent  the  money  to  any  College 
in  England,  or  elsewhere,  to  be  there  expended  for  the 
education  of  missionary  priests. 

Hitherto  we  have  taken  into  account  only  the  privi- 
leqes  with  which  charitable  bequests  are  invested. 
Tnere  is,  however,  another  side  to  the  question.  In  certain 
circumstances,  bequests  for  '*  charitable "  pui-poses  are, 
on  the  conti-ary,  subject  to  disability,  and  are,  in  fact, 
altogether  void  in  law. 

Thus,  then,  it  is  clearly  a  matter  of  no  small  practical 
interest  to  ascertain  what  precisely  are  the  characteristics 
that  constitute  a  legally  "  charitable"  bequest,  and  in  what 
form,  consequently,  a  bequest  should  be  drawn  so  as  to 


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14  Notes  on  Vacation. 

secure,  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  framing  of  a  will,  tlie 
carrying  out  of  a  testator's  wishes.  Sometimes,  as  is 
obvious  from  the  remarks  already  made,  this  is  to  be  done 
by  bringing  the  bequest  within  the  legal  definition  of 
"charitable*'  bequests:  sometimes,  by  securing  its 
exclusion  from  this  generally  favoured  clasa 

In  some  early  subsequent  numbers  of  the  RECORD,  then, 
we  shall  proceed  to  consider  the  following  questions: 

1 .  What  constitutes  a  "  charitable  **  bequest  in  the  legal 
sense  of  the  term  ? 

2.  What  special  favours  are  shown  by  the  law  of  these 
countries  to  such  bequests  ? 

3.  In  what  way  may  those  favours  be  most  effectually 
secured  ? 

4.  On  the  other  hand,  under  what  special  ditiabilities  are 
charitable  bequests  placed  by  our  law  ?     And, 

/).  In  wliat  way  may  the  inconvenience  arising  from  such 
restrictive  provisions  be  most  effectively  removed,  l>y  the 
use  of  means  legally  recognised  as  sufficient  for  that 
purpose  ? 

I  do  not  wish  to  close  this  short  Introductory  Statement 
without  acknowledging  the  kindness  of  an  eminent  mem- 
ber of  the  Irish  Bar,  whose  friendly  co  operation  in  revising, 
coiTccting,  and,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary,  supplementing, 
my  expositions  of  the  legal  points  involved,  enables  me 
to  state  that  this  series  of  Papera  will  come  before  the 
readers  of  the  Record  with  the  very  highest  professional 
guarantee  both  of  their  accuracy  and  of  their  completeness. 

W.  J.  Walsh. 


NOTES  ON  VACATION.— No.  I. 

THE  cholera  is  a  gi-eat  disorganizer,  not  only  of  pereons 
but  of  plans.  Those  whom  it  does  not  attack  it 
frightens.  Quiet  people,  who  sit  at  home  at  ease,  far 
removed  from  the  scenes  of  its  devastations,  find  it  cropping 
up  in  the  midst  of  their  vacation  forecastings,  and  insisting 
tip(m  being  considered  as  no  small  item  in  the  great 
account  which  generally  precedes  the  start  from  home. 
Our  American  cousins  suffered  severely  in  another  wav, 
inasmuch  as  they  had  no  such  forewarning  of  the  terrible 
plague,  and  found  themselves  in  England  with  the  doors 
of  the  rest  of  Europe  seemingly  shut  against  them.  It  waa 


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Notes  on  Vacation.  15 

sad  to  hear  their  complainings,  though  one  could  not 
perhaps  thoroughly  realize  the  greatness  of  their  calamity, 
To  a  British  mind  it  seemed  that  the  United  Kingdom  was 
a  sufficiently  large  field  for  men  of  the  United  States  to 
spend  a  vacation  in.  But,  perhaps,  people  who  come  so 
far  and  at  such  a  pace,  have  acquired  a  momentum  which 
caiTies  them,  in  spite  of  themselves,  far  ahead  of  England, 
and  indeed  over  Europe  and  back  home  again  before  its 
impulse  is  overcome,  and  the  travellers  brought  once  more 
to  rest.  But  for  oui-selves,  we  must  confess  that  it  stayed 
our  outward  march,  and  kept  us,  no  unwilling  captives,  in 
our  native  land.  Of  course  we  had  plans  of  foreign  travel, 
which  while  we  cogitated  upon  them,  gi^ew  with  that  they 
fed  on.  But  a  chance  encounter  with  "one  who  knew," 
put  all  our  dreams  to  flight  with  an  emphatic  *'  don't." 

Our  friend  had  undergone  quarantine,  after  waiting  a 
week  for  his  turn  to  enter  into  the  place  of  purgation. 
There  he  was  disinfected,  fumigated,  worried  and  half- 
starved  for  a  second  week  at  the  cost  of  a  guinea  a  day ; 
and  then,  when  all  was  over,  he  came  home  if  not  a  wiser, 
certainly  a  sadder  man,  and  said  in  answer  to  our  inquiries, 
"Don't."     So  we  didn't. 

The  fever  which  comes  upon  U3  when  foreign  travel  is 
at  hand,  died  out  when  our  resolution  to  stay  at  home  was 
made ;  and  we  hngered  in  London  for  a  month  in  a  state 
of  mental  coolness  with  which  the  high  temperature  of  the 
thermometer  marked  did  not  accord.  It  was  very  hot,  but 
we  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  keep  ourselves  as  cool  as 
possible,  to  rest  and  be  thankful. 

Rest  we  did,  and  thankful  we  were.  Rest  in  the  quiet 
enjoyment  of  the  intellectual  treat  which  Wagner  had 
bequeathed  to  us,and  Hans  Richter  made  possible.  Music 
of  the  very  highest  class,  interpreted  by  artists  of  corre- 
sponding powers  and  intelligence,  surely  this  was  rest,  in  its 
best  and  truest  sense.  Rest,  when  the  mind  is  satisfied; 
when  others  work  out  noble  ideas,  and  put  them  before  us 
so  completely,  that  we  have  but  to  receive  them  and  to 
make  tnem  our  own,  almost  without  an  intellectual  effort. 
So  indeed  it  seems,  and  yet  it  is  not  quite  so ;  for  when 
the  performance  is  over  and  the  mind  returns  upon  itself, 
there  is  an  excitement  and  a  fatip:ue  which  teU  of  work 


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16  NotCB  on  Vacation. 

allude.  Tristan  und  Isolde  is  perhaps  thr  work  which 
most  completely  represents  his  latest  and  most  advanced 
style,  and  was  the  one  upon  which  he  especially  placed  his 
reputation. 

This  opera  was  more  fortunate  than  most  of  those 
which  were  played  by  the  German  company  in  London  this 
season,  in  that  its  chief  characters  were  in  first-rate  hands. 

Herr  Gudehus,  the  celebrated  tenor  from  Dresden,  ot 
whom  we  have  had  to  write  before,  was  ably  supported, 
and  indeed  we  may  say  inspired  by  Fraulein  Lehman u, 
whose  Isolde  realized  in  appearance,  dramatic  force  and 
vocal  power,  all  that  Wagner  imagined  in  and  required  of 
the  representation  of  the  Irish  Princess,  and  how  much  this 
implies  need  not  be  told.  This  young  actress  and  singer 
surprised  and  delighted  the  audience.  A  character  so 
marked  as  that  of  Isolde  requires  in  its  realization  not 
only  the  charm  and  freshness  of  youth,  but  the  experience 
and  power  of  fully  developed  intelligence.  At  one  time 
melting  with  tenderest  love,  at  another  torn  by  hatred  or 
disdain,  it  tries  the  capabilities  of  the  performer  severely 
to  preserve  throughout  that  unity  of  conception  which  in 
such  varied  phases  makes  the  character  one  and  the  same. 
And  when  we  remember  how  intensely  Wagner  tries  the 
vocal  powei-s  of  the  heroine  throughout,  how  remorselessly 
he  works  out  his  own  gi-and  ideas  with  little  thought  of  the 
physical  capabilities  of  those  who  have  to  realize  them, 
we  must  indeed  think  highly  of  one  so  young  who  can  not 
only  master  these  difficulties,  but  make  them  cease  to 
appear  such,  and  so  give  us  unmixed  pleasure  in  ^vitness- 
ine  so  perfect,  channing,  and  in  truth  so  wondrous  a 
delineation.  It  was  a  matter  of  regret  that  Fraulein 
Lehmann  appeared  only  in  this  one  opera,  but  it  had  at 
least  this  advantage  that  it  connected  her  inseparably  with 
Isolde,  and  Isolde  with  her.  The  singer  and  the  character 
are  in  our  minds  one  and  undivided. 

But  we  must  not  linger  in  Covent  Garden  Opera  House, 
though  in  truth  we  often  found  ourselves  there  where 
German  and  Italian  opera  alternated  in  pleasint^  variety. 
The  orchestra  we  believe  was  the  same  throughout,  and 
if  so  the  influence  of  the  several  conductors  was  indeed 
diflFerent.  Hans  Richter  is  a  name  to  conjure  with.  Every 
body  has  heard  of  him,  but  to  see  him  with  his  baton  in 
hand — aye,  and  with  his  orchestra  in  hand,  too — is  a  thing 
not  to  be  forgotten.  He  is  not  so  much  the  conductor  of 
the  instrumentalists  as  their  life  and  soul.  A  shght  move- 
ment of  the  hand,  scarcely  perceptible  to  a  looker-on,  is 


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Notes  on  Vacation.  17 

felt  by  them  and  aflFects  them  as  an  impulse  of  the  mind 
influences  the  human  body.  There  are  none  of  those 
flourishes  of  the  baton  with  which  some  conductors  attract 
the  pubUc  eye,  and  unwittingly  disturb  the  mind  that  wishes 
to  know  nothing  of  what  is  so  mechanical  as  beating 
time.  You  feel  tiiat  Kichter  is  there  ;  you  feel  that  he 
knows  better  than  anyone  else  what  Wagner  intended ; 
you  feel  sure  the  required  result  will  come,  and  never  are 
you  disappointed.  This  consciousness  of  the  great  part 
Richter  plays  in  bringing  about  at  all  times  the  effect,  so 
subtle  and  yet  so  sensible,  shows  itself  in  the  unusual 
practice  of  calUng  him  before  the  curtain  at  the  end  of 
almost  every  act ;  when  the  long  pent-up  enthusiasm  of 
the  audience  finds  vent  after  their  attentive  silence  during 
the  performance,  and  the  great  conductor  shares  with  the 
chief  singers  the  applause  of  the  audience  for  the  success 
in  which  he  has  had  so  large  a  share.  With  the  ItaHan 
operas  this  is  not  the  case.  Whether  it  is  that  there  is  more 
of  mechanism  than  of  mind  in  them,  and  so  the  con- 
ductorship  needs  but  to  be  of  a  corresponding  character  ; 
or  that  the  well-worn  stock  pieces  have  worked  for 
themselves  a  sort  of  musical  groove  in  which  they  can 
almost  run  alone ;  certain  it  is  that  the  hand  of  the  con- 
ductor is  but  little  felt  by  the  orchestra,  and  as  little 
valued  by  the  hstener.  With  Wagner's  operas  the  mind 
is  engaged  throughout,  and  therefore  corresponding  minds 
must  carry  through  the  intellectual  entertainment  ;  Avhat 
is  sought  for  by  the  audience  must  be  supplied  by  singers, 
players  and  conductor  ahke.  How  little  this  need  is  felt 
m  ordinary  Italian  operas  every  one  knows ;  for  there  a 
favourite  aria,  or  a  popular  duet,  or  at  most  a  concerted 
piece  is  waited  for,  listened  to,  and  applauded  as  usual, 
while  the  rest  is  a  poor,  immeaniug  recitative,  accompanied 
by  a  few  cords  on  one  or  two  instruments,  aflbrding  plenty 
of  time  for  that  gossip  in  the  boxes  which  is  the  unfailing 
attendant  of  such  performances.  May  it  not  be  that  to 
this  we  are  to  attribute  the  decline  of  dramatic  singers 
among  the  Italians,  and  the  fact  that  all  the  chief  artists 
in  our  Opera  House  are,  with  but  one  or  two  exceptions, 
not  Itahan.  The  past  season  had  four  really  great  singers^ 
and  not  one  of  these  came  from  Italy:  America  and 
Germany  giving  us  Patti,  Sembrich,  Lucca  and  Albani. 
The  rumour  prevalent  while  we  write,  whatever  of  founda- 
tion it  may  have,  is  another  testimony  to  this  belief  in  the 
decline  of  Italian  Opera,  for  under  what  other  circumstances 
VOL.  n.  B 


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18  Notes  on  Vacation, 

could  it  be  even  imagined  that  Covent  Garden  Opera  House 
is  about  to  be  converted  permanently  into  a  circus  I 

The  great  heat  of  the  summer  emptied  the  theatres,  and 
eent  the  people  to  what  they  were  pleased  to  call  the 
Healthenesy  where  good  music  by  English,  French  and 
German  bands  of  first-rate  renown,  charmed  the  people 
who  promenaded  in  the  comparative  coolness  of  the  bright 
summer  nights,  and  who  seemed  to  care  as  little  about  the 
educational  exhibitions  and  the  wonderful  contrivances  by 
which  Ufe  was  to  be  made  Avorth  living,  as  they  had  done 
about  the  fisheries  and  their  appliances  the  previous  year. 

One  health  discovery  at  least  has  been  made,  which 
seems  likely  to  grow  into  a  public  institution,  and  so  to 
flourish  accordingly ;  and  that  is,  that  people  can  meet 
together  in  public  gardens  and  enjoy  a  pleasant  promenade 
to  the  sound  of  sweet  music,  and  amid  the  splendours  of 
grand  fountains,  which  under  the  weird  spell  of  the  electric 
light  become  still  more  beautiful,  and  all  this  without 
disorder  or  inconvenience,  without  any  rough  element  to 
mar  the  pleasure,  and  any  conduct  Avhich  can  offend  and 
drive  away  decent  people.  This,  although  common 
enough  in  Germany,  is  indeed  a  novelty  in  London  ;  and 
if  nothing  else  comes  of  these  annual  exhibitions  in  South 
Kensington — which,  however,  is  not  at  all  likely  to  be  the 
case —Londoners  and  their  visitors  will  have  cause  to 
reioice  in  a  healthy  element  introduced  into  social  life,  of 
which  it  had  long  stood  in  need. 

Among  the  music  of  the  season  justice  requires  a 
word  to  be  said,  of  a  new  feature,  somewhat  grotesque, 
but  not  without  its  interest,  if  not  trom  a  musical,  at  least 
from  a  cosmopolitan  point  of  view. 

China  was  early  in  the  field,  and  played  a  leading  part 
in  the  world's  show  at  the  Healtheries, 

The  Celestial  Empire  was  not  content  with  fitting  up 
a  vast  museum  for  its  productions,  and  building  a  street 
of  shops  where  its  goods  might  be  inspected  and  bought 
from  veritable  Chinese,  but  it  provided  for  the  curious  and 
adventurous  real  Chinese  dinners,  publishing  and  placard- 
ing its  daily  Menu,  when  bird's-nest  soup  and  other  sti*ange 
luxuries  were  announced.  Chinese  tea,  prepared  m 
Chinese  fashion,  and  drank  with  what  looked  very  much 
like  Chinese  expression  of  countenance — that  half-comic 
and  half-puzzlea  look  we  all  know  so  well — was  to  be 
had :  and  to  crown  all — and  what  excuses  our  mentioning 
it  here  at  all — (/hinese    music   was  performed  by  rei3 


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Notes  on  Vacation.  11) 

Chinese  players  on  queer  Chinese  instruments,  on  a  real 
Chinese  bridge — that  very  bridge,  it  seemed  to  be,  with 
which  long  ago  we  Avere  all  made  familiar  on  the  world- 
renowned  Willow-pattern  plates — spanning  what  looks 
like  the  canal  in  that  same  well-remembered  picture. 

Yes,  \\\Qxe  was  the  familiar  scene,  Avhich  yet  we  liad 
never  seen  in  actual  life  before.  It  was  like  that  first 
visit  to  Venice  when  all  is  seen  for  the  first  time,  and  yet 
all  is  so  familiar  because  of  pictures  seen  at  home.  Tliere 
is  the  bridge  with  its  twinkling  lights  of  coloured 
lanterns ;  there  are  the  solemn  long-tailed  race,  with  their 
queer,  comic  eyes,  the  gaudy  wide-flowing  dresses,  the 
composed  manner  and  grave  aspect  Avhich  someliow 
makes  us  smile,  and  in  their  hands  are  the  strange 
musical  instruments  which  as  yet  are  silent,  and  all 
grouped  around  a  central  figure — shall  we  say  a  Chinese 
Richter  ? — whose  baton  is  not  to  be  content  with  motion, 
hut  is  to  make  itself  heai'd  as  well  as  seen  upon  a  huge 
drum. 

The  vast  crowd  is  all  attention,  grouped  on  both 
banks  of  the  canal ;  all  eyes  are  turned  upon  the  bridge, 
and  'chiefly  upon  the  conductor.  He  is  magnificently 
dressed,  and  has  a  majestic  look,  and  while  he  throws  back 
liis  large,  hanging  sleeves  and  prepares  for  action,  the  only 
sound  to  be  heard  is  the  playing  of  the  French  band  some- 
what too  near  the  Chinese  Minstrels.  Evidently  there  will 
be  musically,  what  we  now  hear  of  so  constantly  politically, 
a  rupture  between  France  and  China;  and  here,  if  not 
there,  France  is  discomfited.  But  China  is  long  in  pre- 
paration and  slow  to  begin,  only  when  the  blow  comes  it 
is  startling  and  efiective.  Down  goes  the  baton-drum- 
stick upon  the  big  drum,  and  the  result  is  electric.  France 
f)auseB,  and  then  crows — or  rather  we  should  say  plaj^s — 
ouder  than  ever.  China  pauses  also,  steps  back,  meta- 
phorically speaking,  but  only  to  advance  the  more 
effectively.  Another  blow  and  the  whole  Chinese  force 
rushes  madly  into  the  fray.  We  had  before  gazed  in 
ignorant  curiosity  at  the  instruments,  but  Uttle  could  Ave 
anticipate  the  various  sounds  they  produce.  One  seems  a 
tin  box  of  peas  which  are  rattled  vehemently,  another 
resembles  in  sound  the  bagpipes,  with  a  drone  of  thunder 
and  a  scream  of  what? — let  us  say  lightning.  Small 
drums,  perhaps  tom-toms,  echo  in  weaker  notes  the  full 
diapason  of  their  great  father,  while  other  instruments 
complete  the  hideous  discord.     What  does  it  all  mean? 


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20  Notes  on  Yacatioiu 

Are  they  seriously  playing,  or  are  they  poking  their  grim 
fun  at  the  audience?  Some  people  ck^se  their  ears  and 
decamp  hastily,  while  others,  of  more  inquiring  disposition, 
listen  attentively  and  try  to  see  a  reason  in  this  apparent 
madness.  Anyhow,  France  gives  up  and  retires  from  the 
field,  and  China  plays  the  louder,  and  the  good-natured 
audience  cheer  vociferously.  It  is  certainly  a  new  sensa- 
tion, and  perhaps  it  is  a  pity  that  Dublin  did  not  hear  this 
music.  Avhich  was  at  one  time  promised  as  a  feature  in  its 
Health  Exhibition. 

The  heat  of  this  exceptional  summer  at  last  made 
London  intolerable.  Of  course  the  natural  resort  was  the 
sea-side,  but  why  we  chose  the  hottest  part  of  it  is  not 
easily  explained.  Perhaps  it  was  a  kind  of  seasoning  to 
which  we  resolved  to  submit  ourselves.  Nothing  could  be 
warmer  in  England  than  South  Devon,  and  no  part  of  that 
beautiful  land  could  compare  with  Torquay  in  that  respect. 
After  accUmatizing  ourselves  there  every  other  place  must 
be  comparatively  cool ;  so  to  Torquay  we  went,  touched 
our  highest  temperature,  and  hoped  to  cool  down  during 
the  rest  of  the  summer.  A  run  by  the  Great  Western  to 
Exeter  is  an  event  not  to  be  forgotten.  It  never  stales  ; 
repetition  does  not  destroy  its  excitement,  or  even  rub  off 
the  polish  of  novelty.  Sixty  miles  an  hour  is  still  wonderful 
travelling,  and  figuratively  almost  takes  away  the  breath 
when  contemplated,  just  as  Dr.  Dionysius  Lardner  once 
maintained  it  would  certainly  do  physically  if  attempted. 
The  rush  was  for  the  two  hundred  miles  to  Exeter  ;  then 
we  were  allowed  to  breathe  more  freely  during  the  rest  of 
our  journey,  as  was  but  right,  seeing  we  had  made  the 
overland  route  from  London,  and  were  now  skirting  the 
Exe  estuaiy  and  winding  round  the  beautiful  coast  through 
sundry  charming,  and  as  it  were,  subject  watering  places, 
until  we  reached  and  found  our  home  in  Torquay,  their 
queen. 

Torquay,  as  everybody  knows,  is  a  famous  'v\nnter 
resort,  and  no  one  should  tliink  of  going  there  in  summer,  at 
least  it  is  not  considered  *•'  good  form  '*  to  do  so ;  but  people 
who  have  other  occupation  for  winter,  must  do  as  we  did, 
and  they  will  surely  enjoy  Torquay,  even  at  its  hottest. 
One  advantage  of  this  unseasonable  visit  is  that  the  excel- 
lent hotels  are  nearly  empty,  and  the  rare  visitors  are 
thought  much  of,  and  are  tended  accordingly;  where  you 
are  waited  for  and  wanted  you  may  Burely  reckon  upon  a 
welcome. 


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Notes  on  Vacation.  21 

AVhat  variety  and  beauty  is  there  in  the  walks  ;  what 
views  around  and  across  Torbay.  What  cUff-climbing 
and  skirting  amid  the  fragrant  and  abundant  brushwood 
which  clothes  and  half  conceals  the  precipices  which 
overhang  the  sea.  What  food  for  the  eye  is  there  in  every 
varying  bend  of  the  curving  coast;  what  mingling  of 
colours  of  green  foliage  and  red  marble  cliflF;  what 
entanglement  of  rock  and  tree  ;  what  mysteries  of  light 
and  shade  which  the  half-idle,  half-active  mind  delights  in 
dreaming  over,  if  not  unravelling!  And  if  these  tire,  as 
sometimes  mere  waywardness  suggests,  close  at  hand  is 
that  wonderful  Kent's  Cavern,  with  its  winding  corridors, 
its  stalactic  roof  and  its  rude  floor,  all  alike  so  rich  in 
relics  of  pre-historic  man  and  of  his  wild  surroundings. 
Here  are  fragments  of  his  flint  implements,  his  rude  pottery, 
even  of  the  charcoal  he  burned ;  and  aronnd  are  tho  bones 
of  the  rhinoceros,  the  elephant,  the  lion,  the  wolf,  the 
bear  and  the  hyaena,  with  the  arrow-heads  and  spear-heads 
with  which  he  slew  this  ancient  fauna  of  England.  Coming 
out  from  these  gloomy  and  suggestive  caverns  into  the 
warm,  bright  summer  light  again,  we  soon  find  ourselves 
at  St.  Mary-Church,  where  the  piety  of  a  convert  has 
recently  built  a  noble  Gothic  church  under  Our  Lady's 
invocation,  and  thus  given  fresh  significance  to  the  old 
name  of  the  pretty  village. 

We  are  not  writing  a  guide-book,  but  only  penning 
some  brief  notes,  and  so  content  ourselves  with  recalhng 
Brixham,  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  Torbay,  renowned  for 
a  constitution  which,  like  everything  in  the  place,  is  fishy. 
The  Lords  of  Brixham  are  Biixham  fishermen.  The  manor, 
it  seems,  was  purchased  by  twelve  fishermen  some  years 
ago,  whose  portions  have  been  divided  and  subdivided, 
but  still  the  title  goes  with  even  the  smallest  share,  and  each 
owner  is  a  **  quay  lord."  There  are  some  two  hundred 
sail  of  trawlers,  with  sixteen  hundred  fishermen  to  man 
them,  but  of  course  all  these  are  not  Lords. 

It  has  its  place  in  English  history,  as  a  monument  ou 
the  sea-wall  fails  not  to  record ;  for  here  William  of  Orange 
landed  in  168J,  coming,  as  he  truly  said  in  his  broken 
English,  **for  all  your  goods,"  though  the  monument  fails 
to  record  this  royal  speech.  Quaint  and  with  quite  a 
character  of  its  own  is  Brixham,  scarcely  to  be  described, 
but  not  soon  to  be  forgotten.  It  fills  one  of  those  corners 
in  memory  where  odds-and-ends  store  themselves,  which, 
having  no  seeming  connection  with  anything  else,  some^ 


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22  Leixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Liffey, 

how  put  themselves  snugly  away,  almost  without  any 
effort  or  intention  on  our  part,  and  so  crop  up  unex- 
pectedly when  may  bo  we  are  idly  gazing  in  the  iire,  and 
reconstruct  their  features  in  the  burning  coals.  But 
Brixham  has  a  dangerous  rival  in  this  respect  in  Dartmouth, 
a  place  of  greater  pretension  and  wider  renown.  But  of 
Dartmouth  and  its  river,  and  our  later  wanderings  in 
Cornwall,  we  hope  to  say  something  in  another  paper. 

Henry  Bedford. 


LEIXLIP   CASTLE    AND    THE    VALLEY   OF    THE 

LIFFEY. 

FASHION  is  a  fickle  and  a  powerful  ruler.  In  tho 
matter  of  dress  it  is  supreme,  but  to  limit  its  influence 
to  that  would,  as  we  know  by  experience,  be  very  unjust 
to  fashion.  It  takes  in  a  far  wider  range,  and  we  would 
not,  we  believe,  be  far  wrong  in  saying  that  there  is  a 
fashion  in  almost  everything.  A  hundred  years  ago  it  waft 
the  fashion  to  build  dwellings  in  low  situations,  in  order  to 
secure  shelter;  and  specimens  of  this  fashion  are  not 
unfrequent  in  parts  of  the  country,  even  now ;  later  it  was 
regarded  as  the  right  thing  to  build  on  elevations  for  sake 
of  the  vieAv,  and  to  secure  air  that  was  pure  and  bracing. 
Again  :  a  couple  of  generations  back,  the  denizens  of  our 
cities,  especially  those  of  Dublin,  usually  journeyed  inland 
for  health,  recreation,  and  scenery ;  the  sea-side  being  then 
regarded  as  a  health  resort  for  invalids,  and,  like  physic^ 
to  be  taken  by  medical  advice.  For  ordinary  mortals  in 
ordinary  health  a  month  at  the  "salt  water'*  was  con- 
sidered to  be  abundantly  sufficient,  for  one  whole  year  at 
least.  Few,  except  those  compelled  by  circumstances, 
chose  the  sea-side  for  a  permanent  residence ;  to  do  so  was 
deemed  neither  prudent  nor  agreeable.  There  are,  perhaps, 
some  amongst  us  who  can  recall  a  time  when  the  Black 
Rock,  a  village  only  four  miles  south  of  Dublin,  was  the 
Ultima  Thule  of  an  ordinary  Dublin  citizen's  Sabbath 
drive  by  the  sea,  and  hence  the  road  from  Dublin  in  that 
direction  was,  by  eminence,  known  as  "  The  Rock  Road," 
as  if  beyond  it  there  was  no  place  to  go  to,  or  at  least  no 
place  worth  going  to.     To  that  final  stage  or  terminus 


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Leixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Liffey.  25 

numerous  cars  and  jinglefl  plied  every  day,  but  in  greatly 
increased  numliera  on  Sundays.  What  a  row  and  a  rattle 
tiiey  made,  to  be  sure  !  and  vast  were  the  clouds  of  dust 
they  raised  on  a  sunny  Summer  day,  as  the  jarvies  urged 
forward  their  jaded,  overworked,  and  frequently  ill  cared 
for  horses.  There  were  fixed  fares  to  Blaok  Rock,  but  no 
further.  A  party  that  made  up  their  mind  to  dine  at  the 
pretty  kitchen  in  Old  Dunleaiy,  or  to  wander  over  the 
wilds  of  Dalkey  Common,  would  have  to  make  arrange^ 
ments  some  days  beforehand  for  the  journey. 

In  those  days  Lucan,  Leixlip,  and  the  whole  valley  of 
the  Liffey  to  the  Salmon  Leap,  were  the  more  fashionable^ 
and  by  far  the  more  enjoyable  excm-sions;  and  for  sweet 
and  varied  woodland  scenery,  lighted  up  by  a  beautiful 
sparkling  river,  the  valley  of  the  Liffey  stands  unmatched 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  and  the  present  writer 
has  no  hesitation  in  asserting  that  the  junction  of  the 
Eyewater  with  the  Lifiey  under  Leixlip  Castle,  is  far  more 
beautiful  than  that  other  Meeting  of  the  Waters  which 
Moore  has  wedded  to  immortal  verse. 

All  is  chanffed  now.  To-day  the  sea-board  south  of 
Dublin,  once  so  oleakand  neglected,  is  lined  with  charming 
villas,  which,  viewed  from  the  bay,  seem  a  string  of  bright 
pearls  fringing  the  "laughing  waters,"  whilst  there  is 
besides,  a  back  ground  of  detached  residences,  set  like  so 
many  gems  in  the  beauteous  landscape. 

The  sea  has  triumphed  and  not  without  much  reason ; 
still  it  would  not  be  just  to  treat  inland  scenery  with 
unmerited   neglect ;    permit  me,  then,   gentle   reader,  to 

Elead  for  a  few  moments,  the  cause  of  dear  old  Anna 
iffey  and  its  surroimdings.  With  this  object  in  view  let 
UB  make  a  short  excursion  up  the  river,  and  let  us  *'  hear, 
see,  and  say  nothing,*'  till  we  get  clear  of  the  city  smoke 
at  Lucan.  Irishmen  love  their  country  very  dearly,  which 
is  fiilly  proved  by  the  fact  that  they  have  fought  and  bled 
for  it  longer  than  any  other  people  have  done  for  theirs ;. 
and  the  study  of  its  history — which  is  their  history,  will 
enlarge  their  hearts  and  intensify  their  affections  for  it. 
We  are  now  at  Lucan.  There  was  an  Earl  of  Lucan  of 
James  the  Second's  creation,  and  his  name  was  Patrick 
Sarsfield.  Does  that  name  sound  strange  in  Irish  ears  ?. 
No,  certainly.  Is  there  a  man  living  to-day  on  this  soil  of 
Ireland  worthy  the  name  of  Irishman,  whose  heart  does 
not  throb  qmcker,  and  whose  blood  does  not  rush  in  a' 
"^ramier    current    through    his    veins    at    the    name    of 


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24  Leixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Tjiffey. 

Patrick  Sarsfield?  It  was  here  he  drew  his  first  breath — 
it  was  here  he  began  that  glorious  hfe  which  he  laid  down 
on  the  field  of  Landen,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1693.  Only 
think  of  his  chivalrous  love  of  country  I  FeeUng  that  he 
had  received  a  mortal  wound,  he  moved  his  hand  towards 
his  heart  with  the  object  of  discovering  where  the 
wound  was.  He  drew  it  back  covered  with  blood; 
looking  at  it  for  a  moment  or  two,  the  great  soldier 
exclaimed,  "  Oh,  that  this  was  for  Ireland  ! " 

At  the  fine  and  graceful  one-arch  bridge  of  Lucan,  we 
can  enter  the  grounds  of  St.  Catharine's,  which  extend 
along  the  left  or  northern  bank  of  the  river  from  Lucan  to 
Leixlip.  The  place  is  called  St.  Catharine's,  because  here 
in  the  year  of  grace  1219,  there  was  founded  by  Warresius 
de  Peche  a  religious  house  for  the  Canons  Regular  of 
St.  Victor,  which  pious  act  he  performed  "  for  the  health 
of  his  soul  and  those  of  his  ancestors  and  successors."^  In 
the  grounds  there  is  still  to  be  seen  the  well — the  Holy 
Well — which  was  an  important  accessor}'  of  every  religious 
house.  This  well,  I  suppose  we  may  call  it  St.  Catharine's 
Well,  is  surrounded  by  a  protecting  wall,  enclosed  by  a 
door,  and  is  admirably  kept  in  every  respect.  Lately  there 
has  been  discovered  near  it  a  female  head  sculptured  in 
marble,  which,  although  much  defaced,  is  evidently  the 
work  of  a  skilled  artist.  It  is  supposed  to  have  belonged 
to  a  statue  of  St.  Catharine,  which  once  stood  at  the  well. 
Opposite  St.  Catharine's,  on  the  right  or  southern  bank  of 
the  Liffey,  skirting  that  beautiful  reach  of  the  river  from 
Lucan  to  LeixHp,  and  ornamented  with  some  of  the  finest 
forest  trees  in  Ireland,  is  the  demesne  of  Lucan  House, 
once  the  property  and  the  home  of  the  Sarsfields.^ 

Emerging  from  St.  (Catharine's  we  find  ourselves  at  the 
bridge  of  Leixlip,  taking  our  stand  on  the  centre  of  which, 
and  looking  westwards,  we  are  face  to  face  with  Leixlip 
Castle,  which  famous  stronghold  towers  in  feudal  dignity 
above  the  junction  of  the  Ryewater  and  the  Liffey.  In 
A.I).  1169,  Adam  de  Hereford  landed  in  Ireland  ^vith 
Fitzstephen,  and  soon  after,  Strongbow,  commonly  known 
in  old  chronicles  as  Earl  Richard,  made  him  a  grant  of  the 
manor  of  Leixlip,  together  with  Cloncurry,  Kille,  Houterard, 
and  Donning**     In  the  year  1219,  he  or  his  son,  called  in 

'  Rob  in  Turr.  Lond.  See  "  Leixlip  Castle,"  by  a  Kildare  Archs- 
ologist,  p.  6. 

"  Within  the  demesne  and  near  the  village  is  the  Lucan  Sulphur  Spa, 
»  Harris's  "  Hibemica,"  p.  42. 


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LdxUp  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Liffey,  25 

the  grant  Sir  Adam  de  Hereford,  Lord  of  Leixlip,  "  enfeoffed 
the  prior  of  St.  Cathariue's  vn\h  a  carucate  of  land  in  the 
lordship  of  Leixb'p  for  the  maintaining  of  six  chaplains  to 
pray  for  the  souls  of  all  his  progenitors.**^ 

Leixlip  Castle  is  still  occupied  as  a  residence,  and  a 
charming  residence  it  is,  a  large  portion  of  it  having  been 
adapted  to  modem  ideas  of  comfort  by  various  occupants, 
but  enough  still  remains  of  its  battlements  and  towers  and 
walls  of  SIX  feet  in  thickness  to  tell  the  story  of  its  ancient 
strength  and  military  importance.  And  Hke  all  old  castles 
of  the  true  type,  it  can  boast  of 

"  Windows  that  exclude  the  light 
And  passages  that  lead  to  nothing." 

From  time  to  time  it  has  had  under  its  roof  very 
distinguished  visitors.  There  is  a  tradition  that  King  John 
resided  here  for  a  portion  of  the  time  he  Avas  in  Ireland, 
and  the  tradition  gains  strength  from  the  fact  that  one  of 
the  chief  rooms  in  the  castle  is  still  known  as  *'  the  King's 
room."  But  a  greater  than  King  John  was  there — no 
le«8  a  man  than  the  hero  of  Bannockburn  himself. 
Edward  Bruce  landed  in  Ulster  in  the  year  1815,  "with 
a  power  of  Scottes  and  Ked-Shankes/'^  where  he  achieved 
considerable  successes,  and  having  fought  his  way 
southwards  to  Dundalk,  he  there  had  himself  crowned 
King  of  Ireland.  Numbers  of  the  Irish  joined  him. 
They  had  suffered  so  much  from  their  Norman  invaders, 
^faose  whole  object  seems  to  have  been  plunder,  that  they 
were  only  too  glad  to  follow  Bruce,  in  order  to  have  an 
opportunity  of  fighting  against  them :  it  is  even  on  record 
that  many  English  placed  themselves  under  Bruce's 
standard.  Although  Edward  Bruce  was  almost  always 
victorious,  still  no  important  object  had  been  gained  by 
him ;  he  took  no  firm  hold  of  any  part  of  the  country, 
it  was  all  fighting  and  burning.  His  brother  Robert  came 
to  his  assistance  in  1317,  the  laurels  of  Bannockburn  still 
fresh  upon  his  brow,  for  he  had  fought  and  won  that 
famous  oattle  only  three  years  before.  The  two  brotheins 
marched  upon  Dublin  and  encamped  at  Castleknock  ;  but 
the  citizens  burned  the  suburbs  on  their  approach,  and 


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26  Leio'.lip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Liffey. 

fihowed  such  a  determiuation  to  defend  the  city  to  the  last> 
that  the  Scottish  leaders  deemed  it  prudent  not  to  risk  the 
delay  or  faihue  of  a  siege.  They  broke  up  their  camp  and 
directed  their  course  to  Naas,  stopping  on  their  way  four 
days  at  Leixlip.^  On  this  visit  of  Robert  Bruce  to  Leixhp, 
Moore  observes  :  "  Nor  is  it  a  sHght  addition  to  the  interest 
of  that  romantic  spot,  to  be  able  to  fancy  that  the  heroic 
Bnice,  surrounded  by  his  companions  in  arms,  had  once 
stood  beside  its  beautiful  waterfall,  and  wandered,  perhaps, 
through  its  green  glen.'*^ 

Gerald,  the  8th  Earl  of  Kildare,  on  the  occasion  of  his 
marriage  to  his  second  wife.  Dame  Elizabeth  Saint  John, 
in  1496,  received  from  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  for  himself 
his  wife  and  their  lawful  heirs,  the  manor  and  lordship  of 
Leixlip,  with  the  appurtenances.*  He  was  called  **the  Great 
Earl,"  andnot  without  some  show  of  reason,  for,  with  faults 
not  a  few,  there  were  gieat  lines  of  character  in  him.  '*  He 
was,"  says  Campion, "  a  mighty  made  man.  full  of  honor 
and  courage."  Tlie  Ormonde  of  that  day  was,  of  course, 
his  great  adversary.  How  much  there  is  in  blood  I  Of 
this  Onnonde,  Campion  says,  ''He  was  secret  and  driftv,  of 
much  moderation  in  speech."  The  whole  character  of  his 
descendant,  James,  l)uke  of  Ormonde,  is  in  that  short 
sentence.  Campion's  character  of  the  Earl  of  Kildare  is 
the  very  opposite.     "  Kildare,"  he  says,  "  was  open  and 

Sassionable,  in  his  moode  desperate,  both  of  word  and 
cede,  of  the  English  well-beloved,  a  good  justicier,  a  wandor 
incomparable,  towards  the  nobles  that  he  favoured  not 
somewhat  headlong  and  unruhe."  Being  charged  before 
Henry  the  Seventh  for  burning  the  Church  of  Cashel,  he 
suddenly  confessed  the  fact,  and  dashing  out  a  wicked 
oath,  "  quoth  he,  1  would  never  have  done  it,  had  it  not 
beene  told  mo  that  the  Archbishop  was  within.  And 
because  the  Archbishop  was  one  of  his  busiest  acctisers 
there  present,  merrily  laught  the  king  at  the  plaineness  of 
the  man,  to  see  him  alledge  that  intent  for  excuse,  which 
most  of  all  did  aggiavate  his  fault.  The  last  article 
against  him  they  conceived  in  these  tearmes,  **  finally,  all 
Ireland  cannot  rule  this  Earle."  "No  Tquoth  the  king) 
then  in  good  faith  shall  this  Earle  inile  all  Ireland."  And 
BO  the  man  who  was  cited  to  England,  to  face  his  accusers^ 

1  *'  Annals  of  Ireland,"  p.  171. 

«  ''  History  of  Ireland,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  63. 

'  Patent  and  close  KoUs,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 


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Leialip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  tlie  Liffey.  2T 

Btanding  before  the  king  with  his  life  in  his  hand,  returned 
to  Ireland  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  was  soon  after  madtj  a' 
Knight  of  the  Garter. 

The  8th  Earl  of  Kildare  was,  as  stated  above,  twice 
married.  By  his  first  wife,  Ahsou,  daughter  of  Sir  Rowland 
Eustace,  of  Harristown,  in  thQ  county  of  Kildare,  he  had 
issue  one  son  (a  Gerald  of  course)  and  six  daughters ;  this 
Gerald  became  in  due  course  9th  Earl  of  Kildare.  The 
Lady  Alison  died  of  grief  on  the  22nd  of  November,  1495, 
during  her  husbands  confinement  in  England.  By  his 
second  wife,  the  8th  Earl  had  seven  sons  and  no  daughter, 
Dame  Elizabeth  outlived  her  husband,  and  on  her  death 
Leixlip  descended  to  her  sons  in  succession.  The  eldest 
and  second  eldest  having  died  young,  this  property  was  in 
possession  of  Sir  James,  her  third  son,  at  the  time  of  the 
rebelHon  of  his  nephew.  Silken  Thomas,  who  was  son  to 
the  ninth  earl,  then  in  England,  having  been  summoned 
thither  by  the  king  to  answer  sundry  accusations  which 
were  made  against  him.  By  an  Act  of  Resumption,  28th  of 
Henry  VIIL,  A.D.  1536,  the  manor  and  lordship  of  Leixlip 
was  taken  from  the  Fitzgeralds,  and  vested  m  the  king, 
"  for  that,"  says  the  Act,  "  the  blood  of  the  Geraldines  is 
corrupted  towards  the  crown  of  England."  This,  of  course, 
refers  to  the  rebelUon  of  Silken  Thomas.  At  the  critical 
time  of  Silken  Thomas's  rebelhon,  Lord  Leonard  Gray,, 
son  of  the  Marquis  of  Dorset,  was  sent  over  as  Commander 
of  the  Army  and  Marshal  of  Ireland.  Silken  Thomas  lost 
his  allies  one  by  one,  and  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
was  eflFected  Avithout  diflBculty.  Thus  deserted,  he  gave 
himself  up  to  Lord  Leonard  Gray,  confessed  his  ofi*ence, 
threw  blame  on  his  advisers,  and  prayed  that  his  life  might 
be  spared.  The  Irish  annalists  assert  that  he  received  a 
promise  of  his  life  from  Gray ;  but  the  king  was  furious 
that  any  terms  were  made  with  him,  had  him  seized  on  his^ 
way  to  Windsor,  and  committed  to  the  Tower.  Henry 
further  ordered  Lord  Gray  to  arrest  the  five  uncles  of 
Silken  Thomas,  three  of  whom  had,  from  the  first,  discoun- 
tenanced the  proceedings  of  their  nephew.  This  did  not 
save  them ;  they  were  attainted  by  tne  Irish  Parliament, 
and  conveyed  to  London,  where  the  five  uncles,  together 
with  their  nephew,  were  executed  at  Tyburn,  on  the  3rd 
of  February,  1537,  by  which  act  of  savage  slaughter  the 
house  of  Geraldine  was  all  but  extmguished. 

What  a  passing  shadow  is  man  I     There  yet  stands  the^ 
castle  in  which  the  "  Dame  Elizabeth,"  with  the  conscious^ 


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28  Ijeixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Uiffey^ 

joy  of  a  mother's  heart,  saw  her  boys  grow  up  around  her 
full  of  health  and  promise ;  there  are  the  grounds  over 
which  they  so  often  careered  and  gamboled ;  tJiere  is  the 
old  historic  Salmon  Leap,  the  Saltus  Salmonis  of  Giraldus, 
at  which  they  must  have,  "full  many  a  time  and  oft," 
stood,  with  eager  gaze,  watching  the  fish  in  their  efforts 
to  ascend  the  cataract ;  there  are  still  the  Rye  and  the 
Liffey  mingling  their  placid  waters  as  of  old :  but  the  sons 
of  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  where  are  they  ? — ^lon^,  long  ago 
returned  to  the  bosom  of  another  mother,  the  victims  of  a 
ruthless  tyrant,  far  more  deserving  of  being  executed  at 
Tyburn  than  they  were;  their  names  and  their  sorrows 
hidden  away  in  the  archives  of  far-off  history.^ 

Passing  over  some  other  interesting  events  in  the  life 
of  Leixlip  Castle,  wo  come  to  the  encamping  of  the  Con- 
federate army  along  the  Liffey,  between  that  place  and 
Lucan,  in  November,  1646,  which  army  consisted  of  about 
16,000  foot  and  1,600  horse.  It  was  under  the  command 
of  Preston,  who  was  general  of  the  Leinster  forces,  and 
of  the  famous  Owen  Roe  O'Neill,  who  commanded 
the  Ulster  men.  There  was  no  commander-in-chief— a 
fatal  error :  but  one  which  could  not  be  remedied  on 
account  of  tlie  jealousies  existing  between  the  generals, 
Ormonde  was  in  Dublin  ;  Digby,  the  king's  secretary  and 
trusted  minister,  was  with  Preston  in  Leixlip  (Jastle,  where 
that  commander  had  fixed  his  head-quarters;  and 
CJlanrickarde  was  constantly  passing  and  re-passing 
between  the  two  places,  carrying  on  a  correspondence  of 
which  O'Neill  ana  the  Nuncio  (who  was  in  O'NeilPs  camp) 
were  kept  in  almost  complete  ignorance.  Some  proposals 
were  being  made  to  the  Confederate  Catholics,  whilst  Uigby 
was  endeavouring  to  detach  Preston  from  them  altogether. 
To  create  division  and  promote  delay  were  the  two  great 
objects  Ormonde  had  in  view,  who  was,  at  the  very  time, 
in  treaty  with  commissioners  from  the  English  Parliament, 
with  tie  view  of  giving  up  Dublin  to  them,  which  he 
very  soon  after  carried  into  effect^  A  black  treason  it 
was  for  him  to  give  up  the  capital  of  Ireland  to 
the  enemies  of  the  king,  his  master,  who  were  in  open 

*  The  seven  Rons  of  the  eighth  Earl  of  Kildare  and  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  Sahit  John  were: — Henry,  who  died  in  1616;  Thomas,  who 
died  in  1.530 ;  and  Sir  James,  Oliver,  Richard,  Sir  John,  and  Walter,  the 
hre  who  suffered  at  Tyburn. 

«  The  terms  of  surrender  were  ratified  between  Ormonde  and  the 
•oommissicners  on  the  23rd  of  the  same  month  of  November. 


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Leixlip  Castle  and  the  Valley  of  the  Lifer/.  29 

rebellion  against  him,  and  who  beheaded  him  not  long 
after.  But  he  did  it  rather  than  grant  adequate  conces- 
sious  to  the  Catholics,  who  were  always  loyal  to  the 
king,  but,  on  account  of  their  rehgion,  hateful  to  Onuonde, 
who  had  been  a  CathoHc  himself  for  the  first  fifteen  years 
of  his  Hfe,  and  was  then  the  only  Protestant  of  his  family. 
O'Neill,  feehng  he  was  suiTounded  by  enemies  instead  of 
friends,  and  having  reason  to  believe  there  was  some  deep 
plot  preparing  against  him,  broke  up  his  camp,  threw  a 
temporary  bridge  of  such  timber  as  he  could  find  across  tho 
Lifiey  at  LeixUp,  and  retired  into  Meath. 

And  thus  ended  the  once  formidable  design  on  Dublin^ 
which  was  almost  certain  to  succeed  only  for  the  incurable 
dissensions  of  the  Confederate  generals. 

It  Tcmmns  for  me  to  say  a  word  about  the  Salmon 
Leap  itself,  which  is  the  most  attractive  object  in  the 
neighbourhood  I  have  been  writing  about.  The  name 
Leixlip  is  made  up  of  two  Scandinavian  words  La.r  and 
hlaitp  (sometimes  written  te/>),  and  is  literally  rendered  into 
English  by  the  words  Salmon  Leap.  It  is  again  literally 
rendered  into  Latin  by  Saltus  Salmonisy  which  word^  wero 
usually  abbreviated  in  documents  by  Salt,  Salm.y  tho  first 
syllable  of  each,  and  sometimes  by  Salt  only  ;  and  thus  the 
Salmon  Leap  gives  their  name  to  the  baronies  of  North 
and  South  SalL  Itself  is  in  the  barony  of  North  Salt. 
Again,  it  was  the  inland  boundary  of  the  Scandinavian 
kingdom  of  Dublin,  which  was  a  kind  of  Danish  Pale,  like 
the  English  Pale  of  later  times,  and  extended  coastwise 
from  Arklow  to  the  little  river  Delvin,  above  Skerries,  on 
the  north,  and  along  the  Lifiey,  "  as  lar  as  the  salmon 
ewims  up  the  stream,''  that  is,  to  the  Salmon  Leap  at 
Leixlip.  This  territory,  or  Pale,  was  called  the  Diiflinarskiriy 
to  study  the  con-ect  pronunciation  of  which  word,  I  here 
beg^to  give  the  reader  some  breathing  time.' 

John  Canon  O'Rourke* 


*  See  Ilaliday's  "  Scandinavian  Kingdom  of    Dubbn/'  edited   by 
J.  F.  Prendergast,  Barrister-at-Law, 


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[     30    ] 


TEMPERANCE   IN  THE  "SUMMA." 

IN  these  days  when  so  much  that  is  intemperate  is 
spoken  and  written  on  what  is  called  the  Temperance 
Question,  it  may  be  well  for  us  to  know  how  this  matter 
has  been  treated  by  the  wisest  and  weightiest  of  Catholic 
theologians,  St.  Thomas  Aquinas.  As  all  theological 
students  know,  there  is  scarcely  an  important  theological 
disputation  in  which  the  words  of  the  Angelic  Doctor  are 
not  quoted  in  support  of  each  side.  I  daresay  this  will  be 
the  case  in  the  matter  before  us.  Teetotallers  and  anti- 
teetotallers  may  find  equal  satisfaction  in  these  pages.  I 
have  written  them,  not  in  favour  of  the  T^otal  Aostinence 
cause  which  I  have  so  much  at  heart,  but  with  an  honest 
desire  to  put  in  handy  shape,  and  in,  as  far  as  may  be, 
popular  foiTn,  the  opinion  of  one  who,  besides  being  a 
JSaint  of  God  and  the  Angel  of  the  Schools,  is  commended 
to  us  with  such  unusual  warmth  by  our  present  Holy 
Father,  Leo  XIII.,  as  pre-eminently  oiu*  teacher  and  guide 
amid  the  perils,  intellectual  and  moral,  of  this  age. 

It  is  not  wonderful  that,  in  the  "Summa,"  out  of  six 
hundred  "  questions  **  divided  into  some  three  thousand 
*'  articles,'*  temperance  should  find  a  place,  together  with 
its  specific  form,  sobriety,  and  its  contrary  vice,  drunken- 
ness. St.  Thomas  was  not  only  a  profound  thinker,  but  also 
a  most  eloquent  and  popular  preacher.  What  he  wi'ote,  in 
stifl*,  scholastic  phrase,  in  the  **  Summa,*'  he  must  often 
have  clad  in  all  the  beauty  of  rhetorical  form  and  figure  in 
the  pulpit,  and  oftener  still  in  the  simplicity  and  earnest 
directness  with  which  a  saint  would  preach  God's  truth  to 
the  poor.  To  the  **  Summa  *'  then,  the  preacher  may  con- 
fidently turn  for  matter  for  his  sermons  both  to  great  and 
lowly ;  and  if  these  pages  in  any  way  encourage  a  brother 
priest  to  go  to  that  pure  fountain  when  he  would  feed  his 
flock,  and  to  substitute  those  clear,  ciystal  watere  for  the 
muddy  streams  below — if  these  pages  do  that  they  will 
have  done  much.  In  a  warm  heart  the  semina  rerum  of  the 
**  Summa  "  will  soon  spring  up,  and  bear,  as  they  did  with 
St.  Thomas,  both  flower  and  fruit. 

I. — Well,  to  come  to  the  matter  of  temperance.  It  is 
treated  in  the  141st  question  of  the  secunda  secundce  of  the 
"•*  Summa."  The  "  question  "  is  divided  into  eight  "Articles.*' 
1"*  In  the  first,  after  three  objections  against  it«  being  a 
virtue  at  all,  since  it  puts  a  restraint  upon  the  natural 


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Temperance  in  the  ^^SummaJ**  31 

desires  of  a  man,  St.  Thomas  shows  that  it  is  a  virtue, 
since  in  a  reasonable  man  it  establishes  such  moderation  as 
is  reasonable.  It  puts  such  restraint,  that  is,  upon  the 
animal  part  of  a  man,  as  his  right  reason  sees  fitting ;  it 
does  not  restrain  him  from  reasonable  enjoyment,  but  only 
from  such  bnital  enjoyment  as  is  unworthy  of  his  position 
as  a  rational  being.  2°  In  the  second  "  Article"  the  Angelic 
Doctor  shows,  in  answer  to  those  who  say  that  temperance 
is  not  a  special  virtue  but  only  a  quality  to  be  found  in 
every  virtue,  that  temperance  is  also  a  special  and  distinct 
virtue,  as  much  so  as  fortitude,  for  instance.  For,  while 
fortitude  is  the  virtue  giving  a  man  courage  to  do  the  good 
that  he  dislikes  doing,  temperance  holds  a  man  back  from 
doing  the  evil  he  would  like  to  do.  And  temperance  is, 
as  it  were,  the  beauty  of  all  virtue  ;  since  beauty  consists  in 
a  thing  being  well-proportioned,  and  temperance  keeps 
everything  in  its  due  proportion  and  right  measure.  i§o 
temperance  is  itself  a  beautiful  virtue,  and  makes  all  the 
other  virtues  beautiful  as  well.  3°  In  the  third  Article 
St.  Thomas  shows  that  temperance  as  a  virtue  restrains 
the  pleasure  taken  in  things  of  the  senses,  reducing  that 
pleasure  to  obedience  to  reason,  and  helping  the 
rational  man  to  quell  the  unruly  desires  of  the  animal  man. 
4®  In  the  fourth  Article  he  shows  that  it  is  in  the  sense  of 
touch  that  the  animal  man  principally  seeks  satisfaction ; 
that  this  sense  is  very  strong  in  the  taste  for  food  and 
drink,  since  these  are  instincts  of  the  natural  man, 
necessarv  for  his  preservation,  and  so  strong  ("and  since 
man's  fall  so  unruly)  that  they  require  constant  restraint, 
lest  they  pass  the  bounds  of  reason.  5°  In  the  fifth 
Article  St.  Thomas  shows  that  it  is  the  pleasure  of  taste 
that  temperance  has  principally  to  deal  with — a  pleasure 
that  belongs  to  eating  and  drinking,  both  of  which  may, 
by  excess,  injure  that  nature  they  were  ordained  to 
nourish.  6^  Again,  in  the  next  Aiiicle,  we  are  shown  that 
it  is  for  our  right  conduct  in  this  present  life  that  temper- 
ance is  first  required ;  that  even  were  there  no  heaven  or  hell 
we  should  still  be  temperate,  if  we  would  live  as  reasonable 
and  healthy  men — men  capable  of  minding  their  own  con- 
cerns, and  of  fulfilling  their  duties  towards  the  community 
in  which  the^  live.     7**  Seventhly,  temperance  is  a  car- 


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32  Temperance  in  the  "/Swm?/ia." 

as  a  cardinal  virtue  means  a  hinge  virtue,  or  one  on  which 
other  virtues  hang  or  depend  for  support,  so  temperance, 
on  which  all  virtues  depend  for  their  moderation  and 
beauty,  is  rightly  called  a  cardinal  virtue.  8**  In  the 
eighth,  and  last  Article  of  this  14lst  question,  St.  Thomas 
shows  that  the  reason  why  temperance  is  such  a  splendid 
and  excellent  moral  virtue,  is  because  it  keeps  a  man  from 
sins  so  brutal  and  debasing,  and  because  its  practice  is  so 
difficult,  and  therefore  so  pleasing  to  God. 

So  ends   this   question.     In  the  following  question,  of 
four  Articles,  are  treated  the  vices  opposed  to  temperance. 

II. — Sobriety  is  the  subject  of  the  149th  question  of  the 
secmida  secundrE,  St.  Thomas  discusses  the  question  in  four 
articles.  1**  In  the  first  he  appUes  the  word  "sobriety"  to 
moderation  in  drink — our  ordinary  use  of  the  word,  and 
he  quotes  to  this  purpose  the  text  from  Ecclesiasticus : 
"Wine  taken  with  sobriety  is  equal  hfe  to  men;  if  thou 
drink  it  moderately,  thou  shalt  be  sober."  He  says  the 
word  '*  sobrius"  or  **tiober*'  is  derived  from  a  word  '*  bria," 
which  means  a  wine-measure.  Ebriety  is,  then,  the  same 
as  not  in  a  wine-measure — that  is,  an  unmeasured  use  of 
wine;  and  "sober*'  is  the  same  as  not  "ebrius,"  or  drunk,  that 
is,  not  drinking  without  measure  or  restraints  The  word 
sobriety  means,  then,  according  to  St.  Thomas,^  drinking 
wine  or  intoxicating  Uquors  wi  due  measure,  and  he  shows 
that  this  strict  meaning  of  the  word  is  the  proper  meaning, 
because  it  is  intoxicating  drink  that  most  easily  clouds  the 
intellect  and  impairs  the  reason  and  even  the  bodily  move- 
ments; and,  therefore,  it  is  to  the  use  of  such  drink  that  a 
measure  should  be  most  strictly  applied — the  measure  of 
sobriety.  2**  In  the  second  Article  tlie  Angelic  Doctor 
shows  that  sobriety  is  a  special  and  distinct  virtue,  being 
opposed  to  the  special  sin  of  drunkennees.  Whore  there  is 
a;  special  sin,  there  must  be,  over  against  it,  a  special  virtue. 
In  the  excessive  use  of  intoxicants,  over  and  above  that  of 
other  drink,  or  of  food,  there  is  the  special  sin  of  depriving 
oneself  of  the  use  of  reason  ;  to  remove  such  a  sin  a  special 
virtue  is  necessary — and  that  virtue  is  sobriety.  3^  In 
Article  three  St.  Thomas  handles  what  is  now  known  as 
the  teetotal,  or  total  abstinence  question.  As  usual,  the 
article  opens  wdth  objections — quotations  and  arguments 
seeking  to  prove  that  the  use  of  all  intoxicating  drink  is 
forbidden.     But    St.    Thomas  places,    against    these,  the 

>  I  do  not  find  that  modem  philologists  bear  out  St.  Thomas  in  this. 
But  bad  philology  may  be  good  theology. 


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Temperance  in  the  "  SummaJ*  3$ 

advice  given  by  St.  Paul  to  St.  Timothy,  to  drink  a  little 
wine  for  his  Btomach's  sake  ;  and  the  saying  of  Ecclesiasticus 
that  "wine  drunk  with  moderation  is  the  joy  of  the 
soul  and  the  heart."  Then  the  Saint,  as  he  always  does, 
gives  the  pith  of  the  true  doctrine  in  a  few  words,  which 
in  this  case  are  of  such  weight  that  I  will  give  them 
literally : — 

•*  Ahhough  the  use  of  wine  is  not,  of  itself,  unlawful,  neverthe- 
less it  may,  under  certain  circumstances,  become  unlawful  (jyei* 
acctdens  illicitum  reddi potest)  either  from  its  being  hurtful  to  the 
drinker,  or  from  excess  in  quantity,  or  because  it  is  taken  in  spite 
of  a  vow  to  the  contrary,  or  because  it  is  a  cause  of  scandal." 

These  reasons  why  intoxicating  diinks  may  be  unlawful 
for    individuals,    and    by   accident,   as    theologians   say^ 
St  Thomas  repeats :  1  st — Some  are  easily  injured  by  wine> 
and  cannot  stand  its  use  at  all.     2nd — Some  have  a  vow — 
and  we  may  in  these  later  times  add  that  many  have  what 
is  of  less  obligation  than   a   vow,  still    of  some    binding 
power,  namely,  a  pledge — against  intoxicating  drink,  and 
so  are  more  or  less,  as  it  is  by  vow  or  pledge,  foriiidden 
its  use.     3rd — Some   cannot    drink    intoxicants    without 
drinking  to  excess,  and  so  are  bound  not  to  drink  such  at 
all ;  and  4th,  it  may  happen  that  even  moderate   drinking 
may   be  to   others  a   cause  of  scandal,  and  in   this  way 
unlawful.     A  httle  fiuiher  on,  the  holy  Doctor  adds  another 
reason,  in  these  words : — *'  Christ  withdraws  us  from  some 
things  as  altogether  imlawful,  but  from  others  as  being 
impedimencs  to  perfection ;  and  in  this  way  He  withdraws 
some  persons  from  wine  on  account  of  the  desire  of  per- 
fection,   as  He  does  from  riches  and  otlier  such  things.'* 
4**  In  the  fourth  and  last  Article  the  Saint  discusses  the 
necessity    of  sobriety    for    persons    of  position— such  as 
bishops,  priests,  high  oflBcers  of  the  State,  and  such  men  of 
weight  and  influence  as  are  hkely  to  set  an  example  to 
otheis.     In  proof  of  such  a  necessity  he  quotes  the  words 
of  St.  Paul  to  Timothy,  regarding  the  duty  of  old  men 
and  of  bishops,  and  the  words  of  the  wise  man,  '*  Give  not 
wine  to  kings."     To  these  proofs  the  holy  Doctor  adds  the 
passages  exhorting  women   and  youths  to   sobriety,  and 
shows  that  while  exalted  persons  in  Church  and  State  are 
specially  bound  to   sobriety   because   of  the  clearness  of 
head  their  duties  demand,  and  the  force  their  example  has 
with  the  multitude,  women  and  youths  are  also  specially 
bound  to  be  sober,  because  of  the  weakness  of  the  former 
in  resisting  temptation,  and  because  of  the  latter  being 
VOL.  VI.  C 

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34  Temperance  in  the  "  SummaJ" 

epecially  prone  to  sin,  on  account  of  the  fire  and  lustiness 
of  their  years.  The  Saint  adds  the  striking  fact  recorded 
by  Valerius  Maximus,  that  among  the  ancient  Romans 
women  never  drank  wine.  Thus  ends  the  149th  question, 
regarding  sobriety. 

III. — In  the  150th  question,  divided  into  four  articles, 
St.  Thomas  treats  of  the  sin  of  drunkenness.  1**  In  the 
lirst  article,  ho  gives,  as  he  always  does,  the  objections. 
The  first  in  this  case  is  a  curious  one,  worth  recording,  if 
only  because  of  the  Saint's  answer  to  it.  It  is  objected 
that  drunkenness  is  not  a  sin,  because  every  sin  has  some 
other  sin  directly  opposed  to  it — as  cowardice  to  rashness, 
faint-heartedness  to  presumption.  But  no  sin  can  be 
found  as  the  opposite,  in  this  way,  to  drunkenness. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  article  the  holy  Doctor  answers 
that,  perhaps  such  wilful  (obstinate  ?)  abstinence  from  wine 
as  a  man  knows  will  seriously  injure  his  health,  is  not  free 
from  fault  A  second  objection  answered  by  St.  Thomaa 
in  this  article  is,  that  no  one  (or  scarcely  anyone)  wishes  to 
be  drunk,  that  is,  to  be  deprived  of  the  use  of  reason ; 
therefore,  drunkenness  is  not  wilful,  and  therefore  it 
cannot  be  a  sin.  But  St.  Thomas  most  clearly  shows  how 
far  this  objection  can  stand.  Drinking  to  excess  is  the  sin; 
and  he  who  Avilfully  drinks  to  such  excess  that  he  knows 
that  loss  of  reason  must  follow,  is  guilty  of  the  sin  of 
drunkenness.  For  the  pleasure  of  the  drink  he  is  pre- 
pared to  undergo  the  shameful  consequences — and  in  this 
way  ho  is  responsible  for  both  the  sin  and  its  consequences. 
This  loss  of  reason  is,  as  the  holy  Doctor  points  out,  the 
punishment  that  follows  on  the  sinful  excess,  but  is  not  the 
sin  itself.^ 

The  question  of  "treating,"  as  it  is  called,  St.  Thomas 
disposes  of  in  answering  the  objection,  that  if  drunkenness 
is  a  sin,  they  sin  who  invite  others  to  drink  to  excess — 
ijuod  videtur  esse  valde  durum  !  The  Saint  replies  that  as  a 
man  is  not  guilty  of  sin  who,  through  ignorance  of  the 
strength  of  the  liquor,  becomes  intoxicated,  so  he  who 
treats  another  to  drink,  not  knowing  that  he  is  likely  to 
get  drunk,  is  excused  by  his  ignorance  from  sin.  But  if 
ho  is  not  in  such   ignorance,  that  is,  if  he  knows  that  the 

^  IVIay  we  not  infer  from  the  shame  and  degradation  of  that  ponisli- 
ment,  from  the  bcourge  it  is  to  the  body  and  mind  of  individuals  and  to 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  communities,  what  the  guilt  is,  in  the  eyeii 
of  God,  of  a  sin  which  He  yisit-s  with  such  awful  rigour,  even  in  this 
life? 


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Temperance  in  the  "  Sammcu*^  35 

friend  whom  he  "treats"  will  probably  sin  by  excess,  he 
shares  in  his  friend's  sin.  May  we  not,  with  theological 
exactness,  add  that  the  sin  of  the  ''treater'*  is  generally 
greater  than  that  of  the  "  treated,'*  since  the  latter  is 
generally,  owing  to  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  with  such 
cniel  kindness  on  bin),  scarcely  a  free  agent,  drinking  very 
often,  not  because  he  likes  it,  but  because  he  fears  to  give 
offence  ?  In  such  a  case  the  cardinal  virtue  of  Fortitude 
would  save  its  fellow. cardinal,  Teraperance. 

At  the  end  of  this  article  St.  Thomas  quotes  the  words 
of  St,  Augustine.  Even  if  they  did  not  eorae  to  us  with 
the  authority  of  two  Saints  and  Doctors  of  the  Church,  they 
would  be  worthy  of  being  written  on  the  first  page  of  every 
temperance  journal,  and  in  the  hearts  of  every  temperance 
apostle.     Translation  would  destroy  their  perfect  finish : — 

*'  Non  aspere,  qnantum  existimo,  non  dure,  non  imperiose  ista 
tolluntur;  sed  magis  docendo  quam  jubendo,  magis  monendo 
qoam  minando ;  sic  enira  agendum  est  cum  raultitudine  pec- 
cantium  ;  se Veritas  autem  exercenda  est  in  peccata  paucoruni." 

For  the  Cardinal,  Prudence,  as  well  as  the  Cardinal, 
Fortitude,  must  stand  by  its  brother,  Temperance. 

2**  In  the  next  Article,  the  second  of  this  question, 
St  Thomas  proves  the  gravity  of  the  sin  of  drunkenness 
against  those  who  would  make  little  of  it  excepting  when 
faabituaL  He  cites  the  Apostolic  Canon,  which  says : — 
EpiscopuSy  aut  presbyter,  ant  diaconns,  alece  aut  ehrietati 
dejferciens^  aut  deainat,  aut  deponaturJ^  But  such  punish- 
ment could  follow  only  mortal  sins.'  Of  course  the  Saint 
shows  that  the  state  of  intoxication  is  a  sinful  state  only 
when  it  has  been  foreseen,  the  simple  indulgence  to  excess 
in  drink,  without  knowledge  or  advertence  to  the  intoxica- 
tion likely  to  follow,  being  of  itself  only  a  venial  sin,  as 
want  of  moderation  in  eating,  or  in  drinking  non- intoxica- 
ting beverages  would  be.  The  man  sins  mortally  who 
*'  volens  et  sciens  privat  se  usu  rationis,'*  The  Saint  adds  thip 
reason  for  the  sinfulness  of  such  a  wilful  deprivation  of 
reaaon — namely,  that  it  is  by  the  use  of  reason  that  man 
acts  virtuously  and  restrains  himself  from  sin  ;  and  so  the 
drunkard  sins  mortally  by  placing  himself  in  the  danger  of 
sin.  The  words  of  St.  Ambrose  are  here  quoted  : — "  We 
say  that  drunkenness  should  be  shunned,  for  on  account  of 
it  we  are  unable  to  guard  against  sins.     For  those  things 

^  Gambling  is  put  here  in  bad  company ! 

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o6  Temperance  in  the  "  Summcu^ 

which  we  are  on  our  guard  against  when  sober,  we  commit, 
through  ignorance,  when  drunk." 

The  article  closes  with  St.  Thomas's  reply  to  those  who 
seem  to  call  for  a  hard-and-fast  Une  defining  the  quantity 
of  drink  that  may  be  taken  without  sin.  Temperance,  he 
says,  moderates  the  use  of  food  and  drink  according  to 
their  effect  on  the  health.  An  amount  of  drink  that 
would  be  wholesome,  perhaps,  for  an  invaUd,  would 
bo  excessive  for  a  healthy  man,  and  mce  versa.  An  exces- 
sive dose  of  warm  water  might  be  taken  medicinally  as  an 
emetic,  and  without  sin,  though  it  has  in  this  case  one  of 
the  effects  of  the  excessive  use  of  stronger  drinks,  which 
taken,  even  medicinally,  in  order  to  produce  intoxication,  are 
not  allowed. 

3^.  In  the  next  discussion,  as  to  the  relative  gravity  of  the 
sin  of  drunkenness,  St.  Thomas,  avoiding  the  exaggeration 
that  has  so  often  weakened  modern  temperance  advocacy, 
states  his  opinion  that  drunkenness  is  not,  of  its  own  nature, 
the  gravest  of  sins,  since  a  direct  outrage  against  God  is 
graver  than  what  is,  directly,  an  outrage  only  against 
human  nature.  In  the  course  ojf  this  short  article  the  words 
of  St.  Ambrose  are  quoted  : — "  Non  esset  in  hortiine  servihis 
si  non  fuisset  ehrietas,''  '*  There  would  be  no  slavery 
among  men  if  there  had  been  no  drunkenness."  What  a 
host  of  thoughts,  not  all,  perhaps,  either  logical  or  theo- 
logical, fills  the  mind  on  reading  those  memorable  words, 
"  Non  esset  servitns  si  non  fuisset  ebrietas  /" 

4^  In  the  fourth  and  last  article  the  Angelic  Doctor 
shows  that  while  intoxication,  in  proportion  as  it  is 
involuntary,  excuses  from  sin  arising  from  it,  when  it  is 
voluntary  increases  the  gravity  of  such  sin  as  may  be,  or 
ought  to  be,  foreseen  as  its  likely  consequence.  The  last 
words  of  the  holy  Doctor  are  words  of  mercy :  Levitts  est  ear^ 
infirmitate  qnam  ex  malltlapeccai^e.  May  we  not  tiiist,  without 
relaxing  a  single  effort  to  check  this  sin  of  drunkenness, 
that  it  is,  at  least  with  our  poor  people,  oftener  a  sin  of 
weakness  than  a  sin  of  malice  ? 

Arthur  Eyan. 


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[    37     ] 


THE  DEAF  AND  DUMB. 

ACKNOWLEDGING  in  the  Record  of  last  month  a 
communication  with  which  we  were  favoured  respect- 
ing the  uninstructed  or  uneducated  Deaf  and  Dumb,  we 
referred  our  esteemed  Correspondent  to  a  Dissertation 
which  appeared  some  few  years  ago  under  the  title  of 
**  Ciaims  of  the  iininMmeted  Deaf-mute  to  be  admitted  to  the. 
Sacrament%'^  and  which  we  promised  to  notice  in  our 
issue  of  this  month.  Wo  now  proceed  to  redeem  our 
promise. 

Fii*st  of  all  we  must  say  that,  having  carefully  perused 
the  Pamphlet,  we  could  not  fail  to  have  observed  the 
profurmd  study  it  displays  from  end  to  end,  as  well  as  the 
Author's  most  earnest  concern  for  the  objects  of  his 
chantable  sympathy.  He  prefaces  his  subject  by  claiming 
for  them  what  no  one  can  refuse,  the  largest  extent  of 
indulgence  which  the  mildest  principles  of  Theology  can 
allow ;  and  then  laying  down  the  principle,  that  the 
Sacraments  produce  their  eflfects  of  themselves  by  reason 
of  the  intrinsic  efficacy  imparted  to  them  by  their  Divine 
institution,  requiiing  only  on  the  part  of  the  recipient  that  he 
put  no  obstacle  in  the  way,  he  proceeds  to  observe,  that 
the  great  emban-assment  presented  by  an  uninstructed 
Deaf-mute  in  approaching  the  Sacraments  arises  from  the 
difficulty  of  ascertaining  what  may  be  his  knowledge  of 
the  principal  mysteries,  and  how  he  may  be  otherwise 
disposed.  He  accordingly  opens  out  the  inquiry  wliich 
this  difficulty  demands,  and  beginning  with  the  Sacrament 
of  Penance,  he  asks  the  following  questions  on  the  part  of 
the  Confessor: — 

First.  How  fur  can  a  Confessor  presume  upon  an 
uninstnicted  Deaf-nnite's  possession  of  sufficient  rehgious 
knowledge  for  the  Sacrament  of  Penance? 

Secondly.  How  far  may  the  Confessor  presume  on  his 
having  contrition  for  his  sins  ? 

Thirdly.  How  far  the  poor  Deaf-mute  penitent,  not 
being  able  to  write,  can  yet  make  to  a  Priest  who  does  not 
understand  his  signs,  a  confession  sufficient  for  absolution  ? 

Fourthly.  How  can  the  Confessor  assign  him  a  penance  ? 

The  Dissertation  takes  up  these  questions  in  order,  and 
beginning  with  the  first  it  lays  down  the  proposition,  that 

1  Browne  &  Nolan,  Nassau-street,  Dublin. 


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38  The  Deaf  and  Dumb, 

"a  Deaf -mute  brought  up  in  a  Christian  family  practising 
their  religious  duties,  is  to  he  presumed ,  after  liaxnng  come  to 
the  yea7*s  of  discretion,  to  po!<sess  an  amount  of  religious 
knowledge  absolutely  sufficient  for  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  J"* 
This  proposition  the  Author  argues  out  at  considerable 
length,  his  reasoning  bringing  to  the  surface  the  result  of 
paiieut  and  deep  reflection,  as  well  as  the  closest 
observation;  and  it  is  more  than  interesting  to  see 
how  he  makes  it  appear,  that  the  technical  proofs 
which  cost  us  so  much  diflftculty  to  construct  in  the  study 
of  metaphysics  to  prove  the  existence  of  God,  are  found 
imbedded,  at  least  substantially,  in  the  human  mind  from 
the  earliest  development  of  our  reasoning  faculties.  As  a 
specimen  of  the  reasoning  he  pursues,  the  following  will, 
we  think,  prove  both  interesting  and  instructive : — 

"  With  this  supematurnl  work  going  on  within  us  concurred  a 
natural  agency,  which  we  all  feel  in  the  midst  of  our  interior, 
and  the  working  of  which  goes  farther  back  than  we  can  recollect. 
It  is  that  ever -busy,  that  never-to-be-satisfied  curiosity  which 
at  every  moment,  upon  every  occasion,  aud  in  reference  to  every- 
thing, asks  with  devouring  avidity  the  two  questions.  '  Why  ' 
and  *  Whence  ' — questions  which  are  at  the  bottom  of  all  science 
and  all  discoveries  in  the  religious  order,  as  well  as  in  the  order  of 
nature. 

"  *  Why  ?*  We  are  always  asking  ourselves  this  question,  from 
the  very  dawn  of  reason,  and  at  every  stage  of  life,  and  in  every 
degree  of  intellectual  development,  and,  in  our  endeavours  to 
answer  it,  we  are  solving  problems  as  they  come  before  our 
minds,  aud  tracing  out  tii^st  principles.  Directing  our  *  Why  '  to 
the  subject  of  religion,  we  exercised  it  in  reference  to  the  habits 
and  practices  of  our  parents  and  those  aroimd  us.  We  saw  them 
blessing  themselves — we  saw  them  going  on  their  knees — we 
saw  their  lips  moving  in  prayer — we  observed  their  supernatural 
expression  of  countenance ;  and  all  this  asked  with  insatiable 
importunity  the  question  '  Why  ?  '  We  saw  them  at  other  times 
put  on  a  reverential  comitenance,  use  a  solemn  tone  of  voice,  raise 
up  their  eyes,  and  perhaps  their  hands  to  Heaven,  with  vai-ious 
expressions,  which  we  well  obsen^ed  had  come  from  their  hearts, 
and  in  noticing  these  things  we  felt  our  earnest  inquirer  within 
us  asking  *  Why  ? '  We  saw  them  going  to  Mass  on  Sundays 
and  other  days,  and  frequenting  the  Sacraments  ;  we  looked 
about,  and  everything  we  saw  put  to  us  the  ever-recurring 
question,  *  Why.' 

"  Wemight  extend  the  examples  beyond  limit,  but  enough  to  show 
how  the  ever  active  sense  of  curiasity  Ims  been  working  within  our 
interior  from  our  very  childhood,  and  acquiring  a  knowledge  of 
religion  by  seeking  out  answers  to  its  ceaseless  inquiries  as  to  the 


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*  Why  ? '  or  the  reason  of  all  these  religious  acts  that  came  un  Jer 
our  constant  observation,  leadino;  us  step  by  step  to  know  God,  as> 
the  first  Beginning  and  last  End  of  all  things. 

**  And  are  we  to  put  the  poor  Deaf  and  Dnrab  aside,  and 
say  that  he  has  no  share  in  this  curiosity,  that  he  dc  e» 
not  feel  the  question  *  Why  ? '  knocking  at  the  door  of  the 
rational  soul  which  he  has  from  his  Creator?  We  are  rather 
to  come  to  the  contrary  conclusion,  that  centred  so  much  more 
than  others  in  himself,  his  curiosity  is  more  busy  and  exacting, 
and  bis  eyes  doing  the  functions  to  a  certain  extent  of  the 
ears,  he  pursues  his  *  Why  '  with  greater  earnestness,  and  there- 
fore with  greater  success,  as  to  everything  that  comes  under  his 
ab»ervation.  He  consequently,  instead  of  being  in  a  state  of 
inferiority,  has  actually  an  advantage  in  his  privations  for  the 
acquisition  of  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  things  appertaining  to 
God,  so  far  as  such  knowledge  is  derived  from  the  source  we  are 
contemplating. 

^  *  Whenck  ? '  This  is  the  second  question  our  curiosity  per- 
petually asks.  Looking  at  thing>j  beginning,  progressing,  and 
coming  to  an  end,  seeing  things  in  motion  »nd  undergoing  con- 
stant change,  we  feel  an  inextinguishable  curiosity  to  get  at  the 
beginning,  the  origin  and  source,  and  we  therefore  unceasingly 
ask  the  question  *  Wiiexce  ?'  We  see  generation  succeeding 
generation  in  the  animal  and  vegetable  world — ^we  see  the  water 
running  in  its  course — ^we  say  there  must  have  been  some  begin- 
ning, some  source,  some  origin  of  all  this,  and  we  perpetually  ask 

*  Whence  ?  '  This  curiosity  belongs  to  every  age,  and  every 
stage  of  mental  development,  and  it  commences  with  the  earliest 
dawn  of  reason. 

"I  read  some  time  ago  of  rather  an  amusing  instance  of 
the  exercise  of  this  curiosity.  A  would-be  unbeliever  was 
spending  an  evening  with  a  friend  somewhere  in  France. 
There  was  an  interesting  child  in  the  family  who  attracted  the 
visitor's  notice.  He  accordingly  lavished  his  kindnesses  upon 
her,  and  it  so  happened  that  an  e<^^  being  within  view,  it  was 
made  the  subject  of  their  chit-chat  conversation. 

" '  Do  you  know,*  asked  the  gentleman,  *  how  an  egg  is 
produced?* 

**  *  O  yes,*  replied  the  little  respondent,  *  it  comes  from  a  hen, 
does  it  not  ?  * 

"  *  Yes,'  said  he  ;  and  then  proposing  to  have  some  amusement 
by  puzzling  her,  he  asked,  *  and  the  hen  herself,  what  does  she 
come  from?' 

*'  The  child  replied  at  once,  *  From  an  eggj* 

**  At  this  stage  the  conversation  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
company,  and  the  mamma,  a  good  Christian  mother,  felt  not  a 
fiUk  uncomfortable  to  see  her  little  one  in  such  hands.  He,  how- 
ever, seeing  that  he  had  all  ears  engaged,  repeated  his  puzzle. 


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40  The  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

** '  Is  it  not  very  queer — an  egg  from  a  hen  and  a  hen  from  aff 

"  For  the  moment  slie  was  upset,  and  all  was  suspense,  but  the 
curiosity  of  *  Whence  *  must  be  satisfied,  and  after  a  little,  with 
an  animated  naivete  exhibiting  alike  her  innocence  and  intelligence, 
the  child  recovering  herself  said — 

**  *  But,  Sir,  one  of  them  must  have  been  first ;  which  ?  tell  me.* 

*'  The  unbelieving  friend  felt  embarrassed  in  turn,  but  to  keep  up 
appearances  he  affected  to  laugh,  as  if  enjoying  the  amusement  of 
having  puzzled  the  child.  She,  however,  pressed  the  question, 
and  all  was  attention  as  she  asked  again  and  again,  *  Which  was 
first,  the  egg  or  the  hen  ? ' 

"  He  must  answer,  and  says  at  length,  '  The  egg,  my  dear,  the 
egg,  cf  course,  was  first' 

"  Whereupon,  seizing  his  answer,  she  immediately  followed  it 
up  by  asking — 

**  *  And  then,  the  egg  itself — how  did  It  come  there  ?  * 

**  His  unbelief  would  not,  of  course,  give  a  divine  origin  to  the 
egg,  and  trying  to  evade  the  difficulty  and  baffle  the  little  inquirer, 
he  said — 

"*  O,  beg  pardon,  I  should  have  said  the  hen — the  hen  first; 
yes,  the  hen  was  first,  and  then  the  egg.' 

*'  The  shuffle  was  too  transparent,  and  urged  on  by  the  prompt- 
ings of  her  curiosity  to  know  '  Whence  '  as  to  the  egg  or  the 
then,  she  said — 

"  '  But  the  hen  herself,  if  she  were  first,  how  did  she  come 
there  ? ' 

"  He  is  completely  nonplussed,  but  to  wriggle  out  of  his  emoar- 
rassment.  he  replied — 

*' '  My  dear,  that  is  your  own  puzzle  ;  I  will  leave  you  to  your- 
self to  answer  it. ' 

'*  *  I  think,'  said  the  little  one,  '  the  hen  was  first,  and  that 
IT  WAS  God  that  made  her.' 

''  The  company  could  no  longer  restrain  themselves,  and  there 
was  a  buoyant  cheer  and  a  hearty  chip  for  the  unconscious 
disputant,  to  the  inexpressible  confusion  of  the  philosophic  free- 
thinker. 

"  Thus  it  is  that  the  Divine  words  are  often  exemplified,  *  Out 
of  the  nwuih  of  infants  and  of  sucklings  Thou  hast  perfected 
praise,  because  of  Thy  enemies.'*  (Ps,  viii.  3.)  Thus  it  is  that  the 
indefatigable  inquiry  *  Whence'  works  its  way,  beginning  with 
the  first  unfolding  of  our  intelligence,  and  evolving  unconsciously 
from  the  most  tender  years  the  philosophic  argument  '  ex  entibus 
contingentibus,*  which  gave  us  so  much  trouble  to  put  into 
technical  form  in  our  philosophical  studies. 

''And  is  not  the  Deaf-mute  as  curious  as  the  hearing  and 
speaking  child?  Rather  more  so,  on  account  precisely  of  not 
hearing  or  speaking.     He  sees  all  that  his  brothers  and  sisters 


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The  Deaf  and  Dumb.  41 

And  his  little  neighbours  see.  He  pees  more  even  than  they, 
his  vision  making  up  to  a  certain  degree  for  his  deficiencies 
otherwise,  and  whilst  he  devours  in  a  manner  all  he  sees, 
his  insatiable  curiosity  within  applying  all  the  powers  of 
his  mind  to  this  raw  material,  as  it  may  be  called,  that  he  has 
received  from  without,  he  works  it  up  by  the  various  intellectual 
operations  of  attention,  comparison,  abstraction,  and  generalization 
that  are  going  on,  although  often  unconsciously,  in  all  minds 
and  producing  our  stock  of  rational  knowledge.  Add  to  all  this 
his  communications  with  father  and  mother,  with  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  all  around,  and  their  particular  attention  to  him, 
which,  indeed,  is  sometimes  excessive,  considering,  at  the  same 
time,  that  they  have  access  to  his  mind  by  the  conventional  signs, 
which  have  come  from  the  participation  of  a  common  life  with 
him,  the  effect  must  be  a  sharing  on  his  pai*t  with  those  of  his 
own  age  in  mental  cultivation  and  progress,  according  as  their 
minds  are  being  developed  and  acquire  knowledge.  And  in  this 
communication  of  mind  with  mind,  will  not  the  mind  of  the  Deaf- 
mute  child  go  up  to  its  Creator  as  to  the  original  '  Whence  '  of 
all  thing?,  as  well  as  the  minds  of  his  young  associates  with  whom 
he  lives  his  daily  life  ?  " 

Having  replied  to  the  foiir  questions  already  mentioned, 
the  Author  disposes  of  a  variety  of  objections  commonly 
made  to  his  positions.  After  this  he  proceeds  to  the  other 
Sacraments,  delaying  considerably  on  the  Blessed  Eucharist, 
to  show,  from  the  institution  of  this  adorable  mystery, 
from  the  teaching  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  traditional  doctrine, 
and  practice  of  the  Church  from  the  beginning,  how  the 
claim  he  advocates  is  established  on  the  most  solid  footing. 

The  Author,  however,  desires  throughout  that  the  case 
he  states  be  kept  steadily  in  view  according  to  the  terms 
in  which  he  lays  it  down ;  and  he  is  careful  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  case  of  the  poor  Deaf-mute  brought  up  in  a 
family  careless  as  to  their  religious  duties,  whose  parents 
fatally  considered  him  not  to  be  a  subject  for  any  religious 
practice,  and  who,  therefore,  resigned  himself  to  this  false 
and  sad  position,  allowing  himself  as  an  outcast  from  human 
society  to  be  spoiled  and  befooled  as  he  was  growing  up, 
and  so  continumg  through  life  an  object,  at  best,  of  sterile 
compassion,  but  utteriy  neglected  as  if  the  poor  creature 
had  neither  a  God  to  serve  nor  a  soul  to  save. 

For  these  poor  children  of  affliction  the  Author  has, 
nevertheless,  words  of  consolation,  and  he  points  out  how, 
notwithstanding  the  way  in  which  they  have  been 
neglected,  and  discarded,  and  spoiled,  they  can  still  be 
recovered  and  restored  to  the  rights  of  their  Baptism  in  the 


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42  The  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

participation  of  the  Sacraments.  This  portion  of  tho 
Pamphlet,  as  being  quite  distinct,  we  will  reserve  for  future 
notice. 

Having  treated  of  those  poor  outcasts  at  considerable 
length,  and  with  gi'eat  practical  effect,  the  Author  takes  up 
the  cause  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  children  at  home,  before 
they  are  sent  to  the  Institution,  and  shows  what  parents  can 
do,  and  are  therefore  bound  to  do  for  thera  whilst  in  their 
hands.  As  he  observes,  there  may  be  some  delay  in  obtaining 
admission  into  the  Institution,  which  though  through  God's 
goodness  and  the  bounty  of  a  generous  Catholic  public,  the 
largest  in  the  world,  is  incapable  of  receiving  more  than 
one-half  of  the  Deaf  Mutes  who»  according  to  ascertained 
statistics,  are  of  a  school  age  in  the  country ;  and,  con- 
sequently, a  moiety  of  these  poor  objects  must  be  deprived 
of  the  advantages  of  a  systematic  education.  On  this 
account  he  urges  the  parents  to  do  all  they  can  for  their  poor 
Deaf  and  Dumb  off*spring,  as  if  they  were  never  to  be 
admitted  into  the  Institution. 

In  this  portion  of  his  Dissertation  the  Author  would 
address  himself  in  tei-ms  of  earnest  sympathy  to  the  parents 
themselves,  pointing  out  tt>  them  their  duty, and  exhorting 
them  to  employ  the  means  he  lays  down  in  detail  for  its 
fulfilment.     He  speaks  as  follows : — 

"  From  spcakiog  at  such  length  of  the  uninstructed  and  adult 
Deaf-mute,  I  come  now  to  speak  of  tho  Deaf-mnte  child.  I  would 
address  myself  to  the  parents  immediately,  and  say  to  them,  '  I 
sympathize  with  you  most  earnestly,  and  feel  with  you,  that  you 
have,  humanly  speakinij,  a  great  family  calamity.  But  you  are 
Christians,  and  you  will  lift  up  your  thoughts  on  high,  and  think 
that  it  is  God  Himself  that  has  sent  you  this  dear  little  one, 
Deaf  and  Dumb  though  he  is.  Listen  to  His  own  words — '  Who 
made  mans  mouth  f  or  who  made  the  Dumb  and  the  Deaf?  Did 
not  I  f* — E.Tod,  iv.  11.  Joint  parents,  therefore,  as  you  are,  say 
together,  and  say  to  God,  *  Thy  will  be  done.*  You  will  not  be 
satisfied  with  a  mere  act  of  resignation  to  the  Divine  will,  but 
considering  God  is  good  and  merciful  in  what  He  wills,  although 
for  the  moment  we  may  not  see  it,  you  will  say  to  each  other,  God 
has  intended  a  blessing  for  us  in  this  dear  child,  and  let  us  lift  up 
our  hearts  to  Him  and  thank  his  Divine  goodness.'  I  knew  a 
good  mother  who  had  an  idiot  cliild,  and  taking  a  Christian  view 
of  the  poor  creature,  she  accepted  it.  and  regarded  it  as  *  the 
blessing'  of  her  family.  It  engaged,  therefore,  more  of  her 
attention  than  the  otlier  children,  and  God  repaid  her  richly  in  the 
multiplied  blessings  lie  poured  down  upon  her  and  her  whole  house. 

"  When  your  little  one  begins  to  notice  things  as  they  come 


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within  its  view,  the  time  is  come  for  you,  its  raotlier,  to  begin  the 
forming  of  its  heart  and  the  training  of  its  aflFections.  God 
Almighty  has  made  our  countenances  and  particularly  our  eyes 
the  mirrors  of  our  souls,  and  it  is  from  the  looks  of  the  motlier 
and  of  its  nurse  the  child  receives  its  first  impressions  and  the 
first  moulding  of  its  heart.  This  is  more  especially  so  for  the 
Deaf  and  Dumb  child,  as  on  account  of  its  privations  it  is  les» 
distracted  than  other  children,  and  therefore  exerts  the  eyes  all 
the  more  to  gather  meaning  from  the  looks  of  others.  As  the 
mother,  therefore,  of  your  child,  begin  at  the  earliest  moment  to 
speak  to  it  by  your  looks,  and  speak  to  it  according  to  the  affec- 
tions of  a  Christian  heart;  and  you,  father,  join  your  wife  in  this 
exercise  of  parental  affection  and  duty  towards  your  common 
ofiEspring. 

*'  Later  on,  yon  will  follow  up  your  task  by  gestures,  recollecting 
that,  even  with  your  speaking  children,  your  first  language  is 
gestures,  and  you  will  find  that  you  and  your  child  will  imderstand 
each  other  nearly  as  well  as  the  other  children  upon  all  the  little 
matters  their  minds  are  capable  of  taking  account  of.  Your  other 
children  will  join  yr>u,  and  help  yon  in  this  Deaf-mute  language 
with  their  little  brother  or  sister,  and  he  or  she  will  thus  become 
the  little  idol  of  the  house. 

**  You  will  accompany  your  signs  and  gestures  with  words, 
merely  moving  your  lips,  as  if  whispering,  your  little  one  looking  at 
your  lips,  and  at  the  same  time  looking  at  your  signs  and  gestures. 
By  this  practice  your  child  will  come  by  degrees  to  understand  your 
words.  Make  the  other  children  do  the  same.  This  is  a  matter  of 
the  greatest  importance.  I  knew  a  man  who  was  quite  deaf,  so  as 
not  to  hear  the  loudest  sound,  but  he  could  speak,  having  lost 
his  hearing  some  time  during  life.  lie  and  his  wife  could  converse 
upon  any  subject,  she  merely  articulating  the  words  in  the  lowest 
voice,  which  he  understootl  most  correctly  from  the  habit  of 
observing  the  motion  of  her  lips.  This  is  called  lip-reading,  and 
it  is  practised  as  a  system  in  several  schools  for  the  Deaf  and 
Dumb. 

•*  All  along,  keep  away  from  your  minds,  both  father  and  mother, 
that  hearing  is  necessary  in  order  to  obtain  entrance  into  your 
child's  mind.  Sight-seeing  is  to  do  double  work  for  it,  the  work 
of  the  ears  as  well  as  that  of  the  eyes.  Especially  bear  in  mind 
that  hearing,  however  utFefuI,  is  not  absolutely  necessary  for  your 
child  to  know,  love,  and  serve  its  God,  who  gave  it  to  you,  as  it  is,. 
Deaf  and  Dumb.  Therefore,  as  soon  as  it  is  able  to  govern  the 
motion  of  its  own  little  right  hand,  train  it  to  make  the  sign  of 
the  Cross,  and  defend  itself  '  bt/  this  shield  of  faith  against  the 
Jierif  darts  of  the  most  wicked  one.* — Ephes.  vi.  16.  Words  are 
not   necessary  for   this.     Also  teach   your   little    one   from    its^ 


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44  The  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

"  When  you,  his  mother,  say  your  own  prayers,  have  your  child, 
-as  soon  as  he  will  remain  steady,  to  kneel  hy  your  side.  His  poor 
mute  lips,  believe  me,  will  be  as  much  noticed  as  your  words  by 
that  good  God,  who  Himself  declares,  '  To  whom  shall  I  have 
respect  but  to  him  who  is  poor  and  little  ?* — Isaias  Ixvii.  1 — ^whilst 
He  complains  of  so  many  speaking  people  *  that  honour  Him  with 
their  lips,  hut  their  hearts  are  far  from  Him,* — Matt.  xv.  8.  At 
your  family  prayers  you  will  see  that  your  little  Deaf  and  Dumb 
one  is  always  in  attendance,  and  be  assured  that  He  who  has  said 
that  *  Where  two  or  three  are  gathered  in  My  name,  there  am  I  in 
the  midst  oj  them  *  {Matt,  xviii.  20),  will  take  special  notice  of 
him  or  her,  as  He  always  did  when  on  earth,  with  regard  to  the 
Deaf  and  Dumb.  The  closed  lips  will  be  no  hindrance  to  the 
mercy  of  that  bountiful  Father,  '  Who  knoweth  what  is  needful 
for  us,  before  we  ask  Him ' — Matt,  vi.  7.,  and  has  declared  by  His 
prophet,  ^  And  it  will  be  before  they  call  1  will  hear,^ — Ps.  Ixv.  25. 

*'  Your  child  is  now  able  to  run  about,  to  go  out  and  in.  You 
will  send  him  out  with  his  brothers  and  sisters  Xo  share  in  their 
recreations  and  amusements.  They  can  have  little  plays,  in  which 
he  can  have  part,  and  take  care  that  they  do  not  put  him  aside. 
As  soon  as  he  will  be  capable,  send  him  upon  little  messages,  and 
receive  his  account,  as  he  will  give  it  to  you  by  gestures,  of  all  he 
has  seen  on  the  way  ;  and  your  manner  on  all  such  occasions  is  to 
be  most  kind  and  encouraging.  But,  observe  to  keep  him  away 
from  naughty  companions,  who  would  spoil  and  befool  the  dear 
poor  creature.  You  will  take  him  with  you  yourself  when  visiting 
friends  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  make  him  salute  his  friends  and 
neighbours  as  he  meets  them.  Especially  if  you  meet  the  Priest, 
you  will  have  him  trained  to  the  usual  form  of  reverence,  and  you 
will  engage  the  Priest's  kind  notice  of  him,  telling  him  how  intelli- 
gent the  little  creature  is,  how  he  blesses  himself,  joins  you  in 
prayer,  and  that  you  hope  to  have  him  prepared,  in  due  time,  to  go 
to  Confession,  and  to  receive  Confirmation  when  the  Bishop  will 
<;ome  round  on  Visitation.  Then  ask  the  Priest  to  give  him  his 
blessing. 

"  Bring  him  to  Mass  as  soon  as  any  of  the  other  children,  and 
keep  him  by  you,  and  both  you  and  your  husband,  as  well  as  your 
other  children,  will  satisfy  his  pious  curiosity  ^terwards  about 
everything,  especially  about  the  Elevation  and  Holy  Communion. 
Remember  that  the  piety  and  reverential  demeanour  of  the  people 
will  instruct  him  belter  than  all  the  words  in  the  world  apart  from 
such  example,  for,  as  St.  Bernard  says  so  well,  *  I^ouder  is  the 
^ound  of  works  than  of  words.* 

•*  He  is  now  at  an  age  to  go  to  school.  Send  him,  by  all  means, 
with  the  other  children.  You  will  try  to  interest  the  Master 
particularly  in  his  regard.  Make  him  understand  that  there  is  no 
mystery  in  teaching  the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  and  that  with  a  little 
pains  and  superintendence  on  his  part  the  work  can  go  on  by  the 
kind  services  of  the  other  scholars. 


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The  Deaf  and  Dumb.  45 

"There  are  ^ve  tasks  or  courses  to  be  accomplished  in  the 
foUowiDg  order  : — First,  the  alphabet ;  second,  objects  ;  third, 
qoalities  or  kinds  of  objects  ;  fourth,  acts  ;  fifth,  numbers." 

After  having  taken  the  ordinary  school  teacher  through 
these  five  courses  of  elementary  teaching,  the  Author  shows 
how  he  is  to  convey  speculative  and  moral  ideas  to  the 
mind  of  his  little  pupil,  after  which,  addressing  the  parents, 
he  says  to  them : — 

*'  The  time  hns  now  arrived  when  you  should  be  thinking  of 
sending  him  to  the  Institution  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb.  By  all 
means,  send  him  as  soon  as  you  can.  But  there  may  be  some 
difficulty  and  delay,  and,  therefore,  attend  most  earnestly  to  the 
advice  I  am  going  to  give  you.  It  is,  that  you  are  yourselves, 
father  and  mother,  to  whom  I  am  speaking,  to  do  everything  for 
your  child  that  you  can  do  for  him,  up  to  the  moment  you  place 
him  in  the  Institution,  just  as  if  there  were  no  such  Institution  in 
the  world,  or  as  if  it  were  impossible  to  get  him  admitted  into  the 
Institution  so  happily  existing  in  Ireland.  The  reasons  are,  because 
you  can  teach  him  yourselves,  and  therefore  you  are  bound  to  do 
all  you  can  to  bring  him  up  in  the  knowledge,  fear,  and  love  of 
God  as  well  as  your  other  children,  and  to  do  everything  else  for 
him  that  you  are  bound  to  do  for  them.  In  the  next  place,  if  you 
neglect  him,  in  the  idea  that  the  Institution  will  do  everything  for 
him,  you  will  have  spoiled  him  before  you  can  have  him  admitted : 
and  finally,  it  may  happen  that  ho  may  not  be  admitted  at  all,  and 
then  what  is  to  become  of  him,  and  how  can  you  stand  before  your 
God  to  account  for  your  neglect  ? 

*'  Therefore,  from  the  commencement,  bring  him  up  in  every 
way  you  can,  as  if  he  were  never  to  have  the  advantage  of  an 
Institution :  and  having  done  for  him  all  we  have  pointed  out 
already,  you  will  prepare  your  dear  child  in  due  time  for 
Coiffession.  His  Confessions  for  some  time  will  be  easy, 
like  those  of  other  children,  and  he  will  so  prepare  himself  to 
make  his  Confession  in  regular  form  when  necessary.  You  will 
have  an  understanding  with  the  Priest  beforehand,  and  you  will 
send  the  dear  child  with  his  slate  and  pencil  to  the  Holy  Tribunal. 
On  the  slate  you  will  write  any  faults  you  have  observed  in  him, 
in  the  manner  we  have  seen  in  an  earlier  part  of  this  Dissertation, 
and  the  Confessor  will  write  the  penance,  which  you  will  see  your 
child  perform.  If  he  still  be  with  you,  and  be  of  an  age  for 
Confirmation,  present  him,  by  all  means,  to  the  Bishop  through 
your  Parish  Priest.  Have  him  also  prepared  as  well  as  possible, 
at  the  usual  age,  for  his  First  Communion,  and  do  not  postpone 
this  the  greatest  duty  of  early  life  beyond  the  time  for  your  other 
children. 

**  If  your  Deaf-mute  child  be  a  little  girl,  you  will  do  everything 
for  her  in  the  same  way,  and  the  schoolmistress  will  do  all  that  wo 


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46  Liturgical  Questions. 

.have  said  respecting  the  schoolmaster  in  the  supposition  of  the 
child  being  a  little  boy.  In  a  word,  do  everything,  and  have 
everything  done  at  home  that  can  be  done,  just  as  if  your  child 
should  never  go  to  an  Institution,  and  remember  constantly  that 
you  can  do  at  home^  or  have  done  at  home,  all  that  is  necessary  for 
its  salvation,  and  that  you  are  bound  before  God  to  all  this  by  your 
obligations  as  parents  of  the  child  He  has  given  into  your  charge, 
and  for  whom,  as  well  for  your  other  children,  our  merciful 
Saviour  has  bled  and  died." 

The  Author  addresses  in  the  end  some  words  of  advice 
respecting  children  who  have  had  the  advantage  of  educa- 
tion and  training  in  the  Institution  with  a  view  to  their 
perseverance,  and  closes  as  follows : — 

"  It  only  remains  that,  as  friends  of  the  poor  Deaf  and  Dumb, 
we  lo"»k  for  the  blessed  hope  and  coming  of  the  glory  of  the  Groat 
God,  and  Our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  when,  as  neither  moumin^^, 
nor  crying,  nor  sorrow  shall  be  any  more ;  so  shall,  all  bodily 
deficiencies  have  passed  away,  and  we  shall  all  meet  unto  a  perfect 
man,  unto  the  measure  of  the  age  of  the  fulness  of  Christ,  when 
^the  ears  of  the  Deaf  shall  be  unstopped,  and  the  tongue  of  the 
Dumb  shall  be  free '  (Isaias  xxxv.  6,  6),  to  join  in  the  glorious 
concert  of  thousands  and  thouj^ands,  saying  with  a  loud  voice,  *'  The 
Lamb  that  was  slain  is  worthy. to  receive  j^ower,  and  divinity,  and 
ivisdom,  and  strength,  and  honour,  and  glory  and  benediction,  for  ever 
and  ever.     Amen,*' — Apoc.  v.  12,  13. 

We  hope  to  return  in  an  early  issue  upon  our  review  of 
this  most  important  Dissertation,  involving,  as  it  does,  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  thousands  of  our  fellow-creatures,  in 
order  to  present  the  case  of  the  adult  uneducated  Deaf  and 
Dumb. 

Editor. 


LITURGICAL  DECREES. 

I. 

Proper  Mass  for  the  occasion  of  Laying  the  Foundation  Stone 
and  of  the  Dedication  of  a  New  Church. 

I.  The  proper  Mass  for  the  occasion  of  laying  the 
foundation  stone  of  a  New  Church  is  the  Mass  of  the  Saint 
selected  as  its  future  Pati'on,  except  on  the  more  solemn 
feasts  of  the  year.  It  is  to  be  celebrated,  whether  sung  or 
only  read,  aa  a  solemn  Votive  Mass,  excluding  all  com- 
memorations. The  bishop,  or  a  priest,  may  celebrate  on 
the  occasion* 


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Liturgical  Questions,  47 

II.  The  Mass  of  the  Patron,  under  the  rite  of  a  solemn 
Votive  Mafis,  is  also  the  suitable  one  for  the  occasion  of  the 
blessing  of  a  New  Church. 

III.  On  the  occasion  of  the  Consecration  of  an  altar  or 
church,  the  proper  Mass  is  that  marked  in  the  missal  '*  for 
the  day  of  the  Dedication  of  a  Church  or  Altar,"  except  on 
the  more  solemn  feasts  of  the  year,  when  a  commemoration 
of  the  Consecration  is  to  be  made  in  the  Mass  sub  unica 
conclumone. 

Decreta. 
I. 

Pontificale  Rom.  habct  sub  fine  tituli,  De  henedictione  et  impost- 
Hone  primaHi  lapidis  pro  JBccksia  aedificandft : — **  His  expletis 
(Episcopus).  si  velit,  parat  se  ad  celebrandam  Missani  in  dicto  loco, 
de  Sancto  in  cujus  nomine  Ecclesia  fundatur  " — Quaeritur  : — 

l^  Adsuntne  dies,  in  quibus  talis  Missa  uti  prohibitu  habenda 
est? 

2^.  Haec  Missa,  sive  canatur,  sive  legatur,  quo  ritu  celebranda 
est,  scilicet,  ut  votiva  solcmnis  pro  re  gavi,  exclusa  omni  com- 
memoratione,  an  ut  votiva  privata  ? 

3^  Si  Episcopus  nolit  tamen  Missam  eelebrare,  potestne  illam 
alius  sacerdos  eelebrare  ? 

S.R.C.  resp  :— 

Quoad  l*",  Affirmative,  scilicet  dies  infra  annum  solemniores. 

Quoad  2"".  Afiimuitive  ad  primam  partem  ;  netjative  ad  secundum. 

Quoad  3*",  Affirmative.  ^28  Febr.  1884. 

II. 

Bituale  Romanum  titulo,  Ititus  bencdicendi  not-nm  Ecclesiam, 
praecipit,  ut  peracta  benedictione — "  dicatur  Missa  de  tempore  vel 
de  Sancto  *' — Quaeritur  : — 

1°.  De  quo  Sancto  celebranda  erit  haec  Missa,  scilicet  de  Sancto 
occurrente,  an  de  Sancto,  in  cujus  honorem  dedicatur  Ecclesia  ? 

2**.  Qnatenus  negative  ad  primam  partem,  affirmative  ad 
secnndam,  quo  ritu  celebranda  est,  ut  in  secundo  quaesito  dubii 
praecedentis  ? 

S.R.C.  resp.  :— 

Quoad  l*™,  Negative  ad  primam  partem,  Affirmative  ad  secundanu 

Quoad  2'*",  ut  in  jmmo  duhio  ad  2"™. 

in. 

Peracta  consecratione  alicujus  Ecclesiae,  vel  Altaris,  in  Ponti- 
ficali  Romano  praescribitur  ut  dicatur  Missa  prout  notatur  in 
Missali — "in  ipsa  die  dedicationis  Ecclesiae  vel  altaris"— 
Qoaeritor : — 

1**.  In  hac  Missa,  sive  agatur  de  consecratione  Ecclesiae,  sive 
altaris,  debentue  fieri  illae  commemorationes,  quae  ne  in  duplicibuB 


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48  Liturgical  Questions, 

quidem  priraae  classis  omittuntur,  uti  de  Dominica,  de  Feria 
privilegiata,  etc,  ? 

2^  Licetne  celebrare  talem  Missam  in  utroque  casu  exposito,. 
in  omnibus  anni  diebus,  nullo  excepto  ? 

3**.  Si  aliqui  dies  excipiimtur,  in  Missa  diei,  debetne  saltern  fieri 
commemoratio  Dedicationis  ? 

S.RC.  resp,  :— 

Quoad  1"»,  Negative. 

Quoad  2*™,  Negative^  juxta  Rubricas  et  decreta. 

Quoad  3*™,  Affirmative  sub  unica  conclusione. 

II. 

Proper  Mass  for  a  Special  Want. 

If  a  Bishop  wish  to  celebrate  a  solemn  Votive  Mass  on 
the  occasion  of  some  public  and  pressing  want,  for  which, 
however,  no  special  Mass,  but  only  a  Collect,  is  provided 
in  the  missal,  as,  for  example,  ad  pluriam  petendanij  ad 
postulandam  serenitatem,  he  should  take  the  ]\Iass  pro 
quacunque  necessitate,  adding  the  special  Collect  suh  unica 
conclusione, 

Decreta. 

1°.  Occurrente  aliqua  grr.vi  et  urgente  necessitate,  pro  qua  nulla 
Missa  specialis  in  Missali  notatur,  sed  adest  tantum  collecta, 
ex.  gr.  ad  petendam  pluviam,  ad  postulandam  serenitatem,  etc.,  si 
in  his  rerum  adjunctis  Episcopus  vellet  Missam  solemnem  pro  re 
gravi  celebrare,  quam  missam  dicere  deberet  ? 

2^  Quod  si  haec  missa  esset  ilia  pro  quacumque  necessitate,  et 
substituere  collectam  particularis  necessitatis,  quae  urget;  an 
retenta  ilia,  addere  et  banc  sub  unica  conclusione  ? 

S.R.C.  resp. : — 

Quoad  1*™ ,  in  easu  dicenda  foret  Missa  pro  quacumque  neces^ 
sitate. 

Quod  2*".  Negative  ad  primam  partem  ;  .4ffirmative,  ad 
secundam. 

III. 
^Votive  Masses  of  the  B,  Virgin  and  of  the  S,  Heart  of  Jesus, 

The  Mass  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  Gaudens 
gaudebo,  is  not  included  in  the  prohibition  (12  Mart.  1678, 
m  Mexican,)^  which  forbids  the  celebration  of  the  Proper 
Masses  of  the  B.  Virgin  as  Votive  Masses. 

The  other  Masses  of  the  B.  Virgin,  such  as  those  of 
Mount  Carmel,  the  Rosary,  Our  Lady  of  Good  Counsel^ 
Help  of  Christians,  the  Purity,  &c.,  cannot  be  said  as 
Votive  Masses. 


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Liturgical  Questions.  49 

The  Mafls  of  the  S.  Heart  of  Jesus,  Miserebiiuvy  can  be 
said  as  a  Votive. 

Decreta. 

Sacra  Bituum  CoDgregatio  die  12  Martii  1C78  in  Mexicana  €td 
VJIL  decrevit ;  "  ut  Missae  propriae  Festiviiatem  Beatae  Mariae 
Virginis  non  possint  celebrari  uti  votivae."  Quaeritur : — 

1^  In  hac  prohibitione  includiturne  etiam  Missa  proximo  con- 
cessa  Lnmaculatae  Conceptionis  cujus  introitus  Gaudens  gaudebo  ? 

Katio  dubitandi  ex  eo  oritur  quod  post  Graduale  praedictae 
Mssae  inveniuntur  variationes  in  ipso  Graduali  faciendae,  prout 
dirersa  sunt  tempora  anni,  praemissis  verbis,  in  Missis  votivis, 

2^.  Missis  sub  variis  titulis  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis,  ex.  gr. 
Montis  Carmeli,  Smi.  Rosarii,  Boni  Consilii,  Auxilii  Christianorum, 
Puritatis  etc.,  comprehendunturue  in  regula  Festivitatum  ita  ut 
nunquam  dici  possint  uti  votivae  (exceptis  diebus  Octavae,  si 
habeant)  ? 

3°.  Item  Missa  Sacratissimi  Cordis  Jesu,  cujus  introitus  Miser* 
ebitur,  potestne  celebrari  ut  votiva  ? 

S.R.C,  resp.  : — 

Quoad  1"" .  Negative, 

Quoad  2"* .  Affirmative. 

Quoad  S^ .  Affirmative  juxta  decreta  in  Mechlin.  .  .  diei 
1  Septembris  1838  ad  HI™  et  in  cameracen  diei  11  Septembris 
1865  adV». 

IV. 

Privileged  Days  for  Requiem  Masses. 

T.  The  privilege  of  celebrating  a  Requiem  Mass,  even 

at  the  mere  request  of  relatives  or  friends,  the  testator  not 

having  provided  for  it,  on  the  privileged  days  (the  3rd,  7th, 

30th  and  Anniversary),  extends  to  double  major  feasts. 

II.  The  Octave  of  Christmas,  like  the  other  privileged 
Octaves,  excludes  the  Anniversary  Mass  de  Requiem. 

III.  A  Requiem  Anniversary  falling  in  one  of  the 
privileged  Octaves  is  transferred,  and  when  transferred,  the 
Requiem  Mass  may  be  celebrated  on  a  double  minor,  but 
not  on  a  double  major  feast. 

In  reckoning  the  2rd,  7th,  or  30th  day  for  a  privileged 
Requiem  Mass,  the  day  of  death,  or  of  burial,  may  be 
counted  or  not,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  particular 
Church. 

Peceeta. 

I. 

S.R.C.  decreto  diei  22  Martii,  1862,  in  una  Palmae  in  Balear 

(ad  2dam),  decrevit  quod  ^'  ad  celebrandam  Missam  de  Requiem  in 

duplici  non  impedito  diebus  8,  7,  ct  30  non  requirit  quod  defunctus 

VOL.  VL  D 


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50  Liturgital  Questions, 

sic  ordinaverit  in  suo  testamento,  sed  sufHcit  voluntas  con^an- 
guineorum,  amicorum,  vel  testamenti  executorum"  : — 

Quaeritur: — 1°.  Sub  verbis  Uuplici  non  impedito,  comprehen- 
diturne  etiam  festum  duplicis  majoris  ? 

2".  Quatenus  affirmative,  licetne  banc  decisioneni  retinere  etiam 
pro  funeribus  anniversariis  ad  petitioncm  Vivoruni,  non  relictis  a 
testatoribus  ? 

S.R.C.  resp: — 

Quoad  l*".  Ajjirmative ;  quoad  2*"  provisum  in  praecedenti. 

II. 

Plnries  S.R.C.  decrevit,  quod  in  Octavis  privilegiati* 
<!e!el»rare  non  liceat  Anniversaria  pro  defunctis. 

Quaeritur  :  praeter  Octavas  Epiphaniae,  Pascbatis,  Resurrec- 
tionis,  Pentecostee,  Corporis  Christi,  debetne  consider ari  uti 
privilegiata  etiam  Octava  Nativitatis  Dominicae  ita  ut  haec 
quoque  anniversarium  funus  excludat?  Dubiura  oritur  ex  quo 
Bcriptores  rerura  liturgicarum  de  hac  re  alii  aliter  sentiunt. 

S.R.C.  resp.  :  —AJfinnatue.  Sfrd  Febr.,  1884. 

III. 

1°.  Decrcto  S.C.R.  diei  O^Deiembris,  1701,  in  una  Bergomen. 
Ad  S*".  Statutum  fuit  ut  Anniversaria  pro  defunctis,  quae  in 
Octavas  privilegiatas  incedunt,  cum  post  praedictas  Octavas 
transferri  debeant,  privilegium  amittant,  ut  celebrari  possint  in 
duplici  majori. 

Quaeritur: — Quum  haec  tfnniversaria  celebrari  nequeant  in 
duplici  majori,  poteruntne  celebrari  saltern  in  duplici  minori  ? 

2"'.  Quatenus  affirmative  ad  primam  partem,  valetne  id  etiam 
pro  iis  anniversariis  quae  quum  in  Majorem  Hebdomadam 
inciderint,  past  Octavam  Pascbatis  celebranda  sunt  ? 

S.R.C.  resp.  .•— 

*•  Quoad  1*".  Affirmative,  Quoad  2**".  provisum  in  praece- 
denti." 28i-d  Febr.,  1884. 

IV. 

In  deteiminando  die  3,  7.  etc.,  quum  hie  dies  computari 
possit  vel  a  die  mortis  vel  a  die  depositionis. 

Quaeritur : — Dies  mortis,  vel  depositionis,  debetne  includi  an 
excludi  ?  ex,  gr, :  Si  depositio  fiat  primo  die  mensis,  et  quum  vtlit 
determinari  dies  tertius  a  depositione,  erit  dies  tertitis  an  quartus 
ejus  mensis. 

S.J^.C.  resp.: — **  Vtrcunque  servari  posse,  juxta  Ecclesiae 
consuetudinemy  Q.Srd  Febr.,  1884. 

V. 
Books  of  Church  Chant.    PusteVs  Private  Right  to  his  Edttious,. 

The  Sacred  Congregation  aeeerta  the  private  right  and 

Eroperty  which  the  celebrated  publisher,  Pustet,  of  Ratiebou, 
a8  in  the  editions  of  the  books  of  Church  chant  published 
by  him. 


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JJturglcal  Questions.  51 

Extracts  from  those  books  may  be  published,  with  the 
usual  imprimatur  and  approval  of  the  Ordinary,  provided 
Pustet's  right  ill  the  editions  be  duly  respected. 

Decretum. 

An.  stante  privilegio  ab  Apostolica  Sede  concesso  cl.  Equiti 
Frederico  Pustet  typographo  Ratisbonensi  pro  editione  Hbrorum 
choraliura  authenticonim  praesertim  Antiphonarii  et  Gradualis, 
neniini  liceat  ab  iisdem  libris  aliquam  partem  excerpore,  ac  separa- 
timevulgare? 

Itaque  S.R.C.  id  in  casu  declarandum  censuit  nimirum : 

Rins.  Episcopus  poterit  revidere  opus,  et  fideni  facere  de  con- 
corJantia  cum  Original!  approbato,  salvo  tamen  jure  typographi 
Pustet  privato  quoad  editionem. 

Komae  die  12  Februar'ii,  lb83. 

D.   CaUD.    B\11T0L1NIU8,    S.R.C. 

VI. 

DecUions  of  the  Congregation  of  Indulgences  regarding  the 

Benedictio  in  Articulo  Mortis. 

1.  This  Indulgence  can  be  given  only  in  vero  articulo 
mnrtisy  and  not  before  this  stage  of  sickness  has  been 
cert-ainly  reached. 

The  Congregation  seem  to  evade  the  adoption  of  the 
principle  that  this  Indulgence  can  be  given  w^henever  the 
Last  Sacraments  can  be  given,  that  is,  when  the  periculum 
mortis  is  prudently  and  reasonably  presumed  to  have  come. 

2.  The  Congregation  declares  that  Prinzivalli  is  in- 
correct when,  in  his  collection  of  Decrees,  he  represents  the 
Congregation  as  deciding  that  this  Indulgence  in  Articulo 
Mortis  may  be  received  more  than  once  in  the  same 
sickness,  wnether  from  the  same  or  diflferent  priests ;  and 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  decision  given  in  Pustet's 
Edition  of  the  Decreta  Authentica  Indulgentiarum  is  right, 
which  says  that  this  Indulgence  can  be  given  only  once  in 
the  same  sickness,  even  though  the  dying  person  have 
many  distinct  claims  to  it ;  for  instance,  as  an  Associate  of 
the  Confraternity  of  the  Rosary,  of  the  Scapular  of  Carmel, 
of  the  Holy  Trinity,  &c. 

Decreta. 
L 
An,  non  obstante  S.  C.  Indulgentiarum  declaratione  Q3  Aprllia, 
1G75,  qnae  habet.  "  Indulgentiam  Plenariam  in  articulo  mortis 
in  vera  tantum  articulo  accipiy'  haee  Indulgentia  seu  Benedictio 
Apost(>lica  (quaravis  in  vero  articulo  mortis  tantum  lucranda  ut 
supponitur)  impertiri  tamen  jam'  potest  siunil  ac  quis  versatur  in 
periculo  mortis  prudenter  existimato  seu  rationabiliter  pracsumptOi 


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52  Liturgical  Questions. 

ita  ut  servari  qucat  hie  existens  consuetude  eamdem  concedendi, 
quando  exeuntium  sacramenta  conferuntur,  sive  inagis  urgens 
periculum  expectari  possit,  sive  non  ? 

IL 

Quod  si  ad  1"™.  respond^jatur  negative,  an  saltern  in   dubio, 

utrum  Benedictio  Apostolica  di^bito  tempore  fiierit  eoncessa,  haec, 

urgente  magis  periculo,  iterari  potest  in  eadem  in6rmitate,  ideo  quod 

forte  prior  concessio  fuerit  invalida  ob  defectum  veri  morti3  articuli  ? 

in. 

In  una  ditionis  Belgicae  12  Martii,  1855,  legitur.  "  Cum 
Sacra  Congregatio  Indulgentiarum  in  una  Valentinen.  sub  die 
6  Februarii,  18-11.     Sequenti  dubio : — 

*'  Utrum  infirmus  pluries  lucrari  possit  Indulgentiam  plenariam 
in  mortis  articulo  a  pluribus  sacerdotibus  facultaten?  habentibus 
impertiendam  ? 

*'  Rebolutionem  dedisset :  Negative  in  eodem  mortis  articulo, 
exinde  quaeritur : 

**  1^  Utrum  vi  praecedentis  resolutionis  prohibitum  sit  infirmo 
in  eodem  mortis  periculo  permanenti,  inipertiri  pluries  ab  eodem  vel 
a  pluribus  sacerdotibus  banc  facultateni  habentibus  Indulgentiam 
Plenariam  in  articulo  mortis,  quae  vulgo  Benedictio  Papalis  dicitur  ? 

•'  2**.  Utrum  vi  ejusdem  resolutionis  item  prohibitum  sit 
impertiri  pluries  infirmo  in  iisdem  circumstantiis  ac  supra,  con- 
stitute Indulgentiam  plenariam  in  articulo  mortis  a  pluribus  sacer- 
dotibus banc  facultatem  a  diverse  capite  habentibus,  puta  ratione 
aggregationis  confraternitati  SSmi.  Eosarii,  Sacri  Scapularis  De 
Monte  Carmelo,  SSmae.  Trinitatis,  etc  ?" 

Ad  duo  haecdubiajuxta  coUectionem  Prinzivalli,  quae  authentica 
recognita  fuit.  Sacra  Congregatio  Indulgentiarum  respondit : — 

Ad  prinium  et  secundum  :  Negative,  firma  remanente  resolutione 
Valentinen.     Sub  die  5  Februarii,  1841. 

Juxta  authenticam  vero  coUectionem,  quae  anno  1883  prodiit 
Batisbonae,  eadem  Sacra  Congregatio  respondendum  censuit  : 

Affirmative  ad  ntrumque,  tirma  remanente  resolutione  in  una 
Valentinen.     Sub  die  5  Februarii,  1841. 

An  hoc  responsum  ultimum  ut  authenticum  habendum  est 
ita  ut  mutanda  veniat  praxis  Sacerdotum,  qui  solent  ex  diverse 
capite  Benedictionem  Apestolicam  in  eodem  mortis  aiticule  pluries 
impertiri  ? 

Sacra  Congregatio  Indulgentiarum  et  SS.  Reliquiarum  pro- 
positis  dubiis  respondit : 

Ad  !""•  Siandum  declaration^  d.  d,  23  Aprilisy  1675. 

Ad  2"°-  Provisum  in  primo. 

Ad  3""-  iServetur  ad  amussim  responsio  pronti  prostat  in  postrenia 
edifione  Batisbonensi  tf/pis  Fred,  Pustet  cusa. 

Datum  Bomae,  12  Junii,  1884. 

L.  Cabd.  Bonaparte. 


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[    53    ] 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


St.  Boniface  and  St.  Virgilius. 

TO  THE   EDITOR   OF   THE   IRIS»H    ECCLESIASTICAL   RECORD. 

Rev.  Sir, — I  am  sure  that  most  of  your  readers  arc 
rejoiced  to  see  that  Dr.  Healy's  episcopal  duties  do  not 
prevent  his  continuing  his  very  interesting  series  of  Papers  on 
ancient  "Irish  Theologians."  Some  months  ago  you  kindly 
admitted  a  letter  of  mine  on  "  The  Nationality  of  St.  Boniface/' 
and  my  study  of  the  "Life"  of  that  great  Apostle  of  Germany  has  led 
me  to  examine  closely  his  relations  with  Missionaries  of  undoubted 
Irish  nationality,  and  especially  with  St.  Virgilius.  My  reading 
has  brought  me  to  conclusions,  which  differ  in  some  i^espects  from 
those  set  forth  by  Dr.  Ilealy  in  his  biography  of  St.  Virgilius 
(L  E.  Record,  November,  1«H1),  but  as  they  appear  to  me  to  be. 
more  honourable  to  both  of  these  great  Saints,  I  trust  you  will 
allow  me  to  state  them,  with  the  grounds  which  support  them. 

The  name  "  Virgilius  **  occurs  twice  m  the  correspondence  of 
St.  Boniface.  Once  in  a  short  letter  from  Pope  Zachary  to  him, 
where  the  Pontiff  tells  St.  Boniface  that  "  Virgilius  and  Sidonius 
(Religiosi  virt)  living  in  the  province  of  the  Bavarians,  have  sent 
us  letters,  by  which  they  have  intimated  to  us  that  your  Paternal 
Reverence  enjoined  them  to  baptize  Christians  over  again/'  on  the 
ground  of  an  ignorant  priest  having  baptized,  '''In  Nomine  Patria 
et  Filia  et  SpiHtua  Sancta  "  (Wurdtwein  reads  "  Spiritus  Sancti  *'). 
And  again,  in  another  letter  of  Pope  Zachary,  the  Pope  mentions 
one  Virgilius,  "  nesciinus  si  dicatur  presbyter,"  who  had  been 
accused  by  the  Saint  of  having  sowed  dissension  between  Boniface 
and  Duke  Ottilo,  and  was  denounced  by  the  former  as  holding 
perverse,  opinions  about  the  Antipodes.  There  is  nothing  except 
the  name  to  connect  the  two  together,  still  less  to  connect  either  of 
them  with  St.  Virgilius,  Bishop  of  Salzburg  and  Apostle  of 
Carinthia.  Dr.  Healy  adopts  the  opinion  of  Baronius  in  supposing 
that  there  is  only  one  Virgilius,  who  was  iu  conflict  with  St. 
Boniface,  and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Salzburg.  I  prefer  the 
opinion  of  Le  Cointe  and  Pagi,  who  held  that,  as  there  were  at  least 
two  Sidoniuses  in  the  time  of  St.  Boniface,  so  there  were  two,  if 
not  more,  monks  of  the  name  of  Virgilius.  Dr.  Healy  says: 
^^  This  hypothesis  is  intrinsically  improbable,  and  altogether 
unsupported  by  evidence."     Let  us  see. 

Is  it  **  intrinsically  improbable  ?  "  St.  Boniface  was  invited 
to  Bavaria  by  Duke  Ottilo  in  739 ;  and,  by  the  full  legatine 
powers  he  had  received  from  Pope  Gregory  III.  he  regulated  the 
whole  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the  province ;  filled  up  the  bishoprics 
which  were  all  vacant,  except  that  of  Passau,  to  which  Gregory 


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5 1  CorreBpondence, 

himself  had  consecrated  Vivilo  ;  deposed  invalidlj  oi'dained  bishops 
and  priests ;  and  encouraged  the  numerous  pious  foundations  of 
the  Duke  and  his  nobles.  lie  appointed  John  Bishop  of  Salzburg. 
Pope  Zachary,  in  743,  confinned  all  the  powers  that  his  predecessor 
had  conferred  upon  St.  Boniface,  and  especially  commended  him 
for  his  conduct  in  Bavaria.  The  following  year,  according  to 
Baronius,  the  Pope  writes  to  St.  Bouifoce,  telling  him  the  charore 
made  against  him  by  Virgilius  and  Sidonius,  and  correcting  the 
error  which  tliey  attributed  to  the  Saint.  Dr.  Healy  says, 
''  Boniface  declared  that  the  baptism  was  invalid,"  and  after  the 
decision  of  the  Pope,  "  Boniface  yielded  prompt  obedience  to  the 
Apostolic  See,  but,  although  a  saint  and  martyr,  he  felt  sore  at  the 
victory  gained  over  him  by  the  Irish  stranger  "who  intruded  into 
his  spiritual  domain,  and  seemed  to  supplant  him  in  favour  with 
the  Duke  Ottilo."  There  is  no  evidence  of  these  feelings  of 
soreness,  neither  is  there  any  e'<'idencc  of  Boniface  yielding  *'  prompt 
obedience."  No  doubt  he  would  have  done  so,  had  it  been 
necessary.  But  what  if  it  were  only  a  calumny  of  the  two  monks  ? 
"We  are  not  in  possession  of  St.  Boniface's  reply  to  the  charge, 
but  we  have  a  subsequent  letter  of  Pope  Zachary,  in  which  the 
Pontiff  says  : 

"  As  to  the  aforesaid  Sidonius  and  Virgihus,  priests,  we  acknow- 
ledge what  your  Holiness  has  written.  We  have  written  to  them,  as  was 
fitting,  words  of  warning.  More  credence  must  be  given  to  you, 
Brother,  than  to  them.  If  it  please  God  to  grant  us  life,  we  will  send 
Apostolic  letters,  as  stated  above,  and  summon  them  to  the  Apostolic 
See.  For  you  have  given  them  teaching,  and  they  have  not  received  it  ; 
and  it  has  happened  to  them,  as  it  is  written  in  Wisdom :  *  He  that 
teacheth  a  fool,  is  as  one  that  glueth  a  potsherd  together.  Sand  and 
salt,  and  a  mass  of  iron  is  easier  to  bear  than  a  man  without  sense,  that 
is  both  foolish  and  wicked.*  For,  *  He  that  wanteth  understanding 
thinketh  vain  things,  and  the  foolish  and  erring  man  thinketh  foolish 
things.'  (Eccles.  c.  xxii.,  7,  18 ;  c.  xvi.  23.)  Do  not  therefore  let  your 
heart  be  provoked  to  anger.  Brother :  but  in  yoiu*  patience,  when  you 
meet  with  such  persons,  reprove,  entreat,  rebuke  them,  that  they 
may  be  converted  from  error  to  the  way  of  truth.  And  if  they  are 
converted,  you  have  saved  their  souls :  but  if  they  abide  in  their 
hardness,  you  will  not  lose  the  reward  of  your  ministry,  but  avoid  them 
according  to  the  Apostle's  word.*'     (Epist.  Ixxxii.     Wiirrttwein.) 

This  letter  shows  that  Sidonius  and  Virgilius  had  made  certain 
ehnrges  against  Boniface,  which  he  had  refuted,  and  concerning* 
which  the  Pope  considers  him  more  worthy  of  credit  than  his 
assailants,  to  whom  Zachary  had  sent  a  sharp  reproof,  I  cannot 
see  any  **  intrinsic  improbability  "  in  supposing  that  these  charges 
were  the  accusations  which  these  two  priests  had  made  against 
Boniface  for,  as  they  alleged,  rebaptizinjr.  The  preceding  para- 
graph treated  of  the  Virgilius  whom  l^oniface  had  denounced,  bill 
it  is  curious  that  the  word  "  aforesaid  "  is  applied  to  Sidonius  and 
iioi  to  Virgilius  :  '•  Pro  Sidonio  autem  sfipradivto,  et  Virgilio  presbf/- 
/fn>."     This  letter  must,  at  latest,  have  been  written  in  747,  since 


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Cot^respondence.  55 

tliat  was  the  last  year  of  Ottilo's  life,  and  it  is  dated  the  29th  year 
of  the  Emperor  CoDstaDtine. 

I  do  not  know  on  what  authority  Dr.  Healy  gives  Sidonitis  the 
appellation  of  Saint.  If  he  be  the  same  who  about  this  time 
became  Bishop  of  Constance,  the  records  of  him  scarcely  justify 
his  canonization.  Hermann  Contractus^  under  the  year  746,  after 
mentioning  St.  Boniface  s  appointment  of  St.  Burchard  to  the 
Bishopric  of  Wurtzburg,  and  St.  VVillibald  to  that  of  Eichstat, 
says  :  '*  Sidonius,  a  monk  of  Keichenau  (Augiae),  the  fifth  abbot 
of  that  place,  and  made  Bishop  of  Constance,  presided  for  13  years. 
He  also  scheming  to  obtain  the  monastery  (cellatn)  of  St.  Gall 
likewise,  concurred  with  evil  princes  in  the  condemnation  of  the 
Abbot  St.  Othmar.*'  Further  on,  under  750,  he  says  :  "  St.  Othmar 
Abbot,  was  by  Warinand  Ruthard,  with  the  concurrence  of  Bishop 
Sidonius,  unjustly  condemned,  and  banished  to  the  Island  of  Stein 
on  the  Rhine,  departed  to  the  Lord.  When  Sidonius.  Bishop  and 
Abbot,  had  with  presumptuous  daring  invaded  his  Abbey,  before 
the  Altar  of  St.  Gall,  he  was  struck  with  a  flux  in  the  belly,  and 
perished.*'  In  769,  *'  The  body  of  St.  Othmar  Abbot,  after  ten 
years,  was  found  incorrupt,  in  the  island  where  he  died,  and  was 
translated  to  the  monastery  of  St.  GalL"  (Canisius,  Tom.  III., 
p.  248.)  If  Dr.  Healy  is  correct  in  his  supposition  that  the  Sidonius 
who  opposed  St.  Boniface  was  afterwards  *'  Archbishop  of  Bavaria,'* 
or  rather  Bishop  of  Constance,  his  terrible  end,  strangely  like  that 
of  Arins,  tells  greatly  against  his  sanctity. 

It  is  true  that  Pagi  does  not  give  any  reasons  for  his  belief  in 
tbere  having  been  two  Virgiliuses,  but  Le  Cointe  had  given  the 
grounds  for  this  mode  of  solving  the  great  diflBculties  that  otherwise 
beset  the  laves  of  St.  Boniface  and  St.  Virgilius,  in  *'  Annales 
Eccles.  Francomm,  Tom,  v.  p.  196."  Pagi  is  quite  correct  in 
stating  that  St  Virgilius  was  the  fifth  Bishop  of  Salzburg,  for  the 
short  Catalogue  published  by  Canisius,  although  it  enumerates 
after  St.  Rudbert  Vitalis,  Ansologus,  Savolus,  Ezzius,  Flobargisius, 
Joannes,  Berticus,  Virgilius,  and  Arno ;  yet  takes  care  to  inform 
ns  that  Ansologus,  ^^avolus,  Ezzius.  and  Berticus  **  governed  the 
Bishopric  without  the  Pontifical  order  and  dignity,*'  that  is,  aa 
Abbots.  Thus  St.  Virgilius  was  really  the  fifth  Bishop^  although 
the  eighth  ruler  of  the  See. 

There  are,  as  Dr.  Healy  points  out,  many  chronological  diffi- 
culties in  the  "Lifd"  of  St.  Virgilius.  From  the  records,  we  should 
gather,  with  Dr.  Healy,  that  he  was  probably  consecrated  Bishop 
of  Salzburg  in  766  or  7'67.  The  "  Life ''  tells  us  that  he  delayed  his 
consecraticNi  for  nearly  two  years  after  his  appointment.  But  the 
saine  authority  informs  us,  that  on  his  arrival  from  Ireland, 
Virgilius  was  honourably  entertained  by  Pepin  at  Cressy  for  two 
years,  and  "  in  the  time  of  Ottilo,  Duke  of  the  Bavarians,  wlio  was 
then  with  the  whole  province  of  Noricum  subject  to  the  said  King 
of  the  Franks,  the  Church  of  Salzburg,    .    .  was  without  a  Bishop 


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56  Con*e9pondence. 

of  its  own.  But  King  Pippin,  a  prince  beyond  everything  most 
Christian,  and  eager  with  no  small  desire  for  the  increase  of  the 
Church  of  God,  granted  the  Bishopric  of  Salzburg  as  a  debt  of 
royal  bounty,  to  St.  Virgilius,  and  sent  him  to  the  above-mentioned 
Duke  of  Noricum  as  to  his  dearest  friend,  to  be  received  with  the 
greatest  honour."  It  might  be  naturally  inferred  from  this,  that 
Virgilius  had  not  been  more  than  four  years  in  his  pilgrimage, 
when  he  was  made  Bishop  of  Salzburg.  But  this  would  be  a  great 
mistake,  as  it  would  place  his  coining  over  from  Ireland  long  after 
the  death  of  Duke  Ottilo  in  747,  and  indeed  after  the  mart3rrdom 
of  St.  Boniface.  The  very  circumstantial  details  given  in  the  **  Dona- 
tions made  to  the  Church  of  Salzburg  "  published  by  Canisius, 
and  compiled  by  Virgilius  himself  and  his  successor  Anio,  throw 
great  light  upon  the  relations  between  St.  Virgilius  and  Duke 
Ottilo. 

We  learn  from  these  writings  that  Duke  Ottilo  rebelled  against 
Carloman  cmd  Pepin,  and  was  defeated  by  them,  and  remained  in 
an  honourable  captivity  with  Pepin  in  France  for  some  time, 
muUis  diebm ;  Hermann  places  this  in  743.  In  his  exile  (pere^ 
grinatione\  there  was  with  him  a  certain  priest,  as  hb  chaplain, 
named  Ursus,  a  lineal  descendant  of  one  of  the  original  founders 
of  the  shrine  of  St.  Maximilian,  where  a  chapel  had  been  built  to 
his  honour  by  St.  Rudbert,  which  was  afterwards  destroyed  by  the 
Pagan  Sclaves.  Ursus  came  to  Duke  Ottilo,  and  begged  him  to  give 
him  this  same  plot  of  ground  as  a  benefice.  Ottilo,  not  aware  that 
it  had  been  formally  granted  to  St.  Hudbert  for  his  See,  gave  it. 
"  But  afterwards,  when  the  [Irish]  pilgrim  Virgilius  by  grant  of 
Duke  Ottilo,  undertook  the  government  of  the  same  See  and 
Bishopric  of  Salzburg  {Juvaven$is\  he  learned  how  the  case  stood, 
and  came  to  Ottilo,  aud  told  him  the  whole  matter  in  order  from 
the  beginning,  and  demanded  of  him  according  to  strict  justice  to 
restore  this  property  to  St.  Peter  to  the  said  See.  But  Ottilo  was 
not  willing  to  vex  this  priest  of  his,  nor  to  take  from  him  that 
benefice.  Then  Virgilius  began  to  ask  him  for  the  sake  of 
Toiiazanus  (the  brother  of  the  Ursus  from  whom  the  priest  was 
descended,  and  co  founder  of  the  shrine  i,  to  give  him  half  the 
property,  which  extended  three  miles  each  way.  Ottilo  declined  to 
do  this,  but  wished  to  compound  with  Virgilius  for  it  with  another 
property.  But  Virgilius  altogether  refused,  and  said  to  the  priest 
who  had  begun  to  build  a  Church,  ^  why  dost  thou  labour  any 
more  at  that  work  ?  and  why  shouldest  thou  lay  out  more  of  thine 
own  money  there,  that  ^t  Peter  and  J*t  Rudbert  may  have  so 
much  the  more  ?  For  if  thou  hast  taken  it  unjustly  away  from 
him,  as  has  been  done,  thou  boldest  it  to  thine  own  destruction, 
not  to  thy  profit.  The  days  are  at  hand  when  it  shall  be  restored 
by  the  power  and  will  of  good  men  and  faithful  to  God.'  However 
Duke  Ottilo  was  not  able  to  refuse  him  that  half  which  he  asked. 
Here  Bishop  Virgilius  ordered  his  house  to  be  built,  and  made  his 


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Correspondence.  5t 

priests  live  there  with  him,  and  they  used  to  look  after  the  whole 
half  of  the  property,  and  so  a  mighty  contention  very  often  took 
place.  The  same  priest  Ursus,  with  the  assistance  of  Duke  Ottilo, 
built  another  Church,  and  wished  to  exempt  it  and  that  half  of  the 
property  from  the  jurisdiction  of  St.  Peter  of  Salzburg.  He  found 
a  Bishop  without  a  See  named  Luiti,  and  invited  him  thither,  and 
he  consecrated  this  church  of  discord.  When  Virgilius  came  to 
know  of  it,  he  excommunicated  the  church,  and  called  it  *  DiS' 
cordia,*  and  interdicted  all  priests  from  singing  Mass  there,  or 
saying  any  divine  office.  And  thus  it  remained  excommunicated 
as  long  as  Bishop  Virgilius  lived."  (De  Ponaf.  CC.  v.,  vi.,  vii.) 
The  document  concludes  by  stating,  *'A11  these  things  Bishop 
Virgilius  took  pains  diligently  to  seek  out  from  very  old  and  trust- 
worthy men  and  transmitted  them  in  writing  to  the  memory  of 
posterity."  The  names  of  some  of  these  are  given,  and  among 
them  occurs,  "  Syndonius  Diaconus."  May  not  this  be  another 
"  Sidonius  "  sUghtly  misspelt  ? 

I  gather  from  this  glimpse  of  the  relations  of  Virgilius  with 
Ottilo,  that  St.  Virgilius  was  Abbot  of  St.  Peter's  Monastery  at 
Salzburg  many  years  before  he  was  Bishop,  and  that  he  was  held 
in  great  fear  by  Duke  Ottilo,  with  whom,  however,  he  was  not  on 
the  best  of  terms.  It  is  hardly  possible,  that  St.  Boniface  could 
have  been  in  ignorance  of  his  position  in  Bavaria,  and  could  have 
suspected  him  of  sowing  discord  between  himself  and  the  Duke. 
Then,  again,  he  was  far  too  important  a  person,  between  743  and 
747,  for  Pope  Zachary  to  have  said  of  him,  at  that  time,  **  nesctmus 
Ml  diccUur  presb^teVy"  or  to  have  applied  to  him  the  words : 
*'  Mentita  est  iniquiias  sibij"  The  perfect  understanding  that 
subsisted  between  St.  Boniface  and  Pepin  makes  it  very  improbable, 
that  he  would  have  formed  an  unfavounible  opinion  of  St.  Vir- 
gilius, who  stood  so  high  in  Pepin's  estimation.  Indeed  the  whole 
conduct  of  St.  Virgilius  towards  Ottilo  is  so  exactly  in  accordance 
with  what  St.  Boniface  would  have  done  under  similar  circum- 
i*tances,  that  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  the  two  Saints  were  not 
in  communication  with  each  other  at  the  time.  I  therefore 
.submit,  with  all  deference  to  Dr.  Healy,  that  the  identification  of 
St.  Virgilius  with  the  opponent  of  St.  Boniface,  is  *' intrinsically 
improbable.*'  In  order  to  maintain  it,  so  vast  an  amount  of 
purely  imaginary  circumstances  have  to  be  invented  to  save  the 
characters  both  of  Boniface  and  Virgilius. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  parts  of  Dr.  Healy's  paper  is, 
his  very  lucid  account  of  the  ideas  conceived  by  Lactantius  and 
St  Augustine  with  respect  to  the  Antipodes.  He  points  out  very 
cleariy  that  "  what  the  Pope  declared  to  be  perverse  and  wicked 
doctrine — not  heretical — was  that  there  is  another  world,  and 
another  race  of  men — alii  homines — and  therefore  not  sons  of 
Adam,  and  another  sun  and  moon  to  shine  upon  them."  He  goes 
on  to  say,  **  but  this  certainly  was  not  the  teaching  of  Virgilius, 


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35  Correspondence, 

for  according  to  him  it  was  the  same  world,  and  the  same  sun  and 
moon,  and  the  same  race  of  men  who  dwelt  in  the  opposite  regions 
of  the  world."  Here  I  could  have  wished  that  his  lordship  had 
given  us  some  more  reliable  information.  We  know  that  at 
this  period,  the  Irish  schools  were  famous  throughout  Europe  for 
the  variety  and  the  solidity  of  their  learning,  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  "  neither  Boniface  nor  the  Pope  knew  astronomy  as 
well  as  Virgil,  and  hence  they  imagined  he  taught  doctrines  which 
were  quite  different  from  his  real  opinions."  Still,  it  would  have 
been  more  convincing,  if  Dr.  Healy  could  have  brought  some 
evidence  to  show  that  the  true  notion  of  the  Antipodes  was  taught 
in  the  Irish  schools  in  the  8th  century.  Otherwise  we  are  at 
liberty  to  believe  that  Virgilius  really  did  hoM  the  "  wicked 
doctrine  "  attributed  to  him  by  St.  Boniface,  and  censured  by  the 
Pope.  We  must  suppose  some  did  hold  it,  or  else  those  holy  men 
would  have  been  fighting  a  shadow,  and  if  Virgilius  was  not  tlie 
saint,  the  accusation  of  Boniface  was  probably  just. 

In  discussing  this  question,  however,  it  would  not  be  fair  to 
pass  over  an  argument,  not  touched  upon  by  Dr,  HeaJy,  but 
alluded  to  by  Archbishop  Moran,  in  his  "  Essays  on  the  Early 
Irish  Church,"  p.  155.  In  the  *' Annals  of  the  Four  Masters,"* 
the  following  entry  is  to  be  found  : — 

"The  Age  of  Christ,  784  [rede  780].  Ferc;hil,  i.e.  the 
Geometer,  Abbot  of  Achadh-bo  [and  Bishop  of  Salzburg],  died 
in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his  bishopric." 

The  learned  editor,  Mr.  O'Donovan,  says  in  a  Note,  "  this  is 
the  celebrated  Virgilius  Solivagus.  .  .  He  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  mathematicians  of  his  time,  and  the  first  who 
asserted  that  there  were  Antipodes,  for  which  it  is  said  that  he 
was  declared  a  heretic,  but  never  excommunicated  or  divested  of 
the  priesthood.  A  suspicion  of  heterodoxy  was,  howe^er,  asso- 
ciated with  his  memory  till  the  year  1233,  when  he  was  canonized 
by  Pope  Gregory  IX."  Mr.  O'Donovan  cites  as  his  authorities. 
Ware's  Writers^  p.  49,  and  I)r.  O'Conor's  *•  Annals  of  Ulster," 
p.  172.  I  have  not  the  means  of  referring  to  these  works,  but 
doubtless  some  of  your  readers  can  do  so.  In  none  of  the  ancient 
documents  published  by  Canisius  or  Mabillon  is  there  any  indica- 
tion of  **  a  suspicion  of  heterodoxy  associated  with  the  memory  ^ 
<j{  St.  Virgilius.  They  always  give  him  the  title  of  **  Sanctus," 
record  the  solemn  translation  of  his  Relics  on  their  discovery  in 
1171,  and  narrate  the  extraordinaiy  miracles  that  were  worked  at 
his  tomb,  que  of  which  consisted  in  remarkable  judgments  that 
overtook  a  despiser  of  the  saint,  it  is  not,  however,  hinted  that 
the  disbeliever  justified  his  contempt  by  any  imputation  on  the 
ortho^xy  of  Virgilius.  That  is,  I  believe,  an  imputation  of 
modern  date.  At  the  same  time,  I  do  not  wish  to  impugn  Mr. 
O'Donovan's  judgment  in  supplying  the  words  in  brackets,  **  and 

'  Amah,  vol.  I.,  p.  S91. 

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Document^^  59 

Bi^op  of  Salzburg/'  and  I  am  ready  to  admit  that  the  appellation 
of  ••  the  Geometer,"  given  by  the  Four  Masters  to  St.  Virgilius,  is 
a  proof  that  the  Bishop  of  Salzburg  had  left  a  high  scientific 
reputation  behind  him  in  his  native  land.  This  alone  is  not, 
however,  sufficient  to  establish  his  identity  with  the  opponent  of 
St.  Boniface. 

Perhaps  some  of  your  correspondents  may  have  access  to  Irish 
documents  that  may  throw  fiu'thcr  light  upon  this  interesting 
question. 

I  remain,  Rev.  Sir,  yours  faithfully, 

W.  R.  Canon  Brownlow. 
St.  Martchdrch,  Torquay, 


DOCUMENT. 


Apostolic  Letter  of  Pope  Leo  XIIL  Constituting  the 
Canonical  Erection  of  the  North  American 
College  in  Rome. 

SUMAtART  OF  THE  DOCUMENT. 

Reference  to  the  abiding  and  practical  interest  which  the 
Apostolic  See  has  taken  in  the  American  Church,  the  establishment 
of  a  North  American  College  in  Rome  was  ordered  and  helped  forward 
by  the  late  Pope  Pius  IX.  This  College  was  opened  in  1859,  but 
iLs  canonical  erection  has  been  deferred  up  to  the  present  time. 
Pope  Leo  XIII.  now  gives  it  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
canonical  erection,  under  the  following  constitution : — 

I.  The  College  is  to  have  the  Cardinal  Prefect  of  Propaganda 
for  its  Protector. 

jr.  The  Administration  of  the  College  is  to  be  in  the  hands  of 
the  Archbishops  and  Bishops  of  the  United  States  of  America,  oi* 
of  certain  Prelates  appointed  by  them  for  this  purpose. 

III.  The  arrangement  for  appointing  a  Hector  is  as  follows  : — 
The  Archbishops  and  Bishops  of  the  United  States  will  send 
forward  to  Propaganda  the  names  of  three  priests  whom  they  deem 
to  be  fit  for  the  office  ;  and  from  these  three  the  Pope,  having  first 
heard  the  opinion  of  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda,  will  select 
the  Hector. 

IV.  The  Rector  will  be  subject  to  the  Cardinal  Protector,  and 
to  the  Episcopal  Administrators  of  the  College,  and  will  be  obliged 
lo  present  to  them  an  accurate  statement  of  the  financial  condition 
of  the  Collie  every  six  months. 


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60  Documents. 

V.  The  Bector  will  appoint,  with  the  approval  of  the  Cardinal 
Protector,  a  Vice-Rector.  He  will  also  present  to  the  Cardinal 
Protector  and  the  Episcopal  Administrators  for  their  approval  the 
name  of  a  proper  person  for  the  office  of  Bursar.  He  will  appoint 
other  necessary  and  competent  officials. 

Vr.  All  Superiors,  as  well  as  Students,  in  the  College  will  be 
subject  to  the  Rector. 

VII.  No  one  is  to  be  admitted  as  a  Student  who  does  not  belong 
to  the  United  States,  or  who  has  not  given  good  grounds  for  hoping 
that  he  will  become  a  priest  and  serve  in  the  ministiy. 

VIII.  Whenever  a  Fresh- Student  is  admitted,  the  Rector  will 
communicate  regarding  him  with  the  Bishop  for  whose  diocese  he 
enters  College.  The  Rector  will  present  to  the  Cardinal  Protector 
every  h^tudent  on  his  arrival  in  Rome,  and  again  before  the  Student 
leaves  Rome  for  his  mission. 

IX.  Each  Student  will  take  the  usual  Oath,  as  in  the  other 
Pontifical  Colleges,  before  he  is  admitted  to  Holy  Orders. 

X.  The  Students  will  attend  the  halls  of  Propaganda  for  their 
lectures.  They  will,  moreover,  have  a  resident  priest,  well  versed 
in  Philosophy  and  Theology,  who  is  to  help  the  Students  in  prepar- 
ing their  lessons  at  their  own  College. 

XI.  The  Rector,  with  the  approval  of  the  Cardinal  Protector, 
will  choose  for  Confessor  and  Spiritual  Director  in  the  College,  a 
priest  approved  by  the  Cardinal  Vicar  of  Rome  for  receiving 
confessions,  and  this  Director  will  reside  in  the  College. 

XII.  The  rules  of  the  College  will  I  e  those  of  Propaganda 
College,  with  such  alterations  as  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
American  College  may  demand. 


LlTTERAE  ApOSTOLICAE  SSmI  D.  N.  LeONIS  XIII.  DE  ERECTIONE 

Urbani     Collegh    Statuum    Foederatorum    Americae 
Septentrionalis. 

Ubi  primum  latissimae  Americae  Septentrionalis  plagae 
deductis  ex  Europa  coloniis  f  requentia  populorum  celebrari  coepe- 
runt,  Homani  Pontifices  Praedecessores  Nostri  ad  earn  regionem 
oculos  convententes  in  qua  modo  florentissima  ex  foederatis  statibus 
Respublica  constituta  est,  omnes  sollicitudines  et  studia  sua  in  id 
contulere,  ut  catholica  fides  quaeque  ex  ea  dimanant  in  civitates 
bona,  non  modo  inter  Christifideles  mauerent  incorrupta,  sed  etiam 
inter  gentes  sive  barbaris  sive  ex  diversis  orbis  partibus  illuc 
immigrantes,  quaiuvis,  origine,  lingua,  moribus,  religione  dissitas, 
inducerentur. — Ad  hos  salutares  fructus  assequendos  maxime 
valuerunt,  turn  virorum  apostolicorum  delectus  quos  undique  con- 
quisitos  in  eas  provincias  niittere  numquam  destiterunt,  turn 
sedulae  assiduaeque  curae  Sacrae  Congregation  is  Christiano 
nomipi  propagando,  cuius  consiliis  et  ministeriis  lidem  perpetuo 
usi  sunt,  ut  septentrionalis  Americae  spirituali  utilitati  consulerent. 


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Documents.  61 

Forro  eadem  Sacra  CoDgregatio  Deoessoribus  Nostris  operam 
narans,  inter  alia  8ui  studii  argumenta  erga  earn  regionem,  hoc 
etiam  exhiboit,  at  nempe  admissis  in  Urbanianum  Collegium  eius 
regionis  alumnis,  ex  iis  no^os  in  dies  Evangelii  praecones  in  urbe 
totios  christiani  Orbis  principe,  in  ipsis  Pontificnm  oculis  ad 
pietatem  et  scientiam  pro  A.mericae  borealis  gentibus  Idiligenti 
institutione  informandos,  opportune  curaret.  Illustris  autem 
Americae  gentis  electa  pars  tot  tantisque  Summorum  Pontifieum 
dilectionis  testimoniis  ita  respondit,  ut  quam  de  se  expectationem, 
excitaverat,  eidem  luculenter  re  ipsa  satisfecerit.  Egregia  euim 
semper  argumenta  praebuit  sui  studii  erga  cathohcam  religionem, 
ac  filialis  obedientiae  devotaeque  voluntatis  erga  Apostolicam 
Sedeui.  Eique  firrois  obsequii  vinculis  sese  devinctam  ootendit. 
Qua  in  re  praecipcam  commeDdationem  sacri  eius  regionis  Pastores 
sibi  vindicant,  quorum  concordibus  et  assiduis  laboribus  brevi  eo 
res  adductae  fuere,  ut  araplissima  Episcopal!  Hierarchia  per 
memoratos  status  constituta,  religiosis  Ordinibus  inrectis, 
Catholica  institutione  diffusa,  veluti  novum  Ecclesiae  spirituale 
regDum  in  iis  regionibus  effloruerit. 

Haec  magna  cum  consolatione  intuentes  Romani  Pontifices 
sui  muneris,  patemaeque  suae  erga  illustrem  illam  partem  dominici 
gregis  benevolentiae  esse  duxerunt,  ut  maiora  etiam  in  eius  utili- 
tatem  peragenda  curarent.  Quapropter  inclitus  Decessor  Noster 
fel.  rec.  Pius  IX.  nihil  ad  religionis  incrementum  utilius,  ad  Pon- 
tifictam  munificentiam  opportunius  existimavit  quam  providere, 
ut  quemadmodum  plures  ex  aliis  exteris  nationibus,  sic  foederati 
Americae  Septentrionalis  status  suam  in  Urbe  domum  altricem 
haberent  in  qua  delecti  iuveoes  sacris  studiis  sacraque  disciplina 
iostituendi,  ad  exercendum  deinde  in  patria  sua  uberi  cum  fructu 
sacerdotale  ministerium  excipercntur. — Quod  feliciter  mente 
CQoceperat  illustris  Decessor  Noster,  operam  etiam  dedit,  ut 
omni  fublata  mora  ad  exitum  perduceretur.  Itaque  Eius  iussu 
asacro  Consilio  Christiano  nomini  propagando  coempta  in  urbe 
domus,  quae  Sacrarum  Yirginum  a  Visitatione  Deiparae  antea 
fuerat,  Collegio  alumnorum  Septentrionalis  Americae  addicta,  per- 
petaumque  in  usnm  attributa  est ;  simulque  anno  1858  die  solemni 
Sanctae  Dei  Matris  sideribus  receptae  ab  eodem  Sacro  Consilio 
litterae  datae,  quibus  eiusdem  Collegii  erectio  pro  foederatis 
Americae  Septentrionalis  statibus  decernebatur.  Collegium 
qnidem  ipsum  felicibns  auspiciis  die  8  Decembris  anno  insequenti 
dedicatum  est:  sed  tamen  usque  ad  banc  diem  illud  supererat, 
Qt  documentum  Apostolicum  ederetnr,  quo  ipsum  ex  more 
iostitutoque  huius  Apostolicae  Sedis  canonicae  suae  erec- 
tioDia     vim      et      dignitatem      acciperet.       Eius      rei      causa 


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Collegio  regionis  suae  constituo  peractum  fuerat,  auctoritatc 
curaque  Nostra  fastigium  iinponeotes  opcri,  perficeremus. 
No5  itaque  baud  cunctandum  rati,  eoramdeniquo  Yenerabilium 
Fratruin  communibus  votis  obsecuodare,  clcrumque  et  fideles 
Americanae  regionis  novo  hoc  amoris  lestimonio  prosequi  cupienles, 
decrctum  a  meniorato  8acro  Consilia  editum  super  constitutione 
Collegii  Clericorum  pro  foederatis  Amerieae  Septentrionalis 
atatibus,  cum  omnibus  et  singulis  in  illo  contentis,  Auctoritate 
Apostolica  teuore  pi*aesentium  confirmamus  eique  inviolabilis 
Aposiolicae  firmitutis  robur  adiieimus,  ac  praeterea  ad  inaiorem 
Dei  Gloriam,  ad  incrementum  catbolicae  religionis,  ad  decus 
utilitateinque  magnae  Keipublice  foederatorum  Amerieae  Septen- 
trionalis  slatuuiti.  eadem  auctoritatc  tenore  praesontium  idem 
Collegium  in  hac  alma  Urbe,  iuxta  canonicas  normas  erigimus  et 
coustituimus,  ac  nomine  et  titulo  Pontificio  decoramus,  eidemque 
omnia  iura,  praerogativas,  priviligia  huiusmodi  CoUegionim  propria 
attribuimus  et  elargimur,  ad  leges  quae  infra  sequuntur. 

I.  Cardinalis  Sticri  Consilii  Christiuno  nomini  propagando 
Praefectus  pro  tempore  existeus.  idem  perpetvio  Patronus  Collegii 
esto :  idemque  ubi  opportunum  sibi  visum  fuerit,  adiutorem  sibi  in 
eo  munere  gerendo  diligendi  et  const itueudi  iure  fruatur. 

II.  Administratio  .  universa  Collegii  ab  Archicpiscopis  ct 
Episcopis  foederatorum  Statuum  Amerieae  Septentrionalis,  vel  a 
Praesulibus  ab  ipsis  ad  id  muneris  legitime  deputatis,  gcratur. 

III.  Archiepiscopi  et  Kpiscopi,  quibus,  ut  supra  Collegii  admin- 
istratio concredita  est,  iidem,  cum  moderator  Alumnis  Collegii 
regendis  renunciandus  fuerit,  tres  sacerdotes,  qui  ad  hoc  munus 
obeundum  idonci  visi  fuerint,  Sacro  Consilio  Fidei  propagandae 
proponant,  uti  ex  lis  Summus  Pontifex  audito  Sacrae  Congrega- 
tiouis  consilio  eligat,  quem  Collegii  regimini  Rectoris  nomine  et 
potestate  praeficiat. 

IV.  Hector  in  omnibus  quae  ad  Collegii  regimen  pertinent 
Emi  Patroni  ac  Episooporum  Collegii  Administratorum  auctoritati 
obsequatur,  elsque  accuratam  rei  familiaris  rationem  sexto  quolibet 
anni  mense  rei  dat. 

y.  Rector  idem,  ut  munere  suo  expcditius  et  utilius  perfungi 
queat,  tum  in  iis  quae  oeconomicam  Collegii  curat ionem,  turn  in 
iis  quae  Alumnorum  disciplinam  spectant,  opportunis  adiutoribus 
utatiu*. — Propterea  ipsius  erit,  Emo  Patrono  approbante,  idoneam 
sacerdotem  vicariura  suae  potestatis  adsciscere,  nee  non  curatarem 
rei  familiaris  Collegii  Emo  Patrono  et  Episcopis  administratoribus 
proponere,  ac  de  ipsorum  consensu  constituere,  qui  in  munere 
exercendo  a  Rectoris  auctoritate  nutuque  pendere  debebit. 

V  I.  Rector  omnibus  praesit,  non  alumnis  mode,  sed  et  singulis 
maioribus  ac  minoribus  Collegii  administris. 

VII.  Nee  inter  alumnos  admittatur  quispiam,  nisi  aut  ratione 
ariginis  aut  ratione  domicilii  vel  quasi  domicilii  foederatorum  Amo- 
ricae  Statuum  civis  habeatur,  et  constitutis  conditionlbus  Batis£a>- 


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Notices  of  Books.  63 

ciat,  ac  ingenii  morumqiie  laude  probatus  fimiam  Bpem  praebeat, 
8656  in  ecclesiasiifw  ministeriis  esse  porpetuo  inserviturum. 

VIII.  In  alumnis  novis  wiscisccndis  Collegii  Kector  cum  Epis- 
copis  agat  ad  quorum  Diocesim  ipsi  pertinent :  tum  de  Bingulbt 
qui  excipiendi  erunt  ad  E^mum.  Patronum  referat,  alumnosque 
item  antequam  ('oUegium  ingrediantur,  aut  in  patriam  redeant, 
coram  Erao.  Patrono  sistat. 

IX.  Alumni  antequam  ad  sacros  Ordincs  promoveantur  iura- 
mentum  de  more  emittant,  ut  in  Collegiis  Pontificiis  fieri  solet. 

X.  Collegii  Urbani  fidei  Propogandae  scholas  Americani  Alumni 
Btudionim  causa  celebrent,  ibique  ad  gradus  Aeademicos  assequendos 
doctrinae  experinient/i.  cdant.  Quo  vcro  in  studiis  suis  proficere 
valeant  uberius,  sacerdos  reinim  theologi(5arum  et  phiUxsophicarum 
dcicDtia  praestans  a  pud  ipsos  <!ommoretur,  qui  iisdem  in  susceptis 
praekctionibus  explanandis  et  illustrandis  adiumento  erit. 

XI.  Quod  autera  ad  spiritualem  Alumnorum  ouram  attinet, 
Bectoris  munus  erit  sacerdotem  ad  confcssiones  excipiendas  ab 
Eino.  Urbis  Vicario  approbatum,  in  pietatis  magistrum  et  ordi- 
narium  Confessarium  qui  in  Collegii  aedibus  degat,  de  Emi. 
Patroni  assensu  deligere  ;  isque  ita  delectus  Ahmiaorum  animis  ad 
virtatem  et  scientiam  Sanctorum  studiose  ac  prudenter  provehendis 
operara  naret. 

XII.  In  Alumnomm  disciplina  regulae  sen  leges  Collegii 
Urbani  Fidei  Propagandae  opportune  temperatae,  ac  peculiarly 
bus  Collegii  rationibus  accommodatae,  accurate  scrventur. 

Volumus  denique  ut  hae  Literae  Nostrae  tirniae  rataeque,  uti 
8unt,  ita  in  postenim  permaneant ;  irritum  autem  et  inane  futurum 
decemimufi  si  quid  super  his  a  quoquam  contigerit  attentari :  con- 
trariis  quibuscumque  non  obstantibus. 

Datum  Homae  sub  anuulo  Piscatoris  anno  millesimo  octingen- 
tesimo  octuagesimo  quarto  die  xx7  Octobris,  Pontificatus  Nostri 


Anno  Septimo. 


F.  Card.  Cmsius. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

D,creia  Authentlca  S.  Cong.  Induigeniiis,  Sacrisque  Beliquiis 
Pi aeponitaey  ah  Anna  1668  ad  Annum  1^^^.  Edita  jussu  et 
anctoritnte  SS.  D.  N.  Leonis  PP.  XIII.  Ratisbonae,  Neo 
Eboraci  et  Cincinnatii :  tjpis  Friderici  Pustet,  I88i5. 

Prefixed   to   this    edition    of    the    Decrees    of    the    Sacred 


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64  Notices  of  Books. 

had  not  as  yet  been  published  in  authoritative  form :  it  was  deemed 
of  importance  that  the  want  should  be  supplied :  as  the  work  was 
to  be  taken  in  hand  at  all,  it  was  considered  that  the  new  collection 
of  Decrees,  thus  to  be  issued,  should  be  a  complete  one  :  and  that 
this  end  should  be  attained,  '*  quo  autem  hujusmodi  collect io 
omnibus  numeris  absoluta  evaderet,"  certain  steps  were  taken, 
which  are  then  minutely  specified.  By  the  express  personal  com- 
mand of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  himself,  the  numerous  l-)ecree8  to 
be  inserted  in  the  collection  were  transcribed  from  the  original 
documents  preserved  in  the  official  archives.  The  execution 
of  the  work  was  entrusted  to  no  less  a  personage  than  the 
Secretary  of  the  Sacred  Congregation.  Finally,  the  collection 
of  Decrees,  thus  authoritatively  compiled,  was  specially  approved 
by  the  Holy  Father,  who  furthermore  directed  that  a  Decree 
embodying  his  approval  should  be  drawn  up,  and  prefixed  to  the 
edition — **  auctoritate  sua  apostolica  approbavit.  et  uti  authenticam 
ab  omnibus  retinendam  esse  praecepit,  deque  his  decretum  exarari, 
atque  huic  editioni  Katisbonensi  cusae  typis  Friderici  Pustet 
praefigi  jussit.'* 

For  the  first  time,  then,  since  the  institution  of  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  Indulgences  by  Pope  Clement  the  Ninth,  more 
than  two  hundred  years  ago,  a  collection  of  its  Decrees,  open  to  no 
question  on  the  score  either  of  inaccuracy  or  of  incompleteness,  is 
ixow  placed  within  the  reach  of  all.  The  Decrees  are  arranged  in 
chronological  order,  consecutively  numbered  throughout,  from  the 
Ist,  which  was  issued  on  the  10th  of  April,  1668,  to  the  4:53rd,  the 
date  of  which  is  the  26th  of  November,  1880.  Facility  of  reference 
is  secured  by  the  insertion  of  three  valuable  indices — in  the  first 
of  these  the  Decrees  are  arranged  in  chronological  order  ;  in  the 
second  they  are  classified  under  the  names  of  the  dioceses,  &c..io 
answer  to  questions  from  which  they  were  issued ;  the  third  is  a 
minutely  detailed  Index  rerum,  in  which  the  various  points  decided 
in  the  Decrees  are  grouped  under  suitable  headings,  these  in  turn 
being  alphabetically  arranged.  Of  the  excellence  with  which  the 
mechanical  portion  of  the  work  of  printing  and  publishing  has 
been  executed,  the  imprint  of  Herr  Pustet  on  the  title  page  is  a 
sufficient  guarantee. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  this  edition  of  the  Decrees  of  the 
Sacred  Congregation  displaces  all  others.  W.  J.  W. 

Catholic  Christianity  aim  Modern  Unbelief,  By  the  Right  Rev. 
J.  D.  i^iCARDS,  Bishop  of  Retimo,  and  Vic.  Ap.  of  the 
Eastern  Vicariate  of  Cape  Colony.  New  York,  Benziger 
Brothers.   1884. 

*'  In  an  age  when  young  men  prattle  about  protoplasm,  and 

when  young  ladies  in  golden  saloons  unconsciously  talk  Atheism," 

a    book    like    Dr.     Ricards'    is     a    welcome     and     opportune 

.  contribution  to  Catholic  literature.     1  he   idea  of  writing  it  was 


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Notices  of  Boeisi  WJ* 

aaggested  to  his  Lordsbip  hy  a  friend  of  great  expeiience  and 
judgment,  one  who  had  seen  a  great  deal  of  the  world  «nd  of  its 
ways.  Thisfrieml  told  him  *'that  a  book  which  would  treat  in  a 
popular  way,  the  religions  theories  now  so  fashionable  outside 
the  Catholic  Church,  aud  contrast  them  with  orthodox  leaching 
woald  be  welcome  and  useful  to  many."  The  Bishop's  own 
experience  led  him  to  agree  with  and  a'lt  upon  the  suggestion  of 
his  friend,  and  the  result  is  the  handsome  and  useful  volume  before 
us.  It  is  not  with  the  great  apostles  of  scientific  infidelity,  like 
Darwin,  Huxley,  and  Spencer,  that  Dr.  Ricards  is  engaged,  though 
his  book  contains  a  great  deal  that  tells  effectually  against  them. 
His  warfare  is  rather  with  the  small  fry  of  modern  unbelief,  with 
men  who  do  not,  and  perhaps  cannot,  think  or  reason  deeply  on  the 
awful  subjects  which  they  discuss  so  glibly,  so  profanely — men  who 
have  picked  up  at  second  or  third  hand  sc<ittercd  fragments  from 
the  workshops  of  the  great  masters  of  spiritual  ruin.  Men  of 
this  class  are  ensily  met  with,  and  those  who  travel  much  outside 
our  own  country  are  certain  lo  meet  many  of  them.  They  are  the 
legitimate  offspring  of  Pn)testaijtism ;  but  the  system  which 
nursed  them  has  lost  its  hold  upon  them,  and  cannot  now  complain 
if  they  follow  out  to  its  hvst  logical  consequence,  the  lesson  taught 
them  of  thinking  lor  themselves.  Possessed  of  that  dangerous 
commodity,  "a  little  learning*' (generally  very  little  indeed)  the 
presumption  of  such  men  is  always  in  the  inverse  ratio  of  their 
knowledge,  and  much  of  the  spiritual  ruin  of  our  time  is  directly 
traceable  to  their  evil  iutiuence.  A  book  which  deals  effectually, 
and  in  a  popular  way,  with  the  theories  which  such  men  are 
propagating,  cannot  fail  to  be  welcome  and  useful,  aud  we  believe 
that  Dr.  Uicards*  book  does  so  deal  with  them. 

'J  he  great  merit  of  the  volume  before  us  is  that  in  stating 
Catholic  doctrine,  the  author  is  always  careful  to  distinguish  the 
genuine  article  from  that  caricature  of  it  which  prejudice  has 
paiuted  and  preserved.  Experience  has  taught  him,  ns  it  teaches 
every  intelligent  Catholic,  that  most  of  the  objections  urged  against 
our  doctrines  are  in  reality  grounded  upon  ignorance  of  thes« 
doctrines,  and  are  directed  against  tenets  which  wo  repudiate  :  and 
he  believes  that  when  Catholic  teaching  is  plainly  fetated,  all  this 
class  ot  objects  will  vanish.  Starting  from  the  great  central 
mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  Dr.  Ricards  develops  the  Catholic 
idea  of  the  Church,  its  authority,  its  functions;  he  discusses  briefly 
but  clearly  and  correctly  the  Sacramental  principle,  Grace,. 
Predestiuation,  Free-will.  Justification,  and  Exclusive  Salvation; 
and  he  is  always  careful  to  expose  and  to  remove  from  these  various 
doctrines  the  misunderstandings  and  misrepresentations  to  which 
they  are  generally  subjected  by  non-Catholic£. 

In  dealing  with  the  objections  of  *•  Modern  Unbelief,'*  Dr.. 
Bicards  pledges  himself  to  put  them  *'  plainly  aud  toicibly,"  much 
more  forcibly  than  they  have  been  put  to  hhn,  and  Le  has  loyally 
VOL,  \L  E 


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66  Notices  of  Books. 

kept  this  pledge.  This  is  specially  observable  in  chapter  xvii.,  on 
**  PopuJar-isins.'^  The  chapter  on  '•  Spiritism  *'  is  full  of  interesting 
facts  and  anecdotes.  After  allowing  for  a  jrood  deal  of  fraud,  Dr. 
llicards  holds  that  "  Spiritism "  is  mainly  due  to  the  direct 
influence  of  Satan.  His  reference  to  the  **  Evolution  Theory  **  is 
brief  and  indefinite,  too  much  so  to  enable  us  to  see  what  precisely 
he  holds  with  regard  to  it.  Tho  book  is  not,  nor  is  it  intended  to 
be,  a  systematic  controversial  work.  But  it  contains  a  great  deal 
that  will  be  most  useful  to  all  intelligent  Catholics  in  discussing 
the  difficulties  which  '*  Free-thought  '*  is  every  day  i*endering  more 
common.  For  this  end  the  book  deserves  to  be  highly 
recommended.  Fine  %vriting  or  deep  reasoning,  the  Bishop  does 
not  aim  at,  his  object  being  to  state  his  case  in  a  plain  matter-of- 
fact  way,  such  as  would  bring  his  meaning  home  to  i*eaders  of  the 
most  ordinary  capacity.  But  while  attaining  this  object,  the  book 
affords  abundant  proof  that  its  learned  and  distinguished  author 
can  write  and  reason  well.  J.  M. 

The  Faith  of   Catholics,      F.    Pustet    &    Co.,  New  York    and 

Cincinnati. 

This  is  a  reprint  with  sundry  corrections  and  additions  of  a  very 
learned  and  useful  book,  written  in  proof  of  the  Apostolicity  of  the 
Faith  of  Catholics.  The  work  was  originally  compiled  by  Fathers 
Barrington  and  Kirk  in  the  early  part  of  the  century;  it  was 
reprinted  after  much  careful  and  laborious  revision  by  Father 
^Vaterworth  ;  and  it  is  now  published  for  the  third  time,  the  editor 
being  the  Right  l«ev.  Monsignor  (apel,  who  idso  writes  a  preface 
for  the  new  issue  of  this  nmch -esteemed  work. 

The  object  of  the  work  is  to  establish  the  Apostolicity  of 
Catholic  doctrine,  to  show  that  though  particular  dogmas,  owing 
to  special  circumstances,  have  from  time  to  time  received  more 
marked  attention  and  fuller  development,  the  truths  of  faith  are 
the  same  now  that  were  taught  and  believed  in  the  first  fiy% 
centuries  of  the  Christian  Church. 

Nothingcanbemore  simple  than  the  plan  of  the  work.  Theauthors 
take  up  in  order  the  great  heads  of  Catholic  Belief — such  as,  for 
instance,  the  Rule  of  Faith,  the  Church,  Justitication,  the 
Sacraments,  and  so  forth.  The  Ciitholic  tenets  comprised  under 
each  heading  are  expressed  in  a  number  of  Propositions,  worded  in 
clear  and  precise  language.  Eich  c  lapter  or  section  of  the  book 
opens  with  one  of  the  Propositions,  and  then  follow  such  quotations 
from  Scripture  as  support  it  with  the  clearest  evidence,  and  to  the 
Si'-ripture  texts  succeed  copious  passages  from  the  Fathers  asserting 
the  83lf-same  doctrine.  'I'he  compilers  confine  themselves  to 
extracts  from  the  Fathers  of  the  first  five  centuries  for  the  obvious 
and  all-sufficient  reason  tha*  no  Christian  will  call  in  question  the 
truth  and  Apostolicity  of  a  doctrine  that  was  taught  and  believed 
by  the  Church  of  the  first  five  centuries. 


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Notices  of  Books.  67 

We  need  hardly  say  that  to  the  intelligent  layman  who  has  not 
been  led  astray  by  the  zealous  advocates  of  modern  unbelief,  and 
who  takes  an  interest  in  the  study  of  revealed  truth,  an  well  as  to 
the  churchman,  this  is  both  an  interesting  and  highly  useful  work. 
It  is  particularly  satisfactory  to  have  the  assurance  on  trustworthy 
authority  that  the  numerous  quotations  from  the  Greek  and  Latin 
Fathers  have  been  made  from  the  originals  with  much  scholarly 
care.  Fr.  Waterworth  tells  us  that  he  spent  four  years  in  preparing 
lor  his  edition  of  the  book,  during  which  time  he  read  the  entire 
works  of  the  Fathers  and  ecclesiastical  writers  of  the  first  five 
centuries*  and  com|)ared  the  extracted  passages  with  the  originals, 
making  use  of  all  the  aids  supnlied  by  modern  scholarship  to  secure 
the  purest  text  and  the  most  accurate  rendering  of  it  into 
English.  E.  D. 

Eeaso as  why  we  should  Believe  in  Gody  Lore  God,  a^id  Obey  God. 
^^y  Peter  H.  Burnett.  New  York  Catholic  Publication 
Society,  1884. 

Mr.  Burnett  is  already  favourably  known  to  Catholic  readers ; 
but  '*  The  Path  which  led  a  Protestant  Lawyer  to  the  Catholic 
Church  "  is  an  easier  way  than  the  course  by  which  the  Author 
travels  in  the  volume  before  us.  Tn  the  former,  traces  of  dead  or 
dying  heresies  were  the  only  impediments  to  be  met  with,  and  these 
were  easily  brushed  aside.  But  here  the  way  is  infested  by  hydra- 
headed  monsters,  whose  name  is  legion— those  odious  **  isms,'* 
that  go  by  the  general  name  of  modern  unbelief.  If,  therefore,  we 
fail  to  find  in  this  volume  all  that  its  title  would  lead  us  to  expect, 
the  vastness,  the  difficulty  of  the  subject  will  be  an  ample  apology 
for  the  Author.  The  book  is  divided  into  four  parts,  the  first  part 
treats  of  the  great  question  of  questions — the  existence  of  God — and 
io  establishing  this  great  fundamental  truth,  the  Author  confines 
himself  exclusively  to  the  argument  from  design.  This  argument 
he  puts  at  considerable  length,  and  with  acuteness  and  ability.  But 
his  reatlers  will  regret  that  he  has  left  untouched  the  other  proofs 
for  God's  existence,  and  by  omitting  them  has  lost  to  his  thesis  that 
cumulative  convincing  force  which  those  proofs  lend  to  the 
argument  from  design.  In  saying  this,  we  do  not  for  a  moment 
insinuate  that  the  proof  from  design  is  not  conclusive.  We  believe 
it  is  so,  fully. 

In  the  second  part  of  the  *'  Reasons,"  the  Author  treats  of  the 
Evolution  Theory,  as  propounded  by  Mr.  Darwin,  and  as  Mr. 
Darwin's  theory  denies  design  and  purpose  iu  creation,  we  believe 
the  Authors  plan  is,  so  far,  logical.  This  theory  he  treats  at 
considerable  length,  and  though  somewhat  wanting  in  logical 
precision,  the  arguments  adduced  by  him  are  amply  sufiicient  to 
show  how  sandy  is  the  foundation  on  which  Darwin's  extraordinary 
and  extravagant  system  rests.  He  believes  that  the  theory  is 
*'  incompatible  with  a  proper  conception  of  the  nature  and  action  of 


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68  Notices  of  Books, 

the  Creator"  (p.  79)  :  that  it  is  untrue  "in  itself"  (p,  82)  ;  and 
yet  he  concedes  that  it  **  may  not  posilively  conflict  with  our 
religion"  (p.  82).  We  believe  firmly  that  the  Darwinian 
theory  **  does  conflict  positively  with  our  religion,"  and  we  say 
furthermore  that,  since  the  theory  deaU  with  a  subject  on  which 
we  have  a  I^evelation,  a  view  thereon  that  is  **  untrue  in  itself  " 
must  be  also  heretical. 

The  third  and  fourth  parts  deal  with  the  Old  and  New 
Dispensations  respectively.  The  Author  discusses  at  considerable 
length  the  internal  and  external  evidences  of  credibility  for  both 
dispensations,  and  in  doing  so,  he  gives  proof  of  very  extensive 
reading,  and  of  much  sound  judgment  in  the  arrangement  of  his 
materials.  The  book  consists  largely  of  extracts,  but  it  is  due  to 
the  Author  to  state  that  those  extracts  are  taken  from  the  very  best 
authorities,  are  well  selected  and  well  arranged.  The  volume  is 
beautifully  got  up.  but  its  usefulness  is  marred  a  good  deal  by  the 
want  of  a  general  index.  If  we  fail  to  find  in  this  book  that  rigid 
logic  with  which  wo  should  wi^;h  to  see  the  sneering  sceptic 
confronted,  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  contains  a  great  deal  that 
intelligent  Catholics  will  find  useful  and  entertaining  and  edifying,, 
^nd  as  such  we  can  cordially  recommend  it.  The  following 
passage  will  convey  a  fair  idea  of  the  spirit  in  which  the  book  was 
written: — •*  Whatever  may  be  the  nature  and  number  of  opposint;^ 
theories,  I  am  well  assured  that  Christianity  will  be  amply  able  to 
meet  them  all.  In  such  a  contest,  from  the  very  nature  of  the 
system  itself,  the  Christian  religion  has  no  apologies  to  make — r.o 
compromise  to  offer,  none  to  accept.  I  believe  that  the  Catholic 
Church  can  neither  die  nor  change,  but  that  she  will  always  firmly 
maintain  the  unchangeable  faith  once  delivered  to  the  Saints.'*— 
(Pjr/.p.  X.)  J.  M. 

Lett's  Chart  of  the  Principal  Forma  of  the  Earth^s  Surface. 

In  the  sul>ject  of  Geography  it  is  extremely  difficult  for  a  teacher 
to  convey  to  his  young  pupil  a  correct  idea  of  the  different 
forn:ations  of  lani  and  water  by  mere  definitions  or  descriptions. 
Cannot  most  of  us  recall  how  curious  were  our  school-boy  notions 
of  an  iceberg,  or  a  glacier,  or  a  water-shed,  and  many  other  objects 
in  our  geography  t^sk,  which  were  pei-fectly  familiar  byname? 
How  ditl'erent  would  have  been  the  result  if  we  had  good  maps,  or 
picture  lessons  to  aid  us  in  formingour  conceptions  of  such  things? 
To  meet  this  want,  felt  alilvc  by  master  and  pupil,  Messrs.  Lett  have 
published  a  chart,  beautifully  printed  in  oil  colours,  in  which  are 
depicted  the  difierent  formations  as  they  appear  in  nature  (over 
sixty  in  number),  the  correct  name  of  each  appearing  in  a  key  at 
foot.  We  can  highly  recommend  this  chart  as  a  very  useful  and 
even  necessary  addition  to  the  schc  ol-room. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


FEBRUARY,  1885. 


RELIGIOUS   INSPECTION  OF   SCHOOLS. 

HAVING  in  a  previous  article  been  permitted  to  offer 
some  remarks  ou  religious  instruction  in  colleges^ 
convente  and  other  places  where  the  pupils  are  resident 
and  entirely  under  the  control  of  those  who  are  engaged 
in  their  education,  I  propose  in  this  paper  to  make  some 
observations  on  the  other  division  of  pupils,  who  attend 
day  schools,  and  who  are,  therefore,  only  during  the  hours 
of  their  attendance,  and  that  with  some  restrictions,  under 
the  care  and  control  of  their  teachers.  What  can  be  done 
to  ensure  for  these  a  thorough  and  practical  knowledge  of 
their  religion  ? 

We  must  have  reUgious  inspection — we  hear  it  said — 
as  they  have  elsewhere.  But  what  do  we  mean  by  religious 
inspection  ?  For  it  may  mean  two  things  that  are  very 
difierent  both  in  their  working  and  in  their  effect    . 

Religious  inspection  may  mean  that  the  Bishop  of  the 
diocese,  having  tlie  responsible  care  and  oversight  of  the 
religious  instruction  of  his  flock,  should  select  a  man  of 
judgment  and  experience  in  the  management  of  schools, 
and  the  teaching  of  young  children,  to  represent  him  in 
this  matter,  and  should  give  him  vicarial  powers,  as  far  as 
the  schools  are  concerned,  to  visit  them  as  he  sees  fit,  and 
examine  whether  in  each  school  the  children  are  adequately 
instructed.  This  system  of  religious  inspection  to  be 
effective  would  imply,  I  say,  a  power  to  visit  schools  at 
any  time,  as  a  Government  Inspector  in  England  may,  at 
any  time,  pay  a  visit  to  any  of  the  schools  in  his  district, 
or  as  a  Bank  Inspector  may  at  any  time  step  in  to  one  of 
the  banks  under  his  direction,  and  examine  the  actual 
VOL.  IV.  F 


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70  Religious  Inspection  of  Schools. 

«tate  of  the  books,  and  the  way  the  work  is  being  carried 
on.  So  in  schools  a  knowledge  is  needed,  not  of  what  sort 
•of  an  appearance  can  be  put  on  under  due  notice  for  a 
holiday  or  an  examination,  but  how  the  school  is  carried 
on  as  an  institution — how  the  machine  is  doing  its  daily 
work — ^how  the  teachers  and  children  go  on  upon  working 
•days  and  in  working  clothes.  Yet,  while  in  this  way  the 
Episcopal  Inspector  comes  to  know  what  is  the  real  and 
actual  condition  of  the  school,  it  is  not  necessarj-,  and  it 
is  surely  most  undesirable,  that  his  visits  to  the  school 
should  be  made  in  any  spirit  of  hostility,  or  as  a  spy  to 
pick  holes,  and  discover  faults,  and  catch  teachers  napping. 
This  is  to  suppose  that  he  has  not  the  spirit  of  the  part  he 
is  appointed  to  fill, — that  of  a  fatherly  and  kind-hearted 
superior,  who  desires  to  encourage  and  appreciate  good  work, 
and  not  "  to  come  down  "  even  on  that  which  is  indifierent 
and  unsuccessful,  but  to  advise  and  assist  in  getting  it 
done  better.  The  Vicar's  work  will  not  always  be  smooth 
and  pleasant  any  more  than  is  that  of  his  master,  yet  it 
60on  comes  to  be  understood  in  what  spirit  a  man  is 
acting,  and  manipulation  may  be  gentle  even  though  it  is 
strong. 

We  suppose  that  under  this  system  the  Episcopal  Visitor 
might,  in  the  first  instance,  have  to  pay  a  lengthened  visits 
or  one  repeated  more  than  once,  in  order  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  real  character  of  the  school  and  its  work,  and  to 
avoid  the  risk  of  mistaking  what  was  occasional  or  accidental 
for  what  was  the  normal  condition  of  things.  For  he 
would  have  to  take  note  of  a  good  many  points  before  he 
could  safely  draw  his  conclusions  on  the  religious  education 
of  the  children.  What  time  is  set  apart  for  instruction  iu 
religion?  Does  it  seem  a  well-selected  time,  when  the 
children  are  sure  to  be  all  present  and  not  over  weary  I  Is 
it  a  suflBcient  time  for  what  has  to  be  done  ?  and  is  it  con- 
ecientiously  adhered  to  ?  During  this  time  is  any  definite 
course  followed  in  the  different  classes,  so  thai  the  subject 
is  taught  progressively,  and  according  to  the  age  and 
capacity  of  the  children?  or  does  the  teacher  give  a 
general  instruction  to  the  whole  school  ?  Different  systems 
may  fairly  be  admitted  according  to  the  circumstances  of 
the  locality,  but  each  teacher  should  have  some  system 
What  is  it  in  this  particular  school  ?  The  Visitor  might 
watch  this  system  dming  the  hour  when  it  was  in  operation, 
and  after  listening  to  the  teaching  as  it  is  ordinarily  given, 
first  in  one  class,  then  in  another,  he  might  next  take 


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Religious  Inspection  of  Schools,  71 

one  after  another  of  the  classes  himself,  and  examine  a  few- 
individuals  in  each  on  what  they  had  been  professedly 
learning  recently.  If  it  was  only  to  repeat  the  first  prayers, 
yet  the  very  way  in  which  the  child  repeated  the  Our 
Father  or  Hail  Mary — whether  each  one  could  repeat  it, 
and  that  accurately  and  reverently  and  intelhgently, 
would  reveal  a  good  deal.  He  could  not  fail  to  see 
whether  the  children  were  interested  in  the  subject, 
attentive  and  respectful,  and  whether  the  knowledge  ran 
through  the  class,  or  was  chiefly  confined  to  a  few  forward 
children.  Hero  is  an  elder  class,  the  children  in  it  have 
made  their  Confession  and  first  Communion.  Do  they 
know  how  often  they  should  go,  and  what  is  the  nature 
and  preparation  of  the  Sacrament  ?  Perhaps  questions  on 
the  Commandments  will  test  better  than  anything  else 
whether  the  children  are  carefully,  intelligently  instructed 
so  as  to  know  what  in  practical  daily  life  is  an  off'ence 
against  God  and  what  is  not. 

Do  any  of  the  classes  learn  hymns,  psalms,  and  selected 
passages  of  Scripture  by  heart  ?  Is  Scripture  History  a 
part  of  the  course  ?  Is  the  whole  story  read  or  only 
isolated  historical  facts  ?  Can  the  children  give  an  account 
of  Scriptural  events,  and  especially  the  miracles  and 
I>arable8  of  our  Lord  in  their  own  language  1 

Then  as  to  reUgious  practices  and  matters  of  devotion, 
are  there  any  ?  and  what  are  they  ?  Do  they  vary  with  the 
reason  or  time  of  year  ?  Are  they  enforced  ?  or  is  anything 
left  to  the  free  will  of  the  children?  Are  there  any  fixed 
rewards  for  proficiency  in  secular  knowledge?  any  for 
religious  ?  any  for  good  conduct  ?  What  are  they  ?  Who 
gives  them?  Does  any  one  assist  in  the  religious  in- 
struction besides  the  teacher,  or  visit  the  school?  and 
how  often  ? 

One  other  point,  and  not  the  least  important,  is  the 
Episcopal  Visitor's  observatiops  on  the  discipline  of  the 
school.  For  schools  differ  from  one  another  in  that  some 
give  reUgious  instruction  and  teach  the  theory  of  a  Christian 
life,  but  others  teach  its  practice.  In  some  there  is  a  silent 
training  going  on  under  the  daily  routine  of  school  Hie, 
inasmuch  as  the  children  see  the  teachers  acting  in  con- 
formity with  the  instructions  they  have  given,  and  themselves 
setting  the  example  of  observing  them,  and  they  feel  that 
they  are  expected  to  act,  and  are  made  to  act  in  the  way 
they  are  taught  to  do, — that  those  who  do  so  are  honoured, 
pat  forward  aud  rewarded,   and  those  who  do   not  are 


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72  Religious  Inspection  of  Schools. 

frowned  upon  and  corrected.  The  children's  feeling  of 
this  is  expressed  by  saying  that  the  teaclier  means  what  he 
or  she  says.  Now,  just  as  a  physician  will  let  the 
patient  who  comes  to  consult  him  talk  on,  while  he  mean- 
time reads  in  his  voice  and  look  and  manner  indications 
of  his  true  condition,  so  the  skilled  visitor  of  schools  sees 
in  the  looks  and  ways  and  demeanour  of  teachers  and 
children  the  system  that  is  going  on  in  the  school  and  the 
character  of  the  education  given  in  it.  If  what  he  sees 
satisfies  him  that  the  school  is  a  good  one,  in  which  the 
children  are  individually  looked  after  and  cared  for,  he  will 
easily  make  allowance  for  the  imperfections  and  occasional 
failures  incidental  to  all  human  undeitakings,  and  such  a 
school  will  have  no  need  of  his  interference,  further  than 
to  assure  himself  that  it  is  still  maintaining  its  character, 
and  to  give  its  teacheis  and  managers  that  recognition  of 
their  success  which  is  alwa^'s  a  cheering  encouragement 
to  those  who  are  working  with  a  will. 

But  if  the  school  is  not  in  a  satisfactory  condition,  the 
Episcopal  Visitor  would,  we  suppose,  not  merely  have 
power  to  report  chat  it  is  so,  but  be  in  a  position  to  require 
improvement.  Conferring  with  the  teachers  or  managers  of 
the  school,  and  pointing  out  the  nature  of  its  deficiencies, 
may  be  sufficient  in  the  first  instance  till  he  makes  another 
visit  and  notes  what  has  been  done  to  improve  things. 
Such  a  school  will,  for  a  time,  require  his  more  particular 
attention  to  ascertain  whether  his  judgment  of  it  is  correct 
— whether  the  faults  are  capable  of  being  mended,  or 
whether  the  state  of  things  is  such  that  it  must  rather  be 
ended.  A  strong  man  will  not  let  tenderness  to  teachers 
or  to  his  own  feelings  prevent  him  from  securing  at  all 
costs  that  the  children  for  whom  the  school  exists  should 
have  the  advantage  of  a  good  religious  instruction  and 
training.  It  must  come  to  be  seen  that  he  will  not  let  an 
indifferent  school  alone,  so  long  as  it  is  unsatisfactory  as  a 
place  of  Chi-istian  education  for  the  children  who  are  sent 
to  it. 

Such  might  be  the  sort  of  thing  answering  to  one 
meaning  of  religious  inspection.  But,  probably,  this  :*» 
not  what  most  would  understand  by  it,  but  rather  some- 
thing corresponding  to  what  was  set  on  foot  by  the  Bishops 
in  England  nearly  thirty  years  ago.  For  when  the  system  of 
Government  grants  and  Government  inspection  first  began, 
the  English  Bishops,  after  much  consideration,  agreed  that 
CathoUc  schools  might  accept  a  grant  on  certain  conditions. 


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Religious  Inspection  of  Schools.  73 

one  of  which,  assented  to  by  the  Education  Department, 
was,  that  the  Government  Inspectors  should  not,  in  the 
case  of  CathoUc  schools,  examine  tJie  children  in  religious 
knowledge,  but  leave  this  to  the  care  of  the  Bishops  who 
undertook  to  see  that  it  was  attended  to;  and  it  was  to  secure 
this  being  done  that  they  subsequently  aiTanged  a  system 
of  religious  inspection,  which  began  at  once  to  take  effect 
in  some  dioceses,  and  later  on  in  all.  The  idea  and  plan 
of  this  system  was,  that  just  as  the  Government  Inspector 
visited  the  school  to  ascertain  the  efficiency  of  secular 
instruction,  and  to  determine  the  amount  of  the  grant 
which  it  had  earned,  so  the  Bishop's  Inspectors  should  in 
like  manner  visit  the  school  and  examme  the  childi'en  in 
religious  knowledge,  and  apportion  the  reward  to  which 
its  success  entitled  it.  A  course  of  religious  instruction 
was  appointed,  suitable  to  the  students  in  the  'J'raiuing 
Colleges,  and  to  the  pupil  teachers  or  apprentices,  as  well 
as  to  the  different  classes  of  childi'en  m  the  school.  A 
fixed  allowance  cf  time  was  to  be  sot  apart  for  the  one 
subject  as  for  the  other.  In  short,  the  religious  inspection 
was  to  run  on  all  fours  with  the  Government  inspection. 

Having  been  appointed  to  carry  out  this  system  from 
its  first  institution  in  one  of  the  dioceses,  and  endeavoured 
to  carry  it  out  and  make  it  efficient  during  a  period  of 
twenty-six  years,  I  shall  venture  to  put  down  what 
experience  has  forced  on  my  conviction — first,  as  regards 
the  most  essential  points  to  be  attended  to  in  it,  and 
secondly,  the  difficulties  that  unavoidably  accompany  it, 
as  if  there  is  any  thought  of  establishing  a  similar  system 
in  Ireland,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  consider  what  is  to 
be  said  about  its  working  in  England. 

If,  then,  the  religious  instruction  is  to  be  carried  on  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  secular  instruction,  and  to  compete 
with  it,  the  firat  and  most  essential  thing  is  to  secure 
that  a  sufficient  time  should  be  allotted  to  it  in  the  school- 
day,  and  that  it  should  be  a  well-chosen  time.  In  England 
it  is  a  condition  for  obtaining  any  grant  that  each  school 
attendance  should  be  two  hours  long,  and  the  time 
«hould  be  given  uninterruptedly  to  subjects  of  secular 
instruction.  Religious  instruction  must  needs  therefore 
come  at  the  beginning  or  the  end  of  the  hours  of  attend- 
ance. If  the  school  opened  at  the  ordinary  hour  of  1)  A,M. 
the  woik  might  begin  with  an  hour  of  religious  instruction. 
This  was  done  in  many  schools,  but  it  was  not  an  hour  at 
which  the  clergy  could  count  on  visiting  the  school  to 


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74  Religious  Inspection  of  Schools, 

examine  or  assist.  Moreover,  the  children,  especially  those 
who  live  close  at  hand  ! —  so  it  is — often  come  late,  and  so 
miss  a  part  at  least  of  the  rehgious  instruction  and  interrupt 
and  distract  by  their  entrance  into  the  school,  the  instruc- 
tion which  the  others  are  receiving.  The  school-door 
might  indeed  be  locked  against  late  comers,  but  many 
managers  and  teachers  are  averse  to  this.  Suppose,  then,, 
the  school  begins  with  secular  instruction,  and  the  religious 
instruction  is  given  at  the  end  of  the  morning  or  afternoon 
attendance.  This  puts  it  to  some  disadvantage,  inasmuch 
as  the  teacher  ana  t\ie  children  are  more  or  less  wearied  ; 
some,  too,  plead  reasons  for  going  home  early,  and  all  are 
apt  to  be  fidgety  and  in  a  hurry  to  be  off.  Why  should 
this  disadvantage  fall  day  after  day  on  religious  instmc- 
tion  ?  Some,  then,  lessen  this  difficulty  by  giving  a  short 
time  of  recreation,  say  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  after  the 
secular  instruction,  and  then  giving  an  hour,  or  at  least 
three  quarters,  to  reliirion,  at  eleven  or  half -past  eleven  ; 
while  others  take  this  subject  at  the  first  opening  of  the 
school,  but  enforce  punctual  attendance  by  closing  the 
doors  against  all  who  come  late,  and  it  is  found  that  as 
soon  as  this  rule  becomes  known  and  established,  it  has  no 
effect  in  lessening  the  numbers  in  attendance.  Those  who 
mean  to  come  take  care  to  be  in  time,  as  those  do 
who  travel  by  railway  train,  and  it  teaches  them  habits  of 
punctuality-.  While,  however,  the  particular  hour  set  aside 
for  religious  instruction  will  vary  with  the  circumstancea 
of  different  localities,  the  essential  point  to  be  attended  to 
is  that  the  hour  so  selected  is  one  in  which  the  subject 
can  be  as  successfully  taught  to  all  the  children,  as  reading 
or  arithmetic  (1)  from  their  being  necessarily  present  at  it, 
and  (2)  from  the  time  so  allotted  to  the  subject  being  fully 
and  uniformly  devoted  to  it,  and  not  continually  interfered 
with,  under  all  sorts  of  pretexts  of  devotions,  or  feasts,  or 
amusements,  or  preparations  for  coming  examinations.  A 
certain  and  adequate  time,  from  half  an  hour  to  an  hour 
should  be  sacred  to  religious  instiniction,  seen  and  felt  to 
be  so  by  the  children,  and  the  teachere  kept  up  to  the 
mark  in  its  observance. 

After  securing  a  definite  and  adequate  time  for 
religious  instruction,  the  next  preUminary  is  to  provide 
that  the  best  books  for  rehgious  instruction  should  be  used. 
The  Catechism  must  of  course  be  the  basis  of  all ;  but  for 
the  instruction  to  be  efficient  it  will  be  necessary  to  have 
reading  books  also  oil  this  subject,  and  this  to  assist  the 


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.Religious  Inspection  of  Schools.  75 

teacher,  who  cannot  give  suitable  oral  instruction  to  moi^ 
than  one  class  at  a  time ;  nor  can  it  be  expected  that 
teachers  should  in  general  be  so  well  versed  and  skilful 
in  giving  relig^ious  instruction  as  to  be  able  to  dispense 
with  the  use  of  books.  If  the  books  are  written  in  an  easy- 
style  and  enlivened  with  illustrations  and  examples,, 
they  help  to  make  the  subject  interesting,  in  the  same  way 
that  in  the  present  day  so  many  other  subieots  are  made 
captivating  to  children's  minds  by  the  simple  way  in  which 
they  are  treated.  Then  as  regards  Sacred  History  and  the 
Gospels,  I   have  never  found   anything   so   effective   in 

giving  life  and  interest  to  religious  instiniction  as  these* 
ut  it  is  so  only  when  the  story  and  narrative  of  them  is: 
read  in  full.  If,  instead  of  this,  short  summaries  are  used 
and  the  history  is  reduced  to  tables  of  chronology  and  lists 
of  Judges  and  Kings,  or  of  parables  and  miracles,  it  is  but 
a  repast  of  dry  bones,  from  which  the  children  may  indeed 
be  able  to  pass  a  shallow  examination  with  success,  but 
without  getting  in  the  process  any  nourishment  for  the 
soul.  Nay,  woi-se,  when  religion  is  taught  by  cram  books 
and  in  preparation  for  a  religious  inspection,  the  children  do 
not  see  that  this  is  done  only  as  means  to  an  end.  Their 
notion  is  that  it  is  the  end  itself.  Are  they  ever  right? 
Well,  plenty  of  good  reading  of  religious  books,  and 
learning  parts  and  passages  of  them  by  heart  as  well  as 
prayers  and  hymns  and  the  words  of  the  Gospels,  are 
great  helps  to  getting  these  things  well  into  their  minds, 
so  as  to  stick  there.  It  will  not  do  to  leave  teachers  quite 
to  themselves  in  this  matter :  they  require  to  bo  directed 
and  looked  after.  They  are  too  apt  to  use  books  that  wnll 
serve  to  get  up  subjects  in  the  memory  only,  and  do  not 
see  the  mischievous  consequences  of  Sacred  History  being 
learned  in  this  way. 

And  this  leads  to  a  third  caution  that  is  necessary  as 
to  the  teacher's  methods  of  instmction.  Simple,  homely, 
practical  instructions  at  a  good  mother's  knee  are  in 
themselves  the  most  heart-stirring  and  efficacious,  but  if 
these  are  not  to  be  had  or  cannot  be  relied  on,  but  instead 
of  them  we  are  to  have  a  reUgious  course  of  knowledge 
taught  at  school  like  other  subjects,  then  we  must  at  least 
see  that  it  is  taught  with  no  less  skill  and  efficiency  than  other 
subjects.  For  in  these  later  years  gieat progiess  has  been 
made  in  the  art  of  teaching.  It  is  surprising  and  admirable 
how  much  more  easy  it  is  to  leani  than  it  used  to  be. 
Training  Colleges  and^other  modern  institutions  have  made 


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76  Religious  Inspection  of  Sclwols. 

fi  science  of  clase  teaching,  and  many  teachers  are  now 
found  who  are  masters  of  so  much  skill  in  explaining 
fiubjects,  illustrating  them,  making  them  simple,  easily 
intelligible  and  interesting,  that  things  that  before  seemed 
dry  and  wearisome  become  in  their  hands  pleasant  and 
<3aptivating.  But  if  other  subjects  are  thus  pleasantly  and 
skilfully  taught,  we  must  see  that  no  less  is  done  about 
religious  teaching.  We  must  not  allow  of  its  being 
under  any  disadvantage  in  this  respect  If  only  it  is 
treated  properly,  it  is  of  its  own  nature  capable  of  being 
far  more  interesting  than  other  subjects,  since  it  is  one 
that  explains  our  existence  and  is  concerned  with  our  daily 
life  here,  and  sets  before  us  prospects  that  intimately  con- 
cern us  hereafter. 

To  secure  that  the  teachers  shall  be  themselves 
thoroughly  instructed  in  religion,  and  also  skilled  in  the 
methods  of  teaching  it  we  must  look  to  the  Training 
Colleges  and  the  means  taken  by  them  for  this  purpose. 
But  even  when  the  teachers  are  well  fitted  for  this  work, 
yet  it  is  necessary  to  give  to  them,  as  well  as  to  the 
children,  every  possible  encouragement  and  inducement  to 
apply  themselves  to  the  subject ;  for  it  is  outside  of  the 
subjects  marked  down  in  the  Government  programme  and 
the  secular  inspection.  The  honour  and  glory  and  more 
substantial  rewards  that  come  from  the  Education  Depart- 
ment are  all  given  for  success  in  secular  subjects,  and  this, 
practically,  makes  a  gi-eat  impression  on  both  teachers  and 
children.  They  must  need  give  up  far  more  time  to  secular 
instiniction.  The  examination  has  to  be  longer  prepared 
for  and  looked  forward  to.  More  seems  to  depend  on  it. 
The  bulk  of  the  parents  are  more  anxious  for  their  children 
gaining  distinction  in  it.  Their  prospects  hang  on  it  more 
or  less.  It  is  then  quite  necessary  to  attach  as  much  im- 
portance and  as  many  rewards  as  possible  to  success  in 
religious  instruction  on  the  part  of  teachers  and  children, 
so  that  if  there  is  to  be  a  competition  between  the  religious 
and  secular  examination,  the  race  may  be  a  fair  one.  The 
position  and  salaries  of  the  teachers  should  not  be  allowed 
to  depend  on  success  in  the  secular  examination  only,  nor 
should  they  be  allowed  to  feel  that  success  in  religious 
teaching  is  subordinate  to  it.  The  children  most  honoured 
promoted,  praised,  and  petted,  should  not  be  those 
who  are  most  clever,  without  regard  to  their  knowledge 
and  practice  of  religion,  and  the  rewards  for  good  conduct 
and  proficiency  in  religious  knowledge  should  be  such  as 
not  be  the  least,  but  the  most  highly  coveted. 


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Religious  Inspection  of  Schools,  77 

If  then  religious  inspection  means  this,  that  the  religions 
instruction  is  to  be  treated  like  other  subjects,  to  be  taught 
in  the  same  way,  but  with  an  examination  and  rewards  of 
its  own,  the  least  we  can  do  is  to  take  care  that  it  is  in  all 
respects  taught  as  welly  and  treated  with  the  same  care 
end  attention.  This  was  the  idea  with  which  it  was  estab- 
lished in  the  English  dioceses.  Let  me,  however,  next 
make  some  remarks  on  the  difficulties  which  have  been 
felt  in  its  working,  and  our  experience  of  its  success. 

This  is  of  course  very  diflFerent  in  different  places 
according  to  the  character  and  ability  of  those  who  have 
had  time  to  carry  it  out,  the  sort  of  schools  and  children 
that  had  to  be  dealt  with,  which  vary  not  a  little,  as  do  also 
the  circumstances  of  different  localities.  Yet,  on  the  whole, 
ray  own  conviction  is,  that  the  success  of  the  system  can, 
at  the  best,  be  doubtfully  asserted,  and  that  the  difficulties 
attending  it  are  inherent  and  not  accidental,  nor  such  as 
are  hkely  to  diminish  with  time,  but  to  increase  and  gi'ow 
stronger.  Certain  it  is  that  notwithstanding  it  has  now 
been  going  on  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  yet  the  generation 
of  Catholics  that  have  grown  up  under  it  are  not,  according 
to  the  accounts  that  come  in,  **  better  than  their  fathers." 
For  myself  I  always  feel  it  to  be  a  refreshing  sensation 
when  I  have  to  deal  with  a  **  Grecian "  fresh  from  Old 
Ireland.  He  may  be  less  able  to  pass  an  inspector's  exam- 
ination, but  one  generally  feels  the  touch  of  a  Christian 
who  has  a  lively,  earnest  faith  and  a  very  practical,  though 
simple  acquaintance,  with  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of 
reH^on. 

The  main  difficulties  in  this  system  of  religious  inspec- 
tion are  twofold,  of  which  the  first  is  that,  do  what  we  may, 
we  cannot  under  ordinary  circumstances  hold  out  so  many 
inducements  to  exertion  for  the  religious  examination  as 
the  Government  can  for  that  in  secular  subjects.  It  has  a 
command  of  means  which  we  have  not;  it  appeals  to 
feelings  and  ideas  that  are  strong  in  the  world,  giving 
promise  not  only  of  praise  and  ecidt  at  the  present,  tout  of 
fitting  oneself  for  Hfe  and  being  able  to  get  on  better  in  the 
world.  Most  people  are  worldly,  and  it  is  difficult  and 
illogical  to  try  to  make  them    rise   above  worldly  con- 


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78  Religious  Inspection  of  Schools. 

all  others.  But  this  is  impossible.  If  the  subject  is  to  be- 
taught  thoroughly,  skilfully,  and  completely,  it  must  be- 
done  by  those  who  are  specially  prepared  for  this  work 
and  can  devote  themselves  to  it.  The  daily  work  of 
reUgious  instruction,  hearing  the  repetition,  explaining^ 
meanings  of  words,  going  through  reading  lessons  of  Sacred 
History,  making  them  easy  and  intelligible — this  must 
be  done  by  the  teachers,  however  their  work  may  be 
afterwards  examined  into  and  supplemented,  and  perhaps 
corrected  by  the  priest.  But  if  the  reUgious  instruction 
which  is  to  be  examined  into  at  the  religious  inspection^ 
is  to  be  the  teachers'  work,  how  are  we  to  secure  tnat  the 
teachere  themselves  shall  not  be  influenced  by  the  greater 
urgency  and  importance  that  attaches  to  the  secular  than 
to  the  religious  examination?  Their  getting  into  the 
Training  College  at  all  depends  on  success  in  the  Govern- 
ment examination.  Their  obtaining  their  certificate  or 
diploma  is  for  this.  The  class  they  take,  accompanied  in 
some  cases  with  prizes,  is  for  this.  When  they  take  a 
school  they  have  secured  a  position  in  the  world  as 
*'  Government  teachers."  The  Government  inspector  visits 
and  examines  the  school ;  his  examination  and  report  is  with 
regard  to  secular  subjects.  Their  character  as  teachers, 
the  character  of  the  school,  in  some  cases  the  grants  to  it^ 
their  prospects  of  promotion  or  future  provision  depend  on 
this.  What  has  the  religious  inspector  to  set  over  against  all 
this  ?  Uoubtlees  there  are  many  conscientious  and  devoted 
teachers,  Avho  are  not  unmindful  of  their  duty  to  God,  and 
of  the  value  of  the  souls  which  are  entrusted  to  their  care^ 
But  it  is  impossible,  wo  are  told,  to  serve  two  masters,, 
and  our  teachers  are  drawn,  many  of  them  insensibly,  into 
the  notion,  that  as  teachers — as  Government  teachers — 
the  Government  is  their  master,  and  so  it  comes  about  in  a 
natural  way  that  when  they  have  two  departments  of  work 
they  attend  most  carefully  to  that  of  their  master,  and 
that  which  has  besides  the  greatest  present  inducements 
and  rewards. 

In  England  there  is  another  difficulty  which,  perhaps, 
might  not  arise  in  Ireland.  It  is  this ;  that  the  responsibility 
of  maintaining  the  schools  falls  on  the  managers ;  and  the 
priest,  although  not  the  only  manager,  is  the  one  on  whom 
the  burthen  of  the  work  mainly  rests.  The  Government 
grant  in  aid  of  the  school  is  so  important  an  item  in  the 
year's  income  that  even  the  manager  is  himself  led  away 
to  look  too  keenly  after  this,  and  attend  principally  to  that 


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Heligious  Inspectum  of  Schools.  79 

portion  of  the  work  which  will  be  examined  into  by  the^ 
inspector  who  bears  the  money-bag.  The  excuse  put 
forward  for  doing  this  is  that,  except  by  means  of  the^ 
Government  grant,  the  school  could  not  be  kept  going  at 
all.  The  answer  to  this  argument  is,  that  this  is  propter  vitam 
perdere  eausas  vivendi.  But  we  can  without  difficulty  divine 
what  must  often  come  to  be  the  state  of  things  when  the 
teachers,  in  addition  to  h%Tiug  their  own  temptations  to 
contend  aeainst,  have  the  aufiiority  and  example  of  the- 
manager  m  favour  of  making  success  in  the  secular 
examination  the  primaiy  object  of  their  solicitude.  And 
the  poor  children  attencling  the  school — whereabouts  are 
they,  in  this  state  of  things?  Well,  their  earliest  impres- 
sions,  never  wholly  obliterated,  are,  that  arithmetic,, 
geography  and  grammar  are  things  that  have  to  be  got  up 
tor  the  Government  examination,  and  the  sacraments  and 
commandments  for  the  rehgious,  but  that  everybody  knowa 
that  the  arithmetic,  grammar,  and  geography  are  the 
most  important  and  indispensable — '  why,  you  can  see  it.' 

But,  secondly,  let  us  bear  in  mind  another  consideration. 
Supposing,  what  is  not  impossible  under  exceptionally 
favourable  circumstances,  that  rehgious  instruction  is  so 
well  looked  after,  conscientiously  attended  to,  and  skilfully 
given,  that  the  rehgious  inspector  can  report  that  it  is 
*" excellent;"  yet  rehgious  instruction  is  not  religious 
education.  Indeed,  it  is  quite  possible,  not  to  say  easy, 
for  children  to  be  well  grounded  in  religious  knowledge 
without  its  reaching  their  heart  and  affecting  their  hfe. 
For  preparing  the  subject,  in  view  of  an  examination,  the 
children  see  it  in  that  connection  and  not  in  relation  to  life 
and  practice.  What  we  want — especially  if,  as  in  England, 
the  school  is  more  or  less  to  make  up  for  the  deficiencies  of 
parents  and  the  want  of  home  training— is  to  teach  the 
children  the  actual  use  and  practice  of  religion  in 
connection  with  the  knowledge  of  it.  This  cannot 
always  be  easily  done  in  school,  but  if  it  is  not  aimed  at, 
and  done  as  far  as  may  be,  and  when  occasion  offers,  and 
if  their  daily  life  is  not  illustrated  and  guided  by  the 
principles  and  doctrines  of  religion,  there  is  more  than  a 
likelihood  that  the  children  will  not  even  see  the  connection 
between  religious  knowledge  and  a  good  life.  Here 
instruction  and  telling  people  what  they  ought  to  do  is 
not  the  same  as  traming  them  to  do  it ;  nor  will  it  do 
instead  of  that  training.  And — this  is  my  point — giving 
the  teacher  and  children  another  motive  and  object  for 


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80  Religious  Inspection  of  Schools, 

religious  instruction  beyond  its  being  learned  for  its  own 
sake — viz.,  learning  it  to  satisfy  the  requirements  of  an 
annual  examination  has  no  tendency  towards  its  being 
learned  for  its  own  use,  but,  on  the  contrary,  has  a 
tendency  to  take  attention  ofiF  that  object  and  transfer  it 
to  the  lower  but  the  nearer  object  of  passing  the  examina- 
tion. 

It  may  be  well  to  explain  that  in  thus  setting  forth  the 
difficulties  and  objections  of  the  religious  inspection  as 
xjaiTied  on  in  England  I  seem  to  be  condemning  the  course 
taken  by  the  Ecclesiastical  authorities  in  establishing  it, 
and  that  such  an  expression  of  opinion  comes  strangely 
from  one  who  was  himself  employed  for  so  many  years  in 
carrying  out  this  system. 

I  may  say,  in  reply,  that  it  was  not  forme  to  set  up  my 
own  opinion  in  the  matter,  but  to  carry  out  that  which 
was  determined  by  those  to  whom  it  belonged  to  consider 
und  judge  what  was  best.  Perhaps,  notwithstanding 
those  difficulties  and  objections  it  was  the  only  thing  that 
could  be  done,  or  the  best  under  the  circumstances.  It  was 
not  for  me  to  sit  in  judgment  on  the  system  but  to  strive, 
as  I  did,  to  cany  it  out  honestly  and  efficiently.  1  only 
state  here  the  difficulties  that  I  have  observed  in  it,  and 
that  for  the  consideration  of  tho.^e  Avho  may  be  interested 
in  the  question  of  religious  inspection  and  its  results  in 
elementary  schools. 

One  thing  at  least  should  bo  remembered  when 
speaking  of  the  action  which  the  Ecclesiastical  authorities 
in  England  took  in  this  matter.  They  were  legislating  for 
^  state  of  things  which  happily  does  not  exist  in  the  same 
way  in  Ireland.  The  children  attending  the  schools  in 
England  are  exposed  to  a  very  gi-eat  extent  to  dangers  to 
their  faith  and  morality  out  of  doors  quite  beyond  any- 
thing to  which  they  would  ordinarily  be  liable  in  Ireland ; 
and  in  doors  they  lacked  the  correcting  and  sustaining 
influence  of  good  homes.  No  system  that  can  be  invented 
by  man  can  improve  on,  or  make  up  for,  that  which  the 
providence  of  God  has  ordained  in  children  being  brought 
into  the  world  so  that  they  can  each  one  bo  known  and 
watched  and  trained  by  those  who  love  them  with  a  special 
love,  and  desire  to  bring  them  up  in  good  and  gentle 
ways.  It  was  because  this  home  influence  could  not  be 
counted  on  that  we  in  England  have  been  making  all  sorts 
of  efforts  to  supply  its  place  by  convent  education  and 
religious  inspection.     "My  father  and  mother  have  for- 


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Among  tlie  Graves^  81 

saken  me.  but  the  Lord  taketh  me  up." — Ps.  26.  It  was 
this.  But  in  Ireland  the  children  are  not  so  forsaken,  and 
the  remedial  measures  called  for  in  England  are  not,  there- 
fore, demanded.  It  is  worth  consideration  which  is  the 
best  policy — to  do  that  which  may  tend  to  relieve 
parents  of  their  duties  and  responsibilities  as  regards  their 
children  and  teach  them  that  others  are  undertaking  these 
duties  and  will  attend  to  them — or  Avhether  the  old  system^ 
which  is  the  keystone  of  Christian  civilization  and  Christian 
character  is  still  the  best,  to  strain  every  nerve  to 
preserve  and  maintain  good  homes  as  the  best  of  all  places 
of  religious  education. 

J.  G.  Wenham. 


AMONG  THE  GRAVES. 

A  GOOD  deal  has  been  done  within  the  last  few  years 
to  rescue  om-  ancient  monuments  from  ruin  and 
oblivion.  The  Board  of  Works,  the  pubUc  department  to- 
which  they  have  been  entrusted  by  the  Irish  Church 
DisestabUshment  Act,  has  been  doing  its  part  slowly  indeed 
but  surely.  Of  course  there  is  the  usual  vis  inertiae  to  be 
overcome  before  it  is  put  in  motion  ;  then  there  is  the  red- 
tapism  inseparable,  it  would  seem,  from  official  Ufe ;  and 
lastly,  the  results  are  not  always  adequate  to  the  expendi- 
ture. This  last  grievance  may  be  fairly  met,  however,  by 
the  fact  that  the  remoteness  of  the  places  where  the  works 
are  carried  on,  not  only  involves  much  additional  cost,  but 
also  precludes  that  dihgence  which  the  Wise  Man  tells  us  is 
brought  about  by  the  constant  presence  of  the  master. 
But  on  the  "Whole  the  results  are  satisfactory,  and 
Mr.  Deano  may  be  congi'atulated  on  the  success  of  his 
labours  hitherto. 

And  surely  it  was  high  time  that  a  strenuous  effort 
should  be  made  to  arrest  the  utter  ruin  that  threatened 
oiff  ancient  buildings.  A  considerable  number  of  our 
Eound  Towers  have  been  swept  away  within  the  present 
centUT}',  so  that  not  even  a  stone  is  left  on  a  stone  to  tell 
m  where  they  stood.     It  is  only  two  years  ago  that  the 


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82  Among  the  Graves, 

memory,  of  many  an  ancient  tombstone  at  Clonmac  noise. 
Thirty  yeara  a^o  O'Curry  gathered  round  him  the  people 
of  Aran,  and  oesought  them  in  their  own  sweet  and 
touching  tongue  to  save  the  remnant  of  the  ancient 
treasures  that  adorned  their  holy  island.  That  good  man's 
heart  was  sad  when  he  saw  Dun  ^nghus,  the  most  ancient 
non-sepulchral  stone  monument  of  Europe,  pulled  down 
piecemeal,  and  Cahir-na-ban  a  shapeless  heap  of  ruins.  In 
that  same  island  of  Aran  may  be  seen  at  this  moment  two 
large  Irish  crosses  in  no  way  inferior  in  graceful  outline 
and  beauty  of  ornament  to  the  crosses  of  Kells  and 
Durrow,  the  admiration  of  every  one  ever  so  little 
-acquainted  with  art  in  our  times.  And  yet  they  are  Ijing 
on  the  ground  side  by  side  wholly  uncared  for  1 

Nearer  home,  have  we  not  seen  one-half  of  Dunbrody 
Abbey  alloAved  to  fall  because  of  a  petty  pique  ?  Carrick 
Castle,  once  a  "  plentiful  mansion  with  sunlit  gables  and 
embroidery-covered  walls,"  is  now  lone  and  desolate 
enough  to  gratify  the  destructive  tastes  of  the  famous 
Sultan  Mahmoud.  And  the  Grey  Abbey  of  Kildare,  the 
resting-place  of  some  of  the  noblest  and  bravest  of  the 
Leinster  Geraldines,  has  come  to  be  an  unsightly  ruin 
under  the  very  eyes  of  generations  of  *'  Ireland's  only 
Dukes,"  and  has  been  saved  from  utter  destruction,  and  its 
graves  from  constant  profanation,  by  the  Poor-Law 
Guardians  expending  on  it  the  money  collected  for  the 
jsupport  of  the  poor.  Let  us  hope  that  the  time  is  coming 
when  the  history  of  their  country  will  no  longer  be  a  closed 
book  to  our  Irish  youth.  Then  they  will  begin  to  look 
with  pious  reverence  on  the  spots  where  their  forefathem 
prayed  and  suffered,  and  they  will  visit  the  homes  of  the 
great  men  of  their  country  in  pious  pilgrimage,  as  the 
Spaniard  does  the  birth-place  of  St.  Ignatius,  or  with  that 
patriotic  feeling  which  the  Scotchman  displays  to  the 
home  of  Wallace  and  of  Scott. 

There  is  one  class  of  our  antiquities  which  the  Board  of 
Works  seems  to  feel  little  concern  about.  And  indeed  it 
is  not  easy  to  see  how  to  save  them  from  decay  more  or 
less  rapid.  The  "imber  edax,"  the  corroding  rain  of  our 
climate,  is  a  sure  solvent  of  stone  and  brass  alike  exposed 
to  its  wasting  influence.  Miss  Stokes  has  given  to  very 
many  of  the  earlier  inscriptions  in  the  Irish  tongue  that 
immortality  which  a  good  book  gives  to  the  suDJect  of 
which  it  treats.  Unhappily,  owing  to  the  devastations  of 
this  country  by  the  Daues  for  four  centuries,  and  to  the 


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Among  tlie  Graves.  83 

<jon8tantly  recurring  buroings  of  the  churclies  and  the 
-daughter  of  the  clergy  by  these  fierce  maraudera,  not 
merely  along  the  sea-coast  but  even  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  country,  in  Roscrea  and  Lorrha  as  well  as  Kildare  and 
Glendalough,  few,  if  any,  monuments  of  that  time  are  in 
existence.  During  the  short  interval  of  peace  that  elapsed 
between  the  defeat  of  the  Danish  power  at  Clontarf  and 
the  coming  of  the  English,  the  revival  of  religious  life  was 
almost  as  wonderful  in  its  effects  as  the  preaching  of 
St.  Patrick.  We  will  mention  but  one  fact  in  proof  of  that 
assertion.  Within  the  last  thirty  years  of  this  period 
nearly  twenty  Cistercian  monasteries  were  erected  through- 
out the  country,  not  merely  in  one  territoiy  or  under  the 
sway  of  one  prince,  but  in  every  part  of  it :  at  Melhfont, 
the  Fountain  of  Honey,  in  Loutli,  and  at  Corcomroe, 
the  Fertile  Rock,  in  Thomond,  at  Boyle,  in  Connaught,  and 
at  Holy  Cross,  in  the  richest  part  of  Munster.  But  maraud- 
ings and  burnings,  as  fierce  and  relentless  as  those  of  the 
Danes,  and  wars  as  unceasing  as  theira  but  conducted 
with  more  skill,  followed  quick  on  this  peaceful  time,  and 
have  continued,  with  few  and  short  exceptions,  almost  to 
oiu-  own  time.  Many  still  living  have  seen  the  tithe  war, 
and  it  needs  no  long  memory  to  go  back  to  the  time 
when  the  parson  claimed  payment  from  the  Catholics  who 
wished  to  bury  their  dead  in  the  tombs  of  their  forefathers, 
and  refused  to  allow  a  cross  to  be  erected  over  a  Cathohc 
grave. 

My  purpose  is  to  put  in  print,  and  in  this  way  to  save, 
perhaps,  from  destruction,  some  of  the  inscriptions  found  on 
the  tombs  of  the  15th,  16th,  and  17th  centuries.  Most  of 
them,  owing  to  the  language  in  which  they  are  written, 
and  still  more  to  the  style  of  lettering,  and  to  the  almost 
universal  system  of  abbreviation,  are  unknown  and  conse- 
quently uncared  for.  Yet,  I  trust  that  a  perusal  of  some 
of  them  will  interest  not  only  the  antiquarian  but  the 
general  reader.  I  will  begin  with  the  tombs  in  the 
church  of 

1.— Rathmore. 

This  church  is  about  two  miles  north-east  of  Athboy, 
itself  a  place  of  considerable  importance,  as  being  one  of 
the  last  strong  places  on  the  western  border  of  the  Pale  for 
the  defence  of  the  English  settlers.  On  the  way  we  puss 
by  the  Hill  of  Ward,  known  in  Irish  history  by  the  name  of 
llachtgha,  and  celebrated  in  ancient  times  for  the  Druidic 


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84  Among  the  Graves* 

fires  lighted  there  on  the  first  of  November,  and  later  for 
the  games  and  sports  instituted  there  by  King  TuathaL 
Here,  too,  as  we  learn  from  the  Annals  of  the  Four 
Masters,  under  the  date  1173,  "Tiernan  O'Rourko,  Lord  of 
Brefny  and  Conmaine,  a  man  of  great  power  for  a  long  time^ 
was  treacherously  slain  by  Hugo  DeLacy  and  Donnell 
O'Rourke.  He  was  beheaded  by  them,  and  his  head  and 
body  carried  ignominiously  to  Dublin.  The  head  was 
placed  over  the  gate  of  the  fortress  as  a  spectacle  of  intense 
pity  to  the  Irish,  and  the  body  was  gibbeted  with  the  feet 
upwards  at  the  northern  side  of  Dublin.'* 

In  the  low  ground  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  is  the  old 
church  of  Rathmore.  Its  size  is  considerable,  fully  80  feet 
in  length  by  nearly  30  in  breadth.  The  walls  and  bell- 
tower  are  still  standing.  The  beautiful  east  window  has 
its  original  tracery  nearly  complete ;  few  windows  in 
Ireland  are  equal  to  it  in  the  tasteful  proportion  of  its 
parts  and  the  exquisite  details  of  its  tracery. 

There  is  a  stone  lying  flat  on  the  ground  almost 
opposite  the  northern  door  by  which  we  enter.  Formerly 
it  lay  close  to  the  east  window.  Some  years  since  it  was 
moved  to  its  present  position.  It  bears  the  following^ 
inscription.  The  end  of  each  line  is  marked  with  a 
star:  — 

i^tr  facet  ^UxanOet  piunftrt  Dr  Hatl^morr  mi\t»  quonSam* 
cancellanu^  tlibrmtr  cum  Domina  anna  i^artoarli^ 
nxoxt  ma  qui  ohiit  X^  Die  ^tnt^if^  angu^tt  anno  Domini 
^CCCCCSSS*  et  Dtcta  anna  obttt  .  unDo  Hie 
^endtft  9prthi$  anno  Domini  ^e€€€€*XXl\ 
quorum  animaiiuft  propictetur  Deufs  amen,  jiai^etere 
nofstri  Domine  miserere  no^tri  Sat  mi^ertcorDia  tua 
Domine  duper  noK  quemaDmoDnm  ^perabimu^  in  te. 

[Here  lies  Alexander  Plunket  of  Rathmore,  Knight,  formerly 
Chancellor  of  Ireland,  with  the  lady  Anne  Marward,  his  wife  ;  who 
died  on  the  10th  day  of  the  month  of  August,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1503,  and  the  said  Anne  dieil  on  the  second  day  of  the  month 
of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1525.  On  whose  souls  may  the 
Lord  have  mercy.  Have  mercy  on  us,  O  Lord,  have  mercy  on  us. 
Let  thy  mercy,  O  Lord,  be  upon  us,  as  we  have  hoped  in  thee.] 

The  Plunkets,  like  some  of  tlie  Galway  "  tribes,"  seem 
to   have  come   to   Ireland  before  the  English  invasion. 


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Among  the  Graves.  85 

Thev  are  very  probably  of  the  stock  knowu  by  the  name 
of  Fingalliaus,  or  the  "  white  ntrangers."  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  Danes  or  Dubh-Galls,  t.^., "  black  strangers  ;*^ 
and  from  them  the  eastern  coast  between  Dublin  and 
Drogheda,  where  they  settled,  has  been  styled  Fingal. 
They  would  seem  to  have  thrown  in  their  lot  with  the 
English,  and  to  have  made  common  cause  with  them 
against  the  Irish  enemy.  And  true  to  their  family  tradition, 
tiiey  have  been,  with  very  few  exceptions,  constant 
adherents  of  the  English  interest  in  Ireland.  Hence  we 
find  them  at  all  times  employed  in  positions  of  importance 
and  trust.  In  1H58,  Richard  Plunket  was  appomted  by 
Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  one  of  his  attorneys-general  for 
the  provinces  of  Connaught  and  Ulster.  "  to  do  and  answer 
in  all  things  for  him  in  Ireland."  Indeed  some  of  the 
highest  legal  offices  were  so  often  held  by  members  of 
this  family  as  to  be  almost  heir-looms.  Yet  their  zeal 
did  not  always  come  up  to  the  requirements  of  their 
mast^i-s.  Thus  the  Lord  Deputy  Gray  writes  to  Cromwell 
in  1537:— 

"  There  be  in  the  marches  of  Meath  three  lords  of  one  nation 
called  the  Plunkets,  that  is  to  say,  the  Lord  of  Dunsany,  the  Lord 
of  Killeen.  and  the  Lord  of  llathmore.  They  be  neither  men  of 
wisdom  to  give  counsel,  nor  yet  men  of  activity  ;  and  having  the 
same  possessions  that  their  fathers  had,  they  keep  in  manner  no 
men  for  the  defence  of  the  marches,  but  suffer  the  same  to  be 
oppressed,  overrun,  and  wasted  by  Irishmen,  whereby  the  king's 
profits  and  strength  arc  daily  diminished  there/' 

During  centuries  of  sore  trial  and  suflFering,  they  held 
fast  to  the  ancient  faith  :  and  if  some  few  have  fallen  away, 
the  glory  of  the  name  has  been  well  upheld  by  OUver 
Plunket,\vho  died  a  martyr  at  Tyburn^ 

De  Verdon,  one  of  De  Lacy's  barons,  who  became  pos- 
sessed of  the  Lordship  of  Brefny,  the  0*Reillys*  coimtry, 
left  four  daughters.  In  the  division  of  his  lands  among 
them  as  co-heiresses,  Margery,  the  third  daughter,  had 
Brefny  for  her  portion.  By  her  marriage  with  one  of  the 
Cruise  family,  Rathmore  descended  to  Sir  John  Cruise. 
His  grand-daughter  and  heiress,  Marian,  married  Sir 
Thomas  Plunket,  third  son  of  the  first  Lord  Killeen,  who 
in  her  right  became  possessed  of  Rathmore,  Girly,  Kilshir, 
and  Kilsaughlan.  He  and  his  descendants  were  in 
consequence  styled  Lords  of  Rathmore. 

Their  son  was  Alexander  Plunket,  mentioned  in  the 
VOL.  XI.  O 


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86  Among  tJie  Graves. 

abo\o  inscription.  Ware  says  "  he  was  a  person  of  great 
account.*'  He  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  chancellor 
in  September,  1492,  through  the  influence,  it  was  said,  of 
his  friend  the  Earl  of  Kildare.  He  held  that  high  position 
for  only  two  years.  He  was  a  knight,  not  only  by  direct 
creation,  but  also  by  reason  of  the  lordship  which  he  owned. 
Ancient  English  knights,  Newton  tells  us,  in  his  '•  Display 
of  Heraldry" — and  the  same  applies  to  those  who  lived 
within  the  Pale  in  Ireland — held  lands  under  tenure  called 
knights'  fees.  Matthew  (barter,  in  his  *•  Analysis  of 
Honour,**  says,  tenants  by  knight's  service  were  called 
rniUtes  or  chevaliers,  because  their  service  was  militar}'  or 
perfoiuied  on  horseback.  Bracton  makes  mention  of  Rad- 
cnigh%H.  t.<?.,  servinff-raen  who  had  their  lands  on  this  con- 
ditioii,  that  they  should  serve  their  lords  on  hordeback. 
Thoso  were  first  called  knights  who  received  any  lands  or 
inheritance  in  fee  by  this  tenure,  to  serve  in  the  war ;  for 
those  lands  were  called  knight*s  fees,  and  they  received 
those  lands  or  manors  with  this  condition,  to  serve  in  the 
wars,  and  to  yield  fealty  and  homage :  whence  others  Avho 
served  simplyfor  pay,  were  called  "  feolidarii.'*  The  creation 
of  thede  knights  was  attended  with  ceremonies  both  of  a 
military  and  religious  character,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  lands  so  held  were  hereditary,  subject  to 
military  service,  and  that  every  successive  possessor  might 
claim  the  honours  of  knighthood  in  virtue  of  his  holding 
such  lands  in  fee.  Sir  Alexander  was  one  of  "  the  fraternity 
of  arms,**  later  styled  **the  Brotherhood  of  St.  George,'* 
which  consisted  of  thirteen  pereons  of  the  most  honourable 
and  faithfully  disposed  in  the  counties  of  Kildare,  Dublin, 
Meath,  and  Louth.  They  assembled  yearly  in  Dublin  on 
St.  George's  day,  the  better  to  express  their  zeal  for  the 
English  government.  One  was  then  chosen  to  be  captain 
for  the  next  year. 

His  ^vife  was  Anne,  the  daughter  of  Marward,  Baron 
of  Skryne.  Campion  calls  him  a  baronet.  He  was  not 
a  Parliamentary  baron,  but  only  a  baron  palatine,  created, 
not  by  the  sovereign,  but  by  the  Lord  Palatine.  These, 
Sir  John  Davis  says,  made  barons  and  knights,  and  ap- 
pointed their  own  sheriffs,  judges,  and  coroners ;  so  that 
the  king's  writ  did  not  run  in  these  counties,  but  only  in 
the  church  lands  lying  within  the  same.  Such  were,  accord- 
ing to  Ware,  Marward,  Baron  of  Skryne,  Hussey  of 
Galtrim,  Petit  of  Mullingar,  Nagle  of  Navan,  Fitzgerald  of 
Burntchurch,  and  Grace  of  Courtown. 


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Among  the  Grates.  87 

In  the  north-eaptern  corner  of  the  church  there  is 
another  stone  lying  on  the  ground,  which  beara  the  follow, 
ing  inscription : — 

i^ir  facet  Cl^ttotofotu^* 
yitmftet  Or   Hatl^motr  ttLx\t%  rum  Oomina  ftati^atina 
$re0ton  uxore  ma* 
qui  tslbiit  V\  Dt>  fam%i%  j^ardi* 
amio  Oomint  ip^  S^  XXXF.  et  Dicta  Batl^arina  obtit 
Itcmendm         9lmio  Domini  ^SCCCCC        quorum 
animabud  Deu^  ptoptcictut. 

[Here  lies  Christopher  Plunket  of  RatKmore,  Knight,  with  the 
Lady  Catherine  IVeston,  his  wife,  who  died  on  the  5th  day  of  March, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1631 ;  and  the  said  Catherine  died 
day  of  the  month  of  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  16     .     On 

whose  souls  may  Grod  have  mercy.] 

This  Christopher  Avas  the  son  of  Sir  Alexander  Plunket 
^nd  Anne  Marward  mentioned  above.  Catherine  Preston, 
his  wife,  was  the  daughter  of  Robert,  first  Earl  of 
"Gormanston.  They  left  no  issue.  A  floriated  cross  of 
four  points  runs  along  the  middle  of  the  stone,  and  at  its 
foot  are  two  shields,  the  first  bearing  the  arms  of  Plunket, 
diamond,  a  bend,  in  the  sinister  chief  a  castle  pearl, 
empaling  those  of  Preston,  ermine,  on  a  chief  sable  three 
crescents ;  the  second,  the  arms  of  Preston  empaling  those 
of  Molyneux,  sapphire,  a  cross  moline  topaz,  to  show  her 
descent  by  the  mother  side  from  Sir  Richard  Molyneux  of 
Sefton,  who  was  knighted  by  Henry  V.,  after  the  battle  of 
Agincourt.  The  upper  part  of  the  stone  has  the  arms  ot 
the  passion  in  relief  on  it,  the  nails,  scourge,  &c.  The 
•emblems  of  the  Evangelists  placed  one  at  each  comer 
of  the  stone,  betoken  that  those  who  are  now  lying 
beneath  believed  during  life,  and  at  their  death  put 
their  trust  in,  the  saving  Gospel  of  Christ.  The  spaces 
left  blank  for  the  day,  month,  and  year,  show  that  the 
wife  survived  her  husband,  and  that  this  stone  was  put 
in  its  place  during  her  life-time.  Her  friends  who  survived 
her  neglected  the  pious  duty  of  inserting  the  date  of  her 


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88  Among  the  Graves. 

beai-ing  incised,  not  raised  as  on  the  other  stones,  the  fol- 
lowing inscription : — 

0tate  pro  ammatiuft  Cbn>»topt)ort  $Iunftct  De  itatl^more 

mtlttid  rt  Slatl^arine  * 
ytrdton  itxorus  tiVLfk  nvii  crucrm  laytDeam  infra  toillam 

isitam  anu  totmiit  * 
xinm  ron^trut  frrerunt  et  porttcum  i^tnm  tt  omnibus  ante 

crucem  praeBictam  * 

Ofrentjiiusi  pater  nonter  et  ater  marta  pro  anfmabun  Dictomm 

Cfirmtopl^rt  tt  Itatl^arine* 

€t  parentum   quorum   tontcsdum  t%t  Ducnttt  Died 

inDuIgentte* 

per  U  £pii»ropo0  in  concilto  probinriali  totters  quattm 

perpetufo  temportliuft « 

Duraturid  anno  Bomtni  fUCeeeCXHX. 

[Pray  for  the  souls  of  Christopher  Plunkct  of  Bathmore, 
Knight,  and  Catherine  Preston,  his  wife,  who  caused  the  stone 
cross  below  tliis  town  in  front  of  the  cemetery  and  this  porch  to  be 
built ;  and  to  all  who  say  before  the  aforesaid  cross  a  "  Pater  Noster  " 
and  an  "Ave  Maria,"  for  the  souls  of  the  said  Christopher  and 
Catherine,  and  of  their  parents,  two  hundred  days  of  indulgence 
have  been  granted  by  the  five  Bishops  in  the  Provincial  Council, 
as  often  as  they  are  said,  to  last  for  ever,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1519.] 

Clearly  this  stone  has  been  moved  to  its  present  position 
from  some  other  place ;  there  is  no  porch  near  it  now.  The 
inscription  goes  to  show  that  Rathmore  was  formerly  a 
small  town  or  village,  for  such  is  the  meaning  of  villa  very 
often  in  mediaeval  latinity.  And  as  a  fact,  we  find  in 
Gale's  "Inquiry  into  Ancient  Corporate  Towns,"  that 
Maurice  Fitzf^erald  granted  a  charter  to  his  burgesses  of 
Rathmore  in  the  year  1232.  Moreover,  the  foundations  of 
the  buildings  still  seen  round  the  church  are  far  more 
numerous  than  would  be  required  for  the  residence  of  the 
clergy  attached  to  it. 

All  knowledge  of  the  existence  and  site  of  the  cross 
mentioned  in  this  inscription  had  died  out.  Yet  a  vague 
tradition,  connected  in  some  way  with  the  notion  of  the 
indulgence,  survived,  and  owing  to  it,  the  faithful  coming 
to  the  church  on  the  occasion  of  funerals,  said  an  '*  Our 
Father  '*   and  a  "  Hail  Mary  "  kneeling  before  the  stone. 


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Among  the  Graves.  89 

Some  years  a^o  it  occurred  to  me,  when  visiting  the  place 
and  seeing  this  inscription,  to  make  a  search  for  the  cross. 
I  had  not  the  good  fortune  to  find  it,  but  in  a  small  mound 
overgrown  \vith  moss  and  gi*ass  1  found  its  socket.  It 
bears  the  following  inscription  in  incised  letters  of  the 
same  shape  as  those  on  the  stone,  but  a  Uttle  larger.  The 
lettering  begins  on  the  northern  face,  and  goes  to  the 
western,  and  so  on,  in  double  lines  on  each  face ;  each 
pair  is  given  here  in  one  line.  The  whole  of  the  first  short 
line  is  broken  oflf : — 

«    »    *    4    Itatl^motr  rax- 

Ittfe  tx  Itatl^artne  Preston  itxorto  tivi% 

tx  tiatentttm  et  antecrsdotum  quotum  tivix  fianc  crucettt 

ttxi  feretttttt      a.®*  jittCCCCCXIX. 

[Pray  for  the  souls  of  Alexander  Plunket  of  Rathraore,  Knight, 
and  Catherine  Preston,  his  wife,  and  their  parents  and  predecessors, 
who  caused  this  cross  to  be  made  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1519.] 

A  careful  search  would  probably  find  the  cross  too. 
We  know  that  many  pious  objects  wore  concealed  in 
times  of  persecution  in  order  to  save  them  from  the  fury 
of  the  Protestants. 

There  is  another  tomb,  of  the  altar  shape,  at  the  south- 
east end  of  the  church,  older  than  any  we  have  yet  spoken 
of.  A  knight  in  armour  lies  on  it,  one  of  the  Plunk ets,  ^ 
the  inscription  shows.  Only  one-half  of  the  monument 
remains,  and  the  lettering  of  that  is  so  worn  away  that  it  is 
not  possible  to  decipher  the  inscription. 

Rathraore  is  no  longer  the  property  of  the  Plunkets. 
Many  of  the  name  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  war  of 
1641  on  the  Irish  side  against  the  Puritan  party.  Nicholas 
Plunket  was  one  of  the  Council  of  the  Confederate 
Catholics.  Even  that  would  be  enough  to  exclude  any 
of  the  family  from  employing  the  plea  of  "  constant  good 
affection,'*  and  to  bring  on  them,  one  and  all,  confiscation 
of  their  property  and  transplantation  to  Connaught.  It 
now  belongs  to  Lord  Darnley.  The  founder  of  this  family. 
Lodge  tells,  was  a  dry-salter,  who  came  to  Ireland  as  an 
agent  of  the  Ad  venturers  during  the  war.  Later  he  became 
an  Adventurer  himself,  having  subscribed  £600  to  a  joint 
stock,  in  which  two  others  were  concerned.  In  casting 
lots  the  baronies  of  Lune  and  Moghergallen  fell  to  him,  on 
property  chiefly  belonging  to  the  Gormanston  family.  He 
seated  himself  at  Rathmore,  and  was  for  a  time  Member 


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90     Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University. 

of  Parliament  for  Athboy.  He  had  also  several  conimission» 
under  the  Government.  His  son  erected  the  principal 
estates  in  the  neighbourhood  into  a  manor,  and  obtained  a 
gi-ant  from  King  VVilHam,  empowering  him  to  hold  500 
acres  in  demesne  and  to  empale  500  acres  for  deer. 
John,  the  founder's  grandson  was  made  Baron  CHfton  of 
Rathmore  in  1722,  Viscount  Darnley  of  Athboy  in  1723, 
and  Earl  of  Darnley  in  1725.  His  descendant  is  owner  of 
Rathmore  and  the  rest  of  the  property  belonging  to  that 
branch  of  the  Plunket  family. 

D.  Mt'RPHY. 


PHILOSOPHY  FOR  CATHOLIC  STUDENTS  INjTHE 
ROYAL  UNIVERSITY^ 

DR.  KAVANAGH'S  interesting  pamphlet^  reveals  the 
undonbtedlj'  dislieartening  fact  that  a  difference  of 
opinion,  wide  in  extent,  and,  it  may  be,  disastrous  in  its 
consequences,  exists  among  those  membera  of  the  Royal 
University  Senate  -svho  share  between  them  the  heavy 
responsibihty  of  guarding  the  interests  of  the  Catholic 
students  of  the  University. 

The  difference,  it  would  seem,  regards  the  nature  of  the 
plan  to  be  recommended  to  the  Senate  for  the  removal  of 
the  grounds  of  the  dissatisfaction  at  present  so  loudly 
expressed  upon  the  CathoHc  side,  as  to  the  manner  in  Avhich 
the  Examinations  in  Philosophy  {\rc  conducted.  The 
Royal  University  is,  in  the  main,  an  examining  University. 
Its  Examination  Papers  must  powerfully,  and  to  the  practical 
exchision  of  almost  every  other  influence,  direct  the  cun-ent 
of  philosophical  teaching  in  every  College  the  students  of 
which  are  preparing  for  its  Examinations  in  Philosophy. 
HoAv  far  from  satisfactory  is  this  controlling  influence  of 
the  University  as  at  present  in  operation,  has  been 
exhaustively  shown  in  the  analysis  of  one  of  its  recent 
Examination  Papers,  published  in  the  last  November  number 

^  The  Study  of  Mental  Phi!osophy  by  Catholic  Students  in  the 
Royal  University  of  Ireland.  By  the  Very  Rev.  James  B.  Kavanagh, 
D.D.,  P.P.,  Kildare ;  Senator  of  the  Royal  University  of  Ireland. 
Dublin  :  Browne  &  Nolan,  1885. 


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Pldlosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University,     91 

of  the  Record  J  Simultaneously  with  tho  publication  of  that 
analysis,  there  was  also  published  in  these  pages  a  Resolution 
of  the  Bishops  of  Ireland,  adopted  by  their  Lordships 
at  their  last  general  meeting,  in  wlueh  they  pass  a 
severe  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  the  Paper  set 
by  the  University  examiners  in  the  subject  in  question. 
In  that  Resolution,  after  reprobating  the  questions  set, 
as  "practically  necessitating  the  reading  of  an ti -Christian 
works,  most  dangerous  to  Catholic  faith,"  the  Bishops 
requested  the  members  of  their  body  who  are  specially 
charged  \dx\i  the  duty  of  looking  after  the  interests 
of  Catholics  in  education — the  Episcopal  Education 
Committee —  to  meet  as  soon  as  possible,  to  take  steps  for 
the  protection  in  future  of  the  CathoUc  students  of  the 
University  from  the  dangers  to  which,  as  revealed  by  the 
recent  examinations  in  Metaphysics,  they  are  at  present 
exposed.^  We  can  well  understand  tho  effect  produced  in 
the  Councils  of  the  University  by  this  momentous  act  of 
tiie  assembled  Episcopacy  of  Ireland.  **  Dangerous  to 
faith  "  is  a  phrase  of  ominous  import  in  the  history  of  the 
Irish  University  Question. 

Whether  any  such  steps  as  were  indicated  in  the 
Resolution  of  the  Bishops  have  as  yet  been  taken,  in  no 
way  appears  from  Dr.  Kavanaglis  pamphlet.  But  it  does 
appear  that  some  members  of  the  Senate  of  the  Royal 
Uuivereity — and  it  is  manifest  that  thoy  are  some  of 
the  Catholic  members  of  that  body — have  felt  called  upon 
to  take  action  for  themselvos.  It  is  in  reference  to  the 
action  thus  taken,  that  the  divergence  of  view  the  existence 
of  which  is  disclosed  to  us  by  Dr.  Kavanagh's  pamphlet 
appears  to  have  arisen. 

"At  the  last  meeting  of  the  Senate,"  he  tells  us  in  his 
opening  sentence,  "there  was  presented  for  discussion  a 
Jiotice  of  Motion  regarding  the  Honours  Paper  in  Meta- 
physics set  at  the  last  University  Examination  .  .  .  The 
discussion  was  somewhat  abruptly  closed,  and  the  matter 
referred  to  the  Standing  Committee  for  its  meeting  in 
January."  The  publication  of  a  pamphlet,  then,  Avas 
selected  by  Dr.  Kavanagh  as  an  advisable  method  of 
putting  forward  his  views  on  a  question  in  which,  "  as  a 
Catholic  Priest   and  a   Senator,"    he    is    **  most    deeply 


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^2     Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University. 

interested,"  "affecting  as  it  does,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
harmonious  working  of  the  Royal  University,"  and 
affecting,  on  the  other,  what  Dr.  Kavanagh,  in  common  with 
the  majority  of  his  Catholic  colleagues  on  the  Senate, 
regards  as  "of  incomparably  greater  moment/'  "the 
interests  of  orr  Catholic  Schools  of  Philosophy,  and  of 
our  whole  Catholic  higher  education." 

The  precise  terms  of  the  Notice  of  Motion  to  which 
Dr.  Kavanagh  refers  are  not  set  forth  in  his  pamphlet. 
But  from  the  general  drift  of  his  argument  it  is  easy  to 
infer  that,  whether  in  terms  or  by  the  explanation  given 
of  it  by  its  proposer,  it  points  to  the  introduction,  in 
«ome  most  objecti(  nable  form,  of  a  system  of  "  alternate," 
or — if  we  may  take  the  liberty  of  substituting  another 
adjective  which  would  seem  more  (clearly  to  indicate  the 
nature  of  the  proposal — "  alternative,"  Examination  papers 
in  Philosophy. 

It    is   right   to   mention   that    Dr.    Kavanagh    in    no 

way   indicates  that  he   entertains  any   objection   to  the 

*' alternative"   system  of  Examination   considered  in   the 

abstract,  or  indeed  to  that  system  as  put  into  operation 

in  any  other  form   than  that   most   objectional   form   in 

which,  as  he  explains  the  case,  it  has  now  been  brought 

before  the  consideration  of  the  Senate.     Even  by  those 

who   are   far   from   having   his  most    extensive,  and    at 

the  same  time  most  minutely  detailed  knowledge  of  the 

philosophical   systems   whether  of  ancient  or  of  modem 

days,  it  cannot,  indeed,  for  a  moment  be  supposed  that 

Dr.  Kavanagh   is  himself  in  absolute   opposition   to   the 

Examinations  of  the  Royal  University  being  conducted,  in 

ftome  degree  or  other,  on  the  "  alternative  "  system.    He  hiw 

in  view,  as  he  informs  his  readers,  and  as,  no  doubt,  some 

of  them  will  learn  with  regret,  the  "harmonious  working 

of   the    Royal    University."     But    it    must    be    manifest 

even     to     the    most    supei-ficial    observer,   that   without 

the   recognition    of    the   "  alternative "    system,  in    some 

^hape   or   form,   in   its   examinations   in    Philosophy,    the 

Royal    University,    so    far    from    working    harmoniously, 

cannot  work  at  all.     iso  University  examiner,  especially 

ia    an    Examination    for    Honors,   can    be    regarded    as 

really  discharging  his  duty  unless  his  questions  are  such 

as  to  test,  on  the  one  hand,  as  regards  non-Catholic  students, 

the  accuracy  of  their  knowledge  and  the  extent  of  the 

grasp    they   have  acquired,  not  .merely   of  the   broader 

outlines,   but   also   of  the   minute   details  of  the  system 


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Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University.     93 

in  which  they  have  been  trained,  and  are,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  regards  Catholic  students,  such  as  will  be 
equally  eflScient  in  testing  the  results  of  the  training 
which  they  have  received  on  Cathohc  lines.  From 
neither  class  of  students  can  an  examiner  reasonably 
demand  such  an  acquaintance  with  the  more  minute 
details  of  the  opposing  system,  as  he  is  bound  to 
demand  from  each  in  reference  to  the  system  in  which 
they  claim  to  have  been  thoroughly  instructed  as  their 
own.  Thus,  then,  an  examination  in  which  an  absolutely 
identical  set  of  questions  would  be  set  for  both  classes 
of  students  would  be  manifestly  inefficient.  So  far  as 
it  might  succeed  in  keeping  clear  of  an  unreasonable 
demand  upon  the  resources  of  one  class,  it  should  of 
necessity  fail  in  that  thoroughness  of  test,  which  is  its  first 
requisite  as  appHed  to  both. 

Dr.  Kavanagh,  however,  abstains  from  giving  any 
very  clear  indication  of  his  view  as  to  that  which  is, 
after  all,  the  great  practical  difficulty  to  be  faced 
in  this  matter.  That  difficulty  lies  in  finding  a  practical 
answer  to  the  question.  How  can  a  working  system 
of  University  examinations  in  Philosophy  be  constructed, 
which  %vill,  on  the  one  hand,  etBciently  test  the  results 
of  the  philosophical  training  of  all  students  who  present 
themselves  for  examination,  and  will,  on  the  other, 
keep  clear  of  that  which  is  so  manifestly  indefensible  in 
the  present  system,  the  decided  advantage  it  affords  to 
students  trained  on  non-Catholic  lines?  He  contents 
himself  with  combatting  the  proposal  which  is  actually 
before  the  Senate.  He  deals  with  that  proposal,  as  of 
course  he  is  fully  justified  in  deahng  with  it,  only  in 
the  precise  form  in  which  it  has  been  brought  forward. 
And  dealing  with  it  thus,  he  has  an  easy  victory.  No  such 
proposal,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  again  be  heard  of  in 
the  Councils  of  the  University.  Indeed,  so  far  as  w^e  can  do 
80  without  calling  in  question  either  Dr.  Kavanagh 's  com- 
petence to  grasp  the  true  bearings  of  the  plan  that  has  been 
proposed,  or  the  earnestness  of  his  desire  most  fairly  to  place 
them  before  his  readei*s,  we  cannot  refrain  from  express- 
ing with  equal  earnestness  a  hope  that,  in  this  instance, 
his  characteristic  accuracy  of  perception,  or  his  no  less 
characteristic  power  of  expression,  may  prove  to  ha\^e  been, 
for  once,  at  fault.  For,  of  this  proposal,  as  first  described, 
and  then  demolished  in  his  pamphlet,  it  is  no  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that  anything  more  ridiculous,  more  unworthy 


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94     Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University, 

of  even  a  moment's  consideration  by  the  members  of  a 
learned  body  such  as  the  Senate  of  the  Royal  University^ 
more  thoroughly  discreditable  to  those  Catholic  Colleges 
for  the  protection  of  whose  interests  in  the  University  the 
adoption  of  such  a  system  could  have  been  regarded  as 
necessary  or  useful,  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive. 

In  justification  of  the  view  thus  taken  of  the  proposal 
in  question,  it  will  suffice  to  transcribe  from  Dr.  Kavanagh's 
pamphlet  a  few  of  the  phrases  in  which  he  lucidly  sets 
forth  its  nature  and  results.  This  indirect  mode  of  dealing 
with  it,  is,  unfortunately,  the  only  one  available.  For,  as 
we  have  already  observed.  Dr.  Kavanagh,  for  some,  no 
doubt  sufficient,  reason,  abstains  from  presenting  the  pro- 

Sfosal  in  the  terms  in  which  it  is  set  forth  in  the  Notice  of 
lotion  before  the  Senate.  But  from  his  description  of  it 
we  may  infer  that  it  is  a  proposal  to  require  the 
Examiners  of  the  University  to  set,  in  future  Examinations, 
a  special  alternative  paper  for  Catholic  students;  thi» 
alternative  paper  being  in  all  respects,  that  is  to  say^ 
in  substance,  in  form,  and  even  in  language  and  expression, 
of  identically  the  same  character,  and  in  every  way  con- 
fined within  the  same  limits,  as  a  paper  which  would  have 
been  set  by  an  examiner  of  one  of  the  medieval  universities 
before  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century  I 

For,  as  he  tells  us,  the  proposal  in  question  would 
confine  the  teaching  of  philosophy  in  Catholic  (>ollege» 
"exclusively  to  scholastic  philosophy  in  its  ancient 
forms'^  as  it  existed  '^  in  the  days  of  St.  Thomas!'*  And 
so,  consistently,  at  all  events,  it  would  altogether  *' ignore 
the  \\\{i\^ present^' '  dii\(i  direct  Catholic  teaching  in  Philosophy 
**  exclusicely  to  the  dead  j^o^f."  In  the  refutation  of  errors,, 
it  would  teach  our  students  to  refute  only  those  eiTors  which 
have  been  ^'nnhea?'d  of  for  centuries,  except  in  scholastic 
disputations,"  avid  "ignore  *'  those  "  errores  grassantes  *'  of 
which  the  Holy  Father  speaks  in  his  magnificent  Eincyclical 
on  the  restoration  of  Catholic  Philosophy,  errors,  of  which 
Dr.  Kavanagh  says,  with  unfortunately  unquestionable 
truth,  that  they  are  "in  active  operation  around  us," 
**  eating  into  the  very  vitals  of  Christian  faith  and  of 
Christian  moral  teaching." 

It  would  even  seem — but  on  this  point  Dr.  Kavanagh 
expresses  himself  with  a  certain  amount  of  diffidence — that 
under  the  system  which  has  so  strangely  been  pro- 
posed for  the  adoption  of  the  Senate,  CathoUc  students 
would  not  even  be  required  to  "  understand  "  any  of  th.e 


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Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  JRoyal  University,     95- 

modem  Philosophical  systems,  or  even  to  know  the  veiy 
"meaning  of  the  terms"  in  which  the  errors  of  the  day  are 
expressed !  instead  of  making  scholastic  Philosophy  what 
the  Holy  Father  in  his  EncycHcal  insists  upon  its  becoming, 
a  living  reality,  the  antagonist  of  existing  errors,  and 
potent  for  present  good,  it  would  deal  with  that  Philosophy 
"  exclusively  in  its  ancient  forms,  as  it  existed  in  the  days  of 
St.  nomas.'*  And,  if  possible  still  more  strangely,  while 
in  equally  direct  opposition  to  the  injunction  so  strongly 
conveyed  in  the  same  Encyclical  as  to  the  advantages  to 
be  derived,  even  in  philosophical  studies,  from  a  careful 
study  of  the  physical  world  and  its  laws,  it  would  obsti- 
nately shut  out  of  view  all  the  maivellous  progress  of 
physical  science  in  modern  times.  For,  as  Dr.  Kavanagh 
assures  us,  the  advocates  of  the  system  which  he  so  vigor-^ 
ously  combats,  even  go  so  far  as  to  say  "  that  all  modern 
discoveries  in  pAy^ncaZ  sciences  should  be  disregarded!  " 

It  is  surely  unnecessary  to  enter  upon  any  discussion 
upon  the  merits  of  a  scheme  so  manifestly  extravagant  a& 
that  which  is  here  depicted.  And  if  Dr.  Kavanagh*s 
pamphlet  had  been  written  merely  in  refutation  of  this 
preposterous  proposal,  one  could  not  help  regarding  it  as 
matter  for  regret  that  so  able  and  so  eloquent  a  writer 
should  have  wasted  his  energies  upon  so  manifestly  super- 
fluous a  task.  Once  more  we  venture  to  express  a  hope  that 
his  conception  of  the  nature  of  the  proposal  ne  sa 
vigorously  combats  may  prove  to  have  been  a  mistaken 
oue;  and  that  even  those  among  his  colleagues  in  the 
Senate  whom  he  regards  as  advocating  the  adoption 
of  this  retrogi*ade  step  may  on  the  contrary  be  found  to  be 
in  practical  agreement  with  him,  at  least  in  the  general 
scope  of  his  view,  as  to  the  necessity  of  aiming  rather  at 
a  thorough-going  reform  of  all  that  is  at  present  defective 
in  the  study  of  Philosophy  in  our  Irish  Colleges.  This,, 
indeed,  we  regard  us  the  point  on  which  he  mainly  insists 
throughout  the  pamphlet. 

**  Ignorance,"  as  Dr.  Kavanagh  reminds  his  readers,. 
*'i8  the  very  feeblest  of  breakwaters."  No  educated 
Catholic  can  mix  in  society  without  peril  to  his  faith,. 
if  he  is  allowed  to  pass  through  his  University  career 
in  ignorance  of  the  modern  developments  of  what  it 
is  now  the  fashion  to  call  "  Mental "  Philosophy,  which 
are  discussed  at  every  dinner-table.  The  man  who  hears 
the  modem  philosophic  eiTors  for  the  first  time  in  society 
is  surely  exposed  to  much  greater  peril  than  the  educated 


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•98     Philosophy  f 01*  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University. 

Catholic  who  is  familiar  with  them  and  has  heard  them 
explained  and  refuted  by  his  professor  during  his  academic 
career.^  Above  all,  as  re^^ards  ecclesiastics,  how  can  a 
Catholic  Priest  give  reason  for  the  hope  that  is  in  him  if 
a  layman  submit  to  him  an  article  in  the  Nineteenth  Century 
or. the  Contemporary  Review,  and  ask  him  to  explain  ana 
refute  the  Philosophical  errors  it  advances,  if  the  Priest  has 
heard  of  the  eiTor  for  the  first  time,  and  is  in  utter  ignorance 
of  the  whole  subject,  or  if,  even  though  perfectly  familiar 
with  the  true  answer,  he  cannot  apply  this  knowledge, 
because  his  training  has  been  so  limited  that  he  knows 
nothing  of  the  Philosophical  language  in  which  it  is 
written? 

Here,  in  Dr.  Kavanagh*s  own  words,  we  have  an  indica- 
tion of  the  object  which  he  seems  mainly  to  have  in  view. 
As  he  elsewhere  tells  us,  "  the  real  question  is,  what  shall 
be  the  standard  and  the  character  of  philosophical  teaching 
in  the  Schools  and  Colleges  of  Ireland  ?  .  .  .  Shall  it 
receive  the  development  which  it  has  received  at  Rome,  and 
which  the  Holy  Father  so  strongly  recommends  t  This 
is  the  real  (juestion  at  issued  Whether  this  object,  so  far  as 
it  depends  upon  the  influence  of  the  Royal  Univereity 
Examinations,  is  to  be  attained  by  "  alternative  "  papers, 
or,  in  some  hitherto  unexplained  way,  by  a  "common" 
paper  covering  with  even-handed  impartiahty  the  whole 

*  Exacting  critics,  without  incurring  any  serious  risk  of  being  set 
down  as  at  all  over-captious,  might  perhaps  object  that  Dr.  Kavanagh 
seems  to  Jay  a  little  too  much  stress  upon  the  refutation  of  errors. 

But  we  do  not  understand  him  in  any  way  to  imply  that  in  the 
scientific  aspect  of  the  matter,  the  refutation  of  error  is  to  be 
regarded  as  an  object  of  fundamental  importance  in  the  same  sense  as 
is  the  establishment  of  truth.  Philosophy  would  of  course  exist  in  all  its 
integrity  even  if  no  philosophical  error  had  ever  been  dreamt  of,  just  as 
the  Christian  faith  existed  in  all  its  integrity  before  the  uprising  of 
the  first  heresy.  We  assume,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  Dr.  Kavaua^h, 
in  laying  so  much  stress  upon  the  necessity  that  exists  for  our  being  in 
a  position  to  refute  the  errors  of  the  day,  means  merely  this,  that  in  the 
teaching  of  philosophical  truth,  the  method  pursued  should,  as  far  as 
possible,  be  such  as  would  present  that  truth  in  a  form  practically 
available  for  the  assertion  and  maintenance  of  it,  against  all  comers. 

But  here  two  important  questions  suggest  themselves  for  con- 
sideration, which,  however,  the  space  at  our  disposal  will  not  permit  of 
our  considering  : — How  far  is  it  possible  thus  satisfactorily  to  deal  with 
the  whole  vast  range  of  Catholic  Philosophy  within  the  necessarily 
restricted  time  that  can  be  devoted  to  its  study  in  an  ordinary  College, 
or  even  University,  course  V  And  secondly,  so  far  as  it  may  be  found 
possible  in  any  degree  to  attain  so  desirable  a  residt,  may  it  not  involve 
the    consequence    of    making  it  practically  impossible  for  Catholic 


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Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University.    97 

field  of  philosophical  truth  and  philosophical  error,  is,  he 
£6suree  us,  *'  indifferent "  to  him.  This,  then,  being  so,  we 
must  a^in  express  our  incredulity  as  to  there  bein^  any 
such  "  question  at  issue  *'  as  he  supposes  to  exist.  For  it 
eeeras  to  us  impossible  to  conceive  that  there  can  be  found, 
whether  in  the  Senate  or  out  of  it^  even  one  Catholic,  who 
18  sufficiently  educated  to  have  read  with  intelligence  the 
marvellously  beautiful  Encyclical  of  the  Holy  Father  on 
this  subject,  and  who  is  not  thoroughly  in  accord  wdtii 
all  that  Dr.  Kavanagh  has  thus  set  forth. 

The  task  of  the  reviewer  would  thus  have  been  a 
singularly  pleasant  one,  if  Dr.  Kavanagh  had  not 
strangely  mixed  up  with  his  eloquent  plea  for  the 
advancement  of  our  Philosophical  studies  in  Ireland^ 
and  for  the  adoption  of  some  practical  means  to  bring 
about  this  important  result,  an  elaborate  defence  of  the 
questions  set  at  the  recent  University  Examinations  in 
Metaphysics.  On  this  point  we  must  distinctly  join  issue 
with  hina,  and  on  more  grounds  than  one. 

"  WTiether  a  particular  paper  may  give  an  advantage 
to  Catholic  or  non-Catholic  students,"  is,  he  somewhat 
loftily  tells  us,  a  question  ''  so  insignificant  that  it  scarcely 
merits  reference  in  this  important  controversy !  "  This 
may    be    a    very    magnificent  sentiment.     But  it   is   not 

Eractical.  And  we  cannot  even  accept  it  as  true. 
>oes  it,  we  may  ask,  or  does  it  not, '-merit  reference" 
that,  as  the  direct  result  of  the  sadly  defective  system 
of  f]xaraination  thus  far  persistently  upheld  by  the 
Universitj%  and,  as  it  would  seem  from  Dr.  Kavanagh's 

ttitdents  to  enter  into  competition  in  this  subject  at  the  Royal 
University  examinations  with  the  students  of  non-Catholic  colleges, 
those  students  being  enabled,  from  their  want  of  anything  like 
a  {complete  system  of  Philosophy,  to  devote  all  their  attention  and 
aU  their  energies  to  the  study  of  those  detaclied  sections  of  Philosophy 
of  which  the  Royal  University  Programme  in  this  subject  is  composed. 

The  more  closely  the  question  is  looked  into,  the  more  clearly  it 
will  be  seen  that  what  is  really  wanted,  and  the  only  thing  that  will  make 
the  Royal  University  Examinations  in  Philosophy  available,  or  safe,  for 
Catholics,  is  a  thorouphgmng  reconstruction  of  the  University  Prorjramme 
m  this  department.  Does  Dr.  Kavanagh  believe  that  this  can  be  effected 
on  Catholic  lines? 

We  cannot  but  regret  that  he  has  not  devoted  to  the  elucidation 
ol  this,  the  most  practically  important  aspect  of  the  case,  that  large 
section  of  his  pamphlet  which  is  occupied  with  another  matter,  as 
to  which,  in  justice  to  a  previous  contributor  to  these  pages,  we  Lave  felt 
called  upoa  most  strongly  to  express  unqualified  dissent  from  his  views. 


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'98     PIdlosophtf  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  Uaiversity. 

defence  of  it,  not  likely  even  now  to  be  abandoned  without 
a  struggle,  the  following  is  tlie  state  of  the  Pnze  and 
Honours  List  in  Philosophy  at  the  recent  Examinations  in 
Philosophy?     Here  is  the  list  transcribed  in  full: — 

B.A.  Degree  Examination. 
First  Class  Exhibition  £60         William   A.  FitzHenry,   Queen's 

College,  Belfast. 
Second    „  „  £25         Thomas  Glass,  Queen's   College, 

Belfast. 
Honours. 
Ist  Class. 
William  A.  FitzHenry  ...     Queen's  College,  Belfast. 

Thomas  Glass  ...     Queen's  College,  Belfast. 

Eobert  Henderson  ...     Queen's  College,  Belfast. 

'2nd  Class. 
John  M'Cammon  ...     Queen's  College,  Belfast. 

William  G.  Strahan  ...     Queen *s  College,  Belfast. 

Patrick  P.  Malone  ...     Holy  Cross  College,  Clonliffe. 

Alice  Oldham  ...     lloyal  College   of    Science,    and 

Alexandra  College. 
Walter  Johnston  ...     Queen's  College,  Belfast. 

Surely  every  member  of  the  University  Senate  must  feel 
as  strongly  convinced  as  any  outsider,  that  but  for  the 
overwhehning  advantage  afforded  by  the  Examination 
Paper  in  question  to  students  of  the  non-Catholic  Philo- 
sophy, the  Prize  and  Honours  List  would  have  shown  a 
result  very  different  from  this. 

Dr.  Kavanagh  writes  with  something  h'ke  indignation 
of  the  "  cry  "  that  has  been  raised  against  the  Examination 
Paper  I  Why,  we  may  ask,  should  not  that  **  cry  "  have 
been  raised  against  it  ?  Is  it  by  silent  acquiescence 
in  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  the  working  of  unjust 
schemes,  or  by  the  defectiv^e  administration  of  just  ones, 
that  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  have  obtained  even  the  scanty 
instalment  that  they  at  present  possess,  out  of  all  that  is 
still  due  to  them,  in  the  matter  of  education,  whether 
primary,  intermediate,  or  university?  He,  no  doubt, 
believes  that  the  "  cry  "  raised  in  the  present  instance 
against  the  working  of  the  system  of  which  he  is  one  of 
the  responsible  administrators,  is  raised  without  solid 
justification.  Is  this  a  very  unusual  view  for  responsible 
administrators  to  take  of  the  *'  cries'*  raised  against  injustice 
done  by  the  working  of  a  system,  for  the  administration 
of  which  they  are  responsible?     He  seems,  indeed,  to 


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Philosophy  for  Catholic  Studenta  in  the  Royal  University,     99 

f5Uggest  that  the  complaints  to  which  he  thus  refers  were  the 
not  unnatural  ontconne  of  the  disappointmeut  felt  by  the 
shidents  of  our  Catholic  Colleges  and  oy  their  Professors,  at 
what  he  so  strangely  terms  their  "  defeat"  at  the  recent 
Examination.  *'  It  is  painful,'*  ho  says,  "  to  have  been 
worsted  in  our  first  encounter."  "  Worsted  ! "  Far  from 
it,  indeed.  No  interest,  in  truth,  has  been  **  worsted"  by 
the  setting  of  the  now  famous  Examination  Paper,  except 
the  interest  of  those,  if  there  be  any  such,  who  would 
desire  the  maintenance  of  that  peculiar  line  of  examination, 
which  has  been  the  occasion  of  drawing  down  upon  the 
working  of  the  Royal  University  its  first  formal  censure 
from  the  authorised  guardians  of  the  purity  of  the  faith  of 
the  Irish  people. 

Still  more  strangely,  Dr.  Kavanagh  implies  that  the 
**cry  "  that  has  been  raised  against  the  Paper  was  a  com- 
plaint of  "  undue  difficulty.*'  This  really  is  not  fair.  Let 
the  examiners  of  the  University  try  the  experiment  of 
increasiug,  year  after  year,  the  "  difficulty  "  of  their  Papers 
in  every  branch  of  the  Uaiversity  Course.  We  have  solid 
grounds  enough  before  us  to  justify  our  confidence  that 
they  would  find  themselves  compelled  to  desist  in  their 
career  of  progress  by  the  storm  of  complaints  that  would 
assail  them  from  the  favoured  non-Catholic  Colleges, 
before  even  a  murmur  would  have  been  raised  on  this 
«core  from  the  halls  of  their  "  unapproved  "  and  slighted 
Catholic  rivals.^   In  the  very  instance  in  question  here,  so  far 

*  Dr.  Kavanagh  lays  considerable  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  paper 
in  question  was  an  Honours  Paper,  and  that  a  number  of  students,  far 
beyond  the  number  who  could  have  regarded  themselves  as  likely  to 
obtain  Honours,  acted  injudiciously  in  selecting  it  instead  of  the  mere 
Pasi  Paper. 

Bnt  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  group  of  subjects  in  question 
here,  there  w,  in  the  University  Programme,  tw  mere  Piis^i  courne.  Any 
€tudent  wishing  even  to  '*  Pass  "  in  this  group  of  subjects  is  constrained 
by  the  regulations  of  the  Senate  to  select  the  Honours  Papers. 

Under  the  general  regulations  of  the  University,  a  PiVis  can  in  all 
cases  be  obtained  by  answering  on  an  Honours  paper.  But  in  the 
ctae  of  the  Examination  for  the  B.A.  Degree,  Canaidates  selecting  tho 
Honours  Paper  cannot  be  adjudged  to  have  "Passed'*  the  examination, 
unless  their  answering  "  nearly  approaches  the  standard  at  which 
Honours  will  be  awarded." 

Dr.  Kavanagh  announces  in  his  Pamphlet  that  he  has  given  Notice 


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100  Philosophy  for  Catliolic  Students  in  the  Royal  University. 

is  it  from  correct  to  represent  the  "  cry  that  has  been 
raised  against  the  Paper,"  as  a  complaint  on  the  score  of 
"undue  difficulty,**  that  even  in  one  of  the  opening 
paragraphs  of  the  able  analysis  pubhshed  in  the 
November  number  of  the  RECORD,  where  the  grounds 
of  complaint  are  expHcitly  set  forth,  it  is  most  distinctly 
stated  that  for  those  students  who  had  been  prepiired 
on  non-Catholic  lines,  the  Paper,  broadly  speaking,  pre- 
sented no  diflSculty  whatever,  inasmuch  as  it  contained^ 
for  such  students,  nothing  but  *\familiar  questions  expressed 
in  familiar  phraseology^''  so  that  they  had  "  but  to  resort 
to  their  memory  for  complete  anstversJ^  Then,  in  the 
detailed  analysis  which  followed,  it  was  pointed  out,  in 
reference  to  one  question,  that  the  non-Catholic  candidate 
had  ''abundant  materials"  at  hand  for  "an  exhaustive 
commentary  "  on  the  passage  set  for  comment ;  of  another 
question  it  was  observed  that  the  non-CathoUc  candidate 
had  "  the  best  help  "  towards  answering  it ;  of  another,  that 
the  non-Catholic  candidate  "  ought  to  have  had  no  difficulty 
in  making  up  a  satisfactory  answer  ;'*  of  another,  that  "  the 
only  difficulty  *'  which  the  non-Catholic  candidate  can  have 
had  in  answering  it  must  hare  been  "  the  embarrassment 
of  too  much  riches ; "  and  so  on,  to  the  end.  And  this  is  now 
to  be  represented  as  a  cry  raised  against  the  Paper  as 
"  unduly  difficult !  " 

The  issue  raised,  then,  was  obviously  a  very  diflferent 
one.  And  it  is  an  issue  from  which,  until  justice  has 
been  done,  it  will  bo  found  impossible  to  draw  oflf  the 
attention  of  those  who  are  now  observing  with  such 
deep  interest  the  effect  of  that  so-called  "  cry  *'  upon  the 
University  Senate — the  issue,  namely,  whether  the  University- 
Examiners  shall  or  shall  not  be  at  hberty  to  set  their 
questions  in  the  future,  as  they  have  set  them  in  the 
past,  so  as  to  give  an  advantage  to  the  non-Catholic 
students  of  the  University  over  their  Catholic  com- 
petitors. And  this  issue,  however  trifling  it  may  appear 
when  the  question  is  looked  at  from  within  the  Senate, 
is,  on  the  contrary,  of  such  primary  importance  when 
looked  at  from  outside,  that  Dr.  Kavauagh,  notwith- 
standing his  indisputable  authority  in  University  affairs, 

has  carefully  considered  the  workmg  details  of  the  arrangement  he 
suggests.  To  us,  looking  at  the  matter  from  an  outsider's  point  of 
view,  it  would  seem  that  the  introduction  of  any  euch  arrangement, 
so  far  as  it  can  be  regarded  as  possible  to  be  introduced  at  all.  should 
necessarily  result  in  enormous  inconvenience  to  all  parties  concerned. 


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Philosophy  for  Cat1u>lic  Students  in  the  Royal  University,  101 

will  find  it,  we  venture  to  say,  impossible  to  gain  even 
one  adherent  to  his  startling  inexplicable  statements  that 
"  the  advantage  or  disadvantage  to  classes  of  students  is 
a  very  minor  question,^^  and  that  "whether  a  particular 
Paper  may  give  an  advantage  to  Catholic  or  non-Catholic 
students  is  so  insignificant^  that  it  scarcely  merits  reference 
in  this  important  controversy!*' 

But,  becoming  bolder  as  he  proceeds,  Dr.  Kavanagh,  a 
few  pages  further  on.  takes  higher  ground.  '*  A  little 
careful  examination  '*  of  the  Paper,  against  which  all  this 
♦*  ciy  "  has  been  raised,  shows,  he  tells  us,  that  "  apart  from 
phraseology  and  form,*'  it  is  an  "  excellent  (I)  paper,"  and 
that^  moreover,  so  far  from  its  having  afforded  an  undue 
advantage  to  students  of  the  non-Catholic  Philosophy,  it  is 
one  "  in  which  students,  properly  trained  in  the  principles 
of  St.  Thomas,  would  have  had  a  decided  advantage  !" 

As  he  is  of  this  opinion  after  having  read  the  exhaustive 
analysis  of  the  Paper,  published  in  the  November  number 
of  the  Record,  from  the  pen  of  one  so  thoroughly  conver- 
sant with  the  subject  in  all  its  details  as  the  writer  of  that 
analysis  has  shown  himself  to  be,  it  is  manifestly  hopeless 
to  think  that  a  change  could  be  eflected  in  his  view  by 
anything  that  could  now  be  written  upon  it  by  cne  whose 
other  occupations  have,  to  his  deep  regret,  made  it  inapos- 
rible  for  him  to  acquire  more  than  a  merely  superficijil 
acquaintance  with  even  the  leading  questions  of  Phil- 
osophy, whether  ancient  or  modem.  But  it  may  not  be 
mthout  interest  to  oflFer  one  or  two  remarks  upon  the 
strange  method  of  reasoning  by  which  Dr.  Kavanagh, 
having  made  up  his  own  mind  upon  the  subject,  endeavoui*s 
to  induce  his  readers  to  adopt  his  view. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  after  having  candidly  set  aside 
the  first  question  in  this  "  excellent  '*  Examination  Paper, 
as  "  a  conundrum  which  should  never  have  appeared  in  it,*' 
he  draws  up  a  new  set  of  Questions,  seven  in  number.  These 
he  then  designates  "  the  leading  questions  **  of  the  original 
paper,  "slightly  changed  in  form  and  phraseology.*'  He 
tells  us  that  he  sent "  the  paper ,'  as  he  calls  it,  **  in  this  form,'' 
to  '*  the  diptinguished  cntic  in  the  RECORD,*'  who  agreed 
with  him  "  that  in  this  form  it  would  have  been  an  excellent 
paper,  and  well  suited  to  students  trained  in  the  principles 
of  Scholastic  ^Philosophy." 

What,   we   may   well   ask,   has    this  to    do   with  the 
complaint  that  was  really  made  ?    That  complaint  regarded 
the  advantage  affbrded  to  non-CathoUc   students  by   the 
VOL.  YL  H 


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102  Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University. 

Paper  which  was  actually  set  at  the  Examination.  Granted 
that  the  Paper  could  so  easily  have  been  made  available 
for  students  of  Catholic  Philosophy,  why,  then,  was  it 
presented  to  them  in  a  form  which,  as  has  been  so  con- 
clusively shown  in  these  pages,  and  as  the  result  has  since 
placed  beyond  dispute,  gave  so  overwhelming  an  advan- 
tage to  their  non-Catholic  competitors  ?  Dr.  Kavauagh's 
plea,  so  far  as  it  bears  upon  the  question  at  all,  would  seem 
rather  to  aggravate  the  existing  difficulty  by  showing  that 
a  further  and  most  serious  ground  of  complaint  exists  on 
the  score  of  neglect,  committed  somewhere  or  other,  in  the 
omission  so  to  modify  the  Paper  as,  at  the  same  time,  to 
maintain  a  suitably  high  University  standard,  and  to  guard, 
as  they  should  have  been  guarded,  the  interests  of 
Catholic  candidates. 

But  we  must  not  be  understood  in  any  sense  to  admit 
what  Dr.  Kavanagh  throughout  this  section  of  his  pamphlet 
seems  to  assume  as  almost  self-evident,  namely,  that  the 
questions  drawn  up  by  him,  and  set  forth  in  his  pamphlet, 
are  even  substantially  the  same  questions  as  were  set  in 
the  Examination  Paper;  that  the  diiference  is  only  in 
**  form  "  and  '*  phraseology ;"  and  that  it  was  only  their 
want  of  "  intelligence  "  and  *'  training "  that  hindered 
the  Catholic  students  from  recognising  those  questions 
under  the  different  "  dress  '*  in  which  they  were  set  forth 
in  the  Paper. 

Dr.  Kavanagh  indeed  assures  us  that  in  this,  which 
seems  to  us,  if  we  may  say  it  without  offence,  an  absolutely 
indefensible  position,  he  is  sustained  by  the  high  authority 
of  *'  the  distinguished  critic  in  the  RECORD.*'  But  we  must 
heg  to  be  excused  for  refusing,  in  so  plain  a  matter  as  this, 
to  defer  even  to  the  testimony  thus  borne  in  favour  of 
his  view,  well  worthy  of  consideration  as  that  testimony 
undoubtedly  is.  For  to  us,  apart  from  all  question  as  to 
the  authority  ot  critics,^  it  seems  manifest  on  the  face  of  it 

*  While  revising  this  paragraph  for  the  press  we  have  received  a 
copy  of  a  pamphlet  by  the  writer  thus  referred  to,  the  liev.  Dr.  Magrath, 
of  Holy  Cross  College,  ClonliflPe,  in  which  the  whole  question  of  the 
lloyal  University  Programme,  its  Examination  Papers,  and  its  Examina- 
tions, in  Philosophy,  is  dealt  with  in  the  fullest  detail. 

At  pages  37  and  38  of  the  Pamphlet  we  find  the  following,  which 
we  regard  ourselves  as  fortmiate  in  being  able  to  present  in  connectiou 
with  what  we  have  said  above  : — 

"  It  is  strange,"  writes  Dr.  Magrath,  **  that  Dr.  Kavanagh  should 
speak  of  '  the  paper  in  this  form,*  implying  that  his  paper  ia  but  the 


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Phihiophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University,  103 

that  the  questions  presented  in  Dr.  Kavanagh's  pamphlet 
are  different,  not  merely  "in  form  and  phraseology" — 
which  in  such  a  case  would  surely  be  a  difference  suffi- 
ciently serious — but  that  they  are  different  also  in  substance, 
from  the  questions  set  at  the  Examination.  Or,  to  put  the 
matter  more  directly,  so  astokeep  clear  of  all  possible  wrang- 
ling about  words,  the  extent  to  which  they  are  different 
is  tnis — that  if  a  student  had  somehow  managed  to  under- 
stand the  questions  in  the  Examination  Paper  in  the  sen^'c 
which  Dr.  Kavanagh  now  puts  upon  them  in  his  pamphlei, 
and  had  answered  them  as  thus  interpreted,  he  should  of 
necessity  have  been  considered  by  the  Examiner  as 
having  answered  questions  other  than  those  really 
proposed,  and  should  consequently  have  failed  to  obtain 
the  marks  allotted  for  answering  the  questions  on  the 
Paper. 

To  take  one  plain  instance.    The  Examination  Paper 

original  paper  in  a  different  form.  This,  of  course,  I  would  not  at  all 
admit     .     .     . 

"[Dr  Kavanagh'a]  interpretation  is  set  forth  in  nine  distinct  ques- 
tions, arranged  under  the  first  ^ve  numbers  of  his  paper.  Now,  I  am 
familiar  usqtte  ad  nauseam  with  the  original  paper,  and  with  the  context 
of  the  questions  in  the  works  from  which  they  were  copied,  and  it  is  mij 
full  conviction  that  not  one  of  the  nine  questions  propounded  by 
Dr.  Kavanagh  interprets  accurately  even  tfie  suhstance  of  the  original,  and 
that  at  least  five  of  them  are  not  interpretations  of  it,  but  ^mre  additions 
of  it" 

There  is  no  diflBculty  in  accounting  for  the  apparent  conflict  of 
testimony  thus  brought  out.  Dr.  Magrath  seems,  no  doubt,  to  have 
expressed  his  approvalof  a  set  of  questions  sent  to  him  by  Dr.  Kavanagh, 
but  merely  in  the  sense  that  those  questions,  would  form,  as  far  as  they 
went,  an  excellent  examination  paper.  Dr.  Kavanagh,  looking  at  the 
question  from  his  own  standpoint,  regarded  this  as  an  expression  of 
agreement  with  his  view  that  the  paper  thus  drawn  up  by  him  was 
iSeuticalj  at  least  in  substance,  with  that  which  was  actually  set  at  the 
Examination.  As  is  now  made  mamfest,  Dr.  Magrath's  expression  of 
opinion  was  nothing  of  the  kind. 

Moreover,  we  may  learn  that  Dr.  Magrath's  expression  of  approval 
of  the  paper,  eveJi  as  viewed  in  itself,  in  no  way  covered  some  of  the 
qoestaona  which  appear  in  it  as  now  published  in  Dr.  Kavanagh's 
ptmpblet. 

*'  Though  it  is  a  very  small  matter,"  says  Dr.  Magrath,  **  I  wish  to 
add  that  Dr.  Kavanagh  has  fallen  into  a  slight  mistake  in  saying  that  I 
approTed  of  the  paper  as  re-set  by  him.  He  has  not  adverted  to  thi» 
arcrnnatance  that  question  five,  and  part  of  question  two,  were  not  in 
Hub  copy  sent  to  me.    I  would  have  objected  to  both  additions.'^    Sen 


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104    Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University^ 

contained,  as  an  "  alternative"  question,  inserted  apparently 
in  the  interests  of*  Catholic  candidates,  the  following: — 

"  State  briefly  the  theory  expressed  in  the  following  : — "  Corpus 
dicit  compositum  ex  materia  etforma,^^ 

Now  it  will  be  observed  that  two  things  are  here  very 
clearly  indicated,  so  clearly,  indeed,  that  we  can  conceive  no 
possibility  of  their  being  overlooked  even  by  a  student  in 
the  flurry  of  examination :  (a)  the  candidate's  answer 
was  to  be  a  b7nef  one;  and  {b)  it  was  merely  to  be  a 
statement  of  the  theory  in  question.  Since,  then,  the 
question,  as  thus  most  distinctly  worded,  kept  altogether 
clear  of  asking  the  candidate  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the 
theory  mentioned,  or  even  of  asking  him  to  state  the  argu^ 
ments^  even  the  leading  arguments,  in  proof  or  disproof  of  it, 
it  was,  in  fact,  objected  to  in  the  analysis  published  in  the 
Record,^  as  a  not  altogether  satisfactory  •* alternative"  in  the 
interest  of  Catholic  students.  For,  in  the  form  in  which 
it  was  thus  proposed,  it  was  a  question  that  could  have 
been  answered  with  equal  ease  by  any  student.  Catholic 
or  non-Catholic,  fairly  familiar  with  the  contents  of  any 
standard  work  on  the  History  of  Philosophy — the  History 
of  Philosophy  being  a  subject  obligatory  on  all  candidates 
at  that  examination.  We  are  not  now  concerned  with  the 
justice  of  this  criticism.  Obviously  just  and  cogent  as  it 
is,  attention  is  here  directed  to  it  merely  as  showing  that^ 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  such  an  observation  was  clearly  and 
prominently  made,  so  that,  even  apart  from  the  indisputable 
clearness  of  tlie  words  of  the  Examination  Paper  itself^ 
^' state  briefly  the  theory,  &c.,"  it  ought,  by  this  time  at  all 
events,  to  be  plain  beyond  all  possibility  of  mis- 
conception, that  what  was  asked  for  by  the  Examiners 
in  this  particular  case,  was  neither  "proof,"  nor  "  disproof,'' 
neither  "explanation,"  nor  ** discussion,"  but  a  mere 
**  statement,"  and  even  that,  a  "  brief  *'  one,  of  the  theory  iu 
question. 

How,  then,  does  the  corresponding  question  stand  in 
Dr.  Kavanagh's  version  of  the  Paper,  which  he  puts  before 
his  readers  as  differing  only  in  "  form  "  and  "  phraseology  '* 
from  the  Paper  actually  set,  informing  them  at  the  same  time 
that  nothing  more  was  needed  to  give  a  decided 
advantage  to  the  Catholic  students,  than  "  the  intelligence 
and  the  training  to  recognise   the   questions  in  their  new 

iSee  I.  E.  Record  (Third  Series),  Vol.  r.  n.  11.  (November,  1884), 
page  71:^. 


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Philosophy  for  Catholic  Students  in  the  Royal  University.  105 

dress?"     Here  is   the   question    which    appears    in    Dr. 
Kavanagh's  Paper : — 

'•  Explain  and  discuss  the  phrase; — *  Corpus  dicit  eompositum 
*  ex  materia  et  forma.' " 

And  it  is.  gravely  argued  that  it  was  the  want  of 
*' intelligence  "  and  "  training*'  that  kept  back  the  students 
from  wandering  away  over  the  wide  field  of  philosophical 
disquisition  thrown  open  by  such  a  question  as  this,  when 
in  point  of  fact  they  were  told  by  the  Examination  Paper, 
in  words  the  clearness  of  which  admitted  of  no  possibility 
of  misconcej)tion,  that  what  alone  was  expected  from 
them  was  a  '*  biief  statement "  of  the  theory  in  question ! 

Surely  one  such  example  is  sufficient  ? 

On  grounds  even  of  general  Catholic  interests  we  can- 
not but  regret  that  Dr.  Kavanagh  should  have  felt  himself 
called  upon  to  introduce  into  his  pamphlet  this  elaborate, 
but,  as  we  must  regard  it,  altogether  ineffective,  plea  in 
defence  of  what  the  experience  of  the  recent  Examination 
has  shown  to  be  a  grievance,  pressing  with  cruel  harsh- 
ness upon  the  Catholic  students  of  the  University.  We 
'  regret  too  that  by  doing  so  he  should  in  any  degi'ce  have 
lessened  the  extent  of  the  claim  which  by  his  earnest  zeal 
for  the  advancement  of  Philosophical  studies  in  Ireland,  he 
has  established  upon  the  grateful  thanks  of  all  those  who 
are  now^  actively  engaged  in  the  promotion  of  that  noble 
work.  But  most  especially  must  we  regret  it,  inasmuch  as 
his  having  thus  devoted  so  lar^e  a  portion  of  his  pamphlet 
to  an  endeavour  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  temperate 
remonstrance  against  the  unfairness  of  the  Examination 
Paper,  so  recently  pubHshed  in  these  pages,  has  made  it 
necessary  to  devote  so  large  a  portion  of  this  notice  to  a 
criticism,  but  for  which  it  would  have  been,  from  first  to 
last,  the  expression  of  an  almost  unqualified  concurrence 
in  what  he  has  written  in  advocacy  of  his  main  thesis,  so 
ably,  so  eloquently,  and  with  such  irresistibly  persuasive 
force. 

WiLLLVM  J.    W-VLSH. 


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[    106    ] 


AN  OLD   STORY  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 

ri1HE  middle  ages  have  been  called  the  ''  ages  of  faith,** 
X  and  then-  history  vindicates  their  claim  to  the  title. 
The  mysteries  of  religion  and  the  great  dogmas  of 
Christianity  were  living  forces  moulding  the  character 
and  modifying  the  conduct  even  of  very  worldly  and  verj- 
sinful  men.  To  be  sure  there  was  sin  and  crime,  as  there 
will  be  to  the  end,  and  not  unfrequently  the  crimes  were 
gigantic.  But  if  men  sinned  greatly,  they  repented  greatly. 
A  life  of  lawlessness  often  changed  before  its  night  into  a 
life  of  heroic  expiation.  Even  in  the  worst  of  minds,  and 
in  the  hardest  of  hearts.  Heaven  rarely  lost  its  attractive- 
ness, and  still  more  rarely  did  Hell  lose  its  overwhelming 
teiTor.     They  were,  truly,  "  ages  of  faith.*' 

They  have  also  been  called  "  ages  of  credulity."  There 
is  a  sort  of  vague  notion,  not  at  all,  I  may  remark,  sus- 
tained by  strict  historical  investigation,  that  in  those  middle 
ages,  a  sort  of  mist  obscured  the  human  intellect ;  that  the 
world  sat,  if  not  in  darkness,  at  all  events,  in  a  sort  of 
twilight,  that  men  were  but  children  of  a  larger  growth, 
easily  moved,  and  still  more  easily  deluded,  and  so  credulous 
as  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  any  one  who  could  excite  their 
imagination  or  tickle  their  fancy.  It  is  no  part  of  my 
present  business  to  vindicate  the  middle  Ages  against  any 
such  charges  ;  but  I  may  venture  to  suggest  that  human 
nature  is  very  much  the  same  in  one  age  as  in  another, 
that  tendencies  seem  to  change,  when,  in  reality,  there  is 
nothing  changed  but  their  expression.  The  middle  ages 
enjoyed  no  monopoly  for  the  production  of  fables  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  credulous  fools  to  swallow  them,  on  the 
other.  The  age  of  "  Central  News  Agencies  *'  can  vie,  in 
these  respects,  with  any  age  I  know  of.  It,  too,  can  lie — 
and  in  those  days  of  the  press,  the  telegraph,  and  the  tele- 
phone, can  propagate  its  lie  with  a  facility,  and  a  speed 
unequalled,  heretofore,  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

I  begin  by  saying  all  this,  because  if  I  had  not  said  it, 
the  discussion  of  the  story  I  have  chosen  as  a  subject, 
might  well  seem  to  be  an  impeachment  against  the  middle 
ages  for  their  too  great  credulity. 

The  story  I  have  to  tell  and  to  discuss  is  the  marvellous 
story  of  the  liberation,  by  the  prayers  of  St.  Gregory  the 
Great,  of  the  soul  of  the  Emperor  Trajan,  from  the  hell  of 
the  damned.     The  story  went  that  Gregory,  passing  one 


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An  Old  Story  of  the  Middle  Ages.  107 

day  through  the  Forum  of  Trajan,  bethought  him  of  an 
act  of  signal  clemency  which  Trajan  had  once  performed 
in  behalf  of  a  poor  widow  who  had  appealed  to  his  justice. 
He  was  setting  out  for  the  wars  when  the  widow  threw 
herself  at  his  feet,  told  him  that  her  son  had  been  foully 
murdered,  and  implored  that,  as  he  could  not  give  him 
back  to  his  mother,  he  would  at  least  avenge  his  murder. 
Trajan  promised  to  do  so  on  his  retuni.  *'But,'*  said  the 
widow,  "  what  if  j'ou  come  back  no  more  ?'*.  He  answered, 
"then  my  successor  will  do  justice."  "Ah,"  said  she, 
"  what  will  that  profit  you  ;  were  it  not  better  do  justice 
yourself  and  have  the  merit,  than  leave  to  another  the 
good  work  and  its  reward  ?  "  The  Emperor,  struck  by  the 
justice  of  her  reasoning,  postponed  his  departure,  and  saw, 
with  his  own  eyes,  that  tne  widow's  wrongs  were  avenged. 
Thinking  of  this  story  Gregory  went  on  to  the  Basilica  of 
St,  Peter,  and  wept  over  the  pagan  blindness  of  so  clement 
a  prince  for  a  day  and  a  night.  Then  an  answer  was 
vouchsafed  him  that  his  prayer  for  Trajan  was  heard,  but 
that  he  should  never  again  pray  for  a  pagan. 

This  was  the  story  that  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth, 
from  chronicle  to  chronicle.  It  was  too  good  a  story  to  be 
let  alone.  It  offered  a  boundless  field  to  the  imagination, 
and  accordingly,  it  was  improved,  and  added  to,  and  em- 
beUished,  after  the  approved  mediaeval  mode  of  dealing 
Avith  a  legend.  It  is  worth  while  giving  it  in  the  setting 
of  Brunetto  Latini  in  his  "  Fiore  de  FilimJiJ'  1  take  the 
version,  which  I  here  insert,  from  the  notes  to  Longfellow's 
translation  of  Dante : — 

"  Trajan  was  a  very  just  Emperor,  and  one  day  having  mounted 
hh  horse  to  go  into  battle  with  his  cavalry,  a  woman  came,  and 
Eeized  him  by  the  foot,  and  weeping  bitterly,  asked  him  and  be- 
songht  him  to  do  justice  upon  those  who  had,  without  cause,  put 
to  death  her  son  who  was  an  upright  young  man.  And  he  answered 
and  said,  '  I  will  give  thee  satisfaction  when  I  return.*  And  she 
said,  'and  if  thou  dost  not  return?'  And  he  answered,  *  if  I  do 
not  return  my  successor  wUl  give  thee  satisfaction.'  And  she  said 
*how  do  I  know  that  ?  and  suppose  he  do  it,  what  is  it  to  thee  that 
another  do  good  ?  Thou  art  my  debtor,  and  according  to  thy  deeds 
shalt  thou  be  judged.  It  is  fraud  for  a  man  not  to  pay  what  he 
owes ;  the  justice  of  another  will  not  liberate  thee  :  and  it  will  be 


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108  An  Old  Story  of  the  ^f^ddle  Ages. 

that  he  was  all  turned  to  dust,  except  his  bones,  and  his  tongue 
Avhich  was  like  that  of  a  living  man.  And  by  this  St.  Gregory 
knew  his  justice,  for  this  tongue  had  always  spoken  it,  so  that 
he  wept  very  piteou^ly,  through  compassion,  praying  God  that 
he  would  take  this  soul  out  of  hell,  knowing  that  ho  had  been 
a  pagan.  Then  God,  because  of  these  prayers,  drew  that  soul 
from  pain  and  put  it  into  gloiy.  And  thereupon  the  Angel  spoke 
to  St.  Gregory,  and  told  him  never  to  make  such  a  prayer  again ; 
and  God  laid  upon  him  as  a  penance  either  to  be  two  days  in  Pur- 
gatory, or  to  be  always  ill  with  fever  and  sideache.  St.  Gregory, 
i\s  the  lesser  punishment,  chose  the  fever  and  sidetiche." 

Such,  in  its  later  form,  was  the  storv,  first  iu  a  much 
vaguer  form,  given  to  the  reading  world  of  Europe  by 
John  the  Deacon,  who  lived  nearly  three  centuries  after 
8t.  Grtigory.  He  said  he  had  found  the  story  in  some 
English  churches.  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for 
thinking  that  John  the  Deacon  invented  the  story.  He 
Avas  one  of  those  who,  under  very  great  difficulties,  catered 
for  the  intellectual  cravings  of  the  time.  He  was  writing 
n  life  of  kSt.  Gregory,  and  was  httle  inclined  to  criticise  too 
closely  any  story  that  seemed  to  him  to  redoimd  to  the 
credit  of  the  saint.  It  was  no  new  thing  then,  just  as  it 
is  a  very  old  thing  now,  that  a  man  who  had  undertaken 
to  write  the  life  of  another,  should  play  the  part  of  au 
advocate,  rather  than  of  a  judge.  He  found  this  story — 
and  where  was  he  more  likely  to  find  a  story  that  added 
to  the  greatness  of  (iregoiy  than  in  that  country  which 
had  been  so  dear  to  Gregory's  paternal  heart? 

At  the  veiy  first  sight  one  nmst  say  this  of  the  story, 
that  whether  true  or  not,  it  was,  at  all  events,  **  ben  trovato.'* 
What  could  be  more  interesting  than  a  story  that  dealt 
Avith  such  illustrious  personages  as  Trajan  and  8t.  Gregory, 
and  with  a  subject  so  fascinating  as  the  release  of  a  soul 
from  that  prison,  over  whose  gloomy  portal,  Dante,  and 
the  w4iole  middle  age  with  him,  saw  written — ''AH  hope 
abandon  ye  who  enter  here  !  *' 

It  would  not  have  been  easy  to  fasten  the  story  on  any 
one  more  capable  of  carrying  it  safely  than  !^t.  Gregory 
the  Great.  One  of  the  greatest  of  those  who  had  filled 
the  Chair  of  Peter — a  man  to  whom  it  had  been  given  to 
do  so  much  for  the  Church  of  God — a  man  whose  writings 
were  the  edification  of  Christendom,  and  whose  known 
miracles  were  numerous  and  imdeniable — it  did  not  seem 
much  to  the  pious  and  uncritical  readers  of  those  not  very 
critical  times  that  Gregoiy  should  have  bad  the  additional 
glory  of  taking  a  soul  out  of  hell. 


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An  Old  Story  of  tlie  Middle  Ages.  109 

Nor  did  the  inventor  show  much  less  sagacity  in  his 
selection  of  Trajan.  Trajan  was  not  the  best  of  the  Pagan 
Emperors,  but  then  he  was  very  far  from  being  the  woi'st. 
He  had  persecuted  Clmstians,*  but  it  was  remembered  in 
his  favour  that  when  Pliny  the  younger  wrote  him  that 
famous  letter  which  photographs,  for  all  time,  the 
beautiful  and  innocent  life  of  early  Christianity,  Trajan 
had  manifested  a  desire  that  Christians  should  not  be  too 
closely  looked  for,  and  should  be  punished  onlv  when  it 
was  necessary  to  vindicate  the  authority  of  the  public 
tribunals.  Of  all  the  Pagan  Emperors  he  was,  perhaps, 
the  one  whose  life  and  character  made  the  most  favourable 
impression  upon  the  world  at  large.  His  lite  had  not  been 
so  pure  nor  his  character  so  exalted  as  the  life  and  character 
of  Marcus  Antoninus ;  but  his  more  robust  nature  and  his 
less  ascetic  virtues  were  more  likely  to  win  for  him  the 
suflFrages  of  men.  Jt  became  a  proverb  in  Rome,  in  praise 
of  a  prince,  that  he  was  happier  than  Augustus,  and  better, 
(not  than  Antoninus)  but  '*  than  Trajan/* 

But  it  was  the  nature  of  the  story  itself  that  gave  it 
most  of  its  fascination.  Hell,  and  the  eternity  of  hell,  are 
subjects  oi  appalling  interest  to  men  who  believe  in  them 
earnestly.  And  in  those  olden  times  men  did  believe  in 
earnest.  There  was  no  year,  scarcely  indeed  any  day,  in 
which  the  fear  of  hell  was  not  seen  producing  marvellous 
effects  in  the  wicked  world.  Men,  whose  deeds  of  blood 
and  rapine  had  made  the  Avorld  shudder,  exchanged  the 
helmet  for  the  cowl,  and  the  sword  for  the  crucifix,  and 
sought,  by  an  expiation  as  noble  as  their  crimes  had  been 
gigantic,  to  escape  the  awful  doom  of  "  everlasting  fire  '* 
wfich  was  still  more  awful  from  the  fact  that  it  was  pro- 
claimed by  the  mild  lips  of  Him  who  would  not  break  the 
bruised  reed,  nor  quench  the  smoking  flax.  Hence,  when 
it  was  whispered  that  one  had  been  in  that  awful  place, 
and  alone  of  all  the  miserable  millions  whose  place  it  is, 
had  been  snatched  from  the  burning,  it  was  no  wonder 
that  men  should  read  with  eagerness,  and  tell  the  story 
one  to  another,  till,  after  some  time,  it  had  almost  made 
itself  a  home  amongst  the  beliefs  of  the  period. 

An  attempt  was  soon  made  to  carry  the  origin  of  the 
«tory  farther  back,  and  thus  invest  it  with  gi'eater  authority. 
A  treatise  was  passed  about,  entitled  *'  De  his  qui  in  fide 
dorraierunt,"  which  was  attributed  to  St.  John  Damascene, 
and  in  this  treatise  mention  is  made  of  the  story  of  Trajan. 
Of  course,  if  this  were  genuine,  it  would  afford  an  earHer 


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110  An  Old  Story  of  Hie  Middle  Ages. 

and,  therefore,  stronger  piece  of  evidence  in  favour  of  the 
story,  bcBides  giving  it  the  support  of  a  great  name.  But 
there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  this  treatise  is  spurious. 
It  contains  many  passages  which  are  in  striking  contra- 
diction to  the  opinions  of  the  Saint  as  contained  in  those 
works  of  his  that  are  known  to  bo  authentic.  No  doubt, 
too,  if  this  treatise  had  been  extant  at  the  time  John  the 
Deacon  was  writing  his  life  of  St.  Gregory,  he  would  have 
been  only  too  eager  to  claim  the  authority  of  so  great  a 
name  for  his  story  of  Trajan.  We  may,  then,  safely  con- 
clude, that  though  the  story  may  have  been  told  from  an 
early  time  in  some  obscure  churches  in  England,  it  was, 
for  the  first  time,  introduced  into  the  reading  world  of 
Europe  by  John  the  Deacon. 

One  curious  result  has  followed  from  associating  with 
this  story  the  name  of  one  so  specially  honoured  in  the 
Eastern  church  as  St.  John  Damascene — it  is  this,  that 
there  is  to  be  found  in  the  '•  Euchology  '*  of  the  Greek 
chiurch  a  prayer  which  assumes  the  truth  of  the  story.  It 
runs,  '*  as  Thou  hast  by  the  earnest  intercession  of  Thy 
servant  Gregory  the  dialogist,  freed  the  soul  of  Trajan 
from  punishment,"  etc. 

We  next  find  it  in  certain  "revelations."  said  to  have 
been  made  to  St.  Bridget  and  St.  Mechtilde.  Unfortunately 
the  revelations  contradict  each  other.  In  one  it  is  said 
that  by  the  prayer  of  Gregory,  *'  Trajan's  soul  had  been 
lifted  to  a  higher  grade;"  whereas,  in  the  other,  the 
statement  is  that  God  wished  to  conceal  the  disposition 
He  had  made  in  the  case  of  Trajan. 

The  authority  of  the  Angelic  Doctor  has  been  claimed 
for  the  story,  because  in  the  Siimma  {svp,  quest  78,  art.  5), 
he  brings  this  story,  told,  as  he  supposed,  by  St.  John 
Damascene,  as  an  objection  to  the  proposition  he  wished 
to  prove  on  the  question,  "  Whether  suffrages  are  of  avail 
to  the  damnedl "  St.  Thomas  has  not  impugned  the  truth 
of  the  story ;  on  the  contrary,  he  carries  on  his  argument 
as  if  he  admitted  its  truth.  But  anyone  who  would  on 
this  account  claim  the  authority  of  St.  Thomas  for  the 
story,  would  only  show  utter  unacquaintance  with  his 
methods,  of  procedure.  He  deals  with  this  matter  after  his 
usual  fashion  as  a  theologian,  not  at  all  as  a  historian.  It 
was  no  part  of  his  business  to  make  an  exhaustive  critical 
analysis  of  every  passage  that  came  imder  his  notice.  His 
business  was,  when  he  found  a  statement  historical,  or 
other,  made  under  the  name  of  an  author  who  was  entitled 


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An  Old  Stoty  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Ill 

to  consideration,  to  give  such  an^  explanation,  as  would, 
taking  the  tnith  of  the  statement /or  a  moment ^  for  granted, 
save  the  theological  position  he  wished  to  establish — It 
was  '^dato"  not  ^' admuso''  This  is  precisely  what  he 
does  in  the  case  under  consideration.  He  says  that  if  the 
thing  happened,  or  granting  that  it  did  happen,  it  must 
have  happened  thus ; — that  "  Trajan  was  brought  back  to 
life  by  the  prayers  of  Gregoiy,  obtained  the  grace  by 
which  he  got  pardon  of  his  sins,  and  thus  merited  freedom 
from  punishment/'  In  such  case  he  adds  the  state  of 
Trajan  was  precisely  similar  to  the  state  of  others  who 
have  been  miraculously  restored  to  life.  Even  if  they  had 
died  in  mortal  sin,  they  were  not,  in  view  of  their 
destined  restoration,  finally  judged,  or  finally  consigned  to 
hell. 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  St.  Thomas  had  his  doubts 
about  the  story  as  he  found  it.  He  proceeds  to  explain 
the  matter  on  another  hypothesis  which  would  be  more  in 
accordance  with  the  known  and  constant  doctrine  of  the 
church  on  the  impossibility  of  release  for  the  damned;  and 
which  is  based  on  an  opinion,  not  indeed  very  probable, 
but  one  that  has  received  a  certain  amount  of  support  in 
some  schools  of  theology.  St.  Thomas  says,  that  a  possible 
meaning  of  the  story  was,  that  Gregory  obtained  for 
Trajan,  not  indeed  redemption  from  hell,  but  either  a  sus- 
pension of  his  pains,  for  a  time,  say,  till  the  day  of  judgment, 
or  a  temporary  or  permanent  mitigation  of  those  pains. 
That  such  mitigation  of  the  pains  of  the  damned  may  take 

f)lace  is  an  opinion  tolerated  in  the  church,  as  far  back,  at 
east,  as  the  days  of  St.  Augustine  who,  though  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  held  it  himself,  quotes  it  as  an  opinion 
that  might  be  entertained. 

Prudentius,  in  a  well  known  hymn,  gives  poetical  ex- 

fression  to  this  belief,  and  sings  that  when  the  blessed 
aschai  time  comes  round,  some  solace  and  siu'cease  of 
pain  descend  upon  the  miserable  souls : — 

"  Sunt  et  spiritibus  saepe  nocentibus 
Pffinarura  celebres  sub  styge  ferioe 
Ilia  nocte  sacer  qua  rediit  Deus 
Stagoo  ad  superos  ex  Acherontis 
Marcent  suppliciis  tartara  mitibus 
Exultatque  sui  carceris  otic 
Umbraram  popuhis  liber  ab  ignibus 
Nee  fervent  solito  flumina  sulphure.*' 

Coming  to  examine  this  marvellous  story,  to  my  mind 


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112  Afi  Old  Story  of  Hie  Middle  Ages. 

the  most  curious  fact  connected  with  the  whole  controversy 
is  the  calm  uiihesitating  manner  in  which  all  parties  agree 
and  settle  that  Trajan  was  actually  dumned.  Those  who 
beUeve  the  story  admit  that  he  was  in  hell,  those  who  deny 
it  maintain  that  he  is  there  still.  It  may,  however,  be  said 
that  there  can  hardly  be  any  more  delicate  question  than 
the  damnation  of  any  individual,  and  that  consequently  in 
deaUng  with  the  subject  of  damnation,  it  is  always  well  to 
confine  ourselves  to  general  principlea 

The  story  in  many  particulars,  or  perhaps,  I  should  say, 
rather  in  the  absence  of  particulars,  is  very  vague.  I 
suspect  that  vagueness  was  largely  intentional.  There 
are  evident  indications  of  a  master-hand  in  the  concoction. 
In  the  fii-st  version  of  the  story  it  was  not  stated  precisely 
what  it  was  that  Gregory  obtained  for  Trajan.  There  is 
quite  an  artistic  touch  in  saying  that  *'  Gregory's  prayer  was 
heard,**  while  the  nature  of  the  prayer  is  carefully  concealed. 
It  is  not  stated  whether  Trajan  was  admitted  to  heaven, 
it  was  not  even  stated  that  he  was  definitely  and  for  ever 
released  from  hell.  It  was  not,  in  fact,  stated  (in  words) 
that  Gregory  prayed  for  Trajan  at  all — the  skilful  phrase 
was  "he  wept."  All  this,  1  imagine,  was  done  by  some 
one  who  had  rare  skill  in  keeping  clear  of  theological  pit- 
falls ;  a  skill,  1  may  remark,  which  contributed  largely  to 
prolong  the  Ufe  of  the  legend. 

In  truth,  the  more  it  is  examined,  tlie  less  substance 
will  be  found  in  it.  It  implies  things  whicii  are  utterly- 
opposed  to  the  written  opinions  of  St.  Gregory,  which 
make  it  to  the  last  degree  unlikely  that  he  would  have 
prayed  for  any  one  \vhom  he  believed  to  be  in  hell.  It  is 
certain  he  would  not  do  so  (and  this  is  precisely  the 
answer  given  to  the  difficulty)  without  a  special  inspiration. 
But  it  would  be  strange  that  Gregory  should  have  been 
implicitly  reproached  for  following  the  dictate  of  such 
inspiration,  and  warned  against  offering  a  Uke  prayer  ever 
again.  St.  John  Damascene,  who  is  introduced  into  tha 
controversy,  does  not  differ  in  doctrine  from  St.  Gregory. 
In  fact,  St.  Thomas  expresses  the  constant  and  unchanging 
doctrine  of  the  church,  in  the  proposition — "Since  the 
damned,  having  received  retribution  according  to  their 
deserts,  have  reached  the  final  term  of  life,  and  are  desti- 
tute of  that  charity  according  to  which  the  merits  of  tho 
living  are  continued  to  the  dead,  it  is  manifest  that  suffi-ages 
do  not  in  the  least  avail  them." 

The  historical  evidence  is  singularly  weak.     For  three 


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An  Old  Stofy  of  the  Middle  Ages.  118  . 

centnries  nothing  is  heard  of  the  story ;  and  yet  it  was  too 
remarkable  a  fact,  if  it  were  a  fact  at  all,  to  have  so  long 
escaped  notice.  When  we  have  traced  it  to  John  the 
Deacon  we  have  traced  it  to  its  highest  source,  and  any 
corroboration  it  seems  to  receive  from  countless  writers, 
contemporary  and  later,  who  repeated  the  story, is  only  the 
corroboration,  common  enough  in  those  uncritical  times,  of 
men  who,  without  the  sliglitest  pretence  of  critical  examina* 
tion,  copied  the  dicta  of  those  who  had  written  before  them. 
But  what  decisively  settles  the  question  is  the  fact  that  in 
the  authentic  documents  preserved  in  the  Roman  Archives, 
regarding  the  acts  of  St.  Gregory,  there  is  not  the  faintest 
vestige  of  anything  that  could  be  shaped  into  such  a  story. 

But  though  this  legend  rests  on  no  historical  evidence, 
yet'as  a  mere  story,  it  is  safe  to  live  for  ever.  It  has  been 
built  into  that  wonderful  structure,  the  Divina  Comedia  in 
which  the  genius  of  Dante  has  gathered  up  and  expressed 
the  theology,  philosophy,  history,  and  poetry  of  the  mar- 
vellous middle  age.  In  the  Purgatorio,  Canto  the  tenth, 
describing  the  sculptures  on  the  walls,  he  sings : — 

"  lliere  was  storied  on  the  rock 
The  exahed  glory  of  the  Roman  prince 
Whose  mighty  worth  mov*d  Gregory  to  earn 
His  mighty  conquest ;  Trajan  the  Emperor, 
A  widow  at  his  bridle  stood  attired. 
In  tears  and  mourning.     Round  about  them  troop*d 
Full  throng  of  knights,  and  overhead  in  gold 
The  eagles  floated,  struggling  with  the  wind, 
The  wretch  appear'd  amid  all  this  to  say : 

*  Grant  vengeance,  Sire,  for,  woe  beshrew  this  heart, 
My  son  is  murdered.'     He  replying  said, 

*  Wait,  now  till  I  return."     And  she  as  one 
Made  hasty  by  her  grief — *  O,  Sire,  if  thou 
Dost  not  return  ?  '     *  Where  I  am,  who  then  is 
May  right  thee.'     *  What  to  thee  is  other's  good 
If  thou  neglect  thy  own  ?  '     *  Now  comfort  thee,' 
At  length  he  answers.     *  It  beseemeth  well 

My  duty  be  perform'd  ere  I  move  hence, 

So  justice  wills  and  pity  bids  me  stay.'" 
And  in  the  Paradise,  Canto  the  twentieth,  we  meet  the 
Emperor  himself — 

*'  Who  to  the  beak  is  nearest,  comforted 

The  widow  for  her  son ;  now  doth  he  know 

How  dear  it  costeth  not  to  follow  Christ 

Both  from  experience  of  this  pleasant  life 

And  of  its  opposite." 


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114  Questions  regarding  Propositum, 

One  thiug  has  struck  me,  considering  the  flimsy  evidence 
adduced  for  this  stoiy  of  Trajan,  and  it  is  this,  that  a 
writer  like  Natalis  Alexander,  should  pursue  the  legend 
almost  vindictively,  through  ten  folio  pages.  He  piles 
proof  upon  proof,  authority  upon  authority.  He  waxes,  in 
turns,  eloquent,  indignant,  sarcastic — till  one  is  forcibly 
reminded  of  that  most  unnecessary  of  all  cruelties — "  the 
breaking  of  a  butterfly."  What,  I  have  asked  myself, 
could  have  been  the  reason  of  so  much  vehemence,  and  so 
much  zeal  ?  Was  it  that  Natalis  Alexander  had  a  prophetic 
instinct  that  hardly  any  dogma  of  Christianity  would  be 
exposed  to  more  violent  attack  in  the  18th  and  J  9th  cen- 
turies, than  that  which  asserts,  that  "  in  hell  there  is  no 
redemption  ?  " 

Joseph  Farrell. 


QUESTIONS  REGARDING  PROPOSITUM.— XL 

IT  might  be  interesting,  but  could  be  of  little  practical 
value,  to  attempt  to  reconcile  or  give  reason  for 
making  a  choice  among  the  verbally  irreconcilable  defin- 
itions of  conauetudinarii  and  recidivi^  which  are  found  in 
theological  works.  Thus,  the  recidivus  is  defined  by 
Billuart  to  be  the  man,  "  qui  in  idem  peccatum  jam  con- 
fessum  relabitur,  etsi  seineV  This  definition  is  adopted  by 
Collet.  According  to  St.  Liguori,  the  recidivus  is,  "qui 
post  confessionem  eodem,  vel  quasi  eodem  mode,  est 
relapsus  absque  emendatione."  (Proarw,  n,  71.)  Schneider, 
who  is  always  most  carefully  select  in  his  choice  of  words, 
defines  the  recidivus  to  be,  '*  qui  idem  peccatum  mortale 
pergit  committere  post  propositum  emendationis,  postque 
plures  peractas  confessiones,  eodem  vel  majore  numero 
lapsuum,  absque  omni  etiam  inchoata  emendatione," 
Again,  Billuai-t  and  others  tell  us  that  we  may  have  a 
"  recidivus  qui  non  sit  consuetudinarius,  ut  qui,  post  con- 
fessionem [peccati  semel  tantum  commissi]  in  peccatum 
confessum  aliquoties  relabitur.*' 

No  practical  difficulty,  however,  can  arise  from  this 
variety  of  definition ;  for,  although  the  laws  regulating  the 
absolution  of  consuetudinarii  seem  rigorously  exclusive  in 
their  application,  theologians  make  abundant  provision  for 
those  who,  being  on  the  border  line,  will  be   variously 


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Questions  regarding  Propositum. 

denominated  either  consuetudinarii  or  recidivi  according  to 
the  definitions  we  select.  Call  him  what  you  may,  there 
could  be  no  difficulty  in  treating  the  man  specified — "  etsi 
gemel*' — in  Billuart  and  »Collet*s  definition  of  recidhms: 
and  no  modem  theologians  would  regard  as  technically 
reeidimis  the  man  whose  case  is  made  in  the  sentence  last 
quoted  from  Billuart. 

Another  case,  however,  and  one  that  is  sometimes  met 
with,  is  suggested  by  this  difference  of  definition,  and 
is  solved  by  Billuart  himself : — 

"  Consuetudinarius  qui  in  priorlbus  confessipnibus  nunquam 
foit  correptus  nee  raonitns  de  remediis  adhibendis,  neque  illorum 
est  conscius,  si  nihil  aliud  obstet  quam  eonsuetudo,  et  protestetur 
se  de  ilia  et  de  peccatis  dolere,  paraturaque  se  exhibeat  ad  omnia 
remedia  etiam  dura  et  difficilia,  potest  statim  absolri  .  .  .  nee  est 
expectandum  donee  pravam  consuetudinem  penitus  eradicaverit." 

The  same  case  is  given  with  the  same  solution  by  St 
Charles  Borromoeo,  by  Collett,  and  Henno,  &c. :  *'juxta 
opinionem  satis  communem." 

"  Recidivi,"  says  St.  Liguon,  "  ut  communiter  docetur, 
absolvi  nequeunt,  si  sola  signa  ordinaria  afferant,  NEMPE,  si 
tantum  confiteantur,  asserendo  se  poenitere  et  proponere." — 
{PrcLx.y  n.  71.) 

*'Ad  absolvendos  igitur  recidivos  .  .  .  requiruntur  signa 
extraordinaria :  quae,  juxta  communem  sententiara,  certe  suffi- 
ciunt  ad  absolutionem  impertiendam :  illud  enim  extraordinarium 
si^um  (modo  solidum  sit  et  fundatum)  aufert  indispositionis 
mupicionem,  quae  urget  ratione  relapsuum."  {Ihid.  n.  73). 

Before  entering  upon  the  consideration  of  these  signa 
extraordinaria^  it  cannot  be  quite  irrelevant  to  inquire 
into  the  nature  and  effects  of  relapse,  in  so  far  as  they  have 
a  tendency  to  sway  and  influence  the  judgment  of  the 
confessor. 

On  the  one  hand,  Suarez  says :  **  Docent  omnes 
Auctores  quod  priusquam  sacerdos  absolvat,  necesse  est 
ut  prudenter  et  probabiliter  judicet  poenitentem  esse  dis- 
positum  .  .  .  scihcet,  per  displicentiam  proeteritorura  et 
propositura  [firmum,  eflicax  et  imiversalel  m  futurum." 

On  the  other  hand,  it  will  be  asked  how — even  in  the 
most  favourable  circumstances,  short  of  the  extirpation  of 


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116  Questions  regarding  Propositum. 

to  such  unreliable  assurance,  nothing  more — at  the  very 
best — than  an  interested  and  only  partial  amendment 
spreading  over  a  few  days? 

This  is  a  diflSculty  which  not  seldom  starts  up  to  deter 
all  confessors,  and  which,  if  indulged,  would  carry  them 
into  the  very  worst  form  of  Jansenism.  The  following  un- 
deniable principles  may  help  to  solve  it : — 

(1.)  In  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  we  are  dealing  with 
matters  chiefly  supernatural,  in  which  God — and  not  the 
priest — is  the  Principal  Agent.  Confessors  may  sometimes 
for  a  moment  be  forgetful  of  this  fundamental  truth,  and, 
in  consequence,  feel  dissatisfied  and  fretful  when  they — 
unhke  railway  contractors  and  shipbuilders — are  not  able 
to  check  off  and  verify,  as  if  by  theodolite  and  spirit-level, 
the  progress  of  the  work  they  are  employed  upon.  We 
need  never  hope  to  intuitively  measure  supernatural 
results. 

(2).  "  Unanimis  doctorum  consensus,  ex  canone  ab 
omnibus  accepto,  moralem  certitudinem  pant ;"  and  Suarez 
emphatically  testifies  to  the  unanimity  of  theologians  in 
teaching,  *'  Neque  oportet  ut  confessarius  sibi  persnadeat, 
et  judicet  etiam  probabiliter,  ita  esse  futurum  ut  poenitens 
a  peccando  abstineat;  sed  satis  est  ut  existimet  nunc 
habere  tale  propositum,  quamvis  post  breve  tempus  illud  sit 
mutaturus.'*  Therefore,  a  ''judicium  probabile  relapsus 
futuri,  etiam  post  breve  tempus  '*  may  stand  side  by  side 
with  a  "  judicium  prudens  et  probabile  poenitentem  esse 
dispositum,**  and  surely  the  ** moral  certainty"  with  which 
this  truth  comes  home  to  us  should  be  sufficient  to  remove 
*dl  hesitancy  and  scruple. 

(3).  Daily  experience  proves  that  thorough  conversion 
oftentimes  follows  that  veiy  propositum,  the  stability  of 
which  we  may  have  most  suspected.  The  work  is  the  work 
of  grace,  and  not  the  result  of  man*s  endeavour. 

(4).  An  additional  argument  of  immense  weight  is 
derived  from  the  fact  that  the  vast  majority  of  theologians 
teach :  "  prud enter  credi  potest  quod  firmum  habeat  pro- 
positum poenitejis,  qui  assent  nolle  amplius  peccare,  sed  certo 
credit  se  relapsurum."  La  Croix  and  Sporer  hold  that 
absolution  is  to  be  refused  to  such  men  only  when  **  they 
despair  of  salvation,"  or  believe  that  it  is  '*  omnino  impossi- 
bile  ut  de  caetero  ab  aliquo  mortali  abstineant."  It  is,  there- 
fore  exceedingly  probable  that  we  may  have  a  **  judicium 
prudens  et  probabile  poenitentem  esse  dispositum,*'  although 
the  "  certo  credit  '*  of  both  confessor  and  penitent  point*  to 
relapse. 


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Qtiestions  regarding  Fropositum,  111 

(5).  That  relapse  is,  of  itself,  by  no  means  irreconcilable 
with  the  propositum  firmum  et  efficax  is  thus  argued  by 
La  Croix :  •'  (a).  Alioquin  quoties  poenitens  relaberetur, 
toties  obUgaretur  ad  repetendas  onines  priores  confessiones 
tanquam  invalidas^  quoa  est  contra  praxim  et  communem 
sensum  fideUum  .  .  .  Ratio  a  priori  est,  quia  relapsus  est 
tantum  signum  quod  voluntas  facta  sit  inconstans  et  jam 
sit  immutata  .  .  .  ergo  ex  relapsu  imprudenter  colligitur 
quod  voluntas  an  tea  defuerit.  (b).  Potest  esse  verus  et 
proedorainans  amor  Dei  quamvis,  statim  post,  sequatur 
lapsus ;  uti  patet  in  Angelis  et  Primis  Parentibus,  item  in 
S.  Petro.  (c).  Non  est  major  obligaiio  vitandi  peccata 
antiqua  quam  nova,  ad  omnia  enim  debet  se  aequaliter 
extendere  propositum  [universale] — imo  facilius  est  vitaro 
nova  quam  antiqua  .  .  .  sed  ex  eo  quod  quis  afferat 
nova  mortalia  nemo  prudenter  judicat  quod  defuerit 
propositum  in  priori  confessione ;  ergo  nee  ex  eo  quod 
afferat  antiqua." 

From  all  this  wo  may  safely  conclude  that  relapse  does 
not  J  per  se^  always  point  to  an  imperfect  propositum  ;  but 
no  one  can  reasonably  doubt  that  most  frequently  it  creates 
solid  ^ound  for  suspecting  that  professions  of  similar 
character  are  no  longer  to  be  trusted.  "  Aliquando,"  say» 
DeLugo,"  ex  ilia  experientia  [relapsus]  argueturpoenitentem 
cai-ere  nunc  vero  dolore  et  proposito  requisite :  qui  enim 
efficaeiter  proponit  et  serio  rem  aUquam,  quam  aliunde 
moraliter  implere  potest,  non  ita  facile  obliviscitur  statim 
sui  propositi,  sed  saltem  per  aliquod  tempus  perseverat,  et 
diflScilius  vel  rarius  cadit."  La  Croix  judiciously  adds : 
"  Hoc  potissimum  verum  est  si  nova  vehementior  tentatio 
vel  occasio  periculosior  non  intervenerit."  Should  the 
penitent  fall  *'eodem  vel  quasi  eodem  mode"  after  two 
or  three  successive  trials ;  should  it  thus  become  evident 
that  the  propositum  in  which  we  trusted  has  exercised  no 
salutary  check  and  effected  no  appreciable  amelioration,  it 
is  abundantly  manifest  that  no  judicium  prudens  of  its 
stability  is  any  longer  possible.  It  is  further  evident  that 
the  penitent  has  been  either  deceiving  us  by  asking  us  to 
rely  upon  a  promise  which  he  did  not  purpose  keeping;  or 
he  has  been  deceiving  himself  by  estimating  too  highly  the 
•trength  of  his  own  resolution.  If  the  former  have  been 
the  case,  we  are  bound,  as  the  "  dispensatores  mysteriurum 
Dei/'  to  protect  them  against  a  repetition  of  the  sacrilege. 
If  the  latter,  we  are  bound  qua  Medici  et  Judices  to  save 
the  penitent  from  the  ruinous  results  of  his  own  presump- 
VOL.  VI.  I 


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118  Questions  regarding  Propositum, 

tion.  In  either  supposition  we  can  no  longer  accept  his 
simple  word  as  our  guarantee  that  his  propositum  is  firraum 
et  efficax.  The  inference  is  ineWtable — namely,  that  the 
relapsing  sinner  must  now  support  his  mere  word  (which  is 
proved  to  be  unreliable)  by  satisfying  us  of  the  existence 
and  pressure  of  some  superadded  and  sufficiently 
powerful  motive,  which  will  presumably  influence  him  in 
Keeping  it. 

Evidence  establishing  the  existence  and  ascendency  of 
that  motive — in  whatever  form  it  may  present  itself — is  the 
signum  extraordinarium  poenitentiae  which  theologians 
require. 

Even  at  the  risk  of  being  tedious,  it  may  be  well  to 
epeat:  Had  the  penitent  never,  or  not  more  than  once  or 
twice,  broken  his  word  in  this  particular  matter,  it  would 
be  unfair  and  ultra  vires  to  doubt  it  now ;  and  hence  we 
absolve  the  consuetudinarius.  When,  however,  the 
penitent's  own  unchecked  misconduct  —  "post  plures 
peractas  confessiones'* — gives  unimpeachable  evidence 
that  his  word  is  no  longer  worthy  of  our  confidence,  every 
attribute  of  prudenc;e  demands  that  we  shall  look  upon  his 
promise  with  grave  suspicion  and  refuse  to  accept  it 
unsupported.  Hence,  we  justly  postpone  the  absolution 
of  the  recidivus  until  he  gives  new  and  independent 
)roof  of  his  sincerity.  To  act  otherwise  would  be  to 
etray,  in  all  its  phases,  the  fourfold  responsibility  of  the 
confessor. 

It  is,  therefore,  the  "sententia  communis  DD.  quod 
peccator  recidivus,  rediens  cum  eodem  habitu  pravo,  non 
potest  absolvi,  nisi  afferat  [aut  acquirat]  extraordinaria 
«igna  sua?  dispositionis." — (St.  Lig.,  1.,  vi.,  t.  iv.,  no.  459.) 

The  presence  of  one  or  more  of  these  signa  is,  or  may 
be,  evidence  that  the  foundation  of  our  suspicions  regarding 
the  propositum  has  been  removed ;  but  we  should  never 
forget  that  it  is  only  in  so  far  as  they  qive  such  evidence  that 
they  justify  us  in  giving  absolution.  We  should  remember 
that  they  form  no  part  of  the  dolor  or  propositum ;  that 
their  presence  does  not  supply  sorrow,  nor  their  absence  of 
necessity  invalidate  the  absolution.  They  are  in  no  sense 
or  measure  the  matei*ia  sacrarnenti ;  they  are,  as  far  as  the 
eonfessor  is  concerned,  nothing  better  than  so  many 
witnesses  to  character  brought  into  court,  on  the  strength 
of  whose  testimony  we  may,  salva  nostra  conscientia, 
pronounce  sentence  of  acquittal. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  discuss  the  signa 


i; 


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Quetttions  regarding  Propositum,  119 

€xtraordinana  in  detail.  As  found  and  profusely  com- 
mented upon  in  every  theologi(3al  work  on  the  sacrament 
of  Penance,  they  are  the  tests  of  sincere  propositum 
required,  and  reUed  upon,  by  those  of  our  great  theologians 
whose  profound  knowledge  of  sacred  science  was  tempered 
and  disciplined  by  years  of  practical  experience. 
St.  Liguori  writes  of  these  signa  :  *'  Puto  nequaquam  eum 
errare,  qui  se  dirigit  cum  sententiis  communiter  receptis 
.  .  ,  nee  debet  credi  hos  tam  graves  DD.  a  Deo  lumine 
«uo  fuisse  destitutes  in  re  quae  directionem  respicit  conscien- 
tianim  totius  populi  Christiani." 

It  is  no  disparagement  of  these  signa  to  assert  that  the 
presence  of  one,  or  even  more  than  one  of  them,  does  not 
always  wholly  remove  the  prudens  suspicio  indispositionis. 
This  is  notably  true  of  the  *'  itur  longum,'*  especially  in 
those  days  of  easy  and  luxurious  travelling.  No  matter 
what  the  signum  may  be,  we  may  still  have  most  reason- 
able grounds  for  gravely  doubting  the  penitent's  candour 
in  describing  it,  or  his  disinterestedness  of  motive,  or  the 
honesty  and  effectiveness  of  the  provision  he  has  made  for 
the  future.  It  is  no  part  of  the  confessor's  duty  to  be 
unduly  suspicious ;  but  he  is  inexorably  bound  to  exercise 
a  prudent  judgment,  and  St.  Thomas  tells  us  that  among 
the  attributes  of  prudence  are  "  memoria,  ex  qua  nascitiu* 
experientia,  optima  rerum  magistra ;  intellectus ;  circum- 
spectio  et  cautio." 

Take,  for  example,  the  "  minor  numerus  peccatorum.'' 
If  the  diminution  in  the  number  of  his  sins  be  of  recent 
i)ccuiTence  and  have  been  preceded  by  reckless  indulgence, 
clearly  it  is  not  of  necessity  a  signum  extraordinarium.  At 
any  rate  it  affords  no  proof  that  the  former  prop(»situm  still 
Kurvives.  All  the  value  of  this  amendment  will  depend 
on  the  motive  from  which  it  has  arisen,  and  must  be 
estimated  by  the  influence  that  same  motive  will  probably 
exercise  in  rendering  the  new  propositum  efficacious  and 
firm.  Thus,  if  he  have  avoided  sin — say  for  the  last  week 
— chiefly  or  solely  in  order  that  he  may  not  risk  being 
refused  absolution  or  being  deferred,  it  is  perse  worse  than 
worthless.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  his  avoidance  of  sin  bo 
clearly  traceable  to  some  extraordinary  or  supernatural 
impulse  communicated  '*in  concione,  in  subitanea  morto 
amici,  in  terrore  terrae-motus,  in  grassante  peste,  &c.,'' — 
this  should  receive  full  consideration  as  the  probable  begin- 
ning of  better  things. 

The  "  minor  numerus  ''  is  undoubtedly  a  signum  extra- 


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120  Questions  regarding  Propositum, 

ordinarinm  when, "  in  lisdem  occasionibus  et  tentationibue,'* 
the  number  has  gi'own  smaller  because  of  the  penitent's 

Eositive  struggle  made  for  the  direct  purpose  of  adhering  to 
is  propositum.  When  the  *'  minor  numerus  *'  demonstrates 
that  the  propositum  influences  his  hfe  and  conduct,  it  is  a 
most  encouraging  sign — more  especially  if  it  have  led  ta 
the  **  vol unt aria  fuga  occasionum  ;  '*  if  the  vivid  recollection 
of  it  cause  relapse  to  be  followed  by  poignant  and  per- 
sistent remorse  ;  and  if,  post  lapsum,  it  gives  no  peace  to 
the  penitent  until  he  again  has  recourse  to  the  sacraments. 
Except  in  so  far  as  it  indicates  a  restraining  and  controlling 
power  in  the  propositum  itself,  the  amendment  is,  per  sey 
of  small  account.  If  the  number  be  notably  less  because 
the  penitent,  moved  by  a  lively  and  loyal  recollection  of  liis 
promise,  has  struggled  successfully  against  relapse  for  an 
uninterrupted  period  of  considerable  duration  after  his  last 
confession,  and  has  not  fallen  "  nisi  post  magnum  con- 
flictum,"  the  condition  of  the  penitent  is  most  hopeful. 
But  this  continued  resistance  for  some  weeks  after  last 
confession  is  of  scarcely  less  value  (it  may  be  of  greater 
value)  inasmuch  as  it  gives  positive  proof  that,  had 
he  soon  returned  to  confession,  his  cure  would  be 
now  much  nearer  to  its  accomplishment.  We  should 
require  that  a  determined  purpose  of  frequenting  the 
sacraments  should  henceforth  torm  part  of  this  penitent's 
propositum. 

This  paper  has  already  so  far  overstretched  the  space 
which  it  was  intended  to  occupy,  that  no  room  remains  for 
testing  by  the  rules  of"  Prudence**  the  other  signa  extra- 
ordinaria.  But  there  is  one  signum  given  by  Layman^ 
Henno,  St.  Liguori,  &c.,  to  which  (the  writer  apologetically 
takes  leave  to  submit)  it  is  possible  that  sufficient  im- 
portance may  not  be  always  attached.  It  is  the  "Accessus 
ad  Sacramenta  omnino  spontaneus  etvere  a  lumine  divine 
inspiratus/'  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  the  recidivus 
carrying  such  credentials  is,  in  actu  primo^  already  saved. 
He  should  receive  the  benefit  of  every  doubt  regarding  the 
full  spontaneity  of  his  approach,  and  the  genuineness  of 
his  propositum.  In  effecting  the  cure  of  recidivi,  as  surely 
as  anywhere  else,  the  hallowed  axiom  is  applicable : 
Sacramenta  propter  homines.  Should  a  penitent  volun- 
tarily present  himself  with  due  humility,  compunction,  and 
self- distrust,  we  may  never  hesitate  to  apply  to  him  the 
dictum  of  St.  Liguori  :  "  Semper  ac  confessario  positive  non 
innotescit  pceniteuti  omnino  defuisse   dolorem,  absolvere 


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Liturgical  Questions.  121 

potest."  We  should  bear  in  our  recollection  that  the  Council 
of  Trent  assigns,  as  one  of  the  most  effectual  remedies 
against  evil  habits,  the  "  poenae  satisfactoriae  *'  whichjfollow 
absolution.  That  the  same  Holy  Council  has  defined  that 
the  sacrament  of  Penance  was  instituted  "  non  solum  da 
toUenda  peccata  preeterita  sed  etiam  ad  praecavensa 
futura ; "  that  this  sacrament  bestows  not  only  Sanctifying 
but  also  Sacramental  graces;  and  that  to  postpone  absolu- 
tion (unless  under  the  pressure  of  strict  theological 
necessity)  would  be,  as  Henno  says,  to  imitate  the  "insanus 
medicus,  qui  non  vellet  adhibere  preecipuum  remedium  nisi 
«groto  jam  sanato." 

Finally,  taking  it  for  granted  that,  unless  in  cases  of  rare 
-occurrence,  permission  to  receive  Holy  Communion  is 
attached  to  the  giving  of  absolution,  we  should  be  anxious, 
when  possible,  to  communicate  to  our  peiutents,  as  n  remedy 
4igain8t  #m,  that  Sacrament  which  is  the  "Fortitude 
FragiHum '*  (and  whoso  fragile  as  the  recidivus?) ;  the 
^*Autidotum  quo  a  peccatis  mortalibus  praeservamur ; " 
*'  quo  fugantur  daemones  et  Angeli  ad  nos  alliciuntur ;  " 
*'  vitionim  nostronim  evacuatio,  concupiscentiae  et  libidinis 
'Cxterminatio,  omniumque  virtutum  augmentatio." 

C.  J.  M. 


LITUKGY. 
The  Tabernacle. 

No  well-instructed  Catholic,  much  less  any  priest,  needs 
to  be  reminded  that  in  our  concern  for  the  beauty  of  God's 
house,  the  Tabernacle  must  hold  the  first  place  in  our 
thoughts.  It  is  the  Sanctum  Sanctorum  in  the  house  of  God 
—the  Httle  apartment  in  which  He  Hves.  Respect  then  for 
Him  whom  it  holds  demands  this  care :  and,  moreover,  it 
is  a  duty  which  we,  priests,  owe  to  the  people  to  give 
them  an  example  not  only  of  prayerful  devotion  to  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,  but  of  that  too  which  ia  inseparable 


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122  Liturgy, 

1.  The  Taljernacle  must  be  not  only  BcrupulouRlj 
clean  and  neat  both  inside  and  outside,  and  furnished  in 
accordance  with  the  h'turgical  prescriptions,  but  also  as 
elegant  and  costly  as  the  revenues  at  the  disposal  of  the 
priest  for  church-decoration  can  conveniently  afford.  In 
St.  John  Lateran's  the  Tabernacle  sparkles  with  precious 
gems,  and  in  St.  Peter's  it  is  made  of  gilt  bronze  and 
ornamented  with  columns  of  lapis  lazuli.^  It  would  be  a 
manifest  inversion  of  intelligent  and  well-ordered  zeal  to 
be  lavish  in  the  expenditiu'o  of  care  and  money  on  the 
various  articles  of  church  furniture  and  decoration — such 
as  even  the  pictures  and  statues  of  saints — and  to  neglect 
the  Tabernacle. 

2.  Material  of  the  Taheimacle, — The  Tabernacle  is  com- 
monly made  of  wood,*  as  being  dry  and  well  suited  for 
keeping  the  Sacred  Hosts  ;  but  other  solid  and  more  costly 
materials,  such  as  marble,  iron,  or  bronze,  may  be  also  used. 
When  the  material  is  such  as  admits  or  retains  moisture, 
it  is  always  advisable,  and  in  some  cases  necessary,  to 
insert  an  inner  Tabernacle  of  wood  in  order  to  protect  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  from  damp.**^  In  this  case  it  would 
be  well  if  the  wood  Tabernacle  w^cre  not  in  contact 
with  the  outer  one.  It  is  now  very  common  to  have  an 
iron  safe  for  the  Tabernacle,  and  this  is  sometimes  enclosed 
in  an  outer  one  of  wood  or  marble.  The  iron  safe  gives 
additional  security  for  the  protection  of  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment in  case  of  fire,  or  of  an  attempt  at  sacrilegioua 
robbery,  and  is  also  proof  against  damp. 

3.  Its  Shaj^e  and  Size. — No  particular  shape  is  prescribed 
for  the  Tabernacle.  It  may  be  round,  or  square,  or  of  six 
or  eight  sides.  In  determining  its  shape,  a  good  deal  will 
depend  on  the  character  of  the  church  and  altar.  A 
common  form  is  that  of  a  rectangular  little  chest  with  a 
cupola  or  dome,  surmounted  with  a  little  cross.  It  may 
be  remarked  in  passing,  that  this  little  cross  will  not 
suffice  for  the  cross  required  at  Mass.*  The  Tabernacle  m 
to  have  no  opening  except  the  door  in  front,  and  it  is 
also  forbidden  to  put  in  any  part  of  it  little  windows 
through   which   the   Blessed    Sa(?rament  might   be   seen 

'  Montault.  Traitc  Prati'^ve  deln  construction^  j'c,  iks  Eglises. 

*  *'  Tabemaculem  regulariter  debet  esse  ligueum,  extra  deauratum, 
intus  vero  aliquo  panuo  serico  decenter  con  tectum.''  S.C.  Epiec., 
2Cth  Oct.,  1575. 

^  Authors  generally. 

*  S.R.C .    S  Ap.,  1821  (4578,  6). 


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[The  Tabernacle.  125 

within.^  On  the  dome  or  top  of  the  Tabernacle,  a  place 
is  usually  prepared  to  receive  the  Monstrance  at  the 
Exposition  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  The  only  other 
object  which  may  be  placed  on  the  top  of  the  Tabernacle 
is  the  cross  of  the  altar,  as  it  is  specially  forbidden  to  make 
the  Tabernacle  a  support  or  resting  place  for  statues,  or 
relics,  or  anything,  except  the  Monstrance  containing  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,^  and  the  altar-cross.® 

The  Tabernacle  is  to  be  sufficiently  large  to  hold  the 
sacred  vessels  in  which  the  Blessed  Sacrament  is  reserved. 
In  parochial  and  other  churches  we  frequently  have  in 
reserve  two  large  ciboriums,  a  lunette,  and  a  pyxis ;  and 
accordingly  the  Tabernacle  should  be  so  large  as  to  hold 
all  these  conveniently.  But  this  want  being  provided  for,. 
the  size  of  the  ^J'abernacle  should  be  in  proportion  to  the 
altar  on  which  it  stands.  It  is  very  inconvenient  when 
it  encroaches  so  far  on  the  table  of  the  altar  that  but  little 
room  is  left  for  altar-stone  or  corporal. 

4.  The  InteAor  Decoration. — The  interior  of  the  Taber- 
nacle is  to  be  lined  all  round,  including  the  door  and  on 
top  and  bottom,  with  white  silk  or  damask.*  If  nails  are 
used  in  putting  on  this  lining,  they  ought  to  be  non- 
corrosive,  and  Avith  gilt  heads.»  It  is  the  Roman  custom^ 
and  indeed  the  common  custom  elsewhere  too,  to  suspend 
from  inside  at  the  opening  made  by  the  do(jr  a  curtain 
of  rich  white  silk,  suitably  decorated  with  fringe,  to 
prevent  the  ciborium  from  being  seen,  when  the  Taber- 
nacle is  opened  by  the  ]n'iest,  and  also  to  shut  out  any 
dust.  This  curtain  is  divided  in  the  middle  in  order  that 
the  sacred  vessels  can  be  conveniently  put  in  and  taken 
out,  and  also  so  aiTanged  that  it  can  be  moved  back,  so 
that  the  ciborium  in  a  private  Exposition  may  be  visible 
to  the  people  when  the  door  is  open,  without  taking  it  out 
of  the  Tabernacle.** 

The  rubrics  prescribe  that  a  corporal  (blessed)  be  placed 
in  the  Tabernacle,  on  which  the  sacred  vessels  are  to 
stand.  The  corporal  will  of  course  vary  in  shape  with  the 
Tabernacle.     When  necessary,  a  pall  will  serve  instead  of 

«  S.R.C.     20  Sept.,  1806  (4505,  ad  2.) 

»  S.R.C.  16  Junii,  1663(2231).  17  Sept.,  1882  (4590),  et  Nota 
Gard. 

•  De  Herdt.  Sac,  Liiurg,  Praxis,  Tom  i.,  n.  181.  De  Conny. 
Ceremonial  Jiomain^  p.  9. 

*  S.C.  Episc.     26  Oct.,  1575.     Beu.  xiii.  Insiructio. 

»  Ben.  xiil     Ildd,  «De  Herdt.  Ibid,    Tom.  ii.,  n.  32. 


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124  JLiturgy. 

a  corporal.^  The  Tabernacle  is  intended  to  hold  only  the 
sacred  vessels  actually  containing  the  Blessed  Sacrament, 
and  it  is  forbidden  to  place  in  it  anything  else — even  relics, 
or  the  holy  oils,  or  the  purified  sacred  vessels,  or  the  little 
vase  containing  the  purification  occasionally  held  over 
from  first  to  second  Maes,  in  fact,  .anything  except  the 
vessels  containing  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  the  corporal 
on  which  they  stand.^ 

5.  The  Exterior  Ornamentation. — When  made  of  wood 
or  bronze,  the  Tabernacle  is  richly  gilt  on  the  outside.' 
The  Capuchins,  however,  in  consideration  of  their  vow 
of  extreme  poverty  are  privileged  to  use  a  Tabernacle  of 
plain  wood  without  gilding.*  The  exterior  is  usually 
decorated  with  emblems  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  such  as 
bunches  of  wheat,  gi'apes,  or  with  figures  of  adoring 
angels.  On  sc^me  Tabernacles  there  are  suitable  inscriptions. 
Montault*  tells  us  that  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Cross  at 
Jerusalem,  the  words  "  Hie  Deum  Adora  "  were  inscribed 
on  the  Tabernacle;  and  on  that  of  the  cathedral  of 
Grenoble,  the  inscription  on  the  frieze  is  the  text  from 
St.  John,  "  Hie  est  panis  vivus,  qui  de  coelo  descendit. 
Si  quis  ex  hoc  manducaverit,  non  morietur  in  aeternum." 
He  mentions  other  similar  instances. 

The  door  of  the  Tabernacle  is  specially  rich  in  its 
material  and  ornamentation.  In  the  Church  of  St.  Cecilia 
at  Rome,  it  is  of  silver  gilt,  and  set  with  precious  stones.* 
It  is  usual  to  paint  or  work  on  the  door  some  figures 
relating  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  or  to  the  mysteries  of 
the  Passion,  such  as  the  Good  Shepherd,  the  Last  Supper, 
a  Chalice  with  a  Host  over  it,  a  PeUcan,  a  Cross,  or  any 
other  appropriate  emblem. 

It  is  prescribed  in  therituaPand  by  the  Congregation  of 
Rites'*  that  the  Tabernacle  when  containing  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  should  be  covered  with  a  veil.  The  rubrical 
name  for  it  is  the  conopeiim.  It  cannot  be  dispensed  with, 
even  though  a  veil  hangs  inside  the  Tabernacle  door. 
The  inside  veil  is  not  necessary,  but  the  conopeum  is.** .  The 
conopeum  or  veil  is  supposed  to  cover  the  Tabernacle  on 

*  Gard.  Clement  Instruc.^  §  v.  4,  b. 

«  Kit.  Rom.  De  Sacra.  Euch,  S.C.R.  22  Feb.,  1593.  S.C.  Episc., 
13  Mail.,  1693. 

»  S.C.  Episc.,  26  Oct.,  1575.        *  S.C.  Episc.  et  Regul.   18  Jul.  1694. 

«  Ibid.  •  Ibid.  t  De  Euch. 

«  In  HHncen.    21  Jul.,  1855  (5221  ad  13.)    28  April,  1866  (5368.> 
S.R.C.     28  Ap.,  1866  (5368.) 


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The  labertiacle.  125 

aU  sides.  It  is  divided  at  the  middle  iii  front,  so  as  to 
allow  of  the  opening  of  the  Tabernacle  door,  and  usually 
hangs  from  a  little  brass  rod  which  is  easily  removed  when 
Decenary.  It  is  manifestly  very  desirable  that  this  veil, 
which  is  the  liturgical  cover  and  ornament  of  the  Tabernacle 
when  containing  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  should  be  elegant 
and  rich.  It  is  sometimes  made  of  the  costly  material  used 
for  vestments,  and  more  commonly  of  silk  ornamented  with 
gold  lace,  or  expensive  coloured  fringe.  St.  Charles 
recommends  the  priest  to  have  a  special  conopeum  of  real 
cloth  of  gold  or  silver,  or  some  other  material  distinguished 
for  its  richness  and  appropriateness  for  the  great  feasts  of 
the  year.  It  is  well,  however,  to  understand  that  no  special 
material  is  prescribed,  and  the  Sacred  Congregation  decided 
that  mere  linen  or  even  cotton  fabric  can  be  used  for  this 
veil.* 

A  veil  .of  one  colour  will  suffice  for  all  seasons  of  the 
year,  and  where  only  one  colour  is  used,  white  is  recom- 
mended as  the  most  suitable,  as  it  is  the  colour  appropriated 
to  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  In  some  poor  but  well-regulated 
churches,  they  use  veils  of  two  colours,  namely,  violet  for 
the  penitential  seasons,  and  white  for  the  rest  of  the  year. 
It  is  the  Roman  custom,  recommended  by  the  Congregation 
of  Rites,^  to  change  the  colour  of  this  veil,  and  of  the  ante- 
pendium  with  the  colour  of  the  day.  It  is  the  Mass  that 
determines  the  colour.  Hence,  if  the  colour  of  the  Mass  is 
different  from  that  of  the  Office,  as  happens  on  Rogation 
Days,  the  conopeum  is  to  have  the  colour  of  the  Mass. 
Black,  however,  is  never  used  for  the  conopeum  or  ante- 
pendium,  and  its  place  is  supplied  by  violet.^ 

When  the  Blessed  Sacrament  is  not  in  the  Tabernacle, 
the  conopeum  is  removed  or  drawn  aside,  and  the 
Tabernacle  door  left  open. 

6.  The  Key  of  the  Tabernacle, — The  Tabernacle  is  to  be 
protected  with  a  good  lock  ;*  and  the  parish  priest,  in  the 
first  place,  and  after  him  the  chaplain  or  priest  who  has  to 
admmister  Holy  Communion,  is  responsible  for  the  keeping 
of  the  key.^  The  key  should  not  be  left  in  the  Tabernacle 
door  (except  when  required  for  a  function),  or  in  an 
exposed  place,  or  open  drawer  in  the  sacristy.  We  are 
forbidden  to  entrust  the  keeping  of  it  to  lay  persons,  even 

^  21  JuL,  1855  (6221  ad  13.)  «  Ihid.  '  S.R.C.  Ihid. 

*  lUt.  Rom.  de  Euch.  Caer.  Epist.  lib.  I.,  cap,  6.    Pont.  Rom.     Or  do 


aAa. 


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126  Liturgy. 

though  they  are  nuns.^  When  uot  kept  at  home  under  lock 
and  key  by  the  priest,  the  sacristj-safe  is  perhaps  the  best 
and  fittest  place  for  it.^ 

From  a  feeling  ofrespect  for  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and 
also  to  distinguisli  it  from  other  keys,  the  Tabernacle  key  ia 
usually  more  elegant  in  form  and  ornamented  with  some 
token  or  emblem.  St.  Charles  recommends  tliat,  where 
convenient,  it  should  be  made  of  silver,  or  of  common  metal 
washed  with  gold  or  silver,  or  at  least  distinguished  from 
common  keys  by  its  elegance  of  form  and  suitable  decoration. 
There  is  no  church  in  which  the  practice  of  attaching  to  the 
end  of  the  Tabernacle  key  an  ornament  of  gold  lace  or 
richly-embroidered  ribbon  may  not  beobserved.  It  is  recom- 
mended to  have  two  keys,  to  provide  against  the  necessity 
of  breaking  open  the  Tabernacle,  if  one  key  is  lost. 

It  is  forbidden  to  place  a  vase  of  flowers,  or  a  picture,, 
or  reliquary,  or  any  other  similar  object  on  the  altar  before 
the  Tabernacle  in  such  a  wiiy  as  to  shut  out  from  the  view 
of  adorers  the  little  door  with  its  Eucharistic  emblems.^ 
These  things  may  be  placed  on  a  lower  level,  but  so  as  to 
avoid  this  inconvenience. 

7.  The  Place  of  the  TaJternacle, — l^he  Blessed  Sacrament 
is  to  be  kept  only  in  the  Tabernacle,  and  the  Tabernacle 
must  be  placed  on  the  altar  at  its  centre.*  It  is  forbidden 
to  keep  the  Tabernacle,  and  consequently  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  in  a  safe  in  the  wall  of  the  church,  either 
immediately  behind  or  to  the  side  of  the  altar/ 

The  Tabernacle  is  placed  on  the  high  altar,  except  in 
cathedral  churches,  in  which  it  is  in  one  of  the  small 
chapels  known  as  the  (Chapel  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.^ 
This  arrangement  is  rendered  necessary  by  the  Pontifical 
functions  at  the  high  altar  of  the  cathedral  in  which  it  is  so 
often  necessary  to  turn  one's  side  to  the  altar — a  posture 
which  would  not  be  respectful  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament 
in  the  Tabernacle. 

It  is  not  allowed  to  reserve  the  Blessed  Sacrament  in 
more  than  one  place  in  the  same  church.'^  Accordingly  it 
is  useless,  though  not  expressly  forbidden,  to  have  a 
Tabernacle  on  more  than  one  altar.  It  is,  however,  found 
to  be  prudent   and  convenient  in  some  places  to  keep  a 

1  S.R.C.     22  Sep.,  1593.     S.  Cong.  Concilii.     12  Jan.,  1694. 

2  S.C.  Episc.  t't  Regular,  Jan.,  1724. 

«  S.K.C.  "22  Jan.,  1771  (;3565  ad  10.)     6  Sep.,  1745. 

*  S.R.C.     Letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  Malines,  2l8t  Aug..  1863, 

Ibid.  «  S.C.  Episc.,  10  Feb.,  1679,    29  Nov.,  1594. 

7  S.R.C,  21  Julii,  1696. 


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lAturgical  Questions,  12  T 

second  Tabernacle  in  the  sacristy  to  which  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  can  be  transferred,  when  it  is  necessary  to  use 
the  church  for  some  celebration,  half-secular*  half-religious,, 
wich  as  for  a  theological  thesis,  a  distribution  of  catechetical 
prizes,  &c.,  &c.^ 

8.  Blessing  of  the  Tabernacle. — The  Tabernacle  is  blessed 
by  tiie  bishop,  and  it  is  one  of  those  functions  to  which  he 
cannot  depute  a  priest  in  virtue  of  his  ordinary  faculties^ 
For  this  he  needs  a  Papal  Indult.  The  form  is  given  in 
the  ritual. 

According  to  St.  Charles  there  ought  not  to  be  under  the 
Tabernacle  when  it  contains  the  Blessed  Sacrament  a 
drawer  for  the  Holy  Oils  or  relics,  much  less  a  chest  for 
various  articles  of  church  furniture. 

9.  The  Tabernacle  Lamp, — Before  the  Tabernacle  in  the 
sanctuarj'  there  should  be  at  least  one  lamp  burning  iiight 
and  day.  The  ritual  says  '^lampades  coram  co  plures,  vel 
saltern  una  die  noctuque  perpetuo  colluceat."^  AVhen  more 
than  one  are  used,  it  is  recommended  to  have  an  odd  number. 
The  oil  to  be  used  in  the  sanctuarj^  lamp  is  oil  of  olives, 
and  if  this  cannot  be  had  conveniently,  vegetable  is  to  be 
preferred  to  mineral  oil* 

Mass  should  be  said  daily  where  the  Blessed  Sacrament 
is  reserved,*  unless  a  privilege  has  been  received  allowing 
a  smaller  number  of  Masses  in  the  week  to  suffice. 

The  Blessed  Sacrament  can  and  ought  to  be  reserved  in 
P,  parochial  churches,  :i°,  in  cathedrals,  3^,  in  the  churches- 
of  Regulars  of  both  sexes  whoso  vows  are  solemn,  and 
whose  monasteries  have  been  erected  by  Apostolical 
authority.  An  Apostohc  Indult  is  necessary  to  allow  it  to 
be  reserved  in  other  churches  or  oratories.^ 


LITURGICAL  QUESTIONS. 
I. 
Ihe  Mass  and  the  Indulgence  of  ihe  Privileged  Altar ^  when  are 
they  separable  in  their  application  ? 

When  can  the  Indulgence  of  the  Privileged  Altar  be  separated 
from  the  Mass,  so  that  the  holy  Sacrifice  may  be  offered  for  A.'» 
int€nti(m  and  the  indulgence  applied  to  B.  ?  Philadelphia. 

'  Montault,  Ihid.        «  De  Etichnr,        «  S.R.C.     9  Julii,  1864  (5331.> 


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128  Liturgical  Questions, 

We  beg  to  refer  our  respected  correspondent  to  the 
1.  E.  Record,  3rd  series,  vol.  ii.,  page  420  (July,  1881), 
where  we  have  treated  this  question  with  considerable 
fulness.  Accordingly,  at  present,  we  shall  reply  very 
briefly. 

1.  Mass  and  indulgence  are  inseparable  in  their  appli- 
cation, whenever  the  Indult  granting  the  Privileged 
Altar  contains  a  clause  requiring  that  the  indulgence  be 
applied  to  the  person  for  whom  the  Mass  is  offered.  Such 
a  clause  usually  runs  thus :  '*  Ut  quandocunque  sacerdos 
aliquis  Missam  defunctorum  pro  anima  cujuscunque  Christi 
fidelis,  quae  Deo  charitate  conjuncta  ab  hac  luce  migraverit, 
ad  praefatum  altare  celebrabit,  anima  ipsa  indulgentiam 
consequatur,  &c." 

2.  They  cannot  be  separated  whenever  the  person 
giving  the  Honorarium  stipulates  that  the  Mass  is  to  be 
«aid  at  a  privileged  altar.  This  is  a  clear  indication  that 
the  alms  is  given  with  the  intention  of  securing  the 
Indulgence  in  addition  to  the  application  of  the  Masa 

3.  In  other  cases  where  the  priest  is  not  thus  expressly 
bound  to  apply  both  to  the  same  person,  the  Mass  and 
Indulgence  are  separable  in  their  application.  Accordingly, 
a  priest  can  discharge  his  obligation  to  one  who  has  given 
him  an  Honorarium  for  a  Requiem  Mass  by  merely  saying 
the  Mass  for  the  donor's  intention,  and  may  apply  the 
Indulgence  of  the  Privileged  Altar  to  the  reUef  of  another 
^ufi'ering  soul. 

II. 

The  Heroic  Act  and  its  Conditions, 
If  a  priest  offer  all  his  good  works  for  the  holy  souls  in 
purgatory  exclusively,  retaiuing  only  that  part  which  he  canuot 
transfer,  in  order  to  gain  the  indulgence  granted  to  so  heroic  an 
act  must  he  («)  always  offer  his  Masses  ^?ro  defunctut?  (6)  and  say 
them  without  a  stipend  ?  M.  C.  D. 

No.  By  this  heroic  act  in  behalf  of  the  souls  in 
purgatory,  which  consists  in  a  voluntary  offering  made  to 
them,  by  one  of  the  faithful,  of  all  works  of  patisfaction 
done  by  him  in  his  life,  as  well  as  of  all  those  which  shell 
be  offered  for  him  after  his  death,  he  foregoes  in  their  behalf 
only  that  special  fruit  which  belongs  to  himself.  Con- 
sequently a  priest  is  not  thereby  hindered  from  applying  the 
holy  Sacrifice  for  the  intention  of  one  who  gives  him  au 
-alms  for  this  end.^ 

See  2  he  Raccotla,  p.  442  (Ed.  1878,  Maryland), 

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Liturgical  Questions.  12& 

Of  course  to  gain  the  Indulgence  of  the  Privileged 
Altar,  which  is  among  the  favours  granted  to  the  Heroic  Act, 
it  is  necessary  that  the  Mass. should  be  8aidjt?ro  defunctisy 
and  in  black  whenever  the  rubrics  allow  a  Requiem  Mass. 

111. 

Bow  often  should  Corpm*als  and  Purijicatories  be  tvashed  ? 

There  is  a  conseDsus  among  rubricists  as  to  the  neces- 
sity of  frequently  washing  soiled  corporals  and  purifiers.  You 
would  confer  a  favour  on  many  of  your  readers  if  you  would  state 
in  your  next  ].ssue  how  often  they  should  be  washed  ? 

The  Corporals  must  be  always  scrupulously  clean.  A 
soiled  one  should  not  be  used.  No  exact  time  is  fixed  in 
the  rubrics  for  washing  them,  except  in  so  far  as  is  necessary 
to  observe  the  necessary  perfect  cleanliness. 

Benedict  Xlll.,  however,  in  his  dissertation,  On  the 
cleanliness  and  propriety/  of  the  articles  in  the  church,  and  the 
core  and  respect  with  which  they  should  he  kept,  says  that  the 
Corporal  when  used  every  day,  even  by  the  same  person, 
should  be  washed  at  farthest  every  three  weeks,  and  the 
purificatory  every  week. 

IV. 

The  Divine  Office  and  the  Stations  of  the  Cross. 

Can  a  priest  make  "  The  Way  of  the  Cross  "  and  gain  the 
indnlgences  thereof,  whilst  reciting  the  Divine  Office  which  he  is 
obliged  to  say  ? — P.P. 

We  should  say  Ac.  It  is  certainly  not  easy  to  combine 
the  conditions  required  for  the  proper  recital  of  the  Divine 
Office  with  the  two  required  to  gain  the  indulgences  of  the 
Way  of  the  Cross — namely,  1**,  to  visit  the  Stations 
angillatim ;  and  2**,  to  meditate  meantime  on  the  Passion 
of  Our  Lord. 

Of  course  the  Stations  may  be  interrupted  for  a  short 
time  in  case  of  necessity,  to  read  an  Hour  or  so  of  the 
Office,  as  is  plain  from  the  following  decree  : — 

An  qui  exercitium  Viae  Crucis  peragunt  et  illud  ad  modicum 
tempus  interrumpant,  puta  ad'audiendum  Sacrum,  ad  sumendara 
Eacharistiam,  ad  confessionem  faciendam,  &e.,  indulgentia? 
hcrentur  si  iUud  prosequantur,  vel  ad  indulgentiae  acquisitiouem 
oporteat  in  iis  casibns  illud  ah  initio  reassumere? 

S.  Cong.  Indulg.  resp.  Affirmative  ad  primam  partem, 
dommodo  notabiliter  et  moraliter  exercitium  non  interrumpant; 
negative  quoad  secundara  ;  et  ideo  non  oportet  in  his  casibus  illud 
ab  initio  reassumere.     16th  Dec,  1760. 


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^         [    130    ] 
THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


Angustia  Loci. 

ANGIjSTL\  loci  has  lonp;  been  first  on  the  list  of 
canonical  causes  for  which  dispensations  in  impediments 
of  matrimony  are  gi*anled.  It  is  put  forward  for  this  purpose 
in  numerous  supplications  from  almost  every  part  of  the 
Cliristian  world.  Accordingly,  the  precise  extent,  to  which 
it  may  be  availed  of,  is  a  matter  of  considerable  importance, 
and  as  a  case  recently  reported  in  the  Acta  Sancta£  Sedits 
throws  some  light  on  the  obscure  lines  which  bound  each 
locus  angtiatus,  it  may  be  useful  to  say  something  of  the 
whole  cause  in  <*onnection  with  this  noteworthy  decision. 
The  circumstances  which  drew  it  forth  are  thus  summarised 
under  8th  March,  1884  :— 

"  In  diocesi  Valven.  ternila,  Rocca  Calasii,  est  contermina  loco 
Calasii  a  quo  distal  passus  quadringentos  quadraginta  duos  (inetri 
ottocento  circa).  Sed  semita  adeo  est  a^pera,  ut  qui  a  Calasio  petit 
Roccam  Calasii,  dimidiam  horam  in  itinere  absumat  necesse  est. 
Parochus  quando  petit  dispensiUiones  raatrimoQiales  pro  incolis 
Eoccae  Calassii  affert  inter  causas  atujustiam  loci,  Et  revera  locus 
angustus  est  si  ipsum  solum  respicias.  At  uon  angustus  si  incolae 
istius  connunierentur  cum  incolis  Calasii.  Ita  parochus  se  agere 
asserit*  quia  semper  ita  actum  est."* 

*•  iVfodo  <  'rdinarius  Valven,  sequens  proponit  dubium  :  "  quando 
4imho  sponsi  incolunt  Roccam  Calasii  pro  ohiinenda  matrimoniali 
dispensatione  potestne  afj'erri  pro  causa  Anffustia  loci,  quawvis  Rocca 
Calasii  nan  distat  a  Calasio  milk  passus^'' 

The  reply  of  the  S.  C.  C.  was  ^^Jnxfa  rxposita,  afiirmatir^." 
Moreover,  before  the  case  was  submitted  for  solution^  the 
Sacred  Penitentiary  and  A.Datary  were  asked  whether  they 
followed  any  fixed  rule  and  practice  regulating  the  kind 
of  aiiqu^ihi  that  was  admiRsil:)le  as  a  dispensing  cause.  The 
Penitentiary  had  nothing  special.  But  the  ruling  of  the 
Datary  is  minute  and  important. 

**  Ai\i?ustia  looi  verificatur  cum  ejus  focularia  numenim 
tercontum  non  excedunt;  nee  otficit  quod  locus  angustus  paruni  ab 
jUio  di>?*itus  existat,  dummodo  ista  duo  loca  sint  inter  se  distiucta 
et  divorsa.  propriauique  denominalionem  habeant.  Aliqua  autem 
distant  in  requiritur  in  suburbiis,  quae  quamvis  civitatis  partem 
i»onstituant ;  nihilomihus  angustia  in  ipsis  admittitur  cum  j>er 
millian-  aut  paulo  minus  a  civitate  distent.  Ita  sentiunt  Pyrnis 
€arnulo-  in  Piaxi  dispens.  Apost.     De  justis'  de  dispens.  raatrim, 

1  Facie  xii.,  vol.  xvi.       .    '  Lib.  7,  cap.  5,  *  lib.  3,  cap.  2. 


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Tlieological  Notes,  131 

Hujusmodi  antem  doctrinae  adamussim  consonat  hujus  Datariae 
ApostoHcae  praxis.*' 

ThuR,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  Apostolic  Datary, 
a  fixed  distance  is  required  only  in  deahng  with  suburban 
districts,  and  for  them  it  need  merely  approach  an  Italian  mile 
iu  length,  or  be  something  more  than  three-quarters  of  a 
mile  English.  But  this  seems  strange  when  placed  side 
by  side  with  the  following  decision  given  by  the  S.  C.  C. 
in  I87G  :— 

"  Angastiam  Joci  non  esse  desumendam  a  numero  focoriini 
fujusque  Parochiae  sed  a  mimero  focoinim  cuj usque  loci  vel 
etiam  plurium  locorum,  si  non  distent  ad  invicem  ultra  milliare.'* 

How  are  these  documents  reconciled?  The  practice  of 
the  Datarj^  should  be  a  safe  guide  to  follow.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  an  explicit  reply  from  the  S.  Congregation 
seems  to  run  counter  to  it,  and  more  in  harmony  with  the 
prevalent  notion,  appears  to  require  that  the  locus  angmtus 
should  be  a  mile  distant  from  any  other  place  or  places, 
whose  addition  would  bring  the  joint  number  of  families 
hey  end  three  hundred.  In  reality,  however,  the  variance 
is  only  apparent,  as  will  be  more  conveniently  shown 
further  down,  after  clearing  the  way  which  leads  to  this 
conclusion. 

Adopting  Feije's  description,  *'haec  causa  existit 
quando,  propter  loci  originis  vel  domicilii  angustiara,  non 
potest  ibi  femina  invenire  vtrum  paris  conditionis  cui 
nubat,  et  idcirco  desiderat  consanguini,  affini,  &c., 
nubere,  ne  innupta  manere,  aut  extra  proprium  locum 
nubere,  aut  disparis  conditionis  ex  proprio  loco  viruni 
habere  cogatur."  This  ample  definition  almost  explains 
itself. 

1.  Like  most  of  the  others,  this  cause  is  available  only 
forfemalea  Some  held  that  it  might  be  alleged  ex  parte 
iponsi  as  well.  But  the  contrary  is  certain,  both  from  the 
uuiform  practice  of  the  Holy  See  and  the  motives  which 
underlie  angus/ia  loci, 

2.  For  if  not  allowed  ex  pm^te  mulieris,  ihon  consistently 
with  female  modesty  the  only  option,  in  many  cases,  should 
rest  between  undesired  celibacy,  an  unequal  alliance, 
and  marriage  far  from  home.  Now,  it  is  not  the  legislator  s 
intention  to  make  light  estimate  of  these  inconveniences. 
Of  the  first  of  them  nothing  need  be  said.  The  evil 
consequences  of  ill-sorted  unions  are  also  well  known. 
And,  as  for  the  third,  the  Holy  See  does  not  wish  to  under- 


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132  Tlieohgical  Noies, 

rate  in  any  way  the  disadvantages  a  woraansuffers by leaving^ 
the  neighbourhood  of  her  father's  family  and  going  to  live 
at  a  distance  among  strangers.  But  plainly  for  all  this 
there  is  no  parallel  in  the  hardier  sex. 

3.  Considering  the  object  in  view,  it  is  not  surprising- 
that  angustia  loci  could  for  a  long  time  be  put  forward,  as 
a  canonical  cause  for  a  dispensation,  in  supplications  sent 
from  large  cities,  even  from  Rome  itself.  The  number  of 
persons  of  the  same  social  standing  as  petitioner  might  be 
8mall,no  matter  how  dense  the  general  population.  But  since 
the  time  of  Paul  V.  anguMia  loci  may  not  be  alleged  for  a 
large  town  or  city,  although  at  such  centres,  when  the  circum- 
stance of  rank  exists,  this  latter  point  can  still  independently 
be  put  forward  with  good  hope  of  obtaining  a  dispensation, 
especially  when  the  blood  of  petitioner  is  largely  diffused 
among  persons  of  the  same  grade.  Indeed,  that  Pontiff 
excluded  all  civitates  in  the  canonical  sensed  i.e.  diocesan 
capitals  in  which  bishops  reside,  from  the  cause  of  which 
we  are  wilting.  Soon  a  question  was  put  about  the 
suburbs  of  these  cities,  and  the  Datary,  by  order  of  Clement 
VII.,  replied  that  they  should  be  a  mile  (milUare)  distant 
for  angustia  loci  to  exist.  All  this  time  the  inconvenience 
of  civitates  without  distinction  being  cut  off,  was  keenly 
felt,  and  soon  the  exclusive  line  for  towns  generally,  as 
well  as  for  rural  districts,  was  fixed  by  the  canonists 
at  a  population  of  three  hundred  families  or  fifteen  hundred 
individuals.  The  an*angemeut  was  definitely  declared  by 
Pius  IX.  in  l^<49,  and  the  only  important  utterance  on  this 
subject  since  then  is  the  one  to  which  we  above  referred  as 
recently  reported  in  the  Acta  Sanctae  Sedis. 

4.  The  reason  for  that  decision  is  clear  from  the  outline 
just  given  of  the  motives  and  history  of  angustia  loci^ 
Although  Rocca  Calasii  and  Calasium  are  not  a  mile  distant 
from  each  other,  and  have  a  joint  population  exceeding  the 
maximum  limit,  this  cause  is  nevei*theles8  admissible  on 
account  of  the  natural  difficulties  of  the  way  that  lies 
between  them.  Indeed,  considerably  less  difficulties  of 
intercommunication,  than  were  present  in  this  case,  would 
seem  to  suffice.  All  the  Datary  requires  is  that  the  places 
be  distinct,  and  have  each  its  own  name,  unless  there  be 
question  of  suburbs,  when  the  distance  of  an  Italian  mile 
from  the  civitasy  even  though  they  be  part  of  it,  is  as  much  as 
is  needed.  A  precise  distance  therefore  is  only  required 
forsuburbandistricts,  and  the  decision  of  1867  in  "  Oveten, 
Dubio"is  no  more  than  an  instruction  pointing  out  the 


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Theological  Notes.  133 

mile-radiuB  nile  as  a  safe  guide  in  other  cases  also.  This 
is  the  opinion  held  by  the  erudite  editor  of  the  Acta,  and 
its  reasonableness  is  evident  when  the  reply  is  read  in 
connection  with  the  fact,  that  the  real  question  before  the 
Congregation  was  whether  angitstia  should  be  verified  of 
j^rUhesy  rather  than  of  places  with  scattered  populations, 
in  each  case  of  not  over  three  hundred  famiHes.  And,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  parochial  divisions  were  held  to  have 
no  bearing  on  the  subject. 

5.  The  inference  fi*om  all  ibis,  for  our  own  country,  is 
important^  Not  alone  in  parishes  where  the  inhabitants 
within  a  mile-radius  of  sponsa's  abode  do  not  exceed  fifteen 
hundred,  can  the  cause  be  safely  assigned,  but  as  well  for 
islands,  mountain  tracts,  and  other  districts  of  isolated 
situation,  though  considerably  less  than  a  mile  apart  from 
densely  populated  lands. 

6.  Moreover,  in  reckoning  the  people  of  a  place  for  the 
purpose  here  in  view,  unbaptised  persons,  Heretics  and 
Schismatics,  do  not  count.  But  Catholics  of  both  sexes  and 
every  age  come  within  the  calculation. 

7.  Again,  it  is  not  necessary  that  the  sponsus  should 
belong  to  the  locus  anguMus.  At  the  same  time,  when  from 
beyond  the  border,  that  circumstance  should  be  mentioned, 
as  otherwise  the  wording  of  the  dispensation  may  create  a 
difficulty. 

8.  Either  place  of  birth  or  where  one  has  a  domicile  will 
suffice.  But  to  avoid  serious  doubts  afterwards,  it  should 
be  clearly  stated  which  angustia  affects.  If  true  of  both,  a 
dispensation  is  granted  more  readily,  ^'propter  angustiam 
locorumj'  The  authorities  generally  presume  there  is 
question  of  thenatal  spot, unless  the  contrarjr  be  specified.  A 
mistake  in  this  matter  would  render  the  dispensation  very 
doubtful. 

9.  The  locus  originis  is  easily  dealt  with.  But  when 
itself  and  the  hctis  domicilii  are  diflerent,  several  points 
must  be  looked  to,  if  the  petition  be  grounded  on  the 
circumstances  of  the  latter  place.  Thus  to  guard  against 
unsuitable  wording  in  the  dispensation  it  is  right  to  state 
whether  the  parents  of  sponsa  have  also  migrated  to  the 
new  habitation,  and  more  particularly  whether  it  is  a 
domicile  or  only  a  quasi-domicile.  Continuance  of  residence 
in  the  place  for  some  time  is  obviously  necessary. 
And  according  to  Feije,  a  quasi-domicile  will  not  be 
enough,  if  the  sponsa  happen  to  have  elsewhere  a  domicile 
in  which   she   generally  resides.     But   if  the  domicile 

VOL.  VL  K 


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134  Tlieological  Notes. 

elsewhere  be  only  de  jure^  with  mere  mention  of  its 
possession,  an^ii^^m  loci  maybe  alleged  for  the  quasi-doraicile 
of  actual  residence.  In  short,  the  locus  of  continued 
habitation  will  suffice  as  well  as  the  locus  originis,  but 
the  sponsa's  connection  with  the  former  requires  clear 
though  brief  description. 

10.  It  is  not  necessary  to  mention  the  rejection  of 
several  offers  of  marriage  in  the  past,  unless  levity  in  an 
unusual  degree  had  been  the  cause.  That  no  perfectly 
eligible  sponsus  is  forthcoming  at  the  present  time  is  all 
the  dispensing  superior  demands.  Moreover,  according  to 
Feije,  the  fact  of  one  or  even  two  such  persons  seeking 
the  hand  of  sponsa  will  not  constitute  an  insuperable 
objection,  although  the  circumstance  must  be  clearly 
mentioned.  Suitors,  who  are  not  her  equals  on  the 
score  of  worldly  means,  character,  age,  or  disposition,  are 
not  reckoned.  But  even  in  regard  to  others,  from  what 
has  been  said,  plainly  the  Holy  See  is  anxious  to  leave 
some  power  of  selection. 

11.  Lastly,  the  change  which  has  occurred  in  the  use  of 
this  cause  deserves  notice.    The  oratrix  is  still  supposed  to 
belong  to  a  family  free  from  any  brand  of  infamy.     But 
whereas   formerly    angustia    loci    was    not    available    for 
obtaining  a  dispensation  in  near  kindred,  it  is  now  admitted 
for  relaxing  so  grave  an  impediment  as  the  second  degree 
of  consanguinity.     The  circumstances  of  each  particular 
ease  will  here  naturally  count  for  a  great  deal.     To  dispense 
in  any  impediment  a  cau»a  proportionate  gravis  canonilnis 
consona  is  required.     But  accord  with  the   canons   once 
secured,  the  gravity  due  in  motives  is  allowed  to  depend 
largely  on  the  requirements  of  individuals  and  families  in 
certain  places  and  for  certain  timea    Jn  this  way  the  wide 
diffusion  of  the  petitioner's  kindred,  or  more  than  ordinary 
social  position,  will  enhance  the  force  of  angustia  loci  as  a 
dispensing  cause.* 

Patrick  O'Donnell. 

1  Cf.  Feije  et  Caillaud  passim  de  Angustia  loci. 


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[    lo5    ] 

THEOLOGICAL  DECREES. 

Decisione  of  the  S,  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office 
regarding  P,  the  AboUtion  of  Minor  Excommunication; 
2®,  Absolutio  licta  complicis ;  3**,  Craniotomy. 

Minor  Excoi^imunication. 

Since  the  pubUcation  of  the  Apostolicae  Sedis,  the 
canonists  generally  have  held  that  tne  censure  of  Minor 
Excommunication  has  been  abrogated.  Some,  however, 
for  instance,  M.  Daris  in  his  Treatise  on  Censures^  and  a 
recent  writer  in  the  Bevue  des  Sciences  Ecclesiastiques^^  have 
held  that  this  is  not  so  ;  and  others,  in  fine,  hke  M.  Santis, 
Professor  of  Canon  Law  in  the  Koman  Seminary,  and 
31.  Moulart,  of  Louvain,  have  taught  that  the  matter  is 
doubtfuL  The  chief  reason  for  continuing  to  hold  its  non- 
abrogation  was  based  on  the  document  issued  by  the  Holy 
See  on  the  7th  of  July,  1882,  containing  the  form  of  general 
absolution.  In  this  formula  occur  the  following  words: 
**  Absolvo  vos  ab  omni  vinculo  excommunicatioms  majoris 
vel  minoris  ... 

The  Congregation  has  now  settled  the  discussion  by 
declaring  that  it  may  be  safely  taught  that  Minor  Excom- 
munication has  been  abrogated. 

Absolutio  ficta  Complicis. 

This  decision  is  important,  seeing  that  the  opposite 
opinion  has  been  held  by  St.  Alphonsus  and  many  theo- 
logians who  have  adopted  his  view.  We  are  informed  in  his 
Theology,*  that  St.  Alphonsus,  doubting  how  he  was  to 
interpret  the  Constitution  of  Benedict  XIV.  on  this  matter, 
consulted  the  Sacred  Penitentiary,  and  received  the  answer 
that  the  Fingens  absolutionem  does  not  incur  the  censure. 
Notwithstanding  this  reply,  St.  Liguori  afterwards  changed 
his  opinion,  because  he  beUeved  that  the  decision  of  the 
Penitentiary  was  opposed  to  the  Constitution  Inter  prae- 
teritos  of  Benedict  XlV. ;  and  many  modern  theologiana 
have  followed  him  in  this  teaching. 

The  Sacred  Penitentiary  was  again  questioned  on  this 
matter  in  187^,  and  made  the  same  reply,  "Simulantes 
absolutionem  complicis  .  .  .  non  eflFugere  excommunica- 
tionem  reservatam  in  Bulla  Sanctissimi  Benedicti  XlV. 
Sacramentum  Foenitentiae.'' 

*  VoL  xlvL,  p,  270.  *  Throh  moralis,  lib.  vL.  n.  566,  ques.  1°. 

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136  Theological  Decrees, 

And  now  the  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office  re-affirms 
the  decision  of  the  Penitentiaiy,  so  that  there  can  be  no 
longer  any  doubt  about  this  question. 

Craniotomy. 

The  history  of  the  third  question  is  of  rather  recent  date. 
The  question  was  submitted  for  the  first  time  in  18H9  to 
the  Sacred  Penitentiary  which  answered :  Consnlat  prohatos 
aiictores.  From  that  date,  the  question  has  been  much 
debated.  The  Revue  d^s  Sciences  Ecclesiastiques^  and  the 
Nouvelle  Bevne  Theoloque^  have  had  a  series  of  articles  to 
prove  that  this  practice  is  never  lawful — that  it  is,  as 
M.  Craisson  writes  in  the  first-mentioned  journal,^  simply 
murder.  Theologians  more  commonly  taught  this 
opinion.  But  the  opposite  opinion  was  not  left  without 
advocates.  The  late  editor  of  the  Acta  Sanctae  Sedisj 
Avanzini,  wrote  a  defence  of  this  side  of  the  question  ; 
and  his  thesis  has  since  been  maintained  by  V^iscosi,* 
Appicella,®  d'Annibali,®  and  by  the  present  editor  of  the 
Acta  Sanctae  Sedisy  Pennacchi.^ 

The  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office  withheld  a  decisive 
judgment  on  the  question  as  recently  as  the  10th  of 
December,  1883,  and  simply  announced  that  the  matter 
was  then  imder  consideration. 

This  decision,  which  was  awaited  with  so  much  interest^ 
has  at  last  come.  The  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office 
has  now  definitely  declared  that  tlie  lawfulness  of 
Craniotomy  cannot  be  taught  with  safety. 

The  following  are  the  Decrees  on  these  questions : — 

IQth  December^  1883. 

IlLME.  ET  BmU.  DOMINE. 

Litteris  die  25  praeteriti  Mali,  Amplitude  tua  supremae  hujus 
congregationis  examini  proponebat  tria  sequentia  dubia. 

^'  1^  Fere  omnes  constitutionis  Apostolicae  Sedis  commentalores 
decent  excommunicationem  minorem  vi  hujus  coustitutionis 
abolitam  esse,  utrum  haec  sententia  tuto  doceri  possit  in  seminario  ? 

**  SVIterum  omnes  ejusdem  constitutionis  commentatores  decent 
ilium  confessarium  excommunicationi  non  subjiti,  qui  eomplicem 
ex  peccato  turpi  absolvere  fingit,  sed  reipsa  non  absolvit.  Con- 
trarium  tamen  declaravit  S.  Poenitentiarja,  die  1  Martii  1878. 

1 1872.  2  Vol.  xvi.,  n.  1,  2.  3.  » May,  1872. 

*  Vtmhryotomia  nei  suo  rapporti  colla  morale  cathoUca,  Napoli,  1879. 

*  La  craniotomia  considerata  in  riguai  do  alia  morale,  Seafate,  1879. 
^Summula  Theologiae  MoraUs,  part  ii.,  n.  321,  ^22, 

7  De  abortu  et  embryotomia,  Bomae,  1884. 


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Correspofidence*  137 

"An  potest  orator  permittere  ut  in  suo  eeminario  doceatur 
pniefata  commentatonim  sententia  rcsponso  Poenitenfiariae 
opposita  ? 

**3^  An  permittere  potest  ut  in  suo  seminario  tanquam  proba- 
bilis  doceatur  nonnullorum  recentiorum  opinio,  quod  liceat  infantem 
in  utero  matris  occidere  ad  matrem  relevandam,  si  alias  mater  et 
infans  perituri  sint  ? 

"  Porro  Emi  PP.  una  mecum  inquisitiones  generales  in  Congre- 
gatione  habita  fer  IV  die  5  vertentis  Decembris,  ad  examen 
revocarunt  primum  et  altenim  ex  propositi^  dubiis. 

"  Siquidem  tertium  cum  sit  objectum  plurium  petitionum,  quae 
ab  aliis  quoque  ordinarius  transmissae  sunt,  adhuc  penes  supremum 
hunc  ordinem  in  studiis  est. 

"Jamvero  ad  1"  iidem  Emi  PP.  responderunt :  Affirmative, 

Ad  2"  vero:  Negative  ;  facto  verbo  cum  SSmo,  quoad  utrumque. 

"  Cum  autem  SSmus.  D.  N.  has  Emm.  PP.  resoluliones  ac 
responsiones  adprobare  ac  pleno  confirmare  di  gnat  us  sit,  eas  Arapli- 
tudini  tuae  pro  sui  norma  communico,  ad  impensos  animi  sensus 
eidem  testatos  volo,  cui  fausta  omnia  a  Domino  deprecor.*' 

Latest  Decree  op  the  Holy  Office  on  Craniotomy. 

Eminentissimi  PP.  mecum  Inquisitores  Generales  in  Congi*e- 
gatione  generali  habita  Eeria  IV.,  die  Q8  labentis  Mali,  ad  examen 
revocarunt  dubium  ab  Eminentia  tua  proposituni  "  An  tuto  doceri 
possit  in  scholis  catholicis  licitam  esse  opera tionem  chirurgicara 
quam  Cranotomiam  appellant,  quando  scilicet,  ea  omissa,  mater  et 
filius  perituri  sint,  ea  e  contra  admissa,  salvanda  sit  mater,  infante 
pereunte  ?  "  Ac  omnibus  diu  et  mature  perpensis,  habita  quoque 
ratione  eorum  quae  hoc  in  re  a  peritis  catholicis  viris  conscripta, 
ac  ab  Eminentia  tua  huic  Congregationi  transmissa  sunt,  respon- 
dendum esse  duxerunt :  Tuto  doceri  non  posse. 

(S.  Cong.  S.  Officii,  81  Maii,  1884.) 


CORRESPONDENCE. 
Sanatio  in  Radice. 

to  the  editor  op  the  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL   RECORD. 

Dear  Sir,— I  am  sure  you  will  publish  with  pleasure  the 
following  letter  which  sufficiently  explains  itself,  and  which  I  have 
the  writer  s  permission  to  forward  for  publication. 

You  will  recognise  the  style  of  one  of  the  most  able  and  most 


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138  Correspondence^ 

a  single  line  in  support  of  my  thesis.  I  will,  therefore,  submit  the 
whole  question  as  it  stands  to  the  judgment  of  your  numerous  theo- 
logical readers — I  remain,  dear  Sir,  very  sincerely  yours, 

*  Thomas  J.  Carr. 

My  dear  Lord, — I  have  seen  your  article  in  the  current 
number  of  the  Record  on  the  subject  of  '*  Sanatio  in  Radice,"  and 
being  the  correspondent,  to  whom  you  refer,  I  read  it  with  more 
than  ordinary  interest,  and  with  all  due  respect  for  the  exalted 
position  to  which  you  have  been  so  worthily  raised  since  our 
friendly  interchanges  on  this  knotty  subject.  Nevertheless,  I  feel 
disinclined  to  enter  anew  upon  the  controversy,  deeming  it  more 
becoming  to  take  the  attitude  of  a  listener  and  a  learner,  than  to 
act  the  disputant  with  a  Bishop,  however  condescending  and 
gracious  thej  discussion  might  be,  on  one  side,  and  however  re- 
spectful and  deferential,  on  the  other. 

But  I  must  ask  your  Lordship  not  to  think  me  too  much  of  a 
critic,  if  I  fancy,  that  I  see  in  your  Lordship's  words  a  suggestion 
to  the  effect,  that  on  the  subject  in  question  I  first  took  a  position, 
and  then  backed  up  that  position  as  well  as  I  could,  or,  to  use 
your  words,  **  with  much  ingenuity"  of  argument.  Let  me  assure 
you  I  pursued  quite  a  contrary  course.  I  read,  and  thought — 
and  having  read  somewhat  extensively,  and  thought  veiy  profoundly 
on  the  subject,  I  arrived  at  a  conclusion,  which  seemed  to  me  a 
very  simple  solution  of  the  difficulty,  and  one  in  strict  consonance 
with  the  soundest  principles  of  jurisprudence,  whether  civil  or 
ecclesiastical,  presenting  at  the  same  time,  the  great  advantage  of 
making  the  **  Sanatio  in  Radice"  what  it  purports  to  be,  a  radical 
cure,  and  not  merely  a  superficial  healing,  which  M'ould  in  reality 
leave  the  disease  as  deeply  seated  as  before  its  application.  In 
other  w(w^,  it  would,  as  I  thought,  impart  reality  to  the  antecedent 
effects,  instead  of  a  mere  pvfativeness  in  virtue  of  a  fiction  of  law. 

Your  Lordship  would  make  Perron e  responsible  for  my  view. 
I  must  confess,  I  was  much  influenced,  though  not  altogether,  by 
his  handling  of  the  subject.  I  admire  Perrone,  and  I  admire 
him  especially  as  an  original  thinker,  who  goes  into  every  matter 
he  discusses  with  his  great  mind,  and  profound  erudition,  and  takes 
from  the  very  vitals — ab  mtimis  visceribus — of  his  subject  the  con- 
clusions, at  which  he  arrives  by  a  cogency  of  reasoning,  which 
bears  down  all  opposition. 

I  must  not  be  thought,  however,  in  speaking  so  of  Perroke  to 
mean  any  disparagement  of  the  respectable  authors  whom  you 
quote.  On  the  contrary,  I  imagine  I  can  come  to  terms  with 
them  in  the  distinction  between  the  forum  externum  and  the  ^i*Mm 
internum^  inasmuch  as  with  them  I  regard  the  marriages  in 
question  to  be  invalid,  if  put  to  trial  at  the  former  tribunal,  whilst 
I  maintain  the  ground  intact,  on  which  I  consider  them  good  and 
valid  in  the  forum  internum. 

I  have  the  honour  to  remain,  very  respectfully, 

Your  Lordship's  CoRRESPONDEifT  of  Three  Years  Ago. 


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[    139    ] 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

Prakctiones  Dogmatics.  De  Vei^bo  Incarnato ;  quas  in  C.  7?.  Univer* 
sitatc  (Enipontana  habuit  Ferdinandus  Aloys.  Stentrup, 
e  Societate  Jesu,  Pars  Prior :  Christologia.     Vols.  I.  &  II. 

Father  Stentrup  divides  his  exhaustive  treatise  on  the  Incarna- 
tion into  four  long  chapters.  The  last  of  them  is  to  explain 
Soierologtfy  or  what  Christ  is  to  us.  The  other  three,  which  are 
cooTeniently  subdivided  into  eighty-five  Theses,  are  now  given  to 
the  public  in  two  well-printed  volumes,  and  treat  of  Christolog\', 
or  of  what  Christ  is  in  Himself.  The  "Assuming  Pei*son  "  and 
the  *' Nature  Assumed"  take  up  the  first  volume,  while  tije  second, 
with  its  six  sections,  is  devoted  to  the  **  Mode  of  Assumption." 
The  last  section  of  all,  which  deals  with  the  properties  of  Christ's 
human  nature,  rightly  receives  special  attention  from  the  learned 
author.  Everything  belonging  to  the  Person  of  our  Divine  Lord  has  a 
peculiar  interest  for  the  Christian  mind ;  but  above  other  questions, 
even  in  the  Incarnation  treatise,  the  qualities  of  the  Saviour's 
body  and  soul,  of  that  humanity,  in  which  the  Head  of  the  Church 
is  like  the  Membei*s,  must  always  possess  an  absorbing  attraction 
for  our  reverent  study.  Jn  this  portion,  as  indeed  throu«;hout  his 
work,  Father  Stentrup  shows  a  ready  command  of  the  S.  Scriptures, 
Fathers,  early  Councils,  and  great  Theologians.  Of  modern  writers 
he  makes  somewhat  sparing  use,  unless  recent  errors,  such  as 
Giinther's,  are  to  be  combatted,  when  he  beats  down  the  het^erodox 
with  every  available  weapon.  The  second  part  of  this  work  will, 
we  are  confident,  like  the  first,  fully  sustain  the  good  name  of  the 
great  University  from  which  it  comes. 

P.  CD. 

Florileginm    seu   Fasciculus    Precnm   et    Exercitiorum,      Brugis 
Handronim :  Desclee,  De  Brouwer  et  Soc. 

We  can  heartily  recommend  this  little  manual  to  priests  and 
e<»cle3iastical  students.  It  is  at  once  a  priest's  prayer-book  of 
the  best  form,  and  a  useful  manual  of  reference  when  one  seeks 
for  infonnation  as  to  the  conditions,  indulgences,  and  privileges  of 
the  various  Sodalities  and  exercises  of  devotion.  The  information 
it  contains  on  those  topics  is  thoroughly  trustworthy,  as  it  is 
founded  on  the  Decrees  of  the  S.  Congregation,  which  are  in  all 
cases  either  given  in  full  or  accurately  referred  to. 

The  manual  is  small,  elegantly  printed,  and  makes  altogether  a 
neat  little  book.  We  would  wish  to  see  it  on  the  prie-dieu  of  every 
priest.  Ei>. 

Instnictio  de  Stationibus  S.  Viae  Crvcis,  ^'C- 

This  little  book  will  be  found  to  be  generally  useful,  though 
written  chiefly  for  the  priests  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis. 

AVe  find  in  it  a  briet  explanation  of  the  chief  points  relating  to 


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140  Notices  of  Books. 

the  Stations  of  the  Cross.  It  treats,  for  instance,  of  the  nature 
of  the  authority  required  to  erect  Stations  ;  of  the  conditions  to  be 
observed  by  one  who  has  received  the  necessary  delegation,  on  the 
conditions  lor  gaining  the  Indulgences  ;  and,  finally,  on  CrueiBxes 
indulgenced  for  the  Stations  of  the  Cross. 

The  infoi*mation  it  contains  is  trastworthy,  as  it  has  the 
Imprimatur  of  the  Congregation  of  Indulgences.  The  little  book 
is  written  in  Latin,  and  printed  "  ad  Claras  Aquas,"  near  Florence, 

Ed, 

The  Little  Lamb,     By  Canon  Schmid.     Translated  by  M.  E.  W, 
Graham.     Dublin  :  Gill  &  Son. 

This  is  a  pretty  little  story  for  children.  To  be  sure,  the  most 
improbable  things  are  represented  as  taking  place,  but  then 
children  are  not  likely  to  object  to  the  marvellous,  when  all  is  done 
to  reward,  even  in  this  life,  the  good  and  dutiful.  Each  chapter,  as 
well  as  the  whole  story,  has  its  moral  for  the  little  reader.  Tlio 
translation  is  well  done.  Ed. 

The  Maynooth  College  Calendar,     Dublin  :  Browne  &  Nolan. 

In  addition  to  the  usual  full  information  regarding  the  various 
departments  of  the  College,  the  present  Calendar  has  some 
interesting  appendices.  Appendix  II.  is  an  essay,  reprinted  from 
the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  by  the  Rev.  John  Gunn,  on 
"  Reminiscences  of  Maynooth."  Jn  another  appendix  we  find  a 
copy  of  the  Will  of  Dr.  Hussey,  the  first  President  of  the  College, 
and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Waterford ;  and  also  an  obituary  sketch 
of  another  President,  Dr.  Montague,  written  in  1845  for  the 
Evening  Post,  by  the  late  Dr.  Murray.  Finally,  Dr.  Walsh  con- 
tinues his  interesting  notes  on  the  past  officials  of  the  College, 

In  looking  through  the  Calendar,  wo  are  particularly  pleased 
to  see  that  there  is  no  diminution  in  the  number  of  students — in 
fact,  the  present  number,  5Q6,  is,  we  believe,  in  excess  of  the 
number  recorded  in  any  former  Calendar. 

Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme^    By  the 
Rev,  Thomas  Magrath,  D.D.     Dublin:  Gill  &  Son. 

We  i^eceived  this  important  pamphlet  but  a  short  time  before 
going  to  press  ;  and  as  we  intend  to  examine  it  carefully,  we 
defer  our  notice  of  it  till  the  next  issue  of  the  Kecord, 


Owing  to  pressure  on  our  space,  we  are  very  reluctantly  obliged 
to  hold  over  aaswers  to  various  questions  and  notices  of  many  books. 

Ed,  I,  E.  H, 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


MARCH,  1885. 


THE  LATE  CARDINAL  MacCABE. 

FOR  the  first  time  since  the  publication  of  the  present 
series  of  the  IRISH  P:CCLESIASTICAL  RECORD, 
OUT  title-page  bears  another  Imprimatur  than  that  of 
Edward  Cardinal  MacCabe.  The  cause  of  this  change 
we  record  with  profound  sorrow.  On  the  evening  of 
the  10th  of  February  his  Eminence  was  taken  suddenly 
ill  and  died  within  a  few  hours. 

The  announcement  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
following  morning  that  Cardinal  MacCabe  was  dead 
was  a  great  shock  to  the  whole  country,  especially 
in  places  distant  f'^om  Dublin  to  which  no  intelli- 
gence of  his  sickness  had  penetrated.  It  was,  indeed, 
generally  known,  that  the  Cardinal  was  not  strong, 
that  the  two  recent  prolonged  and  severe  attacks  of 
illness  from  which  he  had  so  narrowly  escaped  with 
his  life  had  considerably  undermined  his  naturally 
robust  health,  but  yet  there  was  no  indication  that  his 
end  was  so  near.  On  the  Ist  of  February  he  was  strong 
enough  to  preach  a  Charity  Sermon  in  his  Cathedral, 
and  on  the  Saturday  before  his  death  he  presided  at  the 
Requiem  Office  and  Mass  for  his  friend,  Lord  O'Hagan. 
In  fact,  up  to  the  moment  when  the  blow  came,  the 
Cardinal  was  at  his  ordinary  work,  but  once  struck  down 
U  was  pl^  to  the  physicians  who  were  called  to  attend 


VOL.  YL  ^L 

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him  that  the  hours  on  earth  for  their  illustrions  patient 
were  now  very  few.  The  last  Sacraments  were  adminis- 
tered without  delay,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the  11th 
of  February  Cardinal  MacCabe  died,  surrounded  by  his 
priests  and  in  the  midst  of  the  people  of  Kingstown  for 
whom  he  had  worked  so  long  as  Parish  Priest,  and  by 
whom  he  was  held  in  such  deep  affectionate  reverence. 

The  outburst  of  sorrow  on  the  part  of  the  people  of 
Kingstown,  when  the  sad  news  was  made  known,  was 
such  as  could  be  witnessed  only  in  Ireland  where  the 
people  cling  so  fondly  to  their  devoted  priest.  In  par- 
ticular the  procession  on  the  evening  of  the  removal  of 
the  remains  of  the  Cardinal  from  Kingstown  to  the 
Cathedral  was  an  extraordinary  testimony  to  departed 
worth. 

And  the  capital  was  not  behind  Kingstown  in  the 
practical  expression  of  its  grief.  For  the  three  or  four 
days  during  which  the  corpse  lay  in  the  Cathedral, 
there  continued  to  flow  to  the  church  a  stream  of 
people  from  early  morning  till  night  to  do  reverence 
to  their  deceased  Chief  Pastor,  to  whom  in  life  they 
were  wont  to  look  up  as  the  model  of  his  flock.  So 
great,  indeed,  was  the  anxiety  of  the  people,  especially 
of  the  poorer  classes,  to  kneel  and  pray  by  the  cof&n  of  the 
Cardinal,  that  at  no  time  while  he  lay  there  could  it  be 
reached  without  working  one's  way  through  dense 
crowds.  And  this  splendid  manifestation  of  sorrow  and 
affection  was  not  more  than  Cardinal  MacCabe  deserved 
from  the  poor.  They  were  the  most  cherished  portion 
of  his  flock,  when  ministering  either  as  Curate,  Parish 
Priest,  Bishop,  or  Cardinal ;  and  we  have  been  told  what 
is  thoroughly  characteristic  of  him,  that  he  made  it  a 
condition  in  his  last  will  that  he  should  not  be  separated 
from  the  poor,  even  in  death.  His  interment  in  Glas- 
nevin,  rather  than  in  his  Cathedral  Church,  was  at  first  a 
matter  of  surprise  to  us  as  to  many  others,  until  we 


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heard  the  explanation,  that  the  Cardinal  requested  his 
executors  to  bury  him  in  the  open  cemetery  among  his 
people,  and  as  far  as  possible  to  select  for  him  a  spot 
where  he  would  be  surrounded  by  the  graves  of  the  poor. 

And  to  understand  how  not  only  Dublin  but  the 
whole  Irish  Church  mourned  over  Cardinal  MacCabe,  one 
should  be  in  the  Cathedral  at  Marlborough-street  on  the 
occasion  of  his  obsequies,  and  on  the  line  of  the  funeral 
procession.  Rarely  was  there  assembled  in  Ireland  a 
larger  or  more  representative  gathering  of  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  and  Priests  regular  and  secular  of  every  grade 
from  the  four  Provinces,  to  show  their  respect  to  a  great 
Prelate  and  to  supplicate  God's  mercy  on  his  soul. 

But  we  are  not  writing  in  any  sense  a  sketch  of  the 
life  or  death  of  our  revered  Cardinal.  This  is  not  the 
place  for  it.  Our  sole  purpose  is  to  avail  ourselves  of 
the  first  opportunity  since  his  death  to  express  our  own 
deep  sorrow  for  the  loss  of  one  who  did  all  that  his 
exalted  station  enabled  him  to  do  for  the  success  of  the 
Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record.  When  first  told,  now 
more  than  five  years  ago,  of  the  project  of  reviving  the 
Record,  Cardinal  MacCabe  warmly  encouraged  those 
who  entertained  it ;  it  was  in  concert  with  him  that  the 
general  character  and  management  of  the  journal  were 
arranged  ;  he  it  was  who  appointed  its  Editors,  and  to 
them,  whenever  they  sought  his  advice,  the  Cardinal 
was  readily  accessible,  with  never  a  sign  that  they  might 
be  trespassing  on  the  valuable  time  of  one  who  was 
occupied  with  concerns  of  vast  and  far-reaching  impor- 
tance. For  his  condescending,  gracious,  and  unwearied 
kindness,  and  the  practical  interest  which  his  Eminence 
took  in  our  work,  we  shall  always  hold  him  in  grateful 
remembrance,  and  we  earnestly  join  with  his  bereaved 
people  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Dublin,  and  with  the  whole 
Irish  Church,  in  praying  for  eternal  peace  and  rest  to  his 
soul.  The  Editor. 


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[    144 


CAN  A  PRIEST  SAY  MASS  PRIVATELY  FOR  A 
DECEASED  PROTESTANT  ? 

THIS  question  was  lately  asked  rue  by  a  learned  foreign 
ecclesiastic  who  thought  that  m^^  answer  might 
probably  reflect  the  prevalent  opinion  of  priests  in  these 
counti-ies,  where,  from  the  number  of  converts  to 
CathoHcity,  the  question  is  likely  to  be  more  familiar  and 
practical  than  elsewhere.  He  said,  at  the  same  time,  that 
he  had  himself  resolved  it  in  the  affirmative,  as  also  had 
the  Professor  of  Moral  Theology  in  his  Catholic  Univei*sity. 

1  gave  him  my  own  opinion  in  the  same  aflSrmative 
sense,  together  with  the  grounds  on  which  it  is  based ; 
these,  in  a  more  extended  form,  I  now  venture  to  send  to 
the  Record,  with  the  hope  that  the  question  may  be  of 
interest  to  its  readers,  and  that  additional  light  may  be 
shed  thereon  by  others  in  its  pages. 

The  question  is  often  very  practical  in  England,  where 
the  priest  is  perhaps  himself  a  convert,  or  a  member  of  a 
non-Catholic  family :  and  where  priests  not  unfrequently 
may  be  asked  by  converts  to  say  Mass  for  their  deceased 
Protestant  relatives  and  friends- 

Before  stating  my  reasons  for  the  affirmative  answer 
which  I  give  to  the  question  proposed,  it  is  well  to  come 
first  to  a  clear  understanding  as  to  its  terms. 

I*'.  By  '*  Mass  said  for  a  deceased  Protestant,"  I  suppose  that 
the  Sacrifice  is  offered  up  with  the  same  direct  intention  for  his 
soul  in  particular,  as  it  would  be  for  the  soul  of  a  deceased 
CathoHc.  Even  in  this  latter  case,  subjectively  the  priest  may 
have  varying  degrees  of  doubt  ivs  to  the  actual  application  of  the 
Sacrifice  by  Almighty  Grod ;  but  such  doubt,  however  strong, 
would  neither,  I  conceive,  render  such  an  intention  unlawful,  nor 
would  it  change  the  direct  nature  of  that  intention. 

I  make  tliis  remark  on  the  directness  of  the  intention,  because 
theologians  in  treating  of  the  excommunicate  who  are  still  living, 
distinguish  between  a  direct  and  an  indirect  offering  of  Mass  in 
their  behalf  :  but  I  cannot  see  how  if  Mass  is  to  be  said  at  all  for 
a  deceased  Protestant  in  any  true  sense,  it  can  be  offered  up 
otherwise  than  directe  et  in  particiilari  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 

2°.  By  *•  Mass  said  for  a  deceased  Protestant,"  I  unders|taaci 
not  merely  the  application  by  the  priest  (in  quantum  potest)  of 
what  he  does  in  Mass  7>r  o/?rio  nomine^  i.e.  so  far  as  the  offering  up 
of  the  Sacrifice  is  a  private  and  personal  good  work  of  his  own, 
and  not  merely  his  own  prayers  and  Memento  ;  but  the  applicatioa 
of  what  he  does  nomine  Christi^  viz.,  the  essence  of  the  Sacrifice 


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Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?    146 

properly  speaking,  and,  so  far  as  it  may  he  availahle^^  for  the  repose 
of  the  departed  soul.  For  a  priest  to  oflFer  up  only  what  he  does 
propria  nomine^  to  the  exchision  of  what  he  does  nomine  Christi^  in 
another's  behalf,  would  not  be  to  say  Mass  for  him  at  all,  according 
to  the  projHjr  and  received  sense  of  the  words  :  nor  could  a  priest 
licitly  accept  a  honorarium  for  Mass  from  the  person  in  such  case, 
since  he  would  not  thereby  fulfil  tlie  implied  contract ;  whereas  by 
offering  up  the  essence  of  the  Sacrifice,  that  is,  what  he  does  nomine 
Christi,  in  behalf  of  the  person  for  whom  he  has  engaged  to  say 
Mass,  the  priest  fulfib  his  contract ;  and  he  is  no  way  bound  to 
apply  also  for  that  person  what  he  does  nomine  proprio  ;  this  being 
private  and  personal  he  may  keep  for  himself,  or  apply  (so  far  ad 
it  is  alienable)  for  what  other  intention  he  pleases. 

I  reserve  for  consideration  later  on  the  application  of  what  the 
priest  does  as  the  representative  of  the  Church  nomine  Ecclesiae. 

3^  I  suppose,  moreover,  that  the  priest  may  receive  a 
honorarium  for  the  Mass  said  for  such  deceased  Protestant. 

4".  By  **  the  Mass  being  said  privately^'*''  or  secretly,  I  under- 
stand that  it  is  not  published,  that  others  do  not  know  the 
particular  intention  for  which  it  is  offei'ed  :  so  that  no  scandal 
could  thence  arise. 

5".  The  soul  of  the  deceased  Protestant  is  ex  htjpothesi  pro- 
samed  to  be  in  Purgatory ;  otherwise  the  whole  question  at  once 
fjills  U}  the  ground.  The  reasons  for  presuming  his  soul  to  be  in 
Purgatory  would  of  course  be  :  that  he  was  a  baptized  Christian 
«ho  was  probably  in  bona  Jide^  as  to  faith  and  religion ;  not  a 
formal  but  only  a  material  heretic;  probably  alike  ignorant  of 
the  exclusive  and  divine  claims  of  the  Catholic  Church  on  a 
Guistian's  faith  and  obedience,  as  also  of  her  censures,  tum  juris, 
turn  facti,  tum  poenne ;  hence  free  from  contumacy,  and  not 
really  incurring  them  ;  and  presumably  dying  in  the  grace  of  God. 
But  as,  on  the  other  hand,  the  person  in  question  lived  and 
died  a  member  of  a  heretical  sect,  he  is  notoriously  outside  the 
visible  communion  of  the  faithful,  and  certainly  in  the  number  of 
those  who  are  accounted  excommunicate.  Consequently  it  would 
be  clearly  unlawful  and  scandalous  that  the  Sacrifice  of  ^lass  or 
anv  other  common  suffrages  should  be  publicly  offered  up  for  the 
deceased  soul  of  such  a  one ;  and  whatever  prohibitory  or  restric- 

*  Throughout  this  diecussion  I  purposely  avoid  entering  into  the 
question  of  how  the  sacrifice  may  avail,  whether  by  the  efficacy  of 
impetration  or  of  satisfaction.  The  Right  Rev.  President  of  Majmooth  has 
in  his  able  articles  (I.  E.  Recoiid,  third  series,  vol.  iii.,  No.  12,  Dec.  1882, 
and  voL  iv.  Jan.,  April,  and  August  1883)  very  lucidly  written  on  the 
▼arious  fruits  of  Mass,  and  to  whom  they  are  communicable.     He  has 


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146  Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately 

tive  laws  the  Church  has  made,  and  which  are  still  in  force  with 
regard  to  Ma<»s  being  oflPcred  np  for  such  excommunicate  persons 
•nd  heretics  are  of  operative  application  in  this  case. 

I  will  now  state  my  grounds  for  an  affirmative  answer 
to  the  proposed  question. 

My  mam  argument  is :  Per  se^  according  to  the  institu- 
tion of  Christ,  the  Sacrifice  of  Mass  can  be  lawfully  oflered 
for  all  those  to  whom  it  may  be  any  way  beneficial,  i.e.y 
for  all  the  living  and  for  the  souls  in  Purgatoiy. 

The  soul  in  question  is  presumably  in  Purgatory ; 
therefore,  per  se^  Mass  may  be  lawfully  said  for  that  soul. 

I  say,  per  se  :  1**.  Because  the  Church,  for  just  reasons, 
may  positively  prohibit,  so  as  to  render  unlawful,  the  ofier- 
ing  of  Mass  for  certain  persons  or  classes  of  persons ;  as,  in 
fact,  she  has  certainly  xione  in  the  case  of  the  excommunieati 
mtandi;  or  the  Church  might  forbid  the  offering  of  Mass  for 
such  or  such  persons,  save  imder  prescribed  conditions,  e.g.^ 
that  it  should  be  only  said  in  private. 

2^  Or  again,  even  though  there  should  be  no  positive 
prohibition  on  the  part  of  the  Church,  yet  divme  and 
natural  law  might,  in  certain  circumstances,  demand  that 
Mass  should  not  be  offered  without  restriction  for  all 
persons  or  classes  of  persons  indiscriminately,  e.g,j  for  the 
notoriously  excommunicate  (^o/^ra^i\  for  heretics,  etc.,  from 
fear  of  causing  scandal  to  the  faithful ;  of  bringing  the 
laws  and  censures  of  the  Church  into  contempt ;  of  seem- 
ing to  countenance  and  palliate  crime,  whereby  the 
wicked  might  be  encouraged  in  contumacy ;  of  seeming^ 
to  sanction  or  make  a  compromise  with  error,  and  thus  to 
confirm  others  in  their  heresy  or  schism.  In  such  cases^ 
divine  and  natural  law  would  require  that,  if  Mass  is  said 
at  all,  it  should  be  said,  not  publicly,  but  privately. 

Now,  as  it  appears  to  me,  there  is  no  ecclesiastical  law 
by  which  the  offering  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice  for  a  deceased 
Protestant,  presumably  in  Purgatory,  can  be  held  to  be 
forbidden ;  for  that  whatever  prohibitions  the  Church  has 
made  in  particular  cases,  have  in  view  the  requirements  of 
natural  and  divine  law  which  would  be  violated  by  pub- 
licity, but  are,  for  the  most  part,  safe-guarded  by  the  Mass 
being  said  in  private. 

Consequently,  since  no  law,  ecclesiastical  or  divine, 
appears  to  the  contrary,  the  Sacrifice  of  Mass  may  be 
lawfully  offered  for  the  soul  in  question.  For  liberty  is  in 
possession  unless  it  be  thus  restrained. 

In  what  follows  I  must  endeavour  at  least  to  shovr 


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for  a  deceased  Proteitant  f  147 

snch  absence  of  prohibition.  This  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
do  in  a  formal  manner,  or  bjr  direct  proofs,  but  shall 
rather  content  myself  with  bnnging  forward  matter  for 
consideration,  from  which  1  consider  such  prooft  may  b© 
fairly  drawn. 

It  will  throw  light  on  our  particular  question  to  consider 
the  general  teaching  of  the  Church,  and  her  positive  enact- 
ments, as  interpreted  by  theologians,  with  regard  to  the 
offering  up  of  Mass  for  all  the  different  classes  of  persons 
who  are  outside  her  visible  communion.  And  I  shall 
therefore  recall,  so  far  as  1  have  been  able  to  gather,  what 
may  be  held  on  this  subject,  and  in  the  following  order : — 

I.  The  Excommunicate.  II.  Catechumens.  III.  Infidels. 
IT.  Heretics  and  Schismatics. 

I.  The  Excommunicate. 

V.  It  is  certainly  lawful  to  offer  up  Mass  even  nomine 
Ecclesiae  for  all  the  excommunicate,  indirectly^  i.e.,,  so  far  a» 
their  good  may  result  in  benefit  to  the  Church. 

2**.  It  is  unlawful  to  offer  up  Mass  directe  et  in  particulari 
for  an  excommunicaUis  vitandusj  mnnine  Christi  aut  Ecclesiae^ 
i.e.  to  say  Mass,  properly  speaking,  for  him  at  all;  for 
to  do  so  would  be  a  violation  of  the  positive  prohibition  of 
the  (^urch.  But  a  priest  may  offer  up  Mass  propria  nomine^ 
I.  e.,  he  may  offer  up  the  good  work  he  does  as  a  private 
person  by  his  saying  Mass — just  as  he  may  any  other 
private  works  or  prayers, — for  such  on  excommunicate. 

Should  he  maKethe  intention  of  offering  nomine  Ecclesiae 
he  would  not  only  act  illicitly,  but  also  invalidly,  since  the 
Church  has  no  intention  of  offering  up  the  Sacrifice  for  a 
vitandus,  but  one  quite  contrary.  Should  he  offer  nomine 
Christi,  the  offering,  though  illicit,  would  be  valid,  since  the 
Priest's  intention  here  does  not  depend  upon  the  will  of  tho 
Church,  any  more  than  for  valid  consecration. 

3**.  According  to  the  more  probable  and  now  generally 
received  opinion  it  is  lawful  to  offer  up  Mass  for  an 
txcommunicatus  toleraius,  directe  et  in  particulari,  etiam  nomine 
Ecclesiae, 

The  foundation  of  this  opinion  is,  that  the  full  liberty 
granted  to  the  faithful  since  the  Council  of  Constance  of 
communicating  in  guibuscummie  divinis  with  the  non  vitandi 
imports  that  of  the  priest's  offering  up  Mass  for  them  ;  and, 
in  point  of  fact,  whenever  any  sucn  excommunicate  are 
present  at  Mass  the  priest  does  directly  pray  and  offer  up 
the  Sacrifice  in  their  behalf, nomtwe  Ecclesiac^^iB^X^in  from 


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148  Can  a  Priest  say  Maa^  privately 

the  words  in  the  Canon :  "  Et  omnium  circumstantium  pro 
qnibus  Tibi  offerimus  hoc  Sacrificium." 

Since,  moreover,  by  the  same  concession  of  Constance, 
the  faithfiil  are  allowed  to  bury  such  excommunicate  in 
loco  sacro  with  ecclesiastical  rites,  the  priest  can  lawfully 
(because  it  is  so  implied  by  that  permission)  offer  up  the 
suffrages  of  prayer  and  Mass  for  them,  nomine  Ecclesiae^ 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  Mass  can  only  be  said  pri- 
vately for  such  a  one,  should  there  be  danger  of  scandal 
from  its  publicity,  as  would  be  the  case  were  his  excom- 
munication notorious.* 

This  liberty  of  saying  Mass  for  the  toleratt,  whilst  indirectly 
it  greatly  benefits  the  excommunicate,  results  directly  in  advan- 
tage to  the  faithful,  as  S.  Alphonsus  remarks,*  spiritually  through  the 
merit  of  charity,  and  temporally  on  account  of  the  stipendia,  etc., 
thence  derived.  The  priest  may  therefore  lawfully  accept  the 
honorarium  that  is  offered  for  Mass  said  for  an  excommunicate. 
And  this  would  hold  good  in  whatever  cases  Mass  may  be  lawfully 
said  for  any  others  who  are  outside  the  visible  communion  of  the 
Church. 

Theologians,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe, 
do  not  treat  ex  profesBo,  or  as  a  question  apart,  whether 
Maes  may  be  said  for  a  deceased  excommunicate  (toleratus)^ 
but  they  seem  to  look  on  this  as  one  and  the  same  with  that 
regardiug  the  living;  and  in  their  statements  and  arg:u- 
ments  they  imply  that  if  Mass  is  lawful  for  a  living  toteratusj 
it  is  also  lawful  for  one  who  is  dead.  Nay,  more,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  they  deduce  one  of  their  main  arguments  for 
the  lawfulness  of  offering  Mass  for  the  tolerati  in  general, 
from  the  fact  of  its  lawfulness  when  offered  for  the  dead 
being  contained  in  the  permission  to  give  them  ecclesias- 
tical sepulture. 

We  may  here  add  the  following  remarks : — 

1^.  Although  the  faithful  may  thus  lawfully  communicate  with 
the  excommunicate,  they  are  not  bound  to  do  so  with  those  whose 
excommunication  is  notorious. 

2**.  Though  it  is  laudable  and  recommended  by  the  Church| 

'  Conf.  Salmant.  De  Each.  Sacram.  Disp.  xiii.,  dub.  iv.  70.  S.  Alph. 
Th.  M.  De  Censuris,  n.  161.  De  Lugo  De  Eucharistia,  Disp.  xix.  sect.  x. 
185-191. 

s  *^  Ordinarie  tamen  lex  divina  talem  communicataonem  puhlicam  pro* 
hibebit  saltem  ob  contemptionem  et  despicientiam  cenBurarum  quae  sane 
inde  provfeniret."  Gury  Comp.  Ratisbonae  1868,  Tr.  D©  Censuris, 
No.  964  Q. 

'De  Censuris  161. 


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for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?  149 

that  the  faithful  should  offer  up  private  prayers  for  the  exeommuni* 
cate  of  every  sort ;  yet,  without  a  special  intention  and  application 
on  the  part  of  the  former,  no  excomraanicate,  inasmuch  as  he  is 
cut  ofif  from  the  Body  of  Christ,  has  a  share  in  any  of  the  private 
prayers  and  good  works  of  Christiaus  in  general.  It  is  different 
with  the  members,  even  sinners,  who  are  in  union  with  that  Body 
and  with  Christ  its  Head. 

3**.  No  excommunicate  is  included  in  the  number  of  those  for 
whom  the  Church  through  her  ministers  is  ordinarily  wont  to 
offer  prayer  or  sacriOce.  Nor  will  she  permit  a  vitandus  to  be  so 
included.  She  no  longer,  indeed,  forbids  her  ministers  to  include  the 
toUratus  in  that  number ;  but  this,  when  done,  must  be  by  a  special 
act  on  their  part;  since  it  is  in  virtue  of  her  general  permission  to 
the  faithful  (ecclesiastics  as  well  as  laics),  which  they  are  at  liberty 
to  use  or  not,  that  the  ministers  of  the  Church  admit  such  excom- 
municate to  a  share  of  the  common  suffrages  which  they  offer 
in  her  name.^ 

4*^.  All  the  excommunicate,  from  the  very  fact  of  their  being 
under  excommunication,  and  even  though  they  should  be  in  the 
grace  of  God,  are  excluded  from  any  »hm^  in  Indulgences.  Since 
these  are  spiritual  goods  which  the  Church  grants  immediately  to 
the  faithful,  who  gain  them  by  their  fulfilling  in  person  the  prescribed 
conditions  ;  and  thus  differ  from  such  spiritual  goods  as  the  Chiu*ch 
grants  mediately  (e,g,  communication  in  prayers)  through  her 
ministers  who  act  in  her  name.  And  whilst  the  Church  allows 
her  ministers  to  concede  the  latter  spiritual  goods  to  the 
tolernti,  she  has  no  intention  of  granting  directly  any  favours  to 
them.* 

11.— Catechumens. 

Fr.  Lehmkuhl  says  generally,'  that  it  is  not  only  lawful, 
but  an  act  of  Catholic  piety  to  ofifer  the  Holy  Sacrifice  for 
Catechumens  whether  living  or  dead.  Most  theologians 
are  of  the  same  opinion.  Thus  De  Lugo  (De  Etich.  Disp. 
xix.sectx.  171-84),  where  we  find:  *' Innocent  III.  .  .  .  dicit 
pro  illo  qui,  putans  se  esse  baptizatum,  absqTie  Baptismo 
t>biit,  debere  nostias  et  preces  offem."  And  Lacroix,  who 
says:*  ''l^tat  Dieast.  d.  2,  n.  iii.,  posse  Missam  offerri  pro 
Catechumeno  defuncto;*'  and  who  seems  to  adopt  as  his 
own  an  opinion  he  cites '^  from  Pasqualigo,  qu.  158:  "Si 
defunctus  (sine  Baptismo)  faisset  adultus,  et  inter  Christianos 


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150  Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  pinvately 

educatus,  qui  praesumi  posset  esse  justificatus  per  cou- 
tritionem  vel  amorem  Dei,  licite  oflFerretur  pro  eo.'  ^ 

The  SalmaDticenses,'  whilst  they  eqaaUy  maintain  the  lawfulness 
of  oflFering  up  Mass  for  Catechumens,  make  a  distinction,  the 
consideration  of  which  may  hear  on  our  particular  question. 
They  say  that  the  priest  can  only  offer  up  Mass  for  Catechumens 
who  are  living,  nomine  proprto  et  nomine  Christi,  and  not  nomine 
Ecclesiae^ — but  for  deceased  Catechumens  Mass  can  be  oflered  also 
nomine  Ecclesiae. 

N.  60.  Diximus  in  assertione  sacerdotem  posse  offerre  nomine 
proprio,  et  nomine  Christi  pro  Catechumenis :  quia  quantum 
ad  orationem  publicam  et  oblationem  to  tins  Ecclesiae  nomine 
faciendam,  oumino  servandam  est,  quod  ipsa  Ecclesia  praescribit ; 
tenet ur  namque  sacerdos  in  hoc  sicut  in  aliis,  agere  juxta  ejus 
dispositioncm  et  intentionem.      Ecclesia  autem  non  orat  oratione 

*  Whilst  treating  of  the  deceased  un baptized,  and  not  to  leave  out  any 
class  that  might  be  thought  to  claim  consideration  with  reference  to  our 
present  question,  I  may  be  perhaps  allowed,  with  all  due  submission,  to 
express  my  individual  opinion  on  a  point  which  I  have  not  seen  come 
under  the  discussion  of  authors.  It  seems  then  there  are  solid  reasons 
for  thinking  that  sound  theology  would  not  peremptorily  decide  against 
the  case  of  one  who  might  be  presumed,  not  without  good  grounds,  to 
have  died  in  the  grace  of  God, — justified  by  the  infusion  of  supernatural 
faith  and  charity, ^ven  though  amongst  other  points  of  wia/eria/ heresy, 
he  erred  on  the  doctrine  and  necessity  of  Baptism.  There  are,  we 
know,  many  such  heretics  amongst  Protestants  m  these  countries ;  and 
if  any  Protestants  can  be  deemed  to  be  in  only  material  heresy,  they  may 
be  so  on  this  point  as  well  as  on  any  other.  Cardinal  Franzelin  has  a 
very  interesting  note  (Tr.  de  Div.  Tradit.  et  Script,  pp.  590-2),  bearing 
indirectly  on  this  matter,  in  which  be  quotes  a  passage  from  De  Lugo 
(Disp.  xii.,  n.  50,  51),  who  shows  that  all  such  as  are  in  inculpable  error 
as  to  the  true  Church,  and  are  only  material  heretics  on  articles  of  Faith, 
and  who  yet  acknowledge  one  true  God,  as  Remunerator,  and  (if  the 
exphcit  acknowledgment  of  this  truth  be  necessary  necemtate  metUi^y 
also  Jeuus  Christ,  on  the  ground  of  authority — whether  that  of  their 
own  tradition,  or  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, — are  in  a  state  compatible  with 
the  divine  infusion  of  supernatural  Faith,  and  that  from  such  faith  they 
may  have  contrition  and  charity,  whereby  they  may  be  justified  and 
saved.  We  give  his  own  words  for  those  to  whom  he  refers  :  **  Qui  cum 
Catholica  Ecclesia  non  credunt,  dividi  possunt  in  plures  classes.  Nam 
in  lis  aliqui  sunt,  qui  licet  non  credant  dogmata  omnia  Catholicae 
rehgionis,  agnoscunt  tamen  Deum  uuum  et  verum,  quales  sunt  Turcae 
et  omnes  Muhammedani  atque  etiaui  Judaei ;  alii  agnoscunt  etiam  Deum 
trinum,  immo  et  Christum,  ut  plures  heretici." 

We  have  no  intention  of  confounding  the  case  we  have  contem- 
plated with  that  of  Catechiunens.  Besides  other  marks  of  distinction, 
there  is  this  one :  Catechumens  believe  on  the  direct  authority  of  the 
Catholic  Church ;  in  the  other  case,  it  is  not  so.  But  here  we  must  bear 
in  mind  the  teaching  of  De  Lugo  and  most  of  the  great  theologians, 
that  the  motive  of  the  infallible  authority  of  the  Church  does  not  enter 
into  the  essence  of  Faith. 

«  Dist.  xiii.  dub.  4,  58-61. 


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for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?  151 

publica  pro  Catechumenis,  nisi  in  die  Parasceves,  et  in  Missa 
Catechumenorum  proximo  baptizandonim.  .  .  .  Unde  praescripto 
modo  et  limitatione  sc  gerere  debet  in  orando  publice,  atque  in 
offerendo  nomine  totios  £cclesiae  pro  Catechumenis.  Gongruentiae 
aotem  ratio,  nt  sic  disposnerit  Ecclesia,  potnit  esse,  turn  ut 
OBtenderet  majorem  amorem,  et  cwram  ad  propria  membra 
visibilia,  nempe  ad  fideles  baptizatos,  et  ad  se  ingressos  per 
l^timam  januam  baptismi.  Turn  ut  haec  via  magis  provocaret 
Catecbumenos  ad  baptismum  celerius  suscipiendum,  ne  scilicet 
esdstant  privati  publicis  Ecelesiae  sufPragiis  quae  ad  eorum 
salutem  plurimum  referre  queunt.** 

But  with  regard  to  deceased  Catechumens  they  say  later  on 
in  the  same  n.  60 : — "  Ecclesia  Catholica  indiscriminatim,  et 
sine  limitatione  offert  sacri6cium  Missae  pro  omnibus  animabus 
existentibus  in  Purgatorio,  licet  Catechumenorum  sint,  ut  recte 
observamnt  Franciscus  de  Lugo  lib.  5,  cap.  4,  quaest.  j6,  et  Scortia 
lib.  1^."  They  continue,  n.  61: — "Licet  Catechumeni  non  sint 
visibiliter  membra  Christi  ob  non  susceptionem  baptismi,  nihil- 
ominos  jam  in  visibiliter  sunt  membra  Christi  propter  internam 
dispositionem  fidei,  aut  etiam  charitatis.  (Quoad)  orationes,  sive 
oblationes  publicas,  sive  Ecelesiae  nomine  factas ;  concedimus  (has) 
non  debere  a  sacerdote  fieri,  nisi  quando,  et  ubi  Ecclesia 
praescribit.  Quamvis  quantum  ad  Catecbumenos  defunctos  alia 
ratio  habenda  sit;  cum  Ecclesia  illos  non  excludat  a  communi 
Missae  participatione  et  oblatione  pro  animabus  fidelium  defunct- 
orum." 

For  myself,  (speaking  with  all  due  deference,)  I  cannot 
see  any  solid  ground  for  this  distinction,  and  I  prefer  a 
rule  which  I  think,  in  a  large  and  general  sense,  may  be 
deduced  from  the  more  common  teaching,  and  from  most 
of  the  greater  theologians,  however  various  their  opinions 
or  mode  of  expression  on  some  particular  points : — a  rule 
which  appears  to  me  to  be  in  accordance  (so  at  least 
1  would  fain  think)  with  what  Dr.  Walsh  lays  down  in  his 
Article.* 

I  formulate  it  thus :  The  priest  as  the  representative  of 
the  Church  can  lawfully  offer  up  the  Holy  Sacrifice  nomine 
Ecelesiae  for  all  those  in  whose  behalf  he  may  pray  in  the 
Memento,  but  he  may  pray  nomine  Ecelesiae  in  the  Memento, 
for  all  those  persons  (together  with  all  their  lawful 
needs)  for  whom  the  Church  offers  pubUc  prayers  at  any 
time  in  her  Liturgy,  unless  there  be  any  special  prohibition. 

We  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  priest  as  the  represen- 
tative  of  the  Church  ordinarily  and  normally  offei-s  up  the 

»  L  E.  Record,  August  1883,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  486  et  seq. 

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152  Can  a  Priest  my  Mclss  privately 

Divine  Sacrifice  only  for  all  the  faithful  in  her  visible  com- 
munion still  living,  and  for  the  souls  of  all  those  who  have 
died  as  membei-s  of  her  body,  and  who  may  hence  be 
presumed  to  be  in  Purgatory.  He  is,  moreover,  empowered 
oy  the  Church  to  impetrate  specially  in  her  name  for 
particular  persons,  at  his  own  selection,  from  among  her 
faithful,  living  or  dead  ;  and  these  alone  are,  so  to  say,  the 
normal  objects  of  such  selection  for  commemoration  in  the 
Mementos,  But  it  is  not  unlawful  for  him  to  impeti'ate  also 
in  the  name  of  the  Church  for  any  others  in  whose  behalf 
fihe  prays  at  any  time  in  her  public  Liturg;v%  e.g.  Catechumens, 
or  Infidels;  but  such  he  must  include  by  a  special  and 
explicit  intention.  It  was  formerly  unlawful  thus  to  pray 
for  any  of  the  Excommunicate,  and  all  such  still  remain 
positively  excluded  from  the  ordinary  impetration  of  the 
Church  in  Mass.  But  since  the  concession  to  the  faithful 
at  Constance,  the  prohibition  against  the  priest  including 
them,  is  in  force  only  with  regard  to  the  vitandi.  For 
these  indeed  he  may  pray  in  the  Memento^  but  only  as  a 
private  person,  and  not  as  the  representative  of  the 
Church. 

"  Theologians  are  agreed,"  writes  Dr.  Walsh,  ^  "  that  a 
priest  may  in  the  Memento^  if  he  think  fit  to  do  so,  divest 
mmself  of  his  representative  character."  "  Respondetur/' 
says  Suarez,  "  quantumvis  sacerdos  gerat  personam 
publicam  etiam  in  illo  actu,  nunquam  ita  exuere  privatam, 
<iuin  possit  ex  sua  intentione  sub  hao  ratione  orare  pro 
excommunicato  (vitando)  et  non  in  persona  Ecclestae,'*^ 

It  is  conceivable  that  it  should  be  lawful  in  certain 
eases  for  a  priest  to  ofier  up  Mass  nomine  Christie  whilst, 
at  the  same  time,  it  should  be  unlawful,  and  invalid  also, 
for  him  to  do  so  nomine  Ecclestae.  I  say  it  is  conceivable, 
for  the  Salraanticenses,  as  we  have  seen,  strenuously 
maintain  this  in  the  case  of  Catechumens  who  are  living, 
and  other  theologians  hold  it,  too,  in  ceitain  other  cases. 

But  there  appears,  prima  facie  at  least,  so  evident  an 
incongruity  in  tne  very  statement  of  such  a  thesis,  and  so 

1  I.C.,  p.  488. 

«  Perhaps  the  question  I  now  put  in  passing,  may  serve  to  illustrate 
such  private  prayer  in  the  Memento.  Suppose  some  one  who  is  living 
has  been  very  specially  recommended  for  prayer  in  Mass,  and  the  priest 
had  entirely  forgotten  it  until  he  came  to  the  Memento  for  the  dead,  I 
oonceive  that  he  could  not  here  impetrate  in  the  name  of  the  Church  for 
the  needs  of  the  living ;  but  could  he  lawfully  do  so  then  as  a  private 
person,  and  with  all  the  efficacy  available  for  another,  that  belongs  to 
the  priest's  offering  of  Mass  nomine  proprio  f 


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for  a  deceased  Frotesiant  ?  153 

many  grave  difficulties  lie  in  its  way,  that  one  may  well 
doubt  whether  a  case  of  the  kind  could  ever  actually  exists 
and  be  glad  to  find  any  solid  grounds  for  believing  that  it 
is  only  a  hypothesis. 

We  may  hold  then  with  Fr.  Lehmkuhl  the  general 
proposition,  and  without  the  distinction  of  the  Salman- 
ticenses,  that  it  is  lawful  to  offer  up  the  Holy  Sacrifice  for 
Catechumens  living  and  dead.^ 

III. — Infidels.     (Unbaptized,  including  Jews,  Turks,  &c.) 

Suarez  and  most  theologians  hold  as  certain  that  it  is 
lawful  to  offer  up  Mass  directe  et  in  particulari  for  all 
Infidels  still  in  life.  And  we  have  for  this  still  higher 
authority.  Benedict  XIV.'  speaking  of  the  discipline  of 
the  Orientals  who  make  a  commemoration  in  their  Sacred 
Liturgy  of  a  king,  even  though  he  be  an  infidel,  says  with 
Bellarmine :  "  Nequaquam  vetitum  est  ex  natura  rei,  ut 
aiunt  tlieologi,  orare  in  Missa  etiam  pro  infidelibus ;  quando- 
quidem  Sacrificium  Crucis  pro  omnibus  oblatum  fuit.  .  .  . 
Res  tota  ex  interdicto  Ecclesiae  est  dimetienda.  Certum 
est  ex  natura  rei,  si  nulla  sit  prohibitio  Ecclesiae,  licere 
offerre  pro  hujusmodi  hominibus ;  de  infidelibus  loquitur. 
Cumque  hujusmodi  prohibitio  extet  quoad  excommunicates 
adeoque  quoad  haereticos  et  schismaticos,  non  vero  quoad 
infideles,  qui  excommunicatione  non  ligantur:  hoc  satis 
esse  ait,  ut  de  his  commemoratio  fieri  possit  in  Missa,  atque 
etiam  pro  his  Sacrificium  offerri.  .  .  ." 

There  is,  moreover,  a  Decree  of  the  S.  C.  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion, 12th  July,  1865,  in  answer  to  the  question  :  **  Utrum 
Uceat  sacerdotibus  Missam  celebrare  pro  Turcarum  aliorum- 
que  infidelium  intentione,  et  ab  iiseleemosynam  accipere?" 
Resp.  ''Affirmative,  dummodo  non  adsit  scandalum,  et  nil  in 
Missa  addatur,  et  quoad  intentionem  constet,  nil  mali  aut 
erroris    aut    superstitionis     in     infidehbus    eleemosynam 

'  It  might  be  a  further  question  whether  the  Church  does  not 
implicitly  include  Catechumens  in  her  ordinary  impetration,  since  they 
are  to  a  certain  extent  to  be  classed  amongst  her  members,  and  in  the 
number  of  the  faithful  Suarez  says :  "  Fortasse,  quando  fit  oblatio  pro 
universa  Ecclesia,  illi  etiam  comprehenduntur  :  simt  enim  substantialiter 
(ut  sic  dicam)  imiti  Ecclesiae  per  fidem,  quamvis  nondum  sint  per 
Baptismum,  vel  characterem,  Ecclesiae  conjuncti."    Disp.  78.,  sect,  ii,  6. 

*  Const.  In  Supetiori  8  Martii,  1755.  See  note  (a),  Gury-Ballerini, 
VoL  ii.,  349.  We  should  note  that  while  Ben.  XIV.,  himself  approves 
the  assertions  of  those  theologians  he  here  quotes,  he  is  not  deciding  the 
question,  for  he  expressly  says  that  he  leaves  the  assertions  in  their  own 
probability* 


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154  Can  a  Pnest  say  Ma8$  privately 

offerentibus  eubeese."  Hence  it  appears  that  Mass  may- 
be offered  to  obtaiu  for  an  Infidel  according  to  his  own 
intention  any  lawful  temporal  good,  without  a  further 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  priest  for  the  Infidel's 
conversion.* 

IV. — Heretics  and  Schismatics  {non  denuntiati). 

These,  so  far  simply  as  their  excommunication  is  con- 
cerned, are  on  a  par  with  the  rest  of  the  tolerati  with  regard 
to  the  concession  granted  since  Constance  to  the  faithful 
of  communication  in  divinis  with  such  excommunicate. 

Consequently,  on  the  mere  score  of  censure,  all  that  we 
have  observed  as  to  the  offering  of  Mass  for  the  non  vitandi 
will  apply  to  such  heretics  and  schismatics. 

But  those  whom  we  are  now  considering  have  another 
mark  attached  to  them  besides  excommunication,  and  that 
is  heresy;  and  on  the  score  of  their  heresy^  the  practical 
teaching  of  the  Church  prescribes  to  the  faithful  a  very 
different  conduct  towards  heretics  qxioad  communicationem 
in  divinisy  from  what  they  may  practise  towards  other 
tolerati. 

The  Church  has  ever  held  communication  with  heretics 
in  divinis  to  be  generally  illicit,  since  thereby  nearly  always 
injury  is  done  to  the  divine  or  natural  law,  whether  through 
the  inherent  risk  of  perversion,  or  danger  of  taking  part  in 
heretical  or  schismatical  woi-ship  and  rites,  or  on  account 
of  the  peril  and  occasion  of  scandal.  Hence  the  S.  Cong, 
de  Propaganda  Fide,  in  an  Instruction  to  Missionaries  in  the 
East,  1729,  does  not  hesitate  to  assert : — 

"  Posse  quidem  speculative  casus  aliquos  excogitari  in  quibus 
€ommuiiicationem  aliquam  (cum  haerctiois  et  schismaticis)  in 
divinis  tolerare  liceret;  sed  practice  circumspectis  omnibus  facti 
circumstantiis  difficillime  casus  inveniri  in  quibus  ea  communicatio 
licet." 

And  Benedict  XIV.  (de  Syn.  1.  6,  c.  6,  n.  2)  teaches  that  hardly 
ever  for  most  grave  and  urgent  cause  is  it  lawful  for  Catholics  to 

1  Hoc  Sacrificium  ut  iinpetratorium,  says  De  Lugo,  oflFerri  potest 
pro  quacumque  re  a  Deo  juste  obtineiuia,  atque  adeo  non  solum  pro  baptizatis, 
sed  etiam  pro  rebus  inaniraatis,  et  pro  expertibus  rationis — &o  also 
Suarez :  '*  Hoc  Sacrificium,  quatenus  impetratorium  est,  absolute  et  sine 
limitatione  est  iustitutum,  et  cum  qualibet  justa  oratione  con jungi  potest 
ut  impetrandi  eflicaciam  augeat."  It  is  lawful,  he  says,  to  oflfer  the 
Sacrifice  for  infidels  directly,  i.e.,  **  quando  offertur  pro  bono  ipsorom 
infidelium  vel  spirituali,  vel  etiam  temporali,  vel  in  communi,  vel  in 
particulari,  pro  nac  aut  ilia  ratione,  aut  persona."  See  I.  E.  Record, 
vol.  iv.,  p.  481. 


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for  a  deceased  Protestant?  155 

receive  Sacraments  from  heretics.  And  such  we  know  is  the 
^neral  teaching  of  theology.  It  would  appear  then  that  this 
difference  in  the  Church's  practical  teaching  with  regard  lo 
communication  in  dtvinis  with  the  ordinary  tolerati  on  the  one 
hand,  and  with  heretics  on  the  other,  is  especially  on  account  of  the 
grave  dangers  which  the  faithful  incur  of  violating  divine  and 
natural  law. 

What  the  S.  Cong,  de  Prop,  Fide^  Benedict  XIV.,  and 
theologiaDS  in  general  had  specially  in  view  was  reception 
of  Sacraments  from  heretics,  and  taking  part  in  such  other 
religions  acts  as  are  always  fraught  with  danger  to  the 
taithftd  themselves  of  participation  in  heretical  worship, 
und  of  perversion.  But  if  there  are  any  cases  of  com- 
munication of  quite  another  kind,  €ind  from  which  no  such 
danger  could  possibly  arise,  we  raav  conclude  that  they  do 
not  come  under  the  practical  prohibition  of  the  Church  and 
of  theology ;  and  that  consequently  the  faithful  may  use 
the  liberty  conceded  to  them  since  Constance  with  regard 
to  heretics.  Now  such  an  act  of  communication  in  divinis 
is  prayer,  or  the  offering  of  Mass  for  a  heretic.  To  pray,  or 
to  offer  sacrifice  in  anyone's  behalf  (as  De  Lugo  says  in 
effect,i)  is  in  true  ecclesiastical  meaning,  or  technically 
speaking,  to  communicate  with  him  in  divinis :  but  such  an 
act  is  communication  only  in  a  wide  sort  of  sense,  and, 
strictly  speaking,  is  not  so  at  all ;  and,  as  evidently  from 
such  acts  no  danger  arises  of  participating  in  anything 
heretical,  one  can  hardly  think  that  it  belongs  to  that  kind 
of  communication  which,  according  to  the  teaching  of  the 
Church,  is  practically  illicit. 

Besides  this  general  teaching  of  the  Church,  and  oi 
theologians,  which  relates  especially  to  the  sacraments  and 
joining  in  heretical  or  schismatical  rites,  there  are  the 
restrictive  enactments  for  mixed  marriages,  and  the  denial 
of  ecclesiastical  sepulture  to  all  non-CathoUcs.  But 
beyond  these,  I  am  not  aware  of  any  other  general  laws 
which  derogate  from  the  concession  granted  to  the  faithful 
of  communicating  with  heretics,  as  with  other  tolei^atu 
Theologians  at  least  allow  that  there  is  no  general  positive 
law  which  forbids  the  Sacrifice  of  Mass  to  be  offered  for 

^  Disp.  xix..  sect.  X.,  190,  1.     **  Licet,  stricte  loquendo  orare  pro 


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15(5  Can  a  Finest  say  Mass  privalely 

such  heretics ;  and  since  the  absence  of  positive  prohibi- 
tion is  the  main  gi'ound  for  maintaining  the  Ia\vfuhie88 
of  Mass  being  offered  up  for  the  tolerati  at  all,  this  will  hold 
good  also  for  its  lawfuluess  in  the  case  of  non-Catholics. 

There  are  indeed  some  important  decrees  that  bear 
upon  these  questions,  and  these  we  will  consider — 

A,  With  regard  to  the  living  : 

(a)  In  answer  to  the  question :  "  Utrum  possit  aut 
debeat  celebrari  Missa  ac  percipi  eleemosjna  pro  Graeco- 
schismatico^  qui  enixo  oret  atque  instet,  ut  Missa  applicetur 
pro  so  sive  in  ecclcsia  adstante,  sive  extra  ecclesiam 
manente  I  '*  The  Sacred  Inquisition  made  answer :  "  Juxta 
exposita  non  licere  nisi  constet  eicpresse,  eleemosynam  a 
schismatico  proeberi  ad  impetrandam  conversionem  ad 
veram  fidem.*'  And  this  decree  was  approved  by  the  Pope, 
Gregory  XVI. 

We  see  a  marked  difference  in  this  decision  and  the 
one  we  cited  above  on  the  question  of  Mass  for  an  Infidel. 
Fr.  Kouings,  before  giving  the  decree  regarding  the  Greek 
schismatic,  had  said:^  '*  Pro  toleratis  autem,  per  se probabilius 
licet  (oflferri  Sacrificium  Missa)  .  .  .  Dixi:  per  «e,  quia 
ratione  scandali,  i\7.,  si  publice,  i,e,,  aliis  scientibus,  fieret,  id 
iUicitum  esse  poterit;  et  hincprobabiliter  S.  C.  Off.  pioposito 
dubio  respondit." 

Here  we  would  make  the  following  remarks : — 

1.  So  far  as  can  bo  gathered  from  the  terms  in  which  the  Uvo 
Duhia  are  expressed,  we  must  suppose  there  was  equal  publicity 
or  privacy  in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other ;  and  consequently  we 
have  no  right  to  assign  this  circumstance  as  the  probable  reason 
for  the  difference  in  the  two  decisions. 

2.  Amongst  the  conditions  on  which  Mtiss  is  allowed  to  be 
offered  for  the  Infidel,  the  first-mentioned  is,  '*  diimmodo  non  adsit 
scandalum."  This  seems  to  show  that  (irrespective  of  the  circum- 
stance of  publicity  or  privacy,)  no  scandal  was  considered  as 
naturally  to  be  apprehended  from  such  offering. 

3.  Jf  the  reason  for  the  negative  decision  in  the  case  of  the 
Greek  schismatic  was,  that  the  offering  of  tlie  Mass  would  be 
illicit,  "  juxta  exposita,"  ratione  scamlali ;  then  danger  of  scandal 
was  to  be  ai)prehended  from  such  offering /^er  se^  and  iri*espective  of 
publicity  or  privacy. 

4.  We  must,  however,  bear  in  mind  that  the  question  propose<l 
is  not :  ''  Is  it  lawful  or  not  to  offer  up  Mass  for  such  or  such 
Greek  schismatic  ?  "  But,  is  it  lawful  to  do  so  for  one  who,  juxta 
erposiiUj  himself  specially  makes  the  request,  and  moreover  couches 

Th.  M.,  n.  1317.     Ju.  2.    Resp.  2. 

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for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?  157 

it  in  terms,  or  suggests  conditions,  which  would  indicate  that  he  is 
oonscrous  of  being  under  excommunication,  and  aware  of  its  pains, 
and  hence,  so  far,  is  mala  fide.  So  the  answer  is  :  '*  Juxta  exposiia^ 
Don  licere,  nisi  constet,"  &c.  For,  if  his  request  were  acceded  to 
wiUiout  the  condition  appended,  he  might  receive  scandal  and  be 
strengthened  in  his  schismatical  errors. 

5.  J'here  might,  we  think,  be  generally  some  danger  of  scandal 
to  a  non- Catholic  for  whose  intention  Mass  should  be  offered  at 
his  own  request,  unless  some  reference  or  suggestion  were  made  to 
hun  as  to  his  own  conversion  ;  for  he  otherwise  might  theoce  infer 
that  the  priest  in  some  way  recognised  or  tolerated  his  religious 
status,  and  thus  he  might  form  to  himself  a  new  sanction  for  his 
wrong  position  and  for  his  errors.  This  would  the  more  hold, 
we  conceive,  the  nearer  anyone's  religious  position  seemed  to 
approximate  to  the  Catholic  Church — e.g,  that  of  a  high-Church 
Anglican  or  Ritualist.  J  n  the  case  of  an  Infidel  or  Turk  there  would 
be  no  fear  of  such  sort  of  scandal. 

6.  What  I  have  said  has  force  so  far  as  the  Mass  is  offered  up 
even  privately.  But  if  the  Mass  were  public,  that  is,  if  others 
knew  of  the  intention  for  which  it  was  offered,  viz.,  for  a  non- 
Catholic, — this  would  generally  be  an  occasion  of  scandal  or  marvel 
to  the  faithful,  whilst  other  non-Catholics  might  thence  receive 
very  false  notions  iwnceruing  the  Church's  toleration  of  Christian 
religionists  out  of  her  communion.  Whereas  in  the  case  of  Mass 
leing  publicly  offered  up  for  a  Heathen  or  a  Turk,  no  such  risk  of 
scaudad,  or  not  at  all  in  the  same  degree,  or  of  the  same  kind, 
would  occur;  since  the  Heathen  and  Mahommedan  religions 
are  so  manifestly  unchristian  that  any  sort  of  compromise 
between  them  and  the  Catholic  Faith  is  inconceivable.  From 
the  foregoing  consideration  I  should  hold  that  there  would 
be  less  difficulty  in  sayiug  Mass  for  the  intention  of  a  non- 
Catholic,  at  the  desire  of  a  Catholic,  than  at  his  own  request.  All 
along  I  am  supposing  the  intention  to  be  some  other  than  that  of 
conversion  to  the  Faith,  and  iiTespective  of  conversion :  for,  of 
course,  if  together  with  the  particular  intention  were  joined  that  of 
conversion,  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  the  way. 

It  appears  to  me  then,  that  from  the  Decree  of  the  S. 
Inquisition,  no  general  prohibition  can  be  drawn  against 
saying  Mass  for  the  intention  of  non-Catholics ;  but  that 
thereby  it  was  decided  to  be  illicit  to  do  so  in  the  particular 
case,  jtixia  exposita^  without  the  fulfilment  of  the  condition 
appended. 

(fe)  There  is,  moreover,  a  prohibition  on  the  part  of  the 
Church  with  re^rd  to  heretics  and  the  celebration  of  Mass 
in  the  case  of  nuxed  marriages ;  and  this  affects  the  Catholic 


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158  Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately 

prohibition  from  a  double  title.  1st,  because  they  are 
excommunicati  (that  ia,  if  I  am  right  in  supposing  that  the 
decision  of  the  S.  Poenitentiavy,  10  Dec,  1860,  on  this 
matter  is  appHcable  to  all  public  and  notorious  excom- 
municate lion  vitandi)}  2ndlY,  because  they  are  heretics.^ 
Hitherto  we  have  been  considering  the  law^  of  the 
Church  with  regard  to  the  lawfulness  of  saying  Mass  for 
non-Catholics  who  are  living.  We  must  now  see  what  she 
may  have  enacted — 

B,  with  regard  to  deceased  non-Cathohcs. 
There  are  two  Briefs  of  Gregory  XVL,  13  Feb.,  1842, 
and  9  Jul.,  1842;  in  the  latter  he  says:  *' Non  sufficere, 
ad  cohonestandum  publicum  funus  quod  pro  a  cathoUca 
persona  nominatim  postulatum  est,  et  in  ejus  obitu  aut 
annua  die  celebratur,  si  hoc  fiat  cum  intentione  divinum 
sacrificium  sen  ahas  preces  offerendi  pro  defunctis  ex 
universa  ilia  familia  de  se  catholica.  Nee  enira  permittere 
possumus,  ut  uUo  modo  fraus  fiat  prohibitioni  illi,  quae  in 
Catholica  ipsa  doctrina  innititur  de  sacrofunere  pro  defunctis 
acatholicis  non  celebrando."  Then,  again,  there  is  the 
Decree  of  S.C.R.,  23  Mart.,  1859,  in  answer  to  the 
question :  ''  An  licet  in  die  anniversaria  obitus  principissae 
ad  protestanticam  sectara  pertinentis  celebrare  Missani  in 
levamen  defunctorum  regiae  famiUae  ?  Resp.  :  '*  Non 
licere,  et  detur  exemplar  Epistolae  in  forma  Brevis  S.  M. 
Gregorii  XVI.,  9  Jul.,  1842.'' 

But  these  prohibitions,  authors  affirm,  do  not  affect  the 
question  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  saying  Mass  for  deceased 
non  CsithoMo&y  per  se.  Nay,  we  might  argue  that,  since 
this  question  is  ^artualIy  contained  in  the  dulniim  proposed, 
and  the  S.  Cong,  passes  it  over,  the  principle  is  tacitly 
admitted  as  not  unlawful.  What  is  condemned  in  the  Brief 
is  the  fraud  used  for  justifying  the  countenance  of  the 
Church  to  a  public  funeral  of  non-Catholics, — contrary  to 
her  constant  teachmg  that  such  are  not  to  be  buried  with 
ecclesiastical  rites. 

Fr.  Lehmkuhl,  referring  to  the  same  Decrees,  says: 
*'  Relate  ad  omnes^  qui  absque  unione  externa  cum  Ecclesia 
defuncti  sunt,  prohibetur  omnis  Missae  celebratio  sen  appli- 
catio/>uWica :  ut habes  ex  Brevi,  Greg.  XVL,  &c."     He  then 

'  Se3  Gury.     lUtisbon  Edit.,  vol  ii.,  960.  2»  (1.) 
*  See  Gury.     Ratisbon  Edit.,  vol.  ii.,  829  (1) ;  and  Gury-Ballerini, 
ibid,  (a.) 

8  See  Gury,  Ratisbon  Edit.  9C4  0). 


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for  a  deceased  ProUstant  f  159 

adds:  "At  si  probabilia  signa  8unt,defunctum  bona  fide 
atque  in  gratia  divina  ex  hac  vita  migraese,  occulte  sen 
privatim  sacerdos  pro  tali  defuncto  in  particulari  celebrare 
posse  videtur."^ 

We  have  now  surveyed  the  whole  field  which 
theology  covers  when  treating  of  the  Sacrifice  of  Mass 
being  offered  up  for  those  who  are  outside  the  visible  com- 
munion of  the  Catholic  Church ;  and  the  opinion  we  are 
led  to  form  with  regard  to  heretics  and  schismatics  is  : 

1.  That  it  is  lawful,/)«r  se^  because  no  law  forbids  it,  to 
offer  up  Mass  directe  et  in  particulari^  nomine  Chrieti,  et 
nomine  Ecclesias  for  all  such  as  are  living — and  also  for 
those  deceased,  whose  souls  may  be  presumed  to  be  in 
purgatory.2 

2.  But  since  the  public  celebration  of  Mass  for  non- 
Catholics  is  likely  to  be  generally  an  occasion  of  scandal. 
Mass  when  offered  up  for  any  such,  should  be  said  privatelj/ 
(in  the  sense  this  term  is  commonly  underatood) ;  whereby 
I  do  not  mean  absolutely  privately,  so  that  the  rriest  alone 
is  privy  to  it ;  but  known  to  a  few  only,  and  to  whom 
there  is  no  danger  of  scandal: — "Publice,  i.e.  aliis  scientibus, 
Sacrum  applicare  pro  toleratis,  illicitum  existimamus  ob 
periculum  .  .  .  Quod  quidem  a  fortio7*i  asserendum  erit 
quoad  Missas  pro  iis  offerendas  qui  sectae  heterodoxae 
nomen  dederunt'" 

In  the  case  of  the  Deady  this  privacy  is  always  certainly 
obhgatory  on  account  of  the  positive  enactment  of  the 
Church.* 

3.  It  might  sometimes,  on  account  of  circumstances,  be 
unlawful  ratione  scandali  to  say  Mass  even  privately  for  the 
intention  of  a  non-Catholic.» 

Father  Lehmkuhl,  after  saying  that  it  appears  to  bo 
lawful  to  say  Mass  for  a  deceased  non-Catholic,  adds: — 
"Specialem  autem  Missam  do  Requiem  potissimum  cum 
speciaU  oratione  pro  hoc  defuncto  fieri,  mini  non  probatur, 
siquidem  haec  nunquam  non  publica  actio  est/* 

Here  I  may  perhaps  be  allowed  to  give  my  own  individual 
thought.  I  have  always  held  that  if  a  Requiem  Mass  were  said 
for  a  deceased  Protestant,  the  priest  should  not  use  any  prayers 
which  the  Church  has  appropriated  to  her  own  individual  Faithful, 
and  their  special  circumstanees,  those  e.g.  proper  for  an  Anniversary, 

'  VoL  ii.,  175,  iiL  2. 


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160  Call  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately 

or  for  Dies  Ohitus,  nor  should  he  insert  the  name  of  the  deceased ; 
nor  again,  if  he  prays  in  Mass  for  a  deceased  Protestant  parent, 
should  he  use  the  prayer  Pro  Patre  vel  Matre,  Since,  though  the 
deceased  is  presumably  in  the  number  of  those  in  Purgatory,  and 
consequently  is  an  object  of  the  suffrages  of  the  Church,  yet  we 
must  remember  that  he  died  outside  her  visible  communion,  and 
that  his  soul  is  not  reckoned  amongst  the  Faithful  Departed, 
to  whom  alone  her  spe(*ial  prayers  arc  appropriated.  I  am, 
however,  inclined  sometimes  to  doubt  whether  this  is  a  solid 
argument. 

I  am  unable  to  follow  Fr.  Lehmkuhl  in  the  reason  he  gives 
for  his  opinion,  **  Siquidcm  haec,  &c."  If  by  '•  publica  actio,"  he 
means  piihlichj  as  opposed  to  privately ^  in  the  sense  I  have  taken, 
and  frequently  explained,  this  latter  term,  and  as  I  thought  he 
himself  understood  it  three  lines  before,  **  occulte  sen  privatim," 
then  I  fail  to  see  how  there  must  needs  be  publicity  simply  through 
the  use  of  a  special  prayer  in  a  Low  Mass  said  perhaps  in  an 
almost  empty  church,  or  in  a  private  oratory.  But  if  by  *'  piiblica 
actio  "  is  meant  the  act  of  a  public  person,  i,e ,  nomine  Ecclesiae, — 
then  the  restriction  he  makes  would  seem  to  be  applicable  to  the 
whole  Mass,  for  as  he  had  said  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
"  Sacerdos  in  celebratione  semper  personam  publicam  agit." 

Perhaps  what,  as  we  have  already  explained,  the  Salmanticenses 
say  with  re/?ard  to  Mass  for  deceased  Catechumens  may  serve  to 
illustrate  this  point,  *'  Ecclesia  Catholica  indiscriminatim,  et  sine 
limitatione  offert  sacrificium  Missae  pro  omnibus  animubus  exis- 
tentibus  in  Purgatorio,  licet  Catechumenorum  sint.  .  .  .  Orationes, 
sive  oblationes  publicas,  sive  Fcclesiae  nomine  factas  concedimus 
non  debere  a  sacerdote  fieri,  nisi  quando,  et  ubi  Ecclesia  prae- 
scribit." 

There  are  also  some  words  of  Suarez'  from  which  an  analogous 
argument  might  be  drawn.  After  affirming  that  Mass  may  be 
offered  up  for  Jnfidels  directe  et  in particulari^  he  says:  *' Nulla  est 
prohibitio  nominandi  etiam  personam,  dummodo  excommunicata 
non  sit.  £rit  tamen  consultius  et  consuetudini  Ecclesiae  magis 
consentaneuin,  nunquam  expresse  uominare  personam  aliquam 
infidelem  ita  ut  ab  aliis  audiri  possit,  ne  fortasse  scandalum  aliquod 
aut  admiratiouem  ingerat." 

We  have  now  but  one  more  word  of  theology  to  off'er. 
Should  a  priest  be  asked  by  a  Catholic  to  say  Mass  for  a 
Protestant,  and  doubt  whether  he  can  do  so  ;  be  may  fall 
back  on  a  principle  which  De  Lugo  suggests  in  the  follow- 
ing words  when  treating  of  Mass  oflered  for  the  unbap- 
tized : — ^ 

"  Impetratio  non  respicit  immediate  personam  cui   confertur 
^  Disp.  78,  sect,  ii,  8  ad  fin.  •  Disp.  xix.,  sect,  x.,  179. 


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for  a  deceased  Protestant  f  161 

beneficiam,  sed  illam  quae  postulat  .  .  .  Quamvis  ergo  immediate 
noa  possit  offerri  pro  non  baptizatis,  quia  ipsi  capaces  non  sunt 
hajus  sacrificii,  poterit  ofPerri  pro  baptizato,  qui  postulat,  tanquam 
beneficium  proprium,  illud  quod  non  baptizato  confertur." 

That  is,  as  I  understand  the  words  applied  to  our  case,  the 
priest  may  say :  "  I  will  offer  up  the  Mass  for  the  intention  you 
ask  me." 

There  is  yet  a  question  which  we  do  not  discuss,  but  which  we 
simply  ask  :  Can  a  priest  licitly  make  the  intention  of  applying  the 
Indulgence  of  a  Privileged  Altar  to  the  soul  of  a  deceased 
Protestant  presumed  to  be  in  Purgatory,  and  in  whose  behalf  he 
says  Mass  ?  If  not,  would  such  an  application  be  valid  ?  Or  can 
any  of  the  faithful  apply  Indulgences  to  the  soul  of  such  a  one  ? 
To  my  mind  there  are  reasons  pro  et  contra,  but  not  having 
sufficient  grasp  of  the  matter  in  all  its  bearings,  I  am  unable  to 
decide. 

1  will  conclude  by  narrating  an  incident  relevant  to 
our  question,  and  which  is  within  my  own  personal  know- 
ledge. Some  now  twenty  years  ago  a  lady  addressed  a 
priest  in  a  Church,  somewhere  in  England,  thus  :  "  Sir,  I 
am  a  Protestant;  but  would  you  kindly  say  Mass  for  my 
deceased  Protestant  mother,  who  was  always  a  good  pious 
woman  ?  "  at  the  same  time  she  offered  a  honorarium  for 
the  Mass.  The  priest  acceded  to  her  desire.  Twice  again, 
aftei  short  intervals,  she  made  a  like  request.  On  the 
third  occasion  the  priest  said  :  "  It  is  strange  that  you,  a 
Protestant,  should  have  such  faith  in  Holy  Mass.  Surely 
you  ought  to  be  a  Catholic."  After  some  further  conver- 
sation she  consented  to  come  to  him  for  instruction, — and 
he  had  soon  the  hai)pines8  of  receiving  her  into  the 
Church.  A  person  of  some  means,  she  lived  several 
years  until  death,  a  very  self-denying  and  devout  life, 
devoting  her  money  largely  to  works  of  chaiity  and  piety, 
especially  alms-giving  to  the  poor,  and  bequeathed  a 
considerable  sum  to  her  parish  priest  for  Masses  for  her 
own  soul. 

Thomas  Livius,  C.SS.R. 


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I     162    J 
*   PLAIN   CHANT  FOR  "INCURABLES/' 

(AN  UNDELIVERED  LECTURE.) 

IN  addressing  the  following  remarks  to  as  numerous 
and  influential  a  body  as  the  Incurables  of  this 
country,  I  feel  more  than  the  ordinary  responsibility  of 
a  Lecturer  on  Plain  Chant.  For,  first,  I  am  reminded  by 
the  venerable  faces  before  ine,  that  some  of  my  remarks 
will  not  improbably  apply,  or  seem  to  apply,  to  those  whose 
age  and  exalted  station  shield  them  from  the  ordinary 
impertinences  of  youthful  lecturers,  and  whose  vii-tues  and 
talents  I  prize  as  much  as  1  regret  their  musical  short- 
comings: while  beyond  these  aged  leaders  I  see  the  vast 
crowd  of  middle-aged  and  junior  clergy — the  latest 
recruits  to  the  ranks  of  the  Incurables,  strong  in  voice,  and 
invincible  in  their  ignorance  of  its  use,  the  "fortiter 
peccantes,'*  whose  wrath  I  well  may  fear  to  rouse,  and 
whose  fellowship,  in  all  but  the  matter  of  this  lecture,  I  am 
so  proud  to  claim.  Such  an  audience  might  expect  from 
me  language  carefully  cleared  of  everything  savouring  of 
intemperate  zeal,  or  unchastened  criticism.  But,  Gentle- 
men, I  am  not  going  to  mince  matters.  The  case  is  too 
desperate  to  allow  of  namby-pamby  treatment.  Many  of 
you  have,  during  your  long  and  honoured  lives,  been  the 
sorrow  of  every  lover  of  chant  in  your  neighbourhood. 
You  have,  some  of  you,  to  account  for  half  a  century  of 
choral  oflBces,  ruined  by  your  well-meant  efforts.  .  You 
have  gone  through  those  oflBces,  unshaken  in  your  own 
self-confidence,  unwarned  by  the  frowns  and  hints  of  your 
afflicted  brethren ;  and  it  is  time,  now,  that  you  should 
hear  the  truth. 

And  you,  Gentlemen,  of  younger  years  and  lustier 
lungs,  what  you  have  already  done  is  pledge  and  promise  of 
what  you  yet  may  do.  You  joined,  in  College,  the  ranks 
of  the  Incurables,!  and  have  served  in  those  ranks  with 
distinction  ever  since.  The  Ite,  Missa  est  of  your  diaconate 
was  your  declaration  of  war  against  all  the  decencies  of 
sacred  chant.  At  the  altar  your  '*  Preface  "  and  '*  Pater 
Noster  "  have  been — "  aptimi  pesstma  perditio  " — a  subject 
of  hilarity  in  the  holy  place,  and  of  an  amused  rehearsal 

*  I  wish  here  to  enter  my  protest  against  the  establishment  in  any 
College  of  a  class  of  "  Incurables.''  Experience  has  shown  me  that  there 
ire  very  few  voices  that  will  not  attune  themselves,  after  a  bit,  to  the 
singing  around  them.  Segregating  weak  voices  and  ifaulty  ears  into  one 
class  is  the  siure  way  to  make  them  incurable. 


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Plain  Chant  for  "  Incurables:'  163 

outside,  in  which  you  sometimes  have  not  bhished  to  join. 
In  the  choir  your  youth  and  power  tell  with  greatest  effect, 
in  demc^lishing  office  after  office,  and,  above  all,  in  beating 
from  off"  the  field  the  champions  of  reverent  psalmody  and 
tutored  and  intelligent  song.  He  knows  nothing,  Gentle- 
men, of  ecclesiastical  chant,  who  affects  to  despise  your 
power.  Youth  and  strength  are  on  your  side,  and  "  big 
battalions."  You  have  scored  too  many  victories  in  the 
past  not  to  be  hopeful  for  the  future.  Your  **  hostia 
rod  fer  at  lams'"  has  not  been  rejected  so  far:  shall  it  be 
rejected  now — and  by  a  handful  of  Cecilians  ?  Never  I 
I  hear  you  answer:  and.  Gentlemen,  perhaps  you  are 
right.  The  mighty  song  of  the  Incurables  will,  in  our 
time,  never  be  ended.     Can  it  be  viended  ? 

That  brings  me  to  the  very  important  question  :  Is 
there  any  good  in  my  lecturing  Incurables?  At  a 
8u!)urban  watering  place,  not  unfamed,  by  the  way,  for 
wit,  appeared  once,  over  the  door  of  a  newly-erected 
hospital,  the  strange  device :  •*  Convalescent  home  for 
Incurables."  In  a  few  days,  amid  the  laughter  of  the 
neiglibourhood,  the  device  was  painted  out  again.  But 
why  /  Must  indeed  the  scroll,  "  Hope  enters  not  here,'' 
make  an  Inferno  of  every  Incurable's  home?     Cannot  the 

fatient  hope  to  get  better  ^vithout  expecting  to  get  well  ? 
think  he  can.  It  is.  Gentlemen,  because  I  think  Incur- 
ables need  not  of  necessity  be  Unbearables,  that  I  have 
ventured  on  this  lecture-lesson.  I  do  not  hope  to  cure 
you  ;  but  I  can  care  you,  and  you  may  improve  a  little  in 
my  hands,  and  be  somewhat  less  of  a  cross  to  those  who 
i*egard  you,  and  whom  you  regard.  At  any  rate,  I  am 
honest  with  you  :  yours  will  not  be  the  cry  : — 
"  O  would  some  power  the  giftie  gie  us 
To  see  ourselves  as  others  see  us  !  " 
("to  hear  ourselves  as  others  hear  us,"  would  not  be 
rhyme !)  You  may  see  and  hear  yourselves  as  you  are 
seen  and  hoard  by  others :  that,  at  least.  If  you  hear  me 
to  the  end,  you  may  also  learn  something  that  may  make 
the  censure  of  those  **  others"  less  severe;  and,  above  all, 
warned  now  of  your  failing,  you  will,  as  is  expected  by 
those  who  know  your  ecclesiastical  zeal  and  virtue,  turn 
more  than  a  passing  glance  at  that  portion  of  the  divine 
ministration  in  whicli  you  have  so  much  room  for  amend- 
ment, and  so  much  need  for  reparation. 

Now,  Gentlemen,  1  am  not  going  to  insult  you  with 
Do,  Re,  Mi,  Fa.     That  would  show  a  want  of  respect  and 


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164  Plain  Chant  for  "  Incurables:' 

consideration  for  your  Incurable  condition.  Besides,  to 
let  you  into  a  state  secret,  far  the  majority  of  those  who 
would  scout  the  company  of  Incurables  know  nothing,  or 
next  to  nothing,  of  Do,  Re,  Mi,  Fa  I  You  just  try,  the 
next  time  one  of  these  singers  taunts  you,  as  is  their  wont, 
with  your  ignorance.  Just  throw  Do,  Re,  Mi,  Fa,  at  him, 
and  I  think  he  will  very  probably  let  you  alone.  Half — 
I  believe  I  might  say  much  more  than  half — of  our  accre- 
dited clerical  chanters  cannot  as  much  as  read  the  simplest 
Gregorian  piece  put  before  them.  They  siug  "  by  ear," 
and  the  notes  come  in  as  reminders  more  or  less  vague ; 
but  they  no  more  read  them  than  a  child  cuuld  be  said  to 
read,  who  had  learned  the  words  of  "The  Minstrel  Boy," 
and  could  show  the  corresponding  Hues  on  the  pnnted 
page.  I  should  not,  Gentlemen,  care  to  confess  what  I 
iDelieve  to  be  the  percentage  of  "  musical  "  priests  in  this 
country  who  could  spell  out  a  single  phrase  of  Gregorian 
which  they  had  never  heard.  And  the  smallness  of  that 
number  is  all  the  more  surprising  when  you  know  that  in 
one  half  hour  a  man  with  an  ordinary  ear  and  ordinary 
intelligence  could  learn  enough  theory  to  enable  him  to 
read  Gregorian  notation  for  his  lifetime.  He  will  not 
know  all  about  "  modes '*  and  "tones" — that  would  take 
a  few  more  half-hours;  but  he  will  have  learned  enough 
to  read,  with  absolute  certainty  of  being  right,  any  piece 
in  all  the  missals  and  veeperals  in  Christendom.  Were  you 
not  Incurables,  Genclemen,  1  could  teach  you  that  much 
in  less  than  half-an-hour.  But  as  I  cannot  so  teach  you, 
I  offer  you  this  comfort  in  your  ignorance,  that  you  are 
not  a  whit  worse  off  in  this  matter  of  Do,  Re,  Mi,  Fa, 
than  most  of  your  curable  brethren. 

Now,  Gentlemen,  we  come  to  the  practical  part  of  this 
short  lecture.  I  am  trying,  you  see,  to  build  your  musical 
edifice  on  the  foundations  of  humility,  and  i  know  you 
have  taken  in  good  part  what  I  have  said,  with  honest 
plainness,  about  the  evil  you  have  done  and  may  yet 
do.  Cease  to  do  that  evil,  and  learn  now  to  do  welL 
What  can  you  do  well  ?  Incurables  cannot  sing  well ; 
but  they  can  read  well.  The  words  of  the  Church's 
Liturgy  are  more  than  the  music  to  which  they  are  set. 
Whatever  goes,  the  words  must  not  go  :  verha  inea  non 
transibunt.  And  hear.  Incurables,  with  glad  hearts,  the 
first  great  rule  of  ecclesiastical  song :  Sing  as  you  read. 
If  you  read  the  sacred  words  with  reverence  and  intelli- 
gence, so  that  their  grace    and  power   are  not  lost  on 


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Plmn  Chant  for  "  Incurables.''  165 

those  that  hear  you — if  you  read  thus  you  need  not 
trouble  much  about  the  singing :  you  are  welcome  to  join 
in  any  psalmody  that  I  may  have  in  charge.  Some  of 
you  do  so  read ;  and  I  have  heard,  amid  the  confusion 
of  striving  and  contentious  voices,  your  voice,  my  vener- 
able friend,  alone  clear,  and  reverent,  and  intelligible — 
alone  seeming  to  lay  more  store  by  the  words  of  the 
Spirit  of  God  than  by  the  lustiness  of  your  lunffs.  You 
are,  old  Incurable  though  you  be,  teaching  those  loud  and 
fa8t-tongued  brethren  the  first  lesson  of  ecclesiastical 
chant:  Sivg  as  you  read.  Mass  begins,  and  you  chosen  for 
your  dignity,  be  it  confessed,  and  not  for  your  voice, 
are  the  celebrant.     You  read  at  the  missal — 

''  Dies  irae,  dies  iTla, 
Solvet  saeclum  in  favilla, 
Teste  David  cum  Sibylla." 

Well  may  you  wonder  to  hear  how  very  differently  these 
words  are  sung  in  the  choir — 

'*  Dies  irae,  dies  illa-a  a, 
Solvet  saeclum  in  favillaaa, 
Teste  David  cum  Sibylla-a-a." 

Your  turn  comes  at  the  **  Preface."  The  many  *'  singers" 
are  silent  after  thunderous  responses,  and  the  voice  of  the 
Incurable  alone  is  heard.  You  don't  much  mind  which 
'* Preface"  is  open — the  words  are  all  you  look  at: 
your  notes  will  be  the  same  whatever  is  before  you.  But, 
oh,  what  a  comfort  to  hear  you  !  Every  word  distinctly 
enunciated,  not  an  accent  misplaced  ;  every  phrase  given 
without  dislocation,  and  with  the  meanings  left  untouched 
by  your  poor  wandering  notes:  criticisiA  silent,  and  piety 
at  last  awakened  I  We  wait  for  the  "  Pater  Noster ;*'  again 
what  notes  you  sing  are  not  and  never  were  in  any  missal 
in  this  world ;  but  the  words  you  read  go  home  to  hearts 
as  notes  never  could ;  and  the  only  part  of  that "  Pater 
Noster  "  that  I  would  not  care  to  hear  again  is  the  choir's 
"  Sed  libera  nos  a  mala.'' 

XovL  have  heard,  Gentlemen,  no  doubt,  in  the  vague 
way  in  which  men  hear  news  in  which  they  consider  they 
have  no  interest,  that  a  move  is  being  made  for  the  revival 
and  practice  of  Plain  Chant,  One  practical  evidence  of 
that  movement  is  this,  that  you  have  been  asked  to  part 
with  your  old  copy  of  the  "  Exequiae,"  and  to  get  the  new 
handsome  edition  just  given  to  the  Irish  clergy  by  the 
President  of  Maynooth.  Now,  in  what  does  the  new  sur- 
pass the  old,  and  why  should  1  ask  you,  as  I  earnestly  do, 


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166  Plain  Chmvtfor  "  Incurables:* 

to  procure,  if  you  hare  not  already  procured,  tho  new- 
book,  and  lay  aside  the  old?  I  will  tell  yoiL  You  know 
the  look  of  those  black  square  notes  that  you  meet  in  this 
and  in  every  liturgical  book.  You  may  have  remarked 
that  some  of  those  square  notes  have  lines  or  *'  tails  *'  erect 
or  dependent.  Well,  these  tailed  notes  are  the  long  or 
accentuated  notes,  and  show  that  the  syllables  to  which 
they  belong  are  those  on  which  the  reading  accent  falls. 
In  this  they  are  like  the  accents  placed  over  the  text  of 
your  missals  and  breviaries.  Now,  in  the  old  Exequiae 
book,  tliose  tailed  notes  were  placed  very  often  over  the 
syllables  on  which  no  correct  reader  would  lay  the  accent. 
In  the  new  book  these  tailed  notes,  or  accent  notes,  are 
made  to  correspond  with  the  accentuated  syllables. 
The  version  in  the  old  notation  is : 

Dies  irae,  dies  ilia 

Solve t  saeclum  in  faWlla 

Teste  David  cum  Sibylla. 

In  the  new  we  read: 

Dies  irae,  dies  ilia, 
Solvet  saeclum  in  favilla, 
Teste  David  cum  Sibylla. 

That  is  to  say,  the  main  advantage  of  the  new  book  is, 
that  the  notes  in  it  help  you  to  read  coiTectly,  while  in 
the  old  book  they  did  not,  but  rather  led  you  to  put  the 
accents  in  the  wrong  place.  I  tell  you  that.  Gentlemen, 
not  because  you  will  look  much  at  the  notes,  even  in  the 
new  book;  l3ut  because  the  change  made  points  to  the 
importance  of  this  first  and  greatest  rule  of  plain  chant, 
Sing  as  you  read.^ 

Tho  next  rule  I  would  give  you  (I  am  choosing  such 
rules  as  suit  Inciu-ables)  is  keep  together,  I  need  not  tell 
you  that  no  prize  awaits  him  who  is  **  first  in  "  at  the  end 
of  a  psalm-verse ;  nor  is  he  more  deserving  whose  drawling 
piety  keeps  him  behind  the  rest.  Tho  choir  is  a  place 
for  the  practice  of  every  Christian  virtue.  Humihty  will 
prevent  that  ruinous  ambition  of  being  first  in  the  race  — 
— or,  rather  of  making  a  race,  that  one  may  be  first  in  it. 
Piety  will  suggest  such  a  reverent  reading  of  the  words  as 
will  make  it  easy  for  the  singers  to  hear  one  another ;  and 
charity  will  rejoice  at  tho  unity  of  voice  and  heart  of  those 
who  chant  the  Divine  praises  together.  Listen  while  you 
sing,  especially  you,  Incurables ;  by  doing  so  you  will  come 

1  Cantabia  syUabsa  sicut  pronuntiaveria.  Guidetti.  Dimtoivim  ChorL 

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Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  Univerniy  Programme.  167 

to  know  how  fast  or  how  slow  your  neighbours  are  singing, 
and  yon  and  they  will  keep  together. 

Again,  sing  gently.  How  many  an  ofBce  would  have 
been  saved,  had  Incurables  kept  that  rule !  By  gentle 
singing,  your  untaught  and,  as  we  suppose,  unteacbable 
voices,  will  insensibly  assume  the  pitch  and  tones  of  the 
others,  and  will  not,  at  any  rate,  lead  them  astray  and 
spoil  their  singingand  their  tempers.  You  may  be  asdistinct 
as  you  like,  the  more  so  the  better ;  a  well-articulated 
whisper  travels  farther  with  ita  word-burden  than  any 
amount  of  shouting.  Besides,)  gentle  singing  is  very 
seldom  nasal.  The  voice  does  not  go  into  the  nose  unless 
forced  there,  and  we  all  know  what  it  is  to  hear  singing  or 
reading  through  the  nose.  Lip  service  may  be  condemned ; 
but  it  is  piety  compared  to  nose  service  I  Avoid,  then, 
these  tnimpetings  by  singing  gently. 

Well,  Gentlemen,  I  have  kept  you  long  enough,  and 
have,  1  am  sure  you  feel,  lectured  you  sufficiently. 
Remember  those  three  simple  rules ;  they  are  sufficient  for 
Incnrables — Sing  as  you  read.  Keep  together,  Sinn 
gently.  If  you  sing  thus,  the  chant  of  the  Incurables  will 
cease  to  be  a  sorrow  to  those  who  hear,  and  will  be,  by 
reason  of  its  humility  and  earnest  care,  a  song,  weak  and 
harsh  perhaps  on  earth,  but  strong  and  harmonious  in 
heaven.  A.  Ryan. 


"CATHOLIC  PHILOSOPHY  AND  THE  ROYAL 
UNIVERSITY  PROGRAMME." 

WE  were  all  prepared  for  Dr.  McGmth's  pamphlet^  by 
the  article  which  he  published  in  the  Record  a  short 
time  ago.  We  expected  much ;  and  the  highest  hopes 
have  not  been  disappointed.  The  gifted  writer  shows  the 
8ame  grasp  of  the  question  at  issue,  the  same  power  of 
clear  statement,  the  same  calm  moderation ;  whilst  his 
riews  are  advocated  with  even  greater  force  of  reasoning, 
*nd  his  present  subject  supplies  a  much  larger  field  for  the 
display  of  extensive  and  accurate  reading  in  Philosophy. 
The  question  which  he  discusses  is  this:  "  What  form 


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168  .  Cat/iolic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme. 

the  best  calculated  to  protect  and  promote  the  gi-eat 
CathoUc  interests  here  at  stake  ?  *'  He  asks  no  favour  for 
Catholics ;  he  wants  but  a  fair  field ;  and  he  is  confident 
that,  on  these  conditions,  the  students  of  our  colleges  will 
give  as  good  an  account  of  themselves  in  Philosophy  as 
they  have  given  in  the  other  subjects. 

Very  little  consideration  is  required  to  convince  one's 
self  of  the  difficulty  of  the  question.  A  slight  acquaintance 
with  the  works  of  Mill,  or  Bain,  or  Spencer,  will  show  how 
totally  different  their  Philosophy  is  from  ours.  The  matter 
is  different ;  so  is  the  manner  of  treatment ;  but  particu- 
larly so  is  the  terminology.  Take  up  any  of  the  leading 
reviews,  read  one  of  the  philosophical  essays,  and,  except 
you  are  an  export,  you  will  soon  be  lost  in  a  maze  of  words. 
How  many  fairly  well-instructed  readera  can  follow  the 
philosophy  of  even  *'  Daniel  Deronda  ?  '* 

I  am  not  now  concerned  with  apportioning  blame  ;  it 
is  no  matter  whose  fault  this  may  oe ;  we  are  dealing 
with  facts  ;  and  it  is  an  admitted  fact  that  the  two  systems 
are  almost  as  different  as  two  distinct  sciences.  The 
diflBculty  of  finding  a  programme  which  shall  give  each  a 
fair  field  and  no  favour  is  to  be  measured  by  the  difference 
between  the  systems  themselves. 

There  are  three  questions  to  be  considered :  The 
programme,  the  examination  papers,  and  the  prizes.  The 
first  two  are  discussed  very  fully  m  Dr.  McGrath's  pamphlet. 
He  is  engaged  for  the  most  part  in  pulling  down;  and  so 
indeed  every  true  reformer  must  begin,  nor  is  it  the  duty 
of  a  private  individual  to  propose  a  working  system. 
Nevertheless,  Dr.  McGrath  contributes  most  valuable  sug- 
gestions as  to  what  we  should  try  to  set  up  again. 

That  some  reform  was  needed  has  been  acknowledged 
even  by  the  Senate,  for  they  changed  the  programme  at 
then*  last  meeting.  It  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of 
this  notice  to  inquire  how  the  change  will  work;  Dr. 
McGrath  published  his  pamphlet  before  the  change,  and 
must  have  very  largely  contributed  to  bring  it  about. 

He  brings  two  grave  charges  against  the  old  programme ; 
that  it  was  incomplete,  and  that  it  was  anti-Catholic,  Let 
us  see  how  they  are  sustained. 

And  first,  was  the  programme  incomplete  ?  Philosophy 
is  divided  nto  four  great  branches ;  Logic,  Metaphysics, 
Ethics,  and  History  of  Philosophy. 

Logic. — Here,  of  course,  at  least  in  Formal  Logic,  the 
Catholic  and  non-CathoUc  systems  do  not  differ  so  much 
as  they  do  in  other   branches  of  Philosophy.     Yet  they 


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Catholic  Fhilosaphy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme,   169 

differ  most  materially.  Catholics  lay  special  stress  on 
Truth  and  its  criteria;  non-Catholics  on  Induction  and  its 
Methods.  The  University  programme  provided  pretty 
equally  for  both,  if  the  examinations  were  fairly  conducted. 

Metaphysics. — Catholic  Philosophers  divide  this 
subject  into  four  branches :  Ontologj%  Psychology, 
Cosmology,  and  Natural  Theology.  Let  us  take  them  in  order. 

Ont*}logy. — The  University  progi-amme  was  sufficiently 
complete  ;  we  shall  see  further  on  whether  the  examiners 
have  been  equally  fair. 

Psychology, — Here  the  programme  was  very  imperfect, 
as  indeed  might  be  expected.  For,  on  the  one  hand,  those 
psychological  works  which  non-Catholics  usually  study,  do 
not  pretend  to  deal  with  the  subject  as  Philosophy ;  they 
treat  of  phenomena.  Thus,  for  instance,  Mr.  Sully  tells  us 
in  his  "  Outlines  of  Psychology  "  ^ — outhnes,  by  the  way, 
which  cover  700  pages — that  **  what  mind  is  in  itself  as  a 
substance  is  a  question  that  lies  outside  psycholoayy  and 
belongs  to  philosophy,'*  Catholics  take  a  veiy  different 
view  ;  they  teach  not  only  that  the  soul  is  a  substance,  but 
that  it  has  distinct  faculties;  and  they  devote  a  very 
considerable  part  of  their  text-books  to  an  explanation  of 
these  doctrines.  The  Senate  drew  up  a  programme  which 
was  to  satisfy  both  paties ;  the  result  is  shown  in  the 
following  table.  Terms  expressing  mere  operations  are 
of  course  omitted  in  both  columns. 
Psychology. 

CaTHOUC    PROGRA3IME.  UNIVERSITY  PROGRAMME. 

I. — Dyxamology. 

Faealties  of  the  Soul  in  general. 
The  Vegetative  Faculty. 
The  Sensilive  Faculty : 

(1)  External. 

(2)  Internal  (The  Common 
Sense,  the  Phantasy,  the 
Estimative,  the  Memory. ) 

The  Intellectual  Faculty :  Appetite. 

(1)  The  Active  Intellect.  Will 

(2)  The  Possible  Intellect. 
The  Appetitive  Faculty : 

(1)  The  Sensitive  Appetite 

(2)  The  Intellective  Api)etite 

or  WiU.     The  Freedom 
of  the  WiU. 

(3)  The  Locomotive  Faculty. 

?p.l. 


Their  chief  charac- 
teristics and  rela- 
tion to  other 
Faculties  and 
mental  Pheno- 
mena. 


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170    Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme^ 

1 1.— Anthropology. 

I       Universitt  Programme. 
Simplicity  of  the  Huraan  Mind. 


Catholic  Programme. 
Simplicity  of  the  Pluman  Soul. 
Spirituality  of  the  Human  Soul. 
Unity  of  the  Human  Soul. 
Substantiality  of    the    Human 

Soul. 
Essence  of  the  Human  Soul. 
Union  of  Soul  and  Body. 
Mode   of    Union   of  Soul    and 

Body. 
Consecjuences  of  the  Union  of 

Soul  and  Body. 
Human  Personality. 
Seat  of  the  Human  Soul. 
Origin  of  the  Human  Soul. 
Immortality  of  the  Human  Soul. 


Nature   and  Properties   of   the 
Human  Miml. 


^lutual  relations  of  the  Mind 
and  Botly.  Mind,  Matter,  and 
their  different  Modes  and 
Qualities. 


Immortality     of     the 
Mind. 


Human 


Mind,  Matter,  and  their  different 
Modes  and  Qualities. 


Cosmology, — Here  again  the  University  programme 
was  deplorably  defective.  It  is  needless  to  dilate  on  the 
importance  of  this  branch  ;  it  embraces  many,  if  not  most, 
of  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  And  yet  read  this 
table :—{}) 

Cosmology. 
Catholic  Programme.  University  Program3ie. 

Constituents  of  Bodies. 
Essence  of  Bodies. 
Properties  of  Bodies 
(Exten3ion,Impeuetrability,&c.). 
Life  and  Living  things. 
Laws  of  Nature  and  Miracles. 
Creation  (Special  Reference  to 

difficulties  from  Geology  and 

from  Evolution). 
Origin  of  Evil. 

How  charmingly  vague  that  reference  is  to  "  JIatter 
and  its  different  Modes  and  Qualities,"  especially  in  relation 
to  Mind  I 

Natural  Theology. — This  most  important  and  exten- 
sive branch  of  Metaphysics  is  considered  by  Catholics  most 
worthy  of  their  study.  They  make  perfect  happiness 
consist  in  the  knowledge  and  the  love  of  God.  The 
Beatific  Vision  is  the  heaven  of  the  supernatural ;  but  if 
we  had  never  been  raised  to  the  higher  state,  we  might 

'  All  the  tables,  except  this,  are  drawn  up  by  Dr.  McGrath. 


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CcUholte  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  Univernty  Programme,  171 

Btill  merit  a  natural  paradise  i.u  which  Philosophy  should 
supply  for  the  lumen  gloriae.  To  know  God  would  still  be 
*'  bliss  enoup^h."  Hence,  the  space  devoted  to  tliis  great 
snbject  in  Catholic  text-books.  On  the  contrary,  it  must 
be  said  to  our  shame  that  the  Royal  University,  founded 
by  a  Chiistian  government  for  a  Christian  land,  had  not 
even  once  mentioned  the  name  of  God  in  its  programme 
of  Philosophy.  And  this  was  supposed  to  satisfy  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  I 

Ethicff. — According  to  Professor  Bain,  two  "  ques- 
tions— *The  standard  (or  what  does  virtue  consist  in?), 
stud  the  Psychology  of  our  moral  nature  (or,  what 
is  the  power  or  faculty  of  the  mind  which  discovers 
and  enforces  virtue?) — almost  entirely  exhaust  modem 
Ethics.'  When  the  reader  learns  that  this  writer, 
usually  so  diffuse,  disposes  of  these  two  questions  in 
25  pages,  and  then  devotes  the  remaining  290  pages  to  '  a 
full  detail  of  all  Ethical  Systems,  ancient  and  modem,*  he 
naay  find  it  l^ard  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  in  *  Modern 
Ethics,'  as  conceived  by  Professor  Bain,  the  historical 
element  predominates  somewhat  alarmingly  over  the 
ethical.''^  It  was  surely  a  question  of  some  nicety  how 
to  draw  up  a  common  pro^-amme  for  Catholic  students 
and  for  Professor  Bain's  pupils,  which  should  provide  a  fair 
field  and  no  favour  for  either  party.  .  Here  is  how  the 
Senate  succeeded: — 

Ethics. 

Catholic  Programme. 
General  Ethtcs. 
The  last  End  of  Man. 
Ilanian  Actions ;  their   nature 

and  conditions  (Voluntariness 

and  Liberty)  :    Impediments 

to  Voluntariness  and  Liberty 

(Ignorance,      Concupiscence, 

Fear,    and     Violence),    Im- 

putability  of  Human  Actions ; 

their  merit  and  demerit. 
Morality  of  Human    Actions; 

its  nature,  uhimate  criterion, 

sources  (object    matter,  cir- 
cumstances,       and        end). 

Faculty  by  which  morality  is 

apprehended. 


University  PROORAiniE. 
General  Ethics, 

Various  sources,  occasions,  and 
causes  of  human  action,  and 
their  mutual  relations ; 
Pleasure,  Pain,  Aversion, 
the  Affections,  &c. 


Theories  concerning  the  nature, 
source,  and  criteria  of  Morality. 

Theories  of  the  nature  and 
origin  of  Moral  Judgment  and 
the  Moral  Faculty. 


?Dr.  McGrath,p.  21. 


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172    Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme. 


Ethics.— con^mw^rf. 


University  Proorahue. 
General  Ethics. 
Moral  obligation  ;  its  ground. 


Conscience ;   its     Nature,    and 

Functions. 
Exposition  and  Classification  of 

the  Virtues. 
Leading     Ethical     Systems    oj 

Ancient  and  Modem  Times. 


Catholic  Programme. 
General  Ethics. 

The  Eternal  Law,  the  Natural 
Law,  its  nature,  existence, 
immutability,  evidence,  sanc- 
tion, obligation,  &c. 

Positive  Law,  its  nature, 
necessity,  obligation,  &c. 

Conscience ;  its  nature,  kinds, 
rules,  &c. 

The  habits,  Virtues,  and  Vices. 

Special  Ethics. 

Ethics  of  the  Individual,  Duties 
of  Man  towards  God,  towards 
others,  towards  himself  [in- 
cluding such  questions  as 
Religious  Worship,  Liberty 
of  Thought,  Self-defence, 
Suicide,  Veracity,  Homicide, 
Duelling,  Contracts,  &c.] 

Rights  of  Man  in  general ;  their 
existence,  inequality,  defence, 
<&c. 

Rights  to  the  possession  of  ma- 
terial goods. 

Ethics  of  Domestic  Society,  Mar- 
riage, its  nature  and  proper- 
ties. 

Duties  of  Parents,  Masters,  &c. 

Ethics  of  Civil  Society.  Nature, 
origin,  and  end  of  Civil  So- 
ciety. Civil  Power,  its  origin 
and  functions  (legislative,  ex- 
ecutive, and  judicial^.  Forms 
of  Government,  Subjects  and 
their  Rulers,  &c. 

Ethics  of  International  Society 
[Including  such  questions  as 
War,  Conquests,  &c.]. 

After  examining  these  tables,  few  Catholics  will  deny 
that  the  University  programme  was  incomplete.  Accord- 
ingly, Dr.  McGratn's  first  charge  has  been  sufficiently 
proved.  But  there  is  a  second  and  more  important 
coimt;   he  complains  that  the  programme  is   decidedly 


Exposition  and  classification  of 
Duties. 


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Catholic  Plnlosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme.    173 

anti-Catholic       Let   us  see   what   evidence   there  is   of 
this. 

Everyone  knows  something  of  the  famous  medieval 
controversies  between  NominaHsts,  Conceptuahsts,  and 
Realists,  and  how  moderate  Realism  triumphed  in  the 
end.  It  is  the  fashion  of  onr  day  to  make  little  of  this 
"word- war,"  though  in  reality  most  important  doctrines 
depended  on  the  issue.  By  the  very  fact  of  calling  it  a 
"irard-war"  we  oiurselves  take  a  side,  and  the  wrong 
one ;  and  so  also  did  the  Royal  University.  Examine  this 
table  :— 


Ontology. 


Cathouc  Pbooramme. 
Truth. 

Necessary  Truths^ 
BeiBg. 
Existence. 
Easence. 
Substance,  &c. 


University  Programme. 
Truth.  Formal  and  Real. 
Necessary  Beliefs. 
Notion  of  Being. 
Conception  of  Existence. 
Conception  of  Essence. 
Conception  of  Substance,  <&c. 


"  And  so  the  list  continues,  no  fewer  than  tiuenty "three  term.<» 
being  introduced  by  the  phrase  '  conception  of/  expressed 
or  understood.  In  this  way  the  science  of  Real  Being  is 
reduced  to  the  science  of  Ideal  Being;  in  other  words. 
Ontology  is  effaced,  and  a  kind  of  Ideology  is  substituted 
in  its  stead.  Thus  are  things  made  easy  for  philosophers 
who  are  unable  to  solve  the  so-called  problem  of  the 
bridge.**  * 

Again,  just  turn  to  the  programme  in  Metaphysics 
ahready  given.  In  Dynamology  Catholics  treat  of  the 
soul' sf amenities ;  Royal  Univeinaity  students  were  asked  to 
study  phenomena : — 

'^  Enumeration  and  Analysis  of  Psychical  phenomena. 
^'Laws  of   Mental  J^velopment  and  association   of  Mental 

phenomena. 
"  Appetite ;  the  will ;  their  chief  characteristics  and  relation 

to  other  faculties  and  Mental  phenomena.*'* 

tJo  the  programme  goes  on.  flow  could  it  be  other- 
wise when  the  soul  is  not  mentioned  throughout  ?  It  is 
always  the  mind;  it  is  even  the  mind  which  is  simple  and 
immortal.     The  omission  of  that  one  little  word  ''  soul," 


'  Dr.  M*Grath,  p.  11.  a  University  Programme. 

TOL.  VL  N 


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174    Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme» 

is  in  itself  damning  evidence  of  an  anti-Calholic  tendency. 
Hear  Dr.  M'Grath  :— ' 

"It  is  time  to  ask  the  question  plainly:  why  do  so*  many 
recent  nan- Catholic  philosophers  seem  to  abhor  so  utterly 
the  word  soul?  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  The 
term  *  soul '  does  not  connote  any  special  faculty,  operation, 
or  phenomenon;  it  represents  formally  and  explicitly  the 
substance  of  the  animating  principle — the  idea  of  sub- 
stauce  is  the  first  which  it  calls  up,  substance  being 
the  first  element  of  its  essence.  Now,  all  these  philosophers 
are  agreed  in  denying,  or  ignorinpr,  or  explaining  away  the 
substantiality  of  the  soul.  Hence  their  detestation  of  the 
term. 

*'  On  the  other  hand,  Mind  distinctly  connotes  Intellect. 
Any  dictionary  would  supply  us  with  that  information,  if 
we  required  it.  *  Popularly,'  as  even  Mr.  Sully  admits, 
*  a  man  of  Mind  is  a  man  of  Intellect.'  Does  it  embrace 
in  its  comprehension  the  attribute  of  substantiality? 
It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  the  abstract  question ; 
Phenomenists  and  others  with  whom  we  are  hero  chiefly 
concerned,  are  unanimous  in  holding  that  it  does  not. 
In  the  Cartesian  and  kindred  Philosophy,  an  attempt 
is  made  to  set  up  Mind  as  a  synonym  for  soul ;  in 
Phenomenal  Psychology  it  is  sought  to  identify  it  with 
a  substanceless  soul.  Cartesians  would  employ  both  terms 
indifferently :  Phenomenal  Psychologists  would  rigorously 
proscribe  the  one,  and  exclusively  employ  the  other. 

*'  Under  such  circumstances,  is  it  not  a  painful  and  ugly  fact, 
that  never  yet  within  the  Philosophical  jurisdiction  of 
the  Royal  University  has  the  word  *  soul '  been  put  in 
type  ?  " 

The  tables  already  given,  clearly  show  how  many 
important  branches  of  CathoUc  Philosophy  were  excluded 
from  the  programme.  On  the  other  hand,  how  were  non- 
CathoUcs  treated  ?  Had  they  also  to  deplore  the  absence 
of  questions  which  they  consider  essential  ?  One  would 
expect  so  much,  as  the  Senate  acted  on  the  principle  of 
give  and  take ;  but  it  was  non-CathoUcs  who  took  all  that 
we  gave. 

And  here  it  may  be  asked  how  any  question,  which  is 
of  importance  to  us,  can  bo  of  little  consequence  to  non- 
CathoHcs?  Can  one  make  no  account  of  the  strong 
pointa   of   an   adversary?     Everything  of  importance  is 

»  P.  19. 


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Catholic  Pliilosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme.  175 

fair  matter  of  controverey,  and  to  every  controversy  there 
must  be  two  sides. 

The  reply  is  not  difficult.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  not 
impossible  to  overlook  the  strong  points  of  an  opponent's 
case — that  is,  so  long  as  the  disputants  do  not  come  to 
blows.  Nay,  when  the  opponent  has  right  and  truth  on  his 
«ide,  it  is  much  easier  and  safer  to  leave  liis  strongest  points 
Tinnoticed.  Better  to  divert  attention  to  some  side  issue. 
Do  we  not  see  it  done  every  day  ?  It  is  not  in  human 
nature  to  cry  out  one's  own  defects,  or  to  call  attention  to 
arguments  which  one  cannot  answer. 

Again,  everything  of  importance  need  not  necessarily 
be  matter  oi  controversy.  Disputants  may  apparently 
agree  on  most  important  principles,  and  yet  differ  very 
niatei-ially  when  applying  them  to  the  question  in  dispute. 
Sometimes  this  happens  because  prejudice  is  stronger  than 
logic,  and  conclusions  are  drawn  which  the  premises  do 
not  warrant.  But  it  occurs  more  frequently  still  from  want 
of  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  principles  about  which 
apparently  all  are  agreed.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the 
principles  of  Philosophy,  many  of  which  are  scarce  noticed 
by  non-CathoUc  writers. 

Moreover,  even  when  a  doctrine  is  condemned,  one 
must  not  always  expect  reason  or  argiunent.  We  have 
heard  of  those  who  deal  out  their  *'  speechless  obloquy  *' 
^without  utterance  save  the  shrug  or  sigh.**  How  often 
bas  the  he  been  propagated  by  doubts,  hints,  and  sneers  ? 
And  is  it  not  unfortunately  too  true,  that  the  most 
treacherous  books  for  our  Catholic  youth  are  those  which 
not  openly  but  covertly  attack  religion  ? 

Finally,  look  at  the  fact :  is  it  true  or  is  it  not,  that 
you  will  find  in  CathoUc  text-books  of  Philosophy  many 
questions  explained  at  great  length,  of  which  non-Catholic 
writei-s  take  no  fonnal  notice  ? 

So  much  for  the  Programme.  Dr.  McGrath  contends 
that  the  difficulties  of  Catholics  are  very  much  increased 
by  the  mamier  in  which  the  examination  papers  have  been 
set     The  causes  of  complaint  are  manifold. 

Terminology. — No  one  denies  the  utility  and  necessity 
of  definite  terms ;  but  the  examiners  seem  to  have  given 
this  branch  an  importance  totally  disproportionate  to  its 
claims.  Terminology  is  not  everything,  nor  half  of  it, 
e^ecially  a  shifting  and  unstable  terminology.  "  It  was 
the  tradition  of  Catholic  schools  to  look  for  proofs  of 


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176    Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme, 

clear  logic  in  power  to  'state  a  question,'  for  proofs  of 
strong  logic  in  power  to  '  prove  the  Minors,*  and  for  proofs 
of  keen  and  trenchant  logic  in  power  to  '  solve  the 
objections.'  But ' stating,'  and  'proving/ and  'solving/ 
seem  to  be  going  out  of  fashion,  at  least  in  Metaphysics 
and  Ethics,  and  '  commenting/  and  '  discussing/  and 
'  explaining  teims,*  seem  to  be  coming  in."^  Of  twenty- 
three  questions  set  at  the  B.A.  Honoiu:  Examination  in 
Metaphysics  and  Ethics  in  1884,  as  many  as  seventeen 
involved  expl^-nations  of  technical  terms ;  and  of  these,  all, 
except  one,  were  exclusively  non-Catholic ;  and  that  one 
•was  common  to  all  systems. 

Quotations. — Two  serious  complaints  have  to  be  made 
in  reference  to  this  matter  : — (l)  Not  a  few  of  the  quota- 
tions are  miintelligible ;  (2)  almost  all  are  from  the  non- 
Catholic  side. 

"As  specimens  of  quotations  unintelligible  to  candi- 
dates not  acquainted  with  the  context,  or  at  least  with  the 
writings  of  authors  of  the  same  school,  the  following  may 
be  given : — 

'  As  iu  the  world  without,  so  in  the  world  within  us,  the 
light  by  guiding  us  proves  that  it  is  its  office  to  guide 
us.' 

'  To  refer  all  pleasures  to  Association  is  to  acknowledge  no 
sound  but  echo.' 

'Indeed,  from  a  practical  point  of  view,  Egoism  and 
UtiUtarianism  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  extremes 
betw^een  which  common  sense  morality  is  a  kind  of  media 
via:  " 

And  so  the  list  goes  on.  Dr.  McGrath  gives  fom*  other 
similar  quotations — indeed  there  are  many  more  scattered 
through  his  pamphlet — and  yet  he  says  he  has  by  no  means 
exhausted  his  store. 

However,  bad  as  this  is,  it  would  not  be  specially 
unfair  to  Catholics,  if  the  extracts  were  taken  equally  from 
Catholic  books.  But  mark :  in  the  B.A.  papers  set  in 
1884,  the  number  of  quotations  from  non-Catholic  authors 
was  twenty-one,  from  Catholics  two,  one  of  the  two  being 
from  Alexander  Pope.  And  this  on  the  principle  of  give 
and  take ! 

It  is  objected  that  a  really  clever  student  would  have 
no  difficulty  in  understanding  the  drift  of  these  questions; 
and  neither  would  he,  that  is,  if  he  were  very  well  read  in 

^  Dr.  McGrath,  p.  26. 

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Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme.   177 

the  philosophical  works  of  the  modern  English  school. 
Otherwise  what  chance  would  he  have  ?  You,  dear  reader, 
who  are  fairly  clever  and  pretty  well  made  up,  had 
you  any  difficulty  in  understanding  how  "to  refer  all 
pleai5ures  to  Association  is  to  acknowledge  no  sound  but 
echo?" 

But  why  should  not  all  our  young  men  be  well  read 
in  modem  works?  Are  you  not  cramping  the  students* 
minds? 

We  might  reply:  Why  should  they  not  be  equally 
well,  nay  better,  read  in  Scholastic  Philosophy  ?  And  yet 
the  examiners  require  them  to  "  discuss  "  or  to  "comment 
on"  very  few  quotations  from  the  works  of  the  schoohneu. 
Are  yon  not  more  open  than  we  to  the  charge  you  brinff  ? 
We  might  add  further  that,  if  students  were  to  read  the 
works  of  Bain  and  Spencer,  they  might  as  well  do  so  in 
the  Queen's  as  in  the  Royal  University ;  and  the  Encyclical, 
Aeterni  Patris,  would  be  waste  paper. 

But  let  all  that  pass  ;  Dr.  McGrath  explains  very  fully 
why  our  students  cannot  be  thoroughly  well  made  up  in 
non-Catholic  terminology :  — 

"  Properly  spealdng  there  is  no  such  thing.  It  is 
not  one ;  it  is  legion.  This  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at.  Terminology  is  but  "  fossilised  thought/*  and,  when 
it  is  the  glory  of  every  great  thinker  to  think  inde- 
pendently of  his  predecessors  and  contemporaries,  it 
is  only  the  natural  result  that  '  fossilisations '  of  this  kind 
should  abound.  As  a  consequence,  there  are  some  hun- 
dred more  or  less  independent  and  more  or  less  antagonistic 
systems:  these  are  the  systems  of  .levons,  Venn,  De 
Morgan,  Sully,  -Sidgwick,  Spencer,  Bain,  Mill,  Hamilton, 
Mansel,  Locke,  Kant,  &c.  There  is  not  one  of  these 
-writers  who  has  not  contributed  his  quota  to  the  confusion 
by  introducing  new  terms,  or,  what  is  much  worse,  by 
attaching  new  meanings  to  the  old.  (>atholic  students 
could,  of  course,  learn  any  one  of  these  systems  .  .  . 
£But]  were  so  exorbitantly  unreasonable  a  proposal  to  be 
made  as  that  Catholic  Professors  should  be  bound  to  teach, 
or  that  Catholic  students  should  be  bound  to  learn,  all 
these  jarring  systems,  the  former  would  be  likely  to  show 
a  disposition  to  resign  the  chairs,  and  the  latter  to  quit  the 
halls  of  Philosophy.  The  term  of  human  life — not  to  say 
of  philosophical  study— is  too  brief  to  permit  so  large  a 
portion  of  it  as  this  gigantic  undertaking  would  demand, 
to  be  expended  upon  "  words,  words,  words."     Of  course 


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178    Catholic  Philosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme^ 

no  ["practical  teacher  would  think  of  such  a  proposal ;  it 
was  reserved  for  those  gentlemen  "  who  live  at  home  at 
ease." 

Just  a  few  words  before  dismissing  the  subject.  There 
seems  to  be  an  impression  on  some  minds,  tliat  Catholic 
Professors  of  Philosophy  want  to  pare  down  the  programme ; 
that  they  want  to  have  the  examinations  confined  to 
medieval  systems,  without  any  reference  to  the  en*ors  of 
our  own  time.  This  has  been  denied  again  and  again, — 
8o  often  indeed  that  it  may  seem  useless  to  repeat  the 
denial.  Yet  another  repetition  will  do  no  harm ;  the  tables- 
already  given  may  help  the  memory. 

By  all  means  let  our  Philosophy  be  directed  against  the 
errors  of  the  day :  but  what  are  they  ?  We  have  heard  of 
difficulties  about  creation,  about  the  origin  of  life,  about 
the  formation  of  man.  Are  there  no  MTong  notions  of 
matter,  of  miracles,  of  free  will,  of  God?  Have  we  not 
fundamental  principles  of  propei*ty,  of  domestic  and  civil 
society,  of  human  rights,  of  interaational  relations  ?  And 
are  these  principles  universally  acknowledged  in  this  age 
of  revolution  ?  What  has  the  Royal  University  done  in 
connection  with  such  questions,  for  here  in  truth  we  find 
^^errores  grassantes  V  It  banned  them;  not  a  word  about 
them.  But  surely  it  was  not  ignoring  the  most  awful 
problems  of  human  Ufe  and  destiny,  that  made  Philosophy 
the  queen  of  natural  sciences  and  the  dehght  of  noblest 
minds. 

It  may  be  repUed  that  it  was  necessary  to  find  common 
groimd;  that,  if  the  University  put  such  subjects  on  the 
progi-amme,  it  would  lead  to  too  great  a  jailing  of  creeds* 
The  University  was  based  on  compromise ;  it  acted  oil  the 
common-sense  principle  of  give  and  take. 

We  have  seen  how  the  principle  worked ;  for  Catholics- 
it  was  all  giving  and  veiy  little  taking.  "Give  me  the 
Brown  compromise,*'  said  Harrj^  East,  "  when  Pm  on  Tom'a 
side."^ 

What  we  want  is  a  fair  field  and  no  favour ;  but  see  how 
our  students  were  handicapped  in  the  race.  They  cannot 
neglect  the  gi'eat  questions  already  mentioned.  In  addition 
to  the  Philosophy  (!)wliich  the  University  required,  they  must 
be  made  up  in  branches  which  are  practically  different, — 
in  Dynamology,  Anthropology'',  Cosmology,  Theology,  and 
Ethics.  Was  this  fair  ?  And  yet  there  are  some  who  hold 
us  up  to  scorn,  because,  forsooth,  we  will  not  cut  off  what 
is  best  and  noblest  in  Philosophy ;  because  we  want  to. 


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Catholic  Fldlosophy  and  the  Royal  University  Programme.   17  & 

know  something  about  man's  origin  and  destiny,  before 
discussing  the  nature  of  his  states  and  feelings ;  because 
we  are  more  concerned  for  the  foundations  of  property  and 
society  than  with  "  children's  pleasure  in  spinnmg  cock- 
chafers." ^  And  it  is  we  who  live  in  a  fool's  paradise ;  it  is 
we  who  would  pare  down  Philosophy  from  its  ^ant  growth 
in  modem  times,  to  the  dimensions  of  the  saphng  which  it 
was  in  the  days  of  the  schoolmen. 

What  then  do  we  want  ?  We  want  to  have  om*  youths 
taught  Philosophy  ;  and  we  complain  that  the  Royal  Uni- 
versity reduced  Philosophy  to  a  fragment ;  for  nothing  is 
worthy  of  that  honoured  name  which  takes  no  account  of 
the  great  problems  of  Ufe.  We  want  the  Senate  to 
remember  that  they  are  putting  a  premium  on  superficiality, 
by  providing  the  easiest  degree  in  Christendom  for  students 
who  have  dabbled  a  Uttle  in  dangerous  treatises  on  com- 
paratively trivial  subjects,  and  by  officially  stamping  such 
triflers  as  trained  philosophers.  We  respectfully  ask 
CathoUc  Senators  to  see  that  the  examiners  do  their  work 
fairly  and  are  not  ashamed  of  the  old  and  only  Philosophy. 
We  want  fewer  quotations  separated  from  their  context ; 
and  expect  that,  if  quotation?*  are  to  be  given  at  all,  they 
shall  be  taken  equally  from  CathoUc  and  non-Catholic 
books.  We  do  not  complain  of  minutiae ^  but  insist  that 
they  should  not  be  the  minutiae  of  one  system  almost  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  other.  When  Senators  have  seen  to 
all  this,  they  will  have  begun  to  show  something  like  fair 
play  to  CathoUcs. 

But,  you  may  say,  such  an  examination  would  be  an 
absurdity.  Think  of  requuing  a  minute  knowledge  of  all 
the  Philosophies  from  the  days  of  Pythagoras  to  the  present 
time.  Why,  you  are  only  just  after  complaining  that  a 
lifetime  would  be  too  shoi*t  for  such  a  study. 

'J'rue :  and  that  is  a  further  proof  of  Dr.  lIcGrath's 
contention,  that  the  old  programme  could  not  be  made  to 
work.  Hence,  no  matter  how  you  might  reform  it,  no 
matter  what  care  you  might  take  tliat  the  examiners  show 
fair  play,  vou  could  not  make  it  a  success.  No  examiners 
could  make  it  succeed.  And  when  we  blame  them  for 
what  has  been  done  in  the  past,  we  make  allowance  for  the 
difficulty,  nay  the  impossibility  of  their  task.     But  we  can 


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180  •  The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick. 

What  then  should  be  done  ?  That  is  a  question  for 
the  Senate ;  more  especially  for  its  CathoUc  members.  It 
is  their  office  to  see  that,  if  the  new  programme  do  not 
work  fairly,  a  better  shall  be  put  in  its  place.  Whether  it 
will  or  -Nvill  not  do  justice  to  Catholics  can  scarcely  be 
known  except  from  experience,  and  no  doubt  the  experi- 
ment will  be  watched  attentively. 

W.  McDonald. 


THE  FOOTPRINTS  OF  ST.  PATRICK. 

^^PECULATIONS  on  the  spiritual  characteristics  of  the 
O  age  we  Uve  in  are  now  very  much  in  fashion.  As 
may  be  expected,  the  less  people  are  hampered  by  the 
trammels  of  faith,  a^e,  and  experience,  the  bolder  are  their 
flights,  and  the  more  gigantic  are  their  intellectual  com- 
binations. At  present  we  are  not  concerned  with  religious 
thought  in  general,  but  merely  with  one  important  depart- 
ment; and,  by  way  of  introduction,  it  maybe  worth  while,  at 
starting,  to  inquireinto  the  origin  and  purpose  of  the  extraor- 
dinary interestin  saints'  lives  now  manifested  by  rationalistic 
authors.  1'he  first  thing  that  strikes  us  is  that  writers, 
whose  "  large  discourse,  looking  before  and  after,*'  finds 
no  authority  higher  than  their  own,  nevertheless  accept  the 
decision  of  the  Church  that  the  saints  are  the  supreme 
human  standards  of  virtue.  If  they  could  discover  such  per- 
fection anywhere  else,  wo  may  be  sure  that  they  would 
let  the  saints  alone.  They  are  the  witnesses  of  God :  the 
stern  judges  of  a  corrupt  world,  which  consciously  or 
unconsciously  is  ever  striving  to  make  away  with  the 
mystery  of  sanctity.  Hence  **  modern  thought,'*  as  dis- 
tinguished from  ancient  Christian  thought,  comes  forward 
with  solutions  gathered  from  all  quarters  except  the  old 
one.  Race,  atmosphere,  fanaticism,  assisted  by  organised 
and  well-managed  epilepsy,  hysteria,  or  nightmare — every- 
thing or  anything  which  is  "  of  the  earth  earthly  " — takes  its 
place  amongst  the  **  scientific  explanations"  of  Christianity 
and  its  triumphs ;  and  if  biology  has  not  yet  laid  bare  the 
fountains  of  prophecy  and  inspiration  in  the  dissecting- 
room,  we  are  confidently  informed  that  it  is  on  the  scent. 

If  ever  there  was  a  time  when  Christians  could  ill-afford 
to  be  amused  with  spiritual  licentiousness,  it  is  the  present. 


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The  Footprint^  n/  St.  Patrick.  181 

Faith  is  in  jeopardy  from  a  suicidal  mania  which  haR  got 
hold  of  reason,  in  the  guise  of  a  philosophy  Avhich  saps  its 
foundations.  Hagiologj  is  not  the  least  important  of  those 
spiritual  fortresses  for  the  defence  of  which  we  are  bound 
to  rally.  If  we  allow  the  agents  and  ambassadors  of  the 
Omnipotent  to  be  hauled  up  for  judgment  at  tlie  "all- 
doubting  know-nothing  "^  tribunals  ot  rationalism,  it  may  be 
the  beginning  of  the  end  of  faith. 

Such  are  the  thoughts  which  have  occupied  the 
writer's  mind,  as  on  different  occasions,  and  at  long 
intervals,  he  has  followed  the  footsteps  of  the  Apostle  of 
Ireland,  in  places  which  his  memory  alone  has  sufficed  to 
-convert  into  sanctuaries.  He  has  tried  to  sound  the 
mystery  of  that  consecration  of  the  very  soil  of  Ireland  to 
her  Apostle,  which,  like  his  spiritual  dominion,  seems  to 
triumph  most  when  every  external  aid  is  absent.  Slemish, 
where  the  young  saint  was  taught  to  pray  by  God  Himself 
is  desolate  ;  and  Tara  where  he  conquered  men ;  and 
CVoagh  Patrick  where  he  subjugated  demons ;  and  yet 
St.  Peter's,  and  the  Mammertine  are  hardly  more  eloquent 
in  their  enduring  recollections.  What  is  it  that  for  a 
thousand  and  four  hundred  years  has  preserved  St.  Patrick's 
imperial  sway  over  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  Irish 
peasantry?  It  is  not  enough  to  say  that  he  brought 
Oiristianity  into  Ireland.  In  other  countries  native  saints 
have,  in  process  of  time,  become  the  representatives  of 
their  Catholic  glories ;  in  Ireland  all  saints  are  vassals  of 
the  one  spiritual  monarch — planets  which  revolve  around 
one  central  sun. 

It  is  very  hard  to  speak  about  St.  Patrick  in  measured 
terms;  indeed  it  almost  seems  like  a  betrayal  of  the 
majesty  of  the  subject,  if  we  attempt  to  do  so.  His 
character,  miracles,  success,  and  abiding  dominion  are  all 
80  superhuman,  that  even  the  language  of  poetry  falls 
fthort  of  the  reality.  It  is  this,  more  than  anything  else, 
which  has  laid  his  acts  open  to  the  attacks  of  the 
incredulous  of  eveiy  grade  and  complexion.  People 
are  strongly  inclined  to  escape  from  excessive  demands 
on  their  faith  as  well  as  on  their  charity;  hence  they  feel 
a  sense  of  relief  at  any  theory  which  pulls  St.  Patrick 
down  to  what  looks  like  the  sober  level  of  common  sense. 


^  Quorum  est  dubitare  de  omnibus,  scire  nihil.  S.  Bernard  de  Erroribus 
Abaelardi,  cap.  iv.  In  this  short  tract  we  see  how  much  of  **  modem 
thought ''  was  familiar  to  our  forefathers. 


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182  The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick. 

They  are  welcome  to  keep  him  iu  this  position  if  they  can. 
If,  however,  they  find  that  collective  wisdom,  which  is  the 
assumed  foundation  of  common  sense  is  at  fault,  and  can 
make  nothing  of  the  facts,  then  it  is  only  reasonable  that 
they  should  look  for  some  other  guide.  No  one  imagines 
that  all  questions  are  subject  to  public  opinion.  A  man  may 
successfully  hold  his  own  against  the  world  on  some  point 
concerning  his  great-grandfather ;  he  being  the  only 
person  in  the  world  who  knows  anything  about  the 
matter. 

Such  is  the  position  of  the  ancient  Catholic  race  in 
Ireland  as  regards  St.  Patrick.  They^  have  never  lost 
sight  of  him,  because  they  have  always  believed  in  him. 
On  the  other  hand,  for  the  last  three  hundred  years,  they 
have  been  literally  put  out  of  court  by  a  loud-voiced  and 
dominant  critical  and  historical  world,  which  has  depended 
much  on  universal  suffrage  in  the  process  of  fabricating 
modern  history.  In  their  own  coimtry  their  evidence  as  to 
their  own  history  has  been  so  completely  ignored,  that  to 
bring  it  forward  was  regarded  as  an  impertinence.  They 
have  had  eveiything  against  them — the  fascinations  of 
literary  novelty,  authority,  learning,  and  that  logic  which  is 
ever  at  the  disposal  of  "  the  master  of  thirty  legions ;"  and 
while  they  gi-oaned  to  see  Dublin  Castle  and  Trinity 
College,  Ussher  and  Ledwich,  Betham  and  Todd,  pihng  up 
the  great  Protestant  tower,  lol  by  its  own  w^eight  it 
toppled  and  fell,  niole  riiit  sua. 

No  doubt  St.  Patrick  owes  much  of  his  world-wide 
fame  to  the  assaults  of  his  baffled  critics.  Jn  this  w^orld 
the  path  of  truth  is  ever  marked  by  the  gibbets  on  which 
her  assailants  have  anticipated  the  executioner.  The  annals 
of  literature  cannot  produce  anything  more  grotesque  and 
irrational  than  the  caricatures  of  St.  Patrick,  which  stare 
at  the  astonished  reader  in  the  ponderous  controversial 
monuments  of  the  Irish  Protestant  Church.  They  may  be 
creditable  as  nvidence  of  industiy  ;  but  the  praise  of  com- 
ni(  III  hardly  be  attributed  to  them,  as  they  aie 

completely  subversive  one  of  the  other. 

Arclibishop  Ussher  was  too  clear-headed  to  deny  the 
truth  of  8t.  Patrick's  history.  He  saw  no  way,  therefore, 
of  escaping  from  the  emissary  of  Rome,  other  than  by 
placing  the  introduction  of  Christianity  at  a  date  anterior 
to  that  of  8t.  Patrick.  This  theory  has  been  vigorously 
assailed  and  exploded  by  Dr.  Todd,  a  member  ot  the  same 
establishment.     Dr.  Ledwixjh  also   saw  the  weakness  of 


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The  footpnnta  of  St.  Patrick.  183- 

Ussher.  He  had  learned  from  his  contemporary',  Sir  Boyle 
Roche,'  that  '*  the  best  way  to  avoid  dangers  is  to  meet 
them  plump.**  He  therefore  boldly  denied  that  there  ever 
was  such  a  personage  as  St.  Patrick  ;  and  this  solution  of 
the  difficulty  saved  so  much  trouble  that  for  a  long  time 
it  was  the  favourite  theory  in  the  Protestant  literary  world. 
It  did  not,  howeirer,  satisfy  Sir  William  Betham.  He 
returned  to  the  theory  of  Ussher,  taking,  at  the  same  time, 
a  bolder  flight.  Ussher  had  broken  down  because  he  had 
committed  himself  to  a  distinct  statement  of  tlie  time 
<miecedent  to  St.  Patrick,  at  which  Christianity  had  been 
established  in  Ireland.  Sir  William  Betham  more  wisely 
took  up  his  position  in  ages  into  which  no  one  could  follow 
him,  and  informed  his  readers  that  Ireland  had  been  con- 
verted "centuries'*  before  the  time  generally  supposed^ 
Then,  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  an  emissary  of 
Rome  arrives,  who,  by  one  of  those  processes  of  incanta- 
tion with  which  Rome  is  so  familiar,  easily  obliterates  all 
memories  of  the  past  from  the  minds  of  the  clergy  and 
people  of  Ireland.  "  Fabricated  legends,**  he  informs  us, 
**  were  invented  for  the  express  purpose  of  deception,  to 
make  posterity  believe  that  they  saw  the  substance,  while 
a  shadow  was  exhibited  to  their  contemplation  :  to  give 
to  Palladius  the  name  and  character  of  Patricius,  and  to 
obhterate  the  recollection  of  the  latter  from  the  minds  and 
attachment  of  the  grateful  and  affectionate  Irish,  by  giving 
his  name  to  a  phantom  raised  at  the  end  of  the  sixth,  or 
the  beginning  of  the  seventh,  century.*'^ 

Dr.  Todd,  the  last  Protestant  biographer  of  St.  Patrick,. 
has  taken  a  very  different  line  from  that  adopted  by  his 
predecessors.  He  keeps  clear  of  their  historical  enormities. 
He  accepts  most  of  the  facts  that  are  recorded  by  ancient 
Catboh'c  writers,  and  then  mounting  on  the  popular  tide  of 
the  High  Church  theory  he  has  produced  an  apostle  suited 
to  the  tastes  of  that  now  dominant  party.  St.  Patrick  in  the 
hands  of  Dr.  Todd  is  like  the  Chm*ch  in  the  mind  of  an 
Anglican :  alternately  a  mythical  curiosity,  and  a  living 
organism.  Anything,  and  everything  in  the  religious  line 
is  welcome  to  that  liberal  and  condescending  church 
which  now  sets  St.  Benedict  and  St.  Francis  de  Sales  in  its 
niches,  dressed  up  in  vestments  of  its  own  invention. 

Some  of  the  above  writers  were  learned  and  sensible 
men,andhone8t  as  far  as  their  religion  allowedin  thepresence 

'  Irish  Antiquarian  Hesearches,  p.  245. 

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184  The  Foofp7nnts  of  St.  Patrick. 

of  those  phenomena  of  grace  which  are  incompatible  with  the 
fundamental  principles  of  their  creed.  Prelates  and  mystics 
of  the  stamp  of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  and  Joanna  Southcote 
might  have  found  a  legitimate  position  in  their  pages; 
beyond  such  they  had  no  right  to  go.  The  school  to  which 
they  belong  assumes  as  a  first  principle  that  witnesses  who 
introduce  miracles  and  supernatural  occurrences  into  his- 
torical narratives  are  either  dishonest,  or  infatuated.  If 
they  think  so,  it  is  immoral  to  use  their  testimony,  unless  it 
be  in  the  composition  of  historical  romance,  a  style  of 
writing  which  is  only  lawful  when  open  and  undisguised.^ 

These  theories  regarding  St.  Patrick  can  still  boast  ot 
one  sui-viving  and  ardent  supporter  in  the  person  of  the 
Rev.  J.  F.  Shearman,  the  author  of  *'  Loca  Patriciana,'*  who 
lias  again  taken  thefieldinthe  -^Journalof  the  Royal  Historical 
Association  of  Ireland  (Jan.  1884)."  In  his  treatment  of 
Patrician  history,  which  he  justly  characterizes  as  "in- 
dependent," he  describes  himself  as  "  drifting  away  from 
the  accustomed  moorings,  striking  out  new  lines  for  himself,* 
and  lea^dng  the  well-known  tracks  of  former  inquirers." 
There  is  some  exaggeration  in  his  claim  of  originality.  It 
is  tnie  that  no  one  of  the  theories  to  which  we  hav^e  alluded 
quite  agrees  with  another;  but  for  all  that  they  are  funda- 
mentally nothing  more  than  new  fashions  of  the  old  anti- 
CatholicPatriciantheoryinaugurated  by  Archbishop  Ussher, 
more  than  two  himdred  years  ago.  The  Rev.  J.  F. 
Sheannan's  theory  is  essentially  a  reproduction  of  that  of 
Sir  WilHam  Betliam,  with  this  difference,  that  while  the 
latter  regards  the  obliteration  of  the  real  St.  Patrick  as  a 
result  of  foreign  intervention,  the  author  of  "  Loca 
Patriciana "  lays  the  crime  of  the  **  almost  historical 
extinction''  of  the  Apostle  of  Ireland  at  the  door  of  the 
historians  of  the  countr}'.  "  The  old  wiiters  .  .  .  shut 
out  from  view  the  real  Apostle  Sen-Patrick,  consigning 
him  to  obscurity  and  to  an  almost  historical  extinction.*'^ 

It  is  not  the  intention  of  the  present  writer  to  weaiy  his 
readers  with  another  inquiry  into  the  extraordinary  his- 
torical hallucination  whic'li  continues  to  haunt  the  mind  ot 
this  author.  He  has  already  published  an  examination  of 
this  theory  in  two  successive  numbers   of  the  '*Dubhn 

^  Mr.  Green's  analysis  of  Dr.  Todd,  shows  how  a  dispassionate  investi- 
gator can  find  his  way  in  a  literary  fog.  Mr.  Green's  narrative  is  botli 
consistent  and  consecutive.  "  Ilist.  of  English  People/'  p.  21,  and 
^'  Making  of  England,"  p.  238. 

2  Tref.  p.  vii.  *  Loca  Patriciana,  p.  434  (k). 


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The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick.  185 

Review.'*^  His  only  object  here  is  to  show  that  it  is  one  of 
the  oflFsprings  of  that  Irish  Protestant  Church  tradition  which 
deraanas  no  refutation  other  than  to  be  brought  out  into 
the  light. 

The  inseparable  union  of  the  supernatural  and  the  human 
in  St.  Patrick's  history  is  at  the  root  of  all  the  objections 
which  have  been  raised  against  the  ancient  records  of  his 
life.  His  work  is  the  most  incompreliensible  part  of  that 
life,  and  as  it  is  embedded  in  the  histoiy  of  the  times,  it  is, 
perhaps,  too  much  to  expect  that,  without  faith,  anyone  can 
beUeve  either  in  St.  Patrick,  or  in  the  history  of  Christian 
Ireland  in  the  fifth  century.  In  the  bitterness  of  his  heart 
Sir  William  Betham  cries  out :  *'  He  is  almost  ubiquitous,*' 
while  the  author  of  "  Loca  Patriciana  "  can  only  grasp  the 
idea  of  the  saint  in  sections,  he  is  so  oppressed  by  "  the 
great  difficulty,  if  not  impossibility,  of  one  person  being 
competent  to  endure  all  the  labours  attributed  to  St. 
Patrick  (p.  396).'*  St.  Patiick*s  apparent  omnipresence  in 
the  spiritual  and  intellectual  world  is  even  more  unaccount- 
able. Evei*y where  it  is  at  his  word  that  churches  are 
moltipiied,  bishops  consecrated,  and  virgins  dedicated  to 
Christ.  He  presides  over  the  legislation  of  the  nation, 
and  adapts  the  Brehon  Laws  to  the  needs  of  a  Christian 
country.  His  image  invades  the  pages  of  the  Bards,  and  the 
simple  record  outstrips  all  the  creations  of  the  most  fertile 
Irish  fancy,  while  all  these  characteiistics  of  the  Apostle  of 
Ireland  are  so  indissolubly  conuected,  that  no  biographer  of 
the  saint  can  with  impunity  omit  anyone  of  them.  For  a 
time  St.  Patrick's  history  may  be  obscured  in  the  minds  of 
those  who  have  not  taken  the  trouble  to  study  it  in  original 
sources ;  but  the  saint  survives,  while  the  biographer  goes 
the  way  of  all  inventive  and  eclectic  historians. 

No  writer  ought  to  be  severely  judged  for  mistakes  in 
dealing  with  the  life  of  St.  Patrick,  so  long  as  he  confesses 
that  he  is  falUble.  It  is  the  assumption  of  imiversal  authority 
in  this  vast  and  complex  subject  which  is  inexcusable.  The 
biographer  of  the  samt,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  is  obliged 
to  put  into  shape  an  historical  period  to  which  it  is  hard  to 
find  a  parallel  in  any  other  countiy,  and  to  play  a  part  like 
that  of  pc  stulator  in  a  process  of  canonisation ;  but  the  history 
of  Ireland  then,  as  weU  as  now,  is  no  less  true  because  it 
is  singular,  and  St.  Patrick  is  no  less  a  saint  although  with 
Tillemont,  we  are  obUged  to  confess  that  he  was  unlike 

>  For  Oct.  1879,  p.  547,  and  July  1880,  p.  59. 

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186  The  Footprints  of  St  Patrick. 

anyone  the  world  has  seen  since  the  age  of  Prophets  and 
Apostles. 

The  ancient  lives  of  St.  Patrick,  in  all  their  main 
features,  tell  one  consistent  tale.  The  obscurity  which 
attaches  to  his  birth-place,  and  to  the  chronology  of  some 
events  in  his  Ufe,  furnishes  no  real  argument  against  the 
authenticity  of  these  documents,  when  we  call  to  mind 
the  state  of  the  world  in  St.  Patrick*^  time,  and  the 
imperfect  historical  and  geographical  attainments  of  his 
newly-converted  biographei*s.  Irritation  is  our  predominant 
feeling  when  so  much  is  made  of  these  trifling  difficulties, 
thereby  leading  the  mind  away  from  those  great  features 
in  his  life  which  are  found  in  all  his  ancient  biographers, 
imited  and  supporting  one  another  like  the  members  of  a 
living  organism.  It  is  hard  to  define  the  limits  of  human 
iuvention.  We  are  safe,  however,  in  saying  that  genius  is 
not  creative  in  the  divine  sense  of  the  word.  It  sees  the 
truth,  it  does  not  make  it,  and  the  lamentable  failures  of 
inventive  modern  ^vriter8  in  their  attempts  to  produce  a 
new  St  Patrick,  go  far  in  strengthening  our  conviction 
that  St.  Patrick  was  the  creation  of  omnipotent  gi-ace, 
rather  than  an  evolution  of  Celtic  imagination. 

St.  Patrick  was  an  old  man  of  sixty  before  the  world 
began  to  notice  him.  He  was  an  exile  in  youth,  and  a 
pilgrim  in  many  lands  up  to  that  period  of  hfe  at  which  most 
men  have  come  to  the  end  of  their  labours. 

We  know  from  the  testimony  of  Jocelyn,  who  wrote  in 
the  twelfth  century,  that  several  lives  of  St.  Patrick  were 
composed  by  his  disciples  immediately  after  his  death,  and 
there  is  httle  doubt  that  some  of  those  preserved  in  Father 
-Colgan's  collection  were  written  by  contemporaries  of 
the  saint.  When,  however,  we  compare  these  Uves  with 
St.  Patrick's  own  writings,  it  is  clear  that  he  himself 
had  not  given  them  much  definite  information  as  to  his 
early  life,  and  considering  the  saint's  longevity  it  is  not 
likely  anyone  living  could  be  of  much  help  to  them  in  this 
respect  St.  Patrick's  writings  bear  the  stamp  of  that 
spirit  of  self-abasement  and  concealment  by  which  the 
saints  rebuke  and  mortify  our  curiosity,  while  they  confound 
our  vanity  and  ostentation.  He  had  been  the  companion 
of  the  greatest  saints  of  the  a^e  at  Marmoutier,  Lerins, 
and  Auxerre,  but  we  look  in  vam  in  liis  -writings  for  any 
allusion  to  the  names  which  had  made  these  places  famous. 
We  can  give  no  rational  explanation  of  his  silence :  like  so 
many  things  in  saints'  lives,  reason  is  at  fault  because  they 


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The  Tootpiints  of  Si.  Patrick.  1 87 

surpass  reason.  For  sixty  years  St.  Patrick  was  alone  with 
GoA  In  the  company  of  men,  as  well  as  in  the  desert,  his 
«onl  was  the  theatre  of  secret  divine  operations  which,  Uke 
St.  Paul,  he  could  not  put  into  intelHgible  words.  We  can 
see  the  effects  of  this  training,  but  we  can  no  more  compre- 
hend its  course  than  we  can  understand  how  the  sun  turns 
the  hly  pale,  and  makes  the  rose  blush. 

The  man  who  in  his  old  age  converted  a  whole  nation, 
who  built  up,  and  organized  a  Church  and  hierarchy  on  a 
foundation  which  is  still  unshaken  after  the  lapse  of 
fourteen  centuries,  owed  as  little  to  human  instructors  as 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  He  was  conscious  of  this,  and  in  his 
writings  he  alludes  to  it  in  language  which  the  saints 
done  can  use  without  attributing  anything  to  themselves. 
**  Wonder,  therefore,"  he  says,  "all  who  fear  the  Lord 
great  and  little :  and  you  ignorant  lords  of  rhetoric,  listen 
and  examine,  who  is  He  who  has  summoned  me,  fool  that 
I  am,  from  the  midst  of  those  who  seemed  wise,  and  learned 
in  the  law,  and  powerful  in  word,  and  in  every  work  ?  I 
who  am  indeed  the  outcast  of  this  world,  He  hath  breathed 
upon  in  preference  to  others,  although  I  am  what  I  am: 
provided  only  that  with  fear  and  reverence,  and  uncom- 
plainingly, T  faithfully  serve  that  nation  to  which  the 
charity  of  Christ  has  transferred  me,  and  handed  me  over 
for  the  days  of  my  Hfe,  if  I  prove  myself  worthy."  In  the 
«ame  strain  he  continues :  "  li'herefore,  I  never  faint  in 
giving  thanks  to  my  God  who  has  preserved  my  fideUty  in 
the  day  of  my  temptation,  so  that  this  day  I  can  offer  Him 
the  sacrifice,  and  consecrate  my  soul  as  a  living  victim  to 
my  Lord  who  has  saved  me  from  all  my  miseries,  that  1 
may  be  able  to  say,  who  am  I,  or  what  is  my  prayer, 
O  Lord,  who  hast  thus  laid  bare  to  me  such  signs  of  thy 
divinity  ?  So  that  at  this  day  I  should  exalt  and  magnify 
Thy  name  in  every  place,  as  well  in  adversity  as  in  pros- 
perity, receiving  with  an  untroubled  mind  whatsoever  may 
come,  .whether  good  or  evil,  ever  giving  thanks  to  God 
who  has  taught  me  to  believe  in  Him  without  doubting 
unto  the  end  :  who  has  lent  His  ear  to  me,  so  that  in  those 
latter  days,  I  had  the  heart  to  face  a  work  so  holy  and  so 
wonderful,  and  to  imitate  those  of  whom  it  was  of  old 

fredicted   by  the    Lord   that  they  should   announce  His 
fospel,  as  a  testimony  to  all  nations  before  the  end  of  the 

«»^*iJ         A«  ,. — ^    «.»   14.   1 1 r,,ix:ii^j        T  -  I   . 


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188  The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick. 

Behold  I  now  commend  my  soul  to  my  most  faithful 
God,  for  whom  in  my  lowliness  I  am  ambassador  .  .  . 
wherefore  may  my  Lord  avert  that  it  should  come  to  pass, 
that  I  should  ever  lose  His  people  which  He  has  gained  at 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  ...  And  if  for  the  sake  of 
my  God  whom  I  love,  I  have  ever  imitated  anything 
good,  I  beseech  Him  to  grant  that  in  the  likings  of 
those  who  were  converts,  or  captives  for  His  name,  1 
also  may  give  my  blood,  and  even  have  no  place  of 
burial,  and  that  my  miserable  body  may  be  cut  into 
pieces,  and  cast  out  to  be  the  food  of  birds  and  dogs  and 
wild  beasts." 

St.  Patrick^s  writings  are  the  authentic  revelation  of 
his  character,  the  only  satisfactory  key  to  his  life.  If 
they  lead  us  into  the  bright  darkness  of  the  invisible  world, 
it  is  as  might  be  expected.  He  bears  witness  to  the 
operations  of  grace  in  his  own  soul,  and  to  the  effects  upon 
others.  The  greatness  of  the  revelation  is  too  much  for 
himself,  and  the  amazement  which  filled  his  own  soul  is 
reflected  on  those  around  him.  It  is  vain  to  look  for  a 
consecutive  and  comprehensive  account  of  a  life  which  so 
far  exceeded  all  human  measurements.  St.  Patrick  went 
on  his  way,  led  by  the  Spirit  who  breathes  where  He  wills, 
and  men  were  subdued  they  knew  not  how,  and  like  the 
disciples  of  our  Lord,'*  thsy  followed  and  were  afraid."  It 
is  om*  duty  to  study  him  with  similar  dispositions :  in  no 
otlier  way  can  we  get  an  idea  of  the  saints.  We  can  count 
his  footprints,  the  traces  of  his  presence  here  and  there 
upon  the  earth,  but  it  is  faith,  in  the  sense  of  belief  in  aji 
absolute  and  unrestrained  supernatural  order,  which  alone 
can  fill  up  the  picture.  When  we  stand  on  the  ruins  of  the 
rath,  or  palace  of  Milcho,  facing  the  cloud-capped  summit 
of  Slemish,  the  scene  takes  life,  and  we  see  the  boy,  the 
child  of  mystery  and  promise  with  his  flock  upon  the 
mountain.  We  beUeve  in  those  days  and  nights,  when  ad 
he  tells  us  the  tempests  summoned  him  to  prayer,  because 
he  tells  us  of  it  in  that  language  of  the  saints,  which  no 
man  can  invent.  We  follow  him  thence  across  the  sea  to 
the  banks  of  the  Loire,  to  the  spot  where  Franco  preserves 
the  memory  of  his  presence,  where  stands  the  church  of 
St.  Patrice^  the  title  deeds,  and  records  of  which  take  us 
back  to  A.D.  1035,  proving  that  it  was  an  established 
foundation  even  at  that  period,  and  never  was  ther^  a  better 
tested  chain  of  evidence  than  that  which  binds  together 
the  Confession  of  St.  Patrick,  the  evidence  of  his  biographer 


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The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick.  •  189 

ProbuB,  and  the  traditions  of  Marmoutier,  and  eatabliahes 
the  fact  that  on  the  spot  where  the  church  stands,  and  the 
"  Flowers  of  St  Patrick  "  still  bloom,  St.  Patrick  rested 
A.D.  393,  when  he  was  on  his  way  to  St.  Martin,  while  the 
miraculous  event  which  then   occurred    is   the  simplest 
explanation  of  the  permanence  of  the  devotion.     So  with 
the  pilgrim  on  his  way  from  Knock  to  Westport,  when  he 
sees  the   giant   steeple   of  Croagh   Patrick   against  the 
western  sky.     He  will  remember  how  that  same  mountain 
and  the  same  glorious  cloud-land  of  the  setting  sun,  had 
greeted  the  ambassador  of  Christ,  when  just  one  year  after 
his  arrival   in   Ireland   he  arrived  at   this    spot,   as    he 
journeyed  from  the  eastern  to  the  western  sea.     There  is 
a  passion  for  high  mountains  in  souls  that  are  struggling 
to  escape  from  the  earth.      Slemish   had  been  the  first 
altar  of  St.  Patrick  s  sacrifice,  aud  Cruaghan  Aigle,  like  to 
the  mountain  of  his  youth  in  its  very  shape  and  royal . 
isolation,  now  invited  him  to  prayer.     On  its  summit  he 
fasted  aud  prayed  for  forty  days  and  forty  nights,  and  the 
land  on  which  he  knelt  was  given  to  him,  and  the  Atlantic 
at  his  feet  be^'ame  his  subject  to  betir  his  heralds  to  the 
ends  of  the  earth.    There  on  the  slopes  of  that  mountain  we^ 
read  his  history  in  the  paths  worn  by  pilgrims,  who  from 
father  to   son  have  preserved  his  memory  for  fourteen 
centuries.     Whensoever  any  family  has  held  its  ancestral 
home  in  an  unbroken  succession,  its  traditions  are  accepted 
as  part  of  the  history  of  the  coimtry.     The  tradition  which 
pomts  out  Cioagh  Patrick  as  the   scene  of  St.  Patrick's 
prayer,  would  be  in  itself  conclusive,  even  in  the  absence 
of  those  authentic  documents  which  confinn  the  fact.     So 
as  regards  Tara.     In   the   company   of  his   learned  and 
faithful  friend  and  archaeological  guide,  Mr.W.  M.  Hennessy, 
and  with  help  of  Dr.  Petrie's  maps,  the  writer  traced  out 
one  by  one  the  foundations  of  those  immense  edifices  at 
Tara  which  were  already  ancient  in  St.  Patrick's  time. 
Those  who  have  been  content  to  look  at  the  Hill  of  Tara 
from  the  windows  of  the  railway  carriage,  have  little  idea 
of  its  archaeological  magnificence,  or  of  tne  grandeur  of  the 
panorama  which  meets  the  eye  on   every  side.     In  the 
distance  lies  Slane,  where  the  saint  lit  the  Easter  fire,  the 
sight  of  which  furst  brought  Laeghaii-e  and  his  court  into 

4'Lo^      ^^■mu^n^^^  ^^^^      ^s.4^    ^Vk#-k^««      «-k/^*%/^  VKN'W/^%*     •      t\ -WX  ^      «»»l-»  y-v »-»      <n«  r-v      <-v  ^  11     i.  .  .      —  T  .«    J 


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190  The  Footprints  of  St  Patrick. 

reli^on  of  the  country  to  which  he  laid  claim  in  the  name 
of  Christ. 

If,  in  visiting  these  scenes,  devotion  gives  them  life, 
and  colours  the  language  of  our  thoughts,  it  in  no  way- 
lessens  the   historical  value  of  our  investigations.     The 
astronomer  whose  imagination  is  the  pioneer  of  reason  is 
the  one  who  makes  discoveries,  and  faith  goes  further  than 
imagination  and  is  a  safer  guide.      Faith  tells  us  that  God 
could  enable  St.  Patrick  to  do  all,  and  more  than  he  is 
said  to  have  done,  and  the  teaching  of  Holy  Scripture  and 
the   analogy   of  saints*   lives   give    unity   and    scientific 
security  to  our  thoughts,  in  the  presence  of  mysteries  which 
reason,  left  to  itself,  could  never  fathom.     It  is  one  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  operations  of  divine  grace  that  there 
should   be  no  proportion  and  no  inteUigible   connection 
between  the  agent  and  the  results.     St.  Patrick  sang  of 
Christ  on  his  way  from  Slane  to  Tara ;  he  summoned  the 
elements  to  his  assistance,  as  St.  Paul  challenged  heaven 
earth  and  hell ;  but  how  their  eloquence  and  poetry  found 
their  way  into  the  hearts  of  men  is  a  secret  which  God 
reserves  to  Himself.     If,  however,  we  know  not  how  life 
is  given,  we  see  that  in  the  way  in  which  it  once  came  it 
comes    again.      The    same    spiritual    power,    vehement, 
resistless,  consuming,  and  yet  tender  and  pathetic,  wliich 
broke  out  with  St.  Patrick's  words,  is  now  felt  by  every 
soul   who   comes   under  his  influence.       As  knowledge 
of  the  saint  increase^?,  new  witnesses  bear  e\'idence   to 
this  truth.     When,  from  the  mouth  of  the  preacher,  some 
sentence  which  was  once  in  St.  Patrick's  heai-t  is  heard 
again,  it  rings  in  men's  souls  like  the  tnimpet  of  an  angel, 
while  cloistered  souls  in  solitude  are  speaking  to  God  in 
the  language  which  he  has  taught  them,  and  like  the  saint 
himself  when  the  "  Voices  of  the  Irish  "  reached  him  from 
the  forest  by  the  Western  sea,  their  hearts  are   melted 
^vithin  them.     Nay,  even  outside  the  church,  St.  Patrick's 
life  and  character  are  exercising  a  mysterious  attraction  on 
souls  who  are  straining  their  eyes  into  the  past  in  search 
of  signs  of  that  higher  life  in  man  which  modern  matter- 
woi*snip   has   well   nigh   suffocated.     There  is  a   distant 
kindred  between  genius  and  sanctity.     The  perception  of 
the  beautiful  is  one  of  the  preparations  for  the  Gospel,  and 
many  who  have  lost  sight  of  God  in  the  Bible,  outraged 
by  private  judgment,  seem  to  be  struggling  onward  into 
the  light   under  the  guidance  of  the  saints.     There  are 
many  signs  that  Ireland's  long  winter  is  now  over  and  past ; 


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The  Footprints  of  St.  Patrick.  191 

but  none  are  more  consoling  than  the  homage  paid  even 
by  her  enemies  to  the  moral  splendour  of  her  faith  It 
lights  up  the  past,  as  well  as  the  present.  Working  their 
way  back,  dispassionate  minds  discover  that  all  that  is 
bright  and  pure  and  attractive  in  Ireland  has  had  it« 
origin  in  a  well  nigh  interminable  past.  Every  revival  of 
Christian  life  has  been  the  result  of  her  own  inherent 
energy :  the  fire  and  Ught  have  come  from  out  her  own 
bosom.  So  men  begin  to  say  to  themselves:  if  gentle 
Christian  manners,  charity,  self-devotion  and  purity,  are 
now  found  in  the  livery  of  poverty  and  shame,  imnoticed 
and  unchronicled  amongst  the  glens  of  Donegal  and 
Kerry,  is  it  not  fair  to  argue  that  the  parents  of  these 
virtues  existed,  under  similar  conditions,  throughout  long 
ages  of  obsciurity  and  oblivion  ?  No  lineage  is  so  hard  to 
reunite  as  that  of  faith  once  broken.  Fidelity  is  the 
charter  of  the  nobility  of  that  faith  transmitted  to  his 
children  by  a  saint  who  was  sent  by  God  to  baffle  all 
human  calculations,  to  build  up  an  empire  on  defeat,  and 
to  make  the  reason  of  man  the  adoring,  and  therefore 
humble  captive  of  divine  inspiration. 


W.  B.  Morris. 


Addenda. 


This  Essay  was  ia  the  hands  of  the  printer  when  the  writer 
heard  of  the  death  of  the  He  v.  J.  F.  Shearman.  It  is  a  consolation 
to  him  to  remember  that  when  in  November,  1880,  in  deference  to 
wishes  expressed  in  high  quarters,  he  republished  his  article, 
"The  Apostle  of  Ireland  and  his  Modem  Critics,"  he  sent  a  copy 
to  F.  Shearman  and  wrote  in  the  following  terms  : — "  I  am  sure 
jou  will  believe  me  when  I  say  that  I  suffered  intense  pain  in 
fulfilling  what  I  believed  to  be  my  duty  to  St.  Patrick,  to  whom, 
as  the  Father  of  my  faith,  I  owe  a  debt  of  love  and  loyalty  which 
must  be  supreme  over  every  other  consideration.  I  hope  that  the 
Introduction,  and  the  omission  of  M.  Kenan's  name  will  help  to 
moderate  the  tone  of  my  remarks.  Hoping  that  no  literary 
contests  will  ever  disturb  our  union  in  that  bond  of  charity  and 
peace  which  unites  us  in  the  Faith  inherited  from  St.  Patrick." 


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[    192    ] 
THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


Verificatio  Petitionis. 

A 8  yet  ecclesiastical  usage  has  not  fixed  on  one  definite 
and  exclusive  meaning  for  the  phrase  ^^  ejcecutio 
disjyensationis.^'  Sometimes,  though  rarely,  it  denotes  the 
performance  of  a  function  for  whose  vahdity  or  lawfulness 
a  dispensation  was  sought  and  obtained.  Much  oftener  it  is 
synonymous  with  fulmiuation.  This  is  the  strict  sense,  and 
in  it  the  words  may  include  absolution  from  censures  and 
certain  crimes,  in  addition  to  removal  of  the  impediment 
and  legitimation.  But  there  is  a  wider  and  still  more 
convenient  meaning  attached  to  the  expression,  when 
speaking  of  dispensations  granted,  as  usually  happens,  in 
forma  commissoria.  Thus  Burgt^  in  his  treatise,  witn  much 
advantage,  ranges  under  executio  four  distinct  acts.  They 
are  : — 

1**  Due  verification  of  the  petition  as  required  by  law  or 
precept. 

2**.  The  imposing  of  such  obligations  on  the  petitioners 
as  are  prescribed. 

3°.  The  fulmination  of  the  dispensation. 

4**.  Its  acceptance  in  some  way  by  the  persons  to  whom 
it  is  granted. 

For  the  present  the  first  of  these  will  be  enough  to 
consider,  and  the  most  suitable  arrangement  seems  to 
accord  with  the  order  of  precedence — Papal  dispensations 
coming  before  those  which  Bishops  give  in  virtue  of 
delegated  or  quasi-ordinary  faculties.  Throughout  there 
is  no  question  of  "  Veritas  supplicationis,**  but  of  its 
"  verificatio.''*  To  guard  against  the  evil  of  invalid 
fulmination,  such  as  occurs  where  the  petition  is  not  truth- 
ful, or  does  not  contain  everything  that  should  be 
explained,  or  where  some  cu'cumstance  has  intervened  to 

Erevent  the  grace  from  having  its  eflect,  it  was  deemed 
est  to  put  upon  each  delegate's  conscience  the  burthen  of 
verifying  the  supplication  in  every  case.  Accordingly 
verification  is  required  not  because  of  any  unfavourable 
suspicion  in  regard  to  a  particular  application  or  class  of 
applications,  but  because  of  the  general  danger  incidental 
to  proceedings  of  this  kind.     Hence,  the  truthfulness  of  the 

^Tractatus  de  Dispensationibus  Matrimonialibus  p.  58. 

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Theoloffiedl  Notes,  1 93 

prayer  will  not  supply  for  it.  But  what  precise  effect  its 
omission  has  upon  a  dispensation  is,  to  some  extent,  a  matter 
of  controversy. 

First  of  ail,  Papal  dispensations  are  scarcely  ever  giveh 
at  the  present  day  in  forma  gratiosa.  On  this  subject,  then, 
little  comment  need  oe  added  to  the  words  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  (Sess.  22,  c.  v.,  de  ref.)  which  contain  the  law  in 
faro  externoj  and  are  generally  held  to  impose  an  obligation 
under  pain  of  nulUty : — 

*'.  .  .  eae  vero,  quae  gratiose  conccdentur,  .suum  non 
jortiantur  effectum  nisi  prius  ab  iisdem  (ordinariis)  tanquam  dele- 
gatis  apostolicis,  summarie  tan  turn  et  extrajudicialiter  cognoscatur, 
expressas  preces,  subreptionis  vel  obreptionis  vitio  non  subjacere." 

Accordingly,  though  dispensations  in  this  form  do  not 
need  fulmiuation  to  produce  their  effect,  they  do  require 
substantial  verification  of  the  prayer  addressed  to  the  Holy 
See,  at  the  hands  of  the  Oroinaries,  before  being  of  any 
service  to  the  parties  concerned. 

The  question  of  verification,  however,  has  ita  great 
practical  import  in  connection  with  dispensations  in  forma 
eommissoria.  Here,  as  is  evident,  it  is  the  person  to  whom 
fulmination  is  committed  who  is  directly  responsible  for 
having  the  petition  verified.  Now  for  the  internal /orwm  the 
confessor  is  usually  selected,  while  almost  to  a  certainty  a 
commission  in  foro  ejcterno  will  be  intrusted  to  the  Bishop 
or  Ordinary.  As  in  both  cases  verification  is  a  matter  of 
serious  concern,  it  may  be  well  to  enumerate  in  general 
terms  the  points  for  investigation  : — 

1^  The  names,  diocese,  and  alleged  qualities  (only 
qualities  where  the  confessor  executes)  of  petitioners  ? 

2^  Was  the  impediment,  or  impediments,  properly 
described,  or  have  others  supervened  t 

3*^  Were  the  circumstances,  which  must  be  stated, 
correctly  set  forth,  or  have  any  such  occurred  in  the 
meantime  ? 

4**  The  truth  or  untruth  of  causes  ? 

5°  In  coimtries  not  subject  to  Cong,  de  Propaganda 
Fide,  was  the  status  fortunae  fairly  returned  for  dispensa- 
tions in  foro  extemo  f 

So  far,  there  is  scarcely  any  room  for  difference  of 
opinion.  But  the  case  is  tar  otherwise  when  it  is  asked 
whether  verification  is  or  is  not  required  for  the  validity  of 
a  dispensation.  Some  say  it  is  absolutely.  Others  consider 
the  truthfulness  of  the  petition  sufficient.     Others  again 


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194  7  Iieologteal  Notes. 

hold  its  necessity  for  the  forum  externum^  but  not  for  the 
forum  internum.  Some  distinguish  between  the  caiises 
and  every  other  part,  as  will  appear  further  on.  Lastly, 
there  are  not  a  few  who  think  tnat  the  matter  depends  on 
the  wording  of  the  mandatum  di^ensandu  According  to 
this  view  the  inquiry  is  indispensaole  if  the  form  "  si  preces 
•  .  .  veintate  niti  repereris  "  occurs ;  but  not  so  if,  as  pretty 
often  happens  in  dispensations  for  the  forum  internum^  "  si 
ita  est^'^  or  any  similar  phrase,  not  specifying  the  act  of 
verification,  be  found  instead. 

It  adds  considerably  to  the  difficulty  of  drawing  any 
certain  ccmclusion  out  of  so  much  disagreement,  that 
canonists  have  here  the  assistance  of  very  httle  written  law 
to  support  their  opinions  either  in  regard  to  custom  or  the 
Stylus  Curiae,  No  doubt  Benedict  XIV.,  has  given  his 
private  views  on  one  portion  of  the  subject,  and  legislated 
or  declared  the  law  on  another.  But  anyone  who  carefully 
reads  what  he  said  in  either  capacity  will  see  how  far  that 
Pontiff  was  from  finally  settling  every  point  in  the  con- 
troversy. As  Pope,  in  his  constitution,  "  Ad  Apostolicae 
Servitutis,"  dated  25  Feb.,  1742,  he  states — 

"  Si  contingat  ob  causae  minime  veras  cxistentes,  ut  dispen- 
satio  execution!  non  tradatur ;  qui  cam  irapetrarunt  apud 
Negotiorum  Gestores,  seu  Litterarum  Apostolicarum  Expeditores 
conqoeruntur ;  a  qnibus,  nonnunquam  responderi  solet,  executioDem 
perperam,  et  injuria  denegatam  fuisae,  quia  expressio  causarum, 
earuraque  verification  in  dispensationibus  non  est  aliquid  substan- 
tiale,  sed  formalitas  [quaedani,  et  Forensis  styli  ccnsuetudo :  quod 
non  minus  veritati  adversatur,  quam  executionis  ordinem,  ac 
modum  bene,  ac  prudentur  constitutum  aubvertit ;  cum  expressio 
causanim,  earumque  verificAtio,  ad  substantiam,  et  validitatem 
dispensation  is  pertineat,  illisque  deficientibus,  gratia  nulla  et 
irrita  sit,  nullamque  executionem  mereatur." 

This  constitution  is  commended  and  enforced  by  a 
letter  from  Gregory  XVI.,  to  the  Cardinal  Pro-Datary  on 
the  22nd  November,  1836.  But  it  deals  with  the  verifica- 
tion of  causea  and  oi  nothing  else.  Some  even  hold 
that  its  provisions  apply  to  the  forum  externum  alone. 
This  opinion,  however,  is  scarcely  probable.  The  Pontiff 
himself  makes  no  distinction,  and  seems  in  more  passages 
than  one  to  have  the  confessor  in  view.  Thus  he  writes, 
**  executionem  dispensationum  ut  plnrimum  committi  ordi- 
nariis  locorum/*  and  more  plainly  in  imposing  the 
conscientious  obligation  ".  .  .  Episcopos,  Locorum 
Ordinaries,  ceterosque  Executores  Litterarum  Apostolicarum, 


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Iheologieal  Notes.  195 

qnibus  hujusraodi  dispensationum  execiitio  committi 
fiolet." 

For  the  opinion  of  some  other  writers,  who  hold  that 
Benedict  XI V  .jinsists  only  on  ^^veritas  catuarnint^"  thereseems 
to  be  almost  equally  little  reason.  His  own  language  here 
and  elsewhere,  the  common  and  correct  usage  of  authors, 
and  the  words  of  Gregory  XVI.,  clearly  imply  a  meaning 
in  "  expressio  causarum  earumfpie  veri/icatio  "  entirely  distinct 
from  mere  truthfulness.  Not  only  are  causes  required  to 
exist;  they  must  also  be  expressed  in  the  petitions,  and 
verified  by  the  delegates.  Nay  more,  in  this  important  law, 
there  appears  to  be  question  of  an  inquiry  held  after  the 
coramission  of  dispensing  has  been  received.  And  hence 
arises  a  gi-ave  issue  as  to  whether  the  careful  investigation, 
which  in  modem  times  precedes  the  drawing  up  of  a 
formal  petition,  is  by  itself  sufficient. 

No  doubt  this  first  inquiiy  is  not  in  all  respects  what 
tJie  Pontiff  speaks  of,  and  when  feasible  the  case  should 
again  be  looked  over  with  care.  Still  the  law  is  in  sub- 
stance observed,  if  besides  diUgent  preliminary  investigation 
Bure  knowledge  is  had  that  no  invalidating  circum- 
stance has  meanwhile  occurred.  Cardinal  Lambertini, 
who  was  afterwards  Benedict  XIV.,  explaining  the  clause 
"  si  ita  est "  for  the  forum  internum y  says  verification  is 
necessary  "  nisi  forte  ipse  (executor)  aliunde  rei  veritatem, 
justamque  causam  cognoverit."  And  most  authors  con- 
sider themselves  justified  in  holding  that  the  legislation  of 
the  Pope  for  both  forums  should  be  understood  according 
to  his  own  previous  interpretation  of  the  law  for  the  forum 
intemunu 

A  still  stronger  argument  in  favour  of  the  same  con- 
clusion is  derived  from  a  private  response  given  at  Rome 
in  1868,  to  the  Bishop  of  S.  Ilippolytus.  We  cannot  find 
an  authentic  copy,  but,  as  quoted  by  Feije,^  it  runs  thus: — 

**  Propositum  fiiit  aliquando  S.  Poenitentiariae  dnhium,  num 
bene  se  gereret  quidam  Ordinarius,  qui  praemis.sis  per  parochum 
sen  vicariuTn  foraneum  et  per  testes  iniormationibus  pro  concedendis 
literis  ad  iinpetrandas  apiid  Ap.  vSedem  dispensationes,  inde 
aeceptas  literas  Apostolicae  dispensationis,  absque  mora  executioni 
mandabat  easque  parochjs  remittebat.  eis  praecipiens,  ne  illis 
contrahentibuA  raanifestarent,  nisi  vera  essent  exposita.  Jamvero 
hnicdubio  S.   Poenit.    rescripsit:    Inquisitio  quae  praecipitur  in 


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196  Theological  Notes. 

This  document  is  important  in  three  ways.  Firstly, 
by  using  inqui»itio  for  verification  the  meaning  of  the  latter 
term  is  made  clear.  tJeeondly,  fulmination  performed 
by  the  Ordinary  without  waiting  for  any  fresh  investi- 
gation is  valid.  And  thirdly,  the  prescribed  verification 
of  ApostoHc  letters  is  had  in  substantial  completeness, 
when  in  addition  to  the  firet  inquiry  the  parish  priest  makes 
sure  of  truthfulness  in  the  petition  before  telling  those 
concerned  that  the  Ordinary  has  fulminated  the 
dispensation. 

Hitherto  there  has  been  question  chiefly  of  verifying 
causes.  Is  the  process  required  to  a  like  extent  and 
in  the  sense  just  explained,  for  other  portions  of  petitions? 
No  doubt  it  should  be  applied  to  all  parts ;  but  its 
omission  in  regard  to  none  of  them,  except  the  causes, 
has  been  authoritatively  declared  fatal  to  dispensarions. 
For  this  reason  some  consider  it  necessary  only  for  that 
one  poii:ion.  Others  strongly  maintain  the  opposite 
view,  and  point  out  how  the  precise  impediment 
is  almost  as  much  in  need  of  verification  as  the  precise 
cause.  Nor  can  parity  of  reason  be  here  deemed  a  bad 
argument,  for  the  legislator,  as  far  as  he  went,  seems  to 
declare  what  was  law,  rather  than  impose  a  new  obligation. 

This  brings  us  to  the  different  clauses  used  in  granting 
dispensations,  since  by  them,  in  the  opinion  of  many, 
the  question  at  issue  must  be  mainly  decided.  It  is 
difficult  to  see  how  the  phrase  *'  Si  preces  veritate 
iuniti  repereris "  can  be  construed,  so  as  not  to 
imply  the  necessity  of  an  inquiry  extending  to  the 
whole  supplication.  Still,  according  to  several,  even  this 
foi-m  does  not  imply  that  everything,  which  should  of 
necessity  be  true,  must  also  of  necessity  receive  verification. 
But  where  is  the  line  to  be  drawn  1  Cardinal  Lambertini,* 
who  knew  the  Sti/lus  Cxiriae  so  well,  expounding  the  milder 
clause  of  iho  forum  internum^  *'  si  ita  est,"  requires  that  more 
ilmn  causes  should  be  verified.  His  words  contain  valuable 
instruction  for  the  confessor : — 

'*  Quare,  qui  literas  exequitur  amnem  curam  ac  diligcntiam 
jinpendere  debet  ut  cognascat  an  verum  sit  quod  Majori 
Poeniteniiario  fuit  expositum.  An  res  ipsa  circumstan- 
tiae,  et  causae,  ac  rationes  ad  obtinendam  dispeDsationem 
prolatae  veritati  prorsus  consentanae  sint.  Nam  ejusmodi 
executio  committitur  haud  pro  mero  solum  sed  pro  mixta  etiam 


1  In«t.  Eccl.  87. 


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Theological  Notts,  197 

foro  coDScientiae.  Quamobrem  monere  debet  eun),  qui  dispen- 
satiooem  petiit,  ut  nihil  a  veritate  alienum  proferat.  Deinde  opuA 
e<t,  ut  diligenter  lavestiget,  utrum  revera  probcntur  omnia,  quae 
ille  testatns  fuerit.  Non  tamen  uUi  testes  inquirendi  sunt,  83d 
illoni  exarainari  solum  fas  est,  qui  dispensationem  impetravit. 
Pontas  censuit  jusjurandura  elici  poese,  ut  rci  Veritas  magis 
wmprobetur.  Ilanc  tamen  sententiam  reliqui  oranes  improbant. 
Quare,  paucis  jam  superius  dicta  complectamur,  adhibendam  ab 
executore  accuratam  diiigentiam,  quam  modo  ostendimus ;  aliter 
irritam  fieri  dispensationem  nisi  forte  ipse  aliunde  rei  veritatem 
JQStamque  causam  cognoverit.  Quodsi  confessarius  pro  certo 
habeat  falsum  esse^  quod  summo  Poenitentiario  propositum  fuit  ab 
exequendo  dispensationem  abstineat,  licet  qui  ipsam  postulavit  rei 
falsitatem  toeri  contendat,  modo  tamen  sacerdos  id  non  pcrceperit, 
cum  Poenitentiae  sacrament um  dispensando  administravit :  non 
eBim  uti  licet  iis,  quae  tunc  deprehenduntur.*' 

In  drawing  out  our  conclusions,  it  would  not  be  safe  to 
depart  without  grave  reason  from  the  teaching  of  so  great 
an  authority.  Hence,  the  "  executor  dispensationis  "  must 
either  institute  an  inquiry  or  have  ^^ aliunde''  sufficient 
grounds  for  believing  that  the  supplication  is  truthful. 
Secondly,  his  information  or  investigation  should  cover  all 
points  mentioned  above,  "  res  ipsa,  circumstantiae,  causae 
ac  rationes,"  or,  in.  other  words,  the  substance  of  the  whole 
petition.*  Thirdly,  although  particular  omissions  may 
leave  vahdity  doubtful,  the  only  safe  course,  ante  factum^  is 
to  include  in  one's  verification  or  knowledge  everything 
that  the  precept  regards.  And  lastly,  what  is  necessary 
in  executing  dispensations  contaiuing  the  clause, "  si  ita  est^'' 
must  certainly  be  required  for  those  in  which  *'  si  preces 
veritate  niti  repereris "  occurs.  But  there  does  not  seem 
to  be  any  sti'ong  reason  for  demanding  more  in  the  latter 
case  than  in  the  former.  In  both  then  knowledge  will  sei've 
as  a  substitute  for  verification  properly  so  called. 

How  is  the  "  exeaitor  "  to  proceed  ?  Our  last  quotation 
is  so  full  on  his  duties  in  foro  intemo  as  to  make  com- 
ment unnecessary.  For  the  forum  externum  there  is  no 
prescribed  method.  As  has  been  said  aheady  the  delegate 
can  use  the  services  of  others  in  the  matter  of  verification, 
though  he  himself  must  fulminate.  Extra-judicial  infor- 
mation suffices,  unless  there  be  one  to  contradict,  or 
judicial  inquiry  be  ordered.  It  must  practicallj'  be  extra- 
judicial where,  as  in  these  countries,  the  municipal  law 
prohibits  ecclesiastics  from  administering  oaths  for  such 

*  Zitelli,  p.  87,  seems  to  hold  that  *'  d  ita  est "  does  not  require  verifi- 
ettion ;  but  alleges  no  reason  for  supposing  a  change  in  the  styliis  curiae. 


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198  Liturgical  Questions. 

purposes.  A  parish  priest,  however,  when  he  verifies  for  the 
forum  <itf«rnuw,  unlike  the  confessor,  must  not  depend  on  the 
parties  concerned.  He  may  rely  on  trustworthy  oral  state- 
ments or  on  written  evidence  of  authority,  always,  however, 
making  account  of  what  diocesan  custom  or  special 
instructions  from  the  delegate  may  enjoin. 

So  far  we  have  dealt  with  Papal  dispensations  alone.  • 
About  those  which  bishops   grant  little  need   be  added. 
They  are  of  two  kinds.     For  bishops  dispense  either  in 
virtue  of  their  purely  delegated  faculties  or  on  the  strength 
of   quasi-ordinary  powers.      Dispensations  of  the   latter 
class  are  more  commonly  held  to  lie  within  their  control, 
so  that  verification  is  required  for  validity  only  when  made 
a  condition  by  them.     It  is  otherwise  with  the  exercise  of 
delegated  power,  for  faculties  of  this  kind  are  given  to 
be  used  according  to  the  Stylus  observed  by  the  authority 
whence  they  come.     Hence,  a  parish  priest  or  confessor 
who   receives   a  mand^tum  dispensandi   from    his  bishop 
should  be  as  careful  about  verification  as  if  he  were  the 
coinmissarius  of  the  Holy  See.     Besides,  it  is  to  be  remem- 
bered, each  bishop  may,  if  he  pleases,  demand  something 
special  in  verifying  supplications,  under  pain  of  not  gi-ant- 
ing  the    favour    asked.     As   regards   the   large   class   of 
dispensations  which  Bishops  or  their  vicars  fulminate  of 
themselves  there  need  be  no  difficulty,  because  the  practice 
is    now  general    of  making  full   inquiry    before   sending- 
forward  the  petitions,  and  seeing  that  nothing  occurs  in 
the  meantime  to  prevent  the  celebration  of  marriage. 

This  brings  our  remarks  on  "  verificatio "  to  a  close. 
In  them  nothing  has  been  said  of  fulmination  as  such.  On 
a  future  occasion  we  hope  to  discuss  it  and  the  remaining- 
obligations  of  an  "  executor  dupensatumis." 

Patrick  O'Donnell. 


LITURGICAL  QUESTIONS. 

L 
7 he  Conditions  for  Duplication. 
What  are  the  exact  conditions  that  justify  the  celebration  of 
two  Masses  on  the  same  day  by  the  same  priest,  Christmas  Day  of 
course  excepted  ? 

There  are  two  conditions  required : — 1 .  Necessity,  ivhioh 
includes  (a)  spiritual  necessity  on  the  part  of  the  people. 


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Liturgical  Questions.  199 

and  (h)  an  insufficient  number  of  priests  to  meet  this  want 
witliout  having  recourse  to  dupUcation.  2.  The  leave  of 
the  bishop  who,  after  satisfying  himself  of  the  necessity, 
grants  the  permission  in  virtue  of  the  Apostolic  Indult. 

We  shall  probably  best  meet  the  wishes  of  our  corre- 
spondent by  publishing  the  following  Instruction,   dated 
•  12th  December,   1862,  and  taken  from  the  Acta  Sanctae 

For  a  full  exposition  of  the  various  circumstances 
consult  also  the  Instruction  on  this  subject  issued  by  the 
Propaganda,  and  published  as  an  Appendix  (page  282)  to 
the  Maynooth  Synod. 

ClHCA  NORHAS  PRAK  OCULIS  HABENDAS  IN  CONCEDENDA  FACCLTATE 

Miss  A  u  iterandi. 

Qnibus  omnibus  consideratis  facile  quis  cognoscere  potest  quid 
in  examen  revocari  debeat,  priusquam  facultas  iterandi  Missam 
ttcerdotibus  concedatar.  Duo  enim  ad  hanc  concedendam  dcbcnt 
timol  conenrrere,  uecessitas  scilicet  ex  parte  populi,  et  deficientia 
sacerdotnm  qui  celebrare  possint. 

£t  quod  ad  necessitatem  populi  attinet,  non  considerari  c'ebet 
uecessitas  alicujus  personae  quamvis  dignitate  fulgent  is,  sed 
alicnjus  populi  partis,  vel  alicujus  communitatis  qui  Missam  diebus 
fcstis  non  audirent^  sive  propter  locorum  distantiam,  sive  ob  alia 
impedimenta,  nisi  plures  celebrentur  Missae.  Item  si  parochiani 
sd  unam  Missam  simul  non  possunt  con  venire,  eo  quod  diversis 
locis  habitant  distantibus  ab  Ecclesia,  et  celebrata  Missa  post 
modum  ipsi  venientes  postulant  aliam  Missam  celebrari,  &c. 
Maxima  vero  censetur  necessitas  ex  parte  populi ,  si  praeter  hujus- 
modi  cirrumstantias,  concurrat  etiam  parochianim  multiplicitas 
qoae  ab  nno  regantur  pastore.    . 

Quod  autem  attinet  ad  deficientiam  sacerdotum,  ad  quam  prae 
feteris  altendi  debet,  ea  deficientia  non  debet  esse  con  Beta  et  veluti 
pnesumpta,  ex  eo  quod  parochus  ratione  sui  officii  debeat  per  se 
tppHcare  secandam  Missam  pro  populo,  ubi  duas  regat  paroecias  ; 
Tel  ex  eo  quod  ratione  sui  officii  debeat  iis  qui  ad  audientiam 
Missam  recedunt  catechismum  et  fidei  raysteria  explauare  ;  vel  ex 
eo  quod  non  possit  ob  tenues  proven tus  eleemosynam  solvere  alteri 
Missam  celebranti;  cum  nimis  difficile  sit,  hac  reali  deficientia 
redituam  probwta,  deesse  alia  extraordinaria  media  quibus  hisce 
iodiilgentiis  fiat  satis.  Neque  censeri  debet  deesse  alium  sacer- 
dotum, quia  alter  sacerdos  qui  adest>  licet  possit,  nolit  tamen 
celebrare  ad  populi  commoditatem.  In  hujusmodi  enim  adjunctis 
potest  Episcopus  hunc  alterum  sacerdotem  cogere,  ut  ad  populi 
commoditatem  celebret.  Quare  exclusa  hac  conficta  et  praesumpta 
aherius  sacerdotis  deficientia,  ad  cohencstandam  Missae  iterationem 
nqoiritur  vera  deficientia  sacerdotis,  qui  alteram  Missam  celebrare 
▼aleat     ISth  Dec,  \S6Q. 


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200  Liturgical  QtAestiom. 

II. 
Benediction  with  the  Ciborium. 

Rev.  Sir, — The  other  evening  I  went  into  a  Church  where 
devotions  were  going  on.  Tlie  Taberuacle  was  opened,  and  the 
Pyxis,  covered  with  its  veil,  was  exposed  within  it,  and  after  the 
prayer,  Deus  qui  nobis,  was  sung,  the  Priest  took  out  the  Pyxis 
and  gave  Benediction  with  it.  This  being  to  me  a  new  practice 
1  made  inquiries  and  was  told  Cavalieri  approved  of  it 

May  I  ask  (a)  is  this  practice  in  keeping  with  the  Rubrics  or 
Decrees,  and  if  the  answer  is  affirmative,  please  say  (b)  may  a  Priest 
do  this  as  often  as  he  thinks  it  conducive  to  the  people's  devotion, 
or  does  he  require  the  Bishop's  permission  ?  Sacerdos. 

(a)  Yes ;  this  is  a  recognised  form  of  giving  Benediction. 

(b)  The  Bishop's  permission  is  required  for  this  as  it  is 
for  Benediction  with  the  Monstrance. 

When  Benediction  is  given  with  the  Ciborium,  the 
following  is  the  ceremony  to  be  observed  : — 

The  Altar  is  prepared  as  for  the  ordinary  Benediction. 
The  Priest  is  vested  in  surplice  and  stole,  and,  if  convenient, 
with  cope  also.  He  is  attended  by  two  acolytes  and  a 
thurifer.  At  the  Altar  he  observes  the  usual  reverences, 
ascends  the  predella,  opens  the  Tabernacle,  genuflects,  and 
descends  the  steps,  leaving  the  door  of  the  Tabernacle 
wide  open,  and  the  covered  Ciborium  visible  within.  He 
now  puts  incense  into  the  thurible  and  incenses  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  more  nolito.  Then  follow  the  usual 
prayers  and  chant.  After  the  Tantum  ergo,  the  Priest 
puts  on  the  humeral  veil,  ascends  to  the  predella,  genuflects, 
takes  out  the  Ciborium,  lays  it  on  the  corporal  of  the 
Altar,  takes  it  in  the  left  hand  by  the  nodus,  covers  it  with 
ends  of  the  humeral  veil,  and  then  tu)*ning  round  gives  the 
Benediction  with  the  Ciborium  thus  covered.  After  the 
Benediction  he  lays  the  Ciborium  on  the  Altar,  genuflects, 
puts  oif  the  humeral  veil,  rises,  places  the  Ciborium  in  the 
Tabernacle,  genuflects,  closes  the  Tabernacle,  descends, 
and  returns  to  the  sacristy  with  the  usual  reverences. 

III. 
yfay  hottoraria  be  received  in  Tribunali  t 
In  the  Siatuta  Diocesana  (p.  84)  we  read : — "  et  districte 
mandamus  ut  nihil,  sub  quocunque  praetextu,  in  Tribunali  Poeni- 
tentiae  accipiatur."  Can  that  enactment  have  any  possible 
reference  to  the  authorized  honoraria  which  the  faithful  are 
accustomed  to  present  immediately  after  confession  ? 

Consult  I.  E.  Recori),  3rd  Series,  vol.  v.,  p.  196  (March, 
1884),  where  this  question  haa  been  already  answered* 


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[    201    ] 
DOCUMENTS. 


Duelling. 

A  physiciau  is  not  allowed  to  asHist  at  a  duel  even  for 
the  purpose  of  inducing  the  duellists  to  desist,  or  of  attend- 
ing professionally  to  either  pai*ty  if  wounded.  He  is  not 
even  allowed  to  resort  to  a  neighbouring  house  (though 
not  actually  present  at  the  scene  of  the  duel),  with  a  view 
of  being  close  at  hand  to  dress  the  wounds  of  the  injured 
duellist.  He  even  incurs  the  excommunication  in  these 
circumstances.  The  same  is  true  of  a  confessor  who  attends 
to  give  spiritual  help,  if  needed. 

31  Mai  1884. 

Illme.  AC  Rkvme.  Do^dne, — Litteris  die  24  Septembris  gaper- 
ions  anni  datis,  vicarius  generalis  Amplitudinis  Tuas  proposuit 
tria  sequentia  dubia,  scilicet : 

I*'.  Fotestne  modicus  rogatus  a  duellantibus  duello  asslstere, 
cam  intentione  citius  linem  pugnse  impooendi  vel  simpliciter  vul- 
nera  ligandi  ac  corandi,  quia  incurrat  excommunicationem  Sumno 
Pontilici  simpliciter  reservatam  ? 

"i^,  Fotestne  saltern,  quia  duello  sit  pnesens,  in  dome  vicina 
tei  in  loco  propinquo  sistere  proximus  ac  paratus  ad  prrebendum 
mam  mioisterium,  si  duellantibus  opus  fuerit  ? 

8^.   Quid  de  confessario  in  iUdem  conditionibus  ? 

Eroi.  PP.  uno  niecum  inquisitores  generales  base  dubia  ad 
examen  revocaverunt  in  Cong,  generali  habita  feria  IV.,  die  ?8 
labentis  Maii,  ac  re  mature  perpensa,  respondem  censuerunt : 

Ad  1°*  Noo  posse,  et  excommunicationem  incurri. 

.\d  -i"*  vero  et  3™.  Quatenus  ex  condicto  fiat,  item  non  posse, 
et  excommunicationem  incurri. 

Dum  hsec  tecum  communico,  ut  pro  opportunitate  nota  fiant, 
fansta  omnia  ac  felicia  tibi  deprecor  a  Domino. 

R.  P.  D.  EpisCOp.  PiCTAVIEK. 

Addictissimus  in  Domino. 

R.  Card.  Monaco. 


Decrees  of  the  S.  Congregation  of  the  Council. 

1.  A  coadjutor  or  sacerdos  amovibilis  is  not  free  to 
transfer  his  services  from  one  diocese  to  another  \vithout 
the  leave  of  his  Bishop. 

2.  A  Bishop  can  compel,  even  under  censure,  a  coad- 
jutor to  continue  the  work  he  is  charged  with,  until  a 
fitting  successor  can  be  convenieutly  provided. 


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202  Documents. 

3.  The  Archbishop  of  Toulouse  is  empowered  by  the 
Holy  See— the  special  faculties  to  last  for  seven  years— to 
enforce  the  services  of  those  priests  who  are  able  but 
unwilling  to  do  raissionary  work. 

These  decisions  bear  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  law 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  which  on  the  one  hand  imposes  on 
Bishops  the  obligation  of  assigning  to  those  whom  they 
ordain  some  church  or  institution  in  which  they  are  to  be 
employed,  and  on  the  other,  enjoins  on  the  persons 
ordained  not  to  quit  their  charge  without  the  permission 
of  the  Bishop.  Before  now  the  Congi-egation  of  the  Council 
was  consulted,  and  issued  from  time  to  time  decisions  on 
this  subject.  For  some  Canonists  held  that  the  obUgation 
of  getting  the  Bishop's  permission  to  quit  the  diocese  applied 
only  to  pastors  or  beneficed  clergy  whose  office  necessarily 
supposed  permanent  residence,  and  not  to  coadjutors  or 
other  sacerdotes  amovibiles.  The  Congregation  when 
appealed  to  in  individual  cases  has  invariably  given 
decisions  which  show  that  such  a  distinction  cannot  be 
maintained.  In  the  present  connection  a  few  of  its  former 
decisions  may  be  interesting. 

When  asked  on  the  30th  August,  1732,  "An,  juxta 
decretum  ejusdem  Synodi  (Larinensis,  1728)  prohiberi 
possit  cuicungue  ecclesiasticoy  etiam  in  minoribus  constitute ; 
decessus  a  oioecesi  absque  licentia  Episcopi  sub  poena 
ducatorum  sex,*'  the  answer  was  '•  Affirmative.'^  Again  in 
1816,  a  professor  of  Theology,  named  Alexandri,  of  the 
seminary  of  the  diocese  of  Nocera,  where  he  had  received 
Orders  on  the  title  of  Patrimony,  finding  his  revenue 
insufficient  for  his  wants,  and  failing  to  ffet  any  increase 
from  the  Bishop,  joined  the  diocese  of  Todi.  For  this 
change  ho  asked  the  permission  ot  the  Bishop  of  Nocera, 
but  was  refused.  Notwithstanding  tliis  refusiil,  the  pro- 
fessor took  up  his  work  in  Todi,  and  continued  to  say  Mass, 
having,  however,  appealed  to  Rome  from  the  ruling  of  the 
Bishop  of  Nocera  who  recalled  him,  under  penalty  of 
suspension,  and  appointed  him  at  the  same  time  to  a 
certain  mission  in  his  diocese.  The  questions  submitted  to 
the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  with  the  answers,  were  as 
follows : — 

I. — An  praeceptum  Episcopi  Nucerini  dierum  13  Sep- 
tembris  et29  Octobris,  1816,  sit  observandum  in  easu,  &a 

11. — An  constet  de  irregularitate  incursa  a  presbytero 
Gervasio  Alexandri,  sen  potius  sit  consulendum  Sanctissimo 
pro  dispensatione  ab  irregularitate,  pro  cautela  tantum,  in 
casu. 


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Documents.  203 

S.  C.  Concilii  resp.  : — Ad  1.  .  .  Affirmative^  dummodo 
Episcopus  provideat  Alexandrum  congrue  pro  decenti  smten- 
tatione. 

Ad  II. — Affirmative  ad  primam  partem^  et  ronsulendum 
Sanctisstmo  pro  absolutione,  et  dispematione  elargieiida  post 
reditum  ad  dioecesim,  et  petitam  veniam  ab  JEpiscopo.^ — 
19  Sept.,  1818. 

In  1833  the  Congregation  gave  a  similar  decision,  in 
what  seems  to  be  a  still  stronger  case.  One  Britius,  who 
had  received  tonsure  in  the  diocese  of  Rieti,  entered  the 
Congregation  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  at  Rome,  and  was 
there  admitted  to  Holy  Orders  oub  titulo  Patrimonii,  Later 
on  he  left  the  Congregation,  and  for  five  years  filled  the 
office  of  public  catechist  entrusted  to  bim  by  the  municipal 
authorities  of  his  native  town.  He  then  stood  the  con- 
cursus  for  the  vacant  parish  of  Montbow,  in  the  diocese  of 
Sabina,  and  was  successful.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that 
the  Bishop  of  Rieti  interposed,  and  complained  of  the 
departure  ot  Britius  from  his  diocese  without  his  permis- 
sion.   The  case  came  before  the  Council  in  this  form : 

An  et  quomodo  Sacerdos  Gaspar  Britius  cogi  possit,  ut 
in  dioecesim  reatinam  revertatur  in  casu  ? 

S.  C  Cone.  resp. :  "  Affirmative^  dummodo  congrua  sus- 
tentatio  eidem  ah  Episcopo  provideaturJ^* 

Another  case  was  decided  c»n  the  same  principles  on  the 
19th  of  Febmary,  1870,  the  principle  being  that  no  priest 
can  transfer  his  services  from  one  diocese  to  another  with- 
out the  permission  of  his  Bishop,  as  long  as  the  Bishop 
provides  for  him  a  congrua  smtentatio.  We  do  not  now 
refer  to  the  special  exception  made  in  favour  of  priests 
vho  abandon  the  Mission  m  order  to  join  a  Religious  Order. 

The  most  recent  decisions  bearing  on  the  question  are 
the  following : — 

TOLOSAN. 

9  Mai,  1885. 
Beatissime  Pater, — Cardinalis  Archiepiscopns  Tolosanus  reve- 
renter  exponit  quod  non  raro  accidit  lit  sacerdotes  quibiis  cura 
amovibilis  Ecdesianira  succursalium  commissa  f uit,  muneri  suo 
reountient  et  antequam  Ordinarius  reauDtiationem  acceptet,  ad  pro- 
pria, eo  quod  beneficia  proprie  dicta  non  possident,  redeant. 
Unde  contigit  non  paucos  sacerdotes  vitam  otiosam  traducere,  dum 
pbres  parochiales  ecclesiaB  suis  carent  rectoribus.  Quapropter 
praedictns  Cardinalus  Archiepiscopus  quserit. 

1^  Utrum  llceat  memoratis  sacerdotibus,  eo  quod   beneficla 

^Thesaurus  Resol.  S.  Cong.  Concilii.    Tom.  Ixxxviii.  pp. 260-261. 
*  lUd  Tom.  xciii,  p.  28-35. 


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204  Documents. 

veri  nominis.non  teneant,  a  8UO  nranere  recedere,   non  obtenta 
prius  Ordinarii  licentia  ? 

2**.  An  ex  pnecepto  obedientiee,  adhibitis  etiam,  si  opus  fuerit, 
censuris,  Episcopus  jus  babeat.  eos  cogendi  ut  in  suo  munere  per- 
sistant, usquedum  ipsis  de  idoneo  successore  providere  valeat  ? 

3^  Utrum  sub  eodem  praeccpto.  iisdemque  intentatis  censoris, 
facultatem  habeat  episcopus  sacerdotes  viribus  pollcntes,  et  ab  aliis 
ofliciis  liberos,  compellendi  ad  earum  ecclesiarum  curam  percipien- 
dam  usquedum  ill  is  alio  modo  providere  queat  ? 

Die  9  maii  1881,  Sacra  Congregatio  EEmorum  S.  Ii.  E.  Car- 
dinalium  Concilii  Tridentini  Interpretum,  attentis  peculianbus  cir- 
cumstantiit,  rensuit  rescribendum : 

Ad  1"*  Negative. 

Ad  2™  Affirmative. 

Ad  8™  Affirmativey  vigort  fiicultatum  qua,  approhante  SSmo 
Domino  Nostro^  Emo  Archiepucopo  oratori  tributtntur  ad  septenninm 
tantumj  »i  tamdiu  exponitce  circunuiantus  perduravennt, 

L.  Card.  Nina,  Pnxfectw. 
J.  Verga,  Secretarius, 


The  Feast  of  the  Rosary  is  not  to  be  Transferred 

EXCEPT   IN   occurrence   WITH  A    FeAST    OF  A  HIGHER 
RITE. 

The  Offices  of  the  Guardian  Angels  and  St.  Francis 
of  Assisi  were  recently  raised  to  the  double  major  rite. 
Now  it  would  follow  on  the  general  principles  of  Occurrence, 
that  if  either  of  th«m  were  to  fall  on  the  firat  Sunday  in 
October,  they,  as  principal  feasts,  should  be  preferred  to 
the  feast  of  the  Rosary,  which  is  also  a  major  double,  but 
a  secondary  feast.  In  order  to  avoid  this  inconvenience, 
many  Bishops  requested  the  Holy  Father  to  raise  the  feast 
of  the  Rosary  to  the  rite  of  a  double  of  the  second  class. 
The  request  is  not  granted  in  this  form,  but  the  Pope  meets 
the  inconvenience  referred  to,  by  ordering  that  {he  feast  of 
the  Rosary,  which  continues  to  be  of  the  double  major  rite,  is 
not  to  give  way — secondary  feast  though  it  is — to  any 
feast  except  one  of  a  higher  rite.  This  is  the  way  in  which 
a  similar  difficulty  was  met  in  the  case  of  Offices  of  the 
Mysteries  and  Instruments  of  the  Passion  of  our  Lord. 

Decretum  Generate . 

Die  19  Junii  1884. 
Ne,  ob  recentem  ad  ritum  duplieis  majoris  erectionem  Otbcio- 
rum  Sanctorum  Angelorum  Custodum  ac  Sancti  FrancLsci  Assisi- 
ensis,  Oiiiciuro,  pariter  ritus  duplieis  majoris,  Sacratissimi  Deiparae 
Bosarii  (quod^  veluti  Festum  secundarium  putatur)  Dominica 
primae  Octobi  is  afiBxuni,  in  occuiTentia  aliquotics  illis  postponendum 


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Correspondence*,  205 

etadaliam  diem  traosferendum  sit,  nonnulli  Sacrorum  Antistites 
Sanctidsimum  Dominam  Nostrum  Leonem  Papam  XIII  suppliei- 
bus  Yotis  rogarant,  ut  praedictum  ofiicium,  attenta  speciali  cult  us 
deTotione,  qua  ubique  a  Fidelibus  ea  die  celebrari  solet,  ad  ritum 
doplicis  secondse  classis  elevare  dignaretur.  Ejusmodi  vero  preces 
quum  a  subscripto  Sacrorum  Rituum  Congregationis  Secreturio 
relate  fuerint  eidem  Sanctissimo  Domino  Nostro,  Sanctitas  Sua 
eoDStitnit,  Officium  Sacratissimi  Rosarii  Beatss  Mariee  YirginLs  non 
poese  amaodari  ad  aliam  diem,  nisi  occurrente  officio  potioris  ritus, 
quemadmodam  per  Decretum  Urhia  ejusdem  Sacree  Bituum  Cou-« 
gregationis  sub  die  6  Augusti  1831  pro  Officiis  Mysteriorum  et 
lonrumentorom  Dominicae  Passionis  preescriptum  fuerat.  Con- 
tmiis  non  obstantibus  quibuscumque. 

Card.  Bartolinius,  S.  R,  C  ,  Priefectus, 
Laurentius  Salvati,  S.  R.  C.,  Secretariufi. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


St.  Virgilius. 

TO  THB  EDITOR  OF  THE  IRISH  RCCLBSIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Sir — Permit  me  to  state,  in  reply  to  Canon  Brownlow,  tliat 
FergiL.  or  Virgilius,  does  not  occur  in  the  Martyrology  of  Donegal. 
A*  this  work  was  compiled  by  Michael  O'Clery,  the  chief  of  the 
Four  Masters,  the  omission  shows  that  he  did  not  identify  the 
Abbot  of  Aghabo  with  St.  Virgilius  of  Salzburg. 

What  warrant  the  Four  Masters  had  for  (1)  calling  Fergil  the 
Geometer;  for  (2)  placing  his  death  in  Germany;  for  (8)  styling 
Imn  a  Bishop ;  and,  finally,  for  (4)  giving  thirty  years  (the  true 
reading)  to  his  episcopacy,  it  were  vain  to  enquire.  Nor  is  the 
question  worth  solution.  For  the  statements,  it  is  evident,  are  all 
inteqMlations. 

The  original  notice  is  fortunately  preserved  in  the  Annals 
of  Ulster  :  788,  Feirgil,  Abbot  of  Aghabo,  died  (O'Conor.  Rer.  Hib. 
Script^  iv.  114).  Now,  this  and  the  hundreds  of  similar  domestic 
obits  given  in  our  native  chronicles,  what  are  they  ?  Original  docu- 
ments of  the  most  unimpeachable  authority.  They  are,  namely, 
transcripts  of  contemporary  entries  in  Monastic  Annals,  recording 
deaths  which  took  pi  ace  in  the  respective  monasteries.  The  omission 
of  the  locits  in  quo,  which  is  characteristic  of  continental 
Necrologies  also,  could  deceive  no  intelligent  reader,  whilst  it 
served,  what  was  a  matter  of  considerable  moment,  to  economize 
the  parchment.  ■: 

Fergil,  Abbot  of  ;Aghabo,  diedj  therefore,  there  can  be  no 
^bt,  in  Aghabo.  Another  conclusion,  it  is  to  be  feared,  is 
^Qitteqaently  unavoidable.  O'Clery  and  his  assistants  either  acted 
ia  bad  faith,  in  tampering  with  the  original  text ;  or  showed  an 

VOL.  VI.  P 


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206  Notices  of  Books. 

litter  incapacity  for  critical  work,  in  failing  to  detect  such  cluinsj 
for;^erics 

I  have  to  add,  that,  though  I  searched  closely  and  repeatedly, 
I  failed  to  find  his  name  in  the  lonpf  genealogies,  and  classified  lists, 
of  Irish  saints  contained  in  the  lithographed  Edition  of  the  Book 
of  Leinster. 

0*Conor  devotes  two  and  a-half  pages  to  the  subject  of 
Virgilius  (ubi  sup.  172-5).  He  assumes  the  Abbot  of  Aghabo,  the 
person  delated  by  St.  Boniface,  and  the  Bishop  of  Salzburg  to  be 
the  same  Virgilius.  In  proof  that  Virgilius  taught  '*  the  doctrine 
of  the  Antipodes,"  he  gives  the  following  (ib.  p.  173)  : — Aventinos 
in  libro  tertio  Annalium  Boiorum,  p.  172,  Virgilium,  inquit,  in 
disciplinis  mathematicis  et  in  philosophia  profana,  magis  quam  tunc 
(^hrisiiani  mores  ferebant,  eruditum,  ex  illiusmodi  scitis,  contra 
vidgi  opinioncm,  et  D.  Augustini  ac  aliorum  patrum  sententiara, 
docuisse  "  circumfnndi  Terrae  homines  rnxdique^  et  conversis  inter 
se  pedibus starcy  tinde  Antipodes  Grceci  nuncupant  voce^ 

He  adds  in  a  note  a  reference  to  Kuldeberg,  Opuscula 
Geographica,  Jenae  1710,  p.  85,  and  Hiccioli,  Geograpbia, 
Venice,  1672. 

His  own  opinion  is  given  as  follows  (ib.  p.  173) :  Minimeitaque 
mirandum,  si  Virgilius,  Antipodum  sententiam  ex  professo  pro- 
pu«»nans,  a  Bonifacio  Moguntino  hereseos  accusatus  et  delatus  ad 
papam  Zachariam,  Sieculo  viii.  in  judicio  sisti  decemeretur,  pre- 
sertim  cum  doctrina  ejus,  perperam  interpretata,  accepta  fuerit 
quasi  alium  esse  mandum,  alios  stib  terra  homines^  ab  Adamo  minime 
ortos,  alium  Solem  et  Lunam  affirmaret.  Hinc  in  viii.  Capitulo  ad 
Bonifacium,  Pontificali  auctoritate  decernens,  Zacharias  inquit :  Si 
clarificatum  fuerit  ita  eum  [Virgilium]  confiteri.  quod  alius  mundus 
<?st,  et  alii  homines  sub  terra,  hunc.  accito  concilio,  ab  Ecclesia 
pclle,  Sacerdotali  honore  privatum  (L'abbe,  Goncil.  t.  6,  Paris, 
1671,  Zachariae  Epist.  x.  p.  1521). 

To  judge  from  the  fact  of  their  being  fonnd  in  the  place  to 
which  he  refers,  Dr.  O* Donovan  took  Solivagua  and  Bishop  of 
iSidzhirg  from  O'Conor. 

Yours  faithfully, 

B.  MacCabtht. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 
The  History  of  the  Church  of  God  from  the  Creation  to  the  present  day. 

By  Kev.  B.  J.  Spalding.     New  York :  The  Catholic  Pablication 

Society. 

All  are  agreed  that  the  religious  instruction  in  oar  schools 
should  include  some  knowledge  of  Bible  and  Church  history,  before 
it  can  set  up  a  claim  to  anything  like  completeness.  Indeed  it  is, 
we  regret  to  say»  too  often  a  matter  of  just  complaint  that  some 


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Notices  of  Books.  207 

Catholic  high-schools,  which  devote  much  time  and  care  to  the 
teaching  of  profane  history  in  all  its  branches,  give  no  place  to 
the  history  of  the  Church.  We  have  heard  a  defence  set  up  for 
this  lamentable  omission  in  that  there  is  no  suitable  book  for 
school  work  in  this  department.  We  cannot,  however,  admit  this 
plea  as  quite  satisfactory,  for  have  we  not  in  the  matter  of  Bible 
Ilistery  at  all  events  the  new  and  much  improved  edition  of  the 
interesting  book  by  Reeve  ?  And  we  are  glad  to  see  in  the  book 
we  are  noticing  a  successful  attempt  to  meet  the  want  more  fully. 
Rev.  B.  Spalding's  work  contains  a  history — necessarily  very  com- 
pendious, as  the  volume  is  an  ordinary  octavo — of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  and  of  the  Church.  We  can  heartily  commend  it  for 
school  use.  The  matter  is  abundant  and  judiciously  selected,  the 
style  of  the  writing  is  easy  and  graceful,  and  as  for  form  and  order 
we  have  rarely  met  with  any  school  book  so  admirably  brought  out. 
It  is  supplied  with  almost  every  help  for  a  young  student ;  for  in- 
stance, the  subject-matter  of  each  section  is  ]irinted  briefly  in 
Clarendon  press  type  ;  questions  are  printed  at  the  bottom  of  each 
page,  and,  finally,  the  book  is  very  profusely  illustrated  with 
highly-finished  woodcuts.  We  can  heartily  commend  it  as  a 
school  book.  Ed. 

The  Month\^  Pardon.      From  the  French  of  Raoul  de  Navery. 
By  Anna  T.  Sadlier.      Benziger  Brothers,  New  York. 

Thw  story  aims  at  being  interesting,  and  at  the  same  time 
instructive.  The  author  is  most  fortunate  in  his  choice  of  subject. 
The  scenes  are  for  the  most  part  in  Spain,  in  the  time  of  Philip  IV. ; 
the  characters  arc  the  king,  his  ministers,  and  the  great  artists  of 
the  period.  Alonso  Cano,  whom  admirers  called  the  Michael 
Angelo  of  Spain,  is  the  hero ;  and  we  are  introduced  to  Murillo, 
Velasquez,  i.tf.,  II  Spagnoletto,  and  many  others.  How  Thackeray 
would  have  revelled  in  such  company. 

But  M.  de  Navery  is  not  a  Thackeray.  It  may  seem  wrong 
not  to  encourage  the  publication  of  good  stories  for  the  amusement 
of  our  young  people ;  and  indeed  the  present  writer  will  welcome 
any  such  book,  no  matter  how  little  merit  it  may  have.  He  wel- 
comes **  The  Month's  Pardon  "  among  the  rest,  the  author  and 
translator  of  which  have  done  good  work.  But  what  strikes  one  is, 
that  the  work  might  have  been  made  so  much  more  attractive. 

Why  will  our  story-tellers  aim  only  at  saving  those  who  are 
very  good  ?  For,  when  a  story  is  turned  into  a  sermon,  it  is  only 
the  very  good,  who  listen  willingly  to  sermons,  will  sit  down  to 
read  your  story.  The  perfection  of  art,  they  say,  is  to  conceal  the 
arti6cial :  may  it  not  also  be  true  that  the  perfection  of  preaching 
in  conversation  and  through  stories,  is  to  conceal  the  sermon.  Put 
on  the  surplice  and  see  how  many  will  leave  the  room  ;  you  will 
then  preach  to  old  women  and  good  little  girls. 

W.  McD. 


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208  Notices  of  Books. 

Drifting  Leaves.  By  M.  E.  Henry.  Catholic  Publication  Society, 
9,  Barclay-street,  New  York.  London  :  Bubns  &  OATEij. 
1884. 

This  little  volume  of  sacred  song  is  so  full  of  deep  religious 
feeling  that  we  should  find  it  difficult  to  fault  the  versification, 
even  were  it  far  short  of  the  excellence  really  attained.  Several 
of  the  pieces,  too,  display  no  ordinary  power  of  thought  and 
imagination.  "  Ash  Wednesday  "  and  '' Magdalen "  will  sene  af^ 
illustrations  of  these  qualities.  Occasionally,  where  the  lines  are 
short  and  the  composition  varied,  cadence  and  rhythm  might  be 
improved  by  further  effort.  But  there  is  not  a  single  one  of  the 
"  Drifting  Leaves  '*  that  will  not  repay  careful  inspection. 

P.  O'D. 

The  Augmtinian  Manual,    By  An  Augustinian  Father.    Dublin  : 
Gill  &  Sox, 

The  person  who  will  not  be  satisfied  with  *'  The  Augustinian 
Manual"  is  one  hard  to  please  in  a  prayer-book.  We  have 
looked  through  its  many  pages  with  the  view  of  finding  some 
usual  practice  of  devotion  unprovided  for,  and  we  failed  to  find  any 
omission.     It  is  indeed  a  full  book. 

In  addition  to  its  excellence  as  a  practical  prayer-book  for 
the  faithful  in  general,  it  contains,  as  a  specialty,  exhaustive 
instructions  for  the  members  of  the  Archconfraternity  of  the 
Cincture  of  SS.  Augustine  and  Monica  on  their  duties  and 
privileges. — Ed. 

The  Spirit  of  St.  Teresa.  Translated  and  arranged  by  the  Author 
of  "  The  Life  of  St.  Teresa.'*     London :  Burns  &  Gates. 

This  little  book  has  three  parts  :  first,  the  Exclamations  of  the 
Soul  to  God ;  second,  Directions  on  Prayer ;  and  third,  a  Novena 
before  the  Feast  of  St.  Teresa.  In  the  first  two  parts  we  have 
the  words  of  the  Saint ;  the  third  was  written  by  an  unknown  hand, 
and  dedicated  to  Madame  Louise  of  France,  a  Carmelite  novice, 
and  daughter  of  Louis  XY. 

W.  McD. 

The  League  of  the  Cross  Magazine  :  a  Catholic  Temperance 
Gazette.  London:  Burns  &  Gates.  Agents  for  Ireland; 
Gill  &  Son,  Dublin. 

We  wish  this  Magazine  every  success.  It  deserves  the  support 
of  all  Catholics,  and  may  do  a  great  deal  of  good  in  many  an 
unhappy  home. 

W.  McD. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


APRIL,  1885. 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  BANGOR— ST.  COLUMBANUS. 


S' 


T.  COLUMBANUS  was  the  great  glory  of  the  school 

*  of  Bangor.  He  is  one  of  the  most  striking  figures  of 
his  age ;  his  influence  has  been  even  felt  down  to  our  own 
times.  The  libraries  which  contain  manuscripts  written  by 
his  monks  are  ransacked  for  these  literary  treasures,  and  the 
greatest  scholars  of  France  and  Germany  study  the  Celtic 
glosses  which  the  monks  of  Ck)lumbanus  jotted  down  on  the 
margins  or  between  the  leaves  of  their  manuscripts.  Hence 
we  think  it  right  to  call  special  attention  to  the  literary 
labours  of  Columbanus,  because  he  is  at  once  the  highest 
representative  of  Celtic  culture  and  Celtic  mohasticism. 

We  need  not  dwell  at  length  on  the  facts  of  his 
life,  striking  and  interesting  as  his  marvellous  career  un- 
doubtedly  is.  His  life^  published  by  Surius,  was  written  by 
an  Italian  monk  of  Bobbio,  called  Jonas,  at  the  request  of 
his  ecclesiastical  superiors,  and,  though  full  enough  in 
details  regarding  his  life  on  the  Continent,  it  is  meagre  as  to 
facts  of  his  youth  in  Ireland.  It  is,  however,  so  far  as  it 
goes,  authentic,  for  the  informants  of  Jonas,  were  the 
members  of  his  own  community  of  Bobbio,  who  were 
companions  of  the  saint,  and  eye-witnesses  of  what  they 
relate. 

Columbanus,  or  Columba,  was  the  Latin  name  given  to 
the  saint,  probably  on  account  of  the  sweetness  of  his 
disposition.    For  although  in  the  cause  of  God  he   was 


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210  The  School  of  Bangor — St  Columbanus, 

a  native  of  West  Leinster,  and  bom  about  the  year  543,^ 
if  not  earlier,  tor  he  was  at  least  72  years  at  his  death  in 
615.  In  his  boyhood  he  gave  himself  up  with  gi-eat  z«^al 
and  success  to  the  study  of  grammar,  and  of  the  other 
liberal  arts  then  taught  in  our  Ii-ish  schools,  including 
geometry,  arithmetic,  dialectics,  astronomy,  rhetoric,  and 
music.  He  was  a  handsome  youth,  too,  well-shaped  and 
prepossessing  in  appearance,  fair  and  blue-eyed  like  most 
of  the  nobles  of  the  ycots.  This  was  to  him  a  source  of  great 
danger,  for  at  least  one  young  maiden  strove  to  win  the 
afifections  of  the  handsome  scholar,  and  wean  his  heart  from 
God.  Old  Jonas,  the  writer  of  the  life,  shuddera  at  the 
thought  of  the  danger  to  which  Columbanus  was  exposed, 
and  the  devilish  snares  that  were  laid  for  his  innocence.  The 
youth  himself  was  fully  sensible  of  his  danger,  and  sought 
the  counsel  of  a  holy  virgin  who  lived  in  a  hermitage  hard 
by.  At  first  he  spoke  with  hesitation  and  humility,  but 
afterwards  with  confidence  and  courage,  which  showed 
that  be  was  a  youth  of  high  spirit,  and  therefore  all  the 
more  in  danger.  '*  What  need,'  replied  the  virgin,  ''to 
seek  my  counsel.  I  myself  have  fled  the  world,  and  for 
fifteen  years  have  remained  shut  up  in  this  cell.  Remember 
the  warning  examples  of  David,  Samson,  and  Solomon,  who 
were  led  astray  by  the  love  of  women.  There  is  no 
security  for  you  except  in  flight."  The  youth  was  greatly 
terrified  by  this  solemn  warning,  and  bidding  farewell  to 
his  parents,  resolved  to  leave  home  and  retire  for  his  souVs 
sake  to  some  religious  house  where  he  would  be  secure. 
His  mother,  with  tears,  besought  him  to  stay ;  she  even 
threw  herself  on  the  threshold  before  him,  but  the  boy, 
declaring  that  whoever  loved  his  father  or  mother  more 
than  Christ,  is  unworthy  of  him,  stepped  aside,  and  left  his 
home  and  his  parents,  whom  he  never  saw  again. 

He  went  straight  to  Cluaninis.  in  Lough  Erne,  whose 
hundred  islets  in  those  days  were  the  homes  of  holy  men, 
who  gave  themselves  up  to  prayer,  penance,  and  sacred 
study.  An  old  man  named  Sinell,  was  at  that  time  famous 
for  holiness  and  learning,  and  so  Columbanus  placed 
himself  under  his  care,  and  made  great  progress  both  in 
profane  learning,  and  especially  in  the  study  of  the  Sacred 
Scriptures. 

At  this  time  the  fame  of  Bangor  was  great  throughout 
the   land:  so   Columbanus  leaving  his  master   Sinell  of 

1  Dr.  Moran  thinks  he  was  bom  as  early  as  530. 

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The  School  of  Bangor— St.  Columhanus.  211 

Lough  Erne,  came  to  Comgall,and  prostrating  himself  beforfe 
the  Abbot  begged  to  be  admitted  amongst  his  monks.  The 
request  was  granted  at  once,  and  Columbanus,  as  we  ar6 
expressly  informed,spent  many  years  in  that  great  monastery 
by  the  sea,  going  through  all  the  literary  and  religions 
exercises  of  the  commumty  with  much  fervour  and  exact- 
ness. This  was  the  spring-time  of  his  life,  in  which  he 
sowed  the  seeds  of  that  spiritual  harvest,  which  France  and 
Italy  afterwards  reaped  in  such  abundance.  His  rule  was 
the  rule  of  Bangor.  His  learning  was  the  learning  of  Bangor, 
His  spirit  was  the  spirit  of  Bangor. 

When  fully  trained  in  knowledge  and  piety,  Columbanus 
sought  his  Abbot  Comgall,  and  begged  leave  to  go,  like  so 
many  of  his  countrymen,  on  a  pilgrimage  for  Christ.  It 
was  the  impulse  of  the  Celtic  mmd  from  the  beginning — 
it  is  80  still — the  Irish  are  a  nation  of  Apostles.  It  is  not  a 
mere  love  of  change  or  foreign  travel,  or  tedium  of  home, 
the  pilgrimage,  or  peregnnatio,  was  essentially  undertaken 
to  spread  the  Gospel  of  Christ.  The  holy  Abbot  Comgall 
glaoly  assented.  He  gave  him  his  leave  and  his  blessing, 
and  Columbanus,  taking  with  him  twelve  companions, 
prepared  to  cross  the  sea.  Money  they  had  none :  they 
needed  none.  The  only  treasure  they  took  with  them  was 
their  books  sluug  over  their  shoulders  in  leathern  satchels, 
and  so,  with  their  staves  in  their  hands,  and  courage  in 
their  hearts,  they  set  out  from  their  native  country  never 
to  return.  At  first  they  went  to  England,  and  traversing 
that  country,  where  it  seems,  too,  they  were  joined  by 
some  associates,  they  found  means  to  cross  the  (jhanuel  and 
came  to  Gaul,  about  the  year  575. 

Gaul  at  that  time  was  in  a  deplorable  state.  The 
country  was  nearly  depopulated  by  a  century  of  cruel 
wars;  and  although  the  Kings  of  the  Franks  were  nomi- 
nally Christians,  and  their  people  Catholics,yet  partly  from 
the  disturbances  of  the  times,  and  partly  from  the  negligence 
of  the  prelates,  vice  and  crime  were  everywhere  triumphant. 
The  apostolic  man  with  lus  companions  at  once  set  about 
preaching  the  Gospel  in  these  half-Christian  towns  and 
villages.  Poor,  half-naked,  hungiy,  their  lives  were  a 
sennon ;  but  moreover,  Columbanus  was  gifted  with  great 
doQuence,  and  a  sweet  persuasive  manner  that  no  one 
cowd  resist.     They  were  everywhere  received  as  ififiiLiif- 


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212  The  School  of  Bangor — St.  Columbanus. 

but  they  would  not.  They  went  their  way  southward 
through  a  wild  and  desert  country,  preaching  and  teaching, 
healing  and  converting,  until  they  came  to  the  Court  of 
Gontran,  grandson  of  Clovis,  at  that  time  King  of 
Burgundy — one  of  the  three  kingdoms  into  which  the  great 
monarchy  of  Clovis  had  come  to  be  8ubdi\nded. 

Gontran  received  the  missionaries  with  a  warm  welcome, 
and  at  fii-st  established  them  at  a  place  called  Annegray, 
where  there  was  an  old  Roman  castle  in  the  modem 
department  of  the  Haute-Saone.  The  King  offered  them 
both  food  and  money,  but  these  things  they  declined,  and 
such  was  their  extreme  poverty,  that  they  were  often 
forced  to  live  for  weeks  together  on  the  herbs  of  the  field, 
on  the  berries,  and  even  the  bark  of  the  trees.  Colum- 
banus  used  from  time  to  time  bury  himself  alone  in  the 
depths  of  the  forest,  heedless  of  hunger,  which  stared  liim 
in  the  face,  and  of  the  wild  beasts  that  roamed  around  him, 
trusting  altogether  to  the  good  providence  of  God.  He 
became  even  the  prince  of  the  wild  animals.  The  birds 
would  pick  the  crumbs  from  his  feet ;  the  squirrels  would 
hide  themselves  under  his  cowl ;  the  hungry  wolves 
harmed  him  not ;  he  slept  in  the  cave  where  a  bear  had  its 
den.  Once  a  week  a  boy  would  bring  him  a  little  bread 
or  vegetables :  he  needed  nothing  else.     He  had  no  com- 

E anion.  The  Bible  transcribed,  no  doubt,  at  Bangor  with 
is  own  hand,  was  his  only  study  and  his  highest  solace. 
Thus  for  weeks,  and  even  months,  he  led  a  life,  Uke  John 
the  Baptist,  in  the  wilderness,  wholly  divine. 

Meanwhile  the  number  of  disciples  in  the  monastery  at 
the  old  ruined  castle  of  Annegray  daily  increased,  and  it 
became  necessary  to  seek  a  more  suitable  site  for  a  larger 
community.  Here  too  the  Burgundian  King  Gontran 
proved  himself  the  generous  patron  of  Columbanus  and  liis 
monks.  There  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Vosges  mountains, 
where  warm  medicinal  springs  pour  out  a  healing  stream, 
an  old  Roman  settlement  called  Leuxeil.  But  it  was 
now  a  desert.  The  broken  walls  of  the  ancient  villa« 
were  covered  with  shrubs  and  weeds.  The  woods 
had  extended  from  the  slopes  of  the  mountain  down 
to  the  valleys  covering  all  the  country  round.  There  was 
no  population,  no  tillage,  no  arable  land ;  it  was  all  a  savage 
forest,  filled  with  wolves,  bears,  foxes,  and  wild  cats.  Not 
a  promising  site  for  a  monastic  settlement,  but  such  a  place 
exactly  as  Columba  and  his  companions  desired.  They 
wanted  solitude,  they  loved  labour,  and  they  would  have 


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Tlie  School  of  Bangor — SU  ColumbanxM,  213 

plenty  of  both.  lu  a  few  years  a  marvellous  change  came 
over  the  scene.  The  woods  were  cleared,  the  lands  were 
tilled,  fields  of  waving  com  rewarded  the  labour  of  the 
monks,  and  smiling  vineyards  gave  them  wine  for  the  sick 
and  for  the  holy  Sacrifice.  The  noblest  youths  of  the 
Franks  begged  to  be  admitted  to  the  brotherhood,  and 
gladly  tooK  their  share  in  the  daily  round  of  praver,  penance, 
and  ceaseless  toil.  They  worked  so  long  that  they  fell 
asleep  from  fatigue  when  walking  home.  They  slept  so 
little  that  it  was  a  new  penance  to  tear  themselves  from 
the  mats  on  which  they  lay.  But  the  blessing  of  God  was 
upon  them ;  they  grew  in  numbers,  and  in  holiness,  and  in 
happiness,  not  the  happiness  of  men  who  love  this  world, 
but  the  happiness  of  those  who  truly  serve  God. 

But  now  a  sore  trial  was  nigh.  God  wished  to  purify 
his  servants  by  suffering,  and  to  extend  to  other  lands  the 
sphere  of  their  usefulness.  The  first  trial  came  from  the 
8eciilar  clergy.  Those  Irish  monks  were  men  of  virtue  and 
ansteri^,  but  they  were  also  in  many  respects  very  pecu- 
liar, Thsv  had  a  hturgy  of  their  own  somewhat  different 
from  that  m  use  around  them ;  they  had  a  queer  tonsure, 
h'ke  Simon  Magus,  it  was  said,  in  front  from  ear  to  ear, 
instead  of  the  orthodox  and  customary  crown.  Worst  of  all, 
it  sometimes  happened  that  they  celebrated  Easter  on  Palm 
Sunday,  so  that  they  were  singing  their  alleluias  when  all  the 
churches  of  the  Franks  were  in  the  mourning  of  Passion 
time.  Remonstrance  was  useless ;  they  adhered  tenaciously 
to  their  country's  usages ;  nothing  could  convince  them  that 
what  St.  Patrickand  the  saints  of  Ireland  had  handed  down 
to  them  could  by  any  possibility  be  wrong.  They  only 
wanted  to  bo  let  alone.  They  did  not  desire  to  impose 
their  usages  on  others.  Why  should  others  impose  tneir 
usag^  on  them  1  They  had  a  right  to  be  allowed  to  live 
in  peace  in  their  wilderness,  for  they  injured  no  man,  and 
they  prayed  for  all.  Thus  it  was  that  Columbanus 
reasoned,  or  rather  remonstrated,  with  a  synod  of  French 
bishops  that  objected  to  his  practices.  His  letters  to  them 
and  to  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  on  the  subject  of  this 
Paschal  question  are  still  extant,  and  he  cannot  be  justified 
m  some  of  the  expressions  which  he  uses.  He  tells  the 
bishops  in  effect  in  one  place  that  they  would  be  better 
employed  in  enforcing  canonical  discipline  amongst  their 
own  clererv.  than  in  discussintr  the  Paschal  Question  wth 


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214  The  School  of  Bangor — St.  Columbanus. 

genuine  eloquence.  He  implores  the  prelates  in  the  most 
solemn  language  to  let  him  and  his  brethren  live  in  peace 
and  charity  in  the  heart  of  their  silent  woods,  beside  the 
bones  of  their  seventeen  brothers  who  were  dead.  "  Surely 
it  is  better  for  you,"  he  says,  **^to  comfort  than  to  disturb 
us,  poor  old  men,  strangers,  too,  in  your  midst*  Let  us 
rather  love  one  another  in  the  charity  of  Christ,  striving  to 
fulfil  his  precepts,  and  thereby  secure  a  place  in  the  assembly 
of  the  just  made  perfect  in  heaven." 

Language  of  tliis  character,  used,  too,  in  justification  of 
practices  harmless  in  themselves,  but  not  in  accordance 
with  the  prevalent  discipline  of  the  Church  at  the  time,  was 
by  no  means  well  calculated  to  beget  affection  towards  the 
strangers  in  the  minds  of  the  Frankish  clergy.  Other 
troubles,  too,  soon  arose. 

Gontran,  the  steady  friend  of  Columbanus,  died  child- 
less in  593,  and  was  succeeded  in  Burgundy  by  his  nephew 
Childebert  IL,  already  King  of  Austrasia,  the  son  of 
the  infamous  Queen  Brunehaut.  He  too  died  three  years 
later,  leaving  his  kingdoms  to  his  young  sons  Theodebert, 
who  got  Austrasia,  and  Thierry,  who  took  Burgundy. 
Brunehaut,  their  grandmother,  the  daughter  of  the  Arian 
King  of  the  Visi-Goths  of  Spain,  was  in  her  youth  hand- 
some, generous,  and  pious.  But  her  heart  was  soured  by 
the  murder  of  her  sister,  the  Queen  of  Neustria  ;  she  gave 
her  whole  soul  to  the  demon  of  vengeance,  and  she^vished 
for  power  to  compass  her  vengeance.  So  she  took  the 
guardianship  of  the  young  princes  into  her  own  hands 
(§96),  and  in  order  to  secure  her  own  power  she  encouraged 
the  princes  to  indulge  in  every  debauchery.  This  was 
especially  the  case  after  she  was  driven  by  the  nobles  frona 
Austrasia  and  forced  to  take  refuge  in  Burgundy,  where 
she  had  the  young  Thierry  at  her  own  bad  disposal.  A 
lawful  queen  might  dispossess  the  wicked  Brunehaut  from 
the  place  of  influence  which  she  held  over  the  king,  and  so 
she  encouraged  him  in  the  pursuit  of  unlawful  love,  in  order 
to  secure  her  own  power.  Leuxeil  was  in  Burgundy,  and 
King  Thieny,  pious  after  the  fashion  of  the  Merovig- 
nians,  sometimes  visited  Columbanus  and  his  monks.  The 
latter  was  no  respecter  of  persons,  and  on  these  occasions 
he  rebuked  the  king  with  apostolic  zeal  and  courage  for 
keeping  concubines  at  his  palace  instead  of  a  lawful  queen. 
The  king  took  the  rebuke  patiently,  and  promised  amend* 
ment;  but  Brunehaut  was  more  dangerous  to  touch.  On 
one  occasion  when  Columbanus  was  at  Bourcheresse  she 


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The  Sdtool  of  Bangor — St  Columbanus,  215 

brought  the  four  childi-en  of  Thierry  to  be  blessed  by  th^ 
saint.  **  What  would  you  have  me  do?"  he  said.  *<  To 
bless  the  king's  children,"  answered  Brunehaut.  "  They  will 
never  reign,"  he  cried  out,  *'they  are  the  offspring  of  ini- 
quity/' The  woman  retired  wrathful  andhumiliated,  plotting 
reveuge.  All  the  neighbouring  people,  even  the  religious 
houses,  were  forbidden  to  hold  any  communication  with 
Columbanus  and  his  monks,  or  to  yield  them  any  succour. 
But  Columbanus,  so  far  from  yielding,  wrote  a  reproachful 
letter  to  the  king,  in  which  he  even  threatened  excommuni- 
cation if  he  persisted  in  his  evil  courses.  Here  no  doubt 
was  the  height  of  insolence — a  f  orei^  monk  to  threaten  to 
excommunicate  a  king  of  the  Franks.  It  was  intolerable. 
Yet  when  Columbanus  came  to  the  royal  villa  at  Epoisses 
to  remonstrate  with  the  king,  he  was  hospitably  received. 
He  however  indignantly  refused  to  accept  the  hospitality 
of  the  persecutor  of  his  poor  monks,  and  under  his  withering 
curse  the  vessels  containing  the  repast  were  broken  to 
pieces.  On  this  occasion  both  Thierry  and  Brunehaut,  in 
terror  of  their  lives,  asked  pardon,  which  was  readily 
granted.  But  the  truce  only  lasted  for  a  short  time. 
Thierry  relapsed  again  into  his  crimes,  and  again  Columr 
bauus  threatened  excommunication.  This  time  both 
Thierry  and  the  queen  came  to  Leuxeilin  person,  but  Columr 
banus  strictly  adhering  to  the  Irish  rule  excluding  women 
from  the  cloister,  forbade  them  to  cross  the  threshold  of  his 
monastery.  The  king  persisted,  and  made  his  way  to  the 
refectory.  "  Know  then,"  said  the  intrepid  monk,  "  that  as 
you  have  broken  our  rules  we  will  have  none  of  your  gifts, 
and,  moreover,  God  will  destroy  your  kingdom  and  your 
race."  "  I  won't  make  you  a  martyr,*'  said  Thierry  ;  "  I  am 
not  such  a  fool :  but  since  you  and  your  monks  will  have 
nothing  to  do  with  us,  you  must  leave  this  place  and  go 
home  to  your  own  country  whence  you  came."  This  was 
about  the  year  610. 

For  the  present,  however,  he  was  only  made  a  prisoner, 
and  conducted  to  Bensan9on,  where  he  was  kept  under 
surveillance,  until  one  day,  looking  with  longing  to  his 
beloved  Leuxeil,  and  seeing  no  one  at  hand  to  prevent  him, 
he  descended  the  steep  cliff  which  overhangs  the  river 
Doubs,  and  returned  to  his  monastery.  When  the  king 
heard  of  his  return,  he  sent  imperative  orders  to  have  him 
and  all  his  companions  from  Ireland  and  Britain  forcibly 
removed  from  the  monastery,  and  conveyed  home  to  their 
own   country.       The    soldiers    presented    themselves  at 


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216  The  School  of  Bangor— St.  Columbanus. 

Leuxeil  when  the  holy  man  was  in  the  choir  with  his 
monks.  They  told  him  their  orders,  and  begged  him  to 
come  voluntarily  with  them — ^they  were  nnwiUing  to  resort 
to  force.  At  first  he  refused ;  but  lest  the  soldiers  might 
be  punished  for  not  resorting  to  that  violence  which  they 
were  unwilling  to  make  use  of,  he  finally  yielded.  He 
called  his  Irish  brethren  around  them :  "  Let  us  go,"  he 
said,  "  my  brothers,  in  the  name  of  God.*'  It  was  hard  to 
leave  the  scene  of  their  labours,  their  sorrows,  and  their 
joys ;  hard  to  leave  behind  them  the  graves  of  the  seven* 
teen  brethren  with  whom  they  had  hoped  to  rest  in  peace. 
But  go  they  must ;  the  soldiers  would  not  for  a  moment 
leave  them.  It  was  a  brief  and  sad  leave-taking.  Wails 
of  sorrow  were  heard  everj'where  for  the  loss  of  their 
beloved  father ;  brother  was  torn  from  brother,  friend  from 
friend,  never  to  meet  again  in  this  world.  Thus  it  was 
that  Columbanus  and  his  Irish  companions  left  that  dear 
monastery  of  Leuxeil,  and  were  conducted  by  the  soldiers 
to  Nevers.  There,  still  guarded  by  the  soldiert,  they  em* 
barked  in  a  boat  that  conveyed  them  down  the  Lone  to  its 
mouth,  where  they  would  find  a  ship  to  convey  them  back 
-again  to  Ireland. 

But  it  was  not  the  will  of  Providence  that  Columbanus 
and  his  companions,  when  driven  from  Leuxeil,  should 
return  to  Ireland:  other  work  was  before  them  to  do. 
Accordingly,  when  they  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Loire, 
their  baggage,  such  as  it  was,  was  put  on  board,  and 
most  of  the  monks  embarked.  But  the  sea  rose  moun- 
tains hiffh,  and  the  ship  which  Columbanus  intended  to 
rejoin  when  under  weigh,  was  forced  to  return  to  port.  A 
three  days*  calm  succeeded,  and  the  captain,  fearing  to 
provoke  a  new  storm,  caused  the  monks  and  their  baggage 
to  be  put  on  shore,  for  he  feared  to  take  them  with  him. 
Thus  left  to  themselves,  Columbanus  and  his  companions 
went  to  Soissons  to  Clotaire,  King  of  Neustria,  by  whom 
he  was  received  with  every  kindness  and  hospitality.  The 
king  cordially  hated  Brunehaut  and  her  grandson — ^hia 
motner,  Fredegonda,  had  murdered  Brunehaut's  sister — 
and  he  was  anxious  to  keep  Columbanus  in  his  own  kingdom, 
but  the  latter  would  not  stay.  He  pushed  on,  with  his 
companions,  to  Metz,  the  capital  of  Austrasia,  where 
Theodebert,  the  brother  of  Thierry,  then  reigned.  Here  he 
was  joined  by  several  of  his  old  monks  from  Leuxeil,  who 
preferred  to  follow  their  father  in  his  wanderings,  to 
remaining  behind  in  the  kingdom  of  his  persecutor. 


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The  School  of  Bangor — St.  Columbanus.  217 

ColnmbanuB  now  resolved  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the 
pagan  populations  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine  and  its 
tributary  streams.  So  embarking  at  M^ence,  after 
many  toils  and  dangers,  they  came  as  far  as  Lake  Zurich, 
in  Switzerland^  and  finaUy  established  themselves  at 
Bregentz,  on  the  Lake  of  Constance,  where  they  fixed 
their  headquarters.  The  tribes  inhabiting  these  wild  and 
beautiful  regions — ^the  Suevi  and  Alemanni — were 
idolaters,  though  nominal  subjects  of  the  Austrasian 
kingdom.  Woden  was  their  God,  and  tbey  worshipped 
him  with  dark  mysterious  rites,  under  the  shadow  of 
sacred  oaks,  far  in  the  depths  of  the  forest.  Discretion 
was  not  a  gift  of  Columbanus,  so  he  not  only  preached  the 
Go^el  amongst  them,  but,  axe  in  hand,he  had  the  courage 
to  cut  down  their  sacred  trees;  he  burned  their  rude 
temples,  and  cast  their  fantastic  idols  into  the  lake.  It 
was  not  wise;  the  people  became  enraged,  and  the  mis- 
sionaries were  forced  to  fly.  After  struggling  for  three 
years  to  convert  this  savage  people,  Columbanus,  per- 
ceiving that  the  work  was  not  destined  to  be  accomp- 
lished by  him,  crossed  the  snow-covered  Alps  by  the 
pass  of  St.  Gothard,  though  now  more  than  seventy 
years  of  age,^  and  after  incredible  toil,  succeeded,  with 
a  few  of  his  old  companions,  in  making  his  way  to  the 
Court  of  the  Lombard  King  Agiluhm,  whose  Queen 
was  Theodelinda,  famous  for  beauty,  for  genius,  and  for 
Tirtue. 

At  this  time  the  Lombards  were  Arians,  and  Agilulph 
himself  was  an  Arian,  although  Queen  Theodelinda  was  a 
devout  Catholic.  Mainly  we  may  assume  through  ber 
influence  the  Arian  monarch  received  the  broken  down  old 
man  and  his  companions  with  the  utmost  kindness,  and 
Columbanus  had  an  ample  field  for  the  exercise  of  his 
missionary  zeal  amongst  the  rude  half-Christian  population. 
But  first  of  all  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  permanent  home 
— and  nowhere  could  he  find  rest  except  in  solitude.  Just 
at  this  time  a  certain  Jucimdus  reminded  the  King  that 
there  was  at  a  place  called  Bobbio  a  ruined  church  once 
dedicated  to  St.  Peter ;  that  the  place  round  about  was 
fertile  and  well  watered  with  streams,  abounding  in  every 
kind  of  fish.  '  It  was  near  the  Trebbia,  almost  at  the  very 
^t  where  Hannibal  first  felt  the  rigours  of  that  fierce  winter 
in  the  snows  of  the  Appenines,  so  graphically  described  by 

1  According  to  others,  he  was  nearly  ninety. 

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2J.8  The  School  of  Banfjor-^-^St.  Columbanus, 

Livy.  The  King  gladly  gave  the  place  to  Columbanus, 
and  the  energetic  old  man  set  about  repairing  the  ruined 
church  and  building  his  monastery  with  all  that  un- 
quenchable ardour  that  cleared  the  forests  of  Leuxeil,  and 
crossed  the  snows  of  the  Alps.  His  labours  were  regarded 
by  his  followers  as  miraculous.  The  fii*  trees^  cut  down  in 
the  valleys  of  the  Appenines,  which  his  monks  were  unable 
to  carry  down  the  steep  and  rugged  ways,  when  the  old 
man  himself  came  and  took  a  share  ot  the  burden  were 
found  to  be  no  weight.  So,  speedily  and  joyfully,  with  the 
visible  aid  of  heaven,  they  completed  the  task,  and  built  in 
the  valley  of  the  Appenines  a  monastery,  whose  nam©  irill 
never  be  forgotten  by  saints  or  scholars.  Whilst  it  wa« 
building,  Clotaire,  Bong  of  Neustria,  now  monarch  of  all  the 
Franks  according  to  the  prediction  of  Columbanus,  sent  a 
solemn  embassy  to  Bobbio,  and  invited  him  in  most  courteous 
language  to  return  again  to  France  to  dwell  with  his  com- 
panions where  he  pleased.  He  declined,  however,  the 
tempting  offer  of  the  king.  France  had  cast  him  out;  he 
had  now  found  a  home;  he  was  too  old  to  become  a 
wanderer  any  naiore. 

The  holy  old  man  lived  but  one  year  after  he  had 
founded  Bobbio.  His  merits  were  full ;  the  work  of  his  life 
was  complete ;  he  had  given  his  rule  to  the  new  house ;  he 
left  behind  him  some  of  his  old  companions  to  complete 
his  work,  and  now  he  was  ready  to  die.  To  the  gi-eat  grief 
of  the  brotherhood,  Columbanus  passed  away  to  his  reward 
on  the  eleventh  day  before  the  Kalends  of  December,  in 
the  year  ()15,  probably  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 
He  was  buried  beneath  the  high  altar,  and  long  afterwards 
the  holy  remains  were  enclosed  in  a  stone  coffin,  and  are 
still  preserved  in  the  old  moncwtic  Church  of  Bobbio. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Ireland  never  sent  a 
greater  sou  than  Columbanus  to  do  the  work  of  God  in 
foreign  lands.  He  brought  forth  much  finiit  and  his  fruit 
has  remained.  For  centuries  his  influence  was  dominant^ 
in  France  and  in  Northern  Italy,  and  even  in  our  own  days,. 
his  spirit  speaketh  from  liis  urn.  His  deeds  have  been 
described  by  many  eloquent  tongues  and  pens,  and  his 
writings  have  been  carefully  studied  to  ascertain  the 
secret  of  his  extraordinary  influence  over  his  own  and  sub- 
sequent ages.  His  character  was  not  indeed  faultless,  but 
he  was  consumed  with  a  restless  imtiring  zeal  in  the 
service  of  his  Master,  which  was  at  once  the  secret  of  his 
power  and  the  source  of  his  mistakes.     He  was  too  ardent 


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Questions  regardmg  Ptopositum.  219 

in  character,  and  almost  too  zealous  in  the  cause  of  God. 
In  this  respect  he  is  not  unlike  St.  Jerome,  but  we  forget  thdr 
faults  in  our  admiration  for  their  virtues  and  their  labours. 
A  man  more  holy,  more  chaste,  more  self-denying,  a  man 
with  loftier  aims  and  purer  heart  than  Columbanus,  was 
never  born  in  the  Island  of  Saints, 

John  Healy. 


QUESTIONS  REGARDING  PfiOPOSITUM.— III. 

WOULD  it  be  an  extravagance  to  assert  generally  that 
in  dealing  with  the  rroximate  Occasion  of  Mortal 
Sin  there  is  no  room  for  the  apiniones  benignae,  and  that 
Buccessful  treatment  is  possible  only  under  the  application 
of  stem  unbending  severity  ?  Must  we,  when  taking  in 
hands  the  curing  of  a  man  placed  in  occasions  proorima^ 
discard,  as  a  rule,  the  softer  remedies  of  styptic  and  anodyne, 
and  relentlessly  employ  the  lancet  and  scalpel?  No  doubt 
our  deep-rooted  abhon'ence  of  rigid  theories,  and  our 
experience  of  the  fatal  indifferentism  and  despair  to 
which  they  lead,  should  logically  cause  us  to  "  think 
twice "  and  hesitate  uneasily  before  giving  an  affirmative 
reply;  but  having  "thought  twice"  and  pondered  the 
matter  anxiously,  our  knowledge  of  human  nature  and 
the  persistent,  stubborn  teaching  of  experience  will  force 
us  to  hold,  that,  although  we  may,  on  occasions  that 
occur  few  and  rarely  in  a  lifetime,  unbend  the  austerity 
of  these  propositions,  they  nevertheless  express  the  true 
method  of  treating  the  Occasio  Proxima.  Those  exceptions 
alone  will  be  regarded  as  admissible  whose  claim  to 
milder  remedies  is  iucontestably  established  and  justified. 
St.  Augustine  says :  **  Ludicra  spes  ilia  quae  inter  fomenta 
peccati  salvari  sperat/' 

With  tiie  recidivi  ex  causa  intninseca  we  can  oftentimes 
afford,  without  peril  to  our  own  or  our  penitent's  soul,  to 
interpret  in  our  penitent's  favour  every  circumstance  that 
suggests  extenuation  of  guilt  or  inspires  a  "  spes,  etiam 
incerta'* — adopting  in    all  its  whole-souled    charity    the 


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220  Questions  regarding  Fropositunu 

amotae,  sed  tamen  retractatae  et  involunt€«iae,  magis 
adscribendi  sunt  quam  malitiae  et  defectui  propositi  •  .  . 
Et  cum  haec  notabilis  emendatio  [quam  prasupponit]  sit 
effectus  gratiae  sacramentalisjspes  est  quod,per  iterationero, 
tandem  Integra  et  perfecta  conversio  obtinebitur ;  et  Jiaec 
est  communis  confessariorum  doctorum  et  timoratorum  praxis.^ 
At  the  very  worst,  we  may  be  obliged  to  postpone  their 
absolution  for  some  days — St.  Liguori  says:  "octo  vel 
decem  vel,  ad  summum,  quindecim  dies,"  awaiting  the 
advent  of  a  signum  extraordinarium :  but  when  it  comes 
with  suflScient  significance,  it  is  our  duty  to  absolve. 

Far  different,  however,  is  the  language  of  St.  Liguori 
when  he  speaks  of  those  "qui  reinciderint  ex  causa 
extrinseca:  dico  absolutionem  omnino  differendam  esse 
usquedum  tollatur  occasio,  si  sit  voluntaria;  si  vero 
necessaria  donee  periculum  recidendi  ex  proximo  fiat 
remotum"  (L.  vi.,  T.  iv.  n.  463.)  For  writing  thus 
strongly  the  great  Saint  and  Doctor  mildly  and  gently 
apologizes ;  but  adds,  with  a  sternness  so  strange  to  him, 
his  unalterable  determination  never  to  recede  from  the 
unsparing  rigour  of  this  practice.  "  Nunquam  absolverem 
eum  qui  est  m  occasione  proxima  externa  .  .  •  senrper 
ac  absolutio  commode  di^erri  possit.'*  (Ibid.)  "lEnc 
diximus  quod  propter  periculum  frangendi  propositum, 
mortaliter  peccat  poenitens  qui  ante  remotionem  occasionis 
absolutionem  petit,  et  gravius  peccat  confessarius  qui  ilium 
absolvit."     (P7\ix.  n.  66.) 

No  theologian  or  commentator  has  yet  succeeded  in 
diluting  or  softening  down  the  severe  literalism  of  our 
Lord's  words :  "  Quid  prodest  homini  si  mundiun  universum 
lucretur,  animae  vero  suae  detrimentum  patiatur?  "  "  Si 
oculus  tuus  dexter  scandalizet  te,  erue  eum  et  projice  aba 
te."  The  most  note-worthy  "  interpretation  '*  known  to  the 
writer  is  that  given  by  De  Lugo  when  he  endeavours  to 
reconcile  with  these  words  his  theory :  **  Hominem  absolvi 
posse  •  .  .  quando  occasio  proxima  relin^ui  non  potest 
absque  scandalo,  gravi  infamia,  vel  detrimento  magno 
spirituali  vel  temporah*.  Tunc  enim  licite  manet  in 
periculo,  quod  est  necessarium,  et  potest  sperare  divinum 
auxilium  ad  resistendum."  (D.  xiv.,  S.  x.  n.  152).  He 
formulates  the  objection  from  the  first  text  in  this  way : — 

''  Majus  malum  est  peccatum  mortale  quam  infernos  ipse  et 
carentia  beatitudinis  aeternae.  Ergo  ex  obligatione  charitatis  erga 
te  ipsom  debes  procurare  vitare  illud  malum^  etiam  cam  gravissimo 
detrimento  et  cum  jactura  cujuscumque  alterius  boni." 


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Questions  regarding  Propositum.  221 

To  which  apparently  insuperable  objection  he  gives 
this  strange  repfy :— "  Peccatum  est  majus  malum,  hoc  est 
minus  volibile  per  voluntatem  activam  et  practicam,  non 
vero  per  voluntatem  speculativam  et  permissivam :  nam 
licet  debeam  potius  non  velle  peccare  (quam)  non  velle 
mortem  velinfemum,non  tamen  debeo  magisnonperraittere 
peccatum  quam  mortem  vel  infenium."  He  then  refers  the 
student  to  an  earlier  dissertation  for  additional  light — which 
the  student  will  not  find  there. 

La  Croix  analyses  the  solution  thus : 

'* Licet  peccatum  alienum  permitti  possit,  tamen  concipi  non  potest 
quomodo  quis  dicatur  permittere  internum  et  formale  peccatum 
propritim :  ai  enim  permittit,  admittit,  ergo  peccat :  unde  sicuti  qui 
ex  metu  mortis  mentitur,  peccat,  quamvis  non  mentiretur  si 
abesset  metus  mortis,  ita  peccat  qui  ex  metu  mortis  [gravis  infamia, 
Ac]  manet  in  periculo  fonnali,  cum  quo  moraliter  est  conjunctum 
peccatum  .  .  •  J^ec  refert  quod  sit  moraliter  impossibile  f ugere 
taleperictilum,  eo  quod  hoc  videtur  supcrare  humanam  infirmitatem ; 
quia  cum  ilia  morali  impossibilitate  adhuc  manet  hbertas  sulficiens 
ad  peccandum/' 

Premising  that  the  periculum  formale  is  that  which 
**  hie  et  nunc,  consideratis  omnibus  circumstantiis  extrinsecis 
et  intiinsecis,  solet  esse  conjunctum  cum  peccato  " — many 
will  be  surprised  to  find  an  absence  of  unanimity  among 
theologians  in  replying  to  the  ordinary  and  obvious  ques- 
tion: 

"  Si  quis  nullo  mode  possit  facere  ut  cum  occasione  externa  non 
8it  conjunctum  periculum .  formale  peccandi,  an  sit  obligatio  eam 
occasionem  externam  deserendi,  etiam  cum  quocumque  incommodo, 
quamvis  debeat  subire  jacturam  omnium  bonorum  lortunae,  famae, 
et  vitae  ?  " 

Not  only  is  there  an  absence  of  unanimity,  but  the  pre- 
ponderance of  extrinsic  authority  is  ranged  on  the  side  on 
which  we  should  least  expect  to  find  it.     La  Croix  says : 

"  Negant  eum  ad  hoc  teneri  Auctores  gravissimi  quos  recensent 
et  sequuntur  Lugo,  Sanchez,  Castropalao,  &c.,  &c. — dicuntque  non 
peccare  eum  qui,  ex  tali  necessitate  gravissima,  manet  in  occasione 
proxima  ;  dummodo  conetur  cavere  peccatum,  adhibeatque  nova 
media,  et  si  sit  spes,  quamvis  incerta,  vincendi/* 

The  argument  by  which  this  view  of  De  Lugo,  i£c.,  is 
lu-ged,  seems  in  theory  and  on  paper  to  be  strong  enough. 


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?r?.9.  Qu4Sstion8  regarding  Propositum. 

quoties  autem  poenitens  habet  verum  dolorem  et  prbpo- 
situni,  absolvi  potest.'*  They  remind  us  that :  '*  Non  ideo 
negatnr  absolutio  perse veranti  in  occasione  proxima,  quia 
ilia  perseverantia  praeeise  repugnat  cum  vero  proposito,  sed 
quia  velle  perseverare  scienter  in  taU  occasione  proxima 
peccati,  esset  novum  peccatum/'  The  man  in  casu,  they 
tell  us,  remains  in  the  danger  against  his  will ;  his  staying 
is  therefore  not  sinful — "  et  bene  absolvi  potest.** 

Whatever  we  may  say  about  the  theory  and  the  reason- 
ing by  which  it  is  sought  to  be  maintained ;  however 
tenderly  one  should  speak  of  an  opinion  supported  by  such 
an  array  of  Auc tores  gravissimi,  it  is  mcontrovertibly 
certain  that  each  and  all  of  these  most  grave  doctors  would, 
after  a  slight  actual  trial,  hasten  Avith  appeaUng  solicitude 
to  warn  us  against  making  practical  apphcation  of  it, 
except  on  such  occasions  as  have  been  alluded  to  above, 
and  which  may  occur  not  once  in  a  long  lite. .  Men  do  not 
live  in  the  superlunary  regions  of  theoiy,  but  lumber  along 
and  labour  with  difficulty  through  life,  in  the  midst  of  hard 
prosaic  realities.  Nothing  short  of  a  miracle  of  grace  will 
sustain  and  shelter  the  penitent  who,  for  any  eai'thly  con- 
sideration, declines  to  forfeit  whatever  may  be  necessary  in 
order  to  escape  a  "  periculum  quod,  hie  et  nunc,  consider- 
atis  omnibus  circumstantiis  extrinsecis  et  intiinsecis  solet 
esse  conjunctum  cum  peccato.**  **  Per  se  non  repugnat,*' 
that  a  man  may  swim  in  safety  down  (or  even  up  ?)  the 
Falls  of  Niagara ;  does  this  justify  the  insanity  of  attempt- 
ing it  ?  If,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  souls  entrusted  to  us 
should  slip  from  our  grasp,  the  refined  ingenuity — even  the 
metaphysical  truth — oftms  theory  would  be,  in  our  defence, 
a  pitiable  plea. 

Hence  the  teaching  of  La  Croix,  St.  Liguori,  &c.,  should 
\>e  adopted  as  the  only  safe  guide  in  the  actual  direction 
of  souls.     La  Croix  says : 

"Non  curanda  esse  talia  incommoda,  sed  nioralem impossibilitatem 
vinccndam,  ac  fugienda  talia  pericula  formalia,  etiam  cum  jactura 
omnium  bonorum  fortunac,  famae,  et  vitae,  si  aliter  excludi  non 
possit ;  quia  homo  tenetur  etiam  cum  jactura  vitae  evitare  omne 
peccatum — sive,  tenetur  potius  mori  quam  peccare,  etiam  tantum 
venialiter ;  ergo  etiam  sic  tenetur  vitare  periculum  formale  peccati : 
velle  enim  raanere  in  illo  est  moraliter  velle  peccatum,  quia  tale 
periculum  formale  et  peccatum  sunt  moraliter  idem :  sed  nullo  casa 
licitum  est  velle  peccatum,  ergo  nee  tale  periculum.*' 

Verily,  if  "velle  manere  in  periculo  formal! '*  be  not 
ontologically  identical  with  the  *<vello  peccare  peccato 


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.Questions  regarding  Prapositum.  228 

occaaionato,'*  they  are,  in  the  composite  realities  of  Hfe^ 
inseparable ;  and  the  man  who  plays  with  the  thunder-bolt 
will  assuredly  perish  by  its  shock. 

All  this  is  necessarily  involved  in  the  idea  of  Propositum 
as  described  by  theologians,  which — to  be  sufficient  for 
valid  absolution — must  be  efficax.  l^o  be  efficax,  Saint 
Liguori,  &c.,  tell  us,  it  must  be  '*  aptxim  efficere  quo  J  pro- 
poidtur:  ideoque  oportet  quod  poenitens  non  solum 
prnpoiiat  peccatum  vitare,  sed  etiam  media  adhibei'e  ad 
peccatum  vitandum,  et  signanter  occasiones  proxiraas 
peccaudi,  ut  comrauniter  docent  DD."  (ubi  sup.  n.  A5i), 
•*  Propositum  non  tantum  absolutum  esse  debet,  sed  etiam 
efficax ;  ita  ut  .  .  .  .  r^  ipsa  moveatur  homo  ad  occa- 
siones peccatorum  amovendas,  et  omnein  aliam  operam 
adhibendam,  quae  ad  vitanda  peccata  necessaria  videturJ"^ 
(LaymaD).  It  would  be  the  cruellest  self-delusion  for  a 
naaa  to  imagine  that  his  resolution  against  sin  is  firm  and 
effective  while  ho  clings  to,  or  tolerates,  that  which,  with 
practical  certainty,  will  sap  the  strengtJi  and  paralyze  the 
bravest  efforts  of  his  will.  No  degree  of  vigorous  resolve 
\rill  save  the  man  who  rashly  neglects  to  separate  from 
otherwise  wholesome  food  a  poison  which  he  knows  to  be 
deadly.  Hence  commentators  unanimously  render  our 
Lord's  metaphor  of  the  *'  Oculus  dexter  *'  as  a  direction, 
•'tt/  quicqaid  sit  offendiculo  trdJiatque  ad.  peccatum^  licet  tam 
charum  et  necessarium  sit  quam  dextera  mauus  et  dexter 
oculus,  id  resecetur  et  abjiciatnr^  quamtumlibet  incommodi  et 
doloris  id  afferat."  (A.-  Lapide.) 

Theologians  generally  expound,  and  elaborately  justify, 
the  marked  distinction  which  they  draw  between  the 
recidivi  ex  causa  intrinseca  and  those  ex  causa  extrinseca. 
Their  treatment  of  the  former,  whose  relapse  is  directly 
traceable  to  a  **  quaedam  complexio  interna,"  "  a  consue- 
tude vere  retractata.  sed  nondum  penitus  amota,'*  &c.,  is, 
speaking  generally,  in  veritable  antithesis  with  that 
reserved  for  the  latter.  (1)  Because  "  causae  extrinsicae, 
sensibus  jam  ad  peccandum  pronis  afficientes,  voluntatem 
nrnlto  efficacius  ad  peccatum  trahunt,  vividioresque 
excitant  cugitationos,  quam  causae  tantum  intrinsicae. 
Immo :  ut  causae  intrinsicae  ad  peccatum  moveant,  necesse 
habent,  ut  plurimum,  sibi  simulare  objecta  externa."     The 


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224  Qitestiona  regarding  Propositum. 

and  influence  afford  very  frequently  no  reason  for  doubtiog 
the  sincerity  of  a  man's  propositum.  (3)  Because  the  man 
who  adopts  against  them  the  *'  remedia  etiam  difficiliora," 
and  is  perseveringly  faithful  to  prayer  and  the  frequentation 
of  the  sacraments,  leaves  absolutely  nothing  undone,  on 
his  part :  he  thus  becomes  an  object  of  pity  and  compassion 
in  the  eyes  of  God — "  qui  non  patietur  vos  tentari  super  id 
quod  potestis,  sed  faciet  etiam  cum  tentatione  proventnm 
ut  possitis  sustinere."  (1  Cor,  x.  13.) 

The  principle  involved  in  these  last  two  considerations 
seems,  to  many  theologians,  fairly  applicable  to  the  case 
in  which  the  removal  of  the  occasio  proxima  externa  is 
barred  by  an  "  impossibilitas  physica  "  (instances  of  which 
are  given  by  every  writer) — and  in  which  ''remediis 
adhibitis,  poenitens  adhuc  semper  relabitur."  It  is,  however, 
true  that  few  questions  in  theology  have  given  rise  to  a 
more  diversified  variety  of  opinions  ;  and  strangely  true 
that  the  most  rigid  and  exacting  of  these  are  maintained 
by  theologians  whose  boldest  characteristic  is,  in  other 
matters,  exceptional  considerateness  and  tenderest  charity. 
Some  of  them  asseverate  that  men  in  this,  the  most  lament- 
able of  all  conceivable  states,  cannot  be  absolved  "  nisi  in 
articulo  mortis."  St.  Liguori — always  else  so  hopeful  and 
sympathetic — protests  in  fervid  words — "Nunquam  ab- 
solverem  eum  .  .  .  semper  ac  absolutio  commode 
differri  posset."  On  the  other  side,  and  in  the  opposite 
extreme,  De  Lugo  and  many  vnth  him  aver:  "Adhuc 
post  experientiam  illam  nullius  profectus,  potest  stare  dolor 

verus  et  propositum  requisitum Ergo  potest 

absolvi  poenitens."  Ballerini,  adopting  the  same  view, 
adds  as  an  all-sufficient  proof:  Res  ipsa  clamat  quod 
ejusmodi  dolor  et  propositum  haberi  queat  post  praece- 
dentem  inconstantiae  experientiam."  Layman,  Billuart, 
&c.,  following  in  some  measure  a  middle  course,  maintain 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  confessor  "  poenitenti  praescribere 
remedia  quibus  occasio  ex  proxima  fiat  remota :  quae  si 
negligat,  aut  vix  ulla  sit  emenda  post  unam  vel  luteram 
absolutionem,  non  debet  amplius  absolvi — quia,  in  his  cir- 
cumstantiis,  confessarius  non  potest  formare  judicium 
prudens  de  sinceritate  doloris  et  propositi." 

Balancing  against  the  rigid  teaching  of  St.  Liguori,  &c. 
the  volume  of  extrinsic  authority  by  which  the  opposite 
view  is  supported,  we  may  safely  hold  that,  even  snould 
the  unhappy  man  relapse  "  post  unam  vel  alteram  absolu- 
tionem," "  postque  absolutiones  aliquoties  dilatas,"  we  are 


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Questiom  regarding  Propoaitum.  225 

not  yet  to  abaadon  him :  it  should  indeed  be  our  rule 
tlirough  life  never  to  give  up  even  the  most  hopelessly 
fallen  sinner.  We  should  still  encourage  him  to  steadily 
look  to  the  sacrament  of  penance  as  the  remedy  in  which 
all  his  hopes  and  chances  lay.  We  should  patiently  and 
pcraistently  labour  to  create  or  rekindle  in  him  better 
dispositions.  We  should  watch  for  and  welcome  their 
coming;  and  when  they  come — however  fitfully  and 
faintly — we  should  not  underrate  them  because  they  may 
seem  to  originate  in  such  accidental  events  as  physical 
infirmity,  or  depression  of  spirits,  or  even  morose  moodiness 
of  temper — remembering  that  grace  not  unfrequently 
enters  the  soul  through  most  unexpected  channels.  Should 
he,  to  any  appreciable  degree,  correspond  with,  and 
endeavour  to  cultivate,  this  awakening  grace,  it  will  be 
our  privilege  and  duty  to  improve  the  opportunity  and 
strain  a  point,  when  possible,  in  order  to  confer  upon  him 
the  strength  of  sacramental  grace.  The  words  of  Suarez 
regarding  such  a  man  are  very  decisive :  *'  Neque  est  illi 
deoeganda  absolutio,  etiamsi  iterum  iterumque  reincidat, 
uiaxime  si  aliquantulum  se  contineat,  et  numeiTim  pecca- 
torum  paulatim  diminuat  .  .  •  Interdum  vero  differri 
poteJit  absolutio,  et  major  aliqua  poeniteutia  vel  cautio 
adhiberL" 

When  there  is  question  of  the  "  occasio  moraliter  tantum 
necessaria,"  the  teaching  of  La  Croix — "  moralem  impossi- 
bilitatem  vincendam  esse" — will  probably  be  accepted  as 
tbe  only  adequate  interpretation  of  our  Lord's  words: 
**Quid  prodest  homini,  &c.,"  "  Si  dexter  oculus  tuus  scan- 
dalizet  te,  erue  eum  et  projice  abs  te."  When  the  occasion 
arises,  we  must  be  aDsolutely  resolute  to  hazard  and 
sacrifice  all  that,  in  the  estimation  of  the  world,  is  most 
worthy  of  our  affection— if  upon  making  that  sacrifice 
should  depend  the  salvation  of  our  souls. 

It  is  true  that  Ballerini  and  very  many  before  him 
regard  the  supposition  of  La  Croix  as  an  "hypothesis 
chunaerica  .  .  •  de  (jua  semper  verum  erit  istam  Croixii 
opinionem  nee  rationi  consonam,  nee  prudenter  ad  praxim 
deduci  posse."  That  they  contend  "  nunquam  fien  posse, 
quod  homo  *  nuUo  modo  facere  possit,  ut  cesset  periculum 
proximum.* "  That,  while  admitting  man's  obligation  "  ad 
vitandum  proximum  periculum,"  they  assert  that  this  can  at 
afl  times  oe  effected  "  duplici  modo,  nempe  vel  utendo 
mediis  opportunis,  vel  removendo  occasionem/'  That  the 
penitent  **  ad  alterutrum  tantummodo  tenetur  ;'*  and  that 
VOL.  VL  R 


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22ft  Questions  regarding  Propositum. 

the  "  Confessarius  nullo  jure  Itoc  potius  imponat  qiiam 

The  argument  of  Ballerini  would  be  conclusive  and  the 
hypothesis  of  La  Croix  a  "  chimaera  monstrosa,"  if  the 
changing  of  the  proximate  into  a  remote  occasion  were 
always  possible,  not  merely  to  grace,  but  also  moridly  and 
with  practical  and  promising  availability  possible  to  man 
when  his  time  for  co-operating  with  that  grace  should  come, 
It  is  quite  true  that  if  the  j)enitent  "animura  inducat 
opportunaimo  et  necessaiia  adhibere  remedia,  divina  ^atia 
adjuvante,  mandata  servare  possibile  est ;"  it  is  equally  true 
that  he  has  the  "power  "  to  employ  these  remedia — otherwise 
his  disobedience  would  not  be  sinful.  But  here  we  are  speak- 
ing, not  of  a  power  that  is  purely  theological,  but  of  the 
expedite  power  wliich  man  possesses  in  sensu  coraposito 
occasionis  proximae.  Beyond  controversy  it  is  chronicled 
in  the  experience  of  every  other  day  that,  in  the  miserable 
realities  of  life,  the  "  alia  lex  *'  not  unfrequently  exercises 
a  (humanly  speaking)  irresistible  dominion  *'in  coi-pore 
•hujus  mortis."  Men  are  easily  found  so  enthralled  by  evil 
habits,  so  inextricably  immeshed  in  temptation,  so  abso- 
lutely helpless  in  the  presence  of  the  danger,  that  their 
fall  is  assured,  if  they  fail  to  find  safety  in  flight.  And 
these  are  oftentimes  men  who  have  prayed  with  all  the 
fervour  of  which  they  are  capable ;  who  have  mingled  with 
their  entreaties  copious  bitter  tears,  shed  not  alone  in  appre- 
hension of  the  temporal  ruin  that  was  impending,  but 
eanctified  in  the  shedding  by  a  nobler  motive.  Their 
prayers  and  benefactions  seemed  always  fated  to  be  refused; 
and  they  themselves  seemed  to  verify  in  their  own  persons 
the  doctrine  that  denies  sufficient  grace  to  some.  He 
would  be  a  cruel  friend  who  would  counsel  them  to  experi- 
ment in  "  media  opportuniora,"  for  they  had  exhausted  all 
that  lay  within  their  compass  along  that  **  alternative  " 
route.  No  doubt  the  mercy  of  God  has  frequently  raised 
lip  and  carried  men  in  triumph  from  the  conflict — a  rescue 
which  is  popularly  regarded  as  a  **  miracle  of  grace  ;"  but^ 
be  assured,  you  will  sometimes  meet  with  victims  who  fell 
solely  because  they  refused  to  fly,  and  who  nevertheless 
do  not  reveal  any  of  the  characteristicB  of  the  "  chimaera."* 

One  cannot  help  believing  that  he  has  failed  to  graq[> 
the  full  force  of  the  argument  put  forward  by  these  theolo- 
gians ;  for,  to  a  superficial  i-eader,  it  seems  a  palpable 
fallacy.  "  Si  poenitens  ad  alterutrum  tantummodo  teneatur 
obhgationi    suae    satisfacit   si^  e  duabus  viis    evadendi 


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Questions  regarding  Propositum.  227 

peccati  pericnlum,  altemtram  eligat  ac  teneat."  And 
again :  ^^f  oeniteos  utique  ex  lege  naturae  tenetur  ad  vitan- 
dnm  pericuhun  proximnm.  At  vero  cum  id  obtineri  duplici 
modo  poflsity  nempe  vel  utendo  mediis  opportunie,  ut 
periculum  fiat  remotum ;  vel  removendo  seu  fugiendo 
occaaionem,  poenitens  ex  lege  naturae,  ad  alterutrum  tan- 
tummodo  tenetur.  Ergo  confesaariua  non  potest  illi  hoc 
potius  imponere,  quam  fllud.  Ratio  est,  quia  confesearius 
non  est  legislator^  atque  adeo  .  .  .  non  potest  poenitenti 
quidpiam  praecipiendo  imponere  ad  quod  poenitens 
quapiam  alia  lege  non  tenetur."     (Ballerini.) 

No  one  can  deny  that  the  penitent  is  free  to  select 
whichever  of  the  two  routes  he  pleases,  provided  he  is 
assured  that  the  route  he  has  chosen  will  de  facto  lead  hito 
in  safety  to  the  point  in  which  both  routes  terminate. 
He  should,  however,  recollect  that  it  is  in  the  actual 
reaching  of  that  point,  and  by  no  means  in  the  com- 
mencing  of  a  journey  towards  it,  that  his  obligation  lies. 
Should  he  therefore  at  any  time  discover  that  the  way  he 
has  chosen — ^though  smooth  and  easy  for  others — does  not 
in  point  of  fact  conduct  him  to  the  appointed  goal, 
"  rationi  consonum  est "  that  he  "  try  back,"  and  alter  his 
choice.  Finis  coronat  opus.  The  argument  assumes 
throughout  that,  of  the  two  roads  leading  to  Fuga  Periculi, 
a  particular  one  is  easier  and  more  pleasant  K>r  all  men 
without  distinction ;  and  that  whoso  could  not  travel  by  it 
is  a  *^  chimaera "  and  no  man.  Be  it  so :  but  if  the 
**  cfaimaei'a  *'  is  bound  to  accomplish  the  journey  somehow, 
he  is  bound  to  engage  whatever  difficulties  may  beset 
the  only  path  along  which  he  (and  his  peculiarities) 
can  travel  We  may  compassionate  and  condole  with 
him:  but  dreadful  would  be  our  responsibility  if  we 
fuled  to  point  out,  and  bid.  him  resolutely  take,  that 
narrower  path. 

The  "  test  cases"  usually  put  forward  by  theologians  of 
the  milder  school  present  little  difficulty,  when  examined 
under  the  light  of  acknowledged  theological  principles — as 
when  they  adduce  instances  in  which  the  occasio  proximfi 
cannot  be  deserted  "sine  peccato,  ut  miUtia  respectu 
miliiis;  ars  respectu  patrisutmilias,  ex  qua  sola  potest 
providere  neceseatatibus  famiUae;  vel  quae  desen  non 
possunt  sine  gravi  detrimento  famae  vel  fortunae,  &c." 
The  soldier,  these  writers  object,  would,  in  the  hypothesis 
of  La  Croix,  have  no  choice,  being  constrained  by  his  oath 
of  military  service  to  spend  his  years  under  the  flag,  although 


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228  Questions  regarding  Propositum, 

that  service  be  to  him  an  occasio  proxima  peccati.  To  desert 
it  would  involve  the  guilt  of  perjury — which  is  always  a 
mortal  sin — and  bring  upon  him  perhaps  the  severest 
penalties,  sometimes  no  less  than  death.  It  would  thus 
appear  that,  should  we  admit  the  supposition  of  La  Croix 
as  possible  in  the  army,  salvation  would  be  unattainable  by 
those  men,  '*  qui  nuUo  modo  possimt  facere  ut  periculum 
proximum  fiat  remotum." 

We  answer  that  8a,lvation  would  still  be  attainable  by 
such    men,   **removendo    sen  fugiendo    occasionem" — a 

{)rocedure  which,  under  their  circumstances,  would  become 
awful.  We  find  it  exphcity  ruled  by  the  Fifth  Council  of 
Rome,  held  \mder  Pope  Gregory  VII.,  that  **  quicumque 
miles,  vel  negotiator,  vel  alicui  oflScio  deditus,  quod,  attenta 
Bubjecti  fragilitate,  sine  peccato  exerceri  non  possit  ,  .  . 
cognoscat  se  veram  poeniteutiam  non  posse  peragere  nisi 
arma  deponat  ulteriusque  non  ferat  .  .  •  vel  negotium 
non  rehnquat,  vel  officium  deeerat."  (Apud  Collet.) 
Theologians  unanimously  hold  that  **  Lex  divina  positiva, 
et  humana,  votum  et  juramentum,  non  obUgant  ^eneratim 
cum  gravi  detrimento  spirituaU."  (Ferraris.)  They  also 
unanimously  aflirm  that "  in  concursu  duorum  praeceptorum 
insociabiUum,  servandum  est  majus  prao  minori,  quod  tunc 
obligare  desinit.'*  (Gury  i.  106).  Billuart  adds:  *'In  omni 
juramento  promissorio,  quamtumvis  absolute  prolato, 
subintelligitur  quantum  in  me  est,  sen,  si  potero ;  et  haec 
conditio  excluait  non  solum  impotentiam  physicam,  aed 
etiam  moralem  quae  habetur  quando  res  non  potest  fieri 
sine  peccato."  The  diflSculties  of  this  "  test  case "  are 
thus  dissipated,  and  we  may  hold,  with  very  many 
theologians,  that  his  oath  of  military  service  ceases  to  bind 
the  soldier,  in  the  circumstances  of  the  hypothesis ;  and 
that  he  is  obliged  to  risk  the  penalties  of  desertion  rather 
than  suffer  the  loss  of  his  soul. 

The  same  overruling  principles  run,  like  golden  threads, 
through  the  solution  of  the  other  cases,  and  are  all  easily 
derivable  from  the  comprehensive  words  of  the  Gospel : 
♦'  Si  dexter  oculus  tuus  scandalizet  te,  erue  eum  et  projice 
abs  te  .  .  .  Quid  prodest  homini,  &c/'  The  duty  of 
saving  one's  soul  is  the  unum  necessarium ;  and,  in  collision 
with  that  one,  all  other  duties  fade  away  into  non-existence 
like  the  figures  of  a  dissolving  view. 

We  have  assumed  throu^out  that  the  penitent  has, 
after  mature  deliberation,  and  the  taking  of  prudent 
counsel,  and  the  making  of  all  lawful  experiment,  finsdly 


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Questions  regarding  Propositum  229 

satisfied  himself  that  he  **nullo  modo  potest  facere  ut 
pericnlnm  proximum  fiat  remotum,  et  quod  periculum 
iennale  alitor  quam  faga  excludi  non  potest."  But 
all  theologians  maintain  that  he  is  fully  justified — nay, 
that  he  is  frequently  bound — to  exhaust  even  still  every 
practically  possible  means  of  escaping  the  necessity,  and 
that  the  obBgation  of  making  the  sacrifice  does  not  arise 
mitil  these  remedies  have  unmistakably  failed.  It  is  quite 
conceivable  that  each  case  may,  when  carefully  and 
earnestly  scrutinized,  reveal  some  perfectly  feasible 
expedient  by  which  the  **  moralis  impossibiUtas  "  may  be, 
at  least  in  part,  eschewed,  and  the  proximate  danger 
happily  averted.  Such  avenue  of  safety  the  penitent  is 
bound  promptly  to  seize  upon,  especially  when  it  affords 
him  the  means  of  fulfilling  his  obUgations  to  others.  Take 
for  example  that  instance  of  extreme  difficulty  mentioned 
by  all  theologians,  namely,  the  "  Chirurgus  qui  in  medendis 
&c.,  pluries  peccat."  The  first  and  obvious  suggestion — 
after  having  exhausted  the  general  ones — would  be,  "  fiat 
maritus."  Should  the  periculum  formale  still  inexorably 
pursue  him  **etsi  jam  maritus,"  there  are  many  other 
oranches  of  his  profession  to  which  he  may  devote  himself, 
and  in  which,  labouring  at  a  disadvantage  for  conscience* 
sake,  he  is  surely  bound  to  succeed. 

Or  take,  as  another  illustration,  the  case  sometimes 
given  in  theological  works,  but  (eheu,  dolendumi)  too 
frequently  met  with,  in  which  the  necessitas  physica  and 
the  necessitas  moralis  unite,  the  shades  of  difference  so 
blending,  one  into  the  other,  as  to  form  one  compound  im- 
possibihty.  "  Aegrotans  qui,  ob  imminentem  mortem,  neque 
in  Domum  Pauperum  nee  aUo  moveri  valet :  cujus  unica 
ministra  est  ipsi  occasio  proxima,  quam  tamen,  quantumvis 
veUt,  nee  fugere  nee  expellere  potest ;  qui  adeo  derelictus 
est  ut  aliam  non  habeat  e  cujus  manu  medicinam,  cibum, 
aut  potum  accipiat."  Gury,  Bouvier,  &c.,  say  :  *'  Secluso 
Bcandalo,  absolvendus  est  et  aliis  sacramentis  muniendus, 
modo  vere  contritus  judicetur  et  promittat  se  illam 
^jecturumesse,statimacadsanitatemredierit  .  .  .  nemo 
quippe  ad  impossibile  tenetur."  St.  Liguori  says  ot 
Bolutions  such  as  this :  "  Unusquisque  suo  sensu  abundet." 
But  is  this  a  full  discharge  of  our  obligations  in  casu? 
The  following  more  detailed  treatment  is  suggested 
by  others,  and  may  possibly  commend  itself: — £x 
hypothesi  aegrotans  est  pauper  simul  et  morbo  confectus : 
alioquin  non    nisi   in  ipso  mortis    articulo   ante  absolvi 


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280  Queslione  regarding  Propoiitwn, 

debuit,  quam  occaaionem   expnlisset      In   cata  tamen  : 

(1)  Ex  licentia  aeerotantid,  fac  ut  mulier  statim  confiteatur. 

(2)  Fac,  si  possibue  sit,  ut  ipsa  quasi  spoute  aUam  coad- 
jutricem  invocet,  cui  saltern  principatiter  cura  infirmi 
mandetur.  (3)  Si  alia  remedia  frustra  adhibita  sint,  fac 
ut  nuptiis  privatim  uniantur.  (4)  Si  hoc  ultimum  impoB- 
sible  inveniatur,  esto  instans  importune,  opportune,  cum 
infirmo — jam,  in  quantum  potes  disposito  et  absoluco-^ 
orans,  vigQans,  adhortaus,  &c. 

Another  case  of  supreme  difficulty  is  also  sometimes 
given:  "Aegrotans  qui  in  domo  parentum  post  breve 
moriturus  jacet ;  cujus  ancilla  est  ipsi  periculum  proximum 
formale,  quod  tamen  expelii  nequit  quin  utraque  pars 
gravissime  infametur,  pai'entesque  dolore  amarissimo 
opprimantur  timentes  ne  filius  detrimentum  animae  suae 
jam  paBsus  est"  Gury  (Cas.  Consc.)  says:  "Obtinenda 
erit  a  moribundo  promissio  dimittendi  ancillam,  si  con- 
valescat,  et  interea  curandum  est  ut  fiat  separatio  saltern 
ab  habitaculo,  atque  ut  ancilla  ad  eum  nou  accedat,  nisi 
urgente  necessitate."  Again,  we  may  say  with  Saint 
Liguori :  unusquisque  suo  sensu.  But  those  who  profess 
to  speak,  tristissiraa  experientia  edocti,  are  not  satisfied ; 
and  very  much  prefer  the  following  counsel  given  by  the 
author  last  quoted  in  the  former  case  :  (1)  Ancillam 
imploret  jubeatque  moribundus  ut  quam  rarissime  ipsi 
adfflt,  et  nunquam  nisi  praesentibus  aliis.  (2)  Si  huic 
otdinationi  non  obtemperetur,  eas  simulet  querimonias 
aegro  cuivis  plerumque  consuetas,  aliamque — ^propriam 
matrem  vel  sororem — in  ministerium  quam  importune 
postulet.  (3)  Si  absentiam  ancillae  aliter  procurare  nequit, 
mgenue  parentibus  confiteatur  illius  praesentiam  ipsi  in 
grave  penculum  esse,  impetretque  ut  ab  oculis  ejus  benigne 
amoveatur.  This  or  a  similar  course  would  seem — when 
adopted  through  necessity — more  in  accord  with  the  divine 
philosophy  involved  in  the  words :  **  Bonum  tibi  est  ad 
vitam  ingredi  debilem  vel  olaudum,  quam  duas  manus.  vel 
duos  pedes  habentem,  mitti  in  ignem  aetemam."  (Matt. 
xviii.  8).  Better  go  to  heaven  leaving  behind  the  wreck 
of  an  infirmity  manfully  confessed  and  conquered,  than 
cravenly  carry  away  to  the  other  place  a  false  and  un- 
merited reputation. 

The  occasio  voluntctria  is,  as  the  word  implies,  that 
which  is  procured  by  an  act  of  the  will,  or  which — no 
matter  how  it  has  been  brought  about — may  be  dismissed 
by  an  act  of  the  wilU     The  eliciting  of  that  act  by  which 


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the  oceaBiou  is  remov ed^  may  indeed  oost  l»  decided  stnig^e 
and  also  involye  a  aerioiw  embarrassmeQt ;  but  as  long  as 
DO  physical  or  moral  impossibility  interposes  to  prerent  its 
reRioval,  the  occasion  is  said  to  be  voluntary.  Jtmaybo 
difficult  to  dissociate  oneself  from  the  oompauionship  of 
other  men,  intercourse  with  whom  has  helped  to  make  life 
enjoyable,  or  from  whose  conversation  we  have  derived 
intellectual  or  even  spiritual  benefit ;  it  always  involves  a 
taiore  than  sentimental  sacrifice  to  firmly  and  finally  discon- 
tinue visiting  the  house  of  a  friend,  particularly  when  the 
ouiy  remaining  alternative  is  to  spend  the  long  dreary 
evenings  at  home  in  solitude,  or — worse  still — in  the  very 
focns  and  fire  of  domestic  unpleasantness ;  it  is  no  easy 
matter  to  do  anything  or  everything  that  is-,  even  by  one 
Kne,  less  than  physically  or  morally  impossible  ;  never*'- 
theless  if  in  these  surroundings  we  find  pericula  proxima 
formalia,  they  constitute  voluntariae  occasiones  peccati, 
and  are  to  be  dealt  with  as  such.  The  line  of  demarcation 
between  the  moraliter  impossibile  and  the  simpliciter 
voltmtarium  is  very  slender;  and  we  may  lawfully  infer 
from  a  proposition  condemned  by  Pope  Alexander  VII., 
that  the  occasion  remains  voluntary,  even  though  the 
removal  of  it  should  involve  such  "  incommoda  gravissima  " 
as  "  taedio  magno  affici,  valde  aegre  vitam  postea  agere, 
quae  ex  judicio  Medicorum,  sunt  morbi  graves,  ex 
quibus  multi  contabuerunt."  (La  Croix.) 

For  many  obvious  recisons  nothing  farther  would  be 
deuable  in  this  paper  than  to  recall  to  the  memory  of 
those  who  may  have  read  it  thus  far,  a  few  of  the  detached 
piinciples  which  experience  has  proved  to  be  of  use.  Some 
of  them  have  reference  to  the  voluntary  occasion  only ; 
others  to  all  that  has  been  already  written  as  well. 

The  definition  of  Occasio  Proxima  given  by  Cardenas^ 
Billuart,  &c.,  will  be  generally  accepted  for  its  simplicity, 
exhaustiveness,  and  practical  usefulness — *'  Ilia  in  qua  quia 
positus  veroatmiliter  vel  veronmilitis  peccabit."  Hence 
fjfsente  probahilitate  IcmsttSy  non  datur  occasio  proxima.  This 
probability  mupt  be  derived  **  vel  ex  objecto  periculoso,  vel 
ex  cognita  subjecti  fragilitate,  vel  generatim  ex  utroque 
ttmul."  We  must,  in  all  cases,  pay  gyecial  attention  to  the 
occasio  relative  proxima,  t.^.,  "proxima  respectu  hujvs  in 


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232  Questions  regarding  Propositum. 

proxima  for  all  other  men,  was  an  occasio  remota  for  him  : 
*^non  est  absolvendiis  si  in  ilia,  sine  cansa  justificante 
maneat."  This  would  be  a  mere  amor  periculi^  and  an  un- 
necessary exposure  to  mortal  sin.  Hence,  whatever  ib perse 
a  proximate  occasion,  must  be  always  most  rigorously  for- 
bidden. Again  :  it  will  be  well  to  remember  that — "Non 
tanta  est  necessitas  fugiendi  occasiones  peccatorum  illorum 
quae  aliunde  quam  ex  passionibus  aut  infirmitate  adesse 
Solent,  V.  gr.  quae  neque  ex  gulanec  ex  luxuria  proveniunt." 
Having  made  these  preliminary  observations,  we  may 
transcribe  the  following  universally  acknowledged  laws: 

I.  **  Nunquam  absolvendus  est  poenitens  qui  fecusat  deserere 
occ.  prox.  voluDtariam  peccati,  sive  occ.  ilia  sit  prox.  per  se^  sive 
per  accidenSj  sive  in  essc^  sive  non  in  esse.  Constat  ex  propositione 
damnata  ab  iDnocentio  XI."  (Gury.) 

II.  Generatim  loquendo,  si  agatur  de  occ.  prox.  in  esse,  quae 
facile  dimitti  statim  possit,  poenitens,  etsi  promitfat  sincere  se 
derelicturum  esse  occ.  prox.  peccandi,  non  p>ossit  absolvi  antequam 
earn  deseruerit." 

Billuart  judiciously  appends  to  these  laws  an  observa- 
tion which  should  always  influence  us : 

*'  Confessario  merilo  debet  es^e  suspectum  propositum  illius 
qui,  quvm  sciret  antequam  ad  tribunal  accederet  occasionem  esse 
dimittendam  et  potuit  dimittere,  non  dimisit :  et  supposito  quod 
propositum  foret  sincerum,  non  est  verosimile  quod  attenta  occa- 
sione,  sit  efficax,  Unde  qui  versatur  in  occ.  prox.  in  e^se  .  .  . 
quam  et  physice  et  moraliter  potuit  et  potest  deserere.  regulariter 
non  est  absolvendus  nisi  de  facto  deseruerit,  quantumvis  nunc  pro- 
mittat  earn  deserere.'* 

St.  Liguori  seems  to  modify  the  rigour  of  the  second 
law  in  favour  of  the  man  '*  qui  ad  eundem  confessarium 
redire  non  potest,  vel  saltem  nonnisi  post  diutumum 
tempus."  But  he  adds  another  proviso  which  practically 
restores  almost  all  the  rigour:  '*Si  tamen  poenitens  det 
signa  extraordinaria  doloris,  adeo  nt  credi  possit  abesse 
periculum  inconstantiae  in  proposito.*'  This  confidence  we 
absolutely  can  never  have  unless  the  penitent  satisfies  us 
that  his  very  first  act,  after  returning,  will  be  the  removal 
of  the  occasion.  Experience  proves  that,  if  he  get  time  to 
estimate  the  "  commoda,  utihtas  et  bonum"  of  changing 
his  mind,  he  will  do  so;  and  such  experience  makes  men  not 
unreasonably  increduloua  Layman,  &c.,  tell  us  that  it  is 
scarcely  ever  lawful  to  secure  the  fulfilment  of  the  propo- 
situm "  voto  aut  juramento."  'Tis  almost  a  pity—  unless 
this  be  one  of  the  exceptional  cases. 


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Questions  regarding  ProposUum.  233 

Very  generally  it  is  held  that  if  the  promise  to  remove 
flie  occ.  prox.  (not  in  esse)  be  supported  by  a  signnm 
extraordinanim,  we  may  absolve  iw,  aut  ter^  aut  (secundum 
qnosdam)  guaier ;  but  the  signum  that  would  be  sufficient 
for  ordinary  recidivi  will  not  be  always  enough  :  it  must 
be  proportioned  to  the  increased  danger  which  it  under- 
takes to  subdue. 

For  the  closing  of  this  uiipardonably  long  and  desultory 
paper  a  word  has  been  reserved  regarding  that  *'  malum 
nbique  grassans,"  which  is  treated  of,  under  various 
names,  by  almost  all  who  have  written  on  this  subject. 
It  is  indifferently  designated  "  conversatio  amasiae  cum 
amasio,"  or  "malum  consortium,"  &c.  These  writers 
usually  distinguish  between  the  cases  in  which  this 
"  conversatio  *'  occurs  **  intentione  expressa  nuptiarum," 
and  those  in  which  no  such  intention  is  found.  In  the 
foraier  case,  Gury  (Cas.  Consc.)  permits  it  "si  solum 
coram  parentibus  vel  amicis  [adde :  probatae  virtutis  et 
provectae  aetatis]  se  invisant,  quod  tamen  enixe  est 
commendandum,  quantum  fieri  potest.  Occasio  enim  ilia 
siinpliciUr  necessaria  dicenda  est,  modo  non  plus  aequo 
protrahatur  .  .  .  Nunquam  solus  cum  sola  conversetur, 
nisi  per  accidens."  In  the  latter  case,  conversatio  hujus- 
modi,  praecipue  soUus  cum  sola,  penitus  exterminanda ; 
neque  uni  vel  alteri  ex  partibus  danda  est  absolutio,  si 
post  unam  vel  alteram  absolutionem  vel  a  te  vel  ab  alio 
quovis  confessario  coUatam,  conversatio  ilia  voluntario  con- 
tinuetur.  Nee  refert  si  conversatio  sit  cum  diversis :  imo, 
hoc  majus  peccatum,  quia  pluribus  ecandalum  aestimandum 
est.    Absolutio  iis  differi  debet  usquedum  consortium  illud 

JroTBus  eessat,  nee  aliter  etiam  tempore  Paschali  aut 
ubilaei  absolvi  possunt.  St  Liguori  somewhere  else 
justifies  the  postponement  of  absolution  "  ultra  quindecim 
dies":  in  this  matter  we  need  have  no  difficulty  in  some- 
times postponing  it  over  two — sometimes  over  more  than 
two — periods  of  this  duration.  Many  find  it  occasionally 
useful  '*quum  aUqua  notabilis  emendatio  supervenerit " 
absolvere,  sed  non  permittere  ut  ad  S.  Communionem 
accedant :  occasionally  it  is  a  decidedly  good  practice  in 
'^bich  it  would  be  hard  to  find  anything  theologically 
nnsound.     Quousque  enim  poenitens  vel  non  absolvatur. 


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2S4  Notts  ott  Va^eatiofi, 

The  tendency  of  tiie  views  expressed  in  the  foregoing 
paper  is  confessedly  towards  rigorism;  but  the  writer 
feels  that  he  is  justified  in  advancing  them,  firstly,  because 
he  is  convinced  of  their  greater  truth  and  practical 
usefulness;  and  secondly,  because  of  the  manifest  wisdom 
of  La  Croix's  words :  "  Confessarius  tenetur  eais  aequi 
sententias  quae  sunt,  in  primis  pro  valore  saoramentL 
Deinde,  quae  sunt  pro  majori  utilitate  poenitentis,  agit 
enim  vices  Christi,  qui  hoc  sacramentum  instituit  eo  fine 
ut  prosit  poenitentibus.  Praeterea,  si  possit,  debet  sequi 
tutiores,  nam  sine  justa  causa  se  vel  poenitentem  exponere 
periculo  erroris,  quantumvis  materialis,  est  imprudentia." 

C.  J.  M. 


NOTES  ON  VACATION.— No.  II. 

AN  especial  cliarm  of  this  southern  coast  scenery  is  the 
number  and  beauty  of  its  rivers,  most,  if  not  all,  of 
which  are  navigated  by  small  steamers,  which  make  them 
accessible  to  the  passing  tourist,  and  reveal  beauties  of 
such  varied  characters  that  the  contest  is  always  raging 
between  their  different  admirers  as  to  which  is  the  most 
beautiful,  the  wildest,  the  grandest,  the  most  inviting,  and 
the  most  repaying.  **Who  shall  decide  when  critics 
disagree,"  and  when  artists  are  as  difficult  to  reconcile  as 
hurrying  tourists  ? 

These  rivers,  at  some  places,  lie  hid,  and  have  to  be 
sought  out,  at  others  they  are  obvious  enough  ;  but  there 
is  generally  a  simple  guide  even  to  the  most  obscure — 
which  at  times  are  the  most  charming — ^in  the  name  of 
the  place  where  they  debouch  and  finish  their  course. 
The  town,  village,  or  city  takes  its  name  from  the  river 
which  there  attains  its  end,  when  it  reaches  its  meuth ; 
and  so  we  have  Exmouth,  Dartmouth,  Plymouth,  Falmouth, 
and  numberless  other  mouths,  which  guide  us  to  the 
streams  of  varied  charms  which  do  so  much  to  make  this 
flower  garden  of  England  so  beautiful.  The  town  may 
have  overgrown,  and  almost  put  out  of  sight,  if  not  out  of 
mind,' the  river  to  whom  it  owes  its  name.  The  vast  docks 
and  arsenal  in  one  place,  the  fashionable  esplanade  in 
another,  may  seem  to  look  down  upon  the  quiet,  winding' 
and  overshadowed  river ;  but  to  that  ancestral  str&m  each 


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NMe»  on  Vacati&n.  .  335 

Qwe»'ite  very  exkteuoai  At' fii»t  a  few  ccttagea  dtntered 
at  its  mouth,  a  fishings  station  followed,  and  then  a  ship- 
{»og  trlul^  sprang  up,  or  fashion  broughir  ite  wearied 
votaries  for  the  balmy  breezes  and  the  calm,  which  is 
I^eal^  alike  to  body  a;Dd  mind  to  those  who  know  how  to 
Tise  it  And  while  all  else  lias  changed  with  the  varying 
fortan^  which  attend  and  characterise  the  work  of  man, 
the  primeval  river  has  retained  much  of  its  ancient 
cbaraeter,  and  flow»  on  unchanged  in  its  old  course,  in  its 
old  manner,  as  wayward  in  its  wanderings,  as  careless  of 
the  length  of  its  march,  and  as  indifierent  to  the  time  it 
takes  in  rec^ching  its  end,  which  is  that  mouth  that  has 
seen  so  many  changes  in  the  comparatively  few  years  in 
whi^  it  has  had  a  name ;  for  in  that  river's  life  these 
intervals  are  as  nothing;  Perhaps  this  is  one  reason  why 
the  paths  that  wind  along  the  banks  of  such  rivers  are  so 
inviting,  why  gliding  over  their  waters  has  such  a  charm 
for  those  who  visit,  and  at  times  weary  of,  the  fashionable 
promenade  in  one  mouth,  and  the  busy  harbours  and 
narrow  streets  in  another. 

It  is  going  back  at  once  to  primitive  times,  not  indeed 
80  abrupt  a  plimge  into  antiquity  as  a  torch-light  visit  to 
Kent's  Cavern  implies,  but  still  a  passing  out  of  the  noisy 
or  frivolous  present  into  the  quiet  past,  a  tasting  for  at 
least  a  brief  interval  of  the  calm  which  ever  comes  from 
intercourse  with  nature.  Not  of  course  that  we  are  to 
expect  to  pass  at  some  given  point  aline  that  separates  the 
past  and  present.  The  place  that  has  grown  up  at  the 
river's  mouth  extends  its  influence,  and  carries  many  of  its 
peculiarities  some  way  at  least  up  the  stream ;  further 
when  these  are  broad  quays  and  much  shippiog,  than  when 
the  natural  beauty  of  the  spot  has  drawn  less  obtrusive 
risitors,  who  are  content  to  nestle  among  the  recesses,  and 
to  plant  tbese  pleasant  houses  on  **  coins  of  vantage."  But 
would  we  glide  quietly  over  the  winding  waters,  or  stroll 
nndisturbed  witi  rod  or  sketch-book  along  the  shaded 
banks  we  must  trace  these  rivers  farther  home  to  their 
source,  and  get  at  least  out  of  the  reach  of  the  shrill 
whistle  which  proclaims  the  advent  of  the  toiling,  noisy, 
^gine,  that  by  rail  or  boat  hurries  the  traveller  past 
beautiful  scenery,  and  away  from  the  spots  where  he 
would  do  well  to  linger.  But  for  those  who  have  not  time 
or  leisure  for  such  wanderings  and  who  do  their  best  to 
we  what  they  can  under  the  many  disadvantages  of  haste 
and  noise,  glimpses  of  some  of  these  rivers,  at  least  near 


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236  Notes  on^Vacation. 

their  mouthPy  may  be  caught  from  a  passing  train,  or  by  a 
brief  voyage  in  an  excursion  steamer. 

Between  Exeter  and  Torquay,  the  estuary  of  the  Exe 
is  skirted  for  some  miles,  and  though  it  has  no  romantic 
views  to  show,  the  broad  and  placid  waters  have  a 
grandeur  of  their  own,  and  a  charm  of  freshness  which 
owes  perhaps  much  of  its  power  to  the  inland,  dusty 
journey  which  has  been  undergone  to  reach  it  Then  the 
Teign  places  the  broad  barriers  of  its  waters  right  in  the 
way  of  the  train  that  runs  along  the  shore  of  Teignmouth, 
and  so  the  line  turns  inwards  until  the  estuary  narrows 
into  the  river,  and  it  is  crossed.  At  Dartmouth,  the  beauti  - 
ful  river  which  gives  its  name  and  importance  to  that  quaint 
old-world  town,  is  traversed  by  a  steamboat  which  runs 
up  to  Totness,  some  ten  miles  or  more,  and  affords  the 
traveller  a  view  of  some  very  picturesque  scenery,  of  which 
Devonshire  is  not  a  Uttle  proud.  So  again  at  Plymouth  and 
Falmouth,  the  Tamar  and  Fal  are,  at  least  in  their  lower 
reaches,  excursion  waters,  and  have  charms  to  reveal  of 
which  the  Dart  may  well  be  jealous.  But  at  the  best  these 
are  but  unsatisfactory  ways  of  enjoying  river  scenery.  The 
crowd,  the  noise,  the  restricted  space,  and  the  many  ills — 
not  forgetting,  if  any  could  do  so  at  the  time,  that  of 
smell — distract  the  mind  and  worry  the  temper,  and  so  unfit 
the  prisoner  for  what  pleasure  the  scenes  visited  afford ; 
and  make  him  almost  wish  for  the  return  of  those  long- 
passed  days  when,  if  people  travelled  less  far,  they  had 
more  time  to  enjoy  what  they  visited ;  and  where,  what 
in  these  railway  days  seems  almost  impossible,  they  were 
.their  own  masters,  and  regulated  their  own  time  and  its 
occupations. 

That  steam-power  is  growing  daily  more  noisy  in  its 
action,  and  more  overbearing  in  its  claims  upon  our 
obedience,  seems  to  be  a  recognized  fact.  But  perhaps 
some  allowance  should  be  made  for  what  we  may  call,  this 
frame  of  mind  in  the  monster  that  has  been  of  such  use, 
and  in  whose  power  we  at  present  feel  omrselves  to  be. 
The  bnite  may  begin  to  feel  that  his  days  are  numbered, 
^nd  that  his  power,  which  he  has  used  so  tyrannically  and 
offensively,  will  soon  have  a  rival  to  cope  with,  possessing 
a  might  as  great,  without  any  of  those  drawbacks  which 
make  steam  so  disagreeable  and  dangerous. 

Electricity  is  advancing  from  a  toy  to  a  mighty  power. 
From  being  the  plaything  of  the  class-hall  and  the  pet  of 
the  lecture-room,  it  will  soon  be  our  chief,  if  no  t  our  only  arti- 


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NoUb  an  Vacation.  237 

ficial  light ;  our  chief,  if  not  our  only  means  ot  commnnica- 
tion^and  that  not  only  between  place  and  place,  but  between 
man  and  man.  Light  without  heat,  correspondence  with- 
out pen  and  paper,  travelling  without  danger  of  explosion, 
noiseless,  smokeless,  scentless !  No  wonder  the  elder 
power,  so  rude,  so  fierce,  and  so  wilful,  begins  to  fear  and  to 
foresee  a  coming  master  that  will  honour  steam  by  employ- 
ing its  services  in  menial  work,  and  supersede  it  in  most  of 
those  higher  occupations  in  which  it  vaunts  its  titantic 
might,  and  flourishes  its  powerful  arms.  If  it  is  so,  as 
surely  it  seems  to  be,  we  may  bear  a  little  longer  with  the 
old  servant,  humouring  it  and  excusing  occasional  presump- 
tion, as  is  usual  with  such  faithful  if  tiivsome  retainers ; 
and  brace  our  courage  up  to  bear  with  equanimity  the 
taunts  of  the  coming  generation,  who  will  not  fail  to 
laugh  at  what  they  will  call  our  old-fashioned  way,  and  tell, 
what  will  then  seem  almost  incredible  stories,  as  to  what  we 
suffered  when  steam  was  king  with  noise,  smoke,  and 
foul  smells  as  his  never-faihng  attendants. 

As  they  glide  ^long  on  the  noiseless  line,  reclining 
pleasantly  in  elegant  drawing  rooms,  lighted  at  need  with 
the  soft  beam  of  the  incandescent  lamp,  and  gay  with 
flowers,  which  owe  their  surpassing  lovehness  to  the  per- 
petual glow  of  the  electric  light,  or  wandering  at  their 
pleasure,  from  end  to  end  of  the  train,  to  the  well-fumished 
refreshment  room,  or  on  to  the  balcony  for  a  more  extended 
view  than  the  large  windows  can  afford  ;  as  they  glide 
silently  into  the  comfortable  station,  where  their  approach 
is  recorded  by  the  quiet  gliding  of  the  mark  on  tne  plan 
within  the  office,  that  shows  how  the  train  has  made  its 

{'oumey,  where  it  has  stopped,  and  how  it  is  now  close  at 
land :  how  will  they  smile  when  some  antedeluvian 
traveller,  some  relic  of  our  day,  will  tell  them  of  the  boxes 
into  which  we  were  closely  packed,  in  rows  facing  front 
and  back,  gazing  wearily  into  one  another's  faces,  or  hiding 
our  own  by  ill-hghted  newspapei-s,  or  cricking  our  necks 
by  turning  them  aside  to  get  an  awkward  view  of  the 
scenes  flitting,  not  before,  but  besides  us.  And  when  he 
tells  of  the  bells  and  engine  screams,  which  make  day  and 
night  alike  hideous,  of  the  smoke  at  times  forcing  itself  into 
the  carriage,  or  the  attempt  at  a  brief  release  from  the 
cramped  posture  by  a  hasty  descent  on  to  the  crowded 
and  luggage-encumoered  station  platform,  and  the  risky 
rush  for  boiling  tea  and  stale  refreshments,  how  will  they 
idp  their  cofi'ee  at  their  ease,  and  wonder  how  men,  calling 


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.23^8  .  Notes  on  VaeMum. 

themselyes  civilized,  could  have  submitted  so  long  to  mici 
slavery,  and  have  ever  found  courage  to  travel  under  such 
hard  conditions. 

Perhaps  we  are  unjust  in  our  complainings,  especially 
when  we  have  at  our  service  so  good  a  train  as  the 
**  Flying  Dutchman,"  and  while  we  are  using  it  for  our 
run  through  Devonshire.  We  shaU  think  better  of  it,  it 
may  be,  Avhen  we  get  beyond  its  line  of  march,  and  have 
to  resort  to  far  more  primitive  means  of  travel,  during 
our  wanderings  in  Cornwall,  of  which  we  have  noiv 
to  telL 

And  now,  after  a  pleasant  week  at  charming  Torquay, 
we  resolutely  set  our  faces  to  the  far  south-west,  and 
start  for  Cornwall — not  a  very  desperate  resolution,  the 
gentle  reader  may  say,  seeing  that  it  only  implies  a  drive 
to  tie  railway  station  and  a  pleasant  run  of  a  tew  hount 
by  the  express.  This  is  true  enough;  but  nevertheless 
we  somehow  feel  that  there  is  more  m  it  than  these  words 
imply.  Some  few  years  ago  we  attacked  Cornwall  on  its 
northern  frontier,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Bude.  Heavy 
rains  then  and  there  stayed  our  march,  we  shrank  from  the 
roughing  of  an  outside  coach-journey,  and  so  chose  the 
comtort  6t  an  inside  railway  caniage,  and  skipped  Cornwall 
by  passing  round  it  from  North  to  South  Devon.  We 
never  quite  forgave  ourselves  for  this  cowardly  retreat ; 
wo  pleaded  the  terrible  upland  of  the  (to  us)  unknown 
wilderness,  and  the  fierce  rains  and  heavy  fogs  which,  we 
were  told,  ever  drenched  and  bewildered  the  ventiu^esome 
explorer ;  but  it  would  not  do  :  we  owed  it  to  ourselves  to 
recover  our  reputation  and  to  wipe  out  this  blot  upon  our 
travelling  character.  So  now,  when  we  cannot  go  abroad  for 
fear  of  quarantine,  if  not  of  cholera,  and  after  having  read  in 
the  English  JJlxistrated  Magazine  that  one  of  the  best  among 
its  many  admirable  and  well-illustrated  papers,  *'  Anunsen^ 
timental  journey  through  Cornwall^  by  the  author  of  John 
Halifax  Gentleman^  we  resolve  at  length  to  face  the 
unknown  and  mystic  land.  We  are  in  trath  ashamed  to 
retrace  our  steps  to  Bude,  and  renew  the  invasion  at  the 
spot  from  which  we  had  so  ignominionsly  fled,  so  we  come 
down  straight  to  South  Devon  and  make  our  entry  through 
the  southern  boundary.  We  had  not  forgotten  all  that  we 
had  read  and  heard  of  the  wild  inland  wilderness,  with  its 
deluging  rain  and  impenetrable  mists,  but  somehow  these 
had  now  lost  much  of  their  terror.  This  wonderfully  bright 
and  diy  summer  has  done  its  work  in  dispelling  similar 


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Netga  en  Vaeatian.  239 

tenon  in  Devonshire,  and  when  Dartmoor  is  dry  and 
bright — Dartmoor  of  which  a  poet  singe 

•'  The  west  wind  always  brings  wet  weather, 
The  east  wind  wet  and  cold  together ; 
The  south  wind  sorely  brings  us  rain, 
The  north  wind  blows  it  back  again," 

gjirely  we  may  look  for  fine,  clear  and  sunny  weather  even 
on  the  uplands  of  Cornwall.  So  to  it  we  went,  and  found 
it  to  be  all  we  wished,  and  brighter  even  than  we  had  dared 
to  hone. 

We  have  called  it  au  unknown  and  mystic  land,  as 
indeed  it  is,  and  herein  lie  two  of  its  special  attractions.  It 
sounds  absurd  to  call  an  English  county  unknown  in  any 
real  sense ;  but  somehow  Cornwall  is  not  like  any  other 
part  of  England.  It  has  a  people  of  its  own,  and  a 
tankage  which  has  hardly  yet  passed  away,  still  making 
itaen  felt  in  words  and  intonations  which  have  quite  a 
foreign  ring  in  them.  It  has,  moreover,  a  hagiology  quite 
distinct  from  that  of  any  other  county^  the  guide-book 

fiving  in  its  index  npwards  of  sixty  names  of  Saints  who 
nd  no  place  in  Alban  Butler  or  in  our  Calendar; 
while  over  and  above,  and  encircling  all,  are  the  ancient 
traditions  and  the  mystic  lore  of  that  old-world  literature 
which  lives  as  much  in  word  of  mouth  as  in  written  records, 
wherein  ^^  Arthur  and  his  table  round**  hold  a  chief  place: 
for  here  Tristam  and  Isolde  once  lived,  here  Mark  reigned, 
and  here  Uther  Pendragon  won  so  mercilessly  Ygeme, 
and  became  the  father  of  Arthur  the  blameless  lang. 

All  that  love  the  IdylU  of  the  Khig^  (and  who  that  knows 
them  does  not  I)  will  ever  nave  a  love  for  Cornwall ;  will 

Eicture  to  the  mind  the  scenes  which  Tennyson  has 
rought  home  to  us  and  made  them  once  more  to  the 
present  generation  what  they  formerly  were  to  our 
ancestors,  and  what  they  still  are  in  Arthur's  Land  ;  as  real 
a  history  as  any  that  has  been  recorded — as  real,  that  is,  in 
their  truth  of  feeling,  in  their  high  aspirations,  and  in  their 
bitter  disappointments,  in  their  human  character,  in  its 
highest  as  m  its  lowest,  in  all,  in  short,  that  make  real  men 
and  women,  and  so  raise  them  far  above  the  puppets  and 
shams  with  which  so-oalled  history  is  too  often  filled. 

So  with  Tennyson  in  our  hearts,  if  not  in  our  hands,  we 
cross  the  firontier  over  the  Tamar,  and  enter  Cornwall. 

The  River  Tamar,  which  separates  South  Devon  from 
Cornwall,  is  a  noble  estuary,  so  has  to  be  spanned  by  a 


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240  ^otes  on  Vacation. 

bridge  of  corresponding  grandeur,  and  such  indeed  is 
Brunei's  masterpiece.  To  say  that  it  is  2,240  feet  long  and 
260  feet  high  does  not,  perhaps,  convey  so  clear  an  idea  to 
the  mind,  as  the  fact  that  it  is  upwards  of  four  hundred  feet 
longer  and  thirty  feet  higher  than  the  magnificent  tubular 
railway  bridge  which  spans  the  Menai  Straits  at  Bangor. 
Moreover,  it  is  an  open  bridge,  and  so  reveals  its  beauty 
and  grandeur  to  the  traveller  Avho  crosses  over,  and  still 
more  strikingly  to  the  voyager  who  sails  beneath  it. 

Onward  the  express  train  rushes :  ere  a  place  is  noted 
m  the  guide-book  it  is  passed :  now  a  tempting  valley  is 
crossed  by  a  high  viaduct;  then  somethmg  notable,  a 
church  of  ancient  renown,  a  family  seat  that  has  its  place 
in  history,  or  it  may  be  some  extinct  Cornish  mine, 
with  heaps  of  debris^  crowned  with  a  roofless  building, 
telling  of  what  is  now  as  much  a  part  of  bygone  history 
as  the  manor-house  that  nestles  amid  venerable  trees. 
But  now  we  come  upon  a  valley  along  which  our  road 
lies,  and  beautiful  indeed  is  this  Glynn  Valley,  whether 
looked  down  upon  from  a  lofty  viaduct,  or  traversed  at 
what  is  either  a  lower  level  or  a  rapid  rise  in  the  undulating 
country,  which  is  hero  superbly  wooded ;  where  trees  are 
not  only  plentiful,  but  have  that  luxuriance  of  form  and 
fohage  which  tells  of  mild  winters  and  moist  summers. 

Bodmin  Road  Station  is  passed  amid  this  fine  scenery, 
with  pleasant  anticipations  of  what  it  has  in  store  for  us  on 
our  return.  Now  tne  Valley  of  the  Fowey  leads  us  on- 
wards until  we  find  ourselves  close  upon  the  seashore  at 
Par,  and  boldly  dashes  the  train  across  its  harbour.  But 
why  linger  over  names  so  strange  and  quaint,  St.  Blazey, 
Lostwithiel,  St.  Anstell  (St.  Auxilius),  Grandpound — each 
with  its  legend,  its  antique  church,  and  many  with  those 
marvellous  tin  and  copper  mines,  which  once  made 
Cornwall  so  rich,  and  now  make  many  portions  of  it  little 
better  than  a  howling  wilderness — evidently  these  are 
places  to  be  seen  and  lingered  over,  not  mere  names  to  be 
catalogued. 

Here  we  are  at  Truro,  the  capital,  and  now  an  epis- 
copal city,  with  that  rare  sight  ia  modem  England,  a 
Protestant  cathedral  rising  in  its  midst.  But  now  we 
pause  only  to  change  our  train,  and  to  go  by  a  branch  to 
our  first  resting  place,  Falmouth. 

Of  course  Falmouth  is  the  mouth  of  the  Fal,  whose 
pleasant  waters,  amid  picturesque  banks,  join  it  to  Truro. 
Now  our  way  is  the  radway ;  soon  it  will  be  by  steamboat 


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NoUss  on  Vacatioii.  2 AX 

We  are  lucky  in  quartering  ourselves  at  the  new  Falmouth 
Hotel,  and  so  we  avoid  the  discomfort  of  an  old  house,  in 
a  narrow  street  of  this  not  over-clean  seaport.  Old  hotels 
are  pleasant  resting  places  in  quiet  and  clean  towns,  when 
they  are  not  commercial ;  but  here  we  arje  in  a  noble 
mansion,  in  the  midst  of  good  grounds,  with  a  view — 
sufficiently  distant — over  the  town,  from  one  side ;  and  on 
the  other,  the  sea,  washing  the  cliffs  upon  which  the  hotel 
stands,  with  a  fine  line  of  bold  coast — real  and  unmistakable 
Cornish  coast — stretdiing  on  the  right  as  far  as  the  eye  can 
reach,  and  on  the  left  the  bold  promontory,  crowned  with 
Peiideunis  Castle,  marking  and  partially  concealing  the 
noble  entrance  into  this,  one  of  the  grandest  harbours  in 
England,  for  it  is  four  miles  long  and  one  wide,  and  as 
beautiful  as  it  is  grand,  as  it  lies  embowered  in  rich  wood- 
lands, up  which  it  shoots  its  little  creeks,  that  bear  its 
bright  waters  into  many  a  sylvan  ^lade. 

The  weather  is  beautiful  but  intensely  hot :  yet  who 
can  content  himself  with  looking  out  upon  a  scene  so  fair? 
A  stroll  —very  slow,  yet  fatiguing  enough —  leads  us  up  and 
around  the  headland  which  is  not  so  much  crowned  as 
occupied  by  Pendennis  Castle.  A  round  tower  by 
Henry  VIII.,  enlarged  by  Elizabeth,  suiTouhded  by 
those  characteristics  of  ancient  forts  which  are  such  a 
puzzle  to  the  uninitiated,  all  are  here  :  and  that  there  is  a 
garrison  we  know,  for  did  we  not  see  some  soldiers  looting 
or  cultivating  cabbages,  and  did  we  not  dine  with  the 
general,  or  captain,  in  command  ?  There  is  another  castle 
on  another  headland,  St  Mawes,  which  helps  om*  castle  to 
guard  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  tine  and  broad  is  the 
noble  sweep  of  water  up  and  down  which  gallant  vessels 
have  sailed,  in  days  when  history  was  made  more  empha- 
tically than  now,  though  perhaps  never  more  prosperously, 
nor  in  greater  numbers,  than  at  present,  in  this  earnest,  if 
imromantic,  nineteenth  century.  We  stroll  in  the  evening 
through  the  narrow  winding  streets,  where  the  smell  is 
fishy  and  the  people  amphibious.  Our  next  day's  occupa- 
tion is  settled  lor  us,  as  every  one,  it  seems,  who  has  a 
angle  day  to  spare,  devotes  it  to  an  excursion  to  the 
Lizard  Point.  A  four-horse  drag  is  at  our  door  in  a  bright 
Hunny  morning — when  indeed  is  there  a  morning  this 
wonderful  summer  which  is  not  bright  and  sunny  ? — and 
as  we  wend  our  way  through  the  high  street,  which  is 
to-day  unusually  crowded  with  a  market,  we  pick  up 
fellow-wanderers  who  are  also  intent  upon  the  Lizard. 
VOL.  VL  S 


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242  Notes  on  Vacation. 

It  is  a  pleasant  but  not  very  interesting  drive,  to 
Helstone — the  place  has  a  legend  which  is  either  the  cause 
or  effect  of  its  name — and  thence,  some  eight  miles,  to  the 
extreme  southern  point  of  England.  This  is  perhaps  the 
especial  charm  of  the  Lizard  Point ;  it  is  so  very  definite  a 
pomt:  "nothing  beyond  it,"  says  the  Briton,  while  there 
he  stands  and  looks  out  upon  the  broad  waters  that  gird 
his  island,  and  knows  that  further  south  he  cannot  go 
without  leaving  home.  From  that  point  winds  inwards 
Mount  Bay,  whose  furthest  extremity  is  the  Land's  End, 
that  is  the  extreme  west  end ;  but  here  at  the  Lizard  we 
have  the  southern  extremity  of  England. 

We  have  left  the  beauties  of  nature  behind  us,  at  least 
its  sylvan  charms — the  deep  valleys  and  the  abundant 
verdure ;  for  now  that  another  aspect  of  a  giand  and  stem 
character  is  about  to  display  itself,  nature  puts  on  an 
accordant  form,  as  though  to  prepare  our  minds  for  what 
is  to  come. 

It  is  a  rough  and  barren  wilderness  through  which  we 
drive  to  this  storm-beaten  coast ;  indeed  it  could  not  well 
be  otherwise,  for  what  could  find  root  amid  these  barren 
moors,  or  what  could  hold  its  own  thereon  against  the 
fierce  tempests  which  sweep  over  these  uplands?  These 
tokens  of  the  frequent  presence  and  terrible  power  of 
storms  prepare  the  mind  for  the  stem  character  of  the 
coast  we  are  approaching,  and  these  alone ;  for  nothing  can 
be  seen  of  that  coast  itself  until  we  stand  on  the  very  clifls 
themselves,  and  see  into  what  strange  and  fantastic  forms 
the  wild  tempests  have  carved  them.  This  makes  much 
travelling  in  Cornwall  depressing,  but  should  not  make  it 
disappointing,  at  least  if  we  bear  these  facts  in  mind.  It 
is  the  penalty  we  pay  for  the  delight  we  are  to  enjoy. 
We  cannot  come  among  the  works  of  the  gi'eat  powers  of 
nature  without  seeing  in  them  their  destructive  as  well  as 
their  creative  force.  The  moorland  must  be  swept 
into  dull,  barren,  shapeless  uniformity  by  the  force  that 
tears  the  granite  and  serpentine  into  pinnacles  and  mgged 
headlands.  And  yet,  as  we  cross  the  moorland  in  the 
bright  sunshine,  with  scarcely  a  breath  to  mffle  the  calm 
waters,  we  feel  that  even  here  nature  must  have  another 
aspect;  that  summer  must  somehow  nestle  amid  these 
fierce  tokens  of  wintry  wrath — that  Naiads  may  sport 
where  Titans  have  wrought  so  grandly  ;  and  while  the 
thought  is  yet  in  our  minds,  the  carriage  stops,  and  sundry 
guides  present  themselves  at  a  dreary  cross-road  or  track, 


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Notes  on  Vacation,  243 

and  invite  us  to  get  down  and  hasten  at  once  to  Kynance 
Cove,  if  we  would  see  it  at  its  best. 

Now,  of  Kynance  Cove  our  guide-book  says,  **  a  spot 
to  be  seen,  to  be  painted,  to  be  dreamed  of,  but  not  to  be 
written  about."  And  then,  of  coui*se,  it  writes  about  it 
briefly  as  follows:  "Here  is  an  insulated  rock,  called 
Asparagus  Island,  from  its  growth  of  asparagus  ojicitialis^ 
pierced  by  a  deep  fissure,  the  Devil's  Bellows,  through 
which  a  jet  of  water  is  occasionally  forced,  by  compressed 
air,  with  a  tremendous  roar.  A  similar  spot  is  called  the 
Post  Office.  Three  caverns  in  the  cliff  are  respectively 
named  the  Parlour,  the  Drawing-Room,  and  the  Kitchen. 
The  rocks  are  of  high  interest  to  the  geologist.  Serpentine 
18  largely  collected  here.  Upon  one  ol  these  rocks  the 
Qaeen  landed  in  1846." 

^Vhat  more  can  be  said?  The  physicist,  the  botanist, 
and  the  geologist  are  all  supplied  with  the  needful  infor- 
mation, while  the  royaUst  has  the  final  paragraph  for  his 
delectation.  What  can  we  add,  save  our  imprimatur  upon 
the  catalogue,  as  to  its  accuracy  if  not  to  its  completeness ; 
and  yet  somehow  or  other  it  did  not  give  us  any  idea  at  all 
of  Kynance  Cove,  which  evidently  is  "  not  to  be  written 
about.'* 

We  selected  our  guide,  or  rather  were  selected  and 
taken  possession  of  by  one  of  them,  and  were  marched  off 
in  triumph  by  our  captor  at  a  good  pace  to  see  what  was 
to  be  seen.  Over  the  withered  heath  we  raced,  down  a 
deep  guUev  on  to  an  overhanging  rocky  platform — where 
our  guide  had  a  combination  of  hotel  and  museum — and 
thence  down  some  rough  steps  on  to  the  beautiful  sand, 
which  was  nearly  encircled  by  the  rocks,  precipices,  and 
caverns,  which  are  so  strangely  named  in  the  guide-book. 

Bocks,  and  sand,  and  caverns,  what  do  these  words 
imply?  Everything  or  nothing — here  everything ;  for  the 
rocks  are  of  serpentine,  the  caverns  of  quaint  forms,  and 
the  sand  of  dazzling  brightness.  In  spite  of  the  exquisite 
beauty  of  the  spot,  the  tiny  wavelets  scarcely  rippling  on 
the  strand,  and  the  colour  of  the  serpentine  rivalling  the 
azure  of  the  sky  and  the  emerald  of  the  waters,  and  the 
red — of  what  t  yes,  in  spite  of  all  this  quiet  beauty,  our  first 
thoughts  are  of  what  that  Cove  must  be  in  winter  storms. 

TVtA4>    t^^l-^    j-^l*  -wr^A    <«wki/^    4-l>^    UM^k4>    ^y>1^-.-.«»    ^i'i.'U^ 1 A  M 


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244  ^otes  on  Vacation. 

which  may  be  drawn  of  Kynance  Cove  when  siunmer 
visitors  have  fled,  and  the  wild  moorland  is  swept  by  the 
storm  which  dashes  amid  these  ruthless  rocks  the  fisher- 
man's boat  or  the  nobler  vessel,  to  paint  its  serpentine  ^^dth 
the  bright  blood-red  stain  which  adds  alike  to  its  beauty 
and  its  suggestive  power. 

Our  hurried  maich  had  not  been  meaningless,  as  the 
rapid  pace  of  guides  frequently  is,  we  were  only  just  in 
time  to  visit  the  various  lions  of  the  Cove,  and  to  see  it  in 
all  its  beauty  ere  the  tide  rises  and  washes  out  its 
distinctive  character,  and  leaves  it  a  vast  cluster  of  jutting 
rocks  emerging  from  the  unquiet  waters.  Of  coui-se  ^we 
scramble  up  to  the  Post  Office  and  post  our  pretended 
letters,  which  are  rapidly  swept  off  for  the  sea  voyage  ;  we 
explore  the  caves,  climb  the  Asparagus  rock,  and  con- 
template the  great  Steeple  rock,  the  gi*andest  but  yet  the 
unrecorded  one  in  the  guide-book. 

The  tiny  waves  creep  in,  so  gently  that  they  seeui 
loth  to  rob  us  of  our  playgi'ound,  and  yet  so  merrily, 
so  viani/'dhnpled,  as  old  Homer  sang,  that  they  seem  to  say, 
this  is  our  home,  now  wliile  we  are  so  innocent;  but  would 
you  know  our  power,  see  us  in  winter  when  we  hurl  our- 
selves over  these  wild  headlands,  and  turn  these  summer 
alcoves  into  chambers  of  death  and  destruction.  Somehow 
we  cannot  get  this  thought  out  of  our  minds,  so  ill-accordant 
with  the  gentle  glories  and  bright  flashing  colours  of 
Kynance  Cuve.  As  we  leave  we  meet  late  comers  who 
would  lunch  at  Lizard  Point  before  visiting  Kynance ; 
prudent  people  who  victual  their  troops  before  marching, 
and  so  arrive  too  late  at  the  field  of  glory.  We  look  back 
upon  the  scene  from  the  heights  above,  but  how  is  it 
changed ;  so  in  a  kind  of  jealousy  lest  our  Cove  should 
be  disparaged  by  those  who  see  it  not  at  its  best,  we 
explain  the  change  and  get  but  small  thanks  for  our  trouble. 

A  pleasant  stroll  along  the  cliffs  brings  us  at  last  to  the 
Lizard.  This  is  a  small  village  in  which  our  own  and 
sundry  other  drags  are  waiting,  and  here  of  course 
there  is  a  decent  hotel,  where  luncheon  seems  to  be 
perpetually  in  demand  and  supply.  The  prudent  people  who 
missed  the  beauties  of  Kynance  anticipated  us  here,  and 
left  in  truth  as  little  of  the  original  banquet  to  be  seen  and 
enjoyed,  as  we  and  the  rising  tide  had  left  them  of  nature's 
least  in  the  Cove.  However,  we  did  not  fare  badly  if  not 
sumptuously,  and  we  failed  not  to  notice  the  high  sense 
of  justice  and  honour  which  ruled  the  authorities  at  the 


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Notes  OH  Vacation*  245 

inn,  who  charged  us  in  accordance  with  what  remained 
for  ns,  ingtead  of,  as  too  often  elsewhere,  making  us  pay  for 
what  others  had  eaten.  Down  the  sti-aggling  street  of 
some  five  or  six  little  houses  the  road  runs  which  leads  to  the 
Lizard  (the  far-pitting  headland)^  crowned  by  its  twin  light- 
houses, to  which  we,  poor  moths,  are  drawn,  though  of 
course  at  this  hour  the  lights  are  not  burning;  so  we  leave 
the  road  and  take  to  the  fields  which  lead  somewhat  more 
directly  to  that  group  of  buildings  that  constitute  the 
lighthouses  and  their  accessories.  Here  we  come  upon  a 
characteristic  which,  for  all  we  know,  is  peculiar  to  Corn- 
wall. The  fields  are  separated  from  one  another  by  high 
walls  of  rough  stones  which,  being  crowned  with  turf  and 
snfficiently  broad,  make  excellent  paths  along  which  all 
are  supposed  to  walk.  At  points  where  the  walls  are  extra 
high  and  the  top  somewhat  narrow,  the  nerves  are  apt  to 
be  tried,  especially  when  the  wind  is  rough ;  but  otherwise 
the  path  is  pleasant,  and  surely  affords  an  excellent  view 
over  sea  and  land.  By  these  means  the  fields  are  kept 
dear  of  trespassers  and  of  paths,  so  that  none  of  the  land 
just  here  is  wasted,  where  in  truth  it  is  valuable,  being  an 
oasis  in  a  barren  desert  We  are  told  that  the  decomposi- 
tion of  the  talc,  hornblende,  and  felspar,  of  which  the  cliffs 
are  formed,  makes  soil  of  extraordinary  richness,  as  it 
would  be  accounted  anywhere,  and  therefore  here  esteemed 
highly  indeed.  Out  runs  the  Point  far  into  the  sea,  of 
what  seem  rough  and  fantastic  heaps,  but  which  of  course 
is  but  the  upper  edge  of  the  wild  cliff  that  is  a  promontory 
worn  down  into  this  shape  by  the  wild  havoc  of  the  waves. 
Now  all  is  calm,  yet  is  there  a  constant  roar  of  the  dull 
waves  lashing  the  caverned  rocks  in  mere  play,  but  which 
is  at  its  mildest  the  rough  play  of  giants. 

We  visit  the  lighthouse,  and  inspect  the  electric  light, 
tt  least  the  apparatus,  admire  its  perfect  order  and  great 
cleanUncss,  and  not  less  the  guardian  for  hie  courteous  and 
intelligent  attention. 

The  drive  back  to  Falmouth  is  cool  enough,  and  so  we 
enjoy  the  change,  and  our  welcome  to  a  late  but  excellent 
dinner.  A  stroll  in  the  late  evening  along  the  cliffs,  away 
from  the  busy  town,  is  very  enjoyable.  There  is  just  light 
enough  to  see  our  path,  just  gloom  enough  to  give  an 
extra  height  to  the  cliffs  we  skirt,  and  to  mystify  the 
outline  of  coast  which  stretches  far  away. 

We  return  to  Truro  by  the  river  Fal  in  a  little  steam- 
boat, which  is  packed  as  full  as  it  can  hold,  and  indeed 


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246  Notes  on  Vacation. 

much  fuller  than  it  ought  to  be.  It  Uogers  at  the  little 
pier  long  after  its  time,  and  touts  for  passengers  in  a  most 
undignified  manner.  Much  grumbling  is  there  on  board 
and  almost  a  revolution  when  the  captain  puts  back  after 
a  start  for  one  more  passenger,  who  most  provokingly 
refuses  to  hurry  his  footsteps.  The  sail  from  h  almouth  to 
Truro  is  about  twelve  miles,  and  much  of  it  is  between 
wooded  heights,  which  are  picturesque  in  their  windings, 
for  the  wayward  river  seems  to  have  followed  its  own 
capricious  fancy,  and  to  ramble  at  will  amid  scenery  80 
charming  that  it  justifies  and  almost  nece^itates  such 
meanderings.  Towards  Truro  it  loses  none  of  its  breadth 
but  nearly  all  its  depth,  so  that  the  captain,  who  is  also 
steersman  and  chief  engineer,  has  enough  to  do  to  find  and 
keep  a  narrow  path,  and  avoid  sundry  mud  banks,  which, 
fortunately  for  us,  are  under  water  and  so  just  out  of  sight. 

Our  coiu-se,  now  the  river  is  straight,  is  as  devious 
through  these  impediments  as  it  was  before  when  the  clear, 
unimpeded  waters  deviated  for  their  own  amusement. 
There  is  not  a  breath  of  air,  and  yet  we  have  to  tack  as 
though  against  a  head  wind. 

Truro  is  a  thriving  city,  as  it  must  now  be  called,  in 
virtue  of  a  really  grand  cathedi'al,  slowly  rising  in  its  midst, 
and  which  extending  far  beyond  the  fine  old  church  which 
is  developing  it,  shows  that  it  will  soon  replace  it  on  the  now 
recognized  principle  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  The 
city  stands  well,  rising  abniptly  above  the  Fal,  which  here, 
at  least  at  high  water,  expands  into  a  noble  lake  of  two 
miles  in  length.  The  climo  up  to  the  railway  station  is  a 
labour  not  to  be  forgotten  on  a  day  as  hot  as  that  on  which 
we  made  the  ascent 

Again  we  are  on  the  railway,  and  as  we  hasten  towards 
Penzance,  we  pass  through  Redruth,  the  capital  of  the 
mining  district,  and  see  what  remains  ot  the  ancient 
wealth-producer  of  Cornwall.  Everywhere  we  hear  the 
same  complaint  that  the  tin  mines  are  exhausted,  and  that 
copper  hardly  pays  the  expense  of  working.  There  is  still 
tin  m  the  land,  and  it  can  oe  brought  to  the  surface ;  but 
so  long  and  so  diligently  have  the  mines  been  worked  that 
they  have  now  to  be  carried  to  such  a  depth  that  the  cost 
swallows  up  all  the  profit  Thus  the  old  trade  after  so 
many  centuries  is  at  last  coming  to  an  end,  so  old  that  no 
history  tells  when  it  began,  but  many  affirm  that  the 
present  generation  will  see  the  end  of  it  As  for  the 
copper,  it  is  yet  plentiful,  but  it  is  old  enough  to  dread 


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Note9  on  Viaccitiov.  247 

jonneer  rivals,  and  shakes  its  head  at  Australia  and 
Bpecdates  despondingly  upon  its  future.  It  seems  at  first 
as  though  the  train  wer^  going  to  investigate  the  mines 
for  itself,  for  we  plunge  at  once  into  a  deep  cutting  that 
looks  much  Uke  a  shaft,  then  we  emerge  upon  a  steep 
embankment,  a  sort  of  gallery,  then  we  tumble  down  a 
formidable  incline,  and  spin  across  a  narrow  valley,  which 
seem  for  all  the  world  like  the  successive  stages  of  a  verit- 
able mine,  just  what  we  should  expect  in  mines  which 
here  sink  to  a  depth  of  eighteen  hundred  feet.  On  we 
rush,  ever  forwards  and  westwards ;  we  reach  Hayle,  and 
now  the  sea  is  on  our  right  hand,  for  here  runs  in  an  inlet 
from  St.  Ives  Bay.  Evidently  the  promontory  is  narrowing, 
and  Cornwall  is  growing  into  a  neck  of  land,  and  soon  we 
see  Mount  Bay  on  our  left,  and  here  we  are  at  Marazion,  a 
suburb  of  Penzance,  our  destination.  Marazion  has  some- 
how fixed  itself  in  our  memory,  which  in  truth  is  not 
uverstrong  with  names.  Marghasjewe  {Market  Jew)  it  is 
called  by  the  people  in  memory  of  the  Children  of  Israel 
who  once  dwelt  and  traded  there  ;  but  by  the  persecuted 
race  it  was  called  Marazion^  the  Zion  that  was  made  bitter 
to  them,  as  indeed  in  early  times  most  places  were.  There 
is  something  poetical  and  sad  in  the  very  soimd  of  the 
name  of  what  was  to  them  a  home,  a  refuge,  a  Zion,  but 
without  the  security  and  glory  of  the  real  home.  It  was 
like  the  fruit  of  the  Dead  Sea,  beautiful  to  look  upon,  but 
ashes  in  the  mouth.  The  ashes,  the  persecutions  have 
passed,  and  the  beauty  remains  ;  yet  still  the  plaintive  wail 
rings  out  and  still  it  is  Marazion.  However,  we  do  not  stay 
here,  but  go  on  to  Penzance,  partly  because  it  is  the  most 
westerly  town  of  England,  and  so  in  harmony  with  our 
seeking  out  the  extreme  points  and  places,  and  still  more 
because  it  is  the  pleasanter  head-quarters  to  rest  in,  and  the 
Dearest  place  to  the  Land's  End,  which  is  our  next  point  of 
exploration. 

Mount  Bay,  or  more  properly  speaking,  St.  MichaePs 
Mount  Bay,  is  a  deep  indentation  in  this  south-west  coast 
of  England.  Its  eastern  point  is  the  Lizard  and  its 
western  is  the  Land's  End,  though  neither  of  these  points 
are  visible  from  Penzance  which  lies  deep  in  the  bay 
towards   its   western   extremity.      This  quiet  nook,  if  so 


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248  Notes  on  Vacation, 

ktender  and  loving  mother.  In  truth,  it  is  a  very  pelican  of  a 
giant,  for  it  feeds  and  nurtures  it  with  its  life  blood,  and 
out  of  its  own  unprofitable  life,  by  its  very  death  and  decay 
produces  vigorous  and  abundant  existence  for  tlwi 
which  it  so  fiercely  and  yet  so  tenderly  nurtures.  To 
speak  more  scientifically,  here,  as  at  the  Lizard  Point,  the 
decay  of  the  ingredients  of  which  the  cliffs  are  composed, 
•produces  a  fertile  soil,  and  so  Penzance  is  celebrated  for 
its  garden  produce  of  fruit,  vegetables,  and  flowei-s  above 
most  places  in  England ;  and  in  its  beautiful  walks,  its 
deeply-hedged  lanes,  its  gentle  flower-clad  heights,  its 
well-wooded  recesses,  its  balmy  scent-laden  air,  redolent 
of  tropical  perfumes,  and  yet  invigorated  with  ocean  breezes, 
it  is  an  English  Madeira,  a  northern  tropic,  combining  the 
luxurious  charm  of  the  one  with  the  life  and  energy  of  the 
other.  It  is  this  which  gives  an  especial  charm  and  a  local 
character  to  the  Esplanade  which  spreads  its  broad  length 
along  the  shore  in  front  of  miniature  houses,  which  are 
buried  in  gardens  of  flowering  shnibs,  and  what  elsewhere 
are  exotic  flowers,  a  veritable  gardep  on  the  one  hand, 
unharmed  and  unstunted  by  the  sea  which  rolls  its  broad 
waves  so  gently  and  so  lovingly  on  the  other,  so  that  thei*e 
seems  a  bond  of  union  between  them,  instead  of  that  fierce 
contest  that  elsewhere  prevails,  the  one  crowning  with 
garlands  of  flowers,  its  mighty  neighbour,  and  the  ether 
tempering  its  ordinary  roughness  into  gentle  murmurs  and 
accordant  harmony,  reposing  seemingly  from  its  ocean  life 
of  \vildness  and  gloom  in  the  ripples  which  sink  to  rest, 
rather  than  beat  upon  the  beautiful  shore. 

Penzance  has  of  course  its  miniature  harbour,  whence 
adventurous  tourists  sail  for  the  Scilly  Isles ;  its  public 
buildings,  and  its  market  place,  to  us  chiefly  notable  for 
its  statue  of  Sir  Humphrey  Davy,  placed  by  bis  justly 
proud  fellow-townsmen  in  front  of  that  grammar  school  in 
which  he  was  educated,  and  to  which  he  left  one  hundred 
pounds  on  the  condition  that  the  boys  should  annually 
have  a  holiday  on  his  birthday — a  commemoration  worthy  of 
all  imitation,  and  far  more  characteristic  of  the  boy*s  heart 
in  the  great  man's  breast,  than  any  festive  dinner  to  trustees 
and  civic  dignitaries  could  be.  Nor  should  another 
scientific  worthy  be  forgotten,  for  Gilbert  Davies  was  also 
a  Penzance  man.  Nor  indeed  is  the  fair  sex  without  its 
worthy  and  energetic  representative,  for  here  lived  and 
died  Mary  Kalynack,  of  unmistakable  Cornish  name — 
that  fishwoman,  who,   in   her  eighty-fifth  year,   walked 


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Anoient  TrisJi  Schools,  249 

the  whole  two  hnndred  and  eighty  miles  and  more  from 
Penzance  to  London  to  see  the  Queen  and  the  Great 
Exhibition  of  1851,  achieved  her  end  and  came  back  to 
tell  her  friends  what  she  saw,  and  how  the  Gracious  Lady 
received.and  welcomed  her  energetic  subject,  and  sped  her 
kindly  on  her  return  to  Cornwall.  The  embowered  cottages, 
however,  are  not  for  paeeing  tourists  no  more  than  the 
beautiful  villas  that  hide  themselves  in  tiie  dense  foliage 
of  the  valleys  or  dot  the  heights  that  shut  in  Penzance 
from  the  north  and  east  winds ;  but  in  compensation  there 
is  an  hotel,  which  is  at  once  grand  and  comfortable,  for  the 
"Queen's"  fears  no  comparison,  and  was  considered  worthy 
of  being  recommended  to  us  by  our  landladies  of  the  Torbay 
Hotel  at  Torquay,  whose  judgment  we  learned  to  consider 
infallible. 

Henry  Bedford. 


ANCIENT    IRISH    SCHOOLS. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  the  dying  civili- 
zations of  Greece  and  Rome  had  almost  entirely 
disappeared.  The  Goth  had  glutted  his  ire.  Barbarian 
horses  neighed  among  the  urns  of  the  Caesars ;  barbarian 
kings,  with  few  exceptions,  reigned  from  the  ruins  of 
Carthage  to  the  walls  of  China;  barbaiian  soldiers 
plundered  the  villas  by  the  Rhine  and  Garonne,  and  laid 
waste  the  rich  provinces  watered  by  the  Po  and  Adige. 
The  hum  of  industry  had  ceased,  the  busy  cities  were  mute, 
the  lamp  of  the  scholar  burned  no  longer.  Man^,  Cardinal 
Newman  tells  us,  ceased  from  the  earth  and  his  works  with 
him.  In  sucbh  a  sad  dark  time  the  Irish  schools  arose  and 
became  centres  of  light. 

"While  the  vigour  of  Christianity  in  Italy,  Gaul  and 
Spain  was  exhausted/'  says  Green,^'*  in  a  bare  struggle  for 
fife,  Ireland,  which  remained  unscourged  by  invaders  drew 
from  its  convei-sion  an  energy  such  as  it  has  never  knots'!! 
since.  Clmstianity  had  been  received  there  with  a  burst 
oi  popular  enthusiasm,  and  letters  and  arts  sprung  up 
rapidly  in  its  train.      The  science  and  biblical  knowledge 

' "Historical  Sketches,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  112. 
•History  of  English  People,"  p.  21. 


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250  Ancient  Irish  Schools. 

which  fled  from  the  continent  took  refuge  in  famous  schools 
which  made  Durrow  and  Armagh  the  universities  of  the 
West."  "As  early  as  the  sixth  century,*'  says  Hallam/ 
"a  little  gUmmer  of  light  was  perceptible  in  the  Irish 
monasteries,  and  in  the  next  when  France  and  Xtaly  had 
sunk  in  deeper  ignorance  they  stood  not  quite  where 
national  prejudice  has  sometimes  placed  them,  but  certainly 
in  a  very  respectable  position."  And  Montalembert'  says 
"  that  from  the  fifth  to  the  eighth  century  Ireland  became 
one  of  the  principal  centres  of  Christianity  in  the  world,  and 
not  only  of  Christian  hoUness  and  virtue,  but  also  of 
knowledge,  literature,  and  that  intellectual  life  with  which 
the  new  faith  was  about  to  endow  Europe." 

According  to  Gorres*  the  church  had  migrated  to 
Ireland  to  take  up  her  winter  quarters  there,  and  lavished 
all  her  blessings  on  the  people  who  gave  her  so  hospitable 
a  reception.  He  tells  us  moreover  that  monastenes  and 
schools  sprang  up  on  every  side — the  monasteriesremarkable 
for  their  aufctere  piety  and  the  schools  for  their  cultivation 
of  science.  "  AVnen  we  look  into  the  ecclesiastical  Ufe  of 
this  people,"  continues  the  distinguished  German,  "  we  are 
almost  tempted  to  believe  that  some  potent  spirit  had 
transplanted  over  the  sea  the  cells  of  the  valley  of  the 
Nile  with  all  their  hermits,  its  monasteries  with  all  their 
inmates,  and  had  settled  them  down  in  the  Western  Isle." 
Even  Froude*  admits  that  "  the  religion  of  the  Irish  Celt 
burned  like  a  star  in  Western  Europe."  And  the  following 
are  the  words  of  one  of  our  most  distinguished  antiquarians, 
Sir  James  Ware.*^  "  It  is  evident  from  ancient  writers  of 
undeniable  credit  that  there  were  formerly  in  Ireland 
several  eminent  schools,  or  as  we  now  call  them  universitieB, 
to  which  the  Irish  and  Britons,  and  at  length  the  Gauls 
and  Saxons  flocked  as  to  marts  of  good  literature." 

The  Irish  Schools  were  veiy  numerous.  According  to 
Ware,  164  monasteries  of  note  were  built  during  the  fifth, 
sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  and  all  the  larger  monasteries 
had  schools  attached  to  them.  There  were  also  many 
secular  schools.  It  is  uncertain  when  the  secular  schools 
were  first  established.  Some  say  they  were  in  existence 
seven  centuries  before  Ireland  bowed  to  the  cross.   Towards 

1 "  Literature  of  Europe,*'  p.  3. 

«"  Monks  of  the  West,"  English  translation,  vol.  iii.,  p.  84. 

»  Christliche  Mystick. 

*  "  Fronde's  English  in  Ireland,"  vol.  i.,  p.  16. 

*  "  Ware's  Antiquities,"  p.  240. 


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Ancient  Irish  Schools,  251 

the  close  of  the  third  century  the  monarch  Cormac  founded 
three  coUeffes  at  Tara.  After  the  Synod  of  Dromceata, 
the  monarch  Hugh  also  established  schools  for  the  educa- 
tion of  the  bards. 

The  most  famous  of  the  monastic  schools  were  Armagh 
and  Bangor  in  Ulster ;  Clonard,  Clonmacnoise  and  Durrow 
in  Leinster ;  Lismore,  MuDgret  and  Ross  in  Munster ;  and 
in  Connaught  the  schools  of  Arran,  Mayo  and  Clonfert. 

About  the  year  455,  or  accordiog  to  Usher,  ten  years 
later,  St.  Patrick  founded  on  the  hill  of  tlie  golden-haired 
Maeha  the  Monastery  and  School  of  Annagh.  And 
Archdall^  says  that  Armagh  continued  for  many  ages  one 
of  the  most  celebrated  ecclesiastical  foundations  in  the 
world. 

Bangor  waa  founded  by  St.  Comgall  in  558.  St. 
Bernard  speaks  of  it  as  a  place  truly  holy,  and  says  that 
the  schools  of  those  educated  there  so  filled  both  Ireland 
and  Scotland  that  the  verses  of  David  seem  to  have 
predicted  those  very  times;  viz.,  **  Thou  hast  visited  the 
earth  and  hast  plentifully  watered  it,  Thou  hast  many  ways 
enriched  it." 

In  527  Clonard  was  founded  by  St.  Finnian  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Boyne ;  Durrow  in  549  by  St.  Columba  among 
the  oaks  of  King's  County,  and  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Shannon,  about  seven  miles  from  Athlone,  St  Kieran 
founded  Clonmacnoise  in  548.  Speaking  of  Clonard, 
Sir  William  Wilde  says  :*  "  From  this  sanctuaiy  and  abode 
of  wisdom  imdoubtedly  sprang  much  of  the  learning  both 
of  Britain  and  the  continent.*'  Bede  calls  Durrow  a  noble 
monastery;  and  Eugene  O'Curry*  says  that  Clonmacnoise 
continued  to  be  the  seat  of  learning  and  sanctity,  the 
retreat  of  devotion  and  solitude  for  a  thousand  years  after 
the  founder's  time.  To  this  day  its  ornamental  crosses  and 
foreign  inscriptions  and  ruins  hoary  with  age  proclaim 

"  In  chroDicles  of  clay  and  8tone,  how  true,  how  deep, 
Was  Eire's  fame." 

Lismore,  founded  in  633  by  St.  Carthage,  was  the  best 
known  of  the  Munster  schools.  In  the  opinion  of  Dr. 
Lanigan  this  school  was  for  a  very  long  time  equal  at 
least  to  any  other  in  Ireland.  Ware  quaintly  remarks  that 
there  great  numbers  made  profession  of  true  philosophy. 

*  **  Monasticon  Hibemicum,"  p.  14. 

■  "  Boyne  and  Black  water/'  p.  61. 

■  "  Lectures  on  Irish  History,"  p.  60. 


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252  Ancient  Irish  Schools, 

Early  in  the  sixth  century  Mungret  was  founded  by 
St.  Nessan ;  and  about  the  middle  of  the  same  century 
St.  Fachnan  founded  Ross.  According  to  the  Psalter*  of 
Cashel  Mungret  had  within  its  walls  six  churches,  and 
15,000  monks,  500  lecturers,  500  psalmists,  and  500  employed 
in  spiritual  exercises. 

The  ancient  writers  speak  mostfavourably'of  the  school 
of  Clonfert,  founded  by  St.  Brendan  about  the  year  558. 
A  100  years  later  the  Abbot  Colman  founded  a  monastery 
and  school  in  Mayo.  The  school  of  Arran  was  founded  by 
St.  Enda  in  480. 

There  were  also  many  other  eminent  schools :  the 
school  of  Kildare  called  the  Stranger's  Home ;  ivy -wreathed 
Clonenagh  called  the  Gallic  school  ;  the  schools  of  Birr 
and  Old  Leighlen,  to  which  students  from  the  Danube  and 
Loire  flocked ;  Moville,  Taghmon  and  wildly  picturesque 
Glendalough,  where  the  Celt  heard  explained  in  his  native 
tongue  the  Ptolemaic  system  and  the  Alexandrine  cycle. 
There  was  a  school  on  an  island  in  Lough  Erne,  and 
a  school  on  an  island  in  Lough  Derg;  schools  on 
the  islands  of  Innisfallen  and  Liniscatthy.  The  city  of 
Cork  has  grown  round  Finnbarr's  school,  and  the  town  of 
Roscrea  round  the  school  of  St.  Cronan.  There  were 
schools  in  the  midst  of  quaking  marshes,  in  the  heart  of 
far  extending  oak  woods,  and  by  the  margin  of  many  a  lake. 

Five  hundred  students,  and  sometimes  three  times  that 
number,  attended  a  flourishing  school.  In  an  ancient  life 
of  St.  Comgall  we  are  told  that  3,000  attended  the  school 
of  Bangor ;  in  the  life  of  St.  Brendan  the  same  is  said  of 
Clonfert  "  And  if  we  may  venture  to  give  credit  to 
Florence  Carty,"  says  Ware,*  '*  who  reports  it  out  of  some 
manuscript  in  Oxford,  to  which  I  am  a  stranger,  the  roll 
of  the  students  of  the  University  of  Armagh  at  one  and 
the  same  time  formerly  exceeded  7,000.  At  first  sight  such 
numbers  appear  incredible.  However,  we  should  remember 
that  the  younger  monks  attended  the  lectures  and  are 
called  students;  also  that  a  distinguished  professor  drew 
round  him  all  the  youth  of  his  clan,  and  many  of  the  men 
under  forty.  Moreover  many  foreigners  came  to  o\xx 
schools.  Aldhelra  says  that  the  English  went  to  Ireland 
**  numerous  as  bees.'*  Bede  tells  us  that  many  nobles  and 
gentry  from  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  came  to  the  Irish 

^  See  Lenihan'B  "  HiVoiy  of  Lamerick,''  p.  538. 
*  *•  Antiquities  of  Ireland,"  p.  241. 


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Ancietit  Irish  Schools*  263 

schools  for  the  Bake  of  divine  study,  or  to  lead  stricter  lives. 
"All  of  them,"  he  says,!  "the  Scots  most  freely  admitted 
supplied  them  gratis  with  daily  sustenance,  with  books^ 
with  masters.'*  In  the  metrical  life  of  Cataldus,  by 
Bonaventure  Moroni,  multitudes  are  described  as  coming 
from  the  most  distant  parts  of  Europe  to  the  school  of 
Lismore.  Petrie^  proves  from  monumental  inscriptions, 
from  the  lives  of  the  early  saints,  and  from  the  Litany  of 
Aengus,  that  foreigners  from  England,  France,  Italy,  and 
even  Egj^pt,  flocked  to  Ireland  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries.  WilUbrord  studied  there  for  twelve  years, 
Agilbert,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Paris,  for  a  considerable 
time,  ilerovingian  princes  and  Northumbrian  kings  came 
to  be  instructed  by  Irish  teachers. 

Indeed  for  three  centuries  Ireland  was  the  light  of  the 
West.  She  filled  the  empty  years  with  her  schools,  her 
missionaries,  her  men  of  lettei*s.  But  evil  times  came. 
The  Runic  rhyme  broke  the  peace  of  her  cloisters.  The 
Saga*s  chant  was  heard  in  her  schools.  Her  emblems  of 
piety  were  broken  and  lier  manuscripts  destroyed  by  the 
grim  worshippers  of  Odin. 

The  Danes  first  landed  in  Ireland  in  797.  They 
plundered  Armagh  in  831,  and  in  838  Turgesius  expelled 
the  reUgious  and  scholai-s.  In  869  Amlave  burned  the 
schools  and  churches.  The  schools  were  again  plundered 
J<90,  919,  931  and  941.  And  the  history  of  Armagh,  with 
little  change,  is  the  history  of  the  other  schools.  During 
the  9th,  lUth,  and  11th  centuries,  they  were  several  times 
plundered.  During  the  reigns  of  Malachy  and  Brian  some 
were  rebuilt,  and  it  looked  as  if  the  bright  days  of  the 
Kierans,  the  Carthages  and  the  Colombas  were  to  return. 
But  the  Normans  came,  and  the  growing  light  faded. 
Many  of  the  old  schools  indeed  lived  on.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  13th  century  Franciscan  and  Dominican 
schools  were  also  opened  in  some  of  the  cities  and  large 
towns.  And  in  1320  Archbishop  de  Bicknore  published  a 
document  for  the  estabUshment  of  a  university.  The 
ouiversity  was  established  and  annexed  to  St.  Patrick*s 
Cathedral.  However,  for  want  of  sufficient  funds,  it  slowly 
declined.  Hence,  in  1475,  the  four  mendicant  orders 
addressed  a  memorial  to  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  for  authority  to 
establish  another  university.  The  difi'erent  schools,  and 
perhaps  the  two  universities,  struggled  on  till  the  Refoima- 

^  Bede,  b.  3,  c.  i7.  « "  The  Round  Towers,"  p.  137. 

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254  Ancient  Irish  Schools. 

tion,  but  strangers  came  to  our  schools  no  more,  and  the 
Irish  student  sighed  in  vain  for  the  wisdom  of  the  days 
of  old. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  literary  course  pursued  in  our 
ancient  schools  is  rather  meagre.  We  are  told  that 
St.  Finian  taught  scripture  for  seven  years ;  that  St.  Gaul 
studied  grammar  and  poetry;  that  St.  Gamin  collated 
parts  of  the  Vulgate  with  the  Hebrew  version  of  the 
Scriptures.  In  his  letter  on  the  Paschal  controversy 
St.  Cummian  shows  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  various 
cycles  for  the  computation  of  Easter.  "  I^  enquired  dili- 
gently," he  says,  "what  were  the  sentiments  of  the 
Hebrews,  Greeks,  Latins,  and  Egyptians,  concerning  the 
time  of  observing  Easter.*'  Tighernach,^  of  Clonraac- 
noise,  quotes  Eusebius,  Orosius,  Africanus,  Bede,  Josephus, 
St.  Jerome,  and  many  other  historic  writers.  He  also 
collates  the  Hebrew  text  with  the  Septuagint  version  of 
the  Scriptures.  Aldhelm*  was  taught  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew,  in  the  school  of  Mail  duff;  andCadroe,*  theology, 
philosophy,  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  oratory,  astronomy,  and 
the  natural  sciences,  in  the  University  of  Armagh.^ 
Speaking  of  Dunstan,  Dr.  Moran  says,  "  that  the  details 
which  have  been  handed  down  to  us  regarding  his  studies 
at  Glastonbury,  gives  us  some  idea  of  the  literary  course 
pursued  in  the  Irish  monasteries  at  the  period.  He  was . 
first  of  all  instructed  in  the  Scriptures  and  writings  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church.  The  ancient  poets  and  historians 
next  engaged  his  attention.  But  he  showed  a  special  taste 
for  arithmetic,  geometry,  astronomy,  and  music."  Mr. 
Lecky*  says  that  the  knowledge  of  Greek  had  been  kept 
up  in  the  Irish  monasteries  some  time  after  it  had  dis- 
appeared from'  the  other  seminaries  of  Europe.  It  is 
almost  certain,  too,  that  VirgiF  and  parts  of  Ovid®  and 
Horace  were  read  in  the  same  monasteries  when  they  were 
unknown  elsewhere.  Perhaps  the  oldest  manuscript  of 
Horace  in  existence  is  one  at  present  in  the  library  of 
Berne,  written  in  Celtic  characters  with  notes  in  the  Irish 
language. 

*  See  Ware's  Writers  of  Ireland,  p.  38. 

*  See  O'Curry's  Lectures  on  Irish  History,  p.  61. 

'  See  Moran's  Irish  Saints  in  Great  Britam,  p.  335. 

*  Ihid,,  p.  197.  *  Ibid.^  p.  27. 

*  Kationalism  in  Europe,  Vol.  I.,  p.  316. 

^  We  are  told  that  Cadoc,  educated  in  lismore,  knew  Viigil  by  heart. 
See  Gildas,  p.  59,  and  following. 

^  See  essay  by  Villemarque,  on  the  Legende  Celtique. 


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Ancient  Irish  Schools.  255 

Jowett,  Westwood,  Wyatt,  Waagen,  and  Keller, 
admit  that  the  art  of  illumination  attained  a  wonderful 
perfection  in  our  ancient  schools.  Jowett  tells  us  in  the 
Art  Journal  "  that  the  early  Irish  designs  exhibit  a 
great  inventive  power,  a  stricter  adherence  to  sound 
principles  of  art,  and  a  more  masterly  execution  than 
those  of  any  other  contemporaneous  people."  West- 
wood,  who  gives  in  his  series  of  Bible  illustrations  eight 
specimens  of  illustrated  Irish  manuscripts,  says  that, 
"the  copy  of  the  Gospels  traditionally  asserted  to  have 
belonged  to  St.  Columba,  is  unquestionably  the  most 
elaborately  executed  manuscript  of  early  art  now  in 
existence."  Matthew  Arnold^  acknowledges  that  in  this 
art  the  Celt  has  done  just  enough  to  show  his  delicacy  of 
Uste;  and  a  writer  in  a  recent  immber  of  Longman's 
Magazine,  believes  that  purely  Irish  decoration  is,  take  it 
altogether,  the  most  elegant  and  ingenious  style  of 
decoration  which  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

But  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  great  work  of  the 
Irish  schools,  we  should  follow  Irishmen  to  other  countries. 
According  to  VVhite,^  Ireland  sent  into  Germany  115  mis- 
sionaries, 45  into  France,  44  into  England,  36  into  Belgium, 
25  into  Scotland,  13  into  Italy.  Their  sound  went  out 
into  all  lands,  and  their  words  to  the  ends  of  the  world* 
Their  osier  cells  were  among  the  marshes  of  Holland, 
and  by  the  waters  of  Constance.  Their  images  were  over 
the  altars  of  Leige,  Ratisbon,  and  Lecca.  They  lectured 
in  the  schools  of  Paris,  Pavia,  and  Verona.  Their 
manuscripts^  are  precious  relics  in  the  libraries  of 
Louvain  and  St.  Isidore,  Wurzburg  and  Milan,  Cambray 
and  Carlsruhe.  More  than  five  centuries  before  the  birth 
of  Dante,  an  Irish*  saint  related  the  visions  in  which  we 
have  in  its  chrysaUs  form  the  Florentine's  immortal  poem ; 
eight  hundred  years  before  Copernicus  published  his  gi'eat 
work  on  Astronomy,  an  Irish  saint  held,  that  the  earth 
was  a  sphere ;  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  Leo 
placed  the  imperial  crown  upon  the  head  of  Charlemagne, 
an  Irish  saint  consecrated  Aidan  king.  The  influence  of 
Irish  saints  was  felt  from  Fingal's  cave  to  the  vineyards  of 
Italy.  The  memory  of  Fridolin  is  still  a  power  by  the 
windings  of  the  Rhine,  the  daughters  of  Tarentum  kneel 

>  Study  of  Celtic  Literature,  p.  103.  *  Apologia,  p,  24. 

»  See  O'Curry'8  Lectures,  pp.  25,  26. 

•  Sec  PalgTave*8  History  of  Normandy  and  England.  725. 


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256  Ancient  Irish  Schools. 

before  the  shrine  of  Cataldus.  Glasgow  has  sprung  up 
round  the  cell  of  Kentigern ;  Wurzburg  round  KiUian's 
grave.  Edinburgli  owes  its  name  to  St.  Enda,  and  a 
canton  of  Switzerland  to  St.  Gall ;  Malmesbury  and  St 
Beeves  to  Mailduli  and  Bega.  The  names  of  Irish  saiDts 
are  read  on  Norwegian  Runes, and  on  Pictish  torabstoneain 
lonely  highland  glens.  Their  names  consecrate  the  hills 
of  Cambria  and  the  crumbling  ruins  of  Cornwall,  and  cleave 
to  solitary  rock  and  windswept  promontory 

"  Where  the  Northern  Ocean  in  vast  wliirls 
Boils  round  tlie  naked  melancholy  isles 
Of  farthest  Thule  ;  and  the  Atlantic  surge 
Tuurs  in  among  the  stormy  Hebrides." 

And  abroad  as  at  home,*  the  cell  of  the  Irish  saint  became 
a  centre  of  leaniing.  In  his  Celtic  Scotland,  Skene  telJs  us 
that  wherever  Columba  or  his  companions  planted  a 
monastery,  there  was  kindled,  not  only  the  warmth  of  the 
new  faitli,  but  some  light  of  knowledge  contained  in  the 
Sciiptures  and  other  books  which  the  Columbian  monks 
spent  much  of  their  time  in  transcribing.  In  his  highly 
interesting  Work  77ie  Making  of  Enqlwid^  Green  relates 
how  Iiish  teachers  gathered  round  tnese  scholars  in  the 
midst  of  solitary  woodlands  and  desolate  fens.  With 
Ealdhelm,  Mailduf 's  pupil,  he  says,  '*  began  tlie  whole 
literature  of  the  south."'  And  speaking  oi  Bede,  he  says,* 
"  the  tradition  of  the  elder  Irish  teachers  still  lingei'ed  to 
direct  the  young  scholar  into  that  path  of  scriptural  inter- 
pretation to  which  he  chiefly  owed  his  fame. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  life  of  Marianus  Scotus'  by 
the  Bollandists,  we  are  told  that  the  holy  men  who  went 
from  Scotia  to  France  and  Germany,  buUt  monasteries  as 
places  of  retirement  for  themselves,  and  schools  of  learning 
and  discipline  for  their  fellow- workers.  Speaking  of 
Columbanus,  Montalembert  says,*  that  '*  his  bold  genius  by 
turns  startled  the  Franks,  the  Bm^gundians,  and  the 
Lombards."  Moore,  too,  speaking  of  him,  has  the  following.** 
'*  The  writings  of  this  eminent  man  that  have  come  down 
to  us  display  an  extensive  and  varied  acquaintance,  not 
merely  with  ecclesiastical,  but  with  classical  literature. 
From  a  passage  in  his  letter  to  Boniface,  it  appears  that  he 
was  acquainted  both  with  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages, 

»  Making  of  England,  p.  3S  6,  «339.  »  9th  June. 

*  Monks  of  the  West,  vol,  iil ,  p.  94.      *  Moore's  History,  vol.  i.,  p.  266. 


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Ancient  Irish  Schools.  257 

and  when  it  is  recollected  that  he  did  not  leave  Ireland 
till  he  was  nearly  fifty  years  of  age,  and  that  his  life  was 
afterwards  one  of  constant  activity  and  adventure,  the 
conclusion  is  obvious,  that  all  this  knowledge  of  elegant 
literature  must  have  been  acquired  in  the  schools  of  his 
own  country."  On  the  epistle  of  St.  Livin  (another  Irish- 
man) to  St.  Floribert,  DoUinger  remarks,*  "  This  epistle 
and  his  epitaph  on  St.  Bavo  are  perhaps  the  best  poetical 
specimens  of  the  time,  and  awaken  within  us  an  idea  of 
the  high  state  of  mental  cultivation  which  then  existed  in 
Ireland.;' 

Virgilius,  Dungal  and  Scotus  Erigena,  were  beyond 
doubt  the  most  remarkable  scholars  of  their  age.  Lecky* 
speaks  of  Virgilius  as  one  of  the  few  who  in  the  eighth 
century  cultivated  profane  sciences.  Dungal  is  praised  by 
Muratori*  tor  his  classic  grace  of  style  and  for  his  great 
knowledge  of  Scripture  and  literature.  Erigena  is  described 
hy  Uallam^  as  one  of  the  two  extraordinary  men  who  in 
the  dark  ages  stood  out  from  the  crowd  in  literature  and 
politics.  The  three  were  Irishmen,  and  educated  in  the 
schools  of  their  native  isle. 

Indeed  the  more  we  study  our  ancient  annals,  and  the 
lives  of  our  early  saints,  the  more  we  study  Bede  and  the 
chroniclers  of  the  9th,  10th  and  11th  centuries,  the  brighter 
grows  the  vision  of  our  former  greatness.  The  past  gives 
up  its  dead.  We  see  wooded  hillside  and  winding  glen 
crowded  with  cell  and  church ;  we  see  Celt  and  stranger 
gathered  round  a  venerable  teacher  under  the  shade  of 
sighing  oaks ;  we  see  multitudes  leaving  their  country 

**  To  serve  as  model  for  the  mighty  world 
And  be  the  fair  beginning  of  a  time.'* 

And  we  truly  understand  the  full  meaning  of  the  proud 
title,  **  Insula  Sanctorum  et  Doctortfm." 

Timothy  Lee. 

*  Dollinger*8  Church  History,  vol.  ii.,  note  m  p.  86. 
'Rationalism  in  Europe,  vol.  i,  p.  273. 

'  Caetemm  liber  ille  Dungali  homi^pm  eruditum  sacrisque  etiam 
literis  omatuni  prodit,  et  simul  in  grammaticali  foro  a  Prisciani  deliciis 
enatritum.  MuratorL 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  p.  5. 


VOL,  VL 


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[    258    ] 


THE  DEAF  AND  DUMB. 

F  order  to  satisfy  the  good  wishes  of  an  esteemed 
Correspondent,  who  enquired  of  us,  if  anything,  and 
what,  could  be  done  for  the  uninstructed  and  uneducated 
Deaf  and  Dumb  to  instruct  and  prepare  them  for  the 
Sacraments  and  other  acts  of  reUgion,  we  undertook  the 
Analysis  of  a  Dissertation,  which  appeared  some  years  ago 
under  the  title  of  "  Claims  of  the  Uninstructed  Deaf- 

MUTE  TO    BE  ADMITTED  TO   THE   SaCR^UIENTS,'*   and   which 

attracted  considerable  attention  at  the  time  and  was 
recommended  by  the  Bishops  to  their  clergy  for  the  treat- 
ment of  these  poor  objects. 

We  desire  to  resume  our  Analysis  in  order  to  show  how 
in  particular  the  Author  deals  with  Adult  Deaf-Mutes  who 
have  not  had  the  advantage  of  being  educated  in  an 
Institution  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb.  H^  does  not  dissemble 
in  any  degree  the  difficulty  of  their  case  with  respect  to 
the  Sacraments  and  the  other  exercises  of  rehgion.  He 
even  presents  it  as  it  would  be  presented  by  a  person  of 
opposite  views  in  the  following  terms : — 

"  You  have  a  bad  case  in  hands ;  you  may  argue  to  any  length 
you  please,  but  the  facts  are  against  you.  We  know  who  the  Deaf 
and  Dumb  are,  and  what  they  are.  They  are  amongst  iis — in  the 
midst  of  us — we  see  them,  and  we  are  witnesses  of  their  sad  defi- 
ciencies. They  are  so  dull  and  idiot-like.  They  are,  moreover, 
stupid-looking — so  a^^kward,  uncouth,  in  several  instances,  vicious 
and  wicked.  Poor  beings,  they  stand  apart  from  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, and  since  they  have  not  had  the  benefit  of  a  special  education, 
nothing  remains  but  to  leave  them  as  God  left  them.  They  are 
not  fit  to  be  admitted  to  Sacraments.  It  would  be  a  manifest 
abuse,  a  profanation,  to  admit  such  beings.** 

The  Author  accepts  this  statement,  and  giving  scope  to 
his  sympathy  he  addi'esses  a  Deaf-Mute  as  if  present : — 

"Alas  !  poor  Deaf-mute,  we  are  come  to  the  worst  aspect  of  your 
case — the  aspect,  let  me  say  it,  that  has  put  a  pen  into  these  fingers 
to  plead  your  cause.  Poor  Deaf-mute !  you  are  what  people  have 
made  you  by  their  treatment  of  you.  Those  who  should  have 
taken  care  of  you  have  forgotten,  if,  indeed,  they  bad  ever  known 
the  inspired  maxim,  *  That  a  young  man,  according  to  bis  way. 
even  when  he  is  old,  he  will  not  depart  fponi  it.' — Prov.  xxii.  6. 
So  it  is,  and  so  it  has  always  been,  as  it  will  be  to  the  end  of  time. 
Treat  a  young  person  for  what  he  ought  to  be.  and  you  will  make 
him  what  be  ought  to  be ;  and  treat  him  for  what  be  ought  not  to 


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TJie  Deaf  and  Dumb.  259 

be,  and  you  will  make  him  what  he  ought  not  to  be.  Poor  Deaf- 
mate !  they  have  treated  you  for  what  you  ought  not  to  be.  Wheii 
you  were  discovered  to  be  Deaf  and  Dumb,  you  were  put  one  side 
into  a  comer,  away  from  your  brothers  and  sisters ;  you  were  not 
asked  to  join  in  family  prayers,  as  if  Toice  was  necessary  for  enter- 
taining your  soul  with  your  Creator  ;  you  were  not  taught  to  make 
the  sign  of  the  Cross,  because  it  was  said,  where  is  the  use  ?  it 
woold  be  unmeaning,  as  he  could  not  say  the  accompanying  words. 
Your  brothers  and  sisters  were  prepared  for  Confession,  Confirma- 
tion, and  their  first  Communion,  and  yon  were  neglected,  as  if 
nothing  could  be  done  for  you.  They  were  brought  to  Mass,  and 
you  were  neglected ;  you  were  allowed  to  go  into  the  streets,  and 
the  highways,  and  the  bye-ways.  Naughty  boys  made  game  of 
yoa,  and  treated  you  as  a  fool — they  ruined  your  temper — they 
showed  you  bad  example,  and  made  you  vicious.  They  turned 
your  signs  into  ridicule  and  sport,  and  made  you  a  buffoon  for  their 
mischievous  amusement ;  and  those  who  ought  to  have  taken  care 
of  you,  only  said  with  sterile  compassion — poor  creature,  God  has 
made  him  so,  we  cannot  help  it.  We  leave  him  to  God,  to  live  aqd 
die  in  His  hands,  as  He  has  willed  him  to  be  as  he  is. 

"Poor  Deaf-mute!  This  is  how  you  were  treated — treated  as 
joa  ought  not  to  have  been ;  and  hence  you  are  not  what  you 
ought  to  be.  Nevertheless,  words  of  comfort  yet  remain  ;  your 
case  is  not  hopeless.  They  are  ashes,  indeed,  that  meet  the  eyes, 
bat  the  spark  beneath  yet  lives,  and  may  be  kindled  up  by  applying 
to  it  that  tire,  the  fire  of  charity,  which  Our  Divine  Saviour  came 
to  east  upon  the  earth,  and  desires  to  be  kindled." — Luke  xii.  49. 

The  Author  accordingly  traces  the  sad  condition  of  the 
uneducated  Adult  Mute  to  the  deplorable  idea  that  outside 
of  an  Institution  for  the  Deaf  ana  Dumb,  and  without  the 
special  technical  instruction  afforded  in  such  an  establish- 
ment, his  case  is  hopeless,  that  he  is  incapable  of  moral  and 
religious  training  and  must  be  abandoned  to  his  unhappy 
lot.  This  idea  tne  Author  combats  with  might  and  mam, 
relying,  in  the  first  place,  upon  authorities  beyond  contra- 
diction or  question,  and,  secondly,  upon  facts  which 
instead  of  speculative  reasoning  he  brings  forward  to 
sustain  his  views. 

His  first  authority  is  that  of  M.  TAbbe.  de  TEpee,  the 

rat  Apostle  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb.  He  quotes  next  a 
Pelisier,  who  wrote  a  classic  work  on  the  Instruction  of 
Ae  Deaf  and  Dumb,  which  was  accepted  with  honour  by 
the  Central  Society  for  the  Education  and  ^idlrf*  ijf_tlxa^ 


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260  The  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

to  the  state  of  intelligence  of  the  afflicted  class  to  which  he 
belonged. 

A  third  authority  which  he  adduces  is  a  M.  I'Abbe 
Lambert,  who  was  Chaplain  of  the  National  Institution  of 
Paris  for  over  thirty  years,  and  who  as  an  apostle  of  this 
afflicted  portion  of  humanity,  goes  through  Fiance  giving 
Betreais  in  the  principal  towns  to  the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  a« 
well  the  uneducated  as  those  who  had  the  advantage  of 
education. 

After  quoting  these  authorities  in  refutation  of  the  idea 
he  combats,  the  Author  proceeds  to  facts  which  speak  most 
imequivocally  in  sustainment  of  his  position.  The  first  is 
a  fact  which  occurred  to  himself,  and  which  he  relates  as 
follows : — 

'*  Few  pass  through  life  without  meeting  with  incidents  on  their 
passage  that  make  deep  impression  upon  their  feelings,  and  take 
lasting  hold  of  their  memory,  and,  in  some  instances,  casual  though 
they  may  appear  to  us  mortals,  are  designed  in  the  views  of  Provi- 
dence to  lead  sooner  or  later  to  important  results.  1  shall  never 
forget  an  incident  of  this  kind  that  occurred  to  me  full  forty  years 
age.  1  was  travelling  through  the  country,  and  halting  in  a  town- 
on  my  way,  a  strange-looking  poor  man  approached  me.  Strange 
indeed  he  was  in  every  way,  and  his  figure  is  as  vivid  before  my 
mind,  even  at  this  distance  of  time,  as  if  it  were  but  yesterday  I 
saw  the  spectacle  he  presented.  He  was,  to  all  appearance,  like  a 
man  who  had  come  out  of  the  woods.  As  he  came  over  to  roe,  he 
put  on  a  look  of  the  most  intense  sadness,  then  blessed  himself,  then 
leaned  his  head  on  one  side,  supporting  it  with  his  open  hand,  and 
then  closing  his  eyes,  remained  so.  I  could  not  collect  Irom  him 
what  he  wished,  poor  man,  to  convey.  But  a  man  came  over  to 
tell  me,  *  He  is  a  dummy,  your  reverence,'  said  he.  '  Our  Paiish 
Priest  died  yesterday,  and  he  wishes  to  tell  you  by  the  signs  he  is 
making.*  Poor  man  I  I  felt  for  him,  and  even  still,  as  I  think  of 
him,  he  calls  up  the  deepest  emotion  in  my  mind.  Poor  man !  He 
saw  and  knew  I  was  a  Priest.  He  thought  that  I  should  feel  for 
the  death  of  a  brother  Priest.  His  closed  eyes  and  his  head  resting 
one  side  on  his  hand  were  the  intimations  of  death.  By  blessing 
himself  he  meant  to  signify  who  was  dead,  and  his  sorrowful 
countenance  bespoke  the  grief  he  felt  in  common  with  the  whole 
parish.  And  that  poor  man,  so  full  of  meaning  in  his  gestures, 
and  so  full  of  sentiment  in  his  looks,  was  an  excrescence,  so  to  say, 
on  the  face  of  the  parish,  disinherited  from  the  blessings  of  religion, 
as  he  was  banned  from  social  intercourse  with  his  fellow-man." 

This,  the  Author  would  present  as  a  specimen  case,  and 
from  the  amount  of  intelUgence  and  sentiment  the  poor  man 
displayed  he  would  infer  what  little  diflSculty  there  should 


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The  Deaf  and  Dumb.  261 

be  m  instructing  and  preparing  him  for  the  Sacraments, 
making,  of  course,  due  allowance,  according  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  theology,  for  his  case. 

A  second  fact  is  that  furnished  in  the  case  of  Martin, 
the  deaf-and-dumb  servant  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  men- 
tioned in  the  saint's  life.  St  Francis  met  him  on  a  Lenten 
Mifflion  he  was  preaching.  Notwithstanding  the  labours 
of  the  mission  he  took  him  in  hands,  and  had  him  instructed 
and  prepared  before  the  close  of  the  Lent  for  his  Paschal 
Communion.  He  afterwards  took  him  home  and  made  him 
a  domestic  servant,  and  with  the  attention  he  paid  him  the 
poor  man  became  a  most  fervent  Christian.  Nor  is  it  to  be 
supposed  that  the  holy  prelate  had  recourse  to  any  super- 
natural intervention  in  aid  of  his  charity.  On  the  contrary, 
when  asked  by  a  friend  why  he  did  not  beg  of  God  to 
bestow  upon  him  the  gift  of  hearing  and  speech,  he 
repKed : — **  I  confess  to  you  I  never  had  the  least  idea  of 
astdng  such  a  miracle,  because  I  find  it  a  great  advantage 
to  keep  the  good  man  as  he  is,  and  to  have  in  him  a  daily 
and  domestic  exercise  of  charity." 

A  third  fact  is  furnished  by  a  conference  of  the  clergy 
of  Paris,  held  in  the  Madeleine  Church,  on  the  13th  of 
February,  1856.  The  subject  was:  "The  Treatment  of 
the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  with  respect  to  their  admission  to 
the  Sacraments.'*  The  doctnne  insisted  on  by  all  the 
Theologians,  that  the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  whether  educated  or 
uneducated,  were  included  in  the  pastoral  charge,  was 
admitted,  and  the  Conference  was  to  take  account  only  of 
the  means  to  be  employed  for  preparing  them  to  be 
admitted  to  the  exercise  of  their  rehgious  duties. 

By  appointment  of  the  Archbishop  the  Chaplain  of  the 
National  Listitution  in  Paris  was  to  make  the  Conference. 
Much  expectation  had  been  excited.  The  Archbishop 
presided,  and  two  other  Bishops  with  about  four  hundred 
of  the  clergy  assisted.  In  his  treatment  of  the  subject  the 
chaplain  insisted  particularly  that  reading  or  writing,  or 
the  technical  education  of  an  institution  was  not  necessary 
to  prepare  the  ordinary  Deaf-Mute  for  the  Sacraments,  and 
that  a  certain  amount  of  zeal,  with  the  means  and  ways 
which  true  zeal  would  be  sure  to  discover,  would  be  found 
eufficient. 


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262  The  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

Archbishop  issned  a  Pastoral  respecting  them,  and  the 
Parish  Pnests,  aided  by  men  of  good  will,  sought  out  the 
poor  castaways,  who  were  found  to  reach  the  niunber  of 
nearly  six  himdred,  in  the  parishes  of  the  metropolis  alone. 
Conferences  were  instituted  for  their  instruction.  The 
chaplain  who  presided  was  assisted  by  some  zealons 
members  of  the  Brotherhood  of  the  Christian  SchoolH,  as 
also  by  an  Aid  Society  specially  formed  to  look  after  these 
objects  of  Christian  sympathy,  and  promote  their  interests, 
God  was  visibly  in  the  good  work  which  continues  even 
still,  and  Paris  is  edified  by  the  regularity  and  fervour  with 
which  these  poor  souls,  hitherto  abandoned,  under  the 
idea  that  nothing  could  be  done  for  them,  flock  to  their 
Conferences,  Sunday  after  Sunday,  and  partake  in  common 
with  their  fellow-Christians  of  the  blessings  of  the 
Sacraments, 

From  these  facts,  the  author  proceeds  to  lay  down  in 
detail  what  means  and  measures  may  be  employed  for  the 
instruction  of  these  objects  of  his  charitable  sympathy. 
For  these  we  must  refer  our  correspondent  to  the  Disser- 
tation itself,  as  they  would  occupy  more  space  than  our 
limits  can  allow  them. 

We  cannot,  however,  be  too  earnest  in  recommending 
their  perusal  and  study.  Although  the  numbers,  as 
reported  by  the  Committee  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  reaches 
near  three  thousand,  they  exist,  however,  in  only  ones,  and 
twos,  and  seldom  beyond  three,  in  any  parish  outside  the 
large  towns.  Consequently  the  work  falling  to  the  lot  of 
.  a  Parish  Priest  with  his  curates  is  not  excessive. 

The  Dissertation,  as  we  have  observed,  excited  much 
attention  at  the  time,  and  gave  occasion  to  a  production 
controverting  the  views  ol  the  Author.  He,  however, 
replied  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Archbishops  and 
Bishops  of  Ireland,  inasmuch  as  the  subject  appertamed  to 
their  jurisdiction  in  reference  to  the  ministry  of  the  clergy 
under  their  charge.  In  a  future  number  we  may  take 
notice  of  this  document,  which  gives  further  development 
to  the  Author's  views,  and  reasserts  the  various  positions 
he  had  advanced  in  the  Dissertation. 

The  Editor. 


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[    263    ] 
THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


Certain  Clauses  found  in  Dispensations. 

ALL  the  clauses  that  occur  in  dispensationB  are  not  treated 
in  this  short  paper.  A  full  explanation  would  exceed 
the  object  here  in  view,  which  is  to  set  forth  briefly  the 
nature  of  such  acts  as  may  from  time  to  time  require 
attention  between  verification  on  the  one  hand  an d/u/mma<ttm 
on  theother.  Within  these  limits  lie  the  "  onera  imponenda," 
if  any,  and  their  various  circumstances,  or  in  other  words  the 
second  portion  of  the  commission  given  to  an  "  executor 
diBpensationis."  It  will  not  be  necessary  to  consider 
separately  the  dispensations  which  bishops  grant,  either 
immediately  themselves,  or  in  forma  commissoria^  as  any 
instructions  occurring  in  them  are  easily  carried  out  by  one 
who  can  give  due  effect  to  the  clauses  found  in  Papal 
Rescripts. 

The  phraseology  of  these  Rescripts  varies  a  good  deal, 
according  to  the  office  from  which  they  come,  their  contents 
or  purpose,  and  the  form  of  the  concession,  as  it  may  be 
given  either  in  forma  communi  or  in  forma  pauperum.  Thus, 
the  language  of  the  Datary  is  very  different  from  that 
employed  by  the  S.  Penitentiary,  unless  the  latter  tribunal, 
as  frequently  occurs,  dispenses  pro  foro  externo^  when  the 
divergence  is  not  so  considerable.  But  for  fixed  circum- 
stances each  Office  has  definite  forms  and  phrases.  As 
they  are  all  readily  found  in  treatises  on  matrimony^  it  is 
unnecessary  to  insert  them  here  in  full,  or  state  in  every 
case  the  forum  for  which  a  particular  clause  is  used. 

L  First  of  all  as  by  common  law  excommunicated  persons 
are  incapable  of  benefiting  by  Apostolic  Rescripts,  dispen- 
sations j^ro/oro  externo  open  after  the  nanative  part  with  a 
general  absolution  ad  cautelam  from  all  censures  and 
penalties  that  might  stand  in  the  way  of  the  Papal  grant. 
These  punishments,  however,  are  removed  only  to  the 
extent  of  allowing  the  person  or  persons  to  receive  the 
favour  in  question,  and  remain  in  every  other  respect  as 
binding  as  before.*  Even  ifthe  Pope  entrusted  this  general 
absolution  to  the  delegate  instead  of  giving  it  immediately 
himself,  it  is  still  different  from  power  to  absolve  {roraineest 
and  exce$$eg,  which  Apostolic  letters  often  contain  and  the 

» Lehmkuhl,  pp.  578-76 ;  Caillaud,  t.  n.  246,  &c  « Feije,  p.  724 

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264  Theological  Notes. 

exercise  of  which  has  a  permanent  removing  efiect.  Much 
more  is  it  to  be  distinguished  from  Sacramental  absoIutioD* 
Notwithstanding  its  wide  wording  the  clause  does  not 
apply  to  heretics  or  to  certain  criminals  specified  in  the  66th 
rule  of  the  Chancery,  as  modified  in  this  context  by  the 
Bulla  Apostolicae  Sedis.* 

2.  Where  an  invalid  marriage  has  been  knowingly  con- 
tracted, and  in  some  other  cases  of  crime,  actual  or 
suspected,  separation  is  enjoined  to  repair  scandal  and  give 
evidence  of  repentance.  The  length  of  its  continuance  is 
sometimes  fixed  by  the  Rescript,  sometimes  left  to  the 
discretion  of  the  delegate.  In  the  latter  case  it  would  be 
well  to  conform  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  usage  of  the 
Holy  See,  and  require  time  less  or  more,  according  to  the 
circumstances  and  their  bearing  on  the  object  to  be  attained. 
It  is  essential  to  the  dispensation  that  the  punishment  of 
separation  should  be  undergone  as  well  as  imposed  before 
the  impediment  is  actually  removed.  This  often  creates  a 
diflBculty  in  dealing  with  dispensations  for  the  external 
forum f  which  may  require  '*  sHparatio  a  toro^  Imbitatione 
et  familiari  conversatione,'*  in  these  or  equivalent  words: 
for  the  prohibition  is  frequently  violated  without  any 
necessity.  Indeed  it  is  freely  held  that  separatw  a  toro  alone 
will  suffice  where  more  perfect  disunion  is  morally  im- 
possible,* But,  with  this  understood,  a  difficulty  still 
remains  in  regard  to  those  who  culpably  disobey  the 
delegate's  injimction. 

Now,  any  breach,  short  of  incest,  does  not  invalidate  a 
Rescript,  and  only  compels  the  '*  executor  "  to  impose  a 
fresh  period.  As  for  that  offence,  a  distinction  must  be 
drawn  between  its  repetition  at  this  stage  and  its  occurrence 
for  the  first  time.  In  the  latter  event  dispensations  for 
either  forum  are  rendered  void.  For  by  hypothesis  the 
crime  occurs  before  fulmination,  and  must  accordingly  be 
explained  to  the  dispensing  power,  in  order  that  the  favour 
maybe  validly  granted.* 

The  repetition  of  incest  will  not  render  invalid  a  dispen- 
sation for  the  forum  conscientiae  according  to  recent 
authorities  on  the  subject.  But  it  is  different  with  the  letters 
of  the  Datary  or  Penitentiary  for  the  external  forum,  as 
these  contain  a  strong  separation  clause.  Sometimes  it  is 
absent  from  dispensations  in  forma  communis  and  then  many 

'  Cf.  Riganti  in  Reg.  66  Cancellariae.  *  Feije,  p.  734. 

»  Cf.  Feije,  p.  690;  Lehmkuhl,  p.  670. 


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TIteological  Notes.  265 

hold  that  the  offence  in  question  does  not  cause  invalidity. 
Nay,  some^  lay  down  this  doctrine  of  all  Rescripts  in  forma 
communu  But  if  they  contain  a  separation  clause  there 
seems  to  be  little  room  for  distinguishing  foj^Sj  as  the 
Penitentiary  practically  decided  in  1854  that  a  breach  of  it 
by  incest  should  be  remedied  by  applying  for  a  new  dis- 
pensation. The  Penitentiary  itself,  as  a  rule,  provides  a 
more  convenient  resource  by  sending  faculties  to  obviate 
repetition.  But  the  Datary  acts  otherwise,  and  hence  a 
fr^  supplication  is  made  out,  or  rather  validating  letters 
aie  requested  from  that  Tribunal.  The  decision  just  alluded 
to  was  as  follows* : — 

"1.  Quid  in  praefata  clausula  intelligendum  venit  per  vocem 
tractu?  IT.  Si,  interdicto  per  Ordinariuni  quocunqiie  tractu, 
oratores  nihilominus  tempore  interdicti  habeant  in  se  tractum,  an 
ideo  opus  sit  nova  dispensatione  sen  revalidatione  ?  '* 

''  Ad  I.  id  omne  vetari  quod  opponitur  fini,  qui  in  interdicendo 
qnocanqne  tractu  quaeritur,  nempe  oratorum  resipiscentia,  ant  dati 
scandali  reparatio.  Ad  U.  Cum  clausula  opposita  det  jurisdictionem 
sob  conditione,  sed  nonrespiciat  ipsamdispensationem,  deberequidem 
conditionem  oppositam  inlpleri,  ut  commissarius  exequi  valeat 
Bescriptura,  non  nero  novam  petendam  esse  dispensationem  si 
oratores,  violata  interdictione  cnjuscunque  tractus,  fideliter 
abstineant  per  tempus  praescriptum,  duramodo  tamen  violatio  inter- 
dicti non  fuerit  per  incestum." 

It  is,  moreover,  to  be  obsei'ved  that  Bishops  not  imcom- 
monly  possess  faculties  for  making  valid  such  Papal  Rescripts 
as  are  rendered  null  by  the  commission  of  incest.  And, 
lastly,  the  wide  sense  of  the  term  deserves  attention.  It 
includes  quasi-incest,  and  can,  therefore,  exist  when  the 
parties  are  subject  to  an  impediment  of  consanguinity/ ^ 
dfinxLyj  spiritual  relationship^  or  public  honesty} 

3.  A  penance  clause  is  often  met  with  in  Rescripts, 
especially  when  grave  offences  have  been  committed. 
Neglect  to  enforce  it  is  always  sinful,  and  will,  most 
probably,  invalidate  dispensations  granted  in  forma 
pauperum.  Besides,  no  matter  in  what  form  the  favour  is 
conceded,  it  is  necessary  that  the  person  concerned  should 
accept  a  penance  which  has  been  actually  imposed  by  the 
delegate.*  Performance  of  it,  however,  is  not  required 
under  pain  of  nullity,  unless  so  far  as  "  qua  peracta,"  or 
any  phrase  of  like  import  may  be  appended  to  it  in  whole 


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2G6  Theological  Notes. 

or  in  part.  Formerly  public  penances,  even  vimte  to  Rome 
were  frequently  enjoined;  but  this  discipline  had  been  very 
touch  changed.  When  the  works  are  determined  by  the 
Rescript  a  delegate  cannot  commute  them.  If  left  to  his 
discretion  he  alone  can  make  a  change  afterwards.  Besides, 
at  the  time  of  imposing  them  he  must  remember  that  his 
freedom  of  selection  is  limited  by  the  dictates  of  a  prudent 
judgment.  Acting  under  its  guidance  he  will  make  the 
penance  light  or  heavy,  long  or  short,  public  or  private, 
according  to  the  varying  circumstances  of  age,  sex,  place 
and  time.^  A  decision  to  this  efifect  emanated  from  the 
S.  Penitentiary  in  1839  :— 

"  In  poenitentiis  arbitrio  confessarii  relic tis  non  intelligi 
meram  et  liberam  voluntatem  ita  ut  possit  illas  libere 
jnjungere  prouti  sibi  placuerit,  sed  importari  arbitrium 
boni  viri,  habita  nempe  ratione  conditionis,  aetatis 
sexus." 

The  Dispensation  itself  sometimes  gives  instructions 
about  the  quality  of  the  penance.  Thus  the  words  grams 
and  gravissima  imply,  the  one  a  heavy  obligation,  the  other 
a  burthen  of  great  weight.  But  here  again  all  Uie 
conditions  and  surroundings  are  to  be  taken  into  account. 
A  ^^  poenitentia  gravis  et  longa*^  would  be  monthly  com- 
munion for  a  year,  fasting  once  a  week  or  once  a  fortnight 
for  the  same  period,  &c.  The  word  **  diuturna  "  implies 
that  the  works  extend  over  three  yeara  Similarly 
^'  perpettia  *'  requires  them  to  continue  for  life.  When 
increased  severity  is  demanded,  it  may  be  obtained  by 
greater  frequency  of  repetition ;  but  if  it  were  thought 
desirable  to  impose  any  penance  of  daily  obligation,  the 
works  should  be  easy  to  discharge.^ 

Obviously  when  both  parties  are  guilty,  both  likewise 
come  in  for  the  penalties.  It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  add 
that  the  penance  here  contemplated  is  not  Sacramental 
penance,  and  may  or  may  not  be  imposed  in  iribunali 
according  as  the  dispensation  is  for  the  forum  intemwn 
alone  or  otherwise.  The  Datary  sometimes  inserts  a  clause 
requiring  testimony  of  two  confessions — "Peractis  ab  iis 
duabus  confessionibus  sacramentalibus."  In  this  event 
evidence  must  be  forthcoming  before  the  delegate  gives 
the  Rescript  absolutions  pro  foro  exiemo  and  -pro  foro 
intemo  non  saeramentali,     Should  "  si  veniam  a  te  petierint 

^  Avanziniy  t.  L.  p.  446. 
^       s  Cf.  Van  de  Burgt  p.  67,  de  dispenBationibus  matrimonalibas; 
^Lehihkuhl,  p.  575. 


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Theological  Note^.  26t 

humiBter  **  occur,  "Bie  words  must  in  like  manner  be  verified 
before  absolving  in  foro  extenio} 

Alms-giving  is  frequently  commanded  in  letters  of  the 
Penitentiary  for  both  forums.  Often  too  the  amount  is 
left  to  the  delegate's  discretion.  "  Erogata  aliqua  elee- 
mosyna  "  makes  it  essential  to  impose  the  obligation ;  but 
whether  its  discharge  is  required  for  validity  or  not  is 
disputed.  Plainly,  the  safer  course  by  far  is  to  give  over 
at  once  the  sum  in  question.  This  is  also  true,  tnough  in 
a  much  less  degree,  of  the  clause  "  quodque  in  pauperes 
faeiant  aliquam  eleemosynam/'  which  occurs  in  dispensa- 
tions pro  foro  intemoy  and  does  not  appear  to  require  the 
actual  giving  before  fulmination. 

4.  Dispensations  for  the  internal  forum  as  a  rule  contain 
the  clause,  **  audita  sacramentali  .  .  confessione  "  or  some 
equivalent,  such  as  "  in  sacramentali  confessione  tantuin,*  In 
the  absence  of  some  such  form,  fulmination  need  not  take 
place  in  trihunali.  Otherwise  it  must.  Nor  will  it  suffice 
to  grant  the  favour  before  sins  are  confessed,  even  though 
the  penitent  be  in  the  state  of  grace.  For  validity,  the  one 
thing  required  by  these  clauses  is  sacramental  confession, 
be  the  same  fruitful  or  sacrilegious.  Absolution  also  from 
sins  no  doubt  usually  precedes,  but  this  is  not  required 
unless  the  wording  of  the  dispensation  clearly  demand  it. 
So  much  so,  that  when  there  is  urgency  and  the  person  or 
persons  cannot  be  properly  disposed,  the  dispensation  is 
ralminated  and  absolution  deterred;  always,  however, 
supposing  that  absolution  was  not  made  a  pre-required 
condition.  Any  statement  of  the  law  on  this  point  would 
be  incomplete  without  the  following  decisions  in  reference 
to  sacrilegious  confessions,  and  other  cases  of  difficulty : — 

"  An  poenitens,  qui  voluntarie  et  malitiose  facit  confessionem 
nnllun  et  sacrilegam,  dum  virtute  dispcnsationis  obtentae  a 
S.  Poenitentiaria  rehabititatur  in  beneficio  simoniaoe  obtento,  aut 
dispensattrr  ab  impedimento  matrirooniiim  dirimente,  sit  sufficienter 
dispensatus,  et  an  denuo  sit  recurrendum  ad  S.  Poenitentiariam  ?"^ 

The  answer  was :—« 

^S.  Poenitentiaria  ad  propositum  dubium  respondet  quod 
dnmmodo  confessarius  literarum  S.  Poenitentiariae  executor  servet, 
quae  sibi  in  iisdem  literis  praescribnntur,  tunc  datae.  vigore, 
earuDdum  literarum,  dispensationes  validae  erunt,  etiamsi  contingat 
poenitentem  nolliter  et  sacrilege  confiteri  et  absolutionem  a  peccatis 

>  Feije,  p.  737. 

*Cf.  Carriere,  n.  1168,  citing  from  Collet  by  Compans. 


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268  Theological  Note9. 

petere.  Quod  si  confessarius  advertat  poenitentem,  ex  sua 
indispositione,  a  peccatis  absolvi  rite  non  posse  curare  debet 
eundem  poenitentem  recte  disponere  vel,  si  disponi  nequeat  in 
praesenti,  una  eum  absolutione  a  peccatis  deferre  quoque  prae- 
dicta^  dispensationes,  nisi  forte  urgens  aliqua  necessitas  sadeat 
dispensationes  easdem  accelerare." 

Again  it  was  asked : — 

"  Num  dispensationes  super  impedimentis  dirimentibus  occultis 
in  matrimoniis  contractis  significandae  sint,  statim  post  succeptam 
absolutionem,  aut  priusquam  dispositiones  praeviae  ad  absolutionem 
existant,  atque  absolutio  suscipiatur,  eoque  ut  citius  validitati 
matrimoniorum  provideatur,  sicque  commercii  illiciti  occasio 
arceatur  ?  " 

The  S.  Poenitentiary^  replied  in  1834: — 

Dispensationes  de  quibus  in  casu  manifestandas  esse  ante 
absolutionem,  quas  tamen  confessarius  concedere  potest  etiamsi 
absolutionem  a  peccatis  suspendendam  censeat." 

Furthermore  the  S.  Poenitentiary  answered  as  follows 
in  1839  :— 

^'  In  exequendis  S.  Poenitentiariae  rescriptis,  cavendum  qnidem 
est  ut  poenitens  ad  peccatorum  absolutionem  disponator, 
niliilominus  validas  fore  absolutiones  a  censuris,  dummodo 
saltern  praecesserit  accusatio  sen  confessio  peccatorum,  quae 
sacramentalis  sit." 

These  replies  show  that  in  cases  of  urgency  the  con- 
fessor will  act  prudently  by  giving  absolution  from 
censures  and  fulminating  the  dispensatioDy  even  where  the 
parties  cannot  there  and  then  be  disposed  for  the  Sacrament 
of  Penance.  But  at  the  same  time  the  obligation  of  send- 
ing either  or  both  off  in  the  state  of  grace  is  obviously  very 
pressing,  and  hence  the  occasion  is  one  that  calls  for  a 
great  effort,  especially  as  there  is  often  danger  of  a 
sacrilegious  maniage. 

The  duty  of  removing  occasions  of  sin  is  imposed  by  a 
special  clause  in  dispensations  for  affinity  ex  commerdo 
Ulicito.  Without  making  the  innocent  party,  if  such  there 
be  in  the  case,  aware  of  what  occurred,  the  proximate 
occasion  of  relapse  must  be  actually  removed  where  it  is 
voluntary^  and  made  remote  where  iiecesBary.  This  clause 
does  not  affect  validity.* 

It  only  remains  to  ask  what  a  delegate  is  to  do  when 
the  person  in  whose  favour  a  dispensation  was  granted, 

1  Cf.  CaiUaud,  t.  2,  n.  372 ;  and  Zitelli,  p.  88.  «  Feije,  p.  746. 


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Votive  Masses.  269 

absolutely  refuses  to  fulfil  the  required  conditions.  Such 
refusal  prevents  fulmination.  Had  it  or  any  other  difficulty 
been  foreseen  as  likely  to  occur,  the  supplication  should 
have  contained  a  request  to  provide  for  the  emergency. 
But  in  the  absence  of  such  provision  fresh  application  must 
be  made. 

Lastly,  when  every  condition  has  been  carried  out  to 
the  required  extent,  the  delegate  proceeds  to  the  absolu- 
tions with  which  fulmination  begins.  It  is  almost 
unnecessary  to  add  that  in  tribunali,  the  imposing  of 
Sacramental  Penance,  of  restitution,  and  of  reparation  for 
scandal  given,  precedes  absolution  from  censures,  sins,  and 
excesses.^ 

Patrick  0*Donxell. 


LITURGY. 


Votive  Masses. 
I. — Definition  and  Division. 

The  General  Rubrics  of  the  Missal  commence  thus  : — 
*'  Missa  quotidie  dicitur  secundum  ordinem  officii,  de  festo 
Duplici,  vel  Semiduplici,  vel  Simplici,  de  Dominica,  vel 
Feria,  vel  Vigilia,  vel  Octava:  et  extra  ordiaem  officii 
Votiva  vel  pro  Defunctis." 

From  this  Rubric  the  definition  of  Votive  Masses  is 
plain : — They  are  all  Masses  not  in  keeping  with  the  office, 
except  Requiem  Masses. 

We  except  Requiem  Masses  because  the  Rubrics  do 
so  most  clearly,  both  here  and  in  many  other  places.  For 
instance,  the  Rubrics  treat  of  Votive  Masses  and  Reguiem 
Ma^es  in  two  distinct  sections.  Tit.  IV.  being  "  De  Missis 
Votivis  S.  Mariae  et  aliis,"  Tit.  V.  **De  Missis  De- 
fimctorum."  Rubricista  also  generally  keep  the  two 
classes  distinct. 

Votive  Masses  are  so  called,  because  they  are  selected, 
for  the  most  part,  on  account  of  some  special  desire 
{rotum)  or  devotion  of  the  celebrant  or  of  the  person  who 
gets  the  Mass  said. 

There  are  two  divisions  of  Votive  Masses.      (1)   As 


1  Burgt,  pp.  72-3. 


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270  Votive  Masses. 

regards  solemnity,  a  Votive  Mass  may  be  just  as  Massea 
secundum  ordinem  officii,  (a)  Low,  {b)  Cantata  sine  ministrifl, 
(c)  Cantata  cum  ministris,  also  called  High  Mass. 

This  High  Mass  may  be  "  Conventualis"  or  nan  CoU' 
ventiuilis.  The  Missa  Conventualis  is  that  which  is  sung  as 
a  part  of  the  Divine  OflBce  in  Cathedral  and  Collegiate 
Cnurches,  in  which  there  exists  the  obUgation  of  publicly 
reciting  the  OflBce  in  Choir  every  day.  We  know  of  no 
Church  in  these  countries  in  which  a  Mass  strictly  Conventudis 
is  celebrated.     But  for  the  sake  of  clearness  it  must  keep  its 

Elace  in  this  explanation  of  Votive  Masses.  It  is  so  called 
ecause  it  is  par  excellence  the  oflScial  and  public  Mass  of 
the  Church,  at  which  a  great  assembly  (conventus)  of  the 
clergy  and  faithful  would  naturally  be  presents  The  English 
word  *'  Conventual"  does  not  convey  the  right  idea. 

Every  Mass  not  Conventitalis  is,  of  course,  non  Con- 
ventitalis. 

Again,  a  High  Mass.  which  is  non  Conventualisj  may  be 
either  (1)  an  ordinary  High  Mass,  or  (2)  a  High  Mass  "pro 
re  gravi,  pro  publica  Ecclesiae  causa.*'* 

We  have  designedly  abstained  from  introducing  into 
this  division  the  terms  *'  privata**  and  "  solemnis,"  because 
there  is  in  the  Rubrics  and  Rubricists  some  confusion  about 
their  use.  In  Tit.  IV.,  n.  3,  and  Tit.  XV.,  nn.  1,  2,  the 
General  Rubrics  seem  to  divide  all  Masses  into  "  Missae 
Conventual es  *'  and  "privatae  ;'*  whereas  in  Tit  XVI.,  nu. 
1,  3,  and  Tit.  XVII.  nn.  1,  3,  the  "Missa  privata "  seems 
to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  Low  Mass,  being  opposed  to 
the  "Missa  Soleranis."  De  Herdt  gives  at  least  three 
diflTerent  definitions  of  a  Missa  privata :  (a)  Privata,  quae 
sine  cantu  et  cum  uno   dumtaxat  ministro  celebratur  ;*** 

(b)  '*  In  Missis    privatisy   id    est    non    conventualibus  f^ 

(c)  '*  Privata  autem,  quae  celebraturpro  arbitrio  celebrantis, 
vel  ex  praescripto  quidem  ordinarii  sed  non  pro  re  gravi, 
sive  solemniter  cantetur  sive  privatim  legatur."*  To  avoid 
confusion,  we  will  omit  altogether  the  use  of  the  terms 
Private  and  Solemn. 

(2)  As  regards  what  is  teiTned  the  Quality  of  the  Mass, 
Votive  M<isses  may  be  divided  as  follows: — (a)  The  six 
Votive  Masses  granted  July  5,  1883 ;  (h)  A  few  Masses 
e.rtra  ordinem  ojicii  prescribed  by  the  Church  to  be  said  on 
certain  days ;  (c)  The  twelve  fii-st  Votive  Masses  at  the  end 

'  Gren.  Rub.,  Tit.  viii.,  and  passim. 

'  Sacrae  Liturg.  Praxis,  voL  1,  p.  15,  Edit.  Sezta. 

•Ibid.  p.  23.  *  Ibid.  p.  27. 


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Votive  Ma8$e8.  271 

ef  the  MisBal,  after  the  Mass  "  In  Dedicatione  Eccleeiae ;" 
(d)  The  Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  the  Missal,  which 
follow  these  twelve;  (e)  The  Votive  Masses  of  Feasts 
celebrated  throughout  the  year. 

II. — ^^  Rationabilis  Causa,'' smd  *^  Res  Gf^vis"  **  Ptiblica 
Ecclesiae  Cama" 

The  only  matter  in  Division  (I)  that  requires  additional 
explanation  is  the  Missa  ^^pro  re  gi^avV  We  take  occasion 
to  explain  the  whole  question  of  the  cause  that  will  justify 
Votive  Masses  of  any  kind. 

In  Tit.  IV.,  which  treats  of  Votive  Masses,  these  words 
occur:  **  Id  vero  passim  non  fiat  nisi  rationabili  de  causa.*' 

Some  Rubricists  understand  these  words  to  mean  that 
Votive  Masses  may  be  said  occasionally,  but  not  passim — as 
a  rule — without  a  reasonable  cause.  Others,  as  De  Herdt, 
Vavaseur,  &c.,  seem  to  regard  the  clause  *'  nisi  rationabili 
de  causa  "  as  an  explanation  of  passim : — This  is  not  to  be 
done  passim  (at  random,  indiscriminately),  i.e,  without  a 
reasonable  cause.  This  latter  interpretation  is  supported 
by  the  sentence  of  the  Rubrics  which  immediately  follows : 
'^Et  quoad  fieri  potest,  Missa  cum  officio  conveiiiat." 

But  what  is  considered  a  "causa  rationabilis'*  for  a 
Low  ^lass  or  an  ordinary  High  Mass  ? 

At  ordination  every  young  priest  is  ordered  by  the 
ordaining  bishop  to  say  three  Masses.  These  must  be 
Votive.  To  discharge  this  duty  would  certainly  be  a 
sufficient  reason. 

A  special  devotion  to  a  saint  or  mystery  would  also 
suffice.  But  the  devotion  must  be  special;  the  honour 
paid  to  a  saint  by  a  Votive  Mass  in  addition  to  what  would 
be  paid  to  him  by  a  Mass  secundum  ordinem  officii,  is  evi- 
dently from  the  Rubric  not  a  sufficient  reason. 

Again,  if  a  person  were  to  give  an  honorarium  with  a 
special  desire  that  the  Mass  should  be  Votive,  this  would 
be  a  sufficient  reason. 

But  such  trivial  reasons  aa  the  shortness  of  a  Votive 
Mass  would  not  be  sufficient. 

It  is  noteworthy  that,  though  the  permission  for 
Requiem  Masses  is  given  in  almost  precisely  the  same 
words,  as  that  for  Votive  Masses,  the  restricting  clause  is 
not  added.  Does  not  this  plainly  imply  that  the  Church 
considers  the  congruity  of  celebrating  Masses  for  the  Dead 
in  black  vestments  to  be  always  of  itself  a  causa  ration- 
ohiUs  for  the  diff'erence  between  the  Mass  and  Office  on 
days  on  which  this  difference  is  at  all  allowed  f 


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272  Votive  Masses. 

But  a  High  Mass,  "  pro  re  gravi,"  **  pro  publica  eccle- 
siae  causa,"  requires,  as  is  evident,  a  ^rave  cause. 

This  grave  cause  must  be  something  that  considerably 
affects  the  temporal  or  spiritual  interests  of  the  whole  or, 
at  least,  the  greater  portion  of  the  community ;  such  as  to 
obtain  peace,  or  fine  weather:  to  acquire  some  greiat 
pubhc  benefit  or  avert  some  great  pubUc  calamity;  to 
procure  the  restoration  to  health  of  the  Pope,  bishop  or 
sovereign;  to  return  thanks  for  some  great  blessing  re- 
ceived. The  opening  of  a  great  mission,  too,  would,  says 
De  Herdt,  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  a  Mass  of  this  kind  oa 
one  occasion,  but  not  for  its  celebration  on  every  day 
during  the  mission. 

The  following  would  not  be  considered  **  res  graves :" 
the  election  of  the  Superioress  of  a  Convent,  the  reception 
or  profession  of  a  religious;  a  novena;  a  priest's  first 
Mass,  and  such  like. 

This  Mass  differs  from  an  ordinary  High  Mass  only  in 
(a)  the  matter  of  the  Gloria  and  Credoy  {b)  the  days  on 
which  it  may  be  celebrated,  and  (c)  the  fact  that  it  is 
necessary  to  have  for  it  the  order  or,  at  least,  the  sanction 
of  the  Ordinary,  with  whom  it  will  rest  to  judge  of  the 
gravity  of  the  cause. 

III. —  Tlie  Votive  Masses  granted  July  the  5thy  1883. 

We  now  come  to  Division  (2),  regarding  the  quaUty  of 
the  Masses. 

The  Votive  Masses  granted  Jvdy  5th,  1883,  have  been 
fully  treated  of  in  the  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD  for 
1884,  vol.  v.,  p.  331.  But  we  may  briefly  repeat  here  the 
substance  of  that  exposition. 

If  the  Votive  Office  be  said,  then  the  corresponding 
Mass  is  not  strictly  Votive,  but  secundum  Ordinem  Officii, 
Hence  it  is  that  the  special  Rubric  of  these  Masses  orders 
the  Gloria  and  the  last  Gospel  of  the  Feria :  the  Mass  is 
said  not  more  votivo^  but  modo  ordinario.  But  if,  as  may 
happen,  the  Office  be  said  "  de  ea,"  or  of  a  simple  Feast, 
and  the  Mass  celebrated  be  one  of  the  six,  then  it  recdly  is  a 
Votive  Mass— exfra  ordinem  Officii^  and  the  Gloria  would 
not  be  said,  nor  the  last  Gospel  of  the  Feria,  but  the  last 
Gospel  according  to  St.  John. 

The  privilege  of  saying  these  Votive  Masses  does  not 
in  any  way  interfere  with  the  old  privilege  of  the  General 
Rubrics. 


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Votive  Mcisses.  273 

IV. — Masses  extra  Ordinem  Officii  for  Certain  Days. 
These  days  are  :  1.  The  Saturdays  of  Advent.     If  the 
Office  be  of  the  Feria,  the  Mass  will  be  of  the  B.  V.M. 

2.  Vigils  during  Advent.  If  the  Office  be  of  the  Feria, 
the  Mass  will  be  of  the  Vigil,  with  a  conunemoration  of 
the  Feria. 

3.  Vigils,  Feriae  of  Quarter  Tense  and  Rogation 
Monday  during  an  Octave  other  than  that  of  Corpus 
ChristL  If  the  Office  to  be  said  be  of  the  Octave,  the  Mass 
win  be  of  the  Vigil  or  Feria,  with  a  commemoration  of  the 
Octave. 

4.  Holy  Thursday  and  Holy  Saturday, 

5.  The  Vi^  of  Pentecost 

Fall  directions  for  these  Masses  are  given  in  their 
Kpecial  Rubrics. 

V. — The  Twelve  First  Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  tlie  Missal. 

These  may  be  seen  at  once  in  the  Missal  They  may  be 
assigned  to  the  different  days  of  the  week:  **De  SS. 
Trinitate,"  to  Monday ;  «  De  Angelis,"  to  Tuesday ;  *'  De 
SS.  Apost  Petro  et  Paulo,"  to  Wednesday ;  *'  De  Spiritu 
Sancto,"  or  "De  SS.  JEucharistiae  Sacramento,"  to 
Thursday ;  "  De  Cruce,"  or  *'  De  Passione,"  to  Friday ;  and 
•*De  S.  Maria,"  to  Saturday. 

From  the  Special  Rubric  of  these  Masses  it  might  be 
thought  that  this  arrangement  is  in  no  way  obligatory: 
**Ouique  autem   diei,  propria    Missa  assignari  potest j  ut 

Feria  II Missa  de  SS.  Trinitate."      But  in  the 

General  Rubrics  Tit.  iv.  n.  8,  we  find  the  following : — "  Aliis 
diebus  .  .  .  dici  potest  aliqua  ex  Missis  Votivis  etiam 
in  principali  Missa  quae  vocatur  conventualis,  secundum 
onfanem  m  fine  Missalis  assignatum  .  .  .  Quae  tameu 
lEssae  et  onmes  aliae  Votivae  in  Missis  privatis  cQci  possunt 
pro  arbitrio  sacerdotum."  Hence  we  must  make  a  distinc- 
tion :  the  arrangement  is  assigned  for  Missae  Conventuales^ 
not  for  Missae  non^Conventuales. 

P.  O'Leary. 
(To  he  continued.) 

[We  regret  that  owing  to  pressure  on  our  space,  we  are  obliged 
to  hold  OTer  for  the  present^nr  answers  to  several  inquiries,  both 


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[    274    ] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 
"  O  elemensy  O  pioj  0  dulcis  Virgo  Maria!** 

TO   THE  EDITOR   OF  THE  IRISH   ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Dear  Sir, — ^There  are  several  renderings  of  the  above  words 
in  English  prayer-books.  As  a  rale,  a  difiPerence  in  this  respect 
will  be  found  between  prayer-books  printed  in  Dublin  and 
prayer-books  printed  in  London.  In  any  of  the  Doblin  prayer- 
books  I  have  seen,  I  find  the  words  translated  : — ''  O  clement ! 
O  pious!  O  sweet  Virgin  Mary!"  or  with  the  words  in 
the  superlative.  Every  person  must  have  observed  that 
*'0  loving!'*  is  substituted  for  '^O  pious!*'  in  the  authorized 
prayer  to  be  said  after  Mass.  St.  Bernard  is  said  to  have  added 
these  words  to  the  "  Salve  Regina,"  and  to  have  explained  the 
"  antiphon  "  or  prayer  itself.  1  have  not  St.  Bernard's  works  to 
refw  to,  but  1  have  a  Latin  Dictionary,  and  with  the  aid  of  it,  I 
shall  try  to  translate  the  Latin  words  referred  to.  I  must  premise 
that  I  believe  they  form  a  climax,  as  I  shall  make  plain  from  ray 
explanation.  "  Clemens  **  (from  which  probably  the  French  wwd 
"calme"  and  our  "calm"  have  come)  refers  originally  to  the 
weather^— wo  still  speak  of  the  tncleinency  of  the  season — bat  in 
the  above  case  it  is  used  figuratively,  and  is  applied  to  a  person. 
It  may  be  translated  "  gentle." 

Listen,  gentle  Queen  of  Heaven, 
Listen  to  my  Vesper  prayer. 

The  Blessed  Virgin  is  all  gentleness,  so  that  neither  saint  nor 
sinner  should  find  the  least  difficulty  in  approaching  her.  Not 
only  is  she  all  gentleness,  but  she  is  something  more.  She  is 
possessed  of  the  peculiar  gentleness  and  tenderness  of  la  mother. 
Hence  a  stronger  expression  is  found  to  express  this  quality — 
O  pia !  Riddle  explains  **  pius  *' : — *'  Entertaining  sentiments  of 
affection  and  attachment  towards  parents,  c/iildreny  masters  .  .  . 
one's  native  country,"  &c.  The  best  rendering  then  is  **  O  loving  I" 
*'  O  kind !"  which  is  found  in  prayer-books  across  the  water  is  too 
weak.  The  climax  is  reached  in  '*  O  dulcis  !"  Not  only  does  the 
Blessed  Virgin  4>ear  maternal  affection  (pia)  towards  us,  but  she 
does  so  in  a  degree  beyond  all  other  mothers.  Hence  she  is  the 
dearest  of  mothers — O  dulcis  Virgo  Maria !  Among  the  Romans 
•*  dalds  "  was  a  strong  term  of  endearment — '*  dulcissime  rerum," 
^'  my  dearest  friend !"  occurs  in  Horace.  "  Sweet "  as  a  rendering 
of  ^  dnlcis  "  used  figuratively  is  scarcely  in  accordance  with  the 
genius  gI  the  English  language.  After  all  I  have  written  then, 
my  translation  of  the  words  at  the  head  of  this  letter  would  be : — 
"  O  gentle  !  O  loving  !  O  dear  Virgin  Mary  I**     **  Pious  "  should 


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Notices  of  Booh.  275 

be  eHminatod  from  onr  home  editions  of  the  prayer-books  and 
^  loving  "  gahethuted  in  its  phoe.  The  other  trmndations  may  be 
left  to  itsnd,  as  in  the  prayers  anthorized  to  be  said  immediately 
sfter  Mass.  Got  of  curiosity  I  hare  looked  through  Father 
Nolan's  Irish  prayc'r-book  to  see  how  he  has  translated  the  words 
in  question.  I  find  he  giTes  *^  ceannsa  **  for  *'  cleraens."  Nothing 
eonid  be  better.  Boi  I  find  he  gives  an  Irish  word  £Dr  '*  pia  " 
which  means  "religious*'  "devout"!  What  an  anti-climax! 
The  Blessed  Vn>gin  devout!  WeU,  rather!  A  Catholk  lady 
assured  me  she  always  thooght  the  expression  "  O  pions  !"  in  the 
Silve  Regina  very  strange.  It  must  be  surely  somebody's  business 
to  revise  and  correct  these  home  editions  of  our  English  prayer- 
books.  They  are  found  in  all  styles  of  get-up  and  binding, 
reminding  me  foitiibly  of  the  words  of  onr  Lord  about  making 
^  dean  the  outside  of  the  cup  and  of  the  platter."  In  conclusion, 
I  have  only  to  add  that  I  unreservedly  submit  to  whatever 
mter|Nretation  the  Church  puts  upon  her  own  words. — ^Yours, 

M.  J.  O'BniEir. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

Father  Hand  :  Founder  of  All  Hallows  College  for  the  Foreign 
Missions.  Hie  Story  of  a  great  servant  of  God,  By  Rev.  John 
MAcDfiviTT,  P.D.9  Professor  of  the  Introduction  to  Scripture, 
Ecclesiastical  History,  &c,  All  Hallows  College,  Dublin. 
Dublin  :  M.  H.  6iix&  Son.   New  York :  F.  B.  Postbt  <&  Co, 

The  life  of  one  who,  to  a  marveHons  extent,  and  recently 

smoDg  us,  was  the  instrument  of    Grod's  providence   unto  the 

accomplishment  of  great  designs,  is  a  record  in  which  every  Irish 

Catholic  takes  a  lively  personal  interest.     This  being  so,  it  is  well 

that  the  laborious  though  pleasant  task  of  painting  the  man  and 

his  works  should  fall  to  the  Tot  of  an  author  qualified  for  its 

disdun^e  by  the  gift  of  a  dear  and  picturesque  style  of  writing  in 

addition  to  ardent  sympathy  with  the  subject  of  his  sketch.     These 

sad  other  qualifications  enable  Dr.  MacDevitt  to  present  a  narrative 

of  much  variety  and  attractiveness.     True,  the  history  of  good  and 

•ren  eminent  priests  is  often  told  in  a  few  pages,  instead  of  the 

hndsome  volume.    But  this  could  not  be  for  Fr.  Hand.     Great 

ends,  in  the  world  of  public  action,  are  seldom  attained  without 

ofwcoiiung  many  difficulties  interesting  in  detail  to  the  reader.     It 
^^mm^^^Ai.  *\.^  i:«^,,^ j^- ^r  All  xj-11^ rt^ii ai a *T_;-t. 


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276  Notices  of  Books. 

triumph  of  him  who  had  the  head  and  heart  to  make  it  possible, 
through  saintly  sacrifice  of  self  and  boundless  confidence  in  the 
resources  of  Catholic  charity.  Fr.  Hand  met  with  obstacles  firom 
the  beginning.  But  each  in  turn  only  served,  by  being  surmounted, 
to  discipline  him  for  the  work,  to  do  which  he  had  been  raised  up 
by  God  and  given  through  every  cloud  a  gradually  clearing  view 
of  the  Divine  Will  in  his  regard.  Its  accomplishment  camebj 
leaps  and  bounds,  and  then  the  saintly  Founder  of  All  Hallows, 
wasted  by  fatigue  in  his  Master's  service,  but  with  the  yean  of 
manhood  still  fresh  upon  him,  passed  to  his  great  reward.  This  is 
not  the  place  to  trace  further  his  eventful  career*  How  he  spent 
his  young  days  in  Meath,  went  to  school  in  Oldcastle,  passed  thence 
to  Navan,  Maynooth,  Phibsboro',  All  Hallows,  and  what  qualities 
he  showed  at  each  stage  of  his  onward  course,  can  be  learned  only 
by  careful  perusal  of  Dr.  MacDevitt's  interesting  story.  Through- 
out the  narrative  there  are  numerous  and  welcome  allusions  to 
important  events,  in  Irish  history,  especially  to  those  of  the  present 
century,  together  with  many  short  disquisitions  on  spiritual  subjects. 
Perhaps  less  of  the  latter,  however  useful  from  other  points  of  view, 
would  accord  better  with  the  raciness  of  a  biography.  Also,  we 
think,  the  author,  from  his  genuine  feeling  of  admiration,  is  some- 
times overmuch  on  the  good  priest's  side  when  treated  unfairly  or 
not  encouraged  by  others.  For  instance,  many  old  Maynooth  men 
will  consider  that  Dr.  MacDevitt  would  not  comment  so  severely, 
if  at  all,  on  the  discourtesy  shown  Mr.  Hand  in  college  by  some 
students  on  his  appearing  in  the  class-hall,  had  he  too  been  an 
alumnus  of  Maynooth  and  known  how  little  such  demonstrations 
might  have  meant.  For  the  rest  we  have  only  words  of  praise  to 
speak  of  this  able  and  attractive  account  of  a  great  and  holy  man, 
whose  efforts  to  renew  the  ancient  missionary  glory  of  Ireland  fill  a 
bright  page  in  the  Church  History  of  our  time.  At  home  and 
abroad,  we  feel  confident,  Dr.  MacDevitt's  work  will  command  a 
wide  and  rapid  circulation.  P.  O'D. 

Ihe  Barbavilia  Trials  and  the  Crimes  Act  in  Ireland,  By  Rkv. 
John  Curry,  Adm. 
The  object  of  the  Author  of  this  brochure  is  ^^  to  make  a 
compilation  of  the  evidence  and  circumstances  bearing  upon  the 
guilt  or  innocence  of  the  Barbavilia  prisoners,  and  without 
rhetorical  argument  to  indicate  the  conclusions  a  rational  being 
should  be  led  to  therefrom."  The  brochure  is  a  remarkable  one, 
and  deserves  an  attentive  reading. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


MAY,  1885. 


ON  THE  LAW  OF  CHARITABLE  BEQUESTS  IN 
IRELAND. 

II. 

The  Legal  Defdotion  op  Charity. 

^  There  is,  perhaps,  not  one  person  in  a  thousand  who  knou-s 
what  is  the  technical  and  the  legal  meaning  of  the  term  Charity." — 
Lord  Cairns.^ 

In  the  Introductory  Paper  on  the  Law  of  Charitable 
Bequests  in  Ireland,  pubHshed  in  the  January  number  of 
the  Record,  attention  was  directed  to  certain  aspects  of 
the  subject  as  clearly  showing  the  importance,  and  indeed 
the  necessity,  of  ascertaining  at  the  very  outset,  and  with 
the  utmost  possible  distinctness,  the  technical  legal  meaning 
of  the  terms  "  charity  "  and  "  charitable." 

The  points  thus  set  forth  in  that  Paper*  by  way  of 
Introduction,  may  be  briefly  summed  up  as  follows : — 

1 .  That  bequests  for  technically  "charitable"  purposes, 
ia  the  strict  legal  acceptance  of  the  term,  are,  in  some 
hi^y  important  respects,  specially  favoured  by  the  law 
b(Xh  of  England  and  of  Ireland — such  bequests  being,  in 
fact,  upheld  as  valid,  in  circumstances  in  which  a  bequest 
for  any  other  than  a  technically  "charitable"  purpose 
should  without  question  be  set  aside  by  the  courts  of  law 
as  manifestly  null  and  void  ; 

2*.  That  bequests  for  technically  "  charitable  "  pm-poses 
ta  Irelcaid  enjoy  moreover  the  further  exceptional  privilege 
of  absolute  exemption  from  legacy  duty ; 


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278  On  the  Law  of  Charitahle  Bequests  in  Ireland. 

3®.  That  in  order  to  secure  for  a  bequest  the  exceptional 
privileges  thus  refeiTed  to,  it  is  not  sufficieut  (a)  that  an 
executor,  exercising  a  discretion  allowed  to  him  under  the 
terms  of  a  will,  should  be  prepared  to  apply  the  bequest  to 
a  purpose  within  the  class  thus  speciafly  privileged ;  nor 

(b)  will  it  suffice  that  the  executor  should  even  enter  into  a 
legal  undertaking^   binding  himself  so    to    apply  it;  nor 

(c)  will  it  even  suffice  that  the  bequest  has  been  actually  $o 
applied.  For,  in  any  given  case,  the  answer  to  the  question 
whether  a  bequest  is  to  be  regarded  as  entitled  to  the 
privileges  referred  to,  must  depend,  not  upon  any  act  oi 
an  executor,  but  upon  the  terms  of  the  will  itaelf  To  entitle 
a  bequest  to  the  privileges  in  question,  it  must  there  be  so 
tied  down  as  to  exclude  as  a  breach  of  trust  any  application 
of  it  to  any  purpose,  or  in  any  way,  outside  the  range  of 
technically  "charitable"  purposes,  within  which  those 
privileges  are  conferred  by  law.  Manifestly,  this  important 
object  is  not  likely  to  be  secured,  under  either  respect, 
unless  those  limits  are  accurately  known,  and  are  clearly 
kept  in  view  in  the  making  of  the  will. 

Again,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  pointed  out, 
4".  That  it  may  in  certain  circumstances  be  no  less 
advisable  that  a  will  should  be  so  framed  as  to  keep  a 
l^equest  altogether  clear  of  any  such  restriction  to  the 
usually  privileged  class  of  technically  "  chaii table  '*  bequesta 
For,  in  certain  circumstances,  bequests  of  that  otherwise 
favoured  class  are,  ou  the  contrary,  subject  to  certain 
disabilities,  one  of  which  indeed  is  of  so  serious  a  character 
that  a  bequest  limited  to  technically  *' charitable"  purposes 
must  in  the  case  in  question  be  set  aside  as  invalid,  the 
validity  of  which,  if  it  were  not  thus  limited,  could  in  no 
way  be  regarded  as  even  open  to  dispute. 

From  this  aspect  of  the  case,  then,  no  less  clearly  than 
from  that  aspect  of  it  dealt  with  in  the  former  paragraphs, 
may  be  seen  the  practical  importance  of  ascertaining  as 
definitely  as  we  can,  the  lixnits  of  that  special  class  of 
bequests — sometimes  i)rivileged,  but  sometimes,  on  the 
oontraiy,  placed  under  severe  restrictions — which  forms 
the  subject  of  these  Papei-s. 

We  proceed,  then,  in  the  firat  instance,  to  ascertain  the 
technical  legal  sense  of  the  tenn  Charity. 

How  is  this  to  be  ascertained?  In  other  words,  where 
are  the  legal  provisions  regarding  it  to  be  found  ? 

"The  *  municipal  law,'  or  the  rule    of  civil   conduct 


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On  flie  Law  of  C/iaritabU  Bequests  in  Ireland.         279 

prescribed  to  the  iohabitanta  of  this  kingdom/*  as  Blackstone 
explains,  '*  may,  with  sufficient  propriety,  be  divided  into 
two  kinds :  the  lea;  non  scripta,  the  unwritten  (or  common) 
law;  and  the  lex  scripta^  the  written  (or  statute)  law." 
Both  these  sources  of  information,  then,  must  in  this  case 
be  consulted. 

As  regards,  the  latter,  no  explanation  of  its  nature  can 
here  be  deemed  necessary.  It  is  neither  more  nor  less  than 
the  system  of  law  enacted  in  the  statutll,  or  Acts  of 
Parliament,  of  the  reahn. 

The  nature  of  the  common,  as  distinct  from  the  statute, 
law  may  not  be  so  generally  understood.  As  a  useful, 'if 
not  a  necessary,  preliminary  step  in  our  investigation,  we 
may  transcribe  from  a  well-known  manual,  the  following 
summary  exposition  of  its  origin  and  authority  : — 

"  As  to  general  customs,  or  the  common  law  properly 
so-called,  ...  a  very  natural  and  verj*^  matonal  question 
arises :  how  are  these  general  customs  or  maxims  to  be 
known,  and  by  whom  is  their  validity  to  be  determined? 
The  answer  is,  by  tlie  judges  in  the  several  courts  of  justice. 
They  are  the  depositories  of  the  laws ;  the  living  oracles, 
who  must  decide  in  all  cases  of  doubt,  and  who  are  bound 
by  oath  to  decide  according  to  the  law  of  the  land    .   .  . 

"It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  many  specific 
questions  are  perpetually  occurring,  in  which  the  rule  of 
the  common  law  does  not  happen  to  be  fixed  by  any  known 
decision,  and  that  these  are  disposed  of  by  the  judges  in 
the  manner  that  they  think  most  conformable  to  the  received 
rule  in  other  analogous  cases,  or  if  there  be  no 
such  analogy  to  guide  them,  then  according  to  tlie  natural 
reason  of  the  thing ;  though  (in  deference  to  the  principle 
.  .  that  the  opinion  of  the  judge  is  not  to  m^ke  the  law, 
but  only  to  ascertain  it)  their  determination  always  purports 
to  be  declaratory  of  what  the  law  w,  and  not  of  what  it 
ought  to  be:'^ 

First,  then,  as  to  the  written  or  statute  law  on  Charit- 
able Bequests,  there  are  two  statutes  to  which  it  is  here 
necessary  to  refer:  (1)  The  EngUsh  Statute,  43rd 
Elizabeth,  cap.  4;  and  (2)  The  Irish  Statute,  10th 
Charles  I.,  sess.  3,  cap.  1. 

The  Act,  43rd  Elizabeth,  cap.  4,  was  enacted,  as  its 


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280         On  the  Law  of  ChaHtable  Bequests  in  Ireland. 

Title  and  Preamble  declare,  "to  redress  the  Misemployment 
of  Lands,  Stocks  of  Money,  &c.,  given  to  Charitable  Uses." 
It  recites  that,  previous  to  its  enactment, "  lands,"  "  goods,** 
**  money,"  and  property  of  various  kinds,  given  for  the 
relief  of  the  poor  or  for  other  purposes,  a  number  of  which 
it  enumerates,  had  *'  not  been  employed  according  to  the 
charitable  intent  of  the  givers  and  founders  .  .  by  reason 
of  frauds,  breaches  of  tnist,  &c."  "  For  redi-ess  and  remedy 
whereof,"  it  th5n  proceeds  to  empower  the  Lord  Chancellor 
of  England  to  appoint  Commissioners,  whose  office  it  would 
be  to  inquire  into  all  cases  in  which  any  such  misapplica- 
tion of  funds  might  be  alleged,  and,  subject  to  the 
authority  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  to  restore  the  funds  so 
as  to  carry  out  the  charitable  intention  of  the  founder. 

In  reference  to  this  most  important  statute,  two  things 
are  to  be  obsei'ved:  (1)  it  in  no  way  undertakes  to  define 
a  '*  charitable  **  purpose  in  the  legal  sense  of  the  term,  but 
merely  enumerates  a  number  of  purposes,  which  it  recognises,, 
and  deals  with,  as  legally  "  charitable ;"  and  (2),  as  regards 
the  legally  "  charitable  '*  character  of  the  purposes  thus 
enumerated,  it  in  no  way  alters  the  previously  existing 
law — its  object  not  being  to  amend,  or  in  any  way  to- 
modify,  the  law  in  that  respect,  but  solely  to  provide  a 
machinery  for  more  efficiently  giving  effect  to  its 
provisions. 

Of  the  two  points  thus  mentioned,  the  first  is  plain  fromr 
the  words  of  tne  statute  itself.  In  explanation  of  it,  the 
enumeration  of  the  "  charitable  "  purposes  thus  legally 
recognised  may  here  be  transcribed.  In  reference  to  them 
it  is  sufficient  for  the  present  merely  to  call  attention  ta 
the  evidence  which  even  a  general  inspection  of  them 
affords,  of  how  widely  the  [technical  legal  meaning  of 
the  term  "  charitable,"  as  thus  indicated,  differs  from  the 
ordinaiy  popular  acceptation  of  the  word.  The  "  charit- 
able "  purposes,  then,  enumerated  in  the  statute,  48rd 
Elizabeth,  cap.  4,  are  as  follows : — 

"  Eelief  of  aged,  impotent,  and  poor  people  ; 

*'  Maintenance  of  sick  and  maimed  soldiers  and  mariners ; 

*'  Maintenance  of  schools  of  learning,  free  schools,  and  scholars 
in  universities ; 

'*  Repairs  of  bridges,  ports,  havens,  causeways,  churches,  sea- 
banks,  and  highways ; 

*'  Education  and  preferment  of  orphans; 

"  Relief,  stock,  and  maintenance  of  houses  of  connection ; 

'*  Marriage  of  poor  maids ; 


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On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland,        281 

"  Supportation,  aid,  and  help  of  young  tradesmen,  handicrafts- 

men,  and  persons  decayed  ; 

'*  Relief  or  redemption  of  prisoners  or  captives : 

*'  Aid  or  ease  of  any  poor  inhabitants,  concerning  payments  of 

fifteens,  setting  out  of  soldiers,  and  other  taxes."' 

In  the  investigation  of  what  constitutes  a  legally 
**  charitable  *'  bequest,  the  enumeration  thus  set  forth  is  of 
the  very  first  importance.  For  it  is  now  a  fixed  principle 
of  the  Common  Law,  that  in  England — and  we  shall  at 
once  proceed  to  examine  how  far  the  same  principle  holds 
good  in  Ireland — ^the  purposes  to  be  deemed  "  charitable," 
in  the  legal  sense  of  the  term,  are  those  "  which  that 
statute  enumerates,"  and  those  "  which  by  analogies  are 
deemed  within  its  spirit  and  intendment."* 

This  principle,  explicitly  laid  down  by  the  English 
Master  of  the  Rolls  (Sir  William  Grant),  in  his  judgment 
on  the  first  hearing  of  the  case,  Morice  v.  The  Bishop  of 
Durham,*  has  been  affinned  also,  with  more  or  less  distinct- 
ness, in  many  other  judgments  subsequently  delivered, 
as,  for  instance,  by  Lord  tldon,  as  Lord  Chancellor,  when 
giving  judgment,  on  appeal,  in  the  case  just  mentioned;* 
by  Lord  Langdale,  as  Master  of  the  Rolls,  in  his  judgment 
in  the  case  of  Kendall  v.  Granger^  and  by  Lord  Cairns,*  in 
the  judgment  containing  the  noteworthy  rfic^wm  transcribed 
at  the  head  of  this  Paper. 

As  thus  defined,  then,  by  Lord  Cairns,7  the  term 
** charitable "  purpose  includes  two  classes  of  objects: 
(a)  *'  everything  which  is  expressly  described  in  the  statute  of 
Elizabeth  ;  *'  and  (ft)  everything  that  is  *'  within  the  equity 

'  43  Eliz.  cap.  4.  In  reference  to  the  charitable  purposes  set  forth 
in  the  last  paragraph,  as  quoted  above,  it  is  right  to  remark  that  the 
statute  is  sometimes,  but.  as  is  manifest,  inaccurately,  quoted  as  if  the 
clauises  "  concerning  payments  of  fifteens  "  and  "  setting  out  of  soldiers,*' 
were  to  be  read  as  mdicating  distinct  objects  or  purposes  thus  recog- 
niaed  as  charitable,  not  merely  distinct  one  from  the  other,  but 
also  distinct  from  that  set  forth  in  the  preceding  clause,  '^aid  and 
ease  of  any  poor  inhabitants.**  See,  for  instance,  the  enumeration  of  the 
charitable  purposes  recognised  in  this  statute,  as  set  forth  in  Hamilton's 
Lav  relating  to  Cliaritieg  in  Ireland,  pages  3  and  4  (2nd  edition),  Dublin, 

It  is,  however,  on  many  grounds,  quite  obvious  that  the  words  in 
question  should  be  read  as  they  are  above  printed  in  the  text. 

*  ^forice  v.  Tfte  Bishop  of  Durham,  9  \  esey,  p.  405.  •  Ibid. 

*  Morice  v.  7he  Bishop  of  Durham,  10  Vesey,  p.  540. 

•  5  Beavan,  p.  802. 

•  Dolan  v.  MacDermot,  Law  Reports,  3  Chancery  Appeals,  p.  678. 
'Ibid. 


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282         On  the  Late  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland. 

of  the  statute,"  or,  in  other  words,  everything  that,  by  au 
equitable  or  favourable  construction,  those  words  may  be 
understood  to  comprise. 

"This  Court,"  said  Lord  Langd.'de,^  "has  adopted  a 
very  narrow  construction  in  deciding  what  is  to  be  deemed 
a  charitable  purpose :  it  must  be  either  (a)  one  of  those 
purposes  denominated  charitable  in  the  statute  of  EUzabeth, 
or  (b)  one  of  such  purposes  as  the  Court  construes  to  be 
charitable  by  analogy  to  those  mentioned  in  that  statute." 

And  Lord  Eldon-  speaks  of  the  sense  "  affixed  to  that 
word  in  this  Court  [Chancery],  viz.,  either  (a)  such 
purposes  as  are  expressed  in  the  statute,  or  (6)  purposes 
having  analogy  to  these."  "I  believe,"  he  adds,  "the 
expression  '  charilable  purpose,'  as  used  in  this  Court,  has 
been  apphed  to  many  acts  described  in  that  statute,  and 
analogous  to  those,  not  because  they  can  with  propriety  be 
called  *  charitable'  [in  the  ordinary  acceptance  of  the  term]*. 
.  but  as  that  denomination  is  by  the  statute  given  to  all  the 
purposes  described." 

The  important  principle  underlj-ing  these  judicial 
decisions  was  indeed  laid  down  by  the  author  of  the  statute 
in  question,  Sir  Francis  Moore,  a  lawyer  of  great  erudition 
and  acumen,  who  was  himself  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Commons  in  the  session  (43rd  of  Elizabeth)  in  which  the 
statute  was  passed,  and  to  whom  its  preparation  had 
been  entrusted  by  his  brother  members.  In  his  interesting 
"  exposition"  of  the  statute,^  he  tells  us  that  no  purpose  is 
to  be  regarded  as  "  charitable  "  within  the  meaning  of  the 
statute  if  it  be  not  **  within  the  letter  or  words  of  the 
statute."  But,  he  adds,  a  purpose  may  be  "  construed  to 
be  "  within  the  statute  "by  equity,  taken  on  the  words  of 
the  statute,*'  that  is  to  say,  by  an  equitable  or  favourable 
construction  of  those  words.  And  he  explains  his  meaning 
by  an  illustration,  that  the  "  repairs  of  churches  "  may  be 
taken  "by  equity"  to  include  "  repairs  of  r/itf|)efe,"  and  also 
"  all  ornaments  and  concurrents  convenient  for  the  decent 
and  orderly  administration  of  divine  service,"  including,^ 
as  he  adds,  "  the  finding  of  a  pulpit  or  a  sermon  belL" 

Then,  on  the  other  hand,  in  illustration  of  the  exclttsire 
character  of  the  principle  thus  laid  down,  he  goes  on  to 
explain   that  "  a  gift  of  lands  to  maintain  a  chaplain  or 

1  Kendall  v.  Granrjer^  6  Beavan,  p.  802. 

*  A  for  ice  v.  The  Bhhop  of  Durham^  10  Vesey,  p.  540. 

•  See,  for  iustance,  in  Duke,  On  Charitable  Uses,  chapter  7. 
(Ed.  Bridgman),  London,  1807. 


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On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland.        283 

minister  to  celebrate  divine  service^  is  neither  within  the  letter 
nor  meaning  of  this  statute,  for  it  was  o/ purpose  omitted  in 
the  penning  of  the  Act,  lest  the  gifts  intended  to  be 
employed  upon  purposes  grounded  upon  charity  might  in 
change  of  times,  contrary  to  the  minds  of  the  givers,  be 
confiscated  into  the  King's  treasury.*'  And  he  adds  his 
reason.  *•  Religion,**  he  says,  "  being  variable  according 
to  the  pleasure  of  succeeding  princes,  that  which  at  one 
time  is  held  for  orthodox  may  be  at  another  counted  super- 
stitious, and  thus  such  lands  are  confiscated." 

All  this,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  has  reference  to  the 
extent  of  the  class  of  •'  charitable  **  purposes,  as  set  forth 
for  England,  in  the  statute  of  Ehzabeth. 

The  second  point  already  mentioned  in  reference  to* 
this  statute  is,  that  as  regards  the  indication  which  it 
affords  of  the  legal  extent  of  the  class  of  "  charitable  ** 
bequests,  it  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  the  enactment  of  any 
new  law  not  previously  in  force,  but  only  as  a  declaration 
of  the  Common  fjaio  of  Enaland  as  then  understood. 

The  theory  which  had  been  set  up  in  some  judgments, 
as  to  this  statute  having  given  legality  to  charitable  founda- 
tions which  would  otherwise  have  been  void  as  illegal,  is 
conclusively  set  aside  in  an  exhaustive  discussion  of  this 
aspect  of  the  case  by  Sir  Edward  Sugden  (afterwards 
Lord  St.  Leonards)  in  a  judgment  deUvered  by  him  as 
Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland. 

"  It  appears  to  me,**  said  that  eminent  jurist,  in  his 
judgment  in  the  case  of  the  Incorporated  Society  v.  RicJuirds^^ 
"as  clear  as  anything  can  be,  from  the  preamble,  as  well 
as  from  the  several  provisions  of  this  Act,  that,  generally 
speaking,  all  the  uses  [or  puiposesl  there  rehearsed,  wero 
recognised  charitable  uses  before  the  Act,  and  would  have 
remained  so,  if  that  Act  had  never  been  passed.  ...  Its 
great  object  was  to  create  a  new  jurisdiction,  which,  it 
was  hoped,  would  be  more  efficient  in  enforcing  the  due 
administration  of  charitable  uses.  .  .  ,  Commissioners 
were  appointed,  whose  duty  it  was  to  drag  forth  those 
abuses,  and  to  detect  those  frauds,  which  manifestly 
existed,  and  thus  to  secure  to  charitable  purposes  the 
estates  which  had  really  been  dedicated  to  them. 

"  Is  there  anything  in  the  Act,  or  its  provisions,  to  show 
that  such  gifts  were  illegal  before  i ts  passin  g  ?  Not  one  word ; 
though  there  is  a  great  deal  to  prove  that  they  were  valid. 

*  Dmiy  and  Warren,  page  301.  See  also  the  repoit  of  this 
impoitant  judgment  io  the  4th  iriah  Equity  Heports,  page  201. 


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284         On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Beqv^ts  in  Ireland. 

«  The  statute  says  that  lands  have  been  giren  to  charit- 
able uses,  which  lands,  nevertheless?,  have  not  been 
employed  *  according  to  the  charitable  intent  of  the  givers 
and  founders  thereov  not  by  reason  of  their  illegahty,  not 
because  the  law  would  not  permit  such  gifts,  but  because 
the  persons  upon  whom  the  trusts  devolved  were  guilty  of 
*  frauds,  breaches  of  trust,  negligences,'  &c.  How  could 
there  be  fraud,  in  the  contemplation  of  the  legislature,  if 
the  subject  matter  to  which  it  applied  was  illegal,  if  tiie 
law  had  actually  forbidden  such  gifts  ?     .     .    . 

"  There  is  not  a  word  in  this  Act  to  render  valid  that 
which  was  invaUd,  or  that  legal,  which  theretofore  had 
been  illegal :  but  much  to  enforce  against  those  guilty 
of  breaches  of  trust,  that  which  was  treated  as  perfectly 
legal  and  binding  at  the  time  the  Act  of  Parliament 
passed." 

So  far  for  the  law  in  England.  The  statute  of  Elizabeth 
is,  it  must  be  remembered,  a  purely  English  one.  But 
since,  as  we  have  seen,  that  statute,  in  its  enumeration  of 
charitable  purposes,  was  but  a  declaration  of  the  Common 
Law  on  the  subject,  as  then  understood,  there  is  little  diffi- 
culty in  understanding  how  it  came  to  be  accepted  also 
by  the  Irish  judges  as  a  useful  guide  in  ascertaining,  in 
Ireland  as  well  as  in  England,  the  extent  of  the  technical 
signification  of  the  term  "  charitable."^ 

But  there  is  moreover  an  Iiish  statute,  the  10th  of 
Charles  I.,  sess.  3,  cap.  1,  which  bears  a  striking  resemblance 
to  the  English  statute  of  Elizabeth.  It  was  enacted  indeed 
for  a  precisely  similar  pui-pose,  the  appUcation  of  a  remedy 
to  a  prevailing  misapplication  of  "  charitable  "  funds. 

The  enumeration  of  charitable  purposes  in  this  statute 
is  as  follows: — 

"  The  erection,  maintenance,  or  support  of  any  college,  school^ 
lecture  in  divinity  or  in  any  of  the  liberal  arts  or  sciences  ; 

*'  The  relief  or  maintenance  of  any  manner  of  poor,  succourless, 
distressed,  or  impotent  persons ; 

'  In  the  legal  treatise  referred  to  in  a  preceding  footnote  (page  281) 
the  exposition  of  this  branch  of  the  subject  seems  to  be  needlessly 
complicated,  and  indeed  embarrassed,  by  the  introduction  of  a  number  of 
conflicting  statements  of  Irish  judges  as  to  the  extension  to  Ireland  of  the 
English  statute  in  its  purely  enacting  proTisions — that  is  to  say,  as  regards 
the  machinery  set  up  by  it  for  the  protection  of  charitable  bequests.— 
See  Hamilton,  On  the  Law  relating  to  Charities  in  Ireland,  pp.  6-12. 
We  have  here  to  deal  with  the  English  statute  only  so  far  as  it  tervcM  to 
throw  light  upon  the  legal  signification  of  the  term  ''  charitable.'* 


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On  Hie  Law  of  CJiaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland,        '285 

''The  building,  re-edifyiDg,0T  maintaining  in  repair  any  church, 
•cdlege,  school,  or  hospital ; 

'*  Hie  maintenance  of  any  minister  and  preacher  of  the  Holy 
WofdofGod; 

''  The  erection,  building,  maintenance,  or  repair  of  any  bridges, 
causeways,  cashes,  paces,  and  highways,  within  this  realm  ; 

'*  Any  other  like  lawful  and  charitable  use  and  uses,  warranted 
by  the  laws  of  this  realm  now  established  and  in  force.'*' 

As  pointed  out  in  detail  by  Lord  St.  Leonards, 
when  as  Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  he  delivered 
in  the  Irish  Court,  of  Chancery  the  important  judgment 
already  mentioned,*  the  purposes  thus  enumerated  are  sub- 
stantially identical  with  those  enumerated  in  the  corres- 
ponding English  statute.  "  Thus,"  he  says,  "  the  statute  of 
Elizabeth  speaks  of  relief  to  *  aged,  impotent,  and  poor 
people ;  the  maintenance  of  sick  and  maimed  soldiera  and 
manners  ; '  it  enumerates  a  list  of  such  cases,  while  that  of 
<!harles  has  those  comprehensive  words,  *  or  for  the  relief 
or  maintenance  of  any  manner  of  poor,  succourless,  dis- 
tressed, or  impotent  persons.' "  **  It  would  be  diflScult," 
he  continues,  **  to  show  that  any  one  of  the  particular 
<iharities  set  forth  in  the  Act  of  Elizabeth  is  not  included 
in  those  general  words." 

Then,  after  some  further  instances  of  the  correspondence 
between  the  two  statutes,  he  proceeds  to  point  out  that  in 
some  respects  the  statute  of  Charles  goes  beyond  that  of 
Elizabeth.  "  The  Act  of  Charles,"  as  he  explains, "  provides 
*  for  the  maintenance  of  any  minister  and  preacher  of  the 
Holy  Word  of  God/  which  was  purposely  omitted  in  the 
statute  of  Elizabeth."^ 

"  After  this,"  he  concludes,  "  the  general  words  of  the 
Act  of  Charles  are,  *  or  for  any  other  like  lawful  and 
charitable  use  and  uses  warranted  by  the  laws  of  the  realm.' 
The  statute  of  Charles  seems,  therefore,  an  almost  exact 
pattern  of  the  statute  of  Elizabeth  ;  and  I  have  but  little 
doubt  that  its  framers  had  the  latter  Act  before  them  at 
the  time  they  were  preparing  it.'** 

Here,  then,  we  find  the  statutory  basis  on  which  the 
Common  Law,  whether  of  England  or  of  Ireland,  on  this 
subject  has  since  been  gradually  built  up. 

^An  Act  for  the  Maintenance  and  Execution  of  Fious  Uses. — 
10  Car.  L,  seas.  3,  cap.  1. 

'  See  page  283.  »  See  page  283. 

*  Incorporated  Society  v.  Richards.  1  Dniry  and  Warren,  pages  324, 
•325;  and  4.  Irish  Equity  Reports,  page  211. 


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J 


286  Among  Hie  Graves, 

In  the  next,  or  an  early  succeeding  number  of  the 
Record,  we  shall  examine  in  detail  the  various  classes  of 
purposes  thus  brought  within  the  designation  **  charitable" 
m  its  technical  legal  sense,  and  we  shall  proceed  to  inveB- 
tigate  how  far  that  desiguation  is  technically  applicable  to 
those  purposes  in  which  Catholics  are  more  directly  inter- 
ested— such  as  bequests  for  Masses,  for  the  building  and 
maintenance  of  churches  and  religious  institutions,  for 
the  maintenance  and  benefit  of  reKgious  communities,  and 
for  the  education  and  maintenance  of  priests. 

WiLUAM  J.  Walsh. 


AMONG    THE    GRAVES. 
If.— Old  Leighlix. 

"  J  do  not  hear  of  such  a  province 
Between  earth  and  sacred  heaven  as  Laighen, 
Of  a  nun  like  Brigid, 
Of  a  plain  like  Moyalbe, 
Of  a  city  like  Leighlin." 

SO  sung  an  Irish  poet  many  a  year  ago  of  Leinster  and 
its  holy  patroness,  of  the  beautiful  plain  enclosed 
between  the  Wexford  hills  and  the  Barrow,  and  of  the 
old  town  on  its  borders  nestling  in  the  quiet,  retired  valley 
which  saints  chose  for  their  home.  '*  In  all  Europe,"  says 
Hooker,  '*  there  is  not  a  more  pleasant,  sweet,  or  fmitl'ul 
land." 

Leighlin,  Joyce  tells  us,  is  so  called  from  the  Irish 
words  leith  ghlionn,  i,e,  half  glen,  applied  to  it  from  some 
peculiarity  of  shape  in  the  bed  of  the  river  flowing  by,  but 
he  does  not  say  what  that  peculiarity  is.  Dr.  John  Lynch,^ 
in  his  manuscript  history  of  the  Irish  Bishops,  says  it  was 
originally  called  Leightlanna,  i.e.,  the  white  valley.  From 
the  earliest  times  Leighlin  has  been  a  place  of  importance. 
Near  it,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Barrow,  on  the  spot 
now  called  Ballyknockan,  stood  the  dun  riogh,  or  the 
fortified  residence  of  the  Kings  of  Leinster.  In  the  third 
century  before  our  era  Cobhtagh,  sumamed  the  Slender,^ 
murdered  the  King  of  Ireland  and  his  son,  took  possession 
of  the  throne,  and  banished  the  youthful  heir  Labraidh,  the 
king's  grandson.  Labraidh  fled  first  to  Muuster  and  then 
to  G  aul.     He  entered  the  service  of  the  Gaulish  king ;  and 


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.  Among  the  Graves.  287 

haTuig  greatly  distinguifihed  himself,  he  returned  to  hi» 
native  land  with  a  small  army  of  foreigners,  to  wrest  the 
throne  from  the  usurper.  He  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Slaney,  and  being  joined  by  some  friends  of  his  family,, 
marched  to  Dunree,  where  Cobhtagh,  surrounded  by  a 
guard  of  700  men,  was  holding  a  meeting  of  lus  nobles* 
The  palace  was  surprised,  and  the  inmates  put  to  death. 
Labraidh  became  king,  and  reigned  for  nineteen  years* 
His  foreign  auxiliaries  used  a  broad-pointed  spear  called 
laighen,  and  from  this  the  province  in  which  they  settled 
took  its  name.  The  Danish  ster  was  added,  and  so  the 
present  name  of  Leinster  was  formed. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  seventh  century  St.  Gobban 
established  a  monastery  on  the  spot  where  the  cathedraf 
of  Leighlin  now  stands.  He  was  so  struck  by  the  *'  burnings 
virtues  *'  of  Laserian  that  he  besought  him  to  undertake 
the  government  of  the  community.  Under  Laserian  the 
monastery  grew  rapidly,  and  soon  1500  monks  were 
subject  to  his  holy  rule.  The  celebration  of  Easter  was 
for  a  long  time  a  vexed  question  in  the  Irish  Church.  The 
Eastern  mode  of  reckoning  continued  to  be  observed  in 
this  country  long  after  it  had  been  replaced  in  the  other 
churches  of  the  west  by  the  Roman  custom.  In  630  a 
Synod  was  held  at  Leighlin,  "in  campo  albo,"  i.e.  in  the 
white  field,  to  establish  uniformity  in  this  matter.  St. 
Fintan  of  Taghmon  upheld  the  Irish  usage ;  it  had  come 
down  to  them  from  their  first  teachers,  whose  holiness  none 
might  gainsay,  and  these  had  received  it  from  the  beloved 
disciple  who  had  reclined  on  our  Lord's  breast.  He 
proposed  that  the  question  should  be  tested  by  ordeal, 
that  the  book  of  the  Old  Law  and  that  of  the  New  should  be 
cast  into  the  fire,  and  whichsoever  came  out  unharmed, 
tiiat  should  be  their  guide.  Laserian,  then  Bishop  of 
Leighlin,  appealed  to  the  teaching  and  practice  of  Rome, 
"  the  head  of  all  the  cities."  Such  another  contioversy, 
Bede  tells  us,  took  place  in  presence  of  King  Oswy. 
Addressing  both  the  disputants,  Wilfrid  and  Colman, 
•*  You  agree,"  he  said,  "that  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  were  given  to  Peter  by  the  Lord."  Then  turning 
to  Colman,  he  asked,  *'  Can  you  bring  forward  any  proof 
that  such  power  was  given  to  your  Columba?"  And  he 
replied,  "  I  have  none.  King.*'  "  And  I  tell  you,"  answered 
the  King,  "that  he  is  the  doorkeeper  whom  I  will  not 
contradict.  So  far  as  I  know  and  am  able,  I  will  obey  hi» 
rules  in  everything,  lest  perchance  when  I  come  to  the 


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288  Among  the  Graves, 

gate  of  heaven  there  may  be  no  one  to  open  it  for  me, 
while  he  opposes  my  entrance  whoisprovedto  hold  thekeys." 

Little  by  Uttle  the  town  grew  roimd  the  monastery,  as 
has  happened  so  often  elsewhere,  and  indeed  it  derived  all 
its  importance  from  the  presence  of  the  See.  Bishop 
Herlewin,  who  occupied  the  See  from  1201  to  1206,  granted 
burgages  to  the  inhabitants,  with  all  the  privileges  enjoyed 
by  tne  citizens  of  Bristol,  at  a  small  yearly  rent.  It  is  said 
that  a  certain  Burchard,  son  of  Gurmond,  a  Dane,  founded 
the  priory  of  St.  Stephen,  which  was  afterwards  annexed 
to  the  deanery,  and  that  he  was  buried  in  the  choir  of  the 
cathedral  under  a  marble  monument,  and  his  statue  set 
over  his  grave.  But  owing  to  the  ravages  of  the  Danes, 
and  later  to  the  continual  warfare  carried  on  by  the 
natives  against  the  Anglo-Norman  adventurers,  and  still 
more  to  the  growth  of  the  neighbouring  EngUsh  settlement 
at  Leighlin  Bridge,  where  De  Lacy  or  his  lieutenant,  John 
<Je  Clahul,  had  built  a  castle  for  the  protection  of  the 
colonists,  the  old  town  by  degrees  fell  to  decay,  until 
^t  length  in  the  seventeenth  century  it  was  but  **  a  sorry 
village.'*  Even  its  name  has  been  usurped,  and  it  needs  to 
have  added  to  it  now  the  very  questionable  epithet  of 
antiquity  to  distinguish  it  from  its  more  prosperous 
neighbour. 

The  ecclesiastical  remains  of  ancient  times  of  a  distinctly 
Irish  character  are  very  few  and  comparatively  unimportant. 
About  three  hundred  yards  to  the  west  of  the  cathedral  is 
an  old  cross,  of  a  type  common  throughout  Ireland,  the 
^rms  within  a  circle,  and  usually  found  in  connection  with 
our  oldest  churches.  Very  probably  it  is  coeval  Avith  the 
first  monastery  erected  here.  A  few  yards  from  the  cross 
is  St.  I iaserian's  Well.  Seward,  in  his  Topographia  Hibemica, 
«avs  it  was  much  frequented  by  the  Insh  in  foimer  times, 
pilgrims  coming  to  it  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
especially  on  the  18th  of  April,  the  Saint's  festival. 
About  seventy  years  ago  the  "patron  '*  held  on  that  day 
was  discontinued  by  the  desire  of  the  local  clergy,  in 
-consequence  of  some  abuses  that  had  taken  place.  Lastly, 
there  is  lying  on  the  ground  within  the  tower  a  stone 
bearing  an  incised  cross  of  very  ancient  shape,  like  some 
of  those  which  Miss  Stokes  has  given  in  her  valuable  work 
-on  Christian  Inscriptions.     This  one  has  no  lettering. 

The  present  cathedral  is  supposed  to  have  been  built 
by  Bishop  Donat  in  1280.  The  choir  was  rebuilt  by  Bishop 
Sanders  m  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.      The 


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Among  the  Graves.  28^ 

whole  edifice  is  in  the  plainest  Gothic  style,  at  once  church 
and  castle,  being  designed  not  only  for  worship,  but  also,, 
and  perhaps  quite  as  much,  for  protection  from  the  attacks 
of  "  the  wild  Irish  "  who  dwelt  all  round.  Close  by  both 
the  doorways  are  holy  water  stoups  inserted  in  the  wall,, 
which  show  what  the  faith  of  the  builders  was. 

We  will  now  pass  on  to  the  inscriptions  on  the  graves 
within  the  church.  The  visitor  entering  by  the  south  door 
will  see  a  low  altar-tomb  just  opposite,  close  to  the  north 
wall  of  the  nave.  Ryan,  the  historian  of  Carlow,  tells  u& 
"even  educated  people  believe  it  to  be  the  tomb  of  Daniel 
Cavenagh,  the  first  rrotestant  Bishop  of  Leighlin."  He 
then  gives  some  tew  words  of  the  inscription,  most  of  them 
incorrectly.  Mr.  O'Connor,  who  was  sent  by  the  Ordnance 
Survey  to  examine  and  report  on  the  antiquities  of  Lei ghliu 
and  its  neighbourhood,  will  not  allow  it  to  be  the  tomb  of 
Cavenagh.  "  The  characters,'*  he  says,  **are  in  black  letter 
and  would  certainly  puzzle  most  people,"  and  he  confesses 
his  inability  to  decipher  more  than  a  few  of  the  most  obvioua 
words.  I  must  observe  that  the  inscription  begins  at  the 
east  end  and  goes  along  the  four  sides  in  regular  course  at 
the  edge,  a  large  floriated  cross  occupying  the  middle.  It 
is  continued  in  the  h'ne  immediately  inside  the  third,  and 
then  runs  along  the  sides  of  rectangles  which  gradually 
decrease  in  size.  The  letters  face  inwards.  The  lines  are 
divided  here  as  on  the  monument  except  the  first. 

Hit  \wut  flSttUen^aft  obrin  ftliujs  inominatiftUi  SBtfllelmi 

m« 

Oab(D  mft  CSenerofSM  Be 
Corranlotfttt  et  ballenebrenagi^  ac  bargen^to  beterto 

l.egi^Ienie 
Vii  oittt  X97SS  Bie  fOLtn^isk  SFttniC  9nno  Somini  iB 

itxot  flStitma  Slebanagi^  fliia  tttaurtct 

ftliC  Bonati 

2ninimotun0t0  quae  oifit  *  •  •  Bfr 

men0t0  «  .  •  «  9nno 

ttomim  fBieeeee  *  *  •  quoruttt  antmalittd  proptci 

ttwc  Beu0     amen* 

IHS.  Here  lies  WiUiam  O'Brin,  son  of  Ferganaim,  son 
of  William,  son  of  David  Roe,  gentleman,  of  Corranloski 


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290  Among  the  Graces. 

and  Ballenebrenagh,  and  burgess  of  Old  Leighlin,  who 
died  on  the  17th  daj*^  of  the.  month  of  June  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1561),  and  his  wife  Winna  Kevanagh, 
•daughter  of  Maurice,  son  of  Donagh,  of  Wilbmona,  who 

died  on  the  .  .  day  ot  the  month  of in  the  year  of 

our  Lord  15  .  .  ,  on  whose  souls  may  God  have  mercy. 

The  name  O'Brin  is,  according  to  0  Brien's  Irish 
Dictionary,  another  form  of  O'Brahi,  anglice  O'Brin  and 
O'Byrne,  derived  from  Bran,  surnamed  Dubh,  who  wau 
King  of  Leinster,  A.D.  600.  Spencer  speaks  of  **  the  Bims 
^)r  Brins."  Aodh  Ua  Brain,  Lord  of  East  Leinster,  is  said 
by  the  Four  Masters  to  have  died  in  1119.  In  Regans 
Gestey  O'Bryn,  of  the  Duflren,  is  one  of  those  who  con- 
spired against  Strongbow,  though  their  pledges  were  in 
his  hands.  Friar  Clynn,  in  his  Annals,  under  the  date 
1331,  says  William  Racket  slew  about  fifty  of  the  people 
of  Breyn  O'Breyn,  and  other  Irish,  at  Yorless  (Arlees). 
When  Art  MacMorrough  made  his  submission  to  the  Earl 
of  Nottingham  in  1395,  he  was  accompanied  by  Gerald 
O'Bryen  and  Donald  O'NoIan,  captains  of  their  septs. 
The  eighth  report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Rolls  makes 
mention  of  a  pardon  issued  to  WilUam  Byrne  of  Corran- 
loiske,  horseman,  in  1551.  He  is  referred  to  elsewhere  as 
-"  William  Byrne  of  DuUo,"  t.€.,  the  Dullogh,  or  West 
Idrone,  in  the  Co.  Carlow.  I  have  translated  the  word 
**  inominati,"  by  Ferganaim,  a  shortened  form  of  ye^;!  jaii 
Ainm,  i.e,,  a  man  without  a  name.  In  the  Miscellany  of 
the  Irish  Archeological  Society,  the  death  of  Ferganaim 
O'CarroU  is  thus  spoken  of:  "Hie  obiit  vir  sine  nomine 
O'Cerruayll,  qui  fuit  domiuus  et  princeps  elie  ;  occisus  est 
in  castro  proprio  in  Clounlesc."  Now  we  know  from  the 
Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  that  Ferganaim  is  the  person 
here  spoken  of.  In  a  footnote  to  this  passage  of  the 
Annals,  O'Donovan  gives  another  instance  of  the  word 
translated  in  this  way,  taken  from  a  manuscript  note  in  an 
old  missa* :  "  Vir  sine  nomine  princeps  nationis  sue." 
Moreovei,  Ave  find  a  Ferganaim  O'Brin  mentioned  in  the 
Carew  Manuscripts,  vol.  i.,  p.  280.  The  epithet  "generosus  " 
was  much  like  the  German  "  wohl  geboren/'  meaning  that  he 
Avas  not  of  the  mere  people ;  a  gentleman  perhaps  we 
should  call  such  a  one  now.  CoiTanloski  and  Ballena- 
brenagh  are  both  a  few  miles  north  of  Leighhn.  The 
exact  situation  of  the  first  may  be  seen  in  the  ancient 
map  of  the  barony  of  Idrone,  published  in  the  Kilkenny 


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Among  the  Graven.  291 

Archeological  Journal  for  1870,  to  illustrate  some  articles 
by  the  fate  Dean  Hughes  of  Maynooth  on  the  Butlers  of 
the  DuUogh,  admirable  models  of  what  Irish  antiquarian 
sketches  should  be. 

The  name  Winna  is  another  form  of  the  Iiish  Una, 
anglicised  Winifred  and  Winny.  The  Kavanagh  or 
MacMorrough  country  lay  along  the  BaiTOW  from  Carlow 
to  its  junction  with  the  Slaney.  Leighlin  was  one  of  their 
etrongholds  before  the  Butlers  took  possession  of  the  sur- 
rouning  country  and  entrenched  themselves  within  the 
Castle  of  Cloghgi-ennan.  For  a  long  time  the  Barrow  was 
the  utmost  limit  of  the  Pale,  even  before  the  English 
power  in  Ireland  was  weakened  by  the  withdrawal  of  its 
garrisons  to  take  sides  in  the  Wars  of  the  Koses.  The 
O'Tooles,  the  O'Bymes,  and  the  Kavanaghs,  exiled  the 
administration  of  the  king's  law  from  Munster  by  prevent- 
iug  the  judges  from  riding  their  circuits  beyond  it.  Hence 
the  saying :  **  They  dwelt  by  west  of  the  law  that  dwelt 
beyond  the  Barrow."  They  had  indeed  laws  of  their  own ; 
but  because  these  were  not  EngHsh,  they  were  declared  to 
be  "  lewd,  wicked,  and  damnable."  Moreover,  the  bridge 
of  LeighUu  was  the  sole  passage  by  laud  to  the  plantations 
in  the  south,  in  Tipperary,  Waterford,  and  Limerick,  even 
to  Wexford,  for  the  O'Tooles  and  O'Byrnes  kept  strict 
watch  and  ward,  so  that  no  one  could  set  foot  in  Wicklow 
with  impunity.  Hence  the  great  number  of  castles  along 
the  way,  all  "well  bataylled  and  inhabited."  A  castle 
was  built  at  Leighlin  for  the  protection  of  all  English 
travellers,  and  the  good  Carmehte  monks  of  the  monastery 
there  had  a  yearly  pension  of  twenty  marks,  payable  out 
of  the  rents  of  Newcastle  of  Lyons,  "  in  consideration  of 
the  great  burthen  and  expense  in  supporting  their  house 
and  the  bridge  contiguous  thereunto  against  the  king's 
aiemies."  But  who  will  guard  the  guardians  of  the  law 
among  the  "Irois  sauvages"?  Who  will  give  kindly 
protection  to  those  who  are  going  to  root  out  vice  and 
introduce  good  morals  among  *'  these  sons  of  Belial  **  ? 
Set  a  thief  to  catch  a  thief  is  not  bad  policy.  And  so 
"Mack  Mork'*  was  paid  black  mail,  eighty  marks  per 
annum,  out  of  the  royal  exchequer,  in  return  for  the  pro- 
tection which  he  would  aflford  to  his  majesty's  lieges  as 
soon  as  they  came  among  the  Irish  enemy.     Mack  Mork 


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292  Amonff  the  Graves. 

long  after  that  "  Mack  Mork  was  indeed  paid  eiffhty  marks 
for  yearly  service,  which  service  neither  he  nor  nis  succes- 
sors had  done  to  that  day,  and  yet  they  received  the 
same  pay/'  Perhaps  they  were  wicked  enough  to  retaliate 
in  some  way  for  the  legalized  slaughter  of  their  kith  and 
kin,  whose  bodies  were  dangling  in  chains  on  the  bridge 
of  Leighlin  while  their  heads  "  were  sent  in "  to  gratity 
the  Lord  Deputy,  or  to  show  some  resentment  for  the 
murder  of  their  chief,  invited  to  a  love-feast  by  the  governor 
of  the  castle. 

Of  course  such  a  state  of  things  could  not  be  allowed 
to  continue.  And  so  the  Irish  Treasurer  of  War  wrote  to 
Thomas  Cromwell  in  1525:  "If  the  Tooles,  and  Byrnes, 
and  Kavanaghs,  which  is  MacMorrough  and  his  sept,  were 
banished  and  destroyed,  and  their  country  inhabited  by 
the  Englishmen,  then  the  king  would  have  a  goodly 
country,  and  no  Irishmen  who  could  make  war  against 
them."  And  then  Carew  came  and  laid  claim  to  the 
whole  barony  of  Idrone.  But  lest  the  judges — usually 
yielding  enough  to  all  requirements  of  the  Crown — might 
not  be  equal  to  the  task,  the  Privy  Council  took  the  matter 
in   hand.     Of  course   Carew   succeeded  in  his   suit,  and 

{dundered  the  Kavanaghs.  Few  transactions,  even  in 
tish  history,  equal  this  in  foul  wrong-doing,  perhaps  not 
even  the  robbery  of  the  0*Bymes  of  Ranelagh  oy  Parsons, 
Avhich  the  Enghsh  historian  Carte  has  declared  to  be 
*'  such  a  scene  of  iniquity  and  cruelty  that,  considered  in 
all  its  circumstances,  it  is  scarce  to  be  paralleled  in  the 
history  of  any  age  or  country,"  and  which  O'Connell  has 
branded  as  "  a  specimen  of  the  most  scandalous  and  prof- 
ligate plunder,  such  as  could  not  have  been  exhibited  in 
any  other  country  but  Ireland." 

I  have  not  found  to  which  branch  of  the  Kavanaghs 
Winna  belonged.  I  may  add  that  the  late  Dean  Hughes 
knew  of  no  place  either  in  Carlow  or  Wexford  at  all 
resembling  the  name  on  this  tomb.  Could  it  be  p,  Latinized 
form  of  Polmonty,  a  well-known  residence  of  an  important 
branch  of  the  family?  The  date  of  Winna*s  death  is  not 
given.  Spaces  are  left  blank  for  the  insertion  of  the  day, 
month,  and  year.  The  stone,  as  was  remarked  of  one  of 
the  Athboy  tombs,  was  set  up  by  the  wife  after  her 
husband's  death.  Her  friends  neglected  the  pious  duty  of 
recording  the  date  of  her  decease. 

On  the  side  of  the  tomb  facing  the  door  there  is  a  shield 
bearing  what  seem  to  be  three  squirrels  sejant,  and  near 


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Amony  Hie  Graves*  293 

it  the  word  Bryn.  They  are  probably  the  arms  of  the 
family.  The  dab  at  the  foot  did  not  belong  to  this  tomb 
originally. 

The  next  inscription  to  which  I  would  call  the  reader's 
attention  is  one  within  the  choir  of  the  church.  It  begins 
at  the  end  farthe^at  from  the  altar,  and  is  continued  within 
narrowing  rectangles  very  much  like  the  preceding  one. 
The  lines,  all  but  two,  are  divided  here  as  on  the  stone.  The 
letters  face  inwards.  Hero  also,  as  on  the  other  stone, 
the  middle  is  taken  up  with  a  floriated  cross  of  eight  points, 
with  fleurs-de-lys  radiating  from  a  circle. 

Ific  laret  ^it  JFol^annrtt  mutus  (iltad  SStillelmi  ftlff 

OabtB  tuft 

Storian  et  eCufS  uxor  tttA&eUa 

r^abanal^  ftlta  Bonati  3!8ttlbmonrn0t0  quorum  antmabud 

proptrtrtur  Bvx 

0  amen 

anno  Oomtnf  fUeeeceMJV.  e  bo0  omned  qut  trandttis 

rogo  no0tri  memore^  witxf^  fuimud  quoB  t%i\$k  fuentto 

aUquanBo  quoB  0umu0. 

Here  lies  John  the  Dumb,  son  of  William,  son  of  David 
Roe  O'Brin,  and  his  wife  Mabel  Chavanah,  daughter  of 
Douogh  of  Wilbmona,  on  whose  souls  may  the  Lord  have 
mercy.  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1555.  0  you  all  who 
pass  by,  1  beseech  you,  remember  us ;  we  were  what  you 
are ;  you  will  be  some  time  Avhat  we  are. 

Many  of  the  remarks  made  in  reference  to  the  preceding 
inscription  apply  to  this,  as  both  man  and  wife  belonged 
respectively  to  the  same  family,  though  the  last  were  the 
older,  it  would  seem,  by  one  generation.  The  third  word 
Heems  to  be  a  repetition  of  the  first,  a  mistake  of  the  artist. 
Mutus  is  a  translation  of  the  Irish  halhh^  which  signifies  both 
dumb  and  stammerer.  Possibly  this  is  the  John  Ballaghe 
O'Byme  of  Bally vrane  in  the  County  Carlow,  who  is  men- 
tioned in  Morrin's  Calendar,  under  the  date  June  27th, 
1M8,  as  having  received  a  pardon,  the  ballaghe  being  a 
mistake  of  the  English  oflScial  for  halbh ;  iust  as  in  the  old 
map  of  Idrone,the  Barbha,i.e.,  the  river  Barrow,  is  written 
Barogh.  The  y  in  yvrian  is  the  genitive  of  na^  a  grandson 
VOL.  AT.  Y 


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294  Among  the  Graves. 

or  descendant,  written  also  ui  and  u  This  is  also  the  foiin  of 
the  nominative  plural,  which  we  find  in  HyMany,  HyFaelan, 
forms  commonly  supposed  to  mean  the  territory,  whereas 
in  reality  they  mean  the  descendants  of  some  one  who 
inhabited  and  gave  his  name  to  a  certain  territory.  Vrian 
is  a  genitive  also,  the  first  letter  of  the  word  Brin  being 
changed  by  aspiration  into  r,  according  to  th^  well- 
established  rule. 

Nearer  still  to  the  east  end  of  tlie  apse,  on  the  floor,  lies 
a  large  slab  bearing  the  following  inscription : — 

SLif)tun  MttBers  lEpmopnn  l.egi^Uneit0{0  qm  ohiit  XX 

ifir  Bie  Beccmiirto  anno  Bomini 
fUeeceexilX.  tnjM  anCme  Bea0  propictrtur  smttu 

XXIII  DECE 
RIS  XLIX  MB 

^ffomM  ffilav  tpmopui^  legi^Unendfn  ohiit  1567. 

Here  lies  Matthew  Sanders,  Bishop  of  Leighlin,  who  died 
the  23rd  day  of  December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1549, 
on  whose  soul  may  God  have  mercy,  23rd  December,  *49. 
Thomas  Filay,  Bishop  of  Leighlin,  died  1567. 

Bishop  Sanders  held  the  See  of  Leighlin  from  1527  to 
1549.  He  built  the  apse  of  the  cathedral.  The  date  of 
his  death  is  repeated  here  in  a  strangely  irregular  way  in 
two  lines  at  the  foot  of  the  stone.  From  the  matrix  or 
indent  in  the  stone,  it  is  evident  that  there  was  formerly  a 
sepulchral  cross  of  brass  along  the  middle. 

Bishop  Filay,  or  as  the  name  is  more  commonly  written 
Filehy,  or  O'Filehy,  belonged  to  the  Order  of  the  Hermits 
of  St.  Augustine,  and  to  the  convent  of  Mayo  of  the 
Saxons  in  the  Co.  Mayo,  a  very  interesting  account  of  the 
foundation  of  which  is  ^ven  by  Bede.  Dowling  says  he 
Avas  a  Franciscan,  proba)bly  confounding  him  with  another 
of  the  name,  who  was  Bishop  of  Ross,  belonging  to  this 
Order.  But  the  postulation  for  his  promotion  clearly 
proves  that  he  was  an  Augustinian.  He  was  appointed 
to  the  See  of  Achonry  in  1547,  and  eight  years  after 
transfen-ed  to  Leighlin.  The  above  inscription  settles  a 
disputed  point  in  reference  to  the  year  in  which  he  died. 
As  to  his  orthodoxy,  which  some  have  questioned,  it  ba*« 
been  fully  vindicated  in  the  second  volume  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Record.  "  j)^  MURPHr. 


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[    295    ] 

FUTURE  PUNISHMENT. 
L— State  of  the  Question. 

A  GREAT  change  has  surely  come  over  the  spirit  of 
Protestantism  in  these  islanda  It  used  to  be  all 
denunciation  of  Rome  from  the  pulpit  and  in  the  press, 
varied,  of  course,  by  blessings  on  the  reformers  and  on  their 
works.  Jt  is  not  so  much  so  any  longer.  True,  the  Holy 
Father  still  gets  his  share  of  abuse,  especially  for  his  claim 
of  power  and  authority.  But  we  are  not  near  so  bad  as 
we  used  to  be.  Not  only  High  Churchmen,  but  Latitudi- 
narians,  and  even  Calvinistic  Dissenters,  have  somewhat 
altered  their  tone.  They  are  not  now  so  confident  that  the 
Reformation  was  always  in  fact  what  it  is  in  name ;  they 
would  reform  us  back  again  to  some  of  the  doctrines  of 
the  dark  ages ;  and,  strangest  of  all,  they  would  revive 
purgatory  and  prayers  for  tne  dead. 

1  was  led  into  this  train  of  thought  by  taking  up  a 
book^  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Plumptre,  Dean  of  Wells,  which 
was  published  last  year.      Though  not  a  remarkably  able 
book,  it  is  instructive  reading ;  it  is  written  for  the  most 
part  in  a  fair  and  temperate  spirit,  and  contains  very  little 
that  could  oflfend  a  Catholic.      The  old  virus  breaks  out 
occasionally,  as  if  the  author  wished  to  conciliate  readers 
whom  his  previous  moderation  had  made  suspicious.     1 
refer  in  particular  to  the  Study  on  purgatory,  which  no 
Catholic  could  read  without  pain.     Such  ignorant  charges, 
and  in  such  gross  terms  too,  might  have  been  left  to  the 
spouters  of  the  Irish  "  Missions  "  or  of  the  Salvation  Aimy. 
**  The  Spirits  in  Prison  *'  is  but  the  latest  contribution 
to  a  lengthened  controversy,  extending  from  the  time  of 
Ori^en  to   the  present   day.     One  would  think  that  the 
mibject  must  have  been  long  since  exhausted ;  and  indeed 
it  was.     St.  Augustine"  treated   the   question  of  Future 
Punishment  ex  profesaoy  and,   as  was  usual  with  him,  so 
well  did  he  clinch  the  proofs  of  Catholic  doctrine,  so  com- 
pletely did  he  pulverise  the  objections  of  his  advei-saries, 
that  for  fourteen  centuries  the  controversy  seemed  at  an 
end.     It  has  been  revived  in  these  times  of  ours;  not  that 
any  new  argument  has  been  found,  but  because  the  old 
ones  are  not  known, — because  the  advance  of  science  has 

'  The  Spirits  in  Prison.    Isbister,  London. 
*  See  De  Civ.  Dei,  cap.  19  seqq. 


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i 


296  Future  Punishment. 

made  us  conceited  enough  to  think  out  religion  for  our- 
selves, as  if  electricity  could  throw  any  light  on  the  dark 
region  beyond  the  gi'ave. 

And  so  within  recent  years  this  question  has  come  to  the 
front.  Quite  a  number  of  books  have  issued  from  the 
press  ;  some  in  proof  of  an  endless  hell,  others  advocating 
imivei-sal  salvation,  others  again  in  favour  of  annihilation 
of  the  wicked.  There  is,  besides,  the  great  band  of  authors 
Avho  are  to  be  met  with  in  every  controversy,  disagreeing 
Avith  everyone  and  each  propounding  his  peculiar  view. 
Nor  has  the  dispute  been  confined  to  the  theologians; 
poets  and  literary  men  have  taken  sides.  Temiyson  has 
been  called  "  the  Poet  of  the  Larger  Hope ;"  Browning  sings 
the  same  strain ;  the  doctrine  "  has  found  its  prose  idyllists  in 
Mr.  W.  Potter,  and  in  a  higher  form  in  Mr.  J .  A.  Symmonds, 
its  gifted  and  passionate  prophet  in  Mr.  Swinburne,  and 
its  drunken  helot  in  Walt  Whitman."^ 

Of  recent  writers  none  has  contributed  so  much  to  the 
controversy  as  Dr.  Farrar.  His  five  sermons  published 
imder  the  title  of  "Eternal  Hope" — and  passionately 
eloquent  sermons  indeed  they  are — may  almost  be  said  to 
have  caused  uproar  in  England.  Thev  were  criticised, 
applauded,  denounced,  in  the  pulpit  and  in  the  press ;  all 
Calvinistic  Britain  was  excited  to  a  pious  frenzy. 

I  shall  soon  have  something  to  say  of  Dr.  FaiTars 
teaching,  and  shall  make  here  but  a  passing  reference  to 
the  spu-it  that  breathes  in  his  books.  It  is  a  Uberal  spirit, 
for  the  most  part  a  kindly  and  charitable  spirit.  He  is  often 
fair  to  the  Catholic  Church,  reserving  his  passion  for 
Calvinistic  opponents,  whom  he  does  not  spare.  Never- 
theleas,  on  occasions  he  can  be  anti -Catholic  too, — unjustly 
and  unfairly  anti-Catholic  ;  but  Ave  may  forgive  that  because 
of  the  general  kindly  feeling,  and  because  the  author  s  blows 
are  sometimes  intended  for  individuals  and  not  for  the 
Church. 

The  beliefs  of  Protestants  about  future  punishment  are 
thus  summed  up  in  Dr.  Farrar*s  "  Eternal  Hope" : — ^ 

*•  Among   innumerable   varieties  of  detail,  into  which  it  i« 

impossible  to  enter,  it  may  be  said  that  four  main  views 

of  EschatOiOgjr®  are  now  prevalent,  namely  : — 
**  1.    Universalism,  or,  as  it  is  now  sometimes  termed,  Resto- 

rationism  :  the  opinion  that  all  men  will  ultimately  be 

saved. 

'  **  Crtholic  Eic'atology."     By  H.  N.  Oxtnham,  p.  167. 

*  p  xrJ.  a  Trom  ra  ftrxara-  the  kst  thing*. 


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J^iuture  Punishment.  297 . 

*'2.'Anmhilattonisni,  or,  aa  its  supporters  prefer  to  cull  it, 
*  conditional  immortality ' :  the  opinion  that  after  a 
retributive  punishment  the  wicked  shall  be  destroyed. 

*'3.  PurgatOTij.  The  view  that,  besides  Heaven,  the  IJnal 
state  of  the  blessed,  and  Hell,  the  final  doom  of  the 
accursed,  there  is  a  state  wherein  those  souls  are 
detained  and  punished  which  are  capable  of  being 
puritied,  an  intermediate  purification  between  death 
and  judgment. 

"4.  The  common  view  [among  Protestants],  which,  to  the 
detriment  of  tdl  noble  thoughts  of  God,  and  to  all 
joy  and  peace  in  believing,  except  in- the  case  of  many 
who  shut  their  eyes  hard  to  what  it  really  ifnplies, 
declares  (i.)  that  at  death  there  is  passed  upon  every 
impenitent  sinner  an  irreversible  doom  to  eternal 
torment  either  material  or  mental,  of  the  most  awful 
and  unspeakable  intensity;  and  (ii.)  that  this  doom 
awaits  the  majority  of  mankind.'' 

Dr.  Farrar's  books,  and  indeed  Dean  Plumptre's  also, 
are  not  directed  so  much  against  the  Catholic  as  against 
the  "common"  view.  This  '*  common**  doctrine  was  intro* 
duced  by  the  Puritans  into  the  English  Church.  It  rests  on 
two  foundations, — on  the  denial  of  purgatory  and  on  the 
denial  of  venial  sin. 

Every  one  knows  how  the  Keformers  attacked  indul- 
gences. This  did  not  necessarily  lead  to  a  denial  of 
purgatory ;  but  the  connection  between  the  two  doctrines 
soon  brought  the  latter  into  suspicion.  Hence  both  were 
swept  away  by  reforming  zeal,  thereby  leaving  "  a  void  in 
doctrine  which  is  perilous  to  all  faith."^ 

As  for  the  other  foundation,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  venial 
sins  make  purgatory  a  necessity.  To  the  Reformer,  how- 
ever, all  sin  was  an  outbreak  of  the  original  corruption,  and 
as  such,  moi-tal  ot  its  own  nature  and  deserving  of  hell. 
They  thus  got  rid  of  that  which  made  purgatory  necessary, 
and  taking  into  account  the  rejection  of  indulgences,  their 
teaching  naturally  resulted  in  the  "  common  view.'* 

But  the  Calvinists  made  a  still  greater  mistake  by 
coupling  these  doctrines  with  their  theories  of  predesti- 
nation. They  believed  that  the  great  mass  of  men  were  pre- 
destined to  hell  without  any  sin  and  before  committing  any 
sin,  destined  without  even  the  possibility  of  escape.  Surely 
this  was  a  harsh  doctrine ;  andt  if  Dr.  1?  arrar  had  confined 
his  attack  to  the   dogma  of  predestination  ante  metita 

1  Eternal  Hope,  p.  175. 

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298  Future  PamshmenU 

prcevisa^  all  Catholics  would  willingly  echo  his  most  burning 
words. 

Both  Dr.  Farrar  and  Dean  Phiinptre  devote  a  great  deal 
of  space  to  the  history  of  the  question  ;  and  this  is 
important  from  their  point  of  view.  It  may  be  interesting 
to  call  attention  to  the  variations  of  Protestant  opinion 
which  they  trace ;  their  own  teaching  shall  engage  ns 
later  on. 

The  duration  of  hell  was  a  bone  of  controversy  amongst 
the  Reformers  almost  from  the  beginning,  both  in  Germany 
and  in  England. 

The  Anabaptists  set  themselves  veiy  decidedly  against 
never-ending  punishmenta  They  were  condemned  so 
early  as  the  diet  of  Augsburg  (1630). 

The  English  Church  had  at  first  a  42nd  article  to  the 
effect  that  "  they  also  are  worthy  of  condemnation  who 
endeavour  at  this  time  to  restore  the  dangerous  opinion 
that  all  men,  be  they  never  so  ungodly,  shall  at  length  be 
saved,  when  they  have  suffered  pains  for  their  sins  for  a 
certain  time  appointed  by  God's  justice." 

This  article  was  omitted  in  1563,  though  the  omission 
did  not  affect  the  common  teaching,  which  was  undisputed 
down  to  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Then 
imiversahsm  began  again  to  be  heard  of.  It  was  pro- 
pounded first  by  Steny,  a  Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College, 
Cambridge,  and  preacher  of  the  Gospel  in  London.  It 
passed  on  through  Whichcote,  a  Fellow  of  the  same  College, 
who  attended  Sterry  on  his  death-bed.  The  doctrine  found 
some  favour  with  Barrow  and  Henry  Wore  and  Taylor ; 
it  was  more  or  less  adopted  by  Stillingfleet,  Tillotson, 
Sherlock,  Newton,  and  many  other  Cambridge  divines; 
even  Butler  is  quoted  in  its  favour. 

Meanwhile  the  Dissenters  were  gradually  drifting  into 
the  same  current  of  thought.  The  first  witness  whom 
Dr.  Plumptre  calls  from  their  ranks  is  Elhanan  Winchester, 
who  grounded  his  faith  on  subjective  conviction.  Erskine 
of  Linlatham,  was  certainly  the  most  prominent  of  those 
Dissenters  who  rejected  the  old  Calvinistic  tenets.  The 
endlessness  of  hell  is  denied  at  the  present  day  by  very 
many  Dissenting  divines  in  these  kingdoms,  and  especially 
in  America.^ 

Let  us  return  to  the  Churchmen.  We  have  seen  how 
Cambridge  was  favourable  to  the  milder  teaching;  not 

'  Mercy  and  Judgment,  p.  50 ;  Sp.  in  Prison,  Study  vii. 

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future  Punishment.  29^ 

that  there  was  any  very  express  pronouncement,  but  rather 
hints  and  doubts,  hopes  and  insinuations.  At  leneth 
the  dispute  grew  hotter,  and  it  became  necessary  that 
the  authorities  should  give  some  decision.  The 
Rer.  F.  D.  Maurice,  a  professor  in  King's  College, 
London,  taught  openly  ana  expressly  that  hell  is  not  and 
cannot  be  endless,  principally  because  the  very  notion 
endless  implies  duration,  and  there  can  be  no  duration  in 
eternity. 

Mr.  ilaurice  was  denounced  to  the  College  Council  as 
a  heretic,  his  principal  accuser  being  Dr.  Jelf.  A  com- 
preraise  was  suggested.  Mr.  Gladstone  made  a  proposal  for 
an  inquiry  by  competent  theologians  "  how  far  the  writings 
of  Professor  Maurice  .  .  .  are  conformable  to  or  at 
variance  with  the  three  creeds,  and  the  formularies  of  the 
Church  of  England."  The  Council  rejected  the  proposal, 
and  resolved  that  the  Professors  writings  '*were  of 
dangerous  tendency  and  calculated  to  unsettle  the  minds 
of  theological  students."  "The  continuance  of  Mr.  Maurice's 
connection  Avith  the  College**  would  therefore  be 
**  detrimental  to  ita  usefulness."  Of  course  this  was  the 
action  of  the  College  Council  alone  ;  the  Bishop  of  London 
left  Mr.  Maurice  undisturbed  in  the  chaplaincy  of  Lincoln's 
liin. 

The  next  important  step  was  Mr.  H.  B.  Wilson's  con- 
tribution to  Essays  and  Reviews,  in  which  uuiversalism  was 
distinctly  advocated  (1861).  Mr.  Wilson  also  was 
denounced  to  Convocation.  The  matter  was  brought 
before  the  Court  of  Arches,  and  the  judge.  Dr.  Lushington, 
decided  against  Mr.  Wilson.  This  judgment,  however,  was 
reversed  by  the  judicial  committee  of  the  Privy  Council. 
These  are  the  words  of  the  decision :  "  We  are  not  required 
or  at  liberty  to  express  any  opinion  upon  the  mysterious 
question  of  the  eternity  of  final  punishment,  further  than 
to  say  that  we  do  not  find  in  the  formularies  to  which  this 
article  [of  the  prosecution]  refers,  any  such  distinct  declara- 
tion of  our  Church  on  the  subject  as  to  require  us  to 
condemn  as  penal  the  expression  of  a  hope  by  a  clergyman 
that  even  the  ultimate  pardon  of  the  wicked,  who  are 
c^ndenmed  in  the  Day  of  Judgment,  may  be  consistent 
with  the  Avill  of  Almighty  God."  Accordingly,  this  is  the 
law  on  the  matter  at  present. 

Other  clergymen  followed  Maurice  and  Wilson,  not 
however  without  opposition.  Dr.  Pusey  entered  the  lists 
m  support  of  purgatory,  but,  at  the  same  time,  maintaining 
the  endlessness  of  hell. 


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zoo  Future  PunishmtHt. 

Dr.  Farrai'^s  eermons  re-opened  the  controversy.  He' 
denounced  in.  scathing  terms  the  doctrine  of  sensible 
punishment  and  material  fire.  He  was  more  severe  still 
on  the  Calvinistic  teaching,  that  even  the  least  sin  merits 
everlasting  burning.  He  ofl'ended  two  parties  the  most 
opposed — the  Calvinist48  and  the  high-church  champions 
of  the  older  "orthodoxy."  All  over  England  the  pulpits  itmg 
with  denunciation  and  defence ;  and  the  question  soon 
passed  into  the  newspapers  and  reviews. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  many  mistook  Dr.  FaiTar's meaning; 
this  was  notably  the  case  with  Dr.  Pusey.  At  fii'st  he  wrote 
to  a  friend  that  he  intended  answering  "  Fan'av's 
mischievous  book."  The  answer  soon  appeared,  and 
"bthold,''  as  Dean  Plumptre  puts  it,  **the  prophet  who 
came  to  curge  was  constrained  to  bless." 

Dr.  Farrar  found  himself  "entirely  in  accordance  witli 
Dr.  Pusey  on  every  essential  point,'*  and  "  read  his  essay 
with  unspeakable  thaukfuliiesa'*  Dr.  Pusey,  in  his  timi, 
admits  that  the  substitution  of  the  idea  of  a  future  puri- 
fication (instead  Of  a  state  of  probation)  would  put 
Dr.  Farrar  "  in  harmony  with  the  whole  of  Christendom." 
Had  he  known  hoAv  ready  Dr,  FaiTar  was  to  make  this 
substitution,  Dr.  Pusey  would  have  "  re-written  his  book,'* 
and  would  have  said,  "  You  seem  to  deny  nothing  which  I 
believe.'"^ 

How  far  Dr.  Farmr  was  really  in  harmony  with  the 
whole  of  Christendom  shall  be  considered  later  on  :  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  be  made  a  distinct  movement  from  the 
older  orthodoxy  towards  Univoisalism.  His  view  has  since 
gained  ground,  and  may  now  be  said  to  be  much  more 
common  than  any  other,  at  least  amongst  educated  Prot- 
estants. So  one  would  judge  from  a  series  of  seventeen 
short  papers  in  the  Contemporary  Reviewj^  most  of  which  are 
in  favour  of  tlie  milder  teaching. 

And  indeed,  if  we  distinguish  Catholic  fait/i  from  com- 
mon theological  teaching^  there  is  not  very  much  in  Dr. 
FaiTar's  books  that  could  be  correctly  regarded  as  strictly 
speaking  heretical.  The  author,  hoAvever,  is  unfortunate; 
he  implies  much  more  than  he  really  means,  and  the 
effect  is  that  nine  out  of  ten  readers  mistake  his  meaning. 
Mr.  Oxenham  thus  describes  his  feelings  :'  **  1  find 
myself  at  one  moment  partially,  at  another  wholly,  assent- 

'  Mercy  and  Judgment,  p.  18.      ^<X7&^  April  to  June,  1878. 
•  Catholic  £8cbatology,  p.  i. 


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Future  Puniskmeni^  301 

iog;  then,  again,  decidedly  diseeriting,  and,  not  nnfre- 
quently,  at  a  loss  -wrhether  to  assent  or  dissent,  or  to  form 
no  judgment  at  all,  from  not  feeling  clear  exactly  how 
much  is  intended  to  be  affirmed  or  denied.*'  Many  other 
readers  must  have  found  themselves  in  the  same  perplexity. 

Fortunately  the  later  book,  '*  Mercy  and  Judgment," 
ifi  more  explicit;  yet,  even  now,  Ihe  author's  teaching  is 
not  quite  distinct.  It  is  more  negative  than  positive ; 
there  are  some  points  in  particular  in  which  it  is  impossible 
to  know  what  his  opinions  are.  Nor  is  this  to  be  attnbuted 
to  any  defect  of  style  :  when  Di*.  Farrar  sees  clearly  he 
writes  plainly  ;  but  in  this  case  he  professes  that  he  does 
not  see  clearly  at  all.  This,  of  course,  makes  it  difficult  to 
analyse  his  teaching  correctly  ;  1  shall  try  to  point  out 
what  I  consider  its  chief  points. 

He  admits  (I')  that  endless  misery  is  posuxble ;  yet  holds 
(2)  that,  '^  for  all,  at  any  rate,  but  a  small  and  desperate 
minority,"  future  punishment  is  of  a  purifying  and  correct- 
ive kind.  (3)  Even  for  the  most  hardened,  he  entertains 
a  hope  that  the  poena  sensusj  at  least,  will  one  day  cease : 
but  what  about  the  poena  damni  f  I  will  quote  his  own 
words: — 

"  It  is  most  erroneously  stated  that  those  who  believe  in  the 
possible  restoration  of  many  of  the  lost,  imply  that  they  will 
ultimately  be  admitted  into  perfect  bliss.  They  hold  no  such 
view.  The  poena  damni  .  ,  .  may  continue  long  after  the 
poena  sensus  has  ended."* 

Dean  Plumptre  is  more  decided.  He  quite  agrees  with 
Dr.  Farrar  as  to  the  salvation  of  the  vast  majority  of  men  ; 
but  distinctly  states*  that  they  who  have  blasphemed  the 
Holy  Spirit,  whoever  they  may  be,  have  thereby  committed 
a  sin  which  hath  never  forgiveness  in  this  life  or  in  the 
life  to  come.  And  he  assures  us,  moreover,  that  this  is  also 
the  teaching  of  Mr.  Maurice  and  of  Dr.  Farrar. 

Now  remark, — here  we  have  two  things  distinctly 
admitted :  (1)  punishment  of  sin  after  death,  consisting,  at 
least,  in  the  poena  damni;  (2)  the  endlessness  of  this 
ponishment  for  some.  With  one  important  exception 
that  18  all  the  CathoHc  Church  ever  taught  as  of  faith. 
She  haa  defined  nothing  as  to  the  number  of  the  elect,  nor 

oa  4>^  4U^  fi..^  .^u^ii      i^«  !?«..« — :«j^^j 1   1^ ni J. 


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302  Future  Punishmoit, 

should  always  remember  that  common  opinions  are  not 
the  dogmatic  teaching  of  the  Church, 

Yet  there  is  one  point  on  which  both  Dean  Plumptre 
and  Dr.  Farrar  are  certainly  opposed  to  CathoHc  faith. 
It  is.  that  some  who  die  in  mortal  sin  may  repent  after 
death  and  thereby  be  saved.  An  example  will  make  it 
clearer.  Take  the  case  of  a  heathen  who  dies  after 
having  sinned  once  mortally  against  the  natural  law,  and 
without  having  ever  elicited  an  act  of  faith.  What 
becomes  of  him  ? 

The  Catholic  Chiwch  teaches  that  he  will  cei-tainly 
be  punished  by  at  least  the  poena  damni  for  ever. 

Dean  Plumptre^  also  is  quite  decided  and  distinct.  The 
sinner  will  be  saved  by  faith  and  repentance  after  death. 
Now  what  is  it  to  be  "  saved  ?  "  The  Dean  does  not  say  ; 
but  we  may  well  suppose  him  to  use  the  term  in  its  ordinary 
sense,  and  in  that  sense  it  means  perfect  bliss  in  heaven. 

It  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  come  at  Dr.  Farrar  s  teachmp^. 
He  writes  with  passion  and  vehemence  against  committing 
such  a  sinner  to  any  prison  of  everlasting  and  material  fire ; 
but  would  he  admit  our  infidel  into  heaven  t  In  one  place* 
he  speaks  of  heathens  being  "  saved,"  "  not  indeed  by  their 
profession  or  their  morality,  but  by  Him  whom  they  knew 
not  in  his  outward  manifestation."  And  yet  there  are  the 
words  already  quoted :'  "  those  who  believe  in  the  po8f.ible 
restoration  of  mauT/  of  the  lost,  [do  not]  imply  that  they 
will  ultimately  be  admitted  into  perfect  bliss."  How  many  i 
Perhaps  only  "  the  small  and  desperate  minority." 

Take  another  case,  one  which  Dr.  Farrar  himself 
eloquently  describes.  The  dying  man  was  no  dnmkard, 
or  thief,  or  blasphemer,  or  unclean  sinner ;  but  he  has  been 
utterly  careless  and  indifferent ;  not  praying  for  himself, 
or  hardly  ever  praying;  guilty  of  sins  of  impurity,  of 
ignorance,  and  even  of  malice;  yet  he  has  not  been  xcholly 
bad  :  he  has  sho\vn  some  redeeming  quaUty ;  some  eyes 
have  wept  for  him  tears  of  sincere  regret.  He  *'  dies  and 
makes  no  sign  ;'*  dies,  as  he  lived,  showing  no  sorrow  for 
sin,  no  consciousness  even  of  guilt,  no  faith  in  Christ.  And 
if  the  cedar  of  Paradise  is  shaken,  what  shall  happen  to 
the  desert  reed  V 

The  Catholic  Church  decides,  without  hesitation,  that, 
if  he  really  dies  in  unrepented  mortal  sin — say  of  impurity 
— he  shall  be  excluded  for  ever  from  the  sight  of  God. 

*  Sp.  in  Prison,  Study  vi.  *  Mercy  and  Jndffment,  p.  145, 178. 

•  Supra,  p.  301.  *  Mercy  and  Judginent,  p.  160. 


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Future  Punishment.  3C3 

Yet  even  for  the  worst  we  may  entertain  a  hope  ;  for  who 
•hall  dare  to  say  that  such  a  man  has  really,  died  impen- 
itent? After  death,  however,  there  is  no  room  for 
penance. 

This  teaching  Dean  Plnmptre  as  distinctly  denies ;  and 
Dr.  Fwrar  also,  but  not  so  distinctly.  For  that  trouble- 
some sentence  comes  back  again:  they  may  not  bo 
admitted  into  perfect  bliss,  inasmuch  as  the  poena  damni 
may  continue  long  after  the  poena  sensus  has  ended. 

There  is  a  second  point  on  which  Dr.  Farrar  seems  to 
differ  from  the  Catholic  Church  ;  it  is  with  regard  to  the 
ultimate  fate  of  the  "  small  and  desperate  minority."  For 
such  he  admits  the  possibility  of  an  endless  hell ;  nay, 
more,  "Hope  itself  must  needs  be  silent,  and  lay  her 
hand  on  her  lip."  Yet  she  may  hope  on  in  silence ;  for 
even  Olympiodorus,  the  commentator  on  Plato,  did  not 
«hrink  from  saying,  that  such  persons,  "  though  incurable 
in  themselves,  may  conceivably  become  curable  by  some 
external  impulse.''^  Dr.  Farrar  expresses  a  distinct  truat 
that  aU  punishment  may  end,  even  for  the  most  depraved 
convict  in  Millbank,  no  matter  how  he  may  die.^  lie  quotes 
with  approval  the  Poet  Laureate's  lines  : — 

*'  Oh,  yet  wo.  trust  that  somehow  good 
Will  be  the  final  goal  of  ill, 
To  pangs  of  nature,  sins  of  will, 
Defects  of  doubt,  and  taints  of  blood  ; 

*'  That  nothing  walks  with  aimless  feet ; 
That  not  a  leaf  shall  be  destroyed, 
Or  cast  as  rubbish  to  the  void. 
When  God  hath  made  the  pile  complete. 

"  Behold  we  know  not  anything; 

I  can  but  tmst  that  good  shall  fall 
At  lust — far  off — at  last,  to  all. 
And  every  winter  change  to  spring."* 

Yet,  here  again  Dr.  Farrar  lets  slip  a  few  words*  which 
throw  doubt  on  his  meaning :  "  The  pain  of  loss,  even  of 
endless  loss,  may  be  mitigated  into  something  Uke 
submissive  contentment."  Does  he  mean  that  "  the  small 
and  desperate  minority"  shall  never  be   admitted  into 

'  Mercy  and  Judgment,  171.  •  Eternal  Hope,  xxix.,  106. 

•  The  reader  will  find  this  doctrine  of  Universalism  a  key  to  many 
of  the  difficulties  of  **  In  Memoriam." 

*  See  Mercy  and  Jnd^ent,  p.  170. 


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304  Future  PanUhmenU 

heaven,  but  neither  shall  they  Biiflfer  from  this  exclusion  auy 
endless  pain  f    I  confess  myself  unable  to  decide. 

We  Know  well  what  the  Church  considers  a  matter  of 
faith.  Any  hope  that  to  each  one  of  the  damned  "  good 
may  falV  though  only  "at  last**  and  '*far  off"  into  the 
ages — any  trust  that  *'  every  winter  shall  change  to  spring," 
if  the  ''good'*  and  the  "spring"  mean  the  sight  of  God  in 
the  abode  of  the  blessed — any  such  trust  or  hope  is 
heretical.  But  a  hope  that  a  time  may  come  when  "  endless 
loso  may  be  mitigated  into  something  like  submissive 
contentment,"  however  much  it  may  be  opposed  to  Catholic 
teaching,  does  not  appear  to  involve  a  denial  of  auy 
dogma  of  faith. 

For  one  may  hold  \vithout  heresy  that  the  damned  enjoy 
certain  intervals  of  rest  when  they  are  free  from  pain.^  Nor 
do  tlie  theologians  quote  any  decree  to  the  effect  that  the 
pain  of  loss  shall  be  felt  as  it  were  sensibly  for  ever.  Two 
things  only  are  of  faith  :  that  there  is  future  punishment  for 
sin,  consisting,  at  least,  in  exclusion  from  heaven;  and  that  it 
will  last  always.'  Nothing  more  has  been  defined  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  punishment.  Now,  even  though  '^  the 
endless  loss  were  mitigated  into  something  like  contentment,* 
it  would  still  be  "  loss  "  and  therefore  punishment.  Hence 
it  would  appear  that  one  may  without  heresy  hold  that 
there  will  be  such  a  mitigation. 

In  as  much,  therefore,  as  Dr.  Farrar*s  words  do  not  clearly 
imply  anything  more  than  such  a  hope  of  mitigation,  no  one 
has  a  right  to  condemn  this  latter  portion  of  his  teaching  as 
heretical.  It  is  to  be  desired  indeed  that  his  explanation 
were  a  Uttle  more  distinct,  as  many  may  rise  from  his  book 
with  a  mistaken  impression.  But  on  the  former  point  he 
is  decidedly  opposed  to  Catholic  faith ;  for,  as  Cardinal 
Newman^  says,  "  we  cannot  admit  .  .  .  that  a  man's 
probation  for  his  eternal  destiny,  as  well  as  his  purification, 
continue  after  this  Ufe."  We  cannot  admit  that  even  one 
mortal  sin  may  be  atoned  for  in  hell.  Nor  can  we  admit 
any  doubt  or  hesitation  about  these  things.* 

W.  McDonald. 

1  See  Mazella,  De  Deo  Creante,  n.  1306.  s  See  Perrone,  n.  799. 

» See  Mercy  and  Judgment,  p.  20. 

*  Irish  Protestants  are,  for  the  most  part,  either  Presbyterians  ot 
Episcopalians.  The  former  believe  in  **  eternal  death  "  and  '^  everlastiziK 
destruction  ;^*  the  Episcopalians  are  divided  pretty  much  as  in  England. 
Dr.  Jellett  and  Mr.  Barlow,  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  Lave  written  ii^ 
favour  of  the  "  liberal  "  view ;  Dr.  Salmon,  the  Professor  of  Divinity,  has 
always  defended  the  old  and  orthodox  teaching. 


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[    305    ] 


NOTES  ON  VACATION.— No.  III. 

PENZANCE  {the  bay  of  the  prantontoriee)  is  a  pleasant 
place  in  which  to  spend  a  Sunday,  and  this  is  still  a 
consideration  for  a  traveling  Catholic,  though  churches  are 
every  year  becoming  more  numerous  in  this  reviving 
land.     Indeed,  every  kind  of  fancy  and  faith  seems  to  bo 

Erovided  for  even  in  this  Ultima  Thule;  the  Salvation  Army 
ad  its  temple  crowded  to  the  very  doors  and  beyond  them, 
while  one  tabernacle  we  passed  on  our  way  to  mass  held 
out  the  (to  us)  novel  inducements  of  two  sermons — one  to 
be  preached  in  the  morning  by  a  reverend  gentleman  and 
the  other  in  the  evening  by  his  wife  I  However,  we 
resisted  the  temptation  and  found  ourselves  instead  at  the 
excellent  dinner  provided  by  the  Queen's. 

The  ^eat  thing  to  be  done  from  Penzance  is,  of  course, 
the  Land's  End.  The  Lizard  Point,  lying  midway  between 
this  place  and  Falmouth,  may  be  done  from  either.  We 
having  done  it  already,  concentrate  our  energies  upon  the 
Land's  End,  and  brace  our  minds  for  its  due  appreciation. 
The  preparations  for  the  expedition,  however,  are  not  of  a 
Boul-mspiring  character.  Half  a  dozen  omnibuses  are 
touting  opposite  the  Queen's  while  we  are  at  breakfast, 
and  to  show  ourselves  in  the  portico  is  to  raise  a  clamour 
almost  as  loud  and  importunate  as  a  similar  self-presentation 
used  to  do  at  Naples.  The  inside  seats  are  vacant,  for  who 
but  in  dire  necessity  would  care  to  go  to  the  worhrs  end 
(as  here  it  seems  to  be)  in  an  omnibus?  wliile  to  seat 
ourselves  on  the  giddy  heights  of  the  roof  (at  least  if  one 
could  foresee  the  wild  and  precipitous  hills  to  be  dragged 
npand  tumbled  down  during  the  drive)  requires  an  amount 
of  heroic  nerve  power  which  is  not  always  at  command. 
So  our  host  wisely  provided  us  with  a  comfortable  carriage 
and  good  pair  of  horses,  which  took  us  when  and  how  we 
hked  to  our  two  destinations. 

Two  destinations  we  say  advisedly ;  for  now  it  seems 
that  there  is  a  Logan  Rock  of  gi-eat  renown  which  is  sup- 
posed by  some  erratic  imagination  to  be  in  our  wav  to  the 
Land's  End,  though  it  is  quite  out  of  it.  But  in  this  wild 
Cornish  laud  where  tracts  are  as  irregular  as  the  lie  of  the 
country,  every  place  is  on  the  road  to  eveiy  other.  So  to 
the  Logan  we  make  our  devious  way. 

We  climb  the  heights  which  shut  in  Penzance  to  the 
west  (for  placed  as  Penzance  is  within  an  amphitheatre  of 


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306  Notes  on  Vacation. 

hills,  save  on  the  sea-side,  we  cannot  quit  it  without 
oHnibing),  cross  the  wild  moorland,  drop  aoruptly  into  the 
beautiful  Vale  of  Lamoma,  sweep  round  the  pretty  cove  of 
the  sarae  sweet-sounding  name,  and  then  climb  the  heights 
to  Bolleit  (the  place  of  blood),  where^  in  A  J).  93^,  Athelstan 
defeated  the  Britons,  and  commemorated  .  his  victory,  as 
became  a  ffood  Saxon  Christiao,  by  founding  at  St.  Buryan, 
the  next  place  we  pass  through,  a  College  of  Augustinian 
Canons.  Down  again  to  the  sea  at  Penberth  Cove,  up 
again  to  the  storm-beaten  sturdy  village  of  Treryn  (which 
please  pronounce  Treen)  where  we  leave  our  carriage  and 
walk,  for  we  can  no  further  drive,  to  what  is  truly  called 
the  grand  promontory  of  Treryn  Castle,  or  Treryn  Dinas 
(the  place  of  fight).  What  a  place  for  fighting!  The 
wild,  indented,  rock-bound  coast,  from  which  every  vestige 
of  life  and  life-sustaining  earth  has  for  ages  been  swept 
away,  is  here  suddenly  stayed  in  its  fierce  sweep,  and  as  by 
some  bold  outward  rush,  a  rugged  promontory  in  three 
successive  waves  of  rocks  starts  forth  and  heads  the  wild 
waves,  which  here  at  times  work  their  wildest,  and  stands 
unshaken  and  masterful  in  the  midst  of  theii*  fuiy.  As  may 
be  supposed,  nature's  masonry  is  here  of  the  grandest  and 
boldest.  Rock  upon  rock,  or  rather  cliff  upon  cliff*,  is  piled 
up  in  the  wildest  confusion,  while  man's  work,  the  triple 
vallum  and  fosse,  is  scarcely  observed,  so  grand  is  nature's 
work  in  this  bold  headland. 

So  majestic  and  vast  are  the  rocks,  that  after  wandering 
aroimd,over  and  between  them,  we  have  to  enquire  for  the 
Logan  Stone,  though  it  is  some  sixty-five  tons  in  weight, 
and  measures  seventeen  feet  in  length  and  thirty  in  cir- 
cumference— dimensions  and  weight  which  are  as  nothing 
here,  though  to  a  certain  Lieutenant  Goldsmith  (a  nephew 
of  the  poet)  these  were  matters  of  no  little  consideration: 
for  with  a  heedlessness  of  consequences  and  a  love  of  fim, 
quite  characteristic  of  his  race  and  name,  it  seems  he,  with 
some  wild  sailor  companions,  recklessly  overturned  the 
Logan  Rock,  just  to  show  that  the  antiquarian  Borlase  was 
wrong  in  asserting  that  it  could  not  be  overturned :  and 
when  the  Cornish  men  raised  an  outcry,  *^My  Lords  of  the 
Admiralty  *'  ordered  the  reckless  Goldsmith  to  replace  it, 
which  was  accordingly  done  by  aid  of  capstans  and 
scaffolding  at  a  cost  to  the  Lieutenant  which,  it  is  said 
and  not  improbably,  crippled  his  hmited  resources  to  his 
dying  day. 

The  venerable  guide  that  showed  us  the  lions  of  the 


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Notes  on  Vacation.  307 

Elace  was  urgent  in  impressing  upon  us  the  fact  that  the 
.ogan  had  never  been  really  overturned,  biit  only  slightly 
displaced  from  the  point  upon  which  it  originally  rested. 
He  woald  not  allow  that  one  of  his  chief  lions  could  be 
overcome  by  any  power.  This  same  guide  is  of  such 
i,Teat  antiquity,  that  he  looks  as  though  he  could  tell  us, 
if  he  chose,  the  history  of  the  mined  castle  and  the  *'  fight" 
from  which  the  place  took  its  name,  in  which  he  probably 
had  a  hand  if  not  in  the  placing  of  the  Logan  Rock  upon 
the  sharp  pinnacle  on  which  it  rocked  so  freely  by  tlie 
famous  Cornish  Giant  Tregeagle,  whose  Herculean 
labours  explain  so  many  difficulties  in  local  geology. 
However,  be  this  as  it  may,  he  (the  guide  and 
the  giant,  too,  for  aught  we  know)  is  in  a  vigorous 
old  age,  and  offered  to  lift  us,  foot  in  hand,  up 
to  and  astride  the  rocking  stone.  This  queer  footing  feat 
we  left  to  our  junior  alter  ego,  who  sat  in  state  with  a  firm 
grip  of  his  stone  saddle,  and  rocked  the  Logan  backwards- 
aud  forwards,  at  least  so  he  and  the  guide  maintained, 
though  we  must  confess  that  to  our  aged  eyes  the  Logan 
remained  as  immovable  asthepromontory  of  which  itfonns 
the  crown.  However,  feeling  is  believing  quite  as  much  as 
beeing,  one  sense  is  as  good  as  another,  and  better  in  this 
case,  so  wo  give  in,  and  aUow  that  the  Rocking  Stone  rocks. 
And  now  we  pursue  our  devious  route  to  the  Land's  End, 
aud  only  regret  that  we  do  not  deviate  still  more  from  the 
right  way,  for  the  cliffs  i-un  out  into  many  a  grand  head- 
land, which  shelters  many  a  charming  cove,  as  they  wind 
Houthwards  till  at  the  Ella  Rock  they  bend  north  with  an 
ever  westward  bearing  till  they  find  their  extreme  western 
'  point  at  the  Land's  End.  But  the  carnage  cannot  cUmb 
and  creep  around  this  roadless  way,  but  must  turn  inland 
again,  and  so  we  miss  sundry  quaint  headlands  and  gaunt 
fantastic  rocks,  and  hasten  to  our  destination  after  which 
we  are  once  more  beginning  to  yearn. 

Here  we  are  at  last  at  Bolerium  (the  seat  of  stonna)  as 
the  ancient  geographers  called  it,  the  Land's  End,  with 
nothing  but  the  broad  ocean  before  us ;  the  line  of  cliff's 
running  inwards  on  both  hands,  one  to  the  north-east  and 
the  other  to  the  south-east.     Here  Ave  stand  on  the  head- 
land.    What  is  it  ?     Simply  a  mass  of  granite  sixty  feet 
high  :  that  is  all.     Many  a  headland  on  this  sea-riven  coast 
j       rises  to  a  greater  height — ^jret  is  this  the  grandest  of  all, 
I       and  that  chiefly  through  its  position.     Miles  upon  miles 
I      may  we  wander  or  saU  along  the  coast,  and  though  wo 


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double  capes  and  follow  the  curvings  of  bays  we  are  still 
advancing  in  the  same  direction,  however  winding  our  path 
may  be.  It  has  been  ever  westward  in  beautiful  South 
Devon  as  hitherto  in  this  grand  Cornwall,  but  here  is  the 
Land's  End,  at  which  our  westward  path  ceases.  No  gentle 
indentation  will  lead  us  westwards  again  ;  no  bold  promon- 
toiy  will  show  us  the  old  direction  towards  the  setting 
sun.  No ;  here  is  written  as  though  by  nature's  hand  ujk)ii 
the  time-worn,  storm-torn  granite ;  thus  far  shall  you  go, 
and  no  farther.  I'he  rough  fragments  which  carry  out  the 
extreme  point  beyond  the  cliffs,  the  Longship  Lighthouse, 
which  crowns  a  still  more  distant  rock,  and  even  the  Scillv 
Isles  which  sleep  in  dim  outline  in  the  setting  sun  ;  these 
are  but  tokens  of  what  might  once  have  been  a  still  more 
western  part  of  England ,  but  here  the  bright  sea-girc  Isle 
has  its  western  ending,  and  henceforth  the  line  of  coast 
is  north  and  east,  the  abrupt  turning-point  has  come,  and 
our  way  is  no  longer  as  before.  Tnis  in  truth  is  the 
thought  which  makes  the  Land's  End  so  impressive,  and 
which  gives  it  above  all  other  spots  that  name.  It  is  a 
turning-point,  as  we  have  just  said,  but  it  is  something 
much  more.  It  is  an  end,  and  must  be  followed  by 
a  new  beginning.  It  comes  as  a  surprise,  a  waking-up 
from   a   dream,  a   sudden   stop;   it  is  the  end — nothing 


And  here  before  us  rolls  the  mighty  Atlantic  ;  on  has  it 
come  in  storm  or  calm,  but  ever  in  swelling  waves  which 
at  times  beat  in  thunder  and  at  others,  as  now,  murmur  in 
gentle  breathings  upon  the  Land's  End,  the  lirst  point 
where  it  impinges  upon  this  land  of  England.  Here,  at 
last,  its  waters  part  and  roll  on  past  the  Southern  coast,  or 
turn  northward  to  rush  in  a  gigantic  tide  up  the  Bristol 
Channel.  Here  has  the  battle  raged  between  the  vast 
ocean  and  the  outermost  bulwarks  of  the  island.  The 
waters  pass  on  and  bear  no  abiding  mark  of  the  strife  of 
ages,  but  not  so  the  shattered,  torn,  and  yet  unconcj^uered 
headland;  and  as  we  climb  its  worn  sides,  scrutinise  its 
caverned  recesses,  and  marking  what  has  been  torn  away, 
gaze  in  wondering  admiration  at  what  yet  remains,  we 
feel  that  the  Land's  End  is  a  spot  to  linger  on,  and  that  it 
has  a  grandeur  far  beyond  its  measured  dimensions,  and  a 
history  of  a  life's  struggle  reaching  back  into  dim  ages.  JSo 
wonder  Cornish  people  call  it  Pen-von-lcutj  the  end  of  the 
world.  But  we  must  leave  our  musings  and  return  by  a 
new  route  to  Penzance,  where  we  spent  our  time  pleasantly 


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Notes  on  Vacatioiu  30^ 

enough  in  wandering  along  the  heights  and  penetrating- 
into  the  recesses  of  onr  Mount  Bay,  which  has,  besides  its 
pictoresque  castle,  fishing  villages,  and  notably  its  ancient 
capital.  Mouse  Hole  {mouse Jiole)^  redolent  of  pilchards,  and 
abounding  in  sturdy  fishermen  and  wives  out  httle  dis- 
tinguishable from  their  husbands  in  di*ess  and  calm  con* 
centrated  physical  energy. 

Again  we  are  on  the  railway,  returning  on  our  previous 
route,  at  least  as  far  as  Bodmin-road  Station  ;  and  here  we 
stop,  for  we  are  bent  upon  a  pilgrimage  to  that  part  of 
Cornwall  which  is  more  especially  Arthur's  Land.  The 
drive  from  the  station  to  Bodmin  is  some  six  miles,  butitia 
far  too  short ;  for  here  we  are  again  in  the  Glynn  Valley,, 
whose  lofty  wood-crowned  heights  shut  in  and  seem  to 
hold  as  long  as  they  can  in  loving  embrace  the  two  rivers, 
Cardinham  and  Fowey.  What  windings  and  curves  the 
jealous  hills  make  to  keep  their  own  Cardinham  from 
running  away  and  losing  itself  in  the  grander  Fowey. 
What  pools  they  scoop  out,  what  bowers  they  overhang 
and  shade  to  keep  their  young  river  at  home,  and  as  we 
trace  its  homeward  way  wefeel  how  nothing  but  its  yearning 
for  the  sea  can  excuse  its  wanderings. 

Bodmin  is  a  hill-enclosed  town  with  one  broad  street 
which  leads  you  boldly  upwards  out  of  the  valley  in  which 
the  other  street  and  everything  but  its  Church  is  buried,. 
That  Church,  which  stands  as  high  up  as  it  can  climb,  is 
now  undergoing  restoration,  and  in  right  of  its  being  the 
largest  in  Cornwall,  having  a  length  of  150  feet  and  a 
breadth  of  63,  and  because  it  moreover  possesses  a 
Chapel  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  partly  in  ruins, 
deserves  at  least  this  passing  notice.  The  next  morning, 
we  start  by  omnibus  not  for  a  station,  but  for  a  long  drive, 
for  here  at  least  railways  are  imknown,  though  they  have 
sent  this  strange  vehicle  for  steep  hill  cHmbing,  as  a  kind 
of  pioneer  before  them,  on  the  principle  that  where  one  can 
go  the  other  can  follow.  Up  and  down  the  omnibus  climbs 
and  slides,  the  passengers  outside  and  the  luggage  alone 
within ;  now  over  a  long  stretch  of  moorland,  at  one  part 
relieved  from  its  monotony  by  a  distant  range  of  hills,  not 
rounded  and  smooth-headed,  as  one  could  look  for  here 
inland,  but  bald,  rugged  and  with  many  spiral  pinnacles, 
for  even  here  the  wintry  storms  and  summer  rains  have 
done  their  work,  tearing  away  all  that  is  friable,  washing 
down  the  outcome  of  their  labour,  and  leaving  nothing  but 
the  gaunt  skeleton  to  tower  over  the  moor — we  cross  the 
VOL.  VL  Z 


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310.  Notes  on  Vacation^ 

Gamel  (the  winding  nrer)*  and  in  due  time  came  to  Camel- 
ford,  Here  we  are  in  truth  in  the  land  of  Arthur,  for  here 
tradition  says  the  king  fought  his  last  great  fight  with 
Mordred,  and  so  here,  once  and  for  all,  we  quote  Tenoy- 
son*8  well-known  hues  : — 

"  So  all  day  long  the  noise  of  battle  roll*d 
Among  the  mountains  by  the  winter  sea ; 
Until  King  Arthur's  Table,  man  by  man, 
Had  fall'n  in  Lyonnesse  about  their  Lord, 
King  Arthur." 

Where  Lyonnesse  is  or  was  nobody  seems  to  know.  At 
Penzance  it  is  maintained  that  it  lies  overwhelmed  with  its 
forest  and  all  in  Mount  Bay,  and  sundry  other  places  put 
in  their  claim,  while  the  guide-book,  with  becoming  impar- 
tiality, admits  them  all,  and  quotes  these  same  lines  when- 
ever these  places  are  spoken  of.  We  deal  more  mercifully, 
at  least  in  this  respect  with  our  readers,  and  as  we  have 
said  quote  them  once  for  all. 

Camelford  has  nothing  but  its  name  to  remind  us  of 
Arthur's  Camel ot,  or  of  Guinevere,  daughter  of  "Leodogran, 
the  King  of  Cameliard,"  save  for  the  legend  which  places 
Lyonnesse  so  near  it.  We  toil  up  and  down  the  steep  hilly 
street ;  but  the  spirit  of  Tennyson  is  not  upon  us,  and 
indeed  we  can  hardly  expect  to  find  it  on  the  top  of  an 
omnibus  ;  so  we  look  over  to  the  distant  sea  and  catch,  or 
try  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  Tintagel  on  the  cliflis;  this 
comforts  us,  and  soon  drawing  near  to  Boscastle,  we  wake 
np  to  the  romantic  beauty  of  a  spot  which  comes  upon  us 
as  a  great  surprise  and  delight. 

Boscastle  stands  on  the  slope  of  a  steep  hill  which 
divides  a  broad  valley  into  two  parts :  each  branch  has 
its  rapid  stream,  both  of  which  unite  in  one  of  the  quaintest 
and  smallest,  and  yet  fiercest  of  harbours.  So  steep  is  the 
hill  that  our  omnibus  does  not  attempt  to  drive  down  its 
street,  but  makes  its  way  to  the  sea-shore  by  long  and  yet 
steep  sweeps,  which  at  turning-points  command  the  pretty 
village  now  below,  now  level,  and  at  lart  above  us.  Every 
where  the  houses  are  surrounded  by  orchards  and  gardens, 
and  almost  every  house  enjoys  a  coign  of  vantage,  so 

^  Tennyson  describes  it  in  less  than  four  lines  : — 
"  Then  to  the  shore  of  one  of  those  long  loops 
Wherethro**  the  serpent  river  coird,  they  came, 
Rough-thicketed  were  the  banks  and  steep,  the  stream 
Fidl,  narrow/' 


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Notes  on  Vacation,  311 

broken  is  the  ground  and  so  abmpt  its  risings  and  falls. 
Its  name  is  obviously  Norman-French,  from  the  De  Bott- 
reaux  who  built  its  castle,  and  even  now  its  different  parts 
bear  Nonnan-French  names. 

When  the  two  mountain  streams  unite  their  noisy 
waterp,  the  breadth  of  the  river  is  nan-ow  enough ;  now  its 
waters  are  nearly  exhausted,  but  its  fine,  long  bridge  shows 
that  at  times  it  is  a  grand  river.  Hills  rise  up  abruptly 
from  both  its  banks  and  a  sudden  curve  to  the  south  shuts 
out  the  sea  and  leaves  the  harbour  land-locked.  It  is 
well  for  the  little  port  that  it  has  this  grand  protection ; 
these  verdant  hills  are  indeed  grass-clothed  cliffs,  as  we  find 
when  we  follow  their  windings  to  the  open  sea  ;  for  event 
with  their  shelter  and  the  natural  breakwater  of  the  long 
entrance  passage  and  the  island  rock  which  guards  its 
mouth,  the  little  quay  is  provided  with  hawsers  of  woven 
wire  as  thick  as  a  man's  leg,  to  guide  in  the  small  craft,  and 
to  hold  them  in  what  looks  Kke  a  well-protected  harbour. 
Ropes  of  ordinary  dimensions  would  be  useless  here,  and 
these  sturdy  coils  which  elsewhere  would  hold  a  man-of- 
war,  are  the  only  ropes  that  can  be  depended  upon.  We 
smile  at  the  disproportion  between  the  little  quay  and  its 
huge  hawsers,  but  soon  learn  to  respect  the  tiny  harbour 
which  can  require  and  use  effectively  such  powerful 
instruments.  As  we  stroll  along  one  of  the  paths  which 
wind  up  the  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbour,  look  down 
upon  its  narrow  winding  channel,  and  come  upon  the 
mouth  where  it  opens  into  the  sea,  we  understand  the 
necessity  of  those  iron  ropes  and  only  wonder  at  any  power 
being  able  to  cope  with  the  force  that  here  shows  itself, 
not  now  in  action,  but  in  the  many  tokens  around  us  of 
what  it  has  done  and  can  do  again. 

These  worn  chffs,  so  rigid  in  their  desolation,  so  bony 
in  their  outUne,  so  fierce  in  their  sore-tried  but  never-con- 
quered strength,  with  not  a  particle  of  weakness  left  in  them, 
not  a  crevice  but  has  been  searched,  not  a  root  but  has 
been  riven — these  Comish  chflFs  are  a  never-failing  soiurce 
of  wonder  and  awe:  we  gaze  with  reverence  upon  them, 
they  seem  so  eternal.  We  have  left  our  useful  but  humble 
equipage  behind,  and  are  once  more  free  to  follow  our  own 
fancies  and  to  wander  whither  we  please.  So  we  think, 
but  in  truth  it  is  not  so.  For  is  not  Tintagel — Ai-thur*s 
birthplace  and  Mark's  Castle,  overgrown  with  ancient 
traditions  that  have  entwined  themselves  around  the  ruins 
and  cliffs  of  this  legendary  Cornwall,  but  clustered  chiefly. 


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312  Notes  on  Vacation. 

here — is  not  Tintagel  almost  in  sight,  as  we  stand  upon  the 
cliffs  that  overhang  and  guard  Boscastle,  and  do  we  not 
feel  that  it  will  soon  be  upon  us  with  all  its  natural  gran- 
deur and  its  mystic  glories?  We  cannot  linger  here,  but 
must  needs  hasten  on,  and  resolutely,  if  not  wisely,  choose 
the  way  along  the  chffs  rather  than  the  road  which  would 
bring  us  more  quickly  to  our  destination.  But  we  have 
had  enough  of  roads  and  the  tyranny  of  carriages,  and  now 
that  we  are  free  we  will  at  least  ke'ep  to  the  heights  which 
overhang  the  sea  and  make,  as  best  we  may,  a  way  for 
ourselves. 

But  Cornish  cliffs,  with  their  deep  indentations,  even  the 
enclosed  fields  and  then*  fences  are  on  so  grand  a  scale  that 
progress  is  but  slow  and  Tintagel  still  out  of  sight.     How- 
ever, upwards  and  downwards,  inland  to  cross  ravines,  and 
along  the  edge  of  the  cliffs  to  enjoy  the  glorious  coast 
scenery,  with  its  wild  headlands  and  rocky  islands  l)iug 
just  off  the  shore,  ever  onwards,  but  with  scarcely  perceptible 
advance  until  we  at  last  lose  our  way  so  completely  that 
we  find  ourselves  on  the  public  road  which  we  intended  to 
have  carefully  avoided,  and  which  is  shut  in  landwards  by 
a  range  of  hills  that  was  once  the  barrier  between  Saxons 
and  Britons.     But  Tintagel  has  been  seen,  and  so  walking 
in  a  scorching  sun  becomes  tolerable  even  on  a  dusty  road 
when  suchan  end  is  before  us.  Longbridge,  withitsrenowned 
St.  Nighton's  Keeve — a  fountain  which  leaps  some  forty 
feet  into  a  keeve  or  bwsin  and  owes  most  of  its  beauty  to 
the  exquisite  sylvan  sceuery  through  which  it  has  to  be 
explored, — Bossiney,  once  a  place  of  mark,  but  now  a  pretty 
village,  are  passed,  and  we  reach  Trevena  where  we  quarter 
ourselves  in  its  comfortable   inn,   and  refresh  ourselves 
ere  we  explore  Tintagel.     Trevena  is  a  place  to  rest  and  be 
thankful  in.     A  single  street,  with  a  few  cottages,  a  second 
hotel,  an  ancient  post-oflSce,  so  romantic  and  picturesque 
that  it  has  been  painted,  engraved,  and  photographed  until 
it  seems  at  last  sinking  into  ruins,  if  so  ponderous  and 
sturdy  a  building  can  ever  come  to  ruin,  under  the  weight 
of  its  renown.     Trevena  is  full,  which  means  every  room  in 
every  habitable  dwelling  within  it  is  occupied.     We  are 
planted  out,  but  meet  together  at  meal  time,  and  then  the 
tables  are  as  closely  packed  as  any  nursery  bed  before  liie 
transplanting  begins.    And  yet  there  are  not  many  people 
at  Trevena.    A  large  hotel  would  hold  us  all ;  a  monster 
establishment  would  with  us  Trevena-ites  only  be  con-* 
sidered  empty.    So  we  have  no  mob,  and,  of  coiuBe,  no 


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NoUb  on  Vacation,  .818 

band^  and  no  promenade.  The  real  attraction  of  the  place 
is  Tintagel  (Jafltle;  indeed,  we  always  called  Trevena 
Tintagel,  and  as  such  it  lives  in  our  memory.  You  walk 
down  the  one  street  and  see  nothing  of  the  Castle;  yon 
might  go  round  and  about  and  still  not  see  it,  and  yet  it  is 
•close  at  hand.  Turn  down  a  lane,  which  seems  to  lead 
nowhere,  t)nly  a  rapid  descent  to  the  coast,  and  such  lanes 
are  common  enough,  but  follow  this  one  and  your  rough 
path  soon  lies  between  two  lofty  hills,  grass-covered  clifls, 
which  grow  really,  and  not  only  apperentlv  wliile  you 
descend,  until  you  come  out  upon  a  landing-place  of  small 
extent  and  find  the  sea  rolling  in  its  waves  grandly  before 
yon ;  but  into  what  fine  caves  and  amid  what  wild  precipices 
are  those  waters  rolling  I  The  landing-place  is  not  on  the 
seashore,  but  high  up  on  a  cUflF  overhanging  the  sea,  from 
which  the  boats  are  lowered  down  and  drawn  up  by  win  dlasses 
and  elevated  on  cranes,  like  merchandise  from  warehouses 
in  citiea  The  harbour,  if  so  it  may  be  called,  is  shut  in  by 
lofty  precipices,  those  to  the  right  are  hollowed  out  into  deep 
caverns  that  are  ceiled  with  ferns  growing  downwards  in 
beautiful  luxuriance ;  to  the  left  rises  m  all  its  majesty  of  three 
hundred  feet  the  grand  promontory  crowned  with  the 
ruins  of  Tintagel  Castle,  *' Tintagel  half  in  sea  and  half  on 
land."  The  people,  properly  enough,  call  the  headland  the 
island,  for  so  indeed  it  is,  only  the  waters  which  flow  when 
the  tide  is  up  around  its  inner  side  make  their  way  through 
a  vast  and  lengthy  cavern  which  is  open  at  both  ends. 
Thus  from  above  the  island  appeal's  to  be  a  peninsula. 
From  the  landing  place  a  rude  path  leads  upwards  over 
the  ruins  of  what  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  bridge,  and  up  a 
still  more  rough  and  ill-protected  staircase  of  broken  stones 
which  creeps  around  the  inland  face  of  the  precipice,  clings 
(as  many  a  cUmber  does)  to  the  jutting  points,  and  at  last 
terminates  in  a  postern  gate,  which  now  supplies  the  place 
of  that  "  Castle  gateway  by  the  chasm,"  down  which  AlerUn 
and  Bleys  passed  on  that  "dismal  night — a  night  in  which 
the  bounds  of  heaven  and  earth  were  lost,'*  to  carry  off 
Artliur  **  when  Uther  in  Tintagel  past  away,"  or,  as  some 
said,  to  bring  thither  a  *'  naked  babe,  that  rode  to  Merlin's 
feet,  who  stoopt  and  caught  the  babe,  and  cried,  the  King  I 
Here  is  an  heir  for  Uther.'*  So  we  enter  and  find  ourselves 
amid  the  ruins  which  spread  in  all  directions  and  cover  with 
the  merest  outUne  the  whole  extensive  promontory.  It  is 
not  a  broad  plain,  nor  can  any  definite  idea  of  the  once 
famous  castle  be  traced.     The  broken  fragments  of  walls 


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'814  .    Notes  on  Vacation. 

near  us,  of  dark  and  sombre  hue,  edge  the  perpendicular 

Erecipice  beneath  which  the  sea  rolls  its  waters,  laving  it^ 
ase  and  thundering  into  its  gigantic  caverns.  We  climb 
the  inner  side  of  the  level  upon  which  the  gate  opens  and 
reach  much  higher  a  broader  expanse  in  which  recent 
excavations  had  brought  to  light  the  foundations  of  walls 
that  mark  the  site  of  the  Chapel  of  St.  Juliot.  But  all  else 
is  shapeless. 

We  lie  upon  the  grass  and  look  out  upon  the  broad 
ocean  or  inwards  upon  the  bold  line  of  coast,  or  immediately 
across  upon  the  ruins  which  crown  the  mainland,  and  have 
more  form  and  character  than  those  around  us.  Memory 
may  recall  the  scenes  which  have  once  been  acted  here ; 
for  Tennyson  has  painted  in  poetry  which  can  never  die,, 
the  Idylls  of  the  King,  and  Wagner  has  mamed  his  own. 
beautiful  thoughts  to  music  which  will  make  them  im- 
mortal ;  while  other  poets  in  every  land  and  through  long 
ages  have  sang  in  every  tongue  in  Europe  and  in  the  Far 
East  of  Tristram  and  Isolde,  of  Guinevere  and  Lancelot^ 
of  Percivale  and  the  Holy  Grail,  and  chiefest  of  all  of 
Arthur — 

"  Who  reverenced  his  conscience  as  his  king, 
Whose  glory  was,  redressing  hnnian  MTong, 
Who  spake  no  slander,  no,  nor  listen'd  to  it." 

And  while  we  call  to  mind  that  terrible  incident  in  Th^ 
Last  Tournament^  here  localized  by  Tennyson's  powerful 
pen,  we  would  fain  put  away  that  memory  of  Tristram  and 
Queen    Isolt,    and    of    King    Mark,    her    husband,    and 

})refer  to  dwell  upon  Wagner's  beautiful  picture  of  pure 
ove  and  unshaken  loyalty  which  makes  the  Irish  PrincesK 
80  wirming  in  all  eyes,  Tristram  so  noble  and  Mark  so 
magnanimous.  Which  is  the  true  version  we  need  not 
enquire ;  but  where  all  is  so  vague  we  may  well  choose  the 
sweeter,  if  less  powerful,  picture,  which  has  the  charm 
Tvhich  music  can  throw  over  it,  and  give  the  victory,  it  may 
be,  to  the  poet-musician  over  him,  who  if  the  greatest  now 
living  of  his  class  is  poet  only.  And  so  our  thoughts  wander 
from  the  ruins  around  us  to  those  who  once  peopled  and 
made  Tintagel  famous ;  and  in  iruth  memory  and  imagina- 
tion have  a  wide  range  here  where  nature  has  built  for  all 
time,  and  man's  work  has  well-nigh  passed  away. 

But  there  is  more  to  be  seen  than  the  heights  reveal, 
and  HO  we  descend  the  mgged,  broken,  and  uncertain  steps 
and  scramble  as  best  we  may  where,  as  Norden  said  year» 


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Notes  on  Vacation,  315 

ago,  "  he  must  have  eyes  that  will  scale  Tintagel."  Again 
we  are  at  the  curious  harbour  platform,  and,  as  the  tide  is 
past  its  ebb,  we  hasten  downwards  over  the  rocks  to  the 
sands  to  explore  the  little  bay  which  nestles  under  the 
heights  of  Tmtagel.  How  bright  and  sunny  is  the  enclosed 
area  of  sand,  how  beautiful  the  long  undulations  which 
creep  towards  us,  and  yet  how  stem  and  fierce  are  all  the 
surroundings  of  the  glittering  shore.  Up  out  of  the  waters, 
but  just  here  out  of  the  sand,  rises  the  gigantic  promontory, 
not  quite  vertically  but  curving  outwards,  where  it  is  not 
broken  into  caverns,  so  that  the  castle-crowned  summit 
overhangs  the  waters  to  mock  in  storms  the  shipwrecked 
mariners  who  see  no  possible  escape  from  the  wild  waves 
around  them.  What  a  power  these  waves  must  have  ! 
The  chasm  of  three  hundred  feet  which  separates  the  island 
from  the  mainland,  has  not  as  yet  yielded  to  the  working 
of  the  waves,  though  they  have  ploughed  a  cavern  through 
its  whole  length,  and  so,  as  we  have  said,  have  really 
insulated  Tintagel.  Thus,  we  may  see  in  operation  that 
power  which  has  cut  off  promontories  and  converted  them 
into  islands  along  this  wild  coast.  And  how  great,  too, 
is  that  power  in  the  slatey  stone  which  here  offers  such 
resistance  to  the  force  of  ocean.  Century  after  centuiy 
passes  and  Tintagel  is  the  same  lofty  height,  and  seems  to 
defy  the  waves  which  beat  so  incesantly  around  and 
against  it,  seemingly  defying,  but  that  force  is  ever  un- 
dermining, ever  widening  small  crevices,  ever  enlarging 
its  caverns,  ever  working  onwards.  How  calm  in  rest,  and 
how  fierce  in  storm ;  but  every  rise  and  fall  of  the  tide  is 
doin^  its  little  share  in  the  work  of  destruction,  and  we  feel 
that  m  time,  however  long  it  may  be,  the  grand  historic 
height  must  fall.  Thus  is  the  picture  a  mournful  if  a  gi'and 
one.  Our  human  sympathies  are  with  the  land,  our  own 
land,  and  with  man's  work  thereon,  however  worn  and  frag- 
mentary it  may  be,  and  we  turn  almost  in  anger  from  the 
glorious  ocean  which  here  seems  to  mock  us  in  proud 
proclamation  of  its  mastery.  This  is  my  work,  it  seems  to 
say,  you  may  wander  amid  these  caverns  which  1  have 
carved  out  of  your  eternal  rocks,  you  may  glide  over  my 
waters  in  your  boats  and  bathe  in  their  (.'ool  and 
transparent  depths,  but  only  while  it  is  my  pleasure. 
When  I  return  this  place  will  be  inaccessible,  and  when  I 
come  in  storms  nothing  human  can  live  here.  -And  so  it 
is:  we  creep  through  the  deep,  silent,  mysferious  caverns 
and  tremble  at  the  thought  of  what  would  befall  us  did 


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316  Koteti  Oil  Vacation, 

the  tide  suddenly  liBe,  or  a  storm  dash  the  waves  into  our 
quiet  resting  place.  We  look  up  at  the  rough  boats 
suspended  from  the  cUffs  high  over  our  heads,  and  at  the 
rocks  which  the  ocean  hajs  by  its  underminingB  made 
inaccessible,  and  in  truth  we  ieel  it  a  mental  relief  to  mount 
upwards  once  more  and  to  look  from  the  safe  stand-point 
upon  what  is  so  awful  in  its  calm  and  now  silent  grandeur. 
,  Upwards  we  mount,  and  now  not  to  the  island,  but  to  the 
opposite  heights  across  the  chasm  to  where  another  castle, 
or  more  probably  another  portion  of  Tintagel,  crowns  the 
mainland,  and  commands  the  view  over  the  spots  we  have 
aheady  visited.  To  reach  this,  we  have  to  return  upon 
our  original  way  from  Trevena  and  to  climb  by  a  long 
steep  path  from  behind,  the  sides  of  the  chasm  being  too 
perpendicular  for  climbing  from  the  landing  place. 

Here  the  ruins  have  more  definite  form  and  have  a 
kind  of  modern  aspect  mingled  with  the  grim  features 
which  characterise  Tintagel,  but  not  modern  enou^ 
to  be  altogether  out  of  harmony  with  the  rest  There 
are  doorways  and  windows  at  different  heights  which 
the  mind  can  easily  piece  together  and  out  of  such  fragments 
construct  at  any  rate  a  portion  of  a  Castle ;  but  even 
while  we  are  wandering  about  them  we  feel  that  they  are 
not  wanted  in  the  picture.  It  seems  to  us  that  they  are  at 
best  but  intruders  into  Arthur's  birthplace.  Tintagel,  of 
course,  has  its  modern  history.  It  was  the  residence  of 
royal  Earls  of  Cornwall,  and  was  "  kept  up,"  as  we  are  told, 
until  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  when  prudent  Burleigh  left 
it  to  fall  into  ruins,  the  expense  of  sustaining  it  being  too 
costly.  And  so  it  was  left  to  itself.  Then  the  later  building 
fell  into  decay,  perished,  and  little  more  was  left  besides 
the  earlier  fragments  to  crown  the  grand  headland  of 
Tintagel. 

These  maintain  themselves;  these  fragments  of  sombre 
hue,  cold  slate,  without  even  the  ordinary  patch  of  colour 
which  lichens  give,  built  upon  their  kindred  rock,  have 
grown  almost  into  a  portion  of  that  rock  itself,  yet  are 
enough  to  give  a  suggestive  outline  to  the  scenes  the  mind 
recalls  or  the  imagination  pictures.  And,  surely,  it  is  better 
so.  These  legends  need  no  more  to  give  them  "  a  local 
habitation  and  a  name.''  The  mighty  ocean  is  there, 
the  grand  headland  with  its  majestic  natural  features 
remains.  What  is  passing  and  trivial  is  gone.  The  dim 
past  seems  to  revive,  the  shadows  of  those  who  gave 
renown  to  Tintagel  cluster  mysteriously  around  its  heights. 


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The  yeopUUonic  PUlo$aphy,  317 

glide  throtigh  its  dim  recesl^B,  and  iniugle  their  voices  in 
die  sighing  of  the  winds,  in  the  mnnnur  of  the  distant  sea, 
4uid  in  its  half-mu£Eled  roaring  in  the  caverns  beneath. 
All  this  is  in  harmony.  The  past  lives  once  again  in  the 
present,  but  lives  alone,  for  this  present  has  no  part  in  the 
memories  of  that  past 

HSNRY  Bedford. 


THE  NEOPLATONIC  PHILOSOPHY. 

THE  great  Bossuet  said  in  one  of  his  works  that  when  he 
examined  the  human  soul  with  all  its  faculties,  with 
its  vast  ocean  of  reasons  and  of  ideas,  he  could  find  scarcely 
a  sbgle  one  even  in  its  deepest  and  apparently  most 
secure  retreats,  that  was  not  made  remarkable  by  the  wreck 
of  some  celebrated  personage.  The  practical  illustrations 
of  this  deep  reflection  of  the  Bishop  of  Meaux  have  become 
«adly  numerous.  The  nmnber  of  remarkable  personages 
wkofle  names  remind  us  of  some  philosophical  error  has 
increased  to  a  degree  that  could  hardly  have  been  ima^ned 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  reasons  and  the  ideas 
remaining  much  the  same,  the  wi'ecks  continue.  But  there 
is  nothing  new  under  the  sun.  As  the  prevalent  heresies 
■of  the  last  few  hundred  years  revived  in  their  minutest 
details  the  errors  of  the  host  of  sectaiies  that  swarmed 
round  the  early  Christian  organization,  so  modem  infidelity 
goes  back  to  the  "  dark  ages  "  of  heathenism  to  gather  from 
them  the  speculations  of  human  thought  that  were  rife  two 
thousand  years  ago.  Again  the  old  errors  appear  in  a  new 
garb.  They  are  dressed  in  the  fashion  of  their  time.  The 
new  machinery  has  supplied  them  with  habiUments  of  a 
finer  texture,  and  of  a  more  fascinating  colour.  Abelard, 
Arnold  of  Brescia,  or  even  Rabelais  would  scarcely 
recognize  them  in  their  modern  outfit.  Hegel  develops 
the  **  Evolution "  system  of  Heraclites.  Fichte  and 
Shelling  borrow  their  principles  of  idealistic  pantheism 
from  Parmenides.  The  disciples  of  the  **  transcendental " 
Kant  adopt  the  notions  of  Gorgias  and  Protagoras  on 
sensation.  The  communism  of  Plato's  Republic  is  the 
theme  of  European  and  of  American  socialists.  Fenerbach, 
3Iole8chott,  Buckner,  Comte,  Taine,  Renan,  Spencer, 
■Stoart  Mill,  and  Professor  Bain  have  much  in  common 


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818  The  Neoplatonic  PhilcBophy. 

with  Democrites,  Epicure,  and  Eneeidemus.  Shoepenhaur 
,  revives  Aven^oes.  In  this  **  age  of  progress  "  we  are  going 
back  to  the  war  of  conflicting  elements  that  raged  before 
the  establishment  of  the  Church.  The  American  pantheist^ 
Emerson,  whose  name  has  thrown  a  shade  of  philosophic 
culture  over  the  States  of  New  England,  said  that  if  he 
wjftre  to  write  the  inscription  for  the  temple  of  modem 
philosophy,  he  would  have  carved  on  its  portals  the  word 
*'  Whim."  Such,  indeed,  is  the  fundamental  science  m  the 
region  of  free-thought  outside  the  Church,  and  certainly 
one  of  the  greatest  compliments  that  has  been  paid  iii 
recent  times  to  the  scholastic  system  is  that  it  has  been 
ignored  altogether  by  some  of  the  most  notorious  of  the 
modem  propagators  of  eiTor. 

One  of  the  very  interesting  forms  of  ancient  teaching 
that  has  been  revived  in  this  century  is  that  of  the 
Neoplatonic  or  Alexandrian  School,  represented  by  the 
Avritings  of  Victor  Cousin  in  France,  and  by  the  partisauB 
of  the  '*  Natural  Religion,"  the  rationalistic  worshippers  of 
the  SupremeBeing  in  that  country,as  wellasinEugland  and 
Germany.  In  the  never-ending  struggle  between  combined 
reason  and  revelation  against  erring  human  reason  alone,the 
Neoplatonicians  played  a  conspicuous  part.  They  adopted 
the  outlines  of  Christianity  and  strayed  for  tlic  rest  into  a 
sort  of  mystic  pantheism.  Their  teaching  has  made  its  way 
to  the  surface  more  than  once  in  the  history  of  the  Church. 
Origen  became  to  a  certain  extent  its  victim.  Augustine 
was  fascinated,  but  before  his  conversion.  Later  on 
Amaury  of  Chartres,  David  of  Dinan,  and  our  own 
Scotus  Erigena  were  imbued  with  itsspirit.  In  the  fourteenth 
centiu'y  Maitre  Echart  revived  it  in  an  exaggerated  form. 
The  pantheism  of  Spinoza  and  of  Saint  Simon,  though 
starting  from  a  different  principle  and  arriving  at  a  ven^ 
different  term  from  that  of  the  Neoplatonicians,  bears  a 
strong  resemblance  to  the  pantheism  of  Alexandria.  Hence 
the  following  notes  on  the  original  school  may  not  prove 
uninteresting : — 

The  history  of  the  Alexandrian  or  Neoplatonic  school 
occupies  a  space  of  about  three  hundred  years,  extending 
from  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  to  the  early  part 
of  the  sixth,  when  Justinian  suppressed  the  chairs  of 
philosophy  at  Athens,  and  Isidore  of  Gaza  was  obliged  to 
take  refuge  in  Persia.  It  was  founded  by  Ammomus 
Saccas,  who  counted  amongst  his  first  disciples  the 
illustrious  names  of  Origen  and  Plotinus.     The  partisans 


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The  Neoplat'anic  Thilosophy.  'SIO* 

of  the  new  school  eooin  fouud  their  way  to  Rome,  to  Athens^ 
aud  even  to  Pereamus  and  Antioch.  Besides  Ammonius^^ 
and  PlotinaSy  the  most  famous  of  its  teachers  were 
Porphyry,  Longinus,  Proclus,  and  Jamblacus.  As  a 
p6}rchologist  and  metaphysician,  Plotinus  holds  the  first 
place,  which  may  be  judged  from  his  works,  *'0n  the 
iJssenceof  the  Soul,*'  «  On  Intellect,  Ideas  and  Being,*' "  On 
the  Three  Substances,  and  the  Two  Matters."  Many  circum- 
stances combined  to  involve  his  writings  in  great  obscurity . 
His  biographer,  Porphyry,  says  that  he  had  engaged  with 
Ammonius  not  to  divulge  his  doctrine  except  to  a  few^ 
select  friends,  that  he  did  not  practise  writing  until  he  was 
fifty  years  old,  that  he  selected  his  subjects  without  order 
as  questions  arose,  that  his  eyesight  was  bad,  his  spelling 
inaccm*ate,  and  his  titles  very  much  confused.  On  the 
whole,  his  works  would  have  been  unintelKrible  were  it 
not  for  the  interpretations  of  Porphyry  and  of  r  roclus.  He 
taught  the  existence  of  one  God,  the  maker  of  all  things, 
the  preserver  of  man  and  of  the  world.  In  this  supreme 
and  infinite  Being  he  placed  three  mysterious  natures  or 
hypostases,  differing,  however,  from  the  Persons  of  the 
Uiristiaii  dogma  in  the  principle  of  inferiority  and  emana- 
tion. He  taught  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  the 
degradation  of  human  natiure,  and  the  need  of  divine 
assistance  to  resist  its  passions.  The  soul  of  man  having 
been  engendered  by  divine  power,  should  turn  towards 
that  power,  and  make  of  it  its  object  of  contemplation. 
Contemplation  is  satisfied  only  by  the  good,  the  beautiful, 
and  the  true.  These  are  identical  with  God.  The  soul 
a^ires  to  resemble  God  and  to  be  united  to  him.  Union 
With  Him  is  happiness.  This  ineffable  union  is  not  only 
**  mioriy'  it  is  "  ecatasi/y'  the  perfect  quiet,  the  complete 
abandonment,  the  confusion  or  absorption  of  the  finite  in 
the  heart  of  the  infinite  and  the  one.  He  also  taught  the 
pre-existence  and  transformation  of  souls,  the  doctrine  of 
**  emanation,"  by  which  the  world  proceeds  from  the  divine 
substance  of  which  it  is  in  reality  a  part,  and  hence  the 
confusion  of  the  natural  and  supernatural  orders.  The 
disciples  of  Plotinus  indulged  in  so  many  and  such  fanciful 
roeculatious  as  to  the  nature  of  God,  that  a  famous 
German  critic  has  termed  the  whole  sytem  "  lueptum 
philo^ophiae  genus,"  "  crassus  euthusiasmus,"  "  gentis 
frivolae  superstitio,"  deUrautis  ingenii  somnia,"  and  yet 
St.  Au^:ustme  tells  us  that  many  of  the  new  Platonists  held 
nearly  the  same  doctrine  as  himself,  and  that  they  might 


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H20  .Tlie  Neoplatonic  Philosophy. 

have  become  Christians,  ''  pauds  mntatis  verbis  et 
^ententiis." 

It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  at  the  time  when  this 
philosophy  flonrished  the  city  of  Alejcandria  had  grown  to 
oe  one  of  the  largest  emporimns  in  the  world.  "  Vertex 
•oraninm  civitatura."  Commercial  men  and  students  flocked 
there  from  foreign  countries.  **I  see  amongst  you/'  said 
H>ne  of  its  doctbjs,  "  not  Greeks  only  or  Italians,  not  merely 
Syrians.  Lybtans,  Glicians,  £thiopians,  and  Arabians,  bnt 
Bactrians  and  Scythians,  Persians,  and  Indians,  who  flow 
together  into  this  city  and  are  always  with  you.  They 
were  a  Kvely  and  industrious  rax5e."  **  Civitas  in  qua  nemo 
vivat  otiosus."  01  modem  people  they  were  most  Kke  the 
Parisians.  They  were  fond  of  lests,  of  sports,  and  of  music. 
The  extreme  levity  of  the  students  often  provoked  lively 
-sallies  of  the  profes8or*s  temper.  **  Gentlemen,  would  you 
be  only  serious  and  attend  for  a  few  minutes,"  says 
Dionysius,  "  since  yom*  whole  life  is  spent  in  childish  sports 
-and  in  attending  to  nothing.  Sports  and  pleasure 
^nd  laughter  you  have  in  abundance,  but  there  is  an 
•entire  want  of  seriousness.  If  you  would  only  be  silent 
when  you  are  addressed  on  a  grave  and  serious  subject, 
And  give  a  little  of  the  attention  you  pay  to  a  horse-race, 
•or  a  concert,  or  an  opera-dance  ;  one  hour  of  sober 
thought  would  be  to  you  like  an  hour's  rvBt  to  a  man  in 
delirium.  The  moment  you  go  into  a  theatre,  or  a  race- 
-course,  you  lose  your  senses :  you  scream,  you  howl,  you 
throw  stones  at  one  another,  and  dance  about  Hke 
madmen." 

Yet,  underneath  this  outward  levity,  there  was  a  current 
of  a  pecuUar  kind  of  seriousness  in  the  Alexandrian  mind, 
which  prepared  it  for  the  Neo)platonic  system.  It  was 
-essentially  syncretistic.  Even  before  the  Supreme  Being 
was  known  amongst  them,  leis  claimed  the  worship  of  au 
the  gods  of  the  universe.  She  gives  the  ioUowng  account 
of*  herself,  according  to  Ovid: — 

"  En  adsuin  rerum  ntitura  parens,  eleraentorura  omnium 
Nomina,  saeculorum  progenies  initialis,  sunima  nurainum,  regioa 
nianiuni,  prima  coelitiim,  Deorum  Deanimque  facies  uniformis, 
•quae  coeli  liiminosa  culmina,  maris  salnbria  fluminn,  ioferoram 
deplorata  silentia  nntibus  meis  dispenso : — Cujus  nomen  unicum 
multiformi  specie,  ritu  vario,  nomine  multijugo  totus  veneratur 
•orbis.  Me  primigenii  Phryges  Pessinnntiam  nominant.  Deoin 
matrem  ;  hinc  autochthones  Attici  Cecropiam  Minervam,  iUinc 
fluctuantes  Cyprii  Papliiam  Vencrera  ;  Cretes  Sagittiferi  Dictyaniun 


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Tlie  Neoplatonic  Philoaophy.  821 

Dianam  :  Siculi  trilingnes  Stygiam  Proserpinam  ;  Eleasinii  vetas- 
Urn  Deam  Cererem  ;  Junonem  alii ;  Bellonam  alii ;  Hecatam  isti, 
Bhatnnusiam  illi ;  et  qui  nascentis  Dei  Solis  inchoantibus  illus- 
trantur  radiis,  ^tfaiopes,  Ariiqiie,  priscaque  doctrina  pollentes^ 
^Egjptii,  ceremoniis  me  propriis  precolenteA,  appellant  vero  nomiue 
R^nam  Isidem." 

The  worshippers  of  such  a  goddess  were  already  pan- 
theists in  principle.  They  required  only  the  notion  of 
universal  substance  in  order  to  formulate  their  belief.  In 
the  system  of  Plotinus,  as  well  as  that  of  Spinoza,  the 
iodividuality  and  the  conscience  of  the  person  are  lost 
after  death.  They  become  absorbed  in  the  great  sub- 
stance. Hence,  for  them,  the  insurmountable  difficulty 
of  explaining  the  existence  of  evil,  of  suffering,  and  of 
impenection  in  the  world. 

"  For  us,"  says  M.  Jules  Simon,  "who  believe  in  the  creation,, 
ami  who  make  of  man  a  distinct  and  separate  being,  we  understand 
the  existence  of  suffering  and  of  evil.  We  understand  the  constant, 
rade  and  obstinate  sti-uggle  of  this  thinking  atom  against  the 
immense  and  insensible  forces  of  nature.  Convinced  of  our 
immortality,  because  we  are  convinced  of  our  individuality,  we  feel 
that  being  immortal,  the  victory,  though  dearly  bought,  may  still  be 
won.  We  go  through  the  busy  world  bearing  within  us  what  is  at 
the  same  time  the  resignation,  the  consolation,  and  the  courage  of 
indefectible  hope.  What  do  the  pantheists  offer  us  in  the  place  of 
this  immortality  and  of  this  identity  ?  They  leave  us  the  struggle,, 
and  take  away  the  recompense.  They  expose  our  wounds,  and, 
for  all  consolation,  inform  us  that  we  are  only  an  infinitesimal  part 
of  a  whole  full  of  health  and  of  harmony.  Man  may  groan  and  suffer 
ts  long  as  the  serenity  of  the  whole  is  not  overcast.  He  dies — but 
his  death  does  not  diminish  the  mass  of  being.  His  life  will  be 
attached  to  other  atoms  to  produce  other  phenomena  in  the  common 
heart  of  nature.  Dead  and  insignificant  immortality  which  my 
heart  denies,  which  my  conscience  abhors,  and  which  is  the 
annihilation  of  the  person,  if  it  is  not  the  annihilation  of  being  ! 
When  death  appears,  what  remains  of  me  interests  me  no  longer. 
My  soul  is  absorbed  by  the  universal  soul,  as  my  body  by  the  earth 
to  which  it  returns*  What  matters  it  to  me  if  the  inert  parts  of 
my  body  enrich  the  earth  after  my  dissolution  ?  What  consolation 
in  the  physical  theory  that  not  a  molecule  will  perish  ?  What 
difference  between  the  destiny  of  my  corpse  and  that  which 
pantheism  promises  to  my  soul.  I  shall  die  altogether.  *^  Omnis 
aoriar."     The  future  of  piy  substance  is  not  my  future. 

*^  In  the  history  of  pantheism  there  are  three  memorable  names  : 
l^rmenid^,  Plotinus,  and  Spinoza.  They  recall  very  different 
epochs  of  civilization.  Parmenides,  the  Pagan  world  and  the  first 
ages  of  philosophy  and  of  letters ;  Plotinus,  the  last  defenders  of  the 


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322  Theological  Notes. 

antique  civilization  straggling  against  the  teaching  of  the  Gospel ; 
^Spinoza,  the  triumph  of  Cliristianity,  its  entire  and  universal 
luithority.  All  three  have  been  vanquished  with  the  same  arms 
— Malebranche  and  Fenelon — those  minds  so  clear,  so  subtle,  so 
capable  of  going  into  the  depths  of  things,  have  not  hesitated  to 
renew  the  arguments  of  Clement  and  of  Basil,  of  Cyril  and  of 
Augustine.  They  have  shown  that  Being  who  is  absolute 
perfection,  bearing  in  his  heart  all  the  wants,  all  the  weaknesses, 
4ill  the  imperfections,  and  even  the  horrors  of  the  world. 
Immensity  everywhere  divisible.  Sovereign  goodness  united  in  the 
same  being  to  all  the  perv^ersities  of  nature.  The  same  substance 
■creating  and  destroying,  building  up  and  overturning,  producing 
good  and  evil,  establishing  the  rule  and  violating  it.  God  and  the 
world  blended  together  in  contradiction  and  chaos." 

In  the  seventh  century  there  remained  Httle  trace  of 
Neoplatonicism  in  Alexandria.  Free  thought  would  not 
follow  any  definite  line  Luxury,  habits  of  self-indidgence 
ran  their  course.  Literature  was  encouraged  for  the  plea- 
sure it  gave.  Instruction  took  the  place  of  education. 
What  was  not  Christian  fell  into  an  obscurity,  from  which,  as 
far  as  philosophy  is  concerned,  it  has  never  since  emerged. 

J.   F.   HOGAN. 


THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


FULMINATION. 

THIS'  term  has  its  use  in  connection  with  excommunica- 
tions as  well  as  in  the  matter  of  Rescripts.  Indeed  the 
lightning  stroke  to  which  it  seems  to  point  is  more  closely 
resembled  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter.  A  fulminated 
sentence  of  Aiuithevia,  particularly,  imitates  the  thunder- 
bolt in  a  way  which  sentences  pronounced  by  delegates  in 
executing  Rescripts  can  equal  only  in  the  quality  of 
sending  forth  the  effect  straiglit  and  decisively  to  its 
recipient.  As,  however,  it  was  chiefly  on  the  ground  of 
this  analogy  the  term  was  introduced,  fulmination  came 
naturally  to  be  applied  to  two  processes  in  Canon  Law, 
which,  though ,  different  trom  each  other,  agreed  in  the 

^  At  the  foot  of  page  268  in  our  Notes  for  last  month  reference  (2) 
should  be  to  I^hmkuhl,  p.  575,  instead  of  to  Feije.  It  is  right  to  add  that, 
although  Ixjhmkuhl  is  very  positive,  some  canonists  hold  that  the  clause, 
**  sublata  occasione  peccandi  '*  does  affect  validity. 


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TJisologicdl  Notes.  8*8  . 

impoi-fant  respect  of  having  the  aforesaid  quality  in 
common. 

Here  the  more  favourable  sentence  known  by  the  name 
will  alone  be  considered.  And,  to  limit  what  is  to  be  said 
within  still  narrower  bounds,  dispensations  are  the  only 
Rescripts  kept  in  view.    , 

As  is  plain,  the  Holy  See  mi^ht  be  said  to  fulminate 
<lispen8ations  sent  from  Rome  in  foimxa  commissa;  and 
wiui  less  difficulty  the  term  might  be  predicated  of  Bishops 
when  they  use  the  faculties  of  a  general  ludult  by  granting 
<li8pen8ation8  themselves,  without  employing  delegates  to 
act  under  particular  commissions  from  them.  But  the  word 
has  its  strictest  meaning,  when  the  ecclesiastical  authority, 
whether  Pope,  Bishop,  or  Vicar  General,  to  whom  a 
impplication  appeals,  instead  of  granting  the  favour 
directly  himself,  delegates  to  a  capable  person  the  neces- 
sary powers  for  the  case,  and  that  person,  in  virtue  of  the 
maadate  or  commission  received  from  his  superior,  actually 
rmote$  the  impediment  by  giving  or  fulminating  the  dis- 
peusation.  Hence,  for  our  purposes,  fuhmnation  is  the  act 
by  which  a  delegate  dispenses  in  compUance  with  a 
^eial  mandate  or  commission  received  for  a  particular 
case  from  competent  authority.  And  since,  when  dispen- 
sations are  granted  in  forma  commissoria,  it  is  essential, 
not  merely  that  they  should  be  fulminated,  but  also  that 
the  process  be  conducted  by  the  proper  delegate,  the 
t^nestion  at  once  arises : — 

Who  can  Fulminate  a  Dispensation? 

The  person  to  whom  the  commission  was  given  alone 
can  do  so.  This  is  the  plain  answer ;  but  it  is  not  always 
tHjually  plain,  at  least  at  first  sight,  who  that  person  may  be. 
If  given  '*sub  nomine  personae,'*  the  individual  bearing 
the  name,  and  no  other,  can  act,  "  quia  hujus  adhaeret 
ofigibus  cenceturque  electa  ejus  industrial"  And  hence, 
to  prevent  the  inconvenience  that  would  follow  from  death 
or  deprivation  of  office  occurring  before  fulmiiiation,  it  is 
usual  to  consign  the  trust  rather  "  sub  nomine  dignitatis 
vel  officii."  This  practice,  however,  creates  a  difficulty. 
For  the  "  officia  "  are  many,  and  in  regard  to  each  a  question 
may  arise  as  to  the  amount  of  actual  connection  with  it, 
that  is  required  by  the  superior  power. 

When  the  Bishop'  (Episcopus)  of  a  diocese  is  appointed 

'  SchmalxgTueber,  T.  iv.,  par.iii.,Tit.  xvi.,  §  vii.,  n.  219,  &c. 
'  Idem  ibidem,  &c. :  Dens,  p.  526;  Craisson,  Manuale  Juria  Can- 
onid,  V.  i.,  p.  244.  ' 


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S24  Tlieological  Notes* 

to  act  as  "  commissariue  **  in  executing  a  Papal  dis- 
pensation, neither  the  Vicar  General  nor  Vicar  (kpitular 
{sede  vacante)  can  supply  for  him,  unless  in  the  supposi- 
tion of  sub-delegation  being  clearly  allowed.  Accordingly, 
should  death  or  any  other  cause  permanently  prevent  the 
Bishop  from  acting,  the  paities  interested  must  wait  until 
his  successor  has  shown  the  Bull  (or  Brief)  of  his  appoint- 
ment to  the  Vicar  Capitular,  or  else  make  application  for  a 
**viutatio  judicis"  A  more  convenient  resource,  however, 
is  often  available.  For  Vicars  Capitular,  in  many  instaneep* 
obtain  authority  to  execute  such  dispensations  as  had 
been  sent  to  the  late  Bishop  or  his  Vicar  General,  and  were 
not  fulminated  before  the  death  of  the  one  and  the  conse- 
quent cessation  from  office  of  the  other, 

"Sede  vacante  \"  commissions  to  dispense  were  for- 
merly intrusted  to  the  Bishop  of  the  neighbouring  diocese 
or  his  Vicar  General,  rather  than  to  the  Vicar  Capitular, 
whose  services,  as  a  rule,  were  not  called  into  requisition^ 
unless  when  he  was  the  person  who  had  forwarded  the  appli- 
cation to  Rome.  It  the  latter,  as  now  occurs,  be  employed 
as  delegate  "ad  dispensationem  exequendam,'*  he  and  his 
successor  in  the  same  office  alone  can  discharge  the  duty. 
Accordingly,  should  it  remain  over  undone  until  after  a 
Bishop  has  been  appointed  and  named  his  Vicar  General, 
the  late  Vicar  Capitular  can  no  longer  carry  out  the  "  man- 
datum  dispensandi,*'  even  though  in  the  new  state  of  things 
he  happened  to  be  one  of  the  dignitaries  just  mentioned. 

When  the  delegation  is  to  the  Ordinary  *  (Ordinarim) 
all  known  in  Canon  Law  by  that  name  are  competent  to 
act.  Hence  tlie  Bishop,  any  one  of  his  Vicars  General, 
(sede  vacante)  the  Vicar  Capitular,  and  before  his  appoint- 
ment, the  Chapter,  are  each  qualified  to  give  the  mandate 
due  efiect. 

Should  the  Vicar  General'  (Vtcarius  GeneralU^  Vicarin9 
Episcopi^  OJicialis)  be  selected,  only  he  and  his  successors 
can  fulminate  the  dispensation.  Accordingly,  neither  the 
Bishop  nor  the  Vicar  Capitular  is  in  a  position  to  do  so. 
And  tnis  is  true  even  though  on  the  Bishop's  demise  he 
who  had  been  Vicar  General  should  be  appointed  Vicar 
Capitular.  For  as  Vicar  General  his  authority  passed  away 
when  the  Bishop,  whose  Vicar  he  had  been,  ceased  per- 
manently to  hold  jurisdiction  in  the  diocese.     At  the  same 

»  Feije,  p.  718.  n.  782,  d. ;  Planchard,  p.  68 ;  Carriere,  v.  2,  p.  388. 

*  Zitelli,  p.  94 ;  Dens.  p.  526. 

»  Feije,  p.  716 ;  Caillaud,  T.  2,  il,  296,  806. 


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TAeoleffical  Notee.  825 

time,  if  before  his -Bishop's  death  he  had  begun  to  discharge, 
the  commission  sent  to  him  from  Rome,  for  instance  by 
verifying  the  petition,  so  that  **res  non  erat  integra,"  it  is 
certain  he  could  still  bring  the  whole  matter  to  completion. 

So,  too,  his  acts  are  valid  if  performed  before  the  revo- 
cation of  his  authority  or  the  death  of  the  Bishop  has  come 
to  be  publicly  known  ;  and  this  holds  according  to  most 
canonists,  even  though  he  himself  may  have  private 
knowledge  of  the  occurrence.^ 

Where  there  are  more  Vicars  General  in  a  diocese  than 
one,  he  to  whom  Apostohc  Letters  are  first  presented  should 
fulminate  them,  if  the  powers  of  all  are  equal  **  in  matri- 
monialibus."  But  should  one  have  special  diarge  of  this 
department,  he  is  expected  to  act  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
others.  Notwithstanding  the  well-known  legal  maxim, 
that  the  powers  of  a  Vicar  must  be  vere  generates^  if  he  is 
to  be  a  Vicar  General  or  Ordinary,  properly  so  called, 
having  ordinary  jurisdiction  from  Canon  Law,  instead  of 
delegated  faculties  from  his*  Bishop,  it  was  decided  by  the 
S.  Penitentiary  in  1852  that  Papal  dispensations  consigned 
to  the  **  Oratorum  Ordinario  "  can  be  fulminated : — 

"Turn  ab  Episcopo,  turn  a  vicario  generali,  tum  etiAm  ab 
officiali,  quatenus  idem  officialis  sit  vicarius  genoralis  in  matrix 
nMmialibus." 

In  some  countries,  such  as  France,  the  Official  is  a 
different  person  from  the  Vicar  General,  For  whilst  voluntary 
jurisdiction  is  assigned  to  the  latter,  the  former  has  charge 
o{  matrimonial  case^  bhA  contentious  jurisdiction  in  general. 
With  us  no  such  distinction  exists,  and  so  far  we  are  in 
harmony  with  the  general  law  of  the  Church,  which  applies 
both  terms  indiscriminately  to  the  same  person.  "  In  the 
United  States  the  term  officialis  is  almost  unknown,  and  that 
of  Vicar  General  is  the  only  one  used.* 

It  sometimes,  though  rarely,  happens  that  dispensations 
proforo  extemo  are  sent  from  Propaganda  to  the  parish 
priest  of  petitioner  or  petitioners  for  fulmination.  In  that 
event,  should  the  parties  belong  to  different  parishes  the 
parochus  sponsi  should  not  undertake  the  execution  of 
Apostolic  jLetters  consigned  to  the  parochus  sponsae.  If' 
the  impediment  affected  the  sponsus^  alone,  and  the  dispen- 

*  Cf.  Feije,  p.  717,  n.  732,  c. ;  Grandclaude,  Jus  Canonicum,  v.  i., 
p.  320. 

'  Cf.  Smith,  Elements  of  Canon  Law,  v.  i,  p.  344,  note. 

•  Cf.  Feije,  p.  637. 

VOL.  VL  2  A 


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326  Theological  Notes. 

Bation  were  accordinjBfly  Bent  to  his  paroehw^  none  but  the 
latter  could  give  it  valid  effect.  In  every  case  the  distinction 
between  commissions  sub  nomine  proprio  and  sftb  nomine 
Ojfficii  deserves  careful  attention. 

So  far  there  has  been  question  almost  exclusively  of  the 
forum  eatemum.  According  to  modem  usage  the  delegate 
for  forum  intei*num^  by  the  words  "Discreto  viro  confessori 
ex  approbatis  ab  Ordinario,"  or  "  Discrete  viro  confessario 
N,"  or,  "Tibi  confessario  ab  oratoribus  electo,"  which 
are  found  on  the  outer  face  of  commissions,  must  be 
approved  for  hearing  confessions  at  the  time,  and 
in  the  place  of  fuimination.^  If  approved  only  for 
men,  obviously  he  is  not  competent  to  execute  dispen- 
sations intended  for  women.  The  older  form,  "  Discreto 
viro  confessori  magistro  in  theologia  vel  Decre- 
torum  doctori  ex  approbatis  ab  Ordinario  per  latorem 
praesentium  ad  infrascripta  specialiter  eligendo,"  is  now 
used  for  only  a  few  parts  of  the  Church.  Such  inscription 
when  it  occurs  limits  the  cominission  to  those  who  nave 
secured  the  degree,  **  in  aliqua  publica  academia  presso 
proprioque  sensu  intellecta,"*  or  to  members  of  Religious 
Orders,  approved  as  above  mentioned,  and  specially 
deputed  by  their  Superiors  to  exercise  this  privilege.  The 
first  form  is  that  generally  used  in  inscrioing  Apostolit? 
Letters  proforo  intemo.  The  second  or  third  is  employed 
when  Propaganda  or  the  S.  Penitentiary  is  requested  to 
depute  a  specially-named  confessor. 

In  this  case,  it  is  always  well  to  ask  likewise  for  liberty 
to  apply  to  any  other  approved  priest  for  the  purpose, 
lest  tne  petitioners  should  come  to  desire  a  change. 
Such  permission  is  implied  in  the  first  and  ordinary 
form,  whether  the  words,  "  per  latores  eligendo  "  occur 
or  not. 

A  priest,  who  sees  that  he  has  not  the  qualifications 
required  on  the  exterior  of  the  document  should  not  open 
it.  But  mere  opening  of  the  Rescript  by  one  who  cannot 
or  will  not  give  it  efiect,  does  not  prevent  valid  fulmination 
by  another  competent  and  willing  to  act.  Nay,  even  a 
confessor  who  nas  pronounced  the  document  to  be 
obreptitious  or  subreptitious,  or  for  any  such  reasons 
refused  to  communicate  the  favour,  and  afterwards  finds  he 

1  Zitelli,  p.  85,  &c. ;  Dens,  p.  532 ;  De  Burgt,  p.  72,  &c. 
•  Zitelli,  Ibid. 


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Theological  Notes.  dSI7 

has  erred,  can  retract  his  deciBion  and  grant  the  dispen* 
sation.^ 

In  foro  extemo?  on  the  contrary,  if  the  delegate 
obeervmg  the  form  of  his  mandate,  pronounces  that  the 
(iiq)en8ation  is  not  to  be  given,  "quia  literas  reputat 
sabreptitias  vel  obreptitias  vel  sibi  non  commissas,"  he 
neither  can  recall  his  decision  nor  proceed  to  fulmination. 
When,  however,  he  has  failed  to  oDserve  the  proper  form, 
according  to  most  canonists,  it  is  still  competent  for  him, 
or  his  successor  to  discharge  the  commission.  This 
distinction  applies  also  to  invalid  fulmination  itself.  If 
invalidity  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  delegate  did 
not  observe  the  form  of  his  mandate,  h6  can  take 
up  the  matter  anew.  But,  the  form  once  observed,  the 
decree,  as  far  as  he  is  concerned,  though  ipso  jure  null, 
is  irremediable  quoad  subsiantiam^  and  practically  all  the 
Ordinary  can  do  is  set  forth  in  the  following  words  of 
Sanchez,^  whom  Feije*  quotes  in  this  connection : — 

^^  At  enm  sententia  ilia,  utpote  fovens  peccatam  matrimonii 
male  contract!,  aut  male  contrahendi,  non  transient  in  rem  jndica- 
tarn,  poterit  in  quantum  Ordinarius  causam  iterum  assumere,  et 
impedire  matrimoninm  inenndum,  vel  jam  initum  dissolvere  :  non 
eognoscens,  nee  jndicans  de'  prloris  sententiae  viribus,  quam  ut 
delegatus  pronunciavit :  id  enim  solius  est  Pontificis  delegantis ; 
9ed  habebit  se,  ac  si  nulla  esset  sententia,  et  cognosce t  de  matri- 
monio  contraeto.  validum  sit,  nccne ;  vel  an  possit  contrahi, 
quemadmodum  potest  cognoscere  de  quovis  alio  matrlmonio  male 
inito." 

In  reference  to  sub-delegation,*  the  Commissarius  need 
have  no  difficulty  about  consigning  to  another  person  of 
trust  the  duty  of  verifying  the  petition.  But  in  the 
absence  of  special  leave,  this  is  the  only  portion  of  his 
office  that  can  be  discharged  otherwise  than  by  himself 
immediately.  Anyone  acting  under  sub-delegation  should 
be  careful  not  to  exceed  the  limits  within  which  his  services 
are  confined. 

The  S.  Penitentiary  retainsits  dispensing  powerspro/oro 
interna  during  vacancies  in  the  Papacy,  and  hence  there 
can  be  no  objection  to  fulminating  its  letters  on  such 
occasions.  But  as  the  A.  Datary  does  not  enjoy  this 
privilege,  there  used  to  be  some  controversy  as  to  whether 

'  Cf.  Feije,  p.  721,  Sanchez,  L.  viii.,  Disp.  27,  n.  4,&c. ;  De  Angelis, 
ftaelectiones  juris  canonici,  L.  i.,  Tit.  xxix.,  p.  141. 

-  Feije,  ibid.  »  L.  8,  disp;  27,  n.  89.  *  V.  7->2. 

*  Cf.  Van  de  Burgt,  p.  70. 


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328  Tlteological  Notes. 

Rescripts  pro  foro  extemo,  granted  and  not  fulminated 
before  the  rope's  death,  could  be  "  executed  *'  during  the 
interval. 

It  was,  however,  decided  many  yeai*8  ago,  as  Feije  and 
others  testify,  that  all  Letters  of  Dispensation,  whether 
coming  from  the  A.  Datary  or  S.  Penitentiary,  can  be 
fulminated,  irrespectively  of  the  Pontiff's  demise,  provided 
in  every  case  that  they  granted  in  full  official  form  before 
the  occurrence  of  that  event,i  This  holds  though  the  res 
be  still  Integra. 

But  whether  dispensations,  given  by  Bishops  in  forma 
commissoria  in  virtue  of  an  Apostolic  Indult,  can  be 
executed,  after  the  period  of  their  faculties  has  ceased 
or  death  has  occuiTcd,  remains  a  matter  for  inquiry.- 
Although  there  is  still  some  weight  of  opinion  on  the 
opposite  side,  it  would  certainly  seem  reasonable  to  infer 
that  the  rule  for  Papal  dispensations  might  be  followed  in 
the  case  of  episcopal  commissions  also.  Of  course  "  si  res 
non  sit  integra,"  there  is  no  diflBlculiy  about  finishing  the 
work.  But  even  "  re  adhuc  integra"  and  notwithstanding 
the  renewal  of  the  Indult  in  favour  of  the  Bishop  or  Vicar 
Capitular,  or  its  continuance  by  a  roecial  provision  in  the 
hands  of  the  person  who  had  been  Vicar  General,  it  might 
press  hard  on  the  petitioners  to  be  compelled  to  wait  or 
even  to  renew  their  application.  Besides  the  reason  for 
what  authors  hold  in  regard  to  Papal  dispensations  has 
its  full  force  where  Bishops  die  before  fulmination.  In  both 
events  the  delegate  is  an  '*  executor  necessarius,*'  and 
therefore,  in  both  events  also  the  gratia  is  a  gratia  facta^ 
and  should  have  corresponding  rights  * 

We  must,  however,  say  that  for  the  present  the  safer 
opinion  should  be  followed  if  the  period  of  an  Indult  has 
expired^  except  in  some  case  of  great  urgency. 

After  these  remarks  on  fulmination  we  are  free  to  con- 
tinue the  '*  executio  dispensationis,"  at  the  point  where  we 
left  off  last  month.  Our  next  question  then  shall  be :  How 
is  a  dispensation  fulminated  ? 

Patrick  O'Donnell. 


'  Feije.  p.  719.  «  Cf.  Feije,  p.  545,  Caillatia,  T.  2,  n.  320. 

8  Cf.  CraisBon,  vol.  i.,  pp.  43-4,  nn.  71*3.  ReifPenstuel,  L.  i ,  T.  3, 
§  10,  nn.  253-258.  Praelectiones,  S.  Sulpt.  v.  L,  n.  305.  De  Angelis, 
L.  i.,  T.  3,  p.  73,  Zitelli,  p.  98,  &c. 


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[    8^9    ] 
LITURGY. 

•        •        • 

Votive  Masses. 

YI. —  Vie  Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  the  Missal  after  the 
twelve  first. 

These  Masses^  18  in  numbea:,  may  be  found  without  any 
difficulty  at  the  end  of  the  Missal.  None  of  them  require 
any  special  explanation  except  the  Missa  pro  sponso  et 
spoHsa. 

We  pturpose  in  this  paper  to  touch  upon  all  the  questions 
that  occur  to  us  regarmng  this  Mass. 

The  Nuptial  Benediction  consists  of  the  special  prayers 
given  in  this  Mass  pro  Sponso  et  Sponsa  after  the  Pater 
nosUr  and  the  BenecUcamus  DonUnoj  or  Ite  Missa  est.  It  is 
necessary  to  bear  this  in  mind.  The  Marriage  Contract 
itself  is  not  the  Nuptial  Benediction ;  nor  are  the  verses 
Confirma  hoc,  dc.y  which  are  always  said  after  the  blessing 
and  putting  on  of  the  ring;  but  those  prayers  and  those 
only  which  the  Missal  prescribes  in  the  Mass  pro  Sponso  et 
Sponsa. 

(1)  Is  there  an  obUgation  to  say  Mass  when  a  Marria^ 
has  been  celebrated  1 

The  words  of  the  Rubric  are :  "  Sponsi  veniant  ad 
Ecclesiam  benedictionem  accepturi."^  De  Herdt  quoting 
Barrufaldus  and  Cavalieri,  says,  there  is  an  obUgation  sub 
vemaU.  But  the  contrary  ig  impUed  in  a  decree  of  the 
Congregation  of  the  Inqiusition  (Aug.  81,  ISJl,  which  see 
in  BficoBD.  voL  iii.,  p.  506) :  "  Emi  ac  Hmi.  DD.  decreverunt 
•  .  .  .  Jiortandos  esse  eosdem  conjuges  Catholicos,  qui 
benedictionem  sui  Matrimonii  non  obtinueruut,  ut  cam 
pinao  quoque  tempore  petant."  When  the  Congregation, 
well  aware  of  the  doubt  that  existed  with  regard  to  this 
matter,  uses  the  technical  Verb  hortari^  it  plainly  wishes  to 
declare  that,  though  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that 
the  Benediction  should  be  received,  there  yet  is  no  sin  in 
omitting  to  receive  it. 

But  if  the  Nuptial  Benediction  is  to  be  given,  it  must 
be  ffiven  intra  Missam. 

The  Rubric  of  the  Ritual  is  clear  on  this  point : — "  His 
expletis,  si  benedicendae  sint  nuptiae  Parochus  Missam 

»  Cap.  1.,  n.  16, 

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880  Votive  Masses. 

pro  SpoDBO  et  Sponsa,  ut  in  MissaK  Romano,  celebret, 
servatis  omnibus  qnae  ibi  praescribuntur."*  The  Rubric 
of  the  Missal  is  equally  clear : — "  Si  benedictio  miptiarum 
facienda  sit  die  Dominica  •  •  •  dicatur  Missa  de 
Dominica,"  &c. 

O'Kane  quotes  Cavalieri  for  the  opinion  that  the  Nuptial 
Benediction  may  by  the  authority  of  the  Bishop  be  separated 
from  Mass.  He  adds  that  a  custom  for  this  effect  prevails 
in  some  countries,  e.g.  in  England.  He  also  cites  the  decree 
of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Rites  (1st  Sept.,  1838.)  It 
is  true  that  this  decree  allows  the  Nuptial  [Benediction  to 
be  given  out  of  Mass :  but  it  was  afterwards  revoked  by 
several  decrees  (e.g.  23rd  June,  1853),"  and  the  Nuptial 
Benediction  was  ordered  to  be  given  in  Mass  according  to 
the  Rubrics. 

The  decree  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition, 
already  quoted,  leaves  no  room  for  doubt.  "  Infra  tamen 
Missae  celebrationem." 

In  no  case  would  the  Priest  who  says  the  Mass,  be 
obhged  to  offer  his  intention  for  the  bride  and  bridegroom, 
unless  he  has  received  an  honorarium. 

There  are  cases  in  which  the  Rubrics  themselves 
forbid  the  Nuptial  Benediction  to  be  given,  and  therefore 
the  Mass  to  be  said.  These  are: — P.  If  it  be  the 
second  marriage  of  the  bridegroom,  though  only  the 
first  of  the  bride.  The  Rubric,  however,  allows  the 
Benediction  to  be  given  in  this  case,  if  there  be  a 
custom  for  doing  so.*  2°.  A  widow,  who  at  her  previous 
marriage  received  the  Benediction,  is  not  to  receive  it 
again,  though  the  bridegroom  has  not  been  previously 
married ;  "  Sed  viduae  nuptias  non  benedicat,  etiamsi  ejus 
vir  nunquam  uxorem  duxerit."* 

We  have  said  :  **  A  widow,  who  at  her  previous  marriage 
received  the  Benediction  ;'*  hecauHe  the  sentence  which  we 
have  quoted  is  to  be  interpreted  by  a  preceding  sentence 
in  the  same  Rubric  :  "  Caveat '  etiam  Parochus  ne,  ^uando 
conjuges  in  primis  nuptiis  benedictionem  accepennt,  eos 
in  secundis   benedicat."     It  is  plain  that  it  is  not  the 


'  Cap.  11,  n.  4. 

'  *'  In  ea  (Missa  Yotiva  pro  Sponso  et  Sponsa)  assignata  Bene- 
dictio juxta  Rubricas  non  est  impertienda  nisi  in  Missa." 

"  Quando  impertienda  est  Benedictio  omnino  serretur  Rubrica 
Missalis.'* 

»Cap.  l,n.  15.  *rbid. 


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Votive  Masses.  881 

bleaein^  of  ^^  second  marriage  that  is  foi-bidden,  but  the 
repetttK>n  of  the  Nuptial  Benedictiou.  Hence,  though 
tbe  bride  be  a  widow,  Mass  may  and  should  be  said, 
and  the  Nuptial  Benediction  given,  if  Mass,  with 
Nuptial  Benediction,  had  not  been  said  for  the  previous 
marriage.^ 

It  may  be  gathered  from  what  has  been  said,  that  the 
Ma^  in  which  the  Nuptial  Benediction  is  given,  can  be 
said  only  once  for  the  same  marriage,  because  the  Bene- 
diction cannot  be  repeated,  and  the  Mass  cannot  be  said 
at  all,  except  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  Nuptial 
Benediction. 

But  granted  that  there  is  an  obUgation  to  say  Mass,  is 
it  necessary  that  the  Maps  should  be  this  special  Mass  pro 
sponso  et  sponsa  } 

Yes,  on  days  on  which  this  Mass  is  allowed :  "  Si 
benedictio  nuptiarum  facienda  sit  .  .  .  dicatur  sequens 
Missa  Votiva  2 "'  "  Si  benedicendae  sint  nuptiae,  Parochus 
Missam  pro  sponso  et  sponsa^  ut  in  Missali  Romano, 
celebret."* 

Seeing  that  the  Benediction  may  be  given,  and  on 
days  on  which  the  Mass  pro  sponso  et  sponsa  is  not  allowed, 
must  be  given  in  another  Mass,  this  obligation  is  held  to 
bind  at  most  sub  venialu 

(2.)  May  the  Nuptial  Mass  be  said  out  of  the  Church  I 

According  to  the  common  law,  no  Mass  can  be  said 
out  of  the  church,  and  even  bishops  have  not  power  to 
grant  permission  for  it.  In  Ireland  the  bishops  have  the 
privilege  of  granting  permission  ;  "  Missae  non  celebrentur 
...  in  aedibus  privatis,  nisi  de  speciali  et  expressa 
Episcopi  licentia."* 

To  justify  the  celebration  of  Mass  out  of  a  church, 
there  must  be  a  crave  reason.  According  to  the  Rubrics, 
the  celebration  of  the  marriage  itself  out  of  the  church,  is 
not  a  sufficiently  grave  reason  for  the  celebration  of  Mass 
out  of  the  church:  "  Sed  si  domi  celebratum  fuerit  .... 
sponsi  veniant  ad  Eccletiam  benedictionem  accepturi/'^ 
^Ante  benedictionem  sacerdotalem  in  templo  suscipi- 
endam."* 

Hence  there  must  be  some  grave  reason  beyond  th« 
fact  that,  for  some  cause  or  other,  it  is  necessary  to  cele- 


^  The  decree  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  already  quoted. 
•  Mias.  Rom.  »  Kit.  Rom.  *  Maynooth  Synod,  p.  80. 

»  Kit.  Rom.,  cap.  1,  n.  16.  Ibid.  n.  l4. 


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332  Votive  Masses. 

brate  the  marriage  itself  out  of  the  church.  It  will  be  the 
duty  of  the  bishop  to  decide  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  the 
reason. 

(3.)  Who  has  the  right  to  say  this  Mass  ? 

Only  the  Parish  Priest,  or  another  priest  by  his  leare, 
or  by  the  leave  of  the  Ordinary  :  "  Quae  Benedictio  a  nuHo 
quam  ab  ipso  parocho  seu  ab  alio  sacerdote  de  ipsius 
parochi  vel  Ordinarii  licentia  fieri  debet.*^ 

it  is  not  necessary  that  the  same  priest  should  assist  at 
the  maiTiage  and  say  the  Mass. 

(4.)  On  what  days  is  it  allowed  ? 

The  V otive Mass ^ro  sponso  et  sponsa  maybe  said  on  all 
days  except  Sundays,  Holidays  of  Obligation,  Doubles  of 
the  1st  and  2nd  Class.  The  Rubrics  of  the  Missal  goes  thus 
far.  The  Sacred  Congregation  of  Bites  adds,  as  times 
during  which  this  Votive  Mass  cannot  be  said,  the  whole 
Octave  of  the  Epiphany,  the  Vigil  and  Octave  of  Pente- 
cost. Rubricists,  relying  on  the  aiithority  of  Gardelhni,* 
exempt,  moreover,  the  Octave  day  of  Corpus  Christi  and 
other  days  that  exclude  Doubles  of  the  2na  Class ;  but  we 
can  discover  no  day  under  this  head  to  be  added  to  those 
already  specified. 

There  is  some  doubt  as  to  whether  the  Votive  Mass 
pro  spomo  et  sponsa  TnB.j  be  said  on  the  Rogation  days  and 
on  the  2nd  of  November.  Rubricists  seem  inclined  to 
decide  that  it  is  not  allowed  on  these  days,  and  that  a 
decree  •  on  which  some  authors  of  the  opposite  opinion 
rely  for  the  2nd  of  November  is  not  authentic,  as  it  is  not 
found  in  Gardellini. 

On  the  days  on  which  the  Votive  Mass  is  not  allowed, 
the  Mass  of  the  day  is  to  be  said  with  a  commemoration  of 
•  the  Mass  pro  sponso  et  sponsa. 

As  the  Nuptial  Benediction  is  not  allowed  during  the 
tetnpus  clausurHj  so  neither  is  the  Mass  pro  sponso  et  sponsa* 
Even  a  commemoration  of  it  is  not  to  be  made  in  the  Mass 
of  the  day. 

When  the  tempus  clausvm  has  expired,  Mass  for  the 
Nuptial  Benediction  of  a  mannage  celebrate  within  the 
tempus  clausum  may  be  said.*  Our  "  Ordo "  states  that 
"  elapso  tempore  vetito  non  resumit  (Parochus)  benedic- 
tionem  sive  in  Missa  sive  extra  Missam  ;  "  and  a  decree  of 

>  Rit.  Koiu.,  cap.  1,  n.  14. 

« In  dec  S.R.C.  20  Ap.  1822,  n.  4437-4587.  »7th  Sept.,  1850 

*  De  Uerdt. 


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Votke  Magaes.  3SS 

the  S.  R  CU  31si  An^.,  1839,  is  quoted.     But  we  find  no 
mention  of  ^'  in  Miasa '  in  this  dQovea.^ 
(5.)  The  Manner  of  celebrating. 

Two  seats  or  prie-dieoa  are  prepared  for  the  bride.and 
bridegroom,  near  and  in  front  of  the  altar,  but  not  within 
the  sanctuary.  If  the  Marriage  ceremony  has  been  already 
performed,  the  priest  will  vest  for  mass.  If  the  ceremony 
18  to  be  peorformed  immediately  before  Mass,  though  the 
Bnbric  of  the  Ritual  «a^s,  that  be  should  be  '^  superpellioeo 
et  alba  stola  indntus,"  it  is  commonly  admitted  that  he  may 
vest  in  amict,  alb,  cincture,  and  stole,  the  chasuble  and 
maniple  bein^  placed  at  the  Gospel  comer  of  the  altar. 

He  leaves  tne  sacristy  preceded  by  at  least  oue  clerk  in 
rarplice  bearing  the  holy  water  vase  and  Ritual.  He 
then  goes  through  the  Ritus  as  given  in  the  Ritual,  after 
which  he  ascends  the  altar,  puts  on  the  maniple  and 
chasuble,  and  proceeds  to  say  Mass. 

If  the  Votive  Mass  be  said,  the  colour  will  be  white. 
Whether  sung  or  not,  it  will  be  always  said  without  the 
Gloria  and  Credoj  not  being  regarded  as  pro  re  gravis  pro 
publiea    ecclesiae    causa.     There    will    be    at  least    three 

?rayers : — 1st,  The  proper  prayer  of  the  Votive  Mass ;  2nd, 
'he  Prayer  of  the  Office  of  the  Day ;  3rd,  The  special  com- 
memorations, if  any;  if  none,  the  3rd  prayer  will  be  that 
eommemaratio  convmunis  which  would  be  the  2nd  in  the  mass 
of  a  semi-double  of  that  period  of  the  year.  The  Benedicamtis 
Domino  and  Gospel  of  St.  John  will  be  said  at  the  end. 

If  the  Votive  Mass  be  not  said,  then  the  Mass  of  the 
day  will  be  said  as  usual,  with  a  commemoration  of  the 
Uass  pro  sponso  et  eponsa.  The  place  of  this  commemoration 
is  after  the  prayers  prescribed  by  the  Rubrics,  but  before 
the  orationes  imperatae.  It  is  always  said  under  a  distinct 
conclusion,  even  on  Feasts  of  the  first  class.  The  Missal 
makes  no  exception  as  to  the  days  on  which  the  com- 
memoration is  to  be  made ;  but  Rubricists  except  the  Vigil 
and  Feast  of  Pentecost  with  the  two  folio wiug  days,  and 
the  High  Mass  of  Ascension  Thursday  and  Corpus  Christi. 
Wtiether  the  Mass  be  Votive  or  not,  the  priest,  after  the 
PaUr  moiterj  and  before  wiping  and  taking  the  paten, 
genuflects  and  withdraws  to  the  Epistle  corner,  where 
turned  to  those  who  are  to  receive  the  Nuptial  Benediction, 
he  says  over  them  the  two  prayers  given  in  the  Missal. 

^  Ita  pariter  inhibetur  commemoiAtio  pro  sponso  et  apomia  in  Missa 
<K%tirrente,  neque  orationes  reKumendae  ex /ra  Miaaam  tempore  vetito  jam 
«^p«o.  See  also  the  decree  of  Congregation  of  Inquisition  already  quoted. 


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334  Correspondence. 

These,  as  well  as  the  prayer  at  the  end  of  Mass,  he  says 
with  hands  joined.  The  priest  then  returns  to  the  middle 
of  the  altar  and  genuflects.  The  Mass  is  continued  es 
usual  as  far  as  the  Benedicamus  Domino  or  Ite  Mtssa  est 
inclusive.  Just  before  the  Placeat  the  priest  again  turns  as 
above  and  savs,  without  the  Oremusy  the  prayer  *<  Deos 
Abraham,  &c.'  He  next  gives  the  admonition  prescribed 
by  the  Rubrics  of  the  Missal,  and  without  moving  from  the 
Epistle  corner,  sprinkles  those  for  whom  the  Mass  has  been 
said  with  holy  water.  The  remainder  of  the  Mass  is  said 
as  usual. 

If  the  Mass  should  be  said  for  the  Nuptial  Blessing  of 
the  marriages  of  several  couples,  the  prayers  are  still  said 
in  the  singular  number,  but  the  priest  ought  to  have  the 
intention  of  imparting  the  blessing  to  each  couple. 

P.  O'Leary. 
(To  he  continuedJ) 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

CAN  a  Priest  lawfully  offer  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass 
privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant^  just  as  he  would 
for  the  soul  of  a  deceased  Catholic  ?  And  can  he  receive  an 
honorarium  for  the  Mass  said  for  such  deceased  Protestant? 

TO  THE  EDITOR   OP  THE  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Vert  Rev.  Sir, — Father  Livius  answers  both  the  above 
questioDS,  with  great  confidence,  in  the  affrmative,  in  the  March 
number  of  the  Record,  and  I  suppose  that  many  priests,  after 
studying  his  exhaustive,  and  carefully,  rnd  accurately  written  pap«r 
on  the  subject,  would  not  besitate  to  carry  out  his  opinion  in 
practice.  For  my  own  part,  however,  I  confess  that  I  have 
always  held,  somewhat  reluctantly,  the  contrary  opinion,  and 
nothing  Father  Livius  has  said  would  satisfy  my  conscience  that 
I  could  safely  abandon  it,  and  adopt  his,  though  I  cannot  deny 
that  Father  Lehmkuhl's  authority  has  given  a  shake  to  my  former 
convictions.  If  you  will  kindly  allow  me  to  state  briefly  what  can 
be  said  on  the  other  side,  further  light  may  thus  be  thrown  on 
these  questions  from  various  quarters  ;  and  you  will  also  in  this 
way  afford  Father  Livius  an  opportunity  of  completing  his  essay 
by  answering,  in  some  future  number  of  the  Record,  what  may 
be  called  the  **  difficulties  "  or  "  objections  *'  to  his  thesis. 

J .  It  is,  then,  affirmed  by  Catholic  writers,  that  the  Caoon  of 
the  Third  Council  of  Lateran  has  never  been  repealed,  and  that, 
by  this  canon,  it  is  forbidden  to  say  mass  for  deceased  heretics. 
Here  is  the  canon  in  question — 


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Correspondence.  836 

"  Si  antem  in  hoc  peccato  [hajresi]  dec^iserint,  non  sub  nostrorum 
privilegiornm  cuilibet  indultorum  obtenta,  nee  sub  aliacumque 
occasiooe,  out  oblatio  fat  pro  eisy  ant  inter  Christianos  recipiant 
sepoltiiram."^ 

Now  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  chapter  *'  Ad  evitanda  scan- 
dala  "  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  to  which  Father  Livius  refers 
at  p.  147  and  elsewhere,  has  removed  this  prohibition  of  the 
Charch  to  say  Mass,  or  receive  honor  aria^  for  deceased  heretics.  This 
chapter  has  reference  solely  to  the  excommunicate  who  are  living. 
What  seems  quite  decisive  on  this  point  is,  that  Martin  V.,  who 
is^  the  author  of  the  chapter  *'  Ad  evitanda  acandcdOj**  is  also  the 
author  of  the  Bull  "  Inter  Cuncta^*'  from  which  I  extract  the 
foUowing  passage : — 

"Etsi  tales  hfleretici  publici  ac  manifesti, /irc<  nonditmper  eccU- 
nam  dfclarati  [hence,  tolerati],  in  hoc  tarn  gravi  crimine  decesserint, 
eccUsiasticd  eareant  sepulturd^  nee  obiationes  Jiant  aut  recipiantur 
pro  eii."* 

Ferraris  discusses  this  question  and  quotes  these  authorities, 
and  others,  and  comes  unhesitatingly  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is 
forbidden  by  the  Church  to  offer  Mass,  publicly  or  privately,  as  I 
interpret  him,  for  a  deceased  heretic,  formal  or  materiul.  fcfee  his 
''PromptaBibliotheca  Juridica,"  &e.  V.  Missa,  art.  vii..  No.  7. 
AlsoLc. 

Again.  Sporer,  in  the  following  passage,  evidently  supposes 
that  it  is  not  lawful  to  offer  the  Mass,  publicly  or  privately,  for  a 
deceased  Protestant.  He  begins  by  sa}  ing  what  may  be  done  in 
tie  case  of  those  who  have  committed  suicide  : 

"  Nihil  enim  obstat  quin  in  tuo  memento  mortuoi*um  ex  privata 
devotione  dicas :  *  Doroine  commendo  tibi  etiam  an  imam  illius 
qui  se  nuper  suspendit,  vel  submersit,  si  forte  ex  inculpata 
amentia  fecit,  aut  si  ante  mortem  vere  paenituit.'  Certe  potes  pro 
tali  privatim  reeitare  rosarium :  quidni  etiam  meminisse  iu  Saero  ? 
Idem  dicendum  pro  solatio  eorum  quorum  parentes,  consanguine], 
&c.,  in  hseresi  Lutherana  vel  Calviniana  deeesserunt.  l^ossunt 
eoim  ct  privatim  pro  iis  orare,  et  si  sacrr dotes  sint  in  Sam^o  eorum 
vmHtnisse  sub  simili  conditione,  puta;  si  forte  deeesserunt  in 
haeresi  solum  materiali,  et  alioquin  in  statu  gratiae  fuerunt."* 

It  is  clear,  I  think,  from  this  passage,  that  Sporer  is  of  opinion 
that,  even  where  there  is  reason  to  believe  a  Protestant  has  died 
in  material  heresy  only,  and  in  a  state  of  grace,  a  priest  cannot 
offer  Mass  for  him  in  the  sense  defined  by  Father  Livius  (p.  144), 
nor  can  he  receive  an  honorarium  for  his  memento.  Father  Livius 
would  himself  declare,  as  indeed  he  has  done  (p.  145),  that  to  do 
as  much  only  as  Sporer  allows,  "  would  not  be  to  say  Mass  for  him 
at  aU,  according  to  the  proper  and  received  sense  of  the  words ; 
nor  could  a  priest  licitly  accept  an  honorarium  for  Mass      •      •     . 

^  Can  27.    Labb.  torn,  x.,  col.  1622.  « Labb.  tom.  xiii.,  col.  262. 

•  Th.  Sacram.  p.  il,  cap.  iv.,  sec.  iv.  p.  No.  269. 


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336  Corr€$p0ndenee, 

in  such  a  case.'^  So  mnoh  for  the  older  Theologiaios  and  Cooncib 
in  this  case. 

I  J.  Among  modem  Divines  I  will  cite  a  passage  from  Ernest 
Miiller,  Professor  of  Moral  Theology  in  the  University  of  Vienna. 
Mention  is  made  of  this  writer  hy  Lehmkuhl  in  the  ^  Catalogos 
Scriptorum,  i&c./'  appended  to  the  2nd  vol.  of  his  Moral  Theology 
(p.  796),  in  these  words,  "  Muller  Em,  Canon  Yindob.  cujus 
theologia  moralis  (3  tom.)  Yindob.  1665,  et  deinceps  {dories  edits, 
et  doctrinae  soliditetem,  et  ordinis  nitorem,  et  pietatis  aJlectns 
prae  se  fert." 

Now  Miiller  writes  thus  on  the  questions  I  am  considering  : — 
"  Pro  acAtholicis  defunctis  Missae  sacrificium  in  ntUlo  casu  appli- 
cari  potest  nomine  ecclesiae,  (1)  quia  quibus  non  oommunicaTimns 
vivis,  non  communicamus  defunctis,  ait  Innocentius  iii.  c.  lU,  x.Lib. 
iii.  Tit.  28 ;  et  (2)  quia  Missae  celebratio  pro  acoLholicis  defunctis 
non  potest  componi  cum  dogmate  CathoUca  de  necessitate  fidei 
Catholicae  ad  obtinenda'm  salutem,  quod  urgebat  Gregorius  XVL, 
die  19  Julii  1842  in  Brevi  ad  Episc.  Augustas  Yindelic,  et  in 
Brevi  ad  Abbatem  Benedictin.  in  Monasterio  Scheyara.  Idooque 
Apostolica  sedes  plnries  praescripsit,  ut  si  Missae  fnndentur  pro 
familia,  ad  quem  prseter  Catholicos  etiam  acatholici  pertinent, 
-  f undatio  fieri  debeat  cum  restrictione,  quod  Missae  non  nisi  pro 
Catholicis  membris  familiae  fundentur.  £o  minus  pro  Judikeis  et 
ethnicis  defunctis  Missam  celebrare  fas  est.  Au  pro  catechumenis 
defunctis  ?  Alii  affirmant,  alii  negant :  sententia  afiirmans  vidatur 
probabilior.^ 

He  then  goes  on  to  state  what  may  be  done  in  such  cases,  and 
his  view  appears  to  be  simply  that  of  Sporer. 

''  Yidetur  autem  quod  sacerdos  pro  aliquo  haeretico  defancto 
privatim  et  sub  conditione:  si  forte  decesserit  in  haeresi  solon 
materiali,  adeoque  cum  signo  fidei,  et  simul  fuerit  in  statu  gratis, 
possit  sub  memento  defunctorum  orare,  seclnso  omni  scandalo: 
{a)  quia  per  banc  privatam  orationem  tam  minus  obtinet  commimi- 
catio  cum  haeretico  in  sacris,  quam  per  orationem  privatam  in 
Missa  pro  excommunicato  fidoli  vitandoy  quam  licitam  esse 
constat :  [h)  quia  per  conditionem  adjunctam  dogma  de  necessitate 
fidei  Catholicae  ad  salutem  integrum  servatur.*  And  now  as  to 
the  honorarium^  which  removes  all  obscurity,  if  there  be  any, 
concerning  his  opinion : — 

*^  Stipendium  Missse  pro  tali  oratione  privata  acoipere  non  Uoet^ 
quia  stipendium  datur  pro  applicatione  fi^uctus  specialise  qa»  in  ioU 
casu  non  fit,  et  debet  hie  fructtts  pro  alio  applicari*** 

It  seems,  then,  to  be  beyond  all  doubt  that  this  modern 
(I  believe,  living)  Theologian  would,  with  Ferraris  and  Sporer, 
answer  both  the  questions  at  the  head  of  this  Filter  in  the 
negative,  and  that  they  all  hold,  therefore,  quite  a  contrary 

'  Th.  Mor.  Lib.  iii,  T.  i,  p.  18,  Edit.  Yindob,  1879,  p.  45. 
•  Ibid.  »  Ibid. 


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Correfpondeuce.  337 

qnnioii  to  that  pot  forward  bj  Fr.  liriits,  and  adranced  also, 
qohe  recesllr,  by  so  eBiinent  a  writer  as  Fr.  liehmkuhl. 

Tliis  latter  author,  indeed,  tempers  bis  opinion  with  the  well* 
known  theological  ^'  vidciur^^  shewing  that  he  is  treading  on 
uncertuB  ground.  However,  I  think  it  must  be  admitted  that 
Fr.  Lehmkuhl  is  certainly,  so  isr,  on  Fr.  Livius'  side.  He  refers 
(Tr.  nr.,  De  £nch.,  sec.  ii..  cap.  1,  cd.  iii.,  No.  17tt)  to  the  Briefs 
of  Gregory  XVI.  on  which  Muller  relies,  but  he  restricts  them  to 
H  *^  celehmtio  sen  applicatio  publicaJ*^ 

Lehmkuhl  clearly  defines  what  he  means  by  the  words  *'  cele- 
brsre  Tel  applicare  Missam  pro  aliquo  '*  as  follows : — '*  Intelligitur 
de  iis  fractibus  directe  applicandis,  qui  applicationi  sacerdotis  sub- 
sont,  quatenus  personam  alienam  in  publico  munere  agit — i.e. 
qoatenns  nomine  ecclesiae  et  Christi  agit,  et  fructus  ex  parte 
Christi  et  ecclesiae  dispensat."   (Ibid.  No  1 75). 

A  little  lower  down  he  gives  the  opinion  with  which  I  am  now 
concerned  in  the  following  words  : — 

^Relate  ad  omnes  qui  absque  unione  cum  ecclesiae  externa 

defancti  sunt si  probabilia  signa  sunt 

defunctam  boni  ^e  atque  in  gratis  divina  ex  hac  vitA  migrasse, 
occulte  sea  privatim  pro  tnli  defuncto  celehrare  [of  coiu*se  in  the 
aense  just  defined]  posse  [sacerdotem]  videtur.'*  (Ibid.  No.  176). 
It  would  clearly  follow,  if  this  opinion  can  be  adopted,  that,  as 
Fr.  Livius  maintains,  an  honornt  ium  may  be  taken  in  the  case. 
In  connection  with  this  question  of  the  *' bona  fides"  of  Protes- 
tants it  may  be  interesting  to  your  readers  if  I  mention  here  that 
two  great  luminaries  of  Maynooth  College  have  left  it  on  record 
that,  in  their  opinion,  very  few  indeed  amongst  Protestants,  under 
circumstances  described  by  them,  cau  be  looked  upon  as  formal 
heretics.  The  late  Dr.  JIun-ay  says  (Maynooth  Com.,  s.  ii.,  page 
365)—  **  For  my  own  part  1  am,  after  long  and  thoughtful  consider- 
ation of  the  question,  decidedly  of  opinion  that,  at  least  in  those 
countries  where  Protestantism  is  the  prevailing  religion,  or  where  it 
has  been  for  several  genei*ations  established  among  a  distinct 
rdigious  party,  the  great  mass  of  Protestants  are  free  from  the  sin 
of  heresy  [hence  from  its  punishment— excommunication],  and  even 
in  a  state  of  invincible  ignorance'* — These  are  surely  remarkable 
words  coming  from  such  a  man. 

Dr.  CroUy  {ihid.^  p.  391)  says :  **  When  Catholic  writers  speak 
of  an  individual  who  has  been  baptized  and  educated  outside  of 
the  communion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  as  a  heretic,  they 
do  not  mean  to  bay  he  is  a  real  formal  heretic — this  is  often  a 
secret  known  to  God  alone — but  simply  that  he  belongs  to  a 
sode^  which  is  separated  from  the  Church,  and  which  professes  a 
doctrine  which  she  has  pronounced  to  be  false  and  heretical.  Such 
a  person,  according  to  De  Lugo,  might  possess  the  virtue  of  divine 
faith  and  be  a  Catholic,  though  he  rejected  the  authority  of  the 
Boman  Catholic  Church,  through  culpable  or  inculpable  ignorance." 

In  support  of  hb  opinion  Dr.  Crolly  cites  f he  words  of  a  theo- 


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338  Correspofidence. 

logiao  named  Rei/,  of  whom  few  persons  have  ever  heard,  but  whom 
I  myself  personally  knew.  He  was  a  Spanish  theologian  of  repute, 
whom  Dr.  Bainea,  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  the  Western  District  in 
England,  brought  over  to  profess  theology  at  his  diocesan  seminary 
near  Bath,  about  fifty  years  ago.  These  are  Ray's  wchxIs,  as 
cited  by  Dr.  Crolly :  *^  In  communionibus  a  GatholicA  distinctis 
paucos  esse  formates  haereticos — paucos  inter  sectas  a  nobis  divisb 
esse  excommunicationi  obnoxios," 

IJ  Father  Livius*  opinion  and  that  of  Father  Lehmkuhl  can  be 
adopted,  the  above  passages  are  worth  remembering. 

J3ut  to  return  to  Muller.  In  a  footnote  he  refers  to  Sporer,  and 
says,  '^Theologi  antiquiores  liujus  quaestionis  vix  mentionem 
injiciunt,"  and  he  then  proceeds  to  give  the  following  modern 
writers  whose  opinions  are  identical  with  his  own.  To  none  o£ 
these  can  I,  living  as  I  do  in  a  small  country  parish,  far  away 
from  libraries,  refer  at  the  present  moment.  They  may,  however, 
be  within  reach  of  Father  Livius,  and  others  amongst  your  readers, 
so  I  will  give  them  here,  and  with  this  citation  bring,  this  paper 
to  an  end.  » ^t^^ 

Tapfer :  Expositio  incruenti  missae  sacrificii,  p.  166.   Ed.  2. 

(inssner  :  Handbuch  der  Pastoral.     1  B.,  7^39. 

Ephem.  relig. :  Pastoralblatt  fiir  die  Diocese.  Augsburg, 
1807,  p.  6469. 

Kolner  Pastoralblatt  1874,  n.  ii. 

I  am,  Rev  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  S.  Flanagak,  P.p. 
AJare,  April  lOth,  1885, 


•*  0  clemensj  O  pia,  0  dulcis  Virgo  Maria!** 

TO   THE   EDITOR   OF   THE   IRISH   ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Rev.  Dear  Sir, — The  translation  into  English  of  the  above 
line  from  the  Salve  Regifia  is  a  matter  in  which  we  are  all 
interested.  With  your  permission,  therefore,  1  will  venture  to 
make  a  few  remarks  upon  it.  Your  correspondent,  who  introduced 
the  subject  last  month,  in  a  very  interesting  letter,  expresses  the 
opinion  that  *^  sweet,  as  a  rendering  of  dulcui  used  figuratively,  is 
scarcely  in  accordance  with  the  genius  of  the  English  language." 
This  is  an  opinion  which,  I  think,  can  hardly  be  defended.  Let 
me  give  a  few  examples  from  Shakespeare. 

In  the  play  of  King  Richard  the  Thirds  Ptichard  thus  uses  the 
word,  in  addressing  Lady  Anne: — 

^^  Sweet  saint,  for  charity,  be  not  so  curst.** 

Act  I.,  5c.  iL 
Again,  Benedick,  in   Much  Ado  about  Nothing,  when  seeking  a 
favour  from  the  gentlewoman,  Margaret,  says  : — 
"  Pray  thee,  sweet  mistress,  Margaret.'* 

Act  v.,  nc  iL 


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Correspondence.  339 

In  the  Merchant  of  Venice^  Ncrissa,  the  waiting-maid,  addresses 
Portia  as  "  Sweet  madam  "  {Act  I.,  ae.  ii.) ;  and  in  The  Tempest^ 
Ferdinand  Pays  of  Miranda — 

"  My  sweet  mistress 
Weeps  when  she  sees  me  work." 

Act  III.,  sc,  i. 

Still  more  to  the  purpose  are  the  words  of  Alen^on  to  Joan  of  Are, 
in  the  First  Part  of  King  Henry  the  Sixth : — 

»*  We'll  set  thy  statue  in  some  holy  place, 
And  have  thee  reverenced  like  a  blessed  saint ; 
Employ  thee,  then,  sweet  virgin,  for  our  sake-^* 

Act  III.,  sc,  iii. 

Nor  can  it  be  said  that  this  use  of  the  word  sweet  has  become 
obsolete  in  the  Eoglbh  language.  We  read  in  Tennyson^s 
Princess: — 

**  I  take  her  for  the  flower  of  womankind, 
And  so  I  often  told  her,  right  or  wrong, 
And,  Prince,  she  can  be  sweet  to  those  she  loves.'* 

And  every  one  can  recall  the  well-known  lines  from  the  IdijUs  of 
Vie  King  : — 

"  Have  we  riot  heard  the  bridegroom  is  so  sweet  J 
O  let  us  in,  though  late,  to  kiss  his  feet ! 
No,  no,  too  late !  ye  cannot  enter  now." 

As  regards  ecclesiastical  usage,  I  may  quote  the  authority  of 
the  Douay  version  of  the  Bible :  '^  The  Lord  is  sweet  and 
righteous,**  {Ps.  xxiv.  8.)  **  In  thy  sweetness^  O  God,  thou  hast 
provided  for  the  poor."  (P^.  Ixvii  11.)  "A  sweet  word  multi- 
plieth  friends."  (Eccli.  vL  6.)  '  He  that  is  sweet  in  words 
flhall  attain  to  greater  things.'  {Frov,  xvi.  21.)  In  the  New 
Testament,  the  Vulgate  text,  ^^  Si  taman  gustastis  quoniam  duicis 
est  Dominus  "  (1  Pet,  ii.  3),  is  rendered,  **  Jf  so  be,  you  have  tasted 
that  the  Lord  is  sweet.** 

With  these  examples  before  us,  I  would  submit  that  the  word 
^weet  is  a  perfectly  suitable  translation  of  the  Latin  dulcis,  in  the 
Salve  Regiua  :  nay,  I  should  be  inclined  to  hold  that  no  other 
Ei^lish  word  can  be  found  which  would  so  faithfully  represent  the 
fneaning  and  spirit  of  the  original. 

As  regards  the  epithet  pia^  T  quite  agree  with  your  corre- 
spondent that  the  word  pious  is  not  a  satisfactory  translation. 
But  I  cannot  concur  with  him  in  adopting  the  word  loving^ 
which  he  suggests  as  a  substitute.  The  central  idea  of  the  Latin 
word  is,  I  think,  devotedness.  This  devotedness  may  be  shown  in 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  we  owe  to  God,  to  our  parents  or  other 
relations,  and  to  our  dependents.  It  may  also  be  shown  in  the 
fulfilment  of  kindly  offices,  not  strictly  duties,  towards  those  who, 
in  any  way,  may  stand  in  need  of  our  help. 

This  last  sense  of  the  word  is  very  common  in  ecclesiastical 


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Latin.  At  the  close  of  the  Dies  Irat  we  have^  '*  Pit  Jesu  Domme, 
dona  eis  requiem."  And  in  St.  Bernard'^  hymn,  read  on  the  FeMt 
of  the  Holy  Name  : — 

"  Jesu  Spes  penitentibus, 

Quam  jtia$  es  petentibus ! 

Quam  bonus  te  quaerentibus ! 

Sed  quid  invementibus ! " 

Then  we  have  the  story,  in  the  breviary,  of  St.  Paal,  the  First 
Hermit,  who  was  fed  by  a  raven  in  the  desert :  and  when 
St.  Anthony  came  to  pay  him  a  visit,  the  raven  brought  him,  for 
that  occasion,  a  double  complement  of  bread.  After  the  departure 
of  the  raven,  the  narrative  proceeds :  **  Eia,"  inquit  Paulus, 
"  Dominus  nobis  prandium  misit,  vere  piW,  vere  misericors.  Sexa- 
ginta  jam  anni  sunt,  cum  aceipio  quotidie  dimidii  panis  fragmentum, 
nunc  ad  adventum  tuum  militibus  suis  Christus  duplicavit 
annonam.'* 

It  seems  pretty  clear  that  this  is  the  sense  in  which  the  word 
pia  is  addressed  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  the  Balve  Begina.  There 
is  no  English  word  which  conveys  exactly  the  same  meaning.  I 
should  be  disposed  to  render  it  gracious^  when  applied  to  our  Lord, 
and  tender,  when  applied  to  the  Blessed  Virgin. 

Your  correspondent  proposes  to  substitute  gentle,  for  clement , 
as  a  rendering  of  the  Latin  cleniens.  If  there  were  question  of 
making  a  new  translation,  I  should  not  object  to  gentle,  thongh  I 
should  prefer  graciotis  or  merciful.  But  1  do  not  think  there  is 
sufficient  reason,  in  this  case,  for  departing  from  the  translation 
already  in  established  use  among  the  people. 

The  word  clemens,  in  classical  Latin,  would  seem,  very  com- 
monly, to  suggest  simply  the  idea  of  gentleness  and  urbanity, 
Cicero,  for  example,  says,  *'  Etsi  satis  clemens  sum  in  disputando, 
tamen  interdum  soleo  subirasci "  (Fin.  2,  4,  12) ;  and  elsewhere, 
he  defines  dementia  to  be  that  quality,  '•  per  quam  animi  temere  in 
odium  alicujus  concitati  invectio  comitate  retinetur."  (/fir.  2,  54, 
164.)  Seneca,  who  wrote  a  book  De  Clementia,  gives  us  the  same 
idea:  ^^  Clement  em  vocabo  .  .  eum  qui,  quum  suis  stimulis 
exagitetur,  non  prosilit,"  &c.  (Clem.  1,  20,  3.)  In  this  sense  the 
word  Clemens  is  frequently  associated,  by  classical  writers,  with 
mitis,  lenis,  placidus,  benignus. 

But  clementia,  in  classical  Latin,  is  not  unfrequently  used  to 
signify  something  more  than  urbanity.  It  is  applied  to  those  who 
are  constituted  in  some  sort  of  authority,  and  conveys  the  idea  of 
indulgence,  forbearance,  mercy.  Juvenal,  after  saying  that  he  will 
be  revenged  on  the  poets  who  have  wearied  him  with  their  verses, 
concludes — 

"  Stulta  est  clementia,  cum  tot  ubique 
Vatibuc  occurras,  periturae  parcere  chartae." 

Sat  L,  17,  la 

Again,  we  read  in  Cicero :  "  Clementes  judices  et  misericordes." 


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'  Correspondence.  84t 

{Plane.  18,  31.)  And  Seneca,  in  the  book  alreadj  qaoted,  writes : 
**'  Clenientia  est  teniperantia  animi  in  potestate  ulciscendi,  vel  lenitai 
«    .    meonstiiuendtspoenis,'*  {Clem.  2fS,) 

Id  this  sense  we  find  the  word  frequently  employed  in  the' 
Vulgate  version  of  the  Bible.  Moses^  for  example,  when  the  Lord 
app^ired  to  him  in  a  cloud,  on  the  mountain,  cried  out ;  '^  Dominator 
Domiae  Deus,  misericors,  et  cleniens^  patiens  et  multae  miserationis 
ac  verax."  (Ex,  xxxiv.  6.)  Again,  in  the  prayer  of  the  Levites, 
recorded  in  the  Second  Book  of  Esdras,  we  read :  *'  Tu  autem 
Dens  propitius,  clemens  et  misericors.  longanimis  et  multae  misera- 
tionis non  dereliquisti  eos."  (II.  Esd.  ix.  17.)  And  in  the  Third 
Book  of  Kings :  "  Audivimus  quod  reges  domus  Israel  clementes 
sint;  ponamus  igitur  saccos  in  lumbis  nostris,  et  funiculos  in 
capitibus  nostris,  et  cgrediamur  ad  regem  Israel :  forsitan  salvdbit 
(inmas  nostras y  (III,  Kings  xx.  31.)  The  Prophet  Jonas,  too, 
sajs :  "  Scio  enim  quia  tu  Deus  clemens  et  misericors,  patiens  et 
multae  miserationis,  et  ignoscens  super  maltha,*^  (Jon.  iv.  2.) 

Now  as  regards  the  translation  of  this  word  into  English. 
The  usual  practice  in  the  Douay  version  is  this :  when  clemens, 
in  the  original,  is  accompanied  by  misericors,  it  is  translated 
gracious ;  when  it  is  not  so  accompanied,  it  is  translated  mercijul, 
A  similar  practice  seems  to  have  been  followed  by  the  authors  of 
the  Protestant  English  version,  in  translating  from  the  Hebrew. 
Where  we  have  clemens  et  misericors  in  the  Vulgate,  we  generally 
find  gradous  and  merciful^  in  the  Protestant  version ;  where  we  have 
clemens  alone,  we  usually  find  merciful. 

If,  then,  there  were  question  of  making  a  translation,  for  the 
first  time,  of  the  Salve  Regina^  I  should  be  inclined  to  follow  this 
usage,  and  to  render  clemens  by  merciful  or  gracioiis.  But  I  do 
not  think  the  English  word  clement  so  inadequate  as  to  make  a 
change  necessary.  When  Tertullus,  the  orator,  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  prayed  for  an  indulgent  hearing  before  the  governor, 
Felix,  his  words  are  thus  rendered  in  the  Douay  version :  **  I 
desire  thee,  of  thy  clemency^  to  hear  us."  {Acts  xxiv.  4.)  The  Prot- 
estant authorized  version  uses  the  same  phrase:  "I  pray  thee, 
that  thou  wouldst  hear  us,  of  thy  clemency,'*'* 

We  have  also  the  authority  of  Shakespeare,  for  this  use  of  the 
word.  The  players  in  Hamlet  thus  pray  for  the  indulgent  favour 
of  the  King  and  his  Court : — 

"  For  us,  and  for  our  tragedy, 
Here  stooping  to  your  clemency 
We  beg  your  hearing  patiently." 

Act  III.,  sc.  ii. 

And,  in  Cymbelme,  Posthumus  says,  addressing  the  gods  : — 
"  I  know  you  are  more  clement  than  ^e  men. 
Who  of  their  broken  debtors  take  a  third, 
A  sixth,  a  tenth,  letting  them  thiive  again 
On  their  abatement/' 

ActY,^  sc.  iv. 
VOL.  VL  2  B 


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343  Notices  of  Books. 

To  sum  up :  I  would  retain  the  word  sweet,  as  the  best  trans* 
lation  that  can  be  found  for  the  Latin  dulcis ;  I  would  retain  element^ 
as  at  least  a  suitable  translation  for  clemens,  and  one»  thereforei 
which  there  is  no  need  to  change ;  and  I  would  substitute  tender 
for  pious.     The  line  would  then  read: — 

"  O  clement !  O  tender !  O  sweet  Virgin  Mary  1 " 
Believe  me,  Rev,  dear  Sir,  yours  very  faithfully, 

Gerald  Mollot. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

Dissertationes  Selectae  in  Htstoriam  Ecclesiasticam.  Auctore 
Bernardo  Junghann  ;  Tomus  IV.    Ratisbonae:  Pustet,  1884. 

The  judicious  selection  of  a  number  of  important  subjects,  and 
the  ability  with  which  they  are  discussed,  render  the  Fourth 
Volume  of  Jungmann*s  Select  Dissevtations  a  worthy  companion  of 
his  preceding  volumes,  which  have  been  already  brought  under 
notice  in  the  pages  of  the  Record  J  The  work  before  us  comprises 
five  Dissertations.  The  First  of  the  Volume,  and  Eighteenth  of  the 
Series,  treats  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  of  the  tenth  century ;  the  next 
discusses  '*  certain  Controversies  of  the  eleventh  century,  and  the 
relations  of  Otho  I.  and  his  immediate  successors  with  the  Holy 
See.**  Then  follow  three  dissertations :  *'  On  the  State  of  the 
Church  in  the  middle  of  the  Eleventh  Century  *' ;  "  On  S.  Gregory 
VII.,  Roman  Pontift";  and  "On  the  Continuation  and  Close  of 
the  Controversy  regarding  Investiture." 

It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  the  whole  range  of  Church 
History,  few  subjects  are  to  be  met  with  possessing  a  deeper 
interest  for  those  who  study  the  records  of  the  past,  or  which  have 
given  rise  to  keener  polemical  discussion,  than  the  subject  so  fiilly 
and  so  carefully  examined  by  Dr.  Jungmann  in  his  Eighteenth 
Dissertation.  Tq  present  the  matter  in  this  light  a  few  observations 
are  required. 

The  interval  between  the  close  of  the  Fifth,  and  that  of  the 
Fifteenth  century,  may,  in  accordance  with  a  very  commonly 
received  chronological  division  of  History,  be  assumed  as  the 
duration  of  the  ^'  Middle  Ages."  The  opprobrious  designation  of 
'*'  Dark  Ages  '*  was  applied,  if  not  to  all,  to  many  of  the  centuries 
falling  between  the  Umits  of  mediseval  History.  Dazzled  by  the 
lingering  light  of  the  Augustan  Age,  and  by  the  lustre  shed  on 
ecclesiasticcd  literature  by  the  great  Fathers  of  the  early  Church, 
critics,  who  declined  the  labour  of  deep  research  and  looked  back 
from  an  age  in  which  a  revival  of  letters  had  been  established  and 
a   new  era  of  progress  inaugurated,    judged  too   harshly   and 

?  See  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  October,  1880-^81,  and  February, 
1883,  for  brief  notes  of  Vols.  I.,  II.,  and  JIL,  under  these  dates 
respectively. 


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Notices  of  Booh.  343 

condemned  too  hastily  the  social  and  literary  condition  of  those 
centuries  to  which  they  have  given  the  dishonouring  name  of  ''  Dark 
Ages."  At  the  present  day  they  are  very  few,  with  any  pretension 
to  scholarship,  who  should  not  blush  to  be  found  sneering  at  the 
l^liddle  Ages — ^few  who  would  not  be  ashamed  to  say :  **  I  know 
nothing  of  those  ages  which  knew  nothing."  We  are  indebted  to 
the  learned  and  impartial  researches  of  Maitland,  Voigt,  Hurter, 
Boehroer,  Galle,  Grimm,  Daniel,  Miiller,  Montalembert,  and  many 
other  audiors  with  whom  mediaeval  history  has  been  a  special  study, 
for  abundant  evidence  to  prove  that  the  disparaging  statements  of 
several  popular  writers  regarding  the  learning,  knowledge,  and 
literature  of  the  Middle  Ages,  even  in  the  darkest  days,  are  not  only 
exaggerated  but  false. 

Between  the  middle  of  the  Fifth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
Twelfth  century,  there  were  periods  when  the  task  of  preserving 
society  from  ignorance  and  corruption  was  one  of  extreme  difficulty. 
One  of  those  periods  dates  almost  from  the  death  in  814  of 
Charlemagne,  and  runs  far  into  the  tenth  century.  The  splendour 
of  the  reign  of  that  great  prince  was  transient,  the  improvements 
he  effect^  were  not  maintained,  the  progress  of  science  was 
mterrupted,  and  insecurity  and  anarchy  returned,  because  he  had 
no  successor  who  inherited  those  rare  qualities  which  won  for  him 
a  title  that  "  has  been  indissolubly  blended  with  his  name  " — the 
appellation  of  Great.  Louis  le  Debonnaire  was  embroiled  in  civil 
war  with  his  own  sons,  and  these  with  each  other.  Whilst  the 
mighty  empire  founded  by  Charlemagne  was  torn  by  intestine 
dissension,  a  new  swarm  of  barbarians  threatened  the  growing 
civilization  of  Christian  Europe.  Normans,  Saracens,  and 
Hangarians  filled  Western  Europe  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
ninth  and  tenth  centuries  with  terror,  and  left  many  a  sad  vestige  of 
their  sudden  and  ruinous  incursions.  On  the  death  of  Ix>uis  le 
Debonnaire  in  840,  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  was  broken  up  into 
an  Eastern  or  Grerman,  and  a  Western  or  Frankish,  Kingdom.  The 
Carlovingian  dynasty,  founded  in  752,  came  to  an  end  in  the 
German  Kingdom  in  911 ;  and  in  the  Frankish  Kingdom  in  987. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  convulsions  that  the  tenth 
century  was  ushered  in.  The  distracted  condition  of  France  and 
the  feeble  government  of  the  degenerate  Carlovingians  rendered 
hopeless  any  chance  of  protection  from  that  quarter  in  favour  of 
the  Popes.  The  disputed  claims  of  candidates  for  the  Imperial 
Crown  ot  Grermany  caused  the  protectorate,  exercised  by 
Charlemagne  and  his  successors,  in  upholding  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  Holy  See,  to  pass  into  abeyance.  Italy,  abandoned 
hy  the  Emperors,  became  the  prey  of  petty  princes,  and  Home 
itself  felt  the  shock.  The  counts^  ol  Tusculum  and  Margraves  of 
TosTAnv   exercised   a    tvrannv  within   the  Pannl  Turrit nrv   onrl  m 


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344  Notices  of  Books. 

paltry  faction  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  bri^  ascendency  as  a  mere 
political  engine,  and  the  interests  of  religion  were  unscrupulously 
8acri6ced  to  the  lowest  intrigues  of  worldly  ambition. 

The  Popes  of  the  tenth  century  are  described  by  a  certain  clas» 
of  Protestant  writers,  including  Mosheim  and  Mihnan,  as  ignorant 
and  vicious,  and  disqualified  for  the  duties  of  guardians  of  the 
interests  of  the  Church.  Their  history  is  presented  in  still  darker 
colours  by  a  host  of  nameless  scribes,  who  pander  to  the  morbid 
tastes  of  anti-Catholic  readers  by  detailing  with  a  zest  every  scandal 
that  calumny  has  invented  or  strangely  exaggerated. 

With  a  view  to  refute  these  unfounded  statements  or  to  expose 
their  vagueness  and  inaccuracy,  to  set  forth  the  history  of  the 
Popes  of  the  tenth  century  in  a  true  light,  and  to  reverse  the 
judgments  that  have  been  unfairly  pronounced  against  them. 
Dr.  Jungmann  critically  examines  the  evidence  which  is  to  decide 
the  question,  and  avails  himself  of  every  help  which  modern 
research  supplies  in  throwing  light  on  the  diflScult  points 
which  arise  in  the  investigation.  The  brief  sketch  which  we  have 
drawn  of  the  political  and  social  condition  of  the  age  to  which  hi-* 
inquiry  relates  will  enable  us  to  estimate  the  importance  and  the 
difficulty  of  the  task  which  he  has  undertaken.  We  believe  that  a 
careful  perusal  of  what  he  has  to  say  will  have  the  effect  of  inducinj? 
every  impartial  reader  to  form  a  decidedly  favourable  opinion  of 
the  maligned  Pontiffs  of  the  tenth  century,  and  to  pronounce  them, 
with  a  few  exceptions,  not  unworthy  of  the  elevated  and  responsible 
position  in  which  they  were  placed.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  assert 
that,as  the  **Dark  Ages'*  have  become  brighter  by  the  light  thro^Ti 
upon  them  by  the  patience  and  skill  of  the  writers  already  named, 
so  the  Lives  of  the  Popes  of  the  tenth  century,  a  few  excepted, 
will  be  rescued,  by  the  diligence  and  learning  of  authors  like 
Dr.  Jungmann,  from  the  misrepresentation  with  which  they  have 
been  sullied,  whether  from  ignorance  or  malice.  Even  in  the 
exceptional  instances  referred  to,  the  dejsrree  of  weakness  or  guilt  is 
shown  to  be  less  than  what  it  has  hitherto  been  commonly  regarded. 

We  feel  that  we  are  going  beyond  the  bounds  of  a  brief  literary 
notice,  but  before  we  close  we  may  be  permitted  to  add  a  word  or 
two.  The  theological  student  will  find  the  Dissertations  ou 
Ordination  and  Man*iage  equally  instructive  and  interesting.  Nor 
can  we  too  strongly  recommend  the  perusal  of  the  powerful  picture 
which  Dr.  Jungmann  has  drawn  of  the  difficult  problem  to  which 
the  renowned  Hildebrand  had  to  address  himself,  and  of  the  great 
and  abiding  success  with  which  he  solved  it.  No  one  who  has  had  an 
opportunity  of  knowing  what  Dr.  Jungmann  has  already  done  in 
advancing  the  study  of  theology  and  church  history  has  failed  to 
appreciate  his  vast  services,  or  will  be  slow  to  unite  in  a  sincere 
wish  that  he  may  long  continue  to  enrich  that  department  of 
ecclesiastical  science  to  which  he  is  now  devoted,  with  contributions 
equal  in  merit  and  value  to  that  which  he  has  lately  given  us. — D.  G« 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


JUNE,  1885. 


COMPULSORY  EDUCATION. 

WHEN  introducing  his  Bill  to  improve  National 
Education  in  Ireland,  Mr.  Campbell-Bannerman  waa 
very  sparing  of  proof  that  could  justify  the  application  of 
the  principle  of  compulsion  to  this  country.  His  calculation 
as  to  attendance  at  school  was  made  upon  the  same  basis  a» 
that  of  the  Census  Commissioners  which  has  been  allowed 
to  pass  for  months  unchallenged,  and  which,  as  I  shall  show,, 
is  calculated  to  mislead  the  public.  Before  doing  so,  1 
would  call  attention  to  the  comparative  analysis  of  attend- 
ance as  furnished  by  the  Commissioners  of  National 
Education  in  Ireland  in  their  last  report. 

"The  percentage  of  average  attendance  of  pupils  for  the  year  to 
the  number  on  the  rolb  who  attended  on  any  of  the  last  fourteen 
days  of  the  month  preceding  the  annual  examinatious  was  70*2. 
In  1882,  this  percentage  was  691.  The  percentages  in  188'J 
were: — ^in  England  and  Wales,  73*3  ;  in  Scotland,  76*1." 

England  with  its  compulsory  law  is  barely  above 
Ireland ;  but  in  fact,  when  allowance  is  made  for  the  want 
of  schools,  and  for  the  quality  of  a  large  number  already 
existing,  as  well  as  for  the  distance  from  the  homes  of  the 
children,  and  other  causes  too  obvious  to  mention,  education 
is  more  availed  of  in  Ireland  than  in  England.  Only  Z  per 
cent.  I  of  a  gain  in  school  attendance  in  the  richest  nation  in 
the  world  over  the  poorest,  at  a  cost  of  milUons  of  pounds 
to  create  and  sustain  the  modem  system  ;  at  the  saciifice 
of  liberty  and  to  the  dishonour  of  the  poor,  and  already 
midst  cries  of  overpressure,  underfeeding  and  cruelty.  A 
Ktronger  objection  to  the  working  of  it  could  not  be 
afforded  than  the  admission  that  27  per  cent,  of  gchool- 
going  age  in  England  do  not  comply  with  the  compulsory 
law  of  education. 

VOL.  XL  2  C 


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346  CompuUory  Education. 

Now,  as  to  the  Statieticfl  compiled  by  the  Census  Com- 
missionei's  who  selected  the  week  ended  14th  May,  1881, 
and  which  give  for  all  Ireland  46*5  attending  school,  and 
63*5  not  attending  school  (taking  the  school-going  age 
from5  to  15  years  or  perhaps  up  to  16,  as  the  Commissioners, 
for  aught  I  know,  may  have  done),  it  is  evident  that  a  gross 
eiTor  underlies  them.  The  English  Commissioners  may  be 
right  in  assigning  so  long  a  period  to  primary  education 
elsewhere,  but  certainly  they  are  not  warranted  in  its 
extension  to  Ireland,  If  they  were  dreaming  of  some 
Bceotia  the  mistake  might  be  overlooked,  but  where  the 
youth  of  the  country  are  universally  acknowledged  as 
endowed  with  the  highest  mental  qualities,  so  apt  and  so 
fond  of  learning,  showing  their  superiority  frequently  in 
competition  with  their  coevals  in  other  countries,  it  is  out 
of  the  question  to  confine  them  to  school  for  the  term  of 
ten  years  in  order  to  attain  the  highest  standard  in  a 
national  school.  The  teachers  themselves  admit  that  a 
child  of  ordinary  capacity  may  finish  the  sixth  book  at 
twelve  years  of  age.  What  is  to  become,  then,  of  the  three 
additional  years  at  least  required  by  the  computation  of  the 
English  Commissioners?  In  those  parts  of  the  country 
where  business  is  brisk  and  the  various  branches  of  it 
afiord  plentiful  employment  to  both  boys  and  girls  as  soon 
as  they  enter  upon  their  teens,  they  will,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  be  employed  at  some  art  or  industry ;  and  yet  the 
Census  Commission ei*s  would  enumerate  them  amongst 
those  not  attending  school — although  it  be  to  their  credit 
that  they  have  passed  the  goal  of  their  youthful  course. 

But  the  Conmiissioners  do  not  take  into  their  considera- 
tion whether  the  studies  pursued  in  national  schools  be 
completed  in  seven  years  or  in  ten.  Hence  the  illusivenees 
of  their  tables,  which  deceive  many  who  take  merely  a 
superficial  view  of  such  matters,  and  who  do  nut  reflect 
that  the  facts  belie  i\iQ  figures. 

Take  the  case  of  three  schools  in  three  different  localities, 
each  of  which  opens  with  an  attendance  of  30  pupils.  At 
No,  1  school,  five  pupils  leave  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  when 
they  have  attained  the  highest  standard,  viz.,  the  sixth  book. 
At  No.  2,  five  more  leave  at  thirteen ;  and  at  No,  3,  the 
goal  is  passed  at  the  age  of  twelve.  It  is  evident  that  here 
both  teacher  and  pupils  are  entitled  to  the  highest  degree 
of  credit  for  having  secured  the  highest  standard  iu  the 
shortest  time.  Yet,  how  would  the  Census  Commissioners 
report  upon  the  state  of  education  in  these  three  localities? 


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Compulsory  Education.  347 

Of  course,  that  oeglect  prevails  throughout  them  all,  and 
in  a  very  sad  degree  in  No.  3,  where  50  per  cent,  only 
attend  school. 

It  is  thus  I  explain  the  low  position  of  Ulster  in  the 
following  table  given  by  the  Census  Commissioners : — 

Proportion  per  Cent. 

Attkkdino  School.  Not  Attending  School 

Ireland,  46*5.  53*5 


Leinater,  ...  50*1 

Mtinster,  ...  54*8 

Ulster,  ...  42  0 

Connaught,  ...  38*1 


Leinster,  ...  49*9 

Munster,  ..  45*2 

Ulster,  ...  ...  58-0 

Connaught,  ...  61*0 


Of  course  in  Connaught  the  attendance  is  explained  on 
other  grounds ;  partly  from  the  scarcity  of  school  accom- 
modation, and  partly  from  the  fact  that  the  Commissioners 
of  National  Eaucation  have  not  yet  satisfied  the  wants  of 
a  Gaelic-speaking  population.  But  in  Ulster  the  schools 
are  numerous,  in  fact,  too  numerous,  according  to  some 
Inspectors,  and  not  far  apart,  except  in  some  rural  and 
remote  mountainous  districts,  and  maybe  reckoned  by  the 
score  in  large  towns  of  commercial  activity,  where  as  a 
matter  of  self-interest  people  are  in  the  habit  of  sending 
their  children  to  school  at  a  very  early  age,  in  order  to 
earn  their  bread  in  the  mills  and  factories  and  warerooms, 
or  become  apprentices  to  different  professions  and  trades. 
To  confirm  my  case  as  aeainst  the  Census  Commissioners, 
I  quote  the  report  of  the  shrewd  and  able  Inspector, 
Mr.  Skeffington,  whose  district  No.  10,  extends  from 
Donaghadee  to  Belfast : — 

"  The  returns  give  of  8,000  examined  2,000,  or  about  25  per 
eent  infants,  while  20  per  cent,  of  infants  is  the  average  for 
Ireland,  showing  how  young  the  pupils  attend  here,  which  is  still 
more  evident  from  the  promoted.  This  district  had  75  per  cent, 
of  classed  pupils,  against  80  per  cent,  generally,  and  28  per  cent,  in 
senior  classes  (fourth  to  sixth)  ;  while  only  60  per  cent,  of  senior 
pupils  passed  for  Ireland,  70  per  cent,  passed  in  District  10.'^ 
Ex  una  discs  omnes* 

In  the  North  of  Ireland  children  go  early  to  school,  and 
they  leave  at  a  comparative  early  age.  I  therefore  dispute 
the  statistics  as  given  by  the  Census  Commissioners,  as 
they  are  based  upon  a  false  hypothesis,  at  least,  so  far  as 
the  greater  part  of  Ulster  is  concerned.  It  is  indeed  a 
matter  of  curiosity  to  ascertain  why  the  week  ended  14th 
Hay,  I88I9  was  the  one  of  all  others  selected  by  the  Commis- 


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348  Compulsory  Education. 

sioners  as  the  exponent  of  children's  attendance  at  school. 
Any  week  in  May  no  doubt  seems  plausible  to  readera  as 
an  excellent  criterion  of  attendance.  Yet  whoever  takes 
the  trouble  of  making  enquiry,  as  I  have  done,  may  find 
the  issue  of  it  unfavourable  to  the  honesty  and  candour  of 
those  who  made  up  the  report.  I  shall  confine  my  remarks 
to  the  three  schools  in  my  parish,  in  the  County  of  Antrim, 
of  tchich  1  am  manager.  In  No.  1  one  of  the  days  was 
marked  *'  struck  out,"  and  in  No.  2  "  very  wet^'  in  whi(;h 
school  the  attendance  of  pupils  was  21  per  cent,  lower 
than  the  average  for  the  year  ;  and  in  No.  3,  it  Wcos  30'i^ 
below  the  average  for  the  same  year  *81.  It  is  not  for  me 
to  assign  a  reason  for  their  selecting  that  now  celebrated 
week.  A  better  test  surely  would  have  been  the  average 
attendance  for  the  whole  year,  for  one  cannot  help  think- 
ing that  the  above  week  in  May  was  chosen  in  sustainment 
ot  what  may  fairly  be  considered  a  foregone  conclusion  in 
favour  of  compulsion.  It  cannot  be  said  that  there  is  here 
an  argument  from  a  particular  case  to  a  general,  except 
one  should  say  that  the  district  about  Glenavy  was  alone 
visited  with  rain  at  tliat  time,  and  therefore  I  am  right  iu 
assuming  it  as  the  general  cause  for  the  bad  attendance  of 
that  week.  The  Census  report  is  intended  both  for  the 
government  and  the  general  pubh'c,  and  should  be 
extremely  accurate  and  above  suspicion  of  taxing  the 
credulity  of  the  people,  on  the  one  hand,  or  supplying 
false  materials  for  legislation,  on  the  other.  One  thing  is 
certain,  if  the  Census  Commissioners  had  taken  the  yearly 
average  quotation  instead  of  about  the  lowest  actual 
numbers  in  any  single  week,  they  would  have  been  better 
entitled  to  the  praise  that  has  been  so  lavishly  bestowed 
upon  their  labours  by  a  portion  of  the  Irish  press. 

After  such  gross  inaccuracies  on  the  part  of  the  Census 
CommissioTiers,  it  is  not  hard  to  deal  with  the  second  table 
furnished  l>y  them  for  four  decennial  periods,  but  two  of 
them  will  suflSce: — 

Ireland. 


stales  and  Females 

Males  and  Females 

attending  School. 

not  attending  School 

1871 

676-312 

702-5U 

1881 

627-319 

720-702 

L 


So  that  these  Commission  era  inform  us  that  in  the  latter 
year  wlicu  the  population  of  Ireland  was  returned  at 
5,159,839,  there  were  no  less  than  1,348,021  children  of 
school-going  age,  viz.,  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  people 


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Compulsory  Education.  349 

of  Ireland,  or  about  26  in  100 1  Why  if  such  a  rule  were 
applied  to  England,  there  should  have  been  6,741,732  at 
school,  whereas,  foi-  that  year,  only  an  average  ot  2,863,635 
was  found  in  attendance  in  all  the  primary  schools  of 
England !  It  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  the  whole  structure 
of  figures  piled  together  by  the  Census  Commissioners  is  at 
once  fallacious  and  rotten;  and  if  critics  of  ordinary 
discernment  had  consulted  the  report  books,  which  are  so 
easy  of  access  to  the  Manager,  or  been  conversant  with 
the  working  of  the  schools,  they  might  have  long  since 
detected  the  leaven,  which  runs  through  all  their  calcula- 
tions. As  to  this  question  of  regular  attendance  at  school, 
is  there  no  allowance  to  be  made  for  those  two  powerful 
factors  in  Ireland,  migration  and  emigration  ?  Is  there  no 
allowance  for  the  children  of  the  poor  to  exchange  schools 
and  to  frequent  the  nearest  in  winter,  whilst  they  betake 
themselves  in  summer  to  those  of  their  own  choice! 
Children  of  the  same  family  are  known  to  attend  school 
half  the  time  alternately,  that  they  may  master  the  rudi- 
ments, if  nothing  else.  It  may  not  be  a  wise  com*se  to 
pursue,  but  one  should  be  slow  to  condemn  them  for  doing 
what  they  conceive  is  the  best.  Such  children,  it  is  true, 
although  they  may  attend  99  days  at  one  school  and  99 
days  at  another,  earn  no  results-fees  for  their  teachers. 

In  Great  Britain,  in  the  aVjsence  of  a  compulsory  law, 
the  parent  would  send  his  child  to  school,  knowing  well  he 
must  pay  to  the  teacher  his  fee,  or  he  would  keep  him  at 
home,  if  he  had  no  fee  to  spare :  but  in  Ireland,  admission 
is  granted  on  the  easiest  terms,  or  rather  without  any  terms 
at  all,  no  guarantee  being  exacted  or  given  relatively  to 
attendance  of  100  days  in  order  to  obtain  result-fees.  Thus 
for  many  reasons  there  cannot  be  instituted  a  fair  com- 
parison between  Ireland  and  England,  or  between  Ireland 
and  Scotland,  in  the  matter  of  school  attendance.  It  is 
not  so  much  a  question  of  irregularity  of  attendance  at 
school  as  it  is  a  failure  of  continuous  attendance  at  the  same 
school,  for  in  the  national  schools  in  Ireland  the  same  pupil 
is  frequently  entered  on  the  rolls  of  diiferent  schools,  two 
or  three  times  in  the  year.  If  a  return  were  given  to 
ParUament  of  the  collected  instead  of  the  divided  attend- 
ances in  Irish  elementary  schools  for  last  year,  it  would  be 
much  more  to  the  credit  of  Ireland.  The  Chief  Secretary, 
proposing  his  scheme,  said : 

**  I  was  startled  by  finding  that  out  of  the  whole  number  of 
children  who  attended  school  in  Ireland  during  the  last  year  for 


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350  CompuUory  Education. 

which  I  have  seen  the  analysed  returns,  there  are  19*7  who 
attended  160  attendances — which  means  days  — and  only  24"7  who 
attended  between  100  and  150;  24*0  who  attended  between  50  and 
100  times  ;  and  the  number  of  attendances  less  than  50  was  30*6." 

This  return  is  clearly  misleading.  But  if  it  be  the 
desiie  of  the  Government  to  secure  more  favourable 
attendance,  why  do  they  allow  the  Saturdays  to  be 
excluded  from  computation  ?  As  in  most  of  the  higher 
schools  their  pupils  attend  on  the  half  of  the  last 
day  of  the  week,  whjr  should  it  not  be  the  same  in 
national  schools?  This  claim  may  injustice  be  advanced 
by  Catholics,  as  between  holidays  and  other  days  of  devo- 
tion there  is  fully  a  vacancy  of  a  fortnight ;  and  in  this 
simple  way  education  would  be  largely  promoted  and 
result-fees  more  generally  obtained  by  the  teachers.  It  is 
remarked  that  amongst  those  who  advocate  legal  com- 
pulsion are  the  very  persons  who  complain  most  of  the 
present  system  of  national  education.  In  fact,  they 
advance  pleas  which  are  utterly  subversive  of  what  they 
demand.  The  system,  they  maintain,  is,  in  no  sense, 
national ;  the  history  of  the  country  is  ignored  by  it,  the 
text-books  are  unintelligible  to  the  great  bulk  of  the 
children ;  the  iDStniction  imparted  is  anything  but  practical, 
without  a  knowledge  even  of  the  commonest  things. 
There  is  want  of  technical  and  industrial  training, 
in  a  word,  they  maintain  the  present  system  is  rotten 
in  root  and  branch.  Now,  if  tnese  lackadaisical  critics 
would  but  use  the  influence  of  the  Press  at  their 
command,  in  order  to  effect  a  reform  of  the  system 
and  make  it  more  popular  than  it  is,  something  might  be 
done  which  would  preclude  the  necessity  for  compulsion. 
At  present  the  only  conclusion  they  should  draw  from  the 
maladministration  of  the  Government  system  of  education 
is  that  it  exculpates  any  defective  attendance  throughout 
the  gi-eater  part  of  Ireland.  Exceptional  cases  may  be 
found  in  some  of  the  larger  towns  where  youth  have 
faciUties  for  making  attendance  at  school.  But  why  not 
apply  to  them  the  present  Factory  Laws,  or  why  not  make 
the  attainment  of  a  certain  standard  of  education  a  siju 
qua  non  to  apprenticeship  to  trade  or  business  of  any  kind  t 
Surely,  the  country  at  large  should  not  be  punished  for  the 
negligence  of  a  few  towns.  Whilst  in  some  distiicts  schools 
are  reported  to  be  too  numerous,  there  is  a  want  of  school 
accommodation  in  many  others,  and  the  schools  in  many 
instances  are  returned  as  unhealthy  and  uncomfortable,  and 


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CompuUory  Education.  351 

ineflScientin  a  great  measure  fronxthe  want  of  a  trained  body 
of  teachers  who  are  not  only  unskilful  but  devoid  of  zeal. 

Certainly,  these  statements,  and  all  such  charges,  if  well- 
founded,  should  exempt  the  poorer  class  of  our  people  from 
the  obloquy  that  is  cast  upon  them  by  a  few,  and  I  foel 
pity  for  those  newspaper  critics  who  betimes  treat  us  to  a 
threnodi/  upon  the  heedlessness,  the  negligence,  and  the 
culpability  of  the  Irish  poor  in  the  matter  of  education. 
And  the  picture  they  draw  of  this  educational  gloom 
becomes  more  repulsive  when  they  would  contrast  the 
amount  of  instruction  in  the  primary  schools  of  this  country 
with  what  takes  place  in  the  laicised  schools  of  France  and 
Germany,  as  if  quantity  and  not  quality  of  education  were 
the  chief  desideratum  in  the  elementary  schools  of  any 
country. 

It  is  unworthy  of  Catholic  writers  to  propose  to  the 
untainted  youth  of  Ireland  such  countries  as  France  and 
Germany  as  models  of  school  life.  Better  is  no  education 
than  education  in  schools  where  God  is  ignored,  and  from 
which  religion  and  teaching  of  morality  are  excluded.  The 
Church  of  France  has  persistently  resisted  obligatory 
instruction,  and  she  is  to-day  face  to  face  with  a  vile  infidel 
government,  biding  her  time  for  deliverance  from  her 
raultiphed  evils,  and,  like  Rachel,  bewailing  her  children 
because  they  are  not.  But  it  must  be  a  matter  of  intercRt 
to  observe  the  state  of  education  in  countries  whose  govern- 
ments are  not  professedly  infidel  and  which  do  not  forcret 
the  traditions  bequeathed  to  them  from  the  great  past  under 
the  8Bgis  of  religion.  The  following  statements  are  given 
on  the  authority  of  the  Royal  Commissioners  (England)  on 
Technical  Instruction.  The  report  was  prepared  with  a 
view  to  supply  precedents  for  the  introduction  of  tho 
principle  of  compulsion  in  elementary  schools.  Notwith- 
standing, they  are  forced  to  avow  that  it  is  rejected  in  some 
countries,  and  has  turned  out  a  failure  in  others.  Subjoined 
is  a  summary  of  the  following  countries : — 

"  In  Belgium  at  present  they  are  in  a  state  of  transition  a«» 
regards  primary  education.  The  results  achieved  by  the  clerical 
schools  are  of  the  hipfhest  standard,  and  they  are  far  before  the 
late  Government  establishments  in  every  department  of  learning. 
Owmg  to  the  opposition  of  the  Liberals  and  Socialists,  the  spirit 
of  progress  is  so  depressed  that  illiteracy  to  a  considerable  extent 
is  still  met  with  in  several  districts.  At  the  age  of  conscription,  it 
is  stated,  30  per  cent,  of  the  ]3elgian  male  population  can  neither 
read  nor  write.     There  are  no  factory  laws  in  force,  public  opinion 


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352  Compuhorxf  Education. 

being  the  only  corrective  to  the  employment  of  children  in  mines 
and  manufactories.  Notwithstanding  numerous  defects  in  the 
elementary  system,  the  middle  class  schools,  principally  conducted 
by  the  clergy,  are  most  successful,  impailing  a  high  standard  of 
knowledge  to  their  numerous  alumni. 

"  Holland  is  very  forward  in  its  system  of  primary  education, 
and  very  liberal  in  the  monetary  aid  extended  by  the  State. 
Attendance  is  not  compulsory,  nor  is  the  payment  of  fees  insisted 
on,  one-half  of  the  whole  school-going  population  attending  free. 
In  religious  matters  the  School  Board  of  Holland  is  neutral,  and 
public  grants  are  made  to  such  private  schools  as  observe  that 
rule.  P'or  a  population  of  4,000,000  the  cost  of  primary  education 
exceeds  iS8()0,00i'  per  muium,  and  the  number  of  teachers  is  about 
14,000.  The  middle  class  schools  are  similar  in  scope  to  those  of 
Germany,  except  that  classics  are  not  so  generally  taught.  Ele- 
mentary education  is  both  free  and  compulsory  in  Italy.  However, 
should  parents  so  prefer  it,  they  are  allowed  to  have  their  children 
instructed  at  their  own  homes,  and  on  their  certifying  this  to  the 
syndic  or  mayor  attendance  at  the  public  school  is  not  enforced. 
Indeed,  it  is  said  that  in  Northern  Italy  the  law  of  compulsion  is 
practically  a  dead  letter.  The  course  for  elementary  instruction 
continues  Gve  years— one  in  the  infant  school,  the  other  four  in  the 
elementary  school.  On  leaving  this  the  pupils  may  enter  either  a 
classical  gymnasium  or  a  technical  school,  according  as  they  wish 
to  shape  their  career.  From  the  gymnasium  the  pupils  may 
graduate  on  to  the  universities  ;  from  the  technical  schools  they  may 
pass  on  to  the  higher  professional  institutes,  which  correspond  to  the 
polytechnic  schools  of  Germany.  In  charge  of  the  clergy  there  are 
many  highly  si^ccessful  schools  and  colleges  both  for  boys  and  girls." 

The  freedom  of  education,  whether  in  public  or  private 
schools,  and  the  generous  endowments  to  ooth,  as  also  the 
co-relation  which  exists  between  the  lower  and  higher 
classes  in  the  Kingdom  of  Holland  preclude  the  necessity 
of  compulsion.  England  boasts  herself  a  rich  country  in 
companson  with  Holland,  and  yet  to  be  on  a  par  with  it 
she  should  expend  in  Ireland  about  £1,000,000  a  year  in 
the  cause  of  education.  Since  the  Irish  debt  was 
amalgamated  with  the  English  our  people  have  not  ceased 
complaining  of  their  unequal  share  of  the  burden,  and  with 
this  view  before  them  it  is  no  wonder  that  Poor  Law  Boards 
in  Ireland  refuse  to  impose  an  additional  rate  upon  the 
land  for  educational  purposes.  We  are  very  far  behind 
continental  countries  in  the  provision  of  gymnasiums  or 
middle-class  schools  for  pupils  of  first-rate  abilities,  in  which 
are  taught  Latin  and  Greek  or  some  modem  foreign  language 
or  sciences  more  advanced.  The  idea  could  be  effectually 
earned  out  without  applying  to  Government  for  immediate 


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Compulsory  Education.  353 

aid,  simply  by  appropriating  the  endowments  of  the  model 
fichools  and  establishing  500  or  600  sizarships  or  scholarships 
amongst  the  four  provinces,  thereby  encouraging  higher 
aims  and  nobler  effort-s  in  order  to  attain  graduation  in  the 
University.  Some  of  the  model  schools  might  be  used  for 
this  purpose,  or  advantage  might  be  taken  of  the  present 
Intermediate  Schools,  many  of  which  have  already  reflected 
honour  on  professors  and  students  aUke. 

In  accordance  with  instructions  issued  from  the  National 
Board  in  Dublin  to  their  Inspectors,  who  were  to  furnish 
their  reports  for  the  year  1883  and  1884,  few,  very  few  of 
them,  take  an  unmitigated  view  of  the  necessity  of  compul- 
son.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  them  either  look  upon 
it  a«  a  hazardous  innovation  to  be  used  with  extreme 
caution  and  varied  modifications,  or  reject  it  entirely  as 
fraught  with  mischief  to  the  best  interests  of  education. 

Here  is  an  extract  from  a  long  report  on  the  question 
of  compulsion  given  by  jMr.  W.  J.  Browne  for  the  county  of 
Clare:— 

*'The  percentage  of  the  population  present  at  results' 
exammation  was  very  little  greater  in  England  than  in  Ireland, 
and  was  exceeded  by  that  in  Co.  Clare,  The  percentage  in  1881 
was  in  Ireland  9  6,  in  England,  10-5,  and  in  Clare  11-8.  I  have 
made  inquiries  in  several  parishes  in  Clare,  from  those  best 
qualified  to  give  the  information,  and  have  been  told  that  there  is 
scarcely  a  child  of  school-going  age  who  does  not  attend  school  at 
some  time  during  the  year.  The  law  for  compulsory  attendance 
has  not  worked  so  well  in  England  as  to  encourage  its  wider  appli- 
cation. Rev.  J.  R  Byrne,  H.M.  Inspector,  says  of  his  district,  in 
Smrey  and  Middlesex :  '  The  improvement  effected  in  the  attend- 
ance, if  any,  is  infinitesimal  .  .  and  as  to  regularity,  in  this 
respect  the  attendance  haa  actually  declined  4  per  cent,  in  the  last 
four  years/  and  his  conclusion  is,  ^compulsion  is  a  failure.' 
Mr.  G.  H.  Gordon  says  of  the  Bolton  district:  'The  existing 
vtgnlations  for  enforcing  the  regular  attendance  of  pupils  are  a 
fulnre.*  And  Mr.  TVillis,  '  Unless  compulsion  is  made  far  more 
real  ihajk  it  is  at  present  it  would  be  better  for  the  sake  of 
the  regular  attenders,  to  drop  it  entirely.'  *  Then,*  continues 
Mr.  Browne,  *  the  query  arises,  would  not  compulsion  by  law  do  away 
with  that  more  kindly  and  more  popular  compulsion  exercised  so 
effectually  at  present  by  the  clergy  of  the  country  and  a  few  others," 

Mr.  Hamilton,  of  Dungannon,  writes  :— 

**  Theoretically,  there  may  be  no  objection  to  compulsory 
edocation,  and  if  it  could  be  done  in  a  moment,  and  once  for  al^ 
tben  it  would  be  easy  to  catch  and  educate  the  fourth  of  a  country. 
Bot  education  is  a  tedious  process,  and  even  in  the  most  restricted 


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354  CompuUory  Education. 

sense  in  which  the  terra  is  used,  compulsory  education  must  be 
slow  and  expensive.  Additional  schools  must  be  provided  and 
additional  schoolmasters.  A  new  class  of  officials  must  be  ap- 
pointed for  the  purpose  of  bunting  up  defaulters,  and  compelling 
their  attendance.  And  what  will  be  the  result?  An  increase  in 
the  number  of  schools,  an  increase  in  the  number  of  pupils  qualified 
for  examination  ;  but  as  regards  the  proficiency  c-f  those  who  now 
attend  for  one  hundred  days  and  upwards  what  reason  have  we  to 
expect  any  improvement  ?  Compulsion  may  bring  a  greater  number 
of  pupils  into  a  school,  but  of  itself  it  will  utterly  fail  to  make  the 
school  more  efficient,  in  fact,  T  should  expect  that  it  would  have 
just  the  opposite  effect.  The  10,  15  or  20  per  cent,  which  com- 
pulsion may  add  to  the  numbers  of  any  school  w^ill  almost  certainly 
include  the  least  tractable,  the  least  studious,  and  the  least 
intelligent  portion  of  the  pupils.  Under  no  conceivable  circum- 
stances will  compulsion  affect  the  pupils  who  already  attend  for 
upwards  of  150  days  in  the  year,  and  yet  how  many  pupils  of  thin 
class  fail  in  one  or  more  of  the  subjects  of  their  course." 

Mr.  MacCreanor  of  the  Newry  district,  says: — 

"  The  parents  and  children  are  almost  always  anxious,  which 
I  consider  verv  creditable  to  them,  to  have  the  attendance  sufficient 
to  secure  admission  to  the  results'  examination.  Many  endure 
privations  and  make  generous  efforts  to  this  end.  Neither  the 
loss  of  wages,  nor  domestic  difficulties  connected  with  food,  cloth- 
ing, or  home  duties,  not  even  the  death  of  a  near  relative,  deters 
them  occasionally  from  attending.  The  cases  in  which  pupils 
remain  away  from  these  examinations  through  carelessness  or 
intention  are  comparatively  few,  and  very  seldom,  1  believe, 
without  cause  on  the  other  side.  From  the  above  facts,  and  from 
a  strong  innate  feeling  that  the  State  has  no  right  to  compel  the 
Jwnest  poor  to  send  their  children  to  school,  particularly  to  State 
schools,  I  feel  it  a  duty  to  deprecate  compulsory  education  for 
Ireland  as  very  unnecessary  and  extremely  objectionable.  We 
have  not  a  score  of  towns  with  a  population  exceeding  10:000 
inhabitants.  Four-fifths  of  the  population  is  rural,  which  makes 
the  case  of  Ireland  quite  different  from  England.  We  have  com- 
pulsory education  already  in  connection  with  Reformatory, 
Industrial,  Prison  and  Workhouse  Schools,  where  it  is  useful 
and  desirable.  The  clergy  of  the  different  denominations  may 
safely  be  left  to  deal  with  this  matter,  and  they  will  be  aided,  if 
they  wish,  by  good  and  charitable  people  in  applying  to  parents 
and  children  the  salutary  law  of  persuasion,  as  is  so  successfully 
done  at  present.  No  doubt  some  clergy  speak  and  write  occa- 
sionally in  favour  of  compulsory  education,  but  possibly  they 
represent  only  special  localities,  or  more  likely  cases  which,  like 
cases,  generally  have  two  sides.  No  honest  family  should  be 
invaded  with  compulsion,  pain  and  penalties  in  this  matter." 


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Compulsory  Education.  355 

The  strained  relations  which  are  certain  to  follow  upon 
the  application  of  compulsory  laws  outweigh  all  other  con- 
fflderations  in  the  matter  of  education.  The  ratepayers  of 
Ireland  already  overburdened  can  ill-afford  to  pay  additional 
taxes  lor  the  erection  of  new  school  buildings  and  an  annual 
charge  besides  for  their  maintenance  and  for  the  support  of 
an  increased  staff  of  teachers ;  yet,  when  all  this  is  done, 
there  will  be  no  longer  those  gentler  feelings  and  happy 
influences  between  managers  and  teachers  on  one  side  and 
pnpils  and  their  parents  on  the  other.  The  most  meritorious 
of  the  pupils  for  their  regular  attendance  will  share  no  dis- 
tinction from  the  idle  and  mischievous  who  will  be  coerced 
into  the  same'school.  The  clergy  especially,  whose  energy, 
and  zeal  have  hitherto  exerted  amoral  compulsion  for  gather- 
ing all  the  youths  of  their  parishes  into  the  schools  which,  in 
many  cases,  cost  them  much  labour  and  expense,  will  feel 
bow  sad  the  change  is,  when  they  can  no  longer  hunt  up 
Bcholars,  lest  they  might  be  deemed  Government  detectives 
for  bringing  the  youths  of  their  flocks  into  the  meshes  of 
the  law,  and  doing  the  work  of  policemen  or  other  paid 
officials  ot  school  committees.  At  present,  a  priest  visiting 
his  parish  and  working  for  the  interests  of  his  school  is 
considered  by  the  people  as  the  minister  of  God  bent  upon 
doing  his  duty ;  but  under  a  system  of  legalised  compulsion 
in  which  others  are  paid  to  do  the  work,  he  would  be  sus- 
pected as  one  exceeding  his  duty  and  passing  for  an  unpaid 
informer.  No  doubt,  humanly  speaking,  it  is  painful  for 
a  priest  to  have  to  appeal  to  a  certain  class  of  parents  so 
frequently  when  that  appeal  seems  as  frequently  to  be  made 
in  vain,  but  after  all,  his  duties  and  his  privileges  are  sum- 
marised in  the  "  Praedica  verbum,  insta  opportune,  impor- 
tune,*' and  it  would  be  preposterous  to  assert  that  the 
"argue,  increpa,  obsecra"  could  ever  be  satisfied  by  the 
substitution  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  for  personal  duty. 

After  reading  the  Inspectors'  reports  as  to  the  ineflSciency 
ofa  large  number  of  untrained  teachers  (the  Commissioners' 
Report  for  the  3 1st  December,  1883,  gives,  out  of 
10,621  classed  teachers,  only  3,406  trained)  it  would  be 
tyranny  to  enforce  attendance  at  those  schools  under 
penal  enactment. 

Inspector  Purser,  of  Clonmel,  uses  these  words : — 

**I  believe  that  the  influence  of  the  clergy  among  their 
parishioners  and  the  satisfactory  work  done  by  the  teachers  are 
quite  sufficient  to  produce  as  much  regularity  of  attendance  as  can 


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35G  Compulsory  Education, 

be  secured  by  law,  and  with  much  less  unpleasantness.  Well 
conducted  schools  do  not  require  'compulsory  attendance/  and 
where  the  schools  are  not  well  conducted,  compelling  the  children 
to  attend  will  not  educate  them.  Indeed,  in  such  cases,  it  would 
be  very  unfair  to  compel  attendance." 

Mr.  Browne,  writing  from  Ballinamore,  says : — 

'*  I  think  in  the  absence  of  legislation,  determination  on  the 
part  of  the  managers,  and  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  teachers 
would  do  much  to  remedy  both  want  of  punctuality  and  irregu- 
larity of  attendance." 

Mr.  Downing,  of  Galway,  maintains : — 

*' A  really  good  teacher,  under  an  energetic  popular  manager, 
nearly  obviates  the  necessity  for  compulsion  in  a  school  circle." 

Mr.  O'Carroll,  of  North  Dublin  district,  declares : — 

**  Better  than  compulsory  education,  better  than  increased 
salaries,  better  than  improved  Pension  Acts,  would  bo  acceptable 
training  institutions,  in  which  young  men  and  women  could  learn 
how  to  teach." 

But  for  practical  purposes  the  most  important  evidence 
is  that  given  by  Sir  P.  J.  Keenan  before  a  Select  Com- 
mittee, in  which  we  have  got  the  admission  from  the 
National  Board  through  their  respected  representative,  the 
Resident  Commissioner,  that  National  education  in  Ireland 
is  practically  denominational,  as  much  so,  in  fact,  as  it  is 
ill  England  ;  and  what  is  now  required,  is  to  have  a  time- 
table conscience  clause,  which,if  I  may  speak,  for  Catholics, 
will  be  acquiesced  in  and   faithfully  adhered  to. 

Sir  Lyon  Playfair : — 

"  You  know  that  there  are  two  systems  of  schools  in  Great 
Britain ;  denominational  schools  with  a  time-table  conscieDce 
clause,  and  rate-supported  schools :  I  presume  your  system  is  only 
one ;  that  all  yoiu*  schools  are  practically  denominational  schools 
with  the  time-table  conscience  clause  ?  " 

Sir  Patrick  J.  Keenan  : — 

**  All  our  schools  are  schools  open  to  children  of  every  denomin- 
ation, with  a  conscience  clause ;  that,  I  think,  is  the  best  way  to 
define  it. 

**  Would  you  not  go  farther  than  that,  and  say  that  each  of 
your  schools,  being  to  a  great  extent  under  clerical  managers,  theee 
schools  are  denominational  schools  with  a  time-table  conscience 
clause? 

*^  I  would  rather  have  my  own  definition,  than  give  that  name 
to  an  Irish  National  School ;  but  practically,  as  you  say,  where 


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Compulsory  Education.  357 

there  is  but  one  denomination,  and  the  school  is  under  a  manager 
and  teachers  of  the  same  religion  as  the  children,  you  might  call 
that  a  denominational  school. 

"  Where  there  are  97  per  cent,  of  the  children  Roman  Catholics 
and  3  per  cent.  Protestants,  the  three  Protestant  children  are  able 
to  retire  at  the  time  of  religious  service,  but  would  jou  not  call 
that  a  denominational  school? 

"Iq  Ireland,  we  would  hesitate  to  call  it  a  denominational 
school.  In  Ireland,  a  denominational  school  is  understood  to  be  a 
school  where  religion  may  form  part  and  parcel  of  instruction 
every  hour  of  the  day,  and  where  there  is  no  restriction  and  no 
conscience  clause. 

"  If  that  is  what  is  meant  by  a  denominational  school,  then 
there  is  none  in  the  whole  of  the  United  Kingdom,  I  imagine ; 
because  there  are  no  denominational  schools  in  England  without  a 
time-table  conscience  clause.  I  think  we  mean  the  same  thing 
under  different  names  ? 

*'  I  think  we  mean  precisely  the  same  thing,  only  I  prefer  my 
own  definition  of  what  an  Irish  National  School  is." 

If  this  proper  view  be  carried  out,  we  shall  have  obtained 
what  years  of  agitation,  on  the  part  of  the  Irish  bishops  and 
clergy  and  laity,  have  been  spent  in  vain  to  secure,  the 
National  system  will  cease  to  be  any  longer  what  it  has 
been  hitherto  viewed  as  a  purely  governmental  one,  and  a 
friendly  partnership  between  our  rulers  and  the  people 
will  eventuate  to  the  good  of  both.  There  need  be  but  a 
slight  deviation  from  the  existing  mode  of  administering 
the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  National  system.  The 
Crown  would  be  represented  as  usual,  and  the  very  valuable 
services  of  the  present  Head  Commissioner  still  retained. 
But  the  mode  of  appointment  of  the  other  Commissionere 
should  give  place  to  the  choice  of  the  diflferent  religious 
bodies  on  tne  lines  already  laid  down  for  representation 
at  the  Board  of  Education. 

If  the  conscience  clause  become  the  rule  in  Ireland  as 
it  has  always  been  in  England,  education  will  at  once 
receive  an  impetus  it  never  had  before  ;  local  contributions 
will  flow  from  the  charity  and  philanthropy,  which  were 
closed  under  government  interference,  the  teachers  will  be 
better  paid  m  consequence,  and  under  an  increased 
attendance  at  school  besides,  and  much  of  the  present 
vexation  will  cease. 

George  Pye. 


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L  868  ] 


ON  THE  TELEPHONE  IN  RELATION  TO  THE 
SACRAMENT  OF  PENANCE.^ 

IN  taking  up  once  more  the  question  of  the  Telephone 
in  relation  to  the  Sacramentjof  Penance,  after  letting 
it  drop  for  so  long  a  time,  I  do  so,  no  doubt,  at  some  dis- 
advantage. Whatever  interest  was  raised  about  it,  will 
have  much  waned,  and  it  is  perhaps  forgotten  how  matters 
stood  at  the  interruption  of  the  controversy.  For  myself, 
I  make,  it  may  be,  but  a  sorry  reappearance  on  a  field 
whence  I  so  abruptly  retired,  whilst  in  face  of  a  doughty 
yet  gentle  combatant,  whose  thrusts  I  received  without 
attempt  to  parry,  or  to  save  myself  except  by  retreat.  For 
anything  that  unintentionally  might  have  looked  at  the 
time  like  literary  discourtesy,  or  want  of  appreciation 
on  my  part  of  the  very  able  second  letter  of  Sacerdot 
Dublinensis,  and  of  the  interest  he  lent  to  my  inquiry  by 
the  share  he  took  in  its  discussion, — for  aught  of  this  I 
must  throw  myself  on  his  indulgence,  and  plead  in  excuse 
many  various  duties  at  home  and  abroad  in  my  life  as  a 
Religious.  It  seemed  to  me,  moreover,  that  there  was,  after 
all,  no  very  great  or  substantial  disagreement  between  us, 
and  that  it  might  be  better  to  leave  to  the  impartial  judg- 
ment of  others  any  divergent  opinions  on  the  right  inter- 
pretation of  certain  passages  in  authors,  as  well  as  other 
minor  points  at  issue,  which  were  perhaps  due  rather  to 
some  little  mutual  misunderstanding  than  to  any  real 
difierence  of  conviction. 

,  In  the  present  article  it  is  not  my  intention  to  reopen 
any  of  the  theological  statements  or  ar^ments  which 
formed  the  matter  of  my  former  contributions  to  the 
Record  on  this  question  :  and  I  must  be  allowed  to  assume 
the  general  soundness  of  my  thesis  as  therein  exposed.  It 
has  indeed  very  recently  received  an  important  confir- 
mation, and  has  been  relieved  of  my  own  mere  individual 
responsibility,  by  the  implicit  sanction  Father  Sabetti,  S. J., 
gives  to  it  in  his  new  edition  of  Gury-Ballerini,'  (cap.  iii., 

'See  I.  E.  Record,  October,  December,  1882,  February,  March, 
April,  1888. 

<  Compendimn  Theol.  Moralis  &c.,  a  P.  Aloysio  Sabetti,  S.J.,  in  Col* 
legio  SS.  Cordis  ad  Woodstock,  TheoL  Mor.  Frofessore.  Neo-Eborad. 
Benziger  Fratrea,  1884. 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sactximent  of  Penance,     359 

De  Forma   Sacramenti  Poenitentiae,  n.  728)   where   he 
writes  as  follows  : — 

Qnar.  7\  Quid  dicendum  de  absoiutione  data,  adhibit o  novo  illo 
instrumentOj  qitod  vulgo  dicunt  telephone  f 

Hejtp,  Extra  casum  necessitatis  est  certo  et  graviter  illicltum 
coofessario  tali  iastrumento  uti,  quia  certo  cxponeretur  sacramentum 
pericolo  nullitatis,  et  quia  nova  praxis  induceretur  in  adiuinistra- 
tione  sacramentorum,  eaque  fraudibiis  obnoxia.  Utrum  autem  in 
casu  extremae  necessitatis  possit  tolerari  usus  talis  instrumenti, 
difficile  est  <lecei-nere,  et  quaestio  digna  est  quae  ad  Sedem  Apos- 
tolicam  deferatur.  Attamen,  ut  quid  mihi  videtur  dicam  non 
apparet  cur  damuandus  sit  sacerdos  qui  per  telcphooium  condi- 
tionate  absolveret  poenitcntem  aliquem  postquam  ab  hoc  cognoverit 
se  esse  subito  gravissimoque  morbo  correptum,  de  peccatis  suis 
maxime  dolere,  et  ad  instruEaentum  aures  applicuisse  nbsolutionem 
expectaturum.  Etenim  procsentia  moralis,  et  nexus  inter  inateriam 
et  formam  in  unoquoque  Sacramento  requiruntur  utiqne,  sed  diverso 
gradu  et  modo  pro  diversitate  uniuscujusque  ritus.  Quoniam 
smtem  sacramcntum  poenitentiae  est  institutuni  ad  instar  judicii 
forensis,  ad  quod  surficit  ilia  prescntia  vi  cujtis  judex  et  leus 
possint  simul  coUoqui,  non  videtur  in  casu  proposito  absolutionem 
esse  certo  invalidam,  siquidem  poenitens  et  sacerdos  possunt  dici 
vero  sensu  esse  colloquentes.  Cf.  Ikish  Ecclesiastical  Recohd, 
Octob.,  De<temb.,  18cj2,  Feb.,  Mar.  et  Apr,  1»33. 

Thus  my  question  : — "  What,  according  to  the  principles 
of  theology,  is  to  be  thought  of  the  validity  of  sacramental 
absolution  given  through  the  telephone,  and  of  its  lawful- 
ness, at  least  sub  conditioner  in  a  case  of  necessity  ?  "  which, 
in  the  pages  of  the  Record,  was  professedly  but  a  specula- 
tive inquiry,  has  been  raised  its  first  step  of  promotion 
towards  becoming  practical,  by  its  adoption  in  a  text-book 
of  Moral  Theology. 

The  affirmative  theological  view  advanced  in  the 
Record  with  regard  both  to  the  validitj^  and  liceity  did 
not  there  assume  other  than  a  hypothetical  form, — being 
made  dependent  on  the  answer  to  be  given  to  a  further 
qut-stioD,  viz.,  whether  or  not  it  can  bo  truly  said  tiiat  the 
human  voice  is  beard  through  the  telephone.*  This  question 
Fr.  Sabetti  does  not  hesitate  to  answer  in  the  affirmative. 
"  Siquidem  poenitens  et  sacerdos  possunt  dici  vero  sensu 
ease  colloquentes."  He  is,  however,  silent  as  to  his  grounds 
for  this  decision. 

My  last  article  concluded  with  the  following  appeal  to 
Science  on  this  point : — ^*'  With  regard  to  what  belongs  to 
purely  Natural  Science,  I  hope  that  some  one  fully  com- 
petent to  discuss  this  most  vital  part  of  the  inquiry  may  be 


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300     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  o/Penanu. 

induced  to  write  in  the  pages  of  the  Record.  If  Science 
should  give  as  its  verdict,  that  through  the  telephone,  as 
is  claimed  for  it,  there  is  immediate  sensible  perception  of 
another  personally,  ue.  if  it  may  be  truly  said  that  the 
human  voice  is  heard  through  that  medium,  I  still  incline 
to  believe  the  last  word  lias  not  yet  been  spoken  on  the 
telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance." 

The  Rev.  F.  0*D  wyer  most  kindly  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  in  a  very  able,  lucid,  and  interesting  Article,  demon- 
strated, so  it  seemed  to  me,  that  according  to  the  system  and 
f)rinciple8  of  Acoustics,  and  laws  of  Sound,  as  generally 
aid  down  in  scientific  treatises  and  text-books,  and  hitherto 
commonly  received,  it  could  not  be  truly  affirmed  that  the 
human  voice  is  itself  heard  through  the  telephone.  I  will 
not  here  make  any  further  remarks  on  Fr.  O'Dwyers 
article,  except  to  say,  that  if  it  were  in  anywise  controvert- 
ible scientifically,  I  was  myself  incompetent  from  nnac- 
quaintance    with   physics,  to   attempt  a  reply  based  on 

frinciples  of  science.    Moreover,  two  scientific  men,  whom 
consulted,  pronounced  on  the  question  in  substantially 
the  same  terms  as  that  article. 

My  readers  must  now  bear  with  me,  if  in  what  I  have  yet 
to  say  I  seem  to  speak  too  much  of  what  is  personal  and 
subjective  to  myseli;  but  I  do  not  see  any  other  way  of 
introducing  and  explaining  what  is  the  main  object  1  hare 
before  me  in  writing  this  article,  I  must  begin,  then,  with 
making  a  confession.  After  having  appealed  to  Science, 
by  whose  decision  I  bad  professed  to  be  willing  to  abide, — 
when  she  had  given  her  verdict,  from  her  approved  text- 
books, which  I,  at  any  rate,  could  not  gainsay — rebellious 
thoughts  arose  within  me  against  her  laws  and  principles 
in  this  matter  of  acoustics,  as  being  altogether  too 
technical,  cramped,  and  narrow,  to  cover  the  reality  of 
recognised  facts.  Can  it  be,  1  said,  that  when  all  the 
world  talks  of  our  speaking  to  others,  of  our  words  and 
voices  being  heard,  and  of  ourselves  hearing  in  turn  the 
words  and  voices  of  others,  through  the  telephone — can  it 
be  that  we  do  not  really  hear  them,  and  we  are  ourselves 
not  really  heard  at  all — because,  forsooth,  the  circumstances 
and  conditions  of  the  telephone  do  not  square  with  a 
limited  system  of  acoustics  which  was  elaborated  before 
the  telephone  was  discovered,  and  because  the  principles 
of  that  limited  system  fail  of  verification  with  the  use  of 
this  newly-discovered  marvellous  instrument  for  the 
transmission  of  sound  ? 


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On  the  Teleplione  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.    861 

Tell  me  that  the  only  means  recognised  by  Science  for 
the  continuous  communication  of  sound  are  air-waves, 
elastic  medium,  &c.,  and  that  the  laws  which  regulate 
these  are  thoroughly  ascertained  truths ;  I  believe  it,  and 
I  have  but  to  look  through  some  of  the  most  modern 
scientific  treatises  and  encyclopaedias  to  render  my  beUef 
doubly  sure  ;  for  there  in  an  Article  on  Sound  I  shall  find 
no  reference  to  electricity,  it  not  being  then  known  to  play 
the  important  part  in  acoustics  it  does,  and  the  name  of 
the  telephone  being  then  unheard  of.  But  all  this  can 
liardly  persuade  me  that  electricity  (though  its  nature  and 
niode  ot  action  be  more  subtile  and  impenetrable,  and  the 
principles  of  cause  and  effect  more  difficult  of  verification 
and  less  intelligible  in  its  working,)  is  not  equally  with 
air-waves  and  elastic  medium  an  instrument  for  the 
transmission  of  sound ;  when  speech,  by  its  agency  in  the 
telephone,  afiects  the  drum  of  my  ear  with  this  same 
Biaterial  impression,  and  conveys  the  very  same  human 
thouffhts  to  my  conscious  brain  and  intelligence,  as  speech 
which  wends  its  way  by  the  ordinary  passage  of  air- waves 
and  elastic  medium. 

Human  speech,  we  may  say,  is  a  compound  made  up  of 

^tter  and  form;  sound  is  the  matter,  whilst  thought  is  the 

form  or  soul.  Through  the  telephone  the  speech  of  another 

I     comes  to  me  in  ita  identity  botli  of  matter  and  form,  as  it 

/     ^^  uttered,  and  informed  by  the  intelligence  of  the  speaker. 

I     Neither  variation  of  route  by  which  it  travels,  nor  difference 

:     w  the  mode  of  conveyance,  nor  change  of  carriage  on  the 

wav,  could,  one  would  think,  affect  its  identity.     Hence,  it 

s^med  to  me  that  an  appeal  must  be  made  to  a  higher 

court,  that  namely  of  common-sense  philosophy,  if  so  it 

must  be, — against  even  the  approved  dictates  of  technical 

science,  as  at  present  commonly  received,  in  order  to  learn 

whether  such  was  really  the  right  interpretation  and  final 

yerdict  of  true  physical  science  on  the  question. 

Certain  considerations,  moreover,  suggested  themselves 
*o  roe,  not  as  a  physicist,  which  I  am  not,  but  on  what  I 
may  call  philosophical  grounds ;  and  these,  however  crude 
aud  commonplace,  I  here  note  down. 

r  Are  not  the  various  theories  and  principles  of  physical 
science — also  termed  lawn, — however  true  so  far  as  they 
go,  after  all  only  so  many  abstractions  and  generahsations 
deduced  from  experimental  knowledge,  and  consequently 
mere  hypotheses,  in  such  sense,  that  if  the  field  of  experience 
widens,  amd  other  phenomena  or  facts  be  forthcoming,  the 
VOL.  VL  2d 


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362     On  the  Telep/ione  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

theory,  principle,  or  law,  in  order  to  be  scientifically 
adequate  and  complete,  must  be  so  modified  and  extended 
as  to  take  cognisance  of,  and  include  such  additional 
phenomena  or  facts?  And  have  not,  as  regards  any 
definite  subject  matter,  what  might  in  some  sense  be 
regarded  as  abnormal,  and  exceptions  to,  or  aberrations 
from  a  given  law,  as  good  a  right,  in  the  nature  of  things 
to  go  to  make  such  law,  and  to  be  included  in  it,  as  to  be 
excluded  from  it  and  ranged  outside?  Should  not 
experience  be  certainly  exhaustive  on  any  definite  subject 
matter,  in  order  to  be  able  to  affirm  with  certainty  that 
such  or  such  a  theory  or  hypothesis  is  really  an  adequately 
true  and  scientific  law? 

2^  Applying  this  to  Acoustics:  The  law  or  principle 
arrived  at  by  science  from  experimental  knowledge  affirms 
that  an  elastic  medium  is  a  conditio  sine  qua  nan  for  the 
transmission  of  sound.  Might  not,  or  should  not,  such  a 
law  or  principle  be  modified  by  the  addition  of:  "or  electrical 
agency,*'  after  elastic  medium^  derived  from  experience 
since  acquired  ?  Is  not  this  way  of  putting  the  law  as 
reasonable,  true  to  fact,  and  philosophically  scientific,  as  to 
deny  that  the  sound  we  hear  at  one  end  of  the  telephone 
has  been  transmitted  or  passed  on  from  the  other  end  ? 

3°  Is  it  not,  after  all,  essentially  a  question  of  trans- 
mission of  energy  or  power  ?  And  is  it  not  identically  the 
same  energy,  resulting  from  the  voice  of  the  speaker  at  one 
end,  that  is  transmitted  to  the  tympanum  of  the  listener  at 
the  other  end  of  the  telephone?  Does  it  matter  much 
about  the  mode  or  medium  of  such  transmission,  whether 
by  air-waves,  elastic  medium,  tube,  string-telephone,  or 
electricity  ?  Does  any  modification  of  the  mechanism,  or 
means  of  transmission,  necessarily  destroy  the  identity  of 
the  energy  transmitted  ? 

4°  Has  not  the  force  or  energy  of  the  vocal  organs, 
which  sets  in  motion  the  air,  and  elastic  medium,  or  causes 
the  diaphragm  to  vibrate,  etc.,  as  good  a  right  to  be  called— 
and  is  it  not  as  much  in  the  nature  of  things  and  apart  from 
any  foregone  hypothesis — an  essential  element  constituent 
of  the  human  voice,  as  the  vibrations  and  air- waves  which 
that  force  or  energy  sets  in  motion  ?  Is,  I  ask  again,  the 
identity  of  the  human  voice  lost  on  account  of  the  modifica- 
tion or  change  of  medium  or  mechanism  which  transmits  it  f 

5°  The  main  drift  of  the  foregoing  questions  is  some- 
thing Uke  this  :  might  not  a  hypothesis  or  law  of  Acoustics 
which,  amongst  oUier  data    of  experience   on  the  whole 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     363 

matter  of  Sound,  should  take  account  of  the  phenomena  of 
electrical  agency, — even  though  it  be  not  as  yet 
systematised,  and  hitherto  have  no  recognition  in  scientific 
treatises,  encyclopasdias,  or  text  books, — ^be  regarded,  and 
really  be  as  strictly  scientific,  to  say  the  least,  as  one  which 
igDores  these  phenomena  ?  Or,  in  other  words,  might  not 
philosophy,  which  should  be  the  mistress  and  guide  of 
science,  give  answer,  that  whereas  on  one  scientific 
hypothesis  it  is  affirmed  that  the  human  voice  itself  is  not 
really  heard  through  the  telephone  ;  yet,  on  another 
scientific  hypothesis  based  on  new  and  wider  experience, 
it  mav  be  affirmed  that  it  is  certainly  so  heard  ?  And 
would  not  common-sense  philosophy  decide  that  the  former 
hypothesis  should  give  way  to  the  latter  ? 

6**  1  have  asked  practical  men  of  the  world,  in  business, 
&c.,  who  have,  at  the  same  time,  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  commonly  received  science  of  Acoustics,  whether  they 
would  say  (humano  modo  loquendi)  that  they  really 
directly  heard  the  voice  of  a  speaker  through  the 
telephone,  and  they  have  answered  me  decidedly  in  the 
aflSnnative.  The  argument  of  common  sense,  and  ordinary 
human  estimation,  appears  to  me  to  have  no  little  weight 
in  the  question. 

There  were  some  other  considerations  also,  but  these 
will  here  suffice.  I  had  great  diffidence  with  regard  to 
them,  as  running  counter  to  generally  admitted  principles, 
and  trenching  on  questions  of  physical  science,  in  which  I 
am  wholly  unversed.  For  a  long  time  1  sought  in  vain  for 
some  eminent  physicist,  to  whom  I  could  submit  them,  and 
who  would  be  disposed  to  look  at  them  with  a  large  and 
philosophical  spirit,  and  not  merely  in  the  light  of  technical 
science.  The  difficulty  of  such  consultation  was  moreover, 
to  my  mind  at  least,  considerably  enhanced  by  the  necessity 
I  saw  I  was  under,  in  order  properly  to  explain  my  case, 
of  entering  into  that  particular  matter  of  Catholic  theology, 
which  the  resolution  of  the  scientific  question  was  intended 
to  subserve. 

Most  happily  last  sunmier  I  received  an  introduction 
by  correspondence  to  Professor  Ryan,  of  the  University 
(x)llege,Nottingham(M.A.,  Cambridge,  andD.Sc,  London), 
who  has  devoted  himself  especially  to  the  science  of 
physics ;  and  to  him  I  submitted  my  views  in  terms  almost 
identical  with  those  I  have  here  expressed  ;  whilst,  at  the 
same  time,  I  explained  fully  my  theological  object,  and  the 
^ole  matter  of  the  requisite  moral  presence,  intimating 


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364     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

that,  if  I  could  at  all  see  my  way  clearly,  1  had  thoughts  of 
resuming  my  literary  controversy  in  the  I.  E.  Record,  and 
this  time,  indirectly  at  least,  on  the  scientific  aspect  of  the 
question.  I  cannot  sufficiently  express  my  sense  of  the 
great  kindness  of  Professor  Ryan,  who  has  taken  much 
interest  in  my  inquiry,  and  has  given  me  most  valuable 
help,  and  this,  as  1  am  well  aware,  under  the  pressure  of 
constant  occupation.  In  reply  to  my  first  communication, 
he  wrote  August  9th,  1884 : — 

^  *'  Your  letter  reached  me  to-day.  Speaking  as  a  physicist,  I 
agree  with  your  view  completely.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  endorsing 
it.  The  difference  between  hearing  speech  in  the  ordinary  war 
and  by  telephone  is  a  subject  for  investigation,  and  a  matter  of 
interest  to  a  student  of  physical  science,  but  can  have  no  meaning 
for  a  theologian  or  a  moral  philosopher.  Regarded  philosophically, 
there  is  no  essential  difference ;  it  is  merely  a  question  of  the 
mechanism.  It  is  a  question  of  transmission  of  power,  as  you  seem 
to  see.  It  doesn't  matter  much  whether  you  transmit  power  by  a 
strap,  or  by  a  train  of  wheels.  One  method  is  the  best  in  one  case,  the 
other  in  another,  the  principle  is  the  same  in  both.  When  you 
speak,  you  agitate  the  air,  and  the  blow  is  transmitted  to  the 
tympanum  of  the  listener.  If  you  use  the  string- telephone,  the 
sound  is  transmitted  by  the  string,  which  vibrates  longitudinally. 
The  electric  telephone  is  a  different  instrument  to  the  scientist,  but 
for  your  purpose  it  is  just  the  same.  Both  are  mechanical  arrange- 
ments for  transmission  of  sound  ;  the  use  of  electricity,  or  string, 
cannot  affect  the  case.  In  the  string-telephone,  the  enercry  trans- 
mitted is  not  always  in  the  form  of  motion.  The  cohesion  of  the 
string,  to  which  is  due  its  elasticity  in  part,  is  concerned  in  the 
transmission.  In  the  case  of  the  magnetic  telephone,  elasticity, 
due  to  cohesion,  does  not  play  a  part,  but  electricity  comes  in. 
This  merely  means  that  the  mechanism  differs  in  the  two  cases. 
To  modern  physicists,  electricity,  though  not  understood,  is  merely 
a  motion  or  affection  of  some  created  thing.  In  the  telephone  it  is 
merely  a  part  of  the  mechanism  for  transmitting  sound,  as  the  air  is 
in  the  case  of  ordinary  conversation,  the  string  in  the  string- 
telephone,  or  a  rod  or  rail  of  wood  or  iron  in  certain  cases.  Doubt- 
less we  shall  in  time  to  come  have  clearer  and  different  conceptions 
of  these  mechanical  arrangements  for  the  transmission  of  sound, 

'  It  should  be  remarked— and  internal  evidence  shows— that  the 
following  communication  was  not  at  all  intended  by  the  writer  to  be  a 
continuous  scientific  exposition  of  the  matter  it  deals  with.  It  is 
written  in  a  free  epistolary  style,  interspersed  with  detached  and  frag- 
mentary information  on  seveml  points  I  had  put  before  him  in  a 
desultory  way,  and  about  which  I  had  asked  questions.  Professor  Ryan 
little  thought  as  he  wrote  it  that  it  would  ever  see  the  light  of  publicity. 
But  I  do  not  on  that  account  consider  it  of  less  value. 


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bat  that  cannot  affect  the  question  at  issue.  However  different* 
the  subordinate  instmments  in  every  case  may  be  classed  as 
^  Mechanism.'  It  is  the  business  of  the  physicist  to  explain  the 
phenomena  of  the  universe  according  to  mechanical  principles. 
He  r^ards  it  as  automatic  mechanism  (abstracting  of  course  from 
all  question  of  supernatural  agency).  If  a  thing  takes  place  in  a 
natnral  way,  he  says  it  is  due  to  the  action  of  such  and  such  forces 
acting  in  certain  ways.  He  assumes  that  everything  acts  so,  and 
predicates  accordingly.  'I'he  position  is  quite  clear.  If,  then, 
theologians  accept  our  view,  they  must  accept  the  telephone  as  a 
means  of  transmitting  sound,  which  is  not  essentially  different  from 
the  ordinary  mechanism. 

"  I  would  point  out  further  that  in  the  ordinary  methods  of  hear- 
ing confessions,  the  sound  is  frequently  transmitted  by  a  sounding- 
board,  the  partition  of  the  confessional.  Again,  the  waves  of  sound 
strike  on  the  drum  of  the  car,  and  move  a  series  of  bones  beyond  it, 
and  eventually  excite  a  nerve,  probably  developing  an  electric 
current,  before  the  brain  is  conscious  of  what  is  said.  Thus,  then, 
the  ear  and  nerves  form  an  instrument  more  complicated  than  the 
sunpler  telephones, the  addition  of  which  to  the  ear  cannot  materially 
affect  the  question.  I  cannot  speak  on  the  theological  question ; 
but  I  take  it  that  sound  is  the  ordinary  vehicle  in  the  sticraraent, 
and,  surely,  this  is  provided  in  the  telephone.  1  suppose,  too,  that 
inflections  and  tone  of  voice  are  sometimes  of  importance.  Well, 
these  things  depend  on  the  harmonic  waves  and  subordinate  waves 
superimposed  on  the  main  waves  of  sound,  and  all  these  are  re- 
produced by  the  telephone.  You  can  recognise  the  voice  of  the  person 
you  are  conversing  with,  and  also  hear  conversation  that  is  taking 
place  near  the  transmitter.  I  may  say  that  the  sense  of  hearing 
can  be  perfectly  satislied  by  the  use  of  the  telephone.  I  speak  of  the 
more  perfect  telephones,  and  these  are  as  good  as  one  could  wish.  Of 
course  a  common  telephone  is  very  inferior,  and  the  good  ones  are 
expensive  ;  but  this  is  beside  the  question.  Probably  no  telephone 
would  be  quite  perfect,  and  allow  you  to  hear  as  well  as  if  close  to 
the  speaker  ;  but  the  best  ones  approach  this,  and  are  not  so 
defective  as  many  human  ears  that  are  utilised  in  the  confessional. 

'*  In  answer  to  one  or  other  of  }  our  queries  :  You  can  say  that 
you  see  a  man  in  a  mirror,  even  according  to  universally  received 
principles  of  physics,  for  the  rays  of  light  truly  fall  on  your  eyes ; 
they  are  merely  reflected,  just  as  sound  is  in  St.  Pauls.  So,  with 
spectacles,  you  see  by  rays  which  are  refracted  or  bent,  but  not  by 
reflection.  Jn  either  case  you  may  say  you  $ee,  Sound  can  be 
reflected  just  like  light  and  concentrated  at  the /oc?/.?  of  a  mirror; 
so  that  sound  unheard  in  intermediate  positions  would  be  audible  at 
a  distance.     It  can  be  refracted  or  bent  by  a  gas  bag. 

Personally  i  do  not  think  the  question  is  one  so  much  for  a  scientist 
as  for  a  philosopher,  and  I  consider  that  you  decidedly  take  the 
right  course  in  treating  it  mainly  from  the  standpoint  and  on  the  lines 


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366     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance, 

of  philosophy.  Tlie  very  expression,  *  to  hear  the  human  voice,* 
whilst  most  certainly  it  has  its  own  true  objective  meaning,  yet 
regarded  scientifically,  is  a  loose  popular  expression,  and  is,  I  think, 
hardly  capable  of  scientific  explanation.  What  we  have  to  rely  on 
for  its  verification  in  its  true  sense, — and  here  we  go  by  philosophy, 
rather  than  scientific  terminology, — is,  that  through  means  of 
another's  speech  our  sense  of  hearing  should  be  affected  by  the 
sounds  of  that  speech,  in  the  same  or  a  similar  way  as 
ordinarily  happens;  whilst,  at  the  same  time,  these  sounds, 
or  spoken  human  words,  should  convey  their  own  inherent 
thoughts,  of  which  they  are  the  natural  vehicle,  to  our 
conscious  brain  and  intelligence.  Herein  consists,  essentially, 
human  speech,  and  is  found  the  requisite  moral  presence. 
And  this  indisputably  is  obtained  through  the  telephone  .... 
I  wish  you  success  in  your  controversy.  You  are  certainly 
right.  But  you  must  proceed  by  philosophy .  If  you  go  by  merely 
technical  science,  the  exponents  will  tell  you  from  the  text-bodts 
that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  a  sound-wave  and  an 
electrical  current, — they  will  speak  very  positively,  and  there  will 
be  an  end  to  the  matter.  I  have  not  gone  into  your  arguments. 
I  believe  the  question,  scientifically  is  one  of  very  simple  principle, 
which  is  likely  to  be  lost  sight  of  by  going  into  details.  Sach 
details  as  I  have  touched  upon,  I  do  not  consider  as  vital.  I  hare 
only  used  them  as  extra  arguments.  The  one  principle  and 
argument  I  rely  upon  is,  that  the  mechanisms  are  of  the  same 
nature.  I  have  very  little  time  for  anything  beyond  my  ordinar)' 
work,  but  I  shall  be  happy  to  furnish  any  items  of  scientific 
information  that  it  is  in  my  power  to  give  which  may  be  of  vital 
importance  in  the  discussion." 

1  had  often  heard  the  name  of  Lord  Rayleigh,  F.RS., 
Professor  of  Experimental  Physics  in  the  University  ot 
Cambridge  from  1879  to  1885  (he  has  this  year  retired), 
mentioned  especially  in  relation  with  Electricity  and 
Acoustics,  as  a  scientist  of  the  highest  order  and  of 
pre-eminent  authority. 

Professor  Ryan  says  incidentally  in  one  of  his  letters: 

**  Lord  Rayleigh  would  be  perhaps  the  best  judge  in  the  work! 
and  the  greatest  authority  on  this  question,  iiound  is  Lord 
Rayleigh's  own  especial  subject.  Electricity  has  also  been  one  of 
his  chief  studies." 

And  it  was  with  much  interest  I  had  read  some  remarks 
of  his  in  a  brief  report  of  his  Inaugural  Address  as 
President  of  the  British  Association  at  its  Meeting  last  year 
in  Montreal.  *'  The  beautiful  inventions  of  the  telephone 
and'  the  phonograph,'*  he  says,   "  although  in  the  main 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  tJie  Sacrament  of  Penance.     367 

dependent  upon  principles  long  since  established,  have 
imparted  a  new  interest  to  the  study  of  Acoustics.     The 
former,  apart  from  its  uses  in  every-day  life,  has  become 
an  instrument  of  first-class  scientific  importance.      The 
theory  of  its  action  is  still  in  some  respects  obscure,  as  is 
shown  by  the  comparative  failure  of  the  many  attempts  to 
improve  it.     In  connection  with  some  explanations  that 
have  been  offered,  we  do  well  to  remember  that  molecular 
changes  in  solid  masses  are  inaudible  in  themselves,  and 
can  only  be  manifested  to  our  ears  by  the  generation  of  a 
to-and-fro  motion  of  the  external  surface  extending  over  a 
sensible  area.     If  the  surface  of  a  solid  remains  undisturbed^ 
our  ears  can  tell  us  nothing  of  what  goes  on  in  the  interior. 
In  theoretical  acoustics  progress  has  been  steadily  main- 
tained, and  many  phenomena  which  were  obscure  twenty 
or  thirty  years  ago  have  since  received  adequate  explanation. 
If  some  important  practical  questions  remain  unsolved,  one 
reason  is  that  they  have  not  yet  been  definitely  stated. 
Almost  everything  in  connection  with  the  ordinary  use  of 
our  senses  present-s  peculiar  difficulties  to  scientific  investi- 
gation.    Some  kinds  of  information  with  regard  to  their 
surroundings  are  of  such  paramount  importance  to  suc- 
cessive generations  of  living  beings,  that  they  have  learned 
to  interpret  indications,  which,  from  a  physical  point  of 
view,  are  of  the  slenderest  character.      Every  day  we  are 
in  the  habit  of  recognising,  without  much  difficulty,  the 
quarter  from  which  a  sound  proceeds  ;  but  by  what  steps 
we  attain  that  end  has  not  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained. 
It  has  been  proved  that  when  proper  precautions  are  taken 
we  are  imable  to  distinguish  whether  a  pure  tone  (as  from 
a  vibrating  tuning-fork  held  over  a  suitable  resonator,) 
conies  to  us  from  in  front  or  from  behind.     That  is  what 
might  have  been  expected  from  an  a  piiori  point  of  view  ; 
but  what  would  not  have  been  expected  is  that  with  almost 
any  other  sort  of  sound,  from  a  clap  of  the  hands  to  the 
clearest  vowel    sound,   the    discrimination  is    not    only 
possible,  but  easy  and  instinctive.     In  these  cases  it  does 
not  appear  how  the  possession  of  two  ears  helps  us,  though 
there  is  some  evidence  that  it  does ;  and  even  when  sounds 
come  to  us  from  the  right  or  left,  the  explanation  of  the 
ready  discrimination  which  is  then  possible  with  pure  tones 
is  not  so  easy  as  might  at  first  appear.     We  should  be 
inclined  to  think  that  the  sound  was  heard  much  more 
loudly  with  the  ear  that  is  turaed  towards  than  with  the  ear 
that  is  turned  from  it,  and  that  in  this  way  the  direction 


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^68     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

was  recognised.  But  if  we  try  the  experiment,  we  lind 
that,  at  any  rate  with  notes  near  the  middle  of  the  musical 
scale,  the  diflference  of  loudness  is  by  no  means  so  very 
great.  The  wave  lengths  of  such  notes  are  long  enouffh 
in  relation  to  the  dimensions  of  the  head  to  forbid  tne 
formation  of  anything  like  a  sound  shadow  in  which  the 
averted  ear  might  be  sheltered." 

I  have  quoted  thus  at  length  Lord  Rayleigh's  words, 
though  they  bear  only  remotely  on  our  question, 
because  they  are  those  of  one  of  the  highest  living 
authorities  on  Sound,  and  they  seem  to  me  clearly  to  show 
that  the  science  of  Acoustics  is  yet  in  progi-ess,  and  that  its 
laws  and  principles  as  hitherto  understood  are  anything 
but  so  absolute,  so  exhaustive,  and  certain,  as  the  generality 
of  scientists  would  make  them  out  to  be.  After  long 
hesitation,  1  yielded  to  my  own  desire,  and  to  the  recom- 
mendation of  a  friend,  by  writing  to  Lord  Kayleigh,  and 
submitting  to  him  the  considerations  1  have  given  above, 
in  almost  identical  phrase.  At  the  same  time  I  set  forth 
the  ulterior  object  of  my  inquiry,  together  with  such 
points  of  Catholic  theology  as  were  necessary  to  be 
explained.  With  courteous  kindness  he  returned  the 
following  answer : — 

**  TeRLIKG-PLACE,  WiTHAM,  E.S8KX, 

February  5th^  3885. 
*•  Sir — It  so  happens,  curiously  enough,  that  I  have  had 
occasion  before  to  give  au  opinion  upon  the  matter  raised  in  your 
letter  just  received.  It  was  in  connection  with  a  suit  between  the 
Post  Office  and  the  Telephone  Companies.  I  agree  with  the  view 
you  express.  I  consider  that  there  is  no  essential  difference 
between  conversation  by  telephone  and  through  an  ordinary 
speaking-tube.  Jn  the  one  case  the  intermediate  mechanism  k? 
mechanical  (so  called),  and  in  the  other  electrical ;  but  this 
difference  appears  to  me  to  be  not  fundamental. 

"  I  am,  yours  faithfully, 

Rayleigh." 
^^P.S. — ^You  are  quite  at  liberty  to  quote  my  opinion." 

I  have  still  further  matter  of  considerable  interest  to 
communicate  on  the  subject  of  this  Article,  which  I  must 
necessarily  postpone  for  a  future  Number, 

Thomas  Livius,  C.SS.R. 


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[    369    ]  • 

THE  INTERESTS  OF  THE  POOR  UNDER  THE 
POOR  LAW. 

IS  there  a  priest  who  does  not  look  upon  it  as  one  of  the 
chief  glories  of  his  election  that  to  him  have  be^i 
committed,  and  in  an  especial  manner,  the  interests  of  the 
poor  t  If  this  be  so,  it  will  be  admitted  that  a  plea  for  any 
class  of  the  poor  finds  its  place  within  this  Record  almost 
as  of  right. 

But  why  is  this  particular  class  which  has  been  taken 
charge  of  by  the  State,  brought  here  under  consideration 
in  so  special  a  manner? 

It  IS  because  the  State  having  no  special  commission  to 
the  poor,  is  apt  to  misunderstand  or  disregard  their  wants, 
as  it  has  misunderstood  or  disregarded  them;  because 
their  legitimate  interests  cannot  be  misunderstood  or  dis- 
regarded without  working  more  or  less  evil  to  all  classes  of 
the  community ;  because,  again,  the  priest  in  his  relation  to 
the  State,  has  the  right,  the  duty,  the  power,  of  raising  up 
his  voice  and  using  his  influence,  and  effectively,  in  defence 
of  their  misunderstood  wants. 

The  State  has  taken  charge  of  those  that  are  destitute. 
It  cannot  tolerate  the  scandal,  that  through  his  own  fault 
or  faultlessly,  any  one  should  be  without  such  bare 
necessaries  of  life,  as  food,  raiment,  warmth,  shelter.  But 
having  accepted  the  duty  of  protecting  the  worst  or  the 
most  unfortunate  from  utter  destitution,  it  finds  itself 
straightway  face  to  face  with  such  intricate  and 
absorbing  problems,  as  their  right  to  religious  help,  to 
educational  help,  and  the  indubitable  rights  of  the  rate- 
payer who,  out  of  may  be  very  slender  means,  finds  himself 
called  on  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  those  for  whose 
distress  he  is  in  no  way  responsible. 

And  in  this  century  of  boasted  progress,  when  States  no 
longer  professto  rule  in  the  name  of  God,  the  Statenolonger 
knows  now  to  seek  enlightenment  from  above,  and  attempts 
to  solve  these  problems  by  it«  human  knowledge  alone. 
And  as  no  other  mode  of  solution  is  now  possible,  those  who 
have  a  better  knowledge,  who  are  conscious  of  the  wisdona 
to  be  found  in  the  pursuit  of  the  charities  of  God,  through 
God,  and  for  God,  must  be  satisfied  to  work  through  purely 
human  means,  content  if  they  can  leaven  the  mass.  Let 
us  then  accept  the  State  system,  and  as  practical  men,  study 


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370         The  IntereHs  of  the  Poor  undei*  the  Poor  Law. 

its  shortcomings,  its  possibilities,  and  make  the  best  of  the 
means  within  our  reach.  To  act  otherwise,  would  be  to 
sacrifice  real  interests,  in  the  pursuit  of  that  chimera,  the 
ideal  good. 

We  must,  then,  consider,  carefully  weigh,  and  respect 
the  views  of  mere  political  economists,  and  show  them,  as 
we  can  show  them,  how  by  too  great  a  rigidity  they  miss 
some  of  the  objects  for  which  they  contend;  and  by  saving 
a  penny  here,  incur  the  loss  perhaps  of  a  pound  there.  For 
beyond  a  doubt,  and  as  the  result  of  experience,  it  is 
admitted  that  the  State  system  has  brought  upon  us,  the 
additional  burden  of  an  hereditary  pauperism. 

What  is  there  then,  in  the  system  of  which  we 
coniplain  ? 

Take  the  mass  of  the  inmates  of  our  workhouses.  Sane 
and  insane,  good  and  bad,  old  and  young,  are  more  or  less 
mixed  up  with  one  another,  to  fester  in  discomfort, 
degradation,  and  general  unwholesomeness. 

In  the  interests  of  the  ratepayer,  the  workhouse  must 
be  made  uninviting;  there  is  deprivation  of  personal 
liberty,'  and  there  is  put  upon  the  poor  the  livery  of 
social  degradation.  The  poverty  which  God  respects,  i& 
deprived  of  the  honour  due  to  it,  and  society  claps  its  brand 
upon,  and  works  its  will  with  it. 

The  insane  are  deprived  of  that  special  treatment  which 
might  in  some  cases  cure,  and  would  in  most  alleviate. 
The  innocence  of  childliood  is  contaminated  by  association 
with  the  out-come  of  the  childish  offscourings  of  the  streets  ; 
and  its  hopefulness  blunted  in  its  beautiful  aspirations  by 
the  general  hopelessness  of  its  suiTOundings. 

The  disciplme  which  is  irksome  to  the  well-intentioned,, 
and  is  felt  to  be  a  punishment  by  those  who  have  done  no 
wrong,  has  no  terrors  for  the  harlot  who  uses  the  house  a& 
a  Ijdng-in-hospital,  or  for  the  idle  tramp  who  uses  it  as  an 
hotel. 

What  wonder  if  many  come  to  look  on  the  house  as  an 
inevitable  and  in  many  cases  a  not  unwelcome  home? 
What  wonder  if  youth,^  cut  off*  from  its  natural  aspirations, 
brought  up  to  be  able  to  read  and  write,  and  to  know  the 
dimensions  of  the  great  Chinese  wall,  but  wholly  untaught 
in  the  use  of  the  weapons  required  in  the  battle  of  life, 

'  For  a  view  of  the  effect  on  youth  of  workhouse  training,  see  the 
evidence  in  the  latter  part  of  my  Amalgamation  of  Unions. — Duffy  &  Sons, 
Wellington  Quay,  Dublin. 


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The  Interests  of  the  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law.        371 

turned  out  to  be  mere  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water,  called  upon  to  do  the  coarsest  and  hardest  of  work 
for  infinitesimal  wages,  should  give  up  the  seeming  hope- 
less struggle,  and  lead  a  life  of  crime  outside,  or  return  to 
the  house  to  live  in  apathetic  scheming  idleness  ?  Even 
the  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing  and  of  the  great 
wall,  become  obstacles  and  deepen  despondency.  I  have 
no  wish  to  exaggerate.  Exaggeration  would  not  answer 
my  purpose.  1  freely  admit  that  many  families  have 
found  in  these  houses  useful  temporary  resting  places,  when 
the  waters  of  distress  have  risen  to  their  mouths,  and  have 
gone  out  again  to  resume  an  honourable  and  successful 
struggle  for  existence.  Not  a  few  youths  have  gone  forth 
and  won  for  themselves  positions  of  honour  and  trust ;  but 
in  reckoning  up  the  moral  balance  sheet  of  a  great  State 
system,  it  is  of  more  importance  to  consider  the  possibilities 
of  evils  it  presents,  and  to  view  mournfully  the  shipwrecks 
those  possibilities  have  brought  about. 

Common  sense,  indignant  at  the  disastrous  confusion  of 
idiosyncrasies  such  as  I  have  spoken  of,  cries  out, "  Why  not 
classify  the  inmates  ?  Surely  the  interests  of  the  ratepayer 
can  be  duly  consulted,  without  the  perpetuation  of  these 
evils." 

The  Economist  replies :  "  Common  sense,  my  dear  sir, 
has  not  much  to  say  to  State  systems;  they  are  not 
impressed  by  probable,  what  you  would  call  certain,  results 
— for  these  results  you  cannot  prove.  You  cannot  prove 
that  the  insane  you  see  in  these  houses  are  curable.  You 
cannot  prove  the  demorahzation  of  which  you  dis- 
course so  feelingly.  You  cannot  be  certain  the  young 
Avill  turn  out  ill.  For  the  general  discontent  and  lack  lustre 
eyes,  you  draw  perhaps  just  a  little  on  your  imagination. 
The  poor  under  the  system  are  not  perhaps  quite  so  happy  as 
we  should  desire,  for  I  too  have  a  heart,  but  I  mustbe  just. 
The  money  taken  from  the  ratepayer  is  a  fact ;  we  cannot 
speculate  with  his  money  on  the  possibly  better  results  to 
which  you  seem  to  point,  the  attainment  of  which  would 
be  costly.  We  consult  his  interests  in  making  these  houses 
just  a  Uttle  unpleasant,  what  we  call  the  workhouse  test** 
Thus  the  Economist. 

Certainly  the  interests  of  the  ratepayer  must  be  con- 
sulted, and  when  we  reflect  that  many  who  pay  rates  are 
saved  from  pauperism  by  an  almost  heroic  self-denial,  we 
must  admit  that  those  interests  cannot  be  too  carelully  or 
too  anxiously  considered. 


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372         Tlie  Interests  of  tlie  Poor  under  tits  Poor  Law. 

But  when  results  such  as  1  have  depicted  are  common 
results  of  the  system,  is  it  quite  clear  that  the  interests  of 
the  ratepayer  are  consulted?  It  would  seem  to  be  a  very 
doubtful  point. 

Classification  does  not  present  the  diflSculty  it  is 
supposed  to  present.  It  is  not  even  a  novelty.  It  Las 
been  practised  in  the  United  States  for  some  time  past,  and 
is  said  to  have  worked  most  beneficently. 

What  is  classification  ?  Canned  out  in  its  most  necessary 
details,  it  means  a  total  separation  of  the  sane  from  the 
insane  both  in  house  and  grounds^  and  the  gathering 
together  of  the  children  in  separate  establishments  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  them  industrial  training.  Carried  out 
completely,  it  would  mean  also  the  separation  of  persons 
of  character  from  those  M^ho  had  none — none  at  least  that 
they  care  to  keep. 

To  build  separate  houses,  to  find  separate  stafi's,  separate 
funds  for  these  various  classes,  would  involve  us  in  enormous 
expense.     Such  a  scheme  would  be  impossible. 

But  it  happens  that  we  possess  the  houses,  that  the 
stafi's  are  already  in  full  work,  and  that  by  a  better  economy, 
the  poor-rate  already  expended  from  year  to  year,  would 
produce  very  nearly  a  sufficient  supply  of  money. 

The  poor  law  system  was  established  and  in  operation 
before  the  great  famine  of  1845.  That  disaster  fell  upon 
us  with  great  suddenness:  the  potato  crop  was  blasted  in 
a  night,  and  the  majority  of  nine  millions  of  people  found 
themselves  face  to  face  with  a  certain  and  not  distant 
famine.  It  came,  and  fever  with  it — a  fever  which  spared 
neither  rich  nor  poor.  Eveiy  industry  was  paralysed  except 
the  official  distribution  of  relief,  and  that  came  too  late, 
and  was  wastefully  squandered.  The  Government  was 
struck  with  panic,  and  the  vast  expenditure  which 
might  have  been  spent  in  works  of  abiding  utility,  reared 
up  monuments  of  incapacity.  Among  other  extravagances, 
fifty  extra  workhouses  were  built.  Whatever  happened,  in 
the  interests  of  the  ratepayer,  the  workhouse  test  must  be 
kept  up,  and  a  permanent  source  of  expense  was  incurred 
to  meet  an  emergency  which,  however  severe  at  the  time, 
was  evidently  of  a  temporary  nature,  and  which,  humanly 
speaking,  can  never  recur. 

But  out  of  human  folly  often  comes  good.  In  the 
multiplicity  of  quarter  occupied  houses,  lies  the  solution  of 
the  classification  difficulty.  1  have  no  space  for  figures 
and  the  reasoning  to  be  founded  on  them,  beyond  these 


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The  Intereats  of  the  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law,         378 

figures,  that  in  a  Parliamentary  return  dated  1878,  the 
Local  Government  Board  acknowledged  to  a  housing 
power  of  147,222,  and  since  we  recovered  from  the  great 
famine  the  largest  demand  on  that  housing  power  has  been 
something  under  60,000. 

Moreover,  the  houses  were  built  to  suit  the  necessities  of 
nine  milb'ons  of  people;  we  are  little  more  than  half  that 
now. 

In  some  places  there  are  six  and  seven  workhouses  in 
an  area  equal  in  size  to  others  where  one  workhouse 
suffices,  and  all  but  the  large  urban  ones  are  more  than 
half  empty.  In  1879  there  were  no  less  than  eighty-two 
houses  holding  on  the  average  less  than  200  inmates,  if  we 
except  the  officials,  and  twenty-one  with  less  than  100 
inmates.  Why  then  should  not  some  of  these  be  handed 
over  for  the  use  of  lunatics  alone,  others  used  as  industrial 
schools,  and  others  as  houses  of  restraint  for  paupers  of  bad 
character  ?  The  ratepayer  would  suffer  little,  if  at  all,  in  the 
present,  and  would  effect  a  considerable  saving  in  the  end. 
The  houses  are  there,  the  staffs  are  there,  and  did  space 
permit  I  could  show  how  present  expenditure  could  be 
economized.  There  would  be  a  certain  charge  for  the 
carriage  of  special  inmates  to  gi*eater  distances,  and  the 
giving  the  children  industrial  training  would  be  at  first  a 
source  of  some  extra  expense.  But  let  ns  consider  briefly 
the  other  side  of  the  account. 

Take  the  lunatics.  At  present  every  lunatic  asylum, 
properly  so  called,  is  overcrowded  by  the  presence  of 
incurable  patients.  Large  sums  are  called  for^  to  add  to 
the  size  of  these  establishments ;  the  inmates  cost  about 
double  what  they  would  cost  under  the  Poor  Law,  and 
many  of  the  inmates  are  of  the  j)auper  class,  incurable  and 
harmless.  There  is  no  conceivable  good  reason  why 
incurable,  harmless,  non-pay  patients  should  not  be  collected 
into  some  half-dozen  of  the  houses  now  used  as  workhouses. 
They  would  have  the  whole  of  the  house  and  grounds  to 
themselves,  and  there  would  gradually  gravitate  towards 
them  a  staff  specially  suited  to  their  needs ;  a  very  large 
sum  now  charged  to  county  cess  would  be  saved  ;  beds 

*  £14,000  has  this  month  (May)  been  ordered  to  be  expended  on  the 
Monaghan  asylum  alone.  Within  an  area,  the  radius  of  which  taken  from 
Monaghan  is  about  15  statute'  miles,  there  are  four  other  workhouses 
— Armagh,  Clones,  Cootehill,  Castleblaney ;  the  liousing  capacity  of  the 
five  amounts  to  4,624 ;  and  the  average  number  of  inmates  in  the 
year  1877,  amounted  to  767  I 


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374         The  Interests  of  the  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law, 

would  be  set  free  in  the  lunatic  asylums  proper,  and  there 
would  be  additional  room  in  the  ordinary  workhouses. 

Again,  take  the  case  of  the  boys  and  girls.  From  the 
paucity  of  inmates  alone,  it  is  simply  impossible  to  give 
industrial  training,  unless  it  be  ruled  that  tailors  alone 
should  come  out  of  such  and  such  houses ;  shoemakers 
alone  out  of  such  and  such  others,  and  so  on.  In  the  case 
of  girls,  the  difficulties  are  diiferent,  but  so  'considerable 
that  a  well-meant  attempt  imder  particularly  favourable 
oii'cumstances  at  Cork  has,  I  understand,  been  given  up. 
It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  even  in  convents 
there  are  difficulties,  and  the  results  of  convent  bringing  up 
of  girls  to  go  out  as  servants,  is  not  altogether  a  success. 
Complaints  are  frequently  made  that  girls  in  convents  are 
too  tenderly  brougnt  up,  that  they  are  ignorant  of  house- 
hold work,  and  seem  unwilling  to  learn  it.  Some  lay 
persons  will  make  no  further  inquiries  about  a  girl,  once 
they  hear  that  she  has  been  reared  in  a  convent  Now, 
classification  would  open  out  a  field  to  such  for  becoming 
inured  to  some  little  hardships,  and  of  learning  their  work. 
Under  our  present  system,  most  of  the  menial  work  of 
the-  workhouses  is  done  by  women  of  bad  or  indifferent 
character,  they  being  the  only  women  in  the  houses 
sufficiently  able-bodied  to  undei-take  it. 

If  classification  in  its  completeness  were  carried  out,  and 
the  indifferent  characters  were  removed  to  houses  set 
apart  for  their  use,  and  where  they  could  and  ought  to  be 
subjected  to  a  sharper  discipline,  there  would  be  a  difficulty 
in  getting  the  menial  work  of  the  remaining  houses  done. 
But  it  could  be  done  by  elder  girls,  drafted  for  the  purpose 
fromthe  industrial  schools ;  and  if  it  were  made  a  rule,  that 
the  road  to  ordinary  service  should  be  through  these 
houses,  they  could  be  made  use  of  for  training  purposes. 
The  result  would  be  good  for  the  girls,  and  good  all 
round. 

Lastly,  complete  classification  would  leave  in  the  work- 
house proper,  only  the  old,  the  infirm,  and  occasional 
accidents  of  fortime.  In  all  such  cases,  the  test  could  be 
held  in  abeyance,  a  milder  discipline  allowed,  free  ingress 
and  egress  within  certain  limits,  permission  to  earn  money 
which  should  be  carefully  banked  for  them.  The  result 
would  be,  that  the  tone  of  the  houses  would  be  immeas- 
urably raised ;  and  though  the  happiness  of  the  inmates 
would  also  be  very  much  greater,  still  the  natural 
tone    of   independence    (which    a    low    tone    destroys). 


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The  Interests  of  the  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law.         875 

would  prevent  many  abuses.  The  temptation  to  give 
outdoor  relief,  which  as  a  system  has  been  proved  to  have 
a  tendency  not  only  to  increase  the  rates  but  to  increase 
the  number  of  those  dependent  upon  others,  would  meet 
with  a  useful  check,  renal  discipline  for  the  idle  and 
worthless  would  lessen  the  number  of  appUcants  for  rehef ; 
and  industrial  training  would  enable  many  to  pay  rates, 
who  for  want  of  it  will  infalUbly  cause  rates  to  be 
paid. 

In  regard  of  industrial  training,  there  is  a  diflSculty 
which  requires  probably  an  Act  of  Parliament  to  overcome. 
Fathers  and  mothers  leaving  the  workhouses  are  not  only 
permitted,  but  are  compelled,  to  take  their  children  Avith 
them.  Where  such  parents  leave  the  house  with,  as 
may  occasionally  happen,  a  fair  expectation  of  being  able 
to  maintain  themselves  and  their  families,  it  is  essential 
that  they  should  take  their  famiUes  with  them.  The 
institution  of  the  family  is  one  that  cannot  be  improved 
on  ;  but  when,  as  is  more  often  the  case,  they  leave  with- 
out reasonable  expectation  of  self-support,  the  children 
will,  in  all  human  probability,  be  sacrifaced.  Now  in  such 
a  case,  there  is  a  want  of  justice.  Jn  the  case  of  every 
person  entering  a  workhouse,  the  State  has  assumed  the 
duty  of  protecting  that  person  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  or 
her  elementary  and  necessary  rights. 

Every  child  has  an  inherent  right  to  be  taught  the 
desire  and  the  means  of  supporting  itself  in  after  life.  Not 
only  is  this  so,  but  the  interests  of  our  civilization  require 
that  such  rights  shall  be  safe-guarded.  The  State  cannot 
evade  the  consequences  of  its  assxunption  of  the  parental 
office.  Neither  to  the  natural  parent,  nor  to  anyone  else, 
can  the  State  with  justice  surrender  its  acquired  powere, 
until  it  has  been  made  manifest  that  there  is  at  least  reason- 
able grounds  for  believing,  that  the  child  will  continue  to 
enjov  its  natural  and  necessary  rights. 

The  parents  on  bringing  their  children  to  the  work- 
house, admit  in  the  most  emphatic  manner  possible,  that 
they  are  not  able  to  secure  to  their  children  that  they  shall 
be  taught  the  means  of  Uving,  which  our  complex  civiliza- 
tion requires  that  they  should  know.  The  State  then 
assumes  the  care  of  the  cliildren,  and  cannot  be  discharged 
of  its  office  upon  the  mere  desire  of  the  parents  to  resume 
their  ordinary  mode  of  life.  Hitherto  it  has  been  con- 
tended that  the  State  has  no  right  to  deprive  them  of  the 
society  of  their  children,  or  to  relieve  them  of  their  respon- 


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876         The  Interests  of  tJie  Poor  under  the  Poor  Law. 

sibilities ;  and  furthermore,  it  has  been  contended  that  to  do 
BO  would  be  to  sacrifice  the  ratepayer,  and  put  a  premium 
on  parental  neglect. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  these  contentions,  because 
in  passing  the  Industrial  Schools  (Ireland)  Act,  both  of 
them  have  been  practically  given  up.  Among  the  many 
qualifications  (if  I  may  use  the  term)  required  for  the 
admission  of  a  child  to  an  industrial  school,  is  that  it  shall 
have  been  found  begging.  Now  when  a  child,  or  its 
parent  for  it,  knocks  at  the  door  of  a  workhouse  seeking 
admission,  what  is  it  doing  if  it  be  not  begging?  It  is  a 
mere  quibble  to  draw  a  line  between  begging  of  the  State 
and  begging  of  an  individual.  The  essence  of  either 
petitions  is  an  admission  of  inability  to  do  without  assistance. 
Under  the  Industrial  Schools  Act  the  State  takes  possession 
of  the  child,  compels  the  parent,  if  possible,  to  contribute 
to  its  support,  but  allows  no  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  parent.  Some  such  powei-s  are  required  if  the 
industrial  system  is  to  be  applied  to  children  in  work- 
houses. And  it  is  required,  not  only  in  the  interest  of 
the  individual  child,  but  in  the  interest  of  orphans,  or  of 
children  whose  parents  have  neither  the  wish  nor  the 
power  to  remove  them,  because  they  are  apt,  under  present 
circumstances,  to  be  demoralized  by  the  cluldren  of  those 
who  are  constantly  running  in  and  out  of  the  workhouses, 
bringing  in  with  them  the  moral  atmosphere  and  reek  of 
the  streets- 

Independently  of  any  amelioration  in  the  condition  of 
the  inmates  of  Avorkhouses,  which  a  system  of  classification 
would  bring  about,  there  is  a  slight  change  in  the  method 
of  admissions,  which,  without  any  of  the  reforms  this  paper 
suggests,  could  be  carried  out  now,  and  ought  to  bo 
earned  out. 

The  areas  of  relief  have  not  been  arranged  as  they 
ought  to  have  been,  with  a  view  chiefly  to  the  convenience 
of  the  poor.  Local  interests  and  influences  have  had  too 
much  to  say  to  their  delimitation.  I  have  heard  of  a  case 
where  an  appUcant  for  relief  must  turn  his  back  on  a 
workhouse  five  miles  off*,  to  seek  relief  in  another  at  a 
distance  of  fourteen  miles !  Such  a  case,  and  I  apprehend 
a  by  no  means  uncommon  one,  is  outrageous  in  its  want  of 
consideration  for  legitimate  needs ;  and  as  its  mere  exist- 
ence has  not  sufficed  all  those  years  to  induce  the  Local 
Government  Board  to  redistribute  the  areas,  as  it  might 
have  done,  it  is  clear  that  some  outside  pressure  is  needed* 


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The  Interests  of  the  Poor  under  Hie  Poor  Law.         377 

But  even  where  the  size  and  configuration  of  the  areas 
of  relief  are  in  eveiy  respect  satisfactory,  the  poor  have  in 
many  caseR  to  travel  distances  to  get  their  cases  inquired 
into,  which  would  be  trying  to  well-fed  persons  in  full 
enjoyment  of  health.  Nothing  more  is  required  for  the 
purpose  of  remedying  this  wrong — ^for  it  is  a  wrong — than 
the  application  of  a  little  humanity  tempered  by  common 
sense.  There  are  in  Ireland  163  workhouses  and  720  dis- 
pensary districts.  Why  cannot  the  cases  of  the  poor  be 
investigated  in  these  dispensary  centres  T  Let  us  suppose 
that  in  Ireland  there  are  6,500  Poor  Law  Guardians,  oeing 
about  40  to  each  Union  ;  then  there  would  be  an  average 
of,  say,  9  Guardians  to  each  dispensary  district — I  speak  of 
rural  districts.  Surely  to  such  a  number  of  Guardians 
could  be  conceded  the  giving  of  provisional  orders  of 
relief,  either  in-door  or  out-door;  and  those  provisional 
orders  could  be  revised  once  a  month  by  the  whole  Board 
at  the  workhouse  centre. 

It  will  be  objected  that  already  Guardians  find  it  a  tax 
on  their  time  to  attend  once  a  week.  But  if  such  a  system 
as  I  advocate  here  was  adopted,  it  would  not  be  necessary 
for  them  to  attend  more  than  once  a  month.  Once  a  week 
they  would  go  the  very  much  shorter  distance  to  the  dis- 
pensary district,  and  once  a  month  attend  the  Union 
meeting.  Meanwhile  the  general  business  of  the  Union 
could  be  left  in  the  hands  of  a  Committee  elected  by  the 
Guardians.  The  work  would  be  much  better  done,  there 
would  be  a  deeper  sense  of  responsibility,  the  policy  of  the 
Board  would  gain  in  stability,  and  in  all  prooability  this 
change  alone  would  bring  the  rates  down  two  pence  in 
the  pound.  On  their  side  the  poor  would  be  saved  three- 
fourths  of  the  distance  of  the  journeys  thev  now  have  to 
take,  often  to  find  themselves  rejected.  Meetings  in  the 
different  dispensary  districts  could  be  held  on  different 
days,  and  a  workhouse  conveyance  could  attend  at  each 
to  remove  the  infirm. 

Moral. 

What  is  the  moral  of  this  paper?  Is  it  not  that  in  the 
interests  of  the  poor  there  is  a  great  work  that  ought  to 
be  done,  and  that  can  be  done  with  but  little  addition 
to,  probably  with  a  diminution  of,  our  present  burdens ; 
without  dislocation  of  existing  systems  ;  without  oflFending 
prejudices  ;  without  displacement  of  interests  ;  and  that 
all  that  is  required,  is  to  educate  the  ratepayer  to  see  and 
VOL.  VL  2  E 


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378  On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland, 

understand,  what  humanity  and  his  own  interests,  rightly- 
understood,  require  ?  Who  can  better  take  this  great  work 
of  mercy,  of  enlightenment,  of  persuasion,  into  their  hands 
than  the  clergy  ?  If  the  ratepayer  come  to  desire  such 
reforms,  who  is  there  that  can  withstand  him  ? 

C.  R.  Cbichester. 


ON  THE  LAW  OF  CHARITABLE  BEQUESTS  IN 
IRELAND. 

HI. 

The  Legal  Definition  of  Chxrity.— (Continued.) 

''  There  is,  perhaps,  not  one  person  in  a  thousand  who  knows 
what  is  the  technical  and  the  legal  meaning  of  the  term  Charity." — 
Lord  Cairns.^ 

WE  may  now  proceed  to  a  closer  inspection   of  the 
various  purposes,  and   classes  of  purposes,  which 
have  been  recogm'sed  by  the  courts  as  "  charitable." 

At  first  sight,  and  when  viewed  without  reference  ta 
the  principles  on  which  they  rest,  the  judicial  decisions 
which  practically  constitute  the  Common  Law  on  this 
subject,  may  appear  strangely,  and  indeed  hopelessly, 
inconsistent  with  one  another.  Thus,  we  find  it  laid  down, 
on  the  one  hand,  that  a  bequest  for  the  supply  of  a  town 
with  spring  water  is  "  charitable,' '^  and,  on  the  other,  that 
a  bequest  to  the  (Protestant)  Bishop  of  Durham,  to  be 
apphed  to  such  "  objects  of  benevolence  and  liberality  " 
as  he  should  most  approve  of,  is  not  "  charitable/'^  A 
bequest  "  to  Her  Majesty's  Government  in  exoneration  of 
the  national  debt  "  is  "  charitable  ;"*  a  bequest  to  a  friendly 
society  in  aid  of  its  funds  is  not  *'  charitable."*  A  bequest 
to  erect  or  to  keep  in  repair  a  tomb  or  monument  within 
a  church  or  chapel  is  "  charitable  :"*  a  bequest  for  erecting 
and  keeping  in  repair  a  monument  in  a  churchyard  is  not 

*  Dolan  V.  MacDermot,  Law  Keports,  S  Chancery  Appeals,  67tf. 
^  Jones  V.  WilUamSy  Ambler,  674. 

8  Moiice  V.  Ihe  Bishop  of  Durham,  9  Vesey,  899. 

*  Newland  v.  The  Attorney-General,  8  Merivale,  684. 

*  In  re  Clark's  Trust,  1  Chancery  Division,  497. 

®  Hoare  v.  Osborne,  Law  lieports,  1  Equity,  685  ;  Dawson  v.  SmoUy 
Law  Keports,  18  Equity,  114. 


L 


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On  tJie  Law  of  Cluxritahle  Bequests  in  Ireland.         379 

"  charitable."*  Again,  a  bequest  for  the  purchase  of  meat 
and  wine  fit  for  the  service  of  the  Passover,*  a  bequest  for 
the  recitation  in  the  Synagogue  of  a  Hebrew  prayer 
called  Candlish,  on  evtry  anniversary  of  the  testator's 
death,*  and  even  a  bequest  for  the  distribution  of  Johanna 
Southcote's  works,*  have  been  judicially  recognised  as 
*'  charitable ;"  but  a  bequest  "  for  adorning  or  dressing  a 
figure  of  the  Virein  Mary  *'  is  not  "  charitable/'^  And  it 
is  essential  to  observe  that  this  last  mentioned  decision 
in  no  way  rests  on  any  principle  of  hostility  to  the 
Catholic  religion,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that 
in  numerous  instances  the  courts  have  recognised  as 
"  charitable,"  bequests  such  as  the  following — '*  To  the 
Boman  Catholic  rriest  of  N.  and  his  successors  ;"*  "  to  His 
Holiness  the  Pope  and  his  successor ;"'  "  to  the  poor  and 
ignorant  inhabitants  of  the  parish  of  N.  for  the  promotion 
of  the  Roman  CathoUc  religion  among  them."^ 

But  without  further  multiplying  instances  that  may 
tend  to  create  the  erroneous  idea  that  the  state  of  this 
branch  of  the  law  is  as  complicated  and  unsettled,  as  it 
is  in  reality  both  clearly  and  minutely  defined,  let  us  look 
rather  to  the  principles  which  underlie  these  apparently 
conflicting  decisions,  and  which  determine  for  each  class  of 
bequests  its  place  in  a  well-regulated  system  of  law. 

We  have  seen  in  a  former  Paper  that  the  general 
outline  of  the  Umits  of  the  class  of  *'  charitable  "  puiposes, 
as  distinct  from  those  that  are  in  the  legal  sense  non- 
charitable,  is  traced  by  the  enumeration  of  certain 
"  charitable  "  purposes  in  the  statutes,  43rd  of  Elizabeth, 
c.  4,  and  10th  of  Charles  1.,  sess.  3,  c.  1,  and  that  for  a 
more  detailed  exposition  of  the  distinction  we  must  refer 
to  the  body  of  judicial  decisions,  based  upon  those 
statutes,  and  constituting  the  Common  Law  on  the  subject. 
From  the  multiplicity  of  those  decisions,  and  the  vast 
range  of  the  various  charitable  "  uses  "  with  which  they 
deal,  it  is  a  matter  of  some  impoiiance  in  our  exposition  to 
proceed  on  the  lines  of  some  well-devised  classification  or 

'  In  re  RUfley^s  Trusts^  15  Weekly  Reporter,  190. 
^  Straw*  V.  Goliismid^  8  Simons,  614. 
»  In  re  MicheVs  Trusty  28  Beavan,  39. 

*  Ihomton  v.  Howe,  8  Jurist  (New  Series),  663. 
5  See  Heath  v.  Chapman^  2  Drewry,  425,  426. 

*  1  hornier  v.  Wilson,  3  Drewry,  245 ;  4  Drewry,  350. 
'  Donnellan  v.  CNeilly  Irish  fteports,  5  Equity,  523. 

*  West  Y.  Shuttleworth,  2  Mylne  &  Keen,  684. 


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380         On  the  Law  of  Cluxritahle  Bequests  in  Ireland, 

grouping  of  them.  In  a  standard  treatise  on  an  important 
branch  of  our  general  subject,'  the  following  classification 
is  adopted  of  the  headings  under  which  all  legally 
recognised  charitable  purposes  may  be  grouped : — 

1.  Relief  of  the  poor  ; 

2.  The  advancement  of  learning  ; 

3.  The  advancement  of  religion  ; 

4.  The  advancement  of  objects  of  general  public  utility. 
It  may  be  useful  to  subjoin  a  few  examples  in  illustration 

of  each  branch  of  this  division. 

1.  Relief  of  the  Poor. — Under  this  heading,  the 
follo^\^ng  have  been  held  to  be  technically  "  charitable  '* 
purposes : — 

(a)  Relief  of  "  the  poor  "  generally.  But  in  this  case, 
as  no  sufficient  allocation  of  the  bequest  was  made  by  the 
testator,  it  was  held  that  the  Sovereign,  as  pareiw  joa^riae, 
should  have  the  allocation  of  the  fund.* 

{h)  Relief  of  "  the  poor  inhabitants  of  the  parish  of  N." 
In  the  interpretation  of  a  bequest  of  this  form,  an  interesting 
distinction  was  made  by  the  court.  For  it  was  held 
that  it  could  not  have  been  intended  by  the  testator  that 
'*  the  poor  inhabitants  who  were  relieved  Ity  the  parish  " 
should  have  the  benefit  of  the  legacy,  inasmuch  as  this  in 
effect  would  be  "  giving  to  the  rich  and  not  to  the  poor." 
The  court,  then,  declared  that  the  distribution  of  the 
legacy  was  to  be  confined  to  "the  poor  inhabitants  of 
that  parish  not  receiving  [parochial]  alms; ''  and  a  scheme 
to  regulate  the  distribution  on  this  principle  was  directed 
to  be  drawn  up  for  approval.®  It  is  in  no  way  inconsistent 
with  the  decision  thus  given,  that  in  another  case,  to  be 
noticed  in  detail  as  we  proceed,*  a  bequest  in  favour  of  a 
certain  parish,  "iw  aid  of  the  rate  for  the  reUefof  the  poor," 
should  have  been  upheld  as  charitable.* 

(c)  Other  objects  mentioned  as  charitable  by  writers  of 
authority,  or  affirmed  to  be  so  by  judgments  of  the  courts, 
are:  *' poor  housekeepers";  "the  poor  of  a  workhouse " ; 
"the  poor  maintained   in    the   N.   hospital";   "the  poor 


^  Shelford's  Pmcticdl  Treatise  on  the  Lair  of  Mortmain  (London,  1836), 
page  61. 

^Attorney-General  v.  Peacocl\  Finch,  24.5;  Attorney- General  v. 
Mathews,  2  Levinz,  167. 

8  Shelf ord,  page  63.  *  See  infm,  pages  386,  887, 

^See  Shelf ord,  pages  63-68 ;  1  Jarman  on  Wills,  pages  213,  214.  , 


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Gn  the  Law  of  C/iaritable  Bequeets  in  Ireland.         381 

widows  and  children  of  seamen  belonging  to  the  port  of  N." ; 
"  old  decayed  tradesmen*' ;  etc.,  etc.^ 

(d)  In  the  numerous  cases  of  legacies  in  favour  of 
*'poor  relations,'*  the  decisions  ^ven  may  at  first  sight 
seem  to  be  contradictory ;  as,  for  mstance,  when  we  find  it 
decided,  on  the  one  hand,  that  a  legacy  payable  once  for  all 
to  poor  relations  is  not  charitable,  while  on  the  other 
hand,  the  establishment  of  a  fund  for  the  perpetual  benefit 
of  poor  relations  has  frequently  been  upheld  as  charitable.^ 
By  attending,  however,  to  an  important  principle  of  law, 
w^hich  underlies  these  decisions,  we  may  see  that  they  are 
by  no  means  inconsistent  with  each  other.  The  principle 
in  question — and  it  is  indeed  one  of  fundamental  importance 
— is  that  charity,  in  its  legal  sense,  implies  a  gift  for  a 
purpose  having  in  some  way  the  character  of  a  public  or 
general  use.'  Now  a  bequest  in  favour  of  a  number 
of  existing  individuals,  connected  by  kinship  with  the 
testator,  is  naturally  regarded  as  wanting  in  this 
requirement,  for  in  such  a  case  mere  personal  consideration^ 
rather  than  "  charity  '*  in  the  legal  sense,  may  fairly  be  pre- 
sumed to  be  the  motive  of  the  gift.  The  extension  of  the 
bequest,  however,  to  kinsmenybr  ever^  or  for  so  long  as  the 
fund  may  last,  may  be  not  unfairly  regarded  as  in  some  sense 
lifting  it  out  of  the  class  of  ^fts  influenced  by  merely 
personal  consideration,  and  as  mvesting  it  with  something 
of  a  more  general  character.  Such  bequests,  then,  have  been 
judicially  recognised  as  charitable.  And  it  is  important  to 
add  that  even  in  the  case  of  a  legacy  payable  once  for  all, 
the  bequest  will  be  regarded  as  charitable  where  the 
context  can  be  taken  as  showing  that  "  charity,"  in  the 
sense  explained,  and  not  mere  personal  consideration,  was 
the  prevaiUng  motive  of  the  gift.  Thus,  in  a  case  where 
the  words  of  the  bequest  were,  "  to  poor  relations  and  such 
other  objects  of  charity  as  should  be  in  my  private  in- 
structions to  my  executor "  (no  such  instructions  having, 
however,  in  fact  been  given),  the  Court  held  that  the 
bequest  was  charitable.* 

2.  The  Advaxcement  of  Learning. — Under  this 
heading  we  may  place  the  following  as  instances  of 
bequests  which  have  been  recognised  as  "  charitable  :" — 

**  To  maintain  the  schoolmaster  of  the  town  of  N.'* ;  to 

'  See  Shelf ord,  page  62;  Hamilton,  pages  14,17;  1  Jarman  on 
Wills,  page  209. 

«  See  Shelf  ord,  pages  63-68  ;  1  Jarman,  pages  213,  214. 

'  See  Jones  v.  WiUianis^  Ambl.  65 1 .       *  See  Shelf  ord  and  Jarmau,  ibid. 


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382         On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Befjuests  in  Ireland. 

build  a  school ;  to  erect  a  free  grammar  school ;  "  for  and 
towards  the  establishing  of  a  school  in  N." ;  for  the  per- 
petual endowment  or  maintenance  of  two  schools.^ 

As  is  manifest  from  the  wording  of  the  statutes  quoted 
in  a  foiiner  paper,  it  is  in  no  way  necessary  that  the  school 
or  place  of  education  in  question  should  be  exclusively,  or 
even  mainly,  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor.  Both  in  the 
English  and  in  the  Irish  Act,«  the  provision  regarding  the 
erection  and  maintenance  of  *' schools,"  is  altogether 
distinct  from  that  which  regards  the  relief  and  maintenance 
of  **the  poor."  Indefinite  words,  such  as  "schools  of 
learning,"  manifestly  include  all  such  schools,  whether 
establiabed  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  or  not  And  so,  from 
many  of  the  decided  eases,  we  learn  that  when  there  is 
question  of  **  the  advancement  of  learning/'  to  constitute  a 
"  charity  **  in  its  legal  sense,  the  poor  need  not  be  its  sole, 
nor  its  especial  objects.  Thus  in  one  typical  case,  a  school 
"  for  the  education  of  gentlemen's  sons,'*  was  treated  as  a 
'*  charitable  "  institution  within  the  meaning  of  the  statute.' 

The  essential  ingredient,  in  fact,  to  constitute  a  charity 
in  the  legal  sense  is  that  there  should  be  a  gift  to  a  general 
public  use,^  and  this  of  course  may  extend  to  gifts  that 
favour  the  rich  also,  as  well  as  to  those  that  favour  only 
the  poor. 

Among  other  "  charitable  *'  purposes  that  may  be 
classed  under  this  heading,  we  meet  with  the  foUoAving : — 
The  foundation  or  augmentation  of  a  fellowship,  a  lecture- 
ship, or  a  scholarship,  in  the  universities ;  the  foundation 
of  prizes  for  essays ;  and  the  benefit  of  a  college  generally.' 

Until  a  somewhat  recent  date,  institutions  for  the  edu- 
cation of  persons  in  the  Catholic  reli^on,  and  Catholic 
schools  and  colleges  generally,  were  illegal,  and  conse- 
quently could  not  be  recognised  in  law  as  '•  charitable." 
The  *' Toleration"  Acts,  whether  the  English  Act 
of  1689,  or  the  Irish  Act  of  1719,  were  passed  for  the 
relief  of  "Protestant"  Dissenters  alone.  Hence  it  is 
that  in  the  Act,  35th  of  George  III.,  chapter  Slst, 
by  which  the  College  of  Maynooth  -was  founded,  we  find 
a  distinct  recital  that  by  the  law  then  in  force  in  Ireland 

1  See  Shelford,  pages  68-71  ;  Jarman  on  Wills,  vol.  i.,  page  210. 
«  See  I.  E.  Record  (Third  Series),  vol.  vi.,  n.  5  (May,  1885),  pages 
280,  284. 

*  See  Shelford,  page  70 ;  1  Jarman  on  Wills,  page  210. 

*  See  Jones  v.  H  ifliams,  Ambler,  page  651. 

*  See  Shelford,  ibid. :  Jarman,  ibid. 


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On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland,        385; 

it  had  not  been  lawful  to  endow  any  college  or  eeminary- 
"  for  the  education  exclusively  of  persons  professing  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion/'  And  plainly  the  establishment 
of  this  one  College  was  not  held  to  effect  a  change  in  the 
law  generally,  for  in  a  somewhat  remarkable  case  dealt 
Avith  m  the  Irish  Court  of  Chancery  in  1808,  regarding  a 
bequest  from  a  Mrs.  Power,  a  Catholic  lady,  to  the  Catholic 
Archbishop  of  Cashel  and  the  Catholic  Bishop  of  Waterford, 
for  the  clothing  of  the  poor  children  in  the  school  of 
"  The  Nunnery  m  Waterford,"  the  Lord  Chancellor  (Lord 
Manners)  explained  the  law  as  follows: — **  Such  a  bequest, 
by  way  of  endowment,  of  a  Roman  CathoUc  school  would 
by  the  law  of  England  be  deemed  void  ...  1  might 
from  the  terms  of  this  bequest  presume  it  to  be  an  endow- 
ment of  a  Catholic  school.  I  shall  not,  however,  act  on  the^ 
presumption,  but  refer  it  to  the  Master  to  inquire  and  report 
the  character  and  description  of  the  school.''*  And  of  a 
further  bequest  in  the  same  will,  •'  for  the  support  and 
education  of  poor  boys,"  the  Lord  Chancellor,  speaking 
of  the  two  (/atholic  Prelates  who  were  named  as 
trustees,  said:— "They  may  continue  to  act  ...  I  am 
very  certain  they  will  act  with  such  liberality  as  to  make 
no  distinction  between  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic 
boys,  and  will  not  render  it  necessary  for  this  Court  to 
control  them  ;  which,  if  there  be  anything  in  the  doubts  1 
have  suggested,  this  Court  will  be  boimd  to  do,  should  they 
confine  the  charity  to  the  education  of  boys  exclusively  in 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion."  And  after  some  further 
exposition,  he  added : — **  It  is  very  doubtful  at  least 
whether  the  law  of  this  country  as  to  the  endowment  of  a 
Catholic  school  differs  from  the  law  of  England,  by  wliich 
such  an  establishment  is  illegal  and  void,''^ 

All  doubt,  however,  on  the  subject  has  since  been 
removed.  In  1832  an  Act  of  Parliament  (2nd  and  3rd  of 
William  IV.,  chapter  115)  was  passed,  extending  to  Roman 
Cathohcs  the  benefit  of  the  legislative  protection  for 
charitable  and  other  purposes,  secured  for  Protestant 
Dissenters  by  the  Toleration  Act.  The  words  of  the  statute 
are  that  "  His  Majesty's  subjects  professing  the  Roman 
(Jatholic  religion  should,  in  respect  to  their  schools,  places 
of  relijrious  worship,  education,  and  c/uiritable  purposes,  in 
Great  Britain,  and  the  property  held  therewith,  and  the 

'  Attorney- General  v.  Power,  1  Ball  and  Beatty,  p.  150. 
'  Ibid,  page  168. 


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384         On  the  Law  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland. 

persons  employed  in  and  about  the  same,  be  subject  to 
the  same  laws  as  the  Protestant  Dissenters."  This  Act 
regarded  Great  Britain  only.  But  from  the  uniform 
decisions  of  the  courts,  if  not  from  express  legislative 
sanction,  it  is  now  quite  free  from  doubt  that  in  Ireland 
also,  Catholic  schools,  colleges,  and  other  charitable 
institutions,  as  such,  are  in  no  way  subject  to  disability 
as  regards  their  legally  '*  charitable  "  character,  and  are  as 
fully  recognised  in  this  respect  as  the  institutions  of  any 
other  religious  body  in  the  Kingdom. 

3.  The  Advancement  of  Religion — From  the 
concluding  observations  just  made  under  the  second 
heading,  it  is  clear  that  we  are  here  to  understand  by 
*'reHgion,"  not  merely  the  Protestant  religion,  which  is  the 
religion  of  the  British  Constitution,  but  also  the  Roman 
Catholic,  and,  in  a  word,  every  form  of  religion  that  is  even 
tolerated  by  the  State. 

By  the  statutes  9th  and  10th  Victoria,  chapter  59,  and 
J  8th  and  19th  Victoria,  chapter  86,  bequests  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Jewish  religion  are  expressly  recognised  as 
*'  charitable." 

Under  this  third  heading,  then,  we  may  place  the 
following  bequests  which  have  been  dealt  with  by  the 
Courts  as  *'  charitable  ** : — 

*'  For  the  expenses  of  an  annual  sermon,  with  fees  to  the 
preacher,  the  clerk,  and  the  pew-openers  " ;  "  for  keeping  in 
repair  the  chimes  of  a  church  " ;  "  for  keeping  up  an  organ, 
and  for  the  payment  of  the  organist'*;  **  for  repairs, 
furniture,  and  ornaments  of  a  church "  ;  "  to  build  or 
repair  a  vicarage  " ;  **  for  the  distribution  of  bibles," &c.,  &c.* 

So  also  we  find  the  following  : — "  For  poor  dissenting 
ministers"  ;  "  to  the  Roman  Catholic  priest  of  N.  and  his 
successors  "  ;  "  to  His  Holiness  the  Pope,  and  in  the  event  of 
his  dying  before  the  testator,  then  to  his  successor  "  ;  "  to  the 

f>oor  and  ignorant  of  the  parish  of  N.,  for  the  promotion  of 
the  Roman  Catholic]  religion  among  them.  "* 

In  conformity  witn  the  fundamental  principle  already 
more  than  once  referred  to,  the  "  charitable  "  character  of 
a  reUgious  bequest  depends  upon  its  being,  to  some 
extent,  of  the  nature  ot  a  public  or  general  use  ;  in  other 
words,  it  must  be  of  such  a  nature  that  its  execution  is 
calculated  to  confer  a  benefit  upon  the  pubUc,  or  upon  some 

!  See  Shelf ord,  p.  71 ;  1  Jarman,  p.  203  ;  Hamilton,  p.  22.      ^Ibid. 

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On  the  Law  of  Cliaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland,         385 

section  of  the  public.  Thus,  for  instance,  bequests  in  aid 
of  mere  private  devotion,  or  for  the  spiritual  benefit  merely 
of  individuals  as  such,  are  not  recognised  as  **  charitable  " 
— the  policy  of  the  law  in  this,  as  in  the  other  sections 
which  we  have  hitherto  examined,  being  to  look  to  the 
general  good  of  the  community,  or  of  some  section  of  it 

It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  the  legal  recognition  of 
the    *'  charitable ''    character    of   bequests    for    religious 

furposes,  in  the  case  of  *'  dissenting  *'  bodies,  whether 
rotestant  or  Catholic,  extends  not  merely  to  those  cases 
in  which  the  particular  object  specified  is  the  maintenance 
of  a  minister,  or  of  his  residence,  or  of  a  place  of  religious 
worship,  but  also  to  those  in  which  the  bequest  is  for  the 
express  object  of  propagating  the  religious  opinions  of  the 
community  or  sect,  provided  only  that  these  opinions, 
however  completely  they  may  be  at  vanance  with  the 
doctrines  of  the  Protestant  church,  are  yet  not  contrary  to 
law? 

Thus,  then,  a  bequest  for  the  propagation  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  is  unquestionably  "  charitable,**  and  in  a 
case  where  tne  bequest  was  to  the  well-known  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Faith,  this  has  been  recognized 
in  the  Courts.  But  a  bequest  of  a  sum  of  money  for 
printing  and  promoting  the  circulation  of  a  certain 
trearise  inculcating  the  doctrine  of  the  absolute  and 
inaUenable  supremacy  of  the  Pope  in  ecclesiastical 
matters  (this  doctrine  being  at  vanance  with  the  legal 
recognition  of  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the 
Sovereign  in  the  British  dominions),  has  been  held  to  be 
illegal,  and  consequently  not  "charitable**  in  the  legal 
sense,* 

Under  this  heading  it  remains  only  to  state  the  principle 
on  which,  €ts  already  mentioned,  the  case  of  a  monument 
has  been  differently  dealt  with,  according  as  there  was 
question  of  a  monument  in  a  churchyard,  or  of  one  placed  in 
a  church  or  chapel.  In  the  former  case  there  is  manifestly 
nothing  to  invest  its  erection  or  repair  with  a  "  charitable  *' 
character :  a  monument  being,  of  its  nature,  nothing  more 
than  a  tribute  to  the  worth  of  some  deceased  individual. 
But  a  monument  may  be  erected  so  that  it  can  be  regarded 
as  a  portion  of  a  building,  such  as  a  church  or  chapel, 
the  erection,  decoration,  or  repair  of  which  is  **  charitable  '* 
by  the  express  provision  of  the  Statute  of  EUzabeth ;  and 

^  See  Jarman  on  Wills,  voL  i.,  page  206.        «  See  Jarman,  p.  206. 

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886         On  the  Laic  of  Charitable  Bequests  in  Ireland, 

in  this  view,  the  erection  of  a  monument  within  a  church 
or  chapel  has  in  several  cases  been  regarded  by  the 
Coiurts  as  a  "  charitable  '*  purpose.^ 

4.  The  Advancement  of  objects  of  general  public 
UTiLlTr. — This  probably  is  the  heading  under  which  it  will 
be  found  most  strikingly  manifested  how  widely  the  legal 
technical  sense  of  the  tenn  Charity  differs  from  its  ordinary 
popular  acceptation. 

The  following  purposes,  all  of  which  have  been  judicially 
recognised  as  "  charitable,"  majr  be  taken  as  presentiuff  a 
sufficiently  clear  general  outline  of  this  fourth  and  last 
section  into  which  the  subject  of  charity  in  the  legal  sense 
has  been  divided.  From  their  enumeration  it  will  be  seen 
that  in  such  cases  as  the  following  the  promotion  of  the 
general  good  of  a  public  community  is  of  itself  sufficient  to 
constitute  a  legal  "  charity  '* : — 

"  To  buy  and  maintain  a  life-boat  for  the  town  of  N.*' ; 
'*  to  supply  the  town  of  N.  with  spring  water  *' ;  "  to  keep 
up  a  public  garden  " ;  "to  pay  part  of  the  taxes  levied  oa 
the  town  of  N. ;"  "  to  pay  part  of  the  national  debt.**^ 

So  also  grants  of  lands  and  revenues  vested  in  the 
Corporation  of  a  town  for  various  public  uses  and  pui-poses, 
such  as  the  paving,  lighting,  cleansing,  and  improvement 
of  the  town,  the  erection  of  water- works,  the  repair  of  public 
bridges,  roads  and  highways,  are  clearly  **  charitable  **  in 
the  legal  sense,  within  the  Statute  of  Elizabeth,*  and  have 
in  numerous  cases  been  judicially  recognised  as  such. 

And  this  may  be  a  convenient  place  to  point  out  how 
in  reality  there  is  no  inconsistency  between  two  apparently 
inconsistent  decisions  already  mentioned.*  In  one  of  these 
a  bequest  "  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  inhabitants  **  of  a 
certain  parish  was,  as  we  have  seen,  interpreted  by  the 
Court  so  as  not  to  include  those  poor  inhabitants  who  were 
relieved  by  the  parish^  inasmuch  as  extending  it  to  those  who 
otherwise  were  dependent  upon  parochial  relief  would  be 
a  relief  of  the  poor-rate  or  other  parochial  burdens,  and 
would  thus  be  "giving  to  the  rich  and  not  to  the  poor." 
Yet  the  other  case,  of  which  indeed  there  is  more  than  one 
example,  a  bequest  left  expressly  "  in  aid  of  the  rate  for  the 
relief  of  the  poor,"  was  upheld  as  charitable.  These  decisions^ 

'.  See  Jarman,  p.  211. 

»See  Shelford,  p.  75  ;  1  Jarman,  p.  209. 

«  See  I.  E.  Record  (Third  Series),  vol.  vi.,  n.  5  (Jan.  1885),  page  280. 

*  See  page  380. 


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On  the  Law  of  Cliaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland.         387 

however,  are  in  no  way  inconsistent.  In  the  former  there  was 
question  of  a  bequest,  not  in  favour  of  the  parish  generally, 
but  in  favour  of  the  poor  of  the  parish.  The  judicial 
decision,  then,  regarded  solely  the  interpretation  of  the 
bequest  as  thus  made.  It  by  no  means  implied  that  a 
valid  charitable  bequest  might  not  be  made  for  the 
reUef  of  the  parish  generally,  by  a  gift  in  aid  of  the  poor- 
rat«  or  other  parochial  burthens.  Indeed  from  what  has 
just  been  explained  in  the  preceding  paragraphs,  it  is 
manifest  that  a  bequest  so  made  should  of  necessity  be 
regarded  as  "  charitable.'*  But  it  would  be  **  charitable  '* 
aa  a  public  or  general  benefit  to  the  parish,  and  not  as  a 
benefit  conferred  specially  on  "  the  poor.** 

Thus,  then,  we  see  how  the  two  decisions  in  question  fit 
in  with  one  another.  It  is  one  thing  to  shut  out  as 
inadmissible  a  particular  interpretation  of  a  bequest  which 
has  been  made  expressly  in  favour,  of "  the  poor  *'  of  a 
parish,  and  a  totally  distinct  thing  to  lay  down  that, 
outside  the  limits  thus  laid  down,  a  bequest  which  has 
been  made,  not  specially  in  favour  of  "  the  poor  *'  of  the 
parish,  but  in  favom*  of  the  parish  generally,  would  not  be  a 
valid  charitable  bequest.  And  so  the  matter  was  judicially 
explained  in  a  comparatively  recent  case,  in  which  the 
appUcation  of  a  certain  charitable  bequest  to  purposes 
usually  defrayed  from  the  poor-rate  of  the  district,  was 
Kought  to  be  interfered  with  as  inconsistent  with  the 
former  of  the  two  decisions  mentioned  above.  It  was 
then  pointed  out  by  the  Master  of  the  Rolls  (Lord 
Romilly)  that  a  valid  charitable  bequest  tending  to 
the  relief  of  the  poor  might  be  made  in  either  of 
the  two  ways:  "wnether  for  the  relief  of  the  poor, 
in  aid  of  the  poor  rate  and  other  parochial  burthens 
(as  was  the  case  in  the  beauest  then  before  the 
court),'*  or  *^for  the  relief  of  the  poor**  only,  wholly 
independent  of  any  reference  to  the  relief  of  the 
poor-rates  or  other  parochial  burthens.  In  either  event 
the  bequest  would  be  a  valid  charitable  bequest.  But  in 
the  former  case  it  would  be  a  bequest  in  favour  of  *'  the 
parish  *'  generallv :  in  the  latter  case  it  would  be  a  bequest 
in  favour  exclusively  of  "  the  poor  **  of  the  parish ;  and  as  a 
matter  of  course,  it  is  in  the  latter,  and  not  in  the  former, 
sense,  that  a  bequest  simply  in  favour  of  "the  poor" 
of  the  parish  should  be  interpreted.^ 

'  See  Attomey'Genetnl  v.  Blizzard,  21  Beavan,  page  248. 

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888  On  the  Law  of  C/iaritable  Bequests  in  Ireland. 

From  the  exposition,  then,  thus  far  set  forth,  we  may 
infer  as  a  definition  of  a  "  charitable  "  bequest,  in  the  legal 
sense,  sufficiently  accurate  at  least  for  the  purpose  of  these 
Papers,  that  it  is  a  bequest  for  some  purposes  which,  in  the 
sense  more  than  once  explained  in  the  preceding  pages,  is 
in  the  nature  of  "  general "  or  **  public "  u6e,  tending 
(a)  to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  (6)  to  the  advancement  of 
learning,  (c)  to  the  advancement  of  rehgion,  or  (rf)  to 
the  advancement  of  objects  of  general  public  utility. 

And  so  it  has  invariably  been  held  that  a  bequest  of 
a  fund  was  not  "  charitable,**  where  it  was  left  **  to  be 
given  in  private  charity.'*  For,  as  the  Master  of  the  Rolls 
(Sir  Thomas  Plumer)  pointed  out,  "  there  is  no  case  in 
which  '  private  *  charity  has  been  acted  upon  by  the 
Court  .  .  .  The  charities  recognised  by  tne  Court  are 
public  in  their  nature.**^ 

On  this  principle,  a  beque&t  in  favour  of  a  certain 
"friendly  society"  was  held  not  to  be  **  charitable.**  For, 
as  it  was  argued,  such  a  society  wae  in  reality  a  "  private 
assurance  company."  "  The  members,'*  said  Vice-Chan- 
cellor Hall,  in  giving  judgment  in  the  case,  "were  to 
provide  by  subscriptions  and  fines  a  fund  to  be  distributed 
for  their  mutual  benefit  in  cases  of  sickness,  lameness, 
or  old  age.  Poverty  of  the  member  at  the  time  of  his 
sickness,  or  lameness,  or  old  age,  was  not  required  to 
entitle  him  to  an  allowance."  "It  appears  to  me,**  con- 
cluded the  Vice-Chancellor,  "the  society  was  not  a 
charitable  institution.*'* 

And  relying  with  approval  on  this  decision,  the  English 
Court  of  Exchequer  has  since  decided  that  a  bequest  in 
favour  of  a  certain  "AthensBum  Mechanics'  Institution" 
was  not  **  charitable,"  it  having  been  decided  in  the 
former  case  that  "  an  institution  for  mutual  benefit  is  not  a 
charity,**  and  the  Mechanics*  Institution  in  question  being 
"  a  species  of  club  in  which  a  number  of  persons  come 
together  for  literary  purposes  and  mutual  improvement."* 

The  practical  appUcation  of  the  legal  definition  of 
"  charity,'*  as  thus  ascertained,  will  be  found,  as  we  proceed, 
to  present  some  points  of  interest. 

William  J.  Walsh. 


*  See  Ommaney  v.  Butcher^  Turner  and  Russell,  page  260. 

*  /«  re  Clark's  Trusty  1  Chancery  Division,  page  497. 
«  In  re  Dutton^  4  Exchequer  Division,  page  67. 


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[    389    ] 


MARY  STUART  AND  ELIZABETH  TUDOR. 

IN  Henry  the  Seventh's  (^lapel,  Westminster  Abbey,  is 
deposited  a  handful  of  dnst,  all  that  now  remains  of  the 
peerless  and  beautiful  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  As  she  was 
the  centre  of  contention  during  Ufe,  so,  now,  almost  three 
hundred  years  after  her  murder,  the  tumult  of  controversy 
is  heard  above  her  grave.  Robertson,  Abbot,  Doran, 
Thackery,  Dickens,  Scott,  not  to  mention  a  host  of  fanatical 
anti-Catholic  writers,  have  branded  her  as  a  murderess  and 
an  adulteress;  as  a  wicked,  abandoned  woman  whose 
Bufferings  were  a  just  punishment  for  her  crimes.  Catholics, 
on  the  contrary,  have  always  looked  upon  Mary  Stuart  as 
the  embodiment  of  what  is  good,  and  noble,  and  heroic ; 
as  the  innocent  victim  of  unexampled  calumny  and  outrage. 
Late  researches,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  have  confirmed 
the  latter  and  more  charitable  view,  dispelling  any  shadows 
which  still  hung  above  the  grave  of  Scotland's  most 
beautiful  and  most  unfortunate  Queen,  the  world- renoAvned 
Mary  Stuart. 

Slary  was  bom  in  the  Palace  of  Linlithgow,  not  far  from 
Edinburgh,  on  the  7th  of  December,  1542.  The  clouds  of 
strife,  discord,  and  misfortune  gathered  even  above  her 
infant  cradle,  for  the  same  notes  which  rang  in  an  heiress 
to  the  Scottish  Crown  rang  out  the  life  of  "  the  poor  man's 
king,"  and  Mary's  father  James  V.  **  From  the  tall  cataract- 
guttered  hills,"  writes  MacLeod,  "  where  sleeps  the  eternal 
snow — white,  cold,  and  silent,  from  the  purple  moorland 
where  the  bee  hums  in  the  simamer,  and  the  stately 
ptarmigan  and  the  black-cock  lurk  and  brood ;  from  the  glen 
upon  whose  sides  the  tentined  stag  feeds  with  uplifted  ears; 
from  the  still  loch,  silver  or  black,  or  *  burnished  sheet  of 
living  gold,*  as  God's  shadow,  or  sun,  or  moonlight  chanced 
to  fall  upon  it ;  from  the  rough  river  where  golden  salmon 
leap  against  the  rapids ;  from  clusters  of  larch  or  fir  tree 
stirred  by  the  northern  breeze  came  the  full  sound  of  joy 
and  pain — James  is  dead,  but  Scotland  hath  an  heir." 

England's  Bluebeard,  Henry  VllL,  sohcited  the  hand  of 
the  infant  Queen  first  for  himself  and  then  for  his  son 
Edward.  Mary  of  Lorraine,  the  Queen  Dowager,  refused 
both  requests,  and  as  Henry,  whose  manner  of  wooing  was 
Bomewhat  rough,  had  sent  an  army  to  seize  the  (^hild,  she 
had  to  be  carefully  guarded,  first  in  the  Castle  of  Linlith- 
gow, and  then  in  the  Island  of  Inchmahone,  under  the 


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390  Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudor. 

shadow  of  Ben  Lomond.  In  her  fifth  year  Mary  Stuart  was 
sent  to  France.  She  had  already  been  betrothed  to  Francis, 
eldest  son  of  Henry  II.,  and  so  to  put  her  beyond  the  reach 
of  England  as  well  as  the  traitors  inj^Scotland,  whom  gold 
had  purchased,  Mary  of  Lorraine  sent  her  child  away  irom 
her.  On  the;  morning  of  her  departure  as  she  stood  with 
her  four  Maries  beneath  the  **  castled  crag**  of  Dumbarton 
an  eye-witness  described  her  as  "  one  of  the  most  perfect 
creatures  the  God  of  nature  ever  formed.** 

Mary  remained  in  France  during  foui-teen  years,  and 
this  was  the  happiest  period  of  her  life.  She  was  endowed 
with  first-class  abilities.  She  had  an  hereditary  passion 
for  poetiy  and  music,  and  acquired  an  extraordinary  pro- 
ficiency in  both.  George  Buchanan  made  her  one  of  the 
best  Latin  scholars  of  the  age.  Rousard  instructed  her  in 
poetry.  Her  warrior  kinsman,  the  Duke  of  Guise,  made 
her  a  bold  and  graceful  rider,  while  with  all  her  applications 
to  study  sbe  found  time  to  make  herself  the  best  dancer  in 
the  French  court ;  so  her  beautiful,  pure,  happy  life  glided 
on,  as  glides  the  crystal  stream,  through  vera  ant  lawns  and 
undulating  meadows,  with  scarcely  a  pebble  in  its  course 
to  disturb  its  silent  meanderings. 

On  April  22,  1558,  Mary  was  married  to  the  Dauphin, 
afterwards  Francis  II.  Her  husband  was  a  drooping,  del- 
icate boy,  and  in  December,  1560,  after  a  reign  of  seventeen 
months,  the  white  hands  of  Mary  Stuart  closed  his  eyes  for 
ever.  Her  dead  husband  was  only  seventeen  years  old, 
and  the  pale  and  drooping  widow  bending  over  his  bier  was 
only  thirteen  months  older.  When  the  days  of  mourning 
for  her  boy-husband  were  passed,  Mary  quitted  the  land  ot 
her  love  and  happiness,  fan*  France,  and  set  out  for  Scotland. 
While  a  speck  of  the  French  hills  was  visible  she 
stood  upon  deck,  her  eyes  blinded  with  tears,  exclaiming 
again  and  again,  '*  aaieu,  France,"  "  beloved  France, 
adieu/'  and  the  parting  song  which  she  composed  in  her 
cabin  is  prized  to  this  day  for  its  poetry,  melody,  and 
sweetness. 

Mary's  appearance  at  this  time  seems  to  have  been 
something  more  than  human.  The  Wizard  of  Abbotsford, 
Sir  Walter  Scott,  who  has  been  much  interested  by  Mary's 
misfoitunes,  thus  describes  her:  "  Who  is  there  that  at  the 
very  mention  of  Maiy  Stuart's  name  has  not  her  countenance 
before  him,  familiar  as  that  of  the  mistress  of  his  youth  or 
the  favourite  daughter  of  his  advanced  age.  That  brow  so 
truly  open  and  regal ;  those  eyebrows  so  gracefiil  which 


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Alari/  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudor.  391 

yet  were  saved  from  the  charge  of  regular  insipidity  ty  the 
beautiful  eflFect  of  the  hazel  eyes  which  they  overarched, 
and  which  seem  to  utter  a  thousand  histories ;  the  nose 
with  all  its  Grecian  precision  of  outUne ;  the  mouth  so  well- 
proportioned,  so  sweetly  formed,  as  if  designed  to  speak 
nothing  but  what  was  delightful  to  hear ;  the  dimpled  chin, 
the  stately  swan-Uke  neck  form  a  countenance  tne  like  of 
which  we  know  not  to  haveexisted  in  any  other  character 
moving  in  that  class  of  hfe  where  the  actresses  as  well  as 
the  actors  command  general  and  undivided  attention." 

This  is  the  queenly  form  visible  on  deck  amid  the 
gatheiing  gloom  of  evening  wistfully  looking  back  to  the 
land  she  is  leaving — 

"  The  past  was  bright  like  those  dear  hills  so  far  behind  her  barque, 
The  future  like  the  gathering  night  was  ominous  and  dark." 

And  now  while  night  broods  over  the  waters  and  Mary's 
seamen  try  to  elude  the  wai-ships  of  her  kind  sister  and 
cousin  Ehzabeth,  we  shall  hasten  before  and  see  what  kind 
of  reception  awaited  her  in  Scotland. 

Three  causes  conspired  to  make  Mary's  position  in  Scot- 
land anything  but  a  bed  of  roses.  The  angry  tide  of  the 
Protestant  Reformation  had  poured  its  waters  upon  Scotland 
with  unexampled  fury.  During  many  generations  the 
highest  dignities  in  the  Scottish  Church  had  been  possessed 
by  the  illegitimate  sons  of  the  most  powerful  nobles.  Thus 
James  V.,  Mary's  father,  had  provided  for  his  five  illegiti- 
mate sons  by  making  them  commendatory  Abbots  of  Holy- 
rood,  Kelso,  Melrose,  C-oldingham,  and  St*  Andrews.  Such 
a  state  of  things  disgusted  the  people,  and  when  the 
Kefonners  came,  dexterously  seasoning  their  dogmatic 
teaching  with  invectives  against  the  clergy,  the  common 
people  flocked  around  them  in  immense  numbers.  The 
great  pioneer  of  the  Scottish  Reformation  was  John  Knox. 
He  had  been  a  Priest,  but  after  a  little  experieoce  found  it 
more  convenient  to  cast  aside  his  religious  vows  and  marry 
a  wife.  Like  all  renegades  he  had  an  unconquerable 
hati-ed  for  the  Church  which  had  cast  him  out.  Rude, 
unpolished,  uncultivated,  with  a  tongue  rarely  equalled  in 
coarse  scurrility  except  perhaps  by  his  master  Martin  Luther, 
Knox  poured  out  all  the  venom  of  his  constitution  upon 
poor  Mary  Stuart  "  Jezabel "  was  the  gentlest  nickname 
which  this  apostle  of  peace  could  find  for  her.  When  she 
proclaimed  liberty  of  conscience  for  all  her  subjects,  John 
Kuox  burst  forth  into  the  following  strain  of  chaste  evan- 


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392  Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabetli  Tudor. 

gelical  eloquence : — "The  Queen  took  upon  her  greater 
boldness  than  she  and  Balaam's  bleating  priests  duret  have 
attempted  before,  and  so  murderers,  aaulterers,  thieves, 
w s,  dninkards,  idolaters,  and  all  malefactors  got  pro- 
tection under  the  Queen's  wing  under  colour  that  they 
were  of  her  religion,  and  so  got  the  devil  freedom  again." 
When  Mary  assembled  a  ParHament.  and  attended  it  in 
royal  robes,  this  same  apostolic  lamb  cried  out :  "  Such 
stinking  pride  of  woman  as  was  seen  at  that  ParUament 
was  never  before  seen  in  Scotland,*' 

There  was  another  man  in  Scotland  more  powerful 
and  more  dangerous  to  Mary  than  even  John  Knox.  This 
was  her  illegitimate  brother  James  Stuart,. afterwards  the 
Regent  Mun-ay.  He  was  made  Commendatory  Prior  of 
St.  Andrews  by  his  father  James  V.,  but  his  ability,  ambi- 
tion, and  cunning,  soon  raised  him  to  a  far  higher  post,  and 
made  it  the  darling  object  of  his  Ufe  to  push  his  sister  off 
the  throne  and  seat  himself  in  her  place.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  give  a  truer  analysis  of  his  character  than  that 
found  in  Professor  Aytoun's  magnificent  ballad  '*  Both  well.*' 

"  Get  thee  across  the  howlincr  seas  and  bend  o*er  Murray's  bed, 
For  there  the  falsest  villain  lies  that  ever  Scotland  bred : 
False  to  his  faith,  a  wedded  priest,  still  falser  to  the  crown, 
False  to  the  blood  that  in  his  veins  made  bastardy  renown, 
False  to  his  sister  whom  he  swore  to  guard  and  shield  from  harm, 
The  head  of  many  a  felon  plot  but  never  once  the  arm. 
What  tie  so  holy  that  his  hand  hath  snapped  it  not  in  twain, 
What  oath  so  sacred  but  he  broke  for  selfish  end  or  gain, 
A  verier  knave  ne'er  stepped  the  earth  since  this  wide  world 

began, 
And  yet  he  bandies  texts  with  Knox  and  walks  a  pious  roan." 

Mary's  third  source  of  sorrow  was  the  bitter,  persevering, 
relentless  hatred  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  At  the  time  of  her 
marriage  with  the  Dauphin,  the  Scottish  Queen  had 
adopted  as  her  device  the  Crowns  of  France,  Scotland,  and 
England,  while  in  her  travels  through  the  country  the 
French  populace  were  wont  to  shout:  "Long  live  the 
Queen  of  England."  No  pereon  can  deny,  that  Mary  being 
great-grandaughter  of  Henry  VII.  had  a  better  right  to 
the  English  cro\\Ti  than  the  illegitimate  daughter  of 
Henry  Vill.  and  Anne  Boleyn.  Elizabeth  never  forgot, 
never  foi-gave  that  fact,  and  the  vengeance  which  she 
wreaked  upon  Mary  Stuart  in  punishment  of  it  is  unex- 
ampled in  the  records  of  human  atrocity. 

Hard  cards  were  these  for  a  young  widow  of  eighteen 


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Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudoi\  393 

summers  to  handle  skilfully,  but  Mary  had  small  time  for 
contemplation,  for  scarcely  had  her  foot  touched  the  shore 
at  Leith  when  her  subjects — friends,  foes,  and  traitors — 
ci*c»wded  down  to  conduct  their  young  Queen  to  Holyrood. 
During  three  blessed  days  and  as  manv  nights  the  refined 
musical  ear  of  Mary  Stuart  was  treated  to  the  harmony  of 
creaking  fiddles,  Scotch  bagpipes,  and  nasal  psalmody,  the 
discordant  symphony  drawmg  from  one  of  her  French 
attendants  the  exclamation,  "  He,  quelle  musique." 

A  crowd  of  suitors  now  claimed  the  fair  hand  of  Mary 
Stuart.     Don   Carlos,   Charles   of  Austria,   Eric   King   of 
Sweden,  the  Duke  of  Ferrard,  the  Prince  of  Conde,  the 
King  of  Navan-e,  and  the  Duo  D'Amville  were  among  the 
number.     Elizabeth,  mortally  jealous  of  her  fairer  and  more 
admired  rival,  recommended  her  own  paramour,  Dudley 
Karl  of  Leicester.     Mary,  who  had  no  rival  in  cleverness 
as  she  had  none  in  beauty,  smiUngly  answered  the  English 
ambassador :  "  1  take  it  rather  as  a  proof  of  her  good  will 
than  oi  her  sinceritv,  seeing  she  so  much  regordeth  him 
hei-self,  that  it  is  said,  she  may  not  well  spare  him.**    Then 
acting  upon  the  advice  of  her  most  valued  counsellors  she 
gave  her  hand  to  her  cousin  Henry  Stuart  Lord  Darnley. 
He  was  about  the  worst  husband  Mary  could  liave  selected. 
He  possessed  a  handsome  exterior,  but  that  was  his  only 
adornment,  and  a  few  months  had  scarcelv  passed  when 
he  joined  in  a  conspiracy  to  drive  his  wife  from  the  throne. 
There  was  about  the  court  a  little  hunchbacked  Italian 
named  David  Riccio,  who  overheard  the  conspirators,  and 
gave  information  to  the  Queen.     He  was  immediately 
marked  out  for  destruction,  and  upon  a  certain  night  while 
Mary  was  at  supper,  a  band  of  assassins  in  Mun-ay's  pay 
burst  into  the  palace  and  murdered  Riccio  at  the  very  feet 
of  the  Queen,  leaving  fifty -six  dagger  wounds  in  his  body.. 
They  next  turned  their  attention  to  Lord  Damley,  and  one 
night  as  he  lav  prostrated  with  small-pox  at  one  of  Mary's 
residences  called  "  Kirk-in-the-fields,"  there  was  a   loud 
explosion  of  powder,  previously  concealed  in  the  cellars, 
sending  stones,  timber,  and  massive  ii'on  work  far  into  the 
lurid  sky,  and  the  soul  of  Lord  Darnley  before  his  God. 

Then  the  pious  Earl  Murray  played  his  last  trump  card, 
and  won.  One  of  Damley*s  most  conspicuous  mm'derers 
was  James  Hepburn,  Earl  of  Bothwell;  and  although  Mary 
had  him  tiied  for  the  crime,  his  fellow-nobles  refused  to 
convict  him.  Now  while  Murray's  paid  spies  industriously 
din  into  the  popular  ear  that  Mary  was  at  the  bottom  of 
VOL.  VI.  "^  2  F 


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394  Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudor. 

Darnley*fl  murder,  the  Earl  himself  strains  every  nerve  to 
bring  about  a  marriage  between  the  Queen  and  the  chiet 
murderer.  For,  surely,  if  Mary  marries  Bothwell,  there 
will  be  a  howl  of  indignation  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  oi  Scotland,  and  James  Earl  Murray  can  at  length 
reach  the  goal  of  his  ambition — the  throne  of  his  sister. 
Of  course  the  Queen  would  rather  die  than  marry  the 
blind,  deformed,  blood-stained  Bothwell,  of  her  own  free 
will ;  but  this  formed  no  obstacle  to  the  designs  of  the 
conspirators.  The  Castle  of  Dunbar  was  carefully  fortified 
and    manned,   while    the    spiteful    English    Queen    was 

i'oyously  informed  by  her  ambassador  Drury,  that  Earl 
Jothwell  had  good  work  in  hands,  "  of  the  which  I  believe 
I  shall  soon  be  able  to  advertise  the  more  certainly.**  Poor 
unsuspecting  Mary  Stuart,  with  a  handful  of  attendants, 
went  to  Stirling  to  visit  her  son.  On  her  return,  Bothwell 
overpowered  her  guards,  and  earned  her  off  to  Dunbar. 
During  twelve  days  she  rejected  with  loathing  all  his 
advances  ;  and  then,  in  the  words  of  MacLeod,  **  he  used 
physical  force,  and  committed  upon  his  Sovereign  the 
greatest  outrage  that  woman  can  suffer.*'  Of  course  the 
conspirators  have  everything  their  own  way  now. 
Bothwell  has  to  fly  the  country,  and  poor,  hapless,  friend- 
less Mary  Stuart,  stripped  of  her  royal  robes,  and  clothed 
in  a  coarse  woollen  cassock,  is  carried  over  the  dark  waves 
of  th©  Frith  of  Forth,  and  lodged  in  the  Castle  of  the 
Douglas,  frowning  grimly  over  the  deep  waters  of  Loch 
Leven. 

Then  the  godly  Earl  Murray,  that  man  after  John 
Knox's  own  heart,  came  home  to  Scotland,  and  mounted 
the  throne  from  which  his  sister  had  been  dragged.  As  it 
was  by  defaming  that  sister  he  had  gained  his  ends,  so  now 
to  render  his  position  secure,  the  work  of  slander  and 
falsehood  was  pushed  on  more  rigorously  than  ever. 
Elizabeth's  gold  was  at  his  disposal,  and  with  it  he  bribed 
Buchanan,  Mary's  preceptor,  and  Maitland,  her  secretaiy, 
to  aid  him  in  the  good  work.  Eight  letters,  and  several 
amorous  sonnets,  are  most  opportunely  discovered — ^the 
outpourings  of  Mary  Stuart's  affection  for  Bothwell — care- 
fully stowed  away  in  a  small  gold  casket,  the  gift  of  her 
boy-husband,  the  dauphin,  and  sent  on  as  evidence  of  her 
guilt  to  that  paragon  of  virginity,  Elizabeth  Tudor. 

In  a  future  paper  we  shall  see  how  time  has  laid  bare 
the  ffuilt  of  her  enemies,  and  the  innocence  of  Mary  Stuart 
in    this   transactioUi  merely  remarking  here,  that  even 


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Mary  Stucirt  and  Elizabeth  Ttulor.  395 

Elizabeth,  when  this  purloined  casket,  with  its  spiuioUB 
contents,  was  brought  before  her,  scouted  the  evidence  out 
of  court,  and  pronounced  Mary  Stuart  guiltless  of  this 
charge  at  least. 

From  the  morning  of  her  entrance  into  Loch  Leven, 
until  that  of  her  death,  a  period  of  over  twenty  years, 
Mary  Stuart  remained  a  captive.  Once,  indeed,  she 
escaped,  and  the  nobles  of  the  land  raUied  around  her ; 
but  her  forces  were  scattered  by  Murray  on  the  slopes  of 
Landside,  and,  as  the  poor  hare  will  sometimes  seek  the 
kennel  for  protection,  so  Mary  Stuart  flung  herself  into 
the  arms  of  EHzabeth.  Murray  may  now  sleep  in  peace  ; 
England's  Queen  has  within  her  grasp  the  woman  she  most 
hated — one  whose  peerless  beauty  and  stainless  origin  had 
so  often  soured  the  disposition  of  the  withering  English 
spinster.  The  lamb  is  between  the  forepaws  of  the  hungiy 
tigress ;  and  though  she  may  play  with  it  for  a  little,  the 
most  casual  observer  can  see  that  she  means  to  tear  out 
the  very  heart-strings  of  her  victim.  During  eighteen 
years  and  nine  months  that  victim  wasted  and  pined  in 
the  prisons  of  England.  She  entered  them  a  beautiful 
woman  of  twenty-five.  She  left  them  broken  and  faded ; 
her  hair,  once  a  glossy  chestnut,  white  with  the  chill  mould 
of  captivity.  But,  as  her  earthly  beauty  fades,  a  celestial 
lovehness  begins  to  envelop  her.  The  dim  outline  of  a 
martyr's  crown  plays  about  her  temples;  the  brightness  of 
a  land  beyond  the  realms  of  space  lights  up  her  features ; 
and  the  strength  which  the  heavenly  bridegroom  gives  to 
those  he  loves,  makes  her  form  stately  as  ever,  her  step 
elastic  as  in  days  of  yore. 

Mary  Stuart  must  surely  die.  Nothing  else  will  satisfy 
the  wolfish  craving  of  Elizabeth  Tudor.  But  what  about 
posterity?  Who  knows  but  in  years  to  come  certain  im- 
pertinent persons  might  condemn  the  act,  and  pillory  the 
fair  fame  of  England's  Queen.  Oh  I  will  not  some  greedy 
underling  take  EHzabeth  out  of  the  difficulty  ?  Yes,  there 
is  a  fanatical  old  puritan,  Mary's  jailer,  and,  no  doubt,  at  a 
wink  from  the    Queen,   he  will    smother   or  poison   his 

Erisoner,  or  break  her  neck  down  four  flights  of  stairs,  as 
leicester  broke  that  ot  his  lawful  wife.  So  Elizabeth 
pens  the  following  sweet  note  to  the  jailer,  Sir  Amyas 
Paidet : — 

**To  My  Loving  Amvas, 

**  Amyas,  mv  most  careful  and  faithful  serrant,  God  reward 
thee  ti^eblefold  for  the  most  troublesome  charge  so  well  discharged. 


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396  Mary  Stuart  and  Elizabeth  Tudor. 

If  you  knew,  my  Amyas,  how  kindly  my  grateful  heart  accepts 
and  praiseth  your  spotless  endeavour  and  faithful  action  performed 
in  so  dangerous  and  crafty  a  charge,  it  would  ease  your  travail  and 
rejoice  your  heart,  in  which  I  charge  you  to  carry  this  most  instant 
thought  that  I  cannot  balance,  in  any  weight  of  ray  judgment,  the 
value  that  I  prize  you  at,  and  suppose  no  treasure  can  countervail 
such  a  faith." 

Poor  Paulct  could  not  fathom  the  meaning  of  so  many 
honied  words,  but  a  letter  from  Secretary  Walsingham 
made  the  Queen's  meaning  as  clear  as  crystal.  "  We  find 
by  a  speech  lately  made  by  her  Majesty  that  she  doth  note 
in  you  a  lack  of  that  care  and  zeal  for  her  service  that  she 
looked  for  at  your  hands,  in  that,  you  have  not  in  all  this 
time  found  out  some  way  to  shorten  the  life  of  the  (^eeu 
of  Scots,"  But  Paulet  refuses  to  do  the  deed,  so  Elizabeth 
signs  the  warrant  for  Marys  execution,  and  when  Davison, 
her  secretary,  meaningly  inquires :  "  Does  your  Majesty 
mean  to  proceed  with  the  execution?"  To  her  ever- 
lasting disgrace  Elizabeth  howls  back  the  answer: 
"Yea,  by  God." 

The  morning  of  the  eighth  of  Febmaiy,  1587,  daiivaied 
dark  and  dismal  upon  the  towers  of  Fotheringay  Castle. 
Within  the  castle  the  scene  was  even  more  gloomy  than 
without.  Queen  Mary's  servants,  hid  away  here  and  there, 
burst  out  occasionally  into  deep  sobs,  for  the  kindeAt 
mistress  of  whom  histor J  gives  a  record  was  about  to  spill 
her  blood  upon  the  scaffold.  The  mistress  herself,  calm 
and  recollected,  had  spent  the  entire  night  in  prayer. 
Elizabeth  refused  her  the  consolation  of  a  priest,  and  so 
Mary  left  to  her  own  resources  has  laid  bare  her  heart 
before  her  God.  The  death-bell  begins  to  toll,  and  Man' 
Stuart,  dressed  in  her  iichest  robes,  a  cnicifix  in  her  rigbt 
band,  a  prayer-book  in  her  left,  and  a  beads  at  her  girdle, 
follows  her  conductors  into  the  hall  of  execution.  The 
hair,  once  chestnut,  is  white  as  snow ;  the  hazel  eyes  have 
lost  much  of  their  lustre ;  the  swanJike  neck  is  bent  in 
supplication,  but  the  tall  queenly  form  and  stately  carriage 
are  remarkable  as  ever.  Scarcely  has  she  stepped  upon 
the  scaffold  when  Dr.  Fletcher,  Protestant  Dean  of  Peter- 
borough, begins  a  godly  sermon,  exhorting  her  to  forsake 
popery  and  superstition,  ♦'  in  which  continuing  she  must  be 
damned."  Mary,  absorbed  in  prayer,  turns  her  back  upon 
the  preacher,  and  holding  the  image  of  her  Saviour  before 
her  eyes,  exclaims:  "As  thy  arms,  0  my  God,  M-ere 
stretched   out   upon   the   cross,   so   receive   me  into    the 


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Votive  Masses.  89T 

embrace  of  thy  mercy,  and  forgive  me  my  sins."  Then  she 
is  led  to  the  block,  and  after  three  strokes  of  the  heads- 
man's axe,  the  emancipated  spirit  of  Mary  Stuart,  never 
again  to  be  confined  by  prison  bars,  sprang  aloft  through 
the  amber  vault  of  heaven  into  the  arms  of  that  God 
through  love  of  whom  she  had  spilled  her  blood. 

Thomas  Connellan* 


LITURGY. 


Votive  Masses. 

VIL — Votive  Masses  of  Feasts  celebrated  Hirovghout  the  Year. 

•-!'•{, Wo  have  already  dealt  with  four  classes  of  Masses  that 
are  Votive.  But  besides  these  there  are  many  other 
Masses  that  may  be  said  as  Votive.  We  think  the  follow- 
ing to  be  as  clear  a  way  as  is  possible,  of  indicating  the 
Masses  that  may,  and  those  that  may  not  be  said  as 
Votive : — All  the  Masses  celebrated  throughout  the  year  in 
any  country  may  be  said  as  Votive^  in  the  same  country, 
except :  — 

(1)  The  Masses  of  Sundays  and  Ferias.* 

(2)  The  Masses  of  those  who  have  been  Beatified  but 
not  Canonized.* 

(3)  The  Masses  of  the  Feasts  of  the  B.V.M.,*  unless 
special  provision  be  made  in  the  Missal  itself  for  their  being 
said  as  Votive.  Such  provision  is  made  in  the  case  of  only 
two,  viz.,  the  Masses  of  the  Seven  Dolours  and  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception. 

However,  within  the  Octavo  of  any  Feast  of  the 
B.  V.M.,  the  Mass  of  that  Feast  may  be  said  as  Votive,  if  the 
day  permit  a  Votive  Mass,  and  the  Office  be  not  of  the 
Octave ;  in  fact,  no  other  Votive  Mass  of  the  B. V.M.,  is 
allowed  to  be  said  duriug  the  Octave.* 

The  Mass  of  the  Vigil  of  the  Assumption  may  be  said 

*  Bulls  of  CaDonization  and  Common  Opinion  of  Rubricists. 
«  S.R.C.  Mar.  4, 1866.  « Ibid.  Oct.  5,  1662. 

*  Ibid.  Mar.  12, 1678.  See  also  Eccles.  Record  of  Jan.  1885,  p.  48. 

*  S.R.C.  Mar.  10,  1787,  and  passim.  The  same  fule  is  extended  by 
Rubricists  to  all  Octaves : — If  a  Votire  Mass  is  to  be  said  of  a  Mystery 
or  Saint  during  the  Octave  of  that  Mystery  or  Saint,  it  cannot  be  other 
than  the  Mass  of  the  Feast  or  Octave. 


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898  Votive  Masses. 

as  Votive  on  August  14th,  if  the  day  permit  a  Votive  Mass, 
and  the  Office  be  not  of  the  Vigil.  No  other  Votive  Mass 
of  the  B.V.M.,  is  allowed  on  that  day.^ 

(4)  Masses,  the  sense  of  which  would  not  be  tnie  on 
the  day  on  which  the  Votive  Mass  is  to  be  said,  and  cannot 
be  made  true  by  the  omission  of  a  word  or  two  such  as 
hodicy  annua,  quam  praevenimns,  or  by  the  change  of  a 
word  or  two,  such  as  of  natalitiaf  solemnitas^  festivita^,  into 
commemoratio,  memoria}  As  far  as  we  can  see,  the  Masses 
that  would  be  excluded  by  this  condition  are  very  few.  It 
seems  to  be  this  condition  that  excludes  the  following, 
which  are  so  intimately  connected  with  their  Feasts  that 
they  cannot  be  celebrated  on  other  days : — 

The  Masses  of  Christmas  Day,  of  the  Circumcision,  of 
the  Epiphany,  of  the  Resurrection,  and  of  the  Ascension. 

(5)  Masses  of  Mysteries  or  Saints  which  have  precisely 
the  same  object  as  the  Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  the 
Missal,'  such  as  those  of  Trinity  Sunday,  Pentecost,  Corpus 
Christi,  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  St.  Joseph,  &c.,  &c.,  except 
during  their  Octaves.* 

The  Masses  to  be  selected  far  various  occasions. 
We  think  the  following  directions  will  be  sufficient  for 
nearly  all  the  cases  that  can  occur  : — 

1.  For  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Mass  «  De  SS.  Trinilate '' 
at  the  end  of  the  Missal. 

2.  For  Feast«  of  Our  Lord.  We  have  seen  that  the 
Masses  of  the  Nativity,  Circumcision,  Epiphany,  Resur- 
rection and  Ascension,  are  not  permitted  as  Votive. 
Some  other  Mass  that  may  be  said  as  Votive  must  be 
chosen,  with  the  special  intention  of  honoimng  these 
mysteries.  For  the  same  object  as  the  Mass  of  Corpus 
Christi,  and  differing  from  it  in  no  way  except  in  those 
points  in  which  a  Votive  Maes  ought  to  differ  from  a 
Festive  Mass,  there  is  the  Votive  Mass  "  De  SS.  Eucharistiae 
Sacramento." 

1  S.R.C.  Sept.  3, 1661.  From  this,  and  a  Decree  of  Jan.  26th,  1793, 
is  deduced  by  Kubricists  the  general  rule  that  on  the  day  of  any  feast 
having  reference  to  a  mystery  or  saint,  no  Votive  Mass  can  be  said  of 
that  mystery  or  saint  except  the  Mass  of  that  feast. 

«  S.R.C.  Dec.  22, 1753. 

8  Vavasseur.  The  rule  seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  by  Guyetus. 
It  seems  to  follow  necessarily  from  the  institution  of  special  \  otive 
Masses.  If  the  festive  Masses  dould  be  said,  what  coul^d  be  the  object 
of  instituting  the  special  Votive  Masses  P 

*  See  note  (5)  p.  397. 


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Votive  Masses.  399 

In  the  case  of  some  of  the  Masses  of  Our  Lord's  Feasts, 
special  provision  is  made  in  the  Missal  itself  for  their 
being  said  as  Votive.  These  are,  as  they  appear  in  the 
Missal,  which  we  have  consulted :  — 

In  Festo  SS.  Nominis  Jesu — Dom.  ii.  post  Epiph. 

In  Festo  SS.  Cordis  Jesu — Feria  vi  post  Oct.  SS. 
Corporis  Christi.  ^ 

In  Festo  Pretiosissimi  Sanguinis  D.  N.  J.  C. — Dom. 
1  Julii 

In  commemoratione  SS.  Passionis  D.N.  J.  C— Feria  iiL 
post  Dom.  Sexag.  (Votive  Mass  "  De  Passione.") 

In  Festo  SS.  Spineae  Coronae  D.  N.  J.  C. — Feria  vi 
post  Cineres. 

In  Festo  Lanceae  et  Gavorum  D.  N.  J.  C. — Feria  vi 
post  Dom.  1.  Quadrag. 

In  Festo  SS.  Quinque  Plagarum  D.  N.  J.  C. — Feria  vi. 
post  Dom.  iii  Quadrag.    (Votive  Mass  '*De  Passione.'*). 

Other  Masses,  which  may  be  regarded  as  Masses  of 
Feasts  of  Our  Lord,  make  no  express  provision  for  their 
being  said  as  Votive.     These  are : — 

In  Festo  Inventionis  S.  Crucis. — May  3.    * 

In  Festo  Exaltationis  S.  Crucis.— Sept.  14. 

In  Festo  Orationis  D.  N.  J.  C. — Feria  iii.  post  Dom. 
Septuag. 

In  Festo  SS.  Sindonis  D.  N.  J.  C— Feria  vi  post  Dom. 
ii.  Quadrag. 

In  Festo  Transfigurationis  D.  N.  J.  C. — Aug.  6. 

In  Festo  SS.  Redemptoris — 3rd  Sunday  of  July  and 
Oct.  23. 

Any  changes  that  the  different  periods  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  year  may  require  to  be  made  in  the  first 
four  must  be  made  from  the  Votive  Masses  "  De  Cruce  "  or 
"  De  Passione."' 

We  think  that  for  the  last  two  the  same  changes  may 
be  made  from  the  Masses  of  the  Sacred  Heart  and 
Precious  Blood.^ 

3.  In  honour  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  Votive  Mass 
"De  Spiritu  Sancto"  among  the  twelve  first  must  be 
selectea. 

4.  In  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  Provision  is  made 
in  the  Missal  for  two  Masses — of  the  Seven  Dolours*,  and  of 

'  De  Herdt.  The  most  convenient  course  would  be  to  say  the  entire 
Votive  Mass  "  De  Cruce  "  or  "  De  Passione." 

-  Or  better  still,  say  the  entire  Votive  Mass  of  the  Sacred  Heart  or 
Precious  Blood,  with  the  special  intention  of  honouring  these  events. 


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400  Votive  Masses. 

the  Immaculate  Conception.  If  a  priest  wish  to  say  a 
Totive  Mass  in  honour  of  the  Assumption,  Purification, 
or  any  other  Feast  of  the  B.V.M.,  the  Mass  to  be  said  is 
that  one  of  the  five  Votive  Masses  of  the  B.  V.M.,  at  the  end 
of  the  Missal,  which  is  suitable  to  the  period  of  the  year.' 

We  must  except  (a)  the  entire  Octave  of  these  P'easts, 
when  the  Votive  Mass  must  be  the  Mass  of  the  Feast^  It 
is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark  that  if  the  office  be  of  tlie 
Octave,  the  Mass  cannot  be  Votive  at  all.  (6)  We  must 
except  also  the  14th  of  August.  If  a  Votive  Mass  of  the 
B.V.M.,  be  required  for  that  day,  the  mass  of  the  Vigil  of 
the  Assumption  must  be  taken.^ 

5.  In  honour  of  the  Angels.  Provision  is  made  for 
nil  periods  in  the  Masses  of  the  Guardian  Angels  and  St 
Raphael  With  regard  to  the  Mass  ot  St.  Michael,  we  find 
at  the  end  of  the  Mass  "  De  Angelis,"  the  following  rubric : 
*'Alia  Missa  Votiva  de  Sancto  Michaele  Archangelo  dici 
potest,  prout  in  ejus  Dedicatione,  die  xxix  Septembris." 
And  yet  there  is  no  provision  made  for  the  case  in  which 
it  is  to  be  said  post  Septuagesimam.  The  Tract  in  this  case 
is  to  be  taken  from  the  Mass  "Ue  Angelis,"  which  is,  in  a 
manner,  a  Commune  Anqelorum. 

There  is  also  in  the  Mass  of  St.  Gabriel  the  omission  of 
the  Alleluias  and  verse  which  are  to  be  said  from  the  end 
of  Paschal  time  to  Septuagesima  Sunday.  These  are  to 
be  supplied  from  the  Mass  "  De  Angelis,"  or  the  first  verse 
from  Paschal  time  may  be  retained,  the  second  being  omitted. 

In  every  other  case  the  Votive  Mass  must  be  that 
«  De  Angelis." 

6.  In  honour  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  Mass  as  on  the 
Feast  of  his  Nativity,  with  the  prayers  of  his  Vigil,  the 
Tract  for  post  Septuag.  to  be  taken  from  the  Commune 
Conf,  nan  Pont}  In  Paschal  time  the  2nd  verse  is  from  the 
same,  or  it  would  be  better  still  to  say  the  entire  Mass  of 
May  6,  *'  S.  Joannis  ante  Portam  Latinam." 

7.  In  honour  of  St.  Joseph.  Among  the  Six  Votive 
Masses  granted  July  5th,  1883,  the  3rd  (for  Feria  iv.)  is 
assigned  to  St.  Joseph. 

8.  In  honour  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul.  The  Votive  Mass 
of  tJiese  Saints  among  the  twelve  first  at  the  end  of  the 
Missal. 

'  S.R.C.,  March  12, 1678.  «  See  note  (5)  p.  397,  above. 

sNote  (l)p.  398,  above. 

^  De  IltTflt.     Guyetus  gives  the  Tract  ^^  Dtsiderimn^"'  and  Verse 
L  •*  Justus  germimtbiC* 


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•  Votive  Masses.  401 

If  a  Maes  be  required  for  St.  Peter  alone,  it  will  be  the 
same  Votive  Mass,  with  the  special  intention  of  honouring 
St.  Peter.  There  will  be  in  this  caae  no  commemoration  of 
St.  Paul,  as  the  prayer  is  common  to  the  two  saints.^ 

The  Mass  of  the  Feast  of  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter, 
Jan.  18th,  is  recognised  by  the  Missal  itself  as  a  Votive 
Mass.  (See  Rubric  after  the  Votive  Maas  "Pro  eligendo 
Summo  Pontifice.")  2nd  Verse  (temp.  Pasch.)  from  Votive 
Mass  at  the  end  of  the  Missal. 

If  a  Mass  be  required  for  St.  Paul  alone,  it  will  be  the 
Votive  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul.^  The  Mass  of  June  30th  or 
of  the  conversion  of  St.  Paul,  Jan.  25,  may  also  be  said.* 
There  will  then  be  a  Commemoration  of  St.  Peter  before  all 
others.  The  Gradual,  2nd  Verse  and  Tract  must  be  regulated 
from  the  Votive  Mass,  everything  proper  being  retamed. 

9.  In  honour  of  any  other  Apostle.  Proper*  Mass  with 
Gradual  and  Tract,  if  necessary,  from  Votive  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul.  If  the  prayers  do  not  suit,  say  the  prayers  of 
the  Vigil  of  Apostles,  changing  solemnitas  into  commemoration 
and  omitting  quam  praevenimus^  cujus  natalitiapraevenimus. 
If  the  proper  Mass  does  not  suit  (as  in  the  case  of 
the  Mass  oi  SS.  Philip  and  James,  when  Mass  is  required 
only  for  one)  take  the  Votive  Mass  of  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul,  with  the  proper  prayers,  or  those  of  the  Vigil,  as 
above.* 

For  two.  Apostles  who  are  celebrated  together,  take  the 
Mass  of  their  feast,  if  suitable.  If  not  suitable,  or  if  Mass 
be  required  for  any  other  two  Apostles,  say  the  Votive 
Mass  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  with  prayers  from  Mass  of 
SS.  Simon  and  Jude,  Oct.  28th,  omitting  these  and  inserting 
the  proper  names. 

If  a  Votive  Mass  is  required  for  all  the  Apostles,  the 
Mass  to  be  said  is  the  Votive  Mass  "  De  Sanctis  Apostolis,*' 
which  is  the  second  of  the  six  gi'anted  July  5,  1883. 

If  in  Paschal  time  a  Mass  is  required  for  one  or  more 
Apostles*  celebrated  out  of  Paschal  time,  the  Mass  will  be 
**  Frotexisti  '*  (Com,  unius  Mart.  temp,  pasch.)  with  Epistle 

^  De  Herdt  says  that  the  Mass  of  June  29th  may  be  said  with  the 
jspecial  prayers  of  St.  Peter  from  the  Mass  of  Jmie  30th.  There  will  in 
this  case  be  a  commemoration  of  St.  Paul  before  all  others.  Gradual, 
2nd  Verse  and  Tract  from  Votive  Mass.  But  as  this  is  opposed  to  the 
principle  given  above  [p.  398,  exception  (5)  ],  we  prefer  to  keep  to  the 
Totive  Mass  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul. 

•  Gavantus  and  generally.  »  Guyetus.  *  De  Uerdt. 

« Except  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul  and  St.  John,  whose  Masses  have  been 
arranged  above. 


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402  Votive  Masses. 

and  Gospel  from  the  Proper :  the'  prayers  also  from  the 
Proper  or  from  the  Vigil  or  October  2S,  as  above. 

10.  In  honour  of  any  other  saint.  Proper  Mass,  if 
there  be  one,  regulating  Gradual,  2nd  Verse  and  Tract  from 
the  Common.  If  there  be  no  Proper y  all  will  be  from  the 
Common. 

If  Mass  is  required  for  several  saints  who  are  celebrated 
together,  and  there  be  a  Proper  Mass,  this  Mass  is  to  be 
said,  any  changes  in  the  Gradual,  Verses  and  Tract  that 
may  be  necessary  being  made  from  the  Common  (of  the 
more  worthy,  if  they  be  of  a  different  class). 

If  required  for  two  or  more  who  are  not  celebrated 
together,  then  there  are  two  cases :  (a)  they  are  all  of  the 
same  class,  i.e.  Martyrs  or  Confessors,  &c. ;  or  (b)  of 
different  classes.  If  (a),  Mass  from  the  Common.^  As  to 
the  prayers :  in  the  case  of  Martyrs,  there  is  no  diflBculty :  in 
the  case  of  Conf.  Pont,  and  non-Pont.,  the  prayers  are  said 
in  the  plural  number ;  for  the  case  of  several  "  Virgines  et 
Marty  res"  provision  is  made  in  the  Missal :  in  the  case  of 
several  "  Virgines  non  Martyres^'  the  prayers  are  said  in 
the  plural :  for  several  Martyres  non  Virgines  *'  provision  is 
made  in  the  Missal :  for  several  "  Nee  Virgines  nee 
Martyres"  the  prayers  are  said  in  the  plural. 

If  (b\  the  Mass  will  be  of  the  most  worthy,  no  mention 
being  made  in  the  prayers  of  anything  but  what  is  common 
to  all,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Mass  of  *'  SS.  Nazarii  et 
Sociorum  MM.  et  Innocentii  P.  et  C* 

For  Votive  Mass  in  honour  of  all  the  Saints,  the  Mass  is 
as  on  Feast  of  All  Saints,  with  Tntroit  **  Timete  Dominum'** 
from  Mass  of  St.  Cyriacus,  Aug.  8,  or  "  Sapientiam  **  from 
Common  of  Martyrs.  The  Tract  is  taken  from  the  Mass 
"  Sapientiam."  The  prayers  are  "  Concede,'*  &c.,  the  first 
among  the  "  Orationes  ad  diversa."  In  Paschal  time  the 
Mass  "  Sancti  tui  "  for  Martyrs,  with  the  prayers  "  Concede^* 
&c.,  is  more  suitable.'  Instead  of  "  A  Cunctis  "  as  third 
prayer,  say  that  "De  Spiritu  Sancto"  as  within  the 
Octave  of  AH  Saints. 

11.  If  a  Votive  Mass  be  required  for  Thanksgiving, 
provision  is  made  at  the  end  of  the  Mass  "De  SS. 
Trlnitate/' 

VIII. — The  Days  on  which  Votive  Masses  are  allowed. 
We  do  not  speak  of  Masses  that  are  plainly  attached  to 
certain  days,  nor  of  the  Mass  "  Pro  Sponso  et  Sponsa." 

'  De  Herdt,  Guyetus.  «  Same.  »  De  Herdt,  Guyetus. 


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Votive  Masses.  403 

(1)  Tbe  Misaa Oonventualie may  be  Votive  only:  (a)  on 
Saturdays  of  Ad  vent,  which  are  not  Quarter  Tense  or  Vigils ; 
and  (6)  on  other  days  within  the  week  when  the  Office  is  de 
feria  and  the  Mass  of  a  preceding  Sunday  is  not  to  be  taken 
up.  But  this  latter  privilege  is  not  allowed,  if  it  be  a  Feria 
of  Advent,  Lent,  Quarter  Tense,  Rogation  or  a  Vigil.^ 

(2)  The  Missa  non  Conventualis,  whether  High  or 
Low,  which  is  not  ordered  by  the  Bishop  "jt>ro  re  gravis  pro 
jmhlica  Ecclesiae  causae'  may  be  said  on  all  days  except 
Doubles,  Sundays,*  the  entire  Octaves  of  Epiphany,  Easter, 
Pentecost,  Corpus  Christi,  and  Christmas  :*  Ash- Wednesday, 
the  entire  of  Holy  Week;  the  Vigils  of  the  Epiphany, 
Pentecost  and  Christmas ;  and  the  second  of  NovemDer."* 

A  High  Mass  ordered  by  the  Bishop  ^*pro  re  gravi** 
may  be  said  on  all  days  except — Doubles  of  the  1st  class, 
Sundays  of  the  1st  class.  Ash- Wednesday,  Holy  Week,  the 
Vigils  oi  Pentecost  and  Christmas.* 

The  Votive  Mass  of  the  Quarant  'Ore  is  not  of  itself  a 
Mass  "pro  re  gravi."  There  is  a  special  decree  '\\nth 
regard  to  the  days  on  which  it  may  be  said.*  It  may  be 
said  on  all  days  except — Doubles  of  the  1st  and  2nd  class, 
Sundays  of  the  1st  and  2nd  class,  Ash-Wednesday,  Holy 
Week  (the  Exposition  is  not  allowed  at  all  from  the 
morning  of  Thursday  to  Holy  Saturday) ;  the  entire 
Octaves  of  Epiphany,  Easter  and  Pentecost;  the  Vigils  of 
Pentecost  and  Christmas ;  and  local  privileged  Octavea 

The  Votive  Mass  on  the  first  and  third  day  will  be  "  De 
SS.  Eucharistiae  Sacramento :"  on  the  second  day  <*  De 
Pace,"  or  another  at  the  choice  of  the  Bishop.' 

P.  O'Leary. 
(To  be  continued,) 

Note. — The  Mass  "  Pro  Sponso  et  Sponsa'* 
The  followipg  decree  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Hites 
escaped  our  notice.  It  regards  the  vestments  to  be  worn  by  the 
priest  during  the  Marriage  ceremony  when  Mass  immediately 
follows  : — "  Si  immediate  sequitur  Missa,  Sacerdos  praeter  albam 
et  stolam  induere  debet  etiam  planclaro."  (Aug.  81, 1867,  Card. 
538Q.  ad.  5,  in  Ambianen.)  Hence  in  addition  to  the  alb  and  stole, 
the  chasuble  must  be  worn,  the  maniple  alone  being  placed  at  the  • 
Gospel  comer  of  the  altar.  P.  O'L. 

>Rub.  Mise.  «  Rub.  Miss.  «  S.K.C.  *  De  Herdt. 

«  S.R  C.  Mar.  27, 1779.        «  See  Eccles.  Record,  vol.  v.  p.  738. 
'  *•  Infra    OctaTam    SS.   Corporis  Christi,  Missa  erit  de    eadeiu 
Octava  cum  sequentia,^^  &c.  Ibid. 


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[     404     ] 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Rev.  Dear  Sir — A  bazaar  is  being  organized  to  defray  the 
expenses  incurred  by  improvements  and  alterations  made  io  a 
Protestant  Church.  The  promoters  of  said  bazaar  are  disposing  of 
tickets  among  their  Catholic  neiglibours.  and  even  one  pious  Catholic 
is  helping  her  lady  friend,  a  Protestant,  in  selling  such  tickets. 

Queritur  :  Is  it  lawful  for  a  Catholic  to  purchase  these  bazaar 
tickets,  or  otherwise  to  subscribe  money  for  such  a  purpose  ? 

Yours  faithfully,  A  Missionary  Curate. 

Ill  replying  to  our  Reverend  and  esteemed  Correepondent 
it  ia  right  to  distiugiiieh  two  different  reasons  on  account 
of  which  such  acts,  as  are  mentioned  in  his  question,  are 
or  may  be  unlawful.  First,  they  imply  co-operation,  at 
least  material  and  remote,  in  heretical  worship.  Secondly, 
they  are  often  occasions  of  scandal  to  both  Catholics  and 
non-Catholics.  That  even  good  Catholics  may  receive 
scandal  in  this  way  need  only  be  mentioned.  And  as  for 
the  weaker  brethren  one  can  further  imagine  without  much 
•effort  how  such  example  might  in  pressing  temptation 
weigh  with  some  one  to  shipwreck  his  faith  altogether. 
Protestants  too  are  apt  to  look  upon  the  contributors,  if 
not  as  sanctioning  indifferentism  in  matter  of  worship  or  a 
fusion  to  some  extent  of  religions,  at  least  as  acknowledging 
that  they  also  are  in  a  fold  of  considerable  safety  or 
journeying  by  a  via  salutis. 

Now,  if  serious  scandal  to  either  party  were  likely  to 
follow,  there  does  not  appear  to  be  at  present  in  Ireland 
any  public  advantage  to  Catholic  communities  that  could 
compensate  for  spiritual  evils  of  such  magnitude.  Much 
less  can  private  gain  or  interest  balance  them.  But 
on  the  other  hand,  it  can  be  readily  conceived  how, 
in  the  case  before  us,  CathoUc  contributors  may  be  in 
a  position  to  remove  all  practical  danger  of  scandal  by 
intimating  clearly  or  having  it  perfectly  well  and  generally 
understood  that  they  assist  from  the  sole  motive  of  good 
feeling  towards  their  neighbours  calling  for  money,  and 
not  from  any  approval  of  the  purpose  to  which  the  funds 
are  to  l>«  apphed.  That  this  danger  is  absent  when, 
tickets  only  are  bought,  we  think  probable.  But  how 
direct  contributions  can  be  freed  from  it  is  a  problem  of 
much  greater  difficulty.     In  these  particulars,  however,  our 


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Cot'TispoHdence.  405 

Con^spondent  ivith  his  local  knowledge  is  the  better 
judge. 

So  far  the  coutril)iitor'«  good  intentions  have  not  been 
questioned.  The  same  rule  shall  be  followed  in  dealing 
with  e(hoperation^  the  second  source  of  sin  in  these  acts^ 
viewed  objectively. 

Here  obviously  in  modern  times  there  are  some  relieving 
circum8tance&  The  other  party  in  the  place  is  not  just 
after  seceding  fi'om  Catholicity,  nor  are  its  members  in  a 
state  of  formal  opposition.  Rather  they  are  in  pacific 
possession,  and  have  given  up  the  attacks  of  a  former  age. 
At  least  this  must  be  taken  for  granted,  else  contributions 
in  any  shape  were  out  of  the  question,  with  our  present 
freedom  of  action.  Secondly,  we  may  fairly  suppose  the 
improvements  would  go  on  and  the  Ohiu*ch-service  continue 
independently  of  the  course  which  Catholics  take  in  the 
matter.  Thirdly,  there  is  some  difference  between  improve- 
ments and  alterations  on  the  one  hand  and  first  erection  on 
the  other.  But,  notwithstanding  these  considerations,  the 
e^4i  still  remains  of  at  least  materially  aiding,  favoming,  and 

Elving  respectable  durance  to  heretical  worship.  Henoe 
ehmkuhl  (p.  895)  taking,  no  doubt,  these  circumstances 
into  account,  and  speaking  of  individual  contributors,  says, 
**Yix  quidera  ad  templum  aut  ad  institutum  fonnaliter 
religiosum  (conferre  possunt)." 

Accordingly,  as  things  stand  at  present,  we  conclude: — 
V,  No  aid  even  by  purchase  of  bazaar  tickets  can  be 
given  to  repair  a  church  belonging  to  "  soupers,*'  or  other 
societies  of  kindred  action, 

2**.  Many  Protestants  are  above  abusing  poverty  for  the 
purpose  of  trafficking  in  immortal  souls^  and  to  buy  tickets 
from  them,  for  the  purpoee  of  securing  their  valuable  aid  on 
oth^r  occasions  and  not  snapping  kindly  social  relations,  is 
occasionally  justifiable.  The  co-operation  is  not  so  proximate, 
since,  what  one  immediately  does,  at  least  to  some  extent, 
is  to  purchase  the  chance  of  getting  a  prize ;  and  scandal 
too,  where  the  cause  is  grave,  may  be  absent,  imless 
possibly  in  the  supposition  of  priests  being  among  the 
purohasers. 

3*.  To  direct  contributions,  and  still  more  to  promoting 
the  sale  of  tickets,  Lehmkuhrs  remark  appHesin  full.  Besides 
being  frequently  a  cause  of  great  scandal,  it  is  not  easy  to 
find  such  circumstances  as  will  prevent  these  acts, 
objectively  viewed,  from  amounting  to  formal  co-operation 
and   approval   of  the  purpose  intended.     This  is   never 


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406  Correspondence. 

lawful  Nor  have  non-Catholics  any  right  to  complain.  It  is, 
no  doubt,  tho  ffuiding  spirit  ot  Catholicity  to  be  charitable  to 
all  men,  but  whereas  there  is  only  one  way  of  salvation,  the 
most  sacred  interests  of  religion  and  charity  prohibit 
formal  co-operation  with,  or  approval  of,  heresy  and  its 
services.  Let  CathoUcs,  therefore,  say  that  they  will  show 
their  good  feehng  by  aiding  institutions  of  pure  beneficence 
for  the  advantage  of  all  the  inmatea  In  most  cases  this  is 
the  only  method  of  direct  contribution  open  to  them.  At 
the  same  time  where  the  contrary  practice  has  been 
customary,  even  without  suflScient  reason,  it  will  still 
remain  a  question  for  the  priest's  best  judgment  to  decide 
whether  more  good  can  be  done  by  interfering  openly 
with  the  usage  than  by  tolerating  it  until  a  more  favourable 
opportunity  presents  itself.  p    q»j)^ 


0  Clemens^  0  pia,  0  dulcis,  Virgo  Maria. 

TO   THE   EDITOR  OF  THE  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Sir, — I  am  sure  the  readers  of  the  Record  will  feel  grateful 
to  Dr.  Molloy  for  throwing  so  much  light  on  the  meanings  of  the 
above  words.  I  do  not  write  to  gainsay  anything  your  learned 
correspondent  has  written,  but  I  wish  merely  to  supplement  my 
former  letter  by  u  few  words  of  explanation.  Clemens  occurs 
frequently  in  Latin  prayers.  Applied  to  onr  Lord  it  is  usually 
translated  merciful^  and  sometimes  also  it  receives  the  same 
translation  when  applied  to  the  Blessed  Virgin.  It  is  so  translated 
in  the  Salve  Begina  of  my  English  copy  of  the  Garden  of  the  Soul, 
In  Continental  prayer-books,  especially  in  the  Romanee  languages, 
you  may  get  the  Salve  Hegina  in  Latin  without  a  translation,  and 
this  makes  it  harder  for  us  to  compare  translations.  In  a  Spanish 
prayer-book  I  find  Virgo  clemens  of  the  Litany  translated  Virgen, 
MisericordiosQ,  However  in  favour  of  my  translation  (O  gentle), 
I  find  O  giittge  in  German  for  O  elemens^  and  in  the  Litany  in 
French  Virgo  clemens  is  Vierge  de  douceur — 

Virgo  singidaris, 
Inter  omnes  miiis. 

My  great  objection  to  O  clement  is  that  it  is  unintelligible  to  the 
people.  I  have  nothing  to  add  with  regard  to  my  rendering  of  pia 
(loving),  except  that  I  rind  1  have  got  some  authority  on  my  side.  As 
to  dulcisj  I  must  confess  I  made  m  my  first  letter  a  rather  sweeping 
assertion  at  which  I  was  astonished  myself  when  I  saw  it  in  print.  I 
wrote  '*  *  sweet*  as  a  rendering  of  *  dulcis'  used  figuratively  is  scarcely 
in  accordance  with  the  genius  of  the  English  language."  Now  if 
**  as  here**  is  inserted  after  "  figuratively  "  my  meaning  is  plainer. 
Dr.  Molloy  very  kindly  took  up  my  proper  meaning  at  once.  I 
evidently  was  thinking  of  the  number  of  times  one  meets  duicisdJi^ 


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Notices  of  Books.  407 

dulcissime  in  Latin  prayers.  I  do  not  deny,  nor  have  I  in  point  of 
fact  altogether  denied,  that  dulcis  used  figuratively  can  sometimes 
he  translated  sweety  though,  strange  to  say,  among  the  figurative 
meanings  of  dulcis  in  a  standard  Latin  Dictionary  (Smith's),  I  do 
not  find  sweet.  Cicero  says  nomen  pads  dulce  est  but  even  in  cases 
of  this  kind  I  am  unwilling  to  use  sweet  as  a  translation.  Somehow 
I  always  feel  disposed  to  connect  the  use  of  the  English  word  to  what 
is  pleasing  to  one  of  the  four  senses  of  taste,  hearing,  sight,  and  smell. 
Horace  says  dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori^  but  I  cannot  bring 
myself  to  believe  that  matter-of-fact  John  Bull  could  call  dying  in 
pain,  sweet.  An  Englishman  would  naturally  say.  It  is  a  glorious 
thing  to  die  for  one's  country.  But  whatever  may  be  said  of  these 
cases,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  dulcis  occurs  frequently  in  Latin  as 
a  term  of  affection  or  endearment,  and  that  according  to  the  usual 
modern  idiom  of  the  English  language,  the  proper  translation  Ls 
dear.  For  instance,  Dulces  natos  iEneid  IL,  137,  "dear  or 
darling  children."  Dulcis  conjux,  Georg.  IV.,  465,  "dear  wife.'* 
Dulce  caputs  .l^neid  IV.,  493.  And  in  Horace  amicus  dulcis, 
dulcis  amice,  &c.  I  know  that  in  old  English  siceet  is  used  as  a 
term  of  endearment  in  cases  where  we  cannot  use  it  at  the  present 
day.  However  people  like  to  translate  I^tin  prayers  as  literally 
as  possible.  And  I  suppose  that  this  accounts  for  the  fact  that  in 
German  Catholic  prayer-books  I  find  siisze  and  susziger  as  trans- 
lations of  dulcis,  where  the  ordinary  German  idiom  would  require 
lieh.  For  the  present  I  should  be  for  letting  sweet  stand  in  our 
prayer-books,  though  speculatively  I  object  to  it  as  a  proper 
modern  idiomatic  rendering  of  the  Latin.  Sweet  as  a  translation 
in  the  following  would  be  absurd — 

Dulce  ferrum,  dulce  lignum, 
Dulce  ponduB  sustinent. 

Now  I  may  be  asked  in  conclusion,  can  I  give  any  authority 
favouring  my  translation  of  dulcis — dear  and  not  sweet.  Well, 
It  so  happens  that  in  an  Italian  prayer-book  printed  in  Borne 
I  find  dulcissime  Jesu  !  occurring  in  the  well-known  prayer  "En 
ego  rendered  0  mio  amato  Gcsi^t  ! 

Yours,  &c.,  M,  J,  O'Brien. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 


I7/e  Charity  of  the  Church  a  Proof  of  her  Divinity^  From  the 
Italian  of  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Baluffi  :  with  an  Introduction 
by  Denis  Gargan,  D.D. 

This  work  may  be  regarded  as  a  triumph  in  the  art  of  trans- 
lating, for  it  comes  into  our  hands  with  all  the  grace  and  ver\e  and 
vivacity  of  an  original  composition.     For  this  reason,  and  apart 


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408  Notices  of  Booh. 

altogether  from  our  indebtedness  to  Dr.  Gargan  for  revefding  to 
us  the  *'  thoughts  that  breathe  "  through  the  work  of  his  Emioeiioe, 
every  discerning  reader  will  peruse  the  book  with  admiration  and 
gratitude.  Id  less  competent  hands  the  task  of  translating  would 
have  been  supremely  difficult ;  for  we  must  remember  that,  in 
matters  appertaining  to  religious  subjects,  English  forms  of 
thought  and  English  ^'  notional  and  relational  words"  are  decidedly 
antagonistic  to  those  of  our  great  Continental  writers.  The 
Reformation,  having  created  a  "  jarring  chaos  "  of  ideas,  engrafted 
on  the  English  tongue  only  such  vague  and  variable  forms  of 
speech  as  consorted  with '  an  implacably  anti-Catholic  system. 
I>r.  Gargan  has,  however,  overcome  this  fundamental  ditficiilty, 
and  has  transfused  into  an  uncongenial  language,  together  with 
the  substance  and  spirit  of  the  original,  a  large  share  of  that 
mellow  tenderness  and  elaborate  simplicity  of  style  in  which 
Italian  works  are  said  to  abound.  They  say  of  translations  that 
*♦  the  sparkle  sadly  evaporates  during  the  process  of  decanting ;" 
but  in  this  volume  there  decidedly  is  no  deg<meraoy. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  Dr.  Gargan,  and  no  less  unfair  to  our 
readers,  to  attempt  to  compress  within  the  narrow  limits  of  t 
Notice,  an  adequate  idea  of  the  value  of  this  work.  The  '*  argu- 
ment "  itself  sufficiently  indicates  over  how  wide  a  field  and  with 
what  unwearied  industry  the  author  pursues  his  inquiries,  in  order 
to  demonstrate — as  he  does  most  conclusively^^that  in  all  the 
ages  of  the  Church,  and  in  every  phase  of  society,  she  has  made 
manifest  to  the  world  her  divine  attribute  of  charity.  For  the 
accomplishment  of  such  a  task  the  very  first  and  fundamental 
requisite  is  a  critical  and  systematized  familiarity  with  ecclesiastical 
history — not  indeed  as  a  bare  record  of  events,  but  as  a  closely 
interwoven  web  of  facts,  in  each  of  which  the  historian  will  trace 
more  than  a  transient  significance,  and  from  the  fusion  of  which 
he  will  evoke  the  vision  of  the  true  "  Spouse  of  Christ  *'  in  all  her 
divine  lineaments  and  queenly  endowments.  All  this  the  compre- 
hensive scholarship  of  our  author  has  most  ably  accomplished. 

C.  J.  M. 

Za.  Philosophic  rtligieust  du  Mazdeisme  sous  len  SassanideSy  par 
L.  C,  Casartelli.     Paris,  Bonn  et  Londres.     1884. 

This  work,  written  by  Rev.  L.  C.  Casartelli,  M.A.  Lond., 
Ph.D.  Louvain,  Prefect  of  Studies  at  S.  Bede's  College,  Manchester, 
is  a  resume  oi  the  philosophical  and  religious  doctrines  of  the  Magian 
or  Zoroastrian  religion  as  it  existed  in  the  Persian  empire  under 
the  dynasty  of  the  Sassanides  (a.d.  226-651).  The  imp<H>tance  of 
this  period  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  kings  of  this  dynasty  were 
adlierents  of  the  Magian  religion,  and  that  they  first  made  it  the 
national  creed.  Dr.  Casartelli  has  arranged  in  philosophical  order 
the  various  doctrines  found  in  the  Pahlavi  treatises  belonging  to 
tliis  period.     A  learned  Persian,  Paulus  Persa,  who  flourished  at 


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Notices  of  Books.  409 

the  court  of  the   great   Sassanid   King,    Khosrav  Anosharevaa 
(a.d.  531-578),  gives  a  summary  of  the  different  theories  held  at 
that  time  bj  his  countrymen  regarding  the  nature  and  attributes  of 
Grod,  which  reveals  a  great  diversity  of  belief.     This  diversity 
Dr.  0.  thinks,  was  a  consequence  of  the  Magian  doctrine  of  dualism, 
or  the  co-existence  of  two  distinct  and  independent  principles — 
the  principle  of  good  and  the  principle  of  evil — a  doctrine  so  repug- 
nant to  the  human  mind  that,  to  escape  from  the  contradiction 
involved,  it  strove  to  find  repose  in  some  original  unity  of  principles. 
The  different  schools  had  recourse  to  diverse  methods  of  solving 
the  <lifficulty.     Some  found  the  solution  in  a  Being  pre-existing, 
indifferent,  unchangeable,  the  Zrvan-akarana  who  gave  birth  to 
Auharmazd  as  well  as  Aharman — the  principle  of  good  and  the 
principle  of  evil.     Other  philosophers  made  Auharmazd  tliis  first 
principle,  and  either  derived  from  him  the  spirit  of  evil,  or  attrib- 
uted to    him  two    spirits,  one  good  and  the   other  evil.      The 
doctrine 'of  a  primordial  Zrvan  was  little  more  than  a  philosophical 
system   or  theory.       The   true   god   of    the  old    Persians  was 
Aiiharmazd.      Dr.  Casartelli  treats  at  length  of  the  titles  and 
attributes  of  this  god.     He  is  called  in  the  treatises  of  the  Sassanid 
era  the  Being ;>ar  excellence ;  he  who  was,  is,  and  ever  shall  be ;  the 
pure,  intangible  spirit;  the  spirit  of  spirits ;  omniscient,  omnipotent, 
supreme  sovereign,  perfectly  good,  beneficent,  benevolent,  merciful. 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  attribute  of  immensity  or  infinity  is 
wanting  in  the  titles  given  to  Auharmazd.     In  the  BiiU'Dehesh, 
the  attribute  of  infinity  is  expressly  excluded,  and  the  reason  for 
this  exclusion  given — viz.,  the  existence  and  empire  of  the  spirit 
of  evil  which   makes   infinity  for  Auharmazd  an  impossibility. 
(b.d.  i.  5.)     The  favourite  title  of  this  god  is  creator  *(datar.)     Is 
the  creation  a  creation  ex  nihilo^  or  a  formation  from  a  prima 
materia  ?     Spiegel  and  West  do  not  think  that  either  the  Avestic 
or  Pahlavi  terms  employed  can  be  understood  in  the  former  sense. 
Dr.  Casartelli  thinks  it  difiicult  to  reconcile  this  view  with  a 
passage  in  the  Bnn-Dehesh  (xxx.,  5,  6)  cited  at  length  by  him. 
One  of  the  most  important  works  of  the  Sassanid  literature  is  the 
MaintjO'i'Khard   (Spirit  of   Wisdom.)     Who  was  this   Spirit  of 
Wisdom  ?     Was  it  a  creature  of  AiUiarmazd  ?     Was  it  Auharmazd 
himself?     This  question  is  discussed  by  Dr.  Casartelli.     From  a 
careful  comparison  between  the  Old  Testament  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  Sassanid  treatises  on  the  other,  he  has  no  difficulty  in 
accepting  the  opinion  of  Spiegel  that  the  Mainyoi-Khard  of  the 
Sassanid  philosophy  was  a  conception  derived  from  the  2o</>ta  of 
the  Alexandrian  schools.     The  doctrine  of  Vohuman,  son  of  the 
Creator,  is  treated  of,  and  the  author  believes  that  in  the  Dinkart 
there  are  traces  of  the  influence  of  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
Aoyos.     Aharman  is  represented   in  the  Sassanid  literature  as 
having  existed  from   all   eternity  like  Auharmazd.     His   most 
distinctive  character  is  that  of  creator  of  evil.     The  Bun-Dehesh 
VOL.  VI.  2  G 


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410  Notices  of  Books. 

says  tlierc  will  be  a  time  when  he  will  not  exist  (i.  3.)  The 
remaining  chapters  treat  of  Spirits,  Cosmology,  Man,  Ethics,  and 
Eschatology.  We  have  referred  to  what  appear  to  us  the  f andt- 
meutal  portions  of  the  work.  The  value  of  this  really  profound 
treatise  consists  in  the  fact  that  it  is  based  entirely  on  original 
research,  the  writer  being  an  accomplished  Oriental  scholar  and 
linguist.  Hkkry  Worsley. 

The  School  wid  Home  Song-Book,    A  Collection  of  Songs  for  use  in 

Irish  Schools.   Selected  and  arranged  by  P.  Goodman.    Dublin 

and  London.     J.  Duffy  «&  Sons. 

Mr.  Goodman,  in  publishing  this  admirable  work,  has  rendered 
the  Irish  musical  public  a  service  unique  in  its  kind.  An  Irish 
School  and  Home  Song-Book,  worthy  of  the  nation  and  of  the  art, 
we  have  lon^  looked  for,  and  in  vain.  In  Germany  every  school 
and  every  home  has  its  song-book ;  and  hence,  in  every  German 
school  and  home  may  be  heard  those  exquisite  harmonies  which  so 
fill  us,  when  we  hear  them,  with  wonderment  and  envy.  Yet  well 
we  know  that  the  phlegmatic  Teuton  is  not  by  nature  more  musical 
than  the  high-strung  <^elt.  He  has  been  fed  with  good  music 
from  his  cradle  :  at  school  the  compulsory  singing-class  was  as 
natural  to  him  as  his  three  R's — indeed  far  more  so.  He  sings, 
and  understands  what  he  sings :  hence,  he  goes  forth  to  a  musioU 
manhood  with  a  faculty  for  musical  enjoyment  trained  and 
developed,  and  a  facility  of  musical  execution  which  has  made  him 
the  envy  of  nations  not  less  gifted  but  less  educated.  The  Irish 
music-hunger  has,  on  the  contrary,  been  met  with  starvation  diet 
at  famine  prices  ;  and  hence,  with  all  our  glorious  traditions  of 
national  music,  it  has  become  painfully  evident  to  those  capable  of 
making  the  comparison,  that  we  are  lapsing  with  alarming  rapidity 
into  musical  barbarism  both  in  taste  and  execution.  But  oar 
lapse  is  not  final,  and  in  a  book,  such  as  Mr.  Goodman  offers,  we 
place  our  hope.  Here  is  theory,  sound  and  sufficient,  and  yet 
condensed  into  some  thirty  pages.  Thirty  examination  questions 
follow,  admirably  testing  the  young  singer's  knowledge  of  the 
elements  of  vocal  music.  Here  Mr.  Goodman's  German  technical 
education  has  stood  to  him,  and  he  has  made  comparatively  easy, 
principally  by  his  lucid  examples,  some  of  the  most  difficult  lessons 
in  the  theorv  of  elementary  singing.  Teachers  will  find  this  short 
treatise  invaluable,  and  most  practical. 

However,  the  principal  part  of  the  book,  both  in  bulk  and 
value,  is  the  song-book  that  follows  on  the  theoretical  part.  Here 
we  have  seventy-six  Irish  songs,  chosen  with  a  discrimination 
that  could  only,  we  think,  be  found  in  one  who  was  both  thoroughly 
Irish  and  thoroughly  musical.  Were  there  never  a  note  of  music 
here  we  should  welcome  such  a  choice  of  the  gems  of  Davis, 
Griffin,  M*Carthy,  Joyce,  Williams,  and  other  Irish  singers,  whose 
songs  are  less  easy  to  procure  than  those  of  Thomas  Moore,  thirty 
of  whose  melodies  begin  this  collection.     And  we  cannot  say  how 


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Notices  of  Books.  411 

we  like  the  arrangeinent  of  the  songs,  generally  for  two  voices, 
though  sometimes  for  more.  May  a  pitying  heaven  put  this  book 
into  the  hands  of  some  of  those  torturers  who  so  readily  volunteer 
their  excruciating  •  seconds '  to  their  neighbour's  song.  Such 
purgatorial  ^  harmonies '  will  soon  cease  if  Mr.  Goodman's  two* 
part  melodies  are  procured  and  studied.  It  is  no  easy  thing  to 
put  a  second  part  to  many  of  our  most  beautiful  melodies,  without 
spoiling  them.  Where  "  fools  rush  in  "  Mr.  Goodman  treads  with 
care,  and  has  really  succeeded  most  wonderfully.  Classes  may  use 
this  book  with  splendid  effect  by  dividing  the  voices  for  the  parts ; 
and  it  is  a  comfort  to  think  that  they  will  thus,  almost  unconsciously, 
come  to  learn  the  true  method  of  harmony,  and  to  reject  the  hap- 
hazard and  most  pdnful  methods  of  the  past. 

Eleven  English,  eight  Scotch,  and  thirty  German  songs  follow 
the  Irish,  and  have  been  chosen  with  the  same  admirable  taste. 
In  the  German  collection  will  be  found  gems  from  the  greatest 
masters  of  Teutonic  song ;  and  in  many  an  Irish  school,  and  by  many 
an  Irish  river,  we  may  hope  soon  to  hear  those  rich  and  satisfying 
strains  connected  hitherto  with  memories  of  the  distant  Rhine. 

But  it  is  for  his  rich  collection  and  his  richer  setting  of  the 
Irish  songs  that  we  wish  to  thank  Mr.  Goodman ;  and  we  are 
most  earnest  in  the  hope  that  both  he  and  we  may  live  to  see  this 
book  a  source  of  instruction  and  of  pleasure  in  every  school  and 
every  home  in  Ireland.  One  sin  of  omission  (perhaps  some  may  call 
it  an  act  of  virtuous  prudence)  we  lay  to  Mr.  Goodman's  charge. 
Having  seen  and  sung  the  last  song  in  his  book,  we  have  looked, 
but  in  vain,  for  **  God  save  Ireland."  A.  R. 

A  Grammar  of  Gregorian  MtisiCy  with  Exercises  and  Examples ; 
a  complete  Collection  of  the  Liturgical  Chants  at  High  Mass, 
Vespers,  Compline,  and  other  functions  ;  Dumont's  Masses  of 
the  1st,  2nd,  and  6th  Tones ;  the  Mass  *'  De  Angelis,"  etc. 
By  the  Vert  Rev.  William  J.  Walsh,  D.D.,  President 
St.  Patrick's  College,  Maynooth,  etc.,  etc. 

A  close  perusal  of  this  Grammar  of  Plain  Chant  has  made  us 
wish  that  either  we  had  been  born  some  score  years  later  than  we 
wer«^,  or  this  book  published  twenty  years  earlier.  Both  as  pupil 
and  as  master  we  should  then  have  suffered  less,  have  learned 
and  taught  more,  and  have  more  to  show  for  our  pains  to-day. 
Despite  an  enthusiastic  love  for  Gregorian,  we  have  never  had 
other  than  a  sinking  heart  when  we  have  looked  into  the  litera- 
ture of  Plain  Song.  Not  that  we  had  not  complete  works  on  the 
matter.  'ITiey  were  sadly  and  disastrously  complete.  We  could 
show  pages  inscribed  as  '*  Plain  Chant  for  Beginners,"  to  which  a 
page  of  **  Bradshaw's  Guide "  would  be  crystalline  simplicity. 
Not  even  the  Magister  Choralis  took  away  the  winter  of  our  deso- 
lation, nor  made  the  implicated  buds  unfold  ;  that  was  still,  at  least 
for  most  of  our  pupils,  *'  the  prophet's  scroll—  full  of  lamentation. 


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412  Notices  of  Books. 

and  mourning,  and  woe."  But  here,  at  long  last,  is  the  hook  we 
have  looked  for.  Following  close  on  his  admirable  edition  of  the 
Exsequiae,  Dr.  Walsh's  Grammar  of  Gregorian  Music  leaves  the 
teachers  and  students  of  Gregorian  music  nothing  to  want.  The 
arrangement  of  the  work  is  simplicity  itsell  It  is  designed,  as 
every  good  grammar  should  be,  to  give  clear  theory  and  apt 
example,  in  such  juxtaposition  as  to  make  them  explanatory  of 
each  other — the  theory  at  once  shown  in  practice,  and  the  practice 
itself  made  intelligible  by  the  theoretical  rules  preceding  it  Per- 
haps nothing  is  **  sterner  stuff,"  than  musical  theory  unsolved  by 
music.  No  such  stuff  wiH  be  found  iu  Dr.  Walsh's  practical  and 
really  most  interesting  pages.  With  the  true  instincts  of  a  teacher, 
lie  has  shown  by  example  not  only  what  is  right,  but  also  what  is 
wrong — those  mistakes  being  chosen  which  are  more  conmionly 
found  amongst  ourselves.  These  frequent  examples  of  what  not  to 
sing,  give  the  little  book  a  piquancy  not  to  be  expected  in  a 
gi'ammar,  but  most  welcome  w^hen  found  there.  Were  we  to 
single  out  any  parts  of  peculiar  excellence,  we  would  refer  the 
reader  to  the  chapter  on  the  psalm-tones,  and  the  observations  that 
follow  The  vexed  question  of  the  syllabic  and  the^  accentual  modes 
of  psalm-singing  is  given  with  much  clearness,  and  the  solution  is, 
we  think,  the  one  that  will  recommend  itself  to  all  who  have  had 
practical  experience  in  the  matter. 

The  five  appendices  make  a  complete  work  still  more  complete ; 
and  we  congratulate  the  author  on  the  happy  thought  of  keeping 
the  mass  of  valuable  and  practical  matter  therein  contained  apart 
from  the  Grammar  proper.  In  the  4th  and  5th  appendices  are  to 
be  found  such  splendid  and,  alas !  much  outraged  pieces  as  the 
Veni  Creator y  Te  Deum,  Paiigc  Lingua^  Vexilla  Regis ^  together  with 
four  Masses  in  the  more  commonly  used  modes :  all  models  of  the 
purest  and  noblest  Gregorian,  and  all  revised  according  to  the 
recent  instructions  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Rites. 

This  invaluable  Grammar  closes  with  a  set  of  examination 
questions,  covering  all  the  matter  therein  treated.  In  reading 
over  these  questions,  we  have  asked  ourselves :  Would  it  be  too 
much  to  require  that  every  student  presenting  himself  for  admission 
into  Sacred  Orders  should  answer  these  questions  substantially,  as 
a  sine  qua  nan  f  Certainly  St.  Charles  Borromeo  would  require 
from  candidates  for  ordination  at  least  so  much  knowledge  of  a 
chant  which  belongs  to  the  integrity  of  Catholic  liturgy,  and  the 
clerical  ignorance  of  which  has  given  rise  to  such  grievous  musk»l 
scandals  in  every  part  of  Christendom.  Jf  Dr.  Walsh's  book  helps 
to  bring  this  about,  it  will  earn,  with  its  gifted  author,  the  blessings 
of  generations  yet  unborn.  A.  R. 


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T^'k  lEISH 


ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


JULY,  1885. 


FAITH  AND  EVOLUTION  : 

A  FO-RTHER  CONSroERATION  ON  THE  QUESTION. 

•*  Wir  tasten  ewig  nn  Problemen.  Der  Mensch  ist  oin  dankles 
Wesen,  er  weiss  wenig  voq  der  Welt  uad  am  wenigsten  von  sich 
selbst." — GoTHK. 

MOST  scientists  are  of  opinion  that  Adam's  body  was 
not  formed  from  the  slime  immediately y  but  mediately, 
and  by  a  process  involving  some  sensible  miration  of  time. 
Now,  the  question  naturally  suggests  itself— May  a  Catholic 
countenance  such  an  opinion  without  peril  to  his  Faith  ? 

The  question  has  already  been  ably  treated  by  the 
Rev.  J.  Murphy  in  a  previous  number  of  the  Record,* 
and  his  verdict  is,  to  say  the  least,  not  encouraging.  He 
emphatically  denies,  not  merely  the  objective  truth  of  the 
doctrine,  but  also  the  right  of  any  Catholic  to  accept  it 
even  provisionally  and  as  a  possible  hypothesis.  Smce, 
however,  the  question  continues  to  excite  a  good  deal  of 
interest  in  some  quarters  {vide  Tablet,  May  and  June)> 
I  propose  to  espouse  the  opposite  view,  with  the  hope  that 
a  free  ventilation  of  conflicting  opinions  may  throw  some 
additional  light  on  the  matter,  and  that  in  the  clash  of 
arms,  truth,  like  a  spark,  may  at  last  flash  out  and  reveal 
itself. 

There  are  evidently  two  distinct  assertions  made  in  the 
general  account  of  man  s  creation. 

(1)  God  ionned  man's  body  from  the  dust,  or  slime. 

(2)  God  breathed  into  that  body  a  living  soul. 

So  far  all  Catholics  are  agreed,  and  there  can  be  no 
possible  room  for  controversy  between  them.     We  may 

»  See  the  Record,  Dec.,  1884. 
VOL.  VL  2  H 


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414  Faith  and  Evolution, 

therefore  dismiss  these  two  propositions  as  entirely  outside 
the  scope  of  this  paper,  and  regard  them  as  irrevocably 
settled.  The  only  point,  as  it  appears  to  me,  on  which 
there  can  be  any  dispute,  is  of  quite  minor  importance,  and 
one  which  holy  Scripture  nowhere  decides,  and  that  is 
the  manner'  in  which  God  formed  Adam's  body.  That  He 
made  it,  that  He  made  it  from  the  earth,  is  clearly  stated 
in  the  second  chapter  of  Genesis,  but  there  our  information 
ends.  As  to  how  this  great  work  was  accomplished  no 
word  ot  explanation  is  aflforded  ua  Was  it  immediately^ 
or  mediately  ?  Was  it  in  an  instant  or  was  it  during  a 
protracted  period  of  many  years  t  The  oracle  is  silent. 
Our  curiosity^  is  rebuked,  and  the  question  is  left  undecided. 
It  is  not  a  matter  which  can  materially  affect  our  duties  to 
God  or  our  religious  attitude,  or  in  any  way  be  needful  for 
us  to  know.  All  that  is  really  expedient  for  us  to  believe 
is  contained  patently  enough  inverses  26,  27,  28  of  chap.  1. 
and  verses  7,  et  seq.  of  chap.  2.  I  will  remark  here 
that  too  much  importance  has  been  attached  to  this 
question. 

We  are  apt  to  confuse  far  too  easily  two  very  different 
things,  viz.,  the  historical,  scientific,  and  social  importance 
of  a  question,  and  its  purely  religious  and  spiritual  import- 
ance. The  manner  in  which  the  first  human  body  was 
formed,  possesses,  undoubtedly,  a  strong  interest  for  most  of 
us,  as  being  a  curious  and  hidden  part  of  the  history  of  our 
race,  but  to  suppose  that  it  has  any  deep-rooted  connection 
with  our  reli^ous  interests,  or  that  it  can  effect  in  any 
appreciable  way  our  attitude  towards  God  or  towards  each 
other,  is  surely  a  profound  mistake.  Indeed  it  would  be 
interesting  to  hear  why  it  should  be  considered,  in  that 
respect,  as  anything  more  than  one  of  the  **  historialia  "•  of 
which  St.  Thomas  speaks,  and  on  which  he  evidently  con- 
siders tradition  is  not  competent  to  speak  dogmatically. 

What  does  it  really  signify  from  a  religious  point  of 

*  "  Si  diceremiis : — [of  a  living  man]  *  Deus  ex  semine  virili  fortnatit 
hominem  in  ittero  niaterno  ;"*  non  possemus  ullo  penitus  modo  quidqiuun 
inferre  de  unico  solo  instanti.in  ea  productione."  So,  neither  can  we 
draw  any  such  couclosion  when  interpreting  ch.  ii.  v.  7  of  Genesis. —  Vule 
Arriaga,  Disp.  34,  sect.  1. 

s  Balmds  says  :^**  Dirfase  que  Dios  se  propuso  dar  una  severa 
leccion  d  nuestra  excesiva  curiosidad ;  leed  la  Biblia,  y  os  quedareis  con- 
vencidos  de  cuanto  acabo  de  asertar.''  El  l^'otestantisnio,  e/c,  vol  iv., 
•cap.  Ixxi. 

'  See  page  418. 


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Faith  and  £volution,  415 

view,  whether  Adam's  body,  ere^  yet  his  soul  had  been 
breathed  into  it,  were  instantly  prepared  for  its  reception 
by  the  coramand  of  God,  or  only  slowly  and  by  a  ^adual 
process  of  greater  and  greater  development?  Till  the 
«oul  informed  it,  it  certainly  was  not  a  portion  of  Adam's 
human  natm-e,  whether  it  had  occupied  one  second  or  a 
thousand  years  in  making.  Why  then  so  much  learned 
discussion  on  the  subject  ? 

Why  reject  with  so  much  impatience  the  view  of  those 
who  hold  that  the  substance  of  Adam's  body,  before  it 
really  become  his,  was  of  gradual  growth,  and  from  a  lower 
to  a  higher  genus  of  being? 

The  earth  was  slowly  and  gradually  prepared  to  receive 
the  body  of  our  first  parent,  why  may  we  not  hold  that  his 
body  was  slowly  and  gradually  prepared  to  receive  his 
soult  From  the  word  of  God  we  can  infer  positively 
nothing!  It  tells  us,  e.jr.,  that  *'He  gives  to  beasts  their 
food,  and  to  the  young  ravens  that  call  upon  Him." 
(Ps.  oxlvi)  Who  will  say  that  He  does  so  immediately  ? 
We  dare  not  aflSiTn  so  much,  since  experience  bears 
testimony  to  the  contrary.  But  are  we  justified  in  asserting 
either  yes  or  no,  in  a  ca^e  where  experience  can  bear  no 
testimony  whatever? 

If  indeed  Adam's  body  were  first  but  vegetative,  then 
purelj'  animal,  and  only  in  its  final  stage  human,  it  would 
much  more  nearly  approach  the  general  system  upon 
which  our  bodies  are  at  present  built  up  than  had  it  been 
instantly  transformed  from  slime  to  a  full-grown  man; 
at  least  if  we  follow  the  teaching  of  St.  Thomas.  According 
to  the  Angel  of  the  Schools,*  each  human  body  that  now 
lives  and  breathes,  has  spining  from  a  material  that  was 
merely  vegetative,  and  which  continued  for  some  time  in 
its  merely  vegetable  form  of  existence,  then  passed  at  the 
proper  time  into  the  ahimal  or  sensitive  stage,  and  only 
after  these  various  evolutions  had  been  passed  through 

iLibro  13  de  civ.  Dei.  cap.  24,  S.  Aug.  bene  ponderavit  prius 
faciem  hominis  esse  formatam,  quam  Deus  illi  inspiraverit  vitam,  sic 
4?nim  verba  Genesis  sonant :  inspiravit  in  J'ariein  ejus  spiraculum  viiae. 
The  reference  is  made  by  Arriaga,  loco  citato. 

*Anima  praeexistit  in  enibryone,  a  principio  quidem  nutritiva, 
postmoduni  autem  sensitiva,  et  tandem  intellectiva  ....  ideo 
dicendum  est,  quod  cura  generatio  unius  semper  sit  corruptio  alterius 
.  ...  et  sic  per  multas  generationes  et  comiptiones  pervenitur  ad 
xdtimam  formam  substantifuem.  See  S.  Tho.  Summa — P.  i.  Q.  cxviii.  A.  ii. 
«nd  the  note  beginning  "  Hinc  ergo.'* 


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416  Fcdtli  and  Evolution. 

and  the  body  had  become  fit,  received  a  living  rational 
soul. 

"  It  18  not  many  years  since  you  who  listen  to  me  (writes  the 
venerable  Bishop  of  Birmingham)  had  your  existence  begun  in  a 
mere  germ  of  matter,  you  were  but  a  speck  in  a  region  of  darkness. 
.  .  .  You  were  a  feeble  substance  in  a  great  hazard,  yet  witli  a 
vast  capacity  for  greater  good,  which  as  yet  was  in  the  hands  of 
Grod  and  of  His  Providence.  Who  can  tell  at  what  moment,  of 
what  hour  it  was  that  God  vitalised  that  germinal  body  with  a 
living  soul  ?"* 

If  each  human  being,  since  the  first  pair,  has  had  his 
soul — ^immortal  and  rational  though  it  be  —breathed  into 
a  body  that  was  prepared  only  by  successive  growths,*  why 
must  we  regard  it  as  so  utterly  repugnant  that  Adam's 
body  should  have  been  formed  in  some  more  or  less 
analagous  way  ? 

At  least  1  think  it  may  be  considered  as  a  matter  ot 
very  little  moment  in  its  bearings  on  Faith  and  Morala 

In  spite  of  Fr.  Murphy's  very  interesting  and  valuable 
contribution  to  the  literature  of  this  subject,  I  cannot  say 
that  I  feel  compelled  to  accept  all  his  conclusions.  I  read 
his  paper  with  all  the  attention  that  it  so  well  merits,  and 
though  I  would  not  go  as  far  as  positively  to  deny  his  right 
to  contend  that  Adam's  immediate  creation  is  of  Faith  (or 
proxima  Fidei),  I  nevertheless  maintain  that  the  matter  is 
sufficiently  uncertain  to  give  the  opposite  opinion  at  least 
a  probable  liceity ;  and  that  is  the  sum  of  my  present  con- 
tention. Even  if  we  fully  hold  to  the  more  orthodox  view 
oureelves,  let  us  at  least  give  opponents  liberty  to  hold 
opposite  views,  as  long  as  there  is  fair  doubt  concerning 
their  irreconcilability  with  Catholic  dogma. 

It  is  for  this  doubt  I  am  contending,  and  the  attempt, 
most  honestly  made  by  Fr.  Murphy,  to  rob  us  of  the 
freedom  to  which  such  a  doubt  can  alone  entitle  us,  is  to 
my  mind  the  only  regrettable  part  of  his  paper. 

What  do  theologians  teach  in  regard  to  the  subject 
before  us?     Fr.  Murphy  has  summed  up  a  goodly  few  who 

'  **  The  Endowments  of  Man/'  p.  95,  by  Bishop  Ullathome. 

*I  am  fully  aware  that  this  is  not  the  opinion  most  generally 
approved  of  now-a-days,  and  that  the  theological  faculties  of  Paxi«, 
Vienna,  Prague,  Salamanca  (not  to  mention  others),  incline  to  tiie 
belief  that  the  soul  is  infused  at  the  first  moment  of  conception ;  bat 
this  refects  in  no  way  upon  the  force  of  the  analogy  since  we  are  under 
no  obligation  of  adopting  the  more  recent  view,  and  would  undoubtedly 
baptize  the  foetus  in  case  of  abortion  **  sub  conditione.** 


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Faith  and  EmltUion.  417 

-seem  to  pronounce  upon  it  with  little  hesitation.  But  is 
there  a  consensus  ? 

ObservOjitisnot  enough  that  the  great  bulk  of  theologians 
have  been  unanimous  in  teaching  a  certain  doctrine.  We 
must  inquire  further  the  nature  of  the  doctrine,  and  how  it 
i;ra8  taught.  What  is  taught  incidently  and  "per 
transennam^*'  and  when  dealing  professedly  of  other  things, 
•cannot  command  much  respect  nor  claim  much  authority. 
Again,  what  is  taught  generally,  and  merely  as  being  the 
common  opinion  of  the  time,  can  have  no  binding  eflFect  on 
future  ages.  But  what  is  of  still  higher  importance  is  the 
nature  of  the  truth  taught.  Rules  which  are  de  riguetir  in  the 
case  of  matters  intimately  effecting  morals  and  the  general 
deposit  of  Faith,  cannot  be  applied  indiscriminately  and  in 
the  same  sense  to  what  is  of  little  importance  to  either. 

But  with  these  premissary  remarks  let  us  turn  to  the 

Council   of  Trent.^     "  Ut  nemo   ...   in  rebus  tidei   et 

jnorura  ad  aedijicationem  doctrinae  Christianae  pej'tinentium 

.    .    .    contra    unanimem    consensum    Patrum     ipsam 

Scripturam  interpretari  audeat." 

The  gravest  theologians  warn  us  that  in  the  solemn 
declarations  of  Councils,  above  all  when  serious  prohibi- 
tions are  made,  each  word  has  a  deep  significance  and 
must  be  allowed  its  full  weight.  We  must  grasp  the 
sentence  in  its  entirety,  and  beware  of  applying  portion  of 
it  without  duly  qualifying  it  by  the  remainder. 

In  using  the  above  extract  for  example  we  are  not  per- 
mitted to  disconnect  the  part  underlined  from  the  rest. 
Perrone  even,  whom  Fr.  Murphy  quotes  with  approval, 
writes  as  their  equivalent :  "  In  rebus  fid  ai  et  morum  atque 
^d  aedificationem  doctrinae  Christianae  pertinentium,  &c." 

Let  us  add  the  paragraphs  that  Fr.  Murphy  has  tran- 
scribed (1)  from  the  Vatican  Council : 

"  Porro  fide  Divina  et  Catholica  ea  omnia  credenda  sunt  quae 
in  verbo  Dei  scripto  vel  tradito  continentur  et  ab  Ecclesia  sive 
i^oleinni  judicio  sive  ordinario  et  universali  magisterio,  tanquam 
divinitus  revelata  credenda  proponuntur."     (Cap.  iii.) 

And  (2)  from  a  letter  of  the  late  Pope  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Munich,  in  which  it  is  said  that  the  obedience  of  Faith 
extends : 

^^Ad  ea  quoquc  quae  ordinario  totius  Ecclesiae  per  orbem  dis- 
persae  inagtsterio,  tanquam  divinitus  revelata  traduntur  ideoque 
nniyersali  et  constanti  consensu,  a  Catholicis  theologis  ad  fidem 
pertinere  retinentur."* 

1  Sess.  4.  *  See  Record,  Dec.  1884,  p.  760. 

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4 1 S  Faith  and  Evolution, 

Now  *  T  ask — Is  the  question  as  to  how  God  formed 
Adam's  body  a  resfidei  ant  monim? — a  thing  of  Faith  or 
morals  ?  Again,  in  both  the  quotations  made  in  the  Record,, 
it  is  required  that  the  doctn'nes  taught  should  be  proposed 
*'  tanquam  divinitus  revelata  **  —  as  doctrines  divinely 
revealed.  Has  the  doctrine  of  Adam's  body  been  taught 
•  by  the  theologians  mentioned,  as  their  own  belief,  or  have 
they  propounded  it  as  a  divinely  revealed  fact?  It  is  not 
enough  that  the  Fathers  and  theologians  have  taught  it, 
but  to  have  a  binding  effect  upon  us,  they  must  have 
taught  it  {a)  as  of  Faith,  and  (b)  in  svfficient  numbers  to 
form  a  consensus,  A  single  theologian,  such  as  Jungmann, 
however  explicitely  he  may  speak,  cannot  end  the  contro- 
versy with  a  simple  stroke  of  the  pen — nor  would  a  dozen 
such  names  be  enough  to  put  the  matter  beyond  the  field 
of  discussion. 

Again,  we  may  gather  some  light  from  that  bright 
luminary  of  the  exegetical  heaven — St.  Vincent  of  Lerina 

He  has  the  following  remark:  ''Antiqua  Sanctomra 
Patrum  consensio,  uon  in  omnibus  divinae  legis  quaestiun- 
cuHs,  sed  solum  certe  praecipue  in  tidei  regula  magno  nobis 
studio  et  investiganda  ct  scquenda/* 

The  immense  distinction  between  the  important  fact  of 
divine  faith  that  God  made  Adam's  body,  and  the  covipara- 
tively  insignificant  fact  as  to  how  He  made  it  may  be 
well  illustrated  by  an  analogous  case  in  the  writings  of 
"St.  Thomas.     He  lays  down  the  following  doctrine  : — 

"  Quae  ad  fidem  pertioent  dupliciter  distinjjuuntur,  quaedam 
enim  sunt  per  so  substantia  tidei  ,  .  .  Quaedam  vero  per 
accidens  tantum  .  .  .  quae  scire  non  tenentur  sieut  multa 
hifitorialia ;'  et  in  liis  etiam  sancti  divcrsa  senscrunt,  Scripturam 
divinani  diversimode  exponentes." 

He  tlien  suggests  the  following  very  pertinent  instance  : 

*'  Sic  ergo  circa  mundi  principium  aliquid  est  quod  ad  8ub- 
stantiam  fidei  i)ertinet,  scilicet  mundum  incepisse  creatum,  et  hoc 
cranes  sancti  concorditer  dicunt.  Quo  autem  modo  et  or  dine  fact  us 
sitnonpevtinet  ad  Jidem  nisi  per  accidens,  in  quantum  in  Script  ura 
traditur,  cujus  veritatem  diversa  expositione  salvantes,  divcrsa 
tradiderunt."^ 

This  is  about  as  good  an  analogy  as  we  can  expect  to 
meet  Avith.  Just  as  the  fact  of  creation  forms  the  sub- 
stance of  the  narrative  in  the  1st  chapter  of  Genesis,  as  far 

1  See  page  414.  ^  See  Lib.  sect,  ii,,  dist.  xii.,  art.  2. 

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FcdHi  and  Evolution.  4U> 

as  the  F^ih  is  concerned;  so,  in  the  same  sense,  the 
fonpation  of  Adam's  body  by  God  forms  the  essence  of  the 
narrative  in  chap.  2;  farther,  just  as  the  truth  con- 
.ceming  the  manner  and  order  (quo  raodo  et  ordine)  in. 
which  the  earth  was  made  is  so  sHghtly  connected  with 
.  Faith  and  of  so  httle  importance,  that  the  Fathers  may  teach 
it  without  claiming  the  authority  of  tradition  ;  so,  the  same 
may  be  urged  concerning  the  manner  of  forming  Adam's- 
body,  only  with  much  gi*eater  force,  since  concerning  the 
formation  of  the  world  the  Sacred  Scriptures  do  say  at  least 
something,  whereas  in  the  case  of  Adam's  body,  they  are 
absolutely  silent. 

If  the  objection  is  urged  that,  in  the  first  case,  the 
Fathers  are  not  unanimous,  whereas  in  the  second  case  they 
are  (which  is  not  the  fact),  I  reply  that  it  is  evident  that 
the  want  of  an  absolute  consensus  is  not  the  motive  upon 
which  St.  Thomas  bases  his  decisiorv'  but  that  he 
attributes  the  liberty  of  dissent  rather  to  the  trifling 
connection  such  details  have  with  the  essence  of  the 
Catholic  dogma,  and  it  is  for  a  like  reason  that  we  claim 
the  same  liberty  in  discussing  the  formation  of  Adam's 
body. 

This  seems  further  borne  out  by  Melchior  Canus,  who 
in  treating  another  question,  remarks,  "  Si  omnes  sancti 
Patres  in  hac  re  falsi  essent^,  in  re  pai-vi  momenti  falsi 
fuissent,"  clearly  implying  that  in  a  matter  of  httle  moment 
they  might  all  teach  what  future  investigation  might  prove 
to  be  false. 

Franzelin   also   speaks  to  the  point  when  he  writes:— 

*'  Non  certe  repugnat,  ut  aliqua  sententia  aliquando  inter 
theologos  communis,  postea  argiimentis  et  dociimentis  melius 
perspectis  communis  esse  desinat  vel  etiam  obsolescat.  Talis  autcm 
mutatio  ipsa,  argumentum  est  consensionera  illam  antecsndentem 
non  fuisse  ratum  et  firmam  sententiam,  quae  securis  et  immuta- 
bilibus  niteretur  fundament  is  ;  sed  opinionem  tan  turn  jjro- 
praccedenti statu  quacstionis  probabilem."* 

In     an     age     when     the     days    of    creation     were 

'  This  is  also  the  view  of  St.  Thomas'  meaning  taken  by  Can  on 
A.  Motais,  who,  after  quoting  the  extract  in  another  connection, 
writes :—  "  II  nous  parait  evident  que  Tintention  de  St.  ^fhomas  est  de 
demontrer  que  c'est  k  cause  du  pen  de  relation  qu'ont  les  details  dont  il 
8'agit  avec  le  dogme  Catholique,  que  les  P6res  ont  pu  se  tromper  sur 
oe  point/'  P.  127,  Le  Deluge  Bihlique^  by  A.  Motais,  Professor  of 
S.  Scripture  and  Hebrew  at  the  Seminary  of  Rennes. 

'De  Traditione,  p.  177. 


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420  Faith  and  Evolution. 

believed  to  be  of  but  four-and-twenty  hours  each,  it 
vrould  hardly  be  possible  to  entertain  the  idea  of  a 
gradual  and  slow  evolution  of  Adam's  body.  Even  the 
learned  Suarez  would,  on  his  own  principles,  hardly  venture 
to  restrict  our  liberty  so  narrowly  as  Fr.  Murphy,  if  we 
may  judge  from  his  method  of  dealing  with  a  certain  other 
doctrine  for  which  all  the  schools  declared  unanimously 
*<  communis  in  omnibus  scholis  doctrina." 

Suarez  asks,  **  Is  it  of  faith  as  some  aver  ?  **  "  No,"  he 
replies,  **  I  think  not." ' 

Why? 

Firstly,  because  the  text  of  Scripture  is  not  so 
explicit  that  it  may  not  be  otherwise  explained.  "  Quia 
Scripturae  testimonia  non  sunt  adeo  expressa  quin  aliis 
modis  explicari  possint." 

Secondly,  because  the  Church  has  defined  nothing  in 
regard  to  it.  '^£t  nulla  exstat  de  hac  re  Eccleeiae 
definitio." 

Thirdly,  because  tradition  is  not  decisive.  **Neque 
traditio  est  satis  aperta." 

Fourthly,  because  theologians  are  not  more  decided 
than  the  Fathers ;  since,  even  if  they  be  unanimous  in  thdr 
opinion,  they  don't  affirm  the  doctrine  as  of  faith :  "  Nam 
licet  theologi  in  hac  veritate  asserenda  consentiant,  non 
tamen  illam  affirmant  ut  dogma  fidei." 

Is  not  this  just  exactly  our  case?  Do  not  the  above 
words  of  the  great  Suarez  admit  of  a  very  easy  application 
to  the  subject  in  point,  and  materially  assist  us  in  deciding 
upon  the  attitude  of  mind  we  should  adopt  in  the  contro- 
versy concering  the  evolution  of  Adam's  Dody  ? 

I  may  point  out  here,  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  many 
learned  theolo^ans  of  the  present  day  do  admit  and 
uphold  the  mediate  creation  oi  Adam's  body,  as  a  possible 
hypothesis,  and  as  an  opinion  which  may  he  held  without 
any  disloyalty  to  the  faiths  though  they  may  not  embrace  it 
themselves.  Now  this  would  hardly  be  the  case  if 
Fr.  Murphy's  assertion  were  well-founded,  since  we  cannot 
suppose  such  men  ignorant  either  of  the  teaching  of 
the  Councils,  or  of  the  opinions  of  the  Fathers  and 
theologians.  Yet  they  dechne  to  condemn  the  opinion  as 
wrong. 

Let  me  mention  merely  some  half-dozen  instances 
The  Rev.   John  Gmeiner,  Professor  in  the  Theological 

'  Suarez  in  3,  q.  9,  dis.  25. 

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Faith  and  EvolutiofU  421 

Seminary  at  St.  Francis,  Milwaukee,  sums  up  the  matter,  ia 
his  little  work,  with  the  following  words  : — 

"  Alter  carefully  considering  both  sides  of  the  c|i]estion,  I,  for 
one,  would  not  venture  to  declare  Professor  Mivart's  opinion 
inconsistent  with  any  Catholic  doctrine.'" 

So,  again,  one  of  the  most  famous  living  theologians  of 
Spain,  the  distinguished  Padre  Jos6  Mendive,  who  holds 
the  chair  of  Metaphysics  at  the  University  of  Madrid, 
teaches  in  his  celebrated  work,  La  Religion  CatoUca^  that 
one  may  believe  Adam's  body  to  have  been  formed  from 
an  organised  substance,  and  only  mediately  from  the  dust. 
I  will  translate  a  sentence  or  two  from  p.  430  :' — 

""Whether  we  say  that  God  formed  man  proximately  from  the 
slime  of  the  earth,  or  from  any  earthly  substance  you  please, 
endowed  with  a  certain  organism,  the  tljeological  truth  remains 
intact,  since  the  said  organism,  in  its  ultimate  analysis,  may  be 
traced  to  the  slime  of  earth ;  and  man,  by  reason  of  this  element, 
would  really  have  been  formed  from  the  dust.  *  Dust  thou  art, 
and  to  dust  thou  shalt  return '  was  spoken  by  God  to  Adam  in 
punishment  of  his  sin,  and  *  dust  thou  art '  is  said  to  us  by  the 
Church  on  Ash-Wednesday.  These  words  surely  do  not  signify 
that  we  are,  hie  et  nunc^  dust,  but  only  that  we  draw  our  origin 
from  it." 

Later  on  he  quotes  Suarez  as  teaching  the  imme- 
diate formation  of  Adam's  body;  but  he  adds  (what 
Fr.  Murphy  forgot  to  mention)  that  "  he  did  not  fail  to 
recognize  the  probability  of  the  contrarj'  opinion  (No  deja, 
«in  embargo,  ae  reconocer  la  probabilidad  de  la  opinion 
•contraria,  etc.)"  He  even  cites,  as  supporters  of  a 
mediate  formation,  St  Chrysostom,  St.  Augustine,  and 
amongst  the  scholastics  Tostado  and  Alphonsus  de  Castro. 

Further,  Padre  Arriaga,  in  his  treatise  "  De  opere  sex 
•dierum  "  discusses  both  theories,  and  concludes  in  favour 
of  a  mediate  formation.     Here  c^re  his  words : — 

*'  Ecce  quae  pro  utraque  parte  assenmtur,  nos  multum  urgent. 
Suarez  probabiliorem  philosophice  censet  banc  secundam  opinionem 
[which  favours  the  successive  formation  of  the  first  man]  quia  sine 
-dubio  connaturalius  et  fucilius  intelligitur  quomodo  id  sit  factum 
•cum  aliqua  morula  ex  praejacente  materia  quam  in  instanti :  at 
theologice  videtur  in  priorem  inclinare  .  .  Ego  veio  .  .  sane  non 
A'ideo  ma  jorem  auctoritatem  pro  prima  quam  pro  secunda  sententia: 

»  See  Modei-n  Scientific  Views,  p,  183. 

*  La  Religion  Catdlica,  per  Jose  Mendive,  1883. 


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422  Faith  and  ^Evoluttoiu 

imo  forte  plures  sunt  pro  secundn  quia  Augustioiis  et  Chrysostomo* 
eum  defendunt ;  Abulensis  et  alii  apud  eumdem  Siiarez  ibi.  Ex  ali^ 
vero  capite  manet  semper  major  claritus  in  secunda  sententia: 
er*ro  non  est  cur  earn  non  defendamus  etiam  ut  theologict  pi'o- 
Imbtliorem.**^ 

This  is  surely  another  remarkable  exception  to  the  so- 
called  unanimity  among  theologians.  He  not  only  allows 
the  view  which  Fr.  Murphy  so  strenuously  condemns,  but 
goes  so  far  as  to  declare  it  worthy  of  being  defended  as 
even  theolofjically  the  more  probable.  The  Rev.  Professor 
Mendive  continues  and  asks,  '*  Why  are  we  not  permitted 
to  believe  that  God,  instead  of  using  the  coarse  and  inor- 
ganic earth  for  the  production  of  Adam*s  body,  took,  let 
us  say,  an  anthropoid  ape,  and  transformed  it  instantly 
into  a  man,  in  some  supcniatural  manner?  In  this  manner 
the  ape,  by  virtue  of  its  natural  powers  would  only  have 
wrought  the  elementarj'  ru(iiments  oF  earth  into  the 
initial  organism  of  man's  body,  and  prepared  it  in  it» 
earlier  stages,  and  then  when  the  limits  of  its  operative 

Eowers  had  been  reached,  God,  by  a  divine  impulse,  would 
ave  completed  the  perfection  of  the  body  so  as  to  fit  it 
for  the  soul." 

The  ape  could,  of  course,  never  have  exceeded  its  own 
natural  powers.  It  could  never  consequently  of  itself^ 
elaborate  man's  body  in  its  entirety,  but  only  in  its  earlier 
stages.  It  could  prepare  it  up  to  a  certain  point,  but 
then  a  divine  (or  at  least  a  superior  animal  power)  would 
be  needed  to  carry  it  on  and  complete  the  work. 

It  would  be  (to  take  an  imperfect  illustration)  as  though 
u  sculptor,  intending  to  carve  a  statue,  had  employed 
inferior  agents  to  hew  and  cut  the  marble  from  the  quarry^ 
and  perhaps  even  to  give  the  rough  stone  some  rude  out- 
ward semblance  to  a  man,  and  then  to  have  taken  the 
knife  and  scalpel  into  his  own  hands  and  finished  a  perfect 
image,  except  that,  of  course,  it  is  necessary  in  the  case 
of  God,  that  He  should  co-operate  with  every  secondary 
aj^ent. 

The  Rev.  J.  Brucker,  S.J.,  though  no  advocate  of 
Mr.  Mivart*s  theory,  yet  remarks  that,  "  Quelques  savauts 

Fensent  qu'on  pourrait  appliquer  lo  transformisme  meme  a 
homme,  sans  poiier  atteint  a  la  Revelation.'*  After 
observing  that  such  an  opinion  is  not  new,  he  adds: — "  Un 
ecrivain  Catholique,  tres  soumis  aux  decisions  de  TEglise,. 

'  Arriaga,  Disp'.  34,  sec.  i.     A.D.  IG-IS. 


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.  Faiili  and  Evolution.  42^ 

tr^  verse  dans  les  ^tildes  bibliques  et  en  meme  temps  tr6s 
competent  en  pal6ontologie  et  en  geologic,  et  dont  les 
travaux  sont  fort  connus  et  fort  apprecies  du  monde 
savant,  m'ecrivait  recemment  a  ce  sujet :  *  Pour  moi  la 
difficulte  ne  commence  qv!  d  la  creation  de  lafemme,*^*^ 

In  addition  to  these  I  may  mention  the.  distinguished 
Professor  of  Theology  in  the  Royal  Academy  of  Munster. 
Di\  Bemhard  Schaier,*  and  also  the  famous  Dr.  Carl 
Guettler,"  as  men  of  ability  and  learning  who  have  refused 
to  condemn  th^e  doctrine.  Further,  Fr.  Knabenbauer 
is  quoted  in  the  same  sense,  and  last,  though  by  no  means 
least,  let  me  name  the  world-famed  Jesuit,  the  late  Padr& 
A.  Secchi,  who  also  spoke  of  the  doctrine  we  are  consider- 
ing as  "  not  incompatible  either  with  reason  or  faith,*' 
"mit  der  Vemunft  und  mit  der  Rehgion  durchaus  nicht 
unvereinbar."  * 

I  must  add  in  all  fairness  that  Fr.  Mendive  himself 
utterly  rejects  the  view  which  he  permits  others  to  cherish, 
but  it  is  on  biological  and  scientific  grounds  rather  than  on 
theological  ones.*  So  too  Dr.  Schafer  is  very  careful  to 
disclaim  any  sympathy  with  a  doctrine,  which  only  by  an 
effort  he  can  bring  himself  to  tolerate  in  others.^ 


1  La  Controverse—ler  Oct.,  1882,  p.  428. 

'  Bibel  und  Wisseimcha/L — Miinster,  1881 . 

»  Naturforschung  und  Bibel. — Freiburg,  1877. 

*  The  following  extract  will  sufficiently  indicate  the  view  of  the 
Jeamed  author.  I  regret  my  inability  to  procure  the  Italian  original,  of 
which  this  is  a  translation  : — 

"  Die  Theorie  von  der  allmaligen  Abanderung  der  Art  ist  mit  der 
Vemunft  und  mit  der  Religion  durchaus  nicht  unvereinbar,  wenn  maii 
sic  mit  der  niithigen  Klugheit  imd  Massigung  vertritt. 

"  Will  man  z.  B.  von  der  empfindungslosen  Pflanzc  zum  Thiere,. 
welclies  rait  Empfindung  begabt  ist,  iibergehen,  so  bedarf  man  einer 
neuen  Potenz,  die  weder  allein  von  den  Organisationsverhaltnissen,  noch 
auch  allein  vom  Stoffe  herriihren  kann.  Und  noch  weit  mehr  wird  man 
dies  behaupten  m'ussen,  trenn  man  vom  verntiuftlosen  Ihiere  zum  Menschen 
anfsteigt,  der  nachdenkt,  iiberlegt,  und  (iewissen  besitzt.  Dan  muss  s«ch 
mit  den  natdrlichen  Kriiften  des  Stoffes  ein  news  Prinzlp  verbinden^ 
welches  diese  Wirkungen  hervorruft.  Unter  solchen  Vorbehalten  kann 
man  theoretisch  mit  den  Transformistei.  imterhandeln.''  See  Die  Grvsse 
der  Schopfung^  von  P.  Angelo  Secchi,  1885.  4tb  Edition,  p.  22. 

5  "  Esta  doctrina  (Mivart's),  que  d  primera  vista  no  deja  de  parecer 
plausible,  esta  sujeta  il  gravisimos  inconvenient es,  por  los  cuales  se  hace 
enteramente  improbable,"  etc.  p.  424. 

6"Meinen  Gfefiihl  widerstrebt  eine  so  weit  gehende  Concession 
ganz  imd  gar,  imd  sie  ist  auch  keineswegs  nothwendig,  etc." — 8chii/ei\ 
iiee  BiM  und  Tl  issencha/f,  p.  278. 


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424  Eternal  PmUshmefU. 

In  conclusion  I  will  remind  my  readers  that  I  am  not  in 
^ny  way  concerned  with  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the 
theory  of  the  mediate  creation  of  man's  body.  The  objec- 
tions against  it  are  numerous  and  weighty,  but  there  is  no 
space  for  their  consideration  here,  and  I  must  reluctantly 
pass  them  by. 

All  I  have  striven  to  show  is  that,  whether  true  or  not, 
the  view  may  yet  be  held  without  incurring  any  censure, 
^nd  without  showing  any  want  of  love  and  loyalty  to  our 
Holy  Mother  the  Church,  whose  voice  we  must  all  recog- 
nise as  the  voice  of  Christ,  and  whose  unerring  lead  it  is 
^ver  our  highest  privilege  and  joy  to  follow.  I  need 
hardly  say  with  what  an  unbounded  sense  of  security  I 
submit  unreservedly  to  any  decision  the  Church  may  come 
to  on  the  subject  under  dispute. 

John  S.  Vaughan. 


ETERNAL    PUNISHMENT. 
II. — Witness  of  Tradition. 

WE  have  seen  how  in  these  days  Protestants  have  fallen 
away  from  their  old  faith  in  an  endless  helL  The  error 
is  growing.  As  yet,  indeed,  most  of  them  venture  merely 
to  nope  that  all  punishment  may  cease  some  day,  though 
far  off  into  the  ages ;  but  this  hope  is  "  the  Uttle  rift  within 
the  lute ;"  it  will  widen.  After  the  sunset  of  faith  there 
usually  is  a  period  of  twihght  which  gradually  but  surely 
deepens  into  darkness  ;  and  so  surely  may  we  expect  soon 
to  see  "  the  larger  hope  "  develop  into  conviction,  and 
Dr.  Farrar  and  Dean  Plumptre  give  place  to  bolder  and 
more  robust  minds. 

Meanwhile  Catholics  cannot  remain  mere  spectators  of 
the  struggle.  We  have  an  interest  in  the  teaching  which 
is  assailed  ;  it  is  in  great  part  our  own  ;  and  we  must  be 
prepared  to  give  some  account  of  the  faith  which  is  in  us 
when  called  on  to  do  so  either  by  opponents  or  by  our 
brethren  in  the  Church. 

There  are  two  points  of  Catholic  faith :  (1)  that  there 
is  such  a  thing  as  endless  punishment ;  and  (2)  that  it 
will  be  inflicted   on  all  who   die  in  mortal  sin.      The 


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Eternal  FunisJiment.  42& 

fourth  Lateran  Council  teaches  the  two   dogmas   quit©- 
distinctlj : 

^'  OmDes  cum  suis  resurgent  corporibus  .  .  •  ut  recipiant 
secundum  opera  sua,  sive  bona  fuerint  sive  mala ;  illt 
cum  diabolo  poenam  perpetuam,  et  isti  cum  Christo 
gloriam  sempiternam." 

Lest,  however,  there  should  be  any  doubt  as  to  the 
"i7/i  "  who  shall  be  punished  for  ever  with  the  devil,  the 
Council  of  Florence  is  even  more  distinct  on  that  point : 

**  Definimus  .  .  .  illorum  animas,  qui  in  actuali  mortali 
peccato,  vel  solo  originali  decedunt,  mox  in  infernum 
desceudere,  poenis  tamen  disparibus  puniendas." 

When  did  these  two  doctrines  become  do^as  of  faith  ? 
Did  they  both  attain  that  rank  at  the  same  timet  It  is  of 
importance  to  examine  these  questions  before  proceeding 
to  defend  the  teaching  of  the  Church.  For  by  a  defence  of 
the  Church's  teaching  1  mean  a  sufficient  proof  that, 
before  proceeding,  to  bind  her  children  to  an  assent  of 
faith,  she  had  just  reason  to  believe  that  the  doctrine  was 
revealed  by  God.  But  it  is  often  very  difficult,  and  some^ 
times  impossibJe,  to  decide  whether  at  a  certain  time  she 
had  or  had  not  just  reason  for  such  a  belief,  without  first 
in  some  way  determining  the  time  when  she  began  to 
command  assent. 

For  we  undertake  to  defend  the  Church  mainly  on 
Catholic  principles ;  though,  of  course,  we  admit  that  our 
principles  should  be  capable  of  ample  proof.  Now,  it  is- 
well  known  that  one  ot  the  proofs  of  doctrine  which  the 
authoritative  teachers  of  the  Church  consider  weightiest, 
is  the  fi^ct  that  the  doctrine  which  they  are  about  to 
enforce  had  already  been  received  by  almost  all  the 
faithful.  Moreover,  it  is  part  of  the  system  instituted  by 
Christ  that  doctrinal  teaching  should  be  developed  as  time 
goes  on.  Hence  it  often  happens  that  what  was  at  first 
but  obscure  and  faint,  gradually  gi'ows  clear  and  clearer 
under  the  study  of  minds  which  are  guided  and  enlightened 
by  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  doctrine  passes  from  the  lecture- 
halls  of  professors  into  the  teaching  of  bishops  and  pastors,. 
and  so  on  into  the  belief  of  the  faithful.  It  is  found  to  fit 
exactly  with  the  whole  body  of  Christian  doctrine,  which 
meanwhile  had  itself  more  or  less  undergone  the  same 
development. .  And  remark,  all  this  takes  place  under  the 
influence  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  is  promised  to  remain 


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42G  Eternal  PunUhment. 

with  the  Church  to  the  end  of  time,  ever  guarding  it  fix)m 
-error  and  sweetly  guiding  it  into  the  knowledge  of  everv, 
truth.  I 

No  wonder,  then,  that  the  teachers  of  the  faith  have 
4ilways  considered  the  sensus  fidelium  as  one  of  the 
weightiest  proofs  that  a  doctrine  was  revealed.  And  no 
wonder  either  that  the  bishops  might  be  justified  at  one 
time  in  commanding  an  assent,  which  they  could  not  and 
would  not  have  exacted  at  an  earlier  age.  And  hence  iti» 
manifest  that  it  may  be  necessary  to  examine  when  first  the 
Church  authoritatively  proposed  a  particular  doctrine  for 
the  belief  of  the  faithful,  before  undertaking  to  defend  her 
right  to  do  so.  P]ven  where  such  an  examination  is  not 
necessary,  it  will  nearly  always  be  found  veiy  useful  and 
instructive. 

Of  the  two  points  which  are  of  faith  we  know  that  the 
first — that  there  is  an  endless  hell  awaiting  some — was 
•ilogmatically  taught  so  early  at  least  hs  the  Second  Council 
of  Nice.  Some  time  previous  to  the  Council  the  Iconoclasts, 
the  heretics  of  the  period,  met  in  a  synod  of  their  own,  and 
<lrew  up  a  confession  of  faith  which  is  known  as  the  opo^ 
-or  •*  definition."  This  6po^  contained  the  following  clause : — 

"  Si  quis  non  coniitetur  .  .  .  non  fore  terrninuni  supplicii, 
sicut  nee  coelestis  regni,    .     .    anathema." 

The  whole  document  was  read  aloud  before  the  General 
Council  at  Nice,  as  was  also  a  refutation  which  had  been 
prepared  beforehand.  Wherever  the  Fathei-s  found  anything 
in  the  opo<;  opposed  to  Catholic  faith,  they  condemned  it 
forthwith  ;  but  instead  of  an  anathema  against  the  clause 
on  hell,  we  find  these  words  of  approval :  — 

'*lliiec  priinatum  fidei  nostrac,  SS.  scil.  Apostolprum  ct 
egregiorum  Patrum  est  segregatio  [definitioj.  Heec 
Kcclesiae  Catholicae  ct  non  haereticorum  est  confessio."* 

Now  remark,  here  we  have  the  testimony  not  of  one 
writer  alone  but  of  a  whole  General  Council,  not  only  of 
the  Catholic  Churoh  but  of  heretics  also;  thus  proving 
<:ouclnsive]y  that  the  doctrine  of  an  endless  hell  had  already 
taken  its  place  among  the  settled  dogmas  of  faith. 

Catholic  wi'iters  generally  say  that  long  before  the 
Seventh  Council  there  were  other  definitions ;  they  refer 
in  particular  to  the  Athanasian  Creed,   to  the  Council   of 

*  See  Franzelin,  De  Traditione,  Th.  xvii. 

*  fcjee  Uarduin,  vol.  iv.,  p.  434. 


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Eternal  Punishment,  427 

Constantinople  which  condemned  the  Three  Chapters 
(A.D.  553),  and  to  various  provincial  Synods.  It  is  not 
necessary  for  ray  present  purpose  to  examine  whak  is  the 
true  significance  of  these  definitions,  and  how  much  weight 
chould  be  attached  to  them.  But  1  think  there  can  be  no 
donbt  that,  at  least  from  the  ordinary  teaching  of  the 
Church — the  ordinarium  maaistermm^ — the  doctrine  of  end- 
less hell  for  some  souls  of  men,  had  long  previously  been  a 
dogma  of  faith.  Remark,  I  say  "an- endless  hell  for  some;*' 
for  that  is  the  first  point  of  the  Catholic  faith,  on  which  wo 
are  at  present  engaged. 

To  give  in  full  the  evidence  in  support  of  this  assertion 
is  altogether  outside  the  scope  of  these  papers.  It  occupies 
more  than  170  pages  of  Dr.  Pusey's  book,*  and  may  be 
studied  either  there  or  in  Petavius  or  Patuzzi  by  any  one 
who  wishes  for  further  inquiry.  But  I  may  be  allowed  to 
call  two  or  three  of  the  more  important  witnesses. 

I  begin  with  St.  Augustine.  It  is  manifest  on  the  face 
of  his  book  "De  Civitate  Dei,"  that  whatever  he  may 
have  thought  of  less  advanced  opinions,  he  considered 
-complete  universahsm  not  only  untnie  but  heretical.  He 
tells  us  what  happened  at  the  Synod  of  Diospolis. 
Pelagius  had  taught  that  "  in  the  day  of  judgment  the 
wicked  and  sinners  should  not  be  spared,  but  should  bo 
burned  up  with  eternal  fires."  This  was  charged  against 
Pelagius  as  a  heresy, — as  if,  Uke  Jovinian,  he  denied  the 
forgiveness  oiani/sm in  the  future  life.  He  came  before  the 
Synod  and  defended  himself  in  these  words :  "  if  any  one 
thought  otherwise  he  was  an  Origenist."  Thereupon  the 
Bishops  dismissed  the  case,  understanding  Pelagius,  as 
Augustine  tells  us,  to  deny  only  "  what  in  truth  the  Church 
most  worthily  detests  in  Origen,that  they  who  the  Lord  says 
will  be  punished  with  an  eternal  punishment,  and  the 
devil  himself  and  his  angels,  will  after  a  time  be  freed/** 

From  this  I  gather  (1)  that  St.  Augustine  beUeved  it 
to  be  the  doctiiue  of  the  Church  that  there  is  an  eternal 
hell  for  some  men.;  (2)  that  the  Synod  of  Diospolis  believed 
the  same;  (3)  that  it  was  the  belief  even  of  the  Pelagians  ; 
and  (4)  that  all  these  suppose  that  a  denial  of  this  doctrine 
would  make  one  **an  Ongenist,'*  and  would  involve  opposi- 
tion to  the  teaching  of  the  Church. 

It  is  true  that  in  the  passage  I  have  quoted  and  in 

' "  What  is  of  faith;'  Sec,  p.  129,  &c. 
2  See  St.  Aug.  De  Gestis  Pelagii,  iii.,  lO. 

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428  Eternal  PunuthmenL 

manj  other  places,  St.  Augustine,  in  mentioning  what  bad 
been  condemned  by  the  Church,  takes  care  to  mclude  the 
ultimate  salvation  of  the  devils.  It  should  not,  however, 
be  concluded  from  this  that  the  holy  Doctor  thought  it 
permitted  to  believe  in  the  salvation  of  all  men ;  it  would 
be  only  a  lesser  form  of  the  error.  His  own  words  are 
sufficient  proof.  What  does  the  Church  detest  in  Origen? 
"That  they  who  the  Lord  says  will  be  punished  with 
eternal  punishment  .  .  will  after  a  time  be  freed." 
And  agam : — 

"  Quis  enim  Catholicus  Chriptianus,  vel  doctus  vel  indoctos, 
noD  vehementer  exborreat  earn  quam  dicit  [Origenes] 
piiraratioDem  malorum,  i.e.  etiam  eos  qui  banc  vitam  in 
flagitiis  .  .  .  quamlibet  maKimis  finierunt,  ipeam 
etiam  postremo  Diabolum  et  aogelos  ejus,  quamvis  post 
lous^issima  tempera  purgatos  atque  liberates,  regno  Dei 
lucique  restitui." 

Now,  though  in  strict  Logic  whoever  asserts  the  truth 
of  a  copulative  proposition,  asserts  the  truth  of  each  of  its 
parts,  and  may  be  guilty  of  heresy  in  only  one  of  bis 
equivftlently  distinct  assertions,  yet  I  think  any  unpre- 
judiced reader  will  have  little  difficulty  in  making  up  bis 
mind  from  the  foregoing*  extracts,  that  St.  Augustine 
thought  it  heresy  to  beUeve  in  the  ultimate  salvation  of  all 
the  souls  of  men. 

St.  Jerome  represents  a  time  somewhat  earlier  than 
St.  Augustine's.  St.  Jerome's  testimony  is  very  important^ 
as  he  is  freely  quoted  in  favour  of  the  "liberal"  view. 
Now,  whatever  may  have  been  his  opinion  about  those 
who  die  in  the  faith,  it  is  quite  evident  that  he  believed 
the  teaching  of  the  Church  to  be,  that  infidels  and  heretics 
shall  suffer  endless  punishment  with  the  devils : 

"  Si  autem  Origenes  oranes  rationabiles  creaturas,  dicit  noo 
esse  perdendas,  et  Diabolo  tribuit  poeDitentiam,  quid 
ad  nos,  qui  et  Diabolum  et  satellites  ejus,  oranesquc 
impios  et  praevaricatores  dicimus  perire  perpctuo,  et 
Christianos,  si  in  peccato  praeventi  fuerint,  salvandcs 
esse  post  poenas?"^ 

And  here  I  must  take  exception  to  a  statement  of 
Dr.  Farrar's  :'  **  If  anyone  will  read  St.  Jerome's  remarks 
on  Is.  V.  he  will  see  that  while  the  saint  very  decisively 
rejects  the  salvability  of  devils,  he  invariably  alters  the 

'  In  Is.  cap.  66,  ad  finem.  '  Mercy  and  Judgment,  p.  286. 


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Eternal  Punishment  429 

tone  of  his  language  when  he  speaks  of  men."  I  have 
read  the  passage  pretty  carefully,  and  do  not  find  it  so. 
Indeed,  there  is  very  httle  about  the  devils  in  the  com- 
mentary on  that  particular  chapter ;  and  as  regards  men, 
let  the  saint  speak  in  his  own  words  : 

'*  Qui  saeculi  deliciis  occupati,  nee  respicientes  opera  Dei, 
captivi  ducuntur  in  peccatum  .  .  .  detrahentur  in 
geiiennam,  ibique  aetemis  cvuctatibus  deputati,  &c." 

And  this  is  but  quite  in  keeping  with  his  teaching  else- 
where : 

*^Diaboli  et  omniam  ne<;atorum  atqne  impiorum  •  .  . 
credimus  aeterna  tormenta^^ 

Remark  the  plural  number,  "  credimus ;  "  and  above, 
**  quid  ad  nos  qui  .  .  .  dicimus,'^  &c. ;  does  he  not  seem 
to  speak  as  a  representative  Catliolic  and  not  in  his 
private  capacity  t  Kemark  also  how  he  expresses  his 
b^ief  that  wicked  men  shall  suffer  the  same  eternal 
torments  as  the  devils.  Yet  Dr.  Farrar  writes*  of  the 
saint's  use  of  "  the  vague  terms  *  eternal,'  &c."  Surely 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  St.  Jerome  by  '*  eternal  '*  meant 
aidless  punishment  when  the  devil  is  in  question;  why 
then  should  there  be  any  vagueness  when  in  parallel  clauses 
of  the  same  sentence  he  is  speaking  of  men  ?  But  enough 
of  St  Jerome. 

It  will  be  plain  from  these  extracts — and  they  might  be 
indefinitely  multiplied — that  at  the  opening  of  the  fifth 
century  tlie  doctiine  of  an  endless  punishment  for  some 
wicked  men  was  the  faith  of  the  Church.  Now,  this 
throws  light  on  the  meaning  of  the  Athanasian  Creed 
which  was  drawn  up  soon  after.* 

^  Qui  vero  mala  [egeruut,  ibnnt]  in  ignepi  aetcrnum." 

It  is  said  that  the  word  **  aeteroum  "  does  not  neces- 
sarily mean  -'endless,"  but  may  well  be  translated 
"aeonian"  without  reference  to  end.  It  might  bo  so 
translated  at  an  earlier  age  ;  but  at  least  after  St.  Augus- 
tine's time  the  word  had  a  well-defined  and  well-known 
meaning  in  ecclesiastical  language ;  and  that  meaning  was 

*  In.  Is.  c.  66.  «  Mercy  and  Judgment,  p.  286. 

■  **  There  is  no  need  to  enter  here  into  the  vexed  question  of  its 
authorship,  further  than  to  observe  that  recent  investigations  have 
proved,  almost  to  demonstration,  that  it  cannot  be  later  than  the  sixth, 
and  is  almost  certainly  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  fifth  centiuy.'* 
Oxcnham  »*  Cath.  Eschat."  p.  99. 

VOL.  VL  2  I 


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430  Eternal  PumshmenL 

ho  other  than  "  endless," — a  signification  which  it  has  kept 
to  the  present  day. 

There  is  no  necessity  for  entering  on  the  controvei-sy 
ahout  what  was  done  at  the  fifth  General  Council.  It  is 
sufficient  to  have  shown  that  oven  in  St.  Jerome's  lifetime 
the  Church  beheved  in  an  endless  hell  for  some  i^bellious 
souls.  This  brings  us  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  century, 
and  I  find  it  difficult  to  trace  the  doctrine  further  back 
as  a  dogma. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Origen  believed  in  the 
possible  restoration  of  all  the  damned.  Neither  can  there 
be  any  doubt  that  this  belief  was  shared  by  many  of  bin 
followers  in  the  century  and  a  half  that  elapsed  between 
their  master's  death  and  the  days  of  St.  Jerome.  We 
know  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  many  Avere 
to  be  found  with  leanings  towards  UniversaHsm.  St. 
Jerome^  says  they  were  '' plerojue;**  ^^  nonnuUi  imo  quam 
plurimiy'  are  the  words  of  St.  Augustine.^  But  were  all 
these  considered  heretics  and  outside  the  Church  ? 

Non-Catholic  writers,  such  as  Dr.  Farrar  and  Dr. 
Plumptre,  answer,  No ;  there  were  many  of  them  good 
Catholics;  some  even  are  high  on  the  Calendar  of  Saints. 
These  writers  hold  that  UniversaHsm  was  the  firm  beHef  of 
St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa;  and  that  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  even  St.  Jerome  and  St, 
Ambrose,  had  leanings  more  or  less  in  the  same  direction. 
There  are  Catholic  writers  of  eminence,  such  as  PetaviuH 
and  lluet,  who  partly  adopt  the  same  opinion.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  great  body  of  Catholic  writers  seem  to 
suppose  that  the  dogmatic  teaching  of  the  Church  was  from 
the  time  of  the  Apostles  what  it  is  now.  These  authors 
acknowledge  the  error  of  Origen ;  it  was  not  his  only 
mistake  in  doctrine,  and  he  waacondemned  by  the  Church. 
They  admit  that  some  of  the  Fathers  were  inconsistent  in 
their  teaching,  o\ving  to  an  imperfect  acquaintance  with 
the  Christian  faith  ;  such,  for  instance,  was  St.  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus.  Others  again,  such  as  St.  Jerome  and  St. 
Ambrose,  they  explain  in  a  Catholic  sense.  There  remains 
St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  whose  works  are  said  to  have  been 
corrupted  by  the  Origenists.'* 

It  is  not  necessary  for    my  purpose  to  express  any 

^  In.  Joan  iii.,  6,  7.  *  Ench.  c.  iii. 

8  See  Oxenham,  "Cath.  Each."  chap.  iv. ;  Fatuzzi,  1.  iii.,  c.17; 
Perrone,  in  1. ;  Alazzella,  De  Deo  Creante,  n.  1267 ;  Pusey, "  AVhat  is  of 
Faith,  &€.?»' p.  215,  &c. 


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JEtemal  Punishment.  431 

opinion  on  the  merits  of  the  controversy.  Even  though  it 
were  tme  that  some  of  the  Fathers  of  the  third  and  fourth 
centuries  were  more  or  less  inclined  to  the  "  larger  hope/' 
that  fact  would  not  in  the  least  affect  the  Catholic  argument 
from  tradition.  On  the  contrary,  it  would  in  a  measure 
sti-engthen  our  position,  by  affording  another  example  of 
the  beautiful  development  of  doctrine  in  the  Church  of 
Christ. 

There  were  four  distinct  stages  in  the  *'  liberalism  "  of 
the  Origenists : — (1)  Some  extremists  held  that  for  all  both 
in  heaven  and  in  hell  the  future  life  shall  be  one  of  trial 
and  probation ;  so  that  while  the  angels  and  saints  might 
abuse  their  free-will  and  fall  into  sin,  the  devils  and  the 
damned  might  prove  themselves  worthy  of  God's  love  and 
friendship.  (2)  Others  did  not  go  so  far,  only  maintaining 
the  possible  salvation  of  the  devils  and  of  aU  the  damned. 
(3)  Others  again  contented  themselves  with  a  belief  in  the 
future  welfare  of  all  human  souls,  confessing  that  the  devils 
are  beyond  hope  of  redemption.  (4)  Finally,  there  were 
.  many  who  agreed  that  even  some  men  shall  suffer  endless 
loss,  but  they  limited  the  number  either  to  infidels  or  to 
some  other  class  much  less  numerous  than  the  Church  can 
acknowledge.^ 

(1)  As  far  as  I  know,  there  has  been  no  Christian  of 
modern  times  so  blinded  as  to  maintain  the  first  of  these 
oimions.  It  destroys  the  fii-m  hope  of  good  and  perfect 
souls,  and  so  it  wsis  considered  heresy  from  the  beginning ; 
nor  is  any  other  name  than  Origen's  quoted  in  its  favom-. 

(2)  Neither  has  the  second  form  of  tlie  milder  eschatology 
got  much  suppoi-t  from  the  Universalistsof  our  time.  They 
ai*e  content  wiih  the  salvation  of  men,  and  they  either  give 
up  the  devils  as  beyond  hope,  or  treat  the  question  of  their 
final  state  as  "  irrelevant  and  to  us  impractical."^ 

Now,  considering  the  argument  many  Universfilists 
rely  on,  this  abandonment  ot  the  devils  is  inconsistent. 
They  remind  us  of  God's  goodness  and  tender  mercy ;  but 
surely  if  that  merciful  goodness  is  consistent  with  an 
endless  punishment  of  devils,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  there 
is  in  human  nature  that  can  found  a  claim  on  the  same 
God  for  very  different  treatment. 

I  do  really  believe  that  modern  *'  liberals "  give  up 
hope  for  the  devils  simply  because,  outside  the  works  of 

^  See  August.  De  Civ*  Dei,  L.  xxU  c.  IG,  &c. 

*  Dr.  Farrai's  words  :  see  "  ^lercy  and  Ju(^^meii  ,*'  j^.  291. 


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432  *  Eternal  Punishment 

Origen  and  perhaps  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nyesa  they  can  find 
no  shadow  of  authority  for  any  such  sentiment  of  pity. 
Now,  considering  wth  what  untiring  zeal  they  have 
searched  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  for  any  stray  sentence 
that  might  seem  to  favour  a  milder  teaching,  this  want  of 
authorities  is  pretty  conclusive  proof  of  what  had.  been 
from  the  beginning  the  teaching  of  the  Church. 

Besides,  against  any  such  hope  for  the  devils  we  have 
the  positive  testimony  of  the  great  body  of  the  Fathei-s, 
nay  even  of  the  heretics  of  the  time,  some  of  whom 
inclined  more  or  less  to  the  moderate  forms  of  the 
Origenistic  Eschatology.  And  if  we  bear  in  mind  that 
when  this  question  was  fully  examined  in  the  days  of 
JSt.  Jerome  and  St.  Augustine,  the  inquirers  must  have  been 
very  much  influenced  by  the  traditional  teaching,  of  which 
they  could  judge  so  much  better  than  we,  there  can  be  no 
hesitation  in  deciding  that  this  over-refined  pity  for  the 
demons  was  at  all  times  opposed  to  the  dogma  of  the 
Church. 

(3)  (4)  There  remain  still  two  forms  of  the  Origenistic 
Eschatology,  and  it  is  difficult  to  deny  that  in  the  third  and 
fourth  centuries  they  received  a  certain  amount  of  support 
from  good  Catholics  within  the  Church.  This  is  parti- 
cularly true  of  the  opinion  that  all  shall  be  saved  who  die 
in  the  Christian  faith.  I  will  quote  one  extract  from 
St.  Augustine: — ' 

<<  Creduotur  autem  a  quibiUKlam  etiain  ii  qui  aomen  Cliristi 
noQ  relioqupnt,  ...  in  quantislibet  sceleribus  vivant, 
quae  nee  diluant  poeniteudo,  nee  eleemosynis  redimact, 
sed  in  iis  usque  ad  huju8  vitae  ultimuui  diem  pertina- 
cissime  perseverent,  salvi  futuri  per  ignem.  .  .  .  Sed 
qui  hoc  credunt,  et  tamen  Catholici  sunt,  humaua  quadam 
benevolentia  mihi  falli  videotur,  &c." 

They  were  CatJiolicsy  and  yet  entertained  that  hope. 

Nevertheless,  modern  Universalists  and  their  sympa- 
thisers do  injustice  to  the  Fathere  of  the  third  and  fourth 
centuries.  The  following  in  particular  are  relied  on  :  St, 
Ireiiaeus,  St  Clement  of  Alexandria,  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  St.  Jerome,  St.  Ambrose,  and 
St.  Chrysostom. 

I  have  never  yet  seen  any  extract  from  either  St. 
Irenaeus  or  St.  Clement  or  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus, 
which  may  not  be  intei'preted  in  a  Catnolic  sense.     They 


«  Enchir.  n.  18. 


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Eternal  PunishnunU  433  ■ 

insist  on  the  univergality  of  rede^nption  but  not  of  actual 
ealcation ;  they  insist  on  the  existence  of  a  Purgatorj',  but 
at  the  same  time  they  frequently  threaten  an  endless 
hell.  St.  Gregory  would  allow  re/riperia  to  the  damned, 
and  so  would  many  of  the  Fathers,  as  also  good  Catholics 
may  at  the  present  day.'  The  same  holy  Doctor  may  not 
be  quite  positive  about  real  fire  in  the  literal  sense,  but 
that  was  quite  consistent  with  a  belief  in  everlasting  punish- 
ment* 

J  would  freely  admit  that  passages  may  be  quoted  from 
St.  Jerome  and  St.  John  Cnrysostom,  and  one  from  St. 
Ambrose,  which  seem  to  favoiu*  a  wider  hope  than  Catholics 
can  allow.  At  the  same  time  bear  two  things  in  mind  : — 
(1)  that  these  same  Fathers  undoubtedly  believed  in  an 
endless  punishment  for  mant/  even  of  the  souls  of  men  ; 
(2^  that  they  have  written  innumerable  other  passages 
wnich  are  inconsistent  with  any  belief  that  all  who  die 
(Jhristians  shall  ultimately  be  saved,  I  will  try  to  illustrate 
my  meaning  from  St.  Jerome. 

He  believed  most  certainly  in  an  endless  hell,  and  not 
for  the  devils  only  but  for  many  men : 

**  Diaboli  et  omnium  negatorum  atque  impiorum  .  .  credimus 
aeterna  tor  men  ta.''^ 

He  seems  to  say  that  all  Christians  shall  be  saved  at 
last ;  for  in  the  same  sentence  he  goes  on : 

*•  Peccatorum  [vero]  atque  impiorum  et  tamen  Christianomm, 
.  .  .  moderatam  arbitramur  et  mixtam  clemeutiae  sen- 
tentiam  Judicis.'^ 

*  See  Mazzella,  de  Deo  Creante,  D.  G,  A.  7. 

'  Space  will  not  allow  me  to  quote  and  explain  the  various  extracts 
from  the  works  of  these  Fathers ;  any  one  can  see  them  for  himself  in 
"  Mercy  and  Judgment.'*  The  strongest  of  them  is  this  from  St.  Gregory : 
'*  I  know  a  fire  not  purgatorial  but  penal,  whether  that  fire  of  Sodom .  . . ; 
or  that  which. has  been  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels  ;  or  that 
which  goes  before  the  face  of  the  Ix>rd,  and  shall  bum  up  His  enemies 
round  about ;  and  one  which  is  still  more  fearful  than  these,  which  have 
been  joined  with  the  sleepless  worm,  a  fire  which  is  not  quenched,  but 
is  co-endiuing  with  the  wicked.  For  all  these  pertain  to  the  force  of 
destruction,  unless  any  one  likes,  even  in  this  instance,  to  understand 
this  more  humanely  and  worthily  of  Him  who  punishes."  (Orat,  xl.) 
On  this  Dr.  Farrar  remarks :  "  It  certainly  means  that  there  will  be  a 
terminable  future  retribution  ;  but  I  believe  further  that  it  implies,  at 
least,  a  doubt  whether  aU  retribution  may  not  be  ultimately  terminable." 
(M.  &  J.,  p.  252.)  But  why  should  God's  "  humanity  and  worth  "  be 
limited  by  duration  and  not  extend  to  the  qttalitij  of  the  sufferings  ?  Or 
why  should  it  extend  to  all? 

»lnls.,c.66. 


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434  Eternal  Punishment, 

And  he  had  said  before  t 

**  Si  enim  Origines  omnes  rationabiles  creaturas  elicit  non  esse 
pcrdendas,  .  .  .  quid  ad  nos  qui  ct  diabolum  et  satellites 
ejus  .  .  dicimus  perire  perpetuo,  et  Christianos  omnes, 
si  in  peccato  pracventi  luerint,  salvandos  esse  post 
pocnas.** 

Nevertheless,  I  am  convinced  that  one  careful  perusal  of 
St.  Jerome's  two  books  against  Joviniau,  would  convince 
any  unprejudiced  mind  that  the  saint  believed  it  possible 
for  Christians  to  be  damned.  Let  me  give  two  extracts 
as  specimens.  J  ovinian  asserted  that  all  sins  are  equally 
offensive  to  God,  and  deserve  equal  punishment ;  here  is 
St.  Jerome's  reply  :^ 

**  De  eo  autem  quod  niteris  approbare  eonvicium  et  liomi- 
cidium,  raca  ct  adulterium,  et  otiosum  sermonem  ct 
impietatem  uno  supplicio  repensari  .  .  .  breviter  respon- 
debo.  Aut  peccatorem  te  negabis,  ut  non  sis  reus 
j?ehennae  ;  aut  si  peccator  fueris,  etiam  de  levi  criraine 
duceris  ad  tartarum  ...  Aut  igitur  homo  nou  eris 
ne  mendax  sis ;  aut.  quia  homo  es  mendax  fueris,  cum 
parricidis  et  adultcris  punieris." 

See  how  he  distinguishes  the  lesser  from  the  graver 
sins,  separating  also  the  places  where  they  shall  be 
punished.  Murderers  and  adulterers  shall  go  to  Gehenm 
or  Tartanis, — ^we  know  what  that  meant  to  St.  Jerome; 
not  so,  however,  those  who  have  merely  uttered  idle  words 
or  told  lies.  Neither  does  he  allow  any  hope  tor  the 
Christian  murderer  or  adulterer. 

There  is  even  a  plainer  expression  of  this  teaching  in 
the  second  last  paragraph  of  the  second  book.  The  saint 
refei-s  to  the  popularity  of  Jovinian  : 

*'  Tibi  cedunt  de  via  nobiles,  tibi  osculantur  divites  caput. 
Nisi  enim  tu  venisses,  ebrii  atque  ructantes  paradisum 
intrare  non  poterant." 

Nor  is  it  any  reply  to  say  that  the  "ebrii  atque 
ructantes'*  were  heretics  also  ;  for  their  very  heresj'  con- 
sisted principally  in  sajdng  that,  though  "  ebrii  atque 
ructantes,"  they  were  sure  of  heaven,  because,  as 
St.  Jerome  puts  it  -r 

"  Qui  semel  in  Christo  baptizatus  est  cadere  non  potest'* 

If,  therefore,  St.  Jerome  sometimes  gives  expression  to 
a  hope  for  all  who  die  in  the  Christian  faith,  he  also  takes 

1  No.  31  (.373).  «  Ibid. 


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Eternal  Punishment,  435 

care  very  frequentlj'-  to  remind  the  faithful  of  the  hell  that 
is  prepared  for  the  punishment  of  their  unrepented  sins. 
And  what  has  been  said  of  him  is  even  more  applicable  to 
some  of  the  other  Fathers,  particularly  to  St.  Ambrose 
and  St.  Chrysofltom. 

The  true  explanation  of  these  inconsistencies-^ for  such 
they  seem  to  be — will  be  found  to  have  an  intimate  con» 
nection  with  the  Pelagian  controversy.  Everyone  knows 
the  relation  of  mortal  sin  to  hell,  of  venial  sin  to  purgatoiy. 
What  is  mortal  sin  ?  Which  sins  are  mortal  and  which 
venial?  You  may  not  know ;  but  if  you  knew  which  sins 
deserve  hell  and  which  purgatory,  you  might  be  able  more 
easily  to  answer  the  former  questions. 

Now,  in  the  present  order  of  Providence,  mortal  sin  is 
the  privation  of  sanctifying  gi-ace,  and  that  grace  itself 
is  the  seed  of  the  lumen  r/lofncte.  But  the  doctrine  of 
grace  was  not  at  all  developed  down  to  the  Pelagian 
controversy.  Of  course  the  principles  were  ccmtained  in 
the  dejwsitum  fidei ;  but  it  sometimes  takes  centuries  of 
careful  cultivation  before  principles  can  be  got  to  yield  the 
particular  conclusions  whoso  germs  they  contain. 

'J'his  18  specially  true  of  times  of  peace.  The  work  of 
the  Church  goes  on  in  its  usual  roimd  ;  prayers  are  offered, 
sacraments  administered,  souls  saved,  and  often  the  very 
ministers  of  the  Church  will  not  know  all  the  effieacy  of 
the  means  they  employ.  Yet  there  are  the  means,  fact- 
sermons,  great  mines  of  dogma ;  and  when  time  has  gone 
by  and  some  proud  intellect  rises  up  against  them  as 
superstitious  practices,  then  the  Church  will  be  sure  to  find 
out  their  significance  and  to  defend  them  from  scorn  and 
reproach.  Thus  the  times  of  controversy  are  most  fruitful 
in  dogmatic  conclusions,  in  explanation  and  expansion  of 
principles,  and  in  harmonising  tiie  results  so  obtained  with 
the  gi'cat  body  of  dogmatic  truths. 

So  it  was  with  the  doctrine  of  grace.  The  principles 
were  there  from  the  beginning  ;  they  were  applied 
practically  for  four  centuries  through  sacraments  and 
other  means  of  sanctification  ;  but  the  doctrine  had  not 
taken  shape.  There  was  no  occasion  or  necessity  for  any 
caretul  study,  and  there  were  other  coiitroversies  pressing 
on  the  teachers  of  the  Church.  Pelagius  rose  and  created 
the  necessity,  whi(;h  the  bishops  provided  for  by  a  more 
careful  examination  of  the  whole  question  ;  and  so  a  new 
continent  as  it  were  was  added  to  Theology. 

It  should  not  surprise  us  that,  before  this  new  world 


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A^ 


436  Eternal  Punishment 

was  thoroughly  explored  and  mapped,  there  Bhoiild  have 
been  many  regioiiH  of  which  the  Fathers  had  but  an 
indistinct  and  scattered  knowledge;  and  such  was  this 
region  of  sin  and  its  punishment.  Hence  in  St.  Angnstine's 
books,  as  also  in  the  productions  of  Pelagius,  .lulian, 
and  Joviniau,  the  two  questions  of  grace  and  shi  went  side 
by  side.  They  depended  on  each  other ;  they  explained 
each  other.  The  elevation  of  man,  the  fall,  original  sin, 
personal  sin  both  mortal  and  venial,  the  state  of  children 
who  die  unbaptised,  the  nature  of  repentance,  the  future 
purgation,  the  eternal  loss,  the  happiness  of  the  blessed, — 
these  all  took  shape  in  the  great  mind  of  Augustine.  He 
picked  out  the  scattered  threads  that  ran  through  the 
8ciipture8  and  the  early  tradition.  Every  student  of 
Theology  knows  that  his  writings  are  the  great  storehouse 
from  which  the  teachers  of  all  succeeding  ages  have 
plentifully  drawn.  And  before  his  eyes  were  (ilosed  in  a 
noly  death  he  had  the  happiness  to  witness  the  triumph 
of  the  truth,  and  he  left  behind  him  a  system  which  tlie 
great  schoolmen  might  harmonize  and  adorn,  but  which 
the  greatest  of  them  would  think  it  a  sacrilege  to  pull  down 
or  even  to  change. 

Hence  I  am  not  surprised  or  shocked  at  inconsistencies 
in  St.  Jerome  or  St.  Ambrose.  They  lived  before  the  time 
Avhen  these  great  doctrines  settled  into  form  and  shape. 
We  might  draw  parallels  between  them  and  great  minds 
in  after  ages.  In  the  Snmmae  of  the  old  scholastics  may 
be  found  many  opinions  which  did  not  st^nd  the  scrutiny 
of  the  Reformation  controversy.  Shall  we  give  up  the 
Tridentine  decrees  because  they  may  not  be  squared  with 
every  sentence  which  was  ever  written  by  Hugh  or 
Richard,  by  Scotus  or  St.  Antoninus  ?  Who  would  now 
seriously  argue  against  the  Intallibility  from  the  fact  that 
Bossuet  and  many  others  openly  defended  Gallicanism  ? 
And  surely,  if  even  in  modem  times  revealed  doctrines 
may  pass  through  an  era  of  doubt,  inconsistency,  and 
controversy,  why  should  not  the  same  and  much  more  be 
true  of  the  days  of  St.  Gregory  and  St.  Jerome  ? 

II. — But  it  is  time  to  return  to  the  second  point  of 
(>atholic  faith, —  that  endless  hell  is  the  punishment  awaiting 
all  who  die  in  mortal  sin.  My  remarks  must  be  brief,  but 
I  will  explain  this  porrion  of  the  subject  more  fully  in  a 
future  paper  on  purgatory. 

I  have  said  that  in  the  days  of  St.  Jerome  the  Church 
taught  an  endless  hell  for  some^  but  had  not  yet  definitely 


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Eterftal  Punishment.  437 

settled  the  boundary  line  which  should  divide  unrepentant 
sinners  into  two  very  distinct  classes — those  who  will  be 
purified  and  saved,  and  those  who  shall  be  for  ever  lost. 
No  one  could  read  the  works  of  the  Fathei*s  of  the  second 
and  third  centuries  without  being  convinced  that  they 
beKeved  in  a  purgatory  and  in  a  hell,  in  sins  mortal  and  in  sins 
venial ; — though  they  may  appear  at  a  loss  to  distinguish, 
as  it  were  in  «j>eciV,  which  were  mortal  and  which  were  venial 
sins  ;  which  could  be  burned  out  by  the  fire  of  purgatory, 
and  which  othei^s  should  endure  the  torment  of  hell. 

And  no  wonder  the  Fathers  should  have  found  this 
task  difficult ;  it  has  not  even  yet  been  fully  done,  and  it 
never  can  be.  The  Schoolmen,  and  after  them  the 
Casuists,  laboured  at  the  task  for  centuries,  and  the  result 
has  been  to  give  us  a  working  system  of  Moral  Theology 
sufiicient  for  the  necessities  of  the  ministry ;  but  even  now 
we  are  not  much  nearer  to  a  knowledge  of  all  mortal  and 
of  all  venial  sins. 

The  Pelagian  controversy  gave  a  powerful  impulse  to 
the  development  of  this  portion  of  the  Church's  doctrine  ; 
but  the  full  growth  was  the  work  of  time.  When  necessity 
urges,  the  Holy  Spirit  can  force  on  the  Church's  teaching, 
as  of  old  in  one  night  He  raised  a  perfect  gourd ;  but  that 
is  not  the  way  of  His  ordinary  providence.  In  peaceful 
times  dogma  grows  with  the  prayers  and  tears  and  vigils 
of  many  generations  of  saints  and  scholars ;  and  so  it  was 
with  the  elaboration  of  the  distinction  between  mortal  and 
venial  sins.  It  passed  incomplete  from  St.  Augustine  to 
his  immediate  disciples,  and  from  them  to  the  schoolmen  ; 
it  was  dark  ground  enough  until  illumined  by  the  genius 
of  St.  Thomas. 

Remark  how  slowly  but  curely  the  doctrine  developed. 
(1)  From  the  very  beginning  it  was  known  that  the  devils 
shall  be  endlessly  punished;  and  it  is  evident  from  the 
actions  of  the  faithful  that  they  believed  themselves 
exposed  to  the  same  deadly  peril.  Why  else  did  they 
brave  the  storms  of  ten  persecutions*?  (2)  Hence  when 
Origen's  error  became  practical, — when  it  began  to  spread 
among  the  faithful  that,  after  all,  future  punishment  might 
cease  at  length,  the  Bishops  took  care  to  preach  the  con- 
trary. (3)  Yet  this  preaching  might  be  pushed  too  far.  It 
would  not  do  to  teach  the  faithful  that  even  the  least  sin 
deserves  eternal  chastisement;  that  would  destroy  the 
virtue'of  Hope.  Hence  when  Jovinian  and  Pelagius  thus 
erred  on  the  side  of  rigour,  the  Church  kept  on  in  the  safe 
middle  way.     (4)  But  which  sins  are  mortal,  and  which 


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438  Eternal  PumshnenL 

venial?     This   question   was  never   urgent,   and  so  the 
answer  was  allowed  to  develop  itself  in  time. 

St.  Jerome  knew  of  some  sins  which  are  mortal,  like 
infidelity,  '^murder,  adultery ;  and  some  which  are  only 
venial,  such  as  lying  and  idle  words.^  St.  Augustine 
added  much  to  the  stock  of  knowledge,  and  cleared  up 
many  doubts  about  the  efficacy  of  faith.  Even  he  did  not 
leave  behind  him  anything  like  a  completely  elaborated 
distinction  ;  but  as  theology  became  more  scientific  under 
the  influence  of  the  Schoolmen,  there  was  a  clearer 
apprehension  of  the  distinction  between  mortal  and  venial 
sins.  This  was  found  to  be  a  convenient  and  most  natural 
division  of  ofiences  against  God  ;  and  so  it  came  to  be 
well-known  and  recognised.  Finally,  at  the  Council  of 
Lyons,  it  passed  into  the  authoritative  teaching  vocabulary 
oftheChurch.2 

I  have  given  no  formal  proof;  for  the  proof  of  a 
tradition  is  its  histoiy.  Any  Catholic  who  believes 
what  has  been  so  far  written,  cannot  on  Catholic  grounds 
have  any  difficulty  about  the  teaching  of  the  Church.  And 
it  is  on  Catholic  grounds  1  have  so  far  defended  that 
teaching.  Above  all  remember  that  the  Church  is  not  a 
mere  custodian  of  the  faith,  to  wrap  her  talent  in  a  napkin 
and  bury  it,  or  to  keep  it  safe  under  lock  and  key.  She 
is  a  teaching  power ;  she  develops  the  deposit  that  was 
given  her,  always  with  the  assistance  and  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  This  could  not  be  if  in  the 
beginning  there  was  no  obscurity  of  doctrine  ;  you  cannot 
illumine  the  broad  day,  or  enlarge  the  branches  of  a  full- 
grown  oak.  And  when  the  development  has  taken  place, 
Catholics  are  bound  to  receive  the  Church's  teaching,  even 
though  it  be  in  advance  of  what  was  known  to  the  most 
learned  of  the  fu'st  Fathers  of  the  faith. 

W.  McDoN^VLD. 

^  Supra,  p.  434. 

*The  division  of  sins  into  mortal  and  venial  may  be  found  sub- 
stantially in  the  writings  of  the  earliest  ages  of  Christianity.  The  form 
of  words  was  introduced  later  on.  We  often  find  the  words  reuial  ard 
mortal  in  the  works  of  St.  Jerome  and  of  St.  Augustine,  but  not  as 
iL'POgiiisetl  terms  to  designate  a  well-known  division,  such  as  they  now 
are  in  Catholic  theology.  St.  Augustine  uses  the  terms  modica,  mt'nuta, 
tptotUUnua^  /wrivi,  ^r.,  as  often  as  the  term  vemnlia  ;  something  similar 
may  be  siiid  of  mortal  sins.  It  is  to  the  Scholastics  we  owe  nearly  all 
our  tenninology.  This  division  of  sins  into  mortal  and  venial  was  in 
common  use  among  the  Schoolmen  long  before  the  Council  of  Lyons. 
All  previous  definitions  were  vague,  like  the  '*  qui  mala  egerunt " 
of  the  Athanasian  Creed  ;  the  Council  of  Lyons  has  the  more  definite 
form :  "  qui  in  luortali  decedunt." 


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[    489     1 

SCIENTIFIC    NOTICES. 

The  Sense  of  Feelixg. 

A  PAPER  recently  read  before  the  Physiological  Society 
at  Berlin  by  Dr.  Goldscheider  makes  public  some 
investigations  of  an  unusually  interesting  character 
respecting  what  he  calls  **  points  of  sensation  of  warmth, 
coldness,  and  pressure  in  connection  with  the  sense  of 
feeling/' 

This  is  a  new  outcome  of  inquiries  which  have  for 
more  than  half  a  century  engaged  the  attention  of  scientific 
men,  and  tends  to  remove  any  doubts  which  may  be 
entertained  as  to  the  correctness  of  the  conclusions  which 
have  been  thence  deduced.  They  are  curious  and 
interesting  in  themselves  quite  apart  from  any  consequent 
deductions,  but  have  of  course  a  far  higher  value,  inasmuch 
as  they  meet  and  explain  difficulties  which  seemed  to  stand 
in  the  way  of  the  reception  of  the  great  truth  which 
underlies  the  whole  question. 

In  1826  Miilier  laid  down  the  most  important  principles 
of  the  theory  which  we  have  now  to  consider  in  its  latest 
development  and  application.  It  is  called  the  theory  of 
the  specific  action  of  the  senses,  and  can  be  briefly 
explained  thus.  All  that  we  apprehend  of  the  external 
world  is  brought  to  our  consciousness  by  means  of  certain 
changes  which  are  produced  in  our  organs  of  sense  by 
external  impressions,  and  transmitted  to  the  brain  by  the 
nerves.  What  we  directly  apprehend  is  not  the  immediate 
action  of  the  external  exciting  cause  upon  the  ends  of  our 
nerves,  but  only  the  changed  conditions  of  the  nervous 
fibres,  which  we  call  the  state  of  excitation  or  functional 
activity.  All  the  nei-ves  have  the  same  structure,  and  the 
excitation  is  a  process  oi  precisely  the  same  kind,  whatever 
be  the  function  it  subserves.  All  the  nerves  have  the 
same  electro-motive  action — it  is  propagated  T\ath  the 
same  velocity  of  one  hundred  feet  per  second — all  nerves 
die  when  subjected  to  like  conditions.  "We  conclude 
then,"  says  Helmholtz  (whom  we  are  quoting  in  a  very 
condensed  fonn),  "that  all  the  difference  in  the  excitation 
of  different  nerves  depends  only  upon  the  diff'erence  of  the 
organs  to  which  each  is  united,  and  to  which  it  transmits 
the  state  of  excitation." 

Sensitive   nerves,   when   they   are  irritated,  produce 


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440  Scientific  Notices : 

sensation  because  they  are  connected  with  sensitive  organs. 
The  kind  of  sensation  entirely  depends  upon  what  sense 
the  excited  nerve  subserves,  and  not  at  all  upon  the 
method  of  excitation  we  adopt. 

No  kind  of  action  upon  any  part  of  the  body  except  the 
eye  and  the  nerve  which  belongs  to  it  can  ever  produce 
the  sensation  of  light.  But  it  is  not  light  alone  which  can 
produce  this  sensation  of  light  upon  the  eye ;  a  weak 
electric  current  passed  through  the  eye,  a  blow,  a  slight 
pressure  on  the  eyeball  makes  an  impression  of  light  in  the 
darkest  rooms.  Hence  we  conclude  that  every  action 
which  is  capable  of  exciting  the  optic  nerve  is  capable  of 
producing  the  impression  of  light. 

Helmholtz  in  the  lecture  we  have  been  quoting  in  so 
summary  a  fashion  is  treating  only  of  vision  ;  but  what  is 
true  of  the  sense  of  sight  is  equally  true  of  the  other  senses, 
as  he  over  and  over  again  insists.  It  is  with  the  sense'of 
feeling  that  we  have  now  to  do ;  regarding  which 
Dr.  Goldscheider  has  made  such  careful  investigations  and 
has  brought  to  light  such  surprising  results. 

Now  this  sense  of  feeling  presented  a  special  difficulty 
to  the  reception  of  the  theory,  inasmuch  as  there  are  five 
different  qualities  comprised  within  it,  namely,  pain, 
pressure,  tickling,  warmth,  and  cold.  This  seems  to 
necessitate  different  nerve-terminal  apparatuses  to  be 
distinguished,  each  endowed  with  its  own  specific  energy. 
Is  it  so  ?  What  does  experiment  say  in  answer  to  this 
difficulty?  Are  there  the  nerve-terminals  required  for  these 
five  different  forms  of  feeling,  or  does  the  theory  break 
down  under  the  severe  ordeal?  Dr.  Goldscheider  replies 
by  his  personal  experiments,  for  he  is  both  operator  and 
subject,  that  all  that  are  required  are  there  in  each  one  of 
us,  if  we  have  but  his  patience  and  diligence  to  distinguish 
them  and  to  bring  them  into  action. 

Let  us  take,  with  him,  the  sense  of  temperature.  He 
tested  the  skin  by  means  of  roxmded  metal  points,  and 
found  that  there  were  a  very  large  number  of  points  on 
the  skin  which  were  sensitive  to  cold,  and  also  a  number 
of  other  points  which  were  sensitive  to  warmth.  These 
were  unequally  distributed  over  the  body,  and  decreased  in 
number  and  density  towards  the  periphery.  A  curious 
fact  was  that  they  appeared  to  stand  in  a  certain  contrast 
to  the  fineness  of  the  sense  of  touch,  being  found  more 
rarely  when  the  sense  of  touch  was  very  delicate.  But 
these  points  stood  not  alone  and  isolated,  but  were  ranged 


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The  Sense  of  Feeling.  441 

together  in  the  form  of  chains,  and,  moreover,  several  of 
these  chains  of  cold  or  warm  points  radiated  from  one 
point  in  the  skin.  About  eighty  per  cent,  of  these  radiating 
centres  were  severally  at  the  root  of  a  hair,  but  all  hairs 
did  not  cover  radiating  centres,  nor  of  course  did  all 
centres  radiate  from  a  hair.  Again,  the  chains  of  cold 
points  never  coincided  with  those  of  warm  points,  but  the 
two  sets  of  chains  lay  adjacent  to  each  other.  The  cold 
points  alone  were  capable  of  generating  cold  impressions, 
while  all  other  points  of  the  skin  never  excited  such  cold 
impressions.  And  now  follows  what  is  specially  curious 
and  remarkable.  There  were  differences  among  the  cold 
points.  Some  gave  rise  only  to  feelings  of  coolness,  while 
others,  even  under  weak  stimulations,  always  produced 
an  intense  feeling  of  cold.  So  it  was  with  respect  to  the 
warm  points.  Some  generated  the  feeUng  of  lukewarmness, 
othei-s  that  qf  warmth,  and  others,  again,  that  of  severe 
heat,  no  matter  what  the  degrees  of  stimulation  in  the  three 
different  cases.  Moreover,  however  various  the  stimulants, 
not  only  change  of  temperature,  but .  mechanical  and 
electrical  stimulations — all  equally  produced  the  feeling  of 
cold  at  the  cold  points  and  of  warmth  at  the  warm  points. 
Again,  neither  the  cold  nor  the  warm  points  were  sensitive 
to  pain,  the  prick  of  a  fine  needle  produced  no  painful 
sensation.  The  cold  and  warm  points  were  anatomically 
sharply  defined,  and  were  constantly  found  at  the  same 
spots  of  the  skin.  Repetitions  of  the  experiments  on  the 
same  spots  would  weaken  the  impression,  apparently 
wearying  them,  but  a  short  rest  would  enable  them  to 
recover  their  sensibility. 

Again,  with  regard  to  the  interval  between  these  points, 
it  was  found  that  the  least  distances  at  which  two 
cold  impressions  were  distinctly  felt  from  each  other 
varied,  where  there  were  but  few  cold  spots,  from  one- 
fifth  or  one- fourth  of  an  inch  as  a  maximum  to  one-thirtieth 
as  a  minimum.  As  the  outcome  of  a  general  topogi*aphical 
survey  of  his  own  body.  Dr.  Goldscheider  found  the  cold 
points  exceeded  the  warm  ones  in  number;  that  there 
were  parts  of  the  skin  where  neither  warm  nor  cold  points 
occurred  ;  that  other  parts  which  contained  a  few  cold 
had  no  warm  points  ;  while  there  was  no  OT>ot  in  the  body 
where  there  were  warm  points  without  cola  ones  adjacent. 
Another  distinction  was,  tliat  in  the  outspreading  areas  of 
the  sensory  nerves  wann  and  cold  points  were  numerous, 
but  that  they  are  sparingly  found  in  the  middle  lines  of  the 
body,  as  also  over  the  bones. 


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442  Sciehtidc  Notices : 

What  now  is  the  efiect  of  chauge  of  temperature  on 
the  skin  ?  A  rise  in  temperature  generates  a  feeling  ot 
warmth,  because  it  excites  the  warm  points,  while  a 
depression  of  temperature  creates  a  feeling  of  cold  by 
stimulating  the  cold  points.  The  experiments  on  the 
contrasting  efifects  of  temperature  were  very  easily  ex- 
plained by  this  theory,  when  it  was  considered  that  each 
stimidation  of  the  cold  or  warm  points  blunted  them  a 
little,  and  so  rendered  them  more  insensible  to  the  next 
stimulation.  It  appears  that  Herr  BUx  had  previously 
demonstrated  the  existence  of  cold  and  warm  points  and 
had  tested  them  by  means  of  electrical  excitation. 
Dr.  Goldscheider  learned  this  subsequently  to  his  own 
investigations,  and  as  the  two  series  of  observations  were 
quite  independent  and  covered  one  auother,  their  complete 
coincidence  of  course  strengthens  the  value  of  the  results 
obtained. 

But  Dr.  Goldscheider  did  not  rest  content  when  he  had 
obtained  these  valuable  and  interesting  results  of  his 
investigations  into  the  specific  energy  of  the  sense  of 
feeling  in  respect  to  the  sense  of  temperature  ;  so  he  next 
applied  himself  to  the  examination  of  the  sense  of  pres- 
sure ;  and  for  this,  of  course,  he  required  another  kind  of 
apparatus,  but  one  almost  as  simple  as  the  rounded  metallic 
points  which  had  done  him  such  good  service  in  his 
previous  investigations.     The  sense  of  pressure  is  investi- 

.  gated  by  means  of  fine  cork  points  attached  to  a  spiral 
epring.  He  found  the  sense  of  pressure  likewise  dis- 
tributed over  the  skin  in  the  form  of  points ;  and  these 
points  of  pressure,  which,  be  it  remaiked,  coincided 
neither   witli  the   cold   nor  warm   points,   but   occupied 

.  altog<^ther  special  spots  of  the  skin, — the  sites  of  special 
nerve-apparatiu^es — were  also  arranged  in  chain-like  rows, 

.  these  rows  likewise  radiating  from  particular  pointa 

The  outcome  of  this  new  series  of  experiments  was, 
that,  on  the  whole,  the  results  in  respect  of  the  pressure 
points  weie  found  to  correspond  with  those  in  respect  of 
the  temperature  points  both  as  regards  their  distribution 
and  the  mode  of  their  specific  activity.  The  localization 
of  the  sensation  of  pressure  was  still  finer  than  that  of 
the  sense  of  temperature.  The  smallest  distance  at  which 
two  neighbouring  points  of  pressure  could  be  reco^ised 
as  distinct  amomit^d  to  one-tenth  of  a  millimeter,  or  one 
two-hundredth-and-tiftieth  part  of  an  inch.  Thus  we  see 
that  for  the  sense  of  pressure  just  as  much  as  for  the  sense 


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The  Sense  of  Feeling.  443 

of  cold  and  warmth,  the  existence  of  specific  nerve 
terminal  apparatuses  provided  with  specific  energies  was 
demonstrated. 

In  reference  to  the  sensation  of  pain  Dr.  Goldscheider 
was  of  opinion  that  no  special  nerves  were  to  be  assumed : 
but  for  this  opinion  he  does  not  appear  to  have  given  any 
reason.  In  conclusion,  he  said  that  he  thought,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  between  the  cold,  warm,  and  pressure 
points,  la}'  the  terminal  apparatuses  of  those  nerves  of 
feeling  which  produce  specially  the  sensations  of  touch. 

Such  is  an  abstract  of  this  important  paper,  in  which 
we  have  kept  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  precise  language 
of  Dr.  Goldscheider,  which  is  certainly  remarkable  for  its 
perspicuity  and  simplicity :  the  facts  to  bo  recorded  being 
too  valuable  and  the  earnestness  of  the  investigator  too 
intense  to  admil  of  any  but  the  plainest  expressions. 

There  is  no  attempt  to  put  these  facts  together  and  to 
deduce  any  conclusions ;  for  Dr.  Goldscheider  is  content 
to  make  his  minute  investigations  and  to  record  them  with 
the  greatest  care :  he  seems  to  leave  it  to  his  hearers  and 
readers  to  put  them,  as  it  were,  into  shape,  and  to  show 
how  they  harmonize  with  previous  investigations  with 
respect  to  the  other  senses.  If  we  venture  briefly  to 
attempt  this,  it  must  be  on  our  own  responsibility,  and 
with  aue  submission  to  the  judgment  of  our  readers. 

What  has  been  shown  by  Helmholtz  and  Tyndall, 
whose  duty  it  has  been  to  group  together  the  investiga- 
tions of  othera  and  to  supplement  them  with  researches  of 
their  own,  with  respect  to  the  eye  and  the  ear,  is  here 
shown  by  Dr.  Goldscheider  to  be  true  of  the  whole  human 
body. 

The  apprehensions  of  cold,  heat  and  pressure,  are 
brought  to  our  consciousness  by  means  of  certain  changes 
which  are  produced  in  our  organs  of  touch  by  external 
impressions,  and  transmitted  to  the  brain  by  the  nerves> 
just  as  truly  as  the  apprehensions  of  sight  and  hearing  by 
the  nerves  that  belong  to  those  organs.  The  waves 
which  impinge  upon  the  eye,  and,  modified  and  adapted 
to  the  end  in  view  in  their  passage  through  its  various 
parts,  set  in  accordant  vibration  the  cones  and  rods  of 
the  I'etina,  and  convey  by  their  motion  the  necessary 
visual  notes  to  the  brain,  and  thereby — we  know  not  how — 
we  see,  are  in  strict  accordance  with  the  waves  of  sound 
that  set  the  tympanum  of  the  ear  vibrating,  and  pass  their 
motions  through  the  convolutions  and  across  the  inner  lake 


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444  Scientific  Notices, 

on  whose  opposite  shore  the  nerves  of  sound  are  awaiting 
to  convey,  each  its  own  vibrations,  to  the  brain,  and- -we 
know  not  how — we  hear :  so  we  now  learn  that  the  vibrations 
which  reach  our  bodies,  come  from  what  source  they 
majr,  set  in  motion  the  nerves  of  difterent  orders  and  with 
diflferent  ends,  and  convey  to  the  brain  the  sensation  of 
heat,  or  cold,  or  simple  touch.  And  as  in  the  former  cases 
the  waves,  according  to  the  comparative  number  of  their 
vibrations,  produce  in  us  the  sensations  which  the  mind 
interprets  into  particular  colore  through  the  eye,  or 
selecting  on  the  same  principle  the  proper  nerves  in  the 
ear,  convey  the  distinct  impression  which  is  similarly 
interpreted  by  our  mind  into  distinct  and  different  notes, 
so  each  system  of  points  in  the  body  responding  to  accord- 
ant vibrations  from  without,  sings  as  it  were  its  own  note, 
or  paints,  as  we  might  say,  its  own  color,  which  in  its 
language  is  heat,  or  cold,  or  pressure. 

The  vibrations  come,  it  may  be,  to  every  part  of  the 
body,  but  each  nerve  is  silent  and  motionless  unless  it  is 
in  unison  with  those  vibrations,  just  as  the  nerves  of  the 
ear,  are  deaf,  so  to  speak,  to  every  sound  whose  vibrations 
are  not  the  same  as  their  own :  just,  too,  as  a  musical 
string  tuned  to  a  certain  pitch,  which  with  its  length 
determines  its  number  of  vibrations  in  a  second  of  time, 
will  respond  to  sounds  which  reach  it  from  another  instru- 
ment only  when  that  other  has  vibrations  coiTesponding  to 
its  own  ;  and  as  the  eye  is  bUnd  to  colors  which  come  in 
vibratiouR  above  or  below  its  range,  and  the  mind  recog- 
nises nothing  but  what  comes  to  it  with  the  ordained 
velocity. 

All  this,  we  see,  is  in  strict  accordance  with  what  we 
have  learni^d  before  with  regard  to  other  senses,  and  so 
the  body,  like  its  eyes  and  ears,  has  its  nerves,  spread  of 
course  over  its  lender  surface,  but  as  complicated  in  one 
sense  and  as  simple  in  another,  as  those  which  have  made 
the  study  of  the  eye  and  ear  so  fascinating  to  the  thoughtful 
mind.  The  arrangement  in  some  respects  seems  the  same 
in  this  last  subject  of  what  might  almost  be  called  revela- 
tion ;  for  though  the  nerves  ot  the  body  have  different 
functions  to  discharge,  and  so  their  grouping  together  must 
necessarily  be  more  complicated  than  that  of  the  eye 
or  ear,  eacli  of  which  has  but  one  special  duty,  yet  there 
is,  we  cannot  fail  to  have  remarked,  the  same  general 
principles.  As  heat  is  to  be  of  different  kinds,  there  are 
erves  which  respond  only  to  bikewarmness,  others  to 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     445 

warmth,  and  others  again  to  severe  heat.  No  matter  how 
we  increase  the  pressmo  which  acts  upon  the  nerve  it  will 
tell  but  its  own  degree  of  heat ;  the  lukewarm  can  never 
bring  about  the  sensation  of  a  greater  heat — just  as  a 
musical  string,  however  we  may  increase  the  amplitude  of 
its  vibrations,  will  never  make  more  than  its  own  proper 
number  of  vibrations  in  the  given  time ;  we  can  make  it 
sing  louder  but  not  a  different  note, — so  when  the  cold 
waves  come  over  the  body — come,  it  now  seems  of  neces- 
sity, in  number  of  vibrations  in  accordance  with  their  own 
temperature,  it  sweeps  unheeded  over  the  points  where 
warmth  in  all  its  degrees  finds  its  due  response,  and  touches 
eflFectively,  and  so  sets  in  motion  those,  and  those  only, 
which  have  vibrations  like  its  own,  and  we  become 
conscious  of  the  degree  of  cold. 

Henry  Bedford. 


ON  THE  TELEPHONE  IN  RELATION  TO  THE 
SACRAMENT  OF  PENANCE— H. 

IN  my  last  communication  to  the  Record  I  showed  the 
favourable  opinion  and  sanction  which  my  considera- 
tions and  conclusion  on  the  scientific  part  of  the  above 
question  had  received  from  Professor  Ryan ;  and  again 
quite  recently  from  Lord  Rayleigh. 

I  must  now  take  up  once  more  the  thread  of  the  story 
of  my  correspondence  with  the  fonner,  in  order  to  introduce 
and  duly  explain  the  appearance  of  what  is  tQ  form  the 
chief  matter  of  the  present  article. 

In  writing  to  thank  Professor  Ryan  for  his  obliging 
letter,  and  the  valuable  information  it  contained,  I  at  the 
same  time  represented  to  him  that  much  as  I  should  now 
like  to  supplement  what  I  had  already  written  on  the 
subject  by  a  further  communication,  yet  I  could  not 
satisfactorily  oflbr  any  fresh  Article  to  the  Record  ex- 
pressing my  own  conclusion  that  the  human  voice  may 
be  said  to  be  heard  through  the  telephone,  without  going 
into  questions  of  physics,  and  controverting  in  some 
degree  principles  of  science  commonly  accepted,  and 
generally  supposed  to  be  ascertained  truths.  For  were  I, 
in  discussing  a  question  professedly  scientific,  to  confine 
myself  simply  to  considerations  of  philosophy  and  common 
VOL.  VI.  2  K 


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446     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance* 

sense,  even  though  these,  and  the  conclusion  f  had  based 
on  them,  had  been  'sanctioned  by  eminent  authority,  I 
should  justly  lay  myself  open  to  a  charge  of  arbitrarily 
theorising,  and  of  using  merely  general  and  irrelevant 
arguments  on  a  technical  matter  I  was  really  incompetent 
to  handle;  and  in  fact  of  dealing  with  it  as  a  pure 
phenomenist,  whilst  I  was  at  the  same  time  shelving  and 
conveniently  avoiding  grave  diflicnilties  and  objectionR 
which  a  well-established  and  recognised  theory  of  acoustics 
opposed  to  my  views.  1  explained,  moreover,  that  there 
had  already  appeared  in  the  RECORD  a  very  able  Article 
\>y  Fr.  O'Dwyer,  whose  arguments,  on  the  lines  of  science 
lie  adopted,  were  to  my  mind,  quite  conclusive  against  my 
opinion ;  that  this  Article  had  been  written  after  an  express 
appeal  on  my  part  to  the  verdict  of  Science,  and  was 
kindly  undertaken  in  acceptance  of  an  invitation  I  made 
that  some  one  versed  in  physical  science  should  write  on 
the  question  in  the  pages  of  the  Record.  It  seemed  to  me 
then  that  science  must  be  met  by  science;  for  that  to 
whatever  extent  an  opinion  was  pliilosophically  true^  it 
must  be  also  true  scientifically;  and  consequently,  so  far, 
at  any  rate,  be  capable  of  scientific  demonstration,  and  of 
being  shown  to  be  more,  or  certainly  not  less,  in  accord 
with  ascertained  truths  and  principles  of  physical 
science,  than  its  contrary.  If,  therefore,  1  wrote  again  on 
the  question  in  the  RECORD,  the  opinion  I  advocated  must 
somehow  be  set  on  a  scientific  basis,  and  the  objections 
and  difficulties  suggested  by  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  Article  must 
be  scientifically  encountered.  But  all  this  I  confessed  my 
inability  to  do,  as  I  was  in  no  sense  a  physical  scientist. 
At  the  same  time  I  sent  the  Article  to  Professor  Ryan. 

He  replied  by  saying  that  Fr.  O'Dwyer  had  written  a 
very  able  and  lucid  Article,  and  had  made  out  a  very 
strong  case ;  but  that  on  account  of  great  pressure  of 
necessary  occupation  it  would  be  quite  impossible  for  Iiim 
then  to  give  me  such  a  full  and  complete  reply  as  he  could 
desire.     He  went  on  to  say  : 

"  I  enclose  you,  however,  a  very  rough  draft  of  what  I  might 
be  incliaed  to  say  in  answer  to  Fr.  CD wyer.  The  time  is  too  far 
past  to  say  all  now  jis  I  should  wish.  The  composition  is  feehle 
and  full  of  errors.  It  is  hurriedly  scratched  off,  as  I  cannot  really 
pretend  to  deal  with  the  question  fully  in  the  short  time  I  can 
get.  It  may  perhaps  suffice  for  what  you  want.  It  is  now  yours 
to  do  whatever  you  like  with,  whether  to  use  in  my  name  as  it 
stands,  or  to  appropriate  the  nmttcr  in  any  article  you  may  write.'* 


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•Qa  tlie  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.   447 

It  will,  1  feel  sure,  be  deemed  desirable  on  all  hands, 
.<vnd  on  every  account,  that  Professor  Ryan's  communication 
;shouId  appear  in  the  pages  of  the  Recobd  in  its  original 
integrity,  and  exactly  as  he  himself  wrote  it  for  me.  It  is 
as  follows: 

"  I  do  not  think  that  the  question  whether  the  human 
voice  is  heard  through  the  medium  of  the  telephone  or  not 
'<;rin  be  considered  as  settled  by  the  lucid  article  of 
Fr.  O'Dwyer. 

"  When  we  say  that  we  hear  the  human  voice  under 
-any  circumstances,  we  use  an  expression  which,  though 
popular  and  quite  admissible,  is  yet  unscientific.  Usually 
itp  meaning  is  obvious,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  give  an  exact 
scientific  definition  of  it  which  may  decide  doubtful  cases. 
This  being  so,  every  controversialist  can  place  his  own  limits 
to  its  meaning,  and  prove  his  case  accordingly.  Thus 
Fr.  O'Dwyer  practically  defines  the  expression  in  a  way 
that  puts  the  telephone  out  of  coui't  and  then  goes  to  the 
trouble  of  proving  that  on  his  assumption  one  cannot  hear 
the  human  voice  through  the  medium  of  that  instrument. 

"  Now,  as  the  expression  is  distinctly  a  popular  one,  and 
•certainly  unscientific,  the  question  should  be  decided  in 
. accordance  with  popular  ideas. 

"  It  is,  in  fact,  a  point  for  a  jury  to  settle  though  there 
cannot  be  any  doubt  that  the  popular  verdict  would  be  in 
favour  of  Fr.  Livius*s  conclusion.  Indeed,  the  expressions 
commonly  used  in  describing  telephonic  intercourse 
sufficiently  establish  this.  It  is  a  case  where  common  sense 
is  more  to  be  relied  on  than  elaborate  philosophical 
disquisition.  The  listener  knows  that  the  sounds  he  hears 
at  the  receiver  of  the  telephone  are  caused  by  some  one 
speaking  in  front  of  the  transmitter:  he  recognises  the 
peculiarities  of  his  accent  and  identifies  the  voice  of  a 
friend,  and  therefore  he  has  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  he 
has  heard  his  voice.  This  is  the  verdict  of  common  sense, 
^nd  therefore  before  examining  the  scientific  grounds  on 
which  the  contrary  opinion  has  been  based,  I  would  point 
^>ut  that  these  should  be  very  8trf)ng  and  satisfactory  to 
■compel  us  to  assent  against  the  evidence  of  sense. 

Father  O'Dwyer  says : — 

*  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  sound  which  falls  on  the  ear 
of  the  listener  at  the  end  of  the  telephone  i^  caused  by  the  vibra- 
tions of  a  metal  plate,  whereas  the  sound  made  by  the  speaker's 


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448     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance^ 

voice  was  cnused  by  the  vibrations  of  his  vocal  organs.*  At  the 
same  time  he  tells  us  that  sound  *  passes  through  the  air,  gases, 
solids,  bv  setting  their  particles  vibrating  in  correspondence  witli 
the  sounding  body.*  ^ 

"I  will  therefore  take  the  liberty  of  adopting  hi» 
language  to  the  case  of  an  ordinary  conversation  in  the 
open  air,  thus :  *  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  sound  which 
falls  on  the  ears  of  the  listener  is  caused  by  the  vibrations 
of  the  intervening  particles  of  air,  whereas  the  sound  made 
by  the  speaker's  voice  was  caused  by  the  vibrations  of  his 
vocal  organs.* 

"  So  then  we  never  hear  the  human  voice  at  all.     We 
merely  hear  the  particles  of  air,  which  were  in  the   first 
instance  agitated  by  the  speaker's  vocal  organs,  as  really 
and  truly  as  the  membrane  of  the  telephone  receiver  was 
primarily  set  in  motion  by  the  same  means. 

"  Let  us  suppose  a  man  to  be  shut  up  in  an  air-tight,, 
thin  wooden  box.  His  voice  might  be  heard  for  a  short 
time  before  he  would  be  suffocated,  or  rather  I  should  say,, 
in  accordance  with  Fr.  O'D  wyer's  view,  the  sides  of  the  box 
might  be  heard  for  a  short  time,  but  not  the  man's  voice. 
Would  Fr.  O'Dwyer  hear  his  confession?  I  think  he 
would,  as  he  considers  sound  transmitted  through  wood  as^ 
the  original  orthodox  disturbance,  and  yet  the  sides  of  the 
box  would  be  as  truly  the  originators  of  the  sound-waves 
that  would  affect  his  ears  as  the  membrane  of  the  receiver 
of  the  telephone. 

"  The  same  may  be  said  of  any  continuous  partition, 
however  thin,  which  separates  priest  from  penitent; 
and  though  the  circumstance  I  have  imagined  is  a  highly 
improbable  one,  chosen  merely  for  simplicity  and  clearness, 
the  same  argument  might  be  applied  to  any  other  case  of 
hearing ;  for  sound  is  always  transmitted  by  material 
particles,  everyone  of  which  becomes  the  centre  and  origin 
of  a  sound-wave,  and  is  thus  in  the  position  of  the  membrane- 
of  the  telephone  receiver,  or  the  sides  of  the  box  just  in- 
stanced. Consequently,  if  it  can  be  said  that  we  do  not  hear 
the  human  voice  through  the  telephone,  because  the 
membrane  is  the  immediate  origin  of  the  sound-wavea 
which  affect  our  hearing,  with  equal  tioith  may  it  be  said, 
that  we  never  hear  the  human  voice  in  any  case. 

'*  But  this  is  not  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  main  point.  He  relies 
principally  on  the  solution  of  continuity  in  the  sound-wave 
which  takes  place  at  the  transmitter. 

"  He  regards  the  sound  as  destroyed  at  the  transmitter. 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     449 

^nd  re-created  at  the  receiver.  Before  discussing  this, 
I  must  say  that  Fr.  O'Dwyer  draws  a  distinction  between 
identity  and  similarity  in  sound-waves,  which  seems  some- 
what arbitrai'y.     In  one  place  he  says  : — 

^  Unless  that  identical  vibration  is  renewed,  you  cannot  truly 
isay  that  the  same  sound  is  reproduced.  You  may  have  a  similajr 
4Sound,  one  containing  exactly  the  same  number  of  vibrations ;  but 
you  cannot  have  the  same  sound.' 

Again  he  tells  us  that : — 

*'  As  far  as  observation  has  gone,  sound  and  vibration  are 
identical' 

"I  may  therefore  substitute  the  vrovd,  vihrationiov sound 
in  the  above-quoted  passage.     It  will  then  read  thus  : — 

*  Unless  that  identical  vibration  is  renewed,  you  cannot  truly 
say  that  the  same  vibration  is  reproduced.  You  may  have  a 
similar  vibration,  one  containing  exactly  the  same  number  of 
vibrations  ;  but  you  cannot  have  the  same  vibration.* 

"Now  if  we  consider  a  particle  vibrating  at  two  different 
times,  the  only  justifying  plea  we  can  have  for  calling 
these  two  separate  sets  of  vibration  identical,  must  be 
that  the  number  of  vibrations  in  a  given  time  are  the 
same  (the  amplitude  of  the  vibrations  being  supposed 
unaltered).  Nothing  but  exact  mechanical  similarity 
(so.  in  the  method  of  motion,  the  amplitude  of  vibration, 
and  the  periods  of  alternation)  can  constitute  identity 
between  the  vibrations  at  different  times  of  the  same  or 
equal  particles:  cause  and  effect  have  nothing  to  do 
with  it.  If  vibrations,  or  the  motions  that  propagate 
-isound,  can  be  said  to  be  identical  at  all,  it  must  be 
because  they  are  mechanically  similar^  and  not  because 
they  are  historically  related  to  each  other  as  cause  and 
•effect. 

'*Thus  Fr.  O'Dwyer  is  not  strictly  logical  in  arguing 
that  exact  similarity  of  vibrations  does  not  constitute 
identity,  and,  at  the  same  time,  saying  that  however  far 
the  vibration  caused  by  touching  a  piece  of  timber  is  pro- 
pagated through  the  timber,  "  it  is  still  one  and  the  same 
sound" 

•*  To  put  it  clearly,  on  Fr.  0*D wyer's  principle,  one  would 
-call  the  motions  of  two  billiard  balls  ^Hdentical,**  if  one  has 
derived  its  motion  from  that  of  the  other,  without  regard 
to  rate ;  while  the  motions  of  two  equal  balls,  moving  at 
•exactly  the  same  speed,  but  having  derived  their  impulses 


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450     Oh  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance^ 

from  separate  sources,  would  be  merely  ^similar'*  For 
my  part,  1  consider  the  word  identical  inapplicable  in  both 
cases  ;  but  as  sound  is  vibration,  if  identity  can  be  predi- 
cated of  two  sounds,  it  should  depend  on  the  identity  of 
the  periods  and  amplitude  of  vibration,  and  on  tlie  equality 
of  tne  masses  of  the  vibrating  particles — in  fact,  on 
mechanical  and  material  similaiity. 

*' Therefore,  the  sound-waves  proceeding  from  the 
telephone,  being  mechanically  similar  to  those  falling  upon 
it,  are  as  much  and  as  little  entitled  to  be  regarded  as 
identical  with  the  latter,  as  if  they  had  been  produced  in 
the  ordinary  way, — neither  more  nor  less. 

**The  preservation  of  individuality  in  what  is  called  a 
sound-wave,  or  a  series  of  waves,  does  not  warrant  ua 
in  describing  succeeding  vibrations  as  identical  with  pre- 
ceding. There  is  no  exact  conservation  of  motion,  or 
vibration,  or  sound.  Energy  is  the  only  thing  which 
persists  and  is  conserved  through  all  transformations,  and 
for  which  identity  can  be  claimed  at  the  end  of  its  passage. 
In  every  case  of  hearing,  a  small  fraction  of  the  energy 
w^hich  has  been  converted  into  sound-waves  by  the  speaker^ 
finally  affects  the  ear  of  the  listener;  and  whether  that 
portion  of  the  energ}'  undergoes  more  or  less  transformation 
m  character  or  quahty,  it  alone  preserves  its  individuality. 

"In  the  text  books  the  propagation  of  sound  is  repre- 
sented as  effected  by  the  impact  of  elastic  particles  which 
collide  and  rebound.  If  we  imagine  these  particles  to  be 
merely  like  tennis  balls,  we  must  admit  that  the  transfor- 
mation of  mechanical  energy  into  electrical  energy  in 
the  tdt'pLone  ^vdre,  constitutes  apparently  an  important 
difference  in  the  method  of  propagation.  It  should  be 
remembered,  however,  that  the  transmission  along  the 
wire  is  practically  instantaneous.  The  time  occupied  is 
much  too  dhort  to  be  perceptible  on  ordinary  lines.  The 
pei-son  at  the  receiver  hears  the  speakers  voice  (or,  the 
voice  of  the  membrane) — say,  a  mile  apart — before  a  person 
standing  three  Feet  from  the  speaker  would  hear  him.  The 
two  membranes  are  practically  working  together;  and  s<> 
far  as  time  is  concerned,  the  listener  might  have  his  ear 
less  tliau  half  an  inch  distant  from  the  membrane  of  the 
transmitter.  The  inappreciable  interval  of  time  during 
whic^h  the  energy  of  the  original  sound-wave  is  being 
transmitted  along  the  wire,  hardly  forms  a  solution  of 
contiTuiity.     The  energy  is  active  all  the  while. 

*In  the  string-telephone  the  membranes  are  connected 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     45 1 

by  a  piece  of  string,  and  the  motion  of  one  membrane  i» 
transmitted  to  the  other  by  the  mechanical  pulses  of  the 
string.  These  are  sound-waves,  but  somewhat  difieront 
from  the  waves  in  air.*  The  time  taken  in  this  case  is 
relatively  much  ^eater  than  in  the  electrical  telephone, 
but  less  than  in  air.  If  Fr.  O'Dwyer  had  been  so  disposed,, 
he  might  have  used  the  same  arguments  in  connection  with 
the  string-telephone  that  he  has  used  in  the  case  of  ih^ 
electrical,  on  the  score  of  its  diflFering  from  the  ordinary 
method  in  its  transmission  of  sound,  and  he  might  have^ 
said  of  it  also,  *  We  know  no  such  medium  for  the 
conveyance  of  sound,' 

•*  If  it  be  contended  that  the  conversion  into  electrical 
energy  in  the  telephone  is  fatal  to  the  essential  continuity, 
I  would  point  out  that  a  transformation  of  energy  is  con- 
tinually taking  place  even  in  the  transmission  of  sound 
through  air.  The  particles  of  air  at  any  point  in  the  path 
of  sound-waves  are  alternately  in  motion  and  at  rest  At 
one  moment  they  are  crowded  together ;  the  next  moment 
their  elasticity  asserts  itself,  and  they  shoot  asunder.  The 
energy  in  the  first  case  is  "  potential'*  That  is,  it  consist« 
in  the  elastic  power  momentarily  restrained.  In  the  second 
case  the  energy  is  "  actual,"  for  it  is  that  of  the  moving 
particles.  Fr.  O'Dwyer  regards  vibration  as  the  ouq 
element  of  sound  and  its  propagation :  this  is  "  actual  " 
energy.  Any  interruption  of  this  particular  kind  of 
mechanical  motion,  such  as  takes  place  in  the  telephone^ 
he  regards  as  fatal.  Might  we  not  with  equal  reason  argud 
that  when  the  energy  is  stored  up  in  the  elasticity  of  the 
particles  that  the  sound  is  dead,  or  the  continuity  broken  I 
Once  during  every  ripple  or  wave  of  sound  that  passes  o^ 
given  point  in  the  air,  the  energy  is  potential,  or  tho 
particles  are  huddled  together.  The  duration  of  thi^ 
condition  is  perhaps  shorter  even  than  the  time  occupied 
by  the  electric  cuiTcnt  in  the  telephone,  but  it  is  neverthe- 
less real.  Regarding  the  transmission  as  a  conveyance  of 
the  energy  of  tho  original  disturbance,  neither  thi^ 
momentary  cessation  of  active  energy,  nor  the  conversion 
in  the  telephone,  makes  against  the  reality  of  the  trans- 
mission. In  both  cases  the  original  mechanical  energy  \^ 
Bent  on  to  the  ear  of  the  hstener,  though  continually  lost 

*  I  am  informed  on  high  anthority  that  with  a  very  perfect 
string-telephone  formed  of  wire,  the  human  voice  may  be  iieard  at  a 
distance  of  two  or  three  miles. — T.  L. 


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452     On  the  TeUpIione  in  relation  to  tlie  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

and  recreated  by  the  elasticity  of  air  particles  in  one  case, 
and  by  the  electrical  arrangements  of  the  telephone  in  the 
other. 

"  But  in  addition  to  all  this,  we  are  justified  in  believing 
that  the  particles  of  air  are  essentially  different  from 
tennis-balls.     Professor  Tait  says : 

^  The  small  separate  particles  of  a  gas  are  each  nb  doabt  less 
complex  in   structure  than  the   whole  visible  universe,  but  the 
•  comparison  is  a  coraparision  of  two  infinites.' 

**  Probably  our  most  elaborate  telephones  are  simple 
structures  compared  with  the  particles  of  air,  and  the 
elasticity  which  these  latter  possess  may  be,  for  all  we 
know,  due  to  electrical  currents  or  electrical  forces.  An 
electro-magnet  will  alter  the  elasticity,  and  consequently 
the  note  of  a  tuning-fork.  The  elasticity  of  a  telephone 
disc  is  similarly  affected,  and  instances  might  be  ^ven 
where  electrical  forces  produce  effects  similar  to  elasticity. 

"  Heat  may  be  conveyed  by  conduction  along  a  poker, 
but  it  may  also  be  transmitted  to  a  considerable  distance 
by  the  current  of  electricity  generated  in  a  thermopile. 
These  two  cases  differ  in  just  the  same  way  as  the  trans- 
mission of  sound  by  air  differs  from  its  transmission  by  the 
electrical  telephone.  And  yet  it  has  been  suggestea  that 
the  ordinary  slow  conduction  of  heat  through  the  substance 
of  the  poker  is  due  to  molecular  electrical  cuiTente  not 
essentially  different  from  the  thermo-electric  current  Jt 
would  be  useless  to  speculate  how  the  conduction  of  sound 
in  air  might  depend  in  some  such  way  on  molecular 
electrical  forces  or  currents.  All  that  can  be  said  is,  that 
our  present  knowledge  of  the  ultimate  constitution  of 
matter  and  of  the  various  forms  of  energy,  particularly 
electrical,  is  not  sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  rejecting  the 
verdict  of  common  sense  in  the  matter  of  hearing  by 
telephone. 

**  Moreover,  our  own  auditory  apparatus,  consisting  of  the 
drum  of  the  ear,  fibres,  bones,  and  auditoiy  nerves,  forms 
an  instrument  much  more  elaborate  than  any  telephone, 
though  closely  resembling  such  an  instrument.  The  drum 
of  the  ear  corresponds  to  the  membrane  of  the  receiver 
which  Fr.  O'Dwyer  regards  as  the  origin  of  the  sound 
actually  heard,  and  the  nerve  corresponds  to  the  wire  of 
the  telephone.  We  cannot  at  present  say  what  connection 
there  is  between  a  nervous  current  and  an  electrical  one ; 
but  that  there  is  a  similarity  and  some  connection  is  more 


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•On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     453 

tban  mere  Bupposition.  Indeed,  the  telephone  may  be 
regarded  as  a  very  simple  artificial  ear,  or  a  mechanical 
-extension  of  the  auditory  nerve  of  the  listener  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  speaker. 

"As  Fr.  O'Dwyer  nolds  that  it  is  the  membrane  of 
the  receiver  that  is  heard  and  not  the  human  voice,  what 
would  he  say  of  a  man  who  should  be  fitted  up  with  arti- 
ficial vocal  chords,  by  breathing  through  which  he  could 
articulate  slightly  ?  Would  he  say  that  he  heard  his  voice, 
or  only  the  vibrations  of  his  vocal  chords?  And  would  he 
hear  lus  confession  ? 

"Perhaps  it  might  be  more  exactly  pertinent  to  the  theo- 
logical point  in  question  to  put  the  illustration  analogically 
and  to  tit  up  the  confessor  with  the  artificial  chords ;  and 
to  ask  could  he  then  validly  pronounce  the  words  of  abso- 
lution ? 

'*  To  sum  up  :  my  contention  is  that  in  all  cases  of  com- 
munication by  speech,  the  hearer  is  merely  cognisant  of 
certain  intelligible  mechanical  disturbances  due  to  energy 
transmitted  to  him  from  the  speaker.  This  is  popularly 
known  as  hearing  the  speaker's  voice,  and  the  expression 
is  as  scientifically  accurate  in  the  case  of  the  telepnone  as 
in  the  ordinary  case,  neither  less  nor  more. 

*'  Fr.  0*Dwyer  will  not  admit  the  electrical  telephone 
to  be  a  medium  for  the  transmission  of  sound,  or  the  human 
voice.  But  this,  I  conceive,  is  its  very  raison  (Tetre,  and  the 
•object  which  its  inventor  had  in  view,  and  for  which  the 
patents  have  been  taken  out.  it  certainly  conveys  sound- 
waves to  the  listener  not  to  be  distinguished  from  those 
received  in  the  ordinarj"  way,  and  there  is  no  break  in  the 
transmission  of  energy. 

"  This  cannot  be  said  of  the  phonograph.  One  may 
ispeak  into  the  phonogi'aph,  and  the  record  may  be  carried 
to  the  Antipodes,  and  the  speech  be  reproduced  by  turning 
the  handle.  This  could  not  be  called  transmission  of 
«ound  in  any  sense.  The  energy  in  the  sound  produced  is 
derived  not  from  the  speaker  but  from  the  muscles  of  the 
man  who  turns  the  handle.  Whereas  in  the  telephone  the 
energy  is  continually  active  all  the  while,  passing  without 
-any  break  from  the  speaker  to  the  listener. 

"  It  is  just  possible  that  100  years  ago,  land  travelling 
might  have  been  defined  as  progression  by  walking,  riding 
or  driving,  and  that  on  the  introduction  of  railways  the 
term  might  have  been  dem'ed  to  this  last  mode  of  locomo- 
tion ;  but  words  must  have  their  meaning  extended  to  keep 


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454     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  t/ie  Sacrament  of  Penance^ 

up  with  the  progi'ess  of  invention.  So  that  when  Fr. 
O'Dwyer,  speaking  of  the  electrical  telephone,  says :  '  We 
know  of  no  such  medium  in  connection  with  souniL'  Hq^ 
might  have  said  with  more  propriety :  *  We  knexc  of  no 
such  medium  in  comiection  with  sound.' " 

It  always  appeal's  to  me  unmeaningly  superfluous,  or 
rather  presumptuoup,  to  praise  what  is  beyond  one's  powera 
to  criticise,  and  upon  which  one  is  not  qualified  to  pass  an 
adequate  judgment.  Still  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to 
say,  that  to  my  mind  Profeasor  Ryan  writes  with  so  much 
simple  lucidity  and  logical  cogency  on  matters  about 
which  I  am  otherwise  quite  unlearned,  that  at  once  I 
understand  and  fully  appreciate  the  meaning  and  force  of 
all  that  he  has  written.  And  this  testimony  is  of  itself  no 
mean  praise. 

I  may  here  add  that  a  learned  D.Sc.  of  London  University, 
(Dr.  O'Reilly)  whose  special  physical  study  has  been  that 
of  electricity,  and  who  had  been  at  first  opposed  to  my 
view,  writes  to  me,  March  5th,  1885,  that  he  fully  endorses 
\\\^  opinion  expressed  by  Lord  Rayleigh.  He  epitomises 
his  explanation  of  the  question  as  follows: — 

"  According  to  the  present  hmguajre  and  theories  of  Science, 
Sound  is  a  successive  series  of  vibrations  of  air  particles. 

''In  the  case  of  the  human  voice,  the  vibrations  originate  with 
the  vocal  chords,  and  are  imparted  to  the  surrounding  medium,  the 
air,  by  means  of  which  they  are  propagated.  In  this  medium 
between  the  speaker  and  the  hearer,  the  energy  of  the  voice  exists 
as  sound-waves.     'I'his  is  e([nally  true  for  '  speaking-tubes.' 

*'In  the  telephonic  transmission,  the  voice  exists  first  as  these 
aerial  sound-waves,  then  as  electrical  pulses  or  uudulations,  and 
finally  as  aerial  waves  again. 

*'  The  difference  between  the  tAvo  cases  lies  solely  in  the  medium 
through  which  the  electrical  energy  is  propagated. 

**  'Die  voice  is  manifest  in  the  one  case  a^*  the  energy  of  vibrating 
air -particles  only;  whilst  in  the  other  it  exists  in  addition  at  one 
peri(Hl  of  its  transmission,  as  the  energy  of  what  is  called  an  elec- 
trical cuiTent. 

*'The  difference  is  not  fundamental;  and  according  to  our 
ordinary  way  of  speaking  we  may  say  that  one  whose  ear  is  applied 
to  a  receiving  telephone  tloes  hear  the  voice  of  the  s^Kjaker  at  the 
transmitting  instrument. 

Dr.  O'Reilly  aptly  illustrates  the  case  of  necessity  by 
"  that  of  a  lighthouse-keeper  (say)  off  Fastnet.  He  is  in 
cable  connection  with  the   mainland.      He  might   be   in 


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Theoloe/ical  N0U9.  4d& 

txtrtmU^  or  h^  might  be  aasailed  bj  a  forious  tempest  and 
in  imminent  danger  of  losing  his  life  and  unable  to  get  a 
priest  over  from  shore.  Of  coarse  a  telephone  could  be^ 
and  has  been  used  on  short  cables." 

1  have  now  set  before  the  readers  of  the  Beoord  the 
considerations  which  led  me  to  think  that  the  article  by 
Father  O'Dwyer  was  not  the  "last  word"  science  might 
have  to  say  on  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament 
of  Penance. 

Thomas  Livits,  CSS.R 


THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


How  IS  A  DlSPENSATIOX  FULMINATED  ? 

FIRST  of  all,  a  delegate  cannot  act  as  such  until  he  has 
received  the  document  containing  his  commission. 
Intimation  that  it  has  been  sent  forward,  or  a  copy  of  it, 
will  not  suffice.  "Ex  tunc  terminus  incipit  cuiTere,  cum 
judices  contigerit  litteras  ref'episBe,*^  is  the  legal  expression 
of  this  truth.^  And  accordingly  Schmalzgrueber^  says^ 
power  is  wanting,  *'  antequam  literae  Apostolicae  ipsi  in 
ori^nali  praesententur,  etsi  aliunde  jam  sciat  illas  fuisse 
concessas."  This,  however,  applies  only  to  mandates  for 
which  writing  is  necessary.  In  other  cases  no  such 
formality  is  of  strict  obligation. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  the  same  eminent  canonist' points 
out,  after  receiving  authority  to  dispense,  it  will  not  be 
enough  to  state  to  the  petitioners  that  power  to  remove  tlio 
impediment  has  been  delegated,  and  that  they  have  there- 
after full  permission  to  contract  marriage  before  the  parish 
priest.  Culmination  is  performed,  not  by  declaring  that 
the  impediment  has  been  taken  away,  but  by  its  actual 
removal.  All  the  Holy  See  or  Ordinary  did  was  to  grant 
dispensing  power.  It  remains  for  the  delegate  to  use  that 
power.  Sins  are  not  wiped  out  by  a  confessor  declaiing 
the  penitent  already  absolved.     Neither  is  an  impediment 

^  Cap.  12,  de  appellathne,  in  fine ;  Pyrrhns  Corradus  Ij.  vii.,  C.  6,n.  5. 
»  Tom.  iv.,  Part  iii.,  Tit.  xvi.,  Sect,  vii.,  n.  229  ;  Zitelli,  p.  95 ;  and 
De  Angelis,  L.  L,  T.  zxix.,  n.  5,  p.  127. 
•  Id.  ibid ;  Planchard,  p.  132. 


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-456  Tlieological  Notes. 

Temoved  by  a  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  delegate  that 
it  has  ceased  to  exist.  And  this  is  so,  as  well  when  there 
is  question  of  contracting  for  the  first  time,  as  when,  in 
the  confessional  or  outside  of  it,  permission  is  given  to 
Tenew  the  consent,  whether  pubhcly  or  privately. 

In  every  case,  then,  the  "  executor  dispensationis  in 
forma  commissaria,"  must  eliminate  the  impediment  by 
-actually  granting  a  dispensation.  Otherwise  the  process  is 
not  what  he  was  commissioned  to  complete.  Nor  is  this 
Ihe  only  inconvenience  that  may  arise  from  such  a  mistake. 
For,  although  the  commission  remains  unexecuted,  it  does 
not  follow  that  the  delegate  is  still  free  to  disohargef  it 
On  the  contrary,  if,  after  a  mere  declaration  that  a  dispen- 
sation has  been  procured,  and  every  obstacle  taken  out  of 
their  way,  the  petitioners  should  contract  an  alliance  for 
the  first  time,  or  even  renew  their  consent,  the  result  in 
almost  every  case  will  be  that  the  delegate's  powers  do 
not  at  all  apply  to  the  altered  circumstances.^  The  veiy 
wording  ot  the  mandate  will  show  thia  It  speaks  of  a 
-state  of  things  which  did,  but  does  no  longer,  exist  for  the 
petitioners.  Hence  the  delegate  must  needs  seek  a 
fresh  dispensation,  or  letters  of  "  Perinde  valere'' 
Prevention,  obviously,  has  here  in  full  its  proverbial  advan- 
tage over  cure.  Prevention,  however,  in  the  case  is  a 
matter  of  no  great  difficulty.  Not  many  things  in  all  are 
necessary  to  secure  fulmination  from  being  invalid  on 
account  of  this  or  any  other  defect.  Let  us  see  what  they 
^re. 

The  person  deputed  has  already  examined  the  terms  of 
the  commission,  and  found  that  he  is  possessed  of  the 
necessary  qualifications.  The  document  too  is  clearly 
authentic.  He  reads  it,  and  knows  the  limits  within 
which  its  clauses  and  conditions  confine  his  power.  The 
petition  is  verified.  Its  obligations  are  imposed  and  dis- 
charged so  far  as  is  pre-required.  Should  a  hitch,  which  he 
thinks  deserves  such  treatment,  occur,  he  will  have  pro- 
cured letters ''Perinde  valere."  It  now  only  remains  to 
absolve  the  penitent  and  fulminate  the  dispensation.  How 
is  he  to  act  in  this  important  matter  ? 

The  procedm-e  in  faro  externa  is  difierent  from  that  in 
foro  intemo.  Let  us  take  them  in  order,'dealing  primarily  in 
•each  instance,  with  Papal  dispensations. 

'  Schmalzg.  In  loc.  cit. ;  Reiffeust.,  T.  iv.  Appendix  de  dispen- 
«atione  super  inipedimentis  Matrimonii,  n.  299. 


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Theological  Notes.  457 

In  Foro  Externo. 

To  make  sure  the  validity  of  falraination  in  foro  externo^. 
several  conditions  are  required.  They  are  thus  enumerated 
by  Planchard : — ^ 

J.  The  decree  of  fulmination  should  be  in  writing. 

2.  It  rawBtperse  come  from  the  delegate  himself. 

3.  Mention  of  delegation  and  its  source  is  expressly 
made. 

4.  Formal  language  is  required.  For  instance :  I 
dispense  such  and  such  a  person  from  such  an  impediment. 

5.  When  inserted,  theiegftftTwatfon  clause  is  to  receive  due^ 
effect. 

A  short  explanation  of  these  conditions  will  have  the 
additional  advantage  of  bringing  forward  points  which 
otherwise  should  receive  separate  notice. 

1b  writing  necessary!  Some  answer  in  the  negative^ 
But  others,  especially  since  Propaganda,  in  1869,  insisted 
on  it  in  dispensations,  look  upon  oral  fulmination  in  foro- 
externo^  if  not  as  void,  at  least  as  doubtful  and  unsafe  in 
practice.  Hence  the  decree  should  be  in  writing.  And,, 
although  strictly  this  appUes  only  to  the  act  of  relaxing  the 
impediment,  it  would  be  well,  by  all  means,  to  follow  the 
same  course  when  previously  giving  effect  to  the  clauses  that 
occur.  At  the  same  time,  there  is  no  diflSculty  about  oral 
procedure  up  to  the  decree  of  fulmination,  provided  alwaya 
that  mention  in  detail  is  therein  made  of  their  fulfilment. 
To  omit  all  reference  to  them  is  inconsistent  with  a  full 
discharge  of  the  delegate's  commission.  It  need  scarcely 
be  added  that,  in  lu'gent  cases,  imtimation  that  a 
dispensation  has  been  fulminated,  may  be  sent  even  by 
telegraph. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  delegate  Apostolie 
cannot  consign  his  work  to  anyone  else,  unleps  permission 
is  given  to  that  effect.  Such  permission  is  found  chiefly 
in  dispensations  from  the  Holy  Office  and  Propaganda  for 
mixed  marriages.  In  other  cases,  all  the  acts,  such  as 
imposing  the  penance,  determining  the  alms,  legitimation,, 
except  alone  verifying  the  petition,  must  be  gone  through 
by  the  delegate  in  person.  But  the  petitioners  need  not 
be  present  with  him  for  any  of  them.'' 

1  P.  108,  n.  249. 

2  Feije,  p.  753,  n.  754  ;  Planchard,  n.  865  ;  Zitelli,  p.  95  ;  Cf.  tamen 
Smith's  Canon  Law,  V.  i.,  p.  104,  nn.  239,  240. 

«  Feije,  J  bid. 


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458  Theological  Notes. 

NsLj  more,  he  can  discharge  hie  commission  though  far 
away  from  the  diocese,  Neitlier  the  acts  just  named,  nor 
any  others  which  he  must  perform,  such  as  separation  and 
absolution,  require  his  presence  within  the  diocesan 
boundary.  They  do  not  involve  the  exercise  of  contentious 
jurisdiction,  if  we  except  judicial  verification  of  the  priayer. 
And,  where  it  is  in  use,  there  need  be  no  difficulty  about 
entrusting  it  to  a  competent  person,  who  will  conduct  the 
process  within  the  diocese.  Hence,  Bishops  and  Vicars- 
General,  when  delegated  by  the  Holy  See  "  ad  dispen- 
^ationem  exeqaendam,'*  after  seeing  to  all  the  preliminaries 
contained  in  the  clauses,  frequently  fulminate  '*  in  absentea," 
and  send  tho  decree  of  fulmination,  or  a  copy  of  it,  to  the 
parish  priest,  with  instructions  to  put  himself  in  com- 
munication with  the  petitioners,  and  assist  at  their 
marriage,  if  they  remain  obedient  to  the  conditions.      The 

})aiish  priest  8  duty  here  is  of  the  same  kind  as  when 
le  receives  an  episcopal  dispensation  not  requiring 
fulmination  at  his  hands.  But  he  himself  may  be  appointed 
*^  ad  exequendam  dispeusatiouem  '*  by  his  Bishop,  or  even 
by  the  Holy  See,  and,  in  that  event,  his  proper  coui'se,  after 
taking  all  precautions  already  described  as  iucumbent  on  a 
delegate,  is  to  fulminate  the  dispensation^  *'  in  praesentes." 
Should  he  suspect  the  genuineness  of  the  document,  or 
detect  a  substantial  defect  of  any  kind,  his  surest  remedy 
lies  in  recourse  to  the  Bishop.  The  same  is  true  if  the 
petitioners,  or  either  of  them,  refuse  to  abide  by  the 
conditions.^ 

The  Commissionarius  will  always  mention  the  source  of 
his  authority.  Thus  :  "  Ego  auctoritate  a  SS™°  Domino 
Nostro  .  .  .  (or)  '*  Ego  auctoritate  ab  Illustrissimo  et 
Reverendissimo  Episcopo  .  .  .  mihi  mandate  22  Januar. 
1885,  specialiter  delegata  .  .  ."  The  date  is  not  neces- 
sary. But  it  should  not  be  omitted,  as  fulmination  is  to 
constitute  ever  after  the  official  proof  that  a  dispensation 
was  granted.^ 

The  fourth  point  above  referred  to  as  of  obligation 
requires  no  special  treatment.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the 
person  or  persons  concerned  should  be  fully  named,  and 
the  particular  impediment  or  impediments  clearly  stated. 
How  this  is  done  can  be  seen  in  the  form  which  follows  a 
little  further  down. 

^  Van  de  Burgt,  De  dispensationibas  matrimonialibus,  p.  71. 
^  Id.  ibid.  »  Planchard,  p.  132,  n.  306 ;  Feije,  n.  755. 

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'Theological  Notes.  459 

For  obvious  reasons  a  legitimation  clause  is  not  always 
found  in  the  mandate.  In  its  absence  the  delegate  must 
not  fulminate  as  if  it  were  present.^  For  although  the 
general  faculties  of  an  indult  are  per  se  to  be  widely 
interpreted,  it  is  otherwise  with  a  particular  commission. 
Hence  the  S.  Penitentiary  decided  in  1859  that  unless  the 
olause  expressly  occurs,  the  delegate,  who  wishes  to  use  the 
powers  it  conveys,  must  make  fresh  application  for  them. 
They  are  very  important.  Subsequent  marriage  will,  most 
probably,  legitimize  such  children  as  are  born  after  its 
celebratio'j.  But  it  is  diflferent  with  those  bom  previously.* 
They  require  the  benefit  of  a  special  clause.  This  need 
appears  certain  if  both  parents  knew  of  the  existence 
of  an  impediment  from  the  beginning,  and  fairly  pro- 
bable, when  one,  if  not  both  were  bonajide  in  the  original 
contract.  Occasionally  the  legitimation  clause  is  only 
ad  ahundantiam^  as,  for  instance,  where  it  refers  to  future 
offspring.  Even  then  the  delegate  is  not  free  to  omit  it 
But  should  he  do  so  in  this  particular  case,  there  is  no 
necessity  for  undertaking  the  matter  anew.  In  all  others 
the  proper  course,  on  remembering  the  oversight,  is  to 
return  to  the  work  and  bring  it  to  completion.  The  lapse 
of  some  time  need  not  form  an  obstacle.  Nay,  his  successor 
in  office  can  take  up  and  perfect  this  portion  of  the  trust. 
Neither  does  the  power  cease  by  the  death  of  one  or  both 
petitioners.  It  lapses  only  when  of  their  own  free  will  they 
bid  farewell  to  the  marriage  for  which  the  dispensation  was 
procured.  "Proles  adulterina'*  is  specially  excepted  from 
the  benefit  of  legitimation. 

As  regards  the  words  to  be  used  in  fulminating  a  dis- 
pensation, no  settled  form  is  obligatory.  To  make  the  act 
valid  three  or  four  lines  will  suffice.  But  for  complete 
discharge  of  his  trust  the  delegate  will  require  to  follow  in 
6ubstanco  the  outline  here  subjoined.  It  is  condensed, 
with  slight  modifications,  from  those  given  by  Zitelli'*  and 
Van  de  Burgt* 

Nnper  ex  parte  N.  N.  et  iV.  X.  nohk  exldbitum  est 
viandatum  Apostolicum  (or,  lllmi,  et  Rmi.  Episcopi 
.  .  .  )  die  .  .  .  mense  .  .  .  anno  .  .  ,  ad  dispensaftdum  cum 
tpsis  in  ,  .  .  ,et  nobis  pro  executione  commissum.  Jllitd  omni 
qna  decuit  recerentia  accepinius,  sedulo perlegimus et  in  nullo  sive 

1  Feije,n.  7-tO;  Planchard  nn.  221,  222. 

2  Planchard,  nn.  199,  220,  270.     Feije,  I.e. 

^  r.  90,  note.  *  P.  72 ;  Cf.  Ueiffenstuel,  1.?.,  n.  3C5. 


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460  Theological  Notes. 

vitiatum  sivesuspectum  invenimus.  NoSyitaque^  post  Litteramm 
praesentationem,servatamandatiforniaysuperea:positisdiligentem 
informationem  institidmus,  per  quam  repertum  est  (verbal 
repetition  of  the  tenor  of  the  mandate  is  the  beet  way  of 
referring  to  verification  and  the  other  conditions)  |?rec^» 
veritate  fulciri,  aliudque  non  obstare  impedimentum^  neque 
scandalum  ex  dupensatione  ense  orituriim  (or  instead  of  neque^ 
scandalum  *  ...  it  may  be  '  Quapropter  praefatos  orators 
N,  N.  et  N.  N,  ab  innicem  separavimus  .  .  .  et  poenitentiam 
injuximus  .  .  .  with  a  statement  in  detail  that  everything^ 
required  has  been  done).  Propterea^  visis  videndis^  servatisque 
servandifiy  noSj  N,  N.  lllmi,  et  RemL  D,  N,  Episcopi  .  .  . 
Vicarius  Generalise  per  Sanctissimum  D,  N,  Lennem  PP., 
XTIL  judex  et  executor,  ut  supruy  deputatus  (or  N.  N,  Parochm 
Ecclesiae  Parochialis  N,  per  lUmurn.  et  Hmum.  .  .  .  hpiscopum 
,  .  .  virtute  facultaiis  Apostolicae  tribntae  per  Indultnm  SS. 
D.  K  Leonis  Div.  Prov.  PP.  Xlll  diei  .  .  .  18,  a(f 
supra  dicta  specialiter  deputatus)^  auctoritat^;  ApostoUca  (or, 
ab  Illmo.  et  Ihrw,  Episcopo)  nobis  sic  specialiter  delcgata^ 
absolvimus  praedictos  oratoreSj  N,  N.  et  N,  N,  (or,  ros  N,  N. 
.  .  .  ,  using  the  second  person  of  the  pronoun  to  the  end) 
ah  omnibiis  sententiis  poenis  et  censuris  ecclesiasticis,  in 
ordine  ad  praesentem  gratiam  valide  cousequ^ndam  {et  pariter 
tadem  auctoritate  eos  absolvimus  a  reatu  incesttis)  atque 
dispensamus  cum  iis  super  impedimento  {vel  impedimentis) 
,  .  .  ut  valide  et  licite  inatrimonium  contrahere  et  in  in  eodem 
postmodum  renianere  valeant  (insuper  prolem  susceptam  ret 
suscipiendam  legimitam  esse  nitntiamus  et  declaramus.)  In 
nomine  Pair  is  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti,     A  men. 

In  quorum  /idem  praesentes  manu  nostra  suhscrlpsimns 
N.  N.  pie.  .  .  .  Mens  .  .  .  Ann.  18  .  .  . 

This  outline  may  appear  over-lengthened.  But  it  is 
shorter  for  particular  cases  than  it  looks.  It  contains  a 
number  of  alternatives,  which  of  course  do  not  come  up 
together  in  practice.  The  delegate  may  speak  in  ^he 
singular  or  plural  number.  It  is  not  necessary  to  address 
the  petitioners  in  the  second  person.  The  parish  priest, 
however,  fulminating  "  in  praesentes  "  more  commonly  uses 
the  singular  number  spealciug  of  himself,  and  inserts  *'r(M," 
^^vobiscum'*  and  ^^valeatis.''  The  proper  alterations  are 
easily  made  when  the  executor  has  to  fulminate  a  dis- 
pensation for  only  one  person.  So  Uke\vise  the  mandate 
itself  will  clearly  suggest  the  slight  changes,  such  as 
'* de  novo'*  before  ^^ contrahere,'  that  are  desirable  where 
an  invalid  marriage  has  been  already  contracted. 


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Theological  NoUa.  461 

The  absolntion  from  incestusy  in/oro  extemo^  will  remove 
any  local  re«erTation  or  censure,  attached  to  that  crime,  in 
mtronue  foro?  And,  on  the  other,  although  since  the 
Bulla  Apostolicae  Sedis  no  Papal  censure  is  annexed, 
still  from  the  commission  containing  authority  to  absolve 
from  it,  the  inference  is  that  in  the  particular  case 
juridical  absolution  can  be  given  in/oro  extemOy  and  in 
foro  intemo  non  sacramentali  by  the  oelegate  alone.  But 
the  reservation  does  not  extend  to  the  fonim  internum 
sacramenialf. 

It  was  mentioned  above  that  the  act  of  fulmination 
should  be  in  writing.  One  reason  for  this  is  that  the 
petitioner  or  petitioners  are  to  receive  an  authentic  copy.- 
rhe  original  and  the  letters  of  commission  are  preserved 
by  the  delegate. 

The  same  may  be  said  in  reference  to  dispensations 
granted  in  forma  gratio»a.  The  parish  priest  or  other 
delegate  will  deliver  the  original  or  an  authentic  copy  of 
the  document  to  the  petitioners.  He  also  carefully 
preserves  one  or  other  himself.  Perhaps  it  mav  be  well 
to  insist  once  more  that  the  many  points  discussed  in  these 
pages  bear  on  dispensations  in  forma  commisaaria  alone,, 
unless  the  contrary  be  stated. 

So  far  we  have  dealt  with  the  mode  of  fulminating^ 
simple  dispensations  in  foro  externo.  Before  passing  to  the 
still  more  practical  matter  of  the  internal  forum^  it  may 
be  Well  to  supplement  what  has  been  said  by  some 
reference  to  the  execution  of  '*  Sanationea  in  radice  in  foro 
extemo." 

That  this  special  and  privileged  kind  of  dispensation  is 
sometimes  granted  by  the  Holy  See  in  foro  extemo  need 
scarcely  be  stated.  How  the  delegate  is  to  act  may,  in  the 
main,  be  gathered  from  what  has  been  said  of  his  office  in 
connection  with  simple  dispensations.  The  peculiar  points 
are  readily  undereiood  from  the  nature  of  the  case. 
They  are,  however,  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  vary 
largely  with  the  special  tenor  of  each  petition.  Hence 
the  delegate's  obvious  duty' is  to  read  over  the  mandatum 
carefully,  for  it  will  contain  full  instructions  for  his 
guidance. 

If  neither  is  required  to  renew  consent,  the  parish  priest. 


'  Feije,  p.  788,  n.  743  ;  Planchard,  p.  95,  n.  216. 
a  Id.,  p.  760.  n.  768  ;  Zit^lli,  p.  95.  »  Feije,  p.  780,  n.  772 

VOL.  VI.  2  L 


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462  Theological  Notes. 

when  selected  as  delegate,  will  introduce  some  such  change 
as  this  into  the  general  form  after  the  absolution : 

"•      .     .      Conjugium  ab  iis  nulliter  contractum  in 
radice  sano  et  convalido ;  prolemque  .     .     .  Amen.** 

He  also  takes  care'  to  discharge  the  duty  as  often  as 
his  commission  lays  it  npon  him,  of  discreetly  communi- 
cating to  one  or  both  of  the  parties,  or  to  the  pubUc,  a 
knowledge  of  what  has  been  done.  Plainly,  too,  if  possible, 
fulmination  should  be  performed  at  a  time  when  both 
contrahentes  are  presumably  in  the  state  of  grace. 

Where  one  of  them  is  to  renew  consent,  the  delegate, 
after  fulmination,  will  be  careful  to  give  instruction  to  that 
effect.  He  should  also,  as  far  as  he  can,  make  sure  that 
the  person  concerned  will  go  to  confession  before  renewal 
As  the  parish  priest  will  have  the  individual  before  him, 
this  can  be  secured  without  much  difficulty,  at  least  in 
most  cases.  Hence,  too,  his  custom  is  to  employ  the 
second  person  of  address  —  "Matrimonium  a  te  N.  N. 
cum  •  .  .  *'  Here,  again,  an  obUgation  may  be  imposed  of 
prudenth  divulging  to  the  other  party,  or  even  to  tho 
public,  tne  fact  that  a  dispensation  m  radice  had  been  pro- 
cured and  applied. 

Lastly,  it  is  to  be  obei-ved  that  in  public  cases,  a 
rescript  containing  a  sanatio  m  radice  is,  as  a  rule,  minute 
in  requiring  a  full  copy  of  all  the  acts  to  be  given  to,  and 
preserved  by,  the  petitioner.  The  delegate  will  retain  the 
document  commissioning  him  to  act,  and  thereto  attached, 
or  separately,  a  form  of  acceptation  signed  by  the  petitioner, 
as  well  as  the  decree  of  fulmination  including  absolution 
and  reference  to  such  clauses  as  occurred.  But  of  all  these 
proceedings  he  will  hand  a  full  and  authentic  copy  to  the 
person  interested.  A  non-Catholic  never  signs  this  accepta- 
tion, iust  as  he  (or  she)  is  never  included  in  the  absolution. 

These  details  of  the  forum  exteimum  have  extended  so 
far  that  we  deem  it  better  to  reserve  "  f ulminatio  in  foro 
interno  "  for  a  future  number. 

Patrick  O'Donnell, 

'  Van  De  Burgt.,  pp.  121,  r>3. 

*  Planchard,  p.  171 ;  Feije,  p.  781 ;  Burgt,  Lc. 


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[    463    ] 

lONA,  S.  COLUMBA,  AND  THE  WESTERN 
HIGHLANDS. 

SETTING  out  from  Amiens-street,  Dublin,  I  reached 
Belfast  by  train,  and  took  the  steamer  to  the  Clyde. 
I  got  out  at  Greenock,  and  waited  for  the  boat  coming 
down  from  Glasgow.  It  arrived  about  9  A.M.,  and  took  us 
through  the  Kyles  of  Bute  to  Ardrishaig  on  the  Crinan 
CanaL  Here  the  steamer  turned  off  to  Inverary;  and, 
leaving  it,  I  got  on  the  boat  drawn  by  horses  over  the 
canal,  at  the  end  of  which  another  steamer  awaited  us, 
and  brought  us  by  sea  to  Oban.  This  place  I  intended  as 
a  centre  from  which  to  make  a  few  excursions  to  lona  and 
the  Western  Highlands. 

One  of  these  was  to  lona  and  Staffa.  Starting  from 
Oban  at  8  A.M.,  and  keeping  the  isle  of  Carrera  to  the 
right,  our  steamer  went  on  the  south  side  of  Mull  which 
seemed  a  rocky  sort  of  island,  with  hills  of  considerable 
elevation  towards  the  centre. 

As  we  approached  lona,  we  had  a  view  of  it  in  its 
greatest  length,  which  is  about  three  miles,  lying  nearly 
north  and  south,  with  a  low  range  of  hills  running  through 
the  centre,  but  somewhat  higher  towards  the  north. 
Midway  between  those  hills  and  the  near  shore  we  are 
approaching  are  forty  or  fifty  houses.  Altogether  lona 
seems  dark  and  gloomy.  Between  those  houses  and  the 
near  or  eastern  shore  is  a  level  plain,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or 
so  in  breadth,  on  which  are  placed  those  monastic  build* 
ijigs  we  are  in  quest  of. 

The  buildings  are  all  unroofed.  There  are  two 
churches ;  the  greater  is  called  the  Cathedral ;  the  smaller, 
S.  Oran*s  Chapel.  The  Cathedral  is  for  the  greater  pai-t 
built  of  red  sandstone,  and  is  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation. 
The  walls  seem  to  be  of  the  full  height,and  in  no  part  broken 
down.  But  whether  this  is  owing  to  modem  restoration, 
or  that  they  were  so  preserved  from  ancient  times,  I  cannot 
telL  S.  Oran's  Chapel  is  the  more  ancient  of  the  two, 
being  built  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  in  the 
time  of  Queen  Margaret.  It  is  an  oblong  building  about 
forty  or  fifty  feet  in  length,  and  of  proportionate  breadth. 
The  walls  are  plain,  with  scarcely  any  ornament,  except 
some  mouldings  around  the  entrance  doorway.  The 
windows  are  very  small  on  each  side,  near  the  altar.  It 
also  is  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation. 


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464        lona^  S,  Colwnba,  and  the  Western  Highland 8. 

The  Cathedral  consists  of  two  parts — the  eastern,  with 
a  square  tower  at  its  west  end ;  the  tower  and  most  of  the 
church  being  in  thq  Norman  style;  and  the  western, 
subsequently  added,  in  the  Gothic  style,  with  pointed 
arches.  The  passage  from  one  division  to  the  other  is  by 
a  narrow  doorway  through  the  tower.  The  eastern 
portion  was  the  first  built,  with  the  high  altar  in  the  east 
end  ;  and  may  be  about  sixty  or  seventy  feet  long.^  But 
the  bare  walls  only  remain,  the  altar  and  everything  else 
bding  entirely  removed.  The  western  division  is  not  equal 
in  length  to  the  other.  In  this  portion  of  the  building 
there  are  two  recesses  in  the  wall  on  the  east  side,  one 
each  side  of  the  central  tower,  which  our  guide  said  were 
used  for  confessionals.  It  might  be  so ;  or  they  might 
have  been  made  for  side  altars.  In  the  south-western 
comer  here  they  point  out  the  place  where  S.Columba  was 
interred.  The  eastern  portion  of  the  Cathedral  is  also 
enlarged  by  the  addition,  on  the  south  side,  of  an  aisle  in 
the  Gothic  style.  The  arches  by  which  the  aisle  opens 
into  the  body  of  the  church  seem  rather  low ;  but  that 
may  be  owing  to  the  floor  being  raised  by  an  accumulation 
of  rubbish. 

There  are  two  buildings  outside,  north  and  south  of  the 
tower,  and  connected  Avith  it.  I  think  they  could  not  be 
intended  for  transepts,  as  they  do  not  open  into  the  body  of 
the  church  but  into  the  tower,  though  the  doors  from 
them  into  the  tower  are  now  closed  up  with  masonrj*. 
They  might  have  been  side  chapels,  or  for  some  such 
purpose. 

Adjoining  the  Cathedral  are  remains  of  domestic 
buildings,  but  in  a  very  ruinous  state.  The  principal  room, 
which  IS  of  considerable  extent,  is  pointed  out  as  the 
refectory  of  the  monastery.  Near  the  western  door  of  the 
churcn  is  what  remains  of  the  cloister — the  walls  in  three 
sides  of  the  square — but  the  inner  arches,  which  bounded 
the  covered  paspage,  have  been  all  removed. 

There  are  two  stone  crosses,  one  near  the  western  door 
of  the  Cathedral,  the  other  at  some  distance'from  it,  about 
the  same  height  as  those  so  frequently  to  be  seen  in 
Ireland,  but  of  less  thickness,  and  with  the  sculptures  in 
lower  relief.  One  of  them  is  called  S.  Maitin's;  probably 
from  the  St.  of  Tours,  to  whom  there  was  devotion  in  the 

^'  The  dimensions  specified  here  are  merely  from  my  impressions  as 
looked  on  at  the  time.     I  had  no  means  of  measuring  them. 


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lonu,  S.  Columba,  and  the  WesUrn  Highlands.         465 

early  Church  of  Scotland.  The  other  is  named  M*Clean*8. 
I  had  only  a  distant  view  of  the  nunnery.  It  seems  to  be 
in  a  very  ruinous  state. 

The  cemetery  is  no  longer  to  be  searched  for.  All  the 
tombstones  are  collected  together,  and  placed  flat  on  the 
ground,  side  by  side,  and  surrounded  by  an  iron  railing 
for  their  preservation.  This  makes  the  inspection  of  them 
easier  for  the  tourist;  but  their  separation  from  the  sites 
where  the  remains  were  deposited  diminishes  the  interest 
for  more  serious  visitors.  On  these  slabs  are  sculptured 
figures  of  the  deceased,  occupying  nearly  the  full  length 
and  breadth  of  the  slabs.  Some  are  nuns,  as  appears  by 
the  veil  and  reUgious  habit,  some  are  bishops,  some  abbots, 
some  are  kings,  some  chieftains.  One  was  pointed  out  as 
a  crusader.  The  inscriptions  are  not  conspicuous ;  but  a 
close  examination  would  discover  them. 

The  reader  needs  scarcely  be  told  that  those  buildings 
at  lona,  of  wliich  I  have  spoken,  do  not  date  from  the 
time  of  S.  Columba.  The  earliest  of  them  is  only  from 
about  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century.  But  on  the  site 
now  before  us  stood  the  primitive  oratory  of  S.  Columba, 
built  of  wattles  or  timber  of  some  sort,  and  covered  with 
straw  or  reeds;  and  grouped  around  it  were  the  cells  or 
huts  of  similar  materials  for  himself  and  his  companions, 
each  having  a  separate  cell.  "  Tuguiioliun  "  is  the  term 
Adamnan  generally  uses  to  designate  Columba's  cell.  Here 
in  that  cell  he  prayed,  and  worked  at  his  favourite  employ- 
ment of  transcribing  the  Scriptures.  Here  he  received  the 
business  visits  of  members  of  the  community,  asking  the 
permissions  which  the  rule  required.  For  strangers  there 
was  a  separate  building,  called  the  Hospice,  where  they 
were  received  and  entertained. 

Such  was  the  original  church  to  which  the  bell  sum- 
moned the  community  at  lona  to  public  prayer,  to  Mass, 
or  the  singing  of  the  divine  office.  Such  was  the  com- 
mencement of  that  monastic  institute  which  planted  the 
faith  amongst  the  Picts  of  Scotland,  and  founded  churches 
and  branches  of  the  order  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 
From  this,  after  Columba's  death,  went  Aidan,  and  his 
successors,  into  England,  and  founded  from  Lindisfarne, 
the  churches  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom  from  the  Tyne 
to  the  Tweed ;  and  in  part,  also,  those  southward,  as  far 
as  the  Humber.i 

1  Venerable  Bede,  iii.,  3,  with  Mr.  Gile's  notes. 

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466         lona^  S.  Columba,  and  the  Westeim  Highlands^ 

lona  seems  lonely  and  desolate,  and  not  picturesque, 
unlike  in  this  respect  many  monastic  sites  in  Ireland. 
But  the  ocean  views  that  surround  it,  and  the  distant 
mountains,  invest  it  with  a  sublime  grandeur ;  and, 
during  the  tempests  that  prevail  here,  the  scene  must 
be  terrific.  But  what  forms  the  attractive  force  of  lona  is 
the  memories  that  hang  over  it,  like  a  bright  cloud,  of  Saint 
Ojlumba  and  his  twelve  companions,  who  landed  here  in 
the  year  563,  and  founded  a  monastic  establishment  that 
was  for  many  centuries  the  centre  of  important  events  and 
influences.  Coming  here,  he  escaped  the  dangers  of 
Corry bracken,  a  whirlpool  near  the  north  coast  of  Ireland, 
then  dreaded  bynavigators.  Butwhetherhecameunscathed 
through  every  other  kind  of  charybdis  in  Ireland  is  not  so 
certain.  We  will  then  retrace  his  steps  a  little,  and 
inquu-e. 

Columba  was  bom  in  521,  amongst  the  mountain 
recesses  of  Donegal,  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  that  borders  on 
some  pretty  lakes  near  Gartan,  and  in  the  parish  of  that 
name.  He  was  a  member  of  the  royal  family  which,  at 
that  time,  ruled  the  north-west  districts  of  Ireland,  being 
descended  from  Connor  Gulban,  the  common  ancestor  of 
the  Princes  of  Tirowen  and  Tirconnell.  Columba  belonged 
to  the  latter.  After  leaving  home  he  received  his  further 
education,  first,  at  Moville,  in  the  Co.  Down,  and  after- 
wards in  Clonard — monastic  houses  lately  founded  by 
saints  of  the  name  of  Finnian.  While  at  Clonard  he 
received  priest's  orders.  Being  thus  trained  in  monastic 
discipline,  he  became  himself  the  founder  of  monasteries, 
first,  at  Derry,  in  545,  and  afterwards  at  Durrow,  in  553. 
In  the  government  of  these,  and  founding  of  others,  and 
visiting  different  parts  of  Ireland,  he  was  occupied  till  his 
forty-second  year,  when  he  removed  to  lona. 

Here  the  question  may  arise,  what  led  to  this  resolve? 
The  more  common  account  amongst  the  Irish  writers  is, 
that  his  leaving  Ireland  was  not  voluntary ;  that  it  was 
imposed  as  a  penance  for  his  supposed  connexion  with  the 
war  between  the  monarch  and  the  Clanconnell :  indeed 
some  call  it  an  exile.  Adamnan  does  not  notice  this 
account,  but  says  that  it  was  "pro  Christo,*'  t.e.,  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  and  seek  the  salvation  of  souls  in  a  loreign 
country,  as  he  had  long  before  designed — "  sicut  quondam 
mente  proposuerat" — and  then  found  the  favourable 
opportunity. 

Under  these  circumstances  some  details  become  neces- 


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lona^  S,  Columba,  and  the  Western  Highlands.         467 

sary.  While  at  Moville,  Columba  transcribed  a  copy  of  the 
psalms  belon^ng  to  St.  Finnian,  without  the  owner's 
permission.  On  learning  the  affair,  Finnian  claimed  the 
transcript  as  his  right;  and  the  monarch,  to  whose 
judgment  it  was  referred,  decided  in  his  favour — strangely 
applying  the  maxim  that,  as  *'the  calt  belongs  to  the 
owner  of  the  cow,*'  so  the  copy  should  belong  to  the 
owner  of  the  book  transcribed.  Indignant  at  the  decision, 
Columba  is  said  to  have  returned  home,  and  incited  his 
countrymen  to  war  against  the  monarch,  with  the  result 
of  the  battle  of  Culdreunne. 

Another  cause  of  the  war  is  alleged:  that  a  young 
prince,  charged  with  homicide,  was  seized,  while  under 
the  protection  of  Columba,  by  the  monarch,  and  put  to 
death  ;  the  right  of  sanctuary  being  thus  violated.  There 
is  no  historic  improbability  in  this.  If  we  admit  it,  I 
think  we  should  say  Columba  was  at  fault,  for  the  right 
of  sanctuary  was  never  intended  for  such  cases,  and  the 
monarch  had  the  right  to  adjudicate  the  matter. 

But  in  looking  for  the  causes  of  the  war,  why  search 
deeply  fol:  what  Ties  on  the  surface?  There  was  a  con- 
stant state  of  warfare  in  Ireland,  as  in  all  other  countries, 
in  those  times,  and  pretences  for  war*  were  easily  found 
or  made ;  and  considering  the  passions  and  interests 
involved  in  those  wars  of  less  civilised  times,  the  specious 
and  fanciful  pretences  alleged  will  be  no  more  the  causes  of 
the  war  than  the  pith  of  elder  ball,  that  oscillates  in  the  air, 
is  the  cause  of  the  effects  produced  by  the  electric 
machine. 

.Whatever  was  the  cause,  a  war  broke  out  between  the 
Monarch  Diarmod  and  Columba's  countrymen,  and  at 
Culdrimne,^  in  Drumclifie,  near  Sligo,  a  battle  was  fought 
in  which  the  monarch  was  defeated  with  gi'eat  slaughter. 
Here  was  a  sad  spectacle.  In  view  of  Benbulbin,  which 
should  have  reminded  the  Clanconnell  of  their  near  kindred 
to  Diarmad,^  the  defeated  monarch  was  obliged  to  fly. 

Was  Columba  the  cause  of  this  ?     Some  must  have  been 


^Dr.  Reeves,  the  Editor  and  Annotator  of  Adainnan's  Life  of 
S.  Columba,  says  the  Church  of  Dnuncliffe  marks  the  site  of  the  battle. 
In  every  part  of  this  Paper  I  am  indebted  to  him. 

The  Monarch  Diarmad  was  descended  from  Nial  of  the  Nine 
Hostages,  the  father  of  Connor  Gulban.  From  the  latter  the  mountain 
alluded  to  took  its  name :  the  Clanconnell  in  those  ancient  times  owned 
all  the  territory  as  far  south  as  Sligo.  In  the  *•  Wars  of  the  Gaeland 
Gall/^  written  early  in  the  1 1th  century,  the  mountain  is  called  Bengulbin. 


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468         lona,  S.  Colandta,  and  the  Western  Hiffhlamls. 

of  that  opinion,  as  a  Synod  held  soon  afterwards  wa« 
excomniuuicating  him,  till  they  were  convinced  by  Saiot 
Brendan,  of  Birr,  that  their  sentence  wan  not  just:  aud 
then,  Adaninan  says,  they  not  only  withdrew  it,  but 
received  Columba  with  great  honour  aud  veneratioiL 
Adamnan  says  also  that  it  was  for  trifling  causes — *'  veiii- 
alibus  et  excusabihbus  de  causis" — he  was  thus  opposed; 
aud,  using  such  language,  he  could  not  have  considered 
Columba  to  be  an  instigator  of  that  war  ;  and,  as  already 
stated,  he  refers  his  departure  from  Ireland  to  othti* 
motives.  St.  Kieran  Seir,^  too,  considered  Columba  blame- 
less, and  alleged  prophetically  his  banishment  as  one  of  the 
three  causes  that  would  bring  on  Ireland  the  judgment 
of  the  Danish  invasion. 

We  next  behold  Columba,  with  hi*  twelve  companiong, 
moving  out  from  Lough  Foyle  towards  the  coast  of  Scot- 
land, the  Giant's  Causeway  i-eflecting  its  rays  on  thera  as 
they  pass ;  and  the  thought  of  the  Dalriadic  colony  must 
have  given  them  hopes  that  they  would  not  be  strangei* 
in  the  land  to  which  they  were  going.  He  obtained  the 
island  of  Hy,  from  Conal,  then  ruler  of  that  colony,  in 
Argyleshire,  according  to  the  Irish  annalists;  but  froin 
Brudi,  King  of  the  Picts,  according  to  Venerable  Bede. 
Both  accounts  are  true.  The  island  was  on  the  borders  of 
both  kingdoms ;  and  what  Conal  gave  him  at  first,  he  got 
confirmed  to  him  afterwards  by  Brudi.  Indeed  at  that 
time,  alK)ut  sixty  years  after  the  settlement  of  the  colony 
in  Cantyre,  it  could  scarcely  have  extended  so  far  north  as 
that  Conal  could  secure  Columba  in  the  possession  of  lona. 

Of  Columba's  labours  I  will  mention  a  few  particulars ; 
not  as  writing  his  life,  but  such  notices  of  it  as  a  visit  to 
lona  might  suggest.  But  first  I  give  notice,  if  any  person 
disbelieves  supernatural  agency,  he  may  put  away  this 
paper,  for  it  will  be  at  total  variance  with  his  views.  Such 
agency  will  be  frequently  mentioned  in  these  pages ;  and 
reasonably,  for  if  miraculous  gifts  were  bestowed  on  any, 
it  should  surely  be  on  those  who,  like  the  Apostles,  brought 
whole  nations  to  the  faith. 

From  lona  he  visited  all  parts  of  the  country,  preaching 
and  baptizing.  Going  beyond  the  Grampians,  which 
Adamnan  calls  the  backbone  of  Britain,  "  dorsum 
Britanuiae,"  he  came  to  the  district  near  Lough  Ness,  and 
there  converted  an  entire  family.     But  some  time  after,  a 

1  Wars  of  the  Gaol  and  GaU,  p.  10. 


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lona,  S.  Columha,  and  the  Western  Highlands.        469 

child  of  the  family  died,  and  the  father  was  reproached  by 
the  druids  or  pagan  priests, as  an  apostate,  and  they  glorified 
their  gods  above  the  God  of  tne  Christians.  Oolumba 
hearing  of  this,  and  fearing  in  the  circumstances  for  the 
weak  faith  of  his  neophytes,  hastened  to  console  them ;  and 
entering  the  room  where  the  young  man  was  dead, by  prayer 
brought  him  back  to  life,  and  restored  him  to  his  parents. 
At  another  time  he  came  where  the  King  of  the  Picts 
resided,  a  fortress  on  a  rock  near  Inverness.  Brudi, 
unwilling  to  receive  him,  had  the  gates  bolted;  then 
S.  Columba,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  struck 
them  with  his  hand,  and  the  bolts  were  driven  back 
and  the  gates  flew  open,  and  Columba  entered  the  area 
that  surrounded  the  palace.  Bioidi  perceiving  this  came 
out,  attended  by  his  ministers  ana  chieftaiDS  then  in 
council  with  him,  and  received  Columba  with  great  respect 
and  veneration:  a  line  of  conduct  he  ever  afterwards 
maintained  towards  him. 

Tliough  few  particulars  are  given  by  Adamnan  of 
his  missionary  progress  through  the  country,  his  plan  being 
to  mention  only  what  illustrated  Columba's  supernatural 
gifts,  it  is  certain  that  he  planted  the  faith  in  the  entire  of 
the  country,  and  was  always  considered  the  apostle  of  the 
Picts  of  Scotland.  "Columba  came  into  Britain,*'  savs 
Bede,*  "  in  the  reign  of  Bridius,  King  of  the  Picts,  and  he 
converted  that  nation  to  the  faith  of  Christ  by  his  preaching 
and  example.  Whereupon  he  received  from  them  the 
Isle  of  lona."  The  Saxon  chronicle*  gives  similar  testi- 
mony :  **  Columba,  a  Mass  priest,  came  to  the  Picts  and 
c^onverted  them  to  the  faith  of  Christ ;  and  their  king  gave 
him  the  Isle  of  Hy." 

A  few  words  about  the  prophecies  of  S.  Columbldlle 
will  not  be  out  of  place.  Sometimes  they  regard  the  future 
of  individuals.  Columba  went  on  a  visit  once  to 
Olonmacnoise.  On  his  approach  great  crowds  from  all 
sides  pressed  around  to  welcome  him ;  amongst  others, 
a  little  boy  belonging  to  the  monastic  noviciate, 
**  puer  famiUaris/'  but  very  ill-favoured  in  dress  and 
appearance,  and  who  was  "  necdum  senioribus  placens," 
crept  behind  him  to  touch  his  garment.  Columba 
put  back  his  hand,  caught  him  bv  the  neck,  and 
drew  him  forward  trembling.  When  all  cried  out  to  him 
not  to  keep  hold  of  such  a  mischievous  wretch,  as  they 

1  Bede^B  Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  4.  »Sax.  Chr.  An.,  565. 

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470         lona^  S.  Columha^  aiid  the  Western  Highlands. 

called  him,  he  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  the  boy's 
tongue,  and  said:  "Let  none  think  little  of  this  boy:  he 
will  hereafter  be  agreeable  to  vou  all ;  he  will  advance  in 
virtue  and  prudence,  and  will  be  distinguished  for  his 
doctrine  ana  eloquence  in  the  divine  service.*'  This  was 
Eman  M'Crossan :  and  Columba's  words  were  afterwards 
verified  when  he  was  known  as  S.  Ernan,  founder  of  the 
Monastery  of  Rathnew,in  Wexford. 

Some  of  his  prophecies  were  not  declared  till  after  his 
death.  A  young  man  came  to  lona  from  Ireland,  Baithen 
being  now  Abbot  after  Columba's  death,  and  asked  to  be 
admitted  to  the  monastic  profession.  After  enquiring 
about  his  name,  his  country,  his  kindred,  and  various  other 
particulars,  the  Abbot  refused  to  admit  him ;  not  that  he 
was  unfit,  he  said,  but  because  Columba,  before  his  death, 
had  given  him  this  command ;  foretelling  the  young  man's 
coming  to  lona,  and  declaring  the  will  of  God  to  be,  that 
Ireland  was  to  be  the  scene  of  his  labours.  Hearing  this, 
the  young  man  was  reconciled  to  the  divine  will,  returned, 
and  became  very  distinguished  amongst  the  Irish  saints, 
as  Fintan,  the  founder  of  Taghmon,  in  Wexford,  and  for 
some  time  Abbot  of  Clonenagh.^ 

What  Adamnan  calls  "prophecies,"  sometimes  re* 
garded,  not  future,  but  distant  events  which  could  not  be 
known  but  by  supernatural  means.  At  lona  on  one 
occasion  he  got  the  bell  rung  to  assemble  the  community 
to  pray  for  the  success  of  Aidan  who,  he  told  them,  was 
at  that  moment  engaged  in  battle  in  a  distant  part  of  the 
country,  and  whose  victory  he  announced  to  them  after 
their  prayer  was  concluded.  Similar  was  what  he  told 
them,  with  signs  of  deep  grief,  of  two  yoimg  princes  in 
Ireland,  Colman  M*Alin  and  RonanM'Hugh,  who  were  slain 
in  some  engagement  by  mutual  wounds  in  the  district  now 
called  Cremorne.  Again,  on  another  occasion  he  was 
observed  weeping  bitterly.  When  some  inquired  the  cause, 
he  said  the  brethren  at  Durrow  were  then,  during  intense 
cold,  kept  working  outside  in  the  erection  of  new  build- 
inOT,  the  Abbot  Laserian  not  sympathising  with  their 
sufferings.  Adamnan  adds  that  Laserian,  by  some  similar 
revelation,  understood  this  expostulation  of  Columba,  and 
immediately  called  them  in,  and  made  them  cease  from 
the  works  during  the  rest  of  the  cold  season. 

Some  of  his  prophecies  regarded  the  reigns  of  princes^ 

^  Adamnan  i.  2. 


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lona^  S.  Columbaj  and  the  Western  Highlands.        471 

which  he  sometimes  foretold  would  be  long  and  pros- 
perous; sometimes  the  reverse.  He  received  several 
times  at  lona  the  visits  of  the  more  distinguished  eccle- 
siastics of  Ireland,  which  visits  he  foretold  sometimes,  and 
these  are  given  as  instances  of  his  prophetic  knowledge. 
On  a  certain  day  he  told  them  there  was  a  holy  and  elect 
person  from  Ireland  crossing  the  sea  to  lona,  and  ordered 
them  to  prepare  the  Hospice,  and  water  for  his  feet; 
and  on  the  same  day  S.  Canice  of  Aghaboe  arrived.  He 
and  S.  Comgal  of  Bangor  were  on  special  terms  of 
friendship  with  Columba ;  and  both  of  them,  on  another 
occasion,  with  Cormac  of  the  Sea,  and  Brendan  the 
voyager,  came  to  visit  him  in  lona ;  but  he  being  then  in 
thelde  of  Himba,  a  favorite  residence  of  his,  they  followed 
him  thither.  At  their  request  he  celebrated  Mass,  during 
which  S.'  Brendan  observed  a  luminous  globe  radiating 
over  his  head.  Such  appearances  were  witnessed  on  several 

other  occasions  mentioned  by  Adamnan. 

♦  ♦♦♦♦♦♦ 

Columba  never  forgot  his  native  country.  He  went  to 
the  Synod  of  Drumceat  and  arranged,  by  his  influence, 
between  the  Irish  monarch  and  the  Argyle  Kings  diflFer- 
ences  that  threatened  the  peace  of  both  kingdoms.  By 
judicious  measures  also,  on  the  same  occasion,  he  preserved 
from  extinction  the  Irish  Bardic  Order;  revealing,  it  is  said, 
thus  his  favourite  studies,  for  tradition  credits  him  with  the 
love  of  poetry,  and  composition  of  verses. 

In  the  picturesque  valley  of  the  Finn,  that  in  part 
divides  Donegal  from  Tyrone,  some  men,  that  were  fishing 
in  that  river  at  night,  observed  with  terror  in  the  eastern 
sky  a  great  column  of  light  ascending  the  heavens, 
with  a  brightness  equal  to  tnat  of  the  summer  meridian 
sun.  When  it  was  known  afterwards  that  it  was 
during  that  night  their  countrj'man  died  at  lona,  it 
was  beUeved,  says  Adamnan  who  in  his  youth  had 
this  account  from  a  man  present  on  the  occasion, 
that  it  was  the  soul  of  Columba  borne  up  to  heaven  to 
receive  the  reward  of  his  labours.  These  labours  were 
foreshadowed  before  his  birth  by  a  vision  his  mother  had, 
in  which  an  angel  seemed  to  give  her  a  most  beautiful  robe, 
bespangled  with  flowers  of  every  hue;  but  immediately 
took  it  from  her,  and  spreading  it  out  upwards,  let  it  be 
borne  away  through  the  air;  when,  enlarging  in  its  flight, 
it  surpassed  in  its  amplitude  the  extent  of  all  the  plains 
and  woods  and  mountains  around.     He  consoled  her  by 


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472  Votive  Masses. 

^ving  her  to  understand  that  the  vision  signified  that  the 
son  she  would  give  birth  to  would  be  the  leader  of 
innumerable  souls  to  the  heavenly  country. 

The  prophetic  spirit  with  which  he  seemed  always 
instiuct,  was  declared  also  at  his  funeral.  One  of  the 
younger  brethren  had  observed  to  him  that  his  funeral 
woidd  be  attended  from  all  the  provinces  around.  "  No," 
he  replied,  "  it  will  be  attended  only  by  the  brethren  of 
our  own  community  here."  During  the  three  days  after 
his  death,  that  preceded  his  interment,  such  violent  winds 
prevailed  that  no  boat  could  venture  out ;  and  his  obsequies 
were  attended  by  those  only  who  were  then  on  the  island. 

After  Columba's  death,  the  evil  day  came  for  lona.  It 
was  plundered  by  the  Danes  in  the  year  795,  and  several 
times  afterwards,  and  in  the  year  806  they  massacred  a 
great  number  of  the  monks.  After  that  time  it  maintained  a 

{irecarious    existence,    and   was    governed    chiefly    from 
relaud,  till  its  final  dispersion  at  the  period  of  the  so-called 
Reformation. 

John  Gunn. 


LITURGY. 


Votive  Masses. 
IX. — The  manner  of  saying  a  Votive  Mass. 

1.  The  Psalm  Judica  and  the  Gloria  Patri  at  the  Tntroit 
and  iMvabo  are  said  in  all  Votive  Masses,  even  during 
Passion  time ;  it  is  only  in  Masses  *'  De  Tempore  "  that 
these  parts  are  omitted.' 

The  rule  for  the  addition  or  omission  of  the  AUeluiws 
in  the  Introit,  after  the  Offertory  and  Communion,  is  the 
same  for  Votive  as  for  Festive  Masses. 

2.  The  Gloria  is  said  (a)  in  High  Masses  ordered  by 
the  Bishop  "pro  re  gravi,^'  unless  when  celebrated  in 
violet  vestments. 

(b)  The  same  precisely  holds  for  the  Masses  of  the 
Quarant*  Ore. 

(c)  In  the  General  Rubrics  of  the  Missal  Tit.  VJ.  it  is 
said :  "  In  ecclesiis   autem  ubi   titulus   est   ecclesiae   vel 

*We  quote  authorities  in  this  Paper  only  when  there  is  some 
controversy. 


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Votive  Masses.  473 

concuraus  populi  ad  celebrandum  festum  quod  traneferri 
debet,  possunt  cantari  duae  Missae  una  de  die,  alia  de 
festo,"  &c.  In  this  Votive  Mass  "de  festo  "  the  Gloria  may 
be  said,  provided  violet  vestments  be  not  used. 

(d)  It  is  said  in  the  Votive  Mass  of  B.V.M.,  on  Saturday, 
but  not  on  any  other  day  during  the  week,  except  it  be 
Avithin  an  Octave  of  the  B.  V.MJ 

(e)  It  is  said  in  the  Masses  of  the  Angels,  the  authors 
of  the  hymn. 

(f)  It  is  said  in  the  Votive  Masses  of  the  Saints  on  their 
Feast  day,  and  during  their  Octaves.' 

In  no  other  Votive  Masses,  whether  High  or  Low,  is 
the  Gloria  said. 

3.  Prayers?  (a)  In  a  High  Mass  ordered  by  the 
Bishop  "  pro  re  ^avi,''  there  is  only  one  prayer,  except  in 
the  case  in  which  the  Mass  ordered  is  *'Pro  gratiarum 
actione :"  in  this  case  the  prayer  "  Pro  gratiarum  actione,*' 
found  after  the  Mass  "  De  SS.  Trinitate/'  is  to  be  said  sub 
nn'ica  conclusione  with  the  prayer  ot  the  Mass  selected. 

This  rule  about  the  single  prayer  in  the  Mass  "  pro  re 
gi-avi "  holds  even  in  Churches  in  which  there  is  not  in 
addition  a  Missa  Conventualis, 

{b)  So  likewise,  in  the  Mass  allowed  by  Tit.  VI.  of  the 
General  Rubrics  and  referred  to  above,'  there  is  only  one 
prayer. 

(c)  There  used  to  be  a  controversy  as  to  the  number  of 
prayers  to  be  said  in  the  Votive  Masses  of  the  Quarant*  Ore. 
t  was  ended  by  a  decree  of  the  S.R.C.,  Ibth  May, 
1883  :*  "  In  Missa  Votiva  SS.  Sacramenti  pro  solemni 
ejusdem  Expositione  ac  Repositione  omittenda  est  quaelibet 
commemoratio  et  collecta  .  .  .  Missa  tandem  vro  Pace 
adjungitur  oratio  SS.  Sacramenti  sub  unica  conclusione.** 

But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  to  enjoy  this  or  any 
other  Liturgical  privilege,  the  Blessed  Sacrament  must  be 

'De  Ilerdt,  Vavasseur,  &c.,  differ  in  this  from  the  **  Orcio  ''  (Table 
of  Votive  Maases,  p.  xiv.).  Their  authority  is  a  decree  of  the  8.K.O., 
22  Aug.  174 1 ;  in  which  a  certain  custom  regarding  Votive  Masses  is 
allowed  **  Dummodo  canatur  sine  symbolo  et  solum  cum  Gloria  in  excelsis 
in  Sabbato  et  infra  Octavam  ejusdem  B.M.^*  The  decree  of  23  Feb.,  1839, 
in  which  the  Gloria  is  forbidden  during  the  Octaves,  regards  only  those 
who  by  Indult  say  not  the  Mass  of  the  Octave  but  the  ordinary  Votive 
Mass  of  the  B.V.,  which  has  no  special  connection  with  the  Octave,  and 
therefore,  no  right  ratione  fextivitatio  to  the  Gloria, 

*  8.R.C.,  13th  June,  1671,  in  which  the  pri>Tlege  for  Masses  of  the 
B.V.  seems  to  be  made  general. 

8  Page  1  parag.  (c) 

*  See  the  iRisii  Ecclesiastical  Record,  Vol.  v.,  p.  738. 


1' 


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474  Votive  Masses. 

exposed  continuously  for  the  forty  hours,  unless  there  be  a 
special  Indult^ 

(d)  In  all  other  Votive  Masses  whether  High  or  Low- 
there  are  at  least  three  prayers :  1st,  oi  the  Votive  Mass ; 
2nd,  of  the  OflSce  of  the  day ;  3rd,  that  which  would  be 
second  in  the  Office  of  the  day. 

If  there  are  special  commemorations  in  the  Office,  they 
are  made  in  the  Mass  and  in  the  same  order.  The  common 
commemorations  (A  cunctis,  &c.)  need  not  be  said,  except 
to  bring  the  number  of  prayers  up  to  three :  but  they  mat/ 
be  said  after  the  orationes  imperatae,  to  bring  the  number  up 
to  five  or  seven,  as  on  Simples  and  Ferias. 

Exceptions: — (I)  In  Votive  Masses  of  the  B.V.M.  the 
third  prayer  is  always  *'  De  Spiritu  Sancto,"  if  there  be  no 
commemoration  in  the  Office. 

(2)  In  the  Votive  Mass  of  St.  Peter,  there  is  a  com- 
memoration of  St.  Paul,  before  all  others ;  and  in  that  of 
St.  Paul,  a  commemoration  of  St.  Peter,  in  like  manner. 
Hence  the  prayer  of  the  Office  will  be  the  third. 

Also,  if  the  Votive  Mass  be  that  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul, 
and  the  "  A  cunctis  '*  be  the  second  prayer  in  the  Mass  of 
the  day,  the  '*  Concede  "  of  the  B.  V.AI.  is  said  instead,  that 
mention  may  not  be  made  twice  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul. 

(3)  In  the  Votive  Mass  of  St.  Joseph,  if  the  "  A  cunctis  '* 
is  to  be  the  third  prayer,  his  name  is  to  be  omitted  from  the 
prayer,  or  the  prayer  "  Concede,  quaesumus  "  may  be  said. 

(4)  In  the  Votive  Mass  '*  Pro  gratiarum  actione  "  the 
prayer  "  Pro  gratiarum  actione  "  must  be  said. 

As  to  whether  this  prayer  should  be  said  under  the 
same  conclusion  with  the  prayer  of  the  Mass  or  under  a 
distinct  conclusion  there  is  a  controversy.  The  speci.al 
Rubric  makes  no  distinction  between  the  Mass  "pro  re 
gravi  '*  and  that  which  is  not  "  pro  re  gravi."  Yet  many 
Kubricists  hold  that  the  Rubric  refers  only  to  the  Mass 
**  pro  re  gravi :"  so  that  in  others  the  order  would  be : — the 
prayer  of  the  Mass  with  its  conclusion,  the  prayer  of  the 
Office,  the  special  commemorations,  the  prayer  '*  pro 
gratiarum  actione,"  the  orationes  imperatacy  the  Ad  lihitutn 
prayei-s.  The  General  Rubrics  Tit.  IX.,  n,  14,  seem  to 
favour  this  view,  which  may  be  adopted. 

(5)  On  Feria  III.  Rogationum,  if  the  Office  be  of  the 
Feria,  the  second  prayer  in  any  Votive  Mass  will  not  be 
that  of  the  preceding  Sunday,  though  this  is  the  prayer  of 

\  For  the  question  of  the  Indulgence,  with  which  we  haye  nothing  to 
do  here,  see  ReCord,  VoL  iii,  p.  312. 


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Votive  Masses.  475 

the  OfBce,  but ''  De  Rogationibus"  and  the  thh*d  "  Concede  " 
oftheB.V.M. 

(6)  If  in  Cathedral  and  Collegiate  Churches  a  Votive 
Mass  be  sung  in  addition  to  the  Missa  Conventualisy  the 
second  and  tnird  prayers  in  the  Votive  Mass  will  not  be 
the  firstand  secondprayersof  the  Office, but  the  two  common 
commemorations  that  would  be  said  on  a  Semi-double. 

4.  The  Gradual.  We  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  add 
anything  to  the  directions  for  this  part  given  in  the  last 
number  of  the  RECORD. 

5.  The  Sequence  is  never  said  in  a  Votive  Mass,  except 
for  Quarant  'Ore  during  the  Octave  of  Corpus  Christi.^ 

6.  The  Credo  is  said  (a)  in  the  Votive  High  Mass  '*  pro  re 

g-avi,**  except  when  violet  vestments  are  used  on  weekdays, 
n  Sundays  it  is  said  though  violet  vestments  be  used. 

(b)  It  is  said  in  the  Masses  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament 
during  Quarant  'Ore ;  but  not  in  that  "  Do  Pace,*'  except  it 
be  celebrated  on  Sunday. 

(c)  It  is  also  said  in  the  High  Mass  allowed  by  Tit,  VI. 
of  the  General  Rubrics. 

It  is  never  said  in  any  other  Votive  Mass,  although  the 
Saint  or  Mystery  of  the  Votive  Mass  have  the  Credo  on 
the  Feast. 

7.  The  Preface  of  a  Votive  Mass  is  pecuUar  only  in  this 
point,  that,  if  there  be  not  a  proper  Preface  of  the  Mass  or 
of  the  Octave  or  of  the  Term,  the  Common  Preface  is  said 
even  on  Sundays ;  whereas  in  Festive  Masses  the  Common 
Preface  is  never  said  on  Sundays. 

8.  The  Communicantes  and  Efanc  igitur  of  the  Octave 
lire  said  in  everj*  Votive  Mass  during  the  Octave. 

9.  The  Ita  Missa  est  is  said  whenever  the  Gloria  is  said  ; 
in  every  other  case  the  Benedicamus  Domino. 

10.  The  Last  Gospel  **  In  Missis  Votivis  nunquam 
legitur  in  fine  aUud  Evaugelium  nisi  S.  Joannia"^ 

11.  Colour.  In  the  Votive  Masses  of  Feasts  throughout 
the  year  the  colour  is  the  same  as  on  the  Feasts,  except  in 
that  of  the  Holy  Innocents  in  which  the  colom*  is  red, 
though  it  is  violet  for  the  Feast 

In  the  twelve  first  Votive  Masses  at  the  end  of  the 
Missal  the  colours  are : — White  for  the  Masses  of  the  Most 
Holy  Trinity,  of  the  Angels,  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  and 
of  the  B.V.M. ;  Red  for  those  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  of  the  Cross ;  Violet  for  that  of  the  Passion. 

'  See  decree  of  18  May,  1883,  in  Record,  Vol.  v.,  p.  738. 
*  Rub.  Miss.    For  the  case  of  the  Votive  Masses  granted  July  5, 
1883,  see  Record,  Vol.  v.,  p.  331,  and  vi.,  p.  272. 


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476  Document. 

For  the  other  Votive  Maswes  at  the  end  of  the  Missal 
the  colours  are  :  Red  for  the  Mass  **  Pro  eUgendo  Stlmmo 
Pontifice  ;"  White  for  the  Masses  *' In  anniversario  electionis 
seu  consecrationis  Episcopi  '*  and  "  Pro  Sponso  et  Sponsa;" 
Violet  for  all  the  rest. 

12.  Chant.  Solemn  chant  in  the  Votive  Mass  **  pro  re 
gravi ;"  Ferial  chant  for  all  othera 

P.  OXeary. 
{To  he  concluded  in  the  next.) 


DOCUMENT. 

Summary. 
Pope  Lko  XIII.  ox  the  Study  of  Literature  in  Ecclesiastical 

Colleges. 

Necessity,  especially  in  these  times,  for  the  clergy  to  be 
thoroughly  educated — Advantages  of  general  literary  education — 
The  respect  in  which  the  accomplished  scholar  is  held — An  elegant 
literary  style  commends  instruction. 

The  study  of  the  Latin  and  Greek,  as  well  as  of  modern  classics 
warmly  recommended — Latin  important  as  the  language  in 
common  use  in  the  Western  Church — The  decline  in  the  art  of 
writing  elegant  Latin  to  be  deplored — The  Greek  authors  valuable 
as  models  of  style,  and  as  a  help  in  acquiring  a  better  knowledge 
of  Latin. 

The  Catholic  Church  always  prized  literary  study — In  a  great 
measure  it  is  the  Church  that  has  preserved  the  ancient  classics — 
They  were  chiefly  cultivated  by  the  clergy  in  times  past — The 
zeal  and  munificence  of  the  Popes  in  founding  schools,  colleges, 
and  libraries,  and  otherwise  encouraging  learning. 

,  Pope  Leo  XIII.  wishes  that  special  classes  in  Italian,  Latin 
and  Greek  should  be  opened  at  once  in  the  Roman  Seminary  for 
the  advanced  and  more  clever  students  who  might  thus  have  an 
opportunity  of  following  up  their  study  of  the  higher  branches  in 
these  departments  of  literature  under  the  direction  of  specially 
qualifled  professors. 


De  Studks  Litterarum  in  Sacro  Seminario  Rom\ko 
'  Provehendis. 

DiLECTO  FiLio  NosTRO  LuciDo  Mariak  Tftulo  Sessoriako 
S.R.E.  Presbytero  Cardinali  Parocchi  No^tro  in  Ubbb 
ViCARio.  Leo  PP.  XIII. 

DlLECTB  FiLI  NOSTER,  SaLUTEM  ET  APOSTOLICAM  BeNEDICTIOKE3L 

Plane  quidem  intelligis,  quod  saepe  Nos  et  non  sine  caussa 
fliximus,  summa  esse   contentione  et  assiduitate  enitendum,  ut 


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Document,  477 

Clericorutn  ordo  quotidie  magis  doctrinarnm  cognitione  floreat. 
Ouius  necessitatem  rei  maiorem  efficit  natura  temporum :  propterea 
quod  in  tanto  Ingeniorum  cursu  tamque  inflammato  studio  discendi, 
nequaquam  posset  Clerus  in  niuneribus  officiisque  suis  cum  ea,  qua 
par  est,  dignitate  atque  utilitate  vcrsari,  si  quae  ingenii  laudes 
tanto  opere  expetuntur  a  ceteris,  eas  ipse  neglexerit.  Ilae 
^os  de  caussa  ad  disciplinam  eruditionis,  praesertim  iu  alumnis 
sacri  ordiois,  animum  adiunximus  :  et  a  scientia  rerum  graviorum 
exorsi,  philosophiae  theologiaeque  studia  ad  veterum  rationem, 
auctore  Thoma  Aquinate,  revocanda  curavimus :  cuius  quidem. 
opportunitatem  consilii  is  ipse,  qui  iam  consccutus  est,  exitus 
declarayit.  Verum  quoniam  permagna  doctrinae  pars,  et  ad 
cognitionem  iucunda  et  ad  usum  urbanitatemque  longe  fructuosa, 
humaoioribus  litteris  continetur,  idcirco  nunc  ad  illarum  incrementa 
nonnihil  constituere  decrevimus. 

Quod  primo  loco  illuc  pertinet,  ut  suum  Clerus  teneat  decus : 
est  enim  litterarum  laus  multo  oobilissima  :  quam  qui  adept!  sint, 
magnum  nliquod  existimantur  adepti:  qui  careant,  praecipua 
quadam  apud  homines  commendationc  carent.  Ex  quo  intcUigitur^ 
quale  esset  illud  luliani  imperatoris  callidissiraum  et  plenum 
Bceleris  consilium,  qui  ne  liberalia  studia  exercerent  christian  is 
interdixerat.  Futurum  enim  sentiebat,  ut  facile  dispicerentur 
expertes  litterarum,  nee  diu  fiorere  christianum  posse  nomen  si  ab 
humanitatis  artibus  alienum  vulgo  putaretur.  Deinde  ven> 
quoniam  ita  sumus  natura  factl,  ut  ex  iis  rebus  quae  sensibus 
percipiuntur  ad  eas  assurgamus  quae  sunt  supra  sensus,  nihil  est 
fere  ad  iuvandam  intelligentiam  mains,  quam  scribendi  virtus  et 
urbanitas.  Nativo  quippe  et  elegant!  genere  dicendi  mire  invitantur 
homines  ad  audiendum,  ad  legendum  :  itaque  fit  ut  animos  et 
facUius  pervadat  et  vehementius  teneat  verborum  sententlarumque 
lununibus  illustrata  Veritas.  Quod  habct  quamdam  cum  cultu  Dei 
extemo  similltudinem :  in  quo  scilicet  magua  ilia  !nest  utilitas, 
quod  ex  r  erum  corporearum  splendore  ad  numen  ipsum  mens  et 
cogitatio  perducitnr.  Isti  quidem  eruditionis  fructus  nominatim 
sunt  a  Basilio  et  Augustino  collaudati :  sapientissimeque  Paulus  UK 
decessor  Noster  scriptores  catholicos  iubebat  stUi  elegantiani 
assumere,  ut  haeretici  refellerentur,  qu!  doctnnae  laudem  cum 
litterarum  prudentia  coniunctam  sib!  solis  arrogarent. 

Quod  autem  litteras  dicimus  exooli  a  Clero  diligenter  oportere^ 
non  modo  nostrates  intelligimus,  sed  etiam  graccas  et  latinas. 
Immo  apud  nos  plus  est  priscorum  Romanorum  litteris  tribuendum, 
turn  quod  est  latinus  sermo  religionis  catholicae  Occideute  toto 
comes  et  administer,  tum  etiam  quia  in  hoc  genere  aut  minus 
mult!  aut  non  nlmis  studiose  ingenia  exercent,:ta  ut  laus  ilia  latine 
cum  dignitate  et  venustate  scribendi  passim  consenuisse  videatiir. 
Est  etiam  in  scriptoribus  graecis  accurate  elaborandum :  ita  cnini 
excellunt  et  praestant  in  omni  genere  exemplaria  graeca,  nihil  ut 
possit  politius  perfectiusque  cogitarL  Hue  accedit  quod  penes 
Orientales  graecae  litterae  vivunt  et  spirant  in  Ecclesiae  monu- 
mentis  usaque  quotidiano :  neque  minimi  illud  faciendum,  quod 
VOL.  VL  2  M 


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478  Document, 

cruditi  graecis  Htteris,  hoc  ipso  quod  gi*aece  sciunt,  plus  habent  ad 
Idtinitatem  Quiritium  facultatis. 

Quarura  rerum  utilitate  perspecta,  Ecclesia  catholica,  quaemad- 
raodum  cetera  quae  honesta  sunt,  quae  pulcra,  quae  laudabilia,  ita 
etiam  humanarum  litterarum  studia  tanti  semper  facere  consuevit, 
quanti  debuit,  in  eisque  provehendis  curarum  suainim  partem  non 
mediocrera  perpetuo  collocavit.  Rcvera  sancti  Ecclesiae  Patres, 
quantum  sua  cuique  tempora  siverunt,  exculti  litteris  omnes :  nee 
in  eis  desuut,  qui  tantum  ingenio  et  arte  valoerunt,  ut  veteram 
romanorum  graecorumque  praestantissimis  non  multum  cedere 
videantur.  Similiter  hoc  sumraum  bene6cium  Ecclesiae  debetur, 
quod  libros  veteres  poetanim,  oratorum  historicorum  latinos 
graccosque  magnam  partem  ab  interitu  vindicavit.  Et,  quod  nemo 
•unus  ignorat,  quibus  temporibus  bonae  litterae  vel  per  incultum  et 
negligentiam  iacerent,  vel  inter  armorum  strepitus  Europa  tota 
conticcscerent,  in  communibus  monachorum  ac  praesbyterorum 
doraiciliis  unum  nactae  sunt  ex  tanta  ilia  turba  barbariaque 
perfugium.  Neque  praetereutidum,  quod  ex  romanis  Pontificibus 
decessoribus  Nostris  plures  numerantur  clari  scientia  luimni 
ingenuarum  artiuni,  quas  qui  tenent  eruditi  vocantur.  Quo  nomine 
permansura  profecto  meraoria  est  Damasi,  Leonis,  Gregonique 
magnorum,  Zachariae,  Silvestri  II.,  Gregorii  IX.,  Eugenii  IV., 
Nicolai  V.,  Leonis  X.  Et  in  tam  longo  Pontificum  ordine  vix 
reperiatiu-,  cui  non  debeant  litterae  plnrimum.  Providentia  eoim 
munificeatiaque  illorum,  cupidae  litterarum  iuventuti  passiiii 
scholae  et  collegia  constituta :  bibliothecae  alendis  ingeoiis  paratae 
iussi  Episcopi  ludos  aperire  in  Dioecesibus  litterarios :  eruditi  viri 
beneficiis  ornati.  maximisque  propositis  praemiis  ad  excellentiam 
incitati.  Quae  quidem  tam  vera  sunt,  tamque  illustria,  ut  ipsi 
saepe  Apostolicae  Sedis  vitupei'atores,  praeclare  romanos  Pontificcs 
de  studiis  optimis  meritos,  assentiantur. 

Quamobrem  et  explorata  utilitate  et  exemplo  decessorum 
Nostronim  adducti,  curare  diligenterque  providere  decrevimus,  ut 
huius  etiam  generis  studia  apud  Glericos  vigeant  et  in  spem  gloriae 
veteris  revirescant.  Sapi^ntia  autem  operaque  tuae  dilecte  iili 
Noster,  plurimum  contisi,  hoc,  quod  exposuimus,  consilium  in 
sacro  Seminario  Nostro  Romano  exordiemur  :  nimirum  volumus, 
ut  in  eo  certae  destinataeque  scholae  adolescentibus  aperiantur 
acrioris  ingenii  diligentiaeque  :  qui  emenso,  ut  assolet,  italicarum, 
latinarum,  graecarumque  curriculo  litterarum,  possint  sub  idoneis 
magistris  limatius  quiddam  in  illo  triplici  genere  perfectiusqae 
«ontigere.  Quod  ut  ex  sententia  succedat,  tibi  mandamus  ut  viros 
idoneos  deligas,  quorum  consilium  atque  opera,  Nobis  auctoribus 
ad  id  quod  propositum  est  adhibcatur. 

Auspicem  divinonim  munerum  benevolentiaeque  Nostrae 
testem  tibi,  dilecte  fili  Noster,  Apostolicam  Benedictionem  pera- 
manter  in  Domino  impertimus. 

Datum  Romae  apud  8.  Petrura  die  XX  Mail  Anno 
MDCCCLXXXV.  Pontificatus  Nostri  Octavo. 

Leo  PP.  XIIL 


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[     479     ] 

NOTICE  OF  BOOKS. 

The  New  PariAh  P vies f  s Practical  MamuU.  By  JoskphFrassinetti, 
Prior  of  St.  Sabina.  Genoa.  Translated  from  the  Italian  by 
Rev.  William  Hutch,  D.D.     London:  Burns  and  Oates. 

Dr.  Hutch  has  before  now  done  good  work  for  Catholic 
literature,  as  author,  essayist,  and  translator.  His  Biographies 
of  Nano  Nagle  and  Mrs.  Ball  are  well-known  and  highly  esteemed, 
and  his  translation  of  Bellecio's  work  is  already  a  favourite 
edition  with  very  many  in  these  countries  who  use  the  Ignatiau 
Spiritual  Exercises  as  a  book  for  meditation,  or  pious  reading. 
But  the  work  of  greatest  usefulness  which  Dr.  Hutch  has  yet 
produced,  is  decidedly  his  translation  of  Frassinetti*s  "  New  Parish 
Priest's  Practical  3Ianual.*'  The  best  proof  of  its  usefulness  is  the 
fact  that  two  thousand  copies  of  the  work  have  been  sold  within  six 
months,  and  now  a  second  and  revised  edition,  also  of  two  thousand 
copies,  has  just  been  issued  to  meet  the  applications  from  these 
countries  and  America. 

This  book  is  intended  for  the  exclusive  use  of  the  clergy. 
Though  its  title  would  seem  to  indicate  that  it  is  addressed 
specially  to  the  lately- appointed  Parish  Priests,  it  is  no  less  appli- 
cable and  useful  to  all  missionary  priests  in  Ireland,  America,  and 
all  those  countries  where  the  junior  clergy  share  with  their  elders 
in  the  duties  and  responsibilities  involved  in  the  care  of  souls. 

The  fact  that  Dr.  Hutch,  already  so  distinguished  as  an 
author,  and  so  experienced  in  the  missionary  life,  has  thought  the 
work  of  Frassinetti  worthy  of  translation  for  the  benefit  and 
guidance  of  his  brothers  in  the  priesthood,  is  a  guarantee  that  it 
must  be  indeed  a  book  of  rare  merit.  But  Dr.  Hutch  has  not 
•depended  on  his  own  judgment  alone.  Everywhere  Frassinetti's 
Manual  is  known,  it  has  been  accepted  as  a  standard  work.  In 
Italy  alone  it  has  already  passed  through  nine  editions.  This  is 
the  book  which  Father  Ballerini  calls  an  '*  opusculum  egregiunij* 
and  which  he  recommends  to  missionary  priests  as  "  dignisnmum 
^uod  diu  noctiique  mnnibus  teratur ;"  a  standard  book  wherein 
whatever  relates  to  the  manifold  duties  of  the  priest  charged  with 
the  care  of  souls  is  admirably  treated.  (Ballerini's  Edition  of 
Gury — Tract,  de  Stat,  particularibvs,  cap.  ii.,  art.  2.)  After  such 
an  enconium  from  such  an  authority,  it  would  be  out  of  place  for 
us  to  add  our  word  of  praise ;  but,  after  reading  the  book,  we  may  be 
permitted  to  say,  that  we  believe  that  Father  Ballerini's  highly 
-eulogistic  judgment  of  it  is  no  more  than  the  work  deserves. 

The  Manual  is  divided  into  three  parts.  The  first  part  treats 
of  the  duties  of  the  missionary  priest,  with  the  exception  of  those 
duties  bearing  directly  on  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments. 
For  instance,  in  this  first  part  the  author  deals  with  such  subjects 
as  these  : — The  Care  of  the  Poor — The  Care  of  the  Schools  and 
the  Usefulness  of  providing  wholesome  Literature  for  the  people — 
'The  Care  of  the  Church  and  Presbytery — llie  Management  of 


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480  Notie.es  of  Dools. 

Confraternities  and  Sodalities — How  Scandals  are  to  be  prevented 
— On  Preaching. 

In  the  second  part  the  subject-matter  includes  the  duties  of 
the  priest  in  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments ;  and  no  priest 
can  read  any  one. of  the  many  chapters  without  being  struck  at  the 
wise  and  valuable  suggestions  it  contains. 

The  third  and  last  part  treats  of  the  virtues  which  are  ino>t 
necessary  to  the  missionary  priest,  and  how  they  are  to  be  exercised. 

We  have  only  one  objection  to  the  book,  or  rather  to  a  few 
passages  in  some  two  or  three  chapters  of  the  third  part.  The  trans- 
lator tells  us  in  his  preface  that  he  has,  now  and  again,  omitted  on 
occasional  paragraph  of  the  original,  because  he  believed  it  to  be 
unsuited  to  the  circumstances  of  these  countries.  Our  regret  is 
that  he  did  not  exercise  bis  privilege  a  little  more  freely,  for  in 
our  judgment  some  few  passages  have  remained  even  in  the  new 
edition  which  can  hardly  apply,  and  consequently  may  give  some 
displeasure  or  offence,  to  those  for  whom  the  book  is  intended. 

To  Dr.  Hutch,  his  brother  priests  are  deeply  indebted  for 
this  very  useful  book,  this  "  opmculum  egregium ;"  and  the  very 
short  time  it  has  been  before  the  public  has  sufficed  to  prove  that 
it  needs  only  to  be  known  to  become  in  this  country  and  Americ* 
a  Manual  with  whicli  every  priest  should  be  thoroughly  fEimiliar. 

Ed. 


BOOKS  RECEIVED. 

From  Gill  &  Sox,  Dublin — 

Handicraft  for  Handy  People,    By  An  Amateur  Mechanic. 

PJtilosophia.    By  the  author  of  **  Union  unto  Perfection/' 

How  to  Write  a  Compontion,    By  S.  A.  Frost. 

Anxilium  Praedicatorum.     By  Rev.  Pius  Devine. 

Month  of  Sacred  Heart,     By  L.  S.  Olivek. 

Harbours  and  Fuheries,    By  Wm.  I.  Doherty,  C.E. 
From  Benziger  Brothers,  New  York — 

Our  own   Will,  and  How  to  Detect  it  in  our  Actions.    By  Rev^ 
J.  Allen. 

History  of  the  Church.     By  Dr.  Heinrich  Brueck,  D.D. 
From  PusTET  &  Co.,  New  York — 

Tributes  of  Protestant  Writers  to  the  Truth  andBeatityofCatholicit^' 
By  James  J.  Treacv. 

Life  of  Catherine  Emmerich,  By  V.  Rev.  K.  E.  ScilM6GER,  C.SS.R. 
From  The  Catholic  Publication  Society,  New  York — 

Reasons  why  we  should  believe  in  God,  lore  God,  and  obey  God.    By 
Peter  H.  Burnet. 

Spiritual  Retreat, 
From  Joseph  A.  Lyons,  Notre  Dame,  Indiana — 

A  Troubled  Hearty  and  how  it  was  Ctm^wr{ed. 
From  Roger  et  Chernovis,  Pans— 

Impedimentorum  Meikimonii  Synopsis,     Auctore  G.  AllegrC- 
From  Browne  &  Nolan,  Dublin — 

Lessons  in  Domestic  Science,     By  F.  M.  Gallaher. 

Handbook  of  Greek  Composition.    By  H.  Browne,  SJ^. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


AUGUST,  1885. 


FAITH  AND  EVOLUTION. 

SINCE  the  publication  of  my  Article  on  Faith  and  Evolu- 
tion in  the  RECORD  of  last  December,  the  subject  has 
attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention.  It  has  led  to  a  some- 
what lengthened  discussion  in  the  columns  of  the  Tablet, 
and  in  the  last  number  of  the  RECORD,  the  subject  is 
re-opened  by  the  Rev.  John  S.  Vaughan.  I  appreciate 
fully  and  respect  very  highly  the  motive  wnich  has 
prompted  Fr.  Vaughan  to  write — namely,  "  the  hope  that 
a  free  ventilation  of  conflicting  opinions  may  throw  some 
additional  light  **  on  a  matter  to  which  theologians  cannot 
be  indifferent.  And  if  the  subject  is  discussed  as  it  is  by 
Fr.  Vaughan,  with  good  taste,  good  temper,  and  ability, 
the  discuB«ion  cannot  fail  to  serve  the  cause  of  tiiith. 
With  reference  to  the  correspondence  in  the  Tablet,  I  deem 
it  right  to  .«ay  that  I  did  not  inaugurate  the  discussion  in 
that  journal.  1  felt  all  along  that  the  discussion  was  out 
of  place  in  a  pubUc  journal  intended  for  general  readers'; 
and  this  feeling  became  a  settled  conviction  when  1  saw 
one  of  my  critics  stating,  as  a  perfectly  orthodox  supposi- 
tion,  that  "  Adam  grew  from  an  embryo  located  m  the 
womb  of  some  lower  animal  to  a  man.*'  However 
theologians  may  discount  a  statement  like  this,  it  must  be 
a  severe  shock  to  the  faith  of  ordinary  Catholics. 

Now,  I  set  out  by  expressing  my  decided  convictiom 
that  notone  proposition  contained  inmy  Article  has  yet  been 
seriously  threatened.  The  Scriptural  account  of  man's 
creation,  taken  in  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  words, 
clearly  points  to  the  doctrine  of  the  immediate  formation  of 
the  first  man's  body — a  doctrine  that  is  incompatible  with 
Evolution.      The  Fathers  of  the  Church,  with  scarcely  aa 

VOL,  VL  2  N 


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482  Faith  and  Evolution, 

exception,  interpret  Scripture  in  that  same  sense.  Coming 
down  along  the  line  of  Catholic  Tradition  we  find  our 
great  theologians  teacliing  the  same  doctrine  in  language 
still  more  precise  aiid  clear.  And  us  we  come  to  our  own 
time  when  this  strange  Evolution  theory  is  first  distinctly 
heard  of,  we  find  the  best  theologians,  our  most  reliable 
•guides,  reprobating  it  in  most  unmeasured  terms.  Thus,  I 
say,  in  such  teaching  we  must  recognise  the  voice  of  the 
ordinary  Magisterium  of  the  Church  forbidding  in  no 
doubtful  tones  the  application  of  the  Evolution  theory  to 
man. 

Now,  Fr.  Vaughan  does  not  deny  this  doctrine  of 
immediate  formaiion ;  he  does  *'  not  even  go  so  far  as 
positively  to "  deny  ray  right  to  contend  that  Adam's 
immediate  creation  is  of  Faith"  (page  416),  but  he 
maintains  that  it  is  "  sufficiently  uncertain  to  give  the 
opposite  opinion  at  least  a  probable  liceity.  And  he 
regards  my  "  attempt "  to  rob  us  of  the  freedom  to  which 
such  a  doubt  alone  can  entitle  us,"  as  *'  the  only  regrettable 
part ''  of  my  Article.  I  assure  Fr.  Vaughan  that  no  one 
can  contend  more  earnestly  that  I  do  for  the  motto,  "  in 
dubiis  libertas.*'  But  my  doctrine  is  not  mine  ;  I  allowed 
my  authorities  to  speak  for  themselves,  and  anything  I 
said  was  fair  comment  on  them.  They  held  the  immediate 
formation  of  the  first  man's  body  to  be  a  revealed  doctrine, 
an  integral  part  of  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith.  And  if  it 
be  such,  and  if  we  have  sufficient  knowledge  that  it  is  so, 
then  neither  Fr.  Vaughan,  nor  I,  nor  anyone  else,  can 
dispense  in  the  obligation  of  believing  it.  To  state  this 
(and  this  is  all  that  1  have  done),  I  cannot  regard  as  in  any 
sense  "  regrettable.'*  At  all  events  my  critics  have  to  deal 
rather  with  my  authorities  than  with  myself. 

Father  Vaughan's  article  may,  I  think,  be  comprised 
under  the  following  heads: — 1.  That  the  question  of 
immediate  or  mediate  formation  is  in  reality  a  matter  "  of 
minor  importance."  2.  That  analogy  renders  the  doctrine 
of  immediate  formation  doubtful.  3.  That  the  doctrine  of 
immediate  formation  is  either  not  revealed  at  ail,  or,  if 
revealed,  that  the  fact  of  its  revelation  is  too  uncertain  to 
deprive  opponents  of  the  "liberty  of  holding  opposite 
views." 

That  God  formed  man*s  body  of  the  dust  or  slime,  and 
that  He  breathed  into  that  bodv  a  Uving  soul,  are,  as 
Fr.  Vaughan  rightly  says,  points  that  admit  of  no  discussion 
among  Catholics.     But  the  question  as  to  the  '^manner** 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  483 

in  which  God  formed  Adam's  body  is,  he  says,  "  of  quite 
minor  importance/*  (p.  414)  "  It  is  not  a  matter  that  can 
materially  affect  our  duties  to  God,  or  our  reh'gious 
attitude,  or  in  any  way  be  needful  for  us  to  know."  It  is  "  a 
curious  and  hidden  part  of  the  history  of  our  race,  but  to 
suppose  that  it  has  any  deep-rooted  connection  with  our 
religious  interests,  or  that  it  can  affect  in  any  appreciable 
way  our  attitude  towards  God,  or  towards  each  other,  is 
surely  a  profound  mistake.*'  (p.  414.)  Now,  the  word 
"  manner "  used  here  is  an  equivocal  term ;  it  may  be 
taken  in  many  senses,  but  the  sense  here  is  whether  God 
Himself  formed  the  first  man's  body,  or  whether  it  is  the 
outcome  of  natural  causes,  instituted,  set  in  motion,  con- 
trolled, and  directed  by  God.  Now,  Suarez  actually  does 
say  that  the  "manner*'  "modiim  creationis  ejus"  is  laid  down 
by  Moses  in  the  second  chapter  of  Genesis."  {Op.  Sex, 
Die.y  lib.  3,  c.  1.)  Again  the  following  questions  are 
equivocal: — Fr.  Vaughan  asks,  "Was  it  in  an  iufitant 
or  durinia:  a  protracted  period  of  many  years  ?  "  '*  Was 
Adam's  body  ere  yet  his  soul  had  been  breathed  into 
it  instantly  prepared  for  its  reception  by  the  command 
of  God,  or  only  slowly  and  by  a  gradual  process  of  gieater 
and  greater  development  ?"  Now,  whatever  answer  may 
be  given  to  these  questions,  it  in  no  way  whatever  affects 
the  doctrine  of  immediate  formation.  For  in  this  matter 
"  immediate**  is  used  not  at  all  as  equivalent  to  instantaneous, 
not  Avith  any  reference  to  time,  but  to  the  exchisiou  of 
intermediate  causes.  For  Evolutionists  the  question  of 
time  is,  of  course,  of  vital  importance,  but  for  their 
opponents  the  sole  question  is  whether  the  formation  of  the 
first  man's  body  is  or  is  not  the  immediate  act  of  the 
primary  cause,  no  matter  whether  that  formation  may  have 
occupied  countless  ages,  or  be  accomplished  in  the 
.''twinkling  of  an  eye."  It  is  necessary  that  this  should 
be  borne  in  mind,  because  theologians  have  been  quoted 
in  this  discussion  as  against  immediate  formation^  who 
are  merely  discussing  the  totally  different  question  of 
innlantaneoua  formation. 

If  this  doctrine  be  in  reality  "  of  quite  minor  importance  '* 
how  comes  it  that  most  of  our  dogmatic  and  scholastic 
theologians  discuss  it  at  great  length?  and  how  comes  it, 
that  at  present,  it  has  within  a  few  weeks  attracted  so 
much  attention  ?  The  impoi-tanee  of  a  doctrine  like  this 
is  not  a  matter  to  be  decided  off-hand.  If  the  doctrine  be 
revealed,  then  is  its  revelation  a  sufficient  warrant  of  its 


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484  Faith  and  Evolution. 

iipporfaiice.  It  is  a  revealed  doctrine  that  God  made  raan 
of  the  slime  of  the  earth.  Now  it  ie  the  tnie,  full,  and 
accurate  meaning  of  this  proposition  that  is  important  for 
us  to  know,  and  that  God  wishes  us  to  know,  and  to 
believe.  And  my  contention  is  that  the  tiaie,  full,  and 
accurate  meaning  of  that  proposition  directly  includes  the 
immediate  formation  of  the  first  man's  body :  and  conse- 
quently to  say  that  the  doctrine  is  imimportant  is  simply 
to  beg  the  question,  by  implying  that  it  is  not  revealed.^ 
So  also,  to  say  that  this  doctrine  does  not  affect  our  duties 
to  God  is  an  assertion  that  cannot  be  maintained  unless 
we  are  prepared  to  disprove  its  revelation.  If  it  be' 
revealed,  and  if  we  know  it  to  be  so,  then  to  believe  it  i& 
one  of  our  "duties  to  God,"  and  the  discharge  of  that 
duty  has  a  most  "deep-rooted  connection  with  our 
religious  interests."  If  a  Lutheran  were  to  appear  before 
the  Fathers  of  the  Council  of  Trent  to  protest  against 
Transubstantiation,  and  to  urge  the  counter  claims  of 
con-substantiation,  he  might  with  a  considerable  show  of 
reason  urge  the  argument  adduced  here  by  Fr.  Vaiighan. 
He  might  say  that  it  was  of  "  quite  minor  impoi-tance," 
"not  a  matter  which  can  materially  affect  our  duties  to 
God,  or  our  religious  attitude,  or  in  any  way  be  needful 
for  us  to  know."  He  might  say  that  "all  that  is  really- 
expedient  for  us  to  believe  "  is  that  our  Lord's  Body,  and 
blood,  soiil  and  Divinity,  are  really  ani  truly  present,  and 
that  in  receiving  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  we  really  and 
truly  receive  the  source  and  fountain  of  all  grace.  "  What 
does  it  matter  from  a  religious  point  of  view,"  he  might 
say,  **  whether  the  substance  of  bread  and  wine  remains, 
or  does  not  remain,  after  consecration,  if  our  Lord  be 
really  and  truly  present  there  "  ?  This  line  of  argument 
would  not  have  weighed  much  with  the  Fathers  of  Trent. 
They  would  inform  the  disciple  of  Luther  that,  Con- 
substantiatiou  would  not  verify  the  revealed  proposition 
"  this  is  my  body,'*  and  they  would  appeal  to  fathers  and 
theologians  to  bear  them  out  in  that  assertion.  My  answer 
is  just  the  same.  It  is  a  revealed  proposition  that  God 
made  man  of  the  slime  of  the  earth,  and  Evolution  is 
incompatible  with  that  proposition  taken  in  its  ordinary 
meaning,  and  Fathers  and  theologians  so  intei'pret  this 
proposition  so  as  to  exclude  Evolution.  The  question  for 
us  then  is,  not  which  of  two  conflicting  doctrines  is  the 
more  practically  useful,  but  which  of  them  is  true. 

To  discuss  the  argument  from  analogy  would,  in  reality. 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  485 

be  a  waste  of  time,  for  it  is  no  argument  at  all.  Mr.  Mivart, 
quoting  Darwin,  admits  this  in  tne  current  number  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century  (p.  44).  The  question  for  us  is  not,  how 
this  world  came  to  be  what  it  is,  nor  how  men  come  into 
existence  now^  but  how  the  first  man  came  to  be.  And  if 
Analogy  were  to  be  followed  in  this  matter,  it  would  cany 
Father  Vaughan  much  farther  with  the  Evolutionists  than 
be  is  prepared  to  go.  We  have  strong  grounds  for 
believing  that  '*  the  earth  was  slowly  and  gradually 
prepared  to  receive  the  body  of  our  first  parent,"  but  we 
have  stronger  ground  for  believing  that  that  body  was 
formed  immediately  by  God.  We  cannot  of  course  say 
that  God  "  gives  immediately  to  the  beasts  their  food," 
for  experience  bears  testimony  to  the  contrary,  and  wher- 
ever experience  is  our  sole  guide  we  can  make  no  assertion 
which  it  does  not  warrant.  We  can  have  no  experience, 
surely,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  first  of  our  race  was 
formed,  but  a  better  guide  we  have  in  Revelation, 
teaching  us  that  the  first  man  is  the  immediate  work  of 
God.  And  the  text  from  St.  Thomas,  as  well  as  the 
ouotation  from  the  eloquent  and  learned  Bishop  of 
Birmingham  are  altogether  beside  the  question.  Indeed, 
it  would  be  quite  easy  to  quote  from  Dr.  Ullathorne's 
admirable  book  words  that  must  be  unpleasant  reading  for 
Evolutionists. 

At  page  14,  Dr.  UUathome  says,  **the  Divine  Artist 
moulds  the  body  of  man,  not  from  some  preexisting  animal^ 
but  from  the  finer  particles  of  the  earth.'*  And  after  this 
statement  Dr.  Ullathorne  is  quoted  as  countenancing 
Evolution  I 

**  What  do  the  theologians  teach  in  regard  to  the  subject 
before  us  *'  I  asks  Father  Vaughan  (page  416).  And 
before  answering  he  gives  certain  characteristics  which 
must  belong  to  teaching  of  theologians,  before  that 
teaching  can  have  much  authority.  *'  It  is  not  enough 
that  theologians  have  been  unanimous  in  teaching  a 
certain  doctrine,'*  if  they  teach  it  only  "  incidentally  and  j9«r 
transennam;  *'  if  they  teach  only*'  generally,  and  merely  as 
the  common  opinion  of  their  time."  Then  the  doctrine  must 
concern  faith  or  morals,  and  in  interpreting  authoritative 
teaching  we  must  **  grasp  the  sentence  in  its  entirety." 
Now  all  this  I  admit  freely  with  the  exception  of  that  part 
which  asserts  that  incidental^  and/?er  transennam^  teaching 
**  cannot  command  much  respect  or  claim  much  authority." 
How  much  of  the  evidence  in  favour  of  the  Immaculate 


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486  Faith  and  Evolution. 

Conception  was  incidental  and  per  transenriamy  before  the 
definition  of  that  doctrine?  How  very  indirect  and 
incidental  are  many  of  the  sayings  of  the  Fathers  in 
support  of  that  doctrine?  The  same  may  be  said  to  a 
considerable  extent  of  Papal  supremacy  and  infallibility.  In 
fact  there  is  no  denying  that  some  of  our  most  conclusive 
arguments    in    favour   of   many   Catholic    doctrines  are 

grounded  on  indirect  incidental  references  of  this  sort. 
[  the  doctrine  be  one  affecting  faith  and  morals,  the 
teaching  of  Fathera  and  theologians  with  reference  to  it, 
is  of  very  high  importance,  commands  respect,  and  claims 
authority,  no  matter  how  indirect  or  incidental  that 
teaching  may  be. 

Having  laid  down  the  characteristics  of  authoritative 
teaching,  Fr.  Vaughan  says :  "  Now,  I  ask,  is  the  question 
as  to  how  God  formed  Adam's  body,  a  resfdei  out  morum  V 
(417)  and  I  answer:  most  decidedly  it  is  a  resfideiy  it  is  a 
revealed  doctrine,  an  integral  part  of  the  Divine  deposit  of 
Faith.  This  is  a  very  plain  simple  issue,  and  I  now  proceed 
to  prove  it.  That  "  God  made  man's  body  of  slime  or 
dust,"  is,  according  to  Fr.  Vaughan,  and  to  all  Catholics  a 
dogma  of  Faith,  regarding  which  there  can  be  no  con- 
troversy among  Catholics.  Now,  it  is  not  as  a  mere  verbal 
formula  that  we  are  to  regard  this  proposition.  We  are  to  see 
what  is  its  true,  full,  and  accurate  meaning ;  and  that  we  are 
to  take  in  and  believe,  as  part — and  a  very  important  and 
vital  part  too — of  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith.  Does  the 
proposition  then  mean  that  God  himself  formed  the  body  of 
the  first  man — that  it  is  His  own  immediate  work  ?  Or  does 
it  mean  that  God  infused  some  life-germ  into  some  primary 
matter;  that  this  something  produced  something  else — 
natural  laws  and  natural  selection,  of  courae,  concurring; 
that  this  something  else  produced  something  else  still ;  and 
that  this  system  continued  for  ages,  no  one  knows  how 
many,  till  ultimately  in  the  fulness  of  Evolutionist  time, 
"Adam  grew  from  an  embryo  located  in  the  womb  of 
some  lower  animal  to  a  man,'*  Which  of  these,  I  say,  is 
the  meaning  of  the  revealed  truth  of  Faith,  God  made 
man's  body  of  the  slime  of  the  earth  ? 

"  The  literal  sense  is  hard  to  flesh  and  blood, 
But  nonsense  never  can  be  understood.*' — Dryden. 

The  literal  sense  is  the  sense  in  which  Catholics  have 
taken  this  very  vital  truth,  ever  since  Christianity  began. 
It  is  the  sen^e  gf  the  theologians.    The  other  sense  is  the 


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Fcdth  and  Evolution.  487 

gospel  of  Evi^lution,  And  if  this  gospel  of  Evolution  be  the 
true  meaning  of  the  proposition  that  God  made  man*« 
body  of  dust  or  slime,  is  it  not  strange  that  no  Catholic  for 
1800  years  should  have  even  a  remote  conception  of  this 
meaning.  For  all  that  time  the  Church  taught  the  above 
revealed  proposition,  and  for  all  that  time  the  faithful 
believed  it;  and  yet  all  along  the  Fathers  and  Theologians 
were  ignorant  of  what  she  taught,  and  the  faithful  ignorant 
of  what  they  believed — that  is  if  Evolution  be  applicable  to 
man !  That  Catholic  must  be  very  credulous  who  accepts 
Evolution  on  such  terms,  and  on  these  terms  it  must  be 
accepted,  if  at  all.  In  my  Article,  in  December,  I  quoted 
a  good  many  authorities  to  show  that  the  literal  sense  is 
the  proper  one — the  sense  taught  by  the  Church— and 
that  consequently  the  immediate  formation  of  Adam's  body 
is  a  "  re.8  fidd^'  a  revealed  truth.  These  authorities 
I  might  have  multiplied  many  timep.  I  did  not  regarcj 
the  {Scripture  texts  as  conclusive  proof  of  this  doctrine. 
I  merely  said,  and  I  now  repeat  it,  that  those  texts 
taken  iu  their  ordinary  meaning  clearly  pointed  to  %mm€- 
dial?,  formation.  But,  knowing  how  men  quarrel  about 
texts  and  distort  them^  I  quoted  Fathers  and  Theologians 
as  determining — fixing  the  meaning  of  the  Scripture  texts. 
I  found  them  teaching  the  immediate  formation  of  Adam's 
body,  and  thus  removing  all  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of 
the  Scriptural  account.  On  this  one  proof  I  groimded  the 
do(;trine  maintainedin  my  Article  of  last  December;  and  not- 
withstanding a  good  deal  ot  hostile  and  some  unmannerly 
criticism,  that  one  proof  remains  unimpaired.  One  of  my 
critics  in  the  Tablet  (June  27th),  says  that  we  can  conclude 
nothing  from  the  Fathers  in  this  matter,  until  we  have  shown 
that  they  are  not  speaking  as  philosophers.  Indeed !  Thou 
the  Fathers,  when  they  are  explaining  to  us  truths  of  Faith, 
and  quoting  Scripture  texts  for  that  purpose,  must  first  tell 
us  that  they  are  doing  so,  lest  we  may  mistake  them  for 
philosophers  discussing  questionsunconnectedwiththe  faith  I 
This  writer  requires  a  number  of  conditions  as  essential  to 
the  consensus  Patrum^  which  would  certainly  remove  the  diffi- 
culties of  that  consensus ;  but,  by  removing  the  possibility 
of  any  such  consensus,  with  reference  to  any  doctrine. 
The  only  difficulty  with  reference  to  the  Fathers  arose 
from  St.  Augustine,  but  this  difficulty  was  removed  by 
St.  Thomas — a  very  competent  authority.  The  critic  already 
referred  to,  says  of  this  difficulty :  "  These  seminal  ratios 
have  perplexed  all  students  of  the  Father,  and  sometimes 


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4B8  Faith  and  Evolution. 

perhaps  puzzled  himself;  so  that  it  is  no  baatter  for  wonder  if 
they  are  misunderstood."  And  yet  though  St.  Augustine 
did  not  know  the  meaning  of  his  own  words,  and  though  no 
student  of  his  works  has  been  able  to  divine  his  meaning, 
this  modest  critic  solves  the  diflSculty  in  just  two  lines  of 
the  Tablet  1     I  follow  St.  Thomas  in  preference. 

In  discussing  the  testimony  of  the  Fathers  in  my  essay 
in  last  December,  I  referred  to  a  very  able  aiiicle  in  the 
Dublin  Review  for  July,  1871,  where  the  subject  was  treated 
at  great  length,  and  with  very  great  ability.  The  writer 
of  that  article  stated  that  the  followers  of  St.  Basil,  which  was 
nearly  equivalent  to  the  whole  Traditio  Patriim,  taught 
this  doctrine  of  the  immediate  formation  of  the  body  of 
the  first  man,  I  have  examined  this  writer's  references,  and 
have  found  them  correct.  In  addition  to  those  mentioned 
by  this  writer,  1  find  this  doctrine  taught  by  Tertullian, 
Lib.  contra  Marcion.  n.  c.  4.  It  is  taught  clearly  and 
explicitly  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  (Lib.  Mor.  c.  41)),  and  by 
Lactantiu8(Lib.  2  deorigine  erroris,  c.  9).  In  fact  I  think  it 
would  be  very  diflBcult  to  find  any  of  the  Fathers,  who  has 
discussed  the  subject,  that  does  not  either  explicitly,  or  by 
implication  teach  this  doctrine.  St.  Chrysostom  has  been 
quoted  by  my  critics  as  opposed  to  this  doctrine.  And  yet  I 
say  fearlessly  that  in  the  whole  long  line  of  the  Fathers  there 
is  no  more  decided  advocate  of  immediate  formation  than 
this  great  light  of  the  Oriental  Church.  In  his  12th  Homily 
on  Genesis,  he  argues  that  man  ought  to  be  humble  since 
he  is  made  of  the  dust  of  the  eai-th  as  other  animals  are, 
though  difieiing  in  the  manner  of  his  formation,  ''  quamvis 
formatio  animseque  substantia  incorporaUs  multo  excel- 
lentior  per  benignitatem  Dei  concessa  sit."  In  Homily  the 
13th  he  dwells  on  the  great  dignity  of  man  arising  from 
the  diflbrent  manner  of  his  formation,  and  also  from  the 
nature  of  the  soul.  He  says  that  in  other  cases  God  spoke 
and  they  were  made,  and  the  same  he  says  might  have 
occurred  in  man's  case  had  God  so  willed  it.  But  God  so 
spoke  with  reference  to  man's  creation  as  to  teach  us  the 
n.aunc  r  of  his  creation, — ^^Simid  ut  modum  Creationis  doeeat," 
and  the  difference  of  manner  also,  which  constitutes  man 
the  work  of  God*s  own  hand — '*et  diversltatem  qua,  ut 
humane  mo  lo  loqiior,  veluti  J)ei  manibw*  fonnatum  tndicet**' 
He  then  says  that  man's  body  was  formed  of  the  finer 

E articles  of  earth,  and  that  when  the  body  was  thus  formed 
y  God  the  soul  was  infused  into  it.     It  would  be  difficult 
to  express  in  language  clearer  than  this  the  doctrine  of 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  489 

the  immediate  formation  of  the  first  man's  body.  And  yet 
the  advocates  of  Evolution  quote  St.  Chrysostom  as  on 
their  side  I 

In  passing  on  to  the  Theologians,  1  repeat  what  I 
stated  with  reference  to  the  Fathers, — that  it  is  difficult  to 
find  any  Theologian  who  discusses  the  subject,  that  does 
not  either  explicitly  or  implicitly  teach  the  immediate 
formation  of  Adam's  body.  To  the  authorities  quoted  by 
me  in  my  former  essay  1  shall  merely  add  a  few  well-known 
names,  though  I  might  multiply  the  number  many  times. 
Tostatus,  who  has  been  quoted  against  immediate  formation^ 
clearly  teaches  that  doctrine  in  his  Commentary  on 
Genesis,  (c.  2,  q.  10).  Sylvius  in  his  Commentary  on  St. 
Thomas  (Tome  1st),  coufirms  the  teaching  of  his  great 
master.  Father  Arriaga  is  quoted  by  Father  Vaughan,  as 
a  "remarkable  exception  to  the  so-called  unanimity  of 
Theologians/'  in  teaching  the  immediate  formation  of  the 
first  man's  body.  And  yet  not  even  Suarez  himself  is  a 
more  decided  advocate  of  this  doctrine  then  Arriaga  !  In 
his  work  De  Op*  Sex  Dier,  Disp.  34,  Arriaga  treats  the 
question,  whether  God  foi'med  immediately  the  body  of  the 
first  man,  or  whether  it  may  not  be  produced  by  angelic 
ministration.  He  rejects  the  Scriptural  proof  given  by 
Suarez  for  immediate  formation,  and  as  a  consequence  of 
that  rejection  he  says  against  Suarez  that  it  would  not  be 
erroneous  to  hold  the  angelic  ministration.  But  he  holds 
with  Suarez  the  doctrine  of  immediate  formation,  though 
he  does  admit  the  Scripture  proof  to  be  conclusive.  These 
are  his  words — "  Quidquid  tamen  sit  de  censura,  omnino 
judico,  Deum  non  usum  ministerio  angelico  in  ea  forma- 
tione,  sed  immediate  per  ae  id  praestitisse."  After  giving 
his  reason  for  this  view,  Arriaga  proceeds  to  discuss  the 
totally  different  question  of  instantaneous  formation,  and 
under  that  heading,  the  quotation  given  by  Fr.  Vaughan 
occurs.  Thus  then  Fr.  Vaughan  quotes  against  immediate 
formation,  language  used  by  An*iaga  on  a  totally  different 
question.  So  much  for  the  "remarkable  exception,'* 
alleged  by  Fr.  Vaughan.  Fr.  Schouppe,  S.J.,  and 
Knoll  a  Uulsano,  both  teach  immediate  formation.  Fr. 
Hurter,  R.J.  (Dog.  Theol,,  vol.  2,;p.  204)  quotes  Mr.  Mivart's 
opinions,  and  says,  "  eam  tamen  reprobamus  quod  ration! 
non  sit  consona,  neque  Sacrae  Scripturae." 

Here,  then,  we  have  a  consensus  of  Catholic  teaching, 
founded  on  Scripture,  and  handed  down  to  us  by  tho 
principal  Fathers  and  theologians  in  every  age  from  the 


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493  Faiili  and  Evolution^ 

early  dawn  of  Catholic  Tradition  down  to  our  own  time, 
All  along  it  is  unbroken,  consecutive,  consistent,  affirming 
the  immediate  formation  of  the  body  of  the  first  man, 
Here,  again,  1  take  this  expression  in  its  ordinary  meaning, 
and  in  doing  so  I  am  within  my  strict  ri^t — am  acting 
logically.  My  critics  seem  to  forget  that  if  thev  chose  to 
divert  words  from  their  ordinary  meaning,  on  them  rests 
the  biurden  of  proof;  and  pix>of  in  this  case  they  have  not 
given.  Now,  then,  this  word  taken  in  its  ordinary 
acceptation  excludes  Evolution  which  is  a  system  of 
production  depending  immediately  on  secondary  causes 
without  number^-a  system  which  separates  by  countless 
intermediate  agencies  the  effect  from  its  alleged  immediate 
cause.  The  Fathers  and  Theologians  in  explaining  for  us 
this  vital  ax'ticle  of  our  Faith,  discuss  the  place  where 
man  s  body  was  formed,  the  nature  of  the  slime,  how  it 
was  procured,  and    whence;  how    far  angels   may  be 

Permitted  to  minister  in  bringing  together  the  material. 
Ivolutionists,  on  the  other  hand,  trouble  themselves  very 
little  with  all  this.  They  absolve  themselves  from  the 
necessity  of  making  any  definite  statement.  Life,  of 
Qourse,  must  have  commenced  in  some  way  or  other,  and 
to  suit  their  purposes,  it  mu8t  have  passed  on  in  the 
direction  of  man.  To  meet  the  difficulties  of  theology, 
Mr.  Mivart  inti-oduces  certain  "jumps** — specimens  of 
Evolution  made  to  order — ^which  enable  Evolutionists  to 
surmount  inconvenient  obstacles  in  their  way.  Ultimately 
the  anthropoid  ape,  or  some  such  convenient  creature  is 
reached  —  a  creature  which  at  present  happens  to  be 
'*  missing  "—and  this  being  does  for  the  Evolutionists  what 
(jod,  or  perhaps  the  angels,  did  for  the  Theologians. 
Mendive,  quoted  with  approval  by  Fr.  Vaughan  (p.  42?), 
says  that  tne  '*  ape,  by  virtue  of  its  natural  powers,  would 
only  have  wrought  the  elementary  rudiments  of  earth  into 
the  initial  organism  of  man's  body."  Rut  up  to  this  there 
is  no  question  of  any  immediate  act  of  God ;  no  question 
of  angelic  ministration,  the  primary  creation  of  matter 
endowed  by  Gcd  with  certain  powers;  natural  laws^ 
instituted  and  maintained  by  God  to  develop  those  latent 
powers,  and  sufficient  time  for  this  development,  and  a 
"  jump  "  or  two  across  obstacles  otherwise  insurmountable ; 
tTiis  is  all  that  Evolutionists  require.  But  will  this  satisfy 
the  Fathers  and  Theologians?  They,  of  course^  did  not 
Contemplate  the  Evolution  theoiy,  and  we  are  not  there- 
fore to  expect  from  them  an  explicit  contraction  of  it. 


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Faith  and  Evolution^  49 1 

But,  in  the  absence  of  that  knowledge  of  Evolntiou,  it 
would  be  impossible  for  them  to  use  language  more  clearly 
incompatible  with  the  principle  on  which  that  theory 
depends.  it  would  be  impossible  %o  construct  two 
systems  more  directly  contradictory.  And  yet  both  are 
explanations  of  the  one  revealed  proposition,,  "God  naade 
man  of  the  slime  of  the  earth,"  Now,  which  explanation 
are  we,  as  reasonable  Catholics,  to  accept— that  of  the 
Fathers  and  Theologians,  explaining  to  us  an  article  of 
Faith,  and  speaking  of  it  in  a  manner  that  is  fully  borne 
out  by  Scripture;  or  that  of  the  Evolutionists,  who  so 
interpret  the  Scripture  text  aa  to  rob  it  of  all  definite 
meaning,  and  to  make  it  a  riddle,  which  the  septic  will 
reject  with  contemptuous  scorn?  What  text  of  Scriptijre 
could  survive  such  treatment  as  this  ?  Surely  no  system 
of  exegesis  could  be  more  siucidal  for  Catholics  to  adopt 
than  one  which,  while  it  fails  to  satisfy  their  own  prin^ 
ciples,  gives  to  the  enemies  of  Revelation  a  handle  for  the 
total  rejection  of  the  whole  body  of  Sacred  Scripture  as  a 
collection  of  meaningless  jargon.  But  how  can  our  P^volu- 
tionists  on  Catholic  principles  meet  the  difliculty  of  Eve's 
creation  ?  The  language  of  Scripture  is  precise  and  clear, 
and  the  Fathers  and  theologians  are  absolutely  unanimous 
(with  the  exception  of  the  eccentric  Cajetan)  in  explaining 
it,  and  it  is  a  '*re«  Jidei"  Eve,  then,  must  be  a  special 
creation,  and  not  an  outcome  of  evolution.  Now,  if  Evolu- 
tion sufficed  to  bring  Adam  into  existence,  why  institute  a 
special  dispensation  for  Eve  ?  The  creation  of  Eve,  then, 
is  quite  sufficient  to  determine  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptural 
account  of  Adam's  formation,  and  quite  sufficient  to  deter 
Catholica  fiom  adopting  the  Evolution  theory  as  at  all 
applicable  to  man.  And  as  we  come  down  to  our  own 
time  we  find  our  best  modem  theologians,  who  have 
examined  this  novel  theory,  rejecting  it,  and  reprobating 
it  as  incompatible  with  the  Faith.  Such,  then,  is  the 
meaning  attached  by  Fathers  and  Theologians  to  the 
revealed  doctrine  tjiat  God  made  man  of  the  slime  of  the 
earth.  In  interpreting  that  doctrine  they  are  clearly 
within  their  province,  and  against  their  testimony  and 
their  teaching  speculations  and  conjectures,  falsely  called 
science,  cannot  for  a  moment  stand. 

Now  do  the  Fathers  and  Theologians  teach  this  doctrine 
BB  a  reajidei  ?  The  readers  of  the  Record  do  not  require  to 
be  reminded  of  the  distinction  between  fdes  ZHvinay  and 
fides    Catholica^    between    mhjective   and  ohjeciive  Faiilu 


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492  Faith  and  Evolution, 

Everything  contained  in  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith — 
every  revealed  truth  is  fides  Divina,  and  this  becomes 
*^Jides  Catliolica**  when  the  Church  proposes  it  for  the 
belief  of  the  faithful.  '  Objective  Faith  is  the  Divine  deposit 
considered  in  itself,  and  subjective  Faith  is  Faith  as  it  is  in 
us — oiir  apprehension  of  the  truths  contained  in  the  Divine 
deposit ;  and  once  that  we  know  any  truth  to  be  part  of 
that  Divine  deposit,  we  have  no  liberty  to  deny  it  or  to 
doubt  it.  Now,  in  discussing  the  immediate  formation  of 
man's  body,  the  Fathers  and  Theologians  appealed  du-ectly 
to  Scripture  texts  as  proof  of  that  doctrine,  and  thus 
clearly  testify  their  own  belief  that  the  doctrine  is  con- 
tained in  those  texts,  and  is  therefore,  in  their  view,  an 
integral  part  of  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith.  One  of  my 
critics  in  the  Tablet  expressed  his  amazement  at  this  asser- 
tion. The  assertion  is,  that  when  a  Theologian  of  character 
and  ability  quotes  a  Scripture  text  as  a  direct  proof  of  a 
certain  doctrine,  he  must  believe  that  the  doctrine  is  con- 
tained in  the  text,  he  must  believe  that  the  doctrine  is  an 
integral  part  of  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith.  Now  he  must 
either  believe  this,  or  he  must  be  knowingly  perverting 
Scripture — an  alternative  that  is  not  open  to  any  Catholic 
in  speaking  of  such  Theologians  as  I  have  named.  Now 
then,  this  doctrine  of  the  immediate  formation  of  the  first 
man*s  body  in  a  sense  incompatible  with  Evolution  comes 
to  us,  as  the  teaching  of  Fathers  and  Theologians,  unbroken, 
consecutive,  consistent  all  along  the  line  of  Catholic  tradi- 
tion, from  its  first  authentic  document  down  to  our  own  time. 
It  comes  to  us  as  their  inteipretation  of  a  Scripture  text, 
their  explanation  of  a  very  vital  dogma  of  Faith.  It  comes 
to  us  not  merely  as  their  individual  opinion  (though  even 
as  such  its  weight  would  be  very  great),  but  on  their  testi- 
mony as  the  Faith  of  their  time.  For  these  Fathers  and 
Theologians  taught  with  the  full  knowledge  of  their 
Bishops,  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Prince  of  Bishops — 
the  visible  Head  of  the  Church,  and  against  their  teaching 
no  authoritative  voice  hasbeen  raisedfor  18  00  years.  And  for 
all  this  time  the  belief  of  the  faithful,  the  senaus  Jidelium^ 
has  been  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  voice  of  their 
teachers.  This  testimony  is  abundantly  suflScient  to  bring 
home  conviction  to  men  who,  like  Fr.  Vaughan,  are  trainea 
to  reason  on  Catholic  principles,  and  the  simple  faithful  are 
already  convinced.  Then,  1  say,  such  teacning  and  such 
testimony  make  it  certain  to  us  that  the  doctrine  is  true  and 
revealed,  and  consequently  we  have  no  claim  to  that 
liberty  of  doubt  for  which  Fr.  Vaughan  contends. 


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taith  and  Evolution,  493 

Against  all  this  Fr.  Vaughan  argues  (1)  that  the  doctrine 
is  not  one  on  which  a  consensus  of  Theologians  is  of  much 
account;  and  (2)  that  there  is  no  such  consensus.  Now 
the  importance  of  the  doctrine  is,  I  think,  already  settled. 
To  deny  its  importance,  is  to  argue  against  facts;  and 
consequently  the  quotations  from  St,  Vincent  of  Lerins, 
Melchior  Cano,  and  St.  Thomas  do  not  apply.  The 
reference  from  St.  Thomas  is  not  "  as  good  an  analogy  as 
we  can  expect  to  meet  with,"  nor  indeed  an  analog  at 
all ;  and  for  the  very  reason,  among  others,  which  fails  to 
satisfy  Fr.  Vaughan,  namely,  that  there  is  not  a  consensus 
as  to  the  "manner  and  order"  in  which  the  world  was 
made.  There  have  been  conflicting  theories  on  the  subject 
from  the  earliest  days  of  Christianity.  And  this  answer  is 
fully  borne  out  by  the  text  of  St.  Thomas:  "Cujus  veri- 
tatem  diversa  expositione  salvantes,  diversa  tradiderunt.*' 
The  text  of  Franzelin,  at  first  sight,  appears  to  be  a  formid- 
able diflSculty,  but  the  context  completely  removes  the 
difficulty.  Franzehn  is  discussing  the  value  of  a  consensus  of 
Theologians,  as  a  means  of  exhibiting  to  us  Divine  tradi- 
tion, and  after  stating  that  such  a  consensus  is  to  us  a 
certain  argument  that  a  doctrine  is  true  and  revealed,  he 
says: — 

**  Ilacc  autem  accipienda  ita  sunt,  ut  valeant  de  ipsa  doctrinao 
veritate  non  autera  de  niodo  earn  explicandi ;  de  doctrinis  vere 
theologieis,  ad  res  fidei  et  morum  pertinent ibus,  non  autem  de 
placitis  mere  philosophicis,  de  sententiis  ratis  et  firmis  cohaeren- 
tibus  cum  doctrina  Scripturae  vel  SS.  Patrura,  non  autem  de  theore- 
matibus  opinantium  mode  propositis,  de  consensu  non  unius  aetatis, 
multo  minus,  unius  vel  alterius  Scholae,  sed  de  consensu  constanti 
et  communi  gravium  Theologorum,  qui  teniporis  progressu  non 
disierit." 

After  this  immediately  follows  the  passage  quoted  by 
Fr.  Vaughan,  which  deals  with  a  case  in  which  the  consensus 
has  not  the  above  characteristics.  In  Fr.  Vaughan's 
extract  Franzelin  is  contemnlating  either  an  opinion  that 
does  not  refer  to  the  truth  ot  a  doctrine,  but  rather  to  the 
manner  of  explaining  and  proving  it ;  or  he  is  speaking  of 
something  that  is  not  in  reality  a  revealed  doctrine  at  all, 
but  some  philosophical  speculation  ;  or  he  is  speaking  not 
of  a  doctnne  well-foimded  on  Scripture  and  the  Fathers, 
but  rather  some  speculative  opinion  ;  or  he  is  not  speaking 
of  a  uniform  and  abiding  theological  consensus  that  gains 
strength  with  time,  but  rather  of  some  opinion  that  has 


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'494  Faith  and  Evolution, 

been  merely  for  a  time  (aliquamdiii)  common.  And,  there- 
fore, whether  we  consider  the  nature  of  the  doctrine  of 
immediate  formation,  the  mannei*  in  which  it  is  handed 
liown  by  i^athers  and  Theologians,  or  the  character  of  the 
consensus,  the  text  of  FranzeUn  quoted  by  Fr.  Vaughan  in 
no  sense  applies  to  it. 

The  quotation  from  Suarez  (p.  420),  is  equally  beside 
the  question.  In  this  place,  Suarez  is  arguing  the  question 
whether  our  Lord  from  the  first  moment  of  His  con- 
ception enjoyed  the  beatific  vision.  Suarez  says  it  is  the 
common  opinion  of  Theologians  that  He  did  enjoy  it.  And 
after  quoting  a  very  far-fetched  Scripture  text,  as 
suggesting  the  doctrine  ("lit  indicatur")  he  asks  what 
certainty  nave  we  of  this  doctrine?  It  does  not  appear  to 
be  de  fide,  he  says,  tor  the  reasons  accurately  quoted  by 
Fr.  Vaughan.  I  shall  continue  the  quotation  just  where 
Fr.  Vauglian  breaks  off.  Suarez  says,  "  Some  Theologians 
think  this  doctrine  so  time,  that  its  contradiction  would  be 
temerarius.  But  this  censure  is  far  too  mild.  For  I  think 
the  contradictory  doctrine  would  be  erroneous,  and 
proximate  to  heresi/,  because  the  Scripture  testimony, 
taken  together  with  the  explanations  and  texts  of  the 
Fathers,  and  with  the  consensus  of  Catholic  Doctors, 
suffices  to  generate  that  certainty.'*  Now  if  the  denial 
of  the  doctrine  be  proximate  to  heresy,  the  doctrine 
itself  must  be  proximate  to  faith  ;  and  this,  not  Divine 
faith  merely,  but  Catholic  faith.  Now  if,  according  to 
Suarez,  a  doctrine  that  is  merely  suggested  in  Scripture, 
and  only  vaguely  taught  by  Fathers  and  Theologians  be, 
yet  proximate  to  faith,  what  would  he  say  of  a  doctrine 
that  is  the  plain  meaning  of  a  plain  text  of  Scripture  that 
is  clearly  and  continuallv  taught  by  Theologians  ?  What 
would  Suarez  say  of  such  a  doctrine  ?  Simply  what  he  has 
said, — that  it  is  Catholic  doctrine  {Op,  Sex  Dier.  B.  3,  c.  1.) 
In  introducing  his  authorities  against  the  consensus  of 
Theologians,  Fr.  Vaughan  says,  "  we  cannot  suppose  such 
men  ignorant  either  of  the  teaching  of  the  Councils,  or  of 
the  opinion  of  the  Fatheis  and  Theologians*'  (p.  420). 
This  remark  would  come  with  tenfold  force  from  me.  For 
my  authorities  are  ten  to  one — fifty  to  one,  in  weight  as 
well  as  in  number,  and  surely  we  "  cannot  suppose  such 
men  ignorant  of  the  teaching  of  Councils,  or  of  the  opinions 
of  Fathers  and  Theologians."  Arriaga  is  quoted  as  "  a 
remarkable  exception  to  the  so-called  unanimity  among 
Theologians."    But  in  turning  to  him,  I  find  that  he  is  not 


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Faith  and  Evolutioii,  495 

**  an  exception  "  at  all,  that  he  teachea  most  distinctly  th^ 
immediate  foinnation,  and  as  any  one  will  see  at  a  glance 
the  text  quoted  from  him^  by  Fr.  Vaughan  is  on  a  totally 
different  question  of  instantantous  formation.  One  of  my 
critics  in  the  Tablet  made  a  similar  use  of  this  text  of 
Arriaga.  It  is  perfectly  amazing  that  any  one  who  has 
seen  the  original  could  so  misapprehend  its  meaning. 

The  testimony  of  the  other  authorities  adduced  by 
Fr.  Vaughan  is  negative.   They  do  not  condemn  the  theory 
of  mediate  formatiof/,  but  they  do  not  hold  it  themselves, 
though  they  permit  others  to  hold  it.     Now,  if  these  be  the 
gi-eat  men  which  Fr.  Vaughan  describes  them,  they  must 
have    good  reasons  for  what  they  do ;   and  the  reasons 
which  move  these  great  men  to  reject  this  doctrine  may 
move  others  to  "  do  in  like  manner."     The  names  of  these 
theologians  are  not  for  a  moment  to  be  compared  with 
those  quoted  by  me,  and  their  rejection  for  themselves  of 
a  doctrine  which,  they  allow  others  to  hold  is  a  proof  that 
their  own  reasons  for  permitting  it  do  not  satisfy  them- 
salves.     They  show  a  distrust  of  their  own  reasoning  when 
they  refuse  to  act  upon  it.      The  most  formidable  of  them 
apparently  is  Mendive,  whord  Fr.  Vaughan  describes  as 
'*  one  of  the  most  famous  living  theologians   of  Spain." 
Now,  assuming,  as  I  am  sure  we  may,  that  Fr.   Vaughan 
correctly  represents  Mendive,  then  1  say  his  claim  to  be 
regarded  as  a  "famous  theologian"  completely   breaks 
down.     For  he  quotes  Suarez  as  admitting  the  probabiUty 
of  mediate  foiination,   though  there  is  not  a  syllable   to 
warrant  this  in  Suarez,  and  he  quotes  St.  Chiysostoiu, 
Tostado,  and  Alphonsus  de   Castro   for  doctrines   which 
they  do  not  hold — for  a  doctrine  which  they  regret.     The 
fact  is  that  Mendive,  Uke  many  others,  confounds  imme- 
diate  formaticm   with    the    totally    diiferent    question  of 
instantaneous  formation^  and  he  attributes  to  his  authorities 
views  on  the  former  question  which  they  held  only  with 
reference  to  the  latter.  Now,  this  is  so  clearlj^  laid  down  by 
Suarez  {Dr,  Op.  Sex  Dier,  B.  3,  c.  1,  n.  4)  that  anyone  who 
misapprehends  his  teaching  can   have  no   claim   to   be 
Tegarded    as    an    authority.      Fr.     Vaughan    says    that 
Kuaheubauer  is  quoted  in  favour  of  mediate  formation. 
But  he  is  quoted  against  it  by  Fr.  Hurter,  S.J.,  in  his 
''Dogmatic  Theology"  (vol.  2,  p.  204,  note).    Fr.  Secchi  is 
"  world-famed  *'  as  an  astronomer,  but  I  have  never  heard 
him   quoted  as  a  theologian.      1   have   no   intention   of 
questioning  the  learning  and  ability  of  Drs.  Schafer  and 


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496  Scientific  Notices. 

Guettler.  but  they  do  not  rank  with  even  the  modem 
theologians  quoted  by  me,  and  as  already  stated,  they  bring 
their  own  reasoning  into  disrepute  by  refusing  to  act  upon  it 
But  taking  their  authority  at  its' best,  it  certainly  doe?  not 
impair  the  strength  of  that  Tradition  that  has  come  down 
to  us  from  the  early  Fathers,  that  has  been  transmitted  to 
us,  and  vindicated  by  all  our  gi-eat  Theologians  in  the  past 
and  in  the  present — a  tradition  that  teaches  the  immediate 
formation  of  the  body  of  the  first  man.  Such  a  tradition, 
such  constant  and  universal  teaching  is  abundantly  sufficient, 
as  I  have  already  said,  to  bring  home  conviction  to  men 
who  are  trained  to  reason  on  Catholic  principles,  and  to 
take  from  us  the  freedom  of  denying  or  doubting  a 
doctrine  so  handed  down.  It  is  the  teaching  of  Fathers, 
Theologians,  Preachers,  and  well  may  the  faithful  who 
believe  it  say :  "  Sic  credit  quae  sub  coelo  est  Catholica 
Ecclesia,  et  omnes  Episcopi  consenliunt  nobiscum.** 

J.  Murphy,  C.G. 


SCIENTIFIC  NOTICES. 
What  is  the  Color  of  the  Sun? 

THIS  seems,  at  first  sight,  a  question  easy  to  answer;  for 
do  we  not,  all  of  us,  every  day,  or  at  least  as  often  as 
our  murky  atmosphere  will  permit,  look  up  at  the  sun  with 
more  or  less  of  eagle  gaze,  and  pronounce  it  to  be  yellow? 
But  if  we  rise  betimes  and  see  it  ere  it  has  cHmbed  high 
above  the  horizon,  when  it  is  peeping  at  us  between  the 
branches  of  the  trees,  and  seemingly,  perhaps  like  ourselves, 
only  half  awake  to  its  own  grandeur  and  brightness,  is  it 
not  then  deep  red  ?  Well,  this  we  know  is  easily  explained ; 
and  we  are  told  that  its  rays,  travelling  towards  us  along 
the  denser  layer  of  the  atmosphere,  losemany  of  their  other 
colors,  on  the  way,  and  reach  us  shorn  of  almost  all  but 
the  lofig  slow  red  ravs  which  make  us  misjudge  its  real 
color,  and  say  that  the  sun  is  red  and  not  yellow.  But 
are  we  sure  that  we  do  not  equally  misjudge  its  color 
when  we  say  that  it  is  yellow  ?  Truly  we  thus  judge 
because  when  it  has  risen  high  above  oiu*  heads,  and  we 
look  at  it  through  the  less  dense  atmosphere  which  now 


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WhatU  the  Color  of  the  Sun  ?  4&7 

comes  between  us  and  the  sun,  we  see  its  bright  j'^ellow 
color,  and  so  conclude  that  when  the  former  obstruction 
48  removed  we  see  it  as  it  really  is ;  but  can  we  forget  that 
if  one  obstruction  has  thus  been  removed,  another  and  far 
greater  one  remains,  and  that  if  the  lower  atmosphere  can 
and  does  impede  so  many  of  the  rays  that  the  red  almost 
alone  reaches  us,  may  not  the  whole  atmosphere  through 
which  we  see  it  at  its  meridian  height,  weaken,  if  not 
entirely  intercept  other  rays,  and  so  transmit  to  us  a  com- 
bination which  forms  in  our  eyes  its  yellow  light,  which  in 
that  case  would  no  more  be  the  true  color  of  the  sun, 
than  the  red  that  misleads  us  when  the  sun  is  low  ? 

It  is  difficult  to  realize  the  fact  that  we  are  dwelling 
at  the  bottom' of  a  vast  ocean  of  atmosphere,  and  that  the 
rays  of  the  sun  force  their  way  through  hundreds  of  miles 
of  that  airy  sea  ere  they  reach  us  with  their  warmth  and 
light. 

We  grow  so  accustomed  to  our  home  in  the  mighty 
deep,  that  it  requires  quite  a  mental  effort  to  recognise  our 
position,  and  to  think  how  different  the  appearance  of  the 
great  orb  of  day  might  be,  could  we  but  manage  to  rise 
to  the  surface  of  our  atmosphere,  and  to  see  the  sun  as  he 
really  is.  We  may  perhaps  venture  so  far  as  to  idly 
speculate  upon  what  would  be  the  outcome  of  such  a  new 
view  of  the  sun  ;  but  few  can  go  beyond  mere  speculation. 
At  the  most,  tourists,  more  or  less  scientific,  content  them- 
selves with  a  view  from  some  Alpine  height,  where 
fatigued  with  the  climb,  and  in  the  more  or  less  vaporous 
atmosphere — none  the  less  so  because  the  air  appears  clear 
— they  observe  no  change  in  the  sun's  appearance,  and 
remark  nothing  new  beyond  an  increase  of  power  in  the 
rays  that  fall  directly  upon  them,  or  are  reflected  frotn  the 
ice  and  snow  around.  They  scorch  their  faces,  and 
hasten  down  again,  to  gloiy  in  the  little  they  have  done> 
but  to  add  next  to  nothing  to  science. 

But  others,  who  have  thought  out  the  problem,  have 
set  themselves  to  solve  it ;  and  amongst  these  earnest  and 
energetic  enquirers,  Mr.  S.  P.  Langley  occupies,  at  the 
present  moment,  the  chief  place.  He  has  done  his  work 
thoroughly,  and  reports  that  the  sun  is  blue ! 

Last  April,  Mr.  Langley  gave  a  lecture  at  the  Royal 
Institution  on  "  SunHgnt  and  the  Earth's  Atmosphere,'* 
which  he  communicated  to  Nature^  where  it  may  be  read 
in  the  first  two  numbers  of  the  current  (33nd)  volume. 
Our  object  is  to  direct  attention  to  that  admirable  lecture, 
VOL.  VI.  2  o 


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498  Scientijie  Notices^: 

and  to  gather  up  its  conohisions  for  the  benefit  of  our 
readers. 

Mr.  Langley  was  not  content  to  rest  in  quiet  contem- 
plation of  the  sun  at  these  lowest  depths  wheie  men 
dwell;  if  he  could  not  scale  the  hundreds  of  miles  of 
atmosphere  to  gaze  on  the  sun  with  no  intervening  veil, 
he  could,  at  least,  cUmb  £ls  high  as  possible  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  vapours,  which  render  stnl  more  obscure  the 
sea  of  air ;  and  tf  not  rend  the  veil,  at  least  go  where  it  is 
thinnest,  and.  least  impeding  to  the  sun's  rays  in  their 
descent  to  earth.  So  he  chose,  not  the  Peak  of  Teneriffe, 
as  he  first  thought  of  doing,  nor  the  great  Rocky  Mountains 
of  America,  which,  high  as  they  rise,  would  ill  serve  his 
purpose,  seeing  that  their  tops  are  the  home  of  mist  and 
log :  he  selected  the  highest  peak.  Mount  Whitney,  of 
the  Sierra  Nevadas,  in  Southern  California,  which  rise  pre- 
cipitously out  of  the  dry  air  of  the  great  wastes  in  lonely 
peaks,  and  look  eastwards  down  from  a  height  of  nearly 
15,000  feet  upon  the  desert  lands.  No  place  could  be 
better  fitted  for  his  purj)ose,  and  few  perhaps  are  less 
inviting.  Of  course  the  American  Qovemment,  as  is  its 
wont  to  do,  gave  all  needful  help  in  the  shape  of  trans- 
portation and  a  militaiy  eecort ;  and  when  the  work  was 
over,  and  the  importance  of  Mount  Whitney  as  a  physical 
observatory  fully  recognised,  that  truly  noble  government 
set  aside,  as  a  state  reservation,  the  Moimt  and  its 
surroundings,  to  the  grand  extent  of  one  hundred  square 
miles. 

All  honom-  to  the  great  Republic,  whose  gifts  to  science 
are  so  correspondingly  great.  But  it  might  be  objected, 
what  is  gained  by  climbing  some  three  miles  and  upwards 
in  the  atmosphere,  when  that  sea  of  air  extends  for  some 
hundreds  of  miles?  what  will  tlus  comparatively  small 
step  avail  to  solve  the  question  as  to  what  the  sun  would 
show  its  colour  to  be  when  those  hundreds  are  scaled! 

But  if  we  pause  a  moment  to  consider  what  the 
atmosphere  is— how  elastic,  and  how  rapidly  its  density 
diminishes  from  the  pressure  of  fifteen  pounds  upon  every 
square  inch  here  at  its  bottom,  to  that  which  is  next  to 
nothing  at  its  upper  surface — we  shall  not  be  surprised  to 
hear  that  when  we  have  ascended  only  four  miles 
through  its  lowest  layers,  we  have  mounted  nearly 
throupfh  half  its  mass ;  that  four-mile  stratum  equalling 
in  weight  all  the  hundreds  of  miles  that  lie  heaped  in 
lessening  strata  above  it ;  so  that,  for  such  observations 


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What  is  tlie  Color  of  iJie  Sun  ?  4^ 

^  Mr.  Laiiffley  had  lu  view,  hfd  may  be  said  to  have 
moimted  hcuf-way  to  the  surface  in  that  climb  up  Mount 
Whitney.  We  leave  Mr.  Langley  to  tell  his  own  talc  of 
travel,  \ybich  he  does  graphically  and  pleasantly  in  the 
lecture  ;  we  have  here  only  to  deal  with  its  results,  which 
are  as  unexpected  as  they  are  important. 

Of  course  he  began  his  observations  at  the  base  of 
Mount  Whitney,  where  he  and  his  companions  laboured 
for  three  weeks  in  almost  intolerable  heat,  as  we  may 
judge  from  the  fact  that  a  thermometer  rose  to  the 
extraordinary  temperat^ire  of  237°  in  the  sun ;  while 
in  the  tent,  which  was  darkened  for  the  study  of 
separate  rays,  the  "heat  was  absolutely  beyond  human 
endurance." 

Then  the  overhanging  Mount  Whitney  was  climbed  at 
no  Httle  lisk  and  toil,  while  the  iustiniments  for  observation 
were  sent  on  the  backs  of  mules  a  ten-days'  journey 
by  a  less  precipitous  route,  to  the  upper  station.  Then 
came  scientific  observations  on  tlieir  own  bodies.  The 
-cooler  the  air  in  the  ascent,  the  more  the  sun  burnt  them, 
for  the  hotter  it  blazed  above  them :  burnt  them  so  that 
their  faces  were  seared  as  with  red  hot  irons.  While  they 
waited  for  their  instruments  they  looked  around  and  down 
upon  the  eaith,  down  far  below,  and  saw  there  the  an- 
filled  with  reddish  dust :  the  air-ocean  was  thereby  turbid, 
but  they  were  above  its  troubled  waters,  and  their  obser- 
vations  on  the  sun  were  strange  indeed.  It  is  difficult  to 
describe  the  results  with  one  diagram,  but  perhaps  we  may 
imcceed  in  at  least  making  ourselves  partly  underntood. 
Everybody  knows  that  the  sunUght  falling  on  a  prism 
spreads  out  the  white  light  into  a  band  of  colors,  passing 
from  red  at  one  end  of  the  solar  spectrum  into  violet  at  the 
other  end.  When  carefully  tested  these  colors  are  found 
to  vary  in  temperature,  being  coldest  at  the  violH  end  and 
increasing  steadily  through  the  other  colors  to  the  red 
where  it  is  hottest ;  and  if  the  heat-testing  instrument  (the 
bolometer  in  this  case)  is  carried  beyond  the  visible  red, 
the  heat  is  found  to  increase  rapidly  in  what  may  be  called 
the  invisible  spectiaim,  and  then  to  diminish  again,  but  still 
to  be  sensible  until  it  has  reached  a  distance  double  in 
length  of  the  whole  visible  spectrum.  Such  is  the  well- 
known  result  obtained  under  ordinary  circumstances  ;  but 
here  both  at  the  base  and  summit  aUke  of  Mount  Whitney, 
whether  in  the  arid  basin  of  a  long  since  exhausted  salt 
lake,  or  amidst  the  snows  and  icefields  of  its  lofty  heights, 


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a  new  state  of  things  revealed  itself,  as  wonderful  as  it  is 
new.  The  invisible  spectrum  beyond  the  red  is  no  longer 
limited  to  a  space  double  that  of  the  visible  spectnim,  but 
spreads  itself  to  an  additional  length  which  is  equal  to  that 
previously  observed  with  a  length  equal  to  that  of  the 
visible  spectrum  added,  so  that  the  invisible  red  (as  we 
generally  call  it),  is  here  found  to  be  not  merely  twice,  but 
five  times  the  length  of  the  whole  visible  spectrum  from 
red  to  violet.  Nor  is  this  all,  nor  indeed  is  it  the  chief 
discovery  ;  for  we  find  the  rise  of  temperature  is  altogether 
in  the  opposite  direction^  that  is  to  say,  from  red  to  violet. 
The  red  are  now  the  coldest  rays,  the  violet  the  hottest.  At 
the  extreme  end  of  their  new  territory  of  invisible  red  the 
temperature  first  reveals  itself — the  warmth  begins.  As 
the  bolometer  passes  along  the  heat  increases  steadily, 
but  not  until  it  tests  the  visible  red  rays  dues  the  heat 
gi'ow  into  any  comparative  intensity  ;  then,  as  it  passes 
through  the  various  colours  the  orange,  yellow,  green,  blue, 
indigo  and  violet,it  rises,  as  with  a  boimd,  until  itculminatcs 
in  intensity  at  the  extreme  violet,  whence  it  abruptly 
diminishes  again  until  it  is  no  longer  perceptible  in  the 
invisible  spectrum  beyond  the  violet  end.  As  it  was  in  the 
plain  below,  so  was  it  in  the  heights  above,  the  same  order 
and  graduation  of  heat,  but,  of  course,  with  increased 
intensity.  The  heat  and  light  rays  were  here  found  to  be 
double  what  they  were  below,  the  growth  of  power  being 
greatest  in  the  visible  Spectrum,  and  chiefly  in  the  violet 
end  of  it. 

But  again  the  old  objection  may  be  urged.  What 
avails  all  this  when  the  observer  is  less  tha^  foiu*  miles 
above  the  earth's  surface,  and,  even  according  to  our  own 
reckoning  for  rapidly  increasing  density,  only  practically 
half  way  up  to  the  surface  of  the  atmosphere?  The 
answer  is  that  we  have  now  data  seeminglv  sufficient  to 
solve  the  enigma,  and  quite  enough  to  derive  a  veiy 
probable  conclusion.  We  know  what  that  half  mass  ot 
the  atmosphere  which  lies  between  the  foot  and  summit  of 
Mount  Whitney  has  done  to  the  rays  that  have  traversed  it ; 
cannot  we  then  safely  conclude  what  the  other  half  of  its 
mass  does  to  those  same  rays  in  their  passage  downwards 
from  the  siurface  of  the  atmosphere  to  the  elevated  station! 
We  liave  now  but  to  double  the  difference  between  the 
intensities  of  heat  in  the  recorded  observations  above  and 
below,  and  we  shall  know  with  sufficient  accuracy  what 
will  be  the  relative  intensities  of  the  different  parts  of  the 


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What  is  the  Color  of  the  Sun? 


501 


■solar  spectrum  at  the  surface  of  the  atmosphere.^  But  sup- 
posing these  conclusions  to  be  correct,  and  that  we  know  not 
only  the  reversed  order  of  growing  intensity  from  red  to 
violet^  from  the  extremest  end  of  the  enormously  lengthened 
invisible  spectrum  beyond  the  red,  to  its  rapid  boimd  of 
intense  light  and  heat  in  the  violet  rays,  and  its  rapid 


280 


1  It  is  well  known  that  the  spreading  out  of  the  white  light  into  a 
spectrum  band  of  rainbow  colors  by  the  prism  is  caused  by  the  diCFerent 
velocities  with  which  the  mixed  waves  of  light  move,  and  that  of  course 
depends  upon  their  different  wave-lengths.  The  shortest  and  swiftest 
waves  which  affect  the  eye,  and  so  become  visible,  are  the  violet ;  the 
longest  and  slowest  waves  are  seen  as  red.  Slower  waves  than  these 
red  are  not  seen,  quicker  waves  than  the  violet  at  the  other  end  are 
likewise  invisible,  but  not  "  to  feeling  as  to  sight." 

If  we  draw  a  horizontal  line,  and  mark  on  it  the  velocities  of  the 
different  waves,  and  then  draw  perpendiculars  to  this  line  at  the  different 
points,  we  may  represent  the  proportional  intensities  of  heat  at  these 
several  points  by  the  proportional  length  of  these  lines ;  and  if  we  join 
the  upper  extremities  of  these  lines  we  shall  draw  a  curve,  the  distance 
of  each  point  of  which  from  the  horizontal  Ime  will  represent  the  intxjnsity 
of  heat  at  the  point  beneath. 

This  our  three  curves  represent,  omitting  the  vertical  lines  whose 
lengths  are  measured  by  the  curves  themselves. 

The  under  one  gives  us  the  observed  comparative  intensities  of  heat 
in  the  spectrum  at  the  bass  of  Mount  Whitney,  the  middle  one  those  at 
the  summit  of  the  Mount,  while  the  upper  one  gives  us  the  calculated 
spectrum  at  the  top  of  the  atmosphere. 

The  numbers  represent  the  length  of  the  waves,  taking  as  unity 
the  two  and  a  half  millioneth  part  of  an  inch.  From  40  (violet)  to 
80  Tred)  is  the  visible  spectrum,  from  30  to  40  is  the  invisible  spectrum 
at  the  violet  end,  and  from  80  to  280  the  invisible  spectrum  beyond  the 
red. 


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decrease  and  extinction  in  the  invisible  blile  ;  allowing  all 
this,  how  do  we  thence  derive  an  answer  to  the  qn^tion^ 
what  is  the  color  of  the  snnt  A  very  Httle  consideration 
will  show.  ITie  white  light  which  cotties  to  us  here  below 
from  the  sun,  and  is  scattered  by  the  prism  into  the  rainbow 
colors  of  the  solar  spectrum,  can  be  easily  collected 
together  again  and  combined  into  the  white  solar  light 
which  their  union  originally  constituted.  In  a  similar 
manner  the  colors  in  the  spectrum  thus  calculated  for  the 
outer  surface  of  the  atmosphere,  their  relative  intenfiitie& 
being  known,  can  be  combined  into  one  which  will  be  the 
color  of  the  sun,  and  which,  were  this  veil  of  atmosphere 
removed,  we  should  see,  could  our  eyes  endure  the  bright- 
ness of  that  appearing,  as,  broadly  speaking,  blue. 

But  this  result  of  Mr.  Langley*s  investigations  though 
perhaps  the  most  curious,  is  of  course  not  the  most  im- 
portant. We  find  the  absorbing  power  of  the  atmosphere 
to  be  far  greater  than  was  hitherto  supposed,  seeing  how 
intense  is  the  heat  which  it  intercepts  and  retains;  so  great 
indeed,  is  what  Mr.  Langley  quaintly  calls  its  blanketing 
action,  that,  as  he  has  found  by  experiments,  if  the  earth 
were  allowed  to  radiate  freely  into  space  without  any  pro- 
tecting veil,  its  sun-lit  surface  would  probably  fall,  even  in 
tropics  below  the  temperature  of  freezing  mercury ;  while 
on  the  other  hand  tlie  heat  poured  down  by  the  sun  upon 
the  unprotected  earth  would  be  capable  of  melting  a  shell 
of  ice  sixty  yards  thick  annually  over  the  whole  earth. 
A  variation  of  temperature  which  would  necessitate,  to  say 
the  least,  a  considerable  changie  in  the  constitution  of  man. 

Many  other  results  obviously  follow  from  these  curious 
and  valuable  investigations  which  we  leave  the  thoughtful 
reader  to  work  out  for  himself.  Anyhow  it  is  something 
if  such  revelations  as  these  teach  us  to  look  with  gratitude 
upon  this  air-sea  in  which  we  live,  and  to  be  thankful  for 
its  protection,  both  against  the  fierce  sun-rays  which  would 
otherwise  scorch  the  earth  into  an  arid  desert  and  us  into 
ashes,  as  also  against  that  terrible  radiation  of  heat  away 
from  us,  which  would  clothe  the  world  in  one  vast  glacier* 
and  freeze  within  us  warmth  and  life.  Summer  heat  and 
winter  cold  are  tempered  to  our  wants  and  capacities  by 
this  wonderful  atmosphere  in  which  we  live,  and  without 
which  we  should  die. 

Henry  Bedford. 


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[    603    3 


ADRIAN  IV.  AND  HENRY  PLANTAGENET. 

**  I  can  judge  but  poorly  of  anything,  whilst 
I  measure  it  by  no  other  standard  than  itself.** 

Edfnufid  Burke. 

IT  is  still  a  debated  qiieetion  whether  Adrian  IV.  was  in 
any  way  concerned  with  the  Norman  incursion  into 
Ireland  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  present  contribution 
to  the  controversy  is  an  attiempt  to  approach  the  subject 
in  a  somewhat  different  manner  from  tnat  usually  adopted. 
No  one  pretends  that  the  positive  evidence  for  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  "Bull  of  Adrian  IV.**  is  conclusive.  The 
popular  credence  which  it  has  obtained  is  mainly  owing 
t6  an  impression  that  the  Church  in  Ireland  in  the  twelfth 
century  was  corrupt  and  disorganized  ;  and  that  an  English 
Pope  was  likely  to  favour  the  designs  of  a  Norman  king. 
These  prepossessions  have  long  held  their  ground  owing 
to  the  fact  that  the  vast  majority  of  modern  writers  on  this 
question  have  drawn  their  information  from  writers  of  the 

Seriod  who  have  been  either  foreign  or  hostile.  By  this  I 
0  not  mean  that  these  middle-age  writers,and  their  modei  n 
commentators,  have  all  been  intentionally  antagonistic. 
Some  were  far  removed  from  every  suspicion,  save  that 
which  attaches  to  our  common  fallible  humanity ;  and  like 
many  good  men  now-a-days,  they  would  have  been  just  to 
Ireland  if  they  only  knew  how.  The  following  is  a  brief 
inquiiy  into  the  characters  of  those  concerned  inthesupposed 
transaction,  followed  by  an  attempt  to  find  out  what  were 
the  opinions  of  Irishmen  in  the  twelfth  century  regarding 
a  matter  about  which  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  they 
could  be  indifferent. 

Many  are  the  pei^plexing  and  apparently  hopeless 
controversies  which  long  since  would  have  been  brought 
to  a  satisfactory  termination  if,  as  Edmund  Burke  advises, 
we  tried  to  look  at  the  inside  of  things  by  the  help  of  Hght 
borrowed  from  Avithout.  Indeed,  certain  questions  are  so 
obscured  by  time,  or  distorted  by  sectarian  or  political 
fanaticism,  that  it  is  not  too  much  to  say,  that  without 
collateral  illustration  they  cannot  be  measured  at  all. 

All  these  elements  of  obscurity  are  found  in  the  con- 
troversy which  rages  round  the  document  by  which  Pope 
Adrian  IV.  is  supposed  to  have  made  over  Ireland  to 
Benry  Plantagenet.     ITie  historical  period  into  which  it 


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504  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  PlarUagenet 

leads  U8  was  one  in  which  great  political  contests  aroused 
the  fiercest  passions,  and  colourea  the  records  of  the  age, 
and  it  is  the  strange  fate  of  Ireland  that  the  struggles  which 
began  in  the  twelfth  century  are  still  drawn  out.  This  is 
principally  owing  to  the  fact,  that  with  the  advent  of 
rrotestantism  a  new  race  of  rulers  stepped  into  the  shoes 
of  the  old.  Throughout  the  long  struggle  which  has 
supervened,  we  must  confess  that  the  balance  of  prudence 
and  sagacity  has  been  on  the  side  of  the  stranger.  No 
seemingly  weak  point  in  the  Catholic  fortress  has  escaped 
observation.  Amongst  others,  the  supposed  donation  of 
Pope  Adrian,  which  in  Catholic  times  was  well  nigh 
unnoticed  and  disregarded,  has  now  become  one  of 
the  favourite  themes  of  the  orators  and  historians  of 
Bible  Societies,  Orange  Lodges,  and  all  such  kindred 
associations,  whether  open  or  secret,  whose  aim  is  to 
foster  division,  and  foment  disloyalty  in  the  Church. 
There  is  another  characteristic  of  this  period  which  deserves 
consideration.  It  was  a  time  when  the  lawless  ambition 
of  kings  found  itself  face  to  face  with  a  spiritual  power 
against  which  force  was  vain.  Hence,  there  never  was  a 
period  when  fraud  was  more  active  and  wide-spread  in  the 
dealings  of  sovereigns  with  the  Holy  See,  or  more  likely 
to  be  successful,  owing  to  the  disturbed  state  of  Italy,  and 
the  consequent  diflBculties  of  communication  :  it  was  an 
age  of  forgeries,  and,  therefore,  the  Papal  documents  of 
that  period  must  be  scrutinized  with  care  as  great  as  that 
which  St.  Jerome  or  St.  Leo  expended  on  fabricated 
Gosplesand  Epistles.  In  the  present  instance  a  great  part 
of  this  work  has  been  already  done  by  Archbishop  Moran, 
and  by  a  learned  writer  in  the  Analecta  juris  Pontificiu^ 
but  it  has  occured  to  the  present  writer  that  some  further 
light  may  be  thrown  upon  this  most  interesting  subject,  by 
expanding  arguments  drawn  from  the  history  of  the 
period,  and  examining  the  characters  of  the  chief  actors 
in  this  mysterious  drama. 

The  story  of  the  transaction  is  briefly  as  follows: — 
In  the  year  1155,  immediately  on  his  accession  to  the 
Pontificate,  Adrian  IV.  is  supposed  to  have  written  a 
private  letter  to  the  young  king  of  England,  then  in  his 

1  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  Nov.,  1872.  Analecta,  May,  1882. 
The  wiiter  in  the  Analecta  has  rather  weakened  his  alignment  bj  lajmg 
too  much  stress  on  one  favourite  theory,  thus  exposing  his  flank  whicn 
hus  been  assailed  more  furiously  than  successfully  by  the  Rev.  Sylvester 
Malone.     (See  Dublin  Review,  April,  1884.) 


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Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  PltmtageneL  505 

twenty-second  year.  In  thier  letter,  which  will  be  given 
later  on,  there  is  not  one  word  which  suggests  the  idea  of 
temporal  domination,  as  the  word  domimis,  which  occurs 
once  in  the  text,  is  common  to  ecclesiastical  and  secular 
docTunenta  The  letter  is  entirely  devoted  to  ecclesiastical 
business,  which  is  one  of  the  most  cogent  arguments 
against  its  authenticity. 

Although  in  the  course  of  this  discussion  we  shall  have 
to  consider  the  comparative  state  of  religion  in  England 
and  Ireland  in  the  year  1155,  we  may  here  draw  attention 
to  the  following  fact:  '*Pope  Eugenius  III.  sent  John 
Paparo,  a  Priest  and  Cardinal,  with  the  title  of  *St.  Laurence 
in  Damasus,'  to  Ireland  in  1152,  as  Legate,  with  four 
palliums  for  the  four  Archbishops  of  Armagh,  Dublin, 
i^ashel  and  Tuam.  The  Le^te  assembled  a  Council  at 
which  he  presided  with  Christian  O'Conarchy,  Bishop  of 
Lismore,  and  Apostolic  Le^te  after  the  death  of  St. 
Malachy"'  Now  Adrian  I  v.  had  been  the  disciple  and 
one  of  the  favourite  ministers  of  Eugenius  III. ;  he  could 
mot  be  ignorant  of,  and  was  not  likely  to  be  indifferent  to 
the  honours  paid  by  his  predecessor  to  the  Irish  hierarchy. 
Three  years  later,  however,  we  are  told  that  he  sent  a 
commission  to  a  young  layman,  the  king  of  a  nation,  which 
was  itself  apparently  on  the  verge  of  schism,  by  which 
the  said  king  was  authorised  to  reform  the  Irish  Church. 
Moreover  the  spiritual  powei-s  with  which  this  king 
was  invested  were  practically  unlimited  and  probably 
more  absolute  than  had  ever  been  entrusted  to  any 
Papal  Legate;  for  all  preexisting  ecclesiastical  authority 
was  so  completely  ignored  that  no  notice  of  the  mission 
of  the  lay  plenipotentiary  was  given  to  the  Papal  Legate 
and  Bishops  ot  Ireland.  In  the  *'  Bull "  the  Pope 
is  supposed  to  con^atulate  the  king  on  his  wish  *'  to 
extend  the  boundaries  of  the  Church;  to  annoimce  the 
truths  of  the  Christian  Faithy'  and  finally  **  Be  zealous  in 
moulding  that  nation  according  to  the  principles  of  good 
morality,  and  take  measures  as  well  on  your  own  part  as  well 
as  by  those  wliom  you  may  employ,  and  who  by  their  faith, 
doctrine,  and  life  shall  recommend  themselves  to  your 
judgment,  so  that  the  Church  in  those  parts  may  be  adorned 
and  the  religion  of  the  Christian  Faith,  planted  and  developed,'* 
Here,  then,  I  repeat  we  find  tlie  Vicar  of  Christ  ignoring 
not  only  the  presence  of  his  own  Legate,  but  the  very 

^  M'Geoghegan  Hist,  of  Ireland,  p.  236. 

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506  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet 

exifiteiice  of  Chrwtmiiity  m  a  countiy  wbich  at  the  time 
possessed  a  tv^l-organfeed  hierarchy;  and  innnmerable 
religious  cbtmnunities.  We  shall  return  to  thes^  incon- 
gruities and  incredible  exaggerations  iii  the  text  of  the 
"  Bull,"  when  we  have  taken  a  glance  at  the  characters  of 
the  chief  personages  whose  names  have  been  identified 
with  this  transaction. 

Henry  Plantagenet  was  tinother  Htoiy  VIII.  bom 
before  his  time,  and  as  such  he  has  had  many  admirers  and 
apologists.  He  never  cut  himself  oflFfrom  the  Church,  and 
hence  even  (iitholic  writers  s6era  to  have  been  deceived 
by  his  nominal  Catholicity.  But  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  in  those  days  herfefey  and  schism  wei-e  impolitic 
and  dangerous  tastes  even  in  kings,  some  of  whom, 
according  to  the  maxims  of  St.  Bernard,  would  have  done 
less  harm  to  the  Church  if  they  bad  thrown  off  the  mask 
of  Catholicity  and  come  out  in  their  true  character  as 
heretics. 

Our  object  now  is  to  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  the 
public  and  private  character  of  this  personage  from  his 
youth  upwards,  and  especially  at  the  period  when  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  is  supposed  to  have  intrusted  him 
with  so  delicate  and  sacred  a  mission.  In  1152,  three 
years  before  this  time,  Henry,  then  Duke  of  Normandy,  had 
married  Eleanor  of  Acquitaine,  who  brought  to  him  as  her 
dowiy  seven  of  the  richest  provinces  of  France.  The 
previous  marriage  of  Eleanor  with  Louis  VII.,  king  of 
France,  had  been  declared  null  by  the  French  Bishops,  and 
this  without  reference  to  the  Holy  See  to  which  such  cases 
were  reserved  by  the  Canon  Law;  but  such  was  her 
shameless  profligacy,  that  the  chivalrous  French  king  was 
(?lad  to  get  rid  of  her  even  at  the  loss  of  the  best  part  of 
his  kingdom.  Six  weeks  after  the  separation  Henry,  then 
only  nineteen  years  of  age,  married  the  oatcast  queen, 
having  been,  as  it  was  said,  in  collusion  with  her,  and 
directing  hor  in  the  affair  of  the  separation.'  As  wo 
proceed  we  shall  find,  on  the  authority  of  St.  Thomas  of 
Canterbury,  that  the  dispositions  of  the  young  and  powerful 
Duke  of  N  ormandy  had  already  aroused  grave  apprehensions 
at  the  court  of  Rome,  and  the  suspicions  of  Henry*s  foul 
play  fit  in  with  the  character  of  one  of  whom,  later  on, 
Cardinal  Vivian,  the  Roman  Legate,  said  :  **  Never  did  I 
witness  this  man's  equal  in  lying,'*  while  the  king  of  France 

*  Rohrbacher,  vol.  xxvL  p.  45.   Martin,  Hist,  de  France,  t.  III.  p.  462. 

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A  drian  IV.  and  Stnry  Plantoff^tU  507 

declared  to  Henry's  ambassadors  that  '*  their  master  was  so 
full  of  fraud  and  deceit  that  it  waft  impostibl^  to  keep  faith 
withhim/*" 

There  is  something  revolting  ih  the  process  of  digging- 
up  and  gibbeting  one  so  long  dead  and  buried,  and  if 
Hemry's  crimes  and  frauds  were  also  dead  and  bmied,  it 
might  be  om-  duty  to  draw  a  veil  over  them ;  but  when  w& 
find  that  his  duplicity  and  evil  deeds  are  perpetuated  in 
their  consequences,  then  charity  to  many  calls  for  justice 
upon  one,  even  though  his  frauds  had  done  no  more  than 
pollute  the  fountains  of  Christian  historj',  which  is  the 
family  history  of  the  civilized  world. 

The  mopt  damning  evidence  agamst  Henry  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  The 
saint  had  known  the  king  from  his  youth.  Roger  of 
Pontigny,  a  contemporary,  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  reasons  which  in  the  first  instance  induced  Archbishop 
Theobald,  the  English  Primate,  to  introduce  St.  Thotoas 
to  the  young  king : — 

"  At  that  time,  to  wit,  the  year  eleven  hundred  and  fifty-four 
from  the  Incarnatiou  of  the  Lord,  when  Henry,  the  son  of  Geofrey, 
Count  of  Anjou,  and  of  Matilda  the  Empress,  succeeded  to  his 
ancestral  kingdom,  many  disturbances,  and  a  great  thirst  fofr 
novelties  arose  in  England,  and  no  slight  fear  took  hold  of  the 
Church  of  that  country,  as  well  because  of  the  suspicious  age  of  the 
king,  as  from  the  notorious  malignity  of  his  family  in  their  dealings 
with  the  rights  of  ecclesiastical  liberty.  Not  without  cause  indeed, 
as  the  end  mode  manifest.  Now,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
anxious  about  the  present,  and  fearing  for  the  future,  reflected  liow 
he  might  counteract  those  impending  evils  which  he  dreaded,  and 
it  seemed  to  him  that  peace  and  tranquillity  might  be  secured  for  the 
English  Church  if  Thomas  could  obtain  a  place  amongst  the 
advisers  of  the  king."  John  of  Salisbury,  also  a  contemporary,  in 
his  *  Life  of  St.  Thomas,'  gives  identically  the  same  account  of 
Henry's  character  at  this  period.  'He  (Archbishop  Theobald) 
suspected  the  youth  of  the  king,  while  he  dreaded  the  evil  effects  of 
the  folly  and  malice  of  the  young  and  depraved  men  who  were 
apparently  his  councillors.'  William  of  Canterbury,  also  probably 
a  contemporary,  writes  in  the  same  style,  and  describes  the  '  malice 
of  the  king*s  designs '  at  the  very  outset  of  his  reign,  as  well  as 
the  boldness  of  his  ministers  in  *  conspiring  to  strip  the  Church  of 
her  possessions.' " 

It  is  well-known  that  Archbishop  Theobalil  succeeded 
in  his  wise  dettgns;  but  the  '*  peace  and  tranquillity  **  which 

'Lingard,  Hist,  of  £ng.  voL  ii.,  p.  106  (w). 

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508  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet 

he  hoped  for  were  were  only  obtained  when  the  voice  of 
the  martyr's  blood  ascended  to  heaven. 

Henry  made  St.  Thomas  Chancellor  of  England  in 
1155,  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  which  befi^an  in  the 
December  of  1154.  No  one  was  more  intimate  with 
Henry  or  knew  him  better,  and  in  1168,  when  in  exile, 
St. Thomas  wrote  to  Pope  Alexander  III.,the  touchingletter 
which  begins,  **  0  my  father,  my  soul  is  in  bitterness."  It  is 
quite  clear  from  this  document  that  the  Archbishop  was  no 
match  for  the  king  in  diplomacy ;  but  the  point  which 
concenis  our  argument  is  the  evidence  it  affords  that 
Henry's  precocious  ambition,  and  lawless  erastianism  were 
well-known  in  Rome  even  before  he  ascended  the  English 
throne.  The  opponents  of  St  Thomas  asserted  that  the 
king's  policy  was  inspired  by  a  mere  personal  hatred  of 
the  Archbishop.  "  From  the  very  first  day  ot  his  accession 
to  power,"  answers  the  saint,  "he  lias  stretched  out  his  hand 
against  the  liberties  of  the  Church,  as  if  they  were  his  own 
hereditary  right.  Was  I  Archbishop  when  his  father 
barred  his  dominions  against  the  Nuncios  of  the  blessed 
Eugenius?  Was  I  Archbishop  when  Gregoiy,  (/ardinal 
Deacon  of  St.  Angelo,  foreseeing  the  tyranny  of  this  man, 
persuaded  the  Lord  Eugenius  to  forbid  the  coronation  of 
Eustace,  the  son  of  King  Stephen,  saying  that  it  was 
easier  to  hold  a  ram  by  the  horns  than  a  lion  by  the  tail  ? 
You  know  this  histoiy." 

There  is  another  sentence  in  this  letter  which  suggests 
an  argument  against  the  "  Bull,'*  which,  as  far  as  I  know, 
has  not  been  noticed.  The  legal  acuteness  and  subtility 
of  Henry's  mind  was  well  understood  by  the  saint,  and, 
with  apostoli(5  boldness,  he  warns  the  Pope  that  conces- 
sions made  to  the  king  would  ceiiainly  be  used  as 
precedenta^  Now,  the  supposed  Bull  of  Adrian  IV. 
invested  Henry  with  those  very  powers  over  the  Chiu-ch 
in  Ireland  for  which  he  was  contending  in  England ;  it  is 
not  likely,  therefore,  that  he  would  have  neglected  so 
striking  a  precedent,  if,  as  is  said,  he  had  the  •*  Bull"  in 
his  keeping  during  the  many  years  of  his  contest  with 
St.  Thomas. 

Our  next  step  leads  us  to  consider  the  character  of  the 

^  **  They  bold  in  their  hands  a  copy  of  your  dispensation,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  it  will  be  used  as  a  precedent,  and  converted  into 
•a  privilege,  as  weU  by  his  successors  as  by  himself,  unless  you  at  onoe 
retract  it."  Vitae,  et  Epist.  S.  Thomae,  Migne,  PatroL  vol.  cxc,  pp.  61, 
197,  233,  467. 


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Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenef.  SOO" 

Pope  who  is  supposed  to  have  sent  so  very  questionable 
an  agent  to  reform  the  Irish  Church. 

There  are  some  who  gravely  argue,  that  as  Adrian  IV . 
was  an  Anglo-Saxon,  it  was  natural  that  he  should  desire 
to  see  the  Church  in  Ireland  governed  according  to  the 
principles  in  vogue  in  England  under  the  Normans.  The 
real  truth,  however,  is  that  humanly  speaking,  the  Pope's 
nationality  is  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  against  such 
a  supposition.  Adrian  came  of  a  patient  and  gentle  race,, 
and,  as  Father  of  all  Christians,  the  Normans  m  England 
were  his  children  ;  but  in  his  case,  the  history  of  his  miser- 
able country,  lit  up  by  his  own  personal  experience,  must 
have  taught  him  that  a  rapacious  and  lawless  Norman 
king  was  the  last  man  in  Europe  in  whom  the  Vicar  of 
Christ  could  repose  confidence,  and  Pope  Adrian  had  had 
better  opportimities  even  than  Roger  of  Pontigny  for 
observing  the  ** notorious  malignity"  of  Heniy  and  his 
race  in  their  dealings  with  the  Church. 

The  term  "  Saxon,"  as  appUed  to  the  invaders  by  Irish 
writers,  is  one  of  those  traditional  perversions  of  language 
which  does  so  much  in  perpetuating  historical  delusions. 
The  men  who  came  over  with  Strongbow  and  Henry  IL, 
were  the  conquerors  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  their  iron- 
handed  despotism  weighed  far  more  heavily  upon  them 
than  upon  the  Irish  ;  and  for  proof  of  this,  we  need  go  no 
further  than  the  life  of  Pope  Adrian  himself.  England  and 
Ireland  were  common  suftercrs,  as  they  had  hithorto  been 
united  by  a  bond  of  friendship  almost  unparalelled  amongst 
nations.  Venerable  Bede,  the  matchless  historian  of  tne 
Anglo-Saxon,  gives  us  a  touching  record  of  those  kindly 
relations  which  continued  unbroken  until  the  arrival  of  the 
Normans. 

As  early  as  the  year  664,  he  writes : — 

*'  Many  of  the  nobility,  and  of  the  lower  ranks  of  the  English 
nation,  were  there  (in  Ireland)  at  that  time,  who  in  the  days  of 
the  Bishops  Finan  and  Colman,  forsaking  their  native  island, 
retired  thither,  either  for  the  sake  of  Divine  studies,  or  of  a  more 
continent  life ;  and  some  of  them  presently  devoted  themselves  to  a 
monastical  life,  others  chose  rather  to  apply  themselves  to  study, 
going  about  from  one  master's  cell  to  another.  The  Scots  (Irish)- 
willingly  received  them  all,  and  took  care  to  supply  them  with 
food,  as  also  to  furnish  them  with  books  to  read,  and  their  teaching 
gratis."! 

\  Ecclesiastical  History,  B.  III.,  c.  27.    Ed.  GUes. 

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510  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Flanla^jeneL 

St.  Aldhelin,  who  died  709,  says  that  the  English 
went  to  Ireland  "numerous  as  bees."  In  the  next 
century  the  English  Alcuin  came  to  study  in  Ireland, 
perhaps  in  that  "  Saxon  Quarter ''  at  Armagh,  whose 
name  remained  as  evidence  of  centuries  of  hospitality;^ 
and  when  the  Danes  brought  desolation  on  the  altars 
and  homes  of  both  countries,  the  common  sorrow  had 
become  another  bond  of  union.  It  is  true  that  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  invasion,  Ireland  was  full  of  EngUsh  slavea 
Henry  II.  is  said  to  have  made  their  Uberation  one  of  his 
pretexts  for  entering  Ireland,  and  in  1171,  the  Coimcil  of 
Armaeh  ordered  them  to  be  set  at  liberty ;  but  the  unhappy 
EngUsn  knsw  well  that  it  was  the  sellers  rather  than  the 
buyers  who  were  responsible  for  this  enormity. 

Nicholas  Breakspeare  was  the  son  of  a  servant  attached 
to  the  Abbey  of  St.  Alban's,  or  according  to  another 
account,  of  a  beggar  who  lived  on  the  alms  distributed  at 
the  gates  of  the  Abbey.  His  name,  a  compound  of  two 
Saxon  words,*  as  well  as  his  condition,  reveals  his  race. 
His  father  was  subsequently  received  as  a  member  of  the 
community,  while  his  son  continued  to  subsist  on  the 
charity  of  the  religious,  in  fact  he  was  evidently  of  the 
class  known  in  Ireland  as  "  poor  scholars."  We  are  told 
that  his  father  was  indignant,  and  reproached  him  with  his 
cowardice.  From  this  it  would  seem  that  he  wished  his 
son  to  adopt  the  military  profession,  Nicholas,  however, 
was  reluctant  to  do  so,  but  it  is  plain  from  the  history  of  his 
Ufe  that  it  was  not  courage  which  was  wanting.  Military 
service  in  England  at  that  time  was  not  likely  to  suit  the 
tastes  of  young  Breakspeare.  There  was  little  to  chose 
between  the  service  of  the  king  and  that  of  the  nobles, 
who  in  Stephen*8  reign  had  raised  and  fortified  as  many 
as  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  castles  in  different  parts  ot 
England.  From  the  Norman  Conquest  1067,  to  the  death 
of  Stephen  1154^  the  ancient  race  in  England  were  ground 
down  by  tyranny  almost  unexampled  in  history;  and  if 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  the  people  began  to  lift  their 
heads  under  the  leadership  of  St.  Thomas,  it  was  mainly 
owing  to  the  moral  dignity  with  which  the  Anglo-Saxon 
was  invested  when  in  the  person  of  Adrian  IV.  cue  of 

1  The  Age  of  Christ.  1155.  !Maelmuire  Mac  GiUachidrain,  Airchin* 
neach  (prefect)  of  the  Fort  of  the  Guests  of  Christ  at  Ard-Macha. — 
Annals  of  the  Four  Masters, 

^  Ihe  name  Breakspeare  is  a  compound  of  the  two  Saxon  words 
hneccar-spere.      See  Johnson. 


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Acbian  IK  and  Henxy  Fhmtagmet.  511 

his  despised  race  became  Vicar  of  Chmt  and  Arbiter 
of  Europe.  The  following  are  some  of  Lingard's  ex- 
pressions in  his  hii^ory  of  the  period : — "  William  Rufiis 
nad  degraded  the  dignities  of  the  Church  by  prostituting 
them  to  the  highest  bidder,"  and  the  work  w-as  continued 
by  the  *' royal  rapacity**  of  Henry  1.  As  might  be 
expected  when  tne  Church  was  enslaved  the  poor 
found  no  protection.  **God  knows/^  says  Eadmer,  the 
Saxon  Chronicler,  quoted  by  Lingard,  "  how  unjustly 
this  miserable  people  is  dealt  with.  Fhst,  they  are 
deprived  of  their  property,  and  then  they  are  put  to  death. 
If  a  man  possesses  anything  it  is  taken  from  him  :  if  he 
has  nothing  he  is  left  to  perish  by  famine."  Under 
Stephen,  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Henry  II.,  things 
were  still  worse.  **  Never  did  England,  since  the  invasion 
of  the  Danes,  present  such  a  scene  of  misery.  The 
abbeys  were  converted  into  castles  .  .  .  the  cruelty  of 
these  barbarians  brought  its  own  punishment.  By  the 
flight  of  the  husbandmen  from  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
castles  the  lands  were  left  barren  .  .  .  the  fugitives 
usually  retired  to  some  of  the  ecclesiastical  establishments, 
where  they  built  their  miserable  hovels  against  the  walls  of 
the  Church,  and  begged  a  scanty  pittance  from  the  charity 
of  the  clergy  or  monks."'  The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle^ 
pubUshed  by  Giles,  with  Venerable  Bede's  History,  gives 
even  a  more  appalling  picture: — 

"  Men  and  women  they  (the  Barons)  put  in  prison  for  their 
gold  and  silver,  and  tortured  them  with  pains  unspeakable,  for 
never  \\  ere  any  martyrs  tormented  as  these  were.  They  hung 
some  up  by  their  feet,  and  smoked  them  with  foul  smoke  ;  some 
by  their  thumbs  or  by  the  head,  and  they  hung  burning  things  on 
their  feet.  They  put  a  knotted  string  about  their  heads  and 
twisted  it  tOl  it  went  into  the  brain." 

Then  there  was  the  "  Cruchet-house "  for  pounding 
men  into  jelly,  and  the  "  Sachenteges "  or  gallows  for 
living  victims.     The  same  writer  adds  : — 

"The  bishops  and  clergy  were  ever  cursing  them,  but  this  to 
them  was  nothing,  for  they  were  all  accursed,  and  forsworn,  and 
reprobate.'"^ 

It  is  not  wonderful  that  as  an  Englishman,  a  scholar, 
and  a  christian,  Nicholas  Breakspeare  should  have  shrunk 

'  Ilist.  of  England,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  6, 16, 40, 95.  We  shall  have  to  revert 
to  the  meaning  of  barbarian y  as  used  by  Lingard. 
«  Page  502  to  504. 


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612  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Planixigenet. 

from  the  service  of  such  masters,  so  he  left  his  native 
country  to  look  for  work  in  other  landa  We  next  hear  of 
him  as  a  servant  in  the  employment  of  the  Canons  Regular 
of  the  Monastery  of  Saint-Ruf  near  Avignon,  then  as  a 
Religious,  and,  finally,  Superior  of  the  Monastery.  The 
chronology  of  this  period  of  his  life  can  only  be  a  matter  of 
conjecture.  He  was  Superior  in  the  first  years  of  the 
Pontificate  of  Eugenius  III.  (1145  to  1153),  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  it  was  before  his  election,  when  he  was  a  simple 
religious,  that  he  attended  the  lecti;res  of  Marianus,  a 
celebrated  Irish  scholar,  who  was  Professor  of  the  Liberal 
Arts  in  Paris.  The  Canons  of  Saint-Ruf  may  have  been 
good  men ;  but  they  were  not  prepared  to  scale  the  rugged 
heights  of  perfection,  to  the  ascent  of  which  their  new 
Superior  invited  them,  and,  so  strong  was  the  oppofdtion 
that  at  length  they  carried  their  complaints  to  Pope 
Eugenius.  The  PoutiflF  was  much  struck  with  the  wisdom 
and  modesty  of  Breakspeare,  and  perceiving  that  the 
fault  lay  with  the  ReUgious,  he  persuaded  them  to  submit, 
and  sent  them  back  in  peace.  Again,  the  rebellion  broke 
out,  and  a  second  time  they  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who 
gave  judgment  in  the  following  words : — 

"  I  perceive  where  the  throne  of  Satan  is  set  up,  and  whence 
the  storm  comes.  So  vile  a  flock  shall  no  longer  possess  so  great 
a  man.  Go,  and  chose  a  father  with  whom  you  can  live  at  ease ; 
this  raan  shall  not  trouble  you  any  moi*e."* 

And  on  the  spot  the  Pope  created  him  Cardinal,  and 
nominated  him  to  the  Bishopric  of  Albano.  Baronius 
adds,  that  the  appointment  was  made  with  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  iiishops  then  in  Rome.'  As  the  reign  of 
Eugenius  only  laBted  eight  years,  we  must  place  the 
elevation  of  Nicholas  Breakspeare  to  the  Cardiualate  early 
in  this  Pontificate  to  give  time  for  the  great  works  which 
he  accomplished,  and  for  the  world-wide  reputation  which 
he  acquired.  We  hear  of  him  as  Legate  m  Norway  and 
the  neighbouring  co\m tries, where  **he  dihgently  instructed 
the  people  in  the  Christian  faith,'*'  with  such  success,  as  to 
merit  the  title  of  *'  Apostle  of  Norway  and  Denmark." 
These  events  are  recorded  by  all  his  biographers,  but  there 
must  have  been  other  reasons  nearer  home  to  account  for 
the  universal  love  and  veneration  of  the  Court  and  people 
of  Rome,  which  led  to  his  elevation  to  the  Papacy.  We  may 

1  Ciaconus.    Hist.  Rom.  Pont.  I.,  p.  1057. 

*  Baronius  Annal,  A.D.  1154.5.  *  Baronius,  for.  cit. 


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Adrian  IV,  and  Uenry  Plantagenet  ilS 

also  take  it  for  granted,  that  he  was  weighed  in  the  balance 
by  St.  Bernard, whose  inspired  wisdom  was  still  the  guide  of 
hi88piritualsou,Pope  Eugenius.^  The  ancient  writer,  quoted 
by  Barouius,  tells  us  that  the  cardinals  and  bishops  assembled 
in  St  Peter's  were  unanipaousin  the  election  of  Adrian  lV.,ho 
himself  being  the  only  one  who  resisted,  and  that  the  people 
broke  out  into  shouts  of  joy  at  the  announcement.  He 
adds  that  Adrian  was  a  man  of  great  tenderness  of  heart, 
meek  and  patient,  eloquent,  a  cheerful  and  generous  giver, 
and  distinguished  by  a  singular  majesty  of  demeanour. 
These  qualities  were  all  that  were  necessary  to  endear  him 
to  the  people  ;  but  it  is  plain  from  the  many  letters  of  this 
Pontiff,  which  are  preserved,  that  he  had  other  gifts  even 
more  necessary  in  the  wild  and  lawless  age  in  which  he 
was  called  to  rule  the  Church.  That  "  vehement  spirit 
which  rebukes  and  thundei*s,"  which  St.  Bernard  salutes 
in  Eugenius  IV.,  is  found,  if  possible  intensified,  in  the 
disciple  and  minister,  whom  from  the  first  Eugenius  had 
recognised  as  one  of  that  race  of  giants  to  which  he  himself 
belonged.  Frederick  of  Germany,  and  William  of  Sicily, 
were  doomed  to  experienoe  emotions  similar  to  those  of  the 
religious  of  St.Ruf,  on  Adrian's  first  administration  of  the  rod 
of  spiritual  empire.  The  Emperor  seeks  to  evade  the  ancient 
custom  which  obliged  him  to  serve  as  the  Pope's  equery, 
and  hold  his  stin-up,  and  Adrian  refuses  him  the  kiss  of 
,peace  until  the  homage  has  been  paid  in  the  presence  of  the 
assembled  chivalry  of  Germany.  In  those  days  all  men 
understood  that  the  contest  lay  between  the  representatives 
of  moral  and  brute  force,  and  the  friendless  and  the 
oppressed  of  every  nation  had  a  share  in  the  triumph  of  the 
spiritual  power  over  the  master  of  seventy  thousand  lances. 
t  rederick  attempts  to  force  the  bishops  in  his  dominions 
to  take  the  feudal  oath,  whereupon  Adrain  sends  him  a 
comminatory  letter ;  **  We  have  learned,"  he  writes, 
*'  from  the  mouth  of  truth  itself  that  whosoever  exalteth 
liimself  shall  be  humbled  .  .  .  What  shall  we  say 
pf  that  fidelity  which  you  have  promised  and  sworn  to 
the  Blessed  Peter  and  to  us?  How  have  you  observed  it  I 
Seeing  that  you  demand  the  homage  of  bishops  who  are 
gods  and  sons  of  the  Most  High."     {Ps.  81.)^ 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  Bulls  of  Adrian  IV.,  preserved 

^Amor  dominttm    nescit    agnoscat  Jtlium    e(    in  infuUs,    !)«    Consid. 
Trolog. 

«  Baroniufl  Ad.  1159. 

VOL.  VI.  2  P 


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5l4  AdAan  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet. 

in  the  BuUarium,  are  chiefly  concerned  with  the  defence  ot 
the  ecclesiastical  privileges,  and  possessions  of  monasteries, 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  civil  power,  so  frequent 
in  those  days.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  work  which 
above  all  others  he  had  at  heart,  as  was  natural  in  one 
who  could  look  back  to  the  day  when  he  himself  was 
numbered  amongst  the  starving  multitude  which  owed 
life  itself  to  the  protection  and  charity  of  the  monks  of 
St.  Albans. 

Our  next  step  leads  us  to  investigate  the  grounds  of  the 
accusation  that  Ireland  in  the  twelfth  century  had  lapsed 
into  barbarism,  and  had  so  far  lost  her  place  in  the 
Christian  commonwealth  that  the  Pope  was  in  a  way 
compelled  to  come  to  her  rescue.  The  process  by  which 
this  indictment  has  been  put  together  is  simple,  and 
well  calculated,  at  first  sight,  to  produce  a  vivid  impression. 
The  history  of  the  period  has  been  submitted  to  a  process 
of  distillation,  and  with  the  historical  sediment  a  sort 
of  Kewgate  Calendar  of  middle-age  Irish  history  has 
been  elaborated,  in  some  such  way  as  Ireland's  history 
of  to-day  is  extracted  from  "murder-trials."  Writers 
who  run  their  eyes  over  the  meagre  entries  of  one  of 
the  ancient  annals  of  Ireland,  and  then  tell  us  that  they  have 
mastered  the  then  social  condition  of  the  country,  remind 
one  of  Sydney  Smith's  French  Juris-consult  who  was  sent 
over  to  England  to  acquire  knowledge  of  its  criminal  law, 
and  "  who  declared  himself  thoroughly  informed  upon  thf* 
subject  after  remaining  precisely  two  and  thirty  minutes  in 
the  Old  Bailey."  No  modern  writer  saw  deeper  into  Irish 
history  than  Professor  0*Curry.  He  possessed  at  once  that 
knowledge  of  the  ancient  history  of  Ireland,  and  that  genius 
which  enabled  him  to  live  in  the  past  and  converse  with  the 
dead,  as  intimately  as  Cardinal  Newman  communes  with 
Athanasius  and  Augustine.  Again  and  again  the  great 
Celtic  scholar  warns  the  student  that  the  annals  of  ancient 
Ireland  are  a  skeleton  without  flesh  and  blood,  and  we  may 
add,  that  they  are  a  skeleton  whose  bones  are  both  broken 
and  scattered.  He  tells  us  that  the  history  of  Pagan 
Ireland  will  never  be  understood  until  those  bones  are  put 
together,  and  clothed  with  flesh  and  blood,  taken  from  the 
immense  collection  of  materials  supplied  by  the  historic  tales 
and  poems,  and  the  records  of  her  laws,  manners,  and 
customs.  The  history  of  Christian  Ireland  imperatively 
demands  a  similar  treatment.  Although  literature  was 
vigorously  cultivated  in  Ireland  down  to  the  time  of  the 


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Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenet.  515 

Norman  incursion,  we  cannot,  say  much  for  Irish  historiansL 
The  speculative,  and  at  the  same  time  impetuous  Celtic 
spirit  had  little  in  it  of  that  medative  character  so 
necessary  for  the  historian,  which  distinguishes  the 
Venerable  Bede.  As,  therefore,  we  enter  into  the  spirit 
of  Pagan  times  with  the  aid  of  the  Bards,  so  we  must 
supplement  the  annals  of  Christian  Ireland  with  matter 
drawn  from  the  lives  and  writings  of  the  Saints,  who 
during  the  long  ages  of  faith  were  the  chief  repre- 
sentatives of  all  that  was  pure  and  exalted  in  the  life 
and  aspirations  of  Christian  nations.  This  process  of 
historical  illumination  has  been  going  on  for  some  time 
in  England,  where  the  political  obscurity  of  Catholicity 
shelters  it  from  the  outrages  of  bigotry,  and  the  heroism 
and  purity  of  characters  like  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury 
and  Mary  Stuart,  now  adorns  the  pages  of  unsectariau 
Protestants  of  the  school  of  Hurrell  Froude,  and  Agnes 
Strickland. 

We  have  seen  how  much  light  is  thrown  upon  the 
English  side  of  our  subject  by  a  glance  at  the  private  life 
of  Adrian  IV.,  and  the  relations  of  St.  Thomas  with 
Henry  Plantagenet  :  Are  shall  now  attempt  a  similar 
process  of  illustration  in  the  case  of  Ireland.  No  one 
denies  that  blood  ran  freely  in  Ireland  in  the  twelfth 
century.  It  is  hard  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  importance 
of  the  battles  which  were  so  frequent ;  but  it  may  well  be 
questioned  whether  the  effects  of  these  conflicts  on  the 
population  of  the  country  was  as  ruinous  as  the  process 
of  cruel  extermination  which  is  recorded  by  Saxon 
chroniclers.  Moreover,  if  we  substitute  knights  and 
barons,  for  princes  and  chieftains,  we  shall  find  that  the 
same  freedom  of  private  warfare  was  the  rule  everywhere 
in  Europe.  At  the  same  time,  in  no  other  country  was 
the  religious  character  so  sacred,  and  the  utterances  of 
ecclesiastics  so  free  as  in  Ireland.  In  Pagan  times  the 
rights  of  sanctuary  had  been  carried  to  an  unparalleled 
extent,  and  the  Church  entered  into  possession  of  this 
ancient  usage ;  so  that  while  chieftains  fought  at  the  gates 
of  the  monasteries  the  monks  were  quietly  writing  their 
reports.  Before  the  Danish  invasion,  Irish  wars  did  not 
touch  sacred  persons^  There  is  little  doubt  that  we  should 
have  heard  of  equally  distressing  scenes  in  other  countries, 

^  O'Curry :  "  Manners  and  Customs  of  Ancient  Irish,'*  I.  v.  civ. 
Also  **  Ancient  Church  of  Ireland,"  Dr.  Gargan,  p.  41. 


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516  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet 

if  the  Church  was  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  similar  freedom. 
In  England  one  churchman  spoke  in  defiance  of  the  king, 
and  ere  long  his  brains  were  scattered  on  the  pavement  of 
the  sanctuiy  of  his  own  cathedral 

"  Do  you  pretend  not  to  be  aware,'*  writes  St.  Thomas, 
"that  the  king  of  England  has  already  usuroed,  and  day 
by  day  continues  to  usurp  the  possessions  oi  the  Church ; 
while  he  overthrows  her  liberties,  he  has  stretched  forth 
his  hand  against  the  Lord's  annointed;  everywhere,  and 
without  exception,  he  has  assailed  ecclesiastica  Some  he 
has  put  in  prison,  others  he  has  slain,  or  torn  out  their  eyes, 
or  forced  to  fight  in  single  combat,  or  to  pass  through  the 
ordeal  of  fire  or  water.*'^ 

When  we  enquire  what  was  the  state  of  Ireland, 
religious  and  social,  in  the  year  1155,  it  seems  that  there 
ought  to  be  no  great  difficulty  in  answering  the  question. 
We  have  the  testimony  of  many  contemporary  writers, 
whose  dispassionate  truthfulness  is  manifest.  But  when 
we  compare  these  writers  one  with  another,  or  even  with 
themselves,  we  are  met  by  statements  which  at  first  sight 
appear  contradictory.  A  little  consideration  will  explain 
the  reason.  There  were  two  nations  in  Ireland.  The 
Northmen  or  Danes  were  scattered  throughout  the  countrj\ 
The  process  of  amalgamation  of  this  half  heathen  population 
with  the  native  race  was  slow,  and  moreover,  it  was 
continually  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  recruits  from  the 
teeming  human  storehouse  of  the  North  who  imported  false 
doctrines  and  heathen  manners  into  a  country  which  since 
St.  Patrick's  time  had  ever  identified  Catholic  taith  with 
its  national  existence.  Ireland  has  had  to  bear  the  shame  ot 
these  abuses,  and  her  ancient  annalists  give  us  very  little 
help  in  distinguishing  how  far  they  were  to  be  attributed 
to  foreign  importation.  They  appear  to  have  been 
impressed  with  the  same  conviction  as  Dr.  Johnson,  that 
*'  all  the  colouring,  all  the  philosophy  of  historv  is  con- 
jecture." They  were  content  to  note  the  heads  of  the 
principal  events  in  each  year  as  they  came  under  their  own 
observation,  and  however  much  the  student  of  Irish  history 
may  admire  their  stern  simplicity,  he  cannot  help  regretting 
that  they  did  not  do  more  to  forestall  the  conjectures  ot 
the  historical  word-painters  and  special  pleaders  of  our 
own  times. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  but  for  the  testimony  of  foreign 

'  Epist.  Ad  omnes  Cardinales.    Migue,  vol.  cxc.  p.  489. 

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Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenet,  517 

eccleciastical  historians  we  should  be  almost  in  the  dark, 
regarding  the  work  of  Irish  Missionaries  in  the  sixth  and 
seventh  Centuries.  In  the  Four  Masters,  from  the  birth  of 
St.  Columba,  A.D.,  515,  to  the  death  of  St.  Columbanus 
A.D.  615,  we  find  only  two  short  notices  of  the  former 
saint,  while  the  latter  is  altogether  passed  over.  How 
diflferent  would  the  monotonous  narrative  read  if  it  were 
lit  up  with  the  names  and  the  bright  record  of  the  deeds 
of  those  daring  soldiers  of  Christ,  whom  St.  Bernard 
describes  as  pouring  forth  "  Kke  a  rushing  toi-rent  upon 
distant  nations."  It  is  to  the  same  saint  also  that  we  owe 
the  description  of  the  Monastery  of  Bangor  in  Down, "  that 
place  so  truly  holy  and  the  Momer  of  Saints,  from  where,  as 
he  tells  us,  Luanus  departed  to  found  a  hundred 
monasteries.!  This  reticence  of  Irirfi  writers  is  best 
explained  on  the  supposition  that  Irish  missionary  enterprise 
was  then  as  much  an  every-day  occurence  as  emigation  is 
in  our  times,  and  that  it  passed  unnoticed  in  an  age  when 
men  were  not  so  prone  aa  they  are  at  present  to  expatiate 
on  their  own  heroic  deeds.  The  same  silence  of  unconscious 
greatness  rests  upon  the  origins  of  the  monastic  foundations 
of  the  period  which  we  are  now  considering.  The 
traveller  who  finds  his  own  way  amongst  the  majestic  niins 
of  the  many  Cistercian  Abbeys  of  Ireland  from  Mellifont 
to  Kyrie  Eleison,  and  then  turns  to  the  annals  of  the 
country  at  the  period  of  these  foundations^  only  to  find  a 
few  notices  of  the  accessions  and  deaths  of  provincial  kings, 
or  the  battles  of  county  clans,  is  forced  to  conclude  that 
the  history  of  Ireland  has  yet  to  be  written,  and  that 
it  is  from  the  chronicles  and  traditions  of  the  various 
religious  orders  that  the  most  important  information  is  to 
be  obtained. 

W.  B.  Morris. 
(To  be  continued), 

^  Vita  St.  Malachise,  cap.  iv. 


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[    518    ] 


GENERAL  CONFESSION. 

WHEN  theologians  afiirm  that  the  making  of  a  General 
Confession  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  necessary  "  nisi 
habeamus  moralem  certitudinem  praeteritas  confessioncR 
invalidas  esse/*  they  by  no  means  discredit  its  supreme 
usefulness  "  ut  per  earn  exiraantur  anxietates,  quae 
animarum  paci  sunt  inimicae,  vigorem  in  bonorum  operum 
exercitio  minuant,  et  praesertim  in  mortis  articulo  impor- 
tunas  angustias  aff erunt."  *'  Non  in  solo  pane  vivit  homo ;" 
and  the  confessor  is,  from  the  composite  character  of  his 
oflBce,  very  much  more  than  the  cold  expounder  of  a  law 
which  his  skill  in  interpretation  and  jmisprudence  may 
have  reduced  to  the  narrowest  possible  compass.  He  is  in 
no  degree  less  freighted  with  the  responsibiUties  of  Pater 
et  Medicus  than  with  those  of  Doctor  et  Judex.  Hence  it 
frequently  happens  that,  even  when  a  General  Confession 
may  not  be  adjudged  necessary  "ut  saluti  aetemae 
prospiciatur,"  it  may  be  in  practice  quite  necessary  as  a 
solvent  of  unhealthy  remorse,  a  restorative  of  spiritual 
tranquillity,  and  the  commencement  of  a  more  perfect  life. 
According  to  the  idea  of  St.  Leonard  of  Port  Maurice,  the 
man  who  makes  a  General  Confession  is  like  one  who  puts 
on  a  new  garment :  for  a  long  time  he  takes  great  care  not 
to  soil  it.  "  There  is  no  more  certain  means,"  he  tells  us, 
**  of  renewing  the  interior  ;  for  a  good  General  Confession 
inspires  greater  sorrow  for  past  sins  and  a  stronger  desire 
for  a  better  life.  To  see  at  one  glance  all  one*s  sins  massed 
together,  produces  in  the  soul  a  far  difiPerent  effect  from 
that  produced  by  examining  them  singly:  an  army  of 
soldiers,  when  disbanded,  frightens  no  one ;  not  so  when 
it  is  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle."  Besides,  and  most 
especially  at  the  hour  of  death,  the  blissful  consciousness 
of  Peace  with  God,  which  a  General  Confession  has  with 
moral  certainty  ensured,  will  fill  the  soul  with  a  serene  and 
hopeful  joy.  Confessors  justly  regard  attendance  upon 
the  djnng  as  a  duty  entailing  upon  themselves  most 
rigorous  accountability;  and  hence  it  is  hard  to  measure 
their  reUef  when  they  find  that  the  past  has  been  already 
made  good,  and  the  future  so  far  secure,  by  a  careful 
General  Confession.  "  What  a  consolation  it  is  for  the  dyine 
man,"  pursues  the  same  Saint,  "to  have  before  now  healed 
all  his  wounds!     If  he  postpone  doing  so   to  the  last 


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General  Confession,  519^ 

extremity,  how  can  he  flatter  himself  that  he  shall  then 
succeed  if  To  foresee  what  is  coming,  and  to  provide  for 
it  before  it  comes,  is  the  perfection  of  Christian  Prudence." 

From  whatever  motive  the  General  Confession  is 
undertaken — whether  because  it  is  rigidly  required  '^ob 
invaliditatem  confessionum  praeteritarum "  or  from  the 
broader  necessity  just  indicated — we  should  strenuously 
require  from  our  penitents,  when  making  it,  all  that 
painstaking  care  which  will  enable  them  to  close  that 
portion  of  the  past  prudently  and  iirevocably.  In  every 
instance,  a  General  Confession  should,  in  the  matter  of 
contrition,  be  made  a  final  sealing,  so  that  all  future  doubt 
as  to  its  perfect  vaUdity  may  be  summarily  dismissed  as 
groundless.  Further:  in  point  of  formal  integrity, nothing 
grave  should  be  left  untold  which  an  examen  satis  diligens^ 
the  patient  hearing  of  the  penitent's  own  naiTative,  and 
the  interrogations  of  the  confessor  can  reasonably  bring 
to  light— imless  in  those  most  rare  cases  in  which  a  causa 
juste  excmans  should  interpose.  Absolutely  nothing  should 
be  relegated  for  adjustment  to  a  subsequent  review. 

If  it  be  objected  that  theologians  generally  hold  that 
we  may  deliberately  omit  from  General  Confession — when 
that  confession  is  not  technically  necessary — even  peccata 
gravia,  si  jam  rite  submissa  sint,  we  answer  that  we  are 
not  now  concerned  with  what  may  or  may  not  be  required 
precisely  ad  validitatem  sacramenti,  but  with  what  is  required 
ad  sed^ndus  anxietates,  adfovendam  comptinctionenu  ^c. ;  and 
exporienee  proves  that  nothing  short  of  the  above  w^ill  be 
sufficient  for  these  ends.  The  work  must  be  thorough,  or 
we  shall  have  failed  in  our  duty  as  Patres  et  Medici.  This, 
however,  need  not — and  should  not — prevent  us  from 
impressing  upon  our  penitent  *'  eura  deinde  solicitum  esse 
non  debere,  quod  ex  oblivione  plura  sen  pauciora  omiserit." 

It  follows  that  on  occasions  of  Missions,  &c.,  in  which 
General  Confessions  are  (and  ought  to  be)  the  rule,  wo 
should  not  be  induced  by  any  frequentia  poenitentittvi  or 
angustia  tempoHs  ioyoxmit  "  dimidiation"  even  in  the  sens© 
described ;  for,  if  the  General  Confession  be  quovis  titulo 
necessary  or  permissible,  we  are  bound  to  make  it  complete^ 
and  thereby  secure  for  all  future  time  the  tranquiUity 
which  it  is  the  object  of  a  General  Confession  to  create. 
Speaking  of  Missions,  it  may  be  no  haim  to  observe  that  if 
a  man  have  constantly  or  fairly  attended  the  *  exercises,** 
we  may  assume  that  his  dispositions  as  to  dolor  et  detestaiio 
are  good  ;  and  are  thus  free  to  devote  all  our  zeal  to 


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520  General  Confession, 

fifecuring  the  integrity  of  his  coafession,  and  formnlatiug 
"With  him  «uch  a  rule  of  Ufe  as  will  guarantee  the  due 
propositum.  Should  we,  on  the  other  hand,  find  that  he 
has  practically  neglected  these  exercises,  we  may  regard 
his  appearance  now  as  extremely  suspicious :  it  is  either  the 
result  of  a  very  special  grace  (of  the  pressure  of  which  we 
must  find  evidence),  or  it  is  a  yielding  to  mere  human 
respect. 

After  reminding  us  that  a  "  Confessio  Generalis  potest 
esse  vel  totius  vitae  vel  allcujus  iemporis,**  theologians 
proceed  to  expound  when  it  is  "  vere  necessaria,**  wben 
*'  tantura  utilis,"  and  when  "  iiociva."  They  tells  us  that 
it  is  **vere  necessaria  quando  confessiones  praecedentes 
poenitentis  moraliter  certo  fuemnt  invalidae,"  of  which 
something  will  be  said  farther  on.  It  is  *'  utilis,  ideoque 
permitti  aut  etiam  prudenter  suaderi  potest,  quando, 
i9^ectatis  circumstantiis,  poenitens  notabilem  fnictum 
epiritualem  ex  ea  percepturus  est — v.g. — ratione  humilitatis, 
devotionis,  fervoris,  manifestationis  conscientiae  ad  direc- 
tionem,  aut  ad  majorem  animae  puritatem,"  &c.  When  it 
is  neither  of  these,  it  is  almost  inevitably  "nociva"  to 
some  one. 

To  guard  against  this  last  we  find  a  number  of"  Regulae" 
laid  down,  in  neater  or  less  detail,  by  Layman,  De  Lugo, 
La  Croix,  St.  Liguori,  St  Charles,  St.  Leonard,  &c.,  from 
which  we  can  have  little  difficulty  in  infemng  that  we 
should  hold  ourselves  generally  prepared  to  recommend — 
and  assist  our  penitents  to  make — General  Confessions, 

(1)  Before  Firat  Communion. 

(2)  Before  selecting,  or  entering  into  a  new  and 
permanent  state  of  life. 

(8)  When  they  are  earnestly  and  hopefully  stniggling 
against  some  habit  of  sin.      Or,  if  not  during  the  conflict, 

(4)  When  the  mercy  of  God  has  already  rescued  them 
from  a  sinful  habit  of  long  standing. 

(5)  During  periods  of  special  grace,  as  on  the  occasion 
of  a  Mission  or  Jubilee. 

(6)  Towards  the  closing  of  life  but,  if  possible,  some 
considerable  time  before  the  proximate  approach  of  death. 

The  man  whose  last  illness  is  the  final  stage  of  a  life 
marked  by  so  many  Truces  with  God,  may  joyfully  look 
forward  to  its  closing  moment  as  the  revelation  of  au 
Eternal  Peace. 

This  may  bo  the  place  to  observe  that  theologians 
most  emphatically  discountenance  the  making  of  a  second 


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General  Co^^fession.  521 

Greneral  Confession  totius  vitae ;  and  the  experience  of 
every  succeeding  year  will  teach  us  the  profound  wisdom 
of  this  rule.  Nor  are  they  less  emphatic  in  requiring  that 
when  a  "  Confessio  Generalis  alicujus  tantum  temporis  *'  is 
permitted,  it  should  commence  "  ab  ultima  Confessione 
Generali" — never  going  behind  it,  and  never  learin^  an 
interval.  Therein  they  assume  what  has  been  already 
stated — that  all  concerned  have  done  what  was  necessary 
to  render  each  General  Confession,  pro  tanto,  a  final  settle- 
ment of  the  past,  so  that  any  defect  that  may  be  afterwards 
discovered,  can  be  prudently  traced  to  ignorantia  invincibilis 
or  ohlivio  inculpata.  Such  subsequent  discovery  involves 
no  obligation  that  is  not  satisfied  by  "  submitting  to  the 
keys,**  that  is,  mentioning  for  direct  absolution  at  next 
confession,  whatever  may  have  been  thus  inculpably 
omitted. 

But  besides  these  positive  rules,  theologians  are  careful 
to  lay  down  the  following  negative  ones,  which  are  by  no 
means  less  important : 

(1)  "Potissimum  cavere  debent  confessarii  ne  facilius 
poenitentes  ad  Confessionem  Generalem  compellant:  et 
summopere  sunt  reprehendendij  qui  ab  omnibus  no  vis  poeni- 
tentibus  banc  exigunt,  praetextu  necessitatis,  vel  ratione 
directionis,"  &c.  They  tell  us  that  it  is  our  duty  to  assume, 
at  least  for  some  considerable  time,  that  those  *'novi 
poenitentes  "  of  ours  have  been  judiciously  treat^ed  by  our 
predecessors,  "  nisi  luce  clarius  sit  contrarium."  They 
remind  us  that  that  physician  is  not  to  be  trusted  who 
hastily  discredits  the  prescription  of  those  who  have  gone 
before  him,  inasmuch  as  it  takes  time  to  learn  the  consti- 
tution, habits,  Ac,  of  his  patient.  Experience,  **  optima 
rerum  magistra,"  generally  proves  that  we  ourselves  may, 
in  the  long  run,  be  obliged  to  adopt  the  line  of  direction 
which  we  had  inconsiderately  condemned  in  othera  One 
of  our  ablest  theologians  declares  that  he  would  not 
hesitate  to  relieve  of  jurisdiction  those  intuitive  reformers. 

(2)  "  Non  est  permittenda  Confessio  Generalis  etiam  in 
•dubio  de  validitate  praecedentium  confessionum,  ubi  ex 
ilia  metuenda  sunt  incommoda  notabiHa,  ratione  scnipulo- 
rum,  perturbationis  conscientiae,  &c.,  quia  ob  duoiam 
obligationem  subeunda  non  sunt  gravia  ac  cei-ta  incom- 
moda." 

(3)  "JNUNQUAM  permittenda  est  Confessio  Generaliar 
scmpulosis  aut  meticulosis ;"  and  Collet  pronounces  the 
man  to  be  <^  vere  et  mere  scrupulosus,  qui  confessionee  ex 


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522  General  Confession. 

vero  convereioms  desiderio  et  sincere  facias  repetere  velit, 
iisque  aliquid  semper  defuisse  credat." 

(4)  St.  Leonard,  speaking  of  such  persons,  lays  down 
the  following  admirable  rule,  which  all  the  principles  of 
sound  theology  sanction,  and  which,  in  the  absence  of 
any  other  copy,  is  reproduced  from  Gaume*s  French 
version :  — 

*'  Faitez-vous  une  regie  dc  ne  jamais  permettre  de  confession 
generale  a  celui  qui  (a)  eu  a  deja  fait :  qui  ib)  s'est  corrige  :  qui 
(c)  a  joui  de  la  paix  de  Tame  ;  et  que  {d)  rien  de  particu/ier  ne 
coDStitue  dans  la  mauvaise  foi  sur  ses  confessions  passe'es.*' 

We  have  known  some  of  the  most  practical  and  suc- 
cessful directors — men  vere  tinioratae  conscieiituie — whose 
rule  it  is,  when  dealing  with  penitents  even  doubtfully 
scrupulous,  to  decide  against  permitting  a  General 
Contession,  whenever  they  receive  a  negative  reply  to  the 
question :  Is  there  anything  in  the  past  that  you  have 
ever  forgotten  or  neglected  to  confess  f  In  tliis,  they  are 
borne  out  by  St.  Leonard,  who  adds: — 

'*  Au  reste,  le  meillcin'  conseil  qu'on  puisse  donner  a  tons  ces 
penitents,  c'est  dc  fnire  souvent  des  actes  de  contrition.  .  .  . 
MetUiz-leur  bien  dans  Tesprit  cette  doctrine  de  S.  Thomas,  savoir  : 
que  lorsqu^une  personne  aiiimee  d'un  vrai  desir  de  se  reconcilier 
avee  Dieu,  a  fait  ce  qu'el/e  a  pu  pour  faire  une  bonne  confession,  et 
employe  lous  les  moyens  d'avoir  une  Traie  contrition  et  a  an 
Vavoiv^  en  premier  lieu,  «a  confession  est  exempte  de  faute  ;  en 
second  lieu,  il  n'y  a  nulle  obligation  de  la  refaire,  il  suffit  de 
renouveler  sa  contrition  pour  en  assurer  la  valeur.  .  ,  .  Tout 
cela  doit  s'entendre  des  scrupuleux  veritables  et  craignant  Dieu, 
qui,  dans  leurs  confessions  passees,  ont  agi  arec  bon  foi,'* 

It  frequently  happens  that  a  penitent  will,  without  any 
suggestion  from  us,  and  outside  of  Missions,  &c.,  express  an 
anxiety  to  make  a  General  (Confession,  and  that  we  ourselves 
may  see  the  desirabiUty  of  his  doing  so,  when,  neverthe- 
less, it  will  be  our  duty  to  obHge  him  to  postpone  for  a 
time  the  making  of  it.  Of  the  most  ordinary  of  these 
cases.  Collet  wi-ites : — 

'*  Si  poenitens  proprio  motu  ad  Confessionem  Generalem  admitti 
postulet,  monendus  est  non  esse  festinandum  in  re  tanti  momentl, 
sed  ante  omnia  incumbendum  esse  plenae  conrersioni^  cxtirjmndis 
pravis  habitibus,  augcndae  et  frmandae  bonac  voluntati  quam  Deus 
largiri  dignatus  est.     .     ,     . 

II.  We  may  state  unqualifiedly  that  theologians  and 


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General  Confession.  523 

spiritual  writers  are  unanimous  in  counselling  the  making 
of  General  Confessions : — 

"  1**.  Ut  intimam  criminum  nostrorum  cognitioDem  ac  detesta- 
tionem  sentiamus ;  2**  ut  anteactae  vitae  ordinem  perversum 
agnoscentes  atqiie  abhorrenles  emendationi  nostrae  studeamus  ; 
3"  ut  inspectis  inimicorum  nostrorum  pravitate  ac  fraudibus,  ab 
eis  caveamus."  (St.  Ignatius.) 

With  all  this,  they  are  equally  unanimous  in  warning 
us  against  the  perilous  practice  of  insisting  upon  it  where 
a  strict  and  well-defined  necessity  does  not  appear.  To 
exact  it,  then,  would  be,  they  tell  us,  to  provide  for  our 
penitents  a"jugis  anxietatura  scatebra,"  and  to  convert 
this  Sacrament  of  Mercy  into  a  "  carnificina  animanim." 
So  strongly  indeed  do  they  write  on  this  subject,  that  the 
words  of  St.  Leonard,  before  quoted — *' Faitez-vous  tine 
reahy  4*^." — seem  to  express  their  views  of  the  treatment 
of  penitents  without  distinction. 

Hence  they  lay  down  the  absolute  law: '^Confessio 
lion  est  XECESSARIO  repetenda  nisi  de  ejus  invaliditate  mora- 
liter  certo  constet."  St.  Liguori,  having  given  this  law, 
adds :  "  Ut  recte  dicunt  Croix,  &c.,  cum  conimuni  contra 
Antoine." 

The  reason  of  this  law  seems,  on  reflection,  plain  and 
forcible.  For  taking  the  case  that  ordinarily  occurs  (and 
we  have  no  present  conceni  about  others),  we  assume  ( I )  that 
those  confessions,  about  the  validity  of  which  doubts  have 
arisen,  were  made  with  an  honest  intention  of  recovering 
the  friendship  of  God,  and  that  all  the  elements  of  the 
Sacrament  were  provided  with  average  care.  We  assume 
(2)  that,  since  the  making  of  those  possibly  invahd  con- 
fessions, at  least  one  other  has  been  made,  about  the 
validity  of  which,  judged  on  its  awn  merits,  we  have  no 
reason  for  doubting.  The  penitent,  so  circumstanced,  is 
placed  in  possession  of  sanctifying  grace  by  his  last 
absolution,  and  from  that  possession  he  cannot  be 
dislodged  except  (in  the  case  under  review)  by  a  deliberate 
violation  of  a  aivine  precept  requiring  him  to  submit  anew, 
for  possibly  a  second  direct  absolution,  those  sins  for 
which,  it  may  be,  he  has  received  no  more  than  an  adven- 
titious pardon.  But  where  is  that  law?  St.  Liguori  tells 
us  that  theologians  communiter  deny  the  existence  of  any 
such  law,  and  with  equal  unanimity  affirm  that  we  may 
depose  all  anxiety  by  applying  the  axiom :  Standiim  est  pro 
valor e  actus.     To  say  the  very  least,  this  practically  certain 


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524  General  Confession, 

doctrine  places  us  in  invincible  ignorance  of  the  existence 
of  the  law :  we  cannot  become  deliberately  guilty  of 
violating  it ;  and  we  may  conclude,  with  absolute  safety, 
that  no  such  law  affects  us. 

Again,  should  those  doubts  that  have  sprung  upon  us 
have  reference  to  the  integrity  of  past  confessions,  ws  should 
remember  that,  as  Layman  puts  it : — 

"  Diligenter  observandum  est  quod  specifica  et  numerica 
explicatio  omnium  peccatorum,  per  se  et  directe  non  pertinet  ad 
necessitateni  sive  essentiam  sacramentiy  quasi  sacrameutum  Poeni- 
teutiac  nunquara  coasrstere  possit  nisi  integra  omnium  mortalium 
confessio  fiat,  sicuti  post  alias  notavit  Suarez,  &c.,  &c.,  sed  potias 
s;pectat  ad  necessifatem  praecepti  divini.*' 

In  the  absence,  therefore,  of  a  certainly  binding/^x  divina^ 
we  have  no  theological  reason  for  doubting  the  validity  of 
the  Sacrament  now  being  received ;  and  we  may  feel  assured 
that  these  supervening  doubts  carry  with  them  no  grounds 
for  anxiety. 

Should  we  fear  that  our  past  confessions  have  not  been 
accompanied  with  the  requisite  dolor  and  propositum^ 
theologians  still  tell  us  that  we  may  have  no  apprehension : 
Standxim  est,  dec.  It  is  indeed  the  common  teaching  that 
**  non  sunt  repetendae  confessiones  cum  dubia  contntione 
factae."  (Gury,  n.  513.)  "  Per  se  non  aunt  repetendae 
confessiones,"  even  in  the  case  of  Rectdivi,  about 
vjhoBQ  propositum  such  grave  doubts  may  be  reasonably 
entertained.  Ballerini  thinks  it  pure  Jansenism  to  doubt 
it.  ^ 

All  this  is  expounded  in  the  manifestly  well-weighed 
and  weighty  words  with  which  St  Charles  Borromaeo 
concludes  his  "  Monitum  Undecimum  ad  Confessarios  :'* — 

'^  Debet  interrogare  de  actis  antea  confessiouibus,  in  quantum 
ei  neccssarium  fuerit,  ut  resciat  num  poenitens  in  casum  incident 
ex  quo  confessiones  nuUae  fuerint,  ot  iterandae  sint ;  puta  si  .  .  . 
poenitens  ipse  scienter  mortale  aliquod  peccatum  omiserit,  aut  con- 
fessionem  ita  diviserit  ut  aliam  uni  confessario  peccatorum  partem 
et  alteri  partem  aliam  declaraverit ;  aut  sine  ullo  peccatorum  dulore, 
et  emendandi  proposito  accesserit,  ant  pro  excutiendis  inveniea- 
disque  peccatis  nullam  diligentiam  adhibuerit.  Et  quia  pleriqoe 
in  confessione  debite  facienda  negligentius  se  gerunt,  ii  potisaimum 
qui  nullum  vel  levem  Dei  timorem  habent  nee  ullam  propriae 
nalutis  curam,  ita  ut  potius  aliquo  ex  usu  quam  ex  peccatomm 
horrore  et  vitam  emendandi  desiderio  confiteantur ;  et  quia  com* 
muniter  xUilitas  maxima    ex  confessionibas  generalibus    oritur. 


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Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolgan.  525 

roaxime  conversionis  meliorisqiie  frugis  initio ;  debent  confessarii 
debitis  loco  et  tempore,  juxta  personarura  qualitatem,  ad  confes- 
sionem  generalem  poenitontcs  exhortari,  ut  ejus  ope  in  memoriam 
revocatis  totius  vitae  actionibus,  ardentius  ad  Deum  convertantur, 
et  pro  omnibnfl  defectibus  quos  in  praeteritis  confesslonibus 
agnovennrt,  satisfaciant." 

C.  J.  M. 


SAINT  COLGA  OF  KILCOLGAN. 

NOT  far  from  the  armlet  of  Galway  Bay,  up  -which 
Lugad  Mac  Con  with  his  fleet  of  foreigners,  sailed 
iu  the  year  250 — some  say  224 — stands  the  village  of 
Kilcolgan.  It  is  in  truth  a  deserted  village  now.  The 
circumstances  which  lent  it  some  distinction,  are  long  since 
forgotten.  Its  chief  interest  for  us  at  the  present  day  is 
borrowed  from  the  ruins  among  which  it  stands ;  and  from 
such  fragments  of  their  history  as  have  come  down  to  us 
in  the  pages  of  our  ancient  records.  St.  Aesourcida's 
Church  IS  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  there,  too,  are  the 
Churches  of  Foila,  and  of  her  holy  brother  Colga.  The 
river  which  guided  O'Donnell  in  the  sixteenth  century  in 
his  predatory  excursion  from  Athenry  to  Mairee,  flows  by, 
as  abundant  in  its  supplies  of  trout  and  salmon  as  when 
St.  Enda  blessed  its  waters  about  a  thousand  years  before. 
But  our  annalists  give  no  notice  of  Kilcolgan  till  long 
after  the  period  when  Mac-Con  and  his  foreigners  won  the 
crown  of  Ireland  on  the  adjoining  plains  of  Moyveala. 
Later  on,  however,  there  is  a  far  larger  number  of  references 
to  its  history  than  its  present  insignificance  would  lead  us 
to  expect.  In  1258  it  was  a  town  of  some  importance  in 
the  territory  of  Owen  O'Heyne,  Prince  of  Hy-Fiachrach 
Aidhne.  In  one  of  those  struggles  for  the  sovereignty  of 
Connaught,  between  the  sons  of  Boderick  O'Connor  and 
those  of  Cathal  Crovedearg,  which  disgraced  the  history  of 
the  period,  we  find  that  Kilcolgan  was  burned  to  the  ground 
"with  many  other  street  towns."  The  proximity  of 
Kilcolgan  to  the  residence  of  Clanricarde  gained  for  it  an 
undesirable  notoriety  in  the  vears  1598-99-1600  in  con- 
nection with  the  raids  made  by  the  Northern  Princes  on 
the  territories  of  Clanricarde  and  Thomond.  In  1598 
0*Donnell  pitched  his  camp  at  "its  gates'*;  and  it  was 


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526  Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolgaiu 

from  there  he  sent  his  men  to  plunder  tlie  surrounding 
districts,  and  carried  back  with  him  to  Ballymote  **  immense 
spoils"  and  ''heavy  herds." 

But  the  facts  which  invest  this  unknown  village  with 
its  chief  interest  are  of  quite  a  diflerent  kind.  They  are 
connected  with  the  Church  and  Alonastery  which  have 
given  it  its  name.  The  death  of  one  ot  the  Erenachs  of 
the  monastery  in  the  twelfth  century  is  recorded  by  our 
annalists:  *'1132,  Ooncaile  Ua  Finn  Airhineach  of  Cill 
Colgan  died*' 

Colga,  whose  name  was  given  to  the  village  which 
sprang  up  close  to  his  monastery,  was  son  of  Aid  us 
Draigniche,  of  the  race  of  Hy-Frachrach,and  great  grandson 
of  Dathy.  His  mother's  name  was  Cuilena.  She,  too,  was 
of  princely  birth ;  and  we  know,  on  the  authority  of  our 
Irish  calendars,Jthat  Foila,  her  daughter,  with  two  other  of 
lier  sons,  Aidus  and  Sorar,  ranked  amongst  the  saints  of 
Erin. 

Our  saint,  therefore,  can  easily  be  distinguished  from 
St.  Colga,  **  the  Wise,"  who  from  his  great  learning  was 
called  "  the  Scribe  and  Doctor  of  all  the  Irish."  A  prayer 
of  his  full  of  beautiful  and  glowing  imagery,  which  is 
fortunately  extant,  and  is  referred  to  by  O'Curry,  illustrates 
to  some  extent  his  claim  to  this  flattering  title.  He  was 
professor  at  Clonmacnoise  a.d.  789,  and  was  not,  as  we 
shall  see,  therefore,  even  a  contemporary  of  our  saint.  By 
parentage  and  descent  they  can  also  be  easily  distinguished, 
iis  Colga  of  Clonmacjnoise  was  known  as  Colga  Ua 
Duinechda. 

In  addition  to  this,  Lanigan  is  very  expHcit  regarding 
our  saint.  He  tells  us  that  he  governed  a  church  and 
perhaps  a  monastery  at  Kilcolgan,  called  from  his  name,  in 
the  diocese  of  Kilmacduagh,  barony  of  Dunkelhn,  and 
County  of  Galway.  This  Kilcolgan  is  therefore  not  to  be 
confounded  with  places  of  the  same  name  in  Clonfert  and 
Cochlan's  country  in  the  Queen's  County.  Colgan  supports 
the  same  opinion,  and  states  that  Colga  was  Abbot  ol  the 
Church  of  Kilcolgan,  in  the  diocese  of  Kilmacduagh.  Those 
opinions  of  Lanigan  and  Colgan  are  also  supported  by 
Dr.  Reeves  in  his  annotations  to  Adamnan*s  life  of  St. 
Columba.  The  learned  commentator  thus  writes;^ — 
*  From  Colga,  the  Parish  Church  of  Kilcolgan ;  and  from 
his  sister  Foilena,  the  adjoining  Parish  of  Kileely,  both  ia 

^  Reeves*  Adamnan,  p.  46. 


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Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolgan.  527 

the  diocese  of  Kilmacduagh,  which  was  co-extensive  with 
the  civil  territory  of  Hy-Tiacragh  Ardhne,  derive  their 
names  respectively." 

Though  we  cannot  fix  the  exact  date  of  St.  Colga's 
birth,  we  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  it  may  be  referred 
to  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century.  The  character  of 
his  early  education  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  he 
made  himself  a  disciple  of  St.  Columba,  one  of  the  most 
austere  of  the  masters  of  religious  life  in  Western  Europe. 
St.  Columba  had  then  established  himseif  at  lona  far  away 
from  his  native  conn  cry.  In  its  chilling  atmosphere  and 
unproductive  soil  there  was  nothing  to  attract  the  Irish 
from  the  fertile  fields  and  genial  climate  of  their  native 
land. 

Yet  a  life  of  exalted  sanctity  and  of  strict  rehgious 
observance  which  illustrated  the  supernatural  power  of  our 
holy  religion,  possessed  attractions  for  Irish  hearts  in 
those  days,  which  they  prized  beyond  all  other  considera- 
tions. It  was  so  with  Colga,  son  of  Draigniche.  True, 
indeed,  his  native  land  was  then  in  literal  fact  an  "  Island 
of  Saints."  And  Aranmore,  cradled  in  the  bosom  of  the 
bay,  with  the  shores  of  which  he  was  familiar  from 
infancy,  was  amongst  the  most  famous  schools  of  sanctity 
then  known  to  Ireland.  It  was  in  the  poet's  words,  "  The 
Sun  of  all  the  VV^est.'*  But  as  Colga  knew  that  the  fame  of 
Columba  had  even  surpassed  that  of  Enda,  and  thatthe  light 
of  his  sanctity  flashed  far  beyond  the  gloom  of  the  Hebrides, 
he  resolved  to  brave  the  perils  of  the  ocean,  and  perfect 
himself  in  the  science  of  the  saints  at  the  knees  of  the 
holy  Prince  of  Hy  Nial.  During  his  stay  at  lona  we  find 
him  honoured  by  special  mention  by  Columba's  holy 
biographer.  I  am  aware,  indeed,  that  Lanigan  endeavours 
to  show  that  the  Colga  mentioned  by  Adamnan  is  not 
identical  with  our  saint.  He  does  so,  however,  contrary 
to  his  custom,  without  advancing  any  argument  whatever. 
Colga  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Aaamnan  as  the  son  of 
Draigniche,  and  of  the  race  of  Fiachragh.  Apart  altogether 
from  the  authority  of  the  writers  already  quoted,  this  fact 
alone  would  clearly  establish  his  identity  with  St.  Colga 
of  Kilcolgan, 

The  writer  speaks  of  the  heavenly  favours  with  which 
the  closing  years  of  Columba*s  life  were  blessed.  He  was 
frequently  surrounded  with  a  supernatural  Ught  too 
brilUant  for  mortal  eyes  to  gaze  upon.  Of  one  of  those 
visions  St.  Colga  found  ^himself  the  privileged  witness. 


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5iS  Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolgan. 

We  will  allow  the  simple  but  graphic  words  of  St, 
Adamnan  to  give  the  reader  a  knowledge  of  the  event, 
"  Another  night  also  one  of  the  brothers  whose  name  was 
Colgius,  the  son  of  Aedh  Draicnighe,  a  descendant  of 
Feehreg  (Fiachragh),  mentioned  in  the  first  book,  came 
accidentally  while  the  other  brothers  were  asleep  to  the 
gate  of  the  Church,  and  stood  there  praying  for  some  time. 
Then  suddenly  he  saw  the  whole  church  filled  with  a 
heavenly  light  which  flashed  like  lightning  across  his 
eyes.  He  did  not  know  that  St.  Columba  was  praying  at 
the  time  in  the  church  ;  and  after  this  sudden  appearance 
of  light  he  returned  home  in  great  alarm.  On  the  following 
day  the  Saint  called  him  aside,  and  rebuked  him  severely, 
saying,  '  Take  care,  my  child,  not  to  pry  too  closely  into 
the  nature  of  that  heavenly  light.  That  privilege  is  not 
given  to  you ;  and  beware  how  you  tell  any  one  what  you 
saw  during  my  life  time." 

No  doubt  the  narrative  of  manifestations  such  as  that 
just  mentioned,  may  be  regarded  as  incredible  by  «many  of 
the  sceptical  of  our  time ;  and  Montalambert,  when  referring 
to  it,  points,  perhaps,  unnecessarily  *'  to  the  proverbial 
credulity  of  the  Celtic  nations  *'  regarding  the  legends  of 
their  saints.  But  he  takes  care  to  state  "  that  no  Christian 
will  be  tempted  to  deny  the  verified  narratives  which  bear 
witness  in  Columba's  case  to  supernatural  appearances 
which  enriched  his  life,  and  especially  his  old  age."  And 
we  are  assured  on  such  authority  as  Montalambert  himself 
seems  to  regard  as  satisfactory,  that  he  was  frequently 
surrounded  with  a  supernatural  light  more  brilliant  than 
any  of  which  ordinary  mortals  have  experience.  St.  Colga 
was  one  of  manv  privileged  witnesses. 

Before  finally  quitting  lona,  St.  Colga  returned  to 
Ireland  at  Columba's  special  command.  The  mission  with 
which  he  was  entrusted  was  of  a  particularly  delicate 
nature,  and  seems  to  indicate  the  esteem  in  which  he  was 
held  by  the  Patriai-ch  of  lona.  The  object  of  his  mission 
was,  indeed,  the  conversion  of  his  own  mother.  I  may  be 
excused  for  reproducing  the  narrative  here  from  what  has 
been  with  authority  styled  theoldest  biographvin  Europe: — ► 
"  This  Colga,  residing  one  time  in  the  island  of  lona,  was 
asked  by  the  Saint  whether  his  mother  was  religious  or 
not.  Colga,  answering  him,  said  that  he  had  always 
known  his  mother  to  be  good,  and  to  have  that  character.'* 
The  Saint  then  spoke  the  following  prophetic  words : — 
"  Quickly  now  return  to    Ireland,   and  interrogate  your 


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.Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolgan.  529 

mother  closely  regarding  her  very   grievous  secret  sin 
which  she  does  not  wish  to  confess  to  any  man." 

Colga  returned  to  Ireland  on  his  sin^ilar  mission^ 
which  proved  by  the  result,  the  supernatural  character  of 
the  wisdom  of  his  master  and  guide.  Great,  indeed,  must 
have  been  the  mother's  surprise  when  he  disclosed  to  her 
the  object  of  his  visit.  At  first  she  denied  her  guilt,  but 
at  length,  gratefully  recognising  the  merciful  intervention 
of  Providence  in  her  favour,  she  confessed  her  sin,  and 
doing  penance  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  Saint^ 
was  absolved,  wondering  very  much  at  what  had  been 
revealed  to  the  Saint  regarding  her. 

There  can  be  Uttle  doubt  his  mother's  guilt  must  have 
been  of  a  grave  character,  entailing  danger  of  the  most 
serious  kind  to  her  salvation.  An  inquiry  into  its  character 
might  appear  imdesirable  as  well  as  unprofitable.  But  as 
it  has  been  instituted  by  others,  I  may  be  excused  for 
inviting  my  readers'  attention  for  a  moment  to  the  result. 
Dr.  Reeves  connects  her  guilt  with  her  sojourn  in  the 
Palace  at  Cashel,  where  in  her  youth,  she  was  the  guest 
of  King  Failbe  Fland,  and  he  supports  his  opinion  by  the 
following  extract  from  a  tract  ot  Angus — **  De  Matribus 
Sanctorum  Hiberniae  " : — **  Cuilein,  the  mother  of  Colga 
the  Chaste,  was  received  in  Magh  Ullen  for  a  time  by 
Failbe  Fland  without  charge  of  guilt ;  she  went  to  CasheK 
staying, " 

If,  nowever,  the  seductions  of  the  court  of  the  King  of 
Cashel  led  Cuilenas*  young  heart  away  from  God,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  she  made  ample  reparation  for  her 
sin  by  the  performance  of  such  penance  as  tne  "  judgment '* 
of  the  saint  required.  And  even  a  slight  knowledge  of  the 
character  of  oiu:  penitentials  will  show  that  these  penances 
must  have  been  excessively  severe. 

Before  finally  quitting  lona,  St.  Colga  asked  his  holy 
master  to  disclose  to  him  some  things  regarding  his  own 
future ;  for  the  spirit  of  prophecy  was  but  one  of  the  many 
gifts  with  which  the  Holy  Ghost  enriched  St.  Columba's 
mvoured  soul.  In  reply,  he  was  assured  that  he  was 
destined  to  preside  over  a  Church  in  his  own  country* 
That  country  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  territory  of  the 
Southern  Hy  Fiacragh,  co-extensive  with  the  diocese  of 
Kilmacduagh  :  "  In  your  own  country,  which  you  love, 
you  shall  be  head  of  a  certain  Church  for  many  years." 
The  circumstances  which  were  to  indicate  the  immediate 
approach  of  his  death  were  also  pointed  out  to  him ; 
VOL.  VI.  2  Q 


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580  Saint  Colga  of  Kilcolffon, 

though  these  were  under  other  rejects  of  an  unimportant 
and  trivial  character :  **  And  when  at  length  youBnallsee 
your  butler  playing  for  a  company  of  friends  at  supper,  and 
twisting  the  tap  in  a  circle  round  his  neck,  know  that  yon 
shall  soon  die."  "  This  same  prophecy  of  the  holy  man,*' 
adds  Adamnan,  "  was  exactly  fulfilled  as  it  was  foretold  to 
Colga." 

It  is,  I  think,  by  no  means  easy  to  understand  the 
meaning  of  the  signs  which  the  Abbot  of  lona  foretold 
should  indicate  the  immediate  approach  of  St.  Colga's 
death.  Commentators  admit  the  obscurity  of  the  original 
passage  in  Adamnan  ;  but  Dr.  Reeves  correctly  attributes 
much  of  the  obscurity  to  our  imperfect  knowledge  of 
the  domestic  customs,  &c.,  of  our  countrymen  at  that  early 
period.  He  offers  the  following  as  a  plausible  rendering  of 
the  passage :  "  When  you  see  yom*  brother  making  merry  in 
a  supper  of  his  friends,  and  twisting  the  ladle  round  in  the 
strainer,  know  that  you  shall  soon  die."  And  he  adds :  *'  The 
difficulty  "  of  understanding  the  passage  "  arises  from  an 
imperfect  knowledge  concerning  the  domestic  relations  of 
the  early  nations.*'  I  believe  that  few  will  question  the 
plausibility  of  this  opinion. 

St.  Colga  did  return  to  Ireland,  and  selected  as  a  site 
for  his  monastery  that  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  tribe  of 
which  he  was  a  distinguished  member,  which  overlooks 
the  more  inland  portions  of  the  Bay  of  Galway.  The  sea 
breezes  would  be  borne  freshly  to  his  monastery  over  those 
picturesque  and  wooded  undulations  which  are  now  known 
as  **  Tyrone ; "  a  designation  which  conceals  under  a  very 
transparent  disguise  the  ancient  name  of  the  locality.  Tir- 
Owen  should  mean  the  country  of  *'  Owen  0*Heyne,"  Prince 
of  the  district.  And  just  beyond  the  estuary  on  which  his 
convent  stood,  was  the  "  Eisger  "  highway  extending  from 
Mairee  to  Dublin,  which  divided  the  kingdom  of  Om  from 
that  of  his  brother  and  rival  Eoghan  More.  Nor  was  it 
unnatural  that  the  site  which  St.  Colga  should  select  for 
his  monastery  would  be  close  to  the  .Church  with  which 
the  name  and  fame  of  his  holy  sister  Foila  was  to  be 
inseparably  associated.  The  Church  of  St  Foila  stands  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kilcolgan,  and  in  its  present 
neglected  condition  gives  no  indication  of  the  reverence 
with  which  it  was  regarded  as  a  sacred  shrine  to  which 
the  pious  Faithful  thronged  even  as  late  as  two  centuries 
Ago. 

At  about  an  equal  distance  on  the  opposite  side  stood 


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Sahit  Volga  of  Kilcolgan.  -531 

the  church  of  St.  Assournida.  Nor  is  there  an  inherent 
improbability  in  the  opinion  that  the  church  of  St.  Hugh, 
in  the  adjoining  parish,  was  that  of  his  brother  St.  Aidus. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  St.  Colga  erected  not 
merely  a  church  but  also  a  monastery  at  Kilcolgan.  Being 
*'  head  of  a  certain  Church,"  could  simply  mean  that  he 
ruled  a  community  in  connection  with  that  Church ;  and 
this,  we  are  aijsured,  was  a  position  which  he  occupied 
**per  multos  annos.**  Besides,  we  find  ho  is  expressly 
styled  Abbot  of  Kilcolgan  by  the  learned  author  of  the 
*'  Aeta  Sanctorum  Hibernia." 

It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  with  certainty  the  exact  site 
of  St.  Colga's  Church  and  Monastery.  I  have  Uttle  doubt, 
however,  that  the  difficulty  arises  from  the  fact  that  its 
fiite  is  occupied  by  a  dismantled  Protestant  church.  It 
iitood  within  the  grounds  ol  the  late  E.  St.  George,  of 
Tyrone,  Esq.,  about  half  a  mile  south  of  the  present  village 
of  Kilcolgan.  The  approach  is  by  a  splendid  avenue  of 
-ancient  trees.  A  close  inspection  of  this  modern  though 
ruined  structure,  enables  one  to  see  that  a  great  portion 
of  the  eastern  gable  is  very  ancient.  Carved  mullions 
-and  fragments  of  tracery  may  be  discovered  in  the  most 
incongruous  positions  beneath  the  mortar  of  the  modem 
masonry.  The  moss-gi'own  mounds  around  reveal  on 
examination  masses  of  ruins,  and  here  and  there  a  grave- 
stone, beneath  which  the  dead  are  at  rest  for  centuries. 
All  these  facts  indicate  the  original  character  of  the  place. 
Local  traditions  confirm  those  impressions,  and  tell  us  how 
a  family  that  abandoned  the  faith  of  their  fathers  sought 
to  destroy  every  vestige  of  this  sacred  memorial  ot  a  glorious 
past.  l^he  unenHghtened  bigotry  which  such  an  6fibrt 
reveals  has  fortunately  failed  in  its  purpose;  and  the 
unsightly  ruin  by  which  the  spot  is  desecrated  shall  be 
remembered  only  as  a  satirical  memorial  of  the  failure. 

The  site  was  a  pleasing  one.  Even  before  the  extensive 
plantings  around  the  adjoining  mansions  of  Kilcornan  and 
Tyrone  brough  the  scenery  there  into  harmony  with  the 
tastes  of  our  time,  the  general  features  of  the  landscape  were 
attractive.  But  how  unlike  St.  Colga's  late  home  at  lona 
Here,  indeed,  was  the  '*  dark  blue  '*  of  the  ocean  ;  but  within 
the  arms  of  those  sheltering  bays  its  hoarse  murmurs  were 
hushed  to  rest ;  and  the  foam  of  the  broken  billows  no 
longer  flecked  his  cowl  as  he  recalled  by  the  Mairee 
shore  the  lessons  which  Columba  taught  him  by  the  surf- 
beaten  cliffs  of  lona. 


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682  Miasa  de  Requiem. 

The  history  of  the  fruitful  years  which  St.  Colga  spent 
as  "  Head  of  the  Church  in  his  country  which  he  loved  " 
is  unfortunately  lost  to  ua  The  date  of  his  death  we  do 
not  even  know  with  certainty.  There  can,  however,  be 
little  doubt  that  it  was  of  the  sixth,  or  at  the  be^nning  of 
the  seventh  century.  Though  some  would  fix  his  feast  for 
the  20th  February,  we  do  not  think  that  the  authority  of 
our  Martyrologies  can  be  fairly  cited  in  favour  of  such  an 
opinion. 

J.  A.  Fahey. 


MISSA  DE  KEQUIEM. 


CONNECTED  with  the  subject  ot  the  Requiem  Mass  is 
a  number  of  questions,  the  discussion  of  which  in 
English  might  prove  not  uninteresting  to  some  readers  ot 
the  Record.  In  the  present  paper,  we  intend  to  consider, 
as  fully  as  the  limited  space  at  our  disposal  will  permit, 
two  of  these  questions,  viz. :  (a)  What  is  the  diflFerei^ce  in 

Eoint  of  efficacy  between  a  Requiem  Mass  and  a  Mass  of  the 
►ay,  when  each  is  offered  ior  the  souls  in  purgatory  ? 
(h)  What  are  the  nature  and  extent  of  that  efficacv  in  their 
regard  ?  Those  who  may  desire  a  more  complete  theo^ 
logical  treatment  of  the  efficacy  of  the  Mass  than  that 
involved  in  the  answers  to  the  questions  proposed  have 
only  to  reciu:  to  former  numbers^  of  the  Record,  where  the 
subject  IS  so  fully  treated  by  Very  Rev.  W.  J.  Walsh,  D.D» 
Theologians  agree  in  teaching,  that  there  is  no  «ui- 
stantial  difference  as  to  efficacy  between  a  Reqtuem  Mass 
and  an  ordinary  Mass  of  the  Day,  when  both  are  applied 
to  the  reUef  of  the  souls  in  purgatory  ;  for  in  each  case  vre 
have  the  same  Adorable  Victim,  the  same  Great  High 
Priest  officiating,  the  same  ministerial  functions  exercised 
in  the  oblation  of  the  Sacrifice,  and  offered,  as  is  supposed, 
for  the  same  ends.  Though,  as  is  thus  clear,  the  two  kinds 
of  Mass  are  substantially  identical,  they  admit  an  ctccidtntcJ 
difference  arising  entirely  from  the  nature  of  tbe  prayers 
peculiar  to  each.  In  the  Requiem  Mass  we  have  special 
prayers  for  the  dead,  which  are  not  found  in  Masses  of  the 

1  See  I.  E.  Record  (Third  Series),  voL  3,  No.  12 ;  voL  4,  No.  4  ; 
vol.  4,  No.  8. 


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Missa  de  Requiem,  533 

Irving.  These  prayers  are  approved  by  the  Church  and 
said  in  her  name,  and,  consequently,  as  the  prayers  of 
Christ's  well-beloved  Spouse  they  have  for  the  purpose, 
for  which  they  are  offered,  an  efficacy  that  is  independent 
of  the  spiritual  condition  of  the  minister,  and  are 
necessarily  acceptable  to  Almighty  God.  They  can 
have  an  additional  efficacy  for  the  dead  derivable  from 
the  devotion  with  which  they  are  recited  by  the  priest ; 
but  this  latter  efficacy,  depending  on  an  uncertain 
condition,  viz.,  the  sanctity  of  the  minister,  must  of 
necessity  be  a  variable  quantity:  in  some  cases  it  may 
be  very  considerable,  while  in  others  it  may  be  incon- 
siderable, or  entirely  disappear.  It  is  true,  no  doubt,  that 
the  prayers  of  each  kind  of  Mass  are  approved  by  the 
Church,  and  have,  therefore,  an  efficacy  that  is  independent 
of  the  piety  of  the  minister,  but  the  prayers  used  in  Masses 
of  the  living,  as  far  as  they  differ  from  Requiem  Masses, 
are  not  applied  to  the  souls  in  purgatory  in  the  name  of 
the  Church,  but  are  offered  for  some  other  distinct  purpose, 
as  intimated  by  the  words  in  which  they  are  expressed. 
Hence  it  follows,  that  Requiem  Masses  have  for  the  dead 
a  peculiar  accidental  efficacy,  not  attached  to  Masses  of  the 
living  when  offered  for  the  same  end.  This  view  of  the 
relative  efficacy  of  the  Requiem  Mass  and  Mass  of  the 
living  is  clearly  expressed  in  the  following  words  of  St. 
Thomas  :  "  Ex  parte  sacrificii  missa  aequaliter  prodest 
defuncto  de  quocumque  dicatur :  ex  parte  tamen  orationum 
magis  prodest  ilia  in  qua  sunt  orationes  ad  hoc  deter- 
minatae."  The  peculiar  accidental  efficacy,  which  a  Requiem 
Mass  possesses  for  the  relief  of  the  dead,  must  of  necessity 
be  small,  as  compared  to  the  substantial  efficacy  which  it 
has  in  common  with  a  Mass  of  the  living ;  still  viewed  by 
itfielf,  this  special  efficacy  may  be  considerable,  and  of 
great  assistance  to  the  poor  souls  in  purgatory. 

From  this  consideration  it  follows,  that  when  we  have 
to  say  Mass  for  deceased  persons,  it  would  in  all  cases  be 
desirable  to  say  the  suitable  Requiem  Mass,  when  such  is 
permitted  by  the  Rubrics.  As  to  the  cases  in  which  there 
18  an  obligation  of  doing  so,  very  little  room  for  doubt  or 
difference  of  opinion  can  exist,  as  we  have  on  the  matter 
a  number  of  authoritative  decisions  from  which  they  can 
be  easily  inferred.  The  first  of  these  to  which  I  will  refer 
is  one  emanating  from  Alexander  VIL,  Aug.  5th,  1662,  which 
we  find  printed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  Missal,  and  in 
which  it  is  declared  that  on  doubles  and  on  other  occasions, 


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534  Missa  de  Requiem. 

when  a  private  Requiem  Mass  is  prohibited  by  the  Rubrics^ 
a  priest,  who  is  bound  to  say  Mass  for  a  deceased  person, 
satisfies  his  obligation  by  saying  the  Mass  of  the  day.  This 
decision,  as  is  clear  from  the  words  in  which  it  is  conveyed, 
covers  two  cases,  viz.,  (a)  that  in  which  the  kind  of  Maa& 
to  be  said  is  not  specified,  and  about  which,  therefore^ 
there  can  plainly  be  no  difficulty,  and  (6)  that,  in  which 
a  Requiem  Mass  is  distinctly  requested  and  promised. 
In  this  latter  case,  though  there  might  be  per  »e  an 
obligation  of  saying  the  promised  Requiem  Mass,  and 
consequently,  of  waiting  till  it  should  be  permitted  by  the 
Rubrics,  that  obligation  is  declared  by  Alexander  \ll,  not 
to  exist.  In  issuing  the  decree  referred  to,  the  Supreme 
Pontiff  acted  either  as  Supreme  Legislator ;  dispensing, 
in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  or,  perhaps  to  speak  more 
accurately,  as  Doctor  of  the  Universal  Church  interpreting^ 
with  authority  the  presumed  pious  intentions  oi  those 
who  solicited  the  Requiem  Mass.  Such  an  interpretation 
would  be  but  fair  and  reasonable,  for,  on  the  one  hand,  it 
may  be  assumed  that  no  good  Catholic  is  willing  to  have  the 
Rubrics  of  the  Church  violated  by  the  celebration  of  a 
special  kind  of  Mass  on  occasionswliensuch  is  not  permitted; 
while,  on  the  other,  the  deceased,  for  whose  benefit  the 
Mass  is  to  be  celebrated,  if  suffering  in  purgatory,  should 
be  deprived  of  immediate  assistance  by  waiting  until  a 
Requiem  Mass  is  permitted.  Hence,  it  is  clear,  that  to 
satisfy  an  obligation  of  saying  a  private  Mass  for  the  dead, 
it  never  becomes  necessary  to  wait  till  the  Rubrics  permit 
a  Requiem  Mass ;  neither  would  the  prospect  of  such  Mass 
be  of  itself  a  sufficient  consideration  to  justify  a  priest  in 
deferring  the  fulfilment  of  his  obligation  beyond  the  period, 
as  otherwise  assigned  by  theologians.  On  this  subject  we 
have  another  decree  from  Clement  X.,  but  as  its  object  and 
extent  are  the  sameasthoseof  the  decree  of  Alexander  VII., 
it  becomes  unnecessary  to  do  more  than  refer  to  it  These 
decisions  have  a  practical  bearing  on  coimtries,  where,  as 
in  Ireland,  the  number  of  doubles  so  much  predominates, 
and  where,  as  a  consequence,  according  to  the  general 
provisions  of  the  Rubrics,  the  occasions,  on  which  a  private 
Requiem  Mass  may  be  said,  are  so  veiy  few. 

The  next  point  we  have  to  consider  is  the  extent  of 
our  obUgation  when  wo  have  to  say  Mass  for  a  deceased 

Ssrson  on  semi-doubles  or  on  occasions  when  a  Requiem 
ass  is  permitted.     There  are   two   cases  in   which   we 
are    boimd    to    say  a    Requiem    Mass.       The    first    of 


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Mi99a  de  Reqtmm.  535 

these  18,  when  the  kind  of  Mass  to  be  said  is  distinctly  ^ 
requested    and    promised,    for,    according   to    a  decree 
of  S.  R.  C.    1761,    "  the  expressed  will  of    those    who 
ask  for  a  special  kind  of  Mass  should  be  complied  with, 

Srovided  it  be  reasonable,  neither  did  the  Supreme  Pontiff 
ispenee  in  such  obligations ;  *'  but  in  the  case  under 
consideration  the  expressed  will  of  those  who  ask  for  a 
Requiem  Mass  is  supposed  to  be  reasonable,  seeing  that 
compliance  with  it  is  compatible  with  strict  adherence  to 
the  Rubrics,  and  does  not  imply  the  necessity  of  deferring 
the  Mass  for  the  deceased.  If  any  delay  became  necessary 
from  Rubrical  considerations,  then  the  case  is  distinctly 
legislatedfor  by  the  decreeof Alexander  VIl.,already  referred 
to  in  detail.  By  a  Papal  Jndult  of  1862,  the  priests  of 
Ireland  have  the  privilege  of  saying  a  private  Requiem 
Mass  "praesente  cadavere'*  on  double  festivals;  and 
therefore  a  priest,  who  is  asked  by  a  person  giving 
a  honoramiim  to  say  a  Requiem  Mass,  is  bound  to  do  co  on 
those  occasions  piivileged  by  the  Indult.  The  second  of 
the  cases  above  refeiTed  to  is  that  in  which  a  priest 
promises  to  say  Mass  at  a  privileged  altar  ;  for  in  answer 
to  a  question  sent  to  S.C.I,  it  is  stated  that  a  priest 
who  has  to  say  Mass  at  a  privileged  altar  is  bound  to 
use  black  vestments  whenever  a  Requiem  Mass  is  allowed, 
and  that  he  does  not  fulfil  his  obligation  by  saying  the 
Mass  of  the  day.  The  reason  of  this  decision  is  clear,  for 
the  obvious  intention  of  the  person  asking  for  Mass  at  a 
privileged  altar  is  to  gain  the  indulgences  attached  to  its 
celebration  at  such  an  altar ;  but  as  appears  from  vanous 
Papal  Constitutions  those  indulgences  cannot  be  gained 
unless  a  Requiem  Mass  is  celebrated,  when  permitted 
by  the  Rubrics.  On  other  occasions  the  indulgences 
may  be  gained  by  saying  the  Mass  of  the  day,  as  appears 
from  a  decision  of  S.R.C.  given  22nd  July,  1848. 
As  we  have  already  seen,  the  Mass  of  the  living  and 
Requiem  Mass  admit  of  no  substantial  difference,  henoe  if 
in  either  of  the  two  above-mentioned  cases  a  priest 
receives  a  hojwrarium  for  a  Requiem  Mass,  but  says  the 
Mass  corresponding  to  the  Omce  of  the  day,  he  is  ndt 
boimd  to  restitution,  seeing  that  he  has  substantially 
fulfilled  his  obligation ;  he  is,  however,  according  to  the 
general  opinion  of  theologians,  guilty  of  at  least  venial 
sin. 

In  other  cases  besides  the  two  mentioned,  a  priest  is 
justified  in  saying  the  Mass  of  the  day  for  deceased  persons^ 


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536  MisM  de  Requienu 

even  when  theRubrics  permit  a  Requiem  Mass.  This  teaching 
rests  on  two  affirmative  answers,  one  given  by  S.R.C.  1840, 
to  the  following  question  :  "An  sacerdotes  qui  diebus, 
cuibus  per  rubricas  licet  Missas  de  Requiem  celebrare, 
Mifisas  privatas  oblato  manuali  stipendio  pro  imo  vel 
pluribus  defunctis  celebrant  contbrmes  officio,  satisfaciant 
obligationi  1"  The  other  riven  in  the  same  year  by 
S.R.C.:  *'Utrum  sacerdos  satisfaciat  obligationi  celebrandi 
Missam  pro  defuncto,  servando  ritura  feriae  vel  cujuscum- 
que  sancti  etiamsi  non  sit  semiduplex  vel  duplex  ?"  From 
the  affirmative  answers  given  to  these  questions,  it  follows 
that  a  priest  in  other  cases  besides  the  two  excepted,  satis- 
fies his  obligation  by  saying  for  the  dead  the  Mass  of  the 
day.  That  he  satisfies  his  obligation  not  merely  sub- 
stantially, but  so  as  to  be  free  from  the  guilt  even  of  venial 
sin  is  evident,  (a)  from  the  meaning  attached  to  the 
expression  "  satisfaciunt  obligationi  "  in  various  responses 
given  by  the  same  Congregations,  and  (b)  because  S.R.C., 
in  answering  the  question  put  to  them  in  1840,  referred  to 
the  decree  of  Alexander  VII.,  and  decided  according  to  its 
sease,  ^^juxta  decretum  genercde  1662."  It  may  not  be  out 
of  place  to  mention,  that  this  privilege  of  saying  the  Mass 
of  the  day  instead  of  a  Requiem  Mass  does  not,  as  is  clear 
from  an  answer  of  S.R.C.  1662,  extend  to  other  Votive 
Masses.  From  what  has  been  said  it  appears,  that  there 
are  only  two  cases,  in  which  a  priest  does  not  fully 
satisfy  his  obligation  by  saying  for  deceased  persons  the 
Mass  corresponding  to  the  Office  of  the  day.  The  cases 
that  ordinarily  occur  present  little  or  no  difficulty  under 
this  head,  seeing  that  the  kind  of  Mass  to  be  said  is 
very  rarely  specified.  It  will  be  necessary  to  bear  dis- 
tinctly in  mind,  that  the  decisions  quoted  up  to  the 
present,  refer  exclusively  to  private  Requiem  Masses,  for 
the  legislation  on  solemn  Requiem  Masses  is  quite  different. 
We  now  come  to  consider  the  second  of  the  two 
questions  proposed  at  the  commencement  of  this  Paper, 
viz :  "  What  is  the  efficacy  of  the  Mass  in  reference  to  the 
souls  in  purgatory  '*  ?  Before  we  endeavour  to  answer  this 
question  it  may  be  well  to  premise,  (a)  that  it  is  d£  fide 
Catkolicay  as  defined  by  the  Council  of  Trent,^  that  the 
souls  in  purgatory  derive  assistance  from  the  iSaciifice  of 
the  Mass,  and  (b)  that  it  is  certain,  that  this  assistance 
comes  to  them  in  the  way  of  satisfaction  or  atonement  to 

1  Se88.   XXV.,  c.   1.     "  Animas    in  purgatorio    detentos    fidelium 
sulfragiis  potissimum  yero  acceptabili  altaris  sacrificio  juvari.'* 


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Missa  de  Eequiem.  6S7 

God  for  the  temporal  punisliineiit  dne  to  their  sins,  for 
such  is  the  only  assistance  of  which  they  are  capable  in 
their  present  state  of  suifering :  "  Certum  est,**  says 
Perrone,^  "defunctis  sacrificium  istud  nuUo    alio    modo 

f)rode88e  quam  remittendo  paenam  teinporalem."     Thus 
ar  there  is  no  doubt  raised  by  theologians ;  they  agree 
in  admitting  the  fact  of  assistance  given  by  the  Sacrifice 
of  the    Mass    to    the    souIm    in     purgatory     and     also 
the  kind  of  assistance  in  the  seqse  explained.      When, 
however,  they  come  to  examine  the  matter  more  in  detail, 
and  to  inquire  into  the  extent  of  the  efficacy  which  the 
Maes  actually  possesses  for  the  relief  of  the  dead,  the 
question  becomes   one  of   warm   controversy,   each   side 
daiming  in  its  defence  honored    names    that  must  be 
received  with  respect  in  every  school  of  CathoUc  theolo^. 
To  understand  the  precise  limits  of  the  controversy,  or,  m 
other  words,  to  distinguish  between  those  points  that  are 
accepted  as  certain  and  those  that  form  the  subject  of 
dispute,  it  will  be  necessary  to  have  a  clear  notion  of 
oertain  terms  that  are  employed  by  theologians  in  the 
treatment  of  this  subject.     We  have  then  to  understand 
what  is  meant  by  the  aujicienct/,  the  efficacy,  and  the  fniit 
of  the  Mass,  as  applied  to  the  souls  in  purgatory.     The 
efficiency  of  the  Mass'  is  its  inherent  dignity  or  value,  and 
the  capability  which  it  might  have,  if  Christ  so  willed,  of 
remitting  to  departed  souls  the  punishment  due  to  their 
fling,  or,  in  other  words,  it  is  the  peculiar  aptitude  which 
Mass  has  to  become  the  medium  of  applying  to  these  souls 
the  merits  of  Christ.     Its  ejficacy,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the 
oapability  which  it  has,  as  determined  by  Chrisfs  will,  of 
delivering  the  souls  in  purgatoiy  from  their  suffering  ;  and 
the  term  of  punishment  actually  remitted  is   called   the 
Jruit  of  the  Masa     The  distinction  between  the  sufficiency 
aad  the  efficacy  of  the  Mass  will  become  intelligible  if  we 
but  bear  in  mind  that  it  was  instituted  by  Christ,  and 
though  its  excellence  and  aptitude  to  apply  the  fruits  of 
Iledemption  were  independent  of  His  will,  still  the  capa- 
bility which  it  was  de  facto  to  have  for  that  purpose  was  left 
entirely  to  the  exercise  of  His  free  choice.    He  might,  there- 
fore, have  given  to  it  a  capability  of  applying  His  merits 
-equal  to  its  aptitude,  or  He  might  have  assigned  to  it 

'  De  Euch.  n.  282. 


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538  Missa  de  Requiem, 

a-  limited  capability,  as  determined  by  His  Own  wis^' 
judgment.  In  the  first  hypothesis  the  capability  of  the 
Mass  to  atone  for  punishment  would  be  co-extensive  with 
its  aptitude  ;  in  the  latter,  the  case,  as  is  clear,  would  be 
quite  otherwise.  Now,  theologians  generally  admit  that 
tne  sufficiency  of  tho  Mass  is  infinite  in  tlie  sense  to  be 
presently  explained,  for  the  Mass,  as  the  Council  of  Trent 
declared,  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  Sacrifice  of  the 
Cross :  hence,  its  intrinsic  excellence  is  infinite,  and  its 
aptitude  to  apjyly  is  co-extensive  with  the  power  which 
the  Sacrifice  of  the  (>ross  had  to  merit  the  fruits  of 
Redemption,  and  therefore  infinite.  They  also  admit,  that 
the  fruit  of  the  Mass  or  the  actual  term  of  punishment 
remitted  to  the  souls  in  purgatory  is  finite,  seeing  that  the 
eternal  punishment  due  to  their  sins  must  be  remitted 
before  death,  otherwise  purgatory  will  not  be  their  place 
of  suffering.  The  whole  controversy  then  is  about  the 
efficacy  of  the  Mass,  or  the  capability  which  it  has,  in  the 
present  order  of  things,  as  determined  by  the  Will  of 
Christ,  of  remitting  punishment  due  to  the  souls  in  purga- 
tory. Is  that  capability  infinite  and  unlimited?  Such  is 
the  question  at  issue,  to  which  opposite  answers  are  given 
by  different  theological  writers. 

Some,  adopting  the  opinion  of  Cajetan,  answer  in 
the  affirmative,  and  say  that  the  efficacy  of  the  Mass  is 
infinite,  not  altsolutely  but  relatively^  or,  to  speak  in 
the  language  ot  theology,  it  is  infinite  tn  ^e^ww  eyncategoreinr 
aticoy  the  meaning  of  which  in  the  present  case  is,  that 
there  is  no  punishment  so  great  that  greater  cannot  be 
remitted  by  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Masa  To  say  that  the 
efficacy  of  the  Mass  is  infinite  in  the  sense  explained,  clearly 
implies,  (a)  that  it  is  infinite  intensive,  i>.,  in  atoning  for 
pimishment  due  to  an  individual,  and  (b)  that  it  is  infinite 
e.vtensice,  i.e.,  in  atoning  for  the  punishment  due  to  any 
number  of  souls  no  matter  how  great  that  number  may 
be.  This  point  must  bo  borne  in  mind,  for  many  of  those 
who  attribute  to  the  Mass  an  infinite  efficacy  do  not  take 
the  word  infinite  in  the  sense  explained,  but  in  a  limited 
and  qualified  sense.  Such  is  the  case  with  Vasquez,  who, 
while  professing  to  hold  the  infinite  efficacy  of  the  Mass, 
simply  says,  that  it  is  equally  effective  for  many  as  for  one, 
while  he  does  not  discuss  the  question  whether  or  not  it 
has  an  unlimited  capability  of  atoning  for  the  punishment 
due  to  any  one.  Tne  patrons  of  this  opinion  use  various 
examples  to  illustrate  their  doctrine ;  the  most  common^ 


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Mism  de  Requiem;  589" 

perhaps,  is  that  of  the  sun,  which  is  equally  effective  in 
warming  each  one  of  us  as  if  he  were  the  only  one  on . 
earth;  so  in  like  manner  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  is  equally 
effective  in  remitting  the  punishment  of  many  as  of  one* 
This  illustration  is  retorted  by  those  who  hold  the  opposite 
opinion:  they  say  that  as  the  rays  of  the  sun,  by  being 
concentrated  by  a  lens  on  its  focus,  have  their  effective 
power  on  that  particular  point  increased,  so  also  are  the 
fruite  of  the  Mass  concentrated  on  special  souls  by  the 
piiest*s  intention  acting  as  the  lens  does  in  the  case  of  the 
8un*s  raya 

The  more  common  opinion,  and,  as  we  think,  the  more 
tenable,  holds  that  the  Mass  has  but  a  finite  efficacy  or 
limited  power  of  reUeving  the  souls  in  purgatory,  and 
many  of  those,  who  hold  its  efficacy  to  be  infinite  when, 
applied  to  the  living,  change  sides  when  they  come  to 
consider  its  efficacy  for  the  dead.  This  opinion  is  sustained 
by  the  feeling  of  the  faithful  as  manifested  in  a  practice 
that  has  been  observed  in  every  age  of  the  Church's 
existence;  firstly^  of  having  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass 
offered  for  deceased  friends  in  particular  rather  than  for  the 
deceased  in  general,  and  secondly^  of  having  Mass  repeated 
for  the  same  deceased  person.  This  practice  would  be^ 
without  foundation  if  the  Mass  had  that  unlimited  efficacy 
which  is  attributed  to  it  by  the  patrons  of  the  opposite 
opinion.  And  the  Church  appears  to  recognise  the  same^ 
necessity  as  the  faithful,  for  in  the  Missal  we  have  a 
Mass  '*  pro  iino  defuncto  " ;  and  not  only  tliis,  but  different 
Masses  aiTanged  for  the  same  deceased;  thus  we  have 
"Missa  in  die  obitus  sen  depositionis."  ''Missa  in  die 
tertio  .  ,  ."  '*  Missa  in  anniversario,"  which  would 
be  intelligible  only  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  Mass^ 
has  but  a  limited  efficacy  for  the  relief  of  the  souls  in 
purgatory.  This  consideration  is  urged  by  De  Lugo'  to 
sustain  the  same  opinion;  "Si  enim,"  he  says  "tantum 
prodest  omnibus  et  singulis  quantum  si  pro  uno  tantum 
applicetur,  cur  non  applicantur  omnes  Missae  pro  omnibus 
deiunctis ;  nirsus  seq^uitur  sacerdotem  qui  debet  Missas 
duobus  vel  tribus,  satisfacere  offerendo  unam  pro  omnibus, 
cum  tam  prosit  eis  quam  si  pro  singulis  offerretur."  And 
Lacroix'  in  answering  an  objection  against  the  efficacy  of 
the  Mass  says,  "  communior  tamen  sententia  est  Sancti 
Thomae  plerorumque,  (Missam)  non  remittere  infallibiliter 

}  D.  XIX.  n.  242.  «  lib.  iv.,  Tars.  11,  n.  10. 


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540  Mu8a  de  Requiem. 

tbtam  poenam  sed  tantum  partem  juxta  taxationem  a 
'Christo  factam,  Id  institutione  hujus  Sacrilicii ;  hinc  Con- 
cilium Tridentinnm  dicit  eas  per  Sacrificinra^Mrari,  non 
autem  liberari''  Suarez,^  though  he  appears  to  attribute 
to  the  Mass,  as  a  sacrifice  of  impetration  for  the  living, 
an  unlimited  efficacy,  holds  its  limited  efficacy  in  reference 
to  the  dead — though  he  is  quoted  by  St.  Ligouri  for  the 
other  view.  His  opinion  is  set  forth  in  the  follow- 
ing words : — "  Effectus  Sacrificii  respondens  oblationi 
flacerdotis  ut  sic  quem  ipse  potest  pro  aJiis  proferre  finitus 
est  et  unus  tantum  ;  unde  si  pro  multis  oflFertur  sive  diversw 
intentionibus  specialibus  sive  una  tantum  communi  ut  pro 
populo  vel  pro  communitate,  minuitur  fructus  in  singuliB 
tantoque  magis  quanto  major  eorum  numerus  fuit 
fiupposita  uniformi  apphcatione."  This  opinion  is  also 
beautifully  expressed  in  the  following  words  of  Card. 
Bona: — "Neque  considerandum  est  id  quod  in  Sacrificio 
continetur  taraquam  ens  quoddam  naturale  agens  secundum 
gradum  summum  virtutis  suae  sed  ut  ens  libenim  cujus 
operatic  tantam  habet  efficaciam  quantam  habere  viilt 
agens  principale,  Christus  Redemptor  noster."  The  only 
other  authority  that  I  will  quote  m  favor  of  this  opinion 
is  that  of  the  Angel  of  the  Schools* — "  Quamvis  virtus 
Christi  qui  continetur  sub  Sacramento  Eucharistiae  sit 
infinita,  tamen  determinatus  est  eflfectus  ad  quem  illnd 
Sacramentum  ordinatur :  unde  non  oportet  quod  per  unura 
altaris  sacrificium  tota  poena  eorum  qui  sunt  in  purgatorio 
expietur."  From  these  words  it  is  clear  that  St.  Thomas 
holds  (a)  that  the  snjflciency  (virtus  Christi)  of  the  Mass  is 
infinite  and  (b)  that  its  efficacy  (effectus  ad  quem  .  . 
ordinatur)  is  limited  and  finite. 

Whatever  may  be  the  value  of  these  opinions,  viewed 
speculatively,  we  are  bound  to  follow  the  latter  in  practice, 
so  that  if  we  receive  honoraria  from  two  or  more  persons 
to  say  iAI  asses  for  different  purposes  we  cannot  fulfil  onr 
obligation  by  saying  one  Mass  only.  This  is  simply  a 
consequence  of  the  general  principle  of  justice  which 
forbids  us  to  act  on  a  merely  probable  opinion  when  there 
is  danger  of  violating  the  strict  and  certam  right  of  another. 
It  also  follows  from  the  condemnation  of  the  following 
proposition  by  Alexander  VII. : — "  Duplicatum  stipendium 
potest  sacerdos  pro  eadem  Missa  accipere  applicandopetenti 
partem   etiam  specialissimam   fructus  ipsimet   celebranti 

•  '  ^naect.  Ixix.,  Act  12,  n.  2.  •  Snpp.  3,  p.  q.  71,  n.  9, 

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Correspondence*  541 

correspondentem."  There  is  one  case  in  which  it  is. 
generally  held,  that  a  priest  may  act  on  the  first  opinion, 
viz,,  if  a  priest  promises  different  persons  to  say  Mass 
for  them  without  receiving  any  honoraria  ;  in  this  case  he 
may  satisfy  his  obligation  by  saying  one  Mass  for  all 
together. 

If  the  second  opinion  be  the  true  one,  and  no  doubt 
the  weight  of  authority  appears  to  be  in  its  favor,  it 
remains  for  us  to  consider  how  the  efficacy  of  the  Mass  for 
the  dead  is  limited.  The  extent  of  its  efficacy^  as  we  have 
seen,  depends  entirely  on  Christ's  Will,  and  may  have  been 
determined  according  to  any  one  of  the  many  plans 
which  wo  can  conceive  our  Divine  Saviour  to  have 
adopted.  Which  of  these  plans  of  limitation  He  may  have 
adopted  is  necessarily  a  matter  of  uncertainty,  since  He 
has  never  clearly  manifested  His  Will  on  the  point  speak- 
ing either  through  inspiration  or  the  teaching  of  the 
Church.  Suarez^  suggests  one  plan,  which  he  adopts  him- 
self, and  which  has,  at  least,  the  merit  of  being  in  harmony 
with  the  ordinary  notions  of  Catholics,  viz.,  that  the  Mass,. 
as  a  sacrifice  of  satisfaction,  has  a  definite  limited  efficacy 
which,  according  to  the  will  of  the  priest,  can  be  applied 
to  one  or  more,  the  efficacy  in  reference  to  each 
decreasing  according  as  the  number  of  those  for  whom  it  is^ 
offered  increases.  "Alter  modus  institutionis  intelligi  potest 
quod  uni  oblationi  sacerdotali  unus  respondeat  effectui^ 
adaequatus  v.g.  decem  gradus  satisfactionis  qui  omnes 
possint  vel  uni  personali  applicari  vel  inter  multos  distribui,. 
non  vero  quod  omnes  possint  singulis  donari,  vel,  ut  ita 
dicam,  totaliter  multiplicari,  asserimus  ergo  iustitutionem 
esse  factam  hoc  posteriore  modo." 

T.    GiLMARTIN. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  Privately  for  a   Deceased  Pro- 
testant,    APPLYING     THE      "  FkUCTDS      SpECIALIS,"     AND 

Receiving  the  Honorarium? 

Vert  Rev.  Sm — I  will,  with  your  permissioD,  'offer  a  few- 
remarks  upon  the  very  iatcredting  and  difficult  controversj  which 
Fr.  Livius  and  Fr.  Flanagan  have  been  conducting  in  your  pages* 
A  third  party  may  sometimes  advantageously  supply  the  place  of 

'  Queast.  Ixxxiii.,  Art.  1.,  n.  7. 


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^2  •  Correspondence. 

<'  Chorus  *'  in  illustratlDg  and  enforcing  the  action  of  the  chief 
performers,  in  scoring  the  hits,  and  noting  where  thej  may  seem  to 
fall  short. 

Fr.  Livius  grounds  his  affirmative  answer  to  the  above  question 
mainly  on  the  fact  that  the  old  discipline,  according  to  which  all 
who  had  incurred  the  major  excommunication,  among  others, 
heretics,  were  vitandi — was  set  aside  by  the  Indult  '*  ad  evitanda. 
^candala  '*  of  Martin  V.,  which  restricted  the  obligation  of  vitatio 
to  two  cajses,  the  nominatim  excommunicate,  and  the  notorioa:^ 
mishandler  of  the  clergy. 

Fr.  Flanagan  on  the  other  hand  denies  that  the  case  of  heretics, 
at  least  of  deceased  heretics,  is  in  any  way  affected  by  the  *'ad 
evitanda."  He  begins  by  quoting  a  decree  of  Lateran  iii.,  to 
show  what  was  the  normal  condition  of  deceased  heretics  in 
regard  to  the  Holy  Sacrifice :  "  Si  autem  in  hoc  peccato  [heresi  j 
decesserint,  non  sub  nostrorum  privilegiorum  cuilibet  indultorum 
obtenta,  nee  sub  aliacunque  occasione,  aut  oblatiojiat  pro  ets,  &ut 
inter  Christianos  recipiant  sepulturam." 

1  remark  tha-t,  when  this  decree  w^as  issued,  all  notorious 
heretics  were  excommunicati  vitandi ;  that  it  makes  no  statement  at 
all  about  heretics  in  general,  being  concerned  only  with  the 
Albigenses  and  Cathari,  whom  it  expressly  declares  to  be  vitandi 
not  only  ir-»  regard  to  the  '*  oblationes/'  but  altogether  '*  in  domo 
^t  foro." 

It  is  not  set  aside  by  the  '*  ad  evitanda,**  continues  Fr. 
Flanagan  (1)  because  this  indult  applies  only  to  the  living,  and  not 
to  the  dead ;  (2)  because  the  same  Pope  who  issued  the  "  ad 
evitanda  "  also  issued  the  **  inter  cuncta,"  which  says,  "  etsi  tales 
haeretici  publici  et  manifest!,  licet  nondum  per  ecclesiam  declarati 
[hence  tolerati]  in  hoc  tarn  gravi  crimine  decesserint,  ecdesiastica 
careant  sepultura^  tt€C  oblationcs  fiant  aut  recipitnitnr  pro  eis.*' 

I  answer  (1),  that  according  to  many  theologians  the  "  ad 
€vitanda  '*  does  apply  to  the  dead.  Thus  De  Lugo  (De  Euch.  Di^. 
xijc.  sect.  x.  n.  l^U),  argues  that  it  allows  Mass  to  be  celebrated 
for  the  toleraius  dejunctus^  as  an  integral  part  of  his  sepultura  in 
loco  sacro.  That  heretics  are  not  ipso  facto  excluded  from  the 
operation  of  this  Indult  is  manifest  from  heresy  not  being  one  of 
the  exceptions  mentioned.  Sanchez  (Op.  Mor.  Lib.  ii.  cap.  0), 
maintains,  that  in  virtue  of  this  Indult,  "  Catholicos  in  locis 
haereticoruni,  ut  in  Anglia,  Germania,  Gallia,  &c.,  cum  illis  coii- 
versantes  nulla tenus  peccare,  quia  etsi  hi  haeretici  sunt  notorii  non 
tamen  sunt  denuntiati."  This  lawful  conversatio,  he  says,  includes 
'*  orare  simul,  reique  Divinae  interesse,  haereticorum  f  unus 
comitari,  eosque  ad  sepulchrum  deducere,"  though  iieretics  may 
jiot  be  laid  in  loco  sacro,^ 

(2),  The  *' inter  cuncta"  deals  expressly  with  Hussites  and 

'  Nor  I  would  add,  however  it  may  be  with  other  tokrati^  does 
ecclesiastical  consueiudo  allow  any  public  service  for  notorious  heretica. 


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Correspondence,  5*f3 

Wiclifltcs,  whose  complete  vitaiio  it  declares.  Fr.  Flanagan's 
parenthetical  comment  upon  *^  nondum  per  ecclesiam  declarati " 
**  [hence  tolerati"  "  falls  to  the  ground,  when  we  find  that,  though 
both  documents  were  issued  in  the  same  year  (1418),  the  ^'  inter 
cuncta  "  is  dated  Feb.  24,  the  "  ad  evitanda,"  April  15,  and  the 
-latter  document  contains  the  phrase  "  constitutionibus  Apostolicis 
<et  aliis  in  contrarium  facientibus  non  obstantibns  quibuscunque.*' 

i  have  hitherto  been  contented  to  assume  that  the  words 
*'  oblations,"  which  ''are  not  to  be  made,  or  received,"  are  equiva- 
lent to  the  private  application  of  ih^fructua  specialise  But  if  we 
look  intoDucange,  or  the  admirable  index  to  Hardouin's  **  Co^icilia^'^ 
we  shall  see  that  tbe  **  oblatio  defunctorum  "  constantly  means  the 
alms  presented  during  the  Requiem  by  the  relations  and  friends  of 
the  deceased,  and  afterwards  distributed  to  the  poor,  sometimes 
when  it  had  first  yielded  a  stipendium  to  the  priest  and  other 
ministers.^  It  connoted  a  public  service,  which  was  of  course 
barred  to  the  rttandi.  We  have  an  interesting  example  of  such 
■**  oblation  "  in  Cavendish's  account  of  Wolsey's  funeral :  **  Master 
Kingston  with  us,  being  his  servants,  were  present  at  his  said 
funeral,  and  offered  at  his  MassJ*^ 

1  think  I  have  shown  that  the  probability  of  Fr.  Livius*  opinion 
is  not  in  any  way  affected,  either  by  the  decree  of  Lateran,  or  by 
the  *'  IiJer  cuncta.''  To  the  adverse  opinions  ot  the  theologians 
quoted  by  Fr  Flanagan,  Fr.  Livius  may  be  satisfied  to  oppose 
J'r.  LehmkuhL 

I  should  now  like  to  say  a  word  upon  two  points  which  luive 
not  been  formally  handled  in  this  discussion — the  history  of  the 
^^Ad  evttonda,*'  and  the  position  of  the  vitandi  in  regai-d  to  the 
Holy  M^iss. 

This  famous  Indult  is  found  in  St.  Antoninus  Summa.  Theolog. 
4om.  8,  tit.  XXV.  cap.  3,^  and  until  the  year  1700,  a  period  of  nigh  three 
hundred  years,  St.  Antoninus  was  the  one  authority  for  its  exist- 
ence: nay,  Benedict  XIV.  (de  Syn.  l»ib.  12,  c^p.  6,  n.  4),  the  first 
^ition  of  which  bears  date  174H,  says  that  this  was  actually  the 
case  at  the  time  of  his  writing,  and  marvels  that  the  document  is 
not  to  be  found  in  Labbe,  or  Mansi,  or  even  in  Von  der  Hordt,  wlio 
-has  gathered  up  "  minutissima  quaeque  "  regarding  the  Council  of 
•Constance.  Ballerini  in  a  note  to  (iury  (Tom.  ii.  p.  855,  Ed.  1), 
•remarks  that  though  the  Pope  could  not  find  it  in  these  authors,  he 
'had  only  to  look  into  Hardouin's  **  Concilia"  Tom.  viii.  col.  80ii, 
published  in  1715,  from  whence  it  got  into  other  collections.  It 
is  sufficiently  comical  that  though  neither  benedict  XIV.  nor 
Ballerini  could  find  it,  yet  there  it  is  none  the  less,  in  Von  der  Hardt 

^  Arriaga  (de  Euch.  Disp.  5,  2,  sect.  4,  n.  16),  says  that  in  the 
Lateran  Decree,  "  Non  f  uit  quaesitum  de  Sacrificio  Missae  sed  de 
accipiendis  eleemosynis  nomine  defuncti." 

''It  is  also  mentioned  or  quoted  in  his  Sum.  Histor.  a.d.  1418, 
which  I  have  not  seen. 


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544  Correspondence. 

the  original  collator  of  the  MSS.  from  the  Vienna  and  Brunswick, 
libraries.  Cone.  Constant.,  Tom.  i.  pars.  24.  p.  1067.  This  was 
published  in  1700,  fifteen  years  before  Hardouin.  The  Pope  might 
have  seen  it  also  in  the  Venice  Edition  of  Labbe,  which  appeared 
in  1731. 

The  differences  in  the  texts  of  St.  Antoninus  and  Von  der 
Hardt  are  merely  verbal,  and  of  no  importance  whatever.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  document,  of  which  the  Indult  forms  a  part  in 
Von  der  Hardt,  calls  itself  a  concordatum  with  Germany,  *»ad 
quinquennium,"  the  Pope  saying,  that  after  the  live  year»,  tliin^^ 
are  to  revert  to  their  normal  state ;  whereas  ^t  Antoninus  protests^ 
against  the  existence  of  either  of  these  limitations ;  the  limitation 
to  Germany,  on  the  authority  of  Cardinal  Julian,  and  the  limitation 
to  five  years,  on  the  word  of  ''duo  venerabiles  viri  famosi,"  whose 
names  he  gives,  one  of  whom  asserts  that  he  heard  the  Pope  say, 
"'  Ego  volo  quod  semper  duret."  St.  Antoninus  concludes  witJi 
the  remark  that  the  Indult  was  confirmed  at  Basle,  but  he  does  not 
notice  that  it  there  received  a  most  important  alteration,  by  which 
the  indulgence  is  very  notably  contracted.  For  the  phrase,  **  salvo 
si  quem  pro  sacrilega  manuum  injectione,"  Ac,  the  Council  of 
Basle  (Sess.  xx.)  substitutes  '*  aut  si  aliquem  ita  notorie  in  excom- 
municationis  sententiam  constiterit  incidisse,"  thus  excepting  all 
the  notoriously  excommunicate.*  The  Indult  thus  restricted  was 
re-issued  by  Leo  X.,  Lateran  v.,  Sess.  xi.  (Labbe,  tom.  xix.,  col. 
958-9),  as  part  of  a  Concordatum  with  France.  In  spite,  however, 
of  this  weighty  legislation,  the  cotisuetudo  inaugurated  by  St. 
Antoninus  on  the  lost  Indult  wholly  triumphed,  the  protest  of 
certain  Canonists  notwithstanding,  as  Benedict  XIV.  (I.e.)  testitiea. 
A  very  notable  example  surely  of  the  overwhelming  power  of 
consuetude  against  mere  enactment. 

For  the  vitandi,  even  Fr,  Livius  makes  no  attempt  to  plead. 
It  is  absolutely  fbrbidden,  under  mortal  sin,  he  says,  to  offer  Mas» 
for  them.  So  far  as  the  Mass  is  oifered  nomine  eccUsiae  it  is  not 
only  illicit,  but  invalid  also ;  i.e,,  so  far  as  it  is  meant  to  give  them 
a  share  in  the  fructus  generalise  which  the  Church  devotes  through 
the  Priest  to  each  and  all  of  her  members,  and  expresses  in  the 
Liturgy,  nothing  can  derive  to  the  vitandus.  If,  however,  it 
be  offered  nomine  Christi,  i.e.,  the  fintctus  specialis  be  applied  to  the 
vitandus  living  or  dead,  then,  nothwithstanding  the  Church's 
prohibition,  it  has  its  effect,  if  no  obex  be  put  on  the  part  of  the 
vitandus  himself.  In  support  of  this  view  theologian  after 
theologian  may  be  appealed  to,  and  at  first  sight  it  would  seem 
that  no  more  lenient  opinion  could  be  maintained  save  in  the  teeth 
of  the  whole  schola ;  but  this  is  hardly  the  case.  For  (1)  it  is  as 
hard  to  show  documentary  evidence  that  the  Church  has  forbidden 

^  Here,  too,  for  the  first  time  appears  the  clause  appended  declaring 
that  it  is  not  for  the  alleviation  of  the  excommunicate,  but  for  that  ot 
the  f aithf  uL 


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Correspoyidence,  545 

a  secret  offering  of  the  Ma8»  for  the  vitandiis— excluding  of  course 
any  sort  of  compact  with  hini — as  it  is.  that  she  has  done  so  in  the 
case  of  the  toletntus.  {U)A  large  number  of  the  opposing  schola  are 
not  really  regarding  tiie  questkm  under  the  stringent  conditions  we 
have  laid  down.  (8)  Many  theologians^  among  others,  Si.  Antoninus 
and  Mastrius,  hold  that  Mast  may  be  said  ^  a  deceased  vitandua^ 
who  has  shown  signs  of  contrition,  but  has  nerer  been  absolved,  on 
the  gronnd  that  the  Chni«h  wowld  never  intend  to  deprive  such  aa 
one,  Ac.  But  the  oblatio  we  are  contemplating  would  only  be 
made  mc6  conditions  that  the  viiandu^  died  precisely  in  such 
a  state  that  the  Church  would  never  intend,  ^c. ;  that  he  was 
contrite  or  not  needing-  contrition  ;  that  he  is  in  Purgatory, 
andr  therefore,  a  member  of  the  Chintih.  I  think  the  former 
opinion  affords  a  moral  support  to  the  latter.  (4)  There 
are  theologians,  and  of  no  mean  note,  who  maintain  that  a 
Priest  has  the  strict  right  to  apply  the  fructus  speciaiis  to  any 
one  for  whom  it  may  j^obabLy  avail ;  which  right  cannot  be 
be,  and  of  course  never  has  been,  curtailed  by  the  Church.  Estiiis 
(in  4  Sent.  Dist.  Id,  s.  13) :  **  Immo  nee  videtur  (ecclesie)  pro- 
hil>ere  posse  quominus  sacerdos  ad  adtare  pro  excommunicato 
oret  et  sacrificet,  cum  effectus  incruenti  sacrificii  sicut  et  crnenti 
quoad  causas  et  personas  sit  universalis,  qui  proiode  humaoa  pro- 
hibitione  restringi  non  debeat."  Billuart  (Tract,  de  jftelig.  Diss.  2, 
Art.  vi.)  :  '^  Non  video  cur  non  liceret  celehrare  pro  excommunicato 
'  etiam.  non  tolerato,  sive  aocepto  sive  non  accepto  ab  eo^  stipendio. 
Seio  hanc  assertionem  commtmiter  negaui  ab  auctorrbus^  sed  quo 
fundamento  nescio."  He  appeals  to  Silvius  in.  8.  qu.  88,  Art  i.  quoesit. 
9,  as  agreeing  with  him ;  I  thinls,  fairly.  Arriaga  (I.e.  n.  12, 18)  *'  Si 
eonsideretur  hoc  sacrificinm  ut  a  Chriato  oblatom,  Ecclesiaqnidam 
prohibet,  neapplicetur  excommunicatis,  est  tamen  magna  dilficulta» 
in  hoc  ipso,  nam  ea  prohibitio  solum  videtur  posse  locum  habero 
quod  applicationem  exteriorem  quae  sola  snbjacet  Eeclesiae :  at 
cam  haec  non  judicat  de  ocoultis,  vix  videtur  posse  prdiibeie  noa 
solum  quoad  valorem,  sed  nee  quantnm  ad  hoc  ut  licite  liat.  Haee 
objeeiio  mihi  videtur  ditficilis,  unde  ^ralde  probabiliter  dici  potest 
eum  tone  non  peccaturum.'*  He  claims  the  support  of  Bellmmine 
who  says  {De  Miss.  Kb.  2,  cap.  6), v^  Muitos  viros  pios  offerre  pre 
conversionehacretioorum  totum  sacrifieinm  mis8ae,idqBodatt  se  non- 
audere  reprehendere." .  He  in6ist»  that  though  the  oblatio  is  public, 
t^  unpublished  inientiD  is  not,  and  that  upon  it,  ^^non  videtur 
habere  jns  ullura  Ecdesia^  ex  ea  regula  generali '  de  ocoultis  non 
jndicat  Ecclesia.^  Yides  ergo  nosiram  resohztionem  esse  valde 
probabilem."  He  grants  indeed  that  the  Church  might  possiblj ; 
indirectly  affect,  the  lawfulness  of  this  intention,  by  making  absten- 
tion therefrom  a  condition  of  her  licence  to  say  Mass  at  all ;  but 

^  I  should  demur  to  the  "  ah  eo  '*  whether  by  gift  or  legacy,  not  so 
from  a  Catholic  friend. 

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546  Correspondence, 

he  concludes  "  dubito  taraeii  vehementer  an  eo  raodo  obligandi  ad 
earn  interiorem  omissionem  oblationis  usa  fuerit  Ecclesia«" 

Herincx  (De  Sac.  Miss,  Disp.  viii.,  qu.  v.,  n.  GS),  **  Communiter 
tanien  supponitur  vel  asseritur  illicite  saltern,  fructum  nomine 
Christi  applicari  excomraunicatis  nan  toleratis  ex  prohibitione 
Ecclesiae,  quod  mihi  diHicile  apparet :  eoquod  Ecclesiae  prohibitio 
sic  videretur  ferri  directe  in  actum  meri  internum,  in  intentionem 
scilicet  applicandi  fructum  sacrificii :  nam  sacrificium  ipsum  non 
prohibet,  at  solum  prohibet  offerri  pro  tali,  quod  nihil  ahud  est 
quam  prohibere,  ne  sacerdos  habeat  interius  intentionem  prae- 
f atam,  quae  ad  substantiara  et  valorem  ipsius  sacrificii  non  spectat. 
Unde  Arriaga  censet  probabilius  hoc  non  esse  illicitum."  To 
these  may  be  added  Drouven  {De  re  Sacr.  lib.  v.,  cap.  1,  sec.  U). 
All  these  authors  will,  of  course,  avail  a  fortiori  for  Fr.  Livius' 
position.     So  much  for  external  probability. 

As  to  internal  probability,  I  would  submit  that  to  suppose  that 
the  Church  bars  altogethera  great  act  of  mercy,  probably  effective, 
internal,  and  carefully  removed  from  all  danger  of  scandal,  or  the 
irreverence  of  frustration,  is  to  suppose  action  wholly  unparalleled 
in  the  legislation  of  the  Church.  Even  on  the  showing  of 
some  of  those  who  formally  maintain  that  Mass  may  not  be  said 
for  a  vitandus,  it  would  seem  that  it  might  be  offered  in  such  sort 
that  a  stipendium  might  be  received  from  the  Catholic  friend. 
The  J ructits  specialise  iu  respect  even  to  the  effectm  impetrationis,  is 
ex  opere  operate,  and  De  Lugo  (Ue  Euch,  Disp.  19,  sect,  x.,  n.  179) 
says,  **  Hoc  sacrificium  ut  impetratorium,  offerri  potest  pro 
quacunque  re  a  Deo  juste  obtinenda,  atque  adeo  non  solum  pro 
baptizatis  sed  etiam  pro  rebus  inanimatis  et  pro  expertibus 
rationis."  "  Mirum  est,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  quod  possit  offerri 
ad  impetrandam  sanitatem  bovi  aut  equo,  non  autem  ad  impetrandam 
salutem  spiritualem  filio  vel  amico  infideli.^'  It  is  true  he  does 
not  follow  out  his  argument  to  the  case  of  the  vitandus,  but  it 
is  hard  to  see  how  he  can  stop  short.  If  we  suppose  that  the  Mass 
might  be  so  offered  for  the  vitandus^  a  stipendium  might  be  as 
fairly  received  for  him  as  for  one  in  mortal  sin,  who  can  obtain 
no  effect  save  that  of  impetration  ;  or  as  it  can  be  received  for  any 
soul  in  Purgatory,  according  to  the  theory  of  Soto  and  Canus,  that 
all  ihe  effects,  even  that  of  satisfaction,  only  avail  the  dead  per 
modum  impetrationis.  Again,  Dr.  Walsh,  I.  E,  R.,  August,  1883, 
admits  that  indirectly y  e.^.,  as  the  good  of  the  Catholic  friend,  the 
Mass  may  be  offered  for  a  vitandus.  And  even  thus  1  conceive  the 
stipendium  might  be  received. — I  am,  Very  Rev.  Sir,  your  obedient 
scrv'imt, 

H.  I.  D.  Rtder. 


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[    547    ] 
DOCUMENTS. 


Letter  of  Cardinal  Simeoni,  Prefect  of  Propaganda  Fide,  to 
Cardinal  Manning,  Archbishop  of  Westminster,  reiterating  the 
))rohibition  to  Catholic  parents  to  send  their  sons  to  the  Protestant 
Universities  of  England. 

LlTTERAE    EmI.  PraEFECTI    AD   EhUM.   AnTISTITEM  WeSTMONAS- 
TERIEN.   QUOAD   UnIVERSITATES   HETERODOXAS. 

Erne.  Erne,  Domine  Colme. 

Romae  Prid.  Kal.  Febr. 

Accepi  tuas  literas,  Eme.  Princeps,  datas  die  20  Decembris 
elapsi  anni,  ex  quibus  ingenti  dolore  didici,  a  plerisque  familiis 
hand  istic  magni  fieri  s.  Sedis  monita,  quibos  patres  ad  lr€po^^iav 
Oxoniensem  et  Cantabrigensem  publicas  scholas  filios  mittere 
vetantur.  Tu  ipse,  Eme.  Princeps,  id  exinde  potius  oriri  innuis, 
quod  ob  quandam  s.  Sedis  falso  praesumptam  tolerantiam,  banc 
consuetudinem  excusandam  esse  arbitrentur,  quam  ex  voluntatis 
malitia* 

Te  igitur  rogo,  ut  ad  superiorem  catholicae  iuventutis,  quae  in 
istis  regionibus  commoratur,  educationem  ab  huiusmodi  perver- 
sionis  periculo  tuendam  fidelibus  populis  notum  facias,  nihil  in 
documentis,  quae  hac  super  re  ab  Emo.  Card.  Bamabo,  prae- 
decessore  meo,  ad  Angliae  Episcopos  data  sunt  postridie  idus 
Augusti  anno  1867  et  in  Acta  Synodorum  Westraonasteriensium 
insertis,  fuisse  imrautatum.  Ad  id  assequendum,  opportunum 
arbitror,  istius  Provinciae  Episcopis  per  Te  edici,  ut  populis  sibi 
subditis  eadera  documenta  in  memoriam  revocent. 

Hac  occasione  utor  ad  humillimi  obsequii  erga  Te  mei  sensa, 
Eme.  Domioe,  expromenda,  quo  manus  deosculans  tuas  me  glorior 
profiteri. 

Eminentiae  tuae  demississimum. 

Addictissimumque  servum, 

I.  Card.  Soceoxi,  Praefectus, 
*  DoMiNicus,  Archiep.  Tyren.  a  Seer. 

IT. 

SUMHART. 

Privilege  granted  (26th  May,  1883)  to  the  College  at  Majmooth 
of  conferring  Minor  Orders  once  a  year  on  an  ordinary  Double 
Feast. 

Beatissiho  Padbe. 

Il  Sacbrdotb  Quglielmo  Walsh,  Rettore  del  CoUegio  di 
Maynooth  in  Dublino,  prostrato  ai  piddi  della  Santitk  Yostra 
umilmente  implora  la  facolta  affinchd  possano  essere  conferiti  una 
volta  I'anno  nel  suddetto  CoUegio  gli  ordini  minori  in  un  giomo  di 
rito  doppio.  -  ^  , 

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548  Documents. 

Ex  AuDiENTiA  S.Smi.  habita  diic  26  Maii,  1883. 
SSmus.  Dominus  Noster  Leo  Divina  Providentia  P.P.  XIII. 
referente  me  infrascripto  S.  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  Fide 
Secretario,  benigne  adnnit  ut  in  Collegio  Maynootiano  ordines 
minores  conferri  quean t  ab*  Ordinario  Dioecesano  omnibujs  etiam 
feriaCis  di^Nis  ritus  duplieis  minom  una  vice  in  anno. 

Dalium  Bomae  ex  aed»  dictae  S.  Congregationis  die  et  anno  ut  supra. 

(Seal)  i^  D.  Archibp.  Tyrek,  SecreL 

Gratis  quocunque  titulp. 

HL 

Sommary. 
Privilege  granted  (17tli  May,  1885)  at  the  request  of  the  Irish 
Bishops,  to  St.  Patrick's  College,  Maynooth,  of  conferring  Sub- 
Deaconship  and  Deaconship  on  any  Double  Feast,  once  a  year. 

Bbatissimo  Padbe. 
Glt  Aaciyesoovi  e  Yescori  d'lrlanda  dimoranti  in  Boma, 
prostrati  ai  piedi  della  Samtita  Tostra,  umilmente  La  supplicano 
affinche  voglia  degnarsi  di  concedere  al  Collegio  Nazionale  di 
S.  Patrizio  a  Maynooth  il  privilegio  che  una  volta  I'anno  ivi  in 
qualunque  festa  di  rito  doppio  possano  conferirsi  gli  ordini  sacri 
del.Suddiaconato  e  Diaconato,  per  la  ragione  che  essendo  spesso 
necessario  di  asp^ttare  parecchi  gicnni  per  avere  tre  giomi  (fi 
precetto  o  di  festa  levata,  la  disciplina  e  gli  studii  molto  si  turfoana 
in  numero  si  grande  di  ordinandi. 

Ex  AuDifiNTiA  SSaa,  diex  17  Maii  1885. 
SSmus  Dominus  Noster  Leo  Divina  Providentia  PP.  XIII. 
referente  me  infrascripto  Archiepiscopo  Tyren.,  S.  Oongregationi* 
de  Propaganda  Fide  Secretario,  benigne  concessit  ut  in  Senunario 
Maynootiano,  semel  in  anno,  die  feriali  haberi  possint  sacrae 
ordinationes  ad  Subdiac.onatum  et  Diaconatum,  dummodo  sit  festom 
duplex,  idque  servetur  ad  beneplacitum  S.  Sedis. 

Datum  Roraaeexaed..dictae  S.  Congregationis  die  et  anno  ut  supra. 

(Seal)  i^  D.  Abcaibp.  Tyben.  Secret. 

Gratis  quocunqu#  titulo. 

IV. 
St.  Vincent  De  Paul  declabsd  Patron  of  the  Societies  of 
Charity  throughoct  the  Catholic  World. 
Last  year  (May,  1884,  p.  333;,  we  published  the  Petition  of  the 
Irish  Bishops  to  the  Holy  See  to  constitute  St.  Vincent  patroa 
of  the  Works  of  Charity  founded  in  Ireland,  and  the  gracious 
concession  of  this  request. 

"  Sanctum  Vincentium  a  Paulo  pmniaim  Societatnm  Caritatis 
in  toto  Catholico  Orbe  existent  imp,  et  ab  eo  quomodoamnqite  pro* 
manantium  ceu  peculiarem  apud  Deum  Falronom  (S^  mv 
D.  N.  Leo  P.p.  Xm.)  dedaravH  et  oonsiitoit,  com  oamihw 
honorificentlis  colestibus  Patrquis  competentibus.,** 

16th  April.  1885.  o,„.e...GoOgIe 


THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


SEPTEMBER,  1885. 


PRESBYTEKIANISM  IN  SCOTLAND. 

SCOTTISH  newspapers  are  not  as  a  rule  very  livelj 
reading.  The  dull  routine  of  politics  aud  the  sec^ 
tarian  jealousies  of  the  rival  Presbyterian  churches  in  the 
country,  exclude  almost  every  other  topic  from  the 
columns  of  our  North  British  jouvnals.  Taking  up  one's 
Scotsman — looked  upon  for  some  recondite  reason  as  the 
Times  of  Scotland — one  can  give  a  shrewd  anticipatory 
guess  at  its  editorial  contents.  There  will  be  a  leader  on 
some  general  political  question  of  the  day^  in  which  Tories 
and  Home  Rulers  narrowly  escape  being  crushed  to  atomp, 
under  the  weight  of  the  literary  chastisement  that  is 
inflicted  on  them.  Another  article  follows  on  some  matter 
of  local  or  municipal  concern,  and  the  third — when  there 
is  a  third — is  "  bound,"  as  the  Americans  say,  to  be  a  skit 
upon  some  minister  or  body  of  ministers,  if  you  have 
the  courage  to  wade  through  these  ponderous  compositions, 
you  do  so  with  a  dreary  sense  of  unrelieved  sameness,  and 
with  a  feeling  that  you  are  going  over  the  very  same 
groimd  for  the  hundredth  time. 

During  the  month  of  May  the  reading  of  the  Scotch 
newspapera  is  quite  a  treat  to  the  student  of  religious 
idiopyncracies.  The  month  of  May,  I  should  explain,  is  the 
time  fixed  for  the  holding  of  the  annual  General  Assemblies 
of  all  the  Presbyterian  churches  of  Scotland.  Overwhelming 
now  is  the  influx  into  Edinburgh  of  ministers  and  elders. 
Deep,  dark,  and  continuous  is  the  stream  of  clericalism  that 
rolls  along  Prince's-street,  North  Bridge,  and  other  well-  • 
known  thoroughfares.  The  "  entertainment,"  as  some  of  the 
newspapers  profanely  designate  these  meetings,  begins 
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550  Presbyterianum  in  Scotland, 

with  the  tiny  treble  of  the  (^ngregational  Church.    The 
music  gathers  tone  and  volume  with  the  meetings  of  the 
United  Presbyterian  and  the  Free  Church,  and  then  at 
last,  on  the  21st  of  the  month,  the  organ  ecclesiastic  bursts 
out  into  the  grand  diapason  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Kirk  of  Scotland  or  Established  Church  itself.     The 
opening  of  this  assembly  is  quite  a  grand  event.     The 
Lord    High    Commissioner,   represents  Her  Majesty    the 
Queen,   and  travels  in  royal  state    from    Her    Majesty's 
Palace,  Holyrood,  to  St.  Giles'  Cathedral,  amid  the  boom 
of  artillery  and  the  blare  of  trumpets  and  the  huzzas  of 
the  populace,  and,  hardly  necessary  to  add,  amid  the  stir- 
ring if  not  melodious  strains  of  the  inevitable   Scotch 
Kipea     After  a  prayer,  and   a  sermon  by  the   outgoing 
[oderator,  the  Procession  is  reformed  and  proceeds  to  the 
Assemblv  Hall,  where  the  Lord  High  Commissioner  reads 
Her  Majesty *8  letter  of  conunission  and  solemnly  opens 
the  Assembly  and  the  mouths  of  the  congre^ted  fathers. 
In  the  yearly  assemblies  of  the  various  churches  pretty 
much  the  same  procedure  is  followed  and  the  same  class  of 
business  transacted.     In  all,  there  are  burning  questions  to 
be  solved  and  knotty  difficulties  to  be  imravelled,  and 
personal  quarrels  to  be  fought  out ;  and  too  often  alas  1 
mal-odorous   minister-scandals  to    be   exhibited  for   the 
edification  of  the  general  public.     Such  a  Babel  of  dis- 
cordant sounds  I  such  dexterous  thrusts  and  deft  defences, 
such  disloyal  handling  of  the  Queen's  English,  and  such  a 
jargon     of     Scotch    ecclesiastico-legal     phraseology — of 
"overtures'*     and     " homolgations "     of   "jamae"    and 
•'  jamae  clamosae,"  and  "  libels  '*  and  '*  condescendances," 
and  "  deliverances."     And  such  a  clashing  and  clanging  of 
minister  \^ith  minister,  and  deacon  with  elder,  and  minister 
and  deacon  and  elder,  struggling  confusedlv  together  in 
the  same  fierce,  earnest,  but  wholly  imintelligible  strife. 
A  local  newspaper  compares  the  battle  to  a  "  maul"  in  a 
football  match,  and  the  comparison  is  not  an  inapt  ona 

These  Presbyterian  parliaments,  whose  discussions  have 
been  lately  encumbering  if  not  adorning  the  Scotch 
newspapers  for  three  or  four  weeks,  have  attracted  my 
attention  to  the  actual  state  and  the  apparent  tendencies  of 
Presbyterianism  in  Scotland,  and  possibly  the  result  of  my 
studies  on  the  subject  may  prove  of  some  interest  to  the 
readers  of  The  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record. 

It  is  a  trite  remark,  and  one  not  the  less  true  for  that, 
that  the  barrier  of  the  Chm*ch's  infallible  authority  once 


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Presbyterianum  in  Scotland.  551 

broken  down,  the  way  ib  flung  open  to  every  en-or  in  the 
matter  of  religious  belief  and  practice.  After  Germany, 
perhaps  this  truism  has  nowhere  been  more  visibly  exempK- 
ned  than  in  Scotland.  From  the  days  of  John  Knox 
to  our  own,  the  history  of  reUgion  in  Scotland,  has  been  a 
record  not  only  of  unceasing  turbulence  and  variation, 
but  also  of  steady  and  constant  disintegration.  One  by 
one  the  stones  of  the  old  edifice  of  the  Catholic  and 
Christian  faith,  have  been  flung  aside ;  the  saving  truths 
and  the  traditional  practices  of  Christianity  have  glided 
away  from  the  miudis  and  the  hearts  of  the  people,  until 
at  the  present  day,  religion  in  Scotland  is  little  better  than 
modem  rationalism,  tempered  and  restrained  somewhat  by 
the  moral  teachings  of  the  New  Testament,  and  disguised 
by  certain  forms  of  external  piety  and  divine  worship. 
The  Apostacy  began  with  a  war  against  the  Pope  and  his 
supremacy  over  the  entire  Church — a  war  signahzed  by 
such  gallant  feats  as  the  judicial  murder  of  the  venerable 
Archbishop  of  St.  Andrew's  and  the  hunting  into  an 
English  death-trap  of  Mary  Stuart,  and  the  iconoclastic 
destruction  of  temples  and  altars  that,  apart  from  their 
sacred  character,  might,  by  their  unsurpassed  beauty,  have 
appealed  for  preservation  to  the  aestheticism  of  a  Zulu  or 
a  Hottentot  The  Pope  being  disposed  of,  it  was  next  the 
turn  of  the  Prelates — "imps  of  Satan"   they  all   were, 

"bairns  all  aUke  of  the  auld  h ."     Then  came  the 

uprisings  against  the  pretended  rights  of  ministers ;  and 
the  repudiation  of  all  patronage ;  and  the  stern  resolve 
that  ministers  like  other  public  servants  must  be  elected 
by  the  people's  votes — in  other  words  that  the  people 
fihould  be  their  own  teachers  and  preachers,  and  that 
religious  democracy  should  rule  the  land,  and  prescribe 
the  nation's  religious  doctrines  and  moral  duties.  This, 
broadly,  is  the  polity  of  every  Scottish  Presbyterian  body 
at  the  present  day. 

Now  democracy,  whatever  we  may  think  of  it  in 
politics,  is  sure  in  religion  to  lead  to  anarchy  and  chaos. 
We  are  not  sin-prised,  therefore,  at  the  bitter  disunion  that 
exists  in  the  Presbyterianism  of  Scotland.  The  "  Church  " 
has  been  indeed  cruelly  rent  asunder,  and  the  Estabh'shed 
Church,  the  Free  Church,  the  United  Presbyterian,  and 
the  Congregational  Church  (not  to  mention  a  few  score 
others)  wage,  one  against  another,  a  war  that  is  always 
earnest  and  resolute,  and  that  sometimes  reaches  the 
utmost  fierceness  and  bitterness.     What  the  exact  points 


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552  Fresbyterianism  in  Scotland. 

of  divergence  between  these  contending  sections  of  Presby* 
terianism  are,  an  outsider  cannot  veiy  readily  determine* 
The  Marquis  of  Salisbury  no  doubt  studied  the  question 
during  his  Caledonian  tour  a  few  months  ago,  and  yet  we 
find  him  saying,  the  other  day,  at  Knightsbridge :  "  I  do 
not  know  that  the  electors  of  Hamstead — many  of  them — 
know  what  the  Established  Church  of  Scotland  is.  At  all 
events  they  are  probably  not  very  deeply  read  in  the 
precise  subjects  of  division  that  separate  the  various 
ecclesiastical  bodies  of  Scotland.  1  confess  I  myself  have 
never  been  able  to  understand  them.^^  In  such  illustrious 
company  I  ought  not  to  be  ashamed  to  avow  my  ignorance 
too.  To  gain  light  1  have  questioned  several  men  of 
position  in  the  churches  upon  the  subject,  and  they  all 
seemed  to  think  that  the  whole  position  was  enveloped  in 
a  veritable  Scotch  mist,  I  am  able  to  state,  however, 
that  these  disagreements  are  not  so  much  of  a  doctrinal,  as 
of  an  administrative  nature.  It  is  in  views  of  ecclesiastical 
polity,  rather  than  in  Confessions  of  Faith,  that  the  points 
of  divergence  must  be  traced. 

The  great  disruprion  of  1843,  which  eventuated  in  the 
foundation  of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland,  was  immediately 
brought  about  by  a  conflict  between  the  civil  and  the 
ecclesiastical  courts.  The  assumptions  of  the  •*  civil 
courts  to  coerce  the  courts  of  the  Church,**  **to  interdict 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  '*  in  certain  circumstances,  to 
"  supersede  the  majority  of  the  Church  court,"  &c.,  were 
upheld  by  the  legislature  in  spite  of  national  protests  and 
of  national  agitation.  The  Kirk  itself  yielded  for  the  sake 
of  the  loaves  and  the  fishes  that  were  perilously  at  stake; 
but  on  the  23rd  May,  1843,  as  many  as  474  ministers  and 
professors,  solemnly  seceded  from  the  Establishment^  and 
renouncing  all  claims  to  their  livings,  declared  that  their 
benefices  in  the  (Church  of  Scotland  had  become  vacant 
From  that  day  the  Free  Church  has  proved  a  most 
formidable  competitor  of  its  well-endowed  sister.  Its 
adherents  are  numerous  and  influential,  while  its  ministers 
seem  to  be  more  earnest  and  zealous,  or  at  least  more 
pushing  and  aggressive,  than  their  rivals  of  the  Establish- 
ment. Its  gross  annual  income  amounts  to  the  enormous 
sum  of  nearly  £()50,000,  and  its  progress  from  its  founda- 
tion has  been  sure  and  steady.  By  a  Blue-book  issued  at 
the  recent  General  Assembly  at  Edinburgh,  we  find  that 
the  membership  of  this  Church  was  on  the  Slst  March,  1885, 
324,920,  as  compared  with  322,265  at  the  corresponding 


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'  Presbyterianism  in  Gotland.  558 

%date  last  year ;  with  314,604  for  1883  ;  314,027  for  1882  ; 
And  312,429  for  1831.  This  increase,  it  is  only  fair  to  say, 
is  partly  to  be  acconnted  for  by  the  general  growth  of  the 
population  of  the  country,  but  I  question  whether  any  of 
the  other  Presbyterian  bodies  can  give  any  sign  of  similar 
.  progress  and  vitality. 

The  United  Presbyterian  Church  wgis  formed  in  1847 
by  the  union  of  the  United  Secession  and  Relief  Churches. 
Amongst  the  voluntary  Presbyterian  bodies  this  sect  comes 
next  after  the  Free  Church  in  importance  and  in  point  of 
numerical  strength.  It  adopts  the  usual  ^*  Confessions  '*  of 
Presbyterianism,  but  differs  from  other  Presbyterian  sects 
in  details  of  government,  rejecting  the  assumptions  of 
49uch  institutions  as  General  AssembHes  or  Provincial 
Synods  as  **  Unscriptural." 

The  Congregational  Church  is  comparatively  insiguificant 
Its  principles  of  administration  are  that  each  congregation 
is  fully  supplied  with  the  spiritual  machinery  needed  for 
its  own  working,  and  by  itself  and  by  its  own  members 
must  each  congregation  stand  or  fall. 

Efforts  have  been  made  from  time  to  time  to  unite  these 
-contending  Church  elements  into  one  harmonious  whole. 
So  far  these  efforts  have  proved  vain ;  and  the  Nemesis  of 
disunion  that  pursues  all  heresies  is  not  likely  to  hold  its 
hands  off  the  Protean  Presbyterianism  of  Scotland.  Some 
of  the  leading  organs  of  public  opinion  throw  all  the  blame 
of  the  continued  separation  on  the  selfishness  or  ambition 
or  obstinacy  of  the  ministers,  and  roundly  assert  that 
were  all  the  ministers  happily  submerged  beneath  the 
ocean  waves  for  four  and  twenty  hours,  the  laity  could 
easily  and  amicably  settle  their  long  standing  differences. 
On  this  amiable  hypothesis  there  is  no  need  of  offering  an 
opinion. 

What  strikes  one  as  specially  worthy  of  notice  in  these 
quarrels  is  this,  that  while  fighting  tooth  and  nail  for, 
or  against,  certain  insignificant  details  of  ecclesiastical 
government,  the  Presbyterians  seem  to  be  extremely 
tolerant  with  regard  to  the  rejection  or  acceptance  of  many 
of  the  most  essential  truths  of  Christianity.  To  be  a  good 
Presbyterian  you  have  simply  to  join  the  communion  roll 
of  a  certain  sect ;  after  that  you  may  believe  pretty  much 
as  you  please.  For  a  century  or  two,  we  know,  there  was 
a  wild  fanatical  zeal  for  the  "  open  book  "  of  the  Scriptures. 
Now,  amongst  many  of  the  educated  classes,  the  Scriptures 
are  completely    thrown    overboard;    and    the    Catholic 


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554  PresbyUrianism  in  Scotland, 

Church,  which  had  so  long  been  reviled  for  rejecting  Cmt 
hiding  away  the  Bible,  is  now  Btill  more  bitterly  assailed 
for  upholding  the  teachings  of  this  musty  volume,  in  an 
age  of  science  and  progress  like  oura  Christianity,  when 
it  is  not  rejected,  is  often  patronised  as  having  initiated  an 
excellent  form  of  social  progress  and  of  social  amelioration. 
Its  moral  teachings  are  declared  to  be  unsurpassed  even  by 
those  of  Buddha  or  Confucius,  and  what  more  could  the  most 
fervent  Christian  desire  ?  As  for  the  Pentateuch  and  other 
historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament — how  should  they 
be  able  to  bear  the  glare  of  light  turned  upon  them  by 
modern  science  and  reseai'ch  ?  Then  as  to  the  necessity 
of  Baptism,  or  the  eternity  of  hell,  or  the  reality  of  original 
sin,  or  the  meaning  of  the  Redemption,  or  the  divinity  of 
the  Saviour,  or  free  will,  or  predestination,  we  have  the 
wildest  theories  freely  and  gratuitously  put  forward ;  while 
some  of  our  teachers  in  the  press  refer  to  any  idea  of  God 
or  of  a  future  life  as  simply  "  Obscurantism." 

These  infidel  teachings  are  to  be  met  with,  not  merely 
in  learned  reviews  or  magazines,  but  in  those  morning  and 
evening  newspapers  that  supply  the  whole  intellectual 
pabulum  of  the  middle  and  the  artisan  classes.  There  i& 
reason  to  fear  therefore  that  such  doctrines  do  not  shock 
at  least  the  great  bulk  of  the  reading  public.  Ministers 
themselves  put  forth  the  most  latitudinarian  views  upon 
doctrinal   Christianity,   not  merely  anonymously  in    the 

{iress,  but  from  the  pulpit  and  in  their  published  sermons, 
f  the  Scripture  expressly  contradicts  such  views,  so  much 
the  worse  for  the  Scripture.  The  triumphal  chariot  of  so 
called  science  must  proceed  proudly  on  its  way,  even 
though  it  should  crush  out  of  existence  the  plainest 
teachings  of  the  Bible.  Matthew  Arnold,  Spencer,  Huxley„ 
Harrison,  and  other  openly  professed  agnostics,  are  not  ta 
be  banned  as  unbelievers,  but  patted  on  the  back  aa 
apostles  of  intellectual  Christianity ! 

There  is  one  species  of  heresy,  however,  that  is  sure  ta 
draw  down  the  thunders  of  the  Scottish  Inquisition,  and 
that  is  any  approach  to  '*  Romish  '*  doctrine  or  **  Popish  "^ 

gractices.  For  the  last  twelve  months  **  The  Leith  Bferesv 
[unt"  has  been  a  familiar  heading  in  the  Edinbureh 
Papers.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Muir  of  Leith  began  badly.  His 
church  had  been  named  The  Trinity  Free  Churcli^  and  he 
gave  deadly  offence  by  calling  it  The  Church  of  the  Holy 
Trinity — ^rank  popery,  surely,  if  ever  such  a  thing  existed. 
He  followed  up  nis  first  crime  by  speaking  of  the  Blessed 


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Preshyterianism  in  Scotland.  555 

Virgin  as  the  "ever  blessed  Mother  of  God,"  and  of 
Leo  XIII.  as  the  "  Father  of  the  great  Catholic  Church  of 
the  West."  It  was  darkly  hinted  too  that  he  spoke 
respectfully  of  auricular  confession,  as  well  as  of  Baptism, 
ana  that  he  was  seen  sometimes  to  "  cross  himself  like  a 
priest/*  and  worst  of  all,  that  he  actually  had  an  ivory 
crucifix  on  his  bed-room  chimney-piece.  For  all  these 
heretical  misdemeanours,  the  poor  doctor  has  been  dragged 
from  tribunal  to  tribunal  for  now  more  than  a  year,  flo 
defended  himself  valiantly ;  he  swore  again  to  abide  by 
every  word  of  the  "  Confession  of  Faith."  All  to  no 
purpose.  His  crime  was  unpardonable.  Not  a  man  in 
presbytery,  synod,  or  assembly,  had  a  word  to  say  in  his 
defence.  Driven  at  last  to  recklessness  and  despair,  the 
"  heretic  "  turned  on  his  persecutors,  accusing  the  august 
General  Assembly  of  **  beastly  conduct,"  and  winding  up 
his  long  and  (it  must  be  confessed)  rather  incoherent 
defence,  by  drawing  a  golden  crucifix  from  his  breast  and 
kissing  it  repeatedlv  before  the  scandalized  fathers. 
"  What  further  need  have  we  of  witnesses?"  was  clearly 
the  sentiment  of  the  doctor's  judges,  while  from  hundreds 
of  throats  came  forth  such  shouts  as  *'  shame,"  **  insult," 
"idol,"  "down  with  him,"  "put  him  out."  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Muir  ought  to  have  known  that  a  Presbyterian 
minister  must  show  no  reverence  for  the  great  symbol  of 
our  salvation  and  deliverance,  and  must  carefully  eschew 
the  very  un-Presbyterian  exclamation  of  St.  Paul :  '*  God 
forbid  that  I  should  glory  save  in  the  cross  of  my  Lord 
Jesus  Christ"  He  is  now  a  poorer  if  not  a  wiser  man. 
Principal  *^  Torquemada  "  Rainey  has  pronounced  the  final 
sentence  of  his  degradation  from  the  ministry  of  the  Free 
Church.  Thus  the  once  popular  pastor  of  Trinity  Church 
has  been  deprived  of  all  his  ecclesiastical  emoluments,  and 
in  his  old  age  has  been  flimg  out  upon  the  world  without  any 
visible  means  of  subsistence.  And  yet  our  Scottish  friends 
love  still  to  talk  of  the  tyranny  of  Rome  and  the  glorious 
privilege  of  private  judgment  I 

Sucn  is  a  hurried  sketch  of  the  doctrinal  chaos  into 
which  Presbyterianism  has  fallen  in  Scotland — undisguised 
infidelity  amongst  a  large  and  influential  class  of  the 
people,  complete  indifference  in  others,  and  amongst  nearly 
all — the  one  bond  of  heretical  union,  fanatical  hatred  for 
the  one  true  Church  of  Christ.  That  is  the  grand  outcome 
of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  and  the  great  religious 
inheritance  that  has  come  down  through  seas  of  blood  to 
Scotsmen  of  the  present  genei-ation. 


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^56,  Presbt/teriainsm  in  Scotland. 

It  mustnot  be  understood,  however,  that  the  wildernew 
18  without  its  oases.  In  Scotland  there  would  seem  to  be 
rising  up  a  school  of  earnest,  conscientious,  deep-thinking 
inen,  keenly  alive  to  the  errors  and  the  dangers  and  the 
WJints  of  tlpie  day.  So  far  these  men  are  staunch 
Presbyterians,  but  they  are  not  Romophobists^  They  do 
not  fling  at  the  Catholic  Church  the  finely  flavoured 
epithets  of  the  old  Covenanters  and  Cameronians.  They 
*j.eem  never  to  have  heard  of  the  naughty  woman  of 
Babylon,  who  had  been  for  a  couple  of  centuries  the  oiec^ 
4e  resistance  in  all  Scottish  sermons,,  and  never  to  nave 
laid  eyes  upon  her  "  scariet  robe."  On  the  contrary,  they 
regard  the  ancient  Church  with  reverence  and  veneration, 
•^nd  they  are  driven  by  the  force  of  logic  to  admit  that  the 
Church  of  Rome  has  never,  and  could  never  have  been,  the 
-picked  idolatrouJB  institution  that  their  fathers  had  foolishly 
imagined  her  to  be.  Principal  Tulloch  (if  I  remember 
rightly),  in  the  learned  lectures  on  the  "Churches  of 
Christendom,"  delivered  some  time  since  in  St.  Giles," 
goes  even  farther  than  this,  and  argues,  in  true,  hard, 
Scottish  style  that,  to  dissever  the  dissenting  Churches  of 
modern  times  from  the  ancient  Church  of  the  Papacy, 
were  to  sap  the  very  foundations  of  the  Christian  religion 
itself. 

It  is  on  honest,  earnest,  sterling  men  like  these  that  the 
future  of  Scotland  may  be  said  largely  to  depend.  If  honest 
thoughtand  honest  intelligent  inquiry  are  permitted  to  grow 
and  to  expand,  a  Romeward  movement  is  certaiin  sooner 
or  later  to  set  in,  in  spite  of  the  blind,  stupid,  malignant 
hatred  of  everything  Catholic  that  still  so  widely  prevaila 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  fiery  spirit  of  the  Beggs, 
and  the  Storys,  and  the  Grahams,  and  other  vulgar 
zealots,  should  gain  the  ascendant,  the  result  will  oe 
that  educated,  thoughtful  people  will  become  sickened 
with  the  travesty  of  Christianity  that  is  set  before  them, 
and  will  fling  themselves  in  despair  into  the  open  arms  of 
rationalism  and  unbelief;  whilst  the  ignorant  and  the 
unreflecting  will  become  more  fiercely  bigoted  than  ever 
agaiust  Catholic  truth,  and  will  regard  their  fanaticism  as 
a  veritable  obseguium  Deoj  and  indeed  as  the  only  obseqviwn 
that  they  will  feel  bound  to  offer  to  the  Most  Higli.  At 
the  present  moment  it  is  to  be  greatly  feared  that  the  pre- 
ponderating movement  of  the  nation  is  doAvnward,  to 
infideUty  or  scepticism,  instead  of  upwards  and  onwarcb, 
towards  Cathohcity  and  truth. 


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i^reshxfUrianUm  in  Seotlai^.  5$7 

-  rmeant  to  devote  the  eexiond  part  of  this  papet  to  th0 
inoral  and  social  results  of  Presbyterianism/onthe  Scottish 
people.  I  have  already,  however,  so  lengthened  Out  roy 
jemarks  that  I  feel  bound  to  dispose  of  the  remainder  of 
jny  subject  within  as  limited  a  compass  as  possible.  I  do 
^ot  thi4k  any  one  will  accuse  me  of  exaggerating  when 
I  express  the  conviction  th^t,  the  Presbyterianism  of  the 
present  day  at  least  is  an  utter  failure  as  far  as  the  masses 
Are  concerned.  First  of  all,  the  people  who  belong  to  the 
artisan  and  working  classes  do  not  go  to  Church,  They 
do  not  care  for  the  nasal,  monotonous  reading,  of  a  chapter 
irora  the  Bible,  which,  if  they  like,  they  cau  very  well  read 
At  home;  and  the  sermon  of  fifteen  points  has  for  the 
multitude  at  least  fourteen  points  too  many.  The  shop^ 
keepers  and  the  better  classes  do  go  to  Church,  certainly  on 
the  Sabbath,  not  merely  once,  but  twice,  and  often  thrice. 
Indeed,  during  most  of  the  day  the  streets  are  lined  with 

fious  folk  on  their  way  to  or  from  service,  all  bearing  their 
road  phylacteries  m  the  shape  of  huge  prayer  or  hymn- 
books,  and  all  proclaiming,  by  their  smug  faces  and  self* 
^tisfied  airs,  that  ordinary  people  are  not  to  aspire  to  their 
unapproachable  perfection. 

But  there  is  an  unreality  and  an  emptiness  about  this 
Kirk-going  that  is  apparent  to  everybody.  It  is  a  mere 
matter  of  fashion  or  conventional  propriety,  and  there  the 
xeligious  motive  begins  and  ends. 

As  for  the  masses,  I  repeat,  they  are  not  Church* 
frequenters.  Scan  the  Church-goers  as  you  may  during  all 
the  year  round,  and  you  will  rarely  recognise  amongst 
them  an  artisan  or  a  labourer.  These  spend  the  Sabbath, 
lying  idly  in  bed,  or  quaffing  the  ambrosial  "  hard  ale  "  of 
♦Scotlana— a  poisonous  beverage  that  combines  lowness  of 
price,  with  a  hirfily  valued  power  of  intoxication.  By 
order  of  the  Established  Church  a  partial  census  of  Church- 
believing  people  was  taken  some  months  ago.  The  result 
has  just  been  stated.  Out  of  1,547,963,  "  the  number  of 
adults  said  to  be  not  in  connection  with  any  section  of  the 
Christian  Church,  was  93,624."  These,  it  seems,  recognised 
no  minister  of  religion  in  the  great  momentous  events  of 
their  lives —in  their  marriages,  or  in  the  baptism  of  theiif 
-children,  or  the  burial  of  their  dead. 

Very  curious  efforts,  however,  are  made  to  gather  a 
Sabbath  congregation.  It  is  Church  against  Church,  and 
CJhapel  against  Meeting-Houpe.  Whole  columns  of  the 
Saturday  newsps^pers  fire  opcupied  'with  the  ecclesiastical 


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558  Preshyterianism  in  Scotland. 

bill  of  fare  for  the  next  day.  The  theatre  pales  into  insig- 
nificanoe  here  before  the  Church,  and  we  have  such  over- 
poweringly  attractive  advertisements  as  :  "  To-morrow,  at 

Church,  the  Rev.  Mr,  White  on  *  The  Incidence  of  the 

Poor-Rate,'  or  the  Rev.  Mr,  Red  on  *  Clouted  Shoes,*  or 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Black  on  *  Vivisection,'  "  and  so  on.  The 
masses,  however,  will  not  be  ensnared  even  by  such 
catching  show-boards  as  these.  Thev  look  upon  the  whole 
thing  as  vanity,  and  (if  1  may  quote  the  **  Revised  Version'^ 
"A  striving  after  wind" — or  after  the  raising  of  it 
Nevertheless,  Sabbatarianism,  no  one  needs  be  told,  in  the 
sense  of  complete  abstention  from  any  sort  of  labour  or 
recreation,  is  a  peculiarly  Scotch  institution.  Not  long 
ago  it  was  a  police  oflFence  to  whistle  in  the  street  or  to 
play  the  piano  in  one's  house,  or  indeed  to  do  anything 
except  walk  demurely  to  Kirk  on  the  Sunday,  Some  short 
time  since,  an  unfortunate  candidate  for  parliamentary 
honours  was  most  severely  "heckled"  on  the  hustings  for 
having  once  travelled  by  train  on  the  Sabbath  Day.  In  vain 
did  he  plead  that  his  doing  so  was  an  act  of  piety — to  assist  at 
a  parent's  funeral.  It  was  to  no  purpose.  The  dead  should 
bury  the  dead,  and  he  should  observe  the  Lord's  Sabbath. 
About  the  same  date  a  minister  was  peremptorily  rejected 
by  a  congregation,  because  many  years  oefore,  he  had 
been  known  to  take  a  walk  into  the  country  on  the  Sabbathu 
He  was  a  poor,  dyspeptic  man,  all  knew,  that  needed 
bodily  exercise,  but  yet  the  sin  was  there,  and  could  neither 
be  atoned  for  nor  palliated. 

This  Sabbatarianism  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  ugliest 
aspects  of  Scottish  Presbyterianism.  It  is  invested  with 
such  an  amount  of  deceit  and  duplicity  and  hypocrisy  1  On 
the  Sabbath  you  may  drink  or  swear,  or  cheat,  or  do  worse, 
provided  you  do  not  stretch  your  limbs  for  a  brisk  walk,  or 
ffo  out  into  the  country  to  breathe  the  pure  air  of  heaven! 
We  all  know  the  history  of  the  Glasgow  Sabbatarian 
bankers,  and  how  scrupulously  these  venerable  eldeis 
observed  the  Lord's  Day,  whilst  their  robber  hands  were 
thrust  deep  into  the  pockets  of  the  widow  and  orphan. 

Another  religious  institution  of  Scotland — more 
honoured  in  the  breach  than  the  observance — is  "Fast 
Days."  These  days  were  ori^ally  set  aside  for  '*  self- 
examination"  and  for  partakmg  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
(which  by  the  way  your  independent  Presbyterian  always 
partakes  of  seated  on  his  own  bench).  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  "Fast  Days  "  have  become  days  of  universal  debauchery 


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PreBbyterihnum  in  Scotland.  55^ 

and  drunkenness  and  dissipation.  In  the  evenings,  if  yoa 
have  the  courage  to  traverse  the  streets,  you  will  find 
between  fifty  and  eighty  per  cent,  of  those  whom  you 
meet  hopelessly  intoxicated.  These  *'  Fast  Days  '*  were 
intended,  it  seems,  to  supplant  the  Christian  festivals  of 
Christmas,  Easter,  and  so  on  (for  in  Presbyterian  Scotland 
there  is  no  recognition  of  such  solemnities).  The  Fast 
Days — ^many  are  now  beginning  to  see — are  a  failure,  and  in 
Glasgow  and  other  places  they  have  happily  been  abohshed. 
The  abolitioii  will  certainly  not  injure  Christian  morality,, 
even  though  it  may  detract  somewhat  from  Presbyterian 
prestige. 

Over  the  social  immoralitjp'  of  Presbyterian  Scotland  it 
is  as  well  perhaps  to  cast  a  veil.  Only  one  or  two  remarks 
on  the  nauseous  subject.     In  the  annual  birthrate,  the 

Eroportion  of  illegitimate  births  goes  up  in  some  shires  as 
igh  as  15  per  cent,  and  in  this  percentage  are  not 
included  the  very  large  number  of  children  bom  in  actual 
wedlock  though  very  soon  after  marriage.  What  is 
impKed  is  easily  understood  north  of  the  Tweed.  It  is 
better  for  decency's  sake  not  to  pursue  the  subject,  but 
rest  content  with  the  remark  that  here  as  in  matters  of 
doctrine,  Presbyterianism  "  is  known  by  its  fruits.*'  But 
one  further  word.  It  is  a  quotation  from  a  committee 
report  to  the  recent  General  Assembly  of  the  Established 
Church :  "  The  statistics  of  illegitimacy  in  rural  parishes 
were  appalling:  the  view  of  the  relation  of  the  sexes  was 
said  to  be  low  ;  and  no  worthier  object  could  be  set  before 
the  national  Church,  her  ministers  and  elders  and  members,, 
than  the  removal  of  this  stain  from  Scotland.*'  Out  of  her 
own  mouth  comes  the  "  Church's  "  condemnation. 

It  is  sad — indescribably  sad — to  contemplate  this 
gloomy  picture  of  Scotland — Scotland  that  was  blessed 
with  the  prayers  and  watered  with  the  tears  and  cultivated 
by  the  hands  of  St.  Columbkille  and  his  colony  of  Irish 
saints — Scotland  that  was  ennobled  by  the  valour  and  the 
chivalry  of  Wallace  and  the  Bruces :  that  was  sweetened 
by  the  gentle  life  of  St.  Margaret,  and  that  possesses  such 
a  store  of  pathetic  remembrances  in  the  sufferings  and  the 
loveUness  and  the  heroism  of  Mary  Stuart.  But,  as  has 
been  intimated,  the  cloud  has  its  silver  lining.  The  dark 
reign  of  malignant  bigotry  and  religious  rancour  is  on  the 
wane.  Sooner  or  later  the  great  struggle  will  be  fought 
out  in  Scotland  as  in  many  other  kingdoms — a  struggle 
not  of  sect  against  sect,  or  Church  against  Cburcb,  or 


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.560  Charles  O*  Conor  of  BeUnagare. 

Protestant  against  Caiholio/but  of  rationalism  against  aU- 
revealed  truth.  **  Rome  and  Unbelief,"  writes  a  dia- 
itinguished  author,  "are  the  two  vortices  round  whicH 
*and  into  which  all  other  modes  of  opinion  are  visibly 
ed^Dg  in  more  or  less  quickening  circles."  God  g^ant 
that  when  this  supreme  strife  is  over  and  the.  smoke  of 
battle  cleared  away,  Scotland  may  be  found  once  more 
riesting  in  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of  her  fathers;  and 
.that  the  speck  of  blue  which  now  peeps  through  her  still 
.lowering  skies  may  deepen  and  broaden  until  the  whole 
land  is  bathed  once  more  in  the  sunshine  of  CathoUc  taith 
And  truth. 

M.  F.  SniNNORS,  O.M.I. 


CHARLES  O'CONOB  OF  BELINAGARE.— YI. 
Dr.  O'Rorke,  Bishop  op  Killala. 

PERSECUTION  provided  young  O'Conor  with  an 
accomplished  teacher  to  perfect  whatever  knowledge 
iie  had  hitherto  been  able  to  acquire,  and  guide  him  to 
higher  and  wider  levels  of  intellectual  culture.  Here  we 
have  an  illustration  of  the  wonderful  ways  of  Pro\ddence, 
Out  of  the  most  malignant  evil  devised  by  man,  it  still  can 
bring  forth  good.  He  to  whom  the  Catholic  people  of 
Ireland  owe  so  much,  who,  by  his  patriotic  labours  and 
writings  in  after  years,  was  to  open  the  eyes  of  Protestants 
themselves  to  the  infamy  of  their  Penal  Code,  and  bear  a 
'Chief  part  in  rousing  his  Catholic  fellow-countrymen  from 
their  hopeless  lethargy  of  years,  owed  in  a  great  measure  his 
education  and  power  for  good  to  the  very  operation  of  those 
impious  laws. 

VVe  have  already  seenHhat  the  mother  of  Charles  O'Conor 
was  Mary  0*Rorke  of  the  princely  house  of  Breifny.  Her 
brother,  the  Rev.  Thadeus  O'Rorke,  became  known  to 
Prince  Eugene,  the  hero  of  his  age,  at  Vienna,  as  the  son 
of  Captain  Tiernan  0*Rorke,  whose  gallantry  and  fall  on 
the  neld  of  Luzzara  he  had  himself  witnessed.  The 
Prince  appointed  Father  O'Rorke,  his  Chaplain  and  Private 
Secretary.     His  learning,   virtue,   and  commendable  life 

'  1.  E.  Rbcobd  (TUrd  Series),  voL  v.,  p.  28». 

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T  of  Belinagare.  561 ' 

3  worthjr  to  fill  a  vacaiit  place- 
icy  of  his  native  land.  That 
Y  waa  an  office  then  to  be 
red  to  undergo  the  labours  of 
it  any  moment  the  crown  of  a 
religion  and  country  the  true 
)  to  sacrifice  his  honourable 
ind  the  friendship  and  favour 
is  time,  to  live  laborious  days^ 
and  bury  for  ever  his  great 
s  amid  the  bogs  of  Oonnaught* 
Hit  of  The  O'Rorkes,  as  given 
ally  mote,  from  Duach  Galach, 
ght,  son  of  Eochy  Moymedon,. 
irth  century.  They  took  their 
a  of  Tiernan,  whose  death  is 
They  were  anciently  kings  of 
ZJonors  rose  to  supremacy,  they 
Subsequently  the  O'Reillys 

O'Rorkes  and  lords  of  East 
3f  Cavan,  while  the  O'Rorkes 
reifny,  the  present  coimty  of 
hey  hold  from  the  fiftli  to  the 
ir  history  and  achievements 
incient  aimals  of  Ireland, 
tist  that  held  out  against  the 
true  to  religion  as  to  country, 
to  the  Franciscan  Convent  of 
ated  near  Dromahaire,  founded 
es.  Brian  na  Murtha  O'Rorke, 
ondon,  spumed  the  proffered 

Ma^ath,  and  died  with  the 
on  his  lips.  Nor  was  he  the 
L  Elizabeth's  reign.  Conagh 
1,  Prince  of  Breifny,  despising 
I  assumed  the  poor  habit  of 
3'Hely,  a  native  of  Connaught, 
^found  learning  had  won  him 
Jala,  Rome,  and  Paris,  was  con- 
order  of  Pope  Gregory  XIIL, 
inted  to   accompany   him   to 

s,"  vol.  i.,  p.  550,  note  n. 

tions   on    the    Ancient    History   of 

December,  1884. 


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562  Charles  O'Ccnor  of  Belinagare, 

Ireland.  On  landing  they  were  immediately  seized  and 
brought. before  Sir  Hugh  I)rury,Lord  Justice,  at  Kilkenny. 
They  confessed  that  they  were  Franciscan  priests,  aod 
0*Hely  that  he  was  Bishop  of  Mayo,  sent  by  His  Holineas 
to  guide  and  instruct  the  flock  committed  to  his  charge. 
On  this  confession  they  were  condemned  to  death  by  Dmry. 
They  were  scourged  until  their  bodies  were  bruised  and 
livii  Sharp  iron  spikes  and  needles  were  driven  between 
the  nail  and  flesh.  They  were  tortured  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity. They  bore  all  their  sufferings  patiently  for  the 
love  of  Christ,  mutually  exhorting  eaon  other  to  per. 
'Severance.  They  suffered  martyrdom  on  ihe  22na  of 
August,  1578.^ 

In  later  years  Brian  0*Rorke,  whose  father  had  been 
executed  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  bore  a  distinguished  part 
in  the  defeat  of  the  EngUsh  army  under  Sir  Conyers  Clifford, 
at  the  battle  of  the  Curlews,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Boyle. 
In  his  hospitable  halls  of  Dromahaire,  O'Sullivan  Beare 
^nd  the  remnant  of  his  gallant  Four  Hundred  found  joyous 
welcome,  care«  and  rest,  at  the  end  of  their  memorable 
retreat  from  Glengariffe  to  Breifny.  He  died  in  1606. 
The  wardship  of  his  eldest  son  Brian,  a  minor,  was  com- 
mitted to  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  who  sent  him  to  Oxford. 
He  was  afterwards  brought  before  the  Privy  Council  in 
London,  and  refusing  to  submit  to  the  plantation  of  his 
tenitory  there  proposed,  was  cast  into  the  Tower,  where 
he  died  after  an  imprisonment  of  upwards  of  thirty  yeara 
His  heir,  Hugh  O'Rorke,  was  chief  ot  Breifny  in  1684.  The 
last  of  the  hue  of  historic  note  was  Count  Owen  O'Rorke, 
who  distinguished  himself  in  the  Imperial  and  French 
«ervice  in  the  last  century,  and  died  in  London  in  1785. 
The  territory  of  Breifny  had  been  long  before  parcelled 
out  between  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the 
Hamiltons. 

Father  0*Rorke  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Eillala,  in  the 
^ear  1707.*  Prince  Eugene,  as  a  mark  of  the  high  esteem 
an  which  he  held  him,  presented  him  with  a  gold  cross  and 

^  For  an  account  of  these  hoi  j  martyrs,  see  the  Benehan  Collections, 
ToL  i.^.  388,  note. 

*  llie  Rev.  Maziere  Brady,  in  the  succession  of  the  Bishops  of  KilWa, 
gives  "Thadeus  O'Rorke,  1740-1742 ;»'  but  there  is  manifestly  an  error 
here.  Thadeus  Francis  O'Rorke,  a  friar  of  the  Minor  Observance,  was 
appointed  by  Propaganda,  February,  1707.  He  was  consecrated  in 
1707,  on  the  24th  of  August,  by  Patnck  Donnelly,  Bishop  of  Dromore. 
The  See  was  long  vacant  before  this. 


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Charles  Q  Conor  of  Belinagare*  563 

ring  set  in  diatnonds,  which  Dr.  C.  O'Conor,  writing  in  1796, 
states  were  then  in  his  possession.  He  also  introduced  him 
to  the  Emperor  Leopold,  who  gave  him  strong  private 
letters  of  recommendation  to  Queen  Anne,  and  a  passport 
written  on  parchment  signed  by  the  Emperor  himself,  and 
seized  with  the  great  seal  of  the  Empire,  recommending 
him  to  all  his  allies,  which  Dr.  O'Conor  tells  us,  was  also 
in  his  possession.  These  warm  commendations  and  marks 
of  imperial  favour  enabled  him  to  obtain  a  gracious  audience 
from  Queen  Anne,  and  letters  from  her  to  some  of  the 
leadinff  English  nobility  and  rulers  in  Ireland.  But  not 
even  tne  letters  and  good-will  of  the  Queen  could  save 
him  from  the  furious  hatred  of  the  Cromwellian  and 
Williamite  planters  and  their  myrmidons,  to  whom  the 
execution  of  the  "laws  against  Popery"  was  entrusted, 
goaded  on  as  they  were,  if  at  any  time  they  seemed  to 
relax  in  zeal  in  the  glorious  work  of  hunting  down  unarmed 
priests,  by  resolution  after  resolution  of  their  Parliament. 
For  Popish  schoolmasters,  Popish  priests,  and  above  all, 
Popish  bishops,  there  was  then  no  place  of  safety  in  Ireland. 
The  birds  of  the  air  had  their  nests,  the  foxes  their  dens, 
but  they,  like  their  Divine  Master,  knew  not  where  they 
might  lay  their  heada  All  archbishops,  bishops,  vicars, 
deans,  Jesuits,  friais  of  every  description,  and  all  papists 
exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction^  had  been  required  to 
quit  the  kingdom  on  or  before  the  1st  of  May,  1698,  under 
penalty  of  transportation.  If  they  returned  they  were 
deemed  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  were  liable  to  be  hanged, 
drawn,  and  quartered.  Harbouring  or  concealing  them 
was  punishable  by  a  fine  of  £20  for  the  first  offence,  £40 
for  the  second,  and  forfeiture  of  goods  and  chattels  for  the 
third,  half  of  which  amount  wiis  to  be  given  to  the 
informer,  the  remainder  forfeited  to  the  crown.  Justices 
of  Peace  and  other  officers  on  whom  the  execution  of  this 
statute  devolved,  had  to  render  an  account  of  its  enforce- 
ment at  the  quarter  sessions  of  their  respective  coimties. 
If  it  was  shown  that  they  were  neghgent  herein,  they  were 
to  be  punished  for  each  such  negligence  by  a  fine  of  £100, 
half  of  which  went  to  the  informer  and  half  to  the  crown, 
and  deprived  of  their  office  for  ever.^ 

*  Parish  Priests  are  not  considered  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion, that  is  in  Foro  contentioso,  unless  they  are  Vicars-General,  or  at 
least  Vicars  Forane,  who  are  also  called  Kural  Deans,  because  they 
usually  preside  over  a  territory  of  ten  parishes.  **Hibernia  Dominicana, ' 
p.  155,  note  b. 

« 7th  William  ni.,  c.  26. 


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Wi  CharitB  O" Conor  of  Stlinagare. 

At  tiiis  time,  according  to  Captain  South's  account,  the 
number  of  regulars  amounted  to  495,  and  of  seculars  to 
892.  The  number  of  regulars  shipped  off  in  1698,  to 
foreign  parts,  was  424.  Hunted  from  their  retreats  by  the 
priest-catchers,  those  faithful  dispensers  of  the  mysteries 
of  God  were  driven  to  Dublin,  Cork,  and  Galw'ay,  the 
ports  appointed  for  embarkation.  They  were  forced  to 
leave  at  length  the  hiding  places  in  wood  and  cave,  oir 
mountain  and  moor,  hallowed  by  the  holiest  rites  of 
religion,  and  the  memories  of  sufferings  endured  for  the 
Faith,  the  persecuted  people  for  whom  they,  like  so  many 
of  their  fellow  priests,  were  ready,  if  allowed,  to  lay  down 
their  lives,  the  land  of  their  birth  and  of  their  love, 
deprived  now,  which  grieved  them  most,  of  their  ministry, 
left  a  prey  to  the  ravening  wolves  of  heresy.  Many  wlio 
escaped  for  a  time  and  were  afterwards  apprehended, 
were  cast  into  prison,  loaded  with  irons,  there  to  perish  or 
survive  till  the  time  of  their  transportation.  A  few  worn 
out  with  age  and  infirmities  retired  to  the  most  secret 
hiding  places,  or  obtained  from  generous  Protestants  con- 
cealment and  protection  from  their  merciless  persecutors: 
"  Hisce  de  causis/*  writes  De  Burgo,  "  Fratres  Praedicatores 
(ut  nihil  dicam  de  aiiis  Regularibus,  vel  de  Antistitibus) 
aut  spontaneo  se  dedere  exilio,  aut  vi  transmissi,  seu  ui 
vulgo  loquimur,  transportati  fuere,  paucissimis  in  reffno 
manentibus,  qui  scilicet  prae  senio  vel  iniirma  valetudme, 
disced  ere  baud  valuere,  eh  gent  es  potius  se  abscondere  in 
speluncis,  aut  cavernis  terrae,  aut  in  aedibus  fortasse 
rrotestantium  benevolorum,  de  quibus  nequaquam  erat 
suspicio.  Nulla  tamen  religiosa  domus  in  universe,  qua 
late  patet,  regno,  hand  suppressa  evasit.*'^ 

Although  the  secular  clergy  not  exercising  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  were  still  tolerated  in  the  kingdom,  an  Act 
was  passed  in  1703,  by  which  their  number  was  strictly 
limited,  and  by  means  of  which  they  would  be  entirely  in 
the  power  of  the  Government.  It  was  enjoined  that  all 
Popish  priests  then  in  the  kingdom  should,  at  the  general 
quarter  sessions  in  each  county,  register  their  names  and 
places  of  abode,  their  ages,  the  parishes  '*  of  which  they 
pretend  to  be  Popish  priests,'-  the  time  and  place  of  ordina- 
tion, the  names  of  the  bishops  who  ordained  them,  and 
give  security  for  their  constant  residence  in  their  respective 
districts;  otherwise  they  should  be  "esteemed  as  Popish 

^  "  Ilibcmia  Domiiiicana,"  p.  155. 


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Cliarles  (/Conor  of  Belinagare.  565. 

regular  clergymen,  and  prosecuted  as  such,"  that  is  to  say, 
punished  by  imprisonment  and  transportation  ;  and  if  they 
should  return,  deemed  guilty  of  high  treason.  By  the 
same  statute  it  was  enacted  that  "  No  Popish  parish  priest 
shall  keep  or  have  any  Popish  curate,  assistant,  or  co- 
adjutor." By  means  of  the  evidence  procured  under  this 
Act,  it  was  hoped  to  carry  out  more  eflFectually  another 
passed  soon  after,  for  the  total  expulsion  of  all  priests. 
Registries  were  opened  in  conformity  with  this  Act,  and 
1,080  priests  registered  their  names.*  Another  statute* 
enacted  that  all  priests  found  in  the  kingdom,  and  who 
had  not  been  registered,  should  be  liable  to  imprisonment 
and  transportation,  and  to  the  penalties  of  high  treason  in 
case  of  return.  The  concealment  or  relief  of  such  priests 
was  made  liable  to  such  penalties  and  forfeituies  as  were 
imposed  by  the  ^th  of  William  111.  Each  succeeding 
Session  of  ParUament  added  new  Acts  to  the  hitherto  un- 
dreamt of  barbarity  of  this  nefarious  system  of  pereecution, 
which  reflects  as  much  infamy  on  the  English  Government 
and  nation,  as  on  the  Colonial  Parliament  and  oligarchy  in 
Ireland.  It  was  soon  found  that  braving  danger  and  death 
many  of  the  transported  bishops  were  returning  to  their 
iiocl^,  left  "as  sheep  without  a  shepherd  when  the  snow 
shut  out  the  sky.'*  To  continue  tne  succession  of  the 
priesthood,  to  confirm  the  children,  to  encourage  and  con- 
sole the  oppressed  and  persecuted  people,  and  keep  them 
steadfast  in  the  Faith,  they  freely  ran  the  risk  of  the  dungeon 
and  the  gibbet,  like  those  who  had  preceded  them. 
Accordingly  we  find  the  Commons  resolving,  "  that  several 
Popish  bishops  had  lately  come  into  the  kingdom,  and 
exercised  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  within  the  same,  and 
continued  the  succession  of  the  Romish  priesthood,  by 
ordaining  great  numbers  of  Popish  clergymen,  and  that 
their  return  was  owing  to  defect  in  the  laws."  These  dis- 
tinguished legislators,  therefore,  set  themselves  to  devise 
yet  more  laws  against  '*  such  dangerous  persons  as  still 
remained  amongst  them."     By  the  Explanatory  Statute,* 

1  2nd  Anne,  ch.  vii. 

-  This  "  Act  for  Registering  the  Popish  clergy,"  and  the  "  Liafc  <^t 
the  names  of  the  Popish  parish  priests,  as  they  are  llegister'd "  at 
General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  Imve  been  published  by  Dr.  Walsh  of- 
MajTiooth^now  His  Grace  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  from  the  original! 
copies  issued  from  the  office  of  the  Queen^s  Printer  in  Ireland,  in  thcs 
I.  E.  Record  (Second  Series),  vol.  xii.,  Nos.  188,  et.  seq. 

*  4th  Anne,  ch.  ii.  *  8th  Anne,  ch.  iii. 

VOL.  VI.  2  X 


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566"  Charles  (f  Conor  of  Belinoffore, 

all  priests  who  by  the  Registiy  Bill  had  beeo  entrapped 
into  registering  their  names,  under  the  delusive  hope  of 
being  thus  allowed  to  exeicise  their  ministry  in  peace,  were 
ordered  to  take  the  oath  of  abjuration  on  or  before  the 
23rd  of  March,  1710,  under  the  penalties  of  transportation 
for  life,  and  of  high  ti'eason,  if  ever  after  found  in  the 
country.  By  this  oath  they  were  required  to  swear  that 
*'no  foreign  prince,  person,  prelate,  state,  or  potentate  hath 
or  ought  to  have  any  jurisdiction,  power,  superiority,  pre- 
eminence, or  authority  ecclesiastical  or  spiritual  within  this 
realm."^  These  persecuted  and  betrayed  priests  hesitated 
not.  They  preferred  exile  or  death  to  apostacy.  Of  the 
1,080  registered  priests,  only  33  took  this  false  oath.  As 
De  Burgo*  observes,  there  was  henceforth  no  distinctiou 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  between  seculars  and 
regulars.  All  priests  within  the  kingom,  except  the  33  who 
had  taken  the  oath,  were  subject  to  transportation  or 
death.  Notwithstanding  all  these  cruel  laws,  many  of  the 
regjistered  priests,  who  had  refused  to  take  the  oath,  re- 
mained in  the  country.*  The  regulars  also,  who  had  been 
driven  into  exile  in  1698,  were  gi-adually  returning  to 
minister  to  the  faithful.  It  was  therefore  enacted  that 
JE50  was  to  be  given  for  the  discovery  and  conviction  of 
each  archbishop,  bishop,  vicar-general,  or  any  other  person 
exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction;  and  £20  for  the 
apprehension  and  conviction  of  every  regular,  and  every 
secular  clergyman  not  legally  re^tered,  that  is  to  say, 
who  had  not  taken  the  oath  of  abjuration.* 

By  these  Acts  the  detestable  race  of  priest-hunters  and 
priest-catchers  was  generated  in  Ireland.  Many  of  them 
amassed  great  wealth  by  bills  of  discovery  against  Papists, 
and  the  capture  and  conviction  of  priesta  These  infamous 
wretches  were  indeed  execrated  by  all  honest  men,  Pro- 
testant as  well  as  CathoUc.  When  one  of  them  became 
known  as  such,  he  could  no  longer  appear  in  public  with 
safety  to  his  life.  De  Burgo  tells  us  that  he  had  himself, 
when  a  bov,  often  seen  the  mob,  Protestant  and  Catholic, 
assailing  them  with  sticks  and  stones.  But  we  must  re- 
member that  this  infamous  profession  was  patronised  and 
rewarded  by  the  Government  To  remove  the  brand  of 
infamy  from  the  trade,  the  (Commons  resolved, "  that  the 

^  It  is  almost  needless  to  remark  that  this  Statute  is  a  direct 
violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Limerick. 

*  »*  Hibemia  Dominicana,"  p.  157.  »  Ibid. 

«  Anno  1709,  8th  Anne. 


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CJiarles  O' Conor  of  Belinagare,  S67 

prosecuting  and  infoiTning  against  papists  was  an  bonour-* 
able  service,"  Hence,  as  De  Burgo  tells  ns,  tbere  were  not 
wanting  detestable  men,  who  seized  secular  and  regular 
priests  indiscriminately,  cast  them  into  prison,  and  received 
the  prescribed  reward  for  every  one  who  was  proved  ta 
have  discharged  any  priestly  function,  He  declares  that 
he  himself  knew  many  of  those  priests,  who  after  a  long 
imprisonment,  were  transported,  some  of  whom  survived 
when  he  wrote.^  Eager  for  blood-money,  with  some  Orange 
magistrate  or  landlord,  whose  creed  was  hatred  of  papists, 
as  their  master,  accompanied  by  bands  of  soldiers,  the 
priest-hounds  hunted  God's  ministers  night  and  day.  A 
race  of  men  whose  love  of  money  and  hatred  of  Chiistianity 
peculiarly  fitted  them  for  the  work,  were  employed  to 
chase  priests  out  of  their  hiding  places,  and  drag  them 
from  their  lurking  holes.  These  agents  of  persecution, 
mostly  foreign  Jews,  assumed  the  garb  of  priests,  and  went 
through  the  ceremonies  of  the  Catholic  religion.  They 
thus  wormed  themselves  into  the  confidence  of  the  unwary, 
from  whom  *they  learned  the  names  and  haunts  of  con- 
cealed priests.  Thus  the  clergy  were  tracked  to  their 
most  secret  retreats,  and  dragged  sometimes  from  the  very 
altar,  robed  in  their  sacred  vestments,  before  tribunals 
which  sentenced  them  to  perpetual  banishment.  De  Burgo 
relates,  that  he  well  remembered  how,  in  1718,  a  Portuguese 
Jew  named  Garzia,  one  of  thejmost  active  of  these  blood- 
hounds, pretending  to  be  a  priest  in  order  to  discover  the 
retreats  of  the  clergy,  captured  seven  of  them  in  DubUn. 
One  of  these  was  Father  Anthony  Maguire,  Provincial  of 
the  Dominicans,  two  were  Jesuits,  one  a  Franciscan,  and 
the  remaining  three  seculars.  They  were  transported, 
never  to  return  under  penalty  of  death.  Nevertheless  they 
all  returned  under  assumed  names.* 

Well  may  we  wonder  that  the  whole  order  of  the 
priesthood,  and  the  very  name  of  Catholic  were  not  ex- 
tirpated  from  the  island.  Of  that  miraculous  preservation 
of  the  Faith  we  can  only  say :  the  hand  of  God  is  here,  and 
it  is  wonderful.  We  must  not,  at  the  same  time,  lose  sight 
of  the  fact,  vouched  for  by  the  highest  authorities  on  the 
subject,  from  Edmund  Burke  to  John  Mitchell,  that  the 
Penal  Code  was  an  engine  of  robbery  rather  than  of  per- 
version. As  Mitchell  no  less  truly  than  pithil v  observes : 
"  The  object  of  the  ascendancy  was  not  so  much  to  convert 

'  Hib.  Doin.,  p.  158.        «  **  nibemia  Dominicana,"  pp.  160,  161. 

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5i)8  Charles  0^  Conor  of  Belinagare, 

Catholics  to  Protestants,  as  to  convertthe  goods  of  Catholics 
to  Protestant  use."  This  consideration  degrades  the  authors 
of  the  *'  Popery  Laws  "  below  the  vilest  fatiatics  of  whom 
history  has  record.  There  was  always  a  kind  of  toleration 
of  Catholic  worship,  so  that  it  might  barely  be  said  to  exist, 
and  that  there  might  always  be  rapists  to  plunder.  The 
Code  was  an  efficacious  means  of  reducing  to  impotence 
the  ancient  and  rightful  owners  of  the  soil,  and  rendering 
it  impossible  for  them  to  disturb  the  new  possessors,  con- 
scious in  many  instances  of  the  injustice  of  their  titles,  even 
under  the  existing  laws.  It  was  an  easy  way  to  procure 
wealth,  to  allow  Papists  to  toil  for  a  time,  and  then  acquire 
their  property  by  the  very  ready  method  of  discovery.  It 
was  pleasant  to  have  at  hand  "beasts  of  burden  or  of 
chase,"  for  labom*  or  amusement.  To  some  natures  it  was 
agreeable  to  be  able  to  indulge  feelings  of  hatred  and 
revenge,  without  fear  of  reprisal,  and  trample  at  will  on 
the  fallen.  It  was  enjoyable,  cat-like,  to  play  with  the 
crushed  and  wounded  mouse,  which  could  not  escape,  and 
might  at  any  moment  be  Idlled  out-right.  "From  what 
I  have  observed,'*  wrote  Edmund  Burke,  **it  is  pride, 
arrogance,  a  spirit  of  domination,  and  not  a  bigoted  spirit 
of  religion,  that  has  caused  and  kept  up  those  oppressive 
statutes.  I  am  sure  I  have  kown  those  who  have  oppressed 
Papists  in  their  civil  rights,  exceedingly  indulgent  to  them 
in  their  religious  ceremonies;  and  who  wished  them  to 
continue  in  order  to  furnish  pretences  for  oppression,  and 
who  never  saw  a  man  by  conforming  escape  out  of  their 
power,  but  with  grudging  and  regret.  I  have  known  men, 
to  whom  I  am  not  uncharitable  in  saying,  though  they  are 
dead,  that  they  would  become  Papists  m  order  to  oppress 
Protestants,  if  being  Protestants  it  was  not  in  their  power 
to  oppress  Papists.  It  is  injustice  and  not  a  mistaken 
conscience  that  has  been  the  principle  of  persecution,  at 
least  as  far  as  it  has  fallen  under  my  observation." 

Furnished,  therefore,  though  he  was  with  letters  from 
the  Queen,  Dr.  O'Rorke  soon  found  that  they  afforded  him 
little  or  no  protection  against  the  furious  hatred  entertained 
for  Popish  prie8ts,and  the  insatiable  greed  of  Popish  propertT. 
The  moment  he  arrived  in  his  diocese  he  founa  himself 
dogged  as  a  Popish  emissary.  He  therefore  changed  hie 
name  to  that  of  Fitzgerald  ;  wanderedfor  some  years  among 
the  Avilds  and  bogs  of  the  Joyce  countiy,  discharging  his 
Episcopal  functions  by  stealth,  as  opportunity  oflfered,  and 
was  at  last  obliged  to  take  refuge  with  his  relatives  in  the 


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Charles  0' Conor  of  Belinagare.  ,569 

Aolitudes  of  Beliuagare.  From  this  he  dated  his  letters  to 
his  clergy  "Ex  loco  nostri  refugu.*'  Dr.  C.  O'Conor retained 
the  original  of  a  letter  written  by  the  hunted  bishop  to  a 
friend  in  Rome,  in  which  he  says  that  a  Catholic  trembled 
at  the  idea  of  writing  a  letter,  and  that  he  risked  his  life 
by  posting  a  letter  for  Rome,  though  it  regarded  only  his 
pastoral  care  and  spiritual  concerns. 

To  this  revered  and  illustrious  uncle,  a  man  of  great 
learning,  young  O'Conor  owed  more  exact  and  extensive 
intellectual  culture,  an  enlarged  plan  of  studies,  that  wider 
range  of  knowledge  which  the  bishop's  foreign  travels  and 
experience  qualified  him  to  impart.  We  are  told  that  he 
required  his  pupil  to  copy  the  most  beautiful  passages  from 
the  best  Enghsh  authors;  to  translate  the  Classics  into 
chaste  English ;  to  commit  to  memory  select  passages  from 
the  most  approved  writers,  ancient  and  modern.  He  has 
left  as  proofs  of  his  industry  under  such  competent  teaching 
a  translation  into  English  of  the  Conspiracy  of  Cataline 
and  the  Jugurthine  \Var.  It  may  be  remarked  here,  that 
the  result  of  this  copying  out  and  committing  of  select 
passages,  was  a  style  somewhat  stiff  and  pedantic,  much 
more  resembUng  the  stately  and  sonorous  periods  of 
his  correspondent,  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  than  the  inimit- 
able grace  and  simnle  elegance  of  his  countryman  and 
contemporary,  Dr.  Oliver  Goldsmith.  It  would  probably 
have  surprised  Charles  O'Conor  not  a  little,  if  anyone 
were  to  tell  him  that,  in  a  hundred  years,  "  The  Ramtler," 
and  "Rasselas,**  and  "The  Vanity  of  Human  Wishes," 
would  have  gone  "to  sleep  with  the  sunshine  of  fame  on 
their  slumbers;"  while  the  Essays,  "The  Vicar  of  Wake- 
field," "The  Traveller,"  "The  Deserted  Village,"  to  be 
written  by  an  awkward-looking  boy  whom  he  must  have 
often  seen  and  spoken  to  at  Contraine's,  his  neighbour  and 
intimate  friend,  retaining  always  their  freshness  and  beauty, 
the  circle  of  their  readers  widening  with  time,  would  form 
the  iufcjtruction  of  the  young  and  the  deh'ght  of  the  old. 

The  bishop  did  not  allow  his  young  scholar  to  neglect 
the  study  of  the  Irish  language.  He  requested  him  on  ono 
occsksion  to  write  to  a  friend  m  Vienna,  a  description  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  Irish  race  in  their  own  land.  The  young 
man  produced  a  very  moving  picture  of  the  miseries  of  his 
country,  and  he  said  that  he  would  now  write  no  more  in 
Irish  since  he  had  done  so  well  in  English.  "  No,"  said 
Dr.  O'Rorke,  "what  you  have  once  learned,  you  must 
never  forget,  and  you  shall  not  go  to  rest  until  you  have 


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570  Charles  0' Conor  of  Belinagare. 

translated  the  psalm  Miserere  into  Irifch."  The  youth  set  to 
work  and  succeeded  so  well  that  Dr.  C.  O'Conor  considers 
his  translation  superior  to  BedePs  or  any  he  ever  saw.  It 
pleased  the  bishop  so  much  that  he  read  it  for  the 
guests  assembled  that  night  in  the  hospitable  house  of 
Denis  O'Conor.  Amongst  them  was  the  famous  Carolan 
the  Blind,  the  last  of  the  Bards.  On  hearing  the  Gaelic 
version  read  in  a  solemn  and  affecting  voice,  ne  was  over- 
come with  emotion  and  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears.  He 
seized  his  harp,  and  in  a  fit  of  rapturous  affection  for  the 
family  of  Belinagare,  swept  along  the  strings  bis  **  Donagh 
Cahil  Oig,"  and  sung,  extempore^  the  fall  of  the  Milesian 
race,  the  hospitahty  of  old  Denis  0*Conor,  who  in  the 
!midst  of  troubles  and  calamities,  harboured  that  very  night 
in  his  house  a  crowd  of  reduced  gentlemen,  and  hired  a 
number  of  harpers  to  strike  up  a  solemn  concert  at  Mid- 
night Mass  (for  it  was  Christmas  Eve),  and  a  dancing 
master,  a  fencing  master,  and  an  Irish  master  for  the  instmc- 
tion  and  poUte  education  of  his  children.^  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  Dr.  O'Rorke,  as  Dr.  C.  O'Conor  tells  us,  gave 
Charles  O'Conor,  "  The  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters,**  of 
which  Colonel  O'Gara,  who  commanded  a  regiment  under 
James  il.^  had  made  the  bishop  a  present.  This  is  the 
celebrated  autograph  original  of  the  iStowe  Library,  now, 
we  presume,  in  the  Royal  Irish  Academy. 

C.  O'Conor  continued  his  studies  for  two  years  under 
the  guidance  of  his  uncle.  Dr.  O'Rorke.  His  knowledge  of 
Irish  was  perfected  by  the  instruction  of  Carolan  and 
Father  Dignan.  In  1727,  when  about  seventeen  years  of 
age,  he  went  to  Dublin,  where  he  made  great  progress  in 
mathematics  and  natural  philosophy,  under  the  tuition  of 
the  Rev.  Walter  Skelton,  a  Catholic  priest. 

In  1732  a  proclamation  was  issued  against  the  Catholic 
clergy,  and  persecution  raged  fiercely  for  a  time.  Bishop 
O'Rorke  was  forced  to  fly  from  Belinagare,  where  his 
retreat  had  become  known.  No  priest  then  remained 
in  that  country  but  one  very  old  man.  Father  Prendergast. 
At  day-dawn  every  Sunday  he  crept  into  a  cave  in  the 
parish  of  BasUck,  and  waited  there  for  his  congregation,  to 
offer  for  them  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  and  preach  to  them 
patience  in  their  sufferings,  unfaltering  adherence  to  the 
Ancient  Faith,  resignation  to  the  will  of  Heaven,  pardon 
of  their  persecutors,  and  prayers  for  their  conversion.  This 
cave  is  called  Poll-an^Aiffrin^  or  Mass-Cave,  to  this  day,  and 

1  Memoir  of  C.  O'Conor,  by  Rev.  C.  O'Conor,  D.D. 


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TJieologieal  Notes.  571 

remains  an  enduring  monument  of  the  Faith  and  piety  of 
our  people. 

In  1734  Dr.  0*Rorke  returned  to  Belinagare,  where  he 
died,  probably  in  1742,  of  a  complication  of  diseases,  con- 
tracted by  the  hardships  which  he  had  undergone,  sleeping 
in  the  open  air  or  in  wretched  hovels  among  the  bogs  and 
marshes  of  Connemara.  He  was  interred  within  the  con- 
secrated precints  of  Ci'eevelea,  the  foundation  of  his 
family,  and  the  "  sacred  storehouse  of  his  ancestors..**  His 
tomb  has  been  recently  discovered  there  with  the  following 
epitaph : — 

*•  Here  lieth  ye  body  of  Thady  O'Rorke 
Bishop  af  Killala  M'ho  departed  this  life 

March  ye  2ad  1739^  aged  76. 
Filius  atqne  regis  princeps  Thodeus  tramphis^ 
Hegna  petens  coeli  despiciensque  soli.*' 

J.  J.  Kelly. 


THEOLOGICAL  NOTES. 


FULMINATION  IN  FORO  INTERNO. 

HERE  the  delegate  must  be  in  possession  of  the 
necessary  powers  before  acting.  But  how  is  he  to 
have  them  ?  mil  an  oral  commission  suffice,  or  must  a 
written  document,  containing  the  special  faculties,  have 
come  into  his  hands?  The  question  occasions  scarcely 
any  difficulty  in  connection  with  Papal  dispensations. 
Commissions  from  Home  are,  by  a  rule  of  the  Apostolic 

^  Regarding  the  date  1739,  it  may  be  observed  that  we  find  in  the 
Supplement  to  the  Hibernia  Dominicana,  that  Benedict  XIV.  addressed 
a  brief,  dated  31st  of  October,  1742,  to  Alichael  O'Gara,  Archbishop  of 
Tuam,  Peter  O'Donohoe,  Bidiop  of  Clonfert,  and  Thadeus  O'Rorke, 
Bishop  of  Killala.  We  learn  from  the  same  work,  p.  506,  that 
Father  John  Brett  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Killala  by  the  same  Pontiff, 
and  was  consecrated  in  Rome  on  the  8th  of  September,  1743.  He  pro*- 
ceeded  at  once  to  his  See,  over  which  lie  presided  until  1748,  in  which 
year  he  was  translated  to  Elphin.  The  tomb  of  Bishop  O'Rorke  was 
restored  by  the  Rev.  Cormack  McSharry,  P.P.,  in  1883. 

*  For  a  copy  of  this  epitaph  and  other  information  regarding 
Dr.  0*Rorke,  we  are  indebted  to  the  kindness  and  courtesy  of  the 
Rev.  C.  P.  Meehan,  M.R.I.A.,  of  whose  life -long  devotion  and  invalu- 
able services  to  Irisli  historical  studies  it  would  be  superfluous  and  pre- 
sumptuous here  to  speak* 


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572  Theological  Notes. 

Chancery,!  in  writing. — "  NulH  suffragetur  dispensatio  nisi 
litteiis  confectip."  And  we  have  already  seen  that  the 
delegates  in  such  cases  cannot  act  before  the  original  itself 
of  the  mandate  is  presented.  Still  it  is  right  to  add  that 
in  the  opinion  of  some,  the  Chancery  rule,  just  quoted, 
applies  to  the  external  forum  alone.* 

With  these  few  words  let  us  pass  to  Episcopal  dispen- 
sations. At  first  sight  it  might  appear  strange  to  make 
any  distinction  between  them  and  those  which  come  from 
the  Holy  See.  For,  are  not  Bishops  expected  to  conform 
to  the  practice  of  the  Roman  Courts  f  Yes,  in  the  exercise 
of  their  delegated  faculties,  unless  so  far  as  we  may  have 
good  grounds  for  holding  that  conformity  in  every  detail 
is  not  exacted.  All,'  of  course,  are  agreed  about  the 
inconvenience  in  ordinary  circumstances  of  giving  com- 
missions to  dispense  otherwise  than  in  writing.  But 
occasionally  a  case  may  occur  of  such  urgency  that  a 
prelate  will  deem  it  best  to  use  his  power  in  the  way  that 
will  be  of  earliest  benefit  to  those  concerned.  Such, 
emergencies  may,  indeed,  generally  be  met  by  telegraphing, 
not  a  mandate  to  dispense,  but  news  that  the  favour  has 
been  actually  granted.  This,  however,  supposes  the  case 
to  have  been  satisfactorily  sifted  beforehand.  It  does  not, 
therefore,  suflfice  for  one  in  which  something  further 
remains  to  be  investigated  and  explained  before  fulmin- 
ation  becomes  allowable.  Now  it  is  just  for  a  contingency 
of  this  kind  in  particular,  that  bishops,  instead  of  dispensing 
immediately  themselves,  send  commissions  to  their  priests 
to  examine  the  circumstances  and  fulminate  a  dispensation 
if  everything  required  be  present.  Let  us  keep  the  point 
at  issue  in  view.  We  are  not  as  yet  speaking  of  the  form 
which  the  act  of  fulmination  should  take.  We  here  look 
only  to  the /orm  in  which  the  delegate  must  receive  his 
mandate.  And  although  this  paper  is  concerned  with  the 
forum  internum^  it  seems  right  not  to  forget  the  forum 
externum  until  we  pass  from  the  present  difficulty. 

Well,  a  few  authors  hold  that  a  delegate  can  act  validly 
on  an  oral  commission  even  for  the  external  forum.  Why 
require  writing,  they  say,  unless  it  be  made  a  sine  qua  nofi 
in  the  indult?  Again,  oral  dispensations,  or  mandates  to 
dispense,  are  stated  to  be  customary  in  certain  districts. 

1  BrUland— Traits  Pratique  des  Empecheinents  et  des  Dispenses  de 
Manage,    p.  192,  n.  220. 

« Idem.     Ibid,  p.  198.  "  Planchard,  pp.  233-4,  n.  643, 


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Theological  Notes.  573 

To  ufl  fluch  practice  seems  very  unsafe,  unless  it  be  known 
to  the  Holy  See,  or  of  long  standing. 

On  the  other  hand,  although  there  is  some  authority  on 
the  opposite  side,  the  delegate  in  Joro  interno  does  not 
seem  to  require  a  written  commission  under  pain  of 
invalidity.  Even  for  Papal  dispensations  the  necessity  of 
their  being  consigned  to  writing  before  the  "  commis- 
saries "  can  act  vaUdly.  is  not  altogether  certain.  Besides, 
oral  commissions  j>ro/oro  interna  are  undoubtedly  common 
enough  in  a  variety  of  Episcopal  Curiae,  But  most  of  all  the 
bishop  himself  can  dispense  orally,  and  there  does  not 
appear  any  sufficient  reason  for  holding  that  when  instead 
of  doing  so  he  merely  gives  a  commission  to  some 
other,  he  must  therefore  resort  to  pen  and  ink  under  pain 
of  nullity.     As  Planchard,  speaking  of  indults,  has  it : — 

"  Comme  il  ne  doit  pas  rester  de  traces  de  la  dispense 
d'un  emprchement  occulte,  les  auteurs  admettent  que 
Tordinairepourrait,  a  la  rigeur,  dispenser  ou  deleguer  a  vive 
^oix." 

What  is  true  of  commissions  given  in  virtue  of  Indults 
for  the  internal  forum  is,  a  fortiori^  certain  for  those  com- 
municated on  the  strength  of  quasi- ordinary  power.  Oral 
delegation  in  those  cases,  when  the  Bishop  so  wills, 
undoubtedly!  suffices  to  secure  valid  fulmination. 

The  act  itself  of  fulmination  in  foro  interna  next  claims 
attention.  It  usually  takes  place  in  tribunali.«  This,  how- 
ever, is  not  necessary  unless  required  by  the  dispensing 
power.'  The  Holy  See,  as  a  i-ule,  does  insist  on  it  in 
commissioning  priests  to  dispense.  So  do  Bishops ;  indeed 
with  them  it  frequently  is  not  optional  to  act  otherwise. 
For  it  often  happens  that  an  Indult  which  permits  a 
Bishop  or  Vicar-Ueneral  to  dispense  extra  trihunale  is  so 
worded  that  the  delegate  of  one  or  other  must  act  in  the 
confessional  Of  course  the  absence  of  a  limitation  clause 
is  enough  to  leave  the  Ordinary  free  to  use  his  own  discre- 
tion. 

Though  not  of  itself  strict  precept,  it  is  always  well  to 
conduct  the  process  in  writing,  it  it  is  gone  through  extra 
trihunale.^  In  foro  poenitentiae  everything  is  done  viva 
vocey  but  the  confessor,  provided  he  keeps  it  to  himself,  is 
free  to  read  from  a  written  sheet.*  To  hand  the  document 
to  penitent  is  forbidden,  just  as  the  mandate  itself  cannot 
be  similarly  delivered  without  a  grave  dereliction  of  duty. 

.   1  Planchard  n.  5i0.  »  Id  ibid.  »  Feije,  n.  756. 

.  *  Feije,  n.  757. 


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574  'Theological  Notes. 

It  18  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the  clause, "  Quod  si 
restitueris,  nihil  ipsi  praesentes  literae  sufiFrageutur,"  does 
not  make  the  dispensation  invalid  in  the  supposition  of  the 
mandate  being  given  away.  No ;  the  sentence  refers  to 
the  forum  externum  in  which,  as  it  conveys,  no  such  docu- 
ment will  be  received  as  proof  of  a  valid  union.  For  in 
this,  as  in  other  cases  of  an  impediment,  which  had  been 
renewed  in  foro  externo  on  becoming  pubKc,  a  new 
dispensation  is  required  for  the  external  forum.^ 

It  is  not  enough  for  the  confessor  to  abstain  from 
giving  away  the  mandate  empowering  him  to  dispense. 
"  Sed  praesentibus  laniatis,  quas  sub  poena  excommuni- 
cationis  latae  sententiae  laniare  tenearis,  ita  ut  nullum 
earum  exemplum  extet ;  "  or  the  clause :  "  Praesentibus 
sub  poena  excommunicationis  a  te  combustis  vel  laniatis,** 
reminds  him  of  his  obligation  to  entirely  destroy  it.  This 
should  be  done  immediately  after  fulmination.  By  common* 
consent,  however,  a  space  of  three  days  is  allowed  before 
incurring  the  penalty.  Although  tearing  through  the  seal 
will  suffice,  burning  is  preferable.  There  is  no  law  against 
making  out  a  copy  ot  the  document  for  study.  But 
obvious  reasons  will  suggest  the  propriety  of  omitting  the 
date. 

Sometimes*  the  S.  Penitentiary  leaves  out  the  word 
"  laceratisy'  thereby  indicating  that  destruction  is  not 
required.  For  instance,  if  a  confessor  explained  that  two 
persons,  generally  supposed  to  be  man  and  wife,  were 
mvalidly  united,  because  of  secret  clandestinity  and 
some  other  impediment,  the  aforesaid  Tribunal  would 
probably  send  two  documents,  one  to  the  confessor  con- 
taining the  word  '*  luctratisy'  the  other  to  the  parish  priest 
without  it,  and  intimating  that  after  private  renewal  of 
consent  in  forma  THdeniinayhe  should  enter  the  celebration 
in  libra  Matrimoniorum  (secretorum).  It  makes  mattera 
less  difficult  in  this  complicated  ca^e  if  the  same  person 
be  parish  priest  and  confessor.  In.  any  event  the  strictest 
secrecy*  is  of  obligation. 

If  an  impediment  affects  only  one  of  the  parties, 
fulmination  is  not  requited  for  the  oth^r.  Where  common 
to  both,  fulmination  in  utramque  partem  becomes  necessary 
if  both  are  culpable  in  inducing  it.  But  when  either  i» 
innocent  in  this  respect,  the  process  need  not  be  gone 

V  Planchard,  p.  178,  n,  406.  *  Cf.  AtKstores  puiaim. 

8  Feije,  pp.  751,  752.  <  Id.  n.  757 ;  Van  de  Buight,  p*  73. 


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TJitological  Note^.  57& 

through  for  the  guiltless  person,  whether  that  individual 
be  conscious  or  unconscious  of  the  existence  of  the  impedi- 
ment. Accordingly,  the  only  case  in  which  fulmination 
for  both  is  prescribed,  aiises  when  the  impediment  has  been 
contracted  through  the  sin  of  both.  But  why  require  it 
even  in  this  hypothesis  ?  Does  not  such  an  impediment 
cease  for  the  two  when  it  ceases  for  one  ? 

The  following  answer^  of  the  Penitentiary  in  1748 
shows  how  fulmination  in  utramque  partem  is  required  not 
so  much  by  way  of  something  essential  to  validity  as  to 
prevent  either  delinquent  from  escaping  *^  Poenitetittae 
salutares  utrique  imponendae.^  The  decree  is  important 
for  another  reason.  It  lays  down  clearly  the  course  to 
follow  when  the  petitioners  seek  the  ministrations  of 
diflFerent  confessors.  The  first,  after  fulmination,  hands 
the  mandate  back  to  his  penitent,  with  instructions  to 
deliver  it  to  the  other  party.  From  the  latter*s  hands  it 
passes  to  the  second  confessor,  who  will  likewise  fulminate 
and  then  destroy  the  document: 

'*  S.  Poenitentiaria  ad  propositum  dubium  circa  executionem 
literarum  suarum,  quibus  committitur  facultas  dispensandi  super 
occulto  matrimonii  impedimento  cum  duobus  ejusdem  impedimenti 
consciis  respondet,  quod  quamvis  hujusmodi  literae  dirigantur  con- 
fessario  per  latores  eligendo,  necessarium  tamen  non  est,  quod 
unus  idemque  confessarins  ab  utroque  eligatur  ad  eas  lit  eras 
exequendas  :  Sed  potest  unus  confcssarius  ab  uuo  ad  id  eligi,  alter 
ab  altero.  Tunc  autem  pnus  confessarius  post  dispensationem 
uni  ad  formam  literarum  concessam  debet  literas  Sacrae  Poeniten- 
tiariae  poenitenti  traderc,  ut  per  ilium  alteri  parti  tradantur,  quae 
similiter  easdem  literas  secum  exsequi  faciat  per  alium  confess- 
arium,  en  jus  erit  iii  hujusmodo  casu,  confecto  negotio,  literas 
lacerare.  Et  quamvis  impedimentum  ejusmodi  esse  Boleat,  ut 
snblatum  quoad  unum  maneat  et  ipso  suUatum  quoad  alteram^ 
nihilominus  mens  Sacrae  Poenitentiariae  est,  ut  erga  utramque  per- 
sonam literae  execution!  mandentur,  sin  minus  ad  auferendum 
impedimentum,  quod  per  priorem  cum  una  dispensationem  jam 
ablatum  praesupponitur,  saJtem  ad  congnias  poeoitentias  salutares 
utrique  imponendas,  quas  non  convenit  ab  uno  tantum  exigi,  ubr 
communis  est  culpa.** 

Should  a  cOnfefisor  foresee  some  serious  difficulty  in  the 
way  of  double  fulmination,  he  ought  to  state  the  fact  in  his 
petition.  Besides,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  although  a 
single  process  will  suffice,  unless  where  the  fault  is  common, 

*  In  nearly  all  modem  works  on  the  subject. 

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576  Tlieological  Notes. 

it  does  not  follow  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  renewing 
consent  ex  utraqae  parte.  If  there  be  question  of  contract- 
ing marriage  for  the  first  time,  the  person  who  was  not 
responsible  for  the  impediment  but  knew  of  its  existence, 
should  be  apprised  of  its  removal.  There  is  more  difficulty 
about  a  supervening  impediment.  A  dispensatio  in  radice 
cannot  be  always  expected;  and  a  simple  dispensation, 
even  where  the  obstacle  affects  only  one  of  the  parties 
and  needs  to  be  removed  from  the  way  of  that  person  alone, 
the  other  two  must  render  consent  *^  post  certiorationem,'' 
at  least  "  in  quantum  Jieri  possit,'*  This,  however,  is  not  to 
our  present  purpose,  except  so  far  as  it  shows  that  the 
absence  of  any  necessity  to  repeat  fulmination  does  not 
imply  that  ceriioratio  and  renewal  of  consent  can  be 
dispensed  with. 

There  is  some  variety  in  the  forms,  according  as  the 
dispensation  is  simple  or  in  radice^  and  as  it  is  communicated 
in  or  extra  tribunale.  It  may  be  useful  to  go  through  them 
separately : — 

Ego  auctorilate  a  SS'^'  D.  K  ,  .  .  (or,  ab  IIV^  et  Bev^ 
Episcopo  .  .  .)  mihi  specialiter  delegata^  te  ahsolvo  ab  omnibus 
sententiiSi  poenis  et  censuris  ecclesiasticis  in  ordine  ad  prae^ 
sentem  gratiam  valide  consequendam  {et  pariter  eadem  aticto- 
ritate  te  absoloo  a  reatu  incestus)  atque  dispenso  tecum  super 
impedimento  (impedimentis)  .  ,  ,  j  ut  valide  et  licite  Twatn- 
monium  cum  dicta  muliere,  servata  formxi  Concilii  Tridentini^ 
et  in  eodem  postmodum  remanere  valeas,  Insuper  prolem 
suscipiendam  (or,  susceptam  et  suscwiendam)  legitimam  foH 
(or,  esse  etfore),  nuntio  et  declaro.  In  nomine  Patrisy  et  rilii, 
et  Sviritus  Sancti,     Amen} 

This  is  the  form  extra  tribunate  for  simple  dispensa- 
tions. As  above  stated,  writing  is  most  desirable.  And 
although  the  person  concerned  per  se  need  not  be  present, 
the  delegate  will  give  eflFect  with  greatest  ease  to  his  com- 
mission by  having  that  individual  before  him.  When 
executing  a  dispensation  at  one  and  the  same  time  for  two 
persons,  the  plural  number  is  easily  substituted.  Also,  if 
maniage  has  been  already  contracted,  the  words  "de  novo" 
are  now  inserted,  and  reference  to  the  Council  of  Trent 
omitted,  as  private  renewal  of  consent  will  suffice. 

But  these  points  are  chiefly  important  in  tribunaU  conr 
fessionis.  The  great  majority  of  commissions  pro  foro 
interno  must   there  receive   execution.     Accordingly  the 

1  Van  de  Burgt,  p.  72. 

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Theological  Notes.  577 

form  above  given  is  not  used  as  it  stands,  unless  when 
sacramental  absolution  is  deferred,  and  the  dispensation 
gi'anted  notwithstanding.  In  ordinary  circumstances,  that 
is,  when  absolution  from  sins  is  conferred,  the  confessor  will 
rely  upon  the  usual  sacramental  form^  for  removing  any 
special  censures  or  guilt;  and  immediately  after  absolving 
a  peccatis,  he  will  proceed : — 

Insuper*  anctoritate  Apostolica  (or,  per  episcopum  accepta), 
raihi  specialiter  delegata  dispense  tecum  super  impedimento  .  .  . 
ut  60  non  obstante,  niatrimonium  cum  dicta  muliere  (dicto  viro), 
ser^'ata  forma  Concilii  Tridentini  (or,  de  novo  contraliere)  et  in  eo 
permanere  libera  valeas.  Eadem  auctoritate  prolem  suscipiendam 
legitimam  foie  (or,  esse  et  fore)  nuntio  et  declare.  In  nomine 
Patris,  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus  Sancti.     Amen.     Passio,  D.  N.  I.  J.  C. 

Again,  it  is  obvious  the  last  words  of  all  impose  sacra- 
mental absolution.  Attached  as  they  are  to  the  Ritual 
form,  they  are  never  used  in  its  absence,  As  was  already 
stated,  when  absolution  cannot  be  given,  if  the  commission 
is  executed  at  all,  the  form  prof  or  o  intemo  nori'Sacramentali 
is  employed.  Here,  however,  another  difficulty  arises. 
The  special  powers  which  the  delegate  exercises,  he 
should  use,  making  mention  of  the  source  of  his  authority. 
Now  plainly  those  powers  are  required  as  well  in  the 
absolution  as  in  the  dispensation ,  at  least  sometimes,  and 
yet  no  allusion  is  formally  made  to  Apostolic  or  Episcopal 
authority  until  the  confessor  comes  to  the  dispensation 
proper.  We  speak  of  what  occurs  when,  in  the  ordinary 
course,  absolution  from  sins  is  given,  and  when  we 
possibly  might  expect  to  find  recommended  the  insertion 
of  some  such  allusion  before  the  word  *' absolvo,'* — 
•'D.N.J.C.  te  absolvat  et  ego  auctoritate  ipsius  (et  vi 
mandati  Apostolici  vel  Episcopalis),  te  absolvo."  But  no ; 
absolution  is  given  "tw  forma  conaueta  ercleaiae^'*  which 
ReiflFenstuel  explains  as  "  ea  scilicet^  qua  ecclesia  i/i  foro 
sacramentali  uti  soleV*  It  appears  then  that  it  will  simSce 
to  mention  Apostolic  or  Episcopal  authority  when  the 
confessor  is  about  removing  the  impediment.  To  what 
was  previously  said  of  legitimation  nothing  need  here  be 
added. 

The  confessor's  next  concern,  in  cases  of  invalidity,  will 
be  to  instruct  his  penitent  as  to  how  consent  should  be 
renewed.  This  done,  when  necessary,  his  work  is  complete, 
except  that  he  must  destroy  the  document,  and  be  careful 

1  Feije,  p.  746,  n.  750.  «  ZiteU',  p.  97.    Note ;  Feije,  p  757. 


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578  Tlieological  Notes^ 

that  circa  earn  (dispensationem),  utpote  in,  et  sub  ipso 
sacramentali  actu  praecise  factam,  in  foro  extemo  se 
habeat  quasi  nil  de  ea  sciret.*'  i  Unlike  dispensations  pro 
foro  extemo ^  the  liher  niatritnoniomm  will  accordingly 
contain  no  evidence  of  the  favour  granted  in  foro  intemo. 
Hence  a  fresh^  petition  is  required,  if  ever  the  obstacle 
becomes  pubHcly  known.  The  dispensation  already 
granted,  though  thoroughly  sound  in  conscience,  is  of  no 
avail  to  establish  the  validity  of  a  union  to  which  a 
public  impediment  now  opposes  itself  as  a  barrier.  No 
doubt,  caution  is  required  m  the  remedial  process.  The 
parish  priest  may  be  in  a  position  to  say,  with  the  consent 
of  the  parties,  that  a  dispensation  in  foro  iiitenio  had  been 
procured.  But  in  any  event,  to  secure  the  ej^ects  of  a 
valid  marriage  in  foro  extemo  a  new  application  must  be 
made,  explaining  what  has  occurred. 

We  have  spoken  of  simple  dispensations.  "  Sanationes 
in  radice"  oring  with  them  no  special  difficulty 
in  this  place.  How  they  are  fulminated  is  easily  under- 
stood from  what  was  said  of  the  same  question  pro  foro 
extemo.^  Where  either  contrahem  has  to  renew  consent, 
the  confessor  will  give  instruction  to  that  effect,  induce 
the  person  to  prepare  hj  confession,  and  advise  as  to  the 
circumstances  and  way  m  which  the  other  party  should  be 
made  aware  of  what  occurred. 

Instead  of  *'  dispense  tecum,  etc.,"  in  the  form  given 
above,  he  will  say  "  matrimonium  a  te  nulliter  contractu^ 
in  radice  sano  et  convahdo,  prolemque  susceptam  et 
suscipiendam  legitimam  declare     .    •     ." 

Where  neither  contrahens  is  to  know  anything  about 
the  dispensation,  the  document  is  sometimes  sent  in  forma 
gratiosa*  Should  it  come  in  forma  commissoria,  the  con- 
fessor will  fulminate  it  outside*  the  confessional,  and  in  the 
absence  of  the  parties. 

These  "  sanationes  in  foro  interne "  are  of  course 
destroyed.'  But  the  Penitentiary  when  dealing  with  cases 
that  may  become  public  at  some  future  time,  often  sends 
a  convalidatio  to  the  Bishop  or  Ordinary,  especially  if  so 
requested,  to  be  carefully  preserved  and  prudently 
divulged  in  the  event  of  the  union  being  called  in 
question.  PATRICK  O'DOXNELL. 

^  Reifferst,  T.  iv.  Appendix  de  dispensatione  super  impedimentiB 
Matrimonii 

«  Planchard,  p.  178,  n.  406.  "  Van  de  Burt,  pp.  122, 123. 

^  Brilland,  p.  817.  »  Plandiard,  p.  167,  n.  882. 


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I  .579  ] 


ADRIAN  IV.  AND  HENRY  PLANTAGENET.— II. 

**  I  rather  suspect  that  vices  are  feigned  or  exaggerated,  when 
profit  is  looked  for  in  their  punishment,  An  enemy  is  a  bad 
witness :  a  robber  is  a  worse." — Edmund  Bvrke. 

IlHE  religious  conditiou  of  Ireland  in  the  age  of 
Adrian  IV.  is  the  main  point  in  this  part  of  our 
inquiry,  as  the  reform  of  the  Irish  Church,  under  the 
supervision  of  Henry  Plantagenet,  was,  accordiog  to  the 
'*Buir*  itself,  the  sole  motive  which  influenced  the  Pope. 
The  king  was  well  aware  that  such  an  idea  would 
seem  plausible.  National  perfection  is  never  more  than 
comparative.  It  is  yain  to  attempt  a  process  of 
canonization  in  the  case  of  any  people,  and  it  is  doubly  so 
in  that  of  an  ancient  Catholic  nation.  Our  forefathers  did 
not  publish  report^  of  their  virtues  and  charities:  they 
were  more  concerned  with  confessing  their  own  sins  and 
rebuking  those  of  others.  In  the  case  of  Ireland  all 
that  we  can  do  is  to  try  tp  discover  the  real  gravity  and 
extent  of  the  faults  whicU  were  confessed  and  condemned, 
as  well  as  their  comparative  enormity  when  weighed 
against  the  sins  of  other  nationa  We  shall  begin  with 
the  evidence  of  St.  Bernard.  No  ancient  writer  on  Ireland 
had  been  more  misunderstood :  his  veracity  is  unimpeach- 
able, but  his  style  is  that  of  the  orator  rather  than  the 
historian.  The  only  way,  therefore,  in  which  we  can 
understand  the  force  of  his  language  is  by  measuring 
it  by  the  facts  which  he  relates.  It  is  strange  that  so 
accomplished  and  dispassionate  an  historian  as  Dr.  Lingard 
should  have  been  misled  by  St  Bernard's  eloquence. 
It  can  only  be  explained  by  his  own  confession,  that  he 
accepted  Giraldus  Cambrensis  as  his  commentator  on  the 
Saint's  writings. 

He  premises,  **  That  the  credulity  of  the  Welshman 
(Giraldus)  has  often  deceived  by  fables  is  evident ;  nor  is  it 
improbable  that  his  partiality  might  occasionally  betray  him  into 
unfriendly  and  exaggerated  statements." 

And  then  he  adds  in  a  note — 

**  I  have  attentively  perused  the  Cambrensis  Eversus  of  Lynch,  a 
work  of  nrach  learning  and  ingenuity.  In  several  instances  he  may 
have  overturned  the  statements  of  Girald,  in  the  more  important 
points  he  has  completely  failed.  The  charge  of  barbarism,  so 
frequently  and  forcibly  brought  forward  by  St.  Bemcurd,  could  be 


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580  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenef. 

neither  repelled  nor  evaded.  His  principal  resource  has  been  to 
insinuate,  that  it  should  be  confined  to  a  small  district,  though  his 
authority  describes  it  as  general  (per  unwcrsam  Hibeniiam  .  .  . 
nbique,  Vit.  Malach.  1937),  and  to  contend  that  it  was  eradicated 
by  St.  Malachy,  though  the  contrary  is  proved  by  incontestable 
evidence." ' 

If  Dr.  Liiigard  had  himself  studied  St.  Bernard's  life  of 
St.  Malachy,  he  would  have  found  that  if  the  Saint  (cap.  x  ) 
gives  a  gloomy  account  of  the  state  of  things  in  Ireland 
before  St.  Malachy's  time;  in  another  place  he  declares 
that  St.  Malachy  restored  the  Church  in  Ireland  to  its 
pristine  splendour.  On  both  occasions  he  usesthe  same  word 
"  everywhere  "  (uMque),  and  if  he  is  an  authority  for  one 
fact,  he  is  equally  so  for  the  other.  He  tells  that  at  the 
age  of  thirty-eight  St.  Malachy  was  appointed  "  Archbishop 
of  Armagh  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland/'  and  that 
within  the  space  of  three  years  .  .  .  the  Church  was 
set  free  ;  foreign  customs  repudiated,  and  Christian  morals 
everywhere  reformed."     (Cap.  xii.  and  xiv.) 

One  expression  used  by  St.  Bernard  in  describing  the 
prevalent  evils  is  very  significant.     He  speaks  of  a   "  sort 

'  Hist.  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  172.  Giraldus  Cambrensis  has  been 
edited  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  by  Dr.  Brewer,  and 
Rev.  James  F.  Dimock.  Of  the  3xpu(jvatio  Hibemiae^  the  chief  work  of 
Giraldus  on  Irish  affairs,  Dr.  Brewer  observes,  "  Giraldus  regarded  his 
subject  rather  as  a  great  epic,  which  undoubtedly  it  waa,  thai  a  sober 
relation  of  facts  occurring  in  his  own  days."  The  editing  of  those 
treatises  of  Giraldus  which  relate  to  Ireland  fell  to  the  lot  of  Mf. 
Dimock,  who  devotes  a  considerable  portion  of  his  Preface  to  an 
examination  of  their  value  as  histories.  The  following  are  some  of  his 
observations.  "  To  prove  their  unfairness  would  take  a  large  volume." 
'*  His  history  of  the  English  Invasion  must  have  been  wholly  derived  from 
the  English  themselves."  "  Giraldus  was  replete  with  the  exact  qualities, 
the  very  reverse  of  what  are  needed  to  form  an  impartial  historian  .  .  . 
he  had  not  an  idea  that  anything  he  thought  or  said  could  by  any  cliance 
be  wrong  ...  He  also  points  out  that  Giraldus  makes  no  secret  that  he 
wrote  for  a  purpose.  In  his  letter  to  King  John  prefixed  to  the  second 
edition  of  the  Expugnatlo,  he  reminds  the  king  how  he  had  been  sent  into 
Ireland  by  his  father,  "  the  glorious  and  magnificent  ICing  Henry ,**  and 
that  he  had  spent  three  years  in  the  composition  of  a  work  **  On  the 
Wonders  of  Ireland,"  and  "  in  honour  of  his  father."  In  patris  vestri 
Inudem,    Opera  Giraldi.  vol.  v.  Pref.  p.  Ixiii.  to  Ixx.  and  p.  405, 

The  annals  of  literature  can  hardly  produce  anything  more 
destructive  than  Mr.  Dimock's  criticisms.  All  honour  is  due  to 
him  for  his  work ;  but  it  may  well  be  asked  why  our  Government  should 
go  to  such  trouble  and  expense  in  publishing  the  so-called  historical 
writings  of  a  foreigner  who  "  draws  on  his  imagination  for  his  facts," 
while  the  real  history  of  Ireland  lies  mouldering  in  the  Ubraries  of  Trinity 
College  and  the  Boyal  Irish  Acadamy  ?  &o.,  &c. 


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•  Adriem  IK  and  Henry  Plantagenet,  581 

of  paganism  (imganmntEfi  ^piidam)  introduced  under  the 
name  of  Christianity.**  It  is  plain  that  he  here  alludes  to 
the  pagan  custom  of  the  Northmen,  or  Danes,  and  when 
some  future  historian  of  the  stamp  of  Dr.  Lingard  shall 
hare  devoted  his  life  to  the  study  of  the  histoiT'  of  ancient 
Ireland,  he  will  probabhf  be  able  to  trace  the  abuses  which 
St.  Bernard  l9o  justly  anathematized,  back  to  the  day  in  the 
year  843  when  Turgeaius,  **  the  leader  of  the  Northmen ;  the 
destroyer  of  a  hundred  churches,  and  the  murderer  of 
some  thousands  of  priests  and  ecclesiastics,"  usurped  the 
title  of  Abbot  of  Armagh,  while  his  wife,  like  a  precursor  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  was  appointed  supreme  head  of  the  great 
ecclesiastical  city  of  Ctonmacnois.* 

The  nation  wiiich  has  lost  all  sare  honour  may  well  be 
jealous  of  its  sole  remaining  inheritance,  and  generous 
minds  in  England  as  well  as  in  Ireland,  are  beginning  to  feel 
this.  When  nations  in  peaceful  possession  of  themselves, 
sxnrrender  their  sacred  trusts  and  nghts,  they  must  bear  the 
shame  of  their  apostacy  and  treason.  No  one  has  ever 
said  that  this  was  the  sin  of  Ireland.  When  rightly 
understood,  the  very  evils  which  St.  Bernard  records,  only 
make  more  manifest  the  almost  unparalleled  religious 
vitality  of  the  Church  of  St.  Patrick,  and  the  endiuing 
religious  struggles  of  his  children  ought  to  win  the 
admiration  of  all  who  value  the  prize  for  which  they 
contended. 

But  to  return  to  Dr.  Lingard,  and  the  charge  of  barbar^ 
ism  which  he  says  "  could  be  neither  repelled  nor  eiraded.'* 
In  the  first  place  it  should  be  observed  that  in  the  pages 
of  a  Latin  writer  like  St.  Bernard,  the  primary  meaning 
of  the  word,  derived  from  the  Greek,  is  *«  foreign,*'  and 
was  originally  applied  to  the  Romans  themselves.*  It  is 
manifest  from  tne  context  that  it  is  in  this  sense  that 
St.  Bernard  uses  it ;  for  while  it  is  easy  to  understand 
how,  '*  in  the  space  of  three  years,**  St.  Malachy  could 
eradicate  foreign  imported  abuses ;  it  is  incredible  that  in 
so  short  a  time  he  could  have  civilized  the  whole  nation. 
•As  we  have  seen,  Dr.  Lingard  himself  applies  the  epithet 
"barbarian"  to  the  Normans  in  England,  and  the  picture 
which  he  gives  of  their  disregard  of  every  law  human  and 
divine,  certainly  makes  the  expression  much  stronger  in 

*  O^Cuny,  M.S.  Materials  of  An  cunt  Irish  History,  p,  4Qp, 
Annals  of  the  Masters.    Anno  843. 

3  Plato  dirides  mankind  into  BarbamcB  and  Hellenes. 
VOL.  TI.  2  U 


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582  Adtian  IV,  and  Henry  PlantageneU 

his  pages  than  in  those  of  St.  Bernard.  Under  their  rule,  us 
we  learn  from  the  Life  of  St.  Wulston,  and  the  Decrees  of 
the  Council  of  London,  the  unhappy  natives  were  sold 
♦*like  brute  beasts  ;"i  but  for  all  that  it  can  hardly  be 
fiupposed  that  Dr.  Lingard  intended  to  include  the  iivhole 
race  of  conquerors  in  this  opprobrious  category. 

The  importance  of  St  Bernard's  evidence  can  hardly 
be  exaggerated.  Of  all  the  external,  or  foreign  observers, 
whose  testimony  we  possess  on  the  Irish  affairs  of  that 
period,  he  is  one  of  the  few  whose  honesty  is  above 
suspicion.  Day  by  day  the  inventions  of  Giraldus  Cam- 
brensis  are  evaporating  in  the  crucibles  of  honest 
investigators  in  England  as  well  as  in  Ireland.  Mathew 
Paris,'  who  turns  out  to  be  Roger  Wendover,  whom 
he  purloined ;  Ralf  de  Diceto  ;  Roger  de  Hoveden,  &c. 
are  nothing  more  than  rivulets  fed  from  the  copious 
fountains  of  Giraldus,  the  venal  court  historian  of  Henry  IL 
They  cannot  rise  higher  than  their  source,  while,  as  we 
shall  see,  the  solitary  and  suicidal  passage  appended  to  the 
metaphysics  of  John  of  Salisbiury  is  so  unskilful  a  forgery 
that  it  nms  quite  away  from  the  subject  of  the  "  Bull,** 
and  like  an  impetuous  and  bewildered  advocate  overturns 
its  own  case. 

St.  Bernard's  evidence  regarding  Ireland  embraces  two 
distinct,  and  very  different  periods.  In  the  first  place  he 
describes  the  state  of  things  previous  to  St.  Malachy,  and 
secondly,  he  gives  an  account  of  the  Church  in  that  coimtiy 
during  the  episcopate  of  his  friend,  when  his  own  sons, 
the  Cistercians,  were  actively  co-operating  in  St.  Malach/s 
work.  Strange  to  say,  it  is  St  Bernard's  second-hand 
testimony  about  antiquated  abuses  before  his  own  time, 
which  has  caught  the  eye  of  Dr.  Lingard,  and  many  other 
writers,  while  his  evidence  regarding  the  contemporary 
glories  of  the  Irish  Church  ha«  been  almost  ignored.  It 
would  be  interesting  to  know  when  the  idea  of  writing 
the  life  of  St.  Malachy  suggested  itself  to  St.  Bemari 
He  was  older  than  his  friend,  and  it  can  hardly  be  supposed 
that  he  anticipated  that  he  was  to  act  as  his  biographer. 
When  St  Malachy  visited  Clairvaux,  on  his  way  to  Rome, 
in  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent  II.  (1130  to  1148),  his  work  of 
reform  was  already  completed.  He  had  resigned  the 
Primacy,  and  in  the  words  of  St.  Bernard:  "Seeing  that 
peage  reigned  everywhere,  he  began  to  look  for  peace  for 

^  Sicut  bruta  anlmalia.    Mansi.  collect.  ConciL  1102, 


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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet  $83 

bimself."  The  object  of  his  joutney  waa  to  obtain  Pallium^ 
for  the  Archbishops  of  Ireland,  as  the  Apostolic  confirma- 
tion of  this  work.  He  came  therefore  to  ask  for  favours, 
not  to  revert  to  old  grievances  which  would  have  been 
impolitic,  as  well  as  uncharitable,  at  such  a  time.  We 
may  therefore  conclude  that  St.  Bernard's  information 
regarding  Irish  history  was  chiefly  derived  from  his  own 
subjects  whom  St.  Malachy  had  introduced  into  Ireland,  and 
it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  were  betrayed  into  some  of  those 
rhetorical  exaggerations  by  which  the  honour  of  the  flock 
is  so  often  sacrificed  to  the  glory  of  the  missioner.  But, 
granting  the  truth  of  all  that  is  said  by  St.  Bernard,  the 
evils  existing  in  Ireland  before  St.  Malachy's  time  are  very 
far  from  presenting  that  universal  character  which  is 
attributed  to  them  oy  Dr.  Lingard.  If  St.  Bernard  says 
that  "  everywhere,  in  place  of  Christian  meekness,  fierce 
barbarism  had  crept  in "  (cap.  x.),  on  the  other  hand  he 
jBupplies  facti?  which  oblige  us  to  qualify  the  statement. 
He  describes  (cap.  iv.)  the  sanctity  and  miracles,  and  the 
wide-spread  influence  of  Malchus,  Bishop  of  Lismore. 
Armagh,  which  had  been  the  chief  seat  of  the  evils  deplored 
by  St.  Bernard,  was  ruled  by  St.  Celsus  whose  name  is 
found  in  the  Roman  Martyrology,  and  St.  Bernard  bears 
testimony  to  his  sanctity.^  It  is  also  evident  from  the 
naiTative  that  whatever  may  have  been  the  tyranny  of  the 
-civil  power  at  Armagh,  it  did  not  prevail  in  other  (fioceses, 
St.  Malachy  was  only  thirty  years  of  age  when  he  was 
appointed  to  the  Bishopric  of  Connor,  by  St.  Celsus,  who 
had  recognised  his  extraordinary  gifts,  and  eight  years 
later  the  Archbishop  nominated  him  as  his  successor  in  the 
Primacy.  St.  Malachy  obstinately  refused  to  accept  the 
dignity,  whereupon  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Limerick,  Legate  of 
the  Holy  See,  and  Malchus,  Bishop  of  Lismore,  assembled 
a  Council  of  the^bishops  and  princes  of  the  country,  and 


* "  Vir  homts  et  timoratus.^^  "  In  Ireland,  St.  Celsus,  Bishop ;  the  pre- 
'  decessor  of  the  Blessed  Malachy  m  the  Episcopate."  Roman  Martyrology, 
Ap.  6.  In  the  annals  of  Ulster  (Anno  1124)  we  find  the  following 
obituary  of  this  saintly  prelate  ; — 

**  Celsus,  the  Vicar  of  Patrick,  a  man  of  imspotted  chastity,  an 
Archbishop  of  Western  Europe,  and  the  head  (or  ruler)  to  whose 
authority  the  Irish  and  foreigners  whether  lay  or  clerical  were  subjects, 
having  consecrated  bishops,  &c.  .  .  .  and  made  laws  for  the  regula- 
tion of  morals,  and  the  preservation  of  peace,  .  .  gave  up  his 
soul  to  the  angels  and  archangels  in  the  Monastery  of  Ard-Patric,  in 
Munster." 


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584  AdHan  IV.  and  Henry  Planiagenet 

compelled  the  Saint  to  submit  tmder  pain  of  anathema.^ 
Thus  in  Munster  we  find,  in  the  first  place*  Church  and 
State  working  harmoniously  together ;  and  secondly,  we 
have  evidence  at  this  period  of  the  active  administration  of 
the  Legate  of  the  Holy  See  in  Ireland.  Apostolic  authority 
alone  could  compel  a  bishop  to  leave  his  own  diocese ;  for  as 
St  Malachy  himself  objected,  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
Church  *•  he  was  united  to  another  spouse  whom  it  was  not 
la>Tful  to  put  away/* 

Two  saints,  canonized  by  the  supreme  authority  of 
Rome,  occupied  the  See  of  Armagh  during  the  greater 
part  of  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  Malchni» 
of  Lismore  seems  to  have  been  little  inferior  to  them  in 
sanctity,  and  the  fact  that  all  these  powerful  and  heroic 
bishops  died  in  peace,  speaks  well  tor  the  civil  power 
in  those  wild  times.  The  See  of  Armagh  was  then 
invested  with  extraordinary  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual 
authority.  The  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  says  St.  Bomard, 
"gave  his  orders  with  the  authority  of  St  Patrick," 
and  such  was  the  reverence  and  honour  in  which  he  was 
held,  that  the  kings  and  the  rulers  of  the  country  as 
well  as  the  bishops  and  the  clergy  were  subject  to  him.* 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  that  the  civil  power 
should  seek  to  usurp  the  power  of  this  See,  an  abuse  not  un- 
common even  in  countries  nearer  to  the  centre  of  authority. 
A  hundred  years  later  St.  Dominic  found  nearly  all  the 
benefices  of  churches  in  Lombardy,  and  other  parts  of 
Italy  in  the  hands  of  laymen,  who  passed  them  on  to  their 
children  like  any  other  inheritance.* 

St.  Malachy's  reception  by  Innocent  II.,  is  in  itsrff 
enough  to  prove  that  at  that  time  the  Pope  had  no  com- 
plaints to  make  of  the  state  of  religion  in  Ireland.  The 
Saint  spent  a  month  in  Rome,  during  which  time  '*The 
Sovereign  Pontiff*,"  says  St  Bernard,  "on  many  occasions, 
and  with  great  care,  made  inquiries  concerning  the  state  of 
the  Church  in  his  country,  and  the  manners  of  his  people, 
and  this  as  well  from  his  attendants  as  himself  .  .  .  and 
when  he  was  preparing  to  depart  he  authorized  him  to  act 
for  him,  appointing  hira  Legate  throughout  the  whole  of 
Ireland    .     .     .     *  With  regard  to  the  Palliums,'  said  the 

^  Convocatis  episcopis  et  principibus  terrae  .  .  •  inteutantibus 
anathema.    Vita  Malachiae,  cap.  x. 

*  Nou  modo  episcopi,  et  sacerdotes,  sed  etiam  regum  ac  principuia 
universitas.    Vita  Malachiae,  cap.  x. 

8  Vita  di  S.  Caterina  da  Siena.    B.  Rainiondo  v.  I.,  ch.  8. 


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Adrian  IK  and  Henry  Piantaffenet  585 

Pope,  *the  business  must  be  transacted  with  greater 
solemDity;'"  and  he  ordered  St.  Malachy  on  his  return  to 
convoke  a  National  Council  to  deliberate  on  the  subjects. 
It  appears  that  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  th^ 
number  of  Archbishops  who  were  to  be  invested  St.  Malachy 
asked  only  for  two  Palliums ;  but  some  years  later,  in  1152, 
Eugenius  III.  sent  Cardinal  Paparo  with  four  Palliums  to 
the  Archbishops  of  Armagh,  Dublin,  Cashel,  and  Tuam.* 
The  Pope  granted  St.  Malachy*s  request  regarding  the 
confirmation  of  a  new  Metropolitan,  and  '^  taking  the  Mitre 
from  his  own  head  ho  placed  it  on  that  of  Malachy,  giving 
him  also  the  Stole  and  Maniple  which  he  used  in  offering 
the  Holy  Sacrifice.""  Thus  m  the  year  1152,  that  is  only 
three  years  before  the  period  of  her  supposed  ecclesiastical 
Anarchy,  in  the  Pontificate  of  the  Cistercian  Pope 
Eugenius  III.,  we  find  the  Irish  Church  in  peaceful 
relations  with  .  Rome,  beloved  and  honoured  in  her 
representatives,  and  bound  up  more  closely  than  that 
of  any  other  country  in  the  world  with  the  Cistercians^ 
the  dominant  Religious  Order  of  the  aga  At  the  time 
when  St  Bernard  wrote,  he  tells  us  that  Mellifont 
-**  had  conceived,  and  brought  forth  five  daughters, 
and  thus  the  seed  multiplying  day  by  day,  the  number  of 
monks  increased  according  to  the  desire  and  the  prophesy 
of  Malachy."  Besides  the  five  houses  of  the  Order,  there 
were  also  two  Cistercian  Bishops  in  Ireland  ia  St.  Bernard's 
time.'  Anaatasius  IV.  succeeded  Eugenius,  and  after  a 
reign  of  one  year  was  succeeded,  A.D.  1154,  by  Adrian  IV. 
I  cannot  find  any  evidence  of  the  personal  interference  of 
this  Pope  in  the  affairs  of  Ireland  during  the  five  years  of 
his  Pontificate.  From  all  that  we  have  learned  of  this 
Pontiff's  character,  this  abstention  is  very  difficult  to 
•explain,  if  the  Church  in  Ireland  had  suddenly  fallen  into 
the  disorganized  condition  which  ihe  ''  Bull  *'  supposea 
It  cannot  be  said  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  state  of 
things,  or  that  his  anthority  wcus  set  at  naught  in  Ireland; 
for  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign  the  Four  Masters  tell  us 
of  a  Council  held  at  the  great  Cistercian  Abbey  of  MelHfont, 
At  which  were  present,  "The  Legate  and  the  successor 
of  Patrick,"  with  seventeen  bishops ;  on  which  occasion  the 


'  M*Geoghegaii,  p.  286.  ■  Cap.  xvi. 

*  HiBtoire  de  St.  Bernard,,  Ratisbone,  t.  i.  p.  493.  *^  Episcopos  ex 
-Clara-valleassumptos.  In  Hibemia  duo  Eplscopi  re  et  nomine  christiani*' 
Menologium  Cistcrciense,  Nov.  S. 


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686  Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenet, 

king  of  Meath  was  excommunicated  and  banished.^  We- 
must,  therefore,  either  conclude  that,  having  given  over 
the  Irish  Church  to  the  enlightened  care  of  Heurr 
Plantagenet  in  1155,  the  Pope  thought  he  had  done 
enough,  and  withdrew  from  the  scene  during  the  whole- 
of  his  Pontificate ;  or  else  that  St.  Malachy,  and  the 
Cistercians,  and  the  mission  of  Cardinal  Paparo  in  1152,, 
had  so  firmly  established  ecclesiastical  discipline,  that 
Rome  saw  no  necessity  for  any  further  interference :  the 
reader  will  judge  which  explanation  is  most  probable. 
If  Popes  were  as  irresponsible  and  inconsistent  as  other 
monarchs,  we  might  narrow  this  discussion  to  the  Ponti- 
ficate  of  Adrian  IV.  No  one  pretends  that  the  decrees  of 
one  king  are  any  evidence  as  regards  the  mind  of  his 
predecessor,  or  that  their  consciences  must  of  necessity  run 
m  the  same  groove.  Alone  amongst  the  rulers  of  men  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  is  expected  to  adhere  not  only  to  the 

{►rinciples,  but  Ukewise  to  the  example  of  his  predecessora 
tisthe  tribute  paidby  all  generationsto  the  supreme  earthly 
representative  of  the  justice  of  God ;  but  it  unfortunately 
often  leads  to  grave  misapprehensions.  Principles  are  im- 
changing,  but  their  application  must  vary  with  the  ever 
fluctuating  necessities  of  the  age  and  Popes  must  be  at 
liberty,  like  other  i*ulers,  to  govern  according  to 
circumstances. 

If,  therefore,  it  appears  that  in  course  of  time  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  used  their  influence  in  support  of  the 
Normans  in  those  provinces  of  Ireland,  which  they  hadsub- 

{'ugated,  from  this,  no  valid  argument  can  be  brought  to 
)ear  on  the  acts  of  Pope  Adrian.  As  well  might  we  say 
that  the  great  St.  Laurence  O'Toole  never  preached  re- 
sistance to  the  Normans,  because  in  the  end  he  became  the 
chief  agent  in  the  work  of  pacifying  the  few  provinces 
which  they  had  colonized.  "  St.  Laurence,  Prince  Arch- 
bishop of  Leinster,  and  Legate  of  the  Holy  See,"  as  he  is 
styled  by  the  Four  Masters,  was  at  once  the  chief  repre- 
sentative of  Irish  interests,  and  the  impersonation  of  the 
spirit  of  the  Holy  See  during  the  first  years  of  the  Norman 
settlement.  Like  his  contemporary  and  patron,  St.  Thomas 
of  Canterbury,  for  whom  he  nad  a  tender  devotion,  his  life 
gives  usadeeper  insight  into  the  history  of  the  times  than  can 
be  obtained  by  the  perusal  of  many  tomes  of  doubtful 
documents.     He  preached  resistance  as  long  as  there  was- 

*  Four  Masters,  An.  1 157. 

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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet.  687 

hope;  but  in  1175  we  find  him  at  Windsor, in  the  company 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  as  ambassador  from  Roderick 
King  of  Ireland.^  On  this  occasion  it  was  agreed  that 
Roderick  should  acknowledge  Henry  as  Suzerain  (Ard 
Righ),  a  very  barren  title  of  honour  which  Henry  himself 
was  obliged  to  give  to  the  King  of  France,  although  himself 
a  much  more  powerful  sovereign  than  his  titular  lord. 
Until  his  death  in  1181,  8t.  Laurence  was  pursued  by  the 
unrelenting  hostility  of  the  Norman  King.  At  the  same 
time  he  was  the  favoured  and  confidential  minister  of 
Pope  Alexander  IIL,  the  successor  of  Adrian  IV.  In  1179 
he  assisted  at  the  Third  Lateran  Council  over  which  this 
Pontiff  presided,  where,  as  Surius  tells  us,  "  By  his  wisdom 
and  example  he  was  the  light  and  model  of  the  Bishops 

{►resent  in  this  venerable  assembly;**  and  he  returned  to 
reland  invested  with  legatine  powers  over  the  whole  of 
Ireland.^  Like  St.  Thomas,  the  other  saintly  antagonist  of 
Henry  XL,  8t.  Laurence  was  a  vigorous  political  saint: 
he  was  well  known  in  Rome,  France,  and  England,  and  he 
was  solemnly  canonized  at  Rome  by  Honorius  III.,  only 
thirty-five  years  after  his  death.  In  liis  triple  character  of 
Archbishop,  Legate,  and  Canonized  Saint,  St.  Laurence 
occupies  a  place  in  what  Edmund  Burke  styles,  "the 
interior  history  of  Ireland,"  similar  to  that  of  St.  Patrick 
and  St.  Malachy.  The  historian.  Catholic  or  Protestant^ 
must  be  blind  indeed  who  does  not  perceive  that  faith 
has  been  the  animating  principle  of  tlie  national  life  of 
Christian  Ireland.  It  turned  the  Scoti,  the  hardiest  and  most 
adventurous  warriors  of  their  day,  into  a  nation  of  monks 
and  scholars,  and  after  a  lapse  of  three  centuries  restored 
all  their  military  ener^  in  the  presence  of  the  heathen 
Northmen.  The  coming  of  the  Norman  brought  them 
face  to  face  with  Caesarism,  in  the  person  of  Henry 
Plantagenet,  its  most  powerful  and  unscrupulous  living 
representative.  Humanly  speaking,  the  struggle  of  Ireland 
was  hopeless.  In  the  contest  with  the  Northmen  fully 
five-sixths  of  the  native  population  had  been  swept  away,® 
Bnd  strangers  and  enemies  were  planted  in  many  of 
her  Provinces.     Again  the  Church  of  St.  Patrick  seemed  in 

^  Hist.  Ireland.    MacGeoghegan,  p.  259. 

*  Legatus  totius  Uibemiae.  Suniua.  Nov.  14.  See  also  Gury» 
under  satue  dat<). 

*  See  O'Ciiny's  "  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish/* 
Vol.  I.  pp.  xvii.  and  xcri. ;  and  Sir  C.  G.  Duffy's  "  Bird's  Eye  View  of 
Irish  History,"  p.  14. 


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^88  Adrian  IV.  amd  Hbatj/  FtoMtagenet 

<langer  from  without^  and  again  ahe  came  forth  from  the 
'Conflict  iiBHubdued,  and  unfettered  by  those  royal  bonds 
which  centurieB  later  atrangled  the  faith  of  England  In 
this  emergency  Grod  gave  Ireland  a  Saint,  His  best  esithlj 
gift,  as  lie  had  given  St.  lliOQias  to  England.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  snppose  that  St  Laurence  had  definite  and 
detailed  instructions  from  Some  as  to  the  course  he  should 
pnrsue.  The  Church  is  a  living  body  in  whidi  the  members 
act  in  concert  with  the  head ;  and  the  ease,  and  freedom, 
and  perfection  of  her  actire  union  in  any  particular  countjy, 
is  in  proportion  to  the  sanctity  of  her  members.  The  Normans 
had  got  into  Ireland,  and  neither  the  Pope  nor  St  Laurence 
imagined  that  they  were  such  dutiful  sons  of  the  Church 
chat  she  could  induce  them  to  retire,  so  there  was  nothing 
for  it  but  to  raake  the  best  of  circumstances,  and  to  this 
w^ork  8t.  Laurence  betook  himself  vigorously  as  the  repre- 
centatire^  at  one  and  the  same  time,  of  Rome,  and  of  the 
best  interests  of  his  native  land. 

St  Laurence  was  more  snccessfhl  than  St.  Thomas  of 
Canterbury,  and  the  obvious  explanation  is  found  in  that 
union  in  matters  of  discijiline  which  distinguished  the  Lidi 
clei'gy.  This  wss  the  reward  and  tbe  crown  of  that  puii<y 
of  life  to  which  even  Giraldus  Oambrensis  pays  homage. 
Wheresoever  the  clergy  of  any  country  are  corrupt^  they  are 
also  subservient  to  the  civil  power.  Either  designedly,  or 
under  the  influence  of  that  spirit  which  shapes  the  deeds  of 
evil  men,  the  most  deadly  assault  of  the  sacrilegious  king 
was  on  the  morals  of  the  Irish  Church ;  and  if  he  was 
foiled  by  St  Laurence,  it  was  because  the  Saint  fell 
back  on  that  fortress  of  God  at  Bome,  against  whose 
gates  no  earthly  power  has  ever  prevailed.  One  fact 
g^ven  by  Baronius,^  from  Surius,  will  give  some  idea 
of  the  nature  and  ^gantic  proportions  of  this  conflict 
St  Laurence  in  ancient  Irish  records  is  styled  ^  The 
Archbishop  of  the  foreigners,"  owing  to  the  great  niunber 
of  Danes  in  his  Province  of  Leinster ;  and  the  Normans  on 
their  arrival  fraternized  with  their  Northern  kindred.  In 
the  train  of  the  former  came  many  ecclesiastics:  where- 
upon abuses  appeared  in  Ireland  with  which  the  InA. 
Ecclesiastical  Courts  were  not  accustomed  to  deal.  On 
one  occasion  the  Legate  despatched  as  many  as  a  hundred 
and  forty  priests  to  Home  to  be  absolved  from  the  guilt  of 
x)oncubinage.    Baronius  probably  saw  in  this  nothing  more 

^  Annales,  Anno  1179. 

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•  Adrian  IV.  imd  Henry  iHaJnliagtn^t.  fe8& 

tKan  a  proof  of  St.  Laurence's  reverence  for  the  Holy  See, 
as  he  was  himself  invested  with  all  the  authority  which 
was  required  in  dealing  with  tliese  enormities.  Even 
those  ^o  have  gone  no  deeper  than  the  pages  <^ 
GiraldoB  in  their  stndy  of  the  morals  of  the  Jrish  clergy, 
will  be  incKned  to  take  another  view  of  the  matter:  it  is 
plain  that  there  was  a  sacred,  and  jndicial  irony  in  the  act 
of  the  Legate,  which  was  intended  to  pnt  a  check  upon 
the  importation  and  the  Kcence  of  the  ecclesiastical  camp 
followers  of  the  Norman  King. 

It  may  be  well  now  to  pnt  a  qnestion  which  appears  to 
have  been  strangely  overiooked  in  the  present  controversy. 
The  ancient  Annals  of  Ireland  are  more  than  nsually  diflKne 
on  the  snbject  of  the  Norman  incnrsion.  It  is  from  them 
that  we  must  gather  our  infoimation  as  to  the  prevalent 
impression  regarding  this  event  which  existed  in  the  minds 
of  the  persons  most  interested  in  the  matter;  moreover 
they  were  the  work  of  ecclesiastics.  Did  these  writers 
fiee  anything  in  the  Norman  inroad  which,  to  their  eyos^ 
^ve  it  even  a  semblance  of  being  a  crusade  or  religious 
wrart  I  think  I  am  safe  in  saying  ^at  a  single  Hdc  cannot 
be  produced  from  the  ancient  Annals  of  Ireland  which 
even  suggests  such  an  idea,  or  even  makes  anv  allusion  to 
the**  Bull" 

The  Annals  of  InisfaDen  were  written  in  the  lifetime  of 
those  who  had  witnessed  the  coming  of  the  Normans ;  but 
the  only  important  entries  which  bear  on  the  subjects  run 
as  follows: — 

A.i>.  1171.  The  son  of  the  Empress  (Henry  IT.)  came  to  Ireland, 
and  made  a  settlement  at  Waterford. 
„     1194.  Thadens.  son  of  Mathgamni  O'Brien  was  killed  by  the 
foreigners  at  Cashel.  altbongh  under  the  protection  of 
the  Legate  and  Patrick.* 

It  is  from  the  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  that  we  get 
a  correct  idea  of  the  character  of  the  Norman  incursion  as 
it  appeared  to  the  people  of  Ireland  at  the  time.  This 
*•  last  and  greatest  monument  of  the  learning  of  the 
Gaedhils,"  says  Mr.  U'Curry,  "will  ever  be  looked  upon  as 
of  the  most  certain  and  unimpeachable  authority."  The 
devoted  band  of  Franciscan  scholars  who  Composed  these 

'  At  this  date  the  term  **  foreigner'"  had  been  transferred  from 
Danes  to  Normans.    For  *'  Patrick,"  read  "  Archbishop  of  Armagh. 
*  See  5LS.  Materials  of  Ancient  Irish  History,  pp.  75,  93, 160,  159 


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590  .  Adiiotn  IV.  and  Henry  Planiagenet. 

Annals,  had  advantages  in  the  study  of  the  ancient  history 
of  Ireland  which  no  longer  exist.  They  wrote,  or,  to 
speak  more  accurately,  made  their  compilation,  before 
Cromwell,  and  William  of  Orange,  and  thus  they  were  able 
to  take  up  the  unbroken  traditions  of  that  mixed  state 
of  society  which  had  arisen  in  Ireland  by  the  amalgamation 
of  the  Scottish,  or  Milesian  race,  with  the  Norman  coloniste* 
They  recognised  all  the  evils  which  followed  in  the  train 
of  the  stranger ;  but  at  the  same  time  they  were  too  pro- 
found and  dispassionate  scholars  not  to  acknowledge  the 
share  which  some  of  the  Irish  themselves  had  in  these 
calamities.  In  fact,  from  the  following  extracts  we  see 
that  it  is  Dermott  King  of  Leinster,  the  adulterer  and 
traitor,  whom  they  brand  as  the  chief  criminal : — 

A.D.  1167.  Dermott  M'Murrougb  returned  from  England  with  a 
force  of  Galls.' 

„  1169.  The  fleet  of  the  Flemings  came  from  England  in  the 
army  of  M*Murrough. 

^  1170.  Eobert  FitzStephen,  and  Richard  son  of  Gilbert,  Le., 
Earl  Strongbow,  came  from  England  into  Ireland  witk 
a  numerous  force,  and  many  knights  and  archers, 
in  the  army  of  M'Murrough,  to  contest  Leinster  for 
him,  and  to  disturb  the  Irish  of  Ireland  in  general; 
and  MMurrough  gave  his  daughter  (in  marriage)  U> 
the  Earl  Strongbow  for  coming  into  his  army. 

„  1171.  Dermott  M'Murrough,  King  of  Leinster,  by  whom  a 
trembling  sod  was  made  of  all  Ireland — after  haying 
brought  over  the  Saxons,  after  having  done  extensiTe 
injuries  lo  the  Irish,  after  plundering  and  bnming^ 
many  churches  (as  Ceanaunus,  Clonard,  &c.)— died 
before  the  end  of  a  year  [after  this  plundering]  of  ao 
insufferable  and  unknown  disease ;  for  he  became  putrid 
while  living,  through  the  miracles  of  God,  Colum-CiHe, 
and  Finan,  and  the  other  Saints  of  Ireland,  whose 
churches  he  had  profaned  and  burned  some  time  before ; 
and  he  died  at  Fearnamor  without  (making)  a  will, 
without  penance,  without  the  Body  of  Christ,  withont 
unction,  as  his  evil  deeds  deserved. 
The  King  of  England,  the  Second  Henry,  Duke  of 
Normandy  and  Acquitane,  Earl  of  Andegavia,  and 
Lord  of  many  other  countries,  came  to  Ireland  this 
year.  Two  hundred  and  forty  was  the  number  of  his 
ships,  and  he  put  in  at  Port  Lairge. 

From  this  year  until  the  death  of  Hugo  de  Lacy  in 
^  One  of  the  Irish,  names  for  Norsemen  and  other  foreigners. 


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Adrian  JV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet.  591 

1186,  the  history  of  the  Norman  mvasion,  as  recorded  by 
Irish  writers  from  whom  the  Four  Masters  compiled  their 
Amials,  may  be  summed  up  in  one  sentence — they  built 
castles,  and  burnt  churches. 

Aj>.  1176*  The  English  Earl  (Richard  de  Clare,  surnamed 
Strongbow),  died  in  Dublin  of  an  ulcer,  which  had 
broken  out  in  his  foot,  through  the  miracles  of 
S.S.  Bridgid  and  Colum-Cille,  and  of  all  the  other 
Saints  whose  churches  had  been  destroyed  by  him. 
He  saw,  as  he  thought,  St.  Bridgid  in  the  act  of  killing 
him. 

O'Donovan  appends  a  note  in  which  Strongbow  is 
designated  as  the  greatest  destroyer  of  the  clergy  and 
laity  that  came  to  Ireland  since  the  days  of  Turgesius,  the 
Danish  invader  in  the  ninth  century,  already  mentioned.^ 

A.D.  1186.  In  this  year  they  record  the  death  of 
**Hugo  de  Lacy,  the  profaner  and  destroyer  of  many 
churcnes,*'  whose  head  was  taken  off  by  the  blow  of  an  axe ; 
and  they  add,  "  this  was  in  revenge  of  Columbkille." 

It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  it  never  occurred  to  the 
ancient  ecclesiatstical  historians  of  Ireland  that  anything 
like  a  religious  sanction  had  been  given  to  the  Norman 
inroad.  The  pith  and  marrow  of  these  writers  is  found 
in  the  Four  Masters,  and  from  the  above  extracts  it  is 
evident  that  they  considered  that  the  national  interests 
were  identified  with  those  of  God  and  the  Church.  The 
rights  of  the  Normans  like  those  of  the  Danes  were  merely 
those  of  the  strongest.  Ireland  at  the  time  was  split  up  into 
small  principalities  or  clana  She  was  far  inferior  to  the 
Normans  in  the  art  of  war,  and  hence  her  soldiers  were  at 
first  unable  to  resist  that  terrible  chivalry,  and  those 
mailed  archers  (Saaittarii  loricaii)  before  whom,  at  Crecy  and 
Poitiers,  the  best  knights  of  France  went  down  in  the  pro- 
portion of  nearly  ten  to  one.  There  is,  however,  something 
to  be  said  in  favour  of  what  is  called  the  "disunion  of  ancient 
Ireland.'*  Her  political  organization  in  the  twelfth  century 
very  much  resembled  that  of  Spain  in  the  eighth,  at  the 
time  of  the  Moorish  invasion.  Both  coimtries  were  one 
nation  with  separate  centres  of  resistance,  and  it  is  probably 
to  this  that  they  owe  the  preservation  of  their  national 
existence.  England  had  one  liead  at  the  time  of  the 
'Norman  invasion,  and  when  it  fell  the  struggle  was  at  an 

^  Fr.  Colgan.    Quoted  by  CDonovan, 

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^92  .  AdrioM  IV.  and  Hinn/  PhaUagmtt 

end.  Moreover,  the  history  of  the  world  reveak  that  while 
great  empires  are  iDAtriiments  of  oonquest  and  destractiooy 
it  is  in  countries  which  have  many  centres  of  govemmenty 
and  intellectual  activity  that  .great  men  are  multiplied. 
Ireland  was  hardly  more  divided  than  ancient  Greece,  or 
mediaeval  Italy,  and  the  Saints  and  Doctors  who  went 
forth  from  her  for  so  many  centuries,  owed  much  of 
their  originality  and  individual  energy  to  the  absence  of 
centralization. 

We  have  taken  a  glance  at  the  state  of  horrible  and 
degrading  servitude  to  which  the  Normans  reduced  the 
people  of  England.  On  the  other  hand,  from  the  very 
outset  of  the  struggle  in  Ireland,  we  find  that  the 
Norman  knight  paid  a  tribute  to  the  Irish  character 
similar  to  that  which  the  Roman  general  offered  to  the 
conquered  Greek,  The  following  is  the  testimony  of  a 
writer  who  wrote  with  a  mind  untroubled  by  our  national 
antipathies : — 

''  In  friendly  intercourse  the  conquerors  were  subjugated  by  the 
spell  of  native  gentleness,  and  an  irresistible  attraction  induced  them 
to  assume  the  manners,  the  language,  and  even  the  dress  of  the  con- 
quered. 'I'he  Anglo-Normans  became  Irish  by  adoption,  and  were 
delighted  to  assume  Irish  names  in  place  of  their  feudal  titles  of  Earl 
and  Baron,  .  .  .  enamoured  of  the  music  and  poetry  of  Ireland 
they  invited  the  Bards  to  their  table,  while  to  the  women  of  the 
eoimtry  they  entrusted  the  instruction  of  their  children.*'^ 

In  England  the  daughters  of  the  native  nobility 
were  enslaved  by  Norman  grooms  and  varlets:*  in 
Ireland^  on  the  other  hand,  we  find  Eva,  Princess  of 
Leinster,  married  to  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  (Strougbow) 
even  before  the  arrival  of  Henry  II.;  De  Burgo,  his 
immediate  successor  in  the  viceroyaliy,  married  (Jna^ 
the  daughter  of  O'Connor,  King  of  Connaught;  while  the 
famous  race  of  the  Geraldines  sprang  from  the  union 
of  Maurice  Fitzgerald  with  the  grand-daughter  of  an  Irish 
king.' 

In  all  history,  and  eminently  in  that  of  Christian  nations, 
there  is  a  silent  imder-current  which  too  often  escapes  the 

'  AuguBtm  Thierry,  ConquSte  d*Angleterre  par  les  Normands 
iv.240. 

^Nobiles  pnell  deBpicabilium  ludibrio  armigeronim  pstebsat,  el 
ab  immundis  nebukmibus  oppress  dedecns  saum  deplorabaat.  Odeiie, 
Vitalis,  P.  ii.,  lib.  iv. 

•Four  Masters,  a.d.  "Irish  Pedigrees,''  O'Hart,  p.  417.  "The 
Earls  of  Kildare,!'  by  the  Hapqnk  of  Kfldaie,  p.  10^ 


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Adiian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenet.  69ft 

observation  of  those  whose  curiosity  is  only  awakened  by 
storms.  It  is  the  women  of  a  country  who  make  its  men : 
"The  Spartan  women  alone  command  the  men,"  said  a 
stranger  to  the  wife  of  Leonidas.  **  The  Spartan  women 
alone  bring  forth  men,"  was  ha:  proud  rejoinder.  The 
ChriatiAa  mother  does  more :  she  it  is  who  perpetuates  in 
a  people  that  moral  law,  adherence  to  which  is  like  a 
promise  of  national  immortality.  Even  in  Pagan  times  the 
position  of  women  in  Erin  was  singulariy  exalted,  as  is 
plain  from  the  names  of  the  many  royal  heroines  who  appear 
m  the  pages  of  her  Bards  cmd  Annalists.  It  is  also  evident 
firom  many  passages  in  the  writings  of  St.  Patrick,  that  he 
found  the  women  of  Ireland  in  a  state  of  independence  and 
social  dignity  very  uncommon  among  pagan  nations.  The 
barbarian  tide  from  the  North  appears  to  have  made  na 
essential  change  in  their  condition.  The  legend  of  the 
lady — 

^'  Whose  maiden  smile  in  safety  lighted  her  round  the  green  isle,'^ 

dates  from  the  reign  of  Brian  (1014).  Again,  in  1167,  oa 
the  eve  of  the  Norman  incursion,  the  Four  Makers  tell  us 
that  after  the  great  national  and  ecclesiastical  assembly 
held  at  Meath  iu  that  year,  "  Women  used  to  traverse 
Ireland  alone."^  There  are  many  elements  in  that  very 
indefinite  compound  called  civilization :  amonest  them 
loyalty  to  the  weaker  sex  is  certainly  not  the  least  im- 
portant, and  in  this  respect  Ireland  in  the  twelfth  centiny 
S resented  a  very  favourable  contrast  to  England  under  the 
formans.* 

W.  B.  Morris. 
(To  he  continued.) 


1  ODonoYan's  Trans.,  a.d.  1167. 

*  ^^  There  was  no  security  for  females  unless  they  took  refuge  in  a 
convent :"  Lingard,  il,  p.  6,  n.  .  "  The  Princess  Matilda,  afterwards 
Queen  of  Henry  L,  was  obliged  to  retire  for  safety  to  a  royal  convent  at 
Wilton :"  Hist.  £ng.,  A.  T.  Drane,p.  93. 


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[    594    ] 


CAROLAN  THE  BARD. 

"  Harp  of  my  natire  land 
That  lived  anew  'neath  Carolan's  master  hand." 

D.  F.  MacCabtht. 

^^/"iF  all  the  bards  ever  this  country  produced,"  says 
\J  Goldsmith,  the  "  last  and  greatest  was  Carolan  the 
blind.  He  was  at  once  a  poet,  a  musician,  a  composer,  and 
«ung  his  own  verses  to  nis  harp.  The  original  natives 
never  mention  his  name  without  rapture  :  both  his  poetry 
and  music  thev  have  by  heart,  and  even  some  of  the 
English  themselves  who  have  been  transplanted  there  find 
his  music  extremely  pleasing.*' 

On  a  geatle  green  slo{)e  with  a  southern  aspect,  and 
a  silvery  sheet  of  water  at  its  foot,  stands  a  small  i\y-clad 
ruin,  all  that  now  remains  of  the  former  parish  church  of 
Kilronan.  Kilronan  is  a  spot  well  known  to  the  Irish 
antiquarian  and  historian ;  the  **  Annahs  of  Kilronan  '*  quoted 
by  the  Four  Masters  having  been  compiled  there,  and  the 
O'Duignans,  hereditary  bards  and  historians  of  Moylurg, 
having  made  Kilronan  their  place  of  abode.  It  lies  in  thd 
extreme  northern  corner  of  tne  county  Roscommon,  about 
six  miles  from  Boyle,  and  an  equal  distance  from  the  town 
of  Leitrim.  But  for  the  poet  or  the  musician  the  little 
43peck  of  ruin  reposing  on  tne  sunny  emerald  slope  with  the 
cyrstal  Lake  Meelagh  at  its  foot,  possesses  a  far  dearer 
interest.  Within  its  walls  repose  the  mortal  remains  of 
Thurlogh  O'Carolan,  by  many  considered  the  last,  and  by 
all  the  greatest  and  most  gifted  of  the  Bards  of  Erin. 
Beneath  the  tourist's  eye  as  he  stands  by  the  grave  of 
Carolan,  the  towering  castle  and  princely  park  of  Kilronan 
lie  spread  as  on  a  map.  Long  ago,  in  the  days  of  Ireland's 
departed  glories,  the  swelling  uplands  around  Kilronan 
belonged  to  MacDermott  of  Moylurg.  The  place  has  long 
4iince  changed  masters,  and  the  Earl  of  Kingston  now 
rules  castle  and  park  and  smiling  lake,  and  many  a 
broad  acre  besides,  all  nestling  at  the  foot  of  that  hillock 
upon  whose  bosom  Carolan  sleeps  the  sleep  that  knows  no 
waking. 

We  are  all  more  or  less  familiarly  acquainted  with  the 
masters  of  English  song,  with  the  long  Hue  of  famous  men 
who  from  Chaucer  to  Tennyson  have  made  the  English 
tongue  immortal.     But  many  of  us  forget  that  at  home 


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Carolan  the  Bard.  695 

liere  there  flourished  a  class  of  men  quite  equal  in  abiKty 
to  their  brethren  across  the  channel,  who  next  after  our 
martyrs  for  the  faith  have  done  most  to  write  our  people's 
name  upon  the  page  of  history.  Our  poetry  and  our  music 
are  now  as  lasting  as  time,  but  we  snould  not  forget  the 
gifted  men,  the  Irish  Bards  who  brought  this  about ;  who 
kindled  the  poetic  fire  and  woke  the  deathless  melody  now 
eternally  preserved  for  us  by  Moore.  The  origin  of  the 
Bardie's  order  is  lost,  or  at  least,  is  but  dimly  visible  in  the 
misty  region  of  pre-historic  times.  The  Milesians  when 
they  sought  and  found  the  "  Isle  of  Destiny,"  had  in  their 
company  Amergin,  poet,  priest,  and  prophet.  One  of  the 
earliest  regulations  made  by  the  Milesian  colony  having 
assigned  to  the  bard  a  place  next  after  royalty.  Seminaries 
were  established  for  their  training,  and  the  young  aspirant 
to  the  Bardic  order  seldom  completed  his  education  in  less 
than  twelve  years. 

Nor  should  we  wonder  that  so  much  time  and  attention 
were  devoted  to  the  training  of  the  bard.  His  influence 
upon  society  was  all  powerful,  his  duties  of  vital  import- 
ance. When  the  demon  of  discord  and  contention  broke 
loose,  and  spears  were  poised  and  swords  leaped  from 
their  scabbards,  the  bard  had  only  to  run  between, 
shake  the  "  chain  of  silence,"  and  instantly  eveiy  weapon 
was  restored  to  its  resting  place.  The  bard  had  to  attend 
his  prince  in  battle,  to  watch  bis  conduct  and  excite  him  to 
heroic  exploits  by  narrating  the  famous  deeds  of  his 
ancestors,  and  down  to  the  very  last  stnig^le  for  independ- 
ence his  words  were  never  lost  upon  an  Insh  chief.  Thus 
when  Henry  VIII.  cast  the  Earl  of  Kildare  into  the  tower, 
and  a  rumour  of  his  death  had  reached  Ireland,  the  Earl's 
son,  the  chivalrous,  but  unfortunate  **  Silken  Thomas" 
strode  into  the  presence  of  the  Council  siiting  in  St.  Mary's 
Abbey,  intending  to  deliver  up  the  Sword  of  State  and 
renounce  his  allegiance  to  Henry.  Archbishop  Cromer, 
who  loved  the  young  man,  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  his 
rash  purpose,  and  the  words  of  the  holy  prelate  were 
visibly  telling  upon  the  young  nobleman,  when  Nelan, 
*  Silken  Thomas'  bard,  running  his  fingers  along  his  hai-p 
strings  addressed  him  in  the  sweet  Gaelic  tongue, 
extolling  his  prowess,  and,  like  the  ghost  in  Hamlet,  con- 
juring him  to  avenge  his  murdered  lather.  Instantly,  the 
decision  of  the  young  chief  was  taken,  and  he  flung  down 
the  Sword  of  State  with  a  force  and  violence  that  sent  the 
blade  leaping  from  the  scabbard. 


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$96  Carolan  the  Bard. 

Thus  the  Irish  bard  was  the  companion,  guide  and 
GOUDsellor  of  his  prince,  and  when  the  latter  fell  in  battle, 
or  by  the  sword  of  the  assasmu,  it  was  the  bard  who  stood 
beside  his  tomb  and  pronounced  his  funeral  oration.  So  the 
fSftme  of  Ireland's  Bards  ^read  over  the  world.  A  colony 
from  the  motiier  country  carried  into  Scotland  all  those 
musical  flowers  of  which  the  Scots  are  so  justly  proud. 
When  a  Welsh  King  wished  to  infuse  into  his  people  a  love 
for  music  he  brought  orer  Irish  bards  for  that  purpose* 
Gerald  Barr}%  so  hostile  to  everything  Irish,  had  to  admit 
the  superiority  of  her  bard&  Spencer  writing  his  '*  Fairy 
Queen  in  his  romantic  Castle  of  Kilcolman,  did  not  scruple 
to  borrow  from  tliem.  Carroll  O'Daly,  a  young  Irish  bard, 
r^overed  his  lost  love  £linor  Kavanagh  by  means  of  his 
harp ;  for  when  the  lady  s  father  insisted  upon  her  marrying 
another,  and  the  festivities  had  already  commenced,  Carroll, 
disguised  as  a  strolling  minstrel,  presented  himself  to  the 
company  and  obtained  permission  to  perform.  He  com- 
poscKi  and  sang  the  now  famous  "  Eibhiin  a  Ruin.*'  The 
fair  Elinor  recognised  her  lover,  and  found  time  and  oppor- 
tunity to  exchange  a  whisper  with  him.  In  a  little  time, 
when  her  father  and  his  guests  were  half  di-unk,  she  stole 
to  the  door.     O'Daly  was  there  ij  receive  her. 

"  One  touch  to  her  band  and  one  Wt>rd  in  her  ear. 
When  tbey  reached  the  hall-iloor  and  the  charger  stood  near. 
So  light  to  the  croupe  the  &ir  lady  he  swung, 
So  light  to  the  saddle  before  her  he  sprung. 

'  She  is  won,  we  iwre  gone  oTcr  bank,  brti^h  and  scaur  ; 

•  They'll  have  fleet  steeds  that  follow,*  quoth  young  Lochinvar/* 

Now,  among  this  long  catalogue  of  famous  and  gifled 
men,  there  is  no  name  more  prized  by  his  countrymen  than 
that  of  Carolan,  so  we  shall  try  and  learn  who  and  what 
he  was. 

Carolan  was  bom  probably  at  Nobber,  a  hamlet  in  the 
county  Westmeath,  in  the  year  1677.  His  father  was  a 
small  farmer  renting  a  few  acres  of  the  lands  of  Carolans- 
town,  wrested  from  his  ancestors  by  the  Nugents.  At  a 
rery  early  age,  so  early  that  he  never  afterwards  retained 
any  impression  of  colour,  the  future  bard  was  attacked  by 
smallpox,  and  when  the  disease  left  him  his  friends  learned 
with  dismay  that  it  had  bereft  him  of  sight. 

ITio  beauties  of  the  picturesque  world  were  now  lost  to 
Carolan.  The  smiling  landscape,  the  streaks  of  alternate 
sunshine  and  shadow  flitting  across  the  mountain  side,  the 
glories  of  the  rising  and-  setting  sun,  the  more  soothing 


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Carolan  the  Bard*  S97 

channs  of  the  moon,  all  were  now  lost  to  him.  And  yet» 
perhaps,  his  country  should  rejoice  at  the  loss,,  for  it  was 
now,  when  the  door  to  every  other  enjoyment  was  closed 
against  him,  that  Carolan  turned  his  attention  to  poetry 
and  music.  His  relatives,  poor  as-  they  were,  strove  to: 
assist  him  in  his  new  pursuit,  anden^ged  a  teacher  to  aid 
him  in  mastering  the  harp.  He  made  wonderful  progress, 
but  music  alone  was  not  the  chief  object  of  his  ambition  ; 
her  twin  sister,  poetry,  was  the  favourite  of  the  young 
bard's  heart,  and  he  ingratiated  himself  with  the  fonner 
merely  as  a  means  of  winning  the  smiles  of  the  latter. 
When  about  the  age  of  twenty-one,  Carolan  had  the 

food  fortune  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  a  noble  and 
igh-minded  Irish  lady.  Madam  MacDermott  Roe  wiis 
charmed  with  the  beauty  and  ability  of  the  young  bard ; 
she  purchased  a  harp  for  him,  presented  him  with  a  horse 
and  gossoon  or  attendant,  ana  so  launched  him  into  life 
as  a  professional  musician.  His  appearance  at  this  time  is 
described  as  singularly  prepossessing.  He  was  above  the 
middle  height,  well  and  gracefully  formed,  with  a  face 
upon  which  genius  had  unmistakably  imprinted  her  seal. 
His  flaxen  hair  streamed  over  his  shoulders,  and  his  eyes, 
though  sightless,  are  said  to  have  been  lovely  to  look  upon. 
But  to  see  Carolan  properly  it  was  necessary  to  obtain  an 
entrance  into  the  house  of  some  nobleman  where  the  bard 
was  visiting.  He  never  received  hospitality  which  he  did 
not  repay  by  a  song  dedicated  to  some  member  of  the 
family.  The  occasion  was  anxiously  looked  forward  to, 
and  the  nobility  and  gentry  for  miles  around  attended. 

In  a  large  hall,  brilliantly  lighted,  and  graced  with  Irish 
rank  and  beauty,  a  raised  platform  had  been  erected,  and 
there,  harp  in  hand,  sits  Carolan.  Every  eye  is  bent  upon 
him,  every  tongue  is  silent.  His  head  is  thrown  back  upon 
his  shoulders  ;  his  fingers  wander  silently  as  yet  among  the 
strings;  his  countenance  glows  with  emotion;  one  loud 
note  from  the  harp,  and  forth  teems  the  tide  of  song — a 
flood  of  priceless  poetry,  and  a  stream  of  tuneful  melody — 
side  by  side  they  issue  forth,  mutually  strengthening  and 
embellishing  each  other.  The  audience  have  caught  the 
fire  of  the  bard.  Not  Orpheus  among  the  Thracian  hills, 
nor  Timotheus  in  the  hall  of  Alexander,  has  more  power 
over  his  hearers.  Does  he  sing  of  level  every  eye 
languishes ;  of  pity?  every  heart  is  melted ;  of  joy?  sunshine 
beams  from  every  face;  of  revenge?  every  warrior  clutches 
his  sword  and  stands  ready  to  march  upon  the  Sassenach. 
VOL.  VL  2  X 


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698  CareUm  tJu  Bard. 

From  the  day  when  Madam  IfacDermott  Roe  laanched 
him  into  life  until  the  year  of  his  death,  A.D.  1738,  beneath 
the  roof  of  the  same  kind  benefactress,  the  foimtain  of 
Carolan's  poetry  never  ran  dir.  The  country  people 
imagined  the  bard  leagued  with  the  fairies*  During  tiie 
sultry  hours  of  the  day  he  had  hiniself  conducted  to  some 
retired  spot,  generally  a  Danish  rath,  and  thei*e,  during 
many  hours, 

**  His  listless  length  at  noontide  would  he  stretch.** 

That  night  his  meditations,  clothed  in  all  the  beauty  of 
Irish  poetry,  were  poured  forth  in  the  hall  of  some  neigh- 
houring  mansion.  There  is  scarcely  a  respectable  family 
to  the  west  of  the  Shannon  but  preserves  to  this  day,  and 
cherishes  with  jealous  care,  some  song  or  lampoon,  rightly 
or  wrongly  attributed  to  Carolan.  Among  the  glens  and 
rocky  headlands  of  historic  Breffni,  the  harp -notes  of 
Carolan  rang  ;  on  the  plains  of  Moylurg  and  Coolavin  ;  in 
the  mansion  of  the  O'Conors  ;  in  Castle  Kelly ;  away  west- 
ward among  the  Joyces  and  the  O'Flahertys;  through  the 
wilds  of  Innishowen;  north,  south,  east  and  west,  this 
Irish  Homer  journeyed,  flinging  right  and  left,  with  most 
lavish  extravagance,  those  peerless  Irish  airs  which  still 
delight  the  learned  in  every  land. 

**  Qui  multum  peregrinantur  raro  sanctificantur,"  writes 
Thomas  a  Kempis,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  his 
wandering  life  and  continued  existence  amid  scenes  of 
revelry,  engendered  in  Carolan  a  partiality  for  strong 
drinks.  Indeed  he  was  of  opinion  that  abstinence  from  his 
favourite  beverage  dried  up  the  sources  of  his  poetic 
inspirations.  Many  centuries  before,  Horace  gave  it  as  his 
opmion : 

"  Nee  durare  diu,  nee  vivere  carmina  possunt 
Quae  scribuntur  aquae  potoribus.*' 

Carolan  certainly  lived  up  to  the  maxim,  and  whoever 
obstructed  him  in  pursuit  of  his  favourite  nectar,  was  sure 
to  have  a  lampoon,  deathless  as  the  fame  of  its  author, 
fastened  upon  him.  Residing  at  one  time  in  the  house  of 
a  frugal  matron,  he  heard  the  butler,  Dermot  O'Flynn, 
unlocking  the  cellar  door,  and  politely  asked  him  for  a  cup 
of  ale.  The  butler  rudely  repulsed  him,  declaring  that  he 
should  have  nothing  except  by  order  of  his  mistress. 
Trembling  with  aneer,  Carolan  turned  to  those  present 
and  delivered  the  following  epigram : — 

"  What  a  pity  Hell's  gates  are  not  kept  by  O'Flynn, 
So  surly  a  dog  would  let  nobody  in." 


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Carolan  the  Bard.  6^9 

But  Carolan  was  by  no  means  an  habitual  drunkard.  We 
have  it  on  the  authority  of  Charles  0*Conor  the  distinguished 
.historian,  a  man  personally  acquainted  with  our  bard,  tha4; 
*«  Carolan  was  seldom  surprised  by  intoxication."  To  be 
sure  the  constant  process  of  Lionizing  to  which  he  was 
subject,  and  the  imrestricted  hospitality  then  oflfered  by 
every  Irish  householder,  gave  our  bard  a  partiality  for  the 
*'  flowing  bowl ; "  he  would  have  been  a  saint  if  it  were 
not  so,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  ridiculous  stories 
narrated  by  Goldsmith  regarding  his  craving  for  drink 
«ven  at  death's  door  have  no  foundation  in  fact. 

Then,  in  forming  an  estimate  of  0*Carolan*s  character, 
we  should  consider  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  He  was 
contemporary  with  the  battles  of  the  Boyne  and  Aughrim, 
and  witnessed  the  flight  of  Ireland's  nobility  into  foreign 
lands.  Every  silvery  streak  a  short  time  ago  gilding  the 
fiky  had  melted  into  frowning  darkness.  The  noble  order 
to*which  he  belonged  was  banned  and  persecuted.  The 
Royal  line  which  had  protected  Carolan  and  his  fellow-bards 
had  tasted  the  very  dregs  of  misfortune. 

"  Old  times  were  changed,  old  manners  gone, 
A  stranger  filled  the  Stuart's  throne." 

Tyrconnell  and  Sarsfield  and  the  cream  of  Irish  society 
had  disappeared,  and  in  their  places  were  a  set  of  low- 
bom  squireens  alien  both  to  the  virtues  and  the  feelings  of 
the  unfortunate  people  over  whom  their  word  was  Taw. 
Carolan  loved  the  land  that  bore  him  with  all  the  ardour 
of  a  poetic  soul.  What  wonder  then  that  his  heart  sunk 
within  him ;  and  to  animate  his  drooping  spirits  and 
obUterate  for  a  time  the  recollections  of  his  own  and  his 
country's  misfortunes  he  had  recourse  unfortunately  to  the 
whiskey-shop.  Hence,  those  who  have  themselves  faults 
in  abundance  would  do  well  to  look  with  a  pitying  eye  on 
those  of  Carolan,  to  remember  his  profession  as  well  as 
the  period  in  which  he  lived,  and  say  with  Moore : 

"  Then  blame  not  the  bard  if  in  pleasure's  soft  dream 
He  should  try  to  forget  what  he  never  can  heal  ; 
Oh !  give  but  a  hope — let  a  vista  but  gleam 
Through  the  gloom  of  his  country  and  mark  how  he'll  feel. 
That  instant  his  heart  at  her  shrine  would  lay  down 
Every  passion  it  nursed,  every  bliss  it  adored. 
While  the  myrtle  now  idly  entwined  with  his  crown 
Like  the  wreath  of  Harmodious,  should  cover  his  sword." 

Now,  however,  the  sun  of  Cardan's  genius  as  well  as 

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600  Carolan  the  Bard, 

bis  existence  is  hasteniDg  to  its  setting.  An  incurable 
disease  is  devouring  his  aged  frame,  so  the  dying  bard 
looks  anxiously  around  for  some  quiet  nook  wherein  to 
repose  his  wearied  limbs  and  die.  With  faltering  steps  he 
turns  towards  Alderford,  the  home  of  his  first  and  last  bene- 
factress, Madam  MacDermott  Roe.  As  he  staggers  up  the 
winding  avenue,  the  children  come  bounding  forth  to  meet 
him.  One  takes  possession  of  his  harp  ;  another  leads  him 
by  the  hand ;  while  a  third  strokes  his  venerable  white 
beard,  and  begs  a  song  in  her  praise.  Alas !  that  harp 
once  so  eloquent  to  his  touch  shall  never  more  discourse 
sweet  music  in  the  hands  of  Carolan.  He  meets  his  noble 
benefactress  and  solicits  some  corner  wherein  to  die. 
Lovingly  and  carefully  was  he  tended,  and  every  aid  which 
wealth  could  command  was  at  his  disposal.  But  Carolan 
was  moHally  sick.  In  a  few  days  he  piously  breathed  his 
last,  and  was  followed  to  the  grave  by  crowds  of  sorrowing 
multitudes.  At  the  foot  of  the  MacDermott  Roe  vault  he 
sleeps  his  last  sleep.  There  is  no  doubt  about  the  spot,  for 
the  peasantry  around  know  it  well  and  cherish  it  with 
genuine  reverence  and  affection.  Up  to  a  recent  period 
neither  "  storied  urn  nor  animated  bust "  marked  the  last 
resting  place  of  Carolan.  Latterly,  however,  Lady 
Tennyson,  upon  whose  property  Kilronan  gi-aveyard  then 
lay,  procured  a  memorial  for  the  spot,  and  the  traveller  on 
the  Leitrim  road,  as  it  skirts  the  picturesque  shore  of 
Lough  Meelagh.  has  his  eye  attracted  by  a  neat  slab  in- 
serted in  the  wall,  and  notifying  that  within  repose  the 
mortal  remains  of  Thorlogh  O'Carolan. 

In  estimating  Carolan's  worth,  we  must  remember  that 
he  was  a  composer  of  music  as  well  as  a  poet.  Ever  so 
many  of  the  scattered  melodies  of  our  land  owe  their  con- 
ception to  his  genius.  Regarding  his  eminence  both  as  a 
composer  and  a  performer  we  have  two  most  authentic 
records.  Geminiani,  a  distinguished  Italian  musician 
residing  for  some  time  in  Dublin,  heard  of  Cardan's 
musical  genius,  and  determined  to  test  it.  Accordingly, 
he  singled  out  a  most  excellent  but  difficult  piece  of  music 
in  the  pure  Italian  style,  and  having  mutilated  it  here  and 
there,  consigned  it  to  a  brother  musician  en  route  for 
Connaught,  with  directions  to  play  it  in  Cardan's  presence. 
The  blind  bard,  little  dreaming  that  he  was  on  his  trial, 
heard  the  piece  with  gieat  attention,  but  remarked  at  its 
conclusion  that,  "  here  and  there  it  limped  and  stumbled 
a  little.*'     Having  been^^jMvested  to  rectify  it  he  complied. 


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Carolan  ilie  Bard.  601 

and  the  amended  piece  having  been  forwarded  to 
Geminiani  in  Dublin,  he  Dronounced  Carolan  **a  man 
possessing  the  highest  order  of  musical  genius."  On 
another  occasion  Lord  Mayo  brought  a  celebrated  Italian 
performer  from  Dublin  to  his  residence  in  the  west.  Carolan 
being  there  at  the  time  resented  the  preference  shown  to 
the  foreigner.  **  Play  as  well  as  he  does,"  replied  his 
lordship,  "  and  you  shall  receive  the  same  consideration." 
•Carolan  instantly  wagered,  that  although  almost  a  stranger 
to  Italian  music,  he  would  follow  his  rival  in  any  piece  he 
played.  A  public  contest  was  held,  and  Carolan  made 
good  his  engagement.  Nay,  he  completely  vanquished  his 
-opponent,  for  when  the  Irish  bard  took  the  lead  the  Italian 
ivas  quite  unable  to  follow.  , 

Of  Carolan's  eminence  as  a  poet,  it  is  of  course  almost 
impossible  for  the  generality  of  Irishmen  ^f  the  present 
day  to  form  an  opimon.  He  has  left  us  considerably  over 
two  hundred  scattered  pieces,  but  all  with  one  exception 
were  written  in  Irish,  so  the  only  means  we  have  of  esti- 
mating their  value  is  through  the  medium  of  an  English 
translation.  Now  an  English  translation  of  Cardan's 
poetry  bears  about  as  much  resemblance  to  the  original  as 
Etafaers  painting  to  the  living  Madonna,  or  Hogan's  statue 
to  the  living  O'Connell.  A  certain  resemblance  there  is 
of  course.  The  cold  external  hneaments  are  brought  out, 
but  the  passion  and  fire  and  feeling  which  charmed  Cardan's 
-contemporaries  are  nowhere  to  be  found.  Yet  even  in  a 
foreign  costume  most  of  his  poetical  pieces  are  worthy  of 
the  bard.  Thus,  his  address  to  whiskey  is  full  of  frolic, 
and  exquisitely  natural  word-painting,  as  when  he  says : 

"  My  barley-ricks  all  turn  to  you, 
My  tillage,  my  plough  and  my  horses  too, 
My  cows  and  my  sheep — they  have  bid  me  adieu, 
I  care  not  while  you  remain,  love." 

His  Elegy  on  the  death  of  his  wife,  of  which  the  following 
is  an  extract,  has  been  rarely  surpassed  in  feeling  and 
sweetness : 

**  Were  mine  the  choice  of  intellectual  fame, 
Of  spelful  song  and  eloquence  divine, 
Painting's  sweet  power,  Philosophy's  pure  flame 
And  Homer's  lyre,  and  Ossian's  harp  were  mine  ; 
The  splendid  arts  of  Erin,  Greece,  and  Rome 
In  Mary  lost  would  lose  their  wonted  grace, 
All  would  1  give  to  snatch  her  from  the  tomb, 
Again  to  fold  her  in  my  fond  embrace. 


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d02  Carolan  the  Bard. 

Desponding,  sick,  exhausted  with  my  grief, 
Awhile  the  founts  of  sorrow  cease  to  flow, 
In  vain !  I  rest  not — sleep  brings  no  relief, 
Cheerless,  companionlesa,  I  wake  to  woe. 
Nor  birth  nor  beauty  shall  again  allure, 
Nor  fortune  win  me  to  another  bride  ; 
Alone  1*11  wander  and  alone  endure, 
'Till  death  restore  me  to  my  dear-one's  side." 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Carolan's  address  to 
Dr.  Harte,  Catholic  Bishop  of  Achoory,  and  is  taken  from 
Archdeacon  O'Rorke's  admirable  work  "  Ballysadare  and 
Kilvamet "  :— 

"  In  this  hour  of  my  joy  let  me  turn  to  the  road, 
To  the  pious  one's  home  let  me  steer. 
Aye  !  my  steps  shall  instinctively  see  that  abode, 
Where  plenty  and  pleasure  appear. 
Dear  Harte  !  with  the  learn'd  thou  art  gentle  and  kind; 
With  the  bard  thou  art  open  and  free  ; 
And  the  smiling  and  sad  in  each  mood. of  the  mind 
Find  a  brother's  fond  spirit  in  thee. 

To  the  lords  of  the  land  we  can  trace  back  thy  name, 

But  a  title  all  bright  is  thine  own ; 

No  lives  have  been  banished  to  prop  up  thy  fame, 

For  it  rests  on  calm  goodness  alone. 

Could  they  deign  in  old  Rome  my  fond  suffrage  to  hear, 

To  that  spot  for  thy  sake  should  I  roam ; 

And  high  in  the  conclave  thy  name  should  appear. 

Known,  bonor'd  and  lov'd  as  at  home." 

In  like  manner  his  "  Gentle  Brideen,"  "  Mild  Mabel 
O'Kelly,"  "  Cardan's  Receipt,"  «  Grace  Nugent,"  and  a 
host  of  others  are  delicious  morceaux  of  which  his  country- 
men may  well  feel  proud,  and  for  the  enjoyment  of  which 
we  must  refer  them  to  Walker's  Irish  Bards  or  Hardiman's 
Irish  Minstrelsy. 

Such  then  was  "  Carolan  the  bard,"  a  man  endowed 
with  abilities  of  the  highest  order.  That  he  did  much 
to  place  Irish  music  in  its  present  exalted  position  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  when  Moore  was  trying  to  collect  the 
scattered  melodies  of  Erin,  he  tracked  Carolan  through  all 
the  counties  of  the  west.  Yet,  mainly  owing  to  the  mis- 
fortunes of  his  unhappy  coimtry,  Carolan  is  little  known 
outside  the  immediate  neighbourhood  in  which  he  Kved 
and  sung.     Nevertheless,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  in 


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.Votive  Masses.  60S 

the  brighter  days  akeady  beginning  to  da^vn  upon  EriDv 
she  will  elevate  her  favourite  bard  to  his  proper  niche,  and 
that  Irishmen  all  over  the  world  will  yet  cherish  the  hand- 
ful of  dust  reposing  in  Kihronan  ^aveyard,  with  as  much 
genuinel  affection  as  the  Scot  exhibits  over  Burns'  grave 
at  Dumfries,  or  the  Englishman  when  standing  on  the 
emerald  lawns  of  Sti*atford-on-Avon. 

T.  CONNKLLAN. 


LITURGY. 


Votive  Masses. 

XI. — Certain  obligations  in  connection  with  Votive  Masse^^ 

1,  It  is  quite  certain  that  the  Masses  ordered  at 
ordination  to  be  said  by  the  newly-ordained,  must  be  Votive 
Masses,  and  are  therefore  not  to  be  said  except  on  days  on 
which  Votive  Masses  are  allowed.^ 

As  to  the  obligation  of  saying  them  at  all,  St.  Liguori 
gives  three  opinions : — Ist,  That  the  obligation  binds  sub 
gravi;  2nd,  that  it  binds  only  sub  veniali;  and  3rd,  that  it 
does  not  bind  sub  peccato  at  all.  With  regard  to  the  last, 
his  words  are:  "Alii  tamen  ibi  (ut  Sot.  Val,  Diana,  Pal. 
Pell.  Gob.,  Ac.)  dicunt  probabiliter  hujusmodi  obligationem 
esse  decentiae,  non  autem  sub  peccato."  *  This  opinion 
being,  according  to  St.  Liguori,  probable,  we  are  safe  in 
adopting  it. 

It  is  certain  that  these  three  Masses  need  not  be  offered 
for  the  bishop's  intention,  and  that  therefore  the  priest  is 
quite  free  to  receive  honoraria  for  them.  The  newly- 
ordaiued  are  told  simply  to  say  the  Masses  :  "  Post  primam 
Missam  tres  alias  Missas  dicite,  &c."»  They  are  expected 
only  to  pray  for  the  bishop ;  "  Et  Omnipotentem  Deum 
etiam  pro  me  orate." 

2.  Is  it  a  sin  to  say  a  Votive  Mass  on  a  forbidden  day  f 
St.  Liguori*  gives  two  opinions  :  The  first,  that  it  is  a 

mortal  sin.     The  second  that  it  is  per  se  only  a  venial  sin. 
He  does  not  even  mention  the  opinion  that  it  is  no  sin  at 

'  Pont.  Bom.  ' Lib.  vi,  420.  « IS.R.C.,  11  April,  1840. 

^Lib.Yi.,829. 


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fc04  Votive  Manes. 

All.  The  second,  he  says,  18  the  opinion  commonly  held. 
But  De  Herdt  states  that  several  maintain  that  the  Rubric 
forbidding  Votive  Masses  on  certain  days  is  merely 
directive,  and  that  it  does  not  bind  at  all  sub  peccato.  Nor 
does  he  venture  to  pronounce  this  opinion  improbable. 
He  merely  says  that  the  second  opinion,  favoured  by 
St.  Liguori,  is  more  probable.  Whilst  Rubricists  are  thus 
divided,  no  one  but  the  Sacred  Congregation  has  a  right 
to  declare  the  matter  to  be  sinful.  VVe  must  await  its 
decree. 

3.  A  priest  who  has  undertaken  to  say  a  Votive  Mass 
does  not  fulfil  his  obligation  by  saying  the  Mass  of  the 
day,^  except  in  the  following  cases : — 

(a)  With  the  consent  of  the  person  who  has  given  the 
stipend. 

(/;)  If  the  honorarium  has  been  taken  for  a  Votive  Mass, 
which  it  is  not  lawful  to  say,  v.g.  the  Mass  of  Christmas  Day 
or  of  a  Beatified. 

(c)  If  the  obligation  be  undertaken  for  a  day  on  which 
a  Votive  Mass  is  not  sanctioned  by  the  Rubrics.  Of  course 
a  priest  ought  not  to  undertake  such  an  obligation.  But  if 
he  has  done  so  through  inadvertence,  the  Mass  must  be 
deferred,  if  convenient,  to  a  suitable  day ;  if  it  should  bo 
inconvenient  to  defer  it,  the  Mass  of  the  day  should  be 
eaid»3 

When  it  is  said  that  the  obligation  of  saying  a 
Votive  Mass  is  not  fulfilled  by  saying  the  Mass  of  the  day, 
we  must  understand  the  statement  m  the  sense  that  it  is 
not  cowpleiely  fulfilled ;  it  cannot  mean  that  it  is  not 
substantially  fulfilled,  or  that  the  priest  would  be  obliged 
to  make  restitution  of  the  honorarium^ 

XII. — The  Privilege  of  saying  Vie  Votive  Mass  of  the  B.V.\f. 
granted  to  a  priest  suffering  from  bad  sight. 

The  Holy  See  alone  has  the  rightywreordtwarto  to  grant 
this  privilege. 

1  he  priest  must  attend  carefully  to  the  terms  of  the 
privilege. 

It  is  usually  granted  with  certain  conditions : — 

(a)  "  Dummodo  orator  non  sit  omnino  caecua"  If  he 
should  become  quite  blind,  he  mupt  obtain  a  new  privilege.* 

'  19  May,  1C14,  and  passim.         «  3  Sept.  1612.         »  De  Heidt. 
*  16  March,  1»05. 


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Votive  Masses,  i)05 

(b)  "  Cum  alio  sacerdote  aesisteuti,  quatenus  eo  indi^ere 
videatur,"  It  is  plaia  that  there  may  be  cases  in  which 
this  condition  wonld  bind  sub  gravis  but  the  obligation 
exists  only  when  there  is  necessity:  **  quatenus  eo  indigere 
videator."  The  assisting  priest  should  wear  a  surplice  and 
may  do  everything  that  the  sacred  ministers  do  in  Hiffh 
Mass.  He  must  also  keep  the  chalice  safe,  whilst  the 
celebrant  is  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  over  it;  he  may 
repeat  the  beginning  of  the  prayers ;  he  must  see  that  no 
particles  remain  on  the  corporal  and  paten. 

(c)  **  Diebus  festis  et  duplicibus  Missa  Votiva  B.V.M., 
diebus  vero  ferialibus  Missa  defunctonim. 

(1)  No  day,  however  privileged,  is  excepted.^  But  if 
said  on  Christmas  Day  it  can  be  said  only  once.' 

(2)  The  Votive  Mass  to  be  said  is  that  which  is  suitable 
to  the  period  of  the  year,  if  possible ;  otherwise,  that  for 
the  time  from  Pentecost  to  Advent. 

(3)  The  Mass  is  always  said  in  white  without  the  Gloria 
(except  on  Saturday)  even  within  Octaves  of  the  B.V.* 
Neither  is  the  Credo  said. 

(4)  There  is  never  a  commemoration  of  the  day,  nor  is 
the  oratio  imperata  said.  The  second  prayer  is  always  **  De 
Spiritu  Sancto  '* ;  the  third  "  Ecclesiae  *'  or  pro  Papa." 

(5)  By  ferial  days  are  meant  those  days  only  on  which 
Low  Masses  **  De  Requiem ''  are  allowed.  But  there  is  no 
obligation  to  say  the  Requiem  Mass  on  those  days ;  the 
Votive  Mass  may  be  said.^ 

There  is  no  obli^tion  to  use  this  privilege.  If  the 
Rubrics  can  be  caiTied  out  in  all  things,  so  much  the 
better.  But,  if  the  privilege  be  used,  it  must  not  be 
extended  to  things  not  contained  in  it ;  for  instance,  the 
inissal  must  be  on  the  altar,  though  it  may  be  of  little 
service. 

P.  O'Leary. 


'  11  Sept.,  1847.  « 11  April,  1840 

'23  Fee,  1839.    See  last  number  of  Record,  p.  473,  note  1. 
M6  Mar.  1805. 


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[    606    ] 
DOCUMENTS. 


Letter  op  Cardinal  Moran  convoking  the  National 
Synod  op  Australia. 

SDIOTUM  CONVOCATIONia  STNODI  PLENARIA  AUSTRALIRNSIS. 

Patritius  Franciscus,  Dei  et  Apostolicae  Sedia  gratia,  Archie^ 
piscopus  Sydneyenais,  Metropolitanu8»  etc. 

lUustrisaimis  et  Keverendifisiinis  DD.  Archiepiscopo  et  Epis- 
copis  Ecclesiarum  Australiensium  et  aliis  omnibus  qui  de  jars, 
Synodo  Plenariae  interesse  debent,  salutem  in  Domino. 

Cum  ex  parte  Reverendissimonun  Praesulum  Ecdesiarum 
Australiensium  Sanctae  Sedi  innotuerit  in  votis  esse  ut  plenaria 
totius  Australiae  Synodus  celebraretur,  cumqnehnjusmodi  consilium 
ffummnpere  placuerit  Sacrae  Congregationi  de  Propaganda  Fide, 
Sanctissimus  D.  N.  Leo  Papa  XIII.,  Supremus  in  terris  Ecdesiae 
Pastor,  Nobis  potestatem  concessit  fut  ex  Litteris  BreTibns,  die 
10*  Junii  anni  elapsi  datis,  et  huic  Deere  to  adnexis  constat)  qua 
ad  normam  h^anctorum  Canonum  talero  Synodum  Ecclesiamm 
Australiensium  convocaremus,  eidemque  ex  Delegatione  Apostolict 
praeessemus.  Nos  itaque  vi  auctoritatis  benigniter  concesaad 
Synodum  Plenariam  Australiensem  in  Civitate  Sydneyeosif  qui 
locus  omnibus  Praesulibus  commodus  et  opportunus  visas  est,  in 
Cathedrali  Ecclosia  et  acdibus  adjacentibus  ad  xviii.  Kalendai 
Decembris  in  die  Sabbat i  ante  festum  Patrocinii  Heatissimae 
Mariae  Yirginis,  quae  incoeptis  nostris  sit  [H*opitia,  incipiendaia, 
et  subsequentibus  diebus  prosequendam,  et  Deo  adjuvante  ad  ejoa 
gloriam  et  laudem,  et  fideUs  populi  salutem,  absolvendam  ac  per- 
iiciendam  indicimus  et  convocamus. 

Caeteruni  venerabiiibus  Praesulibus,  quorum  cor  unnm  et 
anima  una  est,  occasionem  haec  Synodus  praebebit  qua  sapientis- 
sima  oecumenici  Concilii  Vatican i  decreta  solemnitur  incaloentiir, 
abusus  in  disciplina  Ecclcsiastica  si  qui  sint  corrigantur.  Catholic* 
juventutis  institutio  vindicetur  et  foveatur,  et  alia  peragantur 
quae  ad  salutem  animarum  et  Ecclesiae  bonum  promovenduia 
spectant. 

Hae«  vero  ut  rite  |)erficiantur,  Reverendissimos  Praesules 
rogamus  et  requirimus  ut,  cum  suis  tbeologis  e  clero  saeculari 
vel  regulari  selectis,  ad  Synodum  haoc  veniant,  aut  si  ipsi  legitime 
impediti  sint,  procuratores  raittant.  Eos  pariter  rogamus  ut,  in 
suis  Dioecesibus,  omnibus  qui  Synodo  Plenariae  de  jure  vel  consue- 
tudine  adesse  debent  aut  poasuut,  hujus  Syuodi  indictionem  notam 
faciant. 

De  caetero,  quoniam  in  vanum  laborant  qui  aedificant  domom 
nisi  Dominus  aedificet  eam,  rogamus  et  adhortamur  pientissimos 
Praesules  et  omnem  clerum  ac  populum  ut  suis  oiatiouibus  Noset 


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Documents,  607 

omnes  qui  Synodo  intersint  adjuvent,  Deum  optimum  maximum 
a3sidae  obsecrantes  ut  assistricem  sapientiatn  immittat  quae- 
nobiscum  sit  et  nobiscuro  laboret,  mentes  illuminet  et  corda' 
snccendat,  sicque  actus  operationes  bene  incoeptas  feliciter  ad 
exitum  perducat  ut  nostris  coosib'is  pietas  promoveatur,  ecclesias* 
tici  ordiDia  decus  augeatur,  fides  firmetnr  et  opera  Cbristianae 
pietatis  et  misericordiae  magisque  abundent  adeoque  qui  foris 
sunt  haec  yidentes  glorificent  Patrem  qui* in  Coelis  est  et  in  unicun^ 
salutis  ovile  aggregentur. 

Datum  apud  Sydney,  die  15  Aprilis,  1885. 

^  Pathitius  F.  Morak, 

Archtep,  Sydneyen, 


Important  Decree  of  the  Holy  Office  regarding 
Matrimonial  Dispensations. 

Summary. 

Withdrawal  of  the  Decree  of  the  Holy  Oflace  ( Ist  August.  1866)^ 
and  of  the  Poeniteniiary  (20th  July,  1879)  which  required,  wheik 
application  was  made  fcft*  a  dispensation  '^  in  gradibus  prohibitis 
consanguinitatis,  affinitatis,  cognationis  spiritualis,  nee  non  et 
publicse  honestatis,"  the  mention  of  the  crimen  incestus,  **  si  sponsi 
ante  earundem  /lispensationum  e.\ecutionem,  sive  ante  sive  post 
earum  impetratiouem.  incestus  rcatum  patraverint." 

The  present  decree  annuls  this  legislation  and  declares  '*  dis- 
pensationes  matrimoniales  posthac  concedendas,  etiamsi  copula 
incestuosa,  yel  consilium  et  intentio  per  earn  facilius  dispensationem 
impetrandi,  reticita  fuerint,  validas  futuras  esse." 


Illme.  AG  Rme.  Domink. 

Infandum  incestus  flagitium  peculiari  semper  odio  sancta  Del 
Ecclesia  prosequuta  est,  et  sumrai  Romani  Pontifices  statuerunt,  ut 
qui  eo  sese  teraerare  non  erubuissent,  si  ad  apostolicam  Sedem  con* 
Aigerent  petendae  causa  dispensationis  super  impedi mentis  matri- 
monium  dirimentibus,  eorum  preces,  nisi  in  eis  de  admisso  scelere 
mentio  facta  esset,  obreptionis  et  subreptionis  vitio  infectae 
haberentur  atque  ideo  dispensatio  esset  invalida :  idque  ea 
sanctissima  de  causa  cautum  fuit,  ut  ab  hoc  gravissimo  crimine 
christifi deles  arcerentur. 

Hanc  S.  Sedis  mentem  testantur  tuxn  alia  documenta^  turn 
decretum,  quod  novissime  supremum  sanctae  romanae  et  universalis 
Inquisitionis  consilium,  ipso  adprobante  Romano  Pontifice,  feria  IV. 
die  1  augusti  1866  tulit,  quod  est  huiusmodi  "subreptitias  esse  et 
Bullibi  ac  nuUo  modo  valere  dispenaationes,  quae  sive  directe  ab 
apostoliea  Sede,  sive  ex  pontificia  delegatione  super  quibuscumqoe 
gradibus    prohibitis    consanguinitatatis,    affinitatis,     cognationis 


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€08  Documents. 

spiritnalis  necnon  et  publicae  honestatis  conceduntur,  si  sponsi 
ante  earundem  dispensationum  executionem,  sive  ante  sive  post 
earum  impetratioDera  incestus  reatum  patraverint:  et  vel  interrogati, 
Tel  etiam  doq  interrogati,  malitiose  vel  etiam  iguoranter  reticueriiit 
copulain  incestuosam  inter  eos  initam  sive  publice  ea  nota  sit  sive 
etiam  occulta,  vel  reticuerint  consilium  et  intentionem  qua  eandem 
copulam  inierunt,  ut  dispensationem  facilius  assequercntur.** 
S.  Poenitentiaria  vestigiis  iusistens  supremae  Inquisitionis  id  ipsum 
die  20  iulii  1879  statuit. 

Verum  cum  plurimi  sacrorum  antistltes  sive  seorsum  singul!, 
sive  coniunctim  S  Sedi  retulerint,  maxima  ea  de  causa  oriri 
incommoda  cum  ad  matrimonialium  dispensationum  executionem 
proceditur,  et  hisce  praesertim  miseris  teinporibus  in  fideliitm  per- 
niciem  non  raro  vergere  quodin  eormn  salutem  sapienter  inductum 
fuerat,  Sanctissimus  D.  N.  D.  Leo  divina  providentia  Papa  XIII. 
eorum  postulationibus  pcrmotus,  re  diu  ac  mature  perpensa,  et 
suffragio  adhaerens  Eminentissimorum  S.  R.  K.  Cardinalium  in 
universa  Christiana  republica  una  mecum  inquisitorum  generaliam, 
hasce  litteras  omnibus  locorum  ordinariis  dandas  iussit,  quibus  eis 
notum  fieret,  decretum  superius  relatum  S.  romanae  et  universalis 
Inquisitionis  et  S.  Poenitentiariae,  et  quidquid  in  enndem  sensum 
alias  declaratum  statu tum  aut  stylo  Curiae  inductum  fuerit,  a  se 
revocari,  abrogari,  nulliusque  roboris  imposterum  fore  decemi; 
simulque  statui  et  declarari,  dispensationes  matriraoniales  posthac 
€oncedendas,  etiamsi  copula  incestuosa  vel  consiKum  et  intent io 
per  earn  facilius  dispensationem  impetrandi  reticita  fuerint,  validas 
futuras :  contrariis  quibuscumque  ^etiam  speciali  mentione  dignis 
minime  obstantibus. 

Dum  tamen  ob  gravissima  rationum  momenta  a  pristino  rigore 
hac  super  re  Sanctissimus  Pater  benigne  recedendum  ducit,  mens 
Ipsins  est,  ut  nihil  de  horrore,  quod  incestus  crimen  ingerere  debet, 
ex  fidelium  mentibus  detrahatur :  imo  vero  summo  studio  excitandos 
vult  animarum  curatores,  aliosque  quibus  fovendae  inter  christi- 
fideles  morum  honestatis  cura  demandata  est.  ut  prudentcr  quidem, 
prout  rei  natura  postulat,  efficacifer  tamen  elaborent  huic  facinori 
insectando  et  fidelibus  ab  eodem,  propositis  poenis  quibus  obnoxii 
fiunt,  deterrendis. 

Datum  Romae  ex  cancellaria  S.  O.  die  25  iunii  1885. 
Addictissimus  in  Domino, 

R.  Card.  Monaco. 


Decision  regarding  Essential  Marks  op  Authentic 
Decrees  op  the  S.R.C. 

Summary. 

It  is  not  essential  for  the  binding  force  of  a  Decree  of  the  S.B.C* 
that  it  should  appear  in  Gardellini's  authentic  collection  of  Decrees. 
It  is  enough  that  it  be  properly  confirmed  by  the  Pope.    .  Conse- 


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Documents^  609 

queDtly  the  late  Decrees  regardiDg  the  Gregorian  Chant  published 
by  Pustet  are  in  full  force. 

Petrocoricen. 

Nonulla  dubia  circa  Decretum  S.  B.  C.  26  Aprilis  1883, 
Bomanorum  Ponfificum  sollicitudo^  pluribus  in  Galliae  provinciis  in 
medium  prolata  fuere  et  in  foliis  publicis  pervulgat  a,  quae  causae 
sunt  cur  vis  illius  Decrcti  inter  plures  musicae  sacrae  peritos  vel 
sacrae  Liturgiae  professores  disputata  fiierit.  Ideo  episcopus 
Petrocorensis  et  Sarlatensis  humiliter  rogat  S.  Congregationem  ut 
propositis  questionibus  respondere  dignetur. 

Juxta  quosdara  auctores,  Decrcta  S.  R.  C.  vim  suam  non 
obtinent  nisi  in  collectione  Gardelliana  inserantur;  porro  quum 
plura  decreta  circa  cantum  Gregorianum  in  hac  collectione  non 
sint  posita,  iisdem  auctoribus  videntur  haec  decreta  in  oblivione- 
relinquenda,  quia  forsan  in  posterum  corrigenda  erunt.  Decretum 
26  Aprilis  declaratur  ab  iisdem  ut  nunquam  in  supradicta  collec- 
tione colligendum  et  proinde  nuUius  esse  obligationis.  Praeterea, 
non  desunt  qui  in  Decreto  26  Aprilis  1883  errores  aliquos  historicos 
detegere  praesumant  circa  emendationem  a  Joanne  Petro  Aloysio- 
Praenestino  ej usque  disoipulis  in  cantu  Gregoriano  peractam,  et 
idcirco  mfirmuni  dicunt  esse  tenorem  illius  decreti  utpote  in  falso 
supposito  innixum.  Denique  rumor  aliquis  hue  usque  pervenit 
aliquos  viros  Romam  petiisse  cum  intent ione  a  S.  Sede  impetrandi 
ut  praedictas  decisiones  circa  cantum  legitimum,  nuper  recognitum^ 
apud  cl.  equitem  Pustet  editum,  relaxare  velit,  et  circa  praece- 
dentia  praescripta  silentium  altum  teneat.  Quo  circa  suppliciter 
rogo  ut  haec  dubia  S.  R.  C  solvat. 

1**  Requiritume,  ut  valeat  aliquod  Decretum  S.  B.  C.,  ut 
reperiatur  scrip  turn  in  authentica  collectione  ? 

2®  Si  aliqui  errores  historici  in  praedictum  Decretum 
26  Aprilis  1S88  irrepsissent,  auctoritas  ejusdem  Decreti  essetne 
invalida? 

3"  Decreta  circa  cantum  Gregorianum  remanentne  certa  et  m 
pleno  vigore  conservandn  ? 

f^  N.  JOSEPHUS, 

Episc,  Peiroe,  et  Sari. 

Petrocoricen. 

Die  5   Junii  1885. 
Decreta  SS.  Rituum  Congregationis  a  Summo  Pontifice  con- 
firmata  omnino  servanda. 

Laurentius  Salvati, 

S.  H.  C.  Secretarius. 
Locus  f^  sigilli. 

Notandum.  Cantus  Gregorianus  juxta  approbatam  editionem 
Romae  jamdiu  usu  viget,  ideoque  nulla  opus  est  praescriptione  aut 
hortatione  ut  introducatur  pront  in  aliis  diocesibus  ubi  nondum 
introductus  fuit. 


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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 


Louise  de  la  Valiere  and  other  Poems^     By  Kathbrikk  Tysak, 
LoDdoD  :  KeegaN,  Paul,  Trench,  -k  Co. 

We  bid  this  little  volume  a  hearty  welcome  and  wish  it  success. 
It  is  not  mere  verse ;  it  is  poetry ;  it  warms  and  moves. 
Miss  Tynan  felt  before  she  wrote  ;  indeed  it  is  plain  that  some  of 
these  pieces  were  written  because  the  author  felt  so  keenly. 

The  subjects  of  which  she  sings  are  chiefly  religious  and 
descriptive ;  and  these  are  most  suited  to  the  singer's  youth.  Not 
that  religious  verse  is  fit  only  for  girls ;  there  is  a  depth  of 
mystery  about  life  and  eternity  that  must  always  have  a  charm  for 
the  greatest  minds.  And  what  can  be  more  suited  to  poetry  than 
that  in  which  we  feel  strongly  and  deeply  ?  Job  wAs  a  poet  of  no 
mean  order ;  Cariyle  calls  his  book  an  "  oldest  choral  melody  as 
of  the  heart  of  mankind.*'  Should  we  have  the  Inferno  if  it  were 
not  for  religion?  Andjthe  same  is  true  of  the  best  poets  of 
•every  age. 

All  this  should  not  lead  the  reader  to  expect  Miss  Tynan  to 
rival  the  flights  of  Job  or  of  Dante.  But  he  may  expect  sweet,  and 
withal  deep,  strong  thoughts,  which  will  gain  in  depth  and  strength 
as  her  years  roll  by.  She  has  great  capacities,  a  heart  with  large 
feelings  and  wide  sympathies,  an  eye  and  an  ear  for  all  that  is 
beautiful  in  nature  and  in  art,  and  a  fine  sense  of  harmony  and 
rhythm.  But  the  greater  depth  and  strength  must  come  from 
study,  thought,  meditation. 

The  descriptions  are  the  best  things  in  the  present  volume. 
The  poetess  has  a  soul  for  beauty — of  line,  of  colour,  of  sound,  of 
all  that  strikes  the  outer  sense  or  the  inner  feeling.  The  following 
is  but  one  of  many  specimens ;  it  is  from  a  poem  entitled  *'  At  Set 
of  Sun;" 

"  Within  the  Church  long  shadows  on  the  wall 

Come  and  are  gone ;  the  hours  have  lingering  feet ; 
And  the  great  organ's  pulses  rise  and  fall, 

Waking  to  life  in  rapturous  music  sweet, 
Weaving  a  poem  ever  mystical. 

Without  in  a  high  western  world  of  gold 
Ae,  loth  to  leave,  the  sun  goes  tenderly ; 

The  trailing  glories  of  his  vesture's  fold, 
Amber  and  rose  and  all  fair  hues  that  be, 

Float  all  transfigured  in  a  sapphire  sea. 
In  the  low  hedge  the  brown  birds  chirp  and  sing. 

And  the  wan  wild  rose  opes  its  jewelled  eye 
Lighting  the  briar ;  the  elder  blooms  are  white ; 

Where  late  the  hawthorn  stars  were  blossoming, 
Now  woodbine  doth  its  sweet  breath  render  up, 

And  the  rich  air  grows  languorous  with  delight.** 


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Notices  of  Books,  "611 

The  volume  lias  just  opened  at  another  passage  which  is  so 
-characteristic  that  we  cannot  forbear  to  quote.  It  is  from  the 
poem»  **  Waiting,"  which  tells  how  a  band  of  Fenian  warriors 
sleep  in  the  enchanted  cave.     Finn  speaks : 

"  I  would  the  sweet  earth  were  my  dwelling-place, 
Shamrocks  and  little  daisies  wrapping  me  I 

There  should  I  lie  and  feel  the  silence  sweet 

As  a  meadow  at  noon  where  birds  sing  in  the  trees ; 

To  mine  ears  should  come  the  patter  of  little  feet, 
And  baby  cries,  and  croon  of  summer  seas, 

And  the  wind^s  laughter  in  the  upland  wheat." 

One  feels  the  beauty  of  the  passage,  though  perhaps  at  a  loss  to 
imagine  how  the  **  silence "  can  be  sweet  **  as  a  meadow  at  noon 
where  birds  sing  in  the  trees ;" 

The  workings  of  the  heart — which  we  have  ventured  to  call 
the  "  inner  feelings  " — are  more  difficult  to  analyse  and  express ; 
"but  so  much  the  greater  credit  when  it  is  well  done.  Miss  Tynan 
gives  us  a  few  examples  of  great  promise ;  here  is  a  stanza  on 
^Goldsmith : 

**  He  sang  of  happy  homes  who  home  had  none, 

Of  sweet  hearth  joys  whose  way  was  lone  and  bleak, 
And  oft  his  voice  rang  out  with  truest  tone 

When  wintry  winds  froze  tears  upon  his  cheek. 
A  deathless  fount  of  joy  was  ever  springing 

From  out  his  bright  child-nature  pure  and  sweet. 
Soft  comforting  and  surest  healing  bringing ; 

And  when  earth's  sharpest  thorns  had  pierced  his  f  eet^ 
His  way  was  gladdened  with  his  inward  singing.^' 

There  is  a  poem  on  "The  Flight  of  the  W^ild  Geese." 
Miss  Tynan  tells  again  the  sorrowful  story — how  they  passed  away, 
leaving  Erin  to  watch  with  sick  eyes  for  the  return  of  the  brave 
sons  who  were  never  to  come  back : 

*•  The  spring  came  up  through  meads  of  light 

With  robes  of  primrose  hue, 
The  stars  were  shed  so  thick  in  May, 
Each  hedgerow  shone  a  Milky  Way, 

The  swallows  homeward  flew. 
Rale  ruby  cups  of  incense  bright. 

The  red  fire  at  the  core, 
June  roses  swung  in  garden  close, 
Gold  autumn  came,  white  winter's  snows 

Sped  from  the  northern  shore. 
'  \  And  they  came  not,  O  well-beloved  I 

In  all  the  empty  years, 
Thine  own  fair  heroes  wandering, 
No  welcome  beat  of  strong  white  wing 

Made  music  in  thine  ears." 

It  is  one  of  the  saddest  of  the  dark  annals  of  Eire,  and  our 

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612  Notices  of  Books, 

poetess  has  a  genuine  sympathy  for  human  sorrow ;  and  for  human 
passions  too  she  has  a  deep  tender  pity : 

^  Aks,  that  a  human  heart  sliould  hreathe 

For  such  as  this, 
Just  from  a  bright  false  dream  to  wake, 

For  the  loss  of  a  phantom  kiss. 
Christ  keeps  us  all  for  his  pity's  sake  !" 

In  that  last  line  there  is  a  touch  of  Coleridge  at  his  best. 

There  is  also  a  new  setting  to  the  old  story,  '*  King  Cophetua*a 
Queen,"  from  which  we  should  like  to  quote  many  things,  as  also 
from  the  poem  which  gives  its  title  to  the  volume,  "  Louise  de  la 
Valliere ;"  but  these  are  pieces  which  extracts  could  not  fairly 
represent. 

And  now  for  our  censure  ;  it  shall  be  brief.  Miss  Tynan  has 
been  already  told  by  critics  of  some  peculiarities,  little  niceties  of 
expression,  fondness  for  certain  words  and  phrases,  tendency  to 
describe  over  again  the  same  beauties — all  this  is  true.  She  did  not 
feel  it  hei  self,  neither  did  her  readers  feel  it  until  the  poems  were 
collected ;  bat  now  one  cannot  fail  to  notice  these  things. 

We  think  too  that  she  would  do  well  occasionally  to  write  at  less 
length.  The  poet  must  wait  for  the  inspiration ;  be  must  be  urged 
by  feeling  into  song.  This,  however,  is  a  matter  of  taste,  and  as 
such  to  a  great  extent  beyond  rules.  One  feels  where  a  description 
loses  force  by  too  great  crowding,  though  it  is  often  difiBcult  to  say 
which  touch  one  would  be  inclined  to  omit. 

In  *'  The  Dreamers,'*  IVIiss  Tynan  shows  a  tendency  towards 
the  obscurity  that  has  become  so  fashionable  in  modem 
times.  Beware.  Obscurity  may  arise  from  one  of  two  sources — 
either  because  the  poet's  thought  is  deep,  mysterious,  above 
language ;  or  because  he  does  not  sufficiently  express  ideas  which 
are  ordinary  enough.  In  the  first  case  he  may  write  sublime 
poetry ;  in  the  second  he  writes  neither  poetry  nor  prose. 

We  wish  the  little  volume  the  success  which  it  deserves ; 
and  we  hope  in  the  futm*e  to  read  poems  from  the  author's  pen 
which  shall  be  free  from  the  little  failings  we  have  here  pointed 
out,  and  at  the  same  time  full  of  that  rich  and  vigorous  music  of 
which  she  now  gives  such  tine  promise. 

W.  McDonald. 

Hymns    and  Verses.      By  Lady  Catherfne   Petre. 
London  :   Burns  &  Oates. 

This  is  a  collection  of  short  poems  written  at  intervals.  The 
volume  is  in  two  parts,  of  which  the  first  contains  those  verses 
which  Lady  Petre  wrote  before  her  conversion ;  all  the  pieces  in 
the  second  part  were  produced  after  that  event.  *'  Conversion  ** 
is  her  own  term,  else  we  should  hesitate  to  apply  it  to  one  who  was 
all  her  life  pouring  out  songs  of  purest  Catholic  spirit. 


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Notices-  of  Books,  613 

Many  of  these  verses  are  very  sweet  and  tender ;  the  rhythm 
is  always  correct  and  the  metre  legular  ;  the  ideas  are  those  of  a 
good  lady  who  has  ever  used  high  intelligence  and  faultless  taste 
for  the  cause  of  God  and  of  truth.  Lady  Petre  has  felt  sorrow 
too,  and  home  her  cross  with  patience  and  humility  ;  many  of  her 
verses  wnll  greatly  assist  others  to  bear  their  burdens  in  the  same 
spirit  Her  volume  is  specially  suited  to  families  and  religious 
communities.  W.  McD. 

**  Catholic  and  Rejoinder.''  By  Monsignor  Capel,  Pustet  &  Co., 
New  York  and  Cincinnati. 
We  are  glad  to  welcome  this  new  and  enlarged  edition  of  the 
''  Catholic  and  Kejoinder."  The  fact  that  it  has  run  through  six 
editions  within  the  short  space  of  a  year  is  a  forcible  expression 
of  its  popularity.  The  Catholicity  of  the  Church  which,  as  inti- 
mated by  the  title,  is  the  subject  of  the  book,  is  one  that  has  been 
treated  so  often  from  the  days  of  Cvprian,  Cyril,  and  Pacian, 
down  to  our  own,  that  we  cannot  expect  much  originality  in  the 
different  arguments.  In  the  manner  of  stating  and  developing  the 
arguments  we  can  look  lor  originality,  and  in  the  attainment  of  the 
latter  no  one,  who  reads  the  book,  can  doubt  that  Monsignor  Capel 
has  been  Eminently  successful  His  aim  is  to  establish  the  two 
following  points,  (a,  That  the  Catholicity  essential  to  the  True 
Church  is  a  Jornial  one,  which  consists  in  the  existence  of  her 
children  in  every  part  of  the  world,  while  at  the  same  time  they  are 
bound  together  by  many  ties  but  especially  by  a  governmental  union, 
which,  to  use  the  words  of  Origen,  makes  them  "  a  nation  of  all 
nations."  (6)  As  a  cousequence  of  the  last  proposition,  that  the 
Protestant  iLpiscopal  Church  of  England  and  that  of  America, 
each  ^*  a  corporation  with  a  separate  autonomy,  self-constituted  and 
self-named,"  cannot  claim  the  title  of  Catholicity,  which  is,  aud 
ever  has  been,  recognised  as  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  True 
Church  of  Christ.  The  part  called  the  "Ke joinder,"  which  has 
been  added  iii  the  two  last  editions,  is  an  answer  to  a  pamphlet 
which  appeared  from  the  pen  of  a  Protestant  Minister  soon  after 
the  publication  of  the  "  Catholic."  It  will  be  found  interesting, 
both  as  showing  the  disingenuous  means  used  to  sustain  the 
tottering  edifice  of  the  Anglican  Church,  and  as  containing  a 
forcible  refutation  of  the  arguments  by  which  it  is  sought  to  claim 
for  that  Church  the  right  to  be  recognised  as  Catholic.  If  any 
portion  of  the  book  could  be  selected  for  special  commendation  it 
is  that  which  deals  with  the  connexion  between  the  early  Christian 
Church  in  England  and  the  Apostolic  See.  T.  G. 

Characteristics  from  the    Writings    of    Cardinal  Manning,      By 
W.  S.  Lilly.    Burns  &  i)ates. 

The  writings  of  Cardinal  Manning  are  so  voluminous  and  so 
varied  in  their  subjects  that  we  naturaUy  ask  ourselves  how  it  was 
possible  that  from  his  other  heavy  missionary  duties  he  could  spare 
VOL.  VI.  2  Y 


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614  Notices  of  Books. 

so  much  time  for  literary  labour.  To  those  who  cannot  have  the 
pleasure  of  reading  his  works  more  fully,  this  book  of  •'Character- 
istics" Avill  afford  many  specimens  of  his  forcible  and  attractive 
stjle,  and  **  exhibit  his  mind  on  some  of  the  principal  topics  of  the 
day/*  while  those  who  have  read  them  at  greater  length  will  appre- 
ciate it  as  a  handbook  that  will  recall  many  truths  acquired  by 
more  extensive  reading.  The  pleasing  work  of  compilation  has 
fortunately  fallen  into  competent  hands.  Mr.  Lilly  shows  great 
taste  and  judgment  in  the  selection  of  the  different  extracts,  and 
their  classification  according  to  subject  under  the  different  heads, 
political,  philosophical  and  religious.  There  is  at  the  end  a  valuable 
index,  alphabetically  arranged,  which  facilitates  very  much 
reference  to  any  portion  of  the  book.  T.  G. 

Life  of  Eight  Bev,  John  N,  Ncwmann^  D,D.,  of  the  Congregation 

of  the  Most  Holy  Ueedeemer^  Fourth  Bishop  of  Philmlelphicu 

From  the  German  of  Rev.  Joun  A.  Bergkk,   C.SS.R.,  by 

Rev.   Eugene    Grimm,    C.SS.R.      Seamd    Edition.      New 

York,  &c. :  Benzk^er  Brothers. 

Dr.  Newmann  was  a  native  of  Bohemia.     He  was  trained  for 

the  priesthood  in  his  own  country,  but  his  ordination  took  place  in 

America.     After  working  for  four  years  on  the  secular  mission,  he 

joined   the    Redemptorists    in  October,   1^40.     Little   more  than 

three  years  had  passed  when  he  was  made  Superior  of  a  house ; 

three  years  later  he  was  appointed  Vice-Provincial ;  and  when  ^ve 

other  years  had  elapsed,  he  became  Bishop  of  Philadelphia.     His 

missionary  career  extended  from  1836  to  1860,  a  trying  time  for 

the  rising  American  Church  with  which  Catholic  Ireland  is  so 

closely  connected. 

In  every  stage  of  his  course  Dr.  Newmann  was  remarkable ; 
his  "  Life  "  is  a  most  edifying  book,  particularly  for  priests  and 
ecclesiastical  students.  Few  clergymen  could  read  of  his  study, 
piety,  and  zeal,  without  being  strongly  moved  to  similar  efforts. 
The  glimpses  which  we  get  into  the  holy  bishop's  heart,  from  his 
own  letters  and  journal,  are  specially  interesting.  We  wish  this 
book  a  large  circulation.  W.  McD. 

Commentarium  in  Facultates   Apostolicas,  quae  Episcopis   nostris 

concedi  solent^  ad  usum  venerabiiis  cleri  Americani,     Auctore 

A.  CoNiNGS,  C.SS.R,,   New  Eboraci,      .     .      .      Benziger 

Fratres.     Londini :  Burns  &  OAtes. 

This  Commentary  must  be  very  useful  for  the  American  clergy 

It  has  not,  of  course,  the  same  value  for  Irish  priests,  as  the 

formulae  are  not  the  same  in  both  countries.     It  would,  however, 

be  a  valuable  guide  if  any  of  our  theologians  would  undertake  to 

do  for  Ireland  what  Fr.  Henings  has  done  for  America.     Such  a 

Commentary  on  the   faculties  given   to   Irish   bishops   is  badly 

wanted  and  would  be  sure  of  an  extensive  sale.  W.  McD. 


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Notices  oj  Books,  615 

Francis  Macary,      By  HENRf  Lasserre,  Notre  Dame  Indiana. 
(A-ve  Maria  Press.) 

The  facts  treated  of  in  this  little  volume,  the  details  of  which 
are  vouched  for  b}*  several  persons  of  position  and  respectability, 
exceed  in  interest  the  fictions  of  many  stories.  Francis  Macary, 
after  years  of  suffering  uncheered  by  faith,  was  so  happy  as  to 
light  upon  a  book  entitled,  "  Our  Lady  of  Lourdes."  The  reading 
of  it  induced  him  to  procure  some  of  the  water  from  that  grotto, 
for  the  purpose  of  applying  it  to  his  diseased  limbs.  On  the  night 
of  the  19th  of  July,  1871,  with  an  invocation  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin  (the  first  prayer  which  had  escaped  him  since  his  child- 
hood), he  bathed  them  with  it,  retired  to  rest,  and  rose  in  the 
morning  healed.  The  I'esult  was  his  conversion,  which  M.Lasserre 
tells  in  that  striking  style  peculiar  to  all  his  writings  about  Lourdes. 

Rosa  Ferrucci^  By  Hbnry  Pf.rreyve,  Notre  Dame,  Indiana, 
(Ave  Maria  Press.) 
Like  the  preceding,  this  miniatui*e  comes  from  beyond  the 
Atlantic.  But  Rosa  Ferrucci  was  not  an  American.  She  was  an 
Italian  lady,  daughter  of  a  distinguished  Professor  of  the  University 
of  Pisa,  in  which  city  she  lived  and  died.  Her  holy  life, 
which  is  so  thoroughly  revealed  in  the  specimens  of  her  letters 
before  us,  and  her  edifying  death,  persuade  us  that  the  young  have 
in  these  pages  a  lesson  and  a  model.  May  they  be  induced  to 
take  the  one,  and  imitate  the  other. 

''Better  than  Gold"  by  Nugent  Robinson,  like  those  just 
noticed,  issues  from  the  "  Ave  Maria  Press,"  and  is  the  third 
number  of  the  "  Ave  Maria  Series."  But  unlike  them  it  deals 
with  the  realms  of  fancy.  It  is  not,  however,  to  be  found  fault  with 
on  that  account,  nor  indeed  on  any  other.  Variety  is  in  itself  a 
recommendation,  but  "  Better  than  Gold "  has  much  besides  to 
recommend  it.  Readers  of  the  *'  Catholic  World  "  will  at  once 
recognise  the  fresh,  lively  style  of  the  author  of  '*  My  Raid  into 
Mexico,"  the  very  exaggeration  of  which  is  not  without  its  charm. 

The   Fact    Divine;    Translated    from  the    French   by   Edmund 
J.  A.  Young.     Portland,  Me.     M*Gowan  and  Young, 

The  Fact  Divine  is  an  admirably  concise  and  clear  statement 
of  the  evidences  of  Revelation.  As  its  name  implies,  it  deals 
chiefly  with  the  events  which  put  beyond  all  question  the  heavenly 
origin  of  our  religion.  Into  these  it  inquires,  and  establishes 
by  plain  yet  telling  arguments  their  authenticity.  In  a  short 
notice  like  the  present,  it  is  impossible  to  say  all  that  we  would 
wish  about  the  book.  Written  in  French  by  Father  Broeckaert, 
a  Belgian  Jesuit,  the  translation  before  us  is  the  work  of  a 
distinguished  American  who  has  weU  executed  his  task.  It  would 


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6 1 6  Notices  of  Books, 

porhaps  have  been  better,  had  Mr.  Young  not  allowed  any  of  the 
Latin  foot  notes  to  remain.  Their  appearance  may  possibly  deter 
niu.iv  from  the  perusal  of  the  book  jis  dry  and  over-learned, 
Nvhereas,  the  fact  is,  that  while  displaying  an  unusual  amount  of 
learning,  it  is  so  put  as  to  be  most  interesting  and  highly  agreeable 
reading.  Besides  the  approbations  of  the  Bishop  of  Portland,  and 
Father  Piccirello,  S.J.,  both  of  which  are  given  to  the  English 
version,  we  have  prefixed  to  the  volume  the  approbation  of  tlie 
original  by  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  and  the  congratulatory 
letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege  to  the  author.  P.  L. 

Historical  Researches  in  Western  Penhsylvania  (Pittsburg, 
MvKKs,  Shinkle  &  Co.),  is  a  new  quarterly  which  deser\'es  local 
support.  The  main  object  of  the  magazine  is  to  collect  informa- 
tion, while  the  sources  are  yet  available,  regarding  the  ri^e  and 
progress  of  the  Church,  with  the  ultimate  purpose  of  supplying 
full  and  authentic  materials  to  the  future  historian  of  Western 
Pennsylvania  and  the  adjacent  country.  in  the  two  numbers 
before  us  the  editor  has  brought  together  much  information  that  is 
as  interesting  as  it  is  rare. 

A  Funeral  Diicourse,  and  Funeral  Words  (London:  Bi:RNs*<fc 
Gates)  are  two  sermons  delivered  by  Fr.  Gallm'et,  S  J.,  the  fii-st 
over  the  remains  of  Lady  Georgiana  Fullerton,  and  the  other  over 
Mr.  Charles  Weld.  As  sermons,  they  are  not  unworthy  to  be 
proposed  as  models  of  their  kind — conUiining  not  only  a  graceful 
tribute  to  the  worthy  dead,  but  instruction  too  and  elevating 
thought. 

Memorial  Words  (London  :  Burns  &  Oatks),  by  Fr.  Colk- 
KimE,  S.J.,  is  the. title  of  another  sermon  on  Lady  Georgiana 
Kullerton,  which  fills  in  many  incidents  and  thoughts  not  noticed 
by  Yr,  Gallwcy. 

The  Lev.  John  Placid  Conway,  O.P.,  gives  quite  an 
exhaustive  history  of  Abingdon  and  its  Abbey  in  his  learned 
pamphlet,  "  The  Story  of  Early  and  Medieval  Abingdon"  (London  : 
Burns  &  Gates). 

Theses  Defendendaey  &c  ,  is  the  title  cf  a  syllabus  of  twcnty- 
thrjee  theses  in  Logic  and  Ethics,  which  formed  the  subject  matter 
of ;  a  monthly  disputation  in  the  Philosophical  School  for 
(fcsuit  Novices  at  Miltown  Park.  Dublin.  The  syllabus  certainly 
represents  a  splendid  month's  work. 

[We  have  received,  but  too  late  for  publication,  from  Rev,  J.  S. 
Vaughan,  St.  Bede's,  Manchester,  a  reply  to  Father  Murphy's  last 
article  on  "  Faith  and  Evolution.**  It  will  appear  in  our  next  number. 
Ed.  J.  E.  K.] 


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THE  lEISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


OCTOBER,  1885. 


PERNICIOUS  LITERATURE  AND  ITS  REMEDY. 

IN  our  own  day  the  Church  has  to  encounter  a  new 
danger.  The  art  of  printing  is  now  an  old  discovery, 
but  the  greater  facility  given  to  it  by  steam  machinery, 
and  the  immense  consequent  reduction  of  its  cost,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  of  the  cost  of  disseminating  its  productions 
by  steamer  and  rail,  gives  it.  the  character  of  a  new 
invention,  so  completely  different  is  it  in  its  daily  use  and 
applicability.  And  a  grand  invention  it  is ;  but  like  other 
great  and  useful  inventions,  it  admits  of  being  misused 
and  turned  to  dangerous  and  pernicious  purposes.  And  in 
our  own  days  the  enemies  of  religion  have  not  been  slow 
to  use  it  to  such  pm'poses.  When  printing  was  first 
invented  the  Church  gave  every  encouragement  to  it,  but 
at  the  same  time  made  wise  regulations  to  prevent  it  being 
turned  to  the  injury  of  faith  and  morality.  But  its  power 
to  do  this  is  no  longer  equal  to  its  authority.  In  most 
countries  the  freedom  of  the  Press  is  looked  on  as  a  sort  of 
palladium  of  liberty,  Uke  the  Habeas  Corpus  and  the  right 
of  petition.  Any  attempt  to  curtail  or  even  to  control  it 
ivould  raise  an  outcry.  Pubhc  opinion  is  all  in  its  favour ; 
yet  though  it  is  indeed  a  great  power  in  restraining 
oppression,  injustice,  and  evil  doing,  from  the  evil  doer's 
fear  of  being  exposed,  it  involves  a  huge  power  of  mischief, 
in  that  every  one  is  able  by  means  of  it  to  promulgate 
misleading  views,  coloured  or  one-sided  statements,  and 
even  downright  lies. 

It  is,  indeed,  imagined  that  people  may  be  guarded  from 
being  misled  or  deceived  by  going  on  reading  and  thus 
getting  misstatements   corrected,   and  hearing  opposite 
VOL.  VI.  2  z 


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618  Pernicious  Literature  and  its  remedy. 

opinions  so  as  to  come  on  the  whole  and  at  last  to  a  true 
judgment  of  things.  But  this  is  not  so;  for  in  the  firgt 
place  the  bulk  of  men  are  not  thoughtful,  nor  possessed  of 
much  judgment.  They  are  incapable  of  estimating  state- 
ments at  their  proper  value,  of  balancing  evidence,  and 
drawing  logical  conclusions.  When  they  are  not  led  by 
their  own  prepossessions,  they  are  as  often  as  not  so 
led  away  by  any  clear  or  interesting  or  lively  statement, 
as  to  be  disinclined  even  to  listen  to  a  counter  statement 
or  to  an  explanation.  Men  do  not  generally  even  read 
both  sides  of  a  question,  but  only  one  side  ;  they  want  to 
hear  all  that  is  to  be  said  on  that  side,  and  are  ready  to 
have  all  that  can  be  said  on  the  other  side  explained  away. 
The  great  bulk  of  men,  women,  and  children,  have  not 
much  of  the  judicial  mind,  or  at  least  it  is  after  the  fashion 
of  the  judge  we  have  all  heard  of  who  was  qiiite  satisfied 
with  hearing  one  side  of  a  case,  and  who  only  found  his 
mind  confused  by  hearing  both  sides.  The  idea  that  men 
are  ordinarily  capable  of  hearing  and  reading  what  comes 
in  their  way,  and  drawing  just  conclusions  by  themselves, 
is  a  pure  fable. 

Yet  it  is  a  fable  that  is  flattering  to  our  vanity.  It 
appeals  to  that  self-conceit  which  is  seldom  without  place 
and  life  in  the  breast  of  each  one  of  us  when  questions  of 
morality,  or  politics,  or  public  duty,  or  expediency  are  set 
before  us  as  matters  which  are  to  be  judged  of  and 
decided  by  ourselves ;  as  if  public  opinion  were  the  only 
judge  of  what  is  right,  true,  just  and  expedient ;  and 
this  is  what  a  free  Press  and  unrestrained  reading  is  doing, 
and  cannot  be  restrained  from  doing,  in  the  present  day. 
There  is  no  restraint  of  any  kind.  There  is  uo  lack  of 
publishers  who  will  publish  anything  that  will  sell  Nor 
IS  there  any  lack  of  writers  who  can  write  what  is 
sensational  and  exciting,  appealing  to  sensual  or  political 
passion,  suggesting  to  men  that  they  are  kept  in  ignorance 
or  are  under  delusion  and  ought  not  to  be  contented 
to  remain  as  they  are  ;  calling  on  them  to  think  for  them- 
selves, and  to  claim  freedom  from  the  tramels  of  authority 
to  follow  their  own  judgment  on  what  is  best  for  their 
happiness,  and  most  for  their  good.  There  are  in  most 
countries  people  who  are  engaged  in  encouraging  the 
manufacture  and  pushing  the  sale  of  literature  of  this  sort 
In  some  the  evil  nas  not  yet  far  advanced,  and  thus  has 
not  attracted  much  attention;  but  it  has  begun.  In  others 
it  has  reached  a  huge  magnitude,  and  has  done  frightful 


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Pernicious  Literature  and  its  remedy,  619 

miscliief.  It  is  a  danger  that  mu8t  be  confronted  and  con- 
tended with.  It  cannot  be  put  down  or  got  rid  of.  In 
what  manner  can  it  be  met  ? 

In  those  places  whore  the  evil  has  made  so  much 
progress,  that  bad  literature  is  in  possession,  so  to  speak, 
the  prospect  of  any  successful  resistance  to  it  seems  gloomy 
-enough.  But  in  Ireland  this  is  not  the  case.  Many  indeed 
will  be  disposed  to  think  that  the  mass  of  the  people  are 
too  firmly  established  in  the  faith,  and  rooted  in  good 
habits,  to  be  much  injured  by  bad  literature.  Their 
spiritual  system  is  in  such  strong  health,  that  it  will  reject 
tne  poison.  God  grant  it  may  be  so  !  But  if  the  present 
generation  is  safe,  is  the  rising  generation  equally  so? 
Do  they  continue  to  show  so  deferential  a  spirit  to  the 
old  ways — to  Parental  and  Spiritual  authority — that  there 
is  no  fear  for  them  ?  Or  is  there  need  for  some  care  and 
precaution  to  preserve  them  under  the  dangers  of  a  new 
temptation  ?  is  it  not  at  least  necessary  to  warn  them  of  a 
danger  of  which  they  have  hitherto  had  no  experience, 
and  to  bring  them  up  to  understand  that  they  can  no 
longer  be  preserved  safe  from  harm  by  the  protection  of 
othens,  but  that  they  must  learn  to  take  some  care  of 
themselves,  and  that  their  learning  to  do  this  is  the  most 
hopeful  security  against  mischief. 

For  after  all  though  you  may  lead  a  horse  to  the 
water  you  cannot  make  him  drink.  The  most  industrious 
disseminators  of  pernicious  literature  cannot  make  people 
buy  their  papers,  periodicals,  and  books  if  they  do  not 
choose  to  do  so,  and  even  if  these  are  disseminated 
gratis,  as  is  done  extensively  on  the  Continent  for 
political  objects,  yet  no  one  can  be  forced  to  read  them. 
If  only  it  comes  to  be  known  that  poisonous  food  is  on 
Bale,  men  will  learn  to  be  cautious,  to  discriminate  and 
to  avoid  whatever  is  doubtful  or  dangerous;  and  in  a 
-country  like  Ireland,  where  the  people  are  still  to  a  great 
extent  faithful  to  the  traditions  of  their  Fathers  and  the 
teaching  of  the  Church,  it  is  still  within  reach  that  they 
should  be  successfully  awakened  to  the  new  danger  and 
fore-armed  to  encounter  it. 

But  in  what  way  can  this  awakening  be  effected  ! 

People  commonly  talk  as  if  the  bishops  had  it  in  their 
power  to  do  what  they  like  in  these  matters — that  if  only 
a  bishop  takes  a  question  tip  and  speaks  to  the  clergy  and 
people  the  thing  is  done.  Would  that  it  were  so — ^thatthe 
reverence  and  obedient  submission  to  those  who  feed  the 


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620  PemicioTiS  Literature  and  its  remedy. 

flock  of  Christ  were  so  great  and  so  universal  that  their 
►  expressed  wishes  or  warnings  were  the  rule  of  conduct  to 
their  people.  But  it  is  of  no  use  for  things  to  be  put  off  in 
this  way  on  the  bishops,  as  if  they  could  do  every  thing  by 
themselves,  and  as  if  no  duty  or  responsibility  lay  on  any 
one  else.  It  is  indeed  for  the  bishops  to  approve,  to 
authorize,  to  initiate  measures — to  give  the  word  as  to  what 
should  be  done  and  their  blessing  to  the  doing  of  it ;  but 
it  is  we — the  Clergy  and  the  Faithful  at  large — who  have  to 
do  the  work  in  any  movement  that  is  to  go  on  and  succeei 
While  the  Pastoral  of  the  Bishop  is  indeed  necessary  to 
justify  a  movement,  yet  it  must  have  the  support  of 
personal  influence  and  exertion  to  become  ultimately 
successful. 

For  what  is  the  way  in  which  men  are  guided  in  the 
practical  details  of  daily  life?  We  know  how  thoughtlea 
most  people  are,  and  especially  young  people.  They  bear 
a  Pastoral  read,  or  an  instruction  given  by  a  priest,  but  do 
not  at  once  enter  into  the  practical  application  of  it  to 
themselves.  The  moment  for  this  comes  and  is  past 
before  they  think  of  it.  And  yet — quam  parva  sapientia 
regitur  mundus-^any  ordinary  person — a  friend,  a  com- 
panion,  a  child  or  a  fool  only  says  to  us  *  you  must*nt  do 
that,'  and  we  desist,  or  *  look  here,  do  this,'  *  this  is  the  way/ 
*  come  with  me,*  and  we  obey.  It  is  sufficient  that  our 
attention  is  directed  to  the  thing  at  the  moment,  and  we 
do  not  even  stop  to  reflect  what  is  best;  we  go  on.  How 
much  power  then  to  influence  our  conduct  have  our  friends 
and  companions,  if  they  will  only  speak  out ;  and  still  more 
our  parents,  relatives  and  spiritual  guides !  The  Dicta  of 
Ecclesiastical  authority  are  not  enough ;  it  is  personal  w- 
fiuence  which  is  the  practical  means  for  giving  effect  to 
that  authority. 

What  we  want  to  do  is  in  this  way  to  create  and 
cultivate  a  conscience  among  our  people  on  the  matter  of 
reading.   In  the  present  condition  of  society  it  is  no  longer 

Eossible  for  the  Church  to  preserve  people  from  poisonoos 
terature  as  it  once  did.  W  e  need,  therefore,if  they  must  be 
exposed  to  this  danger,  to  awaken  and  inform  their  conscienceB 
on  the  duty  of  taking  care  of  themselves.  For  somehow— 
from  the  novelty  of  the  situation  or  some  other  cause — ^we 
find  many  people  conscientious  enough  about  other  things 
who  do  not  seem  to  have  a  conscience  about  what  they 
read.  Anything  professedly  immoral,  or  written  against 
the  Faith,  they  would  reject ;  but  short  of  this,  they  do 


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Pemicio^is  Literature  and  its  remedy.  621 

not  seem  to  think  they  have  any  need  to  disciiminate 
between  wholesome  and  unwholesome  literature.  Ih. 
history,  philosophy,  poetry,  science,  travels  and  fiction,  they 
feed  their  mind,  without  scruple  or  fear,  on  what  presents 
itself;  unconscious  of  the  falsehood,  and  perversions  of  the 
truth,  and  one-sided  views,  and  misleading  ideas,  and 
disloyal  thoughts  to  God  and  religion,  and  degraded  tastes, 
and  incitements  to  sensuality,  which  they  are  taking  up  into 
their  i^stem.  These  are  seeds  of  vice  and  irreligion,  and 
like  other  seeds,  they  spring  up  and  grow,  and  make  the 
character  in  after  years.  Moreover,  the  very  tenderness 
for  innocence  which  makes  our  colleges  and  convent 
«cbools  so  scrupulous  of  letting  those  under  their  tuition 
fereatiie  anythmg  but  the  purest  air,  without  taint  or 
suspicion  of  evil,  has  yet  this  drawback,  that  it  does  not  fit 
those  who  are  to  go  forth  and  live  in  the  corrupt  atmosphere 
^f  tiie  outward  world  to  discern  and  to  be  on  their  guard 
.against  its  dangera  Many  make  their  first  acquaintance 
with  these  dangers,  not  while  they  still  enjoy,  but  when 
they  have  just  lost,  the  watchful  care  and  kind  guidance 
which  would  direct  and  uphold  their  steps.  But  if  this  is 
unavoidable,  yet  how  mncli  might  be  done  to  minimise  the 
«vil  by  thoroughly  instnicting  the  conscience  on  the  duty  of 
discrimination  in  reading,  and  fore-arming  it  by  precautions 
Against  mischief.  There  are  many  young  people  who, 
while  not  too  ready  to  be  dictated  to,  will  yet  take  an 
interest  and  pride  in  taking  cai*e  of  themselves,  and  may 
be  easily  put  up  to  thia 

There  is,  however,  a  point  of  some  importance  to  be 
attended  to,  as  it  seems  a  condition  of  success.  It  is  not 
^nougli  to  tell  people  that  they  must  not  read  this  or  that. 
Ton  must  tell  them  what  they  may  read.  Some  years 
ftgo  a  friend  of  the  writers,  whose  wife  was  a  great  sufferer, 
told  him  tibat  her  health  had  improved  very  greatly  under 
the  treatment  of  a  fresh  physician,  who  prescribed  what 
she  might  take  and  do,  instead  of  prescribing  what  she 
might  not.  Instead  of  forbidding  walking  exercise,  he 
ordered  a  drive;  instead  of  enumerating  the  kinds  of  meat, 
vegetables  and  drink  which  would  be  deleterious,  he 
recommended  a  few  that  would  be  suitable  and  serviceable ; 
and  though  the  actual  regime  did  not  substantially  vary 
from  iiie  previous  treatment,    the    effect    was    entirely 

* J.  Ix    :i1     "L  ^ 1^       X.1-  _       A A J.     _i»     a1.  - •„   J 


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622  Pernicious  Literature  and  its  remedy, 

supply  of  suitable  literature  and  a  little  encouragement  to- 
use  it.  In  this  way  the  feeling  of  constraint  and  inter- 
ference is  removed  and  the  chances  of  success  greatly 
improved.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  the  mind,  when 
once  excited  to  activity,  craves  for  knowledge.  At  the 
present  day  our  men,  women  and  children  are  learning  to 
believe,  whether  we  will  or  no,  that  they  have  a  right  to 
know  what  is  going  on  in  the  world,  and  think  about  and 
discuss  matters  themselves,  and  they  are  not  satisfied  with 
being  ignorant  of  what  others  know.  Any  attempt  Uy 
keep  them  back,  if  not  completely  effective,  might  be 
fatal.  But  why  should  it  be  attempted?  Knowledge 
is  a  good  thing.  It  is  the  very  food  of  the  mind. 
What  is  needed  is  not  to  restrain  the  appetite  for  it^ 
but  to  see  that  it  feeds  on  that  which  is  wnolesome  and 
nourishing. 

But  how,  it  may  be  asked,  can  we  secure  a  selection 
and  supply  of  good  literature  ?  In  colleges  and  convent 
schools  there  are  those  who  are  capable  of  judging  what 
is  suitable  for  their  pupils,  yet  even  they  complain  of  the 
difficulty,  much  more  then  will  others  feel  it.  Indeed  it  is 
practically  impossible  for  any  but  those  who  are  connected 
•with  the  publishing  of  literature,  and  who  have  experience,, 
judgment,  and  time  for  the  purpose,  to  be  able  to  advise 
on  what  is  suitable  for  different  piu-poses  and  classes  of 
readers,  and  to  facilitate  the  supply.  If  we  go  to  the  pub- 
lishers, they  are,  each  one  of  them,  conversant  with  their 
own  special  line  of  business,  and  are  interested,  very 
reasonably,  in  the  sale  of  their  own  publications.  Nor  is 
it  desirable  to  do  any  injury  to  their  useful  and  valuable 
work.  What  is  wanted  is  some  means  of  selecting  from 
the  books  and  periodicals  of  the  different  publishers  suck 
as  suited  for  different  classes  of  readers, — books  suited  for 
the  country  or  town  or  village  library,  for  young  people  in 
colleges  or  schools,  for  families,  for  students,  or  as  prize 
books.  An  institution  which  could  provide  for  this  would 
not  injure  publishers,  but  greatly  promote  the  sale  of  their 
works.  It  would  have  no  interests  of  its  own  to  serv^ 
beyond  paying  its  working  expenses.  Its  one  object 
would  be  the  selection  and  supply  of  works  of  all  kinds,. 
by  whomsoever  pubhshed,  if  only  they  could  be  recom- 
mended as  good  books  of  their  kind — instructive,  interest- 
ing, intelligent,  and  free  from  moral  taint.  For  our  people 
to  read,  and  to  read  plentifully,  of  such  books  would 
afford  healthy  recreation  and  intellectual  improvement. 


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Pernicious  Literature  and  its  reinedy,  623 

In  England  St.  Anselm's  Society  was  established  more 
than  twenty  years  ago,  and  has  lately  been  started  afresh, 
for  this  very  piu^ose.  It  has  received  the  express  sanction 
of  the  Holy  See,  and  is  under  the  patronage  of  the  English 
and  Scottish  hierarchies,  and  is  not  unknown  in  Ireland, 
where  it  has  received  encouragement  in  high  quarters. 
There  is  nothing  to  prevent  its  having  a  new  and  separate 
establishment  there,  or,  if  it  was  thought  more  desirable, 
some  fresh  institution  of  a  similar  character  might  be 
founded,  especially  intended  to  assist  colleges,  convents, 
schools,  the  clergy,  and  others  in  Ireland  who  feel  the 
danger  and  want  of  these  times,  to  do  the  work  of  select- 
ing, classilying,  exhibiting,  and,  if  desired,  supplying  books 
that  may  be  recommended  or  at  least  tolerated :  we  say 
•tolerated,'  for  the  object  at  present  is  not  so  much 
to  promote  the  good  work  of  spiritual  or  pious  reading, 
as  to  counteract  and  iVustrate  a  bad  work,  and  m 
many  cases  it  may  be  wise  to  be  large-minded,  and  in 
selecting  books  not  attempt  too  much  at  once.  It  is  a 
great  thing  if  pernicious,  misleading,  demoralizing,  im- 
healthy  literature,  can  be  replaced  by  what  is  not  of  this 
character.  But  if  we  exclude  standard  and  well-known 
works  or  papers,  whose  tendency  is  not  bad,  and  offer  too 
much  literature  that  is  dry  and  uninteresting  and  unknown, 
on  the  sole  ground  that  it  is  safe  and  unobjectionable, 
we  may  have  need  to  fear  lest  we  end  by  increasing 
instead  of  diminishing  the  taste  and  demand  for  bad 
literature.  It  is  a  great  authority  who  said  that  "  to 
be  ever  safe  is  to  be  ever  feeble.*' 

Should  any  of  om-  readers  desire  to  know  more  of  the 
plan  and  working  of  St.  Anselm's  Society,  application 
may  be  made  to  the  Society's  Depository,  5,  Agar-street, 
Strand,  London,  or  to  the  present  writer, 

J.  G.  Wenham. 


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[    624    ] 


ADRIAN  IV.  AND  HENRY  PLANTAGENET.-III. 

**  History  may  in  the  perversion  serve  for  a  magazine  fnmi^ing 

*  offensive  and  defensive  weapons  for  parties  in  Church  and  State, 

*  and  supplying  the  means  of  keeping  alive,  or  reviving  dissensions 
and  animosities,  and  adding  fuel  to  civil  fury." — Edmund  Burke, 

THE  arguments  in  the  preceding  eections  of  this  eeeay 
have  been  designedly  of  a  discursive  character.  In 
taking  this  line  the  writer  has  followed  the  course  of  the 
advocates  of  the  authenticity  of  the  "  Bull  of  Adrian  IV." 
From  their  style  it  is  plain  that  they  have  judged  their  case 
to  be  one,  in  which  no  part  of  the  evidence  was  strong 
enough  to  stand  by  itself,  and  in  the  fierce  ardour  of 
controversy  they  have  accepted  the  support  of  imworthy 
Kterary  auxiliaries  who  day  by  day  are  disappearing  from 
the  ranks  of  historical  writers. 

We  shall  now  approach  "  The  spurious  Bull  of  the 
much  maligned  PontiflF  Adrian  JV.,"  as  it  is  designated  by 
His  Eminence  Cardinal  Moran,^  albeit  it  stands  in  tli^ 
Boraan  Bnllarium.  It  may  be  well  to  premise  that  the 
Bnllarium  is  nothing  more  than  a  collection  of  docuinez^ 
.gathered  in  many  instances  from  very  doubtful  sources, 
.  and  put  together  by  a  private  hand.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  collect  the  Bulfs  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  until  the 
year  1550,  and  the  first  edition  included  only  seventy 
of  these  documents.  The  subsequent  investigations  of 
Cardinal  Caraffa,  Labbe,  Martene,  Mabillon,  &c.,  enabled 
Cocquelines  to  produce  in  1739,  the  immense  collection 
which  bears  his  name,  extracted,  as  he  tells  us,  from  "  burial 
.places''  in  various  libraries,  and  obtained  sometimes  even 
from  heretical  sources;  and  he  takes  care  to  inform  ns  that 
his  work  is  a  private  one,  and  unsupported  by  any  public 
authority.  The  "  Bull "  of  Adrian  IV.  he  gives  on  the 
authority  of  Mathew  Paris  and  Giraldus  Cambrensis.' 
From  the  pages  of  these  very  questionable  writers  it  has 
found  its  way  into  the  Bnllarium.  Hence  it  is  in  possession. 
The  advantages  are  on  the  side  of  its  supporters.  A  violent 
eviction  is  impossible.  All  that  we  can  do  is  to  scrutinize 
its  features,  and  demand  proof  of  its   legitimacy,    and 

*  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  November,  1872. 

*  Bullarium  Ainplissima  Collectio.,  vol.  i. ;  Pref.  pp.  4,  9  ;  voL  ii., 
p.  351.  Romae,  1739.  On  the  subject  of  supposed  Papal  documents, 
see  Father  Ryder  "  False  Decretals  "  (Catholic  Controversy,  p.  177). 


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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet  62S 

of  its  right  to  occupy  a  place  in  the  Bullariura  of 
the  Roman  Pontiffa  We  have  seen  that  the  alleged 
motives  for  its  appearance  did  not  exist ;  our  next  step  is 
to  show  that  the  "BulP  is  destitute  of  all  necessary 
formalities  and  vouchers,  and  that  its  style  and  spirit  are 
in  glaring  contradiction  to  all  the  aiithentic  Bulls  of 
Adrian  IV.,  and,  afi  far  as  the  present  writer  can  make  out, 
to  every  enactment,  which  in  the  course  of  ages  has 
emanated  from  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  in  dealing  with  the 
Bishops,  and  organized  hierarchies  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Tke  use  of  italics  will  perhaps  help  the  reader  to 
appreciate  the  salient  pointa : — 

"  Adrian%  Bishop,  Servant  of  the  Servants  of  God,  to  our  most 
•dear  Son  in  Christ,  the  ilhistrious  King  of  the  English,  greeting 
and  Apostolic  benediction:  Your  highness  with  no  slight  profit 
and  praise,  has  fixed  your  mind  on  the  extension  of  a  glorious 
name  on  earth,  and  the  attainment  of  an  eternal  reward  in  heaven, 
when,  in  the  spirit  of  a  Catholic  prince,  ijou  set  yourself  to  widen 
the  baundajnes  of  the  Chvreti,  to  announce  the  truth  of  Ckristicm 
Jaith  to  ignerant  and  imcuhivated  nations,  and  to  root  out  the  weeds 
cf  vice  from  the  field  of  the  lA>rd;  while  in  order  the  more  fittingly 
to  carry  out  your  purpose  you  ask  for  counsel  and  favour  from  thjs 
Apostolic  See.  In  which  undertaking  we  are  confident  that  the 
blessed  results  will  be,  with  Grod's  assistance^  in  proportion  to  the 
•exalted  character  of  your  designs,  and  the  discretion  with  which  you 
jfurfHie  them,  sincA  works  which  are  inspired  by  an  ardent  faith  and 
love  of  religion^  are  always  certain  to  have  a  holy  end  and  ful£lr 
ment.  'i'ruly,  and  without  doubt,^.as  your  Majesty  acknowledges, 
does  Ireland  and  all  the  other  islands  on  which  Christ  the  Sun  of 
Justice  has  shone,  and  which  have  received  the  traditions  of  the 
'Christian  farth,  belong  to  St.  Peter  and  the  most  Holy  Eoman 
/Church.  Wherefore  do  we  plant  in  them  a  faithful  seed  diear  to 
God,  with  a  willingness  proportionate  to  the  strict  account  which 
we  foresee  we  shall  be  compelled  to  render  of  them.  Most  beloved 
son  in  Christ,  inasmuch  as  you  have  infonned  us  of  your  desire  to 
«Hter  the  island  of  Ireland  with  the  intentiou  of  bringing  that 
people  under  the  control  of  the  laws,  and  of  extirpating  the  weeds 
•of  vice ;  purposhig  also  to  pay  the  aminal  tribute  to  St.  Peter  of 
one  penny  on  each  house,  and  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  churches 
of  that  land  whole  and  iaviolate*  We,  tlierefore,  sympathizing 
in  your  pious  and  praiseworthy  desire,  with  befitting  good  will, 
and  with  gracious  assent  to  your  request^  will  take  it  as  a 
pleasing  and  acceptable  service,  that  for  the  purpose  of  extending 
the  boundaries  of  the  Churc/i,  restraining  the  torrent  of  vice,  and 
diffusing  the  Christian  religion,  you  should  enter  that  island  and 
put  into  effect  those  things  which  concern  the  glory  of  God,  and  the 
ealvation  of  that  country ;  and  that  the  people  of  that  land  shouM 


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626  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet 

receive  you  with  honour,  and  venerate  you  as  lord.  The  rights  of 
churches  remaining  without  doubt  untouched  and  entire,  with 
reservation  of  the  annual  tribute  of  one  penny  to  St.  Peter  aud 
the  Most  Holy  Roman  Church.  If,  therefore,  you  determine  to 
carry  out  those  designs  which  you  have  contemplated,  set  your  mind 
to  the  work  of  infusing  good  morals  into  that  people,  and  take  such 
steps  as  well  in  your  oivn  capacity^  as  by  those  whose  faith^  doctrine, 
and  life,  in  your  judgment,  shall  qualify  them  f&r  the  work,  so  that  in 
that  country  the  Church  may  be  adorned,  and  the  Christian  faith 
and  religion /)/a?/^e(Z  and  increased ;  and  see  that  all  that  tends  to  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  souls  be  ordained  by  you,  that 
you  may  deserve  from  God  an  increase  of  eternal  reward,  and  on 
earth  obtain  a  glorious  name  throughout  all  time." 

Whensoever  the  authenticity  of  any  document  is 
questioned,  if  at  the  same  time  undoubted  writings  of  the 
same  author  exist,  it  is  obvious  that  comparison  is 
an  essential  element  in  the  discussion.  In  tne  Roman 
BuUarium  we  find  twenty-one  Bulls  of  Adrian  IV.  They 
are  all  concerned  with  questions  of  ecclesiastical  privileges. 
Five  bear  the  seal  or  Bulla  of  the  Pope  :  eignteen  are 
signed  by  tke  PontiflF  himself;  but  all,  without  exception, 
give  the  name  of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Roman  Church  by 
whom  they  were  delivered.  Amongst  these  the  editor  of 
the  BullariuiTi  of  1739,  on  the  authority,  as  he  tells  us,  of 
Gu*aldu8  Cambrensis  and  Mathew  Paris,  introduces  a  letter 
from  the  Pope  to  some  English  King;  no  name  of  said  King 
being  given.  The  letter  bears  upon  it  neither  seal,  date^ 
nor  evidence  of  deliveiy  :  it  is  addressed  to  no  one,  signed 
by  no  one,  and  hence  it  has  neither  beginning  nor  end. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  absence  of  signature,  <S£c., 
is,  by  itself,  sufficient  to  invalidate  the  document ;  but  it  is 
very  remarkable  in  the  present  instance,  as  the  Bulls  of 
Adrian  IV.  are  distinguished  by  their  singularly  rigid  legal 
formality. 

In  the  Patrologia  of  Miffne(voL  clxxxviii.)  we  find  two 
hundred  and  forty-seven  documents  which  are  attributed 
to  Adrian  IV.  Amongst  them  there  are  ten  which  are 
unsigned  and  informal.  Of  these,  some  are  fragments,  and 
all  are  papers  of  transitory  importance,  the  original  form  of 
which  it  was  no  one's  interest  to  preserve :  whoreas  the 
"  Bull ''  was  Henry's  only  title-deed  to  a  kingdom.  At 
the  same  time,  in  each  and  every  one,  with  the  exception 
of  the  "  Bull,"  we  find  an  intelligible,  legal  statement 
of  the  case,  with  the  proper  names  and  addresses 
of  the  persons  concerned.    The  libraries  and  archives  of 


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.  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet.  627 

Italy,  France,  Germany,  Spain,  England,  Scotland,  Poland 
and  Greece,  in  fact  of  everj'^  Christian  country  except 
Ireland,  have  delivered  up  their  evidence  to  the  active  and 
powerful  administration  of  Adrian  IV.,  and  each  document, 
whether  complete  or  mutilated,  bears  the  stamp  of  that 
jealous  defence  of  the  estabUshed  rights  of  churches 
which  is  seen  in  so  marked  a  manner  in  all  the  writings  of 
this  Pontiff. 

The  following  extracts  will  give  the  reader  some  idea 
of  the  spirit  which  animated  the  enactments  of  Adrian  IV. 
To  his  '*  Venerable  Brother  Raynerius,  Bishop  of  Siena,*' 
he  writes  :— 

"Whereas  the  charge  of  Sovereign  Pontiff,  laid  upon  us  by 
God,^  makes  it  our  duty  to  cherish  all  Christians,  and  be  ever 
ready  to  give  ear  to  their  prayers  ;  in  a  special  manner  are  we  bound, 
with  paternal  solicitude,  to  act  with  foresight  in  dealing  with  our 
brothers  in  the  Episcopate,  and  in  the  exercise  of  that  office  to 
embrace  them  with  a  still  greater  effusion  of  charity,"  &c.,  &c. 
"  (Signature)     Eoo.,  Adrianus,  Catbol.  Eccl.  Episc. 

'*  Dat.  apud  Civitatem  Castellanam  per  manum  Rolandi  S.R.E. 
Presb.  Card,  et  Cancellarii,  xii.  Kalen.  Augusti  Indictione  iii. 
Incarnationis  Dominic  anno  MCLV.  Pootif.  vero  Domini  Adriani 
Papae  IV.  anno  I." 

To  Henry,  Patriarch  of  Grado : — 

''We  are  witnesses  at  once  to  the  dignity  of  the  ApostoUc 
office  entrusted  to  us,  and  to  the  useful  exercise  of  our  trust,  when 
with  watchful  cAre  we  guard  the  privileges  of  individual  chiu'ches 
so  that  their  rights  may  be  preserved  untouched,"  Ac,  Ac. 

To  a  Monastery  in  Prussia : — 

"  The  care  of  the  Universal  Church  has  been  entrusted  to  us 
by  God,  the  Provider  of  all  that  is  good,  that  we  may  show  our 
love  for  those  who  are  dedicated  to  God,  and  that  by  every 
means  in  our  power  we  may  propagate  those  Religious  Orders 
which  are  pleasing  to  Him  ...  It  is  the  duty,  therefore,  of 
all  who  love  the  Christian  faith,  to  be  devout  to  the  Religious 
Orders,  and  watchfully  to  maintain  holy  places,  together  with  those 
who  are  set  aside  for  the  divine  service,  so  that  they  may  not  be 
disturbed  by  any  vexations  of  evil  men,  or  wearied  by  their  insolent 
tyrany,"  <tc.,  (fee. 

No  document,  however,  is  so  much  to  the  point  as 
Adrian's  letter  to  Louis  VII.  of  France  which  is  given  by 
Mansi,  as  well  as  Migne,^      In  conjunction  with  his  vassal,. 

'  Conciliorum  collectio,  vol.  xxi.,  page  818.  Patrologia,  vol.  clxxxviii.^ 
p.  1695, 


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628  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet. 

the  king;of  England^  Louis  asked  the  Pope's  pernu^ion  to 
undertake  a  crusade  against  the  infididis  and  apostates  of 
Spain,  for  which  purpose  he  had  abeady  collected  his  troops, 
and  made  his  preparations*  The  king  of  France  was  a 
loyal  son  of  the  Church,  and  Adrian  did  not  deny  that  his 
purpose  was  a  good  and  holy  one.  For  all  that  ha  withheld 
lii»  permission,  and  this  in  words  which  are  a  categorical 
repudiation  of  every  sentence  in  the  supposed  missive  to 
Henry  Plantagenet. 

He  tells  me  king  that  his  impetuosity  had  filled  tbe 
minds  of  many  with  aatonishment  and  anxiety  (multos 
attonitos  et  suspenses.)  "  To  enter  a  foreign  country/* 
continues  the  Pope,  "  without  a  consultation  with  its  rulers 
and  people,  appears  to  be  both  incautious  and  dangerous. 
As  We  understtwid  the  matter,  you  are  preparing  to  huny 
thither  before  you  have  adced  ad\Tce  fi^jm  the  Churchy  and 
rulers  of  the  country ;  whereas,  such  an  attempt  should  on 
no  account  be  made  until,  in  the  first  place,  its  necessity  has 
been  brought  under  your  notice  by  the  rulers  of  the  said 
country,  followed  by  an  *  invitation  on  their  pcwt  .  .  . 
by  these  present  letters  We  suggest  that  your  HighnesB 
should  inquire  into  and  investigate  the  necessities  of  the 
country  with  the  help  of  the  rulers  of  that  kingdom,  and 
that  you  should  diligently  study  the  wishes,  not  only  of  its 
church  and  rulers^  but  also  those  of  the  people,,and  that,  as 
is  becoming^  you  should  take  their  advice  "(a&  eis  consilium 
sicut  decet  accvpias)^  and  the  Pope  goes  on  to  say  tiiot  other- 
wise "  We  ourselves^  for  many  reasons^  might  appear  to  be 
capricious  (No$  ipsi  levcs  in  hoe  faeto  pomenma  jnuUipUciter 
apparere,'*) 

There  is  no  question  as  to  the  authenticity  of  this 
document  People  do  not  invent  refusals,  and  moreover  it 
ia  as  much  in  keeping  with  the  undeviating  pnhciplea  of 
Adrian  IV.  as  the  Plantagenet  Bull  is  antagonistic. 

These  extracts  will  suflfice  to  reveal  the  spirit  which 
animates  the  Bulla  of  Adrian  IV.  They  confirm  tii6 
evidence  already  drawn  in  the  text  &om  his  letters^  and  bis 
character,  and  th^  ar&  a  striking  revelation  of  h» 
vigour  and  sagacity  in  the  government  of  the  Chsrcb. 
The  more  closely  we  study  the  spurious  letter  attribnted 
to  the  Pope,  the  more  evident  i1  becomes  that  it  is  the 
composition  of  a  layman*  Any  ecclesiastic^  with  the 
faintest  acquaintance  with  the  modes  of  procedure  of  the 
Boman  administration,  would  have  understood^  thai  to  give 
the  document  an  appearance  of  validity,  the  name  of  somt 


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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet  629 

Prelate  should  have  been  introduced  as  delegate  or  repre- 
sentative of  the  Pope.  At  almost  every  line  the  letter 
reveals  the  swordsman — the  self-appointed  military  mis- 
sioner  In  the  Pope's  Bulls  everything  goes  slowly; 
they  bristle  with  the  proper  names  of  individuab  and 
places,  whose  rights  are  all  respected  and  adjudicated^ 
whereas  in  the  supposed  Commission  to  Henry,  the  judge 
comes  with  lance  in  rest  as  if  lie  were  charging  the 
Moslem,  without  any  distinct  reference  to  those  "un- 
diminished rights  (juraillibata)  of  each  and  every  church," 
in  the  defence  of  which,  as  we  have  seen.  Pope  Adrian  was 
ever  immovable.  It  is  the  laity  who  are  given  over  to  the 
king  as  bis  instruments.  This  was  certainly  the  style  of 
ecclesiastical  government  which  Henry  tried  everywhere 
to  establish ;  but  even  the  laity,  in  those  days,  were  wise 
onou^  to  prefer  the  clearly  defined,  and  hmited  jurisdiction 
of  their  Bishops. 

Up  to  this  point  our  arguments  have  been  drawn 
from  events  which  were  known  to  the  whole  world.  In 
the  case  of  history,  however  stormy,  this  is  generally  a 
satisfactory  mode  of  procedure :  in  the  end  it  is  the  clouds 
whk;h  p€LSS  away,  while  truth  reigns  like  the  staiu  Not  so^ 
however,  with  questious  which  have  been  narrowed  to 
mere  critical  and  documentary  dimensions,  especially  in 
cases  where  originals  caimot  be  produoed.  In  entering 
on  this  part  of  our  subject,  our  best  plan,  therefore,  will  be 
to  state  the  case  in  favour  of  the  "Bull,"  in  so  far  as  it 
rests  on  the  existence  of  the  document. 

The  letter  of  the  Pope  is  stated  to  have  been  written 
in  1155,  immediately  on  his  accession  to  the  Pontificate,  at 
the  suggestion  of  John  of  Salisbury,  and  it  is  asserted  that 
the  King  of  England  produoed  it  before  his  Council  at  the 
time;  but  that  he  was  dissuaded  from  taking  any  steps 
towards  putting  it  in  force,  by  the  coimsels  of  his  mother,  the 
Empress  Matilda.  Nothing  more,  as  far  as  we  can  learn,. 
was  heard  of  the  "  Bull "  in  Rome,  England,  or  Ireland  for 
a  period  of  twenty  years,  until  in  1175,  seven  years  after 
the  landing  of  the  Normans,  and  sixteen  years  after  the 
death  of  Adrian,  when  Henry  is  said  to  have  exhibited  it 
at  a  Synod  held  at  Waterford. 

In  spite  of  the  suspicious  concealment  of  the  letter 
for  the  space  of  twenty  years,  the  story  holds  together 
until  w©  investigate  in  detail  the  evidence  for  each  of 
these  statements.  We  find  that  they  are  all  disputed  by 
grave  authorities ;  but  the  battle  has  to  be  fought  on  such 


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630  Adrian  IV  and  Henry  Planta^genet 

uncertain  and  slippery  ground  that  it  is  hard  to  sec  how  it 
oan  ever  be  decided,  unless  it  is  kept  on  the  higher  level 
to  which  we  have  raised  it.  However,  as  it  would  seem 
like  a  confession  of  weakness  to  avoid  this  part  of  the 
discussion,  we  shall  select  what  seem  to  be  the  essential 
pointa 

The  earliest  writer  in  whose  pages  the  '*  Bull "  is  to  be 
found  is  Giraldus  Cambrensis.  It  was  published  in  his 
^'Expugnatio  Hybernica"  which  was  written  in  1189,  in 
the  reign  of  King  John,  that  is  thirty-four  years  after  the 
supposed  composition  of  the  document,  and  we  are  justified 
in  assuming  that  it  flowed  from  his  work  into  the  pages  of 
Ralph  de  Diceto,  and  other  English  court  historians  of  the 
period.  I  am  far  from  supposing  that  there  was  intentioDal 
dishonesty  on  the  part  of  any  of  these  writers.  It  is  not 
likely  that  they  had  the  opportunity,  even  supposing  they 
had  the  inclination,  to  investigate  the  authenticity  of  the 
document.  They  might  naturally  expect  the  inquiry  to 
originate  in, Ireland  itself,  and  part  of  Henry's  dexterous 
management  of  his  fraud,  was  to  keep  his  forgery 
to  himself  in  the  first  instance,  and  then  cautiously 
to  unveil  it.  While  a  diplomatist  who  was  at  once 
the  most  powerful  monarch,  and  the  most  accomplished 
deceiver  of  his  age,  had  many  advantages  on  his  side 
in  this  mode  of  procedure.  Henry  pushed  on  his  armies 
into  Ireland,  at  first  by  his  agents,  and  then  in  person, 
with  now  and  then,  some  vague  and  obscure  hints 
that  long  ago  a  departed  Pope  had  blessed  his  mission ; 
and  if  this  arch-conspirator  deceived  simple  and  honest 
men,  there  is  nothing  in  this  to  be  wondered  at,  although 
the  heart  sinks  at  contemplating  the  success  which 
has  attended  his  detestable  sagacity. 

Before  we  pursue  the  case  against  this  royal  forger, 
we  must  meet  the  only  argument  for  the  authenticity 
of  the  "  Bull,"  which  is  really  deserving  of  serious 
attention. 

X  allude  to  the  passage,  allusive  to  the  subject,  which  is 
found  in  the  Metalogicus  of  John  of  Salisbury.  This  writer 
was  an  honest  man  and  a  zealous  ecclesiastic :  we  want  no 
better  proof  of  this  than  the  passage  already  quoted  from  his 
life  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury, in  which  he  bears  testimony 
to  the  bad  character  of  Henry  II.  At  the  very  period  when, 
as  he  tells  us,  such  grave  suspicions  were  entertained  of  the 
evil  dispositions  of  the  young  English  king,and  his  depraved 
councillors,  John  had  an  audience  with  Adrian  IV.  at 


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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  FlantageneU  631 

Beneventum,  Rome  being  at  the  time  in  the  hands  of  th« 
adherents  of  Arnold  of  BreRcia.  In  his  writings  two 
accounts  are  found  of  his  relations  with  the  Pope  on  that 
occasion,  one  in  the  Polycraticus^  the  other  in  the  Meta" 
logicus.  The  passage  in  the  Polycraticus  is  too  long  to 
be  quoted  here.  It  gives  minutely  the  Pope's  own  words, 
and  the  remarks  of  his  visitor,  and  fits  in  admirably  with 
the  characters  of  both.  Adrian  listens  ^vith  great  patience 
and  good  humour  to  a  long  lecture  from  John  of  Salisbury 
on  the  reforms  required  in  his  court,  at  the  termination  of 
which,  John  tells  us,  with  genuine  humihty  and  simplicity, 
that  the  Pope  laughed  at  him.^  In  this  account,  no  allusion 
is  made  either  to  the  King  of  England,  or  to  Ireland.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Metalogicus  runs  thus  : 

**  Although  he  (the  Pope)  had  a  mother  and  brother  living,  his 
affection  for  me  was  more  tender.  He  declared  in  public  and 
private  that  he  loved  mOj  more  than  any  living  being.  He  had 
<M>nceived  such  an  affection  for  me,  that  whenever  he  had  the 
opportunity,  he  consoled  himself  by  pouring  forth  the  secrets  of  his 
conscience  before  me."  He  then  goes  on  to  say  that,  "  At  my 
•entreaties  he  conceded  and  granted  Ireland  to  the  great  Henry  II., 
King  of  England,  to  be  held  by  hereditary  succession,  as  his 
letters  testify  to  the  present  day."* 

No  question,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  ever  been  raised  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  passage  in  the  Polycraticus.  It  is 
found  in  the  body  of  the  work,  and  its  language  is  such  as 
might  be  expected  from  a  friend  of  Pope  Adrian,  and  of 
St  Thomas  of  Canterbury.  On  the  other  hand,  that  in 
the  Metalogicus  occurs  at  the  end  of  the  work  in  the  place 
best  suited  for  interpolation,  and  all  authorities  against 
the  **  Bull,"  from  Cambrensis  Eversus,  to  Cardinal  Moran, 
have  set  the  passage  down  as  a  forgery.  There  have 
been  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  Catholic  ecclesiastical 
statesmen  who  for  the  sake  of  a  royal  master  have  sacrificed 
the  liberties  of  the  Church  ;  but  it  is  hard  to  attribute  such 
a  disposition  to  John  of  Salisbury,  and  still  harder  to 
imagine  that  Pope  Adrian  would  have  listened  to  such 
suggestions.  In  the  Polycraticus  we  find  that  John 
outstrips  the  zeal  of  the  gi'eatPontifi^himself  for  the  honour 
of  the  Roman  Church,  and  tells  the  Pope  that  "  many 
complained  that  the  Roman  Church,   the   Mother  of  all 


'  Lib.  vi.,  c.  23.  «  Lib  iv.,  c.  42. 


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632  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  PlantageneL 

Churches,  showed  herself  to  others  rather  as  a  stepmother 
than  a  mother,"  "while  in  the  Metalogicus  he  is  made  to 
gloiy  in  the  fact  that  he  had  induced  the  Pope  to  hand 
over  the  time-honoured  Church  of  St.  Patrick  to  an  impure 
and  unscrupulous  tyrant.  If  we  accept  the  "Bull,"  it 
means  all  this,  as  he  must  have  been  acquainted  witii  its 
contents  :  if,  on  the  other  hand,  we  suppose  that  allusion 
was  made  to  some  other  purely  temporal  grant  of 
**  hereditary*'  dominion,  then  the  "BulP'  and  the  Meta^ 
logicus  part  company,  which  is  all  that  our  argu- 
ment requires.  In  the  Polycraticus  we  see  John  of 
Salisbury  in  his  natural  relations  with  the  Pope,  speaking 
with  all  the  freedom  of  an  old  friend,  and  a  pious,  if  not 
over-prudent  adviser,  while  the  language  of  the  Metalogi- 
CU8  betrays  the  clumsy  hand  of  the  court-flatterer.  We 
observe  that  the  writer  does  not  pretend  that  Henry  himself 
asked  for  Ireland,  but  merely  that  the  Pope  sent  a  nation  slb 
a  present  to  the  King,  as  if  it  were  a  mere  compliment  to  the 
messenger:  "at  my  entreaties"  (adpreces  meas).  Such  an 
idea  could  only  have  occurred  to  some  creature  of  a  despot's 
court,  who  realized  no  principle  of  justice  outside  his 
master's  mind.  Again  the  expression  "  to  be  possessed  by 
right  of  inheritance"  (mre  hereditariopossidendum)  is  either 
a  blundering  comment  on  the  **  6ull,"  by  some  one 
who  did  not  stop  to  consider  the  meaning  of  the 
text,  or  else  it  is  a  bold  attempt  to  push  on  the 
business  from  spirituals  to  temporals;  which  was  a 
favourite  policy  of  Henry  PlantageneL  We  can  conceive 
the  hurried  hand  of  the  forger,  pressed  for  space,  introdu- 
cingthe  word  "hereditary,''  without  any  allusion  to  ancestors 
or  heirs,  but  it  is  incredible  that  such  a  sentence  could 
have  been  penned  by  a  learned  and  cautious  ecclesiastical 
lawyer  Hke  John  of  Salisbury.  The  reader  will  remember 
the  letter  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  to  Alexander  IIL 
in  which  he  reminds  the  Pope  that  from  the  day  of  Henry*s 
accession  to  the  Throne  he  had  assumed  that  dominion 
over  the  Church  in  England'  **wa6  his  own,  by  hereditary 
right,"  and  here  we  find  him  pressing  on  with  the  same 
fixed  idea  in  the  case  of  Ireland. 

It  is  worth  while  to  ask  whether  the  king  himself 
was  the  writer  of  this  second  forgery.  As  the  omission 
of  his  own  name  in  the  "Bull"  was  a  very  natural  shp 
in  the  case  of  one  who  was  corresponding  wdth  himself: 

1  EpistolaxijL 

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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet  «>33 

HO  ill  the  passage  in  the  Metalogicus,  we  find  the 
impress  of  his  style.  This  is  manifest  from  a  comparison 
of  the  language  of  the  passage  with  that  of  Henry's 
declaration  at  Avranches  in  1172,  before  the  Cardinals 
Vivian  and  Gratian,  when  he  sought  to  clear  himself  of 
the  guilt  of  the  murder  of  St.  Thomaa  The  declaration 
runs  thus — "  1,  King  Henry,  swear  upon  the  sacred  Gospels 
that  1  have  neither  premeditated,  known,  nor  ordered  the 
murder  of  the  holy  Thomas,  and  that  when  I  learned  that 
the  crime  had  been  perpetrated,  it  caused  me  more  anguish, 
than  if  I  heard  of  the  murder  of  my  own  son,"  &c.*  In 
both  these  documents  we  remark  that  exuberance  of  pro- 
fession which  is  so  often  the  snare  of  habitual  and 
exhausted  duplicity.  It  will  perhaps  be  objected  that  all 
history  may  oe  upset  if  controversialists  are  allowed  to 
evade  the  difficulties  by  the  supposition  of  forgery.  To 
this  it  may  be  answered  that  history,  like  all  other  testi- 
mony will  stand  or  fall  according  to  the  character  of  the 
witnesa  An  accusation  of  knavery  in  the  case  of 
Charlemagne,  or  St.  Louis,  would  have  as  many  valid 
opposing  prepossessions,  as  are  found  in  favour  of  a  similar 
charge  against  Henry  Plantagenet.  Heniy  II.  from  boy- 
hood until  his  awful  and  omiuous  departure  from  this  world,* 
was  an  outlaw  from  the  Commonwealth  of  honest  men  :  no 
one  can  doubt  that  he  was  capable  of  forgery,  and  this  even 
in  sacred  matters  if  it  suited  his  convenience,  which  was 
cei-tainly  the  case  as  regarded  his  designs  on  Ireland; 
and  the  matrix  for  forging  the  Papal  seal,  as  appended  to 
the  Bulls  of  the  Sovereign  Pontifi*,  one  of  the  relics  of  the 
Norman  invaders  of  Ireland,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
Royal  Irish  Academy,^  is  a  silent  but  stern  Avitness  to 
the  fact  that  the  fabrication  of  Papal  documents  was 
an  art  which  was  systematically  practised  in  those 
days. 

We  must  guard  against  weakening  our  case  by 
appearing  to  attempt  too  much.  It  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  supposed  letter  of  Adrian  IV.  did  make  some  sort 


1  Baronius  Annalea,  1172. 

5  J.  R.  Green,  Hist,  of  the  English,  vol.  i.,  p.  181.  His  account 
differs  from  that  of  Dr.  Lingard,  who  attributes  the  dying  king's 
malignant  dispositions  to  fever ;  but  the  statements  of  Mr.  Green  are 
more  in  accordance  with  the  facts  related  by  contemporary  writers. 
(See  Gervase,  Chon.  I.,  449,  and  Roger  de  Hoveden  II.,  366.) 

3  Cardinal  Moran,  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  Nov.,  1872,  p.  63. 
VOL.  VT.  3  A 


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634  Adiian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet. 

of  an  appearance  some  seven  years  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Norman8,an(i  that  the  iudifference  with  which  it  was  treated 
by  the  Irish  leaders,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  is  at  first  sight 
inexpHcable,  unless  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  very  crimes  of 
Henry  II.,  and  all  the  attendant  circumstances  of  his 
journey  into  Ireland,  were  all  in  favour  of  the  quiet  hatch- 
ing of  the  imposture. 

He  came  to  Ireland  red-handed  from  the  murder  of  the 
head  of  the  Church  in  England:  it  was  well-known  in 
Ireland  that  he  was  flying  from  the  Legates  of  the  Pope, 
who  had  arrived  in  France  for  the  express  purpose  of 
putting  him  on  his  trial,  and  that  he  had  sent  cruisers  around 
the  coast  to  prevent  all  communication  with  the  Supreme 
Ecclesiastical  Tribunal :  when,  therefore,  it  was  whispered 
here  and  there  by  members  of  his  train  that  the  King  of 
England  had  come  as  an  Apostolic  Miasioner  to  reform  the 
Irish  Church,  the  barefaced  absurdity  of  the  claim  was 
-enough  to  secure  it  against  all  serious  discussion.  That 
this  IS  no  unfounded  supposition  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  Cardinal  Vivian,  Legate  a  latere  from  Alexander  III., 
who  aiTived  in  Ireland  in  1177,  six  years  after  the 
landing  of  Henry,  either  knew  nothing  about  the 
*'  Bull,**  or  else  treated  it  as  a  mere  ruse  de  guerre. 
From  WilHam  of  Newbury,  a  contemporary  English 
historian,  we  learn  that  Cardinal  Vivian  took  the 
Irish  side,  and  exhorted  the  national  party  to  fight  for 
their  fatherland. 

**  John  de  Courcy,"  he  writes,  "  having  collected 
a  powerful  body  of  knights,  and  foot  soldiers,  determined 
to  invade  Ulster,  that  province  of  •  Ireland  whicli  is 
separated  from  Scotland  by  a  narrow  strait.  It  happened 
that  Vivian,  the  Legate  of  the  Holy  See,  a  man  remarkable 
for  his  eloquence,  had  just  then  arrived  in  these  parts  from 
Scotland.  He  had  been  honourably  received  by  the  King 
(of  Ulster)  and  the  Bishops  of  the  province,  and  at  the 
time  was  residing  in  the  city  of  Down  near  the  sea.  When 
the  news  arrived  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  the  Irish 
consulted  the  Legate  on  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  tlxis 
emergency  ;  he  answered  that  it  was  their  duty  to  5ght 
for  their  fatherland  (pugnandum  pro  patria)^  and  he 
blessed  them,  at  the  same  time  offering  up  public  prayers 
for  their  success.  Thus  encouraged,  they  salliea  forth 
impetuously ;  but  being  easily  overpowered  by  the  mailed 
archers,  they  turned  and  fled.  The  city  of  Down  was 
captured,  and  the  Roman  Legate  and  his  followers  took 


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Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  PlantageneU  635 

refuge  in  the  Church  which  was  very  famous  owing  to  the 
relics  of  the  saints  which  were  preserved  therein."' 

Roger  de  Hoveden,  who,  at  this  time,  had  been  for  three 
years  employed  as  one  of  the  chaplains  of  Henry  II.,  gives  a 
graphic  description  of  the  king's  fury  when  he  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Legate  in  England,  on  his  way  to  Ireland, 
and  with  a  slight  variation  in  the  narrative,  he  confirms 
William  of  Newbury's  statement,  that  the  Cardinal  Legate 
was  regarded  as  an  enemy  by  Henry  and  his  party.* 

We  conclude,  therefore,  that  up  to  the  year  1177,  that 
is  twenty-two  years  after  the  date  of  the  alleged  Commission 
to  Henry  II.,  nothing  was  known  about  the  document  at 
Rome.  It  was  still  in  process  of  incubation,  and  so, 
at  the  same  time  it  escaped  the  notice  of  tljie 
contemporary  annalists  of  the  Irish  Church.  As  we 
have  already  seen,  the  reigning  Pontiff,  Alexander  III., 
when  Cardinal  Rolando,  was  Chancellor  of  the  Roman 
Church  under  Adrian  IV.,  and  his  signature  is  appended 
to  all  the  Bulls  of  that  Pontiff  which  are  preserved 
in  the  BuUarium.  No  one  imagines  that  Popes  know  every- 
thing, but  it  is  inconceivable  that  Alexander  could  have 
been  ignorant  on  this  point,  supposing  so  important  a 
document  to  exist,  or  that  he  could  have  omitted  to  give 
his  ambassador  instructiona  in  accordance  with  its  contenta 
It  is  needless  to  add  that  the  policy  of  Cardinal  Vivian  is  a 
still  more  destructive  argument  against  the  confirmatory 
letter  of  Alexander  III.  himself  in  1177,  which  is 
acknowledged  to  be  dubious  even  by  Giraldus. 

Our  argument  comes  down  no  farther  than  Pope  Adrian 
Subsequent  letters  of  Roman  Pontiffs  on  the  subject  of 
Ireland  stand  by  themselves.  Many  of  them  demand  quite 
as  rigid  a  scrutiny  as  that  which  we  have  devoted  to  the 
singular  document  before  us,  but  even  if  they  are  proved  to 
be  authentic,  they  must  be  judged  by  the  circumstances  and 
poUtical  exigencies  of  the  ages  which  produced  them  ;  in 
such  cases  the  acts  of  one  Pontiff  cannot  be  used  as  retro- 
spective commentaries  on  those  of  his  predecessors. 

It  is  one  of  Ireland's  many  misfortunes  that  for  seven 
centuries  her  historical  literature  has  been  a  battle  long 
drawn  out.  It  is  the  fashion  to  attribute  this  to  dissensions 
amongst  her  natural  defenders,  with  little  allowance  for 

1  Gul.  Newbrigensis.    Gesta.  Angl.,  Bk.  III.,  c.  9. 

*  Chronica.  Ed.  Stubbs.  An.  1176,  1177.  Giraldus  Cambrensis, 
with  his  usual  ingenuity,  places  the  invaders  inside  the  walls  of  the  city 
of  Down,  protected  and  supported  by  the  Legate, 


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636  J^drian  IV.  and  Henry  Plantagenet. 

the  fact  that  during  this  period  two  nations  have  divided 
the  country  between  them.  All  the  advantages  were  on 
the  side  of  those  whose  preconceptions  and  national  pre- 
judices stood  in  the  way  of  literary  justice.  When,  there- 
fore, in  our  own  times  the  imprisoned  Catholic  intellect  of 
Ireland  was  emancipated,  the  historical  field  was  already 
occupied.  In  matters  of  faith  an  imening  instinct  pre- 
served her  sons  from  error.  Not  so  with  history.  Tney 
were  obliged  to  make  the  best  of  what  camo  to  hand,  or 
else  do  without  it  altogether.  It  is  weary  work  to  be  for 
ever  doubting,  and  impatience  has  betrayed  many  Irish 
Catholic  writers  into  making  admissions  which  have 
seriously  injured  their  own  cause.  Take,  for  instance. 
Dr.  Lanigan's  account  of  the  question  now  under  con- 
sideration. The  fourth  volume  of  his  "  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  Ireland  "  is  almost  entirely  devoted  to  the  events 
of  the  twelfth  century.  The  great  learning  and  acuteness 
of  this  writer  certainly  entitle  him  to  the  prominent 
position  among  Irish  Church  historians  which  has  been 
allotted  to  him  by  Cardinal  Moran,^  although  his  writings 
are  often  deficient  in  that  comprehensive  and  judicial  spirit 
which  distinguishes  the  Cardinal  himself.  For  many 
years  after  the  publication  of  his  work  in  1829,  Dr.  Lanigan 
was  probably  the  dominant  authority  amongst  modem 
Irish  ecclesiastical  writers,  and,  as  some  of  the  ground 
which  he  has  occupied  has,  as  yet  been  little  investigated, 
it  would  appear  that  on  these  points  he  is  still  allowed  to 
reign  supreme.  This  was  the  case  as  regards  the  "  Bull  of 
Adrian  IV.,*'  until,  in  1872,  Cardinal  Moran's  Dissertation 
appeared.  Amongst  others.  Cardinal  Newman  has  adopted 
the  conclusions  of  Dr.  Lanigan  on  this  subject  in  his  essay, 
*'  Northmen  and  Normans  in  England  and  Ireland,"  which 
was  published  in  1856.  Dr.  Lanigan's  account  of  the  state 
of  Ireland  previous  to  the  irruption  of  Normans  is 
fair  and  dispassionate,  and  if  he  had  made  a  selection  of 
his  authorities,  expanding  valuable  evidence,  and  ignoring 
many  contemptible  opponents,  his  history  of  this  period 
would  leave  little  to  be  desired.  He  disposes  of  the  allega- 
tions against  the  Irish  Church  drawn  from  the  writings  of 
St.  Anselm  :  he  follows  out  the  history  of  the  Danish  settle- 
ments, and  of  the  evil  customs  introduced  into  Ireland 
by  these  foreigners,  and  illustrates  very  clearly  the 
preeminence  of  the  Roman  Legates   in   Ireland  in  the 

1  Essays  on  Irish  Church,  p.  4(J. 

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-Adrian  IV,  and  Henry  Plantagenet,  •  637 

twelfth  century,  and  the  singular  veneration  in  which  they 
were  held.^  When,  however,  he  reaches  the  period  of 
Pope  Adrian,  it  is  clear  that  he  is  blinded  by  that  indigna- 
tion which  sometimes  disturbs  the  wisest  mind.  Thus  he 
wiites : — *'  Although  Adrian  IV.hadsuch  a  regard  for  his  old 
master  Marianus,  he  was  then  concerned  in  hatching  a  plot 
against  that  good  man's  country — in  laying  the  founda- 
tion of  the  destruction  of  that  country  ...  It  is  strange 
that  the  Pope  could  have  Hstened  to  such  stuff,  &c.  .  .  . 
But  the  love  of  his  country  (England),  his  wish  to  gratify 
Henry,  and  some  other  not  very  becoming  reasons,  prevailed 
over  every  other  consideration.'* 

Dr.  Lanigan  is  so  angry  with  the  Pope  that  ho  dismisses 
with  contempt  every  argument  in  his  favour,  and  in  ans^ver 
to  Cambrensis  Eversus,  and  MacGeoghegan,  he  rashly 
affirms  of  the  "  Bull,**  that "  never  did  there  exist  a  more  real 
and  authentic  document."  He'argues  that  there  must  have 
been  a  copy  in  the  Vatican  library,  because  Pope 
John  XXII .  alludes  to  it  a  hundred  and  sixty-four  years  after 
its  alleged  appearance  ;'*  whereas  the  Pope's  letter  merely 
accepts  the  statement  as  it  stands  in  the  letter  addressed  to 
him  by  the  Irish  leaders,  amongst  whom  some  believed 
and  some  doubted.  The  Pope*s  letter,  like  so  many  of  the 
documents  bearing  on  this  subject,  is  stained  with  the 
suspicion  of  fraud.  As  it  stands  in  Wilkins's  collection  of 
EngUsh  Councils,  the  Pope  is  made  to  say  that  Adrian 
**  granted  '*  (concessit)  to  Henry ;  in  the  continuator  of 
Baronius,  the  words  are  "is  said  to  have  granted** 
(concessisse  dicitnr),^ 

In  likeraanner.  Dr.  Lanigan  accepts  without  question,  that 
which  he  styles,  the  "  genuine  and  correct  text  of  Giraldus," 
as  evidence  of  the  letter  of  Alexander  III.*  to  Henry  II, 
Now  this  is  one  of  the  very  few  points  on  which 
Giraldus  Cambrensis  himself  manifests  anything  approach- 
ing to  intellectual  diffidence.  "By  some,**  he  says,  "it  is 
asserted,  or  pretended  that  this  (Brief)  was  obtained, 
while  others  deny  that  it  was  ever  asked  for.*'  (De  Instit. 
Prineip.  p.  52).  Dr.  Lanigan  also  adopts  the  inventions  of 
Giraldus,  as  regards  the  policy  of  the  Papal  Legate, 
Cardinal  Vivian. 

The  leamedand  dispassionate  English  editor  of  Giraldus 

» Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  iv.  pp.  32,  34,  43,  55,  &c.  « lb.,  pp.  159, 165- 

•Analecta  juris  Pont.  May,  1882.    >lag.  Brit.  Concilia,  An.  1319. 
Reynaldus  An.  1317. 
*  Eccl.  Hist.  iv.  223. 


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638  Adrian  IV.  and  Henry  PlantageneU 

Cambrensis  may  well  wonder  at  the  amount  of  credence 
which  Irish  writers  have  given  to  the  Cambrian  romancer.^ 
As  regards  the  letter  of  Alexander  IIL,  Dr.  Lanigan  is 
even  more  credulous  than  Giraldus.  He  seems  to  have  had  a 
fixed  idea  that  every  one's  hand  must  have  been  against 
Ireland.  This  prejudice  has  coloured  and  seriously  marred 
his  otherwise  valuable  testimony,  and  has  led  him  unin- 
tentionally to  play  into  the  hands  of  the  calumniators  of 
ancient  Catholic  Ireland.  We  have  seen  that  St.  Laurence 
and  her  own  Annalists,  treated  the  incursion  of  the 
Normans  as  one  of  the  ordinary  occurrences  of  a  lawless 
age.  The  Irish  of  that  day  were  the  best  judges  as  to 
the  origin  of  their  misfortunes;  and  as  they  in  the 
twelfth  century,  did  not  accuse  Pope  Adrian,  or  get  out  of 
temper  with  the  Holy  See,  it  is  quite  clear  that  there  is  no 
reason  now  that  we  should  start  this  grievance  after  the 
lapse  of  seven  centuries. 

We  now  part  company  with  the  **  Bull  of  Adrian,"  and 
it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  reader  has  had  some  share  in  the 
pleasure  which  the  investigation  has  imparted  to  the 
writer.  It  is  a  subject  eminently  calculated  to  clear  up  Ihe 
historical  horizon  in  many  directions.  It  teaches  that  while 
prescription  is  often  the  only  safe  law  in  politics,  it  has  no 
place  in  the  more  exalted  world  of  letters,  in  whose  courts 
the  right  of  appeal  is  unlimited.  It  reminds  us  that  in 
historical  trials  the  characters  of  both  plaintiff  and 
defendant  are  essential  elements,  and  that  the  good  name 
and  consistency  of  witnesses  is  of  more  importance  than 
numbers.  If  the  documentary  evidence  for  the  "  Bull ''  were 
as  strong  as  it  is  suspicious,  it  would  still  be  weak  when  set 
against  the  amazing  incongruity  of  the  supposition,  that  the 
only  interference  in  the  government  of  the  Church  in 
Ireland,  on  the  part  of  one  of  the  most  vigilant,  active  and 
far-seeing  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs, waste  hand  her  over,  with 
his  own  Legate,  her  Primate,  Archbishops,  Bishops,  and 
Religious  Orders,  to  the  spiritual  direction  and  supervision 
of  a  royal  commissioner,  in  the  shape  of  Henry  Plantagenet. 

W.  B.  Morris. 

»  The  Rev.  James  F.  Dimock.    Op.  Giraldi,  Pref.  Lml 


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[    639    ] 


SACRAMENTAL  CHARACTER. 

WHEN  we  find  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  and  theolo- 
gians generally  expending  so  much  anxious  thought 
upon  the  nature  of  sacramental  character,  and  extolling  so 
rapturously  the  divine  beneficence  involved  in  that  gift,  it 
cannot  be  wholly  uniuteresting  or  unprofitable  to  review, 
even  briefly,  some  of  the  results  of  their  inquiries.  Another 
and  very  powerful  motive  is  supplied  by  the  fact  that  the 
Reformers  assailed  the  existence  of  sacramental  character 
with  even  more  than  ordinary  acrimony,  relying  upon 
arguments  in  which  '*mahce  bears  down  truth**  so  clumsily 
that  their  authors  parade  those  arguments  shrouded  in 
humiliating  apologies  for  their  weakness.  This  is  especially 
true  of  Martin  Chemnitz  (the  Kemnitius  of  Bellarmine),  the 
pupil  of  Melancthon,  by  whom,  as  by  subsequent  writers, 
be  is  designated  "  the  Prince  of  Protestant  Theologians," 
and  whose  "  Examen  Concilii  Tridentini'*  they  boastfully 
refer  to  as  "  a  work  full  of  historical  information,  and 
which  as  a  solid  refutation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  doctrines 
has  not  beon  surpassed  by  any  subsequent  publication." 
(English  Encyc.)  Those  who  desire  it  may  find  these 
arguments — both  soiida  and  non-solida^  as  their  framers 
classify  them — in  the  works  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine,  De 
Lugo,  Billuart,  &c.,  in  which  they  will  also  find  a  profuse 
expenditure  of  learning  seemingly  wasted  in  refuting 
them. 

The  Refonners*  tilting  and  shivering  of  spears  against 
the  impregnable  fortress  of  Catholic  truth  had,  however, 
one  most  valuable  efiect :  it  stimulated  the  historians  and 
theologians  of  the  Church  to  disentomb  and  exhibit  in 
alto  rilieio  the  sayings  and  teachings  of  the  early  Fathers, 
whose  alleged  "  unbroken  silence  "  regarding  Sacramental 
Character  constituted  the  "argumentum  palmarium  et  vere 
solidum  "  of  Chemnitz. 

Before  entering  into  the  dogmatic  definitions  of  the 
Church  and  some  of  the  many  speculations  of  scholastic 
theoloj^,  it  will  be  well  to  reproduce  a  few  sentences  from 
the  wn tings  of  those  early  Fathers,  if  for  no  other  purpose 
than  to  show  the  continuity  of  Catholic  truth,  and  the  pro- 
found veneration  with  which  those  Fathers  spoke  of  Sacra- 
mental Character.  Thus  we  find  St.  Denis  the  Areopagite* 
in  the  very  infancy  of  the  Church,  describing  the  eflects  of 
Baptism  in  words  which  no  centuries  of  development  could 


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640  Sacramental  Character, 

render  more  plain :  "  Hunc  (Baptizatum)  divina  Majestas 
in  sui  consortium  intus  admittit,  eique  lucem  suam,  perinde 
ac  signuni  altr/uod,  ti-adit."  And  further  on  he  adds: 
*'  pei-ficiens  ipsum  divinum  et  communicatorem  divinorura 
per  characterem.''  Later  on,  St.  Cyril  of  JeruBalem,  in  the 
Preface  of  his  Catechism,  pronounces  the  following  eulogr 
on  Baptism :  "  M»  gnum  sane  est  propositum  hoc  Baptizma, 
captivitatis  Uberatio,  peccatorum  remissio,  mors  peceati, 
animae  regeneratio,  vestimentum  candidum,  signacuhm 
sanctum  et  indelebile,  Spiritus  S.  tempore  Baptizmatis 
animam   ohsignat.'*       In   another    place   the    same   Saint 

Sicturesquely  portrays  the  solemnities  by  which  God  and 
lis  angels  sanctify  the  impressing  of  Sacramental 
Character:  *'Multis  Angelicorum  exercituum  myriadibus 
praesentibus,  Spiritus  S.  animas  vestras  ohsignaiiims  est.'' 
St.  Basil  in  one  of  his  most  fervid  exhortations  to  Baptism, 
eays:  '*  Deus  sub  se  militantibus  dat  tesseras  .  .  . 
■Quomodo  vindicabit  te  Angelus  sibi,  quomodo  eripiet  ex 
hostibus,  si  non  agnoverit  Sfgnaculum?  Thesaums  non 
insignitus  facile  diripitur  a  furibus,  ovis  non  si  gnat  a  citra 
periculum  insidiis  appetitur.  Quomodo  dicturus  es,  Dei 
sum,  si  notas  ac  insignia  non  exhibeas?" 

Many  similar  ejfata  of  the  Fathers,  equally  specific  and 
emphatic,  might  be  adduced  in  proof  of  the  universal 
teaching  of  the  Church ;  but  for  present  purposes  it  will 
be  sufficient  to  refer  to  the  woi'ds  m  which  St.  Augustine 
certifies  that  the  doctrine  regarding  Sacramental  Character 
was  re-asserted  in  the  Plenary  Council  by  which  the 
controversy  between  St.  Stephen  and  St.  Cyprian  was 
settled  :  "Satis  eluxit  Pastoribus  Ecclesiae  Catholicae  toto 
orbe  diffusae,  per  quos  postea  Plenarii  Concilii  auctoritate 
originalis  consuetude  finnata  est,  etiam  ovem  quae  foris 
errabat,  et  Dominicum  Characterem  a  fallacibus  depraeda- 
toribus  suis  foris  acceperat,  venientem  ad  Christianas 
uuitatis  salutem  ab  eiTore  corrigi,  a  captivitate  liberari,  a 
vulnere  sanari,  Characterem  tamen  Dominicum  in  ea  agn(»6ci 
potiiis,  quam  improbari/* 

What  is  strictly  of  Catholic  Faith  is  defined  by  the 
Council  of  Trent:  "Si  quis  dixerit  in  tribus  sacraraentis, 
Baptismo  scilicet,  Confirmation e  et  Ordine  non  imprimi 
characterem,  hoc  est,  signum  quoddam  spiritale  et 
indelebile,  unde  ea  iterari  non  possunt,  anathema  sit/' 
Regarding  the  other  sacraments,  the  Council  of  Florence 
adds :  "  Reliqua  vero  characterem  non  iraprimunt  et 
reiterationem  admittunt.'* 


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Sacramental  Character,  641 

Availing  themselves  of  the  recognised  principle  that  an 
argument  incidentally  insinuated  in  a  definition  of  Faith 
may,  ino^enso pede,  be  discussed,  theologians  ask  how  does 
theimpnnting  of  Sacramental  Character  debar  the  iteration 
of  those  Sacraments?  Most  of  them  assert  that  the  con- 
verse proposition  is  not  true — namely,  that  they  impress  a 
character  because  they  cannot  be  repeated  ;  and  in  support 
of  their  thesis,  they  refer  to  the  conferring  of  Tonsure,  the 
consecration  of  a  chalice,  &c.,  which  cannot  be  repeated, 
and  yet  impress  no  character.  Again,  even  though  these 
Sacraments  de  facto  imprint  a  character,  might  not  the 
second  collation  of  any  of  them  confer  a  new  character  of 
a  somewhat  different  kind  ?  For  all  theologians  hold  that 
there  are  "  characteres  heterogenei,"  as  is  manifest  in  the 
Sacrament  of  Orders,  in  which  the  character  received  in 
Deaconship  is  different  from  that  received  in  Priesthood — 
'*  ad  diversas  functiones,'*  as  De  Lugo  puts  it.  For  these 
and  like  reasons  many  assert  that  the  **  unde  *'  of  the 
Council  is  not  rigorously  conclusive,  and  seek  to  establish 
the  "  initerability "  of  the  characteristic  Sacraments  on 
other  grounds.  The  **  ratio  potissima"  usually  given  is 
derived  immediately  from  the  indelibility  of  character,  for 
it  is  manifest  that  if  the  Seal  can  never  be  obliterated,  a 
second  imprinting  of  it  would  be  the  absolute  and 
indefensible  abuse  of  a  sacred  thing.  The  all-sufficient 
ratio  a  priori  is  the  "  voluntas  Christi  ita  statuentis.*' 

One  of  the  effects  of  Sacramental  Character  is  frequently 
illustrated  by  the  foUoAving  cases :  (1)  If  a  priest  should 
die  and  be  miraculously  called  back  to  life,  he  carries  his 
priesthood  back  with  him  and  has  no  need  of  again  receiv- 
ing Holy  Orders.  (2)  But  should  a  married  man  die  and  be 
raised  to  life  by  a  miracle,  he  and  his  (former)  wife  are 
"  single ''  Or,  making  another  case  in  which  neither  death 
nor  a  miracle  interposes— should  either  conjux,  matrimonio 
tantum  rato,  have  the  matrimony  dissolved  by  a  Religious 
Profession,  and  afterwards  return  to  secular  life  released 
from  his  vows  by  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  a  new  marriage 
may  be  contracted  with  his  former  conjux,  or — should  he 
prefer  it — with  any  more  fortunate  rival.  This  mors 
ci\nlis,  like  mors  naturalis,  has  liberated  both. 

The  "  voluntas  Chrijsti  ita  statuentis,*'  or,  if  you  will,  the 
indelibility  of  the  character  received  at  Ordination,  secures 
the  uninterrupted  possession  of  Holy  Orders  even  after  the 
death  of  the  priest ;  but  theologians  in  general  agree  that 
it  is  not  de  fide  Catholica  that   Sacramental  Character  is 


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642  Sacramental  Character. 

carried  into  the  next  life.  The  **  communis  sententia'* 
affirms  that  it  subsists  after  death,  "  quae  sententia,  Ucet 
non  sit  a  Conciliis  detinita,  est  tamen  verier,"  says  De  Lugo. 
It  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  give  in  detail  the 
arguments  by  wmch  theologians  prove,  beyond  conti'oversy, 
that  it  remains  in  the  soul  for  ever ;  but  its  indelibility 
even  in  the  future  life  is  a  priori  evident  from  (1)  the 
incorruptibility  of  the  soul,  the  subject  on  which  it  is 
imprinted;  and  (2)  from  the  fact  "quod  non  datur 
contrarium  aUquod  quo  deleatur,"  as  Sanctifying  Grace  is 
expelled  by  mortal  sin,  and  the  habits  of  Faith  and  Hope 
are  absorbed  in  the  Beatific  Vision.  Theologians,  therefore, 
hold  with  St.  Thomas:  "Post  banc  vitam  remanet 
character  et  in  bonis  ad  eorum  gloriam  et  in  malis  ad  eorum 
ignominiara."  **  Character/'  says  Bellarmine,  "  est  quaedam 
consecratio  animae :  consecratio  autem  tam  diu  manet, 
quam  diu  durat  res  consecrata.'' 

From  this  consideration  alone  it  is  manifest  that  the 
confening  of  Sacramental  Character  is  very  much  more 
than  the  issuing  of  a  Diploma  or  of  Letters-Patent  by 
which  certain  powers  and  prerogatives  are  secured  to  the 
recipient ;  nor  can  character  in  any  sense  be  regarded 
as  merely  an  "  extrinsic  denomination,"  as  Durandus 
maintained.  To  use  his  own  illustration :  before  Baptism 
no  one  could  call  you  a  "homo  baptizatus" — a  name  to 
which  the  reception  of  that  Sacrament  gives  you  an  inde- 
feasible right.  Suarez  asserts  that  the  opinion  of  Durandus 
'*non  posse  jam  ab  errore  in  tide  vihdicari,  propter 
definitionem  Concilii  Tridentini  ;'*  but  we  must  remember 
that  Durandus  died  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  14th  century. 
Scotus  seems  to  have  held  that  character  consists  in  the 
fact  that  by  Baptism,  Confirmation,  and  Holy  Orders  man 
acquires  certain  relations  with  God  which  he  did  not 
before  possess.  But  the  Doctor  Subtilis  pre-deceased 
Durandus  a  S.  Porciano ;  and,  since  the  Councils  of  Florence 
and  Trent,  these  or  kindred  opinions  can  receive  no 
countenance.  The  "  denominatio  externa  *'  could  not, 
without  a  gross  abuse  of  language,  be  described  as  a 
"  signum  animae  impressum" — it  is  rather  impressed  on  the 
minds  and  memory  of  others;  while  the  *'relatio  nova'' 
may  spring  from  something  operated  in  the  soul,  but  does 
not  itself  abide  there. 

Seeing  the  Sacramental  character  is  a  "  signum  animae 
inhaerens,"  theologians  inquire  whether  or  not  it  is 
separable  from  the  soul ;    whether  we  can  suppose  God 


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Sacramental  Character.  643 

reserving  in  the  Divine  Treasury  Characteres  Sacramentales 
for  future  distribution — or  should  we  hold  with  Soto  that 
character  is  no  more  than  an  *' entitas  modalis"  which 
cannot  exist  in  propria  esse,  but  pre- supposes,  ut  existat^  a 
subject  to  which  it  clings  for  support  ?  Suarez,  De  Lugo, 
and  writers  generally  maintain  that  character  is  possessed 
of  independent  vitality,  principally  for  the  indirect  reason 
that  "  non  debemus  ponere  accidentia  modaha,  nisi  ubi 
aliqua  peculiaris  ratio  probet  inseparabilitatem  mutuam, 
seu  non  posse  formam  iUam  esse  etiam  divinitus  absque  tali 
subjecto."  De  Lugo  reminds  us  that  essential  insepar- 
ability would  argue  a  want  of  power  on  the  part  of  God 
to  eflFect  the  separation  of  two  things ;  which  want  of  power 
we  should  never  admit,  except  when  that  separation  would 
involve  a  contradiction  in  terms.  In  the  absence  of  any 
such  possible  contradiction  here,  we  should  not  set  limits 
to  the  power  of  God  "  qui  possit  de  creaturis  omnibus  et 
singulis  disponere  simul  vel  seorsim,  prout  voluerit.  Ideo," 
continues  De  Lugo,  "  gratiam,  habitus  supenaaturales,  &c, 
dicimus  non  esse  modos  sed  entitates  reales,  quia  non  est 
specialis  ratio  ad  id  magis  negandum  de  iis  quam  de  aliis 
accidentibus,  quae  tamen  scimus  separari  posse,  sicut 
separantur  de  facto  accidentia  panis  et  vini  in  Eucharistia. 
Actionem  vero,  unionem  et  similia  dicimus  esse  modos,  quia 
si  unio,  V.  gr.,  non  esset  modus,  indigeret  alia  unione  qua 
uniretur  et  haec  indigeret  alia,  et  sic  in  infinitum  .  .  . 
Character  ergo  est  accidens  absolutum  et  reale" — and 
therefore  separable  from  its  subject,  the  soul. 

Assuming  now  thnt  Sacramental  character  is  an  entitas 
realis  which  may  be  attached  to  any  suitable  subject,  the 
question  arises :  on  what  faculty  of  the  soul  does  God 
imprint  it?  This  problem  opens  up  the  vision  of  an 
amicable  theological  tournament,  in  which  we  find  the 
most  brilliant  champions  of  the  Thomistic  school  contend- 
ing, incerto  Marte^  with  the  equally  stalworth  and  doughty 
followers  of  Scotus;  while  Suarez  and  his  friends — in 
emphatic  dissent  from  both — maintain  that  the  raison  d'etre 
of  the  controversy  rests  upon  nothing  better  than  a  falsely 
assumed  condition  of  facts.  On  one  side  it  is  contended 
that,  inasmuch  as  the  function  of  Sacramental  character 
is  to  guide  men  in  the  performance  of  good  works,  it 
operates  through  the  willj  and  should  naturally  be  impressed 
upon  that  faculty.  Theiropponents,  recognising  in  character 
a  supernatural  light  by  which  the  intellect  is  enabled  to 
penetrate   supernatural    truth,  logically  locate  it  in  the 


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644  ^Sacramental  Character.  - 

intellect.  But  Suarez,  who  denies  that  the  substance  of 
the  soul  is  really — realiter — distinct  from  its  faculties  (the 
%cill  being  the  '*  anima  prosequens  bonum  et  aversans 
malum,*'  and  the  intellect  the  anima  verum  et  falsum 
.distinguens  *'),  holds  of  necessity  that  Sacramental 
character  is  imprinted  immediately  on  the  essence  of  the 
soul.  This  is  a  combat  of  giants  into  which  it  would  be 
temerarious  to  intrude ;  but  we  may  say,  with  all  becoming 
timidity,  that  the  words  of  Florence  and  Trent — "  animae 
impressum  ** — seem,  at  the  first  blush,  and  in  their  more 
obvious  sense,  to  indicate  that  the  minds  of  the  Fathers  of 
these  Councils  were  with  the  view  which  Suarez  advocates. 
The  discussion  of  these  conflicting  theories  natui*ally 
suggests  a  further  inquiry — as  to  what  precisely  and 
specifically  is  represented  by  Sacramental  character ;  for 
every  aignum  should  adequately  set  forth  the  object  which 
it  symbolizes.  The  Thomists  tell  us  that  it  is  an  emblem 
of  power,  indicating  that  he  who  carries  it  has  received 
an  authoritative  commission,  "  ad  suscipiendum  vel  tra- 
dendum  aliis  quae  sunt  divini  cultus."  The  Scotists  hold 
that  it  exhibits  the  idea  of  those  "  Auxilia  Divina  quae 
homini  debentur  ratione  sacramenti  recepti,  ad  tales  vel 
tales  actiones  bene  exercendas."  Others  maintain  that  it 
is  a  Badge  or  "  Order,"  suitable  to  the  Sacrament  which 
confers  it,  and  signifying  "Servitus,"  or  •*  Militia,"  or 
"  Ministerium."  Others  again  contend  that  it  is  a  Form  or 
Figure  of  Christ,  the  High  Priest  of  the  Law  of  Grace,  in 
whose  likeness  we  are  specially  moulded  by  those  Sacra- 
ments which  impress  a  character.  In  the  theory  of  Suarez, 
Vasquez,  and  the  Jesuits  generally  (as  referred  to  above), 
all  these  apparently  clashing  views  may  be  easily  harmon- 
ized ;  and,  even  in  the  views  of  the  older  scholastica,  we 
may,  according  to  Collet  and  many  others,  attribute  to 
Sacramental  character  the  simultaneous  discharge  of  all 
these  divei-se  functions  The  whole  controversy  seems  to 
supply  a  felicitous  illustration  of  the  general  truth  of 
which  Cardinal  Newman  writes  so  beautifully  : — 

"The  idea  which  represents  an  object  or  supposed  object  is 
commensurate  with  the  sum  total  of  its  possible  aspects,  however 
they  may  vary  iu  the  separate  consciousness  of  individuals ;  and 
in  proportion  to  the  variety  of  aspects  under  which  it  presents 
itself  to  various  minds  is  its  force  and  depth,  and  the  argument 
for  its  reality.  Ordinarily  an  idea  is  not  brought  home  to  the 
intellect  as  objective  except  through  this  viu^iety;  like  bodily 
substances  which  are  not  apprehended  except  under  the  clothing 


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Sacramental  Character.  645 

of  their  properties  and  results,  and  which  admit  of  being  walked 
round  and  surveyed  on  opposite  sides,  and  in  different  perspectives, 
and  in  contrary  lights.  And  as  views  of  a  material  object  may  be 
taken  from  points  so  remote,  or  so  opposed,  that  they  seem  at  first 
sight  incompatible,  and  especially  as  their  shadows  will  be  dispro- 
portionate, or  even  monstrous,  and  yet  all  these  anomalies  will 
disappear,  and  all  these  contrarieties  be  adjusted,  on  ascertaining 
the  point  of  vision  or  the  surface  of  projection  in  each  case ;  so 
also  all  the  aspects  of  an  idea  are  capable  of  coalition,  and  of  a 
resolution  into  the  object  to  which  it  belongs ;  and  the  prima  facie 
dissimilitude  of  its  aspect  becomes,  when  explained,  an  argument 
for  its  substantiveness  and  integrity,  and  their  multiplicity  for  its 
originality  and  power." 

We  cannot,  therefore,  be  far  Avrong  if,  with  De  Lugo, 
&c.,  we  endeavour  to  fix  the  true  expressiveness  of  Sacra- 
mental Character  by  grouping  together  the  ideas  and 
notions  which  the  Fathers  and  approved  Theologians  of 
the  Church  are  found  to  have  attnbuted  to  it — prudently 
concluding  that  all  these  ideas  are  legitimately  derived 
from  the  essence  itself  of  Character,  and  that  the  multiplicity 
of  aspects  which  it  reveals  can  have  no  other  logical  effect 
than  to  enhance  enormously  our  estimate  of  its  intrinsic 
value.  Reasoning  by  this  method  we  infer  tliat  Character 
is  the  "  Sigillum  segregans  ab  aliis  qui  illud  non  habent." 
That  it  represents  **  etiam  alia  Sacramenta  ad  quae  reci- 
pienda  vel  confereuda  dat  jus.'*  That  it  is  a  "  Potentia 
m  ordine  ad  resistendum,  quia  exigit  quod  tentationes 
internae  et  extemae  vel  impediantur,  vet  certe  debiliores 
fiant."  That  while,  by  a  merciful  provision  of  God,  the 
angels  have  received  a  general  guardianship  over  men, 
they, "  viso  Charaotere,  specialem  curam  habent  illuminandi, 
protegendi,  et  gubernandi  quos  vident  habere  Signum  Dei 
in  frontibus  suis."  That,  while  God  bestows  upon  all,  and 
in  copious  supply,  those  graces  of  light  and  strength  by 
which  salvation  is  made  practicable,  the  appealing  presence 
of  Character  moves  Him,  "  ad  conferenda  auxilia  et  gratias 
iu  ordine  ad  actiones  illas  ad  quas  per  tale  sacramentum 
destinatur  homo."  That  it  is  justly  called  "  the  armour 
and  equipment  of  the  soul."  That,  while  by  Sanctifying 
Grace  our  souls  become  "participators  of  the  Divine 
Nature,"  by  Sacramental  Character  the  divine  lineaments 
of  the  Invisible  God  are  indehbly  traced  upon  them. 

C.  J.  M. 


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[    646    ] 

AMONG  THE  GRAVES— (Continued). 
III. — Glankeen. 

GLANKEEN,  "the  beautiful  glen,"  lies  about  a  mile  to 
the  north  of  Borrisoleigh,  in  the  county  of  Tipperaiy. 
In  ancient  times  it  was  the  dwelHng  place  of  St.  Culan, 
a  descendant  of  OHul  Olum,  and  one  of  the  six  sons  of 
Eugeuius,  who,  as  one  of  our  annaUsts  tells  us,  "  exhibited 
such  shining  \4rtue8  by  the*ir  exemplary  lives  and  miracles 
both  before  and  after  their  death,  that  posterity  has 
canonized  them  all,  as  a  just  recompense  for  their  pious 
lives."  Another  of  these  saintly  brothers  was  St  Evin, 
who  has  given  his  name  to  Monasterevan. 

The  townland  in  which  the  old  church  stands  is  called 
Glebe.  When  the  church  estabUshed  bylaw  was  in  its  pride 
of  place,  Glankeen  was  one  of  its  most  coveted  prizes. 
The  living  was  a  very  rich  one,  and  the  work  verj'  small 
Hence  it  was  reserved  as  a  kind  of  hapm^  hunting-ground 
for  the  special  use  and  benefit  of  the  few  rrotestant  familiefl 
whose  political  influence  always  secured  for  their  junior 
branches,  generation  after  generation,  bishoprics  and  other 
dignities.  And  here  the  youthful  aspirants  to  the  apostle- 
ship  grew  in  wisdom  and  in  grace,  until  a  conge  d'elire  or 
some  such  heaven-sent  message  called  them  from  their 
pious  retirement  and  bade  them  go  forth  and  teach. 
The  incumbent,  who  about  a  century  ago  built  the  glebe- 
house,  still  standing,had  inscribed  on  the  window-sills  of  the 
second  story : — 

II.  M.  Graves  NiDiFicivrr,  1785. 

"  Sic  vos  non  vobis  nidificatis,  aves."  The  glebe-hoose 
and  its  belongings  have  passed  into  other  hands,  and  are  now 
in  the  possession  of  an  honest  CathoUc  farmer.  Glankeen 
is  still  as  in  olden  times  one  of  the  canonries  of  the 
archdiocese  of  Cashel.  Its  present  incumbent  is  the 
Very  Reverend  Canon  Morris,  PP.  of  Borrisoleigh.  ^Ad 
plurimos  annoa''  is  the  earnest  wish  and  prayer  of  the 
V  ery  Reverend  Canon's  numerous  friends. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  old  church  is  still  standing, 
the  whole  of  the  nave  and  the  eastern  wall  of  the  choir.  But 
how  much  or  how  little  of  the  present  building  goes  back 
to  St.  Culan's  time,  it  is  not  an  easy  matter  to  determine: 
and  all  the  more,  because  the  time  when  this  Saint  lived 
18  very  uncertain.  Some  make  him  a  contemporary  of 
St.  Patrick ;  others  say  he  was  a  brother  of  the  famous 


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Among  the  Graves.  647 

Cormac  Mac  CuUeDan,  who  was  slain  in  the  battle  of 
Moyalbe,  in  907.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  considerable 
changes  have  been  made  in  the  building.     In  the  first 

flace,  it  is  much  larger  than  the  generality  of  the  early 
rish  churches,  the  nave  and  choir  together  being  over 
eighty-four  feet  in  length.  Besides,  the  windows  are  surely 
the  work  of  a  later  date ;  but  then  these  may  be  mere 
insertions,  consequent  on  the  more  common  use  of  glass. 
Such  changes,  and  others  still  more  important,  as  the 
addition  of  a  pointed  chancel  arch  or  of  a  doorway  of  the 
same  character,  are  by  no  means  unusual.  We  find  them 
in  some  of  the  churches  in  the  islands  of  Arran,  the  walls  of 
which  are  certainly  work  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries. 
Outside  the  church,  close  by  the  south  wall,  there  is 
a  broad  altar  tomb.  Immediately  over  it,  inserted  in  the 
wall,  is  a  large  slab.  Both  bear  inscriptions  in  raised 
Roman  capitals.  That  on  the  first  runs  round  the  edge  of 
the  stone  for  the  four  first  lines ;  the  rest  of  it  is  continued  in 
lines  set  one  imder  the  other  as  here.  Points  are  put  after 
each  word  in  this,  as  is  usual  in  monumental  inscriptions  of 
an  early  date.  As  the  person  for  whom  the  tomb  was 
intended  had  it  made  before  his  death,  neither  his  age  at 
the  time  of  his  death  nor  the  precise  date  of  it  was  get 
down  by  the  original  artist.  An  attempt  seems  to  have 
been  made  afterwards  to  fill  the  date  in  one  of  the  spaces 
that  were  left  vacant,  but  so  rudely  that  it  is  nearly 
illegible.  In  the  second,  the  lines  are  set  as  below  without 
points.  On  the  slab  in  the  wall  are  the  arms  of  De  Burgo : 
a  cross,  in  the  dexter  canton  the  badge  of  Ulster ;  empa- 
ling those  of  O'Dwyer,  a  fesse,  in  chief  three  chevrons,  in 
base  an  eagle  displayed ;  the  whole  surmounted  by  a  knight's 
helmet ;  and  at  the  foot  the  motto  in  black  letter : — 

Sped  mea  in  I9(0  t%t 

MY  HOPE  IS  IN  GOD. 

HOC.  SIBl.  MONUMENTCM. 

FIERI.  FECIT.  IN.  EOQUE.  SEPDLTUS.  EST.  WALTEBUS.  DE  BURGO. 

TERRITORII.  DE.  ILLEAGH. 

QUOND AM.VALIDUS.  AC  PRUDENS.  PROPUGNATOR. QUI.  OBIIT.  JUNIf.  10. 

AETATIS.     .    .    ANNOQUE.  DOMINI UXOREM. 

HABUn.  SILIAM.  FILT4M.  YDHIR. 

EX.  QUA.  MULT  AM.  SUSCEPIT. 
PBOLEM.    4    SCILICET.    FILIOS. 

THEOBALDUM.  GULIE 

LMUM.   MILERUM.  ET.  JOHANEM. 

ET.   MULTAS.   FILIAS.   OMNESQUE. 

LECTISSIMIS.  CONJUGIBUS.  COLLOCATAS. 


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(UH  4^mo7tg  the  Graved. 

Walter  De  Biirgo,  once  the  brave  and  wise  defender  of 
the  territory  of  lleigh,  caused  this  tomb  to  be  made  for 
himRoU,  and  is  buried  in  it.  He  died  June  10,  in  the 
.  .  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  .... 
He  had  as  wife  Sheela,  daughter  of  O'Dwyer,  by  whom  he 
begat  a  numerous  progeny,  to  wit  4  sons,  Theobald, 
William,  Miler,  and  John  ;  and  many  daughtei*s,  all  married 
to  most  worthy  husbands. 

The  inscription  on  the  stone  set  in  the  wall  runs  thus:— 

QL'ISQUIS  IN  HAEC  OCULOS  VERTIS  MONDMENTA  PARUilPEB 

SISTE,  LEGE,  DI8CE  ET  VIVERE,  DISCE  MORI. 
NATUS  KRAM  COELO,  MUNDUM  PER  CUNCTA  SKCUTLS, 

niNC  PULSUS,  ILLINC  JURE  ABIGENDUS  ERAM. 
TU  MI;NDI  ILLECEBRAS  SAPIENS  VITARE  MEMENTO, 
COELICA  REGNA  TIBI  QUAERE  PRECARE  MIHl. 
PATRICIUS  KERIN  ME  FABRIC AVIT. 
1026. 

Whosoever  (thou  art  who)  turnest  thine  eyes  towards 
these  monuments,  stay  for  a  short  time,  read,  and  learn  to 
live,  learn  to  die.  1  was  born  for  heaven.  1  followed  (the 
Avays  of)  the  world  ever.  I  was  driven  from  this ;  from  that 
I  should  have  been  repelled  by  right.  Do  thou  wisely 
remember  to  avoid  the  allurements  of  the  world.  Seek 
for  thyself  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Pray  for  me. 
Patrick  Kerin  made  me. 
1626. 

The  district  round  Glankeen  is  known  by  the  name  of 
Jleagh,  an  angUcizedforraof  the  Irishname  Ui  Luighdheach, 
and  resembling  it  somewhat  in  sound.  Formerly  it  was  a 
separate  barony,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Down  survey. 
The  word  Burris,  i.^.,  burgage  or  borough,  introduced  by 
the  Anglo-Norman  settlers,  was  prefixed  to  the  name  of 
the  district,  and  the  compound  term  Borrisoleigh  was 
applied  to  the  principal  town.  O'Huidhrin  tells  us  it 
belonged  in  ancient  times  to  the  O'Spelans,  now  Spillanee 
and  Spellans: — 

*'  The  Lord  of  Ui  Luighdheach  of  ancient  swords 
Is  O'Spelan  of  white  spears. 
Majestic  is  the  battle-march  of  the  hero, 
Increasing  under  the  land  of  Macha." 

The  first  of  the  De  Burgo  family  who  came  to  Ireland 
was  William  FitzAdehn.      Cox  says  "  he  founded  one  of 


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Among  tl^e  Graves.  649 

the  noblest  families  in  Ireland,  which  has  yielded  many 
brave  and  worthy  men  that  have  proved  eminently  service- 
able to  their  king  and  country,  whereby  their  name,  estate^ 
and  family  are  preserved  in  great  honour  and  reputation 
to  this  day."  When  the  Anglo-Normans  invaded  Ireland,  he 
was  sent  with  Hugh  De  Lacy  to  receive  the  submission  of 
the  kings  of  Connaught  and  Meath.  At  the  return  of 
Henry  11.  to  England,  he  was  appointed  chief  governor  of 
this  country.  In  1200  he  founded  the  Abbey  of  Athassel 
in  the  county  of  Tipperarr,  ayd  was  buried  there  the  follow- 
ing year.  His  son  RioharA  received  by  charter,  dated 
December  12th.,  1226,  a  graiit  of  the  whole  land  of  Con- 
naught  forfeited  by  O'Connor,  at  a  yearly  rent  of  500  marks. 
Walter,  his  grandson,  by  marrying  Maude,  daughter  and 
heiress  of  Hugh  De  Lacy  the  younger,  Earl  of  Ulster, 
succeeded  to  that  earldom  in  her  rignt.  Walter's  eldest 
son  was  Richard,  sumamed  the  Red  EarJ.  After  rendering 
most  important  services  to  the  English  Crown,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  he  retired  to  the  Abbey  of  Athassel,  took 
the  monk's  habit,  and  died  and  was  buried  there. 

De  Burgo,  the  author  oiHibernia  Domtnicana^  who  never 
lets  an  opportunity  pass  of  sounding  the  praises  of  hia 
family,  speaking  of  the  foundation  of  the  Dominican, 
convent  of  Lorrha  by  Walter  De  Burgo,  asks  why  he  should 
have  founded  a  convent  for  Friars  Preachers  in  Munster 
rather  than  in  Ulster  of  which  he  was  Earl,  or  in  Connaught 
of  which  he  held  the  lordship  ?  He  replies  that  "  he  was 
indeed  Earl  of  Ulster  by  right  of  his  wife,  and  Lord  of 
Connaught  by  direct  inheritance  from  his  father,  but  that 
he  had  received  from  his  ^andfather  extensive  estates  in 
Tipperary;  and  so  extensive,  that  the  territoiy  of  Clan- 
william,  which  took  its  name  from  him,  was  itself  divided 
into  two  baronies.  East  and  West;  moreover,  that  to  this  day 
it  is  inhabited  by  a  vast  number  of  the  family  and  name." 
Indeed,  the  clan  is  so  numerous  and  widely  spread  even 
now  throughout  Tipperary  and  Limerick,  that  it  is  no  easy 
matter  to  trace  the  descent  of  the  different  families.  The 
Heigh  branch  may  have  risen  to  eminence  by  the  bravery 
of  Walter.  That  he  was  a  man  of  war  is  evident  from  the 
title  of  Impugnator  given  him.  The  castle,  of  which  a 
remnant  is  still  standing  at  the  east  end  of  the  town,  was 
one  of  the  strong  places  most  subject  to  the  attacks  of 
the  Irish  enemy.  And  nowhere  could  be  found  a  fiercer 
enemy  of  English  rule  than  the  O'Dwyers  (0  Duibhidir), 
of  Kilnamanagh.  One  of  their  castles,  a  huge  erection 
VOL.  VL  3  B 


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650  Among  t/ie  Graves, 

named  CuUohill,  is  still  standing  on  a  hill  overhanging  the 
Nenagh  road,  some  three  miles  from  Borrisoleigh.     Tales 
of  strange  deeds  of  ferocity  are  told  of  one  of  the  former 
lady-inhabitants  of  it     Few  of  the  strong  places  of  Ireland 
offered  such  a  stem  resistance  to  Cromwell's  forces  as 
bundrum,  the  owner  of  which,  Philip  O'Dwyer,  was  one  of 
the  Confederate  Catholics  who  met  at  Kilkenny  in  1646. 
Edmund  0*Dwyer,  Bishop  of  Limerick,  sat  in  the  same 
assembly  as  a  spiritual  peer.     On  account  of  his  exertions 
during  the  siege  of  that  city,  he  was  exempted  from  the 
terms  of  the  capitulation  by  Ireton.     Almost  the  very  last 
who  laid  down  their  arms  at  the  end  of  the  Cromwellian 
war,  was  Colonel  Philip  O'Dwyer  and  his  brave  Tipperary 
forces.     The  daring  deeds  of  Shane  O'Dwyer  an  Ghfeanna 
are  still  related  with  loving  admiration  by  the  Munster 
peasantry.     In  other  countries  too,  on  many  a  hard  fought 
field  *'from  Dunkirk  to  Belgrade,"  they  displayed  their 
valour.     An  O'Dwyer  was  Major-General  in  the  service  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  VII.,  and  had  confided  to  his  safe- 
keeping the  frontier  fortress  of  Belgrade,  a  post  of  very 
special  trust  during  the  wars  with  the  Turks.  Another  of  the 
name  became  an  Admiral  in  the  Russian  service  in  the  reign 
of  Catherine  II.     In  the  manuscript  history  of  Holy  Cross 
Abbey,  entitled  "  Triumphalia  Sanctae  Crucis,"  written  by 
Father  Ilartry  in  1640,  there  is  an  account  of  a  miracle 
that  took  place  in  reference  to  the  relic  of  the  Holy  Cross 
which  had   been  taken  from  the   monastery  "to   allow 
Dermot  O'Dwyer  of  Kilnemdnagh  and  Richard  Bourke  of 
Borris  to  make  an  eternal  league  of  friendship  and  to  con- 
firm it  by  oath  on   the   Holy  Cross,  for  they  had   long 
harassed  each  other  by  continual  wars."     These  feuds,  the 
author  tells  us,  were  long  before  his  time.     Let  us  hope 
they  were  wholly  ended,  and  the   friendship   still  more 
closely  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Walter  De  Burgo  and 
Sheela  0*Dwyer,  blest  as  it  was  with  such  a  numerous  and 
prosperous  progeny. 

We  must  not  omit  to  make  mention  here  of  another 
stone  commemorating  this. branch  of  the  De  Burgo  family. 
It  is  not  indeed  found  "  among  the  graves,*'  but  it  records 
one  virtue  at  least  that  "  blossoms  in  the  dust,"  while  the 
taunt  to  the  enemy  is  worthy  of  a  descendant  of  the  brave 
defender  of  Heigh.  It  was  formerly  set  in  the  wall  of  the 
old  castle  of  Bomsoleigh.  It  has  been  taken  from  there, 
and  is  now  inserted  in  the  wall  of  "  Ivy  House  "  close  by. 
A  few  of  the  letters  at  the  edge  have  been  broken  off,  some 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  651 

ia  part,  others  wholly.  We  give  it,  supplying  the  broken 
letters  and  joining  the  lines  so  that  out  of  every  four  only 
one  is  formed : 

Richard  Bourke,  Alice  Hurley. 

MaRMORE(um)   CUK   S CROAT   OP(US)   FACIT  HOSPES   (kt)   HOSTIS. 
HOSPKS   m   AMPLEXUS,    8ED   PROCL-L   HOSTIS    EAT. 

164(5). 

Richard  Bourke,  Alice  Hurley. 
Friend  and  foe  make  this  marble  spring  up. 
The  friend  is  welcome.     Let  the  enemy  begone. 
164(5). 

Want  of  space  will  not  allow  us  to  give. further  details 
of  the  O'Hurley  family.  We  shall  reserve  them  for  a 
future  occasion. 

D.  Murphy. 


FAITH  AND  EVOLUTION.— A  REPLY. 

**  Las  palabras  del  Genesis  donde  Dios  cuenta  la  creacion  do 
nuestros  primeros  padres,  solo  paracen  indicar  que  Dios  hizo  entrar 
en  la  interna  composicion  del  hombre  un  elemento  terrene  y  otro 
espiritual  sin  metersifa  explicarnos  por  que  grades  quiso  el  sen  or  que 
pasase  elprimero  de  dichos  elementos  antes  que  pudiese  recibir  coir- 
Venientemente  la  union  del  segundo.*' — Mendive,  429. 

"  Bien  des  homines  religieux  se  figurent  defendre  la 
"  revelation,  alors  qu'ils  ne  dc^fendent  que  leur  interpretation 
propre." — J.  D'Estienne. 

HAVING  formed  a  very  high  estimate  of  Fr.  Jeremiah 
Murphy's  ability,  and  being  unwilling  now  to  lower 
it,  1  can  only  conclude  that  the  paper  in  the  August  number 
of  the  Record  is  altogether  unworthy  of  its  gifted  author. 
His  illustrations  are  misleading,  and  his  logic  sometimes 
strangely  at  fault,  while  rhetorical  flourishes  and  fervid 
apostrophes  are  too  often  called  upon  to  do  duty  for 
the  more  prosaic,  but  less  easy  process  of  reasoning. 
Sometimes,  though  I  am  quite  sure  only  through  in- 
advertence, he  entirely  misrepresents  me,  and  more 
than  once  he  has  failed  to  apprehend  my  meaning. 
This,  of  course,  may  be  largely  aue  to  my  own  want  of 
lucidity  and  inelegance  of  style,  but. — be  that  as  it  may — 
it  certainly  has  the  effect  of  sapping  his  essay  of  very  much 
of  its  strength. 


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652  Faith  and  Evolution. 

I  would  have  hesitated  to  write  agam  on  this  subject, 
had  I  not  good  reason  to  know  that  it  is  one  which  is  much 
agitating  the  minds  of  earnest  and  God-fearing  men,  and 
which  should  in  consequence  be  thoroughly  well  sifted.  To 
force  upon  such  as  these  Fr.  Murphy's  view  of  Adam's 
corporal  creation,  would  be  to  put  their  faith  and  obedience 
to  a  cruel  test  —a  test  indeed  so  arduous,  so  aggravating 
and  so  difficult,  that  nothing  would  justify  such  a  proceeding 
but  the  most  absolute  and  uncontrovertible  certainty  of  its 
truth.  Now,  I  venture  still,  with  all  due  respect,  to  contend 
that  my  Reverend  antagonist  h^  not  by  any  means  settled 
the  point,  and  that  if  we  allow  his  vie  w  to  be  even  probable— 
which,  owing  to  the  probability  of  the  opposite  view,  still 
leaves  us  free — it  is  the  very  utmost  limit  to  which  even 
courtesy  itself  can  push  us.  Indeed  I  arose  from  the^ 
careful  perusal  of  his  paper  more  convinced  than  ever  that 
a  Catholic  may  still,  provisionalJy,  believe  the  mediate 
formation  of  Adam's  body  without  becoming  a  heretic  or 
exposing  himself  to  infernal  fires.  And  I  felt  the  more 
convinced  because,  seeing  the  ability  and  erudition  of  my 
Reverend  correspondent,  1  could  not  but  feel  persuaded  that 
had  his  been  a  good  and  worthy  cause  it  would  never  have 
fared  so  ill  in  his  hands. 

Fr.  Murphy  speaks  earnestly  and  warmly,  and  his 
earnestness  in  defending  the  Faith,  even  though  in  his 
eagerness  he  may  sometimes  sadly  overrun  the  scent, 
elicits  my  sincerest  admiration.  I  hope  indeed  that  I 
should  be  as  ready  as  he  is  ^ven  to  die  for  the  Faith,  as 
well  as  to  argue  for  it,  were  it  necessary,  but  alas !  how 
many  have  thought  they  were  dying  for  the  Faith  when 
they  were  dying  only  for  an  idea.  That  I  consider  to  be 
a  deplorable  error  of  judgment. 

I  think  indeed  most  of  my  readers  will  allow,  if  they 
will  bear  with  me  for  a  while,  that  Fr.  Murphy's 
arguments  and  proofs  are  hardly  such  as  to  compel  us  to 
evacuate  the  position  we  have  taken  up,  and  that  nothing 
he  has  said  up  to  this  can  render  a  change  of  view  at  all 
imperative. 

But  let  us  examine.  He  begins  by  an  attempt  to  prove 
that  I  am  wrpng  in  my  opinion  that  the  manner  in  which 
Adam's  body  was  formed  is  of  Uttle  importance,  if  only  we 
acknowledge  that  (I)  God  formed  it,  and  (2)  formed  it  from 
slime.  His  arguments,  however,  are  not  convincing.  At 
the  very  first  start  off,  he  falls  into  a  most  curious  mistake 
through  not  observing  a  distinction.      He  says,  evidently 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  653 

persuaded  that  he  is  speaking  to  the  point : — « If  this 
dootiine  is  of  quite  minor  importance,  how  comes  it  that 
at  present  it  has  within  a  few  weeks  attracted  so  much 
attention  ?" 

Here  it  will  be  seen  at  a  glance,  he  mixes  up  two  utterly 
diflferent  questions. 

Question  one,  is — Was  Adam's  body  made  by  God 
tnediately  or  immediately  I 

Question  number  two^  is — Is  the  immediate  formation 
of  Adam's  body  a  matter  of  faith  ? 

These  two  questions  are  as  distinct  as  the  poles.  It  is 
the  first  question  I  spoke  of  as  of  minor  importance,  but 
the  second  I  thought  of  sufficient  moment  to  make  the 
subject  of  a  louff  article.  It  is  the  second  question  which 
has  "within  a  few  weeks  attracted  so  much  attention." 
But  what  that  has  to  do  with  the  importance  of  the  first  I 
am  unable  even  to  conjecture. 

Let  us  pass  to  the  next  argument. 

**  If  it  be  of  quite  minor  importance,**  he  asks,  **  how 
comes  it  that  most  of  our  dogmatic  and  scholastic  theo- 
logians discuss  it  at  such  length."  Here  he  may  include 
one  or  both  of  the  above  questions,  so  I  shall  merely  remind 
Mm  that  the  greatest  theologians  discuss  many  questions 
which  Fr.  Murphy,  even  imder  the  pressure  of  supporting 
his  position,  will  hardly  consider  as  anything  more  than  of 
minor  importance.  I  might  quote  copiously  from  almost 
any  one  of  the  ancient  theologians,  but  he  saves  me  the 
trouble  by  observing  himself  how  "the  Fathers  and 
Theologians  •  .  .  discuss  the  place  where  the  first  man's 
body  was  formed,  the  nature  of  the  slime^  and  how  it  was 
procured  apd  whence."  Now  who  will  say  that  these  are 
matters  of  anything  more  than  minor  importance  ?  Take 
the  point  I  have  underUned  as  an  example.  And  who 
will  say,  that  it  really  signifies,  for  instance,  whether  the 
olay  used  was  ferruginous  brick  clay,  or  commontlignitic 
clay ;  or  consider  it  necessary  to  enter  into  disquisitions  as 
to  whether  it  contained  potash  and  soda,  or  aluminous  sul- 
phates in  greater  abundance  I  Quia  est  hie,  et  laudabimus 
cum  t  Fr.  Murphy  adds,  "  If  the  doctrine  be  revealed, 
then  its  revelation  is  a  sufficient  warrant  of  its  importance.'* 
{483.)  Granted  cheerfully :  for  to  doubt  a  single  word  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  is  to  doubt  all,  but  the  whole  question  hinges 
on  this  very  point  Such  a  remark  is  therefore  wholly 
beside  the  question.  Once  begin  to  deal  in  "if's"  and 
where  shall  we  end  t    As  well  get  astride  the  winds  of 


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654  Faith  and  Evolution. 

heaven  1  He  continueB,  **  My  contention  is  that  the  true, 
full,  and  accurate  meaning  .  .  .  includes  the  immediate 
formation  of  the  first  man's  body."  Quite  so,  and  we  in 
no  way  challenge  his  right  to  his  own  opinion,  we  merely, 
modestly  claim  the  exercise  of  a  similar  right  ourselves. 
Gratia  asserit,  gratis  negamus. 

Fr.  Murphy  is  positive  that  the  words  "  God  made  man 
from  the  slime  of  the  earth  "  mean  more  than  the  sentence 
explicitly  expresses; — mean  in  fact  "inade  man  imme- 
diately." 

We  are  not  so  hasty,  nor,  let  me  add,  so  confident. 
The  experience  of  past  years  counsels  the  utmost  caution, 
for  the  advance  of  science  has  caused  so  many  to  alter  their 
opinions  and  to  re-read  the  Holy  Book  that  we  dare  not 
close  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  text  lies  open  to  another 
interpretation. 

The  prima  facie  interpretation  is  not  always  the  true 
one.  We  read  in  St.  Matt.  **  Joram  genuit  Aziam."  Now  a 
casual  reader  might  declare  with  unhesitating  confidence 
-that  **  the  true,  full,  and  accurate  meaning"  of  those  words 
is  that  which  lies  on  the  surface,  and  that  anyone  bold 
enough  to  deny  that  Ozias  was  the  son  of  Joram,  must  be 
a  simpleton  as  well  as  a  heretic.  Yet,  what  is  the  fact? 
Why,  we  know,  alitmde,  that  there  are  three  links  missing, 
and  that  between  Joram  and  Ozias  we  must  insert  Ochozias, 
Joas,  and  Azarias,  so  that  our  casual  reader  would  have 
egregiously  blundered.  The  obvious  meaning  of  a  text  is 
naturally  accepted  until  reasons  arise,  often  wholly  external, 
and  often  bom  of  scientific  investigation,  which  persuade 
a  modification  or  change  of  view,  and  then  it  may 
have  to  be  abandoned.  Thus,  for  centuries,  the  words 
which  occur  in  the  account  of  the  Deluge  (Gen,  vii.) 
"  All  the  high  mountains  under  the  whole  heavens  were 
covered,"  etc.,  were  taken  to  mean  that  the  waters 
enveloped  the  entire  earth,  but  now  the  universality  of  the 
Deluge  is  very  generally  denied. 

The  text  of  Scripture  remains  the  same,  but  Geology 
"will  no  longer  countenance  the  same  interpretation.  Wdl, 
I  say,  after  such  experiences  as  these  (and  they  may  be 
multiplied),  we  resent  the  effort  made  to  coerce  us  into 
accepting  one  meaning  of  words  which  may  easily  bear 
anotner. 

As  for  Fr.  Murphy's  illustration  concerning  Transub* 
stantiation  (p.  484).  Well,  ii  may  be  very  clever,  only 
it  happens  to  have  no  bearing  whatsoever  on  tbe  subject 


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^JFhith  and  EvoliUioiu  655 

And  thi^Ifeel  confidenthewill  be  ready  to  grant  on  maturer 
reflection.  The  wordd  of  Moses,  considered  in  scy  cLo 
not  necessarily  include  Adam's  immediate  formation,  but 
with  the  words  of  our  Lord  it  is  exactly  the  reverse.  They 
do  necessarily  and  per  se  include  transubstantiation  and 
exclude  impanation,  and  that,  of.  course,  marks  oflF  th^e 
difference  between  the  two  cases,  and  destroys  the  parallel, 
.  80  that  Fr.  Murphy's  illustration  can  in  no  way  throw  even 
a  dimmer  of  light  over  the  tortuous  path  along  which  he 
.is  leading  us. 

Our  Lord  took  bread,  and  speaking  of  it  said,  "  This  is 
.My  body."  These  words  distinctly  exclude  the  doctrine 
of  con-substantiation:  for  if  This — this  thing — be  "My 
body/*  it  cannot  be  at  the  same  time  bread.  To  make 
such  an  assertion  would  be  to  declare  a  metaphysical 
impossibility:  it  would  involve  a  self  contradiction.  In 
fact,  unless  it  be  admitted  that  a  thing  may  be  and  not  be 
•  at  the  same  time  (e.g.  that  the  substance  of  bread  may 
remain  bread,  and  yet,  at  the  same  time,  be  not  bread, 
but  the  Body  of  Christ),  which  is  the  principle  underlying 
the  Lutheran  doctrine,  no  rational  interpretation  of  the 
words  of  Christ  but  the  Catholic  intrepretation  is  even 
possible. 

If  the  whole  of  the  bread  were  not  changed  into  the 
Body  of  Christ,  the  words  should  have  been  not  "  this  is,'* 
but  "Here  is  My  body.**  St.  Thomas  says,  "'Jffoc  est 
corpus  meutUy  non  essetverum,si  substantia  panis  remaneret; 
potius  esset  dicendum :  Hie  est  corpus  meum.**  But  the 
words  "  God  made  man,  etc.,'*  would  be  true  whether  He 
made  it  immediately  or  mediately,  and  involves  no  sort  pf 
contradiction,  or  metaphysical  impossibity.  In  fact,  the 
words  of  Genesis  do  not  of  themselves  trench  the  question  of 
mediate  or  immediate  creation  at  all,  but  leave  us  just 
where  we  are,  so  that  the  one  case  cannot  be  illustrated  by 
the  other. 

Fr.  Murphy  says :  "  To  discuss  the  argument  from 
analogy  would  be  waste  of  time,  for  it  is  no  argument  at 
all.'' 

Hero  Fr.  Murphy  seems  to  ignore  the  whole  system  of 
inductive  reasoning,  in  which  analogies  play  such  an 
important  part  and  possess  such  an  definite  value.  As 
long  as  we  hold  that  God's  work  is  based  on  a  plan,  and 
on  harmonious  laws,  so  long  must  we  regard  analogies  as 
valuable  indications  of  His  system.  However,  let 
me  add   that  my  chief  motive  in  drawing  out  analogies 


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€56  Faith  and  Evolution. 

was  to  diminish  that  sudden  sense  of  revulsion  and 
distrust  which  is  so  natural  in  those  who  are  con- 
fronted for  the  first  time  with  a  new  view,  by  pointing 
out  how  every  man's  body  passes  through  the  vegetative  and 
sensitive  stage  before  receiving  a  soul,  according  to 
St.  Thomas,  and  that  if  Adam's  body  did  not,  the  fact  can 
only  be  regarded  as  a  most  astounding  exception.  Bishop 
Ullathome's  words  were  quoted  merely  to  show  how  St. 
Thomas's  view  is  still  taught  by  some,  in  spite  of  its  general 
rejection— just  that,  and  nothing  more — so  that  Fr. 
Murphy's  astonishment  at  my  claiming  the  Bishop  as  an 
Evolutionist  (which  I  never  did)  was  somewhat  pre- 
mature. 1  remarked  at  the  outaet  of  this  paper  that 
my  Reverend  confrere  is  unhappy  in  his  illustrations.  One 
example  has  already  been  pointed  out  in  the  case  of 
Transubstantiation.  Here  is  another.  After  instancing 
the  doctrines  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  Mary  and  the  Infallibility  of  the  Pope,  as  iliustratine 
how  an  opinion  only  incidentally  and  indirectly  expressed 
by  Theologians  and  Fathers,  and  echoed  and  re-echoed  by 
the  voice  of  the  multitude,  may  become  an  article  of  Faith, 
he  attempts  to  apply  this  in  some  mysterious  manner  to 
the  theory  of  Adam's  bodily  formation. 

But  what  could  be  less  apposite.  I  will  say  nothing 
of  the  difference  in  the  nature  of  the  doctrine  itself — 
unless  it  be  :  transeat^  but  confine  my  remarks  to  the  way 
in  which  the  truth  was  arrived  at. 

The  questions  of  Our  Lady's  Immaculate  Conception 
and  of  the  Papal  InfalUbility  had  been  for  centuries,  fully 
before  the  Church,  ^y  that  imperceptible  process  extend- 
ing over  ages,  which  it  is  impossible  to  describe,  but  which 
reminds  me  of  the  gradual  storing  up  of  the  many  weeks  of 
summer  warmth  andsunshinein  theripefruitofautumn — ^the 
general impression,feeliug,  sentiment— iJie  Catholic  instinct, 
in  a  word,  had  strengthened  into  a  conviction  that  Mary  was 
Immaculate  and  the  Pope  InfalUble.  But  here  we  have  a 
real  example  of  "  Vox  populi,  Vox  Dei,"  for  the  sensos 
fidelium  on  questions  which  have  been  fairly  put  before  them 
is  unquestionably  of  very  considerable  moment :  and  the 
two  questions  under  consideration  were  undoubtedly  well 
before  the  public  mind  for  ages.  Protestants  and  mis- 
believers, in  fact  heretics  of  every  shade  and  hue,  had 
laughed  and  derided,  denied  and  protested  in  turn :  history 
been  been  freely  quoted  and  misquoted  for  and  against; 
texts  of  Scripture  had  been  bandied  about  and  made  to  bear 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  657 

'witness  now  on  one  side  and  now  on  the  other.  In  spite  of 
all  this — steadily,  forcibly,  persistently,  the  tide  of  opinion 
rose  till  it  bore  down  all  opposition,  and  both  doctrines 
were  at  length  declared  to  be  of  faith. 

Now  contrast  this  with  what  has  happened  in  regard  to 
the  theory  of  the  evolntion  of  Adam's  body.  To  begin 
with,  it  dates  but  from  yesterday.  The  theoryjin  anything 
approaching  its  present  form  was  never  contemplated  by 
any  of  the  Fathers.  It  was  never  proposed  as  one  of  the 
alternatives.  As  for  the  Catholic  instinct,  the  sensns 
fidelium,  how  in  the  world  could  its  judgment  have  been 
gauged  upon  a  question  with  which  it  could  never  have  been 
occupied  ? 

The  mere  novelty  of  the  present  view  is  enough  to 
account  for  the  indignant  opposition  it  is  receiving,  and  is 
what  anyone  acquaintea  with  the  working  of  the 
average  mind  would  naturally  expect.  Nothing  is 
more  natural  than  for  men  to  cling  to  old  views :  no 
one  likes  to  have  his  prejudices  rudely  shaken,  any 
more  than  he  Ukes  to  have  his  hair  pulled.  Then 
again,  the  world  is  too  vast  to  be  speedily  influenced ;  like 
a  huge  unwieldy  ship  under  weigh  it  cannot  change  its 
course  suddenly.  It  takes  time  for  it  to  *  put  about  *  and 
to  alter  its  direction,  or,  to  put  it  in  another  way :  precon- 
ceived notions  sink  deep  roots,  and  are  not  blown  away  by 
.the  first  faint  breezes  of  the  on-coming  storm. 

Fr.  Murphy  is  very  anxious  that  we  should  take  the 
words  **God  made  man  of  the  slime  of  the  earth"  in 
their  « literal  *'  sense.  It  would  be  difficult  to  show  which 
of  the  two  senses  is  the  literal  one.  The  sense  that  pleases 
him  is  certainly  the  most  obvious  and  prima  facie, 
the  most  natural.  But  that  proves  nothing ;  and  I  don't 
know  that  one  is  more  literal  than  the  other.  All  that 
Fr.  Murphy  urges  to  induce  us  to  accept  his  interpretation — 
and  he  is  sometimes  more  eloquent  than  convincing — might 
very  well  be  urged  in  favour  of  many  other  passages  in 
Sacred  Scripture,  the  obvious  meanings  of  which  have  long 
4aince  been  wholly  abandoned.  One  illustration  is  as  good  as 
another.     Let  us  take  the  words  of  Josue : — 

''The  sua  stoxl  still  in  the  midst  of  heaven,  and  hastened  not 
1o  go  down  the  space  of  one  day." — x.  18. 

Let  Fr.  Murphy  transport  himself  in  spirit  from  the  nine- 
teenth to  the  seventeenth  century.  He  might  then  make  use 
of  the  self-same  expressions  that  he  now  makes  use  of  and 


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658  Faith  and  Evolution. 

advance  the  self-same  arguments  to  show  that  the  above 
words  of  Josue  are  to  be  received  in  their  jm/wa/cici>  sense. 
Thus  he  might  just  as  reasonably  say  : — 

"  The  sun  stood  still ;  and  to  say  that  it  did  not  is  pure 
nonsense. 

*  The  literal  sense  is  hard  to  flesh  and  blood, 
But  nonsense  never  can  be  understood.'— Drtdkn. 

*'  If  it  really  means  that  the  earth  stood  still  and  not  the  suo^ 
is  it  not  strange  that  no  Catholic  for  8(»0  years  should  have  even 
a  remote  conception  of  the  meaning.  For  all  that  time  the  Chorcli 
taught  the  above  revealed  proposition,  and  for  all  that  time  the 
faithful  believed  it  ;  and  yet  all  along  the  Fathers  and  Theologians 
were  ignorant  of  what  she  taught,  and  the  faithful  ignorant  of 
what  they  believed — that  is,  if  it  were  the  earth  and  not  the  sun 
that  stood  still.  .  •  .  That  Catholic  must  be  very  credulous 
who  accepts  this  view  (which,  as  we  know  all  now  do  accept)  on 
auch  terms." — p.  487. 

Then  he  might  have  waved  another  rhetorical  banner, 
and  have  asserted  (as  at  p.  492)  that— r 

•*  The  mm  stood  still  is  a  fact,  which  comes  to  us,  as  the  teach- 
ing of  Fathers  and  Theologians  unbroken,  consecutive,  consistent 
all  along  the  line  of  Catholic  tradition." 

That  further,  it  was  taught— 

•'  With  the  full  knowledge  of  the  Bishops,  with  the  knowledge 
of  the  Prince  of  Bishops,  the  visible  head  of  the  Church,"  etc.,  et*. 

All  this  would  be  every  bit  as  true  of  the  interpretation 
of  the  words  of  Josue,  as  of  the  words  of  Moses,  yet  how 
the  interpretation  of  Josue^s  words  have  changed  in  » 
few  centuries  I 

The  following  lines  from  the  great  Bellarmine,  treating 
of  the  long  since  exploded  theory  of  the  sun's  motion  round 
the  earth,  are,  if  possible,  even  more  forcible  and  urgent 
than  Fr.  Murphy's,  and  may  point  a  moral  that  sometimes 
needs  enforcing.     In  a  letter  to  Foscarini,  he  writes : — 

**  Dice  che  il  Concilio  proibisce  esporre  le  Scrittnre  contro  il 
commune  consenso  de*  Santi  Padri  e  se  la  P.V.  vorra  leggere  dob 
dice  solo  li  ^anti  Fadn^  ma  li  commentarii  modemi,  &c.  .  *  • 
trovark  che  tutti  convengono  in  esporre  ad  litteram  ch*il  sde,  etc 
Consideri  lei,  se  la  chiesa  possa  supportare  che  si  dia  alU  S,  Padri 
e  a  tutti  li  espohitori  grf-ci'e  latini,  Non  si  pud  respondere  che  questa 
non  sia  materia  di  fede,  perche  se  nou  d  materia  di  fede,  ex  portt 
objectij  e  materia  di  fede  ex  parte  dicenti$  ;  h  cosi  serebbe  eretico 
etc."      See  Berti,  Copernico,  p.  153. 


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^Faith  and  .Evolution.  65& 

If  such  language  could  have  been  used  in  the  seventeenth 
century  regarding  what  a  little  later  turned  out  to  be 
absolutely  and  ludicrously  false,  how  are  we  to  feel  secure 
that  there  is  any  more  meaning  in  such  language  when 
used  in  the  nineteenth? 

Great  stress  is  laid  by  Fr.  Murphy  upon  the  difference 
between  immediate  and  instantaneous  formation.  The 
distinction  I  of  course  admit.  It  is  perfectly  clear.  But  it 
is  one  of  very  little  practical  importance  in  the  present 
-controversy.  The  distinction  between  length  and  breadth 
is  also  clear,  but  once  allow  length  in  any  existing  object,, 
and  the  existence  of  breadth  is  only  a  corollary. 

If  anything  is  to  be  gathered  from  Fr.  Murphy's 
language,  it  is  that  he  is  willing  to  admit  that  Adam'a 
body  might  have  occupied  ages  in  forming,  if  only  we 
-allow  that  it  was  formea  by  God  immediately  in  the  course 
-of  those  ages. 

Now,  in  admitting  this  he  is  really  admitting  virtually 
all  that  I  am  contending  for:  let  us  suppose  that  the 
period  during  which  Adam's  body  was  bemg  prepared  by 
tjod  from  slime  to  have  extended  over — well,  say  1,000 
years — the  length  of  the  period  in  no  way  affects  the 
principle:  "Magis  enim  et  minus  (at  fert  effatum)  non 
jnuisit prineipiu7n.^*  What  does  that  mean?  Simply  that 
at  one  end  of  this  term  of  years  we  have  slime,  and  at  the 
other  a  fully  formed  human  body,  and  that  not  by  a  single 
leap,  but  by  a  gradual  advance  extending  over  that 
period,  which  can  only  be  described  as  a  succession  of 
developments  from  less  to  more  perfect  states,  Adam's 
.body  was  made  by  God. 

Now  that  it  occupied  time,  t.«.,  was  not  instantaneoua 
(which  Fr.  Murphy  freely  admits  as  possible)  either 
means  this  or  it  means  nothing. 

Let  ;me  try  to  make  this  clear. 

Here  Ues  the  clay  that  is  to  be  wrought  into  the  body 
of  our  first  parent.  We  contemplate  it  during  the  process. 
Instant  No.  1 — It  is  primitive  clay.  Instant  No.  2 — It  has 
either  become  Adam's  body  or  it  has  not.  If  it  has  become 
Adam's  body  then  it  was  done  instantly  :  if  it  is  still  wholly 
unaltered  clay,  then  the  process  has  not  yet  begun.  In 
neither  case  can  it  be  said  to  have  occupied  time.  But 
jFr.  Murphy  allows  it  may  have  occupied  time ;  therefore 
in  instant  No.  2  the  primitive  clay  must  have  altered  in  th^ 
direction  of  Adam's  body,  and  yet  not  have  reached  its  final 
stage.     In  other  words,  there  must  have  been  an  inter- 


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€60  Faith  and  Evolutioru 

mediate  stage — a  stage  of  progression — of  greater  per- 
fection— and  therefore  Evolution  (or  what  we  would 
consider  equivalent  to  Evolution — we  must  not  dispute 
about  tenns),  must  have  been  going  on.  And  so,  too,  with 
instant  No.  3  and  No.  4  and  No.  5,  and  in  like  manner, 
throughout  the  successive  instants,  till  Adam's  body  was 
fully  formed. 

Now  this  is  enough  to  content  most  scientists.  F<Mr 
what  they  are  anxious  about  is  not  the  precise  character  of 
the  force,  or  whether  God  directly  B,xio.per  se,  or  indirectly 
and  per  alium  made  Adam's  body,  hut  that  it  was  gradually 
formed.  As  a  matter  of  fact  no  force  can  be  examined  in  se^ 
it  can  only  be  studied  in  its  effects. 

Fr.  Murphy  undoubtedly  seems  to  allow  a  gradual 
formation,  for  else  why  accentuate  the  difference  between 
immediate  and  instantaneous  ?  And  why  put  on  one  side 
Arriaga's  words  so  lightly  because  he  speaks  of  the  latter 
and  not  of  the  former,  if  he  rejects  both  equally? 

Nevertheless,  admitting  that  the  formation  of  Adam's 
lody  may  have  occupied  many  ages,  it  were  surely  mtre 
natural  and  more  consonant  with  God's  ordinary  way  of 
dealing,  to  suppose  that  He  employed  secondary  agents 
and  existing  forms.  If  Fr.  Murphy  thinks  not.  Ipu 
videat.  To  us  it  signifies  little;  the  PROCESS,  not  the 
AGENT,  is  the  main  matter  of  interest 

Fr.  Murphy  speaks  with  little  respect  of  the  names 
I  quote  as  countenancing  the  mediate  formation  of 
Adam's  body.  1  quoted  an  extract  from  the  celebrated 
Fr.  BecchiS  but  it  is  objected  that  he  is  not  a  great 
theologian.  Well,  I  ijiay  assure  Fr.  Murphy  that  he 
is  not  the  insignificant  theologian  he  seems  to  imagine, 
although  his  fame  as  '  an  astronomer  has  certainly 
tended  to  eclipse  his  other  excellencies.  But  how 
little  does  that  signify.  Fr.  Murphy  dubs  the  doctrine  of 
which  he  speaks  heretical,  i.e.,  contra  /Idem.  Now,  I  will 
ask  any  unprejudiced  man,  is  it  likely,  is  it  conceivable, 
that  the  greatest  astronomer  of  this  century — a  man  of 
world-wide  fame,  whose  lectures  are  still  read  and  quoted 
bv  hundreds  of  [thousands,  and  have  been  translated  into 
almost  every  European  language ;  a  priest, too,  and  a  Jesuit, 
living  in  the  very  centre  of  Catholicity,  and  lecturing 
almost  under  the  shadow  of  the  Vatican  and  within  ear- 
shot of  the  Pope — would  be  allowed,  without  rebuke  or 

^  See  p.  428  of  Record. 

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Faith  and  Evolution.  661 

censure  of  any  kind,  to  use  the  words  I  quoted,  if  thej 
contained  damnable  heresy.  It  is  all  very  well  to 
speak  of  Secchi  as  a  theologian  of  small  repute.  Was 
he  not  the  friend  and  associate  of  such  men  as 
Franzelin  and  Ballarini,  of  Patrizi,  Perrone,  and  Palmieri  ? 
Did  not  these  great  theologians  and  professors  live 
in  the  same  Roman  College  with  him,  and  read  hia 
lectures,  and  speak  of  them  with  enthusiasm  and  pride? 
Would  they  pass  over  such  a  paragraph  as  I  quoted  in  the 
Record  without  one  word  of  reproof?  Nay,  could  they 
in  conscience,  considering  their  position  and  office,  close 
their  eyes  to  its  significance,  and  hold  their  peace,  if  it 
were  all  that  Fr.  Murphy  makes  it  out  to  be — if  it  were 
heretical,  and,  consequently,  damnable  doctrine  % 

I  might  make  similar  queries  regarding  the  others 
mentioned.  Thus,  Mendive  is  much  esteemed  in  Spain 
as  a  theologian  and,  as  a  writer  of  valuable  works,, 
is  not  unknown  to  fame.  The  book  from  which  I 
quoted  did  not  issue  from  some  secret  press,  imknown 
to  his  superiors.  As  the  work  of  a  Jesuit,  it  had  to  pass 
through  the  hands  of  the  censors  of  the  Order,  it  was 
pubUshed  with  the  permission  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities  and  opens'  with  a  most  eulogistic  preface  hj 
Dr.  Juan  Manuel,  Orti  y  Lara,  whose  name,  of  itself,  it 
might  be  thought  would  be  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  its 
freedom,  at  least,  from  any  taint  of  heresy. 

But  why  call  up  the  names  I  mentioned  in  my  last 
essay  t  Anyone  will  see  that  thev  carry  with  them,  as  do 
Secchi  and  Mendive,  more  weight  than  attaches  to  any 
merely  personal  or  individual  authority,  however  great.^ 

Fr.  Murphy,  on  p.  494,  writes:  •*In  introducing  his 
authorities,  Fr.  Vaughan  says,  *  we  cannot  suppose  such 
men  ignorant  either  of  the  teaching  of  the  Councils,  or  of 
the  opinion  of  the  Fathers  and  Theologians.* "  BUs  criticism 
of  this  sentence  shows  he  has  missed  its  point.  1  will  now 
express  myself  at  greater  length. 

I  was  merely  comparing  my  modern  authorities  with 
Fr.  Murphy  himself,  and  wished  to  point  out  that  the 
works  of  theologians  of  past  centuries,  and  the  teaching  oi 
Coimcils  upon  which  he  reposes  with  so  much  complacency, 
were  quite  as  much  at  their  disposal  as  at  his,  and  that 

^  Fr.  Murphy  aliudes  in  his  article  to  P.  J.  Knabenbauer,  S.J.  I  have 
not  time  to  explain  his  exact  position;  but  would  strongly  urge 
Fr.  Murphy  to  read  his  valuable  article  in  "  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach** 
for  August,  1877,  and  he  will  see  for  himself. 


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<562  Faith  and  Evolution. 

we  cannot  suppose  them  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the 
teaching  of  Councils  and  the  opinion  of  the  Fathers  and 
Theologians,  when  expressing  their  opinion  in  a  public 
and  permanent  form.  In  other  words,  that  Mendive 
and  Gemeiner,  etc.,  had  had  the  same  data  to  go 
upon  as  Fr.  Murphy;  but  had  anived  at  an  entirely 
opposite  conclusion.  Both  Fr.  Murphy  and  my  authorities 
had  been  to  consult  the  same  oracle,  but  had  returned 
with  a  very  different  response.  The  question,  therefore, 
which  I  only  now  (when  pressed),  put  in  a  personal 
form,  is:  Whose  interpretation  of  the  Fathers  shall  we 
accept  ?  The  Rev.  J.  Murphy's,  which  is  condemnatory, 
or  tnat  of  Frs.  Secchi,  Mendive,  Gemeiner,  etc.,  etc^ 
which  is  for  freedom  I  This  each  reader  must  decide  for 
himself 

Fr.  Murphy  does  not  admit  the  force  of  my  quotation 
from  St.  Thomas,  because  there  is  not  a  consensus  as  to 
the  manner  and  order  of  the  world's  creation.  But  had 
he  read  my  words  with  attention  he  would  have  seen 
that  I  not  only  foresaw,  but  prepared  to  meet  that  very 
objection.  I  advisedly  drew  his  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  reason  St.  Thomas  allowed  freedom  was  not  the  want 
of  a  consensus,  but  because  of  **the  trifling  connection 
such  details  have  with  the  essence  of  the  Catholic  dogma," 
&c. — p.  419.  I  even  quoted  Canon  Motais*  own  words : 
^'  11  nous  parait  evident  que  Tintention  de  S.  Thomas  est  de 
demontrer  que  c'est  a  cause  du  peu  de  relation  qu'ont  les 
details  dont  it  s'agit  aveo  le  dogme  Catholique^  que  les  Peres 
ont  pu  se  tromper  sur  ce  point,"  &c.  But  Fr.  Murphy 
writes  as  though  I  had  made  no  such  allusion. 

My  other  quotations  also,  which  Fr.  Murphy  so  calmly 
lays  aside  as  of  no  moment,  revive  in  their  full  force  and 
power,  now  that  his  arguments  have  been  suflSciently 
examined. 

In  the  course  of  his  paper  Fr.  Murphy  commits  himself  to 
some  strange  assertions,  but  I  can  only  afford  time  for  the 
consideration  of  a  few.  Let  me  pick  out  one  or  two  :  He 
argues  that  "if  my  authorities  are  really  learned  men,  they 
must  have  good  reason  for  what  they  do,"  &c. — page  195. 
Well,  of  course :  9ela  va  sans  dire,  and  that  is  why  they 
reject  the  doctrine  themselves  as  being  probably  contra 
factum,  but  do  not  anathematize  its  supporters  as  being 
probably  not  contra  fidem. 

He  goes   on: — "They  show   a  distrust  of  their  own 


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Faith  and  Evolution.  6^3 

reasoning  when  they  refuse  to  act  upon  it."  Here  I  feel 
inclined  to  ask,  with  the  child  in  the  story : 

"  Lehrer,  was  machst  du  ? 
Schliifst  du  oder  wachst  du  ?  " 

Fr.  Murphy  must  surely  have  been  nodding  when  he  wrote 
that.  •  Let  us  see  what  is  their  own  reasoning,  and  then 
we  shall  see  they  do  act  strictly  in  accordance  with  it.  They 
reason  (1)  that  the  arguments  for  proving  man's  mediate  for- 
mation are  insiifficient,  and  therefore  they  decline  to  abandon 
the  old  view ;  (2)  they  reason  that  the  arguments  for 
proving  man's  immediate  formation  to  be  of  i  aith  are  not 
conclusive,  and  therefore  they  decline  to  condemn  that 
opinion  as  heretical.  To  my  mind  this  is  the  position  which 
most  commends  itself  and  the  position  I  also  take  up  and 
defend.  Has  Fr.  Murphy  forgotten,  I  wonder,  the  thousand 
and  one  instances  we  meet  in  theology  of  theologians 
embracing  one  opinion  themselves  and  yet  not  denying  all 
probability  to  the  opposite  t  What  is  this  but  anotber 
such  instance. 

There  are  many  other  points  in  the  paper  of  my 
Reverend  confrere  over  which  I  would  like  to  press  the  hot- 
iron  of  criticism.  But  ten  pages  is  the  u«mal  allowance  for 
writers  in  the  RECORD,  and  I  nave  already,  ala^  I  exceeded 
that  limit,  so  must  be  content  to  leave  much  unsaid. 

In  conclusion  then,  say  what  he  will,  Fr.  Murphy  cannot 
emerge  from  his  position.  God  says  He  **  made,"  and  he 
interpolates  the  words  "immediately  "  because  he  and  his 
theologians  take  that  to  be  the  ordinary  sense,  and  he 
insists  that  we  must  all  do  the  same.  But  does  not  that 
savour  of  narrow-mindedness? — a  fault  that  is  the  very 
bane  of  both  theologians  and  scientists  in  these  days.  If 
they  would  both  imitate  the  patience  and  caution  of  the 
Church,  and  abstain  from  anatnematizing  each  other  until 
questions  are  more  or  less  matured,  incalculable  good 
would  result,  not  only  to  charity,  which  would  be  less 
frequently  and  less  flagrantly  violated,  but  to  science  and 
theology,  which  would  both  be  freer  to  make  more  rapid 
advance. 

Anglicans  like  Tusey,  Littledale,  &c.,  have  often  been 
accused,  and  most  justly,  of  exercising  private  judgment 
in  their  interpretation  of  the  Fathers,  even  when  they  pro- 
fessed to  base  their  decisions  on  their  tei?timony  alone.  But 
do  not  we  priests  expose  ourselves  to  a  similar  accusation 
when  we  assume. a^  like  role  and  begin,  for  no  better  reason. 


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664  Recollections  of  Granardj  Co.  Longford. 

to  dictate  on  matters  conceming  which  the  Church  has  not 
definitely  spoken  ?  Is  there  no  danger  of  private  judgment 
on  the  part  of  a  CathoUc  Theologian  explaining  the  Fathers, 
as  well  as  upon  the  part  of  an  anglican ;  if  not  in  the  same 
degree,  at  least  in  some  degree?    Or  if  not,  why  not! 

1  conclude  with  the  advice  of  St  Bernard,  which  I  have 
been  trying  to  act  upon  throughout  this  controversy : 

"  Nemo  dubia  pro  certis  admittat.'* 

John  S.  Vaughan. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  GRANARD,  CO.    LONGFORD. 

BEFORE  noting  some  events  which  appear  to  be  worthy 
of  reproduction  in  connection  with  the  history  of  this 
ancient  and  important  town,  I  shall  commence  by- 
explaining  the  origin  of  its  name.  What  then  does 
the  word,  Granard,  signify?  It  is  a  compound  of  two 
Irish  words  "Grain,**  *'Ard,*'  the  former  signifying  the 
"  Sun,**  and  the  latter  "  Eminence.**  "  Grain  *'  was  some- 
times  used  as  a  woman's  name.  The  Annalists  speak  of  a 
*'  Lady  Grain  "  whose  tomb  is  to  be  seen  At "  Tomgraney," 
Co.  Clare.  The  traditions  of  the  place  still  preserve  her 
memory.  They  say  that  she  was  drowned  in  Lougb 
Graney ;  that  her  body  was  found  in  the  river  at  a  place 
called  Derry-graney.  She  was  called  the  '*  Sun*s  bright- 
ness.*' Another  lady  named  "  Grain  "  was  buried  near  the 
town  of  Antrim  at  a  place  called  Carngranny.  Her 
monument  also  remains,  as  Mr.  Reeves  testifies  in  the 
following  words : — **It  consists  of  ten  large  slabs  raised  on 
side  supporters  like  a  series  of  Cromleahs,  forming  steps, 
commencing  with  the  lowest  at  the  north-east,  and  ascend- 
ing gradually  for  the  length  of  forty  feet  towards  the 
south-west.'*  But  I  do  not  find  it  stated  anywhere  that 
a  lady  of  that  name  was  buried  at  or  near  Granard. 
I  therefore  infer  that  "  Grain,**  which  is  the  Irish  word  for 
the  "Sun,**  and**Ard,**  an  "Eminence,*'  were  applied  to 
designate  the  old  town  of  Granard,  owing  to  its  lofty  and 
sunny  eminence.  This  place,  like  Tara,  is  supposed  to 
have  been  one  of  the  important  stations  appropriated 
to  the  celebration  of  idolatrous  worship  before  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  into  our  country.    Granard,  as  it 


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Recollections  of  Granard,  Co.  Longford.  665 

now  stands,  is  bounded  on  the  north-western  extremity  of 
its  great  wide  street  by  a  hi^h  artificial  mound  called  the 
"  Moat"  Before  its  destruction  in  1315  by  the  Scots,  com- 
manded  by  Edward  Bruce,  the  old  town  was  situate  close 
to  the  present  old  church  at  Granai^  Kill.  This  old  church, 
standing  in  the  parochial  cemetery,  was  the  matrix  ecclesia 
of  the  parish  before  the  completion  of  the  new  beautiful 
Gothic  edifice  now  so  gracefully  topping  the  hill  of 
Granard,  and  overlooking  not  only  the  town  but  also  com- 
manding charmingly  picturesque  and  diversified  scenery 
in  more  than  one  neighbouring  county.  The  coup  d'csil 
from  this  spot  is  something  to  be  remembered.  Saint  Mary's^ 
Granard  (so  worthily  and  prudently  presided  over  by  the 
Venerable  Archdeacon  O'l?  lanagan,  V.G.),  is  not  only  the 
matrix  ecclesia  of  the  parish,  but  also  the  chief  church  of 
the  Deanery,  non  tantum  ratione  officii  et  altitudiDis,  sed 
etiam  ratione  magnificentias  tum  externa  tum  interna^.  In 
the  days  of  the  old  town's  existence,  of  which  traces  are 
still  observable  in  some  of  the  rich  fields  (equally,  perhaps 
even  more  rich  than  the  pastures  of  Golden  Vale),  owned 
by  the  much  respected  widowed  lady  of  the  late  lamented 
William  O'Flanagan,  Esq.,  the  Moat  stood  on  the  north- 
eastern side  of  (jrranard.  Sentinel-like,  it  now  stands  a 
towering  bulwark  at  the  north-western  side  of  the  town. 
On  the  age,  origin  and  uses  of  this  large  Mound  or  Rath, 
I  shall  now  make  a  few  remarks.  In  my  researches  for 
evidence  sufficient  to  determine  the  exact  period  of  its 
origin  I  found  none.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  it  watt 
in  existence  when  St.  Patrick  visited  Granard.  For  in  the 
Book  of  Armagh,  lately  edited  with  admirable  ability  by 
the  Very  Rev.  E.  Hogan,  S.J.,  the  following  passage 
occurs : — 

"  Et  venit,  i.e,  S.  Patritius  per  flumen  Ethne,  i.e.  the  river 
Inny  in  Tethbias — i.e.  Teffia  which  was  divided  by  the  river  into 
almost  equal  parts,  one  of  which  was  in  the  barony  of  Oranard,  et 
ordinavit  Melam  Episcopum  ot  fuudavit  Ecclesiam  Bile,  i.e.  Clon* 
broney,  et  ordinavit  Gosactum  filium  milcho  Maccubooin  quem 
nutrivit  in  Servitute  vii.  annorum  et  mittens  Camulacum  C'om- 
miensium  in  caropum  Baile-Cuini  vel  Cumi,  i.«.  Ballycowan, 
King's  county,  et  digito  illi  indicavit  locum  de  cacumine  Granaret, 
I.e.  Granard,  Ecclesiam  Gaithin,  i.e.  Eahin." 

In  the  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,  vol.  i,  page 

395,  the  Church  of  Gosact  is  said  to  have  been  at  Rahin, 

near  Tullaraore,  a  distance  of  about  thirty-six  miles.   It  is 

therefore  certain  that  the  Moat  of  Granard  was  in  existence 

TOL.  VI.  8  c 


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666  Recollections  of  Granardj  Co.  Longford. 

previously  to  St.  Patrick's  advent  there,  and  if  Raithim  be 
taken  as  identical  with  the  modern  Ralian,  King's  county, 
and  not  some  other  place  nearer  to  Granard,  the  great 
altitude  of  the  Moat  from  which  Rahan  was  thus  pointed 
out  by  the  Saint's  finger  necessarily  follows.     But  I  am 
compelled    to   think   the  place     so     indicated    was  not 
the   modern    Rahan,   which    certainly   our    Saint  could 
not  have  pointed  out  except  in  the  most  vague  way,  and 
that  barely  as  to  the  direction  in  which  it  lay.    There  were, 
however,  several  small  Raths  or  Raithins  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. Abbey-larah  was  one  for  Larah,  signifies  a  half  Rath. 
It  was  probably  this  place  which  St  Patrick  indicated  to 
St.  Guasact,  who   was  afterwards  to    erect  a  monastery 
there  and  preside  over  it  as  Abbot.     Moreover  he  was  not 
Abbot  of  Rahin,  King  s  County.     What  then  is  the  exact 
period  of  the  erection  of  this  mound,  cannot,  in  my  opinion, 
be  determined  with  certainty,  but  may  be  approximated.  If 
the  opinion  of  those  writers  who  hold  that  all  the  circular 
forts  of  this  country  were  erected  by  the  Danes,  be  coiTect, 
then  the  age  of  the  Moat  of  Granard  may  be  at  once  fixed. 
But  1  do  not  hold  that  opinion,  and  I  tliink  it  has  now  few 
supporters.  1  am  convinced  that  the  Danes  had  fortresses  of 
some  kind  in  Drogheda,Waterford,  Limerick  and  Dublin,  and 
the  other  maritime  towns  in  which  they  settled.    I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  impious  monster.  King  Turgesius,  who  was 
slain,  nobly,  heroically  slain,  upon  the  Altar  of  Chastity  for 
an  attempted  violation  of  its  rights,  and  under  circumstances 
similar  to  those  in  which  the  Roman  Lucretia  acquired  the 
surname  **  chaste,*'   or  in  which  the  Grecian  IlipfK),  the 
youthful  Cyana,  and  St.  Euphrasia,  the  virgin  and  martyr, 
piously  fell,  had  erected  for  himself  a  large  fort  in  Loughree, 
from  which    he  plundered  Conuaught    and    Westmeath. 
These  are,  however,   only  particular   cases  in   which  the 
Danish  invaders,  following  the  custom  of  the  country  into 
which  they  came,  erected  circular  mounds  for  residence 
and   defence.     That  Raths,  Lisses  or  Duns,  words  used  to 
designate    the    domestic    and    military   structures  in  use 
amongst  the    ancient  Irish,  were   not  of  Danish  origin, 
may  be  proved  from  this  fact  alone,  that  they  are  found  in 
every  part   of  Ireland,  and  more  plentifully  in   districts 
where  the  Danes  never  gained  any  footing,  than  where 
they  had  settlements. 

There  are  abundant  proofs  that  these  structures  were 
the  dwellings  of  the  people  of  this  country  before  the 
adoption  of  houses  of  the  rectangular  form.    The  largtf 


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Hecollectiont  of  Granard,  Co.  Longford.  667 

Kaths  were  inhabited  by  the  better  classes,  and  the  great 
fortified  ones  bv  the  princes  and  chieftains.  Judging  from 
the  remains  still  *to  be  seen  at  the  historic  sites,  Tara  and 
Rathcroffhan,  places  celebrated  for  ages  as  royal  residences, 
and  still  affording  the  finest  and  most  characteristic 
speciraens  of  Irish  circular  forts,  I  should  say  that  the  Moat 
of  Granard  was  the  fortified  residence  of  the  chieftains  of 
that  part  of  Ireland  in  the  pre-christian  times.  In  proof  of 
these  assertions,  I  may  observe  that  in  our  ancient  writings 
the  residences  of  the  people  of  this  country  were  mentioned 
by  the  various  names  of  Rath,  Lis  Dim,  as  constantly  as 
houses  and  castles  are  in  the  books  of  the  last  three 
centuries.  To  illustrate  this  argument  I  will  give  a  few 
passages  which  might  be  extended  considerably.  In  the 
feast  Dun-na-ngeah  (Battle  of  Moyrath),  Ck)nal  Claen  thus 
addresses  his  foster  father,  King  Domhnall,  "  Thou  didst 
place  a  woman  of  thine  own  tribe  to  nurse  me  in  the 
garden  of  the  Lios  in  which  thou  dwellest."  On  which 
0*Donovan  remarks,  "  The  Irish  kings  and  chieftains  lived 
at  this  period,  637,  in  the  great  earthen  Raths  or  Lisses, 
the  ruins  of  which  are  still  bo  numerous  in  our  land.*'  In 
the  same  tale  we  read  of  two  visitors  that  were  conducted 
into  the  Dun,  and  a  dinner  sufficient  for  a  hundred  was 
given  to  them,  and  in  another  place,  King  Domhnall  says 
to  Congall,  "  Go  and  view  the  groat  feast  which  is  in  the 
Dun,"  And  in  the  Book  of  Leinster,  page  85,  it  is  recorded 
that  Queen  Maev,  who  flourished  in  the  first  century  of  this 
era,  sentenced  the  five  sons  of  Dihorba  to  raise  a  Rath 
around  her  which  should  be  the  chief  city  of  Ulster  for  ever. 
Circumvallations  were  invariably  built  aroimd  the  Rath, 
Liss  or  Dim.  The  passages  already  quoted  abundantly 
prove  that  the  residences  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
before  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  were  denoted  by 
the  words  Liss,  Rath,  Dun.  And  such  buildings  continued 
to  be  erected  down  to  the  twelfth  century.  Joyce  states 
that  Dun  was  anciently  applied  to  the  great  forts  with  a 
high  central  mound,  flat  at  top,  and  surroimded  by  three 
or  more  earthen  circumvallations.  These  fortified  Duns, 
he  adds,  were  the  residences  of  the  kings  and  chiefs  of 
that  time.  Such  a  mound  was  the  Moat  of  Granard,  and 
therefore,  I  have  said  it  was  in  its  day  of  initial  use — a 
royal  residence  and  rampart  as  well.  It  is  now  under 
grass,  whilst  its  internal  chambers,  which  are,  doubtless, 
of  the  ordinary  kind  found  in  such  places,  are  untenanted, 
save  by  the  Fairies,  whom  popular  superstition  has  rooted 


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668  Becollections  of  Granardj  Co.  Lo^igford. 

there,  never  to  be  evicted  by  crowbar  or  other  brigade. 
It  has  not  been  under  tillage  in  the  memory  of  any 
person  living  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  people  have 
almost  invariably  felt  a  great  reluctance  to  put  such  places 
under  tillage.  Tales  are  sometimes  told  oi  calamities  that 
befell  the  families  or  cattle  of  foolhardy  persons  who  out- 
raged these  dwelUngs  of  the  Fairies  by  tilling  the  enclosure 
or  removing  the  earth,  or  endeavouring  to  penetrate  their 
recesses.  But  this  is  only  a  superstitious  fear.  The  Duns, 
Raths,  Lisses,  of  Drogheda,  Naas,  and  Castletown,  near 
Dundalk,  are  now  crowned  with  modem  bmldings,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  these  towns  are  none  the  worse  of  the 
supposed  Fairies. 

If  evil  results  to  mind  or  body  followed  attempted 
excavations  of  such  places,  fear  seated  in  weak  minds  aod 
nervous  constitutions,  and  not  the  alleged  Fairies,  pro- 
duced such  eflects. 

Probably  in  the  chambers  of  these  Lisses  articles  of 
considerable  value  lie  concealed.  Having  thus  determined 
the  origin  and  use  of  the  Moat  of  Granard,  what  shall  I  say 
of  its  age  t  I  have  already  said  the  period  of  it«  erection 
can,  in  my  opinion,  be  only  approximated.  It  is  certain 
that  it  was  in  existence,  as  I  have  already  shown,  when 
St.  Patrick  visited  Granard.  But  how  long  before  his 
advent  it  was  in  existence  I  am  unable  precisely  to  deter- 
mine. It  does  not  seem  improbable  to  suppose  that  its 
erection  was  coeval  with  Queen  Maev.  At  all  events  it 
was  touched  by  the  sacred  feet — (consoling  thought  for 
Granardians) — of  our  National  Apostle,  who,  accompanied 
by  St.  Guasact,  climbed  its  steep  sides,  until  having  reached 
its  summit,  they  looked  upon  the  fertile  plains  stretching 
out  in  all  directions  and  blest  them.  1  recollect  to  have 
employed  my  mind  on  a  certain  occasion  when  making 
this  difficult  ascent  with  pleasing  and  ennobling  reflections 
upon  the  fact  and  mode  of  St.  Patrick's  visit  to  this  ele» 
vated  spot.  I  derived  courage,  strength,  and  joy  from  the 
thought  that  I  was  climbing  possibly  by  the  very  same 
footway  to  where  St  Patrick  and  Guasact  came  ages  ago. 
I  well  remember  to  have  on  a  certain  occasion  asked  a 
Dispensary  Doctor,  whose  duties  frequently  obliged  him  to 
ascend  steep  and  rugged  mountains,  and  attend  the  wants 
of  the  sick  poor,  how  he  used  to  feel  when  climbing  the 
difficult  heights,  and  he  answered :  "  I  keep  thinking  it 
will  be  very  much  easier  when  coming  down."  And  what 
is  more  to  the  point,  I  recall  with  pleasure  a  conversation 


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Recollections  of  Granard,  Co,  Longford.  669 

I  had  in  1875  in  a  Roman  hotel,  with  an  American  Presby- 
terian parson,  after  one  of  his  daily  excursions  to  some  of 
the  many  objects  of  everlasting  interest  to  every  Christian. 
He  had  just  been  to  see  the  Mamertine  prison,  where  Saints 
Peter  and  Paul  were  chained ;  he  was  just  after  feasting 
his  eyes  and  mind  upon  the  glorious  Basilicas  of  San  Pietro 
in  Montorio,  San  raolo  Fuori  Le  Mura,  San  Pietro  in 
Vincoli,  and  St.  Peter's  itself — and  in  giving  some  of  his 
impressions  regarding  what  he  had  seen,  he  observed  (his 
eyes  moistened  with  tears) :  "  I  have  said  to  myself  more 
than  once  to-day, '  is  it  a  fact,  or  is  it  a  dream,  that  I  am 
standing  where  Saints  Peter  and  Paul  stood  ? — walking  in 
the  very  place  where  they  walked  ?  ' "  He  became  over- 
whelmed by  the  thought.  It  was  a  moment  of  inward 
salutary  growth  for  him.  "  His  mind  itself,  expanded  by 
the  spot,  had  grown  (not  colossal)  almost  Catholic."  He 
was  afterwards  received  into  the  one  true  Church.  Yes, 
there  is  a  salutary  spell  about  the  places  sanctified  by  the 
foot-prints  of  our  Apostles,  which  elevates,  ennobles,  and 
expands  the  soul.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Book  of  Armagh 
tells  us  that  St.  Patrick,  having  consecrated  St.  Mel,  and 
founded  his  church  at  Ardagh,  passed  on  to  Northern 
Teffia,  now  the  Barony  of  Granard,  and  there  founded  the 
Nuunery  of  Clonbroney,  over  which  he  placed  Emeria, 
sister  of  St.  Guasact.  Guasact  himself,  son  of  Milcho,  he 
ordained,  and  afterwards  made  Bishop  of  Granard.  Ware 
says  that  Granard  was  an  early  Episcopal  See,  founded  by 
St  Patrick.  I  do  not  find  suflicient  evidence  to  enable  me 
to  say  that  it  was  at  any  time  an  Episcopal  See,  indepen- 
dent of  Ardagh.  There  are  two  ways  by  which  we  may 
explain  the  fact  that  Granard  once  had  a  bishop  of  its 
own.  The  first  method  is  founded  on  the  supposition  that 
it  was  once  an  independent  See,  with  territorial  jurisdiction 
of  its  own.  But  this  supposition  does  not  seem  probable. 
If  it  ever  was,  it  had  certainly  lost  its  independence,  and 
been  amalgamated  with  Ardagh,  before  the  Synods  of 
Rathbreasai  and  Kells,held  for  the  purpose  of  reconstructing 
and  consolidating  the  different  dioceses,  already  too 
numeroua  In  no  published  list  known  to  me  does  the  See 
of  Granard  appear  amongst  the  sixty  Sees  to  be  so 
absorbed.  I  therefore  think  we  must  have  recourse  to  the 
second  method  of  explanation,  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 
existence  of  the  Chorepiscopi. 

I  pass  over  Dr.  Todd*s  theory  of  '*  non-diocesan  juris- 
diction,"  because  I  am  convinced  that  the  Very  Reverend 


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670  Recollections  of  Granard,  Co.  Longford, 

Dr.  Gargan,  V.G.,  has,  in  his  very  able  essay  on  the 
Ancient  Church  of  Ireland,  entirely  demolished  its  claims 
to  probability. 

Dr.  Todd  affirms  that  there  was  "  no  archiepiscopal  or 
diocesan  jurisdiction  in  Ireland  until  the  twelfth  centmj, 
no  fixed  Sees,  no  regular  succession  or  jurisdiction ;  and 
that  St.  Patrick  and  his  followers  adopted  the  plan  of 
sending  forth  bishops  to  act  independently,  or  subject  only 
to  the  abbot  of  his  monastery,  or,  in  the  spirit  of  clanship, 
to  his  chieftain."  Of  course,  if  this  theory  were  adopted, 
Granard  would  have  been  as  independent  a  See  as  any 
other  in  the  country,  and  St,  Guasact  as  independent  a 
bishop  as  St.  Mel ;  that  is  to  say,  they  would  have  had  no 
independence  at  all.  But  as  I  have  said,  Dr.  Todd's  plan 
for  tne  reconstruction  of  early  Irish  history  has  been  com- 
pletely destroyed  by  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Moran  and 
Dr.  Gargan.  The  theory  of  the  Order  of  Cborepiscopi 
remains,  and  is  well  founded.  It  is  generally  admitted 
that  such  an  order  existed  in  Ireland  from  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  into  this  island,  and  was  continued  until  the 
twelfth  century,  concurrently  with  "independent  diocesan 
jurisdiction,"  "  fixed  sees,"  and  **  regular  succession."  A 
Chorepiscopus  was  a  priest  who,  having  received  episcopal 
consecration,  was  not  appointed  to  any  See  of  his  own ; 
but  continued  subordinate  to  the  bishop  of  the  church  or 
diocese  in  which  he  officiated.  He  was  a  bishop  ;  but,  as 
such,  had  no  territorial  jurisdiction.  There  were  many 
such  bishops  here  in  Ireland,  as  well  as  in  all  parte  of  the 
early  Christian  Church.  Such  was  the  practice  in  the 
East  and  the  West  from  the  third  century.     Such  was  the 

Eractice  where  St.  Patrick  himself  was  consecrated  ;  and 
ringing  the  discipline  of  his  Mother  Church  with  him  into 
this  land,  our  Apostle  had  a  bishop  consecrated  smd  placed 
in  every  city,  town,  and  village.  Hence,  St.  Patrick  con- 
secrated, the  Book  of  Armagli  tells  us,  four  hundred  and 
fifty  bishops.  We  may  therefore  suppose  that  St.  Guasact 
was  only  a  Chorepiscopus,  and  that  Granard  was  not  an 
independent  8ee^  or  that  at  the  time  of  Guasact's  conse- 
cration St.  Patrick  had  not  yet  made  a  regular  diocesan 
division.  This  view  receives  confirmation  from  what  is 
found  in  the  Monasticon  Hibemicum.  There  it  is  stated 
that  St.  Patrick  founded  a  monasterv  at  Lerha,  near  to 
Granard,  and  dedicated  it  to  the  B.  V.  Mary,  and  appointed 
St.  Guasact  its  first  abbot. 

His  feast  is  commemorated  on  the  24th  January.    Here 


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Heeollections  of  Granard,  Co,  Longford,  671 

I  may  observe  that  all  antiquarians  and  writers  on  ecclesi- 
astical matters,  who  have  touched  the  subject  of  the 
antiquities  of  this  locality,  have  written  of  Lerha,  now 
Abbey-iara,  as  one  of  the  most  precious  and  sacred 
possessions  of  (iranard.  When,  for  example,  they  write 
of  "  St.  Mary's,  Granard,*'  it  is  of  the  old  Monastery  of 
Lerha  they  speak.  I  note  this  fact  because  Granard  and 
Abbey-lara,  being  now  distinct  parishes,  and  more  than  an 
Irish  mile  apart,  a  modem  traveller  and  inquirer,  anxious 
to  see  the  ruins  of  the  famous  Cistercian  Abbey,  founded 
by  Sir  Richard  Tuite,  and  called  St.  Mary's,  Granard^ 
would  scarcely  think  of  going  to  look  for  it  at  Abbey-lara  ; 
and  yet  it  is  so.  Sir  Richard  Tuito  performed  and  left 
after  him  two  great  works  of  different  orders  ;  one  purely 
secular,  and  the  other  rehgious.  In  1199,  he  bunt  the 
Castle  of  Granard  as  a  defence  against  O'Reilly  of  Breffney. 
I  make  this  and  the  following  statement  on  the  authority 
of  the  Annals  of  Lough  Ce.  Close  by  was  the  ancient 
fortified  boundary  or  dyke  between  Brefihey  and  Annally, 
extending  from  Lough  Gowna  to  Lough  Kinclare,  a  por- 
tion of  which  entrenchment,  it  is  said,  may  still  be  seen. 
It  is  known  by  the  modem  name  of  Duncla.  In  1205,  Sir 
Richard  Tuite  founded  an  abbey  here,  to  the  honour  of 
the  B.  V.  Mary,  for  monks  of  the  Cistercian  Order,  whom 
he  brought  from  St  Mary's  Abbey,  Dublin,  an  abbey 
rendered  famous  in  1551  by  the  public  disputation  which 
took  place  within  its  walls,  at  the  special  invitation  of  the 
viceroy,  in  the  presence  of  the  clergy  and  a  vast  concourse 
of  the  people,  and  was  terminated  by  contributing  a  fatal 
blow  to  Protestantism  in  Ireland.  It  was  that  same  abbey 
which  gave  to  the  See  of  Ardagh,  in  1647,  Patrick  Joseph 
Plunkett,  who,  at  one  period  of  his  reign,  was  the  only 
bishop  licing,  moving^  and  performing  the  functions  of  hvi 
high  office  in  Ireland.  He  ordained,  after  his  return  from 
exile,  two  hundred  priests  from  various  dioceses  of 
Ireland,  there  being  no  other  resident  Bishop  in  the 
kingdom  save  the  bed-ridden  Bishop  of  Kilmore.^  In 
1211,  Sir  Richard  Tuite  was  interred  in  tliis  Abbey,  having 
been  crushed  to  death  by  the  falling  of  a  tower  in  Athlone. 
He  was  a  brave,  noble  and  generous  soul.^  His  representatives 

^  The  f oUowin^  incident  regarding  a  descendant  in  lined  recta 
of  Sir  Richard  Tuite,  mav  be  interesting  to  some  : — "  After  the 
siege  of  Gibraltar,  Hugh  Tuite,  Captain  of  the  grenadier  company 
of  the  39th,  returned  to  England  with  his  regiment,  and  shortly 
afterwards  retired  from  the  service.  He  passed  his  winters  in  the  gaiety 
of  the  Irish  metropolis,  at  that  period  the  winter  quarters  of  many  of  the 


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672  SecoUeciions  of  Crranard,  Co.  Longford. 

now  reside  at  Sonna,  Co.  Meath,  but  unhappily  they  do  not 
belonp^  to  the  Church  of  their  great  ancestor.  St.  Mary's, 
Granard,  so  nobly  founded  and  richly  endowed,  was 
pillaged,  rifled  and  despoiled  about  a  century  after  its 
erection.  In  1315  Edward  Bruce,  commander  of  the 
Scots,  advanced  upon  Granard,  burned  it,  and  afterwards 
seized  and  plundered  the  Monastery.  This  was  the  third 
burning  of  Granard  recorded  by  the  Annalists.  To  one  of 
these  burnings  anunfortunatedispute  between  the  chieftains 
of  Breffny  East  and  Breffny  West,  led.  The  first  took 
place  in  1066,  when  Murchadh,  son  of  Diarmaid,  marched 
upon  Granard,  and  the  second  in  1272,  when  Aed 
0  Conchobhair,  like  an  angel  of  destruction,  passed  through 
it  and  the  neighbouring  Meath.  The  Monastery,  however, 
survived  the  spoUation.  In  1898  Peter,  its  Abbot,  was 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Clonmacnoise,  whilst  in  1447,  John 
O'Mayle,  one  of  nis  successors  in  St.  Mary's,  was  also 
called  to  succeed  him  in  the  See  of  St.  Ciaran.     Dr.  Brady, 

nubility,  but  whose  mansions,  since  the  Union,  have  gradually  passed 
into  other  hands,  so  that  at  the  present  day  I  do  not  beOeve  any  of  theta 
possess  a  residence  in  the  city. 

At  that  period  the  Countess  of  Ormonde>  parties  were  amongst  the 
most  recherche  in  Dublin.  At  these  reunions  Captain  Tuite  was 
a  frequent  guest,  and  though  not  then  in  the  army,  he  continued  to  wear 
the  queue,  which  for  years  he  had  been  obliged  to  adopt  as  a  uecesaary 
part  of  his  military  costume.  At  this  time  Captain  Arthur  Wellesley, 
afterwards  the  Iron  Duke  of  Wellington,  was  on  the  staff,  as  Aide-de-C^amp 
to  Lord  Westmoreland,  who  was  Lord  Lieutenant  from  1790  to  1795, 
and  was  with  a  party  from  the  Castle,  at  one  of  Lady  Ormonde's  over- 
flowing evenings  *'at  Home.'*  Captain  Tuite  wns  also  there,  and 
engaged  at  a  card  table,  with  Lady  Ormonde  as  his  partner,  when  he 
observed  some  youug  gentlemen  and  officers  highly  entertained  and 
smiling  at  each  other.  Ue  soon  saw,  from  the  direction  of  their  eyes, 
that  he  was  the  object  of  their  mirth,  and  turning  sharply  round,  to 
ascertain  in  what  manner  he  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to  contribute  to 
the  evening's  amusement,  found  Captain  Wellesley  standing  behind  his 
chair  diverting  himself  and  the  company  with  his  queue,  the  end  of 
which  he  had  at  that  moment,  most  unfortunately,  a  tight  hold  of. 
Captain  Tuite  stood  up — he  was  a  tall  and  powerful  man — and  took  the 
facetious  Aide-de-Camp  by  the  neck,  lifted  him  completely  off  the 
ground,  gave  him  an  angry  shake,  and  dropped  him  without  uttering  a 
word.     He  resumed  his  chair  and  finished  the  game  of  cards. 

As  soon  as  the  game  was  over,  Captain  Tuite  resigned  hh  seat  at  the 
card-table,  expecting,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  he  would  receive  an 
invitation  to  an  early  airing  in  the  Fifteen  Acres,  **6«  the  mme  mote  or 
less.^^  Li  a  short  time.  Captain  Wellesley,  accompanied  by  another  of 
the  Aide-de-Camps,  came  up  to  Captain  Tuite,  the  former  appearing 
much  agitated,  and  apologised  for  the  imwanantable  liberty  he  had 
taken  with  him.  Captain  Tuite  drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height,  and 
replied,  "  As  the  apology  has  been  as  public  as  the  qfience,  I  forget  it,  Str," 
and  made  him  a  bow. 


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Recollections  of  Granard,  Co.  Longford.  673 

in  his  very  valuable  notes  upon  the  Irish  Monasteries,  has 
the  following  extracts  from  Roman  manuscripts  regarding 
this  celebrated  Abbey,  "  Granard,  ahas  Lerha,  1428.  John, 
on  the  11th  October,  1428,  Ven.  Vir.  D.  Joannes  Abbas 
Monasterri  B.  Mariae  de  Granardo  Ardagh-aden-Dioc, 
&c.,  &c.,  obtulit  33i  florenos  auri,  &c.,  &c.,  et  quinque 
servitia  conseuta.     Mandati  Camerali." 

'*  1489.  January  20,  Cornelius  O'Fergal  on  the  23rd 
January,  1489.  Vener.  Vir.  Cornelius  O'Fergayl.  Com- 
mendatarius  Monasterii  B.  Mariae  de  Granardo  alias  de 
Leathia  Cisterc,  ordinis  Ardachaden  Dioc,  principaUs 
obtulit,  &c.,  &c.  (ratione  commendae  eidem  T)^°^°  Comelis 
faciendae  per  BuUas  D°*  Jnnocentii  Papae  VIII.  sub  dat. 
13  Kalend.  Decembris,  anno  quinto,  &c.J  florenos  auri  de 
Camera  83  cum  imo  tertio.*'  Obligazioni.  Its  last  Abbot 
was  Richard  OTaiTell,  who,  according  to  Archdall,  was 
made  Bishop  of  Ardagh  in  1541.  Sir  James  Ware  places 
the  succession  of  R.  O'Farrell  to  the  See  of  Ardagh  m  the 
same  year,  1541,  whilst  Dr.  Brady  states  that  his  appoint- 
ment was  ignored  at  Rome,  and  on  Queen  Mary's  accession, 
Patrick  MacMahon  was  restored  to  the  temporalities  of 
which  he  had  been  deprived  on  account  of  alleged  simony 
and  non-residence,  and  having  his  cathedral  in  ruins.  The 
words  of  Ware  are  "  Richard  Farrell,  Abbot  of  Granard, 
being  elected  by  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  obtained  restitu- 
tion of  the  temporalities  of  this  See  on  the  14th  July,  1641, 
But  he  was  not  consecrated  imtil  after  the  22nd  April, 
1542,  on  which  day  George  Cromer,  Archbishop  of 
Armagh,  being  disabled  through  sickness,  issued  a  com- 
mission to  any  three  bishops  of  Ireland  to  consecrate  him. 
He  died  in  1568,  having  sat  twelve  years.  He  was 
Dynast  of  Annally  (Longford)  as  long  as  he  lived. 
Patrick  MacMahon  succeeded  him  in  the  bishopric,  and 
Conal  Ferrall  in  the  dynasty."  The  Monasticon  Hibernicum 
contains  the  following  remarks  regarding  the  possessions 
of  this  Abbey  at  the  time  of  its  surrender : — 

'^  On  the  surrender  of  the  abbey  the  said  Richard  was  seized  of 
two  carucates  of  land,  with  their  appurtenances,  in  Olonemore,  of 
the  yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  13».  4rf. ;  four  carucates 
in  Lerha,  of  the  yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  26«.  8(f. ; 
two  carucates  in  Clonecryawe,  of  the  yearly  value,  besides 
reprises,  of  13«.  4(i. ;  two  carucates  in  Tonnaghmore  of 
the  yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  ]3*.  4d. ;  four  carucates 
in  Monktown,  of  the  yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  26f.  8c2. ; 
and  the  tithes    of   com    in  the    rectory  of    Monkton,  of   the 


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674  Mecollections  of  (rranard,  Co,  Longford, 

yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  40^. ;  also  of  a  moiety  of  the 
tithes  of  the  rectory  of  Granard,  of  the  yearly  value,  besides 
reprises,  of  2Ps.  8d,;  a  moiety  of  the  tithes  of  the  rectory  of 
Drumlonian,  of  the  yearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  13«.  4d. ;  and 
the  moiety  of  the  tithes  of  the  rectory  of  Ballymachivy,  of  the 
vearly  value,  besides  reprises,  of  lOs,  The  rectories  of  Athlone, 
Levauaghan,  Clonmacnoise,  Tessauran,  Ballyloughlo,  and  Reynagh 
(t.e.y  the  whole  Diocese  of  Clonmacnoise),  were  all  appropriated  to 
this  abbey." 

From  this  extract  it  is  evident  that  St.  Mary's,  Granard, 
was  a  wealthy  institution.  Like  so  many  other  abbeys,  it 
had  been  founded  by  the  generous  and  powerful  as  a 
fitting  but  humble  tribute  to  the  great  Author  of  all  good 
gifts.  A  consecrated  sanctuary  of  prayer,  an  asylum  of 
charity,  a  bulwark  of  religion  and  science  it  was  indeed, 
and  moreover  a  welcome  home  for  the  destitute  and 
afflicted.  If  its  abbots  held  large  estates  it  was  in  trust 
for  religious  purposes ;  and  their  tenants  were  happy  and 
comfortable.  Cases  of  oppression,  rack-renting  and 
eviction  were  unknown  to  them  until  the  crozier  had  V^een 
exchanged  for  the  sceptre.  But  the  parliament  under 
St.  Leger  sat  in  1541,  and  the  Act  was  passed  granting 
the  full  and  free  disposal  of  all  the  abbeys  and  pnories  to 
his  Majesty  the  king,  who  distributed  their  possessions 
amongst  his  nobles,  courtiers  and  others,  reserving  to 
himself  certain  annual  rents.  The  work  of  public  plunder, 
thus  commenced  under  the  schismatical  Henry,  was 
continued  with  increased  vigour  and  rapacity  by  the 
heretical  EUzabeth.  A  furious  and  destructive  tempest 
had  indeed  been  raised,  and  it  raged  and  rolled  with 
unabated  energy  during  her  unhappy  reign  over  the 
Church  of  Ireland, until  the  sanctuary,  with  its  loveliness  and 
religion,  with  its  blessings,  appeared,  alike  involved  in  the 
same  wreck.  St.  Mary's,  Granard,  when  the  storm  had 
subsided,  was  to  be  found  only  in  ruins,  whence  it  has  not 
arisen  even  to  this  day. 

The  last  historical  recollection  in  connexion  with  this 
old  town,  which  I  shall  presently  reproduce  is  a  most  praise- 
worthy effort,  made  towards  the  close  of  the  last  century 
by  one  of  its  own  sons,  although  himself  in  exile,  to  save 
the  Irish  harp  from  extinction.  Mr.  Walker  wrote  in  1786, 
when  he  published  his  history  of  Irish  bards,  "  that  the 
school  of  harp-players  was  fast  dying  out."  Mr.  Dungan, 
a  native  of  Grranard,  but  residing  at  Copenhagen,  estab- 
lished an  institution  at  Granard  for  awarding  annual  prizes 


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Theological  Notes.  675 

to  the  best  performers  on  the  harp.  Seven  harpers  competed 
there  for  his  prizes  in  1784,  and  the  contest  terminated  with  a 
ball,  attended  by  the  gentry  of  the  neighbourhood.  For  two 
centuries  the  penal  laws  had  been  fiercely  directed  towards 
the  extinction  of  Irish  music,  as  well  as  devotion  to  the  faith. 
The  total  extirpation  of  the  Irish  minstrels  was  especially 
aimed  at.     From  the  earliest  times  the  Irish  had  been  re- 

farded  as  a  musical  people,  and  their  claims  to  that  character 
ave  been  admitted  even  by  the  foreigner.  The  harp  was  the 
instrument  to  which  they  were  most  devoted.  It  was  their 
national  emblem  also.  Hence  the  fierce  and  unrelenting 
efforts  for  its  extinction.  In  the  tour  of  Monsieur  de  la 
B.  le  Gouz,  published  for  the  first  time  in  1(553,  the  following 
passage  occurs : — 

'*  They  (the  Irish)  are  fond  of  the  harp,  on  which  nearly  all 
play,  as  the  English  do  on  the  fiddle,  the  French  on  the  lute,  the 
Italians  on  the  guitar,  the  Spaniards  oc  the  castanets,  the  Scotch 
on  the  bagpipe,  the  Swiss  on  the  fife,  the  Germans  on  the  trumpet, 
the  Dutch  on  the  tambourine,  and  the  Turks  on  the  flageolet." 

A  commentator  on  the  above  passage  says — 
"  This  reminds  one  of  our  own,  Goldsmith,  when  he  says  :  '  I 
have  drunk  burgundy  with  the  French,  hollands  with  the  Dutch, 
gin  with  the  Swiss ;  eaten  vermicelli  at  Naples,  and  sourcrout  in 
Germany.'" 

Certainly  both  these  writers  were  citizens  of  the  world, 
as  doubtless  was  also  our  noble-hearted  and  generous- 
handed  exile  fronj  Granard,  who,  from  his  adopted  home  at 
Copenhagen,  made  so  patriotic  an  effort  to  save  our 
national  musical  instrument  from  extinction.  Surely  a  soul 
of  such  noble  and  lofty  aims  deserved  success.  "  But  'tis  not 
given  to  mortals  to  command  success." 

J.  MONAHAN. 


THEOLOGICAL  NOTES 


[In  oiu"  Notes  for  last  month,  within  a  few  lines  of  the  top  of  page 
674, "  renewed  inforo  extemo  on  "  crept  into  the  text  instead  of  **  removed 
in  foro  interno.**'} 


A  FEW  Remaining  Points  connected  with  **  Executio 

DiSPENSATIONIS." 

ACCEPTANCE  of  the  dispensation,  in  some  way  by  the 
person  whom  it  benefits,  was  mentioned  in  the  first 
of  these  papers  as    one   of  four  acts  which  claim    the 


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676  Theological  Notes. 

delegate's  careful  attention.  Its  turn  comes  now.  Up  to 
this  the  three  other  acts  were  under  discussion,  special 
absolution,  when  given,  being  treated  as  a  beginning  of 
fulmination  because  of  its  close  adherence  to  the  latter. 
Such  absolution  must  always  be  deemed  to  form  at  least  a 
preliminary  part  of  the  favour  which  the  delegate  is 
commissioned  to  grant.  And  accordingly,  unlike  verifying 
the  petition  or  imposing  obligations,  the  act  of  absolving  is 
in  itself  a  kind  of  fulmination,  a  flashing  forth  by 
delegated  authority  of  a  valuable  concession  to  the 
recipient.  Acceptance  of  this,  and  of  the  still  more  coveted 
gain  of  relief  from  the  bond  of  an  impediment  is,  as  a  rule, 
yielded  with  gratitude.  But  in  exceptional  cases  it  might 
happen  that  the  person  interested  would  refuse  to  accept, 
or  accept  and  afterwards  renounce,  the  dispensation.  These 
possibilities  require  a  few  words  here,  and  naturally  suggest 
another  also  with  which  a  delegate  may  have  to  deal ; 
that  is,  the  desirability  of  revoking  his  decree. 

Acceptance. 

Since  to  grant  a  dispensation  is  nothing  more  than  to 
remove  an  impediment  created  by  ecclesiastical  law,  and 
since  the  Roman  Pontiff  can  so  control  Church  enactments 
as  to  throw  down  the  barriers  which  they  set  up,  it  follows 
at  once  that  he  can  validly  dispense  without  reference  to 
any  action  on  the  part  of  the  persons  affected.*  Usually, 
however,  he  awaits  a  petition  and  grants  the  request, 
subject  to  acceptance.  The  dispensatio  in  radice  is  often 
an  exception.  It  has  been  given,  not  alone  without 
knowledge  on  the  part  of  those  concerned,  but  where,  if 
matters  were  explained,  one  or  other  would  for  certain 
object  to  validation.  In  other  cases  St.  Liguori  (1.  v.,  n.  1145) 
expresses  the  Supreme  Pastor's  mind  by  saying  generally  :— 

^^  Ad  dlspensationem  ohtinendam  non  requiritur  conseDSUs  ejus 
cui  prodesse  debet,  quamvis,  ut  prosit  ab  ipso  postea  acoeptandi 

est.'" 

Whose  acceptance  is  required?  The  question  regards 
those  only  who  are  made  aware  of  the  dispensation,  and  is 
at  once  answered  for  them  by  stating  that  every  one  should 
accept  the  favour  for  whom  fulmination  is  prescribed. 
But,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that,  when 

1  Brillaud,  p.  294,  nn.  347-8 ;  Burgt.  p.  74,  n.  36. 

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Tlieological  Notes.  677 

an  impediment  is  common,  acceptance  by  one  alone  will 
suffice  unless  the  other  is  beforehand  with  a  formal 
refusal^ 

How  is  consent  expressed  in  this  matter  ?  As  a  general 
rule,  what  the  petitioner  does,  is  to  attend  carefulljr  while  the 
confessor,  parish  priest,  or  ordinary,  states  that  a  dispensation 
has  been,  or  is  going  to  be,  fulminated.  This  fully  suffices  to 
manifest  acceptance.  It  may  be  the  individual  does  not 
know  that  a  dispensation  has  been  sought,  much  less 
actually  gi-anted.  Still  from  the  moment  consent  to  receive 
it  is  given  the  grace  takes  real  effect  by  permanently 
removing  the  impediment.  But  in  simple  dispensations 
asked  and  fulminated  without  any  intimation  to  the  person 
or  persons  affected,  subsequent  consent  of  this  kind  is 
essential,  and  accordingly  until  it  is  given  the  favour 
remains  practically  suspended. 

It  is  different  when  the  contracting  parties  knew  that 
application  was  being  made  on  their  behalf  For  then,  as 
canonists  and  theologians*  generally  hold,  there  was 
sufficient  acceptance  by  anticipation.  This  is  an  important 
point  It  shows  that  marriage  in  the  case  made  may  be 
valid  at  any  time  after  fulmination,  no  matter  how  unaware 
the  parties  happen  to  be  of  the  latter  event.  There  was, 
by  supposition  acceptatio  beforehand,  and  as  soon  as 
acceptatio  and  fulmviatio  meet,  the  impediment  at  once 
ceases  to  be  an  obstacle.  It  may  be  well  to  add,  that 
before  the  very  important  decree  given  in  the  last  number 
of  the  Record,*  this  meeting  also  marked  the  point  beyond 
which  incest  could  not  mar  a  dispensation.  At  present 
that  offence  does  not  affect  the  validity  of  dispensations 
unless  so  far  as  the  authorities  may  still  continue  its 
former  importance  in  the  Separation  clause. 

Renunciation. 

Once  obtained,  a  dispensation  will  not  cease  from  non- 
use.  And  layine  vows  aside,  private  renunciation  is  equally 
incapable  of  bringing  back  the  impediment.  Nay,* 
renunciation  into  the  hands  of  the  delegate  is  unable  to 
produce  this  affect.  It  must  be  made  to  him  who  gave  the 
mandatum   dispenr.andi^  whether  Pope  or  Ordinary.     The 

1  Planchard,  p.  134,  n.  309. 

«  Burgt,  pp.  75-76.     Planchard,  p.  134,  n.  308. 

'I.  E.  R.,^rhird  Series,  vol.  vi.,  No.  9,  pp.  607-8. 

*  Planchard,  p.  134,  n  310,  and  p.  143,  n.  324 ;   Feije,  p.  720. 


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678  Theological  Notes. 

delegate's  oiKce  was  chiefly  executive.  It  regarded fiilmina- 
tion,  and  expired  with  the  performance  of  that  act.  It  did 
not,  therefore,  include  any  right  to  receive  renunciation. 
To  do  this  belongs  to  the  delegating  prelate,  or  to  the 
higher  authority  from  which  his  powers  are  derived. 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  formal  renunciation^  is 
not  necessary  in  order  to  destroy  the  favotr.  The  implied 
rejection  of  it  which  would  be  involved  in  obtaining  a 
fresh  dispensation  from  the  same  authority  to  contract  with 
a  different  person,  produces  the  same  effect,  whether 
mention  is  or  is  not  made  in  the  second  petition  of  the 
former  concession.  But  no  consequence  of  a  like  nature 
follows,  if  another  marriage  for  which  no  dispensation  is 
required  be  celebrated.  In  this  case  the  old  giace  remains 
in  force.  The  same,  we  think  not  improbable,  if  two 
dispensations  were  in  question,  the  former  of  which  would 
be  papal,  the  latter  episcopal. 

Eevooation. 

About  revocation  little  need  be  written.  The  delegate's 
powers,  as  has  been  so  often  stated,  cease  as  soon  as  he 
has  fulminated  the  dispensation.  Consequently  he  cannot 
afterwards  interfere  to  withdraw  the  favour.  Shoidd  he, 
however,  in  some  rare  case,  consider  that  public  or  private 
interest  calls  for  its  forfeiture,^  his  remedy  lies  in  applying  to 
the  authority  under  whose  commission  he  acted.  1  he  Holy 
See  can  easily  erect  the  old  bamer.  So  too,  it  appears,  can 
the  Bishop,  when  episcopal  dispensations  are  concerned, 

6rovided  there  be  a  sufficient  cause  for  such  proceedings, 
lut  in  the  absence  of  a  just  motive  the  Supreme  Pontiff 
cannot  be  thought  to  bestow  powers  which  are  strictly 
his  own,  and  which  do  not  come  within  the  ordinary 
range  of  delegation.  Such,  undoubtedly,  is  authority 
to  call  into  fresh  existence  an  impediment  which  had 
been  completely  effaced. 

This  brings  our  present  series  to  an  end.  We  have  not 
spoken  of  how  a  dispensation  should  be  applied  for,  or 
of  how  a  married  person,  after  being  dispensed,  should 
proceed  in  the  matter  of  renewing  consent.  Our  object 
was  to  go  over  in  a  general  way  the  uneven  field  in  which 
lie  the  labours  of  those  who  are  appointed  in  ^^^ forma 
commisaoria  **  to  grant  particular  dispensations. 

AVe  subjoin   a  list   of  the  contractions,  which  occur 

'  Cf.  Feije,  Ibid.  *  Planchard,  p.  148,  nn.  324-5  | 

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Theological  Notes. 


679 


chiefly  in  answers  from  the  S.  Penitentiary,  and  also  an 
important  decision  showing  that  the  clause  **  erogata  aliqua 
eleeniosyna  "  is  satisfied,  as  far  as  validity  is  concerned,  by 
a  promise  of  alms  made  before  fulmination.  The  contractions 
are  found  in  works  on  Canon  Law,  or  on  dispensations. 
Our  list  is  taken  from  Craisson^  and  Brillaud^: — 


Abnis. 

Air. 

Ao. 

Aplica. 

Aucte. 


for  Absolutionis 
„  Aliter 
„  Anno 
„  Apostolica 
,,  Auctoritate 


Grae.  for  Gratiae 

Iluji  or  Huoi.     „  Ilujusmodi 


Ben  JkBeneonem  „  Benedictionem 


Beneo. 

Cardlium. 

Cen. 

Couseq. 

Confeone. 

Constibns. 

Coini. 

Consciae. 

Definien. 

Discreoni. 

Dna. 

Dno 

Dta. 

Dudo. 

Eccliis. 

Eiccle. 

Eraorum. 

Epus. 

Etm. 

Exas. 

Excois. 

Exptes. 

Exunt. 

Gali. 

Genelium. 


J  Beneficio 
„  Cardinalium 
„  Censuris 
„  Consequendae  1 
„  Confessione 
„  Constitutionibua 
„  Communioni 
„  Conscientiae 
„  Definienda 
„  Descretioni 
„  Divina 
„  Domino 
„  Dicta 
„  Dummodo 
„  Ecclesiasticis 
„  Ecclesiae 
„  Eminentissimorum 
„  EpiscopuB 
„  Etiam 
„  Existas 

„  Excommunicationis 
„  Exponentes 
„  Existimt 
„  Generali 
„  Generalium 


Humter. 

Infraptum. 

Igr. 

Innoti. 

Misles. 

^latrum. 

Mtae. 

Mir. 

Nihilus. 

Ntra. 

Ordibus. 

Ordrio. 

Orum. 

Paupes 

Poenia. 

Pmissis. 

Pti. 

Ptio. 

Qnus. 

lleverum. 


„  Humiliter 
„  Infrascriptum 
„  I|?itur 
,f  Innodati 
„  Miserabiles 
„  Matrimonium 
„  Monetae 
„  Alisericorditer 
„  Nihilominus 
„  Nostra 
„  Ordinationibus 
„  Ordinario 
„  Oratorum 
„  Pauperes 
„  Poenitentia 
„  Praemissis 
„  Praedicti 
„  Petitio 
„  Qiiatenus 
Reverendorum 


Spealis.  or  splis. ,,  Specialis 
Sacramlis.  „  Sacramentalis 


Saluri. 

Solemnare. 

Sen. 

SSmus. 

Ten. 

Sartum. 


„  Salutari 
„  Solemn  izare 
„  Sententiis 
„  Sanctissimus 
„  Tenore 
„  Sacramentum 


The  following  answers  were  given  by  the  S.  Penitentiary 
in  1859 :— » 

1**  Utram  satis  sit  ut  (ante  dispensationis  fulminationem) 
eleemosjna  definiatur  ab  i)rdinario,  et  Oratores  promittant  se 
illam  erogaturos?  2**  Utrum  eleemosyna  ab  Ordinario  definita 
fieii  debeat  ante  dispensatiouis  fulminationem  ?  2^  Utrum  haec 
eleemosyna  fieri  debeat  ante  dispensationis  fulminationem,  sub 
poena  nuUitatis  ?  S.  Peniteotiaria  mature  perpens  is  expositis, 
rescribit  :  ad  primum  quaesitum,  affirmative^  nisi  expresse 
Ordinario  ipsi  aliter  injunctum  fuerit ;  ad  secundum,  j^rovisum  in 
prima ;  ad  tertium  negative. 

Patrick  O'Donnell. 


'  V.  I.,  p.  434.1  »P.  200,n.  229. 


»  BriUaud,  pp.  248-9. 


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[     680    ] 

THEOLOGICAL  QUESTIONS. 

The  chaplain  to  an  orphanage  owned  and  directed  by  a  religious 
community  lent  a  considerable  sum  to  build  a  chaplain's  house  on 
the  grounds  of  the  institution.  Some  years  afterwards,  being 
removed  from  his  office  by  the  Ordinary,  he  refused  to  give  up 
possession  of  the  house  or  to  admit  to  it  his  lawfully-appomted 
successor,  until  the  money  he  had  lent,  or,  as  the  community  con- 
tended, had  contributed  towards  the  building,  was  refunded. 

Does  the  aforesaid  chaplain  come  within  the  censures  inflicted 
by  the  Council  of  Trent?  Sess,  xxii.  c.  it.  de  Reform,  Si  quern 
clericorum  and  confirmed  by  the  constitution  Apostolicas  Sedis  f 

First  of  all,  the  chaplain's  conduct  in  not  giving 
admission  to  his  lawfully  appointed  successor  was  plainly 
censurable.  If  he  merely  lent  the  money,  it  was  unfortu- 
nate he  failed  to  make  the  nature  of  his  intention 
clear  to  different  members  of  the  community,  since  there 
was  no  thought,  it  appears,  of  having  recourse  to  a  duly 
worded  receipt.  But  even  were  he  fortified  with  proper 
written  acknowledgments,  he  could  by  no  means  lawfully 
retain  possession  of  the  house  against  the  prohibition  of 
his  Ordinary.  The  house  was  not  his ;  it  was  built  for  the 
chaplain's  use,  and  when  he  ceased  to  be  chaplain,  he 
retained,  no  doubt,  a  right  to  receive  back  his  money,  if 
lent  as  alleged,  but  no  right  to  hold  the  building.  Accord- 
ingly he  took  the  wrong  method  of  redress,  and  left 
himself  liable  to  heavy  censures  from  his  Bishop.  But  did 
he  incur  those  inflicted  ipso  facto  by  the  Council  of  Trent 
or  the  Bulla  Apostolicae  Se(us,  and  reserved  to  the  Pope! 

The  very  comprehensive  censure,  imposed  by  the 
Council  to  prevent  unjust  interference  with  property 
destined  for  religious  or  pious  purposes,  of  course  still 
remains  in  force.  By  its  terms,  and  the  past  application  of 
them,  the  question  before  us  must  be  decidei  True,  the 
Bulla  Apostolicae  Sedis  contains  a  much  less  general 
censure  (XI.)  specially  reserved  to  the  Pope  and  drawn 
from  the  Tridentine  legislation ;  but  a  brief  examination 
of  it  will  suflSce  to  show  that  the  chaplain  is  not  one  of 
those  whom  it  was  designed  to  reach.  On  the  other  hand 
it  is  difficult  to  see  how  he  can  escape  the  sweeping 
enactment,  "  Si  quem  clericorum,  &c.,"  Con.  Trid. 
Sess.  xxii.,  c.  11,  de  Reform.  Still,  looking  to  the 
ground  on  which  the  chaplain  retained  possession,  and 
prescinding  altogether  from  ignorance  of  the  law,  I  do  not 
think  it  morally  certain   that  he  became  Uable  to  these 


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Documents.  681 

SsinaltieB.  No  doubt  the  wording  seenls  to  cover  his  case» 
at  D'Annibali  holds,  and  qnotes  authority  for  holding, 
that  the  first  sentence  pf  the  decree  restricts  its  provisions 
to  "  occupationes  auctoritativas  et  potentiales.  * '  No w,  it  might 
he  contended,  that  the  chaplain's  occupation  was  scarcely  of 
this  character.  The  same  eminent  commentator  on  the  Bulla 
Apostohcae  Sedis  adds,  in  a  note,  page  56 :  ''  Quid  quod 
usus  hujus  decreti  in  curia  Romana  nimium  rarus  est? 
Quin  haec  damnat— in/irioruw  facUem  abmum  dum  etiam 
centra  pt^ivatos  debitores  ,  .  .  ad  has  poenas  procedunt; 
sive  contra  eos  qui  ex  privatis  juribus  ae  praetensianibus 
^liqua  po8»ideant  bona,  quae  ad  Ecclesiasj  vel  pia  loca 
spectare  pretendatur."  Now,  such  laoguage,  although 
it  may  not  cover  the  precise  point,  seems  to  leave 
some  doubt  as  to  whether  the  chaplain  came  within  the 
censures  specified.  At  the  same  time  if  he  w.ere  declared 
by  the  Ordinaiy  to  have  incurred  the  penalties,  he  should 
not  think  of  disregarding  the  sentence.  In  such  an  event 
he  must  either  procure  absolution  or  appeal.  But  in  every 
case  he  should  be  prepared  to  yield  possession  to  his  lawfully 
appointed  successor. 

P.  O'D. 


DOCUMENTS. 


SUUMART. 

The  following  is  the  full  Text  of  the  Rescript  appointing 
St.  Vincent  de  Paul  patron  of  all  Associations  of  Charity  in  the 
Catholic  World. 

Orbis. 

Ad  christianae  caritatis  opera,  quae  a  sancto  Vincentio  a  Paulo 
eiiam  agnoscunt  originem,  impensiori  studio  provehenda,  honor* 
emque  tanti  patris  ac  magi^ri  adaugendum,  duobus  abhine  annis, 
postulantibus  turn  sodalibus  Vincentianae  Societatis  vulgo  Confer" 
entiae;  occasione  expleti  quinqua^esimi  anni  a  sua  Paijsiis 
institutione,  turn  Eeverendissimis  Dioecesium  Antistibus,  Sanctus 
Vincentius  Societatum  omnium  caritatis  in  Galliae  regione  vigen- 
tiom,  ab  eoqne  ortum  quomodocumque  habentium,  uti  speciahs 
.iq>ud  Deum  Patronus  Apostolica  Auctoritate  declaratus  fuit  et 
constitutus.  Hujusmodi  Decretum,  ad  Hibemiae  Dioeceses  anno 
raperiore  extensmn,  ut  tandem  ad  cunctas  ejusdem  naturae 
VOL.  VI.  3d 


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682  Documents. 

flocietates  et  opera  totius  chiistiani  orbis  extenderetur,  perplarimi 
iSanctae  Bomanae  Ecclesiae  Patres  Cardinales,  et  ex  omnibus  fere 
mundi  regionibiis  Sacrorum  Antistites,  pluresque  Begularium 
Ordinum  supremi  Moderatores  huinilliinis  Suramo  Pontifici  ex- 
hibitis  precibus,  enixe  efflagitarunt.  £as  Sanctissimus  Dominus 
Noster  Leo  Papa  XUI.  benigne  excipiens.  Congregationi  Emin- 
entissimorum  et  Reverendissimorum  CnrdiDalium  sacris  tuendis 
Hitibus  praepositorum  remisit,  nt  soDtentiam  suam  hac  in  re 
panderet.  Sacra  autem  Congregatio  in  Ordinariis  Comitiis  die 
23  martii  1885  ad  Yaticanwm  habitis,  referente  Emo  et  Rmo 
Cardinali  Carolo-  Laurenzi,  andito  etiam  R.  P.  D.  Augustine 
Caprara  s.  Fidei  Promotore,  omnibusque  raaturo  examine  perpensis, 
postulationi,  a  tarn  ingenti  nnmero  eximiorum  Praelatorum  pro- 
positae,  responsum  dedit :   Consulendum  Sanctissimum  pro  gratia, 

Hisce  vero  omnibus  subinde  per  Sacrorum  Rituum  Congrega- 
tion is  Secretarium,  Eidem  Sanctissimo  Domino  Nostro  fideliter 
relatis,  Sanctitas  Sua  sententiam  sacrae  Congregationis  in  omnibus 
confirmare  et  approbare  dignata  est :  ideoque  Sanctum  Vincentium 
a  Paulo  omnium  Societatum  Caritatis  in  toto  Catholico  Orbe  ex- 
istentium,  et  ab  eo  quomodocumque  promanantium,  ceu  peculiarem 
<apud  Deum  Patronum  declaravit  et  constituit;  cum  omnibus 
honorificentiis,  caelestibus  Patronis  competentibus :  mandavitque 
de  his  Apostob'cas  litteras  in  forma  a  Brevis  expediri,  die  16  aprilis 
ejnsdem  anni  1885. 

D.  Cardinalis  Bartolinius,  S.  R  C.  Praefectus, 
L^S. 

Laurentius  Salvati,  S.  R.  C.  Secretarius. 


The  Missionary  Oath  in  England. 

SUMMART. 

1^  In  future  the  Missionary  Oath  in  England  taken  by  candi- 
•dates  for  ordination  ad  titulum  Missionis  is  made  binding  not  for  a 
particular  diocese,  but  for  the  whole  ecclesiastical  province. 

2o.  Any  priest  who  has  already  taken  the  Oath  and  changes 
his  diocese,  need  not  refer  the  matter  to  the  Holy  See,  provided  he 
remains  in  the  province,  acquires  a  new  title,  and  repeats  lus 
Missionary  Oath. 

Decrbtum. 

R.  P.  D.  Episcopus  Cliftoniensis  suo  et  coeterorum  Angliae 
Episcoporum  nomine  ab  Apostolica  Sede  imploravit,  ut  jura- 
mentum  quod  ordinati  titulo  missionis  praestant,  eos  exinde  oblige! 
non  pro  aliqua  dioecesi  tantum,  prout  antea  consueverit,  sed  pro 
tota  ecclesiastica  provincia.  ita  ut  presbyteri  sic  ordinati  sola 
coUatione  novi  tituli  transferri  in  aliam  dioecesim  possint  de 
consensu  utriusque  Ordinarii,  quin  necessarium  sit  ut  ipsi  novum 
juramentum  emittant.   Insuper  expostulavit  ut  quoad  praeteritam. 


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Notices  of  Books.  683 

missionarii  ordinati  titulo  missionis  pro  aliqua  dioecesi  intra  pro- 
vinciam,  ad  aliain  dioeQesim  intra  eamdem  provinciam  transferri 
possint  novo  titulo,  novoque  praestito  iuramento  absque  recursu  ad 
Apostolicam  Sedem. 

Jam  vero  cum  supplices  istae  preces  Sanctissimo  Domino 
Nostro  I<eoni  P.P.  XIII.  fuerint  relatae,  in  Audientia  diei  28  Jonii, 
1885,  Sanctitas  Sua  iisdem  in  omnibus  annuere  dignata  est  et 
praesens  in  re  Decretum  expediri  mandavit. 

(S.  C.  de  Propaganda  Fide  die  18  Augusti,  1885.) 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

The  Franciscan  Manual  and  Seraphic  Treasury  of  Prayers  and 

Devotions.     By  Fr.   Jablath  Prendergast,  O.S.F.     Second 

Edition.  Dublin :  James  Ddffy  &  Sons. 

We  have  carefully  examined  this  prayei>book  and  are  delighted 
with  it.  It  is  indeed  a  Treasury  of  solid,  moving  and  beautiful 
prayers  for  every  possible  requirement  of  a  Christian.  That  it  is 
esteemed  as  such  by  the  faithful,  is  plain  from  the  fact  that  the 
first  Edition  was  exhausted  in  a  few  months.  This  second  Edition 
has  nearly  1,000  pages,  and  is  yet  by  no  means  inconveniently 
bulky.  Having  been  compiled  by  a  son  of  St.  Francis,  and 
principally  for  the  use  of  the  Francisc€ui  Tertiaries,  it  is  natural 
that  every  page  should  breathe  forth  the  spirit  of  the  great 
Seraphic  Patriarch.  But  this  will  surely  not  render  it  less  useful 
to  the  faithful  at  large.  As  Cardinal  Manning  says  in  his  recom- 
mendation of  the  Manual,  "  whatever  promotes  the  love  of  the 
faithful  to  St.  Francis  and  the  imitation  of  his  spirit  of  poverty  and 
detachment  from  the  world,  will  draw  them  nearer  to  our  Divine 
Master. 

We  could  not  possibly  in  a  short  notice  give  an  adequate  idea 
of  the  store  of  admirable  matter  contained  in  the  Seraphic 
Treasury.  Besides  the  ordinary  devotions  themselves,  there  are 
concise  yet  complete  instructions  regarding  each.  There  are 
instructions  on  the  Third  Order,  Cords,  Scapulars,  Rosaries, 
Indulgences,  &c.  There  is  a  large  and  good  selection  of  hymns 
for  every  occasion.  There  is  in  it,  in  fact,  almost  every  thing  that 
ought  to  be  in  a  prayer-book.  Nor  is  it  difficult  to  find  what  may  be 
required  ;  for  besides  the  table  of  contents,  there  is  an  alphabetical 
general  index  of  a  most  ample  description. 

We  have  discovered  one  or  two  blemishes  so  slight  that  they 
are  not  worth  mentioning.  Even  these  we  are  sure  will  be 
removed  in  the  third  edition,  which  we  are  confident  will  soon  be 
called  for.  P.  O'L. 


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684  .  Notices  of  £ook€. 

Jt,  The  Virgin  Mother  of  Good  Counsel.  By  Monsignor  G.  F. 
DiixoN,  D.D.    Gill  &  Son,  Dublin. 

II.  Ihe  Virgin  Mother  of  Good  Counsel^  with  full  information 
about  the '.'  Pious  Union."  By  the  Author  of  **  The  Augustinan 
Manual."    Dufft  &  Sons. 

The  rapid  spread  of  devotion  to  the  Virgin  Mother  of  Good 
Counsel  in  this  country  is  largely  owing  to  Monsignor  Dillon  s 
admirable .  book,  which  we  noticed  at  considerable  length  in  the 
0(itober  number  of  last  year's  Becord.  We  are  glad  to  see  that  a 
second  edition  has  since  then  appeared,  beautifully  printed  and  much 
cheaper  than  the  6rst  edition. 

The  other  work  on  the  same  subject  mentioned  above  is  of  a 
different  character  from  Monsignor  Dillon's.  It  gives  in  a  com- 
paratively small  space,  yet  with  satisfactory  fulness,  the  history  of 
the  Miraculous  Picture  and  of  the  Shrine  at  Genezzano,  while  the 
greater  part  of  the  book  treats  of  the  development  of  the  dcvotioo 
which  is  already  so  widespread  among  our  people.  In  this  respect 
it  is  eminently  practice,  and  we  heartily  commend  it  to  the  clients 
of  our  Virgin  Mother  gf  Good  Counsel,  as  an  admirable  and  much- 
needed  Manual.  It  is,  we  believe,  the  first  book  to  which  the  new 
Archbishop  of  Dublin  has  given  his  Imprimatur^  and  Dr.  Walsh 
has  written  to  the  compiler  thus :  ^^  By  all  means  put  mj 
Imprimatur.  I  feel  that  I  owe  a  great  deal,  especially  in  those 
very  busy  and  anxious  days,  to  our  Lady  of  Good  CounseL" 

The  Respective  Rights  and  Duties  of  Family ,  State^  and  Cliuch^i* 
regard  to  Educat^ion.  By  Rev.  J.  Conway,  S.J.,  Professor  in 
the  College  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  Prairie  du  Chien,  Wis. 
New  York :  Postkt  &  Co. 

>  Now  that  the  Education  Question  is  likely  to  become  prominent, 
it  behoves  clergymen  to  be  well  made  up  on  all  its  bearings.  They 
will  find  in  this  little  book  a  very  useful  explanation  of  principles. 
The  author  is  an  American,  and  wrote  for  an  American  Beview, 
but  principles  are  the  saine  all  over  the  world. 

Tributes  of  Protestant  Writers  to  the  Wealth  and  Beauty  of 
Catholicity.  By  James  J.  Treacy,  Ed.  of  **  Catholic  Flowers 
from  Protestant  Gardens,"  &c.     New  York :  Pustkt  &  Co. 

Mr.  Treacy  has  collected  into  his  volume  many  specimens  of 
literature  which  are  of  great  interest  to  Catholics.  It  is  not  a  bad 
idea  to  make  our  very  adversaries  serve,  like  Balaam,  the  cause 
which  they  labour  to  overthrow.  Burke,  Carlyle,  Broughsni, 
Davy,'De  Quincey,  Freeman,  Froude,  6uizot|  Lecky,  Macajdayf 
McCuUagh,  Ruskin, — ^these  and  many  others  are  pressed  into  the 
service.  Extracts  on  any  subject  from  such  writers  could  not 
fail  to  repay  perusal. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD, 


NOVEMBER,  1885. 

ETERNAL    PUNISHMENT. 
III. — Witness  of  Scripture. 

THE  last  paper  on  this  subject  dealt  with  the  evidence  from 
tradition;  I  now  purpose  to  further  justify  the  Church's 
teaching  from  the  written  word  of  God. 

Let  me  make  a  remark  by  way  of  preface :  Catholics 
need  not  be  over  anxious  about  Bible  proofs.  It  is  the 
very  foundation  of  our  system  that  the  Scripture  was  never 
intended  to  be  the  chief  immediate  source  from  which  the 
faithful  should  draw  the  living  waters  of  God*s  holy  truth. 
The  Bible  is  difficult  to  understand — difficult  on  most 
important  questions.  Our  very  adversaries  must  acknow- 
ledge this,  for  though  Scripture  seems  clear  and  full 
regarding  future  punishment,  they  teach  nothing  definite 
about  it,  contending  that  nothing  definite  can  be  known» 
Origen  was  led  astray  on  this  very  question ;  so  were  many 
of  his  followers  in  the  early  Church,  men  who  would  have 
freely  died  for  the  faith.  Who  will  deny  that  many  of  those 
whv/'misunderstand  the  Scriptures  are  yet  honest  in  their 
rehgious  beUef  ?  How  then  can  the  meaning  of  the  Bible 
be  so  very  plain  ? 

It  is  not  ray  intention  to  examine  fully  all  the  Scripture 
proofs,  that  would  take  more  time  and  space  than  are  at 
my  command ;  besides  it  would  be  quite  useless,  for  indeed 
there  is  little  new  to  be  said  on  such  an  old  question. 
And  yet  if  no  notice  were  taken  of  certain  objections  which 
have  been  recently  urged,  it  would  surely  be  thought  that 
we  are  no  longer  able  to  defend  the  Catholic  truth. 

Two  points  are  of  faith  :  (1)  that  there  is  such  a  thing 
as  endless  exclusion  from  heaven  ;  (2)  that  this  punishment 
shall  be  inflicted  on  all  who  die  in  mortal  sin.  Let  us  take 
these  dogmas  in  order. 

VOL.  VI.  3  E 


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€86  Eternal  Punishment 

I.  There  are  some  who  shall  be  for  ever  shut  out  from 
the  sight  of  GoA 

The  devils  shall  be  excluded ;  this  has  been  the  belief 
of  almost  all  Christians  of  every  age.  It  was  doubted  by 
Origen  and  by  some  of  his  followers;  but  even  in  the  third 
century  Origeuistic  sympathy  with  devils  was  not  wide- 
spread, and  it  very  soon  disappeared.  In  our  own  time 
few  Universalists  dare  to  express  a  hope  for  these  lost 
spirits  :  the  question  is  treated  rather  as  "  impractical  and 
to  us  irrelevant."  Eloquent  silence  indeed,  considering 
how  gladly  modem  liberals  would  have  availed  themselves 
of  the  a  fortiori  argument  in  favour  of  men. 

There  is  but  little  said  in  the  Bible  about  the  final  state 
of  the  demons ;  and  this  is  but  natural,  seeing  that  the 
book  is  for  us  and  not  for  them.  They  are  always 
represented  as  malignant  and  hardened  in  malice,  warring 
with  heaven  for  the  souls  of  men.  They  sinned  and  cannot 
of  themselves  atone  for  the  crime ;  they  were  not  redeemed 
by  the  God-man  ;  neither  is  there  the  least  expression  of  the 
faintest  hope  that  they  may  be  spared  at  last.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  eternal  fire  was  prepared  for  them ;  and  in  the  last 
dread  scene  of  the  world-drama  they  shall  be  "  cast  into 
the  pool  of  fire  and  brimstone,  where  both  the  beast  and 
the  false  prophet  shall  he  tormented  day  and  night  for 
ever  and  ever."'  **  Hell  and  death  *'  shall  be  **  cast  into  the 
same  fire ;  this  is  the  second  death ;" — such  is  the  eud  of 
the  demona 

Bearing  in  mind  that  there  must  be  some  place  where 
the  devils  shall  always  dwell  shut  out  from  the  sight  of 
God,  let  us  go  a  step  further.  Are  there  any  souls  of  men 
to  share  their  eternal  exile  ?  No,  say  the  UniversaKsts. 
^'  I  cannot  but  fear,"  writes  Dr.  Farrar,'  **  from  one  or  two 
passages  of  Scripture,  and  from  the  general  teaching  of 
the  Cburch,  that  some  souls  may  be  ultimately  losf  Which 
are  these  texts  so  strong  as  to  make  even  Dr.  Farrar  fear? 
He  does  not  say;  we  must  make  out  some  for  our- 
selves ; — 

"  Know  you  not  that  the  wicked  shall  not  postess  the  Kingdom 

of  God  r  {I  Cor.  vi.  9.) 
<^  Amen,  amen,  I  say  unto  you,  unless  a  man  be  bom  again ol 

water  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  shall  not  enter  the  Kingdom 

oj  heaven.'^  (John  iii.  5). 

^  Apoc.  XX.  9-15.  »  **  Mercy  and  Judgment,'*  p.  178. 

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Eternal  Punishment.  687 

"*'  Every  sin  and  blasphemy  shall^  be  forgiven  men,  but  the 
blasphemy  of  the  Spirit  shall  not  he  forgiven.  And  who- 
soever shall  speak  a  word  against  the  Son  of  AJ  an,  it  shall 
be  forgiven  him ;  but  he  that  shall  speak  against  the 
Holy  Ghost  it  shall  not  he  forgiven  him.  neither  in  this 
Uforld  nor  in  the  world  to  come,"'  (Matt.  xii.  31 ;  compare 
Mark  iii.  28;  Luke  xii.  10). 

It  would  be  worse  than  useless  to  dilute  these  passages 
with  a  comment. 

There  is  just  one  reply  possible.  Universalists  might 
say:  Yes,  the  wicked,  as  sticky  shall  not  enter  heaven,  as 
long  as  they  remain  wicked.  Catholics  admit  that  they 
may  change  before  deaths  and  why  should  death  put  an  end 
to  the  possibiUty  of  reform  ?  So  too  with  regard  to 
baptism,  which  is  not  necessary  for  those  who  die  with  the 
love  of  God  in  their  hearts ;  but  why  should  death  limit 
the  efficacy  of  charity  ?^ 

This  raises  a  most  important  issue :  whether  or  not 
repentance  avails  beyond  the  grave.  It  is  the  point  on 
which  the  whole  controversy  turns;  hence  I  purpose  to 
examine  it  somewhat  in  detail. 

1^  It  cannot  be  denied  that  universal  propositions  such 
as  I  have  quoted  nearly  always  admit  exceptions  5  but 
then  the  exceptions  must  be  positively  and  clearly  stated ; 
mere  silence  will  not  suffice.  Thus  we  grant  that  love  may 
supply  for  baptism;  but  we  do  not  ascribe  the  same 
efficacy  to  faith,  or  to  hope,  or  to  attrition,  or  to  many  other 
mipematural  acts  which  are  good  in  themselves  and 
much  commended  in  Holy  Writ.  The  reason  is  that  we 
are  positively  assured  of  the  sufficiency  of  love  ;  whilst,  as 
we  are  told  nothing  about  the  other  means,  we  believe 
they  are  excluded  by  the  general  law  :  "  Unless  a  man  be 
bom  again,  he  cannot  enter  the  kingdom  of  heaven." 

If  this  principle  be  appUed  to  human  laws  we  shall  see 
how  reasonable  it  is.  Take  the  Act  which  was  recently 
passed,  granting  the  franchise  to  all  who  have  certain 
qualifications,  provided  they  shall  not  have  got  poor-relief 
from  the  union.  A  special  exception  was  made  in  favour 
of  some,  namely,  of  those  who  may  have  got  medical  relief 
in  Ireland.  Did  this  exception  entitle  all  the  paupers  in 
England  to  the  franchise  ?     Surely  not.     But  it  was  hard 

'  So  Dean  Pliuntre  in  "  Spirits  in  Prison,'*  Study  vi. ;  Dr.  Farrar  in 
^  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  chap.  vi. 


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688  Eternal  Punishment, 

on  them,  you  may  say/  especially  as  many  of  them  are  8o 
good,  work  so  hard,  and  have  been  so  unfortunate.  That 
may  be  so  ;  but  the  law  as  it  stood  did  not  give  them  the 
franchise,  and  accordingly  when  it  was  thought  expedient 
to  extend  to  England  the  Irish  privilege  about  medical 
relief,  a  special  bill  had  to  be  run  through  Parhament. 

Applying  this  principle,  let  us  see  whether  there  is  any 
positive  testimony  to  show  that  repentance  after  death  is 
another  exception  to  the  general  law,  which  requires  a 
second  birth  from  water  and  the  Holy  Ghost  before  one 
can  enter  God's  Kingdom.  I  believe  the  state  of  the 
question  will  be  found  to  be  as  follows : — 

There  are  many  texts  in  which  we  are  told  that  true 
repentance  blotteth  out  sin,  but  they  may  all  be  understood 
of  the  present  life.  There  is  not  one  which  necessarily 
refers  to  repentance  beyond  the  grave. 

But  there  are  many  others  which  positively  exclude 
reform  in  the  next  life  ;  I  will  quote  a  few  : — 

**  Remember  that  death  is  not  slow ;  do  good  to  thy  friend 

before  thou  die ;  defraud  not  thyself  of  the  good  day ; 
before  thy  death  work  justiee,/or  in  hell  there  is  no  finding 

food.     (Eccli.  xiv.  12-17.) 
'*  The  dead  shall  not  praise  tliee,  O  Lord,  nor  any  of  them  that 

go  down  to  hell."  (Ps.  exiii.  17). 
**  For  there  is  no  one  in  death  that  is  mindful  of  thee,  and 

who  shall  confess  to  thee  in  hell  P*  (Ps.  vi.  6). 
"  He  that  will  save  his  life  shall  lose  it.     For  what  doth  it 

profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the  whole  world,  and  suffer  the 

loss  of  his  own  soul  ?      Or  what  shall  a  man  give  in 

exchange  for  his  sontf  (Matt.  xvi.  25). 
"  I  must  work  the  works  of  Him  that  sent  me,  whilst  it » 

day ;  the  night  cometh  when  no  man  can  work  (John  ix.  4). 
*•  Yet  a  little  while  the  light  is  among  you.     Walk  whilsiifim 

have  the  light  that  the  darkness  overtake  you  not.    And  he 

that  walkcth  in  darkness  kuoweth  not  whither  he  goetb. 

Whilst  you  have  light  believe  in  the  light  that  you  may  he 

children  of  light,'*  (John  xii.  35). 
**  Blasphemy  of  the  Spirit  slutU  vot  he  forgiven  ...  He  that 

shall  speak  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  it  shall  not  be  forgiven 

him   neither   in  this  world  nor  in  the  world  to  come* 

Matt.  xii.  31.) 

To  these  might  be  added  "all  these  passages,  far 
too  numerous  to  be  even  indicated  here,  in  which  we 
are  bidden  to  work  out  our  salvation  whilst  it  is  yet  daj, 
to  remepiber  that  time  is  short,  to  redeem  it,  to  watch,  i^ 


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Eternal  Punishment  689 

pass  tho  time  of  our  earthly  sojourn  in  fear,  not  to  neglect 
the  day  of  visitation,  to  hearken  while  it  is  called  to-day, 
and  the  like — all  of  which  point,  more  or  less  directly, 
to  this  life  as  the  appointed  period  of  probation  for 
eternity  .  .  .  And  these  reiterated  exhortations  derive 
additional  emphasis  from  the  significant  fact,  which  some 
Universalists  have  expressly  acknowledged,  and  all  are 
compelled  tacitly  to  admit,that  no  single  passage  can  be  cited, 
either  from  the  Old  Testament  or  the  New^  which  even  hints  at 
a  continued  or  second  probation  after  death '^ 
;^  So  writes  Mr.  Oxenham,^  and  then  he  goes  on  to  narrate 
the  story  of  the  rich  man  in  the  Gospel,  who  at  first  prayed 
for  relief  and  was  i-efused,  then  he  asked  that  Lazarus 
might  be  sent  to  warn  his  relations  on  earth, — not  that  he 
himself  might  go,  but  that  Lazarus  might  be  sent, — and  the 
second  petition  was  refused  likewise.  Small  hope  surely 
for  these  who  trust  to  repentance  after  death.^ 

Bearing  on  this  point,  whether  repentance  avails  to  free 
souls  from  hell,  we  nave  other  Scriptural  testimony.  .  We 
have  all  the  evidence  which  directly  proves  that  the  pains 
of  hell  are  endless ;  for  if  the  pimishment  shall  never  cease, 
neither  repentance  nor  any  thing  else  can  free  souls  from 
that  dreadful  prison.  This  direct  evidence  I  now  proceed 
to  submit : — 

2**  The  pains  of  hell  are  often  said  to  be  "  eternal :" 
-*'  Go,  ye  accursed,  into  eternal  fire  ^'*  **  the  smoke  of  their 
torments  shall  rise  up  for  ever  and  ever."  And  remark 
what  shall  be  the  consequences  of  the  last  judgment: 
**  The  wicked  shall  go  into  eternal  punishment,  but  the 
just  into  eternal  life."* 

(1)  Now  consider  the  circumstances  to  which  that  first 
text  refers :  "  Go  ye  accursed  into  eternal  fire."  It  is  the  last 
sentence  of  the  Judge;  the  stars  shall  have  fallen  from 
heaven ;  sun  and  moon  shall  have  refused  to  give  their  light ; 
the  wide  firmament  shall  have  been  rolled  up  like  a  scroll ; 

^  "  Catholic  Eschatology,"  page  145.  He  quotes  in  a  note  the  follow- 
ing sentence  from,  an  American  writer,  Kev.  W.  B.  Hopkins  :  "  I  have 
long  searched  with  anxious  solicitude  for  a  text  in  the  Bible  which  would 
even  se^m  to  favour  the  idea  of  a  future  probation.      /  cannot  find  i7." 

*  The  same  author  justly  remai'ks  that  though  "  there  have  been  some 
few  Catholic  writers  who,  misled  by  the  seeming  anxiety  of  Dives  for  the 
salvation  of  his  brethren,  have  supposed  that  he  might  be  in  Purgatory," 
yet  "  the  language  and  the  whole  tenor  of  the  narrative,  and  the  almost 
universal  interpretation  put  upon  it,  negative  any  such  idea," 
"  Matt.  XXV.  31,  &c. 


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690  Eternal  Punishment. 

all  the  children  of  men  shall  be  assembled  by  the  angel'* 
tnimpet.  It  is  the  last  scene  on  the  world's  stage  ;  of  all 
that  follows  we  know  nothing  except  what  the  judge  tells 
us,  and  it  is, — **  seonian  life/'  ^*  a^onian  fire."  "  iEonian," 
that  is,  lasting  for  the  (eon.  How  long  shall  the ^on  last? 
How  long  shall  the  just  continue  to  live?  For  ever. 
During  the  same  endless  won  shall  the  wicked  be 
punished. 

(2)  Moreover,  the  "  aeonian  fire"  which  shall  punish  the 
wicked  is  the  same  which  was  prepared  for  the  devil  and 
his  angels.  Is  there  to  be  any  limit  to  the  duration  of 
the  devil's  punishment?  Neither  Dr.  Farrar  nor  Dean 
Plumptre  dares  to  say  so.  But  the  devils  and  the  lost 
human  souls  are  here  united  in  a  common  doom. 

(3)  Let  us  a  little  more  closely  examine  that  word 
**  eternal  *'  and  the  kindred  phrases,  "  for  eternity,"  "  for 
ages  and  ages.*'^  These  terms  are  applied  to  the  punish- 
ment not  only  of  the  devils  but  of  wicked  men.  They  may 
and  nearly  always  do  denote  what  is  strictly  endless.  "In 
the  New  Testament  the  word  aio^vio^  occurs  seventy-one 
times  ;  of  eternal  life  forty-four  times ;  of  Almighty  Grod, 
His  Spirit,  and  His  glory,  three  times ;  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Christ,  His  salvation,  of  our  habitation  in  heaven,  of  the 
glory  laid  up  for  us,'**  and  of  many  other  things,  all  of 
which  are  strictly  endless. 

Space  will  not  permit  me  to  examine  more  than  the 
principal  objections  that  are  urged  against  this  argument : 
out  I  shall  conscientiously  try  not  to  pass  over  any  point 
of  real  importance.  Opponents  call  our  proof  "  the  aged 
and  battered  argument  of  Augustine,"  an  expression  the 
propriety  of  which  a  Catholic  might  question ;  but  why 
should  we  dispute  about  forms  of  words?  Sir  Torre's 
shield  was  smooth  and  shining,  and  his  face  imscarred; 
whereas  Launcelot  was  "  marred,  seamed  with  an  ancient 
sword-cut  on  the  cheek,  and  bruised  and  bronzed." 
Launcclot's  shield  also  was  like  his  face,  "  aged  and 
battered;'*  yet,  who  would  doubt  which  was  the  better 
shield,  or  which  knight  should  be  the  more  respected  ?  An 
argument  is  not  necessarily  bad  because  **  aged  and 
battered  ; "  one  might  even  be  inclined  to  shrewdly  suspect 

'  Aiovior  means  of  the  auop  (  mf^p)  =  serum  =  age.  Hence  the 
word  arntemum,  shortened  into  sttemum.  An  ason  ia  not  necesaarily 
endless ;  it  may  or  may  not  be  so. 

«  Pusey,  "  What  is  of  Faith,  &c?''  p.  38. 


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Eternal  Punishment.  64)1 

that  it  milst  have  been  true  metal  to  withstand  the  shocks 
of  centuries. 

But  to  come  to  the  point :  Dr.  Farrar  replies  to  our 
argument : 

(a)  That  an  won  is  not  neces«ariJy  endless ;  and  that 
even  in  the  New  Testament  aionios  and  kindred  terms  are 
sometimes  applied  to  ages  which  have  already  come  to  an 
end.* 

But  surely  no  one  ever  yet  implied  that  every  cpon  is' 
necessarily  endless;  and  as  regards  the  New  Testament 
use  of  these  termp,  Dr.  Farrar^s  assertion  may  be,  and  is, 
disputed.  But  let  it  be  as  he  says ;  let  us  admit  that  in 
mme  texts  even  of  the  New  Testament  the  word  denotea 
terminable  duration ;  what  then  ? 

Is  it  not  indisputable  that  the  term  may  denote  what  ia- 
strictly  endless  ?  Is  it  not  equally  certain  that  in  all  but  a 
few  of  the  seventy-one  texts  in  which  the  word  occurs,  it* 
certainly  does  denote  what  shall  last  for  ever.  But  if  in  a* 
certain  book  a  word  way  have  a  certain  meaning,  and  if^ 
moreover,  it  actually  has  that  meaning  sixty-six  or  sixty- 
eight  times  out  of  seventy,  surely  in  the  few  cases  that 
remain  it  should  be  understood  in  the  same  sense,  unless 
there  be  sometliing  in  the  context  which  necessitates  a 
difiFerent  interpretation.  But  if  in  the  context  there  be 
nothing  of  the  kind  ;  if,  on  the  contrary,  the  context  bo 
strongly  in  favour  of  attaching  to  the  term  its  usual 
meaning,  surely  no  sensible  man  would  hesitate  to  do  so. 
And  all  this  is  true  of  the  word  aionios, 

(i)  Dr.  Farrar  objects  to  this,  particularly  to  our  use  of 
the  word  '*  mean.'*  He  contendB  that  though  the  word 
aionios  "  is  often  applied  as  an  epithet  to  endless  things, 
that  conjunction  no  more  makes  the  word  mean  endles^ 
than  the  fact  that  it  is  applied  to  spiritual  things  makes  the 
word  necessarily  mean  spiritual.'"^  It  '*may,  in  some 
instances  connote  endlessness,  because  it  catches  some  of 
its  colour  from  the  word  to  which  it  is  joined."** 

Precisely  so.  We  don't  want  to  rely  on  the  word 
"  mean  ; "  *'  connote  '*  will  do  equally  well.  But  we  insist 
that  the  ceon  during  which  the  wicked  shall  be  punished  is 
endless,  because  the  sentence  which  condemned  them  is 
the  last  sentence,  because  the  won  of  their  punishment  is 
the  same  as  that  during  which  the  devils  shall  be  tormented. 


**  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  p.  391 . 

Ibid.,  391.  »  Ibid,  379. 


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692  Eternal  PunishmenL 

and  the  saints  will  enjoy  their  bliss.  Whether  aimioi^ 
**  means"  or  **  connotes"  all  this  makes  very  little  difference 
to  Catholics. 

(c)  In  the  third  place,  and  as  an  explanation  and  con- 
firmation of  the  preceding,  Dr.  Fairar  relies  very  much  on 
a  reason  which  was  a  favourite  argument  with  Air.  Maurice, 
— that  eternity  and  duration  are  incompatible.  Hence 
aionios  cannot  mean  "  endless,"  but  only  something  like 
"  spiritual "  or  **  unseen."  "  To  render  the  *  aeonian  God ' 
by  the  *  endless  God '  would  rightly  seem  shocking  to  oe. 
It  means  '  the  God  whom  no  one  hath  seen  or  can  see.* " 
So  "  eternal  life  "  is  not  **  endless  life,"  but  almost  the 
antithesis  of  endless ;  it  is  "  knowledge  and  love ; "  it  is, 
in  the  words  of  St  John,  "  to  know  thee,  the  only  God,  and 
Jesus  Christ  whom  thou  hast  sent."  Accordingly,  "  aeonian 
fire  "  is  not  "  endless  fire,"  but  as  Erskine  of  Linlatbam 
says,  **  the  misery  belonging  to  the  nature  of  sin,  and  not 
coming  from  outward  causes."* 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  all  this  is  but  a  confusion  of 
terms.  No  one  now  denies  that  succession  is  incompatible 
with  the  eternity  which  is  an  attribute  of  God.  Catholics 
did  not  want  Erskine  or  Maurice  to  teach  them  that.  But 
must  the  term  aionios  always  have  precisely  the  same 
meaning  which  it  has  when  applied  to  the  Deity?  May 
there  not  be  another  eternity,  improperly  so  called  because 
of  its  endless  duration  t  May  we  not  speak  in  that  sense 
of  the  "  eternal  life  "  of  the  blessed?  And  may  we  not  by 
another  figure  of  speech  apply  the  same  term,  "  eternal 
life,"  to  that  which  here  below  sows  the  good  seed  which 
will  hereafter  grow  up  to  life  everlasting?  Whoever 
would  attach  precisely  the  same  meaning  to  the  word 
♦*  eternal "  wherever  it  is  found,  would  surely  neglect  one 
of  the  first  principles  of  interpretation. 

Let  me  more  definitely  explain  the  Catholic  answer. 
(a)  In  the  first  place  God's  eternity  has  no  succession. 
But  (^)  vfQ  cannot  imagine  it  otherwise  than  as  an  endless 
miccession  though  we  know  this  image  to  be  incorrect 
(7)  Eternity  without  succession  is  infinite  and  cannot 
belong  to  creatures.  Since,  however,  there  is  a  great 
likeness  between  the  unending  life  of  human  souls  and 
the  form  of  everlasting  duration  under  which  we  imagine 
God*s  existence,  we  use  the  same  term,  "eternity,"  to 
designate    both.      Inhere    is    yet    another  (8)  sense  in 

1  So  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  pp.  894-404. 

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Eternal  Punishment,  693 

which  we  use  the  word  "  eternal,"  as  when  St.  John 
says  that  "  eternal  life "  is  *'  to  know  God."  The 
knowledge  of  God  causes  everlasting  bhss,  and  everyone 
knows  the  common  figure  of  speech  which  transfers  to  a 
remarkable  effect  the  name  of  a  cause  which  produces  it 
in  some  special  manner.     Wordsworth  writes : — 

"  Bliss  was  it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive, 
But  to  be  yonng  was  very  heaven." 

We  know  well  that  life  is  and  always  was  Hfe  and  not 
bliss,  youth  is  youth  and  not  heaven  ;  but  the  rapidity  of 
the  poet's  thought  shortens  the  expression. 

Accordingly  we  contend  that  the  word  "  aiomofi ''  has 
different  significations.  When  predicated  of  God  it 
43xclude8  succession  ;  when  it  applies  to  creatures  it  often 
means  lasting  for  ever.  But  to  argue,  as  Dr.  Farrar  and 
Mr.  Maurice  do,  that  because  it  is  used  of  God  it  must 
always  and  necessarily  exclude  succession, — ^this  surely  is  to 
misunderstand  the  principles  of  language  and  to  fetter  the 
powers  of  human  speech. 

(d)  Dr.  Farrar  thinks  he  gives  the  full  force  of  our 
argument  in  these  words':  "Because  atoDvio^  ^corf  means 
"^endless  life,*  therefore  aiayvto^  KoTuiat^  must  mean  '  endless 
punishment/  " 

Now,  that  is  not  the  Catholic  reasoning.  We  rely  on 
three  points:  (a)  The  cpon  is  the  cuon  which  succeeds  the 
last  sentence  ;  (13)  the  devils  and  wicked  men  get  the  same 
punishment,  and  we  know  what  that  means  for  the  devils ; 
(7)  in  these  circtunstances  the  same  word  aionios  is  applied 
to  the  future  punishment  and  to  the  future  reward. 

As  to  this  third  point,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  . 
that  even  in  the  same  sentence  the  same  word  may  not 
have  different  meanings,  if  the  circumstances  and  the 
context  require  it.  But  if  the  circumstances  require  just 
the  opposite ;  if,  moreover,  the  meaning  which  the  context 
demands  be  the  usual  and  almost  invariable  meaning  of 
tiie  term;  the  fact  that  in  the  very  next  and  parallel  clause 
of  the  same  sentence  the  same  word  gets  that  very 
meaning — this  fact  is  then  no  weak  point.  And  this  is  the 
''^  aged  and  battered  argument  of  Augustine." 

Besides,  the  wicked  shall  be  pimished  not  for  one  (Bon 
but  for  "  cBons  of  ceons : ''  "  The  smoke  of  their  torment 
fihall  rise  up  for  ever  and  ever."      Dr.  Clemence  contends 

^  "  Mercy  and  Judgment/'  p.  389. 

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694  Eternal  PxinUhmenU 

that  **a8  an  (Ton  may  come  to  an  end,  so  aons  of  {eon^ 
may  come  to  an  end  ;  only  that  which  lasts  through  all  the 
ages  is  without  end."^ 

One  is  tempted  in  reply  to  borrow  one  of  Dr.  Farrar> 
expressions,  and  to  complain  of '*  a  literalism  which  defies  all 
the  laws  of  human  lan^iage  and  literature,  and  approaches 
to  fetish-worship  in  \t%  slavishness  and  ignorance.*'  If 
Dr.  Clemence  would  have  us  beheve  that  there  may  be  an 
end  to  "  the  smoke  whicli  shall  rise  up  for  ages  of  ages,*' 
he  would  do  well  to  quote  some  example  of  a  similar  use 
of  anything  like  the  same  terms. 

3**  So  much  for  the  argument  from  the  term  aionios. 
There  is  another  epithet  applied  to  the  fire  which  punishes- 
the  wicked, — aa-^earo^^  unquenchable.  This  will  be  found 
to  throw  additional  light  on  the  duration  of  their  asonian 
miseiy. 

In  the  last  verse  of  his  prophecy  Isaias  cries  out : 
"  They  shall  go  out  and  see  the  carcasses  of  the  men  that 
have  transgressed  against  me ;  their  worm  shall  not  die, 
and  their  fire  shall  not  be  quenched." 

That  text  of  Isaias  is  the  basis  of  the  New  Testament 
teaching  on  future  punishment.  The  Baptist  warned  his 
hearers  that  God  *'  will  gather  his  wheat  into  his  bam, 
but  the  chaflF  he  will  burn  with  unquenchable  fire.'*^  Our 
Lord  himself  uses'  almost  the  very  words  of  the  Prophet : 
"  It  is  better  for  you  to  enter  into  life  maimed,  than  having 
two  hands  to  go  into  unquenchable  fire,  where  their  worm 
dieth  not  and  their  fire  is  not  extinj^uished,*'  If  these 
expressions  are  to  be  understood  in  the  literal  and  obvioas 
sense  there  is  an  end  to  the  whole  controversy. 

Dr.  Farrar  is  more  than  usually  vehement  in  dealing 
with  these  texts.  He  tells  us  of  "the  vast  weight  of 
moral  and  spiritual  revelations  "  against  us,  and  complains 
that  his  adversaries  are  "  unable  to  co-ordinate  with  the 
rest  of  God's  revelation  the  literal  meaning  of  .a  few 
texts;*'  *'  such  literalism  defies  all  the  ordinary  laws  of 
human  language  and  literature,  and  approaches  to  fetish-^ 
worship  in  its  slavishness  and  ignorance.*'*  He  warns  h» 
readers  against  *'  the  superstitious  and  arbitrarily  invented 
theory  of  verbal  dictation,'*  which  is  *'the  source  of 
countless  errors,  miseries,  and  wrongs,  and  will  always  be 
a  fatal  hindrance  to  the  right  reception  of  divine  truths."* 

1  Quoted  in  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,^  p.  385.  «  Matt.  iii.  12. 

«  Mark  ix.  42, 47.       * "  Mercy  and  Judgment,'*  p.  406.       *  Ibid.  p.  453. 


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Eternal  Putiisliment  695^ 

Eather  strong,  is  it  not?  And  all  because  when  God 
says  that  the  wicked  shall  be  punished  with  unquenchable 
fire  and  that  their  worm  dieth  not,  we  meekly  bow  down 
and  whisper  to  ourselves :  Amen,  their  worm  never  die» 
and  their  tire  shall  not  be  extinguished. 

Now,  if  Dr.  Farrar  means  that  a  disputant  may  always 
defy  the  force  of  arguments  by  having  recourse  to  "  moral 
and  spiritual  revelations'*  and  to  metaphorical  meanings, 
if  he  means  that  it  is  superstition  to  believe  that  God  took 
care  of  at  least  the  most  important  of  the  words  in  which 
bis  revelation  is  expressed, — if  this  is  his  real  view  there 
is  no  use  in  further  discussion.  Every  article  in  any  of 
the  creeds  might  easily  be  disproved  on  the  same 
conditions. 

Catholics  do  not  argue  from  the  mere  epithet  "un- 
quenchable.'* We  acknowledge  that  the  word  aa-/8€<rro<? 
might  be  translated  "  violent "  or  "  intense  ;"^  it  often  has 
that  meaning  when  applied  to  fire.  But  it  also  mifjfht  have 
its  hteral  meaning  of  "  unquenchable.*'  The  word  itself 
is  indefinite ;  its  meaning  has  to  bo  determined  by  the 
circumstances  in  which  it  is  used. 

Even  these  other  expressions  which  our  Lord  actually 
ihade  use  of,  "  their  worm  dieth  not  and  their  fire  shall 
not  be  extinguished,*' — even  these  propositions,  though 
more  definite  than  a<r/8e<rro9,  might  have  their  meaning 
restricted  by  the  context  in  which  they  might  be  found. 
Thus  in  the  prophecy  of  Jeremias  God  threatens  the  city 
of  Jerusalem :  "  I  will  kindle  a  fire  in  the  gates  thereof, 
and  it  shall  devour  the  houses  of  Jerusalem,  and  it  shall 
not  be  quenched."*  And  there  are  other  like  expressiouR 
in  the  Bible. 

At  the  same  time  it  is  manifest  that  in  another  context 
these  very  expressions  might  denote  a  truly  everlasting 
burning ;  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  they  are  daily  so  used 
by  the  great  majority  of  Christians. 

1  Aa^fOTns  is  from  a  neg.  and  a^tmruvai  to  quench.  The  word  is 
often  used  by  a  sort  of  exaggeration  to  signify  intense  heat.  "  In 
Homer,  where  it  tirst  occurs,  it  is  applied  to  the  fire  which  for  a  few 
hours  rages  in  the  Grecian  fleet ;  to  the  gleam  of  Hector's  hehnet ;  to 
glory;  to  laughter;  and— most  frequently — to  shouting  (II.  xvi.  123; 
L  690 ;  xi.  50 ;  xvi.  267,  &c.)  .  .  .  The  word  is  used  in  the  same 
popular  way  in  plain  prose  passages  of  the  Fathers.  Thus  Eusebius 
Bays  that  the  two  martyrs,  Cronion  and  Julian,  were  tirst  scourged,  and 
then  consumed  with  unquenchable  fire:  and  again  that  two  others, 
Epimachus  and  Alexander,  were  *  destroyed  by  unquenchable  fire.'* 
**  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  p.  406. 

a  xvii.,  27 ;  cf.  Is. ).,  *J8 ;  EzecH.  xjl,  47-48. 


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€96  Eternal  PunuhmenL 

The  question  therefore  is,  in  what  context  are  these 
clauses  found  ?  Is  it  such  as  to  detennin©  the  significatioa 
and  to  leave  no  doubt  that  our  Lord  meant  to  threaten  an 
endless  punishment? 

It  seems  to  me  that  when  we  cyeak  of  "a  wonii 
that  dieth  not  "  or  of  "  a  fire  that  shall  not  be 
quenched,"  we  leave  a  portion  of  our  idea  unexpressed. 
We  mean  that,  as  long  as  the  food  of  the  worm  is 
there,  the  worm  itself  shall  not  die ;  that,  as  long  as 
the  object  to  be  consumed  continues  to  exists  fire 
shall  not  be  wanting  to  consume  it.  We  mean  that 
there  is  no  chance  of  escape  from  the  worm  and  the  fire, 
until  both  shall  have  done  their  work  and  the  unhappy 
victim  shall  have  ceased  to  be.  So  with  the  carcasses 
outside  the  gates  of  Jerusalem ;  so  with  the  city  itself ; 
they  were  to  be  given  up  to  the  unceasing  gnawing,  to 
the  never-ending  burning, — never-ending,  that  is,  as  long 
AS  the  carcasses  could  be  eaten  or  the  city  consumed  by 
fire.  But  surely  the  Prophet  never  meant  that  the  worm 
and  the  fire  should  continue  for  ever,  even  after  the 
carcasses  and  the  city  had  ceased  to  be. 

Whenever  then  we  are  told  of  "  a  worm  that  never 
dies  and  a  fire  that  shall  never  be  quenched,"  how  shall  we 
estimate  their  dm-ation  ?  By  the  duration  of  the  wicked 
object  which  they  were  meant  to  pimish.  There  must  be 
no  escape,  no  cessation  of  the  torment.  If  the  carcasses 
outside  the  holy  city  were,  like  the  bones  of  the  Prophet's 
vision,  to  be  built  up  again  into  pure  and  healthy  bodies; 
if  the  city  were  to  emerge  from  the  conflagration  more 
beautiful  and  perfect  than  before ;  then  should  the  undying 
worm  have  already  died,  then  should  the  unquenchable 
fire  have  been  already  extinguished.  And  are  not  the 
«ouls  of  the  wicked  to  last  for  ever?  Accordingly  for 
ever  shall  be  the  duration  ol  their  punishment 

4°.  We  have  further  testimony  of  which  the  whole 
Bible  is  full  ;  for  it  commonly  represents  the  punishment 
■of  the  wicked  as  "  death,"  "  perishing,"  "  destruction.'' 
*'  They  who  do  such  things  deserve  death  ;'*^  "  he  who 
loves  not  abideth  in  death  ;"*  "  none  of  them  perished  but 
the  son  of  perdition  ;"*  "  broad  is  the  way  that  leads  to 
destniction."*    But  what  need  of  multiplying  texts  ? 

Adversaries  are    fond   of   referring  to   the    •*  willing 

'  Kom.  i.,  32.    «  i.  John  iii.,  14.    »  John  xvii,  12.    *  Matt  viL,  13 

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Eternal  Punis/imeHL  697 

agony  '*  of  Grerontius  in  Cardinal  Newman's  poem ;  but  can 
any  one  imagine  a  soul  so  softly  and  gently  enfolded  in 
the  loving  arms  of  angels,  so  tended  and  nursed  and 
loved  by  them  as  Gerontius  was, — can  any  one  imagine 
such  a  soul  to  be  "lost,**  "destroyed,**  "perishing?" 
There  can  be  no  death  or  destruction  of  one  who  is  being 
merely  purified  and  fitted  for  everlasting  happiness. 

Dr.  Farrar  replies :  No  Christian  doubts  that  sin  is 
destruction  as  long  as  it  is  persisted  in.  The  road  leads  to 
destruction,  and  that  is  the  goal  to  which  it  leads  all  who 
do  not  turn  from  it  by  repentance.  But  there  is  nothing 
in  the  text  to  show  that  men  may  not  be  turned  from  that 
path  hereafter  as  they  are  turned  here.  The  same  word 
apoleia  is  used  of  the  "  waste "  of  the  spikenard  of  Mary 
of  Bethany.  Let  us  take  another  passage  where  the  far 
stronger  word  olethros  occurs.  St.  Paul  in  the  First 
£pistle  to  the  Corinthians  says  that  he  had  handed  over  to 
Satan  the  incestuous  offender,  "  for  the  destruction  of  the 
fiesh,  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord 
Jesus."  Yet,  in  the  short  interval  which  elapsed  between 
the  First  and  Second  Epistles,  the  offender  had  repented, 
and  was  restored  to  the  communion  of  the  Church,  Is  it 
not  then  clear  that  the  word  "  destruction  "  has  a  limited 
and  temporary  sense  I  and  that  the  effects  of  it  can  be 
removed  by  repentance  ?^ 

But  surely  (1)  sin  is  not  the  **  destruction  "  of  which  the 
Saviour  speaks,  but  only  the  "  broad  way  "  to  it.  And  as 
for  there  being  nothing  in  St.  Matthew  to  show  that  men 
may  not'  be  turned  away  from  the  path  of  sin  hereafter  as 
they  are  turned  here,  even  though  such  evidence  were 
admitted  to  be  necessary,  it  is  supplied  very  plainly  in  the 
parallel  passage  of  St.  Luke  :*  "  Strive  to  enter  by  the 
narrow  gate ;  for  many,  I  say  to  you,  shall  seek  to  enter 
and  they  shall  not  be  able/* 

(2)  "  Waste "  is  a  pretty  translation  of  airdoiXeia^  but 
it  is  altogether  too  weak.  Apoleia  is  too  thorough  and 
rough  a  word.  Wherever  it  is  used  in  the  Scriptures 
the  object  to  which  it  is  applied  is  utterly  rained.  Nor  is 
the  "waste"  of  Mary's  ointment  an  exception;  for  how 
could  there  be  "  waste  "  if  the  ointment  were  not  destroyed, 
rendered  of  no  further  use  t 

(3)  So  too  oXedpo^  is  not  mere  chastisement  or  purga- 
tion ;  it  is  ruin.     Whatever  it  is,  it  was  not  to  fall  on  the 

*  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,''  p.  \t05.    '  xiii.,  24. 

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698  Eternal  PuimhmenU 

incestuous  Corinthian — on  the  whole  man, — but  only  on  his 
"flesh."  What  is  meant  by  his  flesh?  If  it  means  his 
sinful  state,  surely  that  was  destroyed  before  he  was 
restored  to  communion  with  the  faithful.  If  it  means  his 
body,  then  destruction  of  the  flesh  meant  death.  But,  it 
will  be  argued,  the  Corinthian  did  not  die?  True;  and 
that  proves  only  that  he  did  not  actually  suffer  the 
threatened  destruction,  which  is  not  the  question  at  all ; 
it  does  not  prove  that  olethros  is  not  complete  destruction, 
which  is  the  real  question  at  issue. 

Remark  this  carefully:  the  real  question  at  issue  is 
what  is  meant  by  **  death,"  "  destruction,"  and  such  tei-ras? 
It  has  been  shown  that  even  in  the  texts  quoted  against 
us,  they  mean  a  great  deal  more  than  "  waste  **  or  "  purga- 
torial punishment."  Will  they  ever  be  inflicted  on  any 
Avicked  souls?  It  seems  to  me  that  an  all-earnest  and 
nil-truthful  God  would  not  have  threatened  them  so  often, 
and  threatened  them  as  actually  happening,  if  his  threat 
was  never  to  be  put  into  execution.  And  this  is  the  very 
thesis  we  have  been  defending  all  along. 

If  it  be  urged  that  through  the  whole  Bible  sin  is  called 
"  death,'*  and  sinners  are  spoken  of  as  "  dead,"  we  answer: 
Yes,  they  are  so  called  by  a  figure  of  speech.  "  Bliss  was 
it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive."  Now  Hfe  was  not  bliss,  but 
only  its  sure  cause.  So  in  the  Bible  grace  is  spoken  of  as 
"  eternal  life,"  and  sin  as  "  deatli,"  not  because  they  are  so 
really,  but  inasmuch  as  of  themselves  they  lead  to  heaven 
and  to  hell.  But  if  there  were  no  real  **  life  everlasting," 
if  there  were  no  real  *•  death  "  and  "  destruction,"  then  we 
should  say  that  this  language  of  Scripture  did  not  express 
the  truths  which  it  was  intended  to  convey. 

4**.  We  might  give  further  evidence  still.  The  expression 
of  Abraham  might  be  quoted  :  "  Between  us  and  you  there 
is  a  great  gulf  fixed,  so  that  they  who  would  pass  from 
hence  to  you,  cannot,  nor  from  thence,  come  hither."^ 
St.  Paul  appUes  to  sinners  the  expression,  "  Esau  I  have 
hated;"  and  the  Apostle  goes  en:  "God  hath  endured 
with  much  patience  the  vessels  of  wrath  fashioned  for 
destruction.*'*  The  Baptist  cries  out:  "He  that  beUeveth 
not  the  Son  shall  not  see  hfe,  but  the  wrath  of  God  abideth 
-on  him."*  Of  Judas  it  is  said  that  "  it  were  well  for  that 
man  if  he  had  never  been  bom  ;"*  so  too,  it  were  better  for 

1  L.  xvi.  26.         »  Rom.  ix.         «  John  iii.  36.         *  Matt  xxvi  24* 

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Eternal  PuimhmenU  699 

those  who  scandalize  little  children  "  that  a  mill-stone  were 
tied  about  their  necks,  and  that  they  were  dxowned  in  the 
depth  of  the  sea."^ 

Why  should  it  be  better  for  thera  ?  Is  it  because  it  is 
always  better  to  die  than  to  commit  even  the  least  sin? 
But  then  why  is  the  expression  appUed  only  to  these  two 
most  grievous  offences,  one  of  them  the  most  heinous  that 
could  be  committed  ?  Our  Lord,  however,  gave  another 
reason :  "  Woe  to  that  man  [after  his  sin]  through  whom  the 
Son  of  Man  has  been  betrayed  ;  it  were  [then]  well  for  that 
man  if  he  had  not  been  born."  And  in  the  other  case  the 
Saviour  explains :  "  See  that  you  despise  not  one  of  those 
little  ones,  for  I  say  to  you  that  their  angels  always  see 
the  face  of  my  Father  [and  they  will  demand  punishment 
if  you  should  have  done  injury  to  their  charge.]"  Moreover, 
it  is  in  this  very  discourse  on  scandal  that  he  uses  the 
expresfflon :  "  Better  were  it  for  one  to  enter  life  blind, 
lame,  wanting  an  arm,  than  to  be  cast  with  one's  whole 
body  into  eternal  fire." 

These  and  other  texts  might  be  quoted  and  expanded, 
but  we  must  forbear;  not,  however,  without  a  protest 
against  those  who  say  that  we  argue  from  "  isolated  texts." 
Have  we  done  so?     Let  the  reader  judge. 

n.  So  far  for  the  first  point  of  Catholic  faith, — that 
some  of  the  wicked  shall  be  tor  ever  shut  out  from  heaven. 
We  now  come  to  the  second  dogma, — that  this  shall  be  the 
fate  of  all  who  die  in  mortal  sin. 

It  will  be  remarked  that  on  this,  as  on  so  many  other 
questions,  the  Catholic  Church  takes  a  middle  course.  On 
the  one  extreme  are  the  Calvinists,  asserting  that  the  least 
unrepentant  sin  merits  eternal  torment;  on  the  other 
extreme  are  the  Universahsts ;  wo  steer  between.  What 
reaaon  have  we  for  our  course  ?  Why  do  we  draw  the  line 
precisely  at  unropented  mortal  sin  ? 

Readers  will  remember  what  was  remarked  in  a 
former  paper  on  the  witness  of  tradition.  It  seems  quite 
clear  that  this  dogma  w:as  not  always  so  settled  as  it  now 
is ;  that  from  Origen*s  days  to  St.  Augustine's,  there  were 
many  holy  men  who  did  not  very  well  know  where  the 
line  should  be  drawn.  Nor  must  we  be  surprised  at  this, 
for  even  still  the  boundary  is  very  uncertain.  True,  we 
know  that  um-epented  mortal  sin  deserves  hell ;  but  which 

'  Matt,  xviii.  C. 


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700  Eternal  Punishment. 

sias  are  mortal,  and  which  venial?  This  question  even 
now  raises  very  many  disputes. 

The  simple  fact  is,  that  there  was  no  explicit  revelation 
on  the  matter.  The  Scriptures  never  explicitly  mention 
either  mortal  or  venial  sin  ;  neither  were  the  terms  kno\ni 
to  tradition  until  the  age  of  the  Schoolmen.  The  Bible 
teaches  plainly  enough  that  some  souls  shall  be  sent  to 
hell ;  often  too  it  tells  plainly  enough  some  of  those  who 
shall  suflfer  that  dreadful  fate ;  but  it  nowhere  gives  a  com- 
plete catalogue  of  mortal  sins.  Nowhere  even  do  we  find 
it  said  that  mortal  sin  deserves  hell.  The  inspired  writers 
were  content  to  lay  down  principles,  and  it  is  the  business 
of  the  Church  to  develop  these  principles  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

What  are  the  principles  from  which  the  dogma  that  we 
are  now  discussing  has  been  drawn  ?  1  will  try  to  mention 
some,  without  proof,  for  to  prove  them  belongs  to  other 
parts  of  Theology. 

1**.  In  the  first  place,  then,  the  Scriptures  teach  very 
definitely  what  is  necessary  for  eternal  Ufe.  We  require 
grace  ;  and  not  a  mere  transitory  aid,  but  something  per- 
manent, abiding  as  a  habit  in  the  soul.  "  The  love  of  God 
is  diffused  through  our  hearts  by  the  Holy  Ghost  who  is 
given  to  us."^ 

2**.  Secondly,  opposed  to  grace  is  sin;  opposed  to 
habitual  grace  is  the  habit  of  mortal  sin,  which  is  nothing 
more  than  the  voluntary  privation  of  the  permanent  habit  ot 
grace.  If,  therefore,  sanctifying  gmce  be  necessary  for 
entrance  into  heaven,  the  state  of  mortal  sin  shuts  one  out 
from  the  sight  of  God. 

3**.  Thirdly,  remark  the  words:  "the  state  of  mortal 
sin."*  For  the  Church,  following  the  teaching  of  Scriptiure, 
has  always  recognised  two  kinds  of  offences  against  God, — 
a  greater  one,  which  deprives  the  soul  of  God's  grace  and 
friendship  ;  and  a  lesser  offence,  which  does  not  so  deprive. 
This  lesser  offence  is  called  venial  sin.  Since,  therefore, 
venial  sin  does  not  deprive  the  soul  of  grace,  and  grace  is 
the  passport  to  heaven,  it  follows  that  they  who  die  in 
venial  sin  shall  not  be  always  shut  out  from  the  sight  of 
God.  They  can,  however,  enter  heaven  only  after  they 
have  been  purified  in  purgatory. 

4^  Fourthly,  purgatory  avails  not  to  purify  from  mortal 
sin ;  for  mortal  sin  can  only  be  washed  out  by  the  infusion 


*  Rom.  V.  5. 


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Eternal  Punishment,  701 

of  sanctifying  grace,  and  purgatory  supposes  this  grace 
already  in  the  soul.  Nor  has  the  Church  ever  admitted 
any  second  probation  after  death. 

5^  Fifthly,  since  the  line  must  be  drawn  at  mortal  sin, 
the  question  suggests  itself:  how  are  we  to  determine 
which  sins  are  mortal  and  which  venial  ?  Neither  Scripture 
nor  tradition  has  decided  in  every  case.  It  is  the  business 
of  theologians  to  discuss  the  question  in  all  its  bearings ; 
and  we  may  feel  sure  that  if  at  any  time  it  should  be 
necessary  in  a  particular  case  to  decide  whether  certain 
actions  are  sinful  and  to  what  extent,  the  Church  authorities 
will  not  hesitate  to  do  so. 

6^  Finally,  though  this  question  has  not  been  fully 
settled  by  either  Scripture  or  tradition,  we  are  not  left 
without  certain  principles  to  guide  us  in  the  investigation. 
I  shall  mention  some : — 

(1)  Reason  tells  us  that  certain  trivial  faults  do  not 
sever  friendships,  that  some  sins  are  greater  than  others, 
that  owing  to  the  corrupti<m  of  our  nature  some  actions 
are  very  much  opposed  to  the  attainment  of  our  end. 

(2)  There  are  terms  often  applied  in  the  Bible  to  certain 
actions,  there  are  certain  pimishments  threatened,  all  of 
which  leave  little  doubt  as  to  the  gravity  of  the  offence.  St. 
Paul's  text  is  an  example  :^  "  Know  you  not  that  the  unjust 
shall  not  possess  the  kingdom  of  God.  Do  not  err  ;  neither 
fomicatoi-s,  nor  idolaters,  nor  adulterers,  nor  the  effeminate, 
nor  hars  with  mankind,  nor  thieves,  nor  the  covetous,  nor 
drunkards,  nor  railers,  nor  extortioners,  shall  possess  the 
kingdom  of  God.'* 

(3)  Still  there  are  innumerable  other  actions  about 
which  there  may  be  doubt.  The  teachers  of  the  Church 
sometimes  decide,  as  they  have  a  right  to  do,  which 
opinion  a  Catholic  should  in  all  cases  follow.  Most  fre- 
quently the  question  is  left  undecided;  and  then  each 
moralist  has  to  make  up  his  own  mind,  according  as  the 
reasons  for  and  against  shall  seem  good  to  himself,  but 
always  with  a  due  respect  for  the  learned  and  holy  men 
who  have  already  treated  the  question. 

I  do  not  intend  to  prove  these  principles;  I  merely 
state  them ;  if  thev  be  adopted,  as  all  CathoUcs  do  adopt 
them,  it  follows  that  the  boundary-line  between  hell  and 
heaven  must  be  drawn  at  the  state  of  unrepented  mortal 
sLdu  W.  McDonald. 

1  Cor.  vi.  e-10. 
VOL.  VT.  8  P 


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[    702    ] 


ON    THE    TELEPHONE    IN    RELATION    TO   THE 
SACRAMENT  OF  PENANCE-  A  REPLY. 

IN  resuming  the  discussion  with  Father  Livius,  my  first 
duty  is  to  thank  him  tor  the  consideration,  which,  I  fear 
under  some  misapprehension  of  the  claims  of  my  scientific 
knowledge  which  is  in  reality  nothing  more  than  what  ia 
generally  known  as  a  gentleman's,  he  has  been  goo4 
enough  to  extend  to  my  argument;  and  to  assure  him 
and  Professor  Ryan,  to  whom,  although  1  have  not  the 
honour  of  his  acquaintance,  I  am  similarly  indebted,  that 
if  I  fail  either  in  courtesy  of  language,  or  otherwise  in  the 
course  of  this  discussion,  it  will  be  rather  from  the  eager- 
ness of  a  weak  disputant,  than  from  a  want  of  sincere 
deference  towards  my  opponents,  and  a  desire  to  recipro- 
cate their  kindness  to  myself. 

I  begin  by  observing  that  some  admissions  which 
Father  Livius  has  made  with  real  candour  in  his  articles  oo 
"  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  '* 
are  worth  noting  for  the  purpose  of  fixing  precisely  the 
present  position  of  the  point  in  dispute. 

I  found  a  controversy  going  on  between  him  and 
Sacerdos  Dublinensis  in  which  it  was  assumed  that  science 
had  given  or  might  give  a  verdict  to  the  effect  that 
the  human  voice  was  heard  through  the  Telephone; 
and  I  interposed  with  a  challenge  of  the  fact  that  such  a 
verdict  had  been  given,  and  I  was  led  further  to  maintain 
that  it  could  not  be  given. 

Father  Livius  admits  now  that  my  argument  "  seemed 
to  himself  quite  conclusive  against  his  opiqion,"  that  *'  two 
scientific  men  whom  he  consulted  pronounced  on  the 
question  in  substantially  the  same  terms,'*  and  that  a  third, 
IJr.  O'Reilly,  who  he  maintains  is  now  on  his  side,  was  at 
first  opposed  to  it. 

He  further  admits  that  his  study  of  scientific  text-books 
corroborated  these  testimonies  in  my  favour  "for  he  had 
but  to  look  through  some  of  the  most  modem  scientific 
treatises  and  encyclopoedias  to  render  his  belief  doubly 
sure,"  and  finally  Professor  Ryan,  whose  authority  he  puts 
forward,  as  of  great  weight,  advised  him  that  it  was 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  his  view  to  abandon 
**  technical  science  and  go  by  philosophy."  **  If  you 
go   by   technical    science,   the    opponents   will  tell  you 


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-On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance,      703 

from  the  text-books  that  there  is  a  physical  difference 
between  a  sound  wave  and  an  electrical  current — they 
will  speak  very  positively  and  there  will  be  an  end  to  the 
matter." 

I  think  that  all  these  admissions  make  it  abundantly 
evident  that  Father  Livius's  opinion  is  not  a  verdict  of 
science,  and  is  very  far  even  on  his  own  showing,  both., 
by  reason  and  authority,  from  being  more  than  probable. 

But  his  whole  argument  against  Sacerdos  Dublinensia 
required  a  certainty  for  its  basis.  It  rested  on  the  assumed 
fact  that  the  human  voice  was  heard  for  certain  through 
the  telephone.  What  becomes  of  that  argument  when  his 
supposed  certainty  is  replaced  by  a  probabiHty?  His 
oontention  was  that  '*  if  science  gave  it  as  its  verdict  that 
through  the  telephone,  as  is  claimed  for  it,  there  is  immediate 
sensible  perception  of  another  personally,  i.e.  if  it 
may  be  truly  said  that  the  human  voice  is  heard  through 
that  medium,  I  still  incline  to  believe  that  the  last  word 
has  not  yet  been  spoken  on  the  telephone  in  relation  to  the 
♦Sacrament  of  Penance." 

**The  last  word"  I  suppose  he  means  spoken  by 
Theology.  Now  the  ground  is  shifted,  and  he  set  forth 
in  the  RECORD  of  last  July  the  considerations  which  led 
him  to  think  that  SciEXCE  had  not  spoken  her  last  word 
on  the  same  subject.  Instead  then  of  a  scientific  verdict 
his  major  proposition  becomes  at  most  a  scientific  proba- 
bility, what  becomes  then  of  his  conclusion  which  at  best 
he  maintained  as  tenuitei'  probaHlis.  The  Syllogism  would 
run  thus. 

If  science  gives  as  its  verdict,  &c,then  it  is  at  least 
tenuiter  probabilis  that  there  is  a  suflScient  moral  presence 
for  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

Atqui  science  does  give  such  a  verdict,  Ergo. 

If  you  substitute  in  the  minor  for  "a  verdict'*  a 
probable  opinion  I  should  like  to  know  whether  you  have 
as  much  of  the  tenuis  probabilitas  of  your  conclusion 
remaining.as  is  of  use  for  any  practical  purpose. 

But  my  business  is  with  that  minor  proposition  ex- 
clusively. My  first  difficulty  in  dealing  with  it,  however, 
arises  from  the  inconvenience  of  having  to  meet  simul- 
taneously two  opponents  whose  attacks  came  from  opposite 
sides,  and  are  rather  inconsistent  with  one  another. 

For  in  June  Father  Livius,  as  I  have  shown  by  his 
admissions,  found  it  impossible  to  defend  his  position  with 
the  weapons  supplied  by  the  science  of  Sound  and  Acoustics 


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704     Oh  the  Teleplwne  in  relation  to  ike  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

and  Professor  Ryan  agreed  as  to  the  necessity  of  appealing 
to  philosophy.  *'  Rebellious  thoughts  arose  witlnn  him 
(Father  Livius)  against  the  laws  and  piinciples  of  science  m 
the  matter  of  acoustics  as  being  altogether  too  tecluiieal^ 
cramped  and  narrow  to  cover  the  reality  of  recognised 
facts,**  and  accordingly  he  discussed  the  question  most 
ably  and  interestingly  on  what  he  calls  "Philosophical 
grounds." 

Then  in  the  month  of  July  he  resumed  the  discussion 
in  what  I  cannot  help  regarding  as  a  manner  inconsistent 
with  his  previous  argument  and  certainly  embarrassing  to 
me. 

Uaving  rebelled  against  the  restrictions  of  science,  and 
risen  to  philosophy  both  from  his  own  convictions  and 
Professor  Ryan's  advice  he  finds  after  all  that  philosophy 
will  not  do,  that  keeping  to  it  would  expose  him  to  thd 
charge  of  *' arbitrarily  theorizing,**  that  "  science  must  bd 
met  by  science,"  for  that  to  whatever  extent  an  opinion 
was  philosophically  true,  it  must  also  be  true  scientifically," 
and  concludes,  *'  If  therefore  I  wrote  again  on  the  question 
in  the  Record,  the  opinion  1  advocated  must  somehow  be 
set  on  a  scientific  basis  and  the  objections  and  difficulties 
supported  by  Father  O'D  wyer's  article  must  be  scientifically 
encountered.** 

And  Professor  Ryan  undertakes  this  technical  and 
scientific  defence  of  the  position. 

I  have  then  a  double  argument  to  maintain.  One 
against  Father  Livius  supported  as  he  is  by  Lord  Rayleigh 
and  other  high  authorities  in  the  view  that  the  principles 
and  definitions  of  the  science  of  Sound  and  Acoustics  need 
to  bo  enlarged  so  as  to  include  the  phenomena  of  the 
telephone.  The  other  against  Father  Livius  and  Professor 
Ryan  who  undertake  to  show  that  these  phenomena  are 
quite  analogous  to  the  well  ascertained  facts  in  the 
science  of  sound,  and  as  Professor  ^Ryan  sums  up  his 
article : — 

^^  In  all  cases  of  communication  by  speech  the  hearer  is  mereljr 
cognizant  of  certain  intelligible  mechanical  disturbances  due  to 
energy  transmitted  to  him  from  the  speaker.  It  is  p<^ulariy 
known  as  hearing  the  speaker's  voice,  and  the  expression  is  as 
scientifically  accurate  in  the  case  of  the  telephone  as  in  the  ordinary 
case  neither  more  nor  less." 

To  bring  out  the  point  at  issue  clearly^  I  may  very 
briefly  re-state  it. 


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'On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  tlie  Sacrament  of  Penance,      705 

The  Telephone  conrasts  of  three  parts.  1°A  trans- 
mitting instrument  through  which  a  person  speaks.  2°  A 
receiving  inst.rument  which  by  vibratmg  emits  an  articulate 
sound  very  like  the  voice  of  the  speaker,  and  3°  an  ordinary 
electric  wire  connecting  bothy  along  which  passes  an  electric 
current.  And  as  far  I  understand  the  controversy  the 
sole  point  in  dispute  is  whether  the  force  or  energy  or 
whatever  else  it  is  that  is  called  the  human  voice  ceases  to 
be  a  sound  b}'  passing  into  the  inaudible  electrical  stage  in 
the  wire,  and  whether  the  sound  heard  in  the  receiving 
instrument  can  be  said  to  be  the  sound  spoken  into 
the  transmitting  instrument.  Father  Livius  holds  that  it 
is  the  same  voice  all  through.  I  hold  that  it  is  not  I  hold 
that  the  transition  into  an  electrical  cuiTent  is  fatal  to 
its  existence — its  continued  existence  as  sound,  and  con- 
sequently that  in  the  receiving  instrument  is  heard  not  the 
voice  of  the  speaker,  but  a  well  made  mechanical  imitation 
of  it. 

I  will  try  then  and  meet  in  turn  the  two  answers  which 
Fr.  Livius  gives  to  my  criticism ;  but  in  the  reverse  order 
to  that  in  which  they  have  been  published. 

I  will  first  attempt  to  pro-ve  that  Professor  Ryan  has 
failed  to  establish  any  analogy  between  the  phenomena  of 
the  telephone  and  the  accepted  phenomena  of  Sound  and 
Acoustics  that  justify  their  being  put  in  the  same  category ; 
and  secondly,  I  will  try  to  meet,  both  by  reason  and 
authority,  Fr.  Livius'  view,  which  rather  takes  the  form  of 
a  suggestion  to  enlarge  our  definitions  of  Sound  and 
Acoustics,  &c.,  so  as  to  give  a  place  within  the  same 
science  to  the  phenomena  of  the  telephone. 

In  such  a  discussion  accuracy  of  definition,  or  at  least 
description  is  necessary,  if  we  are  to  avoid  perpetual 
•*ignorantia  elenchi."  Accordingly,  in  my  former  essay,  I 
defined  what  I  meant  by  "hearing  the  human  voice." 
Professor  Ryan  objects  to  that  definition,  and  holds  that 
the  expression,  "  hearing  the  human  voice,  though 
popular  and  quite  admissible,  is  yet  unscientific.  Usually 
lis  meaning  is  obvious,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  give  an  exact 
scientific  definition  of  it  which  may  decide  doubtful 
■cases." 

"  Now,  as  the  expression  is  distinctly  a  poptilar  one, 
and  certainly  imscientific,  the  question  should  be  decided 
in  accordance  with  popular  ideas.** 

I  shall  have  something  to  say  about  the  value  of 
popular  ideas  later  on.     For  the  present  I  prefer  to  discuss 


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'  706      On  the  Tel^ione  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  ofPenmice. 

the  matter  with  whatever  accuracy  and  precision  may  be 
had  from  the  little  scientific  knowledge  within  my  reach^ 
as  I  believe  that  the  evidence  which  such  knowledge 
can  allege  is  sufficiently  strong  and  satisfactory  to  put 
'*  common  sense,"  which  in  this  case  is  common  ignorance,, 
out  of  court. 

In  the  first  place  I  must  express  my  dissent  from  bis 
opinion  that  it  is  not  scientifically  accurate  to  say  that  we 
do  hear  the  human  voice.  There  is  a  philosophy  which 
holds  that  the  testimony  of  our  senses  is  unreliable  as  ta 
their  objects;  and  which  thereby  attempts  to  divorce 
science  from  the  common  sense  of  life.  If  there  is  inaccu- 
racy in  the  expression,  "  hearing  the  voice,"  it  is  equally 
inaccurate  to  speak  of  **  seeing  a  face,"  "  touching  a  hand," 
and  the  conclusion  must  be  at  least  the  modified  idealism 
of  Herbert  Spencer,  that  although  the  relation  of  my 
senses  as  to  external  objects  may  be  practically  useful  for 
ordinary  purposes,  I  must  always  put  in  a  mental  caveat 
against  believing  a  real  correspondence  between  the 
sensation  in  consciousness  and  the  plexus  of  phenomena 
which  gave  rise  to  them.  If  Professor  Ryan  comes  to 
that,  I  decline  to  argue  further  with  him.  I  maintain  that 
our  senses  do  give  us  accurate  knowledge,  and  that  they 
do  report  to  us  accurately  as  to  their  objects,  and  the 
business  of  a  true  philosophy  is  to  accept  this  funda- 
mental fact  and  explain  it,  and  not  to  attempt  to  impugn 
its  certainty,  and  thus  weaken  the  foundations  of  all 
knowledge. 

I  think  then  that  we  are  safe  in  starting  with  the 
assumption  that  the  expression,  "hearing  the  human 
voice/'  represents  a  real  objective  phenomenon,  and  if  we 
are  to  determine  whether  that  phenomenon  can  be  truly 
predicated  in  the  case  of  the  telephone,  we  must  know 
what  we  mean  by  it  as  it  is  ordinarily  used. 

My  description  of  it  is  as  follows,  but  it  must  be  borne 
in  mind  that  I  give  it  in  the  phraseology  of  the  accepted 
theory  of  the  vibratory  character  of  sound  in  relation  to 
which  this  discussion,  in  its  present  stage,  must  be  con- 
ducted. 

When  I  say  then  that  I  hear  the  human  voice,  I  mean 
that  a  person's  vocal  organs  have  moved  and  given  a  vibra- 
torj*-  motion,  which  is  recognised  as  sound,  to  the  air  particles 
in  immediate  contact  with  them.  These  being  elastic, 
yield  to  the  pulse  which  they  have  received,  and  recoiU 
and  thus  seud  on  the  pulse  to  the  next  layer  or  shell  of  air^ 


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Ofi  tlie  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  penance,      7j07 

until  at  last  a  series  of  vibrations,  constituting  a  sounid* 
wave  reaches  the  membrane  of  the  drum  of  ray  ear,  which 
takes  up  the  same  vibratory  motion,  and  in  some  myste- 
rious way  passes  the  sound  ou  to  the  brain. 

Now,  in  this  series  of  phenomena,  constituting  what  is 
known  as  sound,  I  have  to  direct  attention  to  a  few 
especial  points  that  seem  to  me  to  go  to  the  kernel  of  this 
discussion  : 

1**  The  energy  which  is  in  play  is  not  energy  in 
general,  but  the  special  form  of  it  known  as  sound. 
2**  That  sonorous  pulse,  or  sound  energy,  passes  along  the 
vaiious  lines  of  air  particles,  by  their  elasticity,  preserving 
aU  through  its  course  the  same  sonorous  character  until  it 
impinges  on  the  ear.  3°  It  is  the  same  energy  that  at  first 
is  developed  by  the  sounding  body,  and  at  the  end  affects 
the  memorane  of  the  ear ;  and  finally,  1  have  to  add  that 
this  description  is  taken  almost  word  for  word  from  Pro- 
fessor Tyndairs  lectures  on  sound,  and  is,  I  think,  not  only 
popular  and  sufficient,  but,  making  due  allowance  for  my 
poverty  of  expression,  and  scientific  exposition,  scientifically 
coiTect  according  to  the  received  vibratory  theory. 

1  will  collate  these  points  with  the  views  of  Professor 
Ryan,  not  precisely  in  the  order  I  have  given,  but  as  they 
are  suggested  by  the  sequence  of  his  argument,  thus  to 
refute  him,  or  at  least,  to  bring  out  distinctly  the  substauce 
of  our  difference. 

I  will  take  first,  then,  his  disquisition  on  identity  and 
similarity  of  sound,  in  which  he  puts  forward  what  seems 
to  rae  these  propositions :  l'^  That  in  strictness,  identity 
cannot,  in  the  vibratory  theory,  be  predicated  of  a  sound ; 
and  2*^  that  in  the  loose  and  popular  language  which 
may  bo  admissible  that  perfect  similarity  is  sufficient  to 
constitute  identity.  Lest  through  misapprehension  1  may 
wrong  him,  I  quote  his  words : 

"  For  ray  part,  I  consider  the  word  identical  inapplicable  in 
both  eases  ;  but  as  sound  is  vibration,  if  identity  can  bo  predicated 
of  two  sounds,  it  should  depend  on  the  identity  of  the  period  and 
amplitude  of  vibration,  and  on  the  equality  of  the  masses  of  the 
vibrating  particles — in  fact,  on  mechanical  and  material  simi- 
larity." 

•'Therefore,  the  sound-waves  proceeding  from  the  telephone 
b<^ing  mechanically  similar  to  those  falling  upon  it,  are  as  much 
and  as  little  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  identical  with  the  latter  as 
if  they  bad  been  produced  in  the  ordinary  way,  neither  more  nor 
le$s." 


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708     On  t/is  Teleplione  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  ofPetumee^ 

On  the  other  side  I  argued,  and  still  maintain,  that  do 
•"mere  mechanical  and  material  similarity"  between  the 
sound  communicated  to  the  transmitting  instrument  of  a 
telephone  and  that  given  out  by  the  receiver  was  of  use  to 
prove  their  identity,  unless  the  latter  were  shown  to  be 
the  continuation  of  the  sonorous  wave  that  constituted  the 
existence  of  the  former. 

On  Professor  Ryan's  theory  a  good  mimic,  a  well  trained 
parrot,  or  any  other  contrivance  that  could  produce  a 
sound  peafectly  similar  to  that  of  the  sound  imitated, 
would  be  as  much  and  as  little  entitled  to  be  called  identical 
with  it,  as  a  man's  own  voice  heard  by  different  people  at 
the  same  time  or  in  succession  at  different  distances. 
It  is  a  strange  philosophy  that  leads  to  such  a  conclusion. 

To  my  mind  the  distinction  between  identity  and  simi- 
larity is  neither  *' arbitrary"  nor  "unreal,"  but  most 
obvious.  If  1  strike  a  tuning  fork,  its  particles  give  a 
pulse,  a  sound-pulse — to  the  air  particles  in  contact  with 
ft — and  as  long  as  that  sound-pulse  passes  in  unbroken 
succession  from  layer  to  layer  of  air  particles,  there  is  a 
sound — one  sound — ^identical  all  through.  It  is  identic«d 
ivith  the  vibrations  of  the  air  particles,  that  is  with  the 
sonorous  wave  passing  in  the  form  of  vibrations  through 
these  particles  of  air. 

if  I  strike  the  same  tuning  fork  in  perfectly  similar 
circumstances,  and  in  the  same  way  to-morrow,  I  will  get 
what  I  call  an  exactly  similar  sound,  in  amplitude  and 
period  of  vibrations,  &c.,  but  not  the  same  physical  thing 
that  constituted  the  sound  of  the  day  before.  The  two 
sounds  are  identical  in  value,  but  not  in  being — just 
as  two  sovereigns  of  the  same  weight  and  material 
are  the  same  in  value,  but  not  in  physical  existence. 
I  think  this  is  plain,  and  I  really  do  not  know  why 
the  point  has  been  raised.  The  exact  resemblance 
which  is  alleged  to  exist,  but  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
does  not  exist  between  the  soimds  at  both  ends  of  a  tele- 
phone proves  nothing,  and  I  think  I  am  not  only  right,  but 
evidently  so  when  I  contend  that  those  who  assert  that 
they  are  both  the  sound  of  the  same  voice  are  under  the 
necessity  of  establishing  some  more  intimate  connectioD 
between  them. 

Professor  Ryan,  at  the  expense  of  conBistency,  cnipplies 
that  connection  and  proceeds: — 

"  The  preservation  of  individuality  in  what  is  called  a  fiouod- 
wave  or  a  series   of  waves  does  not  warrant  us  in  describing 


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On  the  Teleplione  in  relation  to  the  Siierament  of  Penatiee,      709 

succeeding  Tibrations  as  identical  with  proceeding.  There  is  no 
lexact  conservatioa  of  motion,  or  vibration,  or  sound.  Energy  is 
the  only  thing  which  persists  and  is  conserved  through  all  trans- 
formations, and  for  which  identity  can  be  claimed  at  the  end  of 
its  passage." 

Again  he  writes  p.  243 :  — 

"  To  sum  up  :  My  contention  is  that  in  all  cases  of  communica- 
tion by  speech  the  hearer  is  merely  cognizant  of  certain  intelligible 
mechanical  disturbances  due  to  energy  transmitted  to  him  from  the 
speaker." 

Again,  same  page. 

"  It  (the  telephone)  certainly  conveys  sound-waves  to  the  listener 
not  to  be  distinguished  from  those  received  in  the  ordinary  way, 
and  there  is  no  break  in  the  transmission  of  energy." 

The  suggestion  in  all  these  passages  is,  that  the 
conservation  of  **  energy "  in  the  telephone  is  enough 
to  give  identity,  as  far  as  it  is  practicable,  to  the 
sounds  at  either  end,  without  having  regard  to  the 
forms  which  that  energy  may  assume  in  the  intermediate 
stage. 

But,  observe  in  the  description  which  I  have  given  of 
the  phenomena  of  speech  and  hearing,  as  they  ordinarily 
occur,  that  the  listener  is  cognizant  of  more  than 
energy  in  general  passing  from  the  speaker.  "  Elnergy  in 
general !"  Why,  in  the  words  of  the  old  professor  com- 
menting on  the  wgn-board,  "  Smith  in  general,"  there  is  no 
.such  thing. 

Energy  exists,  or  at  least  is  known  to  us  only  in  the 
concrete,  and  when  1  bear  a  voice  1  am  cognizant  not  merely 
of  energy  but  of  energy  differentiated  as  sound.  I  may  not 
know  what  sound  is  in  itself,  no  more  than  I  know  what 
heat  and  light  and  electricity  are.  But,  I  know  that  heat, 
as  such,  is  not  light,  nor  electricity  cither,  although  there 
may  be,  and  most  probably  is,  some  mysterious  correlation 
between  all  forces,  or  forms  of  energy.  So,  sound  is  not 
light,  no  more  than  seeing  is  hearing,  and,  consequently, 
when  I  affirm  that  I  hear  a  man's  voice,  I  mean  that 
energy,  under  the  special  form  of  sound — articulate  soimd 
— has  passed  from  his  vocal  organs  to  my  ear. 

That  same  description  answers  all  Professor  Ryan 
has  written  about  "  String  Telephones,"  ♦'  A  man  shut  up 
in  an  air-tight  box,"  and  all  other  illustrations,  in  which  he 
attempts  to  find  analogies  for  the  telephone.     In  all  such 


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710     On  the  TelepJtone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance 

o€tses,  and,  in  fact,  in  every  known  case  in  which  sound 
travels,  it  is  sonorous  in  every  stage  of  its  course  from 
sounding  body  to  listener.  The  energy  that  is  called  into 
play  is  distinguishable  as  sound,  and  it  preserves  that 
sonorous  character  all  through.  There  is  no  instance  that 
I  know  of  a  sound  in  transit  ceasing  to  be  sonoroua  Whv, 
it  seems  a  contradiction  in  terms.  You  might  as  well  talk 
of  an  incorporeal  body,  or  an  invisible  colour,  as  an  inaudible 
sound.  However  it  passes,  whatever  the  medium,  it  is 
always  recognisable  as  sonoroua  Intercept  it  at  any  stage 
of  its  course,  and  it  is  audible.  Bring  your  ear  to  any 
point  along  a  string  telephone,  and  you  get  the  true 
sonorous  vibmtion  ;  so,  also,  with  a  beam  of  timber.  Cut 
it  and  you  hear  the  sound  as  it  travels  along;  and  the 
same  holds  good,  as  far  as  I  know,  for  every  instance  of  an 
ascertained  phenomenon  of  sound.  A  speaking  tube  merely 
directs  the  sound  waves.  A  partition  oetween  two  roomR 
receives  the  sound  wave  as  sonorous,  preserves  and 
transmits  it  as  such  ;  but,  compare  with  all  these  instances 
in  which  Professor  Kyan  thinks  he  finds  analogies  for  the 
telephone  that  instrument  itself.  Tap  the  wire  of  the 
telephone  and  you  will  get  an  electrical  current,  which, 
according  to  ita  quantity  and  intensity,  will  produce  the 
same  effect  as  any  ordinary  electrical  current.  In  the 
whole  science  of  sound  and  acoustics  there  is  nothing 
bearing  the  faintest  resemblance  to  such  a  phenomenon, 
and  if  the  question  is  to  be  discussed  fruitfully  it  must 
be  with  a  recognition  of  this  fact.  There  is  no  sound 
that  can  be  detected  between  the  extremes  of  the 
telephone;  and  this  fact  of  itself  is  sufficient,  in  my 
opinion,  to  destroy  the  whole  reasoning  in  Professor  Ryan's 
essay. 

He  felt  the  force  of  this  difficulty,  and  attempts  to 
remove  it  by  what  appears  to  me  a  very  weak  and  un- 
scientific expedient : 

"  If  we  ima<];ine  these  particles  to  be  merely  like  tennis-balls  we 
must  admit  that  the  transformation  of  mechanical  energy  into 
electrical  energy  in  the  telephone  wire  constitutes  apparently  an 
important  difference  in  the  method  of  propagation.  It  should  be 
remembered,  however,  that  the  transmission  along  the  wire  is 
practically  instantaneous.  The  time  occupied  is  much  too  short 
to  be  perceptible  on  ordinary  lines.  .  .  .  The  inappreciable 
interval  of  time  during  which  the  energy  of  the  original  sound- 
wave is  being  transmitted  along  the  wire  hardly  forms  a  solatioa 
of  continuity.     The  energy  is  active  all  the  while." 


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On  the  Telepltone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     71 1 

"  Praatically  instantaneous^''  the  "  uncqypreeiable  interval  '^ 
*^  hardly  forms  a  solution  af  continuity,"  are  not  very 
scientific  terms.  Either  the  change  into  electrical  energy 
takes  place,  or  it  does  not.  If  it  does  not,  then  my  argument 
collapses.  But  if  it  does,  a  moment,  any  space  of  time 
sufficient  for  the  actual  existence  of  such  change,  is 
fatal  to  the  continuity  of  the  sound.  jThe  length  of 
time  during  which  the  sound-energy  ceases,  and  the 
electrical  energy  lasts  depends  not  on  the  principle  of  the 
telephone,  but  on  the  length  of  the  wire.  The  electrical 
current  in  its  passage  substitutes  for  the  rate  at  which 
sound  usually  passes  through  such  a  wire,  the  veloidty  of 
light,  and  if  the  wire  were  long  enough  and  the  appliance 
sufficiently  perfect  it  would  work  from  the  earth  to  opo  of 
the  fixed  stars,  just  as  well  as  at  the  distance  of  a  mile^ 
and  would  take  thousands  of  years  to  reach  its  destination. 
In  such  a  case  Professor  Ryan  would  admit,  I  presume, 
the  break  iu  continuity  of  the  sound-energy;  but,  if  he 
would,  he  must  give  up  the  whole  of  this  point,  for  the 
argument  does  not  turn  on  the  length,  but  the  reality  of 
the  interval,  during  which  the  energy  ©f  sound  has  ceased 
to  exist,  and  is  replaced  by  that  of  electricity. 

But  when  I  say,  ordinarily,  that  I  hear  a  person's  voice 
there  is  no  such  phenomenon — long  or  short.  The  sound- 
energy  passes  in  unbroken  waves  through  shell  to  shell  of 
air  until  it  reaches  my  ear.  It  may  lose  on  the  way,  spend 
itself,  and  grow  weaker  as  all  forms  of  energy  do  in  over- 
coming resistance,  but  it  is  identically  the  same  sound- 
energy  without  any  change  of  nature  that  gives  the  pulse 
to  the  air  particles  next  the  vocal  organs  of  the  speaker 
and  that  drives  the  last  layer  of  them  in  vibrating  on  the 
membrane  of  my  ear. 

The  Professor  adds  a  paragraph,  which  I  find  very 
difficult  to  understand,  in  order  to  show  that  a  transforma- 
tion of  energy  is  continually  taking  place  even  in  the^ 
transmission  of  sound  through  the  air.  As  well  aa  I  can 
make  it  out,  the  theory  is  that  in  each  vibration  of  an  air- 
particle  the  sound-energy  is  alternately  "  actual "  and 
**  potential.'*  When  a  particle  is  compressed  the  energy  is 
potential,  when  it  rebounds  the  energy  is  actual ;  and  the 
argument  seems  to  amount  to  this,  as  the  sound-energy  in 
its  ordinary  transmission  changes  at  every  moment  from  one 
to  another  oftwo  stages  of  its  own  existence  that  constitute 
a  vibration,  so  it  is  reasonable  to  admit  that  it  may  undergo,, 
consistently  with  its  existence  as  sound,  a  change  in  which 


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713  FragmenU  of  a  broken  Tour. 

it  ceases  to  exist  altogether,  either  actually  or  potentially, 
and  passes  into  a  totally  different  form  of  energj',  known 
as  electricity. 

The  statement  of  this  argument  in  these  plain  words 
makes  it  seem  to  me  so  obviously  absurd,  that  I  am  disposed 
to  think  that  the  fineness  or  depth  of  the  Professor's 
reasoning  has  gone  beyond  my  perception. 

It  might  as  well  be  argued  that  a  pendulum  may  keq) 
moving  while  it  is  at  rest,  because  rest  is  of  the  essence  of 
its  peculiar  motion,  since  at  the  end  of  every  beat  there  is 
a  point  at  which  it  moves  in  neither  one  direction  nor  the 
other.  In  both  cases  it  is  only  necessary  to  use  dear 
language  to  expose  the  fallacy. 

There  are  a  number  of  other  points  of  minor  importance 
in  Professor  Ryan's  paper  which  1  should  wish  to  discuss, 
as,  for  instance,  his  view  that  the  telephone,  besides  being 
an  elongation  of  the  power  of  speech  on  one  hand  is,  at 
the  same  time,  an  extension  of  the  faculty  of  hearing  on 
the  other — an  elongated  tongue  and  an  extended  ear,  but 
they  do  not  affect  tne  substance  of  the  controversy.  As  I 
have  already  stated  I  will  deal  with  the  argument  from 
common  sense,  in  connection  with  Fr.  Livius'  theory  that 
the  limits  of  acoustic  science  are  too  narrow  for  the  facts. 
At  present  I  will  only  say  that  if  my  argument  as  given  is 
substantially  valid,  I  have  disposed  not  only  of  Professor 
Ryan's  theories,  but  also  of  the  scientific  bajsis  without 
which  Fr.  Livius  himself  admits  that  his  philosophy  is  mere 
^'  arbitrary  theorizing." 

Edward  T.  O'Dwyer, 


FRAGMENTS  OF  A  BROKEN  TOUR.— Na  1. 

fIlUE  Kejisington  Exhibition,  whatever  it  may  be,  seems 
X  now  to  have  become  so  recognized  a  feature  of  the 
London  season,  that  the  t-ourist,  wherever  his  destination, 
must  as  surely  visit  it^  and  so  bring  it  into  his  notes,  as  he 
must  make  his  starting  point  the  great  metropolis  itself. 
Of  coiUBO  he  may  avoid  London,  if  he  is  eccentric  enough, 
•and  equally  of  cx^urse,  he  may  go  there  without  visiting 
South  Kensington,  but  such  an  one  is  so  perverse  and  setf- 
opinionated,  that  he  naturally  becomes  nothing  better  than 
an  exception,  and  so,  unwittingly,  proves  tiie  rula 


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Fragments  of  a  broken  Tour.  71S 

We,  however,  are  common-place  enough  to  follow  the 
multitude,  and  so  find  ourselves  once  more  in  the  well- 
known  coiu*t8  and  galleries  and  ere  long  on  to  the  Grand 
terrace  where  the  lovers  of  music  are  wont  to  congregate. 
This  is  the  year  of  Inventions  and  so  the  good  people  of 
London  call  the  exhibition  the  Inventories,  just  as  last  year 
it  was  the  Healtheries.  But  as  then  Education  was  com- 
bined with  Heahh,  the  pill  wrapt  up  in  the  enticing  sweety 
so  now  Inventions  are  made  unfatiguing  to  the  visitor  bv 
the  charms  of  Music,  but  music  in  a  new  form  whicn 
supplements  the  brilliant  bands  on  the  terrace  and  in  the 
Albert  HalL  For  now  it  is  music  both  in  its  archaic  form 
and  in  a  kind  of  educational  shape  which  makes  it  a  part 
of  the  Exhibition  and  not  a  mere  bait  to  catch  pleasure 
seekers.  There  is  a  wonderful  collection  of  musical  instru- 
ments, interesting  either  for  their  makers  oc  for  those  to 
whom  they  have  belonged.  There  are  Stradivarius  violins 
by  the  dozen  and  those  of  other  only  less  renowned 
masters  by  the  scora  There  is  Queen  Elizabeth's  Virginal, 
the  harpsichord  of  Marie  Antoinette,  the  guitar  of  Louis 
Seize,  and  another,  once  belonging  to  that  luckless  artist, 
David  Rizzio,  and,  as  though  in  natural  connection,  an  old 
Highland  Harp  belonging  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  For 
another  reason,  and  that  an  artistic  one,  stands  Alma 
Tadema's  pianoforte,  decorated  by  the  great  painter  him- 
self, and  adorned  with  the  autographs  of  celebrated 
musicians  who  have  played  upon  this  grand  instrument  hf 
Broadwood. 

Strange  and  quaint  are  other  instruments,  and  especially 
that  collection  which  has  been  sent  by  the  Conservatoire 
of  Music  of  Brussels,  which  includes  instruments  whose 
very  names  have  long  since  passed  away,  such  as  Cri- 
momes,  Regals,  Claviorgana,  Clavichords  and  Viol-di- 
Grambas. 

It  is  interesting  even  to  look  at  these  relics  of  long . 
passed  times,  which  seem  to  conjure  up  the  scenes  to  which 
they  belonged,  but  how  much  more  interesting  was  it  to 
listen  to  them  when  accomplished  musicians  awoke  the 
old  melodies,  and  bade  them  speak  to  us  the  music  they 
had  discoursed  in  days  of  old.  This  was  the  crowning 
gift  which  Brussels  sent  us,  when  her  learned  and  skilled 
professors  came  over  and  gave  some  concerts  of  old-world 
music,  and  taught  us,  as  surely  we  never  were  taught 
before,  what  were  the  capabilities  of  these  instruments,, 
and  what  music  grew  out  of  their  use  and  power.     But 


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714  Fragments  of  a  broken  Tour. 

home  produce  came  into  competition  with  foreign  gifts, 
and  the  liristol  Choral  Society  illustrated  in  the  Albert 
Hall,  how  the  old  Madrigals  and  Glees  which  are  so  truly 
our  own,  still  hold  sway  over  our  singers,  and  like  good 
Avine,  grow  more  estimable  and  palatable  by  age.  So 
music  had  new  charms  in  the  Inventories^  no  longer  limit- 
ing its  powers  of  attraction  to  the  performances  ot  Military 
Bands,  English,  German,  or  Austrian. 

The  Inventions  which  attracted  most  attention  were 
those  which  made  the  illuminations  of  the  gardens,  and 
especially  of  the  fountains,  a  marvel  of  beauty. 

Last  year  people  w^ero  charmed  with  the  wreaths  of 
electric  light  which  festooned  the  arcade  and  ^'ttered  in 
bright  lines  amid  the  flower  beds ;  nor  were  the  Chinese 
lanterns  amid  the  trees  without  their  share  of  admiration. 
And  when  the  fountains  arose  from  the  lake  with  all  the 
grandeur  due  to  height,  or  Avith  more  winning  grace  when 
they  palpitated  in  upward  springs  and  then  broke  into 
showers  of  diamonds  in  their  graceful  falls;  and  when 
from  the  central  tower  electric  rays  of  varying  colors 
flashed  across  and  among  them,  the  changing  tints  called 
forth  hearty  applause  at  what  was  as  novel  as  it  was 
beautiful.  But  this  year  all  this  has  developed  into  some- 
thing still  more  exquisite,  and  Sir  Francis  Bolton  exhibits 
Inventions  which  make  people  almost  forgetful  of  the  past, 
and  perhaps  somewhat  ashamed  of  their  excessive  admira- 
tion of  what  was  so  far  inferior  to  that  which  is  done  this 
year.  For  now  the  fountains  themselves  rise  up  rich  in  colors 
which,  coming  from  beneath,  seem  really  to  belong  to 
them,  and  as  they  intermingle  in  their  sportive  life,  it  is  a 
combination  of  colored  waters  which  toss  themselves  on 
high,  and  thus  effects  of  color  are  produced  in  vivid  light 
which  artistic  skill  could  not  otherwise  eflFect  as  it  can  and 
does  in  these  media  of  electricity  and  water.  Nor  are  these 
colors  fixed ;  so  while  we  are  gazing  in  delight  upon  some 
exquisite  combination  thus  wrought  out,  the  several 
fountains  change  their  colors  and  new  effects  are  produced 
that  make  the  charm  as  varying  as  it  is  beautiful. 

Add  to  this,  the  substitution  of  incandescent  lights  for 
Chinese  lanterns,  which  in  a  moment  flash  high  up  and 
amidst  the  lofty  trees,  and  the  same  power  defining  the 
grand  and  graceful  outhnes  of  all  the  adjacent  buildings, 
and  this  emph)ying  in  all  ten  thousand  electric  lights,  we 
may  form  some  sUght  idea  of  what  the  greatest  of  all 
modem  invenrions,  electricity,  has  done  to  make  itself 
imderstood  at  the  Inventories  of  1885. 


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Fragments  of  a  broketi  Tour.  715 " 

Elsewhere,  outside  the  concert  rooms,  music  oflered  but 
few  attractions.  Sullivan  and  Gilbert  were  harping  upon 
their  one  atiing,  ringing  what  changes  they  could  upon  a 
well-worn  musical  idea ;  and  repeating  themselves  until 
every  one — and  perhaps  they  themselves — wearied  of  the 
vain  re{>etitiona  Italian  Opera  died  out  in  a  few  per- 
formances where  Patti,  wearied  and  ill,  was  alone  in  a 
"  scratch  "  company,  and  made  what  seems  to  be  the  tinal 
closing  of  both  Opera  Houses  a  matter  of  httle  regret. 
There  was  no  German  Opera  at  all,  the  only  attempt  to 
satisfy  and  attract  musical  ears  was  at  a  minor  theatre, 
where  a  French  company  headed  by  Madlle.  Van  Zant 
played  in  Lachne  to  almost  empty  houses.  This  was  indeed 
a  matter  of  regret,  seeing  how  charmingly  the  yoimg 
American  played  and  sang  her  part,  and  that  too,  in  an 
Opera  that  deserved  a  better  fate. 

So  Uttle  attraction  offering  itself  at  home,  we  naturally 
turned  our  steps  away,  and  resolved  to  go  abroad,  but 
with  some  misgivings  as  to  the  time  at  our  disposal.  That 
time  terminat(id  abruptly  enough,  so  we  have  only  frag- 
memts  of  a  broken  tour  to  set  before  our  readei-s.  \Ve 
will  go  to  Switzerland;  that  is  our  resolve:  but  how? 
Not  by  Paris;  for  we  are  tired  of  that  plaster-of-Paris 
city,  of  its  hot  glaring  streets  and  its  spasmodic  galvanized 
life.  Not  by  the  Rlnne :  for  we  are  Avearied  of  its  stunted, 
currsnt-bush  vines,  its  sham  moimtains  which  rise  only 
into  flat  plains,  its  shrunken  waters,  its  noisy  hotels  and 
its  hurrying  crowds  of  tourists.  But  we  must  pause  before 
we  shut  up  all  access  to  the  promised  land,  and  resolve 
upon  Brussels  and  its  Luxembourg  railway,  which  will 
keep  us  clear  alike  of  the  Bhine  and  Paris — so  to  Brussels 
we  go. 

Somehow  Brussels  never  seems  to  tire.  There  is  a 
quiet,  domestic  tone  about  it  which  satisfies  without 
fati^iing.  We  feel  at  our  ease ;  it  is  like  home,  which 
Pans  never  resembles,  and  has  our  sympathies,  which  the 
other  has  not.  So  we  find  ourselves  refreshed  rather  than 
excited,  amid  people  who  are  not  theatrical,  and  who  do 
not  force  themselves  upon  our  attention  wth  a  persistent 
eflfort,  seeming  to  say,  '*  here  we  are  ;  observe  us,  are  we 
not  the  great  nation  1 "  In  our  comfortable  Hotel  de  Flandre 
we  are  not  mere  numbers  but  individuals ;  we  arc  cared 
for,  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  they  point  out  unobtru- 
sively what  is  to  be  seen  just  now,  and  how  we  may  best 
enjoy  what  they  instinctively  understand  we  want.     So  it 


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T7t6  Frctgnients  of  a  broken  Tokt. 

is  almost  an  effort  to  tear  ourselves  away,  and  to  set  out 
on  what  is  to  us  a  new  route,  by  Luxemburg,  Metz,  and 
Strassburg,  to"^  Lucerne.  A  railway  journey  always  affords 
a  few  matters  for  reflection  and  for  observation.  Our  line 
of  march,  we  soon  learn  to  call  it,  begins  near  Waterloo,  and 
passes  through  Lorraine  and  Alsace — we  should  say  Elsass- 
Lothringen — and  so  takes  us  from  the  fall  of  the  First 
Napoleon  to  thiat  of  the  Third  and  last.  But  themilitaryepirit 
is  somewhat  toned  down  into  a  more  poetic  and  fitting  frame 
of  mind,  as  we  wind  through  the  intricacies  of  the  Forest 
of  Arden  (Ardennes),  and  think,  and  indeed  almost  expect 
to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  rural  court  of  the  banished  duke 
and  the  melancholy  Jaques.  But  railways  are  Httle  in 
harmony  with  the  scenes  Shakespeare  painted,  though  the 
trees  and  the  river  can  never  lose  the  characteristics  of 
those  sylvan  days ;  and  indeed  in  this  case  the  train 
glides  through  the  forest  and  beside  the  beautiful  river  as 
though  it  were  a  respectful  visitor  to  the  place,  without 
any  assertion  of  that  herce  mastery  which  tunnels  its  way 
remorselessly  through  crowning  heights,  and  draws  its  hard, 
straight  lines  where  nature  lives  in  curves.  We  do  not 
pause  at  Namur,  for  we  are  familiar  with  the  beautiful 
scenery  of  the  Meuse,  which  lies  between  that  city  and 
Liege,  but  we  would  recommend  that  pleasant  voyage  to 
any  leisurely  traveller,  who  will  be  well  repaid  for  his 
deviation  from  the  ordinary  route.  Onward  is  our  march 
through  constantly  improving  scenery,  until  w©  suddenly 
come  upon  Luxemburg,  which  is  correctly  enough 
described  as  being  "  wedged  in  between  high  escarped 
rocks,'*  We  know  no  place  like  Luxembirrg,  but  are  told 
it  resembles  Jerusalem  in  its  position.  The  upper  town 
stands  high  above  the  lower  one,  and  indeed  can  only  be 
reached  from  it  on  most  sides  by  flights  of  stairs  or  streets 
formed  in  zigzags.  It  has  one  jimction  only  with  its 
surroundings,  and  so  may  be  called  a  lofty  peninsula; 
elsewhere  it  rises  precipitously  some  two  hundred  feet  of 
rock,  which  has  been  worked  into  fortifications ;  thus  it 
stood  towering  above  the  beautiful  passes  below,  domineer- 
ing not  only  over  the  dwellings  at  ite  foot,  but  over  the  fe^ 
approaches  which[nature  and  art  have  made.  No  wonder  it 
was  taken  and  retaken  over  and  over  again ;  no  wonder 
that  Spaniards,  Austrians,  French  and  Dutch  strove  for  its 
possession,  and  strenghtened  its  fortifications  while  they 
held  it,  until  in  1867  its  destruction  was  decreed.  It  was 
dismantled,  and  now,  like  nature's  work  where  ipan  has 


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Fraginents  of  a  broken  Taur.  717 

inflicted  wounds,  it  is  recovering  itself  as  far  as  civilization, 
will  allow.  Its  grim  ramparts  and  gaunt  cliffs  are  smiling 
into  beautiful  gardens  and  terraces,  fine  mansions  are  risiug 
where  stem  fortifications  once  stood ;  railway  and  other 
bridges  span  the  vallies  which  open  in  beautiful  vistas 
around,  and  the  fierce  old  fortress-city  is  rapidly  changing 
its  aspect,  the  fortress  is  fading  away,  and  the  city  is 
expanding,  as  though  stretching  its  limbs  with  a  first 
consciousness  of  freedom.  Arriving  late  in  the  evening, 
we  were  scarcely  conscious  of  the  peculiar  and  insulated 
position  of  the  city,  so  when  the  next  morning  we  strolled 
along  its  streets  and  market-place,  it  was  quite  a  revela- 
tion to  turn  aside  in  almost  any  direction  and  find  that 
every  cross  street  led  us  to  a  precipice  which  commanded 
fine  views  over  the  distant  country  and  a  bird's-eye  view 
over  the  suburbs  immediately  below. 

There  is  not  much  to  be  seen  in  Luxemburg,  at  least  in 
the  way  of  regular  sights ;  the  position  of  the  place  is  its  . 
chief  charm  ;  but  we  must  not  forget  the  quaint  old  church 
of  Our  Lady,  which  has  a  kind  of  national  interest  for  us, 
inasmuch  as  it  contains  the  mausoleum  of  that  blind  King 
John  of  Bohemia  whose  death  at  Crecy  is  such  a  lasting 
picture  in  our  minds,  and  whose  crest  and  motto  (Ich  dien) 
are  so  familiar  as  those  of  our  own  Princes  of  Wales.  The 
mausoleum  is  in  truth  but  a  cenotaph ;  for  the  body  of  the 
old  warrior  had  been  six  times  removed  before,  at  the 
French  Revolution,  it  was  put  in  a  museum,  where  it 
remained  until  the  King  of  Prussia,  in  1838,  built  a  chapel 
for  its  reception  in  that  wild  cliff"  which  overhangs  the 
Saar  some  three  miles  from  Saarburg,  and  there  rests, 
after  so  many  and  strange  wanderings,  the  body  of  him 
who  fell  nearly  five  hundred  years  ago.  But  when  the 
railway  carried  us  by  this,  the  last  resting-place  of  the  old 
King,  we  thought  of  what  the  Church  of  Our  Lady  at 
Luxemburg  contained,  and  almost  wished  for  another 
removal  and  its  return  to  its  first  resting-place,  the 
mars:)leum  in  the  old  border  fortress. 

From  Luxemburg  it  is  but  a  pleasant  excursion  to 
Trier,  and  thither  we  betake  ourselves ;  for  it  has  many 
clainis  to  attention.  Trier  we  call  it,  for  it  is  German, 
and  Treves  should  depart  with  the  French,  who  have  it 
not.  Indeed,  it  is  but  a  restoration  of  the  old  English 
name  Triers,  by  which  it  is  spoken  of  by  writers  like 
Alban  Butler,  of  the  last  century. 

It  is  a  city  of  wonderful  antiquity,  and  as  an  inscrip- 
VOL.  TL  3  G 


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i  IS  Fragitienfs  of  a  broken  Tour, 

tion  on  the  front  of  the  old  Townhall,  now  the  Red  House 
Hotel  {Da8  Rathe  Haas)  records:  "Ante  Romain  Treviris 
stetit  annis  MCOC,"  which  refers  to  the  Je^:  end  that 
Treves  was  founded  by  Trebeta,  the  son  of  the  Assvriau 
monarch  Ninus.  Be  this  as  it  may,  we  know  tliat  Julius 
Ccesar  (b.c.  58),  as  he  tells  us,  found  it  the  flourishing  capital 
of  the  Treviri,  and  was  glad  to  foi-m  an  alh'ance  with  its 

{)3ople.  So  we  look  for  some  signs  of  high  antiquity  when, 
eaving  the  railway  station,  we  enter  the  city  by  one  of  its 
suburbs.  But  when  do  suburbs  bear  witness  to  antiquity, 
for,  almost  of  necessity,  they  are  the  newest  of  the  new; 
and  so  it  is  that  by  pleasant  paths  and  under  shady  trees 
we  approach  the  Augusta  Trerirorum^  as  the  Kraperor 
Augustus  called  it  when  he  established  a  Roman  colony 
here,  and  gave  it  the  highest  colonial  privileges.  On  we 
stroll  amia  the  suiToundings  of  a  railway  approach,  until 
we  turn  a  corner  into  a  main  street  Ave  have  just  reached, 
and  there,  without  a  word  or  sign  of  warning,  stauds 
before  us  the  Black  Gate,  the  Roman  Porta  Nigra,  the 
German  Schwarzes  Thor.  Roman  it  certainly  is,  and  to 
our  unaided  judgment  of  vast  antiquity,  for  it  is  cyclopean 
in  the  dimensions  of  the  stones  of  which  it  is  built,  some 
eight  or  nine  feet  long,  and  these  heaped  together  without 
cement  of  any  kind,  and  held  by  metal  clamps,  which  have 
been  extracted,  to  the  no  small  damage  of  the  mutilated 
rocks,  which  yet  stand  firm  in  spite  of  rough  treatment 

Some  learned  critics  tell  us  the  Black  Gate  is  of  the 
days  of  Constantine  the  Great,  and  so  must  have  been  built 
less  than  sixteen  centuries  ago.  But  there  are  others  who 
contend  for  a  greater  antiquity,  and  say  that  it  existed 
before  the  Romans  came.  So  perhaps  after  all  our  first 
impression  is  correct.  Yet,  with  Constantine,  it  is  pleasant 
to  connect  it,  for  in  the  cathedral  we  have  the  memory  of 
his  mother,  St.  Helena,  perpetuated,  and  if  the  eon  built 
the  gate,  it  was  to  lead  up  to  and  protect  the  shrine  which 
the  mother  built.  These  memories  haunt  us  as  we  travei^e 
the  street  that  connects  the  two,  and  suggests  other  vener- 
able names  more  or  less  connected  with  this  ancientcity.  For 
here  St.  Jerome  studied  when  he  fled  ( A.D  370)  from  the  still 
Pagan  Rome— pagan  that  is  in  its  life  and  traditions — and 
sought  safety  for  study  and  meditation  in  this  northern 
capital,  which  was,  in  truth,  so  much  more  tSmstian. 
Here,  too,  St.  Ambrose  was  born  (A.D.  340),  and  though  he 
was  removed  while  yet  an  infant,  when  his  father,  the 
illustrious  soldier,  received  an  ItaUan  command,  yet,  some 


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J^ragm&ntB  of  a  brokm  ToiO%  li^ 

how,  it  ia  pleasant  to  combine  his  name  with  that  of  the 
other  great  Father  and  Doctor  of  the  Church,  and  to  think 
in  Triers  of  Constantino  and  St.  Helena,  and  of  these  other 
two,  the  one  baptised,  and  the  other  hearing  Mass  in  the 
grand  cathedral,  which  the  first  Christian  Emperor  enabled 
and  assisted  his  English  mother  to  raise.  So  Triers  has  its 
strong  claim  upon  our  reverence  as  Cathohcs,  to  say 
nothing  of  national  feelings,  which  are  not  less  gratified, 

But^  wo  must  pause  awhile  at  the  Black  Gate,  Fonim 
of  the  Belgce  as  some  call  it,  or  City  Gate  of  Constantino 
as  others  maintain ;  be  it  which  it  may,  or  as  we  venture 
to  suggest,  very  probably  both,  which  would  only  imply  an 
adaptation  of  an  old  building  to  a  new  purpose ;  as  in 
mediaeval  times  it  was  still  further  developed  into  a 
Cyhristian  Church,  and,  almost  in  our  own  day,  restored  to 
its  earlier  use.  These  various  transformations  have  made 
it  the  strajDLge  relic  that  it  is — a  puzzle  to  antiquaries  and  a 
fruitful  source  of  endless  controversy. 

Thus  we  have  the  double  archway,  piercing  a  central 
passage  through  a  lofty  building  115  feet  broad  and 
29  feet  deep,  of  two  stories,  terminating  on  the  one  hand  in 
semi-circular  apses,  75  feet  high,  while  on  theother  it  rises 
93  feet  high  into  another  storey,  which  was  added  in  the 
eleventh  century,  when  Archbishop  Poppo  converted  that 
end  into  a  Christian  Church,  or  rather  into  a  pile  of  three 
churches,  standing  one  above  the  other.  So  it  is  that  the 
architectural  design  has  thus  been  confused  into  confusion 
worse  confounded.  Yet  is  the  general  effect  all  the  more 
striking,  and  though  no  part  is  of  a  Ught  order, the  venerable 
Cyclopean  work  of  the  most  ancient  part  maintains  its 
(fignity  and  supremacy,  and,  in  its  partial  mutilation,  by 
which,  as  we  have  said,  its  massive  stones  have  been  torn 
from  their  almost  seamless  junctions,  and  lacerated  for  the 
metal  which  bound  thtm  together,  it  still  stands  strong  in 
its  ancient  strength,  with  scars  that  show  only  the  impotence 
of  its  foes,  defying  all  assailants  of  every  age,  from  the 
earliest  to  the  latest  which  was,  of  course,  theFirst  Napoleon, 
who  plundered  it  of  what  he  could  utilize,  and  cast  its 
weighty  leaden  roof  into  bulleta  Prussia  has  taken  it  in 
-hand,  and  that  implies  a  careful  sweeping  away  of  all 
extraneous  adaptations,  including, unfbrtimately, the  Church 
which  BO  long  dwelt  under  its  roof  and  purged  it  from 
its  paganism,  as  well  as  a  watchful  guardianship  of  the 
grand  old  gate,  which  shows,  at  leewt,  a  reverence  for 
antiquity. 


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75b  FhxgmenU  of  a  broken  Tour. 

But,  it  18  time  we  leave  the  Black  Gate  and  our  apecnla- 
tions  thereon,  and  betake  ourselves  to  the  grand  Cathedral 
which  S,  Helena  founded,  and  which  is  now  under  her 
invocation,  combined  with  that  of  S.  Peter,  to  whom  she 
originally  dedicated  it.  Of  course  it  has  grown  from  age 
to  age  in  size  and  grandeur  from  the  work  of  S.  Helena  in 
the  fourth  century,  until  its  completion  in  the  twelfth.  At 
first,  and,  indeed,  for  seven  hundred  years,  it  was  as 
S.  Helena  birilt  it.  There  was  the  usual  circular  Baptistery, 
and  near  it,  but  not  of  it,  the  Basilica,  in  form  that  of  the 
Roman  Court  of  Justice,  with  open  atrium  leading  into 
the  nave,  which  terminated  in  a  small  semi-circular  apse. 
Often  were  the  Basilicas,  the  Roman  Courts,  converted 
without  any  alteration  of  their  main  features,  into  churches, 
and,  still  oftener  were  they  the  designs  after  which  the 
churches  were  built.  In  the  eleventh  century.  Archbishop 
Poppo,  who  Christiauized  the  Black  Gate  by  building  his 
pyramid  of  churches  therein,  laid  no  irreverent  hands  upon 
the  primitive  cathedral,  but  adapted  it  to  the  wamts  and 
the  tastes  of  his  day.  The  open  atriimi  was  roofed  in,  the 
brick  colunms  of  the  nave  were  coated  with  stone,  the  nave 
itself  was  enlarged,  and  in  true  German  fashion,  a  second 
apse  Avas  erected,  at  the  west  end.  Still  more  had  to  be 
done,and  the  requirements  or  devotional  spirit  of  the  twelfth 
century  enlarged  still  further  the  nave,  and  built  a 
grander  apse  at  the  east  end,  which,  however,  did  not 
replace,  but  embraced  in  its  larger  dimensions,  the  original 
one  of  S.  Helena. 

In  this  same  century  the  Baptistery  was  pulled  down' 
and  in  its  place  was  raised  that  glorious  Liebfrauenkirche, 
which  is  allowed  to  be  the  first  perfect  specimen  of  earliest 
Gothic  architecture,  and  is  perhaps  as  beautiful  as  any 
that  has  succeeded  it  So  it  is  we  have  what  seems  a 
natural  gi-owth,  and  as  such  a  great  work,  brought  in  time 
to  maturity,  with  far  more  than  usual  of  the  original  work 
retained,  and  thereby  the  traditions  preserved  and  respected 
of  those  early  days  which,  somehow,  seem  to  advance  in 
interest  as  they  recede  in  time. 

AVithin  the  High  Altar,  we  are  told,  is  walled  up  the 
Holy  Coat,  which  some  of  us  may  remember  bemg  exliibited- 
in  1844  to  a  million  of  pilgrims.  Few  events  of  a  similar 
character  have  created  so  much  excitement  throughout 
Europe.  The  newspapers  were  full  of  it,  and  wonderful 
d  :)ctrine8  were  broached  by  these  self-constituted  theologian% 
many  weak  minds  were  sorely  exercised,  and  many  pon- 


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Fragfnents  a/ a  brohesi  Tour^  7^1^ 

derous  heads  shaken  with  evil  forebodings  as  to  what  wonld- 
com©  of  it.  A  kind  of  crusade  was  made  under  a  fanatical 
leader,  whose  very  name  is  forgotten,  and  a  transient  sect, 
sprung  up  which,  hke  the  forebodings,  eventuated  in 
nothing.  The  sacred  garment  of  camel's  hair  was  returned 
to  its  secure  resting  place,  until  the  year  comes  round  when 
it  will  be  again  brought  forth,  as  it  has  been  at  times,  for 
at  least  seven  hundred  yeai-s,  to  encourage  the  devotion  of 
the  faithful  and  to  excite  the  wrath  of  the  scomer. 

Not  far  from  the  cathedral  stands  a  portion  of  the  old 
Basilica  in  which  Constantine  resided.  Much  was  removed 
to  make  room  for,  and  of  course  contributed  its  material  to, 
the  Palace  of  the  Bishops-E lectors,  but  what  remains,, 
though  now  incorporated  into  a  Protestant  Church,  speaks 
plainly  enough,  of  its  Roman  origin :  its  walls  ninety  feet 
high  and  ten  feet  thick,  perfect  and  compact  after  centuries 
of  rough  usage,  tell  of  those  wonderful  men  who  seem 
beyond  all  others  to  have  built  for  eternity. 

There  are  other  Roman  remains  near  Triers,  and  notably 
an  amphitheatre  and  baths,  but  in  truth  we  did  not  visit 
them,  being  urgently  warned  against  so  wasting  our  lime ; 
but  as  our  friends  were  miUtary  men  their  advice  in  matters 
of  art  may  not  have  been  deserving  of  so  much  attention 
as  we  gave  it.  So,  instead,  we  strolled  along  the  banks  of 
the  Moselle,  and  from  the  centime  of  the  noble  bridge — 
itself,  perhaps,  the  oldest  Roman  monument  here  surviving, 
having  been  founded  by  Augustus  himself  B.C.  28 — surveyed 
the  grand  old  city  on  one  side,  and  the  heights  of  Paluen 
on  the  other,  which  are  graced  with  a  lofty  tower,  crowned 
with  an  image  of  Our  Blessed  Lady,  the  renowned 
Marien-Saule. 

And  so  we  bid  farewell  to  Triers  of  the  many  lives  and 
strange  vicissitudes.     Nestling  among  its  vine-clad  hills,' 

'  Moselle  wine  inspired  some  ancient  votary  to  write  this  earnest 
prayer  which  has  the  true  mediaeval  ring  in  it  :— 

**  Trevir  metropolis,  urbs  amaenisaima 
**  Quae  Bacchum  recolis,  Baccho  gratissima, 
*'  Da  tuis  incolis  vina  fortissiina 
"  Per  dul  or !"  Old  hjmn. 

The  last  line  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  very  mutilated  fonn,  which  a 
learned  friend  suggests  may  be  amended  into  mediaxval  Latin  thus  : 
Perdulcissima  cordibus ! 
Another  distinguished  classical  authority  proposes,  also  in  medisev 
shape: 

Per  dulce  vinum  oro  te 
The  former  has  the  superlative  ring  in  thorough  harmony  with  th 


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722  IragmenU  of  a  broken  Tour. 

with  the  broad  Moselle,  once  flowing  through  its  midst,  and 
now  washing  its  suburb,  by  the  dwindling  away  of  much 
of  the  ancient  city ;  at  one  time  the  flourishing  capital  of 
the  Treveri,  before  Caesar  visited  it  with  his  conquering 
legions ;  then  the  favoured  city  of  Augustus,  who  gave  it 
his  name  Augusta  Trevirorum  ;  then  becoming  the  capital 
of  Belgic  GauJ,  and  the  residence  of  him  who  ruled  not 
only  over  what  is  now  France  and  Germany,  but  also  over 
Spain  and  England ;  where  six  Emperors  made  their  home, 
and  made  it  indeed  the  second  Rome.  Then,  when  Goth 
and  Hun,  and  Vandal  had  done  their  work  of  destroction 
upon  it,  and  seemed  almost  to  have  swept  it  from  the  face 
01  the  earth,  as  they  indeed  did  with  so  many  places  of 
ancient  renown,  the  vigorous  old  city  rose  up  into  a  new 
life,  and  under  the  fostering  and  often  martial  hands  of  its 
Elector-Bishops,  flourished  again  for  Upwards  of  a  thousand 
years,  until  its  spiritual-temporal  rulers  removed  their 
residence  and  their  power  to  Coblenz.  just  a  hundred  years 
ago,  and  the  French  Revolution  played  here  as  elsewhere 
the  destructive  part  of  the  earlier  barbarian,  and  swept 
from  Triers  numbers  of  its  churches  and  convents, 
reducing  its  ecclesiastical  glories  which  had  placed  it  high 
above  every  city  of  its  own  size,  to  the  condition  in  which 
we  now  find  them.  But,  even  now,  after  all  these  changes 
and  devastations  it  remains  the  oldest  city  in  Europe,  rich 
in  tokens  of  Roman  grandeur  and  in  those  holier  gifts 
which  the  Church  has  bestowed  upon  it,  and  in  the  memory 
of  those  great  ones,  Emperors  of  the  earth-  and  Saints  of 
heaven,  whose  names  are  inseparably  entwined  with  that 
of  Triers. 

Henry  Bedford. 


prerious  lines ;  while  the  latter,  keeping  closer  to  the  original  fragments, 
18  more  in  accord  with  the  form  of  a  hymn  which  is  obvioosly  imitated 
throughout. 

The  reader  may  choose  for  himself ;  while  for  ourselves  we  confers 
that  either  one  would  have  seemed  the  best  possible  had  we  not  seen  the 
other. 


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[    723    } 


FAITH  AND  EVOLUTION. 

I  am  deeply  indebted  to  Fr.  Vaughan  for  "beine 
unwilling  now  to  lower"  the  "very  high  estimate 
he  has  formed  of  my  ability.  But,  if  it  must  be  so, 
then,  be  it  so.  I  have  a  stoical  way  of  meeting  such 
calamities.  And,  after  all,  if  my  "  illustrations  are  mis- 
leading'' my  *' logic  sometimes  strangely  at  fault;"  if  I 
substitute  "  rhetorical  flourishes  "  for  "  the  less  easy  process 
of  reasoning;"  if  I  misrepresent  and  misapprehend  *'  tnrough 
inadvertence,"  or  for  any  other  cause,  a  very  plainly 
written  essay;  if  I  mistake  luy  own  prejudices  for  the 
faith  of  the  Church, — if  all  this  be  true  (and  Fr.  Vaughan 
says  it  is), — then  he  must  have  formed  his  "  very  high 
estimate  '*  on  very  insufficient  data,  and  the  sooner  that 
estimate  be  changed  the  better,  in  the  interests  of  truth. 
It  will  be  seen,  then,  that  while  I  appreciate  fully,  and  I 
think  accurately,  Fr.  Vaughan's  complimentary  references 
to  me,  and  am  duly  grateful,!  am  quite  prepai'ed  placidly 
to  submit  to  the  inevitable. 

But,  I  am  very  far  from  being  disposed  to  allow  the 
above  sweeping  assertions  to  pass  unchallenged.  1  believe 
them  to  be  groundless,  and  I  shall  show  cause  for  this 
belief.  In  his  former  essay  Father  Vaughan  professed  that 
his  sole  aim  in  writing  was  to  aid  in  the  discovery  of  tnith, 
and  the  essay  fairly  justified  that  profession.  But  his 
second  essay  is  not,  1  think,  well  calculated  to  secure  that 
end.  For  its  tone  is  needlessly  harsh  and  severe ;  and 
there  is  a  high  authoritative  air  about  it,  which  the 
character  of  the  reasoning  does  not  warrant,  and  which  on 
that  account  will  prejudice  rather  than  help  his  cause. 
And  so  far  from  being  a  "reply"  it  is  a  most  elaborate 
effort  to  avoid  a  "reply  "  by  keeping  out  of  view  the  real 
question  at  issue.  Ihat  issue  I  stated  as  foUows: — "The 
Scriptural  account  of  man's  creation,  taken  in  the  ordinary 
meaning  of  the  words,  clearly  points  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
immediate  formation  of  the  first  man's  body — a  doctrine  that 
is  incompatible  with  evolution.  The  Fathers  of  the  Church, 
with  scarcely  an  exception,  interpret  Scripture  in  that  same 
sense.  Coming  down  along  the  line  of  Catholic  tradition, 
we  find  our  great  theologians  teaching  the  same  doctrine 
in  language  still  more  precise  and  clear.  And,  as  we  come 
to  our  own  time,  when  this  strange  evolution  theory  isjirst 
distinctly  heard  of,  we  find  the  best  theologians,  our  most 


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724  Faith  and  Evolution. 

reliable  guides,  reprobating  it  in  most  unmeasured  terma 
Then,  I  say,  in- such  teaching  we  must  recognize  the  voice 
of  the  ordinary  Mac/isterium  of  the  Church,  forbidding  in 
no  doubtful  tones  the  application  of  the  Evolution  theorV 
to  man.**  (Record,  Aug.  1885,  p.  481-82).  Here,  then,  is 
the  issue  which  Fr.  Vaughan  in  his  "reply"  has  not  evea 
touched.  Not  one  assertion  in  the  above  extract  has  he 
even  attempted  to  disprove.  In  proof  of  my  position  I 
quoted  a  whole  host  of  authorities — no  obscure  theological 
pamphleteers,  but  the  firat,  the  best  known,  the  roost  trusted 
theologians,  ancient  and  modern,  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
standard  theological  authorities,  everyone  of  them — men 
whose  fame  has  reached  to  every  land,  whose  names  are 
familiar  to  theologians  and  theological  students  all  the 
world  over.  The  more  ancient  of  my  authorities  who  knew 
nothing  of  evolution,  taught  as  a  revealed  truth,  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  Divine  deposit  of  Faith^  the  immediate 
formation  of  Adam's  body,  and  in  so  teaching  gave  indirect 
evidence  against  Evolution  as  applied  to  man.  My  modem 
authorities  kne  wthe  Evolution  theory,studied  it,  understood 
it,and  condemned  it  expressly  and  explicitly,as  incompatible 
with  the  faith.  I  said,  **  these  authorities  I  might  have 
multiplied  many  times.  I  did  not  regard  the  Scripture  texts 
as  conclusive  proof  of  this  doctrine.  I  merely  said,  and  I 
now  repeat  it,  that  those  texts  taken  in  their  ordinary  mean- 
'  ing  clearly  pointed  to  iviwediate  foimation.  But,  knowing 
how  men  quarrel  about  texts,  and  distort  them,  I  quoted 
Fathers  andtheologians,a8determining — fixing  themeaning 
of  the  Scripture  texts.  I  found  them  teaching  the  immediate 
formation  of  Adam's  body,  and  thus  removing  all  doubt  as 
to  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptural  account.  On  this  one  proof 
I  grounded  the  doctrine  maintained  in  my  article  of  last 
December,  and,  notwithstanding,  a  good  deal  of  hostile, 
and  some  unmannerly  criticism  that  one  proof  remains 
unimpaired."  (Record,  Aug.  1885,  p.  487).  And  I  added 
at  page  492,  **  this  testimony  is  abundantly  sufficient  to 
bring  home  conviction  to  men  who,  like  Fr.  Vaughan,  are 
trained  to  re€L8on  on  Catholic  principles.  .  .  .  Sudi 
'  teaching  and  such  testimony  make  it  certain  to  us  that  the 
■  doctrine  is  true  and  revealed,  and,  consequently,  we  have 
'  no  claim  to  that  liberty  of  doubt  for  which  Fr.  Vaughan 
contends."  Such,  then,  was  the  position  taken  up  by  me, 
and  such  the  evidence  adduced  by  me.  And  to  shake  that 
position  or  to  meet  that  evidence  Fr.  Vaughan  in  his 
**  reply  "  has  done — absolutely  nothing.  Instead  of  directing 


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Faith  and  Evolution,  72&: 

his  attention  to  the  real  issue,  Fr.  Vaughaa  in  his  "reply" 
is  occupied  with  a  number  of  secondary  points,  which,  uo 
matter  now  decided,  would  leave  the  real  question  where 
it  was.  And,  here,  therefore,  I  might  safely  take  leave  of 
Fr.  Vaughan's  '*  reply,'*  and  wait  until  it  assumed  a  more 
definite  ^ape ;  but  I  must  test  the  accuracy  of  his  charges 
against  me  of  misleading  illustrations  and  faulty  logic,  &ca 
Fr.  Vaughan  says,  *'  I  would  have  hesitated  to  write 
again  on  this  subject  had  I  not  good  reason  to  know  that  it 
is  one  which  is  much  agitating  the  minds  of  earnest  and 
God-fearing  men.  ...  To  force  upon  such  as  these 
Fr.  Murphy's  views  of  Adam's  corporal  creation  would  be 
to  put  this  faith  and  obedience  to  a  cruel  teat/'  (Page  652.) 
I  was  imder  the  impression,  and  am  still,  that  my  "  view 
on  Adam's  corporal  creation"  was  rather  popular  amongst 
*•  God-fearing  men  '*  for  many  ages  past,  and  that  it  waa 
only  in  modem  times  when  the  fear  of  God  and  the  wisdom 
that  is  inseparable  from  it  are  becoming  somewhat 
more  rare  tnan  they  used  to  be,  tha^  other  "  views 
on  Adam's  corporal  creation  "  axe  being  broached.  And 
those  God-fearmg  men  of  the  past  submitted  cheerfully  to 
tests  that  would  seem  "  cruel "  in  the  extreme  to  those  for 
whom  Fr.  Vaughan  is  so  greatly  and  so  charitably  con- 
cerned, "  They  were  stoned,  they  were  cut  a^sunder,  they 
were  tempted,  they  were  put  to  death  by  the  sword,  they 
wandered  about  in  sheep-skins,  in  goat-skins^  being  in 
want,  distressed,  afflicted,  of  whom  the  world  was  not 
worthy,  wandering  in  deserts,  in  mountains,  and  in  dena^ 
and  in  caves  of  the  earth."  (Heb.  xi.,  37-38.)  1  fear  that 
*'  the  God-fearing  men  "  who  regard  it  as  a  cruel  test  to  be 
asked  to  believe  what  Christians  have  always  believed  of 
**  Adam's  corporal  creation  "  would,  if  put  to  the  other  test, 
meet  it  in  a  manner  with  which  Fr.  Vaughan  could  not 
sjrmpathise.  Fr.  Vaughan  adds,  as  a  reason  for  not  testing 
**the  faith  and  obedience"  of  his  "God-fearing"  clients, 
that"  if  we  allow  his  view  (mine)  to  be  even  probable — 
which,  owing  to  the  probability  of  the  opposite  view,  still 
leaves  us  free — ^it  is  the  very  utmost  limit  to  which  even 
oourtesy  itself  can  push  ua"  (Page.  652.)  To  admit  th« 
probability  of  my  view,  seeiug  that  it  is  held  by  all  the 
great  CatboHc  theologians,  is,  indeed,  a  very  hberal  con* 
cession,  a  great  stretch  of  "courteisy"  Now,  1  am  anxious 
to  be  as  courteous  as  possible  to  Fr.  Vaughan,  but  no 
anaotmt  of  "courtesry  itself  can  push"  me  to  admit  the 
l)robability  of  the  view  for  which  he  contenda    Against 


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7SG  Faith  and  Evolution. 

that  view  is  the  teaching  of  the  principai  Fathers,  and  of  aU 
the  great  theologians  of  the  Uathohc  Church,  and  that 
teaching  too  on  a  matter  quite  within  their  province.  lu 
favour  of  that  view  are  the  hesitating  admissions  of  a  few 
men  comparatively,  if  not  completely,  unknown.  That 
view,  then,  is  not  probable — ^has  neither  intrinsic  nor 
extrinsic  pr()babihty,and  in  so  serious  a  matter  no  concession 
to  Uberty  can  be  grounded  upon  it. 

Fr.  Vaughan  says,  "  1  think,  indeed,most  of  my  readera 
will  allow,  that  Fr.  Murphy's  arguments  and  proofs  are 
hardly  such  as  to  compel  us  to  evacuate  the  position  we 
have  taken  up.'*  (P.  652 )  Fr.  Vaughan  forgets  that  tie 
burden  of  proof  in  this  matter  rests  on  him,  and  on  those 
who  think  with  him.  They  are  the  aggressora  They 
come  to  dislodge  the  old  traditional  belief  of  Christians 
with  reference  to  Adam's  creation — ^the  belief  that  has 
been  in  possession  for  ages.  On  these  then  rests  the 
burden  of  proof,  and  proof  Fr.  Vaughan  has  not  offered. 

In  examining  my  "  arguments  and  proofs  "  Fr.  Vaughan 
refers  first  to  my  remarks  on  his  argument  regarding  the 
** minor  importance*'  of  the  doctrine.  1  must  refer  him  to 
page  487  of  my  article  (August  Record)  where  I  stated 
plainly  that  I  adduced  but  "  one  proofs'*  and  that  one  proof 
Fr.  Vaughan  has  not  examined.  tV.  Vaughan  said  that 
this  question  of  Adam's  immediate  or  mediate  formation  was 
one  of  minor  importance,  and  his  object  in  saying  so  was 
to  show  that  the  doctrine  was  not  revealed.  I  instanced 
the  discussion  on  the  subject  as  a  proof  that  the  doctrine 
was  not  regarded  as  of  minor  importanca  He  rephes  that 
I  mix  "  up  two  utterly  different  questiona"  Question  one  is: 
Was  Adam's  body  made  by  God  mediately  or  immediately^ 
Question  txco  is :  Is  the  immediate  formation  of  Adam's 
body  a  matter  of  faith  T     P.  663. 

It  was  **  question  one^'  he  says,  he  **spoke  of  afi  of  minor 
importance,"  while  it  was  ^^queatio^i  two''  that  has  attracted 
so  much  attention.  Fr.  Vaughan  forgets  that  the  discus- 
sion did  not  originate  with  him.  And  if  he  go  back  in 
the  discussion  he  will  see  that  question  one  entered  as 
largely  into  it  as  question  two.  lie  will  find  that  I  dis* 
cuBsea  question  two  as  the  most  effectual,  or  perhaps  the 
only  efiectual  way  of  solving  question  one.  In  the  B£COBD 
for  Dea  1884,  p.  760, 1  stated  that  plainly,  and  I  went  over 
the  same  ground  substantially  in  the  Tablet  And  though 
Fr.  Vau^an  says  that  it  was  question  two  he  "  thought  of 
sufficient  moment  to  make  the  subject  of  a  long  artiGle,"* 


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Fakh  and  Evolution.  727 

if  he  look  orer  that  "  long  article  "  he  will  find  fully  twieu 
third  of  it  devoted  to  question  one.  So  that  after  all  1  was 
right  in  saying  that  the  whole  question,  one  as  well  as  tiro, 
had  attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention.  Then  I  referred  to 
the  fact  that  most  of  onr  dogmatic  and  scholastic  theo- 
logians  discuss  jit  at  length,  and  Fr.  Vaughan  says  that 
they  discnss  many  things  that  are  of  minor  iraportanee, 
and  he  instances  what  I  said — *they  discuss  the  place 
where  the  first  man*8  body  was  created,  the  nature  of  the 
slime,  how  it  was  procured,  and  whence.'"  And 
Fr.  Vaughan  says:  **Now,  who  will  say  that  these  are 
mattera  of  anything  more  than  minor  importance?  "  1  am 
one  of  those  that  say  that  in  the  present  discussion  "  these 
are  matters"  of  the  very  highest  importance  (and  it  was 
with  that  conviction  I  inserted  them),  for  they  fix  and 
define  the  character  of  that  process  of  creation  which  the 
theologians  had  before  their  minds:  they  show  that  in  the 
process  of  creation  present  to  the  minds  of  the  theologians 
there  was  no  room  left  for  the  tadpoles  and  anthropoid 
apes  to  which  Fr.  Vaughan  gives  the  nice  name  of 
**  existing  forms."  So  far,  then,  my  logic  is  not  so 
"strangely  at  fault."  My  principal  argument  for  the 
importance  of  the  doctrine  was  the  fact  of  its  revelation. 
I  said,  "  if  the  doctrine  be  revealed,  then  its  revelation  is 
a  sufficient  warrant  of  its  importance."  Fr.  Vaughan 
admits  this,  but  he  adds,  "  Once  begin  to  deal  in  "  i/'«," 
and  where  shall  we  end  V  An  inconvenient  question  this 
for  advocates  ot  Evolution,  who  have  nothing  but*'i/*'«" 
to  deal  in.  But  I  removed  my  "  if*'  by  provmg  that  the 
doctrine  is  revealed,  and  that  proof  in  all  its  strength 
and  integrity  confronts  Fr.  Vaughan  still.  He  says: 
**Fr.  Murphy  is  positive  that  the  words,  *God  made 
man  from  the  slime  of  the  earth,'  mean  more  than  the 
sentence  explicitly  expresses."  I  am  "positive"  that  the 
words  **Qoa  made  man"  do  mean  exactly  what  they  do 
explicitly  express. — nothing  more,  nothing  less—namely, 
that  God  actually  did  make  man,  and  did  not  commit 
the  operation  to  any  or  to  all  of  Fr.  Vaughan's  *  existing 
forms.'  But  Fr.  Vaughan  is  positive  tliat  the  words 
•God  made  man,"  may  mean  far  less  *  than  the  sentence 
explicitly  expresses'— may  mean  that  God  did  not  make 
man  at  all,  but  delegated  the  work  to  those  very  convenient 
**  existing  forms."  My  meaning  of  the  sentence  is  the 
ordinary  meaning*  Fr.  Vaughan's  is  a  veiy  exta-aordinaiy 
meaiiing  iiideed. 


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7i8  Faith  and.  Evolution. 

Ft,  Vaiighan  introduces  some  Scripture  texts  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  that  the  **  prima  facte  interpretation  is 
not  always  the  true  one.**  This,  of  course,  I  fully  admit 
But  then  1  did  not  quote  Scripture  as  of  itself  suffisient  to 
prove  my  doctrine.  I  took  as  the  true  meaning  of  the 
text  that  intei-pretation  which  Fathers  and  theologians 
have  always  put  upon  it,  and  that  meaning  for  such  a  texl 
is  "  always  the  ti-ue  one."  But  Fr.  Vaughan  fancies  that 
that  the  text  of  Josue  x.,  13,  is  an  instance  in  which  a 
consensus  of  Fathers  and  theologians  has  given  us  an 
interpretation  which  we  now  know  **  to  be  absolutely  and 
ludicrously  false."  This  is  the  old,  old  story —the  case  of 
Galileo,  and  as  Fr.  Vaughan  may  have  an  opportimity  of 
seeing  elsewhere  what  1  have  to  say  with  reference  to  it. 
I  shall  for  the  present  merely  say  (what  is  sufficient  for  my 
present  purpose),  that  the  difficulty  is  only  apparent,  for 
the  doctrines  are  in  no  sense  parallel.  The  tmmedtaU 
formation  of  Adam's  body  is  the  direct  explanation  of  an 
article  of  Faith,  an  explanation  given  with  unbroken 
harmony  by  Fathers  and  theologians,  accepted  and 
believed  by  the  faithful  from  the  earliest  dawn  of  revela- 
tion down  to  the  present  time.  The  supposed  motion  of 
the  sun  or  earth  has  no  necessary  connection  with  any 
article  of  Faith  ;  the  Scriptural  allusions  to  it  are  only 
indirect  and  incidental,  sucn  as  we  ourselves  are  every  day 
using,  though  we  accept  the  Copemican  system.  But  is 
there  in  reality  a  consensus  of  Fathers  and  theologians 
explaining  this  text  of  the  motion  of  the  sun.  Fr.  Vaughan 
quotes  Bellarmine's  letter  to  Foscarini  as  proof  that  there 
is  such  a  consensus.  But  had  he  examined  the  matter  for 
himself  he  would  find  that  there  is  no  such  consensus  as 
Bellarmine  seems  to  assert.  He  would  find  that  Fathers 
and  theologians  do  not  trouble  themselves  very  much  with 
the  solar  system.  To  take  it  for  granted  that  the  sun 
moves,  and  then  to  explain  certain  Scriptural  expressions 
in  accordance  with  that  supposition  is .  one  thing  ;  to  lay 
down  as  a  truth  that  the  sim  does  move,  and  then  to  prove 
that  truth  from  Scripture  is  another  and  a  very  different 
thing.  Thefoj^ner  many  eminent  writers  have  done.  The 
latter  has  been  done  by  very  few ;  and  it  is  only  the  latter 
that  could  in  the  smallest  degree  aid  Fr.  Vaughan's  case. 
The  controversy  on  this  text  did  not  arise  out  of  any  Jieal 
for  scientific  truth  ;  it  originated  with  infidels  whose  aim 
was  to  disprove  all  miracles,  Scriptural  pr  otherwise.  And 
the  Catholic  commentators  on  Josue's  text  aim  at  proving 


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.  Faiik  and  EvolutioH.  7i9 

the  reality  of  the  great  miracle,  whereby  the  day  was  pro- 
longed, that  the  enemies  of  Ood*8  people  may  be  defeated. 
To  establish  this  reality  of  the  miracle  they  appeal  to  the 
te«timony  of  t7o«/«iand  other  sacred  writers,  to  the  public, 
notorious  character  of  the  fact,  which  had  so  many 
witnesses,  and  to  the  other  ordinary  criteria  of  a  great 
miracle.  They  go  on  the  supposition  that  the  sun  moves, 
but  they  do  not  argue  the  question,  much  less  do  they  seek 
to  prove  it  from  Scripture.  Some  of  our  best  commenta- 
tors on  this  text,  such  as  Calmet,  who  has  written  a  long 
diasertation  on  it,  refer  to  both  systems,  and  say  that  for 
establishing  the  reality  of  the  miracle,  it  is  immaterial 
which  system  we  adopt ;  thus  clearly  showing  that  they 
regarded  the  motion  of  the  sun  or  earth  a  matter  of  very 
small  concern,  and  that  the  ti*utb  of  the  text  was  not 
involved  in  the  alternative  which  of  the  two  bodies  moved. 

And  it  is  only  about  Galileo's  time  when  the  dispute 
arose  amongst  the  philosophers,  that  Scripture  was  made 
to  do  duty  for  false  philosophy,  and  theologians  attached 
to  the  Ptolomaic  system,  quoted  Scripture  to  prove  that 
the  sun  moves.  But  the  action  of  such  men  in  such  circum- 
stances, and  on  such  a  subject,  does  not  constitute  a 
tradition  in  the  slightest  degree  binding  upon  us.  And 
Bellarraine  himself  m  the  very  letter  quoted  shows  that  ho 
did  not  regard  this  consensus  as  decisive  in  the  case ;  for 
he  admits  that  this  doctrine  is  not  '^  de  fide  ex  parte 
objecti,*'  which  means  that  it  U  not  revealed  at  all^  and  if  it 
be  not  revealed,  then  the  consensus,  with  reference  to  it,  is 
valueless.  And  Bellarmine  further  professes  his  readiness  to 
change  his  idea  on  this  Scripture  text,  should  a  conclusive 
argument  be  adduced  for  Copernicanism.  But  he  could 
not  entertain  any  such  supposition  had  he  regarded  the 
alleged  consensus  as  decisive.  Thus,  then,  me  solitary 
witness  brought  forward  to  establish  this  consensus  actually 
proves  it  to  be  worthless.  The  doctrines,  then,  are  in  no 
sense  parallel.  In  the  case  of  Adam's  creation,  we  have  a 
revelation,  and  a  consensus  of  Father  and  theologians 
interpreting  it.  In  the  other  case  we  have  neither  a  revel- 
ation nor  a  consensus.  In  this  matter  Fr.  Vaughan  seeks 
very  cleverly  to  turn  mjr  own  words  against  me.  If  I  had 
given  him  the  construction  of  my  arguments,  no  doubt  he 
would  consult  his  own  convenience,  and  as  a  consequence 
find  it  easy  to  undo  his  own  work.  But  I  decHne  the 
responsibility  of  the  arguments  he  constructs  for  me. 

Ft.  Vaughan  refers  to  "  Transubstantiation  "  as  the  first 


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730  Fmtk  and  Evolution. 

of  my  "  misleading  illustrations."  Now,  the  fact  is^  I  did 
not  use  this  ^^  illustration  *'  at  all.  I  did  not  contrast  Tran- 
subatantiation  with  the  immediate  formation  of  Adam*8  body; 
nor  did  I  compare  the  proof  of  the  one  doctrine  with  the 
proof  of  the  other.  But  I  found  Fr  Vaughan  using 
against  tmm^tlmfe/orma^ioTt  an  argument  which  a  Lutheran 
might  with  equal  force  use  against  Transubstantiation.  I 
said  a  Lutheran  "  might,  with  a  considerable  show  of  reason, 
urge  the  argument  adduced  here  by  Fr.  Vaughan  "  against 
Transihhstantiation.  Now,  this  means  clearly  enough  that 
Fr.  Vaughan's  argument  in  the  mouth  of  a  Lutheran, 
speaking  against  Transubstantiation,  would  be  just  as  good 
as  it  is  in  his  own  mouth  speaking  against  immediate 
formation ;  in  both  cases  the  argument  is  equally  good,  or 
rather  equally  bad — for  bad  it  is  in  both  cases,  as  I  pointed 
out  very  clearly  in  the  few  sentences  that  followed.  In 
other  words,  I  showed  how  clearly  bad  was  Fr.  Vaughan's 
argument  against  my  doctrine,  by  showing  that  it  was  no 
better  than  the  clearly  bad  argument  of  the  Lutheran 
against  Trans ubstantiatinn.  And  hence,  Fr.  Vaughan's  long 
proof  of  the  Beal  Presence  may  be  very  good  in  its  place, 
but  it  is  out  of  place  where  he  puts  it. 

Again,  I  did  not  use  the  doctrine  of  the  "  Immaatlate 
Conception  "  or  Papal  Infallibility/'  as  "  illustrations ;  '*  I  did 
not  contrast  either  doctrine  with  mine.  But  Fr.  Vaughan 
said  that  incidental  and  *'  per  transennam "  teaiHiing 
cannot  command  much  respect  nor  claim  much  authority." 
And  I  argued  that  since  such  evidence  had  done  good  service 
for  the  doctrines  of  the  ^^  Imniaculate  Conception/'  and 
Papal  Infallibility,  it  must  be  valuable  also,  if  forthcoming, 
in  aid  of  the  doctrine  1  was  defending.  I  found  theo- 
logians teaching  the  immediate  fortnation  of  the  first  man's 
body  in  such  a  way  as  to  shut  out  any  such  figment 
as  evolution.  And  such  teaching  is  indir«5t  evidence 
against  evolution ;  and  my  argument  is  that  if  indirect 
evidence  be  good  in  one  case,  it  is  good  also  in  the  other. 
Thus,  then,  I  contrast  evidence  with  evidence  —  not 
doctrine  with  doctrine  ;  and  thus  it  is  clear  that  the  "  mis- 
leading illustratioiis  "  areFr.  Vaughan's  own  "illustration," 
and  not  mine. 

Fr.  Vaughan  thinks  that  1  **  ignore  the  whole  system 
of  inductive  reasoning,"  becasue  1  reject  his  analogy  as  aa 
argument  for  evolution.  I  do  nothing  of  the  sort.  I  said, 
and  I  repeat  it,  that  analogy  is  no  argument  in  the  ease 
before  us;  but  whether  analogy  be  a  good  or  a  bad  argn- 


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Faith  and  Evolutioiti  T>$I 

ment  in  otber  cafles  1  did  not  say  then,  and  I  do  not  say 
nowj  and  he  has  given  me  no  reason  to  change  ray  opinion. 
With  reference  to  his  quotation  from  Dr.  Ullathorne, 
Fr.  Vaughan  says:  "Fr.  Murphy's  astonishment  at  my 
claiming  the  Bishop  as  an  evolutionist  (which  1  never  did) 
vfOB  somewhat  premature  '*  (p.  65fi).  Now,  I  did  not  say 
that  he  **  claimed  the  Bishop  as  an  evolutionist ;"  but  I  did 
say,  and  1  was  correct  in  saying,  that  he  claimed  the 
Bishop  as  "  countenancing  evolution."  Fr.  Vaughan  used 
*♦  analogy  "  to  show  the  reasonableness  of  evolution— to 
show  that  since  **  every  man's  body  passes  through " 
certain  stages  "  before  receiving  a  8»)ul,"  *'if  Adam's  body 
did  not,  the  fact  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  most  astounding 
exception."  A  most  astounding  and  extraordinary  asser- 
tion this  is.  But  at  all  events  the  aim  of  this  argument  is 
to  countenance  evolution.  And  since  Dr.  Ullathorne  is 
quoted  to  give  strength  to  that  argument,  therefore  he  is 
*'  quoted  as  countenancing  evolution  ;"  and,  therefore,  1  was 
right  in  quoting  Fr.  Vaughan  as  1  did,  though  he  was 
wrong  in  quoting  the  Bishop  as  he  did. 

Fr.  Vaughan  says,  "  great  stress  is  laid  by  Fr.  Murphy 
upon  the  difference  between  immediate  and  instantaneous 
formation."  .  .  .  "  If  anything  is  to  be  gathered  from 
Fr.  Murphy's  language,  it  is  that  Adam's  body  might  have 
occupied  ages  in  forming,  if  only  we  allow  that  it  was 
formed  by  God  immediately  in  the  course  of  these  ages  " 
(p.  659).  This  Fr.  Vaughan  fancies  is  a  complete  surrender 
on  my  part.  Let  us  see,  I  said :  "  For  evolutionists  the 
question  of  time  is,  of  course,  of  vital  import^ncje  ;  but  for 
their  opponents,  the  sole  question  is  whether  the  forma- 
tion of  the  first  man's  body  is  or  is  not  the  immediate  act 
of  the  primaiy  cause,  no  matter  whether  that  formation  may 
Iiave  occupied  countless  apes,  or  be  accomplished  in  the  twink- 
liny  of  an  eye  "  (RECORD,  Avgmt,  1886,  p.  483).  Therefore, 
1  neither  admitted  nor  denied  "  that  Adam's  body  might 
have  occupied  ages  in  forming,"  but  I  said  that  for  my 
purpose  it  was  perfectly  immaterial  whether  it  did  or  did 
not,  and  I  now  repeat  this.  And  no  "stress  was  laid"  by 
me  on  the  distinction  except  for  the  reason  I  specified^ 
namely,  to  deprive  Fr.  Vaughan  of  the  suffrage  of  Arriaga, 
whose  teaching  was  directly  against  him.  The  formation 
is  iniinediatCj  as  long  as,  and  no  longer  than  the  primary 
cause  acta  It  may  then  be  immediate  without  being 
instantaneous^  and  it  may  perhaps  be  instantaneous  without 
being  immediate;  or  it  may  be  instantaneous  and  immediate 


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732  Faith  and  Evolution. 

both  together.  Fr.  Vaughan  admits  the  distinction  note, 
but  the  argument  of  hie  previous  article  shows  that  he  did 
not  admit  it  then.  For  he  quoted  Arriaga  as  "  in  favour  of 
a  mediate  formation,**  and  against  the  immediate  formation. 
Now  if  he  believed  his  quotation  to  be  appropriate,  he 
must  have  believed  then  that  mediate  formation  was  a 
synonym  for  non4nstantaneous  formation^  for  it  is  this 
latter  that  Arriaga  maintains  in  the  text  quoted ;  and  he 
must  have  also  believed  then  that  instantaneous  formation, 
which  Arriaga  rejects,  was  a  synonym  for  immediate  forma- 
tion,  against  which  Fr.  Vaughan  quoted  Arriaga's  text' 
Fr.  Vaughan  can  see  now  what  he  did  not  see  then^  why 
"I  accentuate  the  distinction  between  immediate  and 
instantaneous  formation."  It  was  because  he  confounded 
them,  and  quoted  as  against  one,  language  used  by  Arriaga 
against  the  other.  And  Fr.  Vaughan  adds:  **And  why 
put  on  one  side  Arriaga's  words  so  Ughtly  because  he 
speaks  of  the  latter  and  not  of  the  former,  if  he  rejects 
both  equally?"  He  does  not  ''reject  both  equally."  He 
rejects  the  latter,  he  holds  the  former,  and  he  speaks  of 
both.  That  is,  Arriaga  holds  that  the  first  man's  body  was 
the  immediate  work  of  God,  but  he  thinks  it  more  probable 
that  the  body  was  not  formed  instantaneously.  It  is  clear 
then  that  Amaga  would  have  no  difficulty  in  accepting 
Fr.  Vaughan*8  scale  of  instants  1,  2,  and  8,  &c.  Neither 
have  I,  for  it  in  no  way  affects  the  truth  I  am  defending, 
provided  that  in  each  of  these  instants,  the  organism  be 
the  work  of  God  Himself,  and  not  of  Fr.  Vaughan's 
"  existing  forms."  Formation  in  accordance  with  this  scale 
Fr.  Vaughan  thinks  is  enough  to  satisfy  most  scientista 
For  what  they  are  anxious  about  is  not  .  .  .  whether  God 
directly  and  per  se,  or  indirectly  and  per  alium  made 
Adam's  body,  out  that  it  was  gradually  formed  "  (p.  660). 
"Gradually  formed  "  by  what  immediate  agency?  This  is 
the  question,  and  the  very  thing  which  Fr.  Vaughan  says  the 
scientists  are  *'  not  anxious  about,"  is  that  precisely  which 
exclusively  occupies  their  attention,  namely,  **  whether 
God  directly  and  per  se,  or  indirectly  and  per  alium  made 
Adam's  body,"  and  in  their  view  the  ^^ gradually"  comes 
in  as  a  matter  of  necesBity.  And  formation  in  accordance 
with  Fr.  Vaughan's  scale  of  instants  would  not  satisfy  any 
of  the  scientists  {i,e.y  the  evolutionists),  if  in  each  of  his 
instants  *'God  directly  and  per  se**  had  been  forming 
Adams's  body.  Fr.  Vaughan  adds :  "  the  processy  not  the 
agent  is  the  main  matter  of  interest"  (p.  660).  But  ho 
stated  previously  that  the  process,  that  is  the  "  manner" 


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.  FnUh  and  Evolvtipn.  TjB? 

yr»jR  of  "  minor  importanice,"  and  in'  admitting  thai  it  is  en 
article  of  Faith  that  "  God  mado  man/*  be  admits  that  the 
^*  Agent  i$  the  main  ipatter  of  interest."  There  is,  I  submit, 
a  want  of  harmony  here.  Fr.  Vaughan  admits  that  the 
"Agent*'  is  de  fide  Catkolicaj  and  I  have  proved  that  the 
process  is  de  fid£  Divina. 

Fr.  Vaughan  does  not  like  my  treatment  of  his 
theological  authorities,  and  is  particularly  plaintive  about 
Fr.  Secchi.  His  language  here  is,  1  think,  a  proof  that 
*'  rhetorical  flourishes  '*  are  sometimes  called  upon  to  do 
duty  for  .  .  .  the  less  easy  process  of  reasoning."  1  assure 
Fr.  Vaughan  that  I  do  not  yield  to  him  in  respect  for  the 
illustrious  Jesuit  Astronomer.  But  Fr.  Vaughan  knows 
that  it  is  a  special  characteristic  of  thegreat  J  esuit  Order  that 
they  train  up  apeeialists  in  various  departments.  Fr.  Secchi 
was  their  specialist  in  his  department,  just  as  Franzelin, 
Ballerini»  and  Mazzella,  are  in  theirs.  If,  then,  I  want  an 
authority  on  theology,  I  will  not  go  to  Fr.  Secchi ;  and  if 
1  want  an  authority  on  the  solar  spots,  I  will  not  go  to 
Franzelin.  This  will  explain  my  saying  that  "  1  never 
heard  Fr.  Secchi  quoted  as  a  theologian,"  and  it  certainly 
means  no  disrespect.  I  do  not  believe  in  walking  encyclo- 
poedias, — that  is  all.  Like  Sydney  Smith,  I  prefer  "  to  have 
the  coiu*age  to  be  ignorant  of  many  things,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  calamity  of  being  ignorant  of  everything." 
Fr.  Secohi  was  the  friend  of  Franzelin,  Ballerini,  Patrizi^ 
&c.,  and  hence  Fr.  Vaughan  infers  that  his  alleged  ideas 
on  evolution  must  be  correct.  If  this  be  a  good  argument, 
then  Fr.  Mazzella's  ideas  on  the  subject  must  be  equally 
correct,  for  he  too  is  "  the  friend  and  associate  "  of  Franzelin 
and  Ballerini,  and  of  as  many  of  the  other  distinguished 
men  named  as  are  now  living.  But  Fr.  Mazzella  holds 
evolution  to  be  incompatible  with  the  Faith, while  Fr.  Secchi 
is  said  to  hold  that  it  is  not  so.  Fr.  Vaughan's  argument 
then  would  prove  evolution  to  be  orthodox  and  heterodox 
at  the  same  time.    These  conclusions  do  not  well  harmonize. 

I  decline  to  discuss  the  mertts  of  Fr.  Vaughan's  other 
theological  authorities.  Besides  being  "/itwiar^s  Qimoderni^'^ 
they  are  comparatively  unknown, — men,  therefore,  whose 
authority  is  to  be  judged  of  by  their  reasoning  and  not  by 
theirnames.  As  far  as  Fr.  Vaughan  has  given  their  reasoning 
it  is  not  impressive,  and  their  opinion  as  to  the  orthodoxy 
of  evolution  is,  moreover,  very  hesitatingly  given.  1  have 
already  said  sufficient  to  dispose  of  Mendi  ve  as  an  authority. 
To  compare  such  men  with  theologians  whose  names  are 
on  the  lips  of  every  student  of  theology  all  the  world  over> 

VOL.  VL  3  H 


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7#4v  Faith  (^nd' Evolution* 

ist  to  trifle  on  a  great  subject  on  which  so  much  d^ends. 
But  Fr.  Vaughan  says,  **I  was  comparing  my  modera 
authorities  with  Fr.  Murphy  himself.  .  .  *  The  question. 
therefore  which  I  only  now  (when  pressed)  put  in  a 
personal  form  is:  Whoso  interpretation  shall  we  accept t 
The  Rev.  J.  Murphy *s,  which  is  condemnatory,  or  Fathers 
Secchi,  Mendive,  Gmeiner,  which  is  for  freedom.*'  P.  662. 
It  is  a  pity  that  Fr.  Vaughan  even  "when  pressed "  should 
put  a  question  which,  besides  being  "personal,*'  is 
highly  unfair.  He  treats  the  question  as  ii  I  had  been 
all  along  promulgating  my  own  individual  opinion — 
posing  as  an  authority  on  a  complex  and  difficult  question. 
Now,  to  seek  to  create  a  prejudice  in  this  way  may  suit 
the  puiposes  of  disputation,  but  it  does  not  favour  the 
oause  of  truth.  It  is  perfectly  clear  to  any  one  who  has 
read  what  I  have  written  on  this  question  that  I  did  not 
put  myself  forward  as  an  authority.  X  collected  and  com- 
piled the  teaching  of  others.  I  took  my  extracts  from  the 
best  known,  the  most  approved  and  trusted  theologians  of 
the  CathoUc  Church.  1  gave  the  words  of  my  authorities 
faithfully  and  fully,  and  I  gave  all  the  necessaiy  rdiereoces 
so  that  anyone  who  willed  it  may  verify  my  quotationa 
Some  of  my  authorities  gave  indirect  but  conclusive  evidence 
against  evolution;  others  of  them  condemned  It  form^y 
and  explicitly  ;  all  of  them  were  men  of  world-wide  fame  as 
Catholic  theologiana  And  as  Fr.  Vaughan  has  sought  to 
raise  a  false  issue,  I  now  put  the  question,  not  *'  in  a  personal 
form,"  but  in  the  pniper  form.  It  is  this.  From  which  of 
the  following  groups  of  theolo^ans  are  we  to  take  tiie 
explanation  of  a  revealed  doctrine.  From  which  group  is 
the  Sana  docirina  more  Hkely  to  come. 

On  Fr.  Murpht's  Side:  On  Fb.  Vaughan*8  Side: 

St.  Chrysostom  Fr.  Secchi  {perhaps) 

St.  Thomas  Mendive 

Suarez  Dr.  Schafer. 

Sylvius 
Arriaga 
Perrone,  S.J, 
Mazella,  S.J. 
Hurler,  S  J. 
Knabenbaur,  S.J.^ 
Jungman 
Laniy 
Moigno 
Dr.  UHathome,  &c.,  &c. 

^  I  took  the  opinion  of  Knabenbanr  from  Hurter,  who  took  itfrott 
the  identical  source  to  which  Fr.  Vaughan  refers  me. 


Dr.  Guettler 

Rev.  John  Gmeiner  of  Milwaukee 


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I  wa«  C6ritra8ting  the  authorities  in  column  owe,  vn\\i ' 
Pr.  Vaughan*8  authorities  given  in  cohimn  two^  and  in  Sucli 
a  contrast  it  is  easy  to  decide.  From  the  above  contrast 
I  infeiTed  rightly^  that  there  is  no  probability  in  the  opinion 
of  Fr.  Vaughan*8  authorities.  And  of  the  testimony  which 
1  adduced,  I  said,  and  1  now  repeat  it :  "  This  testimony  is 
Abundantly  suflScient  to  bring  home  conviction  to  men  who, 
like  Father  Vaughan,  are  trained  to  reason,  on  CathoHc 
principles.  .  .  .  Such  teaching  and  such  testimony 
make  it  certain  to  us  that  the  doctrine  is  true  and  revealed, 
and,  consequently,  we  have  no  claim  to  the  liberty  of 
doubt  for  which  Fr.  Vaughan  contends  "  (P.  492,  Record, 
August.)  1  shall  now  add  one  other  authority,  whose  name 
I  am  sure  is  familiar  to  Fr.  Vaughan.  Dr.  Scheeben,  of 
Cologne,  says  in  his  Dogmatic  Theoloay,  vol.  iii..  No.  384 : — 
-"Cest  donc,dejaune  A€reriedepretenarequerhomme,quant- 
a  son  corps  *  descend  du  signe '  par  suite  d'un  changeraent 
progressif  survenu  dans  les  formes,  quand  me  me  ou 
fiupposerait  que  dans  revolution  complete  de  la  forme. 
Dieu  y  a  cr^6  simultanement  une  ame."  The  character  of 
Dr.  Scheeben  as  a  theologian  is  borne  out  by  the  fact 
that  his  work  is  selected  as  the  dogmatic  part  of  the 
<*  Bibliothequetheologique  duXIX.  Siecle,"  a  ^ compilation 
to  which  Cardinal  Hergenrother  contributes  the  historical 
part. 

Fr.  Vaughan  says,  "  In  conclusion,  then,  say  what  he 
will,  Fr.  Murphy  cannot  emerge  from  his  position."  And 
I  say,  in  conclusion,  that  I  have  no  intention  whatever  of 
emerging  from  my  position ;  nor  have  I  the  smallest  fear 
that  Fr.  Vaughan  can  make  that  position  untenable  or 
insecure.  And  if  he  mean  to  carry  that  position  there  is 
harder  work  before  him  than  he  seems  so  think.  "  The  hot- 
iron  of  criticism  "  which  he  "  would  like  to  press  over  many 
other  points  "  in  my  essay  has,  1  think,  already  singed  the 
hand  of  the  op^-ator,  without  in  the  slightest  degree 
smoothing  over  the  stiffness  of  what  I  had  to  say.  With  all 
confidence  1  leave  the  decision  of  the  controversy  to  the 
readers  of  the  Record.  They  are,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
trained  theologians,  men  who  are  trained  to  reason 
accurately,  accustomed  to  weigh  authorities,  and  to  balance 
evidence.  With  such  men  a  high,  decisive,  authoritative 
tone  will  not  of  itself  rank  as  a  conclusive  argument.  With 
them  St.  Thomas  will  count  far  higher  than  Mendive ; 
Suarez  will  be  more  "famous"  than  Dr.  Carl  Guettler; 
Arriaga  will  be  more  "  distinguished  "  that  Dr.  Bernhard 


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736  Theological  Questions. 

Schiifer,  and  Mazzella  and  Hurter  will  altogether  outweigh 
the  Milwaukee  Professor.  And,  in  weighing  our  authorities^ 
such  readers  ^vill  completely,  and,  I  think,  properly,  ignore 
Fr.  Vaughan  and  myself.  And,  if  Fr.  Vaughan  had  com- 
pai-ed  those  same  authorities,  and  had  weighed  them  calmly 
and  dispassionately,  he,  too,  I  think,  would  come  to  see 
that  those  '*  earnest  and  God-fearing  men,"  for  whom  he 
pleads,  are  not  wise  in  regarding  it  as  "  a  cruel  test,"  of 
•'  their  faith  and  obedience  "  to  be  required  to  believe  a 
"  view  on  Adam's  corporal  creation  "  which  the  hohest  men 
that  ever  lived  have  ever  believed,  and  which  the  greatest 
theologians  that  ever  lived  have  always  taught.  Far  be  it 
from  me  to  insinuate  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  Fr.  Vaughan's 
i-eadiness  "  to  die  for  the  faith  as  well  as  to  argue  for  it ;" 
but  1  must  say  that  if  the  theological  notions  I  have  been 
here  combatting  once  became  common,  Fr.  Vaughan  and 
I  would  very  soon  have  little  left  us  to  defend. 

J.  Murphy,  C.C. 

[We  now  close  this  controveisy.  The  important  subject  has  been 
fully  discussed  with  advantage  to  the  readers  of  the  Record,  and  we 
offer  our  best  thanks  to  the  learned  writers  for  their  very  interesting 
and  valuable  essays. — Ed.  I.  E.  R.] 


THEOLOGICAL  QUESTIONS. 


What  a  priest  may  do  for  horia  Jide  non-Catholics  in  danger  of 
death,  to  whom  he  deems  it  imprudent  to  speak  of  the  obligation 
of  external  Communion  with  the  Catholic  Church, 

In  a  private  letter  a  Reverend  correspondent  has 
written  to  us  from  England  on  a  matter  of  considerable 
importance  to  missionary  priests.  He  .is  anxious  to  see 
stated  in  the  Record  what  a  priest  may  do  for  non- 
Catholics  who  are  bona  fide  and  in  danger  of  death.  In 
this  form  the  subject  admits  of  many  turns;  but  our 
respected  querist  limits  his  question  to  a  much  more 
definite  issue,  and  this  we  at  once  proceed  to  set  forth 
almost  in  his  own  words.  *'  May  a  priest,"  he  asks,  '^  and 
ought  he,  administer  the  necessary  sacraments,  viz.: 
baptism  and  penance,  sub  conditioner  to  bona  jide  npn- 
Catholics  in  periculo  mortis?'*  The  question,  he  explains, 
more  especially  regards  "  poor,  simple  people,  whom  the 


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Theological  Questions,  737 

priest  may  visit  on  his  rounds — people  who,  without 
difficulty,  elicit  acts  of  the  theolorical  virtues,  who  trust 
in  God  and  wish  to  save  their  souls,  but  who  think  they 
have  been  baptized,  and,  accordingly,  if  it  were  mentioned 
to  them,  are  too  simple  to  see  any  need  of  having  the 
ceremony  repeated.  Further,  if  distinctive  Catholic  doctrine 
were  proposed,  one  foresees  they  are  not  prepared  to  receive 
it  explicitly,  although  they  implicitly  elicit  faith  in  it  by 
saying  they  believe  in  God  and  in  all  that  He  lias  said." 

The  writer  next  states  his  experience  and  his  practice, 
.Old  people  he  frequently  found  most  willing  to  make  acta 
of  faith,  hope,  charity,  and  contrition.  To  such,  from 
time  to  time,  he  has  administered  baptism  and  absolution 
conditionally,  on  the  ground  that  one  may  risk  the 
-sacraments  in  extreme  cases  for  the  good  of  souls,  and 
that  the  distinct  teaching  of  theology  seems  favourable  to 
his  views.  He  instances  Gury  (n.  230),  who  says,  "  ahqui 
tameu  dicunt  sufficere  voluntatem  Baptismi  implicitam, 
qualis  eseet  in  eo,  qui  haberet  voluntatem  peragendi 
omnia  ad  salutem  necessaria."  But,  our  correspondent 
adds,  he  has  found  other  priests  differing  from  himself  on 
this  matter,  both  in  theory  and  in  practice. 

Taking  the  circumstances  to  exist  as  stated,  and 
speaking  generally,  we  think  the  Sacraments  should  per  se 
be  administered.  At  the  same  time  particular  cases  are 
«o  different  from  each  other,  and  anyone  may  be  surrounded 
with  so  much  intricacy,  that  large  demands  on  the  priest's 
caution  and  judgment  become  necessary  at  the  outset. 
While  deeidingaa  best  not  to  press  the  obligation  of  external 
communion  with  the  Cathohc  Church  on  the  dying  man,  he 
should  be  careful  that  neither  his  words  nor  his  acts,  however 
unintentionally,  convey  to  anyone  the  denial  of  such  an 
obligation,  or  his  personal  willingness  to  throw  it  to  one 
side  in  circumstances  in  which  the  Church  would  expect 
him  to  declare  and  uphold  it.  While  secure  in  his  right 
to  speak  freely  on  spiritual  matters  to  non -Catholics  who 
are  disposed  to  listen,  he  must  be  careful  not  to  incur  the 
suspicion  of  taking  an  unfair  advantage  of  dying  Protes* 
tants,  and  thereby  become  the  cause  of  hostility  from  their 
body  against  the  Catholic  priesthood.  Most  of  all,  while 
endeavouring  to  save  a  poor  soul,  he  must  not  forget  his 
high  responsibility  as  minister  and  sacred  custodian  of  the 
Sacraments. 

Such  are  the  general  precautions  one  should  observe 
before  attempting  to  open  the  channels  of  grace.     It  is 


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^988  Tlteological  Qu€$Hans. 

their  application  to  particular  cases  that  perplexes.  For^ 
even  an;er  limiting  our  inquiry  to  bona  fide  non^datholies^in 
danger  of  death,  or  practically  to  the  m^nbere  of  Qmstaan 
aecta,  ^ho  believe  the  necessary  mysteries,  are  preaamaUy 
sincere,  but  not  likely  to  renounce  the  cnmmunioQ  in 
which  they  have  lived,  if  the  motives  for  so  doing'were 
<Mirefully  put  forward,  there  still  remains  a  variety  of 
hypotheses  differing  in  many  important  r6q)ectB.  The^ 
sufferer  may  have  the  use  of  his  senses  on  the  one  hand, 
or  on  the  other  be  sensUms  destituttts.  Again,  in  the 
latter  case  insensibility,  real  or  aj^arent,  may  follow  the: 
acts  of  faith,  hope,  charity  and  contrition,  or  have  super- 
vened before  the  piiest's  arrival.  In  one  case,  too,  death 
will  for  certain  result  from  the  attack;  in  another  there  is 
only  grave  danger.  Lastly,  there  may  or  may  not  be 
witnesses  of  what  occurs  between  the  sick  man  and  the 
minister  of  God's  bounty. 

This  presence  of  bystanders  makes  it  necessary  to  pay 
special  attention  to  the  first  and  second  precaution 
mentioned  above.  It  has  no  bearing  per  9e  on  what 
constitutes  the  priest's  greatest  anxiety,  the  probability  of 
valid  sacraments.  Leaving  them  to  individual  prudetioe, 
how  by  open  or  secret  action,  by  explaining  hispoaition  or 
by  silence,  the  other  inconveniences  are  best  avoided, 
let  us  examine  how  far  a  priest  can  satisfy  himself  Aat  he 
is  not  wrongfully  wasting  the  sacred  fountains  on  an 
utterly  barren  soil,  even  after  all  extrinsic  dffficultiea  have 
been  overcome. 

His  fundamental  fear  is  as  to  whether  a  soiGctent 
intention  of  receiving  the  Sacraments  may  be  presumed. 
The  habitual  intention  is  enough  for  him.  But  th^i,  are 
these  probable  grounds  on  which  to  argue  its  exiatence? 
If  he  could  point  to  strong  reasons  for  holding  that  an 
explicit  actual  intention  had  gone  before,  the  difiicuHy 
would,  to  a  large  extent  vanish.  This,  howevei',  in  many 
instances,  cannot  be  expected.  In  the  majority  of  cases 
an  habitual  intention,  if  it  exists,  is  only  the  outcome  of 
an  implicit  act,  and  does  not  therefore  exist,  unless  so  far  as 
.  the  intention  of  receiving  a  particular  sacrameiit  w:aa  de 
facto  implied  in  some  more  general  act  or  in  some  courte 
of  conduct.  Thus,  in  a  Catholic,  the  general  desire  of 
living  or  even  dying  like  a  Christian,  imphes  an  intention 
of  receiving  extreme  unction  in  the  last  conflict  or  its 
danger,  but  no  such  intention  of  taking  orders  at  any 
period  of  his  human  career.      Hence  the  intention  *  of 


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.  Tlisoloffical  Questions.  299 

Teceiying  one  sacrament  may  be  implied  without  ihe 
desire  of  another  being  contained  at  all  or  to  the  same 
extent  in  one's  conduct^  end  nndonbtedly  some  allow- 
ance must  also  be  made  for  different  classes  of  persons 
and  different  religions  beliefs. 

Still,  with  all  this  before  us,  the  will  to  die  a  Christian 
death,  or  an  act  of  sorrow  for  sin,  in  a  Protestant,  would 
seem  to  contain  a  general  desire  of  doing  everything 
.necessary  for  salvation,  and  in  consequence  to  imply  the 
intention  of  rec^ving  baptism,  if  not  already  valid)  at  the 
flnpveme  moment  of  danger.  At  least  tbe  necessary 
intention  is  probably  present  and  combined,  as  may  be 
presumed,  with  attrition  for  actual  moi'tal  sins,  this 
aispositiou  will  sufficiently  prepare  the  way  for  conditional 
regeneration.  Something  more,  however,  is  required 
before  administering  the  Sacrament  of  penance  even  sub 
conditionc.  Here  we  must  endeavour  to  secure  the  quofii" 
materia  by  eliciting  contrition  and  confession  in  some  way 
in  ordine  ad  sa^sramentum.    How  is  all  this  done  ? 

If  the  sufferer  be  not  sennbug  destitutnsj  the  priest  will  at 
least  make  sure  that  he  knows  the  necessary  mysteries,  since 
it  is  taken  for  granted  that  to  speak  of  joining  the  Catholic 
Church  might  seriously  imperil  salvation  at  the  present 
crisis.  In  the  next  place  acts  of  the  theological  virtues 
are  elicited  and  every  effort  made  to  secure  perfect 
contriticAi.  This  done,  the  Sacrament  of  baptism  is 
administered  conditionally,  if  there  be  a  solid  doiibt  about 
its  former  validity  and  the  patient  gives  free  consent.  In 
the  absence, of  his  permission  it  might  be  very  difficult  to 
apply  the  matter  without  provoking  formal  opposition  or  at 
least  a  strong  feeling  of  anger.  With  such  a  prospect 
before  him  the  priest  will  consider  it  best  to  omit  baptism 
altogether  and  proceed  at  once  to  dispose  the  person  for 
conditional  absolution.  Of  course  those  who  have  been 
re-baptized  are  similarly  prepared. 

In  many  cases  the  Sacrament  of  penance  cannot  be 
explicitly  put  forward.  Whenever  this  is  so,  the  confessor 
will  be  careful  to  ask  for  a  declaration  of  sinfulness  before 
God  and  himself^  and  an  expression  of  desire  to  benefit,  as 
far  as  possible,\by  MsbIlA  and  resources,  in  removing  the 
load  of  guilt  and  securing  eternal  life.  So  much  is  not 
difficult  of  attainment  by  way  of  sacramoiital  and  dolorous 
confession,  and  it  certainly  suffices  to  justify  the  priest,  on 
the  score  of  dispositions,  in  giving  conditional  absolution. 
It  will  only  remain  for  him  to  accustom  the  poor  man  to 
the  usual  ejaculations. 


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740  Theological  Questions. 

Sensihus  destitnti  are  now  to  be  considered  Like  the 
others,  they  receive  conditional  baptism  in  case  of  doubt; 
but  are  they  also  to  be  absolved  t  Yes,  sub  conditioner 
because  we  may  presume  the  probable  existence  of 
internal  sorrow  for  sin  ;  and  in  the  absence  of  a  stronger 
confession,  the  past  life  and  present  state  of  the  suflFerer 
may,  according  to  some,  amount  to  a  declaration  of 
sinfulness  and  a  manifestation  of  desire  to  avail  of  every 
necessary  means  on  an  occasion  of  such  dang:er. 
But  more  than  this,  the  dying  man  may,  at  least  for  a 
moment,  understand  his  condition,  possibly  even  his 
surroundings,  and  show  his  yearning  for  spiritual  help, 
from  anyone  and  everyone  by  his  bedside,  more  especially 
from  the  minister  of  religion,  through  some  outward  sign 
that  escapes  notice  or  is  not  understood.  There  is  some 
hope  for  such  confession ;  and  while  Catholics,  who  lead  bad 
lives,  are  absolved  conditionally  in  similar  straits,  it  would 
seem  unreasonable  to  exclude  non-Catholics  irom  this 
powerful  mercy. 

Is  any  further  aid  of  a  Sacramental  kind  possible? 
We  can  see  no  insurmountable  obstacle  to  prevent  the 
conditional  administration  of  extreme  unction,  if  the 
sensibiis  destitutus  be  alone  with  the  priest,  and  the  latter 
feel  certain  the  man  will  not  recover.  The  nec^sary 
dispositions  for  a  fruitful  reception  of  this  sacmment  are 
much  more  secure  in  the  case  than  for  penaiSce ;  and 
accordingly  it  may  be  the  cause  of  sanctifying  grace 
when,  without  it,  the  sinner  would  be  lost.  If  the  person 
were  likely  to  recover,  or  other  non-Catholics  were  present^ 
the  priest,  in  most  cases,  should  be  deterred  by  the 
reasons  already  enumerated  from  administering  this 
sacrament. 

This  concludes  what  we  have  to  say  on  the  important 
subject  suggested  by  our  correspondent.  It  only  remains 
to  state  that  everything  here  written  is  to  be  undeiBtood 
in  the  light  of  the  question  proposed  to  us  for  explanation. 

P.  O'D. 


II. 

To  the  questions  raised  by  our  esteemed  Correspondent 
in  reference  to  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  we  beg  to  give 
the  following  answers : — 

i.  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  was  not  offered  as  a 
Sacrifice  of  mere  application  till  after  the  Sacrifioe  of  tb© 


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Liturgical  Qwstionf,  74X 

Oross.  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Last  Supper,  as  all  the  other 
actions  of  our  Saviour's  mortal  life,  had  attached  to  it  an 
excellence  and  meritorious  efficacy  that  were  independent 
of  that  of  the  Cross.  Thus  it  is  clear  that  the  Sacrifice 
of  the  Mass  difi*ei-s  from  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Last  Supper 
in  this,  that  whereas  the  latter  had  both  a  meritorious  and 
applicatory  efficacy,  the  former,  at  least  as  *  far  as  we  are 
concerned,  possesses  only  an  efficacy  to  apply  the  merits 
of  the  Cross. 

2.  The  second  question,  as  we  understand  it,  includes 
two,  which  must  be  clearly  distinguished  in  order  to  avoid 
any  confusion  in  the  answer,  (a)  Why  did  our  Saviour 
ofler  Sacrifice  under  the  appearance  of  bread  and  wine? 
(b)  Why  did  fie  select  the  night  before  His  passion  as  thd 
time  of  its  institution  ? 

(a)  There  were  many  reasons  why  Christ  should  ofiFer 
Sacrifice  under  the  appearance  of  bread  and  wine  ;  the 
principal  however  is  that  set  forth  in  the  words  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  i^eferred  to  by  our  Correspondent,  viz : — 
that  He  might  perform  His  chief  sacerdotal  function,  which 
is  the  oblation  of  Sacrifice,  according  to  the  rite  of 
Melchisedech,  and  thus  be  a  Priest  according  to  his  order 
in  fulfilment  of  the  words  of  prophecy. 

(6)  It  was  most  natural,  that  our  Divine  Lord  should 
have  reserved  the  institution  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass 
till  the  night  before  His  Passion ;  for,  as  it  was  to  be  His 
greatest  Gift  and  Legacy  of  love  to  men,  it  was  right  that 
its  institution  should  be  surrounded  with  all  that  solemnity 
which  the  circumstances  of  the  last  evening  of  His  mortal 
life  were  calculated  to  impart.  T.  G, 


LITURGY. 
I. 

Offerings  at  Corpse^houses^  how  are  they  to  be  understood  a» 

Honoraria  ? 
Do  the  Offerings  at  corpse-houses  involve  the  obligation  of 
sajiog  Mass  for  the  departed  soul  ?  and  if  so,  are  there  as  many 
Masses  to  be  said  as  there  are  authorized  Honoraria  comprised  in 
the  Offerings? 

Whether  there  is  an  obligation  on  every  priest  who 
att^ids  at  the  funeral  where  the  Offerings  are  made,  to 
say  Mass  for  the  departed  soul,  depends  on  the  under- 


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i^i2  Ziturytetil  Questions. 

«taiiding  between  the  donors  and  the  prfeeta  The  almt^ 
may  be  given  for  the  Office,  funeral  Mass,  and  attendance 
at  the  funeral,  without  any  further  obligation.  The 
occasion  is  availed  of  by  the  people  to  contribute  to  the 
support  of  their  pastors.  The  custom  of  the  priests  of  the 
diocese,  which  is  of  course  known  to  and  sanctioned  by 
the  bishop,  is  the  best  interpretation  of  the  understanding' 
between  priests  and  people  as  to  the  object  of  these 
Offerings. 

It  is,  we  believe,  quite  ce  rtainthat  a  priest  is  not  bound 
to  say  as  many  Masses  for  the  departed  soul,  as  there  are 
Honoraria  measured  by  the  recognised  diocesan  tax,  in  the 
share  he  has  received  of  the  Offerings. 

11. 
Is  Alleluia  added  to  versicle  of  B,  Virgin  in  paschal  Hme  ? 

Kindly  say  shonld  the  Alleluia  be  added  in  pa«chi^  time  to  the 
versi  *\e  and  response  of  the  B.  Virgin  >? hen  sung  at  Benedictiou 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  ?  Subscribbb. 

Considt  I.  E.  Record,  3rd  series,  vol.  ii.,  page  561 
Sept.  1881),  where  we  have  treated  thiis  question. 

m. 

Wlien  the  9th  Lesson  of  a  Commemorated  Feast  is  omitted. 

Please  state  what  is  the  rule  for  the  omission  of  the  9th  Iiesson 
when  a  feast  is  commemorated,  ex,  gr,  St.  Valentim^  on  14th 
February,  and  St.  Paul  on  the  15th.  E.  K: 

The  9th  Lesson  of  a  commemorated  feast  is  read  except^ 
1**,  on  Sundays  which  have  a  9th  responsorium  ;  2^,  when 
the  Homily  of  the  Sunday,  Feria,  or  Vigil  is  to  be  read; 
b**,  when  the  office  has  only  three  Lessons,  as  in  the  Octave 
of  Easter  or  Pentecost ;  4*^,  within  the  Octave  of  Corpus. 
Christi,  when  the  office  is  de  infra  Octavam  or  de  dominica 
infra  Octavam ;  5**,  when  the  Lesson  of  the  Simple  Feast 
is  not  special  and  historical ;  6%  on  doubles  of  the  first 
class. 

The  5th  cause  explains  why  the  9th  Lesson  was  not 
of  St.  Valentine;  and  the  omission  in  the  case  of  St^  Paul^ 
the  first  hermit,  comes  under  the  first  exception, 

IV. 
Decrees  relating  to  the  New  Votive  Offices. 
It  was  decided  by  the  S.  R.  0,  on  the  23rd  of  May,. 
1835,  in  una  Namurcem,  that  a  Votive  Office  gcante4  " 


aa 


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Ziturgical  Que$tiQnfi.  (;  If^ 

-^privilego  for  a  diefi  fien  mpedita^  9iJid  coDBeque&ily^^Iie 
^wm<?h  9k  Priest  would  be  free  to  substitute  fo^  the 
Office  of  the  day,  ceases  to  be  a  matter  of  choice  and 
beeomes  obligatory,  if  by  order  of  the  Bishop  it  is  assigned 
in  the  Ordo  reeitandi  Officii  to  the  die$  non  impedita. 

On  the  5th  of  last  July,  1884,  the  Congregation  was 
crnestioned  as  to  the  bearing  of  this  decree  on  the  New 
Votiye  Offices;  and  they  replied  that  the  New  Votive 
Offices  will  be  obligatory  for  choral  recitation  if  once 
formally  adopted  as  a  substitute  tor  the  Ferialsand  Simplea 
by  the  Choir  with  the  approbation  of  the  Bishop ;  but  that 
,lor .  private  recitation  the  Priest  Mrill  be  free  to  choose 
between  the  Votives  a^d  Feriafe  or  Simples. 

This  last  answer  suggested  another  inquiry,  whether 
the  private  recitation  even  of  Votive  Offices  formerly 
granted  was  included  in  the  decree  of  1^35.  And  this 
point  the  Congregation  decides  in  the  decree  we  quote, 
declaring  that  the  private  recitation  was  included— and 
that  the  case  of  the  New  Votive  Offices,  in  regard  to  which 
.freedom  of  choice  is  allowed,  is  special  and  pecuh'ar. 

The  Congregation  also  decides  in  the  second  decree  w& 
quote,  that  the  Compiler  of  the  Ordo  recitandi  Officii  may 
add  a  special  direction  on  dies  non  impeditae^  reminding 
the  Priests  of  their  privilege  of  choosing  one  of  the  New 
Votive  Office. 

R.  D.  Josepbus  Maria  Sciandrat  hodiemus  Eplscopns  Aqnen. 
S,  H.  Congregationi  inscquentia  dubia  pro  opportuna  soluti^ne 
humillime  subjecit : 

£x  decrcto  ipshis  S.  Congregationis  diei  13  Maii  1B35  in  una 
Namurcen,  ad  3C,  recitatio  libera  alicujus  officii  ad  b'bitniu  fit 
obligatoria,  quum  jussu  Ordinarii  ilhid  afiixum  fuerit  diei  non 
impedito  in  Kalendario  diocesano.  Idipsum  confirmari  videtur 
decreto  Urbis  et  Orbw,  nuperrime  edito  die  5  Julii  vertentis  anni 
quoad  cboralem  recitationem ;  quum  post  capitularem  Officiorum 
electionem  aemel  pro  semper  factam,  et  ab  Ordinnrio  approbatam, 
eorundum  recitatio  fit  obh'gatoria.  E  contra  quoad  privatam 
recitationem  singulis  e  clero  licet  pro  lubito  Officium  feriae  tcI 
Officium  votivum  ejus  diei  recitare.  Hinc  quaeritur : 

Dnbiam  I.  Utrum  libera  electio  quoad  privatam  recitationem 
concessa  coarctetur  solummodo  ad  Officia  ad  libitum  in  decreto 
5  Jubi  citato  contenta.  ideoque  pro  Officiis  autecedentibus  ad  libitum^ 
servandum  sit  decretum  diei  26  Maii  1835  ? 

Dubium  II.  Utrum  in  redigendo  ordine  annual!  divini  Officii 
debeant  necne  duo  Officia,  feriale  et  alterum  votivum  ad  libitum 
adnotari  quoties  privata  alterutrius  recitatio  singulorum  arbitrio 
relinquitur  ? 


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744  Liturgical  Questions, 

Et  sacra  eadem  Congregatio  ad  relatlonem  infraacripti  Secre- 
tnrii,  omnibus  mature  perpensw,  ita  rescribendum  ceosuit. 

Ad.  I.  Affirmative, 

Ad.  II.  Redacto  online  divini  officii  more  consucto,  juxta 
rubricas,  addi  poterit  rubrica  particularis  officii  votivi  carrentis 
<liei. 

Atque  ita  rescripsit  et  servari  mandavit  die  7  Septerabris  1888. 
Laurentius  Salvati,  S.R.C.,  Secret. 

V. 
Is  the  Antiphon  of  Blessed  Virgin  always  said  twice  in  the 

Ojfiee? 

When  a  person  recites  privately  the  whole  of  the  Divine 
Office  without  a  break,  must  he  add  the  Antiphon  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  after  None,  before  commencing  Vespers ;  or  is  it  sufficient 
to  say  it  only  after  Compline  ?  Briefly,  in  casu  must  he  recite  the 
Antiphon  twice  or  (»nly  once  ?  Scotus. 

We  are  of  opinion  that,  in  the  case  stated,  the  Antiphon 
should  be  said  only  once — namely,  at  the  end  of  Comphne. 
l''he  Antiphon  is  to  be  said  after  Compline,  and  also  after 
Lauds,  or  the  first  hour  after  Lauds  at  which  one  suspends 
the  reading  of  the  Private  Office  ;  consequently  this  second 
part  of  f  he  lubric  supposes  f-uch  a  break  or  suspension. 

The  words  of  the  rubric  are :  "  Dicuntur  extra  chorom 
tantura  in  fine  Completorii,  et  in  fine  Matutini,  dictis 
Laudibus,  si  tunc  terminandum  est  Officium :  alioquin,  si 
alia  subsequatur  Hora,  in  fine  ultimae  Horae."  {Rub,  Gen^ 
Breviarii  Tit.  xxxvi.) 

VL 

Should  the  Celebrant  at  Mass  kiss^the  Altar- Stone  ? 

In  a  portable  altar,  where  nothing  is  consecrated  but  the  mere 
altar-stone,  is  the  priest  bound  to  kiss  the  altar-stone  every  time 
the  rubrics  require  the  celebrant  to  kiss  the  altar  during  mass ;  or 
is  it  sufficient  to  kiss  the  edge  of  the  altar-frame  or  table  ?    C.  C. 

We  think  it  is  sufficient  to  kiss  the  table  of  the  altar. 
The  Altare  so  often  mentioned  in  this  section  of  the  rubrics 
(Tit.  iv.,  n,  1,  Itittis  Celebrandi  Missam)  plainly  means  the 
table  of  the  altar.  The  celebrant  is  directed  to  ascend  to 
the  middle  of  the  altar  {Altare)  ;  to  lay  the  points  of  his 
fingers  when  joined  on  the  altar  {Altare) ;  to  lay  his  extended 
hands  on  the  altar  {Altare) ;  and  to  kiss  the  altar  at  the 
middle.  It  is  in  the  same  sense  the  word  is  used  throughout 
this  section  of  the  rubrics  (Tit.  iv.,  n.  1),  and  this  is  to 
^signify  the  table  of  the  altar. 


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[     745     ] 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO  THE  EDITOn  OF  THE  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  KECOED. 

Dear  Vkrt  Rkv  Sib, — Sball  I  be  tliougbt  too  bold,  if  I 
venture  to  give  expression  to  a  wish,  which  I  know  is  shared  by 
Others,  that  the  I.  E.  Record  should  be  again  enlarged  ?  This 
admirable  Periodical,  after  fighting  its  way  spite  of  difficulties  and 
reverses,  still,  with  onward  progress,  and  without  pretensions, 
during  many  years,  has  now  at  length  gained  for  itself  a  foremost 
position  in  Ecclesiastical  and  Theological  literature  amongst 
English-speaking  Catholics.  Still  it  has  not  yet  reached  that 
perfection  which  we  may  well  hope  for  it,  nor  has  it  attained  what 
we  should  reckon  on  as  its  normal  growth.  There  ought  surely  to 
be  no  reason  why  the  Ukcohd  should  not  eventually  equal  or 
rival  any  of  the  theological  reviews  in  foreign  countries.  But, 
this,  of  course,  cannot  be  achieved  all  at  once :  and  ever  and 
anon  there  is  need  to  put  forth  fresh  efforts.  Has  not  the  time 
arrived  for  something  like  a  fresh  departure?  And  would  not  the 
next  year  1886 — a  year  of  universal  grace  and  jubilee — when,  more- 
over, the  Record  will  have  attained  its  majority,  be  a  seasonable 
opportunity  ?  I  am  well  aware  there  may  be  difficulties  in  the 
way.  Without  a  still  larger  circulation  it  may  be  very  incon- 
venient, perhaps  impossible,  to  enlarge  the  Rkcoiid,  without  at  the 
same  time  raising  its  price:  and  to  do  this  would,  I  am  inclined 
to  think,  be  a  hindrance  to  its  popularity.  But  all  this  is  a 
matter  of  consideration  for  the  responsible  authorities  ?  But  why 
should  not  the  circulation  be  largely  increased?  The  lliiicoRD 
occupies  for  the  most  part  a  ground  of  its  own:  it  is  the  only 
organ  in  these  countries  proper  for  the  discussion  of  many 
questions  of  most  special  interest  to  priests  and  theologians. 
That  such  an  organ  is  imperatively  required  in  order  to  raise  the 
general  tone  of  theological  knowledge  and  culture,  and  to  foster 
habits  and  taste  for  study  amongst  our  ecclesiastics,  no  one, 
1  think,  will  deny.  Such  an  organ  should  be  in  every  way 
adequate  to  the  needs  required.  This  from  what  I  can  gather  is 
hardly  the  case  with  the  Kiscoao  as  it  is  at  present :  from  its  too 
contracted  size,  articles  may  have  to  be  crowded  out  or  long 
delayed ;  and  sufficient  space  can  be  ill  afforded  for  the  treatment 
of  questions  which  may  occasionally  demand  a  fuller  development. 
At  the  same  time  there  is  not  room  in  these  countries  for  more 
than  one  such  organ,  and  it  would  be  most  unwise  to  attempt 
another.  The  Rkcord  is  in  long  and  honoured  possession  ;  and  is 
under  the  best  and  most  able  management.  For  myself  1  have 
long  desired  to  see  it  the  one  recognized  Theological  organ  in  its 
own  special  line,  for  ecclesiastics  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  and  of  the  far  off  Colonics,  which  all  priests, 
whether  Irish,  Scotch  or  English,  whether  secular  or  regular, 


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746  Correspondence. 

t»hould1ook  upon  as  their  own.  And  1  have  rejoiced  to  see,  especiaUj 
of  late,  various  contributions  to  its  pages  by  distinguished 
English  priests.  It  seems,  and  more's  the  pity,  that  for  the  present 
at  least  political  union  between  English  and  Irish  Catholics  is 
unattainable.  Bat  this  cannot  be  said  with  regard  to  Theology. 
Here  we  can  all  find  union  and  common  ground :  and  of  this,  as 
an  Englishman,  I  must  be  allowed  to  give  my  own  experience. 
For  several  years  I  have  offered  from  time  to  time  my  humble 
contributions  to  the  pages  of  the  I.  E.  Record,  and  I  have 
uniformly  received  at  the  hands  of  three  successive  EMitors  the 
greatest  kindness  and  encouragement.  Its  readers  must  have, 
moreover,  remarked  the  very  striking  impartiality  that  has  been 
evinced  in  the  treatment  of  certain  subjects,  wherein  some 
national  bias  might  have  been  shown. 

All  fair  and  unprejudiced  English  and  Scotch  Catholics,  so  hr 
from  any  thoughts  of  jealouRy,  must  rejoice  that  the  I.  E.  Rf.cord 
is  published  under  the  immediate  management  of  the  great 
College  of  St  Patrick's,  Maynooth,  so  long  eminent  for  Theo- 
logic^  Science,  the  largest  Ecclesiastical  Seminary,  I  believe,  in 
the  world,  and  certainly /octVtf  princeps  in  these  countries — and  the 
more  so,  because  so  large  a  proportion  both  of  the  faithful  and  <rf 
the  priests  in  England,  Scotland,  and  the  Colonies,  are  of  Irish 
origin.  I  have  offered  the  above  remarks,  because  it  seems  to  me 
that  for  the  Rkgord  to  obtain  its  full  normal  development,  and  to 
do  the  common  good  it  ought,  it  should  receive  the  united  support 
of  all  our  priests  and  ecclesiastics  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland — 
And  because  I  know  that  not  only  here  but  also  in  Ireland  there  is 
a  number  of  them  by  whom  it  is  rarely  seen.  I  trust  then 
that  all  its  present  subscribers,  who  have  the  interest  of  Theolo- 
gical Science  at  heart,  will  do  all  they  can  in  their  various 
neighbourhoods,  to  make  it  known,  thereby  to  increase  its  circula- 
tion, and  also  to  enlist  the  co-operation  of  such  as,  according  to 
their  several  circumstances  and  opportunities,  might  contribute 
with  profit  to  its  pages.  In  this  way  the  desire  I  expressed  for  its 
enlargement  will,  I  hope,  be  realised. — Your's, 

Thomas  Lmrs,  C.SS.R. 

[We  are  much  obliffed  to  Father  Livius  for  the  kindly  and  encouraging 
tone  of  his  letter.  We  have  received  within  the  yeta  many  similar 
communications,  our  Correspondents  suggesting  various  means  of 
meeting  the  additional  expense  consequent  on  the  enlargement.  Several 
recommended  that  the  Record  be  increased  by  half  its  present  size,  and 
that  the  subscription  be  raised  from  Ten  to  Twelve  Shillings.  We  are 
most  reluctant  to  raise  the  amount  of  the  annual  subscription,  and  our 
publisher  authorizes  us  to  announce  that  the  suggestion  of  enlaiging 
the  Kecoud  by  half  its  present  size  (32  pages)  will  be  adopted  in  January 
next  to  meet  the  wishes  of  our  friends,  the  subscription  remaining  aa 
hitherto  at  Ten  Shillings  ;)€r  annum. — Ed.  I.  E.  R.] 


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DOCUMENTS. 


Congregation  of  the  Council. 

A  parish  pnest  charged  with  two  parishes  i»  bound  to  celebrate 
two  Masses,  one  for  each  parish,  on  Sundays  and  holidays  of 
obUgiation* 

This  obligation  does  not  per  at  bring  with  it  the  priyilege  of 
diqplioatiBg. 

8.  C.  Concilii,  Die  3  Februarii  1884. 

Quum  Arohiepiscopus  Lancianensis  remitteret  ad  S.  Cong. 
Concilii  relationem  status  suae  Dioecesis,  seqnontes  etiam  pro- 
potait  qoaesita  resolvenda : 

I.  Utruin  parochi  duas  ant  plures  regentes  paroecias,  ad  duas 
vel  phires  Missas  pro  populo  celebrandas  diebus  in  festis  teneantur 
per  se  aut  per  alios  ? 

II.  Et  qnatenns  per  se  teneantur,  an  ipsis  ad  traroites  Const!- 
tutionts  Benedicti  XIV. — Declarasti  Nohii — binandi  facnltas  fieri 
posset. 

III.  An  redituR  on^sdam  Canoincdtits,  juris  patronatus  laicalis 
et  fomiliae,  qui  libellas  quotannis  sexaginta  et  octo  vix  attingat, 
quod  tantummodo  adhuc  beneticii  naturam  induat,  posset  haberi 
tanquam  sutficiens  titulusad  sacroset  ntajores  ordines  suscipiendos  ? 

IV.  Quod  si  non  suflficiat,  utrum  augeri  queat  bonis  patrimoni- 
alibos  vel  aliunde  et  quousque  ? 

Quibns  dubiis  8.  Congregatio  Concilii  praedicta  respondit : 

Ad  1.  Parochum,  pront  in  casu,  teneri  sive  per  se  sive  per 
alium  ad  tot  Missas  celebrandas,  quot  parochias  regit. 

Ad  II.  Non  esse  lotum  facnhati  mif^sas  iterandi,  nisi  cum  ex 
Cleri  deficientia,  alius  Sacerdos  non  adsit,  qui  parochi  loco  celebrare 
<et  applicare  possit. 

Ad,  Hi.  Negatire. 

Ad  IV.   Affirmative  usque  ad  taxae  synodalis  complementum. 


Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office. 
Summary. 
In  parts  of  Canada,  where  there  were  only  missions  visited 
occasionally  by  a  priest,  and  no  canonically  formed  parishes,  the 
priests  had  the  custom  of  formally  announcing  to  the  people  once  a 
year  the  decree  Tametsi  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  The  H6ly  Office 
declares  this  to  be  a  sutficient  promulgation ;  but  adds  that,  as  it  is 
impossible  for  the  priest  in  those  new  missions  to  assist  at  all  the 
marriages,  the  presence  of  the  two  witnesses  will  suffice  for 


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748  Documents. 

validity,  the  contracting  parties  being  obliged  moreover  to  receive 
as  soon  as  possible  the  nuptial  benediction,  and  to  enter  their 
marriage  in  the  marriage  register  of  the  mission. 

DUBIUM     QUOAD     PrOMULGATIONEM     DeCRETI      **  TaMETSI  "     IN 

MissioNiBus  KT  quasi  pabochiis  Amkbic^. 

Die  14  Novembris,  1883. 

Episc^pus  S.  Hyacinth  i  in  regione  Canadeosi  8.  Conijregationi 
Inquisit.  expouit,  quod  nunc  oriuntur  dubia  de  validitate  quorum- 
dam  matrimoniorum,  sine  solemnitate  a  decreto  Tametsi  Concilii 
Tridentini  requisita,  contractorum  in  missionibus  vel  quasi  paro- 
chiis  hujusce  Dioecesis.  Ante  enira  annum  1872  multa  loca 
Dioecesis  S.  llyacinthi,  CaiUons  jiuncupata,  noa  erant  adhuc  in 
parochias  canonice  divisa.  His  in  locis  aderant :  1.  Missioned 
proprie  dictae,  scilicet  sine  sacerdote  residente  ;  sed  ^  misoionnario, 
ad  hoc  delegato,  temporibus  turn  £xis,  turn  inaequalibus,  per  annum 
visitatae.  2.  Quasi  parochiae,  per  quas  int^Uigi  debet  teiriiorium 
quod,  quoad  specicm  externam,  plus  vel  minus  aocedeU&t  ad 
similitudinem  parochiae,  prout  habens  ecdesiara,  prope  quam 
sacerdos  ordinarie  vel  saltern  principaliter  residebat,  et  liraites  ab 
Episcopo  designeitos.  Attamen  in  his  missionibus  et  quasi  paro- 
chiis,  sicut  et.  in  parochiis,  proprie  dictis,  decretum  Tametsi  Concilii 
Tridentini  fuerat  quotannis  publicatum  a  sacerdotibus  earum  curae 
praepositis.  Ad  hunc  enim  iinem  mandaverant  Episcopi  Provinciae 
Quebecensis :  quum  Tridentinum  per  solemne  decretum  cap.  I, 
jsess,  24  de  ref,  matrtm.  cujus  initium  2^amet»,  nulla  atquo  irrita 
declaraverit  matrimonia,  quae  fiuot  extra  praeseutiam  parochi  et 
testimoniorum,  quorum  numerum  determinat,  maximi  momenti 
esse  censemus  quod  pm'ochi  et  missionarii  certiorem  reddaut 
populum  de  ejusmodi  salutari  decreto.  Quamobrem  volumus  ut 
legant  idem  deci*etum  in  concione  primae  dominicae  post  Kpiph- 
anium.  Opportunior  ejusmodi  decreti  publicatio  iit  in  paroeciis 
vel  missionibus  nuper  constitutis,  juxta  indolem  praescriptionifl 
ejusdem  decreti  et  responsum  S-  Congregation  is  de.  Propa^nda 
Fide  ad  Episcopum  Quebecenseni  diei  16  Octobris  1824.  Quum 
autem  dubitctur  utnim  valide  publicari  possit  Decretum  Triden- 
tinum extra  parochias,  proprie  dictas,  a  S,  Cong,  humiliter  petitur 
declarari :  **  An  valida  fuerit  promulgatio  Decreti  Tametsi  Cone. 
Tridentini  in  missionibus  et  quasi  parochiis  supra  dictis  ? 

Cui  dubio  Emi  Patres  inquisitores  generates  praedicta  die 
responsum  dederunt : 

"  Juxta  exposita  affirmative  et  ad  mentem :  mens  est  quotl  in 
locis,  ubi  haberi  nequeat  parochus,  validum  est  matrimonium 
celebratum  coram  duobus  testibus;  contrahentibus  tamea  onus 
inest  recipiendi,  quamprimum  id  fieri  possit,  benedictioncm 
buptialem,  et  curandi  ut  eorumdem  matrimonium  inscribatur  in 
sacramentali  registro  missionis,  vel  proximioiis  Ecclesiae,  cui 
subjiciuntur." 

In  audientia  ejusdem  diei  SS.  Pater  resolution  em  banc  ratam 
habuit. 


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Documents.  74& 

Decree  regarding  Mass  to  be  said  to  gain  Indulgence 
OP  THE  Privileged  Altar. 

SUMMABT. 

The  Requiem  Mass  need  not  be  said  on  Semi-donUes  or  Simples 
in  Churches  where  the  Quarant'  Ore,  or  other  great  solemnity  is 
being  held. 

DUBIUM  QUOAD  ALTARIA  PRIVILEGIATA  PROPOSITUM  A  P.  GESERALi 
ORDIKIS  PRJilMONSTRATENSIS. 

Beatissime  Pater, 

Sigismundus  Stary  Abbas  Pragensis  et  Generalis  Ordinis  Ptsb- 
monstratensis,  ad  pedes  Sanctitatis  Vestwe  provolutus  humillime 
expostulat : 

V*  Utrum,  stante  rubrica  Missalis  PrsBmonstratensis,  quas  pro- 
hibet  Missas  privatas  de  Eequie  et  vctivas  infra  omnes  octavas 
primse  classis,  religiosi  Prremonstratensis  Ordinis,  possint  gaudere 
favore  Altaris  privilegiati  quando  infra  hujusmodi  octavas  primse 
classis,  non  occurente  festo  dnplici,  celebrent  de  octava. 

2°  Quatenus  negative,  suppliciter  petit  orator,  ut  concedatur 
ipsis  hoc  privilegium. 

Sacra  Congregatio  Indulgcntiis  sacrisque  Reliquiis  praeposita 
die  24  Julii  1885  propositis  dubiis  respondit: 

Ad  1"  Affirmative  juxta  exposita  et  detur  Decretum  die  11 
Aprilis  1864; 

-4(i  2"*  Provtsum  in  prima. 

Datum  Romee  ex  Secretaria  ejusdem  Sac.  Congregationis 
eadem  die  24  Julii  1885. 

I.  B  Card.  Frakzkiin,  Praefectus, 
Franciscus  Della  Volpb,  Secretarius, 

The  Decree  of  the  11th  April,  1884,  referred  to  above  is  as 
follows : — 

Urbis  et  Orbis. — Utrum  sacerdos  celebrans  in  altari  privi- 
legiato,  legendo  Missam  de  festo  semiduplici,  simplici,  votivam, 
vel  de  feria  non  privilegiata,  sive  ratione  expositionis  SS. 
Sacramenti,  sive  Stationis  ccclesisD,  vel  alterius  solemnitatis, 
aut  ex  rationabili  motivo,  fruatur  privilegio,  ac  si  legeret  Missam 
de  Bequie  per  rubricas  eo  sic  permissam  ? 

R. — Affirmative,  deletis  tamen  verbis  aut  ex  rationabili  motivo^ 
et  facto  verbo  cum  Sanctissimo. 

Sanctitas  Sua  EE.  PP.  sententiam  benigne  confirmavit. 


VOL.  VI.  81 

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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS- 

Some  Notes  on  Popular  Preaching:    By  Rev.  Arthub   Rtan- 
M.  H.  GfLL  A:  Son,  Dublin. 

This  is  a  Rmall  but  very  atefal  book.  It  dees  not  pretood  to 
be  a  treatise  on  the  wide  subject  of  Popular  Preaching ;  it  is  oriy 
a  collection  of  Notes  which  give  the  substance  of  a  eoaise  of 
lectures  delivered  by  Father  Ryan  to  his.class  of  Sacred  Eloqoenoe 
in  St.  Patrick's  College,  Thurles.  As  a  summary,  it  is  clear, 
forcible,  and  very  suggestive,  and  cannot  fail  to  be  a  valuable  little 
hand-book  in  the  class-room. 

*Wit]iin  his  forty- four  pages  Fr.  Ryan  deals  with  tlie  importanoeof 
Preaching,  the  necessity  of  preparation  for  the  Sunday  Sermon,  and 
the  qualities  which  make  our  Preaching  iastructive,  attractive^  and 
practical.  Though  little  that  is  new  can  be  expected  on  this  topic  so 
often  and  so  exhaustively  treated,  yet  Fr.  Ryan  has  so  thoroughly 
mastered  his  subject  as  to  expound  it  with  a  vigour  and  freshness 
of  expression,  and  a  copiousness  of  happy  iUustration,  that  make 
his  book  delightful  as  well  as  instructive  reading.  Here  is  one 
example  taken  almost  at  random.  He  is  meeting  the  objection 
raised  by  some  priests  who  say  that  th^  have  "  no  time  **  to  prepare 
their  instructions. 

"  Objection  No.  3. — 'I  have  no  time.' 

*^  Answer. — lliis  is  the  devil's  favourite  pretext,  and  isall  the 
more  apt  to  blind,  seeing  that  it  is  woven  out  of  the  very  multiplicity 
of  priestly  duties.  It  vanishes  when  preaching  takes,  in  the 
sacred  ministry,  the  place  assigned  it  by  the  saints  and  by  our  hard 
Himself. 

'^  If  the  mission  of  an  apostle  is  to  preach  the  Gospel,  shall  the 
excuse  stand  that  he  has  had  no  time  ?  Or  would  a  priest  say, 
he  had  no  time  to  answer  a  sick  call  ?  no  time  to  hear  confessions? 
no  time  to  say  Mass  ?  When  he  can  say  he  has  no  time  for  tbne, 
then,  and  only  then,  may  he  add  :  *  I  have  no  time  to  preach,  no 
time  to  prepare  my  sermons.'  Besides,  is  it  the  hard-worked  man 
that  pleads,  'I  have  no  time?*  No;  this  is  the  idler's  excuse: 
the  cxeose  of  the  man  that  puts  off  from  day  to  day  all  prepara- 
tion fn*  his  preaching. 

*'The  priest  fh«t  regularly  liegins  Sunday's  sermons  on  the 
previous  Monday  :  or,  better  still,  following  the  advice  to  pastoral 
preaciiers  of  the  eloquent  and  saintly  Monsignor  Dupanloup,  that 
begins  three  weeks  before,  so  as  ahng^  to  have  on  hand  and  in 
mind  three  sermons  in  three  stages  of  development ;  that  uian  will 
not  plead,  *  I  have  no  time.' 

"  It  is  from  the  hurried,  Grod-forsaken  confusion  of  Saturday- 
night  preparation  that  we  hear  the  idler's  cry  '  I  have  no  time.' 
It  might,  alas,  be  well  if  he  had  no  eternity  I" 

The  book  has  the  imprimatur  of  the  Archbishops  of  Dublin 
and  Oashel,  and  the  printer's  work  has  been  well  done  by 
Messrs*  Gill  &  Son. 


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Notices  of  iBooh.  751 

The  IJ/e  of  Father  Luke  Wtxddmg.    By  the  Rev.  J.  A.  <ySHEA, 
O.S.F,    M.  H.  Gn.L  &  Sos. 

Thb  Bev.  J.  O'SJbaea,  O.S.F.,  has  done  bq  excellent  work  in 
rescuing  from  comparative  oblivion  the  memory  of  one  whose  life 
is  so  full  of  interest,  espedallj  to  Irishmen  and  to  the  members  of 
that  Order  of  ^ich  be  was  so  bright  an  ornament.  Luke  Wadding 
was  born  in  Waterford  towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  happened  to  live  at  a  time  wlien  the  penal  laws  of  Queen 
Elizabe^  pressed  with  crael  severity  on  the  Catholics  of  Ireland. 
Therefore  k  was,  that  he  left  his  native  country  at  the  early  age 
of  sixteen,  and  sought  in  Spain  a  more  friendly  home,  where  the 
circumstance  of  his  rydigion  should  prove  no  obstacle  to  prefierment 
aod  social  disdnetion.  Aftjer  some  time  he  determined  to  become 
a  priest  and  a  member  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  that  he  might 
devote  to  the  sahBtion  of  souls  those  abilities  with  which  God 
had  very  liberally  endowed  him.  Prom  the  time  of  his  ordina- 
tion we  find  him  applying  himself  to  the  duties  of  his  high 
mission,  with  all  the  wonderful  energy  of  body  and  mind  of  which 
he  was  the  master.  So  effectively  aid  he  labour  as  confessor, 
preacher,  and  student  of  the  Sacred  Sciences,  that  he  soon  came  to 
be  ranked  among  the  very  first  of  the  great  ecclesiastics  'whose 
number  and  learning  made  Spain  at  this  time  pre-eminent  among 
the  nations  of  £urc3|ie.  At  one  iime  we  find  him  the  zealous 
missionary  [B*ie9t  in  Liria,  winning  both  by  word  and  example 
hundreds  of  souls  to  Chr]fi(t ;  at  another,  the  learned  professor  in 
the  Universily  of  Salamanoa,  discussing  the  most  abstruse  ques- 
tions of  theology  ;  again,  appointed  consulting  Theologian  to  the 
embassy  sent  by  the  Spanish  Court  to  Rome  to  hasten  the  settle- 
ment of  the  question  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  ;  and  finally, 
estal^shing  in  Borne  the  College  of  St.  Isidore,  which  still 
jremAnis  a  striking  monument  of  its  founder  and  first  president. 
fie  ever  retained  a  paseionacte  love  Tor  his  native  land,  and  felt 
Bontely  the  wrongs  s^e  was  forced  to  suffer.  When  the  Con- 
federaticm  of  Kilkenny  was  established,  Father  Luke  Wadding  was 
appohsted  to  plead  its  cause  in  Rome,  and  it  was  chiefly  owing  to 
his  representationB,  that  Hcnuecini  was  sent  to  Ireland  as  papal 
«nvoy.  Moreover,  he  collected  through  Italy  about  £10,000,  with 
which  he  bought  arms  for  his  countrymen. 

The  number  of  books  which  he  either  wrote  or  corrected  is 
uhnost  incredible.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  mention  two  of  his 
principal  works,  viz. : — ^the  celebrated  Acta  Conceptionis  Immacu- 
latsB,  aad  t^e  AnnAls  xK  ihe  Franciscan  Order  in  eight  volumes, 
on  the  hitter  of  which  he  spent  twcnty-mx  years.  The  life  of 
sneh  R  "man  Observes  to  be  better  known,  and  we  have  no  doubt 
that  tin  {iresent  biography,  written  in  a  clear  and  easy  style,  will 
nnidi  contribute  to  assign  to  Father  Luke  Wadding  the  place 
whieh  he  merite  among  the  great  ones  xX.  the  past.  T.  Qc. 


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752  Notices  of  Boohs. 

Art  M^Morrough  0*  Cavanagh,  Prince  of  Zeinster.  By  M.  L.  (yBntNE 
M.  H.  Gill  &  Son. 

This  is  an  historical  romance  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
forms  a  fitting  sequel  to  the  other  works  of  Miss  O'Byme.  She 
has  been  singularly  happy  in  the  selection  of  the  period  from  whicH 
are  taken  the  outlines  of  the  description  ;  for  it  would  be  difficult 
to  find  in  Irish  History  one  so  replete  with  stirring  incidents,  and 
so  suited  to  the  genius  of  the  historical  novelist,  as  those  forty 
years  during  which  Art  M'Morrough  O'Cavanagh  figured  as  the 
avenger  of  his  own  and  his  country's  wrongs,  and  the  victorious 
rival  of  the  pomp-loving  Kichard  11.  of  England.  The  plots  are  well 
worked  out,  and  the  different  characters  are  faithfully  described 
according  to  age,  country,  and  condition  of  lite.  We  feel 
confident  that  the  book  will  meet  with  a  wide  circulation, 
especially  among  those  who  share  the  national  spirit  of  the 
writer,  who  has  already  done  much  to  make  the  history  of  her 
country  popular.  T.  G. 

Life  of  June  Catherine  Emmerich,     From  the  German  of  Very 
Kev.  K.  E.  ScHMOGER,  C.SS.R.      Two  Vols.     New   York : 

PUSTET  &  Co. 

The  holy  religious  to  whom  we  are  introduced  in  these  two 
volumes  was  an  ecstatica  and  stigmatiza,  had  visions  and  revela- 
tions from  infancy,  was  gifted  with  a  knowledge  of  the  past,  the 
future,  and  the  distant  present,  could  recognize  blessed  objects  by 
touch,  end  led  a  life  of  suffering  which  is  truly  marvellous  in  many 
other  ways. 

The  story  of  this  life  is  now  before  us  in  an  English  translation, 
from  which  Christians  of  all  classes  may  derive  great  profit.  The 
wonders  for  which  Sister  Emmerich  was  remarkable  are  related 
not  from  hearsay  or  from  stories  preserved  by  friendly  tradition. 
The  account  is  drawn  rather  from  the  authentic  acts  of  the  various 
commissions  by  which  her  case  was  investigated.  The  fact  that 
these  commissions  were  composed  of  learned  men  of  highest 
character  and  of  all  shades  of  belief — theologians,  doctors,  business- 
men, lawyers,  Christians  and  infidels — ^this  is  sufficient  guarantee 
of  the  truth  of  the  wondrous  phenomena  which  are  recorded  of  this 
holy  woman. 

Lessons  in  Domestic  Science.    By  F.  M.  Gallaohbb.    Dublin: 
Bbownb  &  Nolan. 

We  can  recommend  this  book  as  containing  a  vast  amount  of 
useful  information.  If  the  principles  of  domestic  economy  wen 
better  known  and  more  frequently  reduced  to  practice,  there  shoold 
certainly  be  much  less  misery  in  the  world,  and  much  less  sin  also. 
Miss  Gallagher  has  done  her  work  well ;  her  book  will  be  found 
useful,  not  only  in  the  school-room,  but  also  for  women  and  even 
for  men  of  all  stations  in  the  world. 


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THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


DECEMBER,  1885. 


.    FRAGMENTS  OF  A  BROKEN  TOUR— No.  II. 

CHARMING  is  the  railway  run  from  Luxemburg  to  Metz. 
The  Mosel  which  we  left  at  Trier  we  soon  reach  once 
more,  and  a  pleasant  guide  and  companion  we  find  it  to  be, 
even  while  we  are  rushing  along  on  our  noisy  way  witli  a 
speed  which  tries,  but  happily  in  vain,  to  carry  us  beyond 
its  banks.  Perhaps  it  is  the  charm  of  novelty  that  makes 
this  beautiful  river  so  attractive  to  us,  and  perhaps  our 
very  speed  that  makes  us  more  resolved  to  enjoy  its  varied 
dharms  which  are  snatched  away  almost  as  quickly 
as  they  are  displayed.  The  Mosel  winds  through  very  . 
varying  scenery;  at  times  the  banks  are  closed  in  by 
heights  which  rise  into  the  distant  Vosges  mountains ;  then 
they  widen  out  until  the  river  changes  into  a  lake  which 
reposes  in  the  bosom  of  smiUng  meadows  and  rich  corn 
fields ;  once  more  they  naiTow,  as  though  intent  upon  pro- 
gress, and  hmTy  on  the  waters  in  more  orderly  cnannels. 
But  the  Mosel  will  have  its  own  way  in  spite  of  directing 
and  impatient  banks,  and  meanders  in  fitftil  turns  or  in 
graceful  ciurves,  as  though  it  loved  the  country  through 
which  it  flows,  and  lingers  on  perchance  as  knowing  it  will 
too  soon  lose  its  identity,  and  at  Coblenz  become  only 
an  undistinguishable  portion  of  the  more  renowned  Rhine. 

But  now  we  are  tracing  it  upwards  towards  Epinal  and 
its  source  in  those  Vosges  mountains  which  here  look 
down,  as  with  paternal  eyes,  upon  the  bright  and  laughing 
waters  which  are  hastening  towards  a  noisy  world,  where 
they  will  be  fouled  and  lost  sight  of  in  a  river  that  knows 
not  their  home. 

The  Mosel  though  at  places  wide,  seems  generally  to 
VOL.  VL  3  k 

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Z&i  Fra^9nU^ u'bfoken  Tour. 

besb&Hc^w^  sd  tliat  the  waters' owe  little  of  th^attractiaif 
to  th^  life  tha^  floats  upon  t^em*  Manj  a  polluted 'rrrear 
nearer  home  would  htagh  to  seom  the  small  craft  that, 
few  and  far  between/ dot  its  waters,  at  feast  up  as  high  as 
we  are  here  abore  its  mouth ;  and  even  at  its  lowest  and 
fullest  it  now  scarcely  enables  b  steamboat  to  oany  im- 
patient tourists  from  Cohleiiz  to  Trier ;  so  it  is  in  euch  KkB 
respects  a  very  insigDificant  riv^r,  and  must  not  think  of 
proclaiming  its  tonnage^  or  claiming  a  distinguidied  place 
in  commercial  statistics.  Yet  has  it  a  high  name  in  history, 
and  can  claim  IVieir  and  Metz,  with  their  ancient  pedigrees, 
as  its  children,  and  so  can  hold  its  head  high  when  history 
is  quoted,  be  that  history  ancient,  mediasval  or  modem, 
from  the  real  Ctesar  of  olassio  days  down  to  him  who  in  our 
own  time  assumed  that  title  of  honour,  and  lost  the  Masel 
to  tJie  people  who  trusted  in  him. 

So  to  the  mental  as  to  the  physical  eye  the  Moeel  is  a 
river  of  beauty,  and  binds  with  its  silver  cord  Tiier  and 
Hetz  together ;  and  so  our  disjointed  record  beings  us 
quite  naturally  from  the  former  with  its  ancient  renown;  to 
the  latter  with  its  military  glories  fresh  upon  it.  Tbwa  it 
comes  to  pass  that  the  flowing  river  seems  to  be  the  quiet 
resting-place,  and  the  fortified  cities  the  living  and  moving 
things.  Our  taste  not  being  martial,  our  readers  wiU 
happily  be  spared  all  records  of  wars,  all  plans  of  sieg<es, 
and  all  details  of  fortifications. 

Full  of  these  peaceful  resolutions  which  nature  h^^s 
so  beautiful  and  sylvan  suggests,  we  reach  Metz  statioii^ 
which  of  coarse  is  yrfthout  the  walls,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
find  ourselves  passing  thiough  a  fortified  gateway,  crossmg 
drawbridges  to  other  portals  as  fierce  and  grim  as  thai!  hy 
which  wo  began  oar  entrance.  It  puzzles  us,  for  all  is  ea 
ancient  and  yet  so  new,  it  is  Chepstow,  and  Rhaglan,  and 
Goodrich,  all  combined  into  one,  all  revived  once  more, 
but  with  seemingly  a  newer  and  fiercer  Kfe ;  no  mere  dream 
of  the  past  but  a  Uving  reaUty,  which  makes  itself  felt  eveii 
in  an  omnibus  on  its  way  from  the  station  to  the  hoteL 
Somehow  our  civilian  spirit  seems  rapidly  passing  away, 
aad  a  strangely  new  one  coming  over  us.  There  is  some* 
thing  in  the  air,  certainly  plenty  in  our  surroundings,  to 
put  away  the  peaceful  thoughts  that  the  beautiful  Mosel 
had  inspired,  and  so,  with  one  brief  interval,  our  sojouru 
at  Metz  was  a  military  festival  to  us.  If  the  Past  spoke  to 
us  in  its  warlike  oharacteiistics,  the  Present  was  sufficiently 
loud  tongued  in  its  electric  light.    Nowhere  have  we  seen 


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ihiatyiocWigoBt  gift  of  fLeaven-^so  boiintiftilly  bestowfefdj-Dd 
city  d6  we  know  whi6ti  is  so  |ierfeotlyiiitiminated.  lilofz-^* 
or  udtker:  itd  present  possessors — ^luidcrstand  arid  utilise 
alike:  tho  past  *an<J  preseant,  and  combine  most  efieotively 
dtcengtb  with  beauty ;  its  armour  may  thus  be  said  to  be 
of  bumiHiied  Hteol  damasc^ed  witli  gold  and  peeious 
«ti>iies^sa  brilliant  is  th^:  great  atrolighold  which;  France 
losfctoGrenwany,  ivhen  on  that  memorable  28th  of  October, 
1870^  *f  three  French  n^arahalei,  sixty^six  generals,  six  thou-' 
sand  oflBoerSy^and  one  hundred  and  serenty^three  thousand 
laen  surrendered  as  prisoners  of  war.''  Metz,  in  truth,  was 
not  then  what  it  is  now*  Its  fortilioations  have  more  thau 
doubled  thernselves,  enclosing  in  their  cii'cuit  fifteen  miles 
and  extending:  at  their 'greatest  distance  not  less  than  four 
ioilefc'.btiyond  ^the  city* 

Of  course  we  see  nothing  of  this^  even  by  the  aid  of 
the  electric  Bght,  when  we  make  our  entmnce;  itndyet 
we^feel  it,  and  know  that  it  is  there :  but  when  we  takw  our 
finst-walk  CMit  tlirough  the  pretty  garden  and  wide  portalfi 
of  the  Hotel  de  T  Europe,  good  fortune  directs  us  across  a 
biroad  iniliiairy  sguate,  the  Place  d'Armes,  to  a  street  that 
somehow  the  electric  light  seems  unable  to  brighten. 
Something  too  great  for  even  its  power  rises  high  above  it, 
which  needs,  to  mark  its  vast  outlines,  the  light  which 
heayen  more  d^-fectly  sends  down  from  the  bright  stars 
which  bum  above.  Before  us  stands  a  dark  form,  towering 
like  a  distant  mohntain  and  yet  close  at  hand ;  higher  una 
higher  it  seems  to  rise,  as  though  growing  before  us,  and 
asnvie  strain  our  feyes,  and  in  tnith  our  neck  too,  it  stands 
-ftlaft' crowned  with  the  stars  which  seem  no  higher  than 
itdelf  What  is  it  I  we  have  no  guide,  and  all  is  mleiit ; 
i^hkt  can  it  be,  thus  in  the  midst  of  houses  and  abutting 
^n  a  comrabn  street,  and  yet  having  nothing  in  common 
with  them?.  What  can  it  be  but  God^s  own  House,  reared 
by  those  who  worked  in  faith,  and  had  a  consciousness  of 
wjiat  wajsHis  duo.  After  a  while  we  get  accustomed  to  the 
^loom  that  shrouds  the  heights  above  us;  shading  our 
eyes  from  the  electric  glare,  and  throwing  it,  as  it  were, 
upon  tho  Cathedral,  its  different  features  somewhat  reveal 
their  forms,  and  group  themselves  in  our  minds  till  wo 
b^gin  to  read  it ;  but  diyhght  is  required  to  complete  tho 
lesson,  and  so  we  defer  tUl  to-morrow  further  in vestigation. 
IJnoUgh,  however,  has  been  seen  to  make  the  first  and 
lasting  impression.  There  are  some  others  that  rival  it  in 
dimensions;  but  seen  in  that  uncertain  light,  and  reached 


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756  Frai^iimiis  of  a  broken  Tcur^ 

80  iiuexpectedly,  the  first  impression  will  not  soon  be  for- 
gotten AvLicli  Avas  made  upon  us  by  the  glorious  Catkedral 
ofMetz. 

AYe  read  that  Metz  Cathedral  waJs  in  consti-uction  from 
the  foui-teenth  to  the  sixteenth  century  ;  hut  more  precisely 
it  may  be  said  that  the  nave  was  completed  in  1'6\)2,  and 
the  choir  in  154G.  It  is  373  feet  long,  and  its  noble 
vaulted  roof  rises  to  the  height  of  141  feet.  No  wonder 
Murray  puts  a  queiy  after  this  record  of  its  height,  so  far 
exceeding  that  of  our  English  Cathedrals,  whei*e  seventy 
feet  is  considered  no  mean  altitude  for  the  nave  of  Ely. 
But  we  must  bear  in  mind  the  emphasis  which  French  and 
Geiman  architects  put  upon  height,  and  so  we  have 
Bourges  in  one  country  with  117  feet,  and  Cologne  in  the 
other  towering  above  all  to  an  elevation  of  231  feet  I 

The  length  at  Metz  bears  fair  proportion  to  its  height,, 
being  373  feet,  while  itfi  spire  of  open  work  (built  in  li-il) 
rises  to  an  equal  height,  another  373  feet,  springing  from  the 
cross,  and  unaccompanied  by  eastern  or  western  towers. 
In  1830-5  it  was  completely  restored,  and  nothing  since 
has  happened,  save  a  slight  and  easily  extinguished  fire  in 
the  roof  which  occurred  in  1877,  when  its  new  master,  the^ 
venerable  Emperor  William,  was  present 

The  exterior  loses  none  of  its  grandeur  in  broad  day- 
light, which  says  much  for  the  majesty  of  its  proportions, 
and  then-  perfect  grouping.  The  flying  buttresses  whicli 
biiry  each  window  in  a  deep  recess,  are  so  light  and  grace- 
ful, tliat  they  throw  no  gloom  upon  the  spaces  between, 
but  seem  rather  to  bring  life  and  brightness. 

The  interior  is  very  impressive  ;  there  is  a  simplicity  in 
its  grandeur  which  implies  anything  but  plainness  ;  for  it» 
ornamentation  is  a  part  of  itself,  and  so  never  cj:)ti'udje& 
itself  as  an  addition.  All  is  too  solemn  for  mere  decoration^ 
even  its  glorious  windows  but  tend  to  this  end. 

Though  no  Mass  was  going  on  wliile  we  were  there — 
for  it  was  nearly  noon — avc  were  unmolested  by  officials,, 
and  left  to  wander  at  our  own  good  pleasure.  At  last  we 
found  some  one  who  opened  the  Saciisty  presses  and  showed 
us  a  very  interesting  collection  of  vestments,  notably  two 
complete  sets,  one  presented  by  Chai'leai  the  Greats  and 
the  other  by  Napoleon  (gi*eat  or  little,  we  forget  which). 
TJie  former  was  remarkable  for  its  exquisite  and  elaborate 
needle- work,  the  latter  for  its  massive  gold  embroideries. 
Other  sets  connected  with  great  or  holy  names  were  there, 
but  these  two  impressed  us.  most.    Of  course, there  are 


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.  Fragments  of  a  Irohen  Totn\  ^S^ 

otlier  presses  filled  with  silver  and  golden  lieads  and  busts, 
<joutaining  precious  relics,  rare  crosiers  and  rich  chalices-^ 
'  but  in  truth  we  have  no  love  for  such  exhibitions,  which 
remind  us  of  museums  and  gqldsraitlis'  shops,  where  tlio 
richness  or  rarily  seems  all  in  all,  and  the  sanctity 
counts  for  nothing.  If  relics  are  to  be  treated  and 
reverenced  as  such;  surely  the  altars  are  the  places  where 
they  should  be  preserved.  A  paid  exhibition,  with  -a 
curator  jingling  his  keys  and  anxious  only  to  re-lock  his 
'  cupboard,  tends  but  little,  in  ordinary  moiials,  to  excite 
and  invite  to  devotion.  An  ancient  fortified  city  such  as 
Metz  must  have  narrow  streets  and  lofty  houses ;  for  ground 
is  too  limited  and  too  valuable  to  admit  of  any  biit  the 
most  necessary  occupation.  But  its  military  character 
fortunately  necessitates  certain  open  spaces  for  the  massing 
and  drilling  of  troops ;  so  we  have  not  only  a  PiaQe 
d'Armes  but  a  grand  Esplanade,  with  shady  walks  mi  dor 
lofty  trees,  gardens  radiant  with  flowers,  and  fine  buildings 
.around,  but  not  too  close  upon  it,  and  a  splendid  broad 
walk  overhanging  one  of  the  several  arms  by  which  the 
Mosel  winds  its  way  through  Metz,  and  has  homo  views 
across  its  bridges  and  river  banks,  and  more  distant  ones 
to  the  heights  which  command  the  city,  with  fortifications 
that  environ,  and  the  forts  that  crown  them,  and  which  ip 
their  circuit  of  fifteen  miles  make  Metz  imapproachable, 
and  so  doubly  impregnable  within  its  embattled  walls.     ' 

A«  we  stroll  leisurely  along  this  pleasant  walk,  io 
repose  and  refresh  oiu'selves  under  the  trees,  we  observe 
several  decorated  officers  approaching  us,  who  soon 
4ire  followed  by  others.  We  inquire  if  anything  is  going 
to  take  place,  and  are  told  that  there  is  about  to  be  a 
military  massing,  to  translate  literally  which  was  said. 
Our  minds  are  not  enlightened,  and  so,  ashamed  to  confess 
our  ignorance,  wo  wait  to  see  the  end ;  and  very  brilliant 
indeed  was  the  scene  that  gradually  forme<l  itself  befor'e 
,our  eyes.  More  officers  came,  some  of  higher  rank  and 
fttill  more  Extensively  decorated  ;  then  came  a  very  gTeat 
.man-  who  wAs  received  with  innumerable  military  salutes'; 
we  concluded  that  he  was  the  gi-eatest,  as  indeed  he  was 
-  until  one  or  two  equally  great  appeared ;  and  so  it  went  on-^ 
when  will  it  end,  we  thought?  At  last  came  the  real  very 
-great -man,  before  whom  all  the  great  ones  we  have 
previously  so  reverenced,  sunk  into  comparative  obscurity, 
and  so  we  concentrated  our  veneration  upon  him,  who 
indeed  in  form  and  bearing  was  *  every  inch  a — well  not  a 


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klii'l;  but;  the  local  cbitf,  the  <3oninwittdaiit  o^'Mets:.  l^ 
does  not  look  very  gi*eat  an  "we  Avrite  it,  and  \\»e  feel 
(iiBappointed  accordhigly,  for  we  sliotild  like  the  reader  ^ 
look  at  and  feel  aa  we  di<l  m  ihe  august  Presence,  wiueh 
perhapbthey  might  be  inelined-to  do,  diA'we  givehii  tram^ 
and  titles  and  honotii's  at  ftiU  length.  A-  inilitttiy  btorf 
soon  appeared,  took  nji  itie  statfort,  and  played,  as  only  bt 
first-rate  niilitaiybaiid  can  play.'  Meanwliae  the  bn^^ea* 
of  the  day  proceeded,  which  corisisted  simply  in  winiJry 
generals  interviewing  the  Commandant,  and  then  cArryhlg 
hi^  instiuctions  to  their  inferior  officei^— we  were  toW  thafe 
the  military  arrangements  for  th^  week  were  being  made^ 
what  each  regiment  was  to  do,  when  and  where,  which  wkh 
such  a  force  Jis  occupies  Metz  and  its  fortiflcationfer,  mus^ 
involve  no  little  consideration  in  determining!  It  certainfy 
was  a  brilliant  scene,  sueh  as  we  had  SeMom  set  eyes  upon 
before  ;  and  we  rejoiced  accordingly  in  our  godd 'fortune 
that  brought  us  to  the  right  place  at  the  right  time. 

We  leave  somewhat  Reluctantly  our  Hotel  de  I'Burope, 
but  ere  we  go  we  copy  for  further  cogitation  the  followitig 
rather  puzzling  notice  in  English  in  the  bedroom :  *^  The 
price  of  lodgings  are  counted  night  by  (iightt,  and  the  ni^t 
counts :  from  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  five  in  th^e 
afternoon  of  the  next  day,  no  matter  at  what  hour'traveller^ 
leave  the  hotel  during  tbeee  hours/  While  wandering 
amid  the  bright  flower  beds  of  the  Esplanade  ^e  came 
upon  a  figure  of  a  horse  mounted,  not  by  any  ridfer,  but 
iteelf  upon  a  broad  pedestal,  and  when  tx  question  Was 
raised  between  us  as  \o  wliy  it  was  there  and  wbatJi 
recorded,  it  was  jokingly  answered — it  is  raised  of  course 
to  the  memory  of  Marshal  Ney  (neigh)  *  a  poor  joke,  but 
curiously  emphasized  a  few  minutes  aflerwardtf  wbcA 
opposite  to  the  horse  at  the  other  end  of  the  lawn  Bt6od 
the  statue  of  Marshal  N^y  himself,  with  a  record  of  isome 
characteristic,  and  so  flamboyant .  words  of  th6  "  double- 
dyed  traitor."  No  guide  book  tells  the  story  of  the  hor^,. 
that  of  the  Maishal  needs  no  re-telling:  A  pleasant l-un 
of  four  hours  takes  us  from  Atetz  to  Strassburg,  oarryihr 
us  in  our  way  through  Saarburg,  and  beneath  the  lof^ 
oliff  which  overhangs  the  rirei' Saar,.  hi^h  up  whose  side,, 
hanging  Uke  a  bird's  nest  against  the  face  of  the  roefc,  ife 
an- old  Roman  Castle  which  the  late  King  xX  PWissia 
restored  as  a  chapel,  wheiein  he  juried  the retnainsitf  h& 
ancestor,  that  King  Johu  <X  Bohemia^  whose  <5enotkph  >Vh 
eaw  at  Luxemburg,  and  whose  death  at  Oecy'gavd^tiir 


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qldjlin^/yofi  wl  »9  Ipftg^  rw&rrrAt  le^t  fpr  uR^-by  Nwcy  t^, 
Si^iB^ifl^ui'^  for  the  new  fconijiep  still  leaves  Nanoy  ia  Fraucei 
f^|id,Bj(^  o^F.Germau  way  is  by  a  now  rouW  wbv^h  is  iade^qj, 
a,  ^i^crt^T  one.  We  have  thus  left  Lotbringcn,  and  i^re, 
40.W.  |in.  lie  capital  of  Klsass ;  nevertheless  we  quarter  ouiV 
selves  in  the  Hotel  de  la  Ville  de  Paris,  which  still  reigns 
supren^ei  among  hotels  in  this  German  City,    •  .    . 

/  .However  ,late  one  airives  at  Strassburg  it  is  simply,  im- 
jKpfisiblje .  to  g9  fco  bed  without  first  visiting  the  <;athe4{al^ 
ijtS;  1  whereabonts  being  obvio as  frpc^  almost  every  wide 
streetf  for.  the  great  spir^  towers  far  above  everything.  Its 
west  fix)»t  i»  a  xn^vv^l  by  nigl^t  and  by  da;y;  .  There 
it  ,  fijtand^  *  Uiat  wpnderful  elevation  of  230  feet. 
Wbat.dpep  that  nuea^il  .  Who  tl^at  haei  visited  York 
can  bw^  forgotten  the  "v^est.  front  of,  its  reaowned 
nainste^, ,  with  the  two  towels  which  enclose  it  ?  They 
rise  to  a  height  of  196  feet;  so  that  StraJEisburg, 
wiibput)  towers,  sft^nds  tbirty-fonrt  feet  bijgher  than  the 
tQiE^ers.Qf  York)  and  upon  this  rises  a  spire  higher  than 
i;tie(  Gre^  Pyramid,  and  140  feet  higher  than  St,  Paul'a 
4ge  after.,  i^gie  it  g^oyied  in t being  the  highest  spire 
in.  the  world,  as  indjeed.  it  was,  ui|til,  in  our  day,  Sir 
Gilbert  Spott  built  St,  i^icbolas,  at  Kjamburg, .  with  a 
fpirie.of .471  fef^,  ovwtppping  this  by  just  three  feet; 
a^dl  fio  Strassb^g  lostoi^e  ot  its  ancient  glories  by  this 
little  measvre.  .  * 

v(.v4^^t  the  west  frpnt  is  without  a  rival.  It  seems  as 
tjii^^g):!  wh^n  tbet  gi^eat  front  was  reared^,  with. all  its  wealth 
^jrliNrindows  and  niches  and  storey  upon  storey,  by  the 
^'l^Qowned  Ei^wina  of  Steinback*  fattier  and  son,  the  daughter 
.$al)i^a,  who,  inherited  the  family  genius,  and  succeeded 
^er  two.^edecessorsin  the  work,  cast  over  it^  in  woman's 
i'^nqy  with  exquisite  taste,  a  veit  of  netwjork  in  richest 
tracery.  •  For  so  it  is,  the  stone  is  carved  into  detached 
arcades  md  pillais,  as  sharp.and  clean  as. though  the  work 
;of  yesterday,  though  it  has  stood  nearly  five  hundred  yeai-a 
And  upon  this  rises- the  single  spire,  the  one  of  two  which 
£ir«Kiu,deBigned,  as  his  drawingSHBtill  preserved,  show,  it 
surely  needs  no  companion,  and,  to  our  taste,  seems  all  the 
nobler  for  4ts. soli taiy  gr^deur,  . 

,  JFor  ?60yef^s  tb^  nai^^e  w^  in  building  (1015-1275), 
for  pn  those  days  grpa^  works  grew,  and  were  not  run 
up.,  .  The  choir  is  pl49Pr>  and  dates  from  Charles  the 
Q];eai»    Thu^  the  Qotbf^c  nave  leads  up  to  the  still  more 


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^&S  FragitwiU  if  a  brcim  Towir. 

mtiMve  Romanesque  choir,  as  ihou^  to  carry  us  tbrougb 
its  own  glory  and  the  dim  religious  light  that  comes  of 
richest  glass,  to  those  still  more  ancient  days  whose  solemn 
symbols  enshrine  the  Holy  of  Holies.  But  these  are  closed 
to  us  at  this  late  hour,  and  have  to  be  reserved  for  the  next 
-day.  But  when  in  the  morning  we  revisit  the  cathedral, 
«nd  would  full  fain  dwell  upon  its  glories,  examining  in 
detail  itfi  renowned  features,  and  then  trying  to  grasp  aU 
in  one,  and  to  fix  the  general  effect  in  our  mind,  there  comes 
A  distraction  which  upsets,  for  a  time  at  least,  all  these  pre«- 
conceived  designs,  and  hurries  our  feet  and  thougbtfr 
altogether  in  another  direction,  carrying  us  with  a  crowd 
into  the  south  transept  to  see  the  Great  Clock  in  all  its  glory. 
Jt  has  a  history  and  a  long  pedigree.  In  truth  it  is  a  very 
ancient  clock,  and  like  many  other  venerable  things  it  more 
than  once  jgot  out  of  order,  broke  down,  and  was  silent  and 
motionless.  Then  a  clock-doctor  took  it  in  hand,  and  set  Jt 
on  its  feet — perhaps  we  should  say  upon  its  hands — once 
more.  Then  again  it  collapsed,  and  was  in  a  kind  of  ti^ano^ 
for  many  years.  Again  it  was  taken  in  band,  examined, 
And  its  inside  found  to  be  hopelessly  worn  away.  What 
was  to  be  done  ?  A  learned  Astronomer  studied  it  for  some 
-ten  .or  twenty  years,  and  after  this  long  c«>gitation  and 
innumerable  calculations — for  the  olock  does  almost  every- 
thing which  science  can  devise  and  Astronomy  require — 
he  set  manfully  to  work,  and  in  another  period  of  oguai 
duration — what  we  are  tempted  to  call  a  ftBoular  period — 
put  hie  thoughts  into  shape  and  his  calculations  Jnto  working 
order,  and  reproduced  the  <$lock  as  we  now  find  it.  The 
south  transept  is  its  shrine,  and  there  i«  alreaidy  a  crowd 
of  worshippers  assemble<l  when  we  arrive,  but,  being 
fevidently  tourists,  and  possibly  liberal,  we  have  a  space 
cleared  out  for  us  in  front  and  are  fully  iustrncted  by  an 
official  who  tells  us  everything  sotto  voce^  that  ikm*- 
subscribers  may  not  be  instructed  gratuitously. 

The  front  is  partly  a  kifid  of  theatre  {if  one  may  »a 
apeak  of  what  is  in  a  cathedral)  in  which  the  small  figure* 
perform  their  parts  of  courae  in  due  order,  being  by  clock* 
work;  the  rest  reveals  part  of  the  complicated  machinery 
which  works  out  the  comprehensive  ALL  which  the  clock 
does.  The  performance  is,-  of  course,  the  most  attractive 
part,  and  bnngs  the  crowd ;  but  the  marvellous  work  is 
what  the  hands  alone  show,  and  which  it  would  take  far 
more  than  a  year  to  follow  and  understand.  So  the  great- 
ness of  the  achievement  in  designing  and  constructing  sfueh 


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.Fragments  of  a  broken  Tour.  T55it 

'ucloiilcis  lost  sight  of  in  the  puppet  show.  But  thisia 
itself  is  curious  and  worth  a  few  words  of  description.  la 
the  first  gallery  aii  angel  strikes  the  quarter  upon  a  bell 

which  he  holds  in  his  hand.  Time,  standing  at  his  side, 
reverses  an  hour-glass  every  hour.  Higher  up,  around  a 
iskeleton  who  strikes  the  hour  as  the  glass  is  turned  over, 
are  grouped  four  figiu-es  repres^ting  .boyhood,  youth, 
manhood,  aaid  old  age,  who. represent  the  four  quarters, 
-and  so  the  g:rowth  of  each  hour,  each  coming  forward  whrai 
his  own  quai-ter  strikes.  Under  this  first  gallery  th<3  symbolic 
.deity  of  each  day  steps  out  of  a  niche,  and  retires  when  its 
day  is  over.  Apollo  on  Sunday,  Diana  on  Monday,  and  so 
on.  In  the  highest  niche,  at  noon,  the  twelve  apostles  in 
due  order  come  out  from  one  side,  pass,  and  in  passing,  turn 
and  do.  reverence  to  the  Saviour,  who  stands  m  the  midst, 
^and  blesses  them  as  they  move  on  and  disappear  at  the 
other  side. 

But  what  is  the  strangest  and  most  startling  pai-t  of  all 
-occurs  when  this  solemn  procession  is  past  and  gone ;  a 
jrustling  draws  our  eyes  to  a  cock  perched  upon  tlie  highest 
pinnacle  of  a  side  pillar  that  contains  the  weights  of  the 
dock,  who  flaps  his  wings,  stretches  his  neck  in  the  most 
-orthodox  fashion  and  crows  lustily  and  most  naturally,  and 
thei-eby  sorely  tried  our  gravity  and  sense  of  decoinim.  AH 
is  now  over  and  the  audience  is  dismissed,  for  twelve  o'clock 
i^ithe  closing  hour,  though  this  short  interval  of  grace  is 
aJlowed  for  such  an  exceptional  function. 

1  But,  as  we  have  said,  this  is  really  the  least  and  simplest 
,patt  of  what  the  clock  does.  It  js  a  complete  planetaiium, 
irtyarking  all  the  movements  of  the  planets,  the  revolution  of 
,the  eaith,  and  of  the  moon,. and  of  the  sun ;  in  truth  it  is  a 
•complete  calendar,  golden  number,  epact,  Sunday  letter, 
And  variable  feast,  and  not  for  one  year  only,  for  it  regulates 
itself  from  year  to  year,  and  so  adapts  itself  without  any 
external  help,  save  in  the  winding  up  (and  even  this  wo 
sxi^ect  it  does  for  itself),  following,  or  rather  accompanying 
:the  seasons  as  they  pass,  and  starting  by  its  own  action 
upoathe  new  year  when  hands  move,  which  have  been  still 
for  a  year  and  never  move  again  until  the  year  is  past 

Of  course  when  the  cathedral  closed  its  doors  upon  us 
Ve  sought  a  postern  and -climbed  stairs,  (many),  to  reach  at 
length  the  platform,  where  the  unfinished  tower  comes  tA 
an  end  and  its  fnlUgi-own  brother  rises  in  single  gi'eatness. 
Here  we  pause,  and  refusing  to  climb  the  wide  openwork 
of  the  wonderful  spire,  with  its  curious  double  staircase. 


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86 J  .  FrdpnenU-  ^/"^  a  br^iwu  IWfc 

telArbitaakE^  the  way.  uji  aitoigptbtar  ioAepeti^dMt  iof  ith« 
feay  <iown>  we  ecyojr  from.itbe.  bro|id  ti«ddI,well-)p»aiJbd 
platform  a  view<>yer  8tiPn^^lC  '^^^.  itsinu^^  iW 

and  near.  Now  this  JUroCigbt  Wfomt<iuto.ie(pW  tht^'iohis^ 
wjbich.  we  had  eqaecidly  ian view  imrceimog/.kithttt^^Jand 
when  we  descend  we  find  (mBowaj^hy^theiweiitdLiOiipw* 
formed  on  high,  to  tb«fN^WnUiliyeii8ity> with..wbiohvth& 
Cherman  Emperor  Ws.iriedyW^Uh  mmyi  oibftt JbUoue^tft^ 
aad  kind  devices,' to  Twin  it  he  i  Affeotiopfsr'Jpfj  hie  iieirfy^- 
adquired — or  rather  .restol15d*-^«^bJect»*lf  It  is:  m>%  ftY^^^ 
diay  that  is  given  toi  us^tolseea  New  Unirerpiliy^  foU-growo^ 
that  is^  complete,  with  aU  it^.  {kcultiea  Itouaed  in  j^^ei^ 
and  pupils  corresponding  iu  ntmnbers,  to^tUl^  laiigo rwd 
Well-endowed  stafiV.  »   -        i  .i,    i  :,  . ,    j  •     : 

On  bow  grand  a  soaleitbft^-Ummertttjhasrheea^aQued 
and  oaifried  out  in  builfdin^Bta^Atid  ali  tbfttitb^seiis^ljr^ 
a  few  words  and  figtires  will  saffiee  <K>  sbowti  ^        ; :        . 

The  former  Academy,  wafe  btok«n.  upjia  18J0  bgrrtto 
war^  and  was  replaced  by  tb©  NeW)Uiiivw^ty!»  m  Deoc^^^bm 
1871.  From  the  summer  of  ISJfi  oiSiwaDdbi  i^  bd<i^  ol 
forty-two  professors  constitttteA  tb«|  staff*.  ^  rTh^  b^an 
thidr  work  in  May  Ist  fof  th^lj  yearr-atnjifem<H^ 
being  Ihe  three  htmdredai^d  filfcbi  aornvj^reWJ'  of  tb^.op4MH 
in^  M  the  old  Academy,  which:  :wa9  fm^ded  im  1^7.  by 
Steittmeister  Johann  Stm*m  .von.  Stflijua^ck^i  more  tbana 
century  before  Stratoburg  rwas  fieiaed  iu  Jtuneof  ;pea«©,>l^ 

Louis  XIV,  ',    '.:',    '.    •    ..;    .      .,  ,1    t    •    '     '■'    '  lu'*" 

According  to  the  .olficial  Repdrt,  the  i  new  Uniy/eteiJar 
Buildings  were  opened  just  a^  year  ag)i^.U)ot€ibi^,iS7tib^ 
1884,  with  a  «taff  of  8eTeilty4hre©  ordimfcKy  #Ui(l  lUni^een 
extraordinary  profesaois,  who,  dudng  the>^intfner.it^ff9i* 
bave  conducted  242  coursed  of  .lei:; tares  iMHi-^^^ls^Bea  iQ.U^ 
five,  faculties  of  Tbeologyy  ;Law  and.  Poiitjcal  Sqieiiei98^ 
Medicine,  Philosophy,  Natural. Bciencies: and  lllatbema^a. 

The  buildinga  are  in  twj9.distioati^iPQiUpa»ta  walk. of 
half  an  hour  apart.  Strassbm^  has:  growa  mae^  the  war 
of  1870,  and  now,  with  its  new^.foi:tift3atiQn&«  opcupies  an 
area  three  times. as  great  as;;that  pf.ti^e.OM  eijl^«  .OAa 
portion  of  ik^  ground. thus  neoovei^d  ftuiti  tW site. of  the 
oid  fortifications  stands  the  priitoipal  ^oup,  J^  jUoUjegiat^ 
Palace,  with^  as  its  att^jbcU^^ta,-  the  ^  fQUr:  iMtHut^  ^ 
Ohitoiistry,  Physics^  JBot|my,i  antd  Phaffmaoyi  r  witb..fth^ 
Astronomical  Observatorjt  Ed^Sn  itii  fpf^fk,jgw\m4(li,J»i^ 
worthy  to  be  associated  with  tlbot  gravid  Ck^lf^iater  ^^ac»x 
Tha  other  six,  in  quite  aaotber  {)aift.of  ttf©  (i^,;an4  grpjap^ 

-t   '  \  -.  J  A 


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amiiid  the  QirU  H^8]^l^  oofifiis^  of  iht  thme:  liietttubslof 
Afifettomy  aftd  PatHologV,  Physiological  >  Ctemistrf,  ^ah 
BBynology;  and  'th^  tam^  Hosbitais,  Surgical  Clinka^ 
CSiuical  for  Menftal  Di8ordei*B,iapd  MAtemity.  -^ 
'  -Bttt-  what  wa»  the  coat/ and  wlutt  is  the  etidowm«ixt  t 
The  Re]k>rt  s&yi^'thit^  sino^  thO'  atrn^xatiouy  tfaei.sum 
devoted  to  th6  octtfifc  oftheUtiiTetfeity  him  amounted. tb 
»9iteeii  mlUiotif^  frjanod  ^£MOiJOO&),  mid  in  <  additioa  itiu^ 
Library  cost  £7'i»4()0.  /rhe^  anitial  endowment  &^  the 
^[MttiiteAaaacef  oi  th^  Untv^rdty  is  £4a,000»  with  an  aiddi^ 
tkmal  £6,000  a  year  for  the  Library;  and  all  this  in 
addition  to  endsdwrnentA^  4&c.,  that  belonged  to  the  olditr 
infititntion.  Side  byside  with  the  (^aboratoriea^and  Hocipitaki 
attached  to  each  special  branch  of  the  Natural  and  Medicai 
Bci&ncejR^  th^re  e%lut  th^  Seminaries  appropriatt^  to  the 
(H^r  bran^beti^  of  leamijig,  duly  equipped  for  the  p^urpose 
of  initiating  the  student  into  the  real  work  of  his  subject. 
As^  ftrr  the  numbers,  we  read  that  at  the  beginning. of  the 
year  1884  the  Univer^y  counted  8^6  nuitrioulated  students^ 
of  whom  but  266  were  from  Alsace-Lorraine,  which 
indeed  as  yet  is  but  partially  wob*  We  have  left  ounseh^es 
nOrSpace  to  dwell  m  detail  tipon  the  isupea^b  buildings  and 
the  central  OoHegiate  PAlace^  oi*  what  we  should  call 
University  Buildiiigs^  suffice  to  ,say  that  no  expense  has 
been  spared  in  designing  them  for  their  seteral  uses;  and 
iO  'carrying  into  effect  sttdi  desi^.  A  visit  to  Strassbin^ 
would  be  well  repaid  to  any  one  who  has  any  portion  of 
idhittar  work  in^hand  j  for  here  are  the  last  inventions  and 
tib^&ost  perfected  arrangements  illuBta^ated  in  use. 
*ii^ 'And  now  we  leave  Straesburg^  for  Switzerland  isfmr 
didHtiihation.  ^o  Waiting  through  Basely  with  but  a  brief 
d^ay  at  thestation,  we  reach  Luoeme  in  the  eveningv^and 
take  up  our  quarters  where  we  have  often  stayed  before-^ 
at  the  Swan,  which  has  developed  externally  into  muoh 
^andeur,  but  inwar^y  remains  unaltered,  the  old-fashioned 
edmfortable hotel  we  have. ever  found  it  to  be. 

After  a  pleaslint  -haunter  we  go  to  rest,  intending  to 
mature  our  plans  fdr  a  rooulth's  vacation  in  Switzerland  on 
the  inoiTow.  That  morrow  is  the  Ist  of  August-^t  should 
have  been  the  Ist  of  Aprils  for  it  played  us  a  mischievous 
trick«  A  loud  knock  at  th6  door,  and  lo !  a  telegraxn.  We 
m^stretmn  £it  once,  and  leave  Switzerland,  after  spending^ 
lefss  than  a  day  in  it  I  Perhaps  it  rounds  more  dignifiedto 
say  that  we  speni  partS-of  July  and  August  there,  arri'ring 
$n  the  former  month  (July  3l8t)^  and  leaving,  in  the  latter 
(August  Ist). 


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Viei  }'  '  Zife'and  iMhoHi^  of 

'-  When  -vre  had  completed  >  o«i*arrangement8  for  this 
hasty  return,  wc  took  another /satinter — well,  perhaps  not 
,  quite,  so  pleiisant  as  that  of  the  previohe  evening,  threw, 
mentally,  ouc  plans  into  the  lake,  noted  the  murky  state 
-of  the  atmosphere,  and  the  threatening  bare  head  of 
Mount  Pilatus;  and  looking  meteorologioally  at  this  sta^e 

•  of  heaven  and  earth,  resolved  that  Switzerland  was  not  in 
'  good  form,  and  turned  our  baeks  upon  it ;  returning,  how- 
ever, by  the  despised  Rhine,  not  having  courage  to  literally 
retrace  our  steps.     So  onr  notes,  like  our  various  plane, 
finish  abruptly.     We  promised  only  fragments,  and  hefe 

•  they  are — Fragments  of  a  Broken  Tour.  > 

Henrt  Bedford.  ■ 


LIFE    AND  LABOURS  OF  REV.  JOHN  FRANCIS 
SHEARMAN,  P.P.,  MOONE. 

TI7ITHrX  the  present  year  has  passed  from  amongst  ns 
f  f  a  distinguished  pri^,  whose  memory  we  should  ndt 
willingly  let  die.  Aff  will  be  seen  from  the  following  brief 
record  of  his  life  and  labours;  he  has  served  both  the 
Church  and  his  country  in  various  ways,  as  also  with  i 
devotion  peculiar  to  his  eai'nest  nature  and  tnily  noHe 

.character.  A  very  close  friendship  and  an  intimate 
knowledge  regarding  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  together 

•  with  the  abundant  manuscript  remains,  left  in  trust  with 
the    writer,  enable  him  fairly  to  authenticate  the  Btat«- 

Jmeuts  here   given,  and  which  may  find   a  sympathetic 

-interest  among  many  readers  of  the  Irish  EccLESiASnCili 

;  Record. 

i  .  At  the  request  of  its  Editor,  however  imperfectly,  this 
labomr  of  love  has  been  imdertaken.  -  < 

^  John  Francis  Shearman,  the  second  surviving  son  of 
Thomas  Shearman  and  of   Esther  Buckley,  was    borti 

'in  the  city  of  Kilkenny,  on  the  30th  of  December,  1830. 
His  family  genealogy,  with  the  collateral  peciigrees, 
contained  in  a  manuscript  book,  «eems  to  exhaust  not 

only  relationship   to   distinguished    persons  on  the'  fide 

of  his  respectable  parents,  but  likewise  to  includie 
others  bearing  kindred  names.  From,  the  couutjr 
of  York,   ia  England,  and  frd«n  Yaxley,  in  Suffolk,  the 


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Bev,  John  Frgsieis  Shearkian^  P.P.,  Moone.  IKi* 

Shearmand  Bettiod  in  Kilkennj^  and  many  of  thera  fi'f^ure 
ia  the  rolls  of  that  ancient  city/  iTrom  Thomas  Shearman, 
of  Bumchurch^  who  lived  in  the  county  of  Kilkenny  about 
1650,  the  Uev.  Father  Shearman  claims  direct  descent,  and 
the  evidence  appears  to  bear  sufficient  weight,  as  found  in 
the  elaborate  and  researchful  notes  and  tabulated  forms  he 
has  compiled. 

•  Under  careful  guardianship  and  training  of  his  good 
parents  their  child  remained  to  the  eighth  year,  when  his- 
elementary  education  commenced,  at  first  in  a  childi^n*s 
sohool  conducted  by  Domina  Roth,  and  afterwards  in 
another  belonging  to  Dbmina.  Doyle — hence  we  may 
infer  they  were  Dame  schools — until,  at  an  early  age, 
as  a  day-scholar^  he  began  to  frequent  the  school  attached 
to  St.  Kyran's  College,  then  recently  established.  Here  his 
higher  and  classical  studies  were  begun  on  the  12th  of 
October,  1841,  and  these  were  continued  to  the  year  1849. 
Tbere,  besides  the  usual  course  of  an  English  educatiou,  he 
had  made  very  considerable  progress  in  a  knowledge  of  the 
Latin,  Greek,  jmd  French  languages. 

,  Having  early  evinced  a  desire  to  embrace  the 
ecclesiasticaL  state,  John  Francis  cherished  the  intention 
to  become  a  member  of  the  illustrious  Jesuit  Order^ 
and  having  been  accepted  first  as  a  student,  he  was 
sent  to  their  College  of  Clongowes  Wood,  in  September, 
1S50.  From  the  memoranda  relating  to  this  period  of 
his  hfe,  we  prefer  to  extract  the  high  appreciation  in 
hisi  own  words,  borne  towards  the  guardians  of  his 
scholastic  cai-eer.  '^Ad  exprimenda  gaudia  et  animi 
deiectationem  ibi  inventam  sane  vanum  esset.  Verba  mibi 
quoque]  desunt  quibus  coudigne  laudarem  bonitatem,  pie- 
tatem,  et  permulta  bona  officia  quo  ibi  sentii.  Vanum  esset 
laudare,  sed  in  memoiiam  redigere  et  recoUigere  semper 
jucundum,  dulce  erit,  et  amabile.'*  He  had  already  entered 
upon  his  noviciate  among  the  Jesuits,  had  gone  to  Amiens  in 
France,  and  given  great  satisfaction  to  his  superiors, owing  to 
the  attention,  regularity  and  piety, with  which  he  discharged 
the  \*urious  obUgations  imposed.  After  matured  considera* 
tion  and  direction,  however,  for  chosing  a  state  of  life,  he  re- 
solved conscientiously  on  leaving  the  noviciate,  to  prepare 
himself  for  joining  the  ranks  of  the  secular  clergy.  His 
resolution  in  no  wise  diminished  love  and  esteem  for  his 
former  teachers ;  and  dming  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he 
always  spoke  in  the  most  affectionate  and  respectful 
manner  of  the  care  aud  friendship  ho  had  experienced, 
while  under  theic  direction. 


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1^  ..- M  \l  .  '\J}i/e.and  Leiwm^  of 

MiItBven  then  Father  Shearman  began  to  develop  iho8» 
^>6cial  ta^es  and  puimdta  in  the  Btudies  of  heralar^  bxA 
genealogy,  aa  also  in  the  donuiin  of  Irid. antiquities,  hiatorjf* 
and  topography,  in  vrhioh  he  afkerwuids  became  sncfas 
proficient.  His  investigationB  sutd  reseaarohes  were  greatty 
pri)moted  before  as  after  the  esd  of  fads  collegiate  coarse^ 
and  particularly  when  he  returned  to  Kilkenny  tpwards  tiio 
elose  of  1853.  There  he  had  fbrmed  already  the  aoqmdiv^ 
tance  of  the  Rov.  James  <jrrave«,  A.B.,  and  of  John  G.' A. 
Prim,  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Kilkenny  Moderator ^  irfio 
were  Honorary  Secretaries  to  the  Kilkenny  and  &>iith-( 
East  of  Ireland  Archaeological  Society,  Socm  their  acquain- 
tance ripened  into  a  very  cordial  friendship,  and  Jcka 
Francis  Shearman  became  a  subacriber  and  a  contributor 
to  the  journal. 

However,  he  did  no-t  remaiu  for  long  in  Kilkenny,  as  he 
had  resolved  on  entering  the  Irish  College  in  Rome.  Ac- 
i^ordingly  he  travelled  through  l^ondoUyParis^and  Marseillee^ 
towards  Civita  Vecchia,  and  arrived  at  the  Eternal  Uity  in 
January  185  L  The  climate  there  duringthe  ensuing  summer 
proved  detiimental  to  his  health,  when  he  desired  to  return 
and  prosecute  his  theological  course  at  home  under  more 
favoiuritig  conditiona  He  only  remained  as  a  Philosophy 
student  in  the  Irish  College,  utttil  the  following  October^ 
when  he  left  Rome  for  Ireland.  However,  be  contrived  to 
in^>ect  nearly  all  the  objects  of  archaic  and  ecclesiastioal 
interest,  within  that  short  time,  to  acquire  a  good  knowledge 
of  the  Itahan  language,  and  to  store  his  wonderfully  exactand 
reticent  memory  with  observations  and  facts,  which  were 
afterwards  told  with  a  facihty  of  vivid  description  pecu- 
liarly hie  own.  Nor  were  the  many  Roman  anecdotes  ba 
was  so  fond  of  relating  to  his  friends  in  after  years  devoid 
of  a  quaint  and  racy  humom*,  with  a  range  of  critioal 
detail  and  remarks,  which  made  his  oonversarion  and 
society  so  enjoyable  as  well  as  instructive. 

During  the  absence  of  John  Francis  Shearman  in  Bomev 
Ids  father  died,  on  the  19th  of  June,  1854.  This  occurrence 
probably  influenced  the  son's  future  career.  His  dengn 
nadbeen  formed  to  enter  the  College  of  Maynooth,  and  thiB 
was  carried  into  eflfect  on  the  25th  of  January,  1856.  Here 
he  entered  for  Metaphysics,andhepassed  with  credit  throu^ 
the  classes  of  Philosophy,  Theology,  and  Sacred  S<^tare; 
distinguished  in  the  estimation  of  the  Presidents,  Very  Rev. 
Laurence  F.  Kenehan,  D,D.,  and  Vwy  Bev.  Charies  W. 
Rw^selly  D.D.,  and  of  the  ProfesaorSy  while  he  was  a  gneat 


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Jiev.  John  Fwuids  Shiahnnttix'tKP.,  Moone.  MI 

fcwrotiii4|e  Avith  his  fyioWHStadentR;  With' oonifent '(rflthe 
Biahopoif  Odedrj^hfoj  became  iaffiKated  to  the  Diodes©  <{f 
DnbUii:  .'Ihiringiithifrp^riod  the  writf.r  had  the  pleastoe  of 
iirat  laaking  higp  aoqwaintancje,  mn  an  occasion  w^ehbe 
caHecljto  tender  hifBJsabfidiiption  :for  a  itiomiment  in  course^ 
of -erection  ?  oTiei?  the '  graVe  of  Kev^  John  Lanigan,  D,D.^ 
thfei  o'elebi'aied  and  learned  Eeclesiasiical  Histofridii'  of 
IirelaaQ(d«  Profefasor  Enigene  O'Cuirjr  and  myself  had  charge 
of  this  nndertakiug  as  jdint  secretaries^  and  it  afforded  me 
a>  ispecial  gra!fifi€atioii,/^at  bin  request,  to  introdhce  the 
ybnng'.  Maynooth  student;  nbt  abue  to  my  respected 
colleague,  bdt  iikeAviae  to  bis  co-labourer,  the  ilhistiioos 
Johii  O'Donovan,  LL*D./!both  pf  them  zealously  working 
at  ther  time  oni the  translation  of  the  h-ish  Brehon  La^vs,  in 
the  office,  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  with  a  viexvta 
their  subseqdettt  pnblidation.  An  acquaintance  thtis  com- 
menced ledf  to  a  OonVoi-safion,  in  which  Dr.  0* Donovan 
80oki  discovered  a  kindred  spirit ;  while  both  himself  and 
his  visitor  being  Kilkenny  men,  Iwid  an  opportunity  for 
dilating  onlheir  favourite  topics,  the  localities  and  familiei 
of  r  that  city  and  county.  This  interview  led  to  an  abiding 
frieiidship,  and  as  an  evidence  of  it,  Dr.  O'Donovan 
bestowed  several  labom'ed  Irish  gbnealogies  and  pedigrees, 
in  his  own  hand  Avritintg,  ail  of  which  we  believe  had  been 
already  printed*  These  ilrere  carefully  preserved  by 
Father  Shearrtian,  and  are  ncrw  to  be  tbund  among  his 
tsollecteonsj 

LiijRor  Majjrnooth,  he  had  a  most  special  regard,  and  to 
hirav/it.  was  ah  aliQia  maUr,  Without  reflecting  in  the 
eli^htpst  degree  ou  the  other  splendid  colleges  of  which 
Indland  could  boast^  he  held  that  Maynooth  gave  all  its 
Aiidents  an  idea  of  magnitude,  whether  as  to  extent  or 
iiesouroes;  while  its  representative  character  as  a  great 
^oclesiastieal  and  national  institution,  as  also  the  ability, 
accomplishments  and  care  of  its  professors,  he  deemed 
calculatedto  remove  provincial  prejudices  and  to  awaken 
the  beat  mental  or  intellectu^  qualities.  In  conversation 
he  waa  fohd  of  propounding  his  opinions  in  the  shape  of 
tiieorems,  which  frequently  tepeated  had  witlr  him  the 
wei^t  of  axioms.  "Maynooth  is  a  grand  college,  And 
there  they  treat  students  as  gentlemen,"  he  was  often 
heard  to  state,  when  alluding  to  the  place.  There  hardly 
can  be  question  that  such  a  conviction  was  pi-oduced  by 
afiineere  love  and  esteem  for  iti^  professors  and  students, 
as  by  the  othj^r  advantages,  derived  from  a  lengthened 


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7t)S  .         *"   .' Life  and  Lixhours  of 

expevit:iiice ;  nor  is  the  sentimeut  uuknown  or  uuappreciated ' 
by  the  prelates,  priests  and  people  of  Ireland. 

.  Called  successively  to  the  Minor  Orders,  May  26tb^ 
to  6ub-deaconship,  May  27th,  and  to  deaconship.  May  28th> 
he  was  ordained  priest,  May  2yth,  during  the  Pentecost  of 
1860.  Soon  afterwards  Father  Shearmanjeft  the  College, 
and  he  was  appointed  to  the  cura  ;  7  ;  i  '  *  ,  by  tb^ 
Most  Rev.  Dr.  CuUen,  Archbishop  of  Dublin.  Placed  in  thia 
remote  rural  parish  of  the  diocese,  August  oOth  of  the  sacui^ 
yeai*,  ho  commenced  a  missionary  career  which  developed 
qualities  and  gifts,  natural  and  acquired,  that  won  the\ 
warm  regards  of  those  people  among  whom  he  resided 
and  officiated.  With  independent  private  means  he  wag 
enabled  to  collect  the  nucleus  of  a  Hbrary — which  was  yearly 
increased  by  many  a  volume — and  especially  abounding 
in  rare  and  valuable  works  on  Irish  bistorj-  and  archaeology. 
There,  too,  he  found  monuments  of  the  past,  which  were 
specially  calculated  to  awaken  his  intelligent  inve^ti* 
gations,  and  to  call  forth  his  most  industrious  researches* 

At  Killeen-Cormac  he  fir^t  discovered  in  October,  1800^ 
that  celebrated  Ogham  stone,  with  its  unique  bilingual 
inscription,  and  which  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  many 
antiquaries.  Nor  was  this  the  only  feature  of  interest  pre* 
sented  in  that  ancient  cemetery,  as  the  wiiter  had  au 
opportunity  of  witnessing,  during  a  visit,  to  the  spot  in 
company  with  Father  Shearman.  At  the  suggestion  of 
Sir  Samuel  Ferguson,  who  went  there  at  a  later  period, 
the  young  curate  was  induced  to  report  his  discoveries^ 
and  to  illustrate  the  local  history  of  that  place,  in  a  paper 
read  before  the  Members  of  the  Koyal  Irish  Academy,  on 
the  2:ind  of  May,  1865,  and  published  in  their  proceedinga^ 
A  more  detailed  account,  embracing  all  that  had  been 
afterwards  discovered,  appeared  in  the  June  number  of 
the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  m  ISGS.  Nor  had  the 
subject  been  exhausted — further  information  having  been 
gleaned  from  the  researches  of  Sir  Samuel  Ferguson^ 
Dr.  Whitley  Stokes,  and  William  M.  Hennessy,  until  the 
results  were  embodied  in  the  opening  number  of  hia 
*'  Loca  Patriciana." 

During  the  short  term  Father  Shearman  spent  in  the 
extensive  parish  of  Dunlavin,  his  opportimities  for  the 
acquisition  of  traditional  lore,  and  the  desire  of  the 
old  people  about  Dunlavin  to  contiibuJte  their  storea 
of  local  and  personal  information,  were  never  neglected 
while    ho    was.  engaged    on    miesionaiy    rambles,    and 


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Eev,  John  Francis  Shearman^  P.P.y  Moone,         J(JS) 

they  are  often  noted  down  with  great  accuracy  and 
ftiinuteness.  Documentary  evidences  were  collected  and 
added  at  intervale,  so  that  manuscript  materials  now  remain 
to  furnish  a  very  complete  statistical,  historical  and 
traditional  account  of  that  parish,  from  earliest  times  down 
to  the  present  century.  We  know  how  eagerly  the  cele- 
brated Rev.  Dr.  James  Henthorn  Todd  reproduced  Father 
Shearman's  account  of  the  battld  site  at  Glen  Mama,  where 
Malachy,  Monarch  of  Ireland,  and  Brien  Boriomhe,  King  of 
Munster,  with  united  forces,  gained  a  great  victory  over  the 
Northmen  in  998.  In  the  old  Irish  tract,  intituled 
Cogadh  Gaedhcl  re  Gallaibh,  or  Wai*  of  the  Gaedhill 
with  the  Gain,  it  occurs  in  one  of  the  learned  editor's  note. 
The  chronographical  and  folk-lore  observations  of  Father 
Shearman  on  the  Battle  of  Dunbolff,  fought  in  the  year 
i98,  between  Aedh,  Monarch  of  Ireland  and  Brandubh, 
King  of  Leinster,  also  furnish  indications  of  his  ingenuity 
and  perseverance,  when  seeking  to  evolve  annalistic  and 
topographical  reality,  even  from  the  reflection  of  bardic 
romance  and  popular  traditions. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  1862,  the  Verjr  Rev.  John 
Canon  Hyland,  the  Avorthy  pastor  of  Dunlavm,  departed 
this  life,  when,  having  reverently  directed  his  funeral 
offices.  Father  Shearman  placed  a  monument  over 
his  remains  in  the  parish  church,  having  inscribed  on 
it  a  suitable  Latin  epitaph.  Much  was  he  imbued  Avith 
the  feehngand  spirit  of  Sir  Walter  Scott's  **  Old  MortaHty.'* 
He  also  commemorated  about  this  time,  on  a  mural  tablet, 
the  names  and  obits  of  the  priests  previously  connected 
with  the  parish.  Shortly  after  this,  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Culleu 
called  the  subject  of  our  memoir  to  another  sphere  of  duty, 
in  the  united  paiishes  of  Baldoyle,  Howtli  and  Kinsaly.  Ac- 
cording to  this  aiTan^ement,  the  newly- appointed  curate 
took  up  his  residence  in  the  parochial  house,  situated  at  the 
entrance  to  that  court-yard  where  Ilowth  Chapel  is  built. 
There  the  greatest  and — as  he  always  deemed  it — the  most 
agreeable  part  of  his  priestly  life  was  spent,  and  with  tho 

Elace  his  memoiy  is  still  affectionately  associated.  Withal, 
is  gi-eater  facilities  for  literary  labour  endeared  it  to 
himself ;  and,  as  we  shall  see,  his  opportunities  there  enabled 
him  to  digest  and  mature  the  collections  he  had  already 
made  for  the  publication  of  various  important  worlds. 

No  sooner  had  Father  Shearman  found  his  home  on  the 
Bill  of  Howth,  than  he  began  to  form  the  acquaintance  of 
its  residents,  and  to  extend  his  beneficent  influences  among 
VOL.  Yi.  3  L 


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770  '  Life  and  Labours  of 

them ;  so  that  he  was  esteemed  and  respected,  from  the 
lord  of  the  soil,  the  Earl  of  Howth,  to  the  humblest  fisher- 
man of  the  primitive  Celtic  or  FingalHan  town,  so  remark- 
ably braving  the  northern  blasts,  and  perched  high  over  its 
spacious  harbour.  The  fishermen  of  Howth  esj^ecially 
idohzed  him,  and  would  invariably  ask  his  blessing  before 
going  out  to  sea  in  their  herring-boats,  while  they  inipHcitly 
obeyed  his  direction  and  arbitration  in  all  those  personal 
affairs  about  which  ho  might  be  consulted.  He  frequently 
visited  them  in  their  houses,  and  tried  to  impress  on  them 
a  due  regard  for  the  wants  of  a  coming  winter,  and  rarely 
one  passed  over  that  he  was  not  instrumental  in  originating 
*a  collection  for  the  rehef  of  the  destitute,  or  a  coal  fund 
for  that  trying  season.  In  return,  they  were  very  willing 
to  satisfy  his  inquiries  regarding  the  traditions  and  customs 
of  their  fathern  at  Howth ;  while  the  oldest  inhabitants, 
men  and  women,  were  surprised  and  delighted  with  the 
avi(hty  he  manifested  to  glean  accounts  of  their  ancestors 
and  family  connections. 

From  an  early  period,  as  we  may  glean  from  the  first 
volumes  of  the  Kilkenny  Archaeological  Society,  he  had  not 
only  become  a  collector  of  Irish  coins  and  other  antiquities, 
but  had  exhibited  some  of  these  at  the  stated  meetings  of 
the  members.  His  collections  were  yearly  increasing,  and 
be  took  care  that  they  should  be  methodically  and  scientifi- 
.cally  arranged  in  a  cabinet  specially  designed  to  receive 
them  ;  while  his  archaeological  gleanings  and  extracts  were 
accumulating,  with  a  view  of  utilising  them  for  a  future 
occasion.  Like  John  Leland,  the  celebrated  antiquary — 
himself  a  laborious  and  learned  Catholic  Parish  Priest- 
Father  Shearman  was  more  of  an  industrious  note-collector 
and  compiler  of  liistoric  memoranda  than  a  publisher  of 
these  collections.  A  History  of  Howth  was  one  of  the 
objects  he  sought  to  realize,  when  he  had  time  and  oppor- 
tunity to  arrange  and  print  his  materials;  while,  as  webelieve, 
he  had  some  expectation  of  rendeiing  a  like  service  for  the 
topogi-aphy  and  antiquities  of  Duulavin  parish.  Nor  was 
his  native  city  and  county  forgotten,  while  adding  to  his 
notes  at  every  convenient  opportunity. 

The  reputation  of  Father  Shearman  as  a  student  of 
Irish  history  and  antiquities,  besides  his  known  artistic 
taste  and  extensive  information  regarding  diverse  subjects, 
had  been  a  great  inducement  for  attracting  to  Howth  a 
learned  and  an  agreeable  society  of  literary  persons,  who 
soon  began  to  regard  him  as  an  indispensable  companion. 


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liev,  John  Francis  Shearman^  P.P.,  Moone,         ^771 

Among  these  may  be  mentioned  Sir  Samuel  Ferguson, 
•the  celebrated  Dr.  WilHani  Stokes,  Whitley,  and  MifeB 
.Margaret  Stokes,  who  spent  many  summers  on  the  old 
historic  Hill ;  the  former  celebrating  its  scenes  and  traditions 
in  a  charming  noem,  "The  Cromlech  on  Howtli,"  while 
Miss  Stokes  witn  graceful  pencil  and  refined  feeling  lent 
its  illustrat^'on   in  glowing  colour  and    rich    tracery   of 

1)eculiarly  native  design  and  ornament.  There,  in  his 
landsome  villa,  so  romantically  situated,  and  overlooking 
Dublin  Harbour  with  the  surrounding  magnificent  scenery. 
Dr.  Stokes  composed  his  charming  biography,  "  The  Life 
and  Labours  in  Art  and  Archaeology  of  George  Petrie, 
LL.D.,"  besides  many  other  literary  tracts.  His  son, 
Whitley  Stokes,  LL.D., —  so  well  known  as  a  critical  Celtic 
scholar,  and  as  a  general  philological  student—  found  his 
retreat  in  a  home  truly  classic,  and  his  researches  wore 
crowned  with  the  success  evinced  in  the  various  works, 
chiefly  Irish  texts  and  translations,  which  issued  so 
frequently  from  the  press.  There,  too,  at  Carrig  Breac 
Villa,  were  wrought  out  the  '*  Notes  on  Irish  Architecture," 
by  Edwin,  third  Earl  of  Dunraven,  and  edited  by  Dr. 
■William  Stokes'  accomplished  daughter,  a  magnificently- 
fillustrated  folio  work  in  two  volumes,  with  splendid  auto- 
types and  descriptions  of  our  most  celebrated  antiquities, 
Pagan  and  Christian.  The  distinguished  Irish  scholai*, 
WilHam  M.  Hennessy,  had  prepared  for  press  a  considerable 
-portion  of  his  "  Chronicum  Scotorum,"  and  "Annals  of 
Lough  Ce,''  while  he  retired  to  Howth,  and  its  health- 
giving  breezes  from  the  smoke  of  Dublin;  nor  was  there 
•one  living  for  whom  Father  Shearman  cherished  a  truer 
friendship,  or  whose  society  he  more  enjoyed,  because  of 
that  profound  and  exact  knowledge  of  Irish  history  and 
literature  Mr.  Hennessy  possessed,  and  which  he  was  ever 
ready  most  obligingly  to  communicate. 

Fully  alive  to  every  object  and  discovery  of  antiquarian 
interest,  nothing  escaped  Father  Shearman's  observation 
•in  that  locality;  and,  accordingly,  we  find  the  results 
•embodied  in  a  communication,  read  8th  June,  1868,  before 
the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  "  On  some  recent  Excavations  at 
Ho^^i:h."  This  paper  was  afterwards  published  in  the 
^*  Proceedings  "  of  that  learned  body.  On  the  small  island 
north  of  Howth  Harbour,  and  formerly  known  as  lunis 
Faithlen,  afterwards  called  Inis-Mac-Nessan,  now 
■coriniptly  Ireland*s  Eye,  an  old  ruined  church  had 
braved  the  stol'ms  and  vicissitudes  of  time,  while  a  curious 


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m 


\i 


^^  Life  and  Labours  of 


iofiw  of  attached  round  tower  remained,  even  to  the 
beginning  of  the  present  century.  It  is  needless  to  com- 
liient  on  the  act  that  left  its  walls  almost  a  wreck ;  but^ 
Father  Shearman  fortunately  preserved  Dr.  George  Petrie's 
drawing  of  it  long  before  that  desecration  had  taken  place^ 
while  he  had  suflScient  outlines  and  data  to  effect  the  work 
of  preservation,  if  not  of  perfect  restoration.  His  resolution 
was  formed,  and  among  his  titled  and  accomplished  friends, 
especially  these  residing  on  the  Hill  of  Howth,  he  realized 
subscriptions  to  begin  the  work,  which  he  superintended 
with  a  zeal  and  perseverance  leaving  nothing  to  be 
desired,  and  the  operatives  wex'e  almost  daily  directed  by 
Father  Shearman  on  the  islet  as  each  string-course  of 
masonry  proceeded.  Even  the  scattered  key-stones  of  the 
little  chancel  arch  were  carefully  collected  and  set  in  their 
proper  position.  Antiquarian  knowledge,  taste,  and 
judgment  were  exercised  in  a  manner,  which,  if  successfully 
imitated  by  our  Commissioners  for  the  Preservation  of  Irish 
Monuments,  will  endear  their  fame  and  labours  to  the  latest 
posterity. 

When  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Moran  had  resolve  J  on . 
issuing  a  new  edition  of  Rev.  Mervyn  Archdall's  "  Monasti- 
con  Hibernicum,"  which  appeared  in  Dublin  A.D.  lS73,et.  seq.y 
he  had  engaged  the  assistance  of  some  distinguished  Irish 
antiquaries  and  ecclesiologists  to  aid  in  the  undertaking. 
To  Father  Shearman  was  assigned  the  county  of  Dublin 
portion,  where  the  learned  annotations  added  to  the  original 
text  are  most  copious  and  interesting.  Only  his  thorough 
acquaintance  with  appertaining  documents  and  local 
traditions  could  have  rendered  it  so  complete  and  perfect. 
His  notes  to  the  text  form  the  concluding  portion  of  the 
first  volume,^  and  the  commencement  of  the  second*  in  that 
piost  useful  work.  Meantime,  Father  Shearman  was 
engaged  on  the  compilation  of  that  laborious  and  researcbful 
treatise,  which  is  best  known  to  the  student  of  our  ecclesias- 
tical history. 

In  the  "  Journal  of  the  Koyal  Historical  and  Archaeo- 
logical Association  of  Ireland,"  fourth  series,  vol.  ii.,  part  \L 
A.D.  1878,  was  inserted  the  first  number  of  his  **Loca 
Patriciana,"  and  it  was  continued  in  successive  instalments, 
until  number  thirteen  completed  the  work.  It  was  issued 
ji.p.  J879  in  regular  book  form,  royal  8vo.,  with  an  additional 


1  Thejae  extend  from  pages  293  to  330. 
'  The  notes  are  from  pages  1  to  145. 


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Eev.  John  Francis  Shearman^  P.P,,  Moone.  tto 

preface,  table  of  contents,  index,  addenda,  and  corrigond^ 
published  by  M.  H.  Gill  and  Son,  50  Upper  O^Connell-street, 
Dublin,  With  great  learning  and  ingenuity  the  author 
investigates  the  historic  traces  of  localities  and  contem- 
poraries connected  with  our  illustrious  National  Apostle  and 
the  era  of  his  mission.  In  that  valuable  treatise  are  related 
numberless  facts  and  traditions,  not  elsewhere  to  be  found 
in  juxtaposition,  and  in  an  order  which  server  the  investi- 
gator of  an  early  Irish  (christian  period.  Nor  are  the  least 
important  portions  those  genealogical  tables,  so  carefully 
and  laboriously  compiled,  from  various  ancient  chronicles 
and  available  records.  We  may  not  always  agree  with 
<;onjectures  and  reasoning  of  the  writer  when  he  advances 
.statements  to  sustain  a  theory  or  an  opinion ;  and  when 
the  weight  of  evidence  is  not  sufficiently  convincing,  we 
may  not  very  readily  submit  our  judgment  to  his  conclu- 
sions in  various  particular  passages;  but,  we  admire  that 
earnest,  trustful  and  original  thought,  which  loving  truth 
for  her  own  sake  seeks  to  cast  aside  the  trammels  of  con- 
ventional repetition  and  a  tame  acquiescence  in  generally- 
received  accounts,  while  a  single  ray  of  light  remains  to 
be  reflected  on  the  misty  records  and  traditions  of  remote 
times. 

Apparently  following  the  account  of  Ralph  Higden, 
compiler  of  the  Polychronicon,^  the  Malmesbury  monk,  who 
^was  author  of  the  **Eulogium  Historiarum,"^  mentions  the 
distinction  between  St  Patrick  the  Archbishop  of  Ireland, 
and  another  Patrick  Abbot  of  Ireland,  the  latter  of  whom 
lie  clearly  confounds  with  St  Palladius.  The  mediaeval 
writers  have  committed  various  mistakes,  affecting  the 
chronology  and  places  with  which  either  has  been  con- 
nected. The  fii*st  to  raise  a  special  question  about  the 
confusion  of  statements  regarding  the  Acts  of  Patrick^  and 
to  form  the  theory  of  distributing  Irish  annalistic  and 
record  accounts  among  three  holy  men  bearing  that  name, 
seems  to  have  been  Dr.  George  Petrie.'  The  assumed 
blending  of  biographic  particulars  and  coincidences,  after 
treating  them   in   argument,   he   declares  to   have   been 

1  See  vol.  v.,  pp.  804  to  307,  edited  by  Rev.  Joseph  Rawson  Lumby, 
B.D.,  for  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  in  1874. 

*  See  vol.  i.,  p.  203,of  the  edition  edited  by  Frank  Scott  Haydon,  B.A., 
for  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  in  1858. 

8  In  his  Essay  on  the  History  and  Antiquities  of  Tara  Hill,  in 
"Transactions  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,''  vol.  xviii.,  Antiquities 
No.  iii.,  pp.  87  to  118. 


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774  JAfe  and  Labours  of 

thrown  out  for  the  consideration  of  tlio  learned,  witli  a 
hope  that  they  might  assist  in  promoting  a  spirit  of  im- 
partial investigation,  regarding  an  interesting  portion 
oj"  Irish  history.  This  subject  has  been  more  ciitically 
analysed  by  the  Kev.  Dr.  James  Henthorn  Tod,  Avhose 
inferences  are  drawn  from  a  comparison  of  St.  Patrick'^ 
various  Acts/  and  which  it  should  be  out  of  place  to 
describe  more  in  detail  while  treating  tin's  biief  biographical" 
memoir. 
-  Another  important  historic  Avork  had  now  engaged  tlie 
attention  of  leather  Shearman,  and  the  couree  of  his^ 
previous  studies  prepared  him  fur  the  task.  lie  had 
intended  to  give  it  an  extension  far  greater  than  the 
"  Loca  Patriciana  "  received.  With  this  object  in  view, 
he  collected  various  works  of  standard  value  on  the  subject; 
he  took  various  extracts  and  notes  from  thepubhc  libraries 
in  Dublin ;  he  began  to  arrange,  compile,  and  compare 
records  of  kings,  chiefs,  saints,  and  distinguished  persons,, 
with  their  respective  dates  of  living  and  of  death;  he  gave 
classification  to  contemporaries,  and  from  various  annalistic 
entries ;  he  drew  up  tables  of  Genealogies  and  Pedigrees. 
According  to  an  approved  method  he  possessed  for  planning 
and  revising  a  more  finished  work,  Father  Shearman 
wished  his  papers  to  appear  in  the  first  instance,  as  a  con- 
tribution to  his  favourite  "Kilkenny  Archaeological  Journal,'' 
and  the  Rev.  James  Graven,  its  editor,  favoured  his  desim. 
He  then  commenced  the  publication  of  those  articles,  "On 
the  Celtic  Races  of  Great  and  Lesser  Britain,'*  in  volume  v.. 
Fourth  Series,  April,  1881 ;  the  last  of  these  contributions 
appeared  in  the  same  Volume  and  Series,  in  January,  1884. 
Meantime,  the  pages,  as  suppHed  to  the  Journal,  remained 
in  the  printing  office,  with  repuging  additions,  and  cor- 
rections, with  a  view  to  preserve  these  revised  sheets  for  a 
future  issue  in  regular  book  form.  There  the  work  ended,, 
however,  although  Father  Shearman  had  sent  other 
elaborately  an-anged  genealogies  for  publication,  without 
a  text  to  illustrate  them,  the  Christmas  before  hia  lamented 
death.  These  genealogies  were  returned  to  the  present 
writer  in  manuscript;  nor  is  it  easy  to  discover  among 
Father  Shearman's  papers,  any  notes  which  have  special 
reference  to  those  tables.  Indeed,  he  appeai-s  to  have  been 
unable  to  complete  that  dissertation  which  might  servo 
for  a  better  understanding  of  the  tabulated  forms, 

1  See  "  St,  Patrick,  Apostle  of  Ireland,"  chap.  L 

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Rec,  John  Francis  Shearman ^  P.P.,  Mooiie.  775 

Tn  the  beginiiing  of  1888,  Mr.  Joseph  Whitaker,  tha 
London  pubhsher  of  that  well  known  and  useful  Almanac 
to  which  he  has  given  his  name,  had  designed  issuing  & 
new  edition  of  Rev.  S.  Baring-Goidd's  "Lives  of  th€^ 
Saints,"  in  sixteen  volumes,  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hussenbeth's 
"  Emblems  of  the  Saints"  forming  an  extra  volume.  He. 
desired  as  an  addition  the  insertion  of  a  supplementary. 
list  of  Irish  Saints,  as  also  the  Irish  Patron  Saints  of  citiea 
and  towns,  by  the  writer.  However,  other  engagements 
and  literary  work  preventing  such  an  effort,  Mr.  Whitaker. 
was  recommended  to  engage  Father  Shearman  on  a  task 
for  which  he  was  so  eminently  qualified.  His  consent  was. 
obtained,  and  almost  immediately  afterwards  the  additions, 
required  were  completed  to  the  publisher's  entire  satisfaction^ 
Among  Father  Shearman's  correspondence  we  find  it  thus, 
expressed.  A  cheque  for  the  amount  designated,  in  June, 
following,  to  compensate  him  for  the  care,  learning,  and! 
industry  he  had  bestowed  on  the  compilation,  is  alluded 
to  in  one  of  the  letters  extant. 

On  the  15th  of  November,  1883,  the  Very  Rev^ 
Archdeacon  Laurence  Dunne,  P.P.,  of  the  united  parishes^ 
of  Castledermot  and  Moone,  depai-ted  this  Ufe,  and  soon  after-. 
wards  it  was  resolved  by  His  Eminence  Cardinal  MacCabe,! 
that  these  parishes  should  be  disunited,  and  be  assigned' 
severally  to  the  charge  of  two  distinct  pastors.  Accordingly 
when  the  division  had  been  made,  the  Archbishop  selected, 
father  Shearman  to  be  the  future  parish  priest  of  Moone  ;| 
while  a  previous  knowledge  of  that  district,  and  an. 
acquaintance  with  many  of  the  resident  parishioners  were, 
motives  that  afforded  him  great  satisfaction  and  pleasuro. 
in  accepting  the  appointment.  Towards  the  close  of  that, 
year  he  was  duly  mstalled,  and  he  assumed  the  care  of. 
souls  in  a  quiet  and  remote  part  of  the  diocese,  with  the 
liveliest  demonstrations  of  joy  on  the  part  of  its  people,  to 
whom  his  antecedents  and  character  were  already  thoroughly, 
well  known.  Yet,  to  the  paiishioners  of  Howth,  his  removal 
was  a  cause  of  heartfelt  regret,  and  indeed  his  severance 
from  those  who  had  so  much  loved  and  reverenced  himj 
gave  pain  and  sadness  for  a  long  time.  An  address  and  a. 
handsome  testimonial  were  at  once  prepared ;  the  people, 
of  all  creeds^  shades  of  political  opinion,  and  classes^- 
besides  hi&  personal  friends  and  acquamtances,  hastened  to- 
make  their  gifts  worthy  of  that  occasion.  Nor  do  we  know 
of  any  more  genuinely  appropriate  or  feeling  expression, 
of: sympathy  and  esteem  than  the  recorded  tribute  then  paid. 


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77B  V   /  \  Jyi/e  and  Laljours  of 

to  his  worth  tad  services.  The  reply  of  Father  Shearman 
Kiras" characteristic,  Dot  alone  of  his  scholarship,  but  of  his 
heartfelt  gratitude  an dkindne8» so  nobly  and  so  touchinrfy 
conveyed.  Even  then,  it  was  more  than  suspected  his 
health  had  not  been  good,  and  only  the  hope  that  on  his 
new  mission  a  little  occasional  rest  might  restore  him, 
reconciled  the  Howth  people  to  his  departure  from  among 
them. 

Such  expectations  however  did  not  long  remain :  for  the 
preparation,  worry,  and  anxiety  of  removing  in  mid-'^'inter 
told  somewhat  on  his  constitution,  although  hardly  on  his 
naturally  buoyant  spirits.  Without  lossof  tuuehewas  again  in 
harness ;  his  powers  and  faculties  for  parochial  organization 
were  well  and  wisely  at  work ;  improvements  were  designed 
and  soon  executed  in  his  large,  new,  and  line  pastoral  house 
and  grounds;  his  church,  already  dedicated  to  St  Columkille, 
was  repaired  and  improved ;  while  his  active  mind  engaged 
on  further  designs,  destined  to  provide  for  the  beauty  o 
God's  House,  as  also  for  the  spiritual  wants  and  material 
comforts  of  the  people.     That  insidious  and  usually  fatal 
disease  known  as  Bright*s,  had  been  growing  on  him  for 
a  considerable  time  ;   still  he  sought  in  missionary  calls 
and  duties  an  alleviation  from  the  pain  and  weakness  it 
occasioned.     During  the  spring  and  smnraer  he  was  known 
by  his  parishioners  and  fnenda  to  be  failing  in  strength, 
and  yet  labouring  with  an  effort  to  fulfil  the  self-imposed 
cares  he  could  not  readily  forego.     Writing  an   ordinniy 
letter  fatigued  him,  and  even  he  read  with  much  difficulty. 
Still  was  he  apparently  cheerful,  and  especially  delighted 
when  any  of  the  clergy  or  his  friends  called  on  a  visit  tb- 
the  parochial  house  beside  his  church  at  Moone.     In  the 
autumn  of  1884,   his  medical   advisere   recommended  a 
sojourn  to  take  the  waters  at  Buxton ;  but  a  few  evenings 
before  he  crossed  the  Channel,  and  while  on  a  visit  with 
the  wiiter,  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  spasm  which  how- 
ever soon  passed   away.     He    seemed    to    derive    very 
little    benefit    from    his   journey    thither,    and    after   a 
brief  stay  at  Buxton,  he  travelled  to  London,  where  he 
remained  for  a  few  days,  returning  to   Wales,  where  be 
also  rested  for  a  time.    Finding  himself  weak  and  exhausted, 
he  desired  much  to  reach  Ireland.     From  Dublin  he  sooii 
left  for  Moone,  and  there  his  illuess  assumed  a  serious  stage, 
owing  to  a  complication  of  disorders  which  could-tiot  be 
removed  by  medical  treatment.     The  winter  was  now 
Dassing,  and  finding  his  strength  gradually  declining*,-  iii 


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Bev.  John  Frcnuns  Shearman,  P.P.,  Afoove,  <T77 

ihe  begining  of  the  next  year  he  received  the  last  gaira^ 
meats  of  the  Church  with  great  derotion.  lie  prepared 
for  the  approaching  end  with  calm  resignation  to  God's 
holy  will.  During  those  days  immediately  preceding  his 
death,  in  reply  to  messages  which  reached  him  from 
aympatliizing  friends,  he  would  write  on  post-cards  a  few 
•wordp,  yet  wth  difficulty,  Owing  to  weak  action  of  the 
heart  and  utter  prostration. 

'  On  Friday,  February  6th,  1885,  the  last  moment  of  release 
from  his  sufferings  came,  and  while  engaged  in  conversation 
with  his  cousin,  Miss  Shearman — who  tended  him  during 
Ida  illness  with  the  most  tender  care  and  aflFectionate  solici- 
tude— a  sudden  change  was  observed,  he  grew  weaker, 
fell  forward,  and  almost  motionless  he  was  borne  by  her 
and  placed  on  a  sofa  which  was  near,  when  a  heavy  sigh 
unconsciously  breathed  was  the  prelude  of  his  immediate 
departure.  His  solemn  obsequies  were  celebrated  in  the 
Parish  Church  of  Moone,  to  which  his  remains  had  pre* 
tiousiy  been  removed  by  a  large  Concourse  of  his  sorroAving 
parishioners,  on  the  following  Monday,  February  9th.  It  is 
needless  to  observe,  not  only  was  the  church  crowded  with 
lAie  parishioners  of  Moone  and  thie  adjoining  parishes,  w^io 
mourned — many  in  tears — their  pastor,  guicle,  counsellor, 
and  friend ;  but  a  number  of  priests  from  the  dioceses  of 
Dublin,  Ossory,  Kildare,  and  Leighlin  were  present  in  the 
ohoir,  and  at  the  funeral,  while  several  distinguished 
friends  and  famihes  from  Dublin  and  Howth  were  in 
athindance.  The  body  of  Rev.  John  Francis  Shearman, 
^aiM^d  in  a  coffin  of  Irish  oak,  having  on  it  a  brass- 
pjabe  inscription,  and  covered  with  many  a  floral  wreath, 
wals  lowered  to  its  final  resting-place,  a  side-isle  of  the 
im\ne  in  the  Church  of  St.  Columkille,  Moone,  and  on  the 
<arofipel  side  of  the  high  altar.  The  loving  fishermen  of 
HoAvth,  who  had  travelled  a  long  distance  for  the  purpose, 
resolved  that  theirs  should  be  the  hands  to  engage  in 
this  last  manifestation  of  respect  and  affection  ;  while  all 
Tvho  stood  around  the  grave  sorrowfully  felt  the  im- 
pressiveness  of  that  scene,  which  spread  over  every 
countenance. 

The  several  manuscript  compilations  and  collections  oF 
Rev.  John  Francis  Shearman— most  of  which  are  pre- 
served— may  thus  be  classed  and  described  ;  (1)  Pedigrees 
of  .the  Shearman  Family  and  Connection,  a  quarto  manu- 
48oript,  apparently  one  of  his  carKest  literary  compilations. 
<2f)  Pedigrees  of  various  Irish  Families,  especially  as  con- 


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778'   On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance, 

uected  with  the  connty  of  Kilkenny,  a  large  folio  manu=< 
script  filled  with"  genealogical  t^ibles  and  illustrative, 
documents,  with  pedigrees  di*awn  up  by  John  O'Donovan,. 
LL.D.,  included.  (3)  Collections  on  Historical  and  various 
subjects,  a  large  folio  manuscript  containing  several  pedis 
grees^  transcripts,  and  papers.  (4)  Collections  on  Historical 
and  various  subjects,  a  smaller  folio  manuscript  containing 
similar  matters.  (.5)  Collections  on  Historical  and  various 
subjects,  a  quarto  manuscript  containing  similar  matters. 
(6)  Historical  Collections  for  Dunlavin,  a  small  oblong; 
quarto  manuscript.  (7)  Historical  Collections  for  Howth,  a. 
ismall  oblong  quarto  manuscript.  (8)  Historical  Fragmentary 
Notes,  a  small  oblong  quarto  manuscript.  (9)  Historic  and 
Genealogical  Collections,  a  duodecimo  manuscriptconsisting 
of  small  tracts.  (10)  History  of  Kilkenny,  an  octavo  manu* 
script  containing  extracts  from  various sourcea  ( 1 1)  History 
of  Kilkenny,  a  duodecimo  manuscript  of  a  similar  character. 
(12)  History  of  Kilkenny,  a  duodecimo  manuscript  of  a 
similar  character.  (13)  History  of  Kilkenny,  a  duodecimo 
manuscript  of  a  similar  character.  (14)  Histoiy  of  Kilkenny, 
a  duodecimo  manuscript  of  a  similar  character.  (15) 
Memoranda  and  Notes,  two  small  duodecimo  mauuBcriptsL 
(W)  Letters  and  CoiTespondence,  two  thick  ocavo 
manuscripts.  A  few  small  note-books  of  interest  also 
remain.  The  foregoing  are  now  in  the  writer's  possession 
and  will  shortly  be  transferred  for  pr^ervation  to  th». 
Maynooth  College  Library.  They  serve  still  farther  to 
illustrate  and  extend  the  present  incomplete  biography. 

John  O'Havlojt* 


ON    THE    TELEPHONE    IN    RELATION    TO    THBt 
SACRAMENT^  OF  PENANCE. 

I  PASS  on  now  from  the  definite  and  tangible  arguments^ 
of  Natural  Science  to  the  uuder  specidations  of  common- 
sense  Philosophy. 

If  the  argument  which:  I  attempted  to  maintain  in  my 
last  essay  is  substantially  valid,  L  think  it  will  be  admitted- 
that  1  have  at  least  thrown  tha onusprobar^di on.tliose  who, 
claim  admission  for  the  Telephone  amongst tlie  pheuomenak 
of  the  science  of  sound* 
I    Nor  does  the  very  beautiful  and  interesting  passag 


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Qth  the  Telephone  in  relatian  to  tlit  Sacrdment  ofFenancc.  779' 

"wbich  Father  tivius  quotes  from  Lord  KayleigU's^address, 
illustrating  the  partial  character  of  our  knowledge  of  that 
science,  and  the  marvellous  discoveries  in  recent  years  of 
Unknown  atfinities  between  it  and  Light  and  Electricity,, 
relieve  him  iu  the  least  degi-ee  from  the  weight  of  tlus^ 
obligation. 

No  doubt  these  sciences  are  making  wonderful  progress^ 
and  we  can  readily  conceive  vistas  of  scientific  knowledge 
of  indefinite  length  opening  up  before  us ;  but  I  think  it 
would  be  a  mistake  to  allow  the  indefiniteness  which  these 
diwjoveries  give  to  our  forecast  of  the  future,  or  the 
uncertainty  which  attaches  in  parts  to  our  knowledge  of 
some  of  the  ascertained  facts,  to  confuse  and  obscure 
well-known  facts  and  theories  in  that  portion  of  the 
science  of  Sound  and  Acoufltic&  that  has  been  thoroughly 
explored. 

Now,  if  any  theory  hew  made  good  its  ground  ta* 
acceptance,  by  the  only  valid  test  of  a  theory,  namely,  by 
explaining  the  phenomena,  it  is  the  vibratory  theory  of 
spund.  Such  natumlly  occurring  phenomena  as  the 
passage  of  ordinary  sound  through  tne  air,  and  other  elastic 
media  verify  it  by  the  precisitm  with  which  they  respond 
to  the  laws  of  motion  which  that  science  enables  us  to 
formulate,  so  that,  given,  a  medium  whose  density  and 
elasticity  are  known,  we  can  determine  the  velocity  with 
which  a  sound  will  pass  through  it  as  accurately  as  the 
motion  of  a  railway  tratn.  Then,  again,  as  a  better  and 
more  striking  illustration,  lake  the  art  and  science  of 
mnMc,  and  consider  that  through  all  its  variety  of 
instruments,  with  their  endless  mechanisms,  the  same  rule 
of  the  vibratory  law  i&  simply  supreme  and  unquestioned  ; 
and  whether  it  be  the  length  of  a  fiddle  strijig  or  the  bore 
of  an  organ  pipe  that  has  to  be  regulated,  the  practical 
musical  result  is  in  exact  correspondence  with  the  anticipa- 
tions of  the  theoiy. 

I  will  go  the  length  of  saying  that  there  is  no  theoiy 
in  any  science  better  ascertained  than  the  vibratory  theory 
in  sound,  and  that  there  is  no  fact  which  is  known  to  be 
inconsistent  with  it.  Of  course  I  do  not  now  include  in  thia 
broad  assertiou  the  Telephone,  a»  that  would  be  a  petitia 
principiu 

The  vibratory  theory  is  then  iu  possession ;  it  covers  a 
large  and  miscellaneo\is  collection  of  phenomena.  A  new 
phenomenon  arisete,  and  claims  to  be  admitted  amongst 
them.      I  think  it  is    not    unreasonable  to   demand  its 


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180  On^heTet^ephon^ iiiretaltontd  the SacrafMnt ^f  Penance. 

<5r»iGntial8,  and  to  ask  some  positive  evidence  that  it 
belongs  to  the  family,  or  is  a  relation. 

This,  then,  is  my  general  answer  to  Father  Liritts*' 
Philosophical  considerations  in  favour  <vf  amending  and 
•enlarging  our  theories  of  sbund  and  aeonstics  so  as  to 
admit  electricity  amongst  them.  In  the  first  place  there 
is  no  need,  inasmuch  as  we  can  suflficiently  explain  the 
phenomena  of  the  Telephone  without  confusing  sciences 
80  distinct  as  sound  and  electricity  ;  and  secondly,  there  is 
no  right,  because  the  electrical  phenomena  of  the  Tele- 
phone have  nothing  in  common  with  the  well-established 
sound-phenomena,  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  put  in  the 
«ame  category  with  them. 

1  dechne  to  put  "  elastic  media "  and  "  electrical 
agency"  in  the  same  class,  and  when  Professor  Ryan 
goes  farther  and,  by  correcting  my  statement  that  we 
•*  know  of  no  such  medium  as  electricity  for  the  transmis- 
sion of  sound,"  substitutes  the  past  tense  "  we  knew," 
I  think  I  am  fairly  entitled  to  ask  him  for  positive  evidence 
that  this  accession  has  been  made  to  scientific  knowledge. 
Personally  I  do  not  know  it.  Professor  Ryan  and  Father 
Livius  aasert  that  they  know  it.  Let  us  see  then  what 
positive  evidence,  not  mere  hypotheses  or  surmises  as 
to  possibilities,  but  proof  positive,  they  can  produce,  that 
the  sound  of  the  human  voice  passes  through  the  telephone 
as  through  a  medium  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  immediate 
sensible  perception  of  the  speaker. 

Putting  aside  then,  for  the  moment,  such  questions  as 
**  What  is  sound  I  What  is  the  human  voice?  In  what 
do  their  identity  consist?**  and  considering  the  Telephone 
broadly,  as  they  say,  after  the  manner  of  a  common  sense 
philosopher,  what  is  its  evidence  in  favour  of  Father 
Livius'  view  ? 

In  my  opinion  it  presents  simply  none.  It  is  powerless 
to  prove  anything  in  this  discussion. 

It  shows  results  that  are  marvellous,  reveals  affinities 
hitherto  unsuspected  between  various  forms  of  energy, 
but  so  far  from  helping  us  to  determine,  by  a  general 
common  sense  examination  of  rt,  the  obscure  and  difficult 
point  in  dispute,  the  most  obvious  and  emphatic  lesson 
which  common  sense  learns  from  it  is,  that  it  is  out  of  its 
•element  here,  and  that  mere  appearances  cannot  be 
trusted  in  so  wonderful  a  mechanism. 

However,  let  us  consider  what  has  been  written  on 
that  side. 


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On  tlic  TeUplirOne  in  r6laM<mtQthe'Saaem^\ttiit  df^en^m^  WX 

V".  Thqre  is  the  testimony  of  sense.  We  b^arlthe 
speaker's  voice  and  r^cogmse  it>  beyond  the  power  of  aby* 
SQientific  subtlety  to  dei^  or  throw  doubt  on,  and  con- 
sequently we  kuow  that  it  has  been  transmitted  to  ua 
through  the  Telephone.  That  is  the  primary  argument 
of  common  sense. 

As  Professor  Ryan  graphically  puts  it : 

*'  It  is  in  fact,  a  point  for  a  jiiry  to  settle,  tliough  there  cannot 
be  any  cloubt  that  the  popular  verdict  would  be  in  favour  of 
Father  Livius'  cbncludlon.  Indeed  the  expressions  commonly 
Used  in  describings  telephonic  ictercomrse  sufficiently  establish  this. 
Jt  is  a  case  where  comDiOD  sense  is  lAore  to  be  relied  on  than 
elaborate  philosophical  disquisition.  The  listener  knows  that  the- 
SQuuds  he  hears  at  the  receiver  of  a  Telephone  are  caused  by  some 
on?i  speaking  in  front  ^f  thei  tra^$mitter:  he  recogni&es  the 
peculiarities  of  bis  accents,  and  identifies  the  voice  of  a  friend^ 
and  therefore  be  has  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  ho  has  heard  his 
voice.  This  is  the  verdict  of  common  sense,  and  therefore,  before 
examining  the  scientific  grounds  on  wliich  the  contrary  opinion 
h^S  been  based,  I  would  point  out  that  t^iese  should  be  very  strong 
and  satisfactory  to  compel  us  to  assent  against  the  evideuce  of 
sense." 

Now  all  this  statement  and  all  the  similar  statements. iu 
Father  Livius  and  Professor  Ryi^n?s  arguments  simply  beg 
the  question.  If  the  listener  "identify  the  voice  of  a. 
friend,"  cadit  quaestio.  I  might  as  well  try  to  convinoe  a 
person  that  an  inhabitant  of  Dublin  to  whom  he  was 
leaking  at  the  moment  in  London  had  not  travelled  over. 
!^t  if  the  prec/se  point  in  dispute  was  whetJier  the 
person  to  whom  he  was  speaking  was  the  inhabitant  of 
Dublin  in  ^u^stion,  or  a  well  got  up  impostor,  it  would  bo^ 
an,  inane  If^dof  argument  to  ^y  that  you  recognised  him 
by  his  appearance.  While  the  sham  and  the  reality  bore 
the  same  appearance,,  ^  hypothesis  you  require  some  otlier 
means  of  identification,  so  too  with  the  voice  heard  in  the 
Telephone.  1  maintain  that  it  is  not  the  voice  of  the 
speater,  but  a  well  mad©  imitation  oif  it.  I  show  that  the 
suppositiop  that  it  is  the  voice,  is  in  opposition  to  all  the 
well-known  and  received  theories  of  sound,  and  against 
the  opinion  of  some  eminent  authorities.  All  this  throws  at 
least  a  doubt  upou  the  identity -of  the  sound  which  is  heard,, 
with  the  sound  .spoken,  and  consequently  it  is  simply 
begging  the  question  to  resolve  the  doubt  by  the  mere 
sense  impr.essionsi  whioh  are  perceived.  Such  an  argument 
would  be  put  out  of  court  by  even  the  possibility  of  my 


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-7S2  .  On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance, 

opinion  being  right;  but  if  it  is  probable,  then  the  argu- 
ment does  not  bear  stating. 

Even  then  if  I  admit  that  We  hear  a  sound  in  no  wise 
distinguishable  from  a  certain  speaker's  voice,  and  that  we 
know  that  it  is  caused  by  that  voice  acting  on  the  Tele- 
phone, we  cannot  logically  conclude  more  than  that  it  is 
the  oflect  of  that  voice.  And  if  we  are  aware  that  there  is  a 
dispute  on  scientific  gi-ounds  as  to  whether  it  is  more  than 
such  an  effect,  or  is  the  veiy  voice  itself,  we  must  look  to 
the  issue  of  that  dispute  for  fuiTher  information. 

The  listener  is  dependent  on  the  one  sense  of  hearing, 
just  as  if  a  blind  man  were  to  hear  a  voice  which  he 
thought  was  that  of  a  particular  person.  Ordinarily  the 
evidence  of  his  hearing  is  sufficient  for  him,  but  if  in  any 
instance  a  doubt  were  raised  as  to  whether  the  voice  which 
^he  heard  was  that  of  his  friend,  or  an  imitation  of  it,  his 
sense-impression  becomes  insufficient  to  decide  and  he 
must  look  to  further  information.  So  too  in  the  Telephone, 
our  sense  of  hearing  may  indicate  the  voice  of  a  speaker: 
but  once  the  reliability  of  that  indication  is  challenged,  we 
cannot  follow  it,  and  must  suspend  our  judgment. 

Our  sense  of  hearing  has  no  power  such  as  Father 
Livius  and  Professor  Kyan  seem  to  ascribe  to  it  of 
distinguishing  in  the  case  of  the  human  voice  or  any  other 
sound  between  an  original,  if  I  may  use  the  metaphor,  and 
an  imitation.  It  can  go  no  further  than  the  sense impreesion 
which  is  the  same  in  both. 

Now  1  think  that  argument  without  going  further  in- 
vahdates  all  Father  Livius  wTites  about  common  sense, 
which  has  not  jurisdiction  to  decide  the  point,  and  refers 
-it  back  either  to  natural  science,  or  to  metaphysics,  to 
determine  in  what  the  identity  of  sound  in  general  and  of 
the  human  voice  in  particular  consists. 

But  let  me  pursue  the  point  a  little  further. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  sound  beard  in  the  Telephone 
is  most  distinct  and  distinguishable  in  kind  from  the 
sound  spoken.  So  different  are  the  two,  that  anyone 
moderately  careful  in  observation  can  perceive  the  humcm 
and  the  metallic  origin  of  each.  This  is  lost  for  ordinary 
observers.  The  articulation  of  the  sound  by  habitual 
association  fixes  it  in  our  minds  as  a  human  voice.  It 
requires  an  effoii  to  believe  that  it  comes  from  so  uunsnal 
a  source  as  a  metal  plate,  and  the  resemblances  to  the  voice 
that  gave  rise  to  it,  are  undoubtedly  so  marked,  «o 
remarkable  and  striking,  that  the  diffepenoeB  between  them 


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'On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  788 

are  lost  except  to  a  very  keen  observer.  But  to  eiicli  an 
-observer  they  are  quite  plain,  bo  that  if  a  person  were  to 
>contiive  a  position  in  which  the  sound  of  his  voice,  as 
naturally  heard,  and  the  sound  through  a  Teleplione  could 
*be  heard  in  quick  succession,  they  would  be  found  to  be 
^uite  distinct  in  tone,  &c.,  and  different  from  one  another. 

I  submit  that  this  difference  is  of  itself  enough  to  break 
'down  the  .evidence  drawn  by  common  sense  pliilosophy 
fro2n  one  sense.  It  is  as  if  the  blind  man  already  referred  ta, 
^n  spite  of  warnings  that  he  was  making  a  mistake,  and  in 
defiance  of  his  own  hearing,  which  reported  a  notable 
•difference  between  the  voice  heard  and  that  of  the  person 
"from  whom  he  supposed  it  proceed,  would  persist  in 
-asserting  that  as  a  fact  it  did  proceed  from  that  person. 

These  are  the  comments  which  I  wish  to  make  on  the 
testimony  of  our  senses  in  the  case  of  tin)  Telephone. 

A  further  point  on  which  Father  Livius  and  Professor 
'Ryan  set  gi'eat  store,  although  it  looks  somewhat  scientific 
for  a  popular  jury,  is  the  supposed  fact  that  the  energy  of 
the  human  voice  is  the  sole  force  in  play  in  the  'J'elephone. 

The  Phonograph  is  an  inconvenient  discovery  for  them-. 
It  would  not  do  to  have  a  man  put  bis  confession  in  a  box 
and  send  it  to  his  father  confessor  in  AuslraHa,  and  get 
absolution  returned  to  him  by  next  mail.  Accordingly  the 
phonogi*aph  has  to  be  put  out  of  court  because,  indeed,  a 
handle  must  be  turned  to  make  it  speak. 

**  This  cancot  be  said  of  the  phonograph.  One  may  speak  into 
the  phonograph  nnd  the  record  may  be  carried  to  Ihe  Antipodes, 
and  the  speech  be  repioduced  by  turning  of  the  handle.  This 
tcould  not  be  called  transmission  of  sound  in  any  sense.  The 
energy  in  the  sound  produced  is  derived,  not  from  the  speaker,  but 
from  the  muscles  of  the  man  wlio  turns  the  handle.  Whereas  in 
the  Telephone  the  energy  is  continually  active  all  the  while,  passing 
without  any  break  from  the  speaker  to  the  listener." 

1  should  think  rebellious  tboughts  must  have  arisen  in 
Father  Livius  against  this  as  too  cramped  and  arbitrary  for 
the  pbvious  facts.  What  justification  is  there  for  flying  in 
the  face  of  an  obvious  fact,  and  asserting  that  the  sound 
heard  at  the  Antipodes  whioh  I  recognise  as  the  voice  of 
.my  friend  who  lives  in  Ireland,  and  which  I  knew  was 
.4Rpoken  into  the  phonograph  there,  is  not  his  voice  but  that 
of  the  muscles  of  the  man  who  turns  the  handle  ?  Why  he 
might  be  turning  the  handle  until  it  or  his  own  arm  came 
Loff,  and  never  g^t  ,a  sound  out  of  the  phonograph  if.  the 
speaker  did  not  put  it  there". 


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ffj^  .,(?/( ^Jie\Ti^e^h,Qfxei/i  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance^ 

._-.It  WQTald  be  as  reasonable  to  assert  that  auy  oUier 
commodity  was  nottrau8mitted,becau8ea  certain  mechanical 
effort  was  necessary  to  take  it  out  of  th^  box  in  which  it 
was^ackei 

There  is  a  distinction  between  a  sine  qua  non  and  a 
cause.  The  speaker's  voice  in  the  phonograph  is  as  muck 
the  cause  of  the  sound  heai'd  as  in  the  Teh^phone,  but  in  the 
former,  "  the  turning  of  a  handle  *'  is  a  sine  qua  non  to 
reproducing  the  sound. 

Besides  I  wish  to  traverse  as  inaccurate  the  propositiou 
that  there  is  no  energy  in  play  bat  that  of  the  humau 
voice.  Indeed  there  is.  There  are  magnetism,  electrical 
currents,  pnmary  and  induced,  that  are  latent  in  the 
machine  until  they  are  called  into  activity  by  the  humau 
voice,  which  is  in  reality  no  more  than  the  first  motor  in. 
a  long  series  of  activities;  and  a  person  who  knew  the 
complex  and  mysterious  character  of  tlie  machine  ought 
to  recognise  in  it  something  very  unlike  the  ordinary 
phenomenon  of  speech,  and  be  on  his  guard  against 
conclusions  drawn  from  a  mere  superficial  observation  of 
its  results. 

Professor  Ryan  may,  however,  interpose  the  remark, 
that,  *'  for  all  wo  know,"  there  may  be  some  such  electrical 
energy  in  operation  when  the  voice  ordinarily  passes 
through  air.  We  know  little  or  nothing  of  the  intimate 
constitution  of  air  particles,  which  may  be  microcosm  for 
us :  and,  for  all  we  know,  the  very  principles  that  underlie 
the  working  of  the  Telephone  may  have  their  application 
in  every  one,  of  the  myriad  molecules  of  air  through  which 
sound  passes. 

*'  For  all  wo  know,''  means  "  for  all  we  don't  know.'* 
If  we  know  nothing  about  it,  let  us  omit  it  as  a  useless 
factor  in  the  discussion.  The  practical  conclusion  which 
such  want  of  knowledge  seems  to  indicate,  is  to  make 
affirmations  about  the  Telephone,  not  bv  the  mere  possi- 
bilities that  lie  outside  our  knowledge,  but  by  the  ascer- 
tained facts  that  arc  within  it. 

We  do  not  know  the  intimate  nature  of  sound.  Ita 
essence,  as  indeed  the  essence  of  all  things,  escapes  us  in 
our  ultimate  analysis,  and  we  have  to  be  satisfied  with  our 
knowledge  of  its  phenomena  up  to  a  certain  point.  We 
cannot  say  how  it  is  tliat  the  tremors  of  owe  vocal  organs 
so  affect  air  particles  as  to  make  sound,  or  what  are  the 
unseen  conditions  of  its  transmission.  Neither,  on  the 
other  hand,    can  anyone  say  how  the  tremors  of  the 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  tU'Sdtertihttnid/P^m)\ie.  ^"6 

diaphragm  of  a  Telephone  affect  the  electrical  ciin-fent — 
whether  it  is  mere  motion,  or  something  infinitely  more 
mysterious.  I  ask,  then,  is  it  a  reasonable  or  philosophical 
method,  to  discard,  in  the  ordinary  phenomena  of  sound, 
everything  that  isinvestigatable  and  Known,  to  do  the  same 
with  the  Telephone,  and  tnen,  finding  a  residuum  of  mystery 
in  each  of  them,  to  affirm  on  account  of  these  residuums, 
that  they  must  bo  identical? 

Sir  George  Airey,  in  his  evidence  in  the  famous  law- 
suit between  the  Post  Office  Authorities  and  the  Telephone 
Companies,  to  which  I  shall  refer  later  on,  came  on  these 
grounds  to  the  very  opposite  conclusion^  "  for  the  reason 
that  until  we  know  the  laws  governing,  and  the  nature  of 
the  process  which  takes  place  during  the  transmission  of 
sound  through  the  air,  we  really  know  nothing  of  the 
nature  and  operation  of  electric  currenta" 

And  I  ask  Father  Livius  or  Professor  Ryan,  when  they 
claim  to  know — mind,  I  do  not  say  to  surmise,  but  to  know 
— that  electricity  acts  as  a  medium  for  the  transmission  of 
sound,  how  they  come  to  know  that  which  Sir  George  Airey 
affirms  is  unknowable  ?  Are  they  prepared  to  prove  that  if 
I  had  fineness  of  touch  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  that  1  could 
not,  by  merely  tapping  the  diaphragm  of  the  transmitting 
instrument  with  my  finger,  transmit  a  sound  which  might 
be  taken  for  a  human  voice  at  the  receiver  ?  If  they  are 
not,  I  cannot  see  how  they  can  affirm  that  the  voice,  as 
such,  passes,  or  is  conveyed,  along  the  wire,  or  does  more 
than  produce  a  remarkable  imitation  of  itself. 

A  very  similar  case  is  that  of  the  writing  telegraph. 
A  person  takes  a  pen  and  writes  upon  a  paper ;  and  at  the 
other  end  of  a  telegraphic  wire  another  pen  \vrites  an 
exact  copy  undistinguishable  from  the  original.  Are  both 
of  these  the  man's  writing?  If  the  operator  were' in 
Dublin,  could  a  person  in  New  York  say  with  scientifio 
accuracy,  "  I  saw  him  writing.    I  saw  the  motion  of  hi» 

{>en.    1  have  had  immediate  sensible  perception  of  him." 
s  this  telegraph  an  elongated  pen  ?    If  not,  the  Telephone 
is  not  an  extension  of  the  range  of  the  voice. 

But  in  either  case  the  speaker  and  wiiter  are  tho 
efficient  causes  of  the  results  produced. 

But  I  cannot  see  how  we  are  justified  in  carrying  our 
conclusions  farther.  Undoubtedly  the  speakers  voice  is- 
the  efficient  cause  of  the  voice  which  is  heard,  and  the 
speaker  is  morally  as  responsible  for  one,  as  for  the  other. 
The  reproduced  sound  is  moreover  so  Uke  the  original,  as 
VOL.  VL  3  M 


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7 Si    On  the  Tehphont  in  relation  to  tite  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

to  be  arailable  equally  with  it  for  all  ordinary  purposes  of 
conversation,  and  consequently  may  without  abuse  of 
language,  hh  called  popularly  the  speaker's  voice;  but 
when  we  leave  the  loose  phraseology  of  popular  language, 
and  come  to  the  preciisioii  which  is  necessary  when  there 
is  question  of  that  objective  identity  on  which  the  validity 
of  a  sacrament  may  depend,  I  say,  with  all  deference  for 
the  great  authorities  on  the  other  side,  that  1  cannot  see  a 
particle  of  evidence  for  the  opinion  that  the  ipsissiina  vox 
passes  through  the  Teleplione  and  is  lieard  by  it. 

All  Father  Livius'  philosophical  speculations  are,  I 
submit,  beside  the  question.  If  he  had  estabh'shed  the 
fact  beyond  all  cavil  that  the  true  human  voice  passes 
through  the  telephonic  wire,  he  would  be  justitied  in 
demaxiding  an  expansion  of  our  theories  as  to  media  for  the 
conveyance  of  sound.  He  has  no  such  right  before  he 
ascertains  the  fact.  Much  less  is  it  either  a  logical  or 
philosophical  process  to  advance  such  expansions  of 
accepted  theories  as  an  argument  for  the  fact  that  the 
voice  do€>8  travel,  at  the  same  time  that  the  assumed 
existence  of  the  fact  is  the  warrant  for  expanding  the 
theory.  This  is  what  we  used  to  call,  I  think,  "  idem  per 
idem.*'  Apart  from  strictly  scientific  reasons,  Father  Lirius 
calls  it  "  arbitrary  theorizing." 

But,  perhaps,  he  may  argue,  and  this  seems  to  be  the 
import  of  Lord  Ravleigh's  view,  that  an  articulate  sound 
however  produceci,  of  which  the  vocal  organs  even 
mediately  are  the  cause,  is  the  human  voice  itself  The 
difference  between  electrical  agenoy  and  elastic  media,  is 
one  of  mechanism,  and  is  not  fundamental 

In  answer  to  this  1  would  presume  to  say  that  th« 
mechanism  is  of  the  essence  of  the  thing,  just  as  the 
inotion  of  one*s  legs  is  of  the  essence  of  walking.  A  man 
may  transport  himself  from  <me  place  to  anotlier  by 
various  mechanisms,  which- may  be  quite  as  effectual  for  the 
purpose  as  his  legs,  but  in  no  other  way  can  he  be  said  to 
walk. 

In  my  opinion,  no  sound  bnt  that  which  issues  from  the 
speaker's  mouth  can  be  truly  called  his  voice.  If  the 
Telephone  acts  a  medium  and  conveys  sound,  then  Father 
LiviuK*  contention  is  good,  if  it  is  only  a  mechanism  set  in 
motion  by  the  energy  of  the  voices  there  is  a  difference 
which,  even  against  the  opinions  of  Lord  Rayl^gh  and 
Dr.  O'Beilly,  I  would  presume  to  think  ittndamental  tm 
fer  OS  the  special  exigencies  of  a  case  which  required  i* 
jsensible  presence  of  a  speaker. 


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On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  ofJPencmoe^  IST ' 

Nor  does  Fath^  Livius'  descriptiou  gf  the  humaa 
voice,  as  consisting  of  matter  and  form,  cany  him  far. 
Metaphors  lend  themselves  to  all  sides  of  an  argument  lu 
the  Telephone  the  matter  of  the  voice  ceases  to  exist  at  the 
transmitter,  the  form,  which  is  the  meaning,  survives,  and 
takes  new  matter  at  the  receiver.  It  is  in  fact  a  kind  of  . 
sonorous,  or  rather  silent  metempsychosis,  and  thus  the 
metaphor  of  matter  and  form  does  my  behests  as  obediently 
as  Father  Livius'. 

But  after  all  there  is  just  one  consideration  on  his  side 
that  I  have  not  touched,  and  that  1  approach  with  great 
diffidence,  that  is  the  mere  authority  of  such  men  as 
Lord  Rayleigh,  Professor  Ryan,  and  Dr.  O'Reilly,  and 
when,  in  addition  to  the  well-known  reputation  of  the  first 
named  of  these,  we  read  Father  Livius'  solemn  and  formal 
proclamation  of  his  supreme  authority  on  the  point  in 
dispute,  I  feel  like  some  poor  shivering  Roman,  when  he 
saw  the  scales  heeHngover  under  the  weight  of  the  armour 
of  the  Gaul. 

Fortunately,  however,  for  myself  and  my  argument,  1 
am  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  facing  so  unequal  a 
combatant.  The  shon  note  from  Lord  Rayleigh  with  which 
Father  Livius  finished  and  clenched  his  article  in  June, 
refers  to  the  famous  law-suit  between  the  'J'elephone 
Companies  and  the  Post  Ofiiee,  in  which  Lord  Rayleigh 

fave  an  opim'on  in  favour  of  the  view  now  advocated  by 
ather  Liviua 
We  all  have  access    to    the    records   of  that    trial, 
and    we   can  judge  from   them  to  what  extent  a  com- 
petent and  impai-tial  tribunal  regarded  Lord  Rayleigh's 
authority  as  decretorial,  and  his  opinion  correct. 

The  Postmaster-General  ot  England  maintained  that 
by  the  terras  of  the  purchase  of  the  telegraphs  he  had 
become  entitled  to  the  ownership  of  the  Telephone,  although 
as  a  fact  it  had  not  been  invented  at  the  time,  inasmuch  as 
a  telephone  was  merely  a  form  of  telegraph.  The  Telephone 
Companies  raised  in  defence,  amongst  other  points,  the 
very  on©  now  in  dispute  between  Father  Livius  aud  me, 
and  alleged  that  whereas  in  a  telegraph,  commimication 
was  made  by  message  through  a  pre-aiTanged  code  of 
signals,  in  a  Telephone  there  was  much  mor^  because  there 
was  an  immediate  conversation  in  which  the  human  voice 
travelled. 

Being  strictly  a  scientific  question,  the  evidence  of 
experts  was  called,  but  with  characteristic  resemblance  to 


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788 '  Oiitfie'fkhpfi&neinretation  to  the  Sacramento/ Penance. 

all  i^ticli  cases,  scieniific  evidence  was  forthcoming  in 
abundance  and  with  inconvenient  plentifubees  on  both 
sides. 

Sii'  W.  Thompson,  Professor  Tyndall,  Dr.  Fleming  and 
Lord  Rayleigh  were  amongst  those  who  sustained  the 
opinion  that  the  sound  of  the  human  voice  was  transmitted 
through  the  Telephone.  Lord  Rayleigh's  affidavit  set  forth 
that— 

"  The  Speaking  Telephone  is  an  iDstrument  for  artificially  extend- 
ing by  tlie  use  of  electricity  the  limits  through  which  the  human 
voice  is  audible.  The  only  essential  difference  betweeu  a  speakinj^ 
telephone  and  a  speaking  tube  is  that  in  the  former  vibrations  are 
transmitted  in  the  electrical,  in  the  latter  in  the  aerial  form/' 

On  this  and  similiar  affidavits  the  Coiu*t  commented  as 
follows : — 

»*  We  see  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statements  of  these  distin- 
guished men  as  to  the  novelty  and  other  scientific  merits  of  the 
transmitting  and  receiving  instruments.  Whether  it  is  correct  ta 
speak  of  the  Telephone  as  actually  transmitting  sound,  and  as  being 
in  the  nature  of  a  speaking  trumpet  or  speaking  tube,  seems  muck 
more  queslionabie.  Sir  George  Airy,  Professor  Adams,  and 
^Ir.  Siemens  expressly  deny  it,  for  reasons  whicli  we  need  not 
quote  at  length.  Sir  George  Airy  gives  his  reasons  in  a  very  few 
words : — 

"I  do  not  l)elieve  that  any  such  identity  can  be  proved  or 
rensonablij  stated  to  eiisty  and  tliis  I  say  for  the  reason,  tliat  until 
we  know  the  laws  governing  and  the  nature  of  the  process  which 
takes  place  during  the  transmission  of  sound  through  the  air,  wc 
really  know  nothmg  as  to  the  nature  and  mode  of  operation  of 
electric  currents,  or  waves,  or  impulses,  or  tremors.'* 

Here,  then,  we  have  not  the  unquestioned  authority  of 
one  supreme  name,  but  simply,  as  you  might  have  any  day 
if  there  were  question  of  the  construction  of  a  railway 
bridge,  one  set  of  experts  expressly  contradicted  by  another 
equally  eminent. 

And  we  have  the  Court,  which  would  seem  to  be  an 
ideal  tribunal  according  to  Professor  Ryan  and  Father 
Livius,  distinctly  declining  to  accept  the  opinion  which  they 
think  any  common  sense  jury  would  affirm,  and  indicating 
in  every  way  short  of  a  final  decision  its  dissent  from  that 
opinion. 

The  judgment  proceeded :  ^^It  was  argued  that  no  sound  at  all 
was  audible  between  the  transmitting  and  receiving  instnnnents, 
Uiat  the  sound  pioducod  at  the  receiving  end  is  produced  not  by  the 


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Ontke  IdepJione  in  relation  to  theS<^r(i^m(^P>t^qf\'f^fi^cfif\  788  7 

^oice  uttei-ed  at  the  tranamittijig  end  nor  4>y  the  vibmtipn^i  ^^  up 
by  the  voice  iu  the  electric  current  in  the  wire,  but  by  the  vJbmUoa 
of  the  metal  disc,  caused  by  the  variations  in  the  friction  between 
the  disc  and  the  chalk  cylinder.  It  was  further  said  that  the 
sound  heard  at  the  receiving  end  differs  in  a  mai-ked  way  from  the 
sound  uttered  at  the  transmitting  end,  nnd  that  though  the  difference 
between  two  voices  can  be  recognised  at  the  receiving  end, 'this  no 
more  proves  identity  between  the  sotmds  uttered  and  the  sounds 
heardy  than  the  fact  that  you  can  distinguish  the  photograph  of  A 
from  the  photograph  of  B,  proves  identity  between  the  faces  of 
A  nnd  B,  and  their  respective  photographs,  A  consideration  not 
mentioned  during  this  argument  may  be  added.  The  Telephone 
in  the  transraision  of  souml  substitutes  the  velocity  of  light  for  the, 
velocity  of  sound.  If  the  sound  made  by  the  voice  reached  the 
receiving  instrument  of  tJie  Telephone,  it  would  reach  it  lon^f  after 
the  Telephone  had  spoken,  and  it  seems  strange  to  say  that  two 
sounds  separately  heard  one  after  the  other,  are  each  identical  with 
the  sound  uttered,  especially  when  the  one  which  arrives  first  makes 
a  different  impression  m  the  ear  both  from  the  words  as  first 
spoken^  and  from  the  ^  words  as  first  heard.  Mr.  Cromwell 
Fleetwood  Varley  mentions  that  he  and  his  brother  arranged  two 
parabolic  sounding  boards  in  such  a  manner  that  they  were 
accurately  directed  towards  each  of  her,  and  that  words  spoken 
by  one  brother  into  the  focus  of  the  one  parabola  were  heard  by 
the  other  brother  at  the  focus  of  the  other  parabola  at  a  distance 
of  two  miles.  It  would  take  about  eight  seconds  for  the  sound  to 
traverse  this  distance?.  If,  therefore,  the  words  had  been  spoken 
inlo  a  transmitting  instrument  at  cue  focus,  in  telephonic  con- 
nectipn  with  a  receiving  instrument  in  the  other  focus,  the  one 
spued  would  have  been  heard  eight  seconds  before  the  other.  Can 
it  be,  said  that  the  two  sounds  were  one  and  the  same  sound,  oi* 
that  the  one  sound  travelled  simultaneously  over  the  two  intervals 
of  space  at  two  different  rates  of  speed?  Wo  do  not  think  it 
necessary  to  express  any  opinion  oh  a  controversy  which  is  more 
scientific  than  legal,  or  perhaps  more  properly  metaphysical  or 
relative  to  the  meaniug  of  words  tbm  scientific,  as  it  seems  to  turn 
on  the  nature  of  identity  in  relation  to  sound." 

That  judgment  regards  the  transmismon  of  sotind 
through  the  Telephone  as  very  questionable  :  quotes  with 
approval  Sir  G.  Airy's  opinion  that  we  cannot  reasonably 
affirm  any  such  thing:  points  out  the  salient  arguments 
against  it,  as  stated  by  counsel,  and  then  adds  other  stHking 
reasons:  and  finally  while  it  stops  shol't  of  pronouncing  a 
formal  opinion  on  a  purely  scientific  question,  sustains  the 
proposition  which  it  has  been  the  main  pm'pose  of  this 
paper  to  maintain,  that  that  scientific  question  must  be 
decided,  not  by  common  sense,  but  either  by  scientists  or 


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V90  On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance, 

DietaphysiciaDS,  inasmuch  as  it  turns,  as  I  have  all  along 
maintained  that  it  does,  on  the  question  of  identity  in 
relation  to  sound. 

1  will  add,*  without  comment,  the  following  short 
extracts  from  "  The  Electrician"  of  25th  December,  1880, 
on  the  above  judgment,  in  which,  I  think,  there  is  a 
strong  and  clear  corroboration  of  my  view  and  my 
arguments : — 

"  The  Conrt  showed  itself  as  competent  as  the  scientists  them- 
selves to  deal  with  the  subtleties  of  technical  definitions,  and  in  one 
or  two  notable  instances  demolished  the  experts  with  their  own 
weapons.  .  .  .  With  regard  to  the  disputed  definitions  of  a 
telegram,  however,  we  have  left  them  to  the  judgment  of  onr 
readers,  believing  that,  considered  apart  from  the  special  interest 
at  stake  in  this  dispute,  divergence  of  opinion  is  simply  impossible. 
This,  the  Court  has  confirmed  beyond  all  cavil,  as  we  expected  it 
would,  notwithstanding  the  afiidavits  of  several  scientific  men  to 
the  contrary.  How  comes  it  then  that  these  affidavits  have  been 
penned  ?  The  explanation  is  afibrded  by  the  Court,  and  we  need 
not  go  outside  its  judgment  to  account  for  what  at  first  sight  seems 
inexplicable.  The  Telephone  is  an  entirely  novel  and  nnlooked 
for  application  of  electricity.  It  does  not  come  within  the  historical 
definition  of  a  telegraph,  because  it  had  no  existence  when  that 
invention  was  framed :  it  docs  not  transmit  signals  in  the  sense  in 
which  transmitted  signals  have  been  generally  understood :  and  by 
a  nut  mnrarrantable  strain  of  language  it  may  be  described  as  a 
vehicle  for  conveying  the  human  voice. 

'*TIie  comparison  which  one  witness  had  the  hardihood  to  draw 
between  the  diaphragms  of  a  telephone  and  the  two  sides  of  a  wall 
through  which  a  couple  of  persons  may  converse,  is  altogether 
beside  the  mark,  seeing  that  the  diaphmgms  do  not  convey  sonorous 
waves,  nor  are  the  vibrations  which  travel  through  the  wire 
identical  either  with  those  originally  set  in  motion.  U'he  vibra- 
tions which  pass  along  the  wire  are  electrical  not  sonorofis  ;  and  it 
may  be  here  added,  that  an  electricil  vibration,  whether  it  be 
intermittent  or  undulatory,  is  still  electricaL" 

Edward  T.  O'Dwyer 


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[    791    ]  V        -  M/r 

THE  IRISH  IN  BfiLGIUH-~I.         '     '     ' 


IXTnODUCTION. 

"  Atque  utinam  fas  asset  ia  unum  ea  colligere,  ut  tanqiiam  ex 
naufragio,  aliquae  s  iltem  tabulae  salv.ie  remanerent  posteritati. 
SeJ  raulta  interciderunt,  muUa  etiam  in  aotiquis  bibliothecis 
recMidita  esse  possnnt,  quae  si  lucem  aspiciant,  mirum  quantum 
illustrabunt  Hibernia.ti." 

Analecta  of  David  Rothe.     Pars  2**  Annot.* 

IN  his  introduction  to  the  Historical  Works  of  the 
Right  Rev.  Dr.  French,  the  late  Samuel  Bindon 
makes  the  following  statement :  "  There  is  no  country  in 
**  Europe  with  wliich  the  Irisli  have  been  more  intimately 
"  connected  than  witli  Belgium.  In  every  page  of  its 
"  history,  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  military,  we  may  read 
"  of  our  countrymen  as  distinguished  for  piety,  bravery, 
''  and  learning."  Ireland  sent  the  faith  to  Belgium ;  anJ 
Irish  martyrs,  Romhaut,  Livin,  and  a  host  of  others, 
strengthened  that  faith  with  their  blood.  Ages  rolled  by  ; 
and  when  the  sword  was  drawn  against  the  faith  in 
Ireland,  Belgium  welcomed  to  her  shore  the  persecuted 
Irish.  The  nobles  were  honoured  in  the  courts  of  the 
rulers  ;  the  prelates  found  peace  in  the  sanctuaries,  and 
comfort  in  the  palaces  of  tJie  bishops.  The  Irish  mer- 
chants made  homes,  for  themselves  in  the  Flemish  cities ; 
and  the  soldiers  were  received  into  the  service  of  the 
Archdukes  of  the  Netherlands. 

The  University  of  Louvain  received  the  Irish  in  its 
ancient  halls,  and  the  Fasti  Academicl  record  their 
achievements  therein.  Thomas  Stapleton,  Doctor  vtiinsqtie 
juris,  was  promoted  to  the  highest  dignity  the  University 
and  city  could  offer,  in  being  elected  Rector  Magnificus 
Academiae.  Peter  Lombard,  later  on  Archbishop  of 
Armagh,  was  honoured  beyond  his  contemporaries ;  and 
to-day  the  traveller  may  see  the  portraits  of  Stapleton, 
and  Lombard,  amidst  the  portraits  of  the  illustrious  sons 
of  their  Alma  Mater  in  the  University  Halls.*  The 
Archbishop  of  Cashel,  Dermot  O'llurley,  left  his  professor's 
chair  at  Louvain  to  receive  the  martyr's  crown  m  Ireland. 
The  Primate  of  Armagh,  Richard  Creagh,  when  a  prisoner 
in  the  Tower  of  London,  in  li)54,  stated :  "  Being  asked, 

1  Edition  of  188i,  M.  II.  Gill  &  Son,  page  346. 
*  The   liev.   C.    P.   Meehan   had  a    copy  taken    of    Archbishop 
Lombard's  portrait,  which  he  presented  to  the  rJational  Gallery,  Dublia. 


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792  The  Irish  in  Btlgiunu 

what  he  wmild  have  done  if  ho  had  been  received 
Archbishop  of  Armagh,  saith,  he  wonld  have  lived  there 
quietly.  Being  afiked  what  he  would  have  done  if  he  had 
been  refused,  be  answereth  that  he  would  have  gone  to 
Louvain  to  hiB  track  again,  as  being  discharged  of  his 
obedieitce."  At  the  prayers  of  the  exiled  Prelates,  priesta, 
and  nobles,  the  kings  of  Spain,  and  the  goveraors  of 
the  Netherlands,  founded  and  endowed  colleges  and 
convents  for  the  exiled  Irish,  in  which  fugitive  priests 
might  find  a  resting-place,  and  in  which  yotuig  ecclesjastics 
might  be  trained  up  with  a  missionary  spirit  to  keep  alive 
the  faith  of  their  fathers  amid  tho  mountains  and  around 
the  wells  of  holy  Ireland.  The  histoiy  of  these  colleges 
has  not  been  written;  and  the  materials  for  composing 
that  history  were  scattered,  or  destroyed,  during  the 
troubles  of  the  French  revolution,  when  the  colleges  were 
suppressed.  In  the  Archives  du  Royauine^  and  in  the 
Bihliotheqne-royale  at  Brussels,  as  well  as  in  the  archives 
and  libraries  of  the  several  towns  in  which  there  were 
Irish  colleges,  the  writer  found  much  information  oonceiii- 
ing  these  institutions,  which,  when  connected  with  what 
has  been  already  published  by  others,  may  prove  interest- 
ind  to  Irisli  ecclesiastics,  the  successors  of  the  missioners 
sent  from  Belgium  in  those  troubled  yearsL  The  m<jtto 
prefixed  to  his  Analecta,  by  David  Rothe,  is  offered  as  the 
motive  for  publishing  these  papers. — Colli ff He  qu<u  sttpern^ 
verunt fraffDienta,  ne  pereariU     (John,  vi.  12.) 

In  order  to  realize  how  opporiune  was  the  asylum 
afforded  by  Belgium,  in  those  years,  to  our  exiled  country- 
men, it  is  necessaiy  to  devote  the  remainder  of  this  paper 
to  show  what  was  the  religious  and  social  condition  of 
Ireland  during  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth 
centuries. 

1°.  Before  adducing  the  testimony  of  writers  con- 
temporary with  the  events,  it  is  well  to  quote  a  passage 
from  the  late  John  Mitchell,^  which  epitomises  the 
histoiy  of  these  centuries :  "  Foreign  usurpation  and  foreign 
religion  were  striding  over  their  country  hand  in  hand, 
and  planting  their  footsteps  together  deep  in  blood  and 
tears — deposing  their  chiefs,  persecuting  their  bards,  and 

1  li'e  aud  Times  of  Hugh  O'Neill,  p.  10.  Mr.  LabouChere,  M.P., 
writes  as  follows  : — ^^  We  have  held  oux  own  in  that  country  by  means 
of  barbarous  laws  and  grinding  oppression,  by  setting  dass  .agMBst 
class,  and  by  crushing  out  all  legitimate  aspirations  with  the  swoid,  the 
gallows,  and  the  prison.  It  is  only  of  late  that  the  8<m»e  of  our  wrong- 
doing has  been  forced  upon  us." — Fortnightly  Review^  Qet.,  186$. 


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The  Irish  in  Belgiunk  JOB 

supplanting  tlieir  ancient  laws,  and  also  prostrating  their 
illustrious  and  hospitable  monasteries,  aishonoiiring  the 
relics  of  their  sainte,  and  hunting  their  venerated  clergy 
like  wolves." 

What  Mitchell  epitomized,  is  described  in  detail  by  the 
author  of  the  Historiae  Catholicae  Iberniac  Compendium^ 
the  illustrious  Don  Philip  O'SulIevan  Bear.*  He  served  in 
the  royal  navy  of  Spain,  and  in  his  frigate  wrote  the  sad 
story  of  his  country.  He  concludes  with  an  Epilogue 
alluding  to  the  former  grandeur  and  pomp  of  the  Cathohc 
r^iligion  in  Ireland  ;  and  declares  that  the  man  who  can 
without  difficulty  restrain  his  tears  at  the  recital  of 
Ireland^s  present  (1618)  wrongs  and  sorrows,  must  have  a 
heart  harder  than  flint;  be  of  a  savage  nature  ;  and  have 
been  nourished  with  heretical  milk.* 

The  fii-st  outrage  invariably  committed  against  the 
faith,  and  devotion  of  the  people,  was  a  public  desecration 
of  their  churches,  and  saciilegious  insults  to  the  most 
Holy  Sacrament.'    The  relics,  as  well  as  the  images  and 

Eictures,  of  the  saints  were  burned :  the  priests,  if  not 
anged  or  sabred,  were  banished  :  and  the  churches  were 
converted  into  stables  for  the  troopers*  horses.  The  sacred 
vessels  were  turned  to  profane  uses ;  and,*  for  the  utter 
destruction  of  religion,  all  missals,  rituals,  hymnals,  and 
copies  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  were  destroyed.  When 
the  judges  went  on  circuit,  the  assizes  were  held  in  the 
churches.  Donatus  Mooney  tells  us,  that  in  Galway  the 
court  was  held  in  the  Franciscan  Church,  the  judges  being 
in  the  Sanctuary,  using  the  Hieh  Altar  as  a  judicial 
bench — the  abomination  of  desolation  in  holy  places; 
"  in  civitate  Galviae,  in  ipso  choro  judicibussedentibus  pro 
tribunal!  super  altari  summo,  ad  modura  abominationis 
desolationis  stantes  in  loco  sancto.*' 

2°.  So  far  the  churches ;  the  priests  fared  as  ill.  "  As 
the  Tories  and  the  wolves  were  killed  down,'*  writes 
Cliarles  G.  Walpole,  in  his  Kingdom  of  Ireland ^^  "  so  were 

*  Edited  by  Rev.  Profeasor  Ktlly  of  Maynooth,  and  published  by 
John  O'Daly,  Dublin,  1850. 

*  "  Is  prefect 0,  aut  esset  animi  calybe,  et  eilice  durioris,  ferinis 
moribus  indntus,  et  haeretico  lacte  nutritus;  aut  magna  commisera- 
tione  motuB  lachrymaa  vix  eohibere  poBsit.''    p.  338. 

*  **  In  Ibernia  principio  ab  .\ngRs  haec  scelera  committuntur. 
Ohristus  redeniptor  in  Sacro  sancto  Eucharistiae  Sacramento  realiter 
presens  ex  ecclesiicf,  et  vulgi  consp^ctu  depellitur,"  p.  76 

*  Analecto,  pp.  36  sq. 

»  Kinffflom  of  Ireland^  Kegan  Paul,  Trench  &  Co. :  London,  1882, 
p.  279.    Cfr. :  Aiiidecta,  p.  179. 


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.7^i  The  JrM  in  Belgium. 

the  prieats.  Proscribod,  hunted,  and  trauRppvtod  as.  soon 
as  caught,  they  still  hung  about  the  country  in  all  sorts  of 
disguises  and  in  all  sorts  of  hiding-place*?,  performing  the 
offices  of  their  reHgion  in  secret,  and  at  the  peril  of  their 
lives,  to  their  ^scattered  co-religionists.  0!Sullevan  Bear 
furnishes  a  list  of  twenty-two  ecclesiastics,  six  of  whom 
were  bishops,  who  had  been  martyred  in  various  ways 
prior  to  1()18;  some  were  hanged  and  quartered;  others, 
beheaded ;  more,  strangled ;  and  some,  killed  by  the 
sword.^  The  Analecta  of  Bishop  Rothe,  and  the  Historical 
Works  of  the  Rev.  C.  P.  Meehan,  supply  additional  names 
and  particulars. 

On  the  4th  July,  lrt05,  a  Royal  Decree  was  pubHshed, 
commanding  all  liishops,  "Jesuits,  seminary  Priests,  or 
other  Priests,  whatsoever,"  to  quit  the  kingdom  before 
the  11th  daj^  of  December  following.  This  Ordinance 
was  renewed  in  July,  1611.  A  few  extracts  from  the 
correspondence  of  Sir  Arther  Chichester,  the  then  Lord 
Deputy,  will  give  an  insight  into  this  period.  "Many 
Jesuits,  and  seminary  priests,"  ho  writes  in  September, 
160(),  "  flock  to  Ireland,  where  they  do  much  harm  ;  and 
every  house  and  hamlet  being  a  sanctuary  for  them,  thoy 
are  seldom  apprehended.*'  In  1610,  on  the  10th  of  March, 
he  Avrites :  "  when  an  officer  or  soldier  lays  hold  of  a 
priest  within  their  garrison,  the  young  men  and  women  of 
the  city  make  a  rescue  with  ill-usage  and  blows." 
Writing  to  Salisbury  in  1811-12,  he  states:  "how  a 
titulary  bishop  and  a  priest  being  lately  executed  here 
for  treason,  are  notwithstanding  thought  martyrs  by  them 
and  adored  for  saints."  The  Earl  of  Thomond  writing  to 
the  Secretary  in  1607,  is  more  emphatic  in  his  language: 
"The  most  of  the  devilish  priests  and  seminaries  are 
relieved  in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  in  Waterford, 
Clonmel,  Cashel,  some  few  in  UorK  and  Limerick.  It  is 
impossible  for  the  officers  to  lay  hands  upon  them :  for  the 
officers  are  no  sooner  known  to  come  into  the  country  but 
the  priests  are  presently  conveyed  away."* 

By  an  Act  of  William  III.  (9.  Will.  III.,  c.  1),  it  was 
ordered :  "  that  all  bishops,  Jesuits,  monks,  friars,  and 
regular'  clergy,  should  depart  out  of  the  kingdom  by 
May  1,  1698,  or  suffer  imprisonment  until  they  could  be 
transported  to  the  continent.  Any  who  should  venture 
to  return  were  held  to  be  guilty  of  high  treason,  the 
punishment  for  which  was  hanging,  drawiog,  and  quart-a:- 
mg.     Those  who  came  into  the  kingdom  for  the  first  time 

1  Cath.  Iberniaey  p.  76.  «  Anidecta,  pp.  cvi,  viiu 


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The  Insh  in  Belgidm.  ^  ^95 

were  to  be  liable  to  twelve  months'  impvisonsient,  diid  ^o 
be  transported  to  the  continent ;  and  on  their  tetum 
would  be  equalljr  guilty  of  high  treason.  Any  person 
knowingly  relieving  any  of  the  aforesaid  clergy,  was  to 
be  liable  for  the  first  offence  to  a  penalty  of  £20,  for  the 
second  of  £40,  and  for  the  third  the  forfeiture  of  his  lands. 
This  statute  was  re-enacted  by  2  Anne,  c.  3."^ 

Added  to  the  dangers,  which  beset  a  priest  when 
actually  in  Ireland,  were  many  others  he  had  to  encounter 
in  his  voyage  from  the  continent.  He  had  to  assume  the 
strictest  disguise,  as  the  foreign  ports  were  infested  with 
British  spies,  and  the  sailors  and  his  fellow  travellers  were 
certain  of  rich  rewards  for  his  betrayal.  The  Irish  ports 
were  watched,  and  all  comers  closely  examined.  Besides, 
in  those  days,  the  seas  were  scoured  by  pirates.  Bishop 
Rothe  gives  minute  details  concerning  all  those  dangers 
in  his  Analecta.^  Yet  all  these  dangers  of  the  voyage, 
and  all  the  rigours  of  the  life  awaiting  them  in  Ireland  failed 
to  keep  out  the  bishops  and  priests.  Their  unflinching 
devotion  to  faith  and  fatherland  was  described  in  the 
figurative  Irish  poem,  which  has  been  translated  by 
Clarence  Mangan : — 

Oh  !  ray  Dark  Rosaleen, 

Do  not  sigb,  do  not  weep  ! 
The  priests  arc  on  the  ocean  green, 

They  march  along  the  deep. 
There*8  wine  .  .   .  from  the  Eoyal  Pope 

I^pon  the  ocean  gi'een  ; 
And  Spanish  ale  shall  give  you  hope, 
My  Dark  Rosaleen ! 
My  o^^^l  Rosaleen ! 
Shall  glad  your  heart,  shall  give  you  hope. 
Shall  give  you  health,  and  help  and  hope, 

My  Dark  Rasaleen. 

♦  ♦  •  «  « 

I  could  scale  the  blue  air, 

I  could  plough  the  high  hills  ; 
Oh  !  I  eould  kneel  all  night  in  prayer, 

To  Ileal  your  many  ills  I 
And  one  .  .  .  1)eamy  smile  from  you 

Would  float  like  light  between 

My  toils  and  me,  my  own,  my  true, 

My -Dark  Rosaleen ! 

My  fond  Rosaleen  I 

Would ^gtve  nae  life  and  soul  anew. 

My  Dark, Rosaleen ! 

'  Kingdom  of  Ireland,!^.  336.  *  P.  iU, 


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796 '  1%^  Irish  hi  Ikl^am, 

"3°.*  Special  Laws  were  enacted  to  restrain  the  people 
from  practising  their  religion;  from  educating  theif 
children,  unless  as  Protestantjs ;  and  from  holding  or 
possessing  any  property  with  fixity  of  tenure,  and,  m  a 
word,  from  the  enjoyment  of  aHy  rights! 

In  1617,  Justice  Palmer,  when. on  circuit,  declared  it  to'- 
be  an  act  of  high  treason  to  assist  at  Mass ;  and  high 
treason,  was  punished  by  hanging,  drawing,  and  quarter- 
ing.^ Oliver  Cromwell,  in  1649,  declarea:  "I  meddle 
with  no  man*s  conscience.  But  if  by  liberty  of  conscience 
you  mean  a  liberty  to  exercise  the  Mass,  I  judge  it  best  to 
use  plain  dealing  with  you,  and  to  let  you  know,  where 
the  rarliament  of  England  has  power,  Hiat  will  not  be 
allowed.*'*  Statutes  were  passed  ordering  that  Catholics 
should  attend  Protestant  services  on  Sundays  and  Holi- 
days, under  a  fine  of  12  pence  for  each  omission.  It  was 
ordered  that  baptisms  ana  marriages  should  take  place  in 
the  Protestant  churches,  under  penalty ;  and  in  the  case 
of  marriages,  under  pain  of  legal  invalidity.  Those 
guilty  of  misdemeanours  under  the  latter  clauses,  were 
forced  to  stand  at  the  market-cross,  dressed  in  a  ridiculous 
linen  garb,  and  in  the  churches,  at  certain,  hours,  bearing  a 
tablet  with  an  inscription:  On  account  of  marriages  and 
baptisms  against  the  staiutesJ 

The  people,  harassed  by  vexatious-  laws,  and  im- 
poverished by  heavy  fines,  were  truly  miserable.  Their 
priests  were  banished,  and  their  religion  a  crime.  In  the 
churches  they  beheld  the  abomination  of  desolation. 
The  face  of  the  Lord  was  turned  away  and  his  Hand 
rested  upon  them;  yet,  like  Job,  they  would  not 
sin.  Secretly  they  stole  to  assist  at  the  Sacrifice  of  the 
Mass  wliich  was  offered  up  in  hiding-placee,  in  the  towns, 
and  amongst  the  mountains  in  the  country.  We  are  told 
in  the  AnaUcta^^  how  great  was  the  anxiety  of  the  people 
to  fulfill  the  precept  of  annual  confession  and  Holy  Ccmi- 
munion;  and  even  Bishop  Rothe  was  astonished  at  the 
eagerness  of  the  faithful  to  assist  at  sermons.  They  made 
long  journeys,  and  endured  great  hardships  in  order  to 
hear  tnese  discourses ;  and  came,  as  the  whelps,  to  *'  eat 
of  the  crumbs  that  fall  from  the  table  of  their  masters;*' 
for  the  violence  of  the  perseoution  permitted  unto  them 


}  Analecta,  p.  250.  *  Kingdom  of  IreUind^  p.  262  sq 

*  Cath,  Ibemiae,  pp.  340-1,  im.  *  pp.  205-6. 


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The  Iriih  in  Edgirim:  1^1^ 

but  **  spare  bread,  and  ehprt  water."  Matt.  xv..  27  5 1^.  jpcx. 
20.^ 

It  was  reserved  for  Queen  Anne  to  take  from  tlie 
Catholics  the  only  religious  liberty  left  them.  When  deprived 
of  their  churches,  and  their,  priests,  the  people  resorted  in 

freat  numbers  to  what  was  an  old  devotion  m  the  country, 
hey  visited  the  holy  wells,  and  joined  together  in  prayer, 
malung  likewise  a  station  at  the  wells.*  But  an  Act  pro- 
vided: "All  pilgrimages  to  St.  Patrick's  Pm-gatory  to  Holy 
Wells  were  to  be  deemed  to  be  riots,  and  unlawful 
assemblies.  The  penalty  for  bein^  present  was  10s,  and  if 
the  fine  was  not  paid  the  culprit  might  be  publicly  whipped 
at  the  cart's-tail"'  Persecution  was  urged  to  the  bitter  end 
in  this  reign.  "  It  was  further  provided  that  no  one  should 
bury  in  the  precinct  of  any  suppressed  abbey,  monastery,  or 
convent,  under  a  penalty  of  £10 ;  tliat  no  chapel  should 
have  either  bells  or  a  steeple.  Magistrates  were  enjoined 
to  suppress  all  friarie«,  and  to  apprehend  all  unregistered 
priestflr;  aiid  in  order  to  guard  the  guardians,  it 
was  enacted  that  a  magistrate  who  neglected  his  duty 
should  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  £100,  and  be  disabled  from 
serving  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  for  life."* 

By  an  Act  of  Parliament,  8  Anne,  c.  3,  "  any  two  magis- 
trates were  empowered  to  summon  any  papist  before  them 
to  give  evidence  oa  oath  as  to  when,  where,  and  by  whom, 
he  had  heard  Mass  celebrated,  and  who  was  present: 
refusal  to  answer  was  punishable  by  £:^0  fine  or  twelve 
months'  imprisonment." 

j  We  Irish  are  often  taunted  with  national  ignorance  and 
national  poverty  ;  but  neither  our  ignorance,  or  our  poverty 
are  without  a  cause.  We  find  the  adequate  cause  of  both 
in  the  penal  legislation.  "  The  impossibility  of  stamping 
Dut  a  religion  by  Act  of  Parliament  hs^d  been  effectually 
demonstrated,  but  this  ferocious  statute  goes  on  to  enact 
the  most  stringent  endeavours  in  that  behalf, and  endeavours 

^  **Scd  et  istud  est  Binguloro,  quanta  solcant  aviditate,  ut  qnani 
longinqua  faoiant  aliquando  itint^ra  ut  concionibus  sacris  interBint; 
transiliuot  colles,  Saltus,  et  nemora;  per  diem  et  per  noctem  magno  agmine 
accedit  populus,  ceu  catuli  famelici  ad  micas  de  mensa  dominorum 
decidente$,  accumint  ad  verbum  I  )ei  audlendum ;  qui  ptoem  arctum 
^t  aqujEua  l^evetn  facit  vicicitas  et  violentia  idienae  profesBtonis  hominuni 
a  qui  bus  circumventi  sunt,  et  undequaque  circumfusi. "  pp.  205 — 6. 

«  Analecta,  p.  207,  et  alibi :  conf.  Vuth-Ibennae. 

»  Kingdom  ofl'teiand,  p,  340. 

*  KUt^iBm  of\Jrelanijl,  p.  33'6 ;  ib.  8^2. 


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Tjaii;  The  Ji^h  in  Belgium. 

at  any  rate  to  secure  the  helplessness  of  ignorance  for  the 
Roman  Catholics,  if  then*  conversion  could  not  be  aciiievecL 

A  Papist  schoolmaster  was  to  be  liable  to  the  fame 
penalties  as  a  Papist  '  regular/  and  no  person  was 
qualified  to  be  a  ecaoolmastei;  unless  he  should  take  the 
oaths  at  the  assizes  or  sessions. 

Rewards  were  announced  for  the  discovery  and  con- 
victing of  Romish  functionaries  according  to  the  following 
scale :  For  an  archbishop  or  bishop,  £50 ;  for  a .  friar, 
Jesuit,  or  unregistered  priest,  £20;  for  a  8choolma«iter, 
£10/' 

But  ignorance  was  sought  as  an  ally  long  before  the 
time  of  Queen  Anne.  Towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  it  was  a  misdemeanor  to  send  children  to  Catholic 
schools  or  colleges,  even  on  the  continent.  Nor  was  it 
lawful  to  ask  licence  to  send  them  until  the  obnoxious  oath 
of  the  sovereign's  supremacy  was  first  taken.i 

Protestant  grammar  schools  were  established,  and  richly 
endowed,  in  the  provinces ;  and  Acts  were  passed  to  enforce 
the  attendance  of  the  youth,  which  meant  that  the  Catholics 
were  to  apostatise,  or  remain  in  ignoranoe.  O'tSuliivan 
Bear  tells  us  that,  despite  the  laws,  the  Catholic  youth 
were  taught  at  liome  by  their  parents  and  the  priests ;  and 
the  Protestant  masters  not  wishing  to  abandon  one  source 
of  their  revenues,  arranged  with  Catholic  masters,  who  were 
still  to  be  found,  that  they  should  have  one  half  the  fees, 
and  the  actual  mastei*s,  the  other* 

In  some  places,  the  priests  could  with  difficulty  be 
found  even  for  the  baptism  of  the  infants ;  iind  the  youth 
only  knew  the  truths  ot  Religion  from  the  teaching  of  their 
mothers  and  nurses.  The  adults  had  no  opportunities 
of  studying  doctrinal  works^  nor  even  in  some  cases  of 
consulting  the  priests,  or  the  learaed  laity ;  and  with  all 
these  difficidties  against  them,  young  and  old  would  die 
for  the  faith  that  was  in  them. 

On  the  accession  of  Charles  I.,  1626,  there  was  a  lull  in 
tiie  persecution,  and  "  even  a  Roman .  Catholic  seminaiy 
was  opened,  and  a  body  of  Carmelite  friars  ventured  to 
establish  themselves  in  Dublin.  The  result  was  a  furious 
outcry  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  and  Protestant  faction. 
The  Popish  college  was  seized^  and  handed  over  to  the 

1  Analecta,  p.  36. 

•  Cath.  i6emiae,pp,298-4j  todp.  188.  ^  Kingdom,  cf  Inlm^td,j^212i 


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The  Lish  in  Belgium.  799 ' 

University  of  Dublin,  and  the  friars  were  driven  from  their 
monastery  by  a  file  of  musketeers/'^ 

So  far  the  religious  condition  of  the  people  has  been 
considered.  On  looking  into  their  temporal  condition  a 
sorrowful  picture  presents  itself.  Plantations  had  been 
made  in  the  north  and  south ;  wars  had  been  raging,  wjth 
its  hon-ors  intensified  by  the  party  feelings  of  race  and 
laith.  The  Irish  were  worsted  in  a  great  struggle,  and  the 
state  of  the  country  in  1603,  is  thus  pictured  by  a  master- 
hand.^  "Mountjoy  and  Carew  had  now  stamped  out  everj'- 
spark  of  rebellion  in  every  part  of  Ireland.  The  power  of 
the  Irish  was  completely  broken  by  the  process  of  starvation. 
The  system  pursued  both  in  the  south  and  in  the  north  of 
destrojnng  the  crops,  removed  the  whole  source  of  susten- 
ance on  which  the  mass  of  the  people  depended.  To  add 
to  the  loss  of  the  food  at  hand,  Elizabeth*s  practice  of 
debasing  the  coin  had  doubled  and  trebled  the  price  of 
every  purchasable  article,  and  a  fatal  pestilence  had 
followed  upon  the  famine.  The  people  of  Ulster  died  of 
hunger  by  thousands." 

JBut  another  woe  awaited  Ireland,  *the  cunse  of 
O'Crummell.  An  Act  for  the  settling  of  Ireland  was  passed 
in  1652  ;  and  the  settlement  meant  the  transplanting  of  the 
Irish  to  Connaught  or  another  alternative  which  the 
Ironsides  thought  themselves  divinely  empowered  to  offer 
the  papista  The  disbanded  Puritans  were  to  receive  the 
evacuated  lands,  and  death  was  the  penalty  awaiting  the 
former  owner,  were  ho  to  return  from  his  allotment  in 
Connaught.*  Courts- martial  were  sitting  in  several  places, 
and  short  work  was  made  of  those  suspected  of,  or  charged 
with  treasonable  offences. 

The  disbanded  Irish  soldiers  were  encouraged  and 
assisted  to  emigi-ate  to  the  Continent,  and  when  they  had 
gone,  their  wives,  sisters,  and  daughters  were  shipped  to 
the  West  Indies,  or  sold  by  the  slave  dealers  of  13ristol 
to  the  planters  of  Barbadoes.  Better  had  death  in  its 
worst  forms  struck  them  down  in  Ireland.  Between  6^000 
and  7,000  women  and  girls  wei'e  shipped,  until  some 
Englishwomen  were  seized  by  the  dealers,  when  the 
practice  was  put  down  by  law. 

The  planting  and  transplanting  was  earned  owt ;  the 
gentry  and  nobles  were  in  exile ;  those  remaining  in  the 


■  Kingdom  of  Ireland^  chap,  vii,  Book  iv. 


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;  800  The  IrUh  in  Belgium. 

planted  provinces  were  oppressed,  and  those  3e&t  to 
Connaugnt  were  swindled  out  q(  their  allotments  hy 
the  Commissioners  at  Athlone  or  by  their  agents.  The 
merchants  were  cast  out  of  the  cities,  and  betook  them- 
selves to  the  continent ;  and  the  bards  saq^  the  ruin  of 
their  country  amidst  the  mountains,  while  the  remnant  of 
the  people  listened  in  deepest  sorrow.  Some  of  these 
laments  of  the  bards  have  been  translated  into  English, 
and  are  more  graphic  than  the  pen  of  the  historian : 

War  and  confiscation 
Curse  the  fallen  nation  ; 
Gloom  and  desolation 

Shade  the  lost  land  o'er. 

Chill  the  winds  arp  blowing, 

Death  aloft  is  going, t 

Peace  or  hope  seem  growing 

For  our  race  no  more. 
•  •  •  • 

Nobles  once  high-hearted 
From  their  homes  are  pasted. 
Scattered,  scarred,  and  started 
By  a  base-boru  band. 

Very  many  quotations  could  be  made  from  the  numer- 
ous laments,  and  dirges  of  those  ):)lood-Btained  centuries, 
many  of  which  have  been  translated  by  the  raatchlesB 
pen  of  Mangan,  and  a  Jacobite  relioy  KathUcn-Ny-Houlahan 
opens  with  this  stanza: 

Long  they  pine  in  weary  woe. 
The  nobles jof  om*  land. 
Long  they  wander  to  and  fro. 
Proscribed  alas  !  and  banned ; 
Fcastless,  houseless,  altarless» 
They  bear  tlie  exiles  brand : 
But  their  hope  is  in  the  coming-to  of  Kathleen  Ny-Houlahan! 

From  the  south  rose  the  Lament  of  O'Gnive,  and  a 
southern  poet,  Callanan,  has  rendered  it  into  English.  It 
opens  thus : 

ITow  dim  is  the  glory  that  circled  the  Gael, 
And  fall'u  the  people  of  green  Innisfail ; 
The  sword  of  the  Saxon  is  red  with  their  gore, 
And  the  mighty  of  nations  is  mighty  no  more  ! 


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The  IrUh  in  Belgium.  80l 

The  year  1700  is  reached  in  our  history,  and  here  is  the 
picture  it  offers:  **  Disfranchised,  disinlierited,  disabled 
from  exereisihg  tKe  most  ordinary  civil  functions,  the 
Koman  Catholics,  the  bulk  of  the  Irish  nation,  endured  all 
the  social  and  moral  disadvantages,  all  the  contempt,  all 
the  bitter"  mAse  of  injustice  of  a  subject  race.  With  no 
room  for  honourable  ambition,  no  scope  for  enterprise, 
they  wer©  condemned  to  the  swinish  existence  for  which 
the  evil  of  the  day  is  sufficient,  and  which  takes  no  thought 
for  the  morrow.*'^ 

The  old  Catholic  gentry  were  ruined ;  the  people  were 
impoverished,  dispersed,  and  forced  into  ignorance,  and 
weighted  by  Penal  Laws,  which  headed  them  downwards ; 
yet  still,  amidst  them,  moved  and  worked  their  priests, 
who,  sharers  of  their  trials,  were  loved  by  the  people. 
They  broke  to  them  the  "  spare  bread,*'  and  gave  to  them 
*'  the  short  water  "  mentioned  by  Isaias ;  "  and  but  for  the 
persevering  energy  of  the  registered  priests,  who,  despite 
the  Penal  Code,  in  the  wilder  country  ventured  to  open 
schools,  and  in  the  less  remote  districts  taught  the  ragged 
children  the  elements  of  education  in  the  fields  and  by  the 
roadside,  every  spark  of  religion  and  knowledge  would 
have  died  out  from  end  to  end  of  the  island. "^ 

The  preservation  of  the  Faith  in  Ireland  during  these 
dreadful  trials  was  due  to  the  devotion  of  the  priests  who 
braved  th^  Penal  Laws ;  and  to  the  Irish  colleges  of 
Spain,  France,  Rome,  and  Belgium,  where  those  apostolic 
men  were  prepared  for  the  vineyard  and  the  martyr's 
crown.  Catholic  Ireland  of  to-day  owes  the  tribute  of  fond 
recollection  and  heartfelt  gratitude. 

As  these  papers  are  intended  to  illustrate  the  relation- 
ship that  existed  between  Belgiiun  and  Ireland,  the  notices 
of  other  than  Belgian  colleges  are  left  to  more  worthy 
hands. 

J.  P.  SPELLMAN^ 

1  Kingdom  of  Ireland,  p.  347.  ■  Kingdom  of  Ireland^  p.  371. 


VOL.  VL  8  X 

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[    802    J 

GLIMPSES  OF  ELIA. 

IT  is  now  more  than  sixty  years  since  there  appeared, 
principally  in  the  London  Magazinty  certain  Essays  of  a 
very  unusual  character.  They  bore  a  consistently  strange 
signature — "  Eha."  They  treated  of  miscellaneous  topics : 
literary  questions  were  discussed  in  them  with  considerable 
ability;  they  passed  strictures  on  the  productions  of 
modern  paiuters,  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  first  intro- 
duction of  roast  pig  into  the  culinaiy  programme,  and  prq- 
pounded  certain  novel  and  ingenious  theories  relative  to 
the  genealogj^  of  sweeps.  Who  the  writer  of  these  essays 
was,  few  seemed  to  know,  and  as  few  seemed  to  care.  The 
name  of  Elia  was  not  then  powerful  enough  to  attract 
much  attention.  Since  that  time,  however,  we  have 
learned  much  about  the  concrete  identity.  There  are  few 
but  know  that  EHa  was  no  other  than  Charles  Lamb.  His 
Essays  have  perpetuated  his  name  ;  and  if  they  do  not  giye 
him  a  right  to  be  classed  among  great  writers,  they 
establish  for  him  at  least  a  claim  on  the  considerate 
attention  of  posterity.  He  may  not  be  what  is  called  one 
of  the  great  lights,  but  he  is  nevertheless  a  writer  of 
recognised  literary  standing — one  of  the  smaller  luminaries, 
and  one,  moreover,  whose  eccentric  and  erratic  character 
will  long  supply  abundant  food  for  the  speculation  of  the 
curious. 

If  we  wish  to  understand  Lamb  properly,  it  is  to  his 
Essays  we  must  go ;  they  partake  in  a  peculiar  manner  ot 
the  nature  of  autobioo^mphy ;  they  muTor  the  mind  and 
whole  character  of  the  writer,  thus  presenting  us  with  a 
better  image  of  him  than  we  could  possibly  find  elsewhere. 

Few  people  will  be  able  to  turn  over  the  pages  of 
Lamb*s  Essays  carefully  without  deriving  much  instruction 
mid  amusement  therefrom.  Therft  are  many  things  in  the 
Essays  which  will  possess  a  great  charm  for  such  as  admire 
eminent  qualities  of  intellect  and  heart ;  but  it  may  be 
that  many  will  discover  a  great  deal  to  modify  considerably 
their  general  estimate  of  Lamb. 

Charles  Lamb  was  not  by  any  means  a  great  scholar. 
If  he  had  great  talent,  he  certainly  does  not  seem  to  have 
had  much  opportunity  of  cultivating  it.  The  time  spent  at 
Christ's  Hospital  was  comparatively  short ;  €uid,  according 
to  all  accounts,  it  was  not  a  veiy  suitable  place  for  the 
education  of  a  future  essayist.      It  was  but  ill  adapted  for 


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Glimpses  of  Elicu  803 

imparting  that  higher-toned  education  which  aims  not  only 
at  conveying  knowledge,  but  at  exciting  those  powers  of 
the  mind  and  imagination  which,  once  set  to  work,  travel 
over  extensive  fields  of  thought,  and  thus  of  themselves 
gain  rich  treasures  for  the  adornment  of  the  mind.  Indeed 
there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Lamb  displayed  any 
signs  of  more  than  ordinary  genius  at  school.  There  was 
certainly  none  of  those  mental  phenomena  observed  in  bim 
which  usually  distinguish  the  schoolboy  days  of  celebrated 
men.  His  records  were  those  of  the  ordinary  scholar, 
anxious  to  learn  something  every  year,  but  above  all  to 
have  a  comfortable  and  pleasant  time.  He  learned,  of 
course,  the  rudiments  of  Greek  and  Latin,  or  perhaps  a 
little  more  than  the  rudiments;  but  his  favourite  study 
seems  to  have  been  English  literature,  especially  old,  out- 
of-the-way  writers. 

There  is  no  indication  in  the  Essays  of  much  proficiency 
in  any  branch  of  knowledge  beyond  this.  The  subjects 
which  Lamb  selects  for  his  Essays,  whatever  recommended 
them,  were  certainly  but  seldom  such  as  required  much 

feneral    knowledge.      Even    where    learning    could  be 
isolayed  with  great  advantage  to  the  reader,  Lamb  can 
do  little  more  than  express  his  own  whims  and  fancies.     It 
is  strange  that,  though  he  mentions  and  quotes  Shakspere 
so    often,    ho    makes   no  allusion    to  the    questions    of 
Shaksperean  study,  which  were  then  agitating  the  world 
of  literature,  and  which  Lamb's  own  friend,  Coleridge,  was 
at  this  time  doing  so  much  to  elucidate.      The  only  infor- 
mation he  can  favour  us  with  is  that  he  prefers  Shakspere 
in  old,  moth-eaten  binding.     He  devotes  a  whole  paper  to 
a  dissei-tation,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  on  Temple's  Essays, 
and  makes  reference  to  the  part  he  took  in  the  controversy 
about  ancient  and  modem  learning.     Persons  interested  in 
the  controversy  would  have  excused  the  digression  if  he 
had  taken  occasion  to  brand  Temple's  impudence  in  issuing 
his  fiats  about  one  ancient  language  at  least,  in  respect  to 
which  the  state  of  his  mind  might  be  described  as  one  of 
hopeless  ignorance.      In  another  place  Lamb  makes  a 
pompous  list  of  books    which  he  designates  no-bookp. 
Perhaps  it  was  not  done  seriously  ;•  but  at  any  rate  his 
selection  is  based  on  no  principle  of  scholarship  or  philo- 
sophy. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  there  is  no  gainsaying 
the  fact  that  I^amb,  in  his  own  way,  contributed  a 
good  deal  to  the  advancement  of  learning,  and  particularly 


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804  Glimpses  of  Elia. 

of  Shakeperean  study.  It  is  questionable  whether,  after 
all,  he  has  not  done  more  to  promote  the  study  of  the 
Stratford  poet  than  even  Coleridge,  who  went  about 
lecturing  on  Shakspere  and  his  hitherto  imdiscovered 
beauties.  Lamb  did  his  part  in  a  quiet,  unobtrusive  way. 
The  sum  of  his  work  was  to  quote  Shakspere  and  to  quote 
him  oft.en.  If  he  proposed  this  to  himself,  he  has  certainly 
succeeded  admirably.  He  quotes,  or  rather  misquotes^ 
Shakspere  more  frequently  than  any  other  writer  with 
whom  we  are  acquainted.  Misquotations,  unless  affected, 
show  greater  familiarity  with  an  author  than  correct 
quotations,  which  generally  presuppose  the  open  book. 
But  whether  he  quotes  incorrectly  or  otherwise,  his  system 
is  well  calculated  to  awaken  interest  in  the  old  writers 
with  whom  h©  is  so  conversant.  Men  are  influenced  very 
much  by  what  others  do  and  say ;  and  in  literature  we  can 
observe  that  nothing  contributes  so  much  to  form  our  taste 
and  determine  the  direction  of  our  studies  as  impressions 
derived  from  the  criticisms  of  others.  This  is  no  less  the 
case  where  the  criticism  is  not  conveyed  in  so  many  words, 
but  is  made  sufficiently  clear  by  the  acts  of  a  writer,  and 
by  the  bent  of  his  own  inclinations.  We  diall  not  be  far 
astray  in  believing  that  Lamb's  misquotations  are  attribu- 
table not  to  any  affectation,  but  to  his  aversion  to  the 
labour  of  verifying  the  impressions  carried  away  from  the 
perusal  of  his  favourite  authors.  If  this  be  true,  then  his 
perusal  of  these  authors  must  have  been  very  frequent 
indeed  ;  for  he  is  quite  at  home  with  them,  and  is  able, 
whenever  he  thinks  fit,  to  clothe  his  own  thoughts  in  the 
beautiful  garb  which  Shakspere  and  Milton  and  the  rest 
provided.  It  is  difficult  sometimes  to  know  when  the 
words  used  are  his  own,  and  when  they  are  the  property 
of  some  old  writer.  His  mind  is  fiiU  of  strange,  fanciful 
ideas,  and  as  he  looks  forward  to  express  thera,  the  old 
authors  come  and  obtrude  themselves  with  rich  stores  of 
words  and  kindred  thoughts.  They  are  always  at  hand, 
like  ministering  sylphs  or  gnomes,  ready  to  supply  his 
wants.  Lamb  relates  somewhere  an  incident  which  gives 
a  key  to  the  explanation  of  his  practice  with  regard  to  the 
old  writers.  He  relates  how  on  one  occasion,  when  he 
was  striving  to  gain  an  entrance  to  the  theatre  in  which 
the  young  Belfast  boy,  Betty,  was  to  perform,  he  persisted 
amid  the  nish  of  the  crowd,  and  some  not  very  compli- 
mentary allusions  to  his  course  of  behaviour,  in  reading 
certain  passages  in  Hamlet.     If  this  can  be  taken  as  an 


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Glimpses  of  Elia.  j80$ 

indication  of  his  general  conduct,  it  is  not  much  wonder 
that  he  should  have  but  little  diflSculty  in  quoting  Shakspere, 
and  in  creating  an  interest  in  that  poet's  writings. 

But  if  Lamb's  Essays  have  the  effect  of  giving  an 
impetus  to  the  study  of  Shakspere,  this  advantage  is 
certainly  in  a  manner  balanced  by  the  inconvenience  it 
entails.  It  makes  his  writings  altogether  quaint^  and,  to 
the  great  mass  of  readers,  unintelligible.  Lamb,  of  his  own 
resources,  uses  a  great  number  of  words  which  are  likely 
to  be  puzzles  to  many,  especially  the  young.  But  when  to 
his  own  not  very  intelligible  coinage,  and  to  the 
unwieldly  plunder  of  out-of-date  dictionaries,  he  adds 
numberless  antiquated  words  and  expressions  from  the 
English  ancients,  then  woo  betide  Uie  unbookish  wight  that 
dare  unravel  him  I  It  is  bad  enough  to  have  to  unfold 
the  sense  of  Drayton  or  Marlowe ;  but  when  we  come  to 
such  literary  curiosities  as  Lamb's  Essays,  the  task  is 
altogether  frightsome.  We  have  not  here  the  old  monu- 
mental slab  itself,  but  a  piece  of  modem  marble  inscribed 
with  some  stray  old  characters  without  any  landmarks  near 
to  guide  us  to  their  explanation.  We  meet  unusual  words, 
strange  forms  of  expression,  old  words  with  a  modem 
meamng,  or  used  to  convey  modern  ideas,  with  many  other 
philological  anomalies.  Frequently  there  is  the  same  lack 
of  perspicuity  in  the  arrangement  of  words  and  con- 
etmction  of  sentences  that  we  discover  in  the  choice  of 
the  words  themselves.  His  sentences  are  often  hopelessly 
embarrassed,  and  twisted  into  every  shape  and  form.  We 
stumble  at  every  step  upon  unexpected  parentheses,  we 
meet  numerous  inversions  of  clauses,  cases  of  non-sequence 
of  constmction,  relatives  exiled  from  their  antecedents, 
adjectives  referable  to  several  nouns ;  we  meet,  in  a  word, 
a  host  of  things  which  the  correct  writer  will  always  be 
very  careful  to  avoid. 

In  the  face  of  such  facts  it  will  seem  strange  that  Lamb 
should  ever  attain  any  considerable  reputation  as  a  writer. 
There  are  many  things,  however,  in  Lamb's  Essays,  that 
assist  much  to  counteract  the  evil  influence  of  his  faults. 
There  are  passages,  and  numerous  passages  too,  which 
cannot  be  charged  with  any  of  the  faults  referred  to.  There 
are  passages  which  captivate  us  by  the  perspicuity,  simple 
grace,  and  sublimity  of  the  language.  In  comparison  with 
them  some  of  the  best  efforts  of  our  foremost  writers  will 
appear  with  disadvantage.  For  grammatical  propriety, 
beauty  of  language  and  sentiment,  it  would  be  aifficult  to 


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806 ' "  Glimpses  of  Elia. 

find  anything  to  snrpasB  the  Efisajs  on  "  Dream  Children  '* 
and  "  Mackery  End.'  In  snch  places  as  these  Lamb  is  seen 
to  the  best  advantage.  It  is  not,  however,  on  the  casual 
display  of  great  powers  that  Lamb's  title  to  fame  rests. 
There  are  qualities,  characteristic  qualities,  observable 
throughout  his  Essays,  which  have  raised  him  high  in  the 
estimation  of  the  literary  public.  His  deep-feeling  and  fine 
humour  have  not  failed  to  charm  his  readers  It  was  the 
qualities  of  the  man's  own  character  that  formed  the 
iospiration  of  his  writings.  Read  in  the  light  of  the  tender- 
hearted, affectionate  Elia,  his  Essays  assmne  a  new  form, 
possess  altogether  a  new  interest  for  such  as  admire  self- 
sacrifice  and  love  of  home  and  friends.  So  much,  indeed, 
does  love  of  home  and  ita  associations  permeate  all  his 
Essays,  that  it  is  impossible  to  lose  sight  of  it  long.  It  is 
a  fragrance  difiused  eveiy where  around,  agreeable .  and 
pleasing  to  u& 

Few  writers  lived  so  much  on  home  joys,  made  the 
material  home  so  much  the  true  home  of  the  heart,  as  did 
Elia.  It  was  not  on  account  of  having  no  different  topics 
to  write  on,  that  he  made  home  associations  the  constant 
theme  of  his  effusions.  There  was  no  want  of  topics  at 
the  time  when  Lamb  contributed  his  Essays  to  the  London 
Magazine,  In  the  social  and  political  world  there  was  much 
that  could  engage  the  pen  of  the  philanthropist  or  the 
reformer.  In  England  discontent  and  strife  had  succeeded 
the  joy  and  national  exultation  consequent  on  the  over- 
throw of  Napoleon.  A  new  sovereign  ascended  the, 
throne ;  his  fii'st  act,  when  he  became  king,  was  to  attempt 
the  divorce  of  his  consort  Caroline.  He  failed  in theattempt, 
and  was  only  successful  in  adding  fuel  to  the  conflagration* 
Accordingly,  in  England  there  was  no  dearth  of  topics. 
Englishmen  could  have  found  another  if  they  had  turned 
their  eyes  to  a  little  neighbouring  island,  and  observed 
there  the  efforts  of  an  oppressed  sect  and  nation 
**  struggling  to  be  free." 

All  these  things,  however,  had  but  little  interest  for 
Lamb.  The  great  political  world  might  move  from  day  to 
day,  and  witness  new  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  but  it 
dragged  not  Elia  with  it  in  its  motion.  Eepublics  arose 
and  fell  to  pieces ;  tyrants  filled  the  chair  of  power,  and, 
were  hurled  from  it  by  the  efforts  of  determined  freemen  ; 
revolutions  in  politics  and  religion  followed  each  other  in 
quick  succession.  But  all  these  fluctuations  of  fortune 
affected  not  Elia.  ^  His  world  was  not  abroad  among  con- 


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Glimpses  of  Elia.  807  - 

tending  factions  or  powerg;  no,  it  did  not  extend  far 
beyond  himself,  no  stranger  hardly  ever  durst  enter  it,  it  ' 
wtts  sacred  ground  on  which  none  but  a  chosen  few  might 
tread.  We  cannot  help  admiring  the  man  in  whom  home 
affections  took  the  place  of  all  those  selfish  passions  that 
held  such  sway  during  the  excited  times  in  which  he  lived. 
Lamb  was  able  to  confine  his  view  within  the  narrow 
domestic  circle,  and  to  appreciate  the  beneficent  dispensa- 
tion of  Providence  in  binding  by  domestic  ties  members  of 
the  same  family  together.  Surrounded  in  our  youth  by 
brothers  and  sisters  we  receive  impressions  of  mind  and 
heai-t  which  never  leave  us.  Their  influence  extends  even 
into  the  advanced  periods  of  life,  when  we  meet  with 
various  difficulties,  and  require  a  beacon-light  to  which  we 
may  sometimes  look.  The  hand  of  friendship  will  be 
extended  towards  us  when  strangers  turn  away  from  us 
disdainfully.  Even  when  friends  are  absent  from  us,  the 
memory  of  them  awakens  many  pleasing  recollections. 
The  season  of  childhood,  when  all  was  innocence  and  mirtb^ 
comes  back  again  to  enliven  hours  of  toil  or  weariness. 
We  wander  back  in  thought  to  the  happy  fireside,  around 
which  brothers  and  sisters  often  sat  and  conversed  together, 
to  the  fields  in  which  they  played  and  gathered  the  prim- 
rose and  the  hawthorn-blossom.  These  were  surely  happy 
days,  fit  to  give  a  foretaste  of  what  awaits  good  chilciren 
in  the  distant  country  beyond  I 

Charles  Lamb  had  the  same  feelings  as  so  many  others 
with  regard  to  the  friends  and  scenes  of  boyhood.  He  tells 
us  himself,  **  that  the  toga  virilis  never  sat  gracefully  on  his 
shoulders.  The  impressions  of  infancy  had  burst  upon  him, 
and  he  resented  the  impertinence  of  manhood."  Bom 
within  the  precincts  of  the  Inner  Temple,  the  old  place 
where  he  used  to  play  as  a  child  always  retained 
a  hold  on  his  affections.  The  place  of  his  "kindly 
engendure ''  where  he  had  often  made  the  fountain  play, 
and  had  watched  the  stately  old  Benchers,  made  too  great 
an  impression  on  his  meditative  mind  to  be  easily  forgotten. 
He  remembers  all  the  old  Benchers,  and  amongst  the 
rest  Mr.  Samuel  Salt,  to  whom  Lamb's  father.  Lovely 
was  clerk.  Lamb  describes  this  Level  for  us.  He  is 
naturally  the  first  in  Lamb's  domestic  circle.  We  get 
also  a  full  description  of  John  Lamb  and  of  the  visits  the 
two  brothers  used  to  make  to  Grandmother  Fields.  Indeed 
Lamb  seems  to  have  entertained  feelings  of  love  and 
tenderness  for  his  brother  John.     It  was  his  sister  Mary» 


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808  Glimpses  of  Elia, 

however,  that  in  a  special  manner  absorbed  his  affections. 
On  her  account  he  sacrificed  nearly  all  the  pleasures  of  life. 
His  feelings  towards  his  helpless  sister  wore  those  of  a  true- 
hearted  brother,  who  wished  to  make  every  tie  of  affection 
yield  to  the  love  which  ho  thought  due  to  her.  He  fore- 
went amusement,  and  the  society  of  friends  to  attend  on 
his  sister.  He  often  sat  in  their  own  house  during  the 
live-long  day,  and  sleeping  by  the  fireside  he  dreamt  of  ones 
that  were,  and  of  ones  that  '*  might  have  been.'*  He  awoke 
only  to  find  himself  in  his  **  bachelor  arm-chair,"  beside  the 
poor  sister  for  whom  he  had  relinquished  all.  It  was 
indeed  the  love  of  this  sister,  and  of  his  friends  and  home, 
that  was  the  animating  principle  of  his  Essays.  It  stands 
out  prominently  at  leaat  in  those  beautiful  passages  where 
we  admire  most  the  tenderness  and  pathos  of  Elia. 

Next  to  those  qualities  we  hav^e  been  considering, 
that  which  characterises  Lamb  most  is  his  fine  humour. 
Lamb  was  by  nature  of  a  mirthful  disposition.  Sorrow 
h§id,  it  is  true,  thrown  its  sombre  shadows  across 
his  path,  but  it  was  unable  to  dim  the  native  gladness  of 
his  soul.  If  he  ever  felt  motions  of  the  spirit  opposed  to 
joy,  he  strove  to  control  them  as  much  as  possible ;  whilst 
it  is  chiefly  to  his  cheerful  disposition  that  we  owe  the  rich 
vein  of  humour  that  pervades  all  his  Essays.  It  was  this 
disposition  of  his  that  enabled  him  to  discover,  aa  few- 
others  could,  the  ludicrous  side  of  every  subject  he  took  in 
hand.  Even  when  treating  of  serious  subjects  he  has  no 
difiiculty  in  relieving  the  monotony  by  some  humoroua 
allusion.  Every  school-boy  will  enjoy  thoroughly  his  des* 
cription  of  Christ's  Hospital  and  its  surroimdings.  Such  as 
take  an  interest  in  dietetic  literature,  will  appreciate  Lamb*s 
dissertation  on  a  certain  favourite  con-comitant  of  the 
dinner-table.  His  Essay  on  "Chimney  Sweepers"  loses  none 
of  its  relish  from  the  fact  that  it  makes  rather  extravagant 
demands  on  our  credulity.  The  Essays  on  the  *' Decay 
of  Beggars,"  the  "Chapter  on  Ears,"  "The  Bachelor's 
Complaint,"  are  all  characteristic  of  Lamb. 

There  are  numerous  other  features  in  Lamb's  character 
whiqh  it  would  be  interesting  to  examine  in  the  light  ot 
the  information  which  his  Essays  supply.  Of  his  meditative 
turn  of  mind  we  can  form  an  opinion  from  his  recollections 
of  the  Old  Benchers,  his  Essay  on  "  Dream  Children,"  his 
impressions  about  the  First  Play,  his  conduct  at  Grand- 
mother Fields,  when  he  went  out  to  hold  converse  with 
himself  under  the  orange  trees,  or  on  the  banks  of  the  pass- 


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Glimpses  of  Elia,  809 

ing  rivulet.  Of  Lamb's  humane  disposition  we  can  judge 
from  his  kindly  feelings  towards  the  sweeps,  from  his  opinion 
about  the  black-balling  of  his  brother  from  a  certain 
Relief  Society,  from  his  oommisemtion  of  the  unfortunate 
generally,  but  above  all  from  his  conduct  towards  his 
sister.  Lamb  was  also  a  great  lover  of  nature ;  habit  had 
perhaps  made  the  town  more  genial  to  him  than  the 
country,  but  no  one  could  admire  more  than  he  the  superior 
beauty  of  the  work  which  came  from  the  skilful  hand  of 
nature. 

It  is  said  that  Lamb  was  excessively  fond  of  tobacco. 
Whether  this  be  true  is  a  question  on  which,  no  doubt> 
moipentous  issues  depend;  but  imfortunately  it  must  be 
left  to  the  researches  of  future  scholara  Even  Lamb's  own 
admission  on  this  point  is  scarcely  decisive. 

With  regard  to  his  alcoholic  propensities,  there  is  not 
much  room  lor  doubt.  The  "  Confessions  of  a  Drunkard," 
however,  should  not  be  taken  as  a  correct  representation 
of  Lamb's  faulte  in  this  respect.  No  drunkard  of  the 
character  he  describes  could  have  given  to  the  world  the 
Essays  which  bear  Elia's  signature.  He  speaks,  neverthe- 
less, like  one  who  had  some  experience  of  what  he  describes ; 
thus  he  haa  the  advantage  of  many  able  advocates  of 
temperance,  whose  best  eloquence  could  not  equal  that  of 
the  homily  Elia  has  delivered. 

There  are  perhaps  other  even  salient  points  in  Lamb's 
character  which  have  not  been  touched  upon  in  these  few 
48oattered  remarks.  If,  howerer,  enough  has  been  said  to 
jstimulate  public  interest  in  a  remarkable  man,  a  great  deal 
will  have  been  gained  in  the  cause  of  literature  and  of  virtue. 
It  is  a  very  praiseworthy  work  to  explain  the  tiature  of  the 
rich  treasures  of  some  mid-ocean  island;  but  surely  it  is 
no  profitless  labour  to  point  out  the  "  unfathomed  caves " 
themselves,  where  these  treasures  may  be  found.  Those 
that  are  in  quest  of  literary  excellence  will  find  gems  of 
purest  ray  in  the  pages  of  Lamb's  Essays.  Such  as  are  in 
pursuit  of  models  of  moral  greatness  will  discover  most  of 
the  jewels  that  go  to  adom  vu-tue  sparkling  in  the  character 
of  Elia. 

J.  M'CULLAGH. 


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[    810    ] 

LITURGY. 
I. 

May  Laics  touch  Corporals  and  Chalices  wUJi  permission  of 
Hie  Bishop? 
Is  the  permission  of  a  Bishop  sufficient  to  authorize  Nuns  \o 
give  the  first  washing  to  Corporals,  Purificatories,  and  Palls; 
to  touch  Chalices,  Ciboriums,  and  Pixes. 

The  Sacred  Congregation  answered  the  following  ease 
in  the  negative. 

**  Ultrum  Moniales,  seu  piae  Foeminae  vitam  comraunem  sub 
regula  degentes  possint  cum  licentia  Ordinarii  abluere  Corporalia, 
Pallas,  Purificatoria.  S.  R  C.  resp.  Negative.  26  Sep.,  1857 
(5231,  n.  SO.) 

The  Bishop,  then,  seems  to  require  special  faculties  for 
this  purpose. 

It  is  different,  however,  in  regard  to  the  touching  of  the 

{mrified  chalice,  pixes  or  lunette.     The  Bishop  can  give 
eave  to  laics  to  touch  these  articles.* 

II. 

Burial  on  Sunday — Requiem  Mass  oh  Monday* 

When  one  dies  on  Friday  and  is  buried  on  Sunday,  it  is  the 

the  custom  in  many  places  to  celebrate  a  Uigh  Mass  de  Requiean  for 

the  deceased   person  on  the  next  day,  Monday,  even  though  it 

should  be  a  double.     Is  this  lawf  id  ? 

I  should  say  yes ;  provided  it  is  considered  necessary 
to  bury  the  person  on  Sunday,  and  the  priest  cannot  say 
the  Requiem  Mass  without  interfering  with  the  congre- 
gational Mass  for  the  people. 

'^  An  lis  in  locis  ubi  una  tantum  celebratur  Missa  diebus 
Dominicis  et'festivis  per  annum  (non  tamen  solemnioribus)  dum 
aliquis  mane  sepelitur  et  Missa  dicitur  ante  sepulturam,  corpore 
praesentc,  debeat,  haec  Missa  drci  de  Uequiemy  ut  in  die  obitus,  vel 
potius  tanquam  Missa  conventualis  cui  populus  assistit,  debeat 
cantari  de  die  ct  Missa  de  Requiem  transferri  ad  primam  diem  non 
impeditam."  S.R.C.  resp.  Negative  ad  primam  partem,  affirmative 
ad  secundam. 

The  Congregation  has  frequently  decided  that  if  a 
Requiem  Mass  cannot  be  eel 3b rated  on  the  day  of  burial, 
and  that  the  burial  cannot  be  postponed  till  next  day,  a 
Requiem  Mass  may  be  celebrated  on  the  following,  pro- 
vided it  is  not  a  double  of  the  first  or  second  class,  or  a 
feast  of  obligation.  See  S.R.C.  nn.  4526,  ad  43 ;  4822. 
da  1,2;  4840  ad  1 ;  4888  in  Gardelini's  Decreta  Authentica 
(Edit.  1858). 

'  De  Herdt,  Praxis  Liturg,,  Tom.  i.,n.  176,  3. 


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[    811    ] 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


Liturgy. 

TO  THE   EDITOR   OP  THE   IBISH   ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

Rev.  Dear  Sir, — ^It  occurs  to  me  that  the  accuracy  of  the 
reply  to  the  Sixth  "  Liturgical  Question,"  in  the  current  Number 
of  the  Record  may  be  well  questioned.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  not 
sufficient  to  kiss  the  unconsecrated  table  of  the  Altar.  The  Rubric 
assumes  that  the  table  is  consecrated.  An  unconsecrated  table  is  not 
an  altare  at  all  in  the  eyes  of  the  rubricist.  Hence,  the  kissing  of 
the  unconsecrated  table  cannot  satisfy  the  rubric.  The  portable 
altar-stone  is  the  only  consecrated  part,  in  the  case  put  by  C.  C, 
and  is,  therefore,  I  submit,  the  part  to  be  kissed  by  the  officiating 
priest. 

Quondam,  C.  C 

Our  argument  for  the  decision  we  gave  was  grounded 
on  the  fact  that  the  word  ^^  Altare*'  occurring  so  often  in 
Section  IV.  of  the  Ritiis  servandus  in  celebrationp^  Missae^  is 
apphed  not  to  the  altar-stone  itself,  but  to  the  altar  table. 

But  our  correspondent  says  "the  rubrics  assume  the 
table  to  be  consecrated."  How  is  this  shown?  If  8o> 
the  rubrics  cannot  be  observed  at  a  non-consecrated  altar- 
table — for  many  of  the  things  prescribed  are  not  intended 
for  and  cannot  be  performed  on  the  mere  consecrated 
altar-stone. 

And  yet  the  rubrics  are  obligatory  even  at  such 
altatis. 


Frequent  CoiDiUNioN. 

Dear  Mr.  Editor, — All  Missionary  priests  who  are  readers  of 
the  Ecclesiastical  Becord,  have  reason  to  feel  thankful  to 
C.  J.  M.  for  the  very  able  papers  he  has  contributed  to  its  pages 
on  '*  Conditional  Absolution,"  and  other  subjects.  Might  I  tfiJce 
the  liberty,  through  you,  Mr.  Editor,  of  asking  him  to  take  up  the 
subject  of  "  Fiequent  Communion,"  under  which  would  be  included 
Holy  Viaticum.  An  exposition  of  this  important  subject  from  the 
pen  of  C.  J.  M.  would,  I  am  convinced,  be  welcome  to  very  many 
readers  of  the  Record,  and  entitle  him  to  an  additional  claim  on" 
the  gratitude  of  his  fellow-labourers  in  the  sacred  ministry. 

Yours,  &c., 

J.  H,  CO. 

C.  J.  M.  has  kindly  consented  to  treat  the  subject 
mentioned.  The  Essay  will  appear  in  an  early  number  ot 
our  enlarged  RECORD.— Ed.  I.  E.  R. 


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[    812    ]- 
DOCUMENTS. 


BeSOLUTIONS  P.VSSED  BY  THE  IrISH  BiSHOPS  AT  THEIR  LATE 

Meeting  held  at  Holycross  College,  Clonliffe, 
October  7th, 

SOBIMAJtr. 

The  Education  Question  and  Proportionate  Endowments^ 
The  Queen's  Colleges  and  Trinity  College — ThA  Intermediate 
Act— The  National  System — The  Endowments'  Commission — ^The 
Training  Colleges— Condemnation  of  Acts  of  Violence. 

"  1.  That  the"  Catholic  people  of  Ireland  are  entitled  to 
share,  in  due  proportion,  in  the  public  endowments  for 
University  education,  without  being  obliged  to  make  any 
sacrifice  of  their  religious  principles. 

"  2.  That  at  present  those  endowments  are  almost 
entirely  applied  to  the  maintenance  of  a  system  of  education 
which  has  been  repeatedly  condemned  by  the  Catholic 
Bishops  of  Ireland  and  by  the  Supreme  Head  of  the 
Catholic  Church. 

"  3.  That  the  continued  exclusion  of  the  Catholics  of 
this  country  from  their  due  share  in  the  aforesaid  endow- 
ments is  not  only  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  progress  of 
education,  but  is  a  great  and  irritating  grievance,  calculated 
to  keep  alive  a  spirit  of  disaffection  and  discontent. 

"  4.  That  we  renew  oar  condemnation  of  the  Queen's 
Colleges  and  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  warn  Catholic 
parents  of  the  grave  dangers  to  which  they  expose  their 
children  by  sending  them  to  Institutions  conducted  on  a 
system  repeatedly  condemned  by  the  Holy  See  as  intrin- 
sically dangerous  to  faith  and  morals. 

**  5.  That  the  small  proportion  of  students  in  Arts  of  the 
Eoyal  University  who  attend  the  lectures  of  the  Queen*8 
Colleges  affords  a  clear  proof  that  these  Colleges,  on  which 
the  endowments  of  the  State  havebeen  so  lavishly  expended, 
have  failed  to  bring  home  the  advantages  of  Colleriate 
education  to  the  great  body  of  the  academic  youth  of 
Ireland. 

**  6.  That  we  claim  our  due  share  also  in  the  public 
endowments  for  Intermediate  Education  on  such  conditions 
as  are  consistent  with  Catholic  principlea 

**  7.  TBhat  with  respect  to  the  Educational  Endowments 
(Ireland)  Act,  recently  passed,  we  feel  called  upon  to 
aeolare  that  the  changes  hurriedly  made  in  the  Bill,  in 


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Documents.  813 

Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  have  grievously 
disappointed  the  hopes  that  were  raised  when  the  Bill  was 
introduced  by  the  late  Government,  and  will  injuriously 
affect  the  interests  of  the  Catholic  body, 

**8.  That  we  feel  bound  to  protest  in  the  strongest 
manner  against  the  constitution  of  the  Commission 
appointed  under  this  Act,  in  which  Catholics  are  again 
placed  in  a  minority,  notwithstanding  that  their  claims  to 
a  due  representation  on  all  Educational  Boards  was^ 
immediately  before  the  passing  of  the  Act,  pressed  on  the 
attention  of  the  Government  in  a  Resolution  of  the  Bishops. 

"  9.  That  this  unequal  treatment  of  the  Catholic  body 
is  the  more  striking  and  the  more  obviously  indefensible,, 
inasmuch  as  the  boys  of  the  Catholic  schools  have  carried 
off  more  them  60  per  cent,  of  the  Prizes,  Exhibitions  and 
Medals  awarded  by  the  Intermediate  Education  Board 
during  the  last  four  years. 

"  10.  That  we  call  on. the  Government  to  reconsider  the 
constitution  of  this  Endowment  Commission,  so  as  to  give 
to  Catholics  their  due  proportion  of  representation  thereon ; 
and  we  declare  our  opinion  that  if  no  action  be  taken  to 
give  effect  to  our  claim,  the  Cathohc  Commissioners  should 
at  once  resign. 

**  11.  That  without  referring  to  other  defects  in  the  so- 
called  National  system  of  education,  we  protest  against  the 
manifest  inequality  with  which  the  denominationalTraining 
Colleges  are  treated,  as  compared  with  the  official  Training 
College  under  the  management  of  the  National  Board. 

"  12.  That  we  hereby  adopt  and  renew  the  following 
resolution  passed  by  the  Episcopal  Education  Committee  in 
July  last—*  That  on  commissions  or  other  public  bodies 
appointed  for  Educational  purposes]  we  claim,  as  a  matter 
of  justice,  that  the  Catholic  body  should  have  a  repre- 
sentation proportionate  to  their  numbers;  and  that  the 
Catholic  representatives  should  be  persons  enjoying  the 
confidence  of  the  Catholic  body.' 

"  13.  That  we  rely  on  the  Irish  Parliamentary  Party  to 
assert  by  every  constitutional  means  in  their  power,  the 
rights  of  Irish  Catholics  in  matters  of  education  ;  to  press 
forward  their  claims  to  a  due  share  in  all  pubhc  endow- 
ments for  educational  purposes ;  and  to  oppose  all  Parlia- 
mentary grants  by  which  the  present  unequal  and  unjust 
distribution  of  those  endowments  is  maintained. 

'♦  14.  That  we  regret  and  condemn  the  acts  of  violence 
and  intimidation  which  have  recently  occurred  in  some 
pai'ts  of  the  country. 


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^14  Documents. 

*'  Though  alive  to  the  provocation  given  to  the  tenant- 
farmers  of  Ireland  by  the  landlords,  wno  in  these  times  of 
agricultural  and  commercial  depression  rehise  reasonable 
abatements,  we  warn  our  flock  against  those  illegal  and 
immoral  excesses,  which,  if  continued,  could  not  fail  to 
bring  down  the  anger  of  God  on  those  who  are  guilty  of 
them,  and  disgrace  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilised  world  those 
districts  of  the  country  in  which  such  outrages  occur,  and 
in  some  measure  our  country  at  large. 

"  We  have  read  with  much  satisfaction  the  condemna- 
tion publicly  and  repeatedly  pronounced  by  the  leaders  of 
the  Irish  Parliamentary  Party,  and  other  notable  irishmen, 
against  these  outrages,  and  we  have  no  doubt  that  their 
view  of  the  political  consequences  of  such  acts  will  be 
universally  accepted  by  the  people, 

"  «  William  J.  Walsh,  Archbishop  of  Dublin, 

Chairman, 
**  *  Baht.   Woodlock,  Bishop  of  Ardagh"^ 

and  Clonmacnoise,  >  Secretaries^' 

"  *  Michael  Logue,  Bishop  of  Raphoe,  ) 


Indulgence  of  the  Privileged  Altar. 

Summary. 

When  a  priest  is  under  an  obligation  to  apply  the  Indulgence 
of  the  Privileged  Altar,  he  docs  not  fulfil  his  obligation  except  by 
the  application  of  this  particular  Indulgence.  It  will  not  be 
sufficient  to  apply  instead  of  it  an  ordinary  Plenary  Indulgence  to 
the  relief  of  the  souls  concerned. 

Uritana. 

Cum  in  Theologia  Morali  auctore  Petro  Scavini  edit.  11,  1.  3, 
pag.  229  8  283  :  apud  Ernestum  Oliva  ^lediolani  biblioth.  edita 
18t59  sic  scriptum  reperiatur.  "  Ex  responsione  S.  Cong.  Indulgen- 
tiarum  11  Apr.  1840.  Sacerdos  debet  celebrare  in  paramentis 
nigris,  diebus  non  impeditis,  ut  lucretur  Indulgentiam  Altaris 
privilegiati."  Hinc  quaeritur  1  an  niger  color  sensu  exclusivo 
debeat  intelligi,  ita  ut  Indulgentiam  Altaris  privilegiati  non 
conseqnatur  qui  v.  g.  ad  ministraudam  Eucharistiam  per  modum 
sacramenti  cum  paramestis  violaceis  Missamde  Requiem  celebret? 
2.  Ulrum  qui  hac  vel  quacuraque  alia  ratione  Indulgentiam 
Altaris  privilegiati  non  lucretur,  possit  satisfacere  applicando  aliam 
Indulgentiam  plenarium  defunctis,  pro  quibus  ad  altare  privilegi- 
atum  celebrare  debueral  ?  S.  Cong.  Tndulgentiarum  die  2  Mail 
3  852  respondit :  Ad  1.  Ut  fruatur  Altari  privilegiato  Sacerdos, 
diebus  non  impeditis  celebrare  debet  Missam  defunctorum  et  uti 


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Documents.  *  815 

paramentLs   nigris,   vei  ex  rationabili   causa  violaceis.      Ad   2. 
Negative. 

Joseph  Cancns  Bibezzo  huniillime  postulat  iit  S.  Congregatio 
Indulgentiarum  declarare  digaetur :  Utruin  haec  responsio  quoad 
2*™  partem  sit  apocrypha  ?  et  quatenus  negative,  utrum  intelligenda 
sit  etiam  def  Sacerdotibua,  qui  ad  Altare  privilegiatum  celebrare 
debuerant  et  jam  celebraverint,  sed  non  cum  paramentis  nigris  a 
rubrica  non  impeditLs  ?  et  quatenus  affirmative  quomodo  ipsa  con- 
.jsiliari  possit  cum  decreto  ejusdem  S.  Congnis.  Indulgentiarum 
22  Februarii  1847  in  quo  ad  quaesitura  :  Qui  (sacerdos)  diebus 
permissis  non  celebravit  in  paramentis  nigri  coloris  in  Altan 
privilegiato  ad  acquirendam  Indulgentiam  Pleoariam  ad  quid 
tenetur  ?  responsum  fuit :  debet  lucrari  indulgentiam  Plenariam 
pro  iis  defunctis  quibus  Missae  fructum  applicuit  toties,  quotie« 
4iebus  non  impeditis  usus  non  est  indumentis  nigri  coloris. 

Sacra  Congregatio  Indulgentiis  Sacrisque  lieliquiis  praeposita 
die  24  Julii  1884  proposito  dubio  respondit :  Responsio  est 
authentica.  In  decreto  vero  diei  22  Februarii  1847  tantummodo 
Sacerdotibus'  pro  quibus  postulabatur  de  ratione  qua  compensaro 
debebant  Indulgentiam  Altaris  Privilegiati  ad  quam  applicandam 
obligarentur,  et  quam  bona  fide  errantes,  non  erant  lucrati,  con- 
cessit S.  Congregatio  ut  compensatio  fieret  per  applicationem 
alterius  Indulgentiae  Plenariae  toties  quoties  illam  Altaris  privi- 
legiati non  fuerant  lucrati.  Datum  Bomae  ex  Secretaria  ejusdem 
8.  Congregationis  eadem  die  24  Julii  1885. 

J.  B.  Card.  Franz  klin,  Praef, 
Josephus  M.  Can.  Coselli,  Substiiutus, 


SUM^IARY. 

Chaplains  to  Hospitals  and  similar  institutions  have  not  vi 
institutionis  et  jure  propria  ordinary  jurisdiction  and  parochial  rights 
over  the  inmates.     This  belongs  to  the  parish  priest. 

TuTELEN.     Jurium  Parochialinm. 

V*.  An  capellanus  vi  institutionis  et  jure  proprio,  possideat 
omnes  facultatcs  proprii  pastoris,  nempe  i^acramenta  omnibus  in 
domo  degentibus  ministrandi,  et  defunctorum  intra  limites  domus 
morientiura,  sepulturae  praesidendi,  et  eorum  corpora  ad  coeme- 
terium  conducendi,  seclusis  auctoritate  et  juribus  proprii  pastoris 
paroeciae,  in  cujus  territorio  inclusa  est  monialium  domus." 

2".  •'  An  vero  proprius  pastor  paroeciae  in  qua  extat  oratorium, 
habeat  in  dicto  oratorio,  capellano  tamen  munito,  et  super  omnes 
tarn  moniales  quam  puellas,  aut  pauperes,  eamdcm  potestatem  ac 
in  sua  parochiali  ecclesia,  quoad  sacramenta  ministranda,  et 
piortuomm  sepulturam  praesidendam.^' 

Prout  proponiturj  ad  1"*  Negative.    Ad  2""  Affiioiativk. 


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[    816     ] 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

Letter  of  the  Most  Bev,  Dr.  Xulfy,  Bishop  of  Meaih,  to  the  Most 
tier.  Dr.  Bagshawe^  Bishop  of  Nottingham,  on  the  avowed 
hostility  of  the  Radical  Parti/  to  Catholic  Education  in 
Voluntary  Schools  and  the  necessity  of  anion  between  English 
and  Irish  Catholics  to  resist  them. 

A  cherished  feeling  of  half  thankfulness  and  half  triumph,  is 
deepening  into  the  hearts  of  Irishmen,  that  this  generatioo  is 
happy  beyond  comparison  with  its  predecessors  in  being  destined 
to  see  in  the  near  future  the  sure  victory  of  our  long-lived  hard- 
fought  stniggle.  This  is  the  natural  result  of  the  hope^  t^at  are 
entertoined.  And  in  good  earnest  is  not  public  confidence  well 
founded,  whether  we  look  to  the  nation  that  can  produce  such  men, 
or  the  men  that  serve  the  nation  ?  Every  move  in  these  eventful 
days  shows  the  new  position  of  intelligent  power  which  the  Irish 
people  by  a  sort  of  magic  effort  has  at  last  attained.  Of  this  no 
better  illustration  need  be  desired  than  Dr.  Nulty's  vigorous  letter 
to  Dr.  Bagshawe  supplies.  It  is  a  fitting  conclusion  to  the 
controversy  that  was  carried  on  some  time  ago  with  considerable 
warmth  in  reference  to  a  political  union  between  Irish  and 
English  Catholics  for  purposes  they  all  prize  highly.  The  Bishop^ 
of  Meath  is  a  warm  lover  of  his  country,  as  everyone  knows,  and 
in  this  able  letter  gives  a  fine  example  of  how  patriotism  like 
every  other  virtue  should  be  pressed  into  the  service  of  religion. 
If-  his  Lordship  expresses  surprise  at  the  action  of  some  English 
Catholics  in  declining  to  support  the  Irish  Parliamentary  Party^ 
it  is  not  so  much  because  the  national  (|uestion  could  be  advanced  by 
such  aid,  as  because  the  most  vital  interests  of  religion  in  Englaai^ 
Christian  Education  above  all,  could  be  secured  against  threatened 
ruin,  if  intrusted  to  the  same  willing  advocates  who  are  commis- 
sioned to  guard  the  welfare  of  Catholic  Ireland. 

The  voluntary  schools  of  our  co-religionists  beyond  the 
Channel  '*seem  utterly  helpless,  and  wholly  unprotected,  and 
lie  totally  at  the  mercy  of  their  deadliest  enemies.  They  will 
hardly  have  even  one  true  representative  to  open  his  mouth  ia 
their  defence  in  the  coming  Parliament.  And  yet  it  appears  to- 
me that  half  a  dozen  of  earnest,  able,  and  experienced  men, 
banded  together  in  the  House  of  Commons  for  the  defence  of  these 
voluntary  schools,  would  give  them  a  better  chance  for  their 
lives,  thain  their  manifest  intrinsic  justice  and  merit,  or  all  the 
friendly  efforts  that  can  be  made  from  without  to  save  them.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Radical  party  is  fiercely  and  fanatically  bent 
on  destroying  them." 

What  the  *' justice  and  merit"  of  these  institutions  are. 
Dr.  Nulty  develops  at  length.  Education  is  already  compulsory 
in  England.     The  lladiciils  wish  to  have  it  graiuitouSy  as  £eu:  as 


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direct  contributions  are  concerned,  at  the  Board  Schools,  and 
nowhere  else.  TJnder  specious  taxation  pleas^  thts  determination 
has  been  avowed,  of  withdrawing  the  miserable  pittance  now 
allowed  to  voluntary  schools,  notwithstanding  that  under  all 
disadvantages  they  can  rival  their  favoured  competitors  even  in 
secular  subjects.  When  this  is  done,  the  voluntary  schools  are  well 
»igh  doomed,  and  the  pagan  State  system  becomes  practically  of 
obligation.  It  is  against  such  a  programme,  sohostile  to  Christianity, 
whether  its  f ramers  mean  the  aggression  or  not,  that  Dr.  Nulty  raises 
bis  manly  voice.  H  is  lordship's  argument  for  the  rights  of  Catholics 
to  have  their  children  educated  in  a  Christian  manner,  and  not 
forced  into  dangerous  institutions,  is  irresistible.  If  parents  are 
bound  by  the  law  of  nature  to  provide  material  food  for  their 
offspring,  how  much  more  under  the  law  of  grace  are  they 
obliged  to  secure  for  their  children  that  Catholic  Education, 
without  which  the  spiritual  life  must  languish  and  oease  to  exist  ? 
How  much  more  are  they  bound  to  keep  their  children  from 
schools  where  the  atmosphere  is  deadly  poisonous  to  souls  ? 

"The  parent  who  neglects  to  provide  for  the  animal  wants  of  his 
child  and  who  sees  it  perishing  with  hunger  and  want  when  it  is  in 
his  power  to  preserve  it,  is  unnatural  and  more  degraded  than  the 
beast  is  ;  but  the  parent  who  wilfully  neglects  the  education  of  his 
child,  is  more  degraded  and  more  unnatural  still,  because  the  life 
of  the  soul  is  of  vastly  greater  moment  that  the  life  of  the  body, 
and  the  spiritual  hunger  and  thirst  and  destitution  of  the  soul  are 
the  worst  of  all  evils,  because  they  are  of  a  higher  order  and  are 
often  not  merely  temporal  but  eternal." 

The  School  Board  system  ignores  God  and  a  future  state ;  and 
hence  it  was  to  save  their  children  from  the  irreligion  of  a  godless 
education  and  the  corrupting  influence  of  its  spirit,  that  Catholics 
in  England  have  at  enormous  sacrifices  maintained  their  voluntary 
schools.  There  was  no  other  course  for  them  in  the  past.  They 
cannot  turn  to  the  Board  Schools  now.  But  they  will  have  very 
little  option  in  the  matter  unless  vigorous  opposition  be  given  to 
certain  Radical  proposals.  There  is  only  one  source  from  which 
effective  resistance  can  spring,  and  the  Bishop  of  Meath  appeals  to 
our  co-religionists  to  imitate  their  brethren  in  France,  sink  smaller 
differences,  and  make  a  bold,  triumphant,  stand  with  the  powerful 
aid  now  providentially  at  their  disposal. 

Already  there  are  signs  which  go  far  to  phow  that  the  Irish 
Parliamentary  Party  will  fight  the  battle  of  Christian  Education  for 
the  Three  Kingdoms  in  the  next  Parliament.  Already  there 
are  signs  of  Radical  wavering  before  the  well-trained  band. 
For  has  not  Mr.  Chamberlain  of  late  declared  his  intention 
not  to  interfere  with  the  voluntary  schools?  But  oome  what 
may  of  co-operation  from  English  Catholics  or  opposition 
from  English  Badicals,  the  representatives  fiom  Ireland,  happy  in 
the  consciousness  of  power  to  help  the  oppressed  against  the 
VOL.  VL  3  O 


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oppressors,  are  not  likely,  as  Dr.  Nulty  says  so  beautifally,  to 
forget  their  kith  and  kin  in  England,  or  their  obligations  as  Irish 
Catholics  to  any  Christian  cause.  His  lordship's  letter  breathes 
the  generous  spirit  of  our  holy  religion,  and  deserves  careful 
attention  from  all  concerned. 

Aletheia :  or,  the  Outspoken  Truth.  By  Bight  Bev.  J.  D.  Bicards, 
D.D.  Bbnzigkb  Brothers,  Nev  7ork,  Cincinnati,  and 
St.  Ann's. 

This  book  states  the  **  outspoken  truth  "  (aXijtfcwt)  about  the  rule 
of  Divine  Faith,  in  a  manner  that  is  at  once  ingenious  and  attractive. 
The  subject,  which  must  ever  prove  a  source  of  contention  between 
Catholics  and  those  who  reject  the  teaching  authority  of  the 
Church,  has  been  discussed  over  and  over  again,  since  the  days 
when  the  Beformer  of  Wittenberg  proclaimed  private  judgment 
the  umpire  of  revealed  truth.  Its  treatment,  however,  up  to  the 
present,  was  not  such  as  to  commend  it  to  the  tastes  of  a  class 
of  readers  that  have  attained  such  proportions  in  our  day,  and 
<^annot  bring  themselves  to  read  anything  that  does  not  savour  of 
that  unhealthly  ephemeral  literature  to  which  they  are  so  slavishly 
addicted.  It  was  to  meet  the  requirements  of  these  victims 
of  light  reading  that  the  plan  of  Aletheia  was  devised.  The 
author  explains  briefly  and  clearly  the  principles  on  which  a 
Catholic  relies  when  he  accepts  the  authority  of  a  divinely* 
commissioned  Church,  and  rejects  private  judgment  as  dbe 
rule  of  his  faith.  These  principles  he  establishes  not  indeed 
by  acute  and  technical  reasoning,  but  by  means  more  suited 
to  attain  his  end,  viz.,  by  **  arguments  briefly  and  tersely 
put,  illustrations  that  amuse,  and  general  anecdotes"  joined  to 
"exhortations  in  the  stjle  of  Thackeray."  Illustration  and 
anecdote  enter  very  largely  into  the  plan  of  the  book,  and  on  their 
skilful  use  and  application  its  peculiar  excellence  chiefly  depends.  The 
chapter  on  the  '*  Vagaries  of  Private  Judgment  **  will  be  found  to 
have  a  special  interest,  as  showing  the  foolish  extremes  to  which 
different  sects  of  Christians  are  driven  by  following  private 
judgment  as  their  rule  of  faith. 

In  attaching  the  attractiveness  of  a  novel,  as  far  as  the  subject 
permits,  to  the  discussion  of  an  important  theological  question, 
Dr.  Ricards  has  produced  a  work  which  promises  to  have  a  wide 
circulation,  and  is  calculated  to  do  a  great  deal  of  good. 

T.   GiLHARldU 

Women  of  CatholiciU/.  By  Anna  T.  Sadlibr.  Benzioer  Brothers, 
New  York,  &c. 

This  is  the  second  book  of  the  kind  that  has  come  from  a  pen 
so  full  of  promise.  It  contains  short  biographical  sketdies  of  some 
«'  Women  of  Catholicity,"  true  children  of  Holy  Church.  **  whose 
lives  were  spent  in  the  practice  of  her  precepts,  and  who  thus  made 


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manifest  to  the  outer  world  the  marTellous  efficacy  of  her  teaching 
in  the  formation  of  character."  I'he  heroines,  in  whose  selection 
much  care  and  judgment  are  displayed,  are  taken  from  different 
conditions  of  life,  to  show  **  that  sanctity  is  possible  in  all  circum^ 
stances,  in  the  court  as  in  the  convent.**  The  chief  interest  of  the^ 
book,  both  far  snbject  and  description,  centres  in  the  biography  of 
Isabella  of  Castile, ''  one  of  the  purest  and  most  beautiful  characters 
in  the  pages  of  history."  Her  character  is  pourtrayed  in  all  its 
stately  grandeu?,  but  especially,  the  prominent  parts  which  she 
played  in  the  Conquest  of  the  Moors  and  in  the  discovery  of  the 
New  World.  We  are  not  allowed  for  one  moment  to  lose  sight  of 
the  guiding  principle  of  her  life,  viz.,  the  exaltation  of  the  Catholic 
Church  and  the  glory  of  God  ;  that  principle  which  is  so  fully 
acknowledged  by  Prescott,  who,  when  speaking  of  the  war  with  the 
Moors,  says,  **  she  engaged  in  it  with  the  most  exalted  views,  less 
to  acquire  territory,  than  to  re-establish  the  empire  of  the  Cross 
over  the  ancient  domain  of  Christendom."  The  others,  whose 
lives  are  noticed,  are  less  generally  known,  not  that  they  were 
inferior  in  virtue  and  sanctity  to  the  fair  Spanish  Sovereign,  but 
the  accidents  of  birth  and  position  were  not  calculated  to  give  them 
so  prominent  a  niche  in  the  Temple  of  Fame.  Margaret  of 
Offally,  an  Irish  Princess  of  the  fifteenth  century,  will  be  ever 
remembered  as  the  patron  of  piety  and  learning ;  Miurgaret  Koper, 
as  the  **  good  angel "  of  her  martyred  father.  Sir  Thomas  More  ; 
while  the  names  of  Marie  de  LTncarnation  and  Marguerite 
Bourjeoys  must  remain  in  the  history  of  Canada  prominently 
associated  with  the  introduction  of  Christianity  and  civilization 
into  that  country.  In  the  last  biography  we  have  the 
short  but  most  interesting  life  of  Ethan  Allen*s  daughter,  who, 
from  being  a  sceptic  and  scoffer  at  all  forms  of  religion,  was  at 
length  miraculously  converted  to  be  one  of  its  brightest  ornaments. 
The  lives  of  those  last- mentioned  are  so  replete  with  wonderful 
incident,  that  they  appear  more  like  the  painting  of  fancy  than 
the  expression  of  reality.  For  the  work  which  she  has  under- 
taken Miss  Sadlier  possesses  qualities  which  give  her  a  special 
fitness.  She  appears  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  teaching  of 
Catholic  faith,  and  shows  a  keen  appreciation  of  the  virtues  that 
adorn  and  elevate  the  character  of  her  sex.  Her  style  is  clear  and 
easy,  and  has  an  attraction  which  only  makes  us  regret,  that  she 
was  lejit{o  indulge  so  freely'in  extracts  from  the  writings  of  others 

t    '  T.   GiLMARTIN. 

Sketches  of  African  and  Indian  Life  in  British  Guiana.    By  Very 
Rev.  Ignatius  Scolks,  V.6.    The  "  Argosy  Press,"  Demerara. 

We  areglad  to  see  that  this  little  volume  has  met  with  sucha  wide 
eirculation,  as,  within  a  very  short  time,  to  render  necessary  the 
appearaxice  of  a;  second  edition.  Its  popularity  is  owing  to  the 
fact  that  the  different  phases  of  African  life  are  described  by  one 


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who  ha«  spent  so  many  years  among  the  people,  and  with  a  fulness 
of  knowledge  such  as  could  be  expected  only  from  a  Catholic  priest. 
Any  person  who  wishes  to  see  Washington  Irving  accurately 
detailed,  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  African  residents'  in 
Guiana,  or  an  Indian  family  painted  to  life,  should  read  the 
"  Sketches  of  African  and  Indian  Life." 

The  Myftferies  of  the  Eosart^.     By  the  author  of  **  The  Stations  of 
the  Cross,  &c."    London  :  Burks  tt  Oatks. 

This  is  a  collection  of  sonnets  on  the  fifteen  mysteries  of  the 
Rosary.  There  arc  twenty-seven  sonnets  in  all,  and  they  are  made 
into  a  book  by  a  peculiar  style  of  printing. 

The  thou*(hts  of  our  poet  are  sometimes  too  far-fetched.  One 
would  think  that  a  pious  he«art  meditating  on  such  sublime  truths 
would  not  despise  the  noble,  melting,  terrible  thoughts  which 
naturally  suggest  themselves,  to  run  after  conceits  and  learned 
allusions.  Another  defect  is  the  ^too  irequent  repetition  of  the 
Alexandrine  verse. 

The  little  book  is  nicely  printed  and  bound,  and  is  suitable  for 
presentation. 

Leqtures  Delivered  at  a  Spiritual  Eetreat,  Edited  by  a  Member  of 
the  Order  of  Mercy,  Authoress  of  "The  Life  of  Catherine 
McAuley,"  &c.,  &c.  New  York:  The  Catholic  Publjcation 
See iRTY  Co. :  London  ;   Burns  &  Oat£S. 

At  a  retreat  in  a  convent  in  the  South  of  L^land,  nearly  thirty 
years  ago,  some  lectures  were  delivered  by  a  holy  secular  priest^ 
who  spoke  without  notes  or  memoranda.  When  each  of  the 
lectures  was  over  one  of  the  Sisters  wrote  it  out  from  memory. 
She  does  not  pretend  to  more  than  substantial  accuracy.  Many 
persons  applied  for  copies  of  these  lectures,  and  they  are  now 
printed,  that  all  who  desire  them  may  have  them  within  easy 
reach.  The  language  is  simple,  the  ideas  sensible  and  solid ;  the 
little  book  will  do  good.  It  might  be  of  use  to  preachers  who  have 
to  speak  on  such  subjects  as  are  usually  dealt  with  in  Retreats  fnr 
Religious.,  m 


\\e  have  received  from  Rev.  J^IS.  Vaiighan  a  letter  questitting  the 
accuracy  of  certain  statements  nxs^by  Father  Murphy  in  hi/last  Essay 
on  "  Faith  and  Evolution ;"  but  as  the  controversy  is  now  closed,  we  can 
do  no  more  than  mentfon  that  we  have  received  such  ac<}nununicaiion. 

Professor  Ryan  writes  to  disavow^ some  of  ||ie  unscientific  views 
which,  he  says,  were  incorrectly  ascribed  to  him  by  Father  O'Dwyer  in 
his  Article,  '*  The  Telephone  in  relation  lo  the  Sacrament  of  Fenanoe,'* 
which  appeared  in  our  last  (November)  number.  Professor  Borstt's 
reply  will  appear  in  the  January  number. — £o.  I.  £  R. 


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