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Copyright, 1010, by 
Thb Hispanic SocDtTT 




The Basin of Lake Titioaca 1 

Nona 23 

The Islands of Titicaca and Koati 39 

Notes 55 

The Indians op the Islaih) of Titicaca 59 

Notes 129 

The Ancient Bdins on the Isiand of Titicaca 163 

^\ Notes 241 

, The Ruins on the Island of Koati 257 


Notes 285 


^ OF Titicaca 291 

-; Notes 331 

List of Indiqbnous Plants 341 

^Index 343 


P. ivi, L 10. 

For Victor Paltsists read Victor H. Paltsits. 
P. xvi, 11. 11, 12. 

For Dr. G. Billings read Dr. John S. Billings. 

, DamziowGoOglc 




The peaks of Somta (Hanko-nma or Illampu and Hanko-Kunu or 
Hibunpi) from the port of Chililaya Frontispiece 


/Map of Lake Titioaca 3 

Plate II 
^Map of the Island of Titicactt 6 

The iBthmiia of Challa, Kea-KoUu and Koati 8 

Plate IV 
Pucara 10 


Hadenda of Challa, etc 14 

Plate VI 
n^rtn-Kala 18 

Plate VII 
Eenna tree, etc 20 

Plate VHI 
Wotem Lake and Peruvian coast 41 

Plate IX 
bland of Koati ^ 

Plate X 
Indian Aatliorities of Challa 46 

Plate XI 
Indian Pictograph 48 



Pi^TH Xn Monro Pio« 
Indian Medi<nii«-maii 62 

Platb xin 
Indian Danceis, Cfaayllpa 61 

Platb XIV 
Indian Dancers, Eena-Kena 62 

Indian Dancers, Pnmpiani, etc 66 

Chiribuanos 72 

Plate XVn 
Indian Skulls 78 

Plate XVHI 
Kea-KoUu Chico 84 

Platb XIX 
Kea-KoUu, Ground-plane 88 

Platk XX 
Kea-Kollu Chico, Qround-plaus 90 

Plate XXI 
Indian Pottery 94 

Plate XXII 
Trephined Skulls 98 

Plate XXIU 
Primitive Agricultural Implements 102 

Plate XXIV 
Collca-Pala, Qronnd-plan 110 

Plate XXV 
Ciria-Pata, Oround-plan 112 

Plate XXVI 
Graves at Ciria-Pata 118 

Plate XXVII 
Pottery from Ciria-Pata 122 




Driukiiig Caps 124 

Seolptored Stooe 186 


WoapoBB 168 

Plati XXXI 
Drinkiiig Cnps 172 

PuTB xxxn 

Decorative Objects 174 

plati xxxm 

Pileo-Kayma, Oronnd-plaus 176 

Pileo-Kayma, ATcliit«cttiral Detaik 178 

Platb XXXV 
Pilco-Kayma, Architectnral Details 180 

Plati XXXVI 
Piloo-Karma, ArcMtecturat Details 182 

PuTB xxxvn 

Pileo-KRjma, Architectural Details 184 

platk xxxvni 

Fountain of the Inca, Ground-plan 186 

Platb XXXIX 
Fountain of the Inca, Details 188 

Plath XL 
Fountain of the Inca 192 

Plath XLI 
Metallic Implements, Pucara 196 

Plate XLII 
Bains at Paeara 198 

Platb XLIII 
Ground-plan, Fueara and Ahijadero 200 



Plate XLIV '^""^ '^"^ 
Fucara, Qround-plan 202 

Incd Pottery 204 

Plate XL VI 
View of Kasapata 206 

Plate XLVII 
EoBBpata, Groimd-plaiis 208 

Inca Pottery from Kasapata 210 

Plate XLIX 
Omam«nta, Beads, etc 212 

Plate L 
Inea Jar with Stand of Clay 214 

Plate LI 
Potaherda from Kasapata 216 

Plate LIT 
Kasapata, Ground-plans 218 

Plate LIII 
Kasapata and Sicnyn, Graves 220 

Plate LIV 
Potsherds, Kasapata 222 

Plate LV 
Ground-plan of Sacred Rock and Surroundings 226 

Plate LVI 
Details from Inean-Toqui and Chincana 228 

Plate LVU 
Objecta in Silver 232 

Plath Lvm 
Objects in Silver 238 

Plate LIX 
Titi-Kttia or Sacred Rock 240 



Plate LX "<™o '*•■ 
Orouod-planB, Chincana and Sacred Rock 257 

Pun LXI 
Stone-ehest with Cover 259 

Plati Lxn 
Andent Poncfao 260 

Plate LXni 
Chincana, Details 262 

Chincaiia, Qeneral View 264 

Plati LXV 
Chincaoa, Part of Ruins 266 

Platb LXVI 
Objects in Copper and Bronze 268 

Plate LXVH 
Inea Vase 270 

Chncaripn, Gronnd-plan 272 

Plate LXIX 
Andent Poneho 374 

Plate LXX 
Kona, Groand-plan 276 

Plate LXXI 
Island of Koati, Map, etc 278 

Plate LXXII 
Roins on eastern slope of Koati 280 

Ruins of Inak-Uyn on Koati 282 

Plate LXXIV 
Details of Inak-Uyn 291 

Plate LXXV 

Graves on Eoati 293 



Plate LXXVI 
Painted Bowl, Eoati 

Stone Objects, Eoati 

Objects in Gold, Eoati and Titicaca 

Platb LXXIX 
Pottery, Koati and Titicaca 

Platb LXXX 
Chicheiia, Qroimd-plan 

Plate LXXXI 
Stone Objects, Eoati and Copacavana 

Tillage of Copacavana 

Stone Seats, Copacavana 

Copacavana, Cborch 

Plate LXXXV 
Hanascript Map of Lake Titicaca from 1573 . . . . 



Thb explorations which I began under the auspices of the 
hite Mr. Hemy Villard of the dty of New York in Jnly^ 
1892, were contiuned nntil April 1, 1894, when Mr. Villard 
gave the collections I had gathered for him to the American 
Mnaenm of Natural History at New York. After that date 
my work was entirely for the Mnsenm. 

In July, 1894, 1 started for Bolivia accompanied by my 
wife— Fanny Bitter Bandolier. Arriving at La Paz on 
Angost llthf we visited first the mins of Tiahnanaco, on the 
29th, remaining nineteen days on the site, secnring sped- 
mens, and surveying the mins for the purpose of making a 
general plan of them. We also took notes on architectural 

Soon after our return to La Paz we made another excur- 
sion, this time to the slopes of the well known lUimani. 
There, at an altitude of 13,000 feet, we explored remains of 
terrac«d garden beds, small dwellings of stone, and burial 
cysta, above the hacienda of LIujo. 

It was not until the 26th of December that we could carry 
out our plan to visit the Island of Titicaca. The Prefect of 
La Pa2, Don Qenaro Sanjin£z, gave permission to the 
steamer plying between Pnno and Chililaya to touch at that 
Island for us. Bnt we had, first, to obtain from the owner 
of Ghalla (the principal hacienda on the Island), authoriza- 
tion to reside on his property and to investigate and ex- 
cavate on the premises. Not only was our request granted 
at onoe, but Don Miguel Garc^s, the owner, accompanied us 
on the steamer to ChaUa, installed us there and imparted 
strict orders to the several hundred of Aymard Indians liv- 


xiv PBEPACE , 

ing on his property to treat us with the same respect as him- 
self or any other member of his family. This injonction 
was obserred as long as onr friend remained with ns. After 
his departure, it was only by dint of lavish expenditure of 
money, and sometimes by assuming an anstere attitude, that 
we h^d our own among the aborigines. We landed at Cballa 
on January 1, 1895, and remained on the Island of Titicaca 
until April 15th, with the intermission of one week (early in 
February) which we spent at the village of Copacavana on 
the Bolivian mainland, where we witnessed the Indian fes- 
tivities on the occasion of a church celebration, at the fa- 
mous shrine of Copacavana. 

With this sole exception, we remained three months and a 
half on Titicaca Island, completely isolated from the outer 
world. Civil war in Pern attained its climax during that 
time and all oommunication between Pnno and Bolivia was 
cut off. Onr supplies gave out ; not even coffee could be had 
at the iU-provided pueblo of Copacavana. Furthermore, an 
Indian insurrection broke out at Tunguyu (on Peruvian soil, 
six miles from Copacavana) and spread with great rapidity 
along the Bolivian frontier, threatening to involve the Boli- 
vian Aymar^ and endanger life and property of the inhabi- 
tants of Copacavana. 

So, having completed onr surveys and excavations on the 
Island, we retreated to Copacavana and thence, as the situa- 
tion grew more and more untenable, to Puno. Don Miguel 
Oarc^ accompanied us, for in the meantime Lima had fallen 
into the hands of the Opposition and peace was beiug re- 
stored in Peru. At Puno we prepared for a return to the 
]>land with means for navigating the Lake, distinct from 
tiiose of the natives which kept ns at the mercy of Indian ill- 
will. The house of Cazorla Brothers at Puno secured for 
ns the use of a flat-bottomed scow propelled by wheels driven 
by hand. We also improved our stay at Puno for surveying 
Boxd photographing (there was an itinerant photographer at 
Puno at the time) the mine at Sillustani on Lake TJmayo. 


On May 26th we again landed at ChaUa, with onr hand- 
wheeler and ample proTisions. On the I8th of Jnne we had 
completed onr investigations there with the exception of the 
photographic work, which had yet to be postponed, since the 
apparatns was still in the hands of the Bolivian cnstom- 
honae ofiBcers at La Paz. 

We next moved to the Island of Koati, where the owner, 
Dr. Venceslao del Carpio, had given ns permission to survey 
and excavate. There we remained nntil the 2d of July, 
when we returned to Copacavana. Our collections had been 
carried to Chililaya, thanks to the Very Beverend Father 
Francisco Martinez, Commissary-Oeneral of the Franciscan 
order, whose authority prevailed in our favor, npon the re- 
luctant and hostile Indians. 

Another week spent on the Island of Titicaca, with the 
photographic apparatns received at last, one more day on 
Koati, and onr seven months' work on and about these 
Islands came to an end. Only those who have resided for 
some time in that section of Bolivia can appreciate the ob- 
stacles it presents to scientific investigation. Cliniate, na- 
ture and man conspire to impede, annoy and obstmct 

On Augnst 2d we landed at Chililaya and remained till 
the 29th of the monUi, carefully packing onr cumbrous col- 
lections and excavating some of the ancient burial sites near 
i^. Mr. Lonis Ernst of Chililaya had been, and was, onr 
financial mainstay during the time, and we have been the 
recipient of many courtesies from him, as well as from the 
late Dr. Bosquellas, Captain of the Port of Chililaya. On 
the 29th of August, 1895, we were once more at La Paz, 
thence to direct onr steps to the Illimani a second time, and 
later on to Peru, where we remained during part of the year 
1896, preparing the substance of this report 

In the following pages I cannot pretend to more than a 
picture of our work on the Islands of Titicaca and Koatii, 
with such results as appear to me worthy of presentation. 
In my documentary researches, I have met with the most 



friendly support: in Pern, Bolivia, and in the United States 
since our return. At the national Archives and Library of 
Lima the Director, Don Bicardo Palma, and his ahle assist- 
ant, Carlos Alberto Bomero, have literally showered upon 
me favors of the greatest value. At La Paz my intimate 
friend Don Manuel Vicente BalUvian has opened every door 
that was supposed to give access to material ; and at New 
York, the friendship of Mr. Wilberforce Eames, the Super- 
intendent of the Lenox branch of the New York Public 
Library, of his assistant, Victor Paltsists, and, at the Astor, 
the liberality shown by the General Director, Dr. G. Bill- 
ings, have been invaluable. 

In conclusion, I gladly pay a tribute of sincere gratitude 
to onr special friend at La Paz, Mr. Theodore Boettiger, 
head of the firm of Harrison & Boettiger of that city. To 
him we owe countless attentions and espedaUy assistance 
of the most effective nature. Among the many others, at 
La Paz also, to whom we remain indebted in an analogous 
manner, I would yet specially mention Mr. Frederick G. 
Euleri To name all, would furnish too long a list, however 
much we should like to express, to each one in particular, 
our feelings of respect and esteem. 

Ad. F. Bahdslub. 

Nbw Tobe Cmr, Januaiy llth, 1905. 



Teb Spanish and Indian names used in this volmne are to 
be proDonncedf not according to the English^ bnt according 
to ^e Continental manner of pronnnciation, the ; having the 
gattoral sound of the Spanish. 

The scale of plans and diagrams is reduced from the orig- 
inal in every instance, as well as the size of the illustrations 
of objects, in comparison with the original. 

The flag on plans and diagrams indicates, in every case, 
the magnetic and not the true North. The magnetic decli- 
nation not having been accurately determined at the time I 
made my surreys, I preferred not to assume the responsi- 
bility of adopting an approximate deviation of the needle, 
which at the time was supposed to be about 12 degrees to the 
east of north. 

The colored plates are due to the skilful hand of my friend 
and countryman Mr. Bndolph Weber, who has also made 
and retouched the photographs of objects and reproduced 
the frequently defective landscapes and scenes of Indian 

Ad. F. Bandblieb. 








Plate I 

Map ol Lake Titicaca and surronnditigs 

B«dac«d oopr txota fttlaa of P«rD, by A. Baimondi 




IN the heart of the western part of South America, be- 
tween the 15th and 17th degrees of latitude, sonth of the 
equator, and between the 68th and 70th degrees of longi- 
tude, west of the meridian of Greenwich, lies the 
extensive water sheet of Lake Titicaca at an aver- 
age altitude of 12,500 feet above the level of the 
sea,^ and distant in a straight line abont 300 miles 
from the Pacific Coast and at least 2000 miles from 
the Atlantic shores of Brazil. The Bepnblic of Pern claims 
two-thirds of its area,' and the Kepnblic of Bolivia the re- 
maining southeastern third ; but the boundary line is rather 
indefinite between the two countries, across Lake Titicaca 
as well as on the mainland. The great chain of the Bolivian 
Andes, or Cordillera Real, skirts the Lake on its eastern 
side. This mountain chain, from the towering peak of 
- Hanko-Uma or Illampu (the tallest of the Sorata group) to 
the imposing mass of the Blimani southeast of the city of 
La Paz, runs from northwest to southeast, and the Lake in 
the same direction forms a deep trough west, or rather 
southwest, of that snowy range. 

The irr^nlar shape of this elevated inland basin of water 
is best understood by glancing at the accompanying map. 
Its length from northwest to southeast is abont 130 miles, 
and its greatest width is about 41 miles between the Peru- 
vian coast at Have and the Bolivian shores at Carabuco. Such 
figures, at the present stage of geographical knowledge of 



Bolivia, can only be approximations.' Minute indications 
of geographical position, altitude and dimensions are not 
always essential in an anthropological monograph; bat 
whenever they conld be secured they will be given, if only 
as a respectful tribute to the labors of others. Landscape 
and scenery, the nature of vegetation, the appearance, rela- 
tive distance of high mountains and their relation to the 
cardinal points, hence to prevailing atmospheric corrents, 
the indentations of the shores and the distribution of afflu- 
ents, are more important to archaeology and ethnology than 
geographical data of mathematical accuracy. 

An undulating level, gradually slanting from the height 
of the Crncero Alto (14,666) to Puno on the Lake-shore 
(12,544),* skirts the Lake in the northwest and north. The 
elevated ranges of Santa Bosa and Vilcanota, which over- 
shadow the true source of the Amazon Biver," are not visible 
from Puno. North of that port the Lake makes an inroad 
forming its most northerly lagune, on the banks of whidi 
are the approaches to the settlements of Taraco and Hnan- 
can6. Navigation on Lake Tltlcaca does not toucb these 
points;* steamers ply directly between Puno and the Bo- 
livian shore at Huaqui. The extreme northwestern shore 
of the Lake is not visible from the Island of Titicaca nor 
from the mainland of Copacavana, so great is the expanse 
of the water sheet in that direction. 

Puno, a Spanish settlement founded in the seventeenth 
century^ and now the capital of a Peruvian department, 
nestles at the upper end of a large bay called the Lagxme of 
Chncuito. Its surroundings are typical of the bleak and 
chilly Puna of tiiese regions. Trees are scarce, the slopes 
overgrown with a scrubby vegetation, rocks protrude boldly 
here and there, and the sheet of bine water expanding in ad- 
vance of the port is encircled by dreary shores and reddish 
cliffs. The Lagane of Cbacnito terminates between two nar- 
row projections— the Peninsula of Capachica in the north 
and that of Chncoito in the son^ On its southern banks 



lie villages known since the earliest times of Spanish ooloni- 
zation— Ghncuito, formerly an important seat of provincial 
govemment, and Acora,^ in the vicinity of which are many 
aborigrinal monmnents partly described by(E. G. Sqnier.") 
The shores are bleak, bat, as everywhere on the Puna, their 
appearance is deceptive. "While destitute of arboriferous 
v^etation, they are not unproductive. Such culture-plants 
as withstand the cold climate find sufficient soil for growth. 
The scarcity of level ground has compelled, and still compels, 
people to go to the slopes for cultivation. Hence "andenes," 
or terraced garden-beds ("takanas," also "patas," in 
Aymara), are visible everywhere from the Lake, presenting 
an appearance of symmetry not held out upon closer inspec- 
tion. With the time-honored system of rotation observed 
by the ]jadians, the great number of these terraced patches 
is no indication of a former dense population.'" Neither are 
they exclusively ancient, many belonging to Colonial or to 
modem times. 

Beyond the narrows at Chncoito the large Islands of 
Taqnili and Amantanf stand out in plain relief. The former 
Ues nearly in front of the straits, the latter north of it. 
Taqnili, sometimes used as a place of captivity for political 
offenders, was explored to some extent, more than a decade 
ago, by the very unfortunates condemned to pine on its un- 
prepossessing shores." Their desultory diggings yielded 
human bodies, cloth, pottery, copper and silver trinkets ; in 
short, usual remains of the * ' Chullpa ' * kind ; as popular ter- 
minology improperly designates vestiges, that do not bear 
either the stamp of Ouzco influence," or that of the ancient 
coast-people. Amantanf is said to be covered with similar 
remains. Pnno itself is surrounded by ruins. Many are 
scattered over the heights around Lake Umayo, the shores 
of which bear the famous constructions of SilluBtani;" and 
much of archaeological interest is yet buried at Mallqni- 
Amaya, the hacienda of my friend Don Agnstin Torar. 

Beyond the narrows, the main Lake spreads out before us. 



In the ram7 season it presents a vast expanse of graTish 
water under a darkened sky, and it is not nnusnal to witness 
one or several waterspouts qt a time." Thunderstorms are 
of daily and idghtly ocy^sfrence during summer months, 
from November to April. When we crossed the Lake, on the 
night of December Slst, 1894, our steamer, the "Yapura," 
was struck by lightning. There was no peal, only a quiver- 
ing of the craft. We were then yet inside of the Lagnne of 
Chncuito. Saint Elmo fires appear on the masts of tiie ship 
during such stormy nights. 

If the voyage is made in winter, when calm and dear days 
prevail, then the view is different. The placid watersheet 
spreads out in dazzling bine, traversed here and there by 
streaks of emerald green. A sky of incomparable beanty 
spans the heavens. Not a breeze raffles the mirror-like 
waters. On the gently slopiug shores of Peru, the principal 
villages are barely discernible; Have, in the vicinity of 
which a large human statue of stone and many sacrificial 
offerings were discovered in the early part of the seven- 
teenth century,'" and Pomata, whither the Dominicans (the 
first missionaries of these sections) withdrew after the mis- 
sions from Chuottito to Copacavana had been unjustly taken 
away from them; Juli," concealed by its promontory of 
gray and pate green." In the dim distance appear some of 
the "Nevados" that separate the Lake region from the vol- 
canic ranges above Moquegna— the Cavalluni, the Uilca- 
conga, and others. They appear as patches of perpetnal 
snow rising between arid ranges. That part of Peru has a 
considerable population of Aymard-speaking Indians, and 
under Spanish jmle was very thrifty," but it lacks, abso< 
lately, the picturesque element in nature. That same region, 
however, abounds in ancient ruins which yet await explora- 

Facing the prow of the steamer, in the sontheast, there 
advances into the Lake what seems to be a long promontory 
capped by mgged mountains of moderate elevation. The 



northern aid of this projection is the Island of Titdcaca, and 
its sonthem contumation with the ragged peaks above it, 
the Peninsula of Copacavana. Throogh the narrow Straits 
of Yampnpata, which separate the Island from the Penin- 
snla, steamers take their course. Beyond, dusky ranges skirt 
the farthest horizon to the southeast and east, apparently 
sweeping around in a semi-circle, forming the eastern shores 
of the Lake and its sontheastem termination. High above 
this tmprepossessing belt of bleak elopes, rocky humps, and 
scattered islets, bristles a chain of gigantic peaks clad in 
eternal enow. Draped with formidable glaciers that descend 
far below the snow line, tiie twin peaks of Sorata, two colos- 
sal monuments, connected by an icy crest, constitute its 
northern pillars. Thence, declining to the southward, it 
sweeps away, until a glistening pyramid,** bold and steep, 
the Hnayna Potosi or "Karka-Jaqne" (Ka-Ka-a-Ka) termi- 
nates the chain as visible from this part of the Lake. North 
of the Sorata group, a more distant range extends along the 
whole of the northeastern horizon. It is as heavily snow- 
clad as the other, but probably not as elevated. The firat 
cbam is the Andes of Bolivia. The other range— belong- 
ing partly to Bolivia, partly to Pern— comprises the Andes 
of Carabaya, the great Ananea, and the high ranges of 
Snchez, Altarani, Lavanderfini, SnndLuli, and AMrftTnw.Tii, 
weet of Felechuco and north of Charassani.'* 

Utter monotony, gray, brown and black in winter, of a 
greenish hue in summer, woold be the characteristic of land- 
scape on Lake Titicaca, when at its best in brilliant sunlight, 
were it not for the long ranges of snowy peaks that bristle 
along fally one half of the horizon like a silver diadem. 
Bold and rog^ied, every peak sharply individualized like 
those of the Central Alps in Switzerland, with an abundance 
of glaciers, tiie Andes of Bolivia well deserve the appellative 
of Cordillera Real (royal range), by which they are 
sometimes designated. When, in the last moments of sun- 
set, the lofty peaks and bold crests assume a vivid golden 



hne, while the glaciers at their base tnm parple and violet, 
the Andes fairly glisten. Then a ghastly veil falls over 
them and they torn livid. Newcomers may turn away think- 
ing that night has set in; but in a few minates light floods 
the snowflelds again. It turns red, while the summits be- 
come living flames of a rosy hue as intense and dazzling as 
any Alpine glow in Switzerland or Tyrol. Snch a spectacle 
is not unfrequent on the Lake, and it is asnally accompanied 
by the presence of long delicate cirro-strati above the 
Bonthem horizon, which turn fiery red, before the rosy dis- 
play begins on the Cordillera. Yet we saw the Alpine glow 
in wondrous beanty, when there was not even a dondlet in 
the sky." 

The educated traveller cannot fail to be deeply impressed 
by the majestic beauty of these mountains, so colossal in 
height that a picture of the Sorata rfmge is clearly reflected 
in the waters of the Lake.** The Indian, however, is not 
moved by si^ts of nature; accustomed to depend upon it, 
he estimates everything from the utilitarian standpoint of 
his wants, hopes and fears. 

The Aymara Indian calls each "Nevado," or snowy peak, 
' * Achachila ' * ; that is, " grandfather. ' ' They apply this term 
to every prominent feature ; still the importance of the Acha- 
chila is not always in proportion to its size. While on the 
slopes of Illimani, I also heard the Indians of Llujo call the 
mountain ' ' Uyu-iri, ' ' feeder or fosterer of their homes. The 
word "niimani" itself is a corruption of "Hila-umani" — 
"he who has mnch water," derived from the fact, that the 
water courses useful to them descend from that mountain, 
and that precipitation is most abundant along its slopes. 
On the Island of Titicaca, the great lUampu or "Hanko- 
Uma" (white water) is the most prominent, as it almost di- 
rectly faces the Island, and therefore is more particularly 
known to the Islanders. Nevertheless, my inquiries touching 
the name of it (inquiries made for the purpose of eliciting 
some information abont tales or legends, possibly extant). 







vere quite ae often answered by "Ulimam" also; while to 
the other peaks, the term "Knnn-Kolln" (snow-heijj^t) was 
indiscriminately applied. The Indian of the Island consid- 
ers SQch conapicnoDs landmarks as fetishes, chiefly origi- 
nators of cold and angry blasts. 

Lake Titicaca does not derive its principal water sapply 
from the great Bolivian chain. Only one of its main 
tribntaries, the Bio de Achacache, descends directly 
from the Cordillera Real. The Snehez has its headwaters 
in Pern (among the Andes of Carabaya) ; also tiie Bamis, 
in the narrow defile at the foot of the Cordillera of Vil- 
canota, near the line dividing the Department of Pono from 
that of Cnzco;^ and tiie other streams rise either in the 
range dividing the basin of Titicaca from the Padfio slope, 
or sonth of the Lake. 

The drain of the Cordillera of Bolivia is diiefly toward 
the Atlantic, and not toward the Pa(ufic slope. Lake Titi- 
caca lies at the foot of that range like a trough, filled with 
slightly braokLsh water,*' and fed only to an extent that 
maintains an eqnilibriam between the supply and the ont- 
flow through the Desaguadero." 

The trou^ formed by Lake Titicaca is mostly very deep. 
Soundings of more than six hundred feet, and as many as 
a thousand or more, are not uncommon. The Bolivian or 
northern shore is lined by greater depths than the Pemvian 
aide.*^ Bays like the Lagune of Chncuito near Pimo, the in- 
land basin between Tiquina and Chililaya, and probably 
tbe basin of Uinamarca, are comparatively shallow, bat the 
main Lake is a deft, sinking abruptly at the foot of the 
Andes and rising gradually to the western shore. 

A discussion of the numerous theories, that have been 
advanced, from time to time, regarding the origin of this 
singnlar inland sea, would prove useless. There are indica- 
tions of a former connection between opposite shores of the 
Lake. The Peninsula of Copacavana seems to have been 
connected, at one time, with the Peninsula of Santiago 



Hnata. The channel of Tiqnina has an average deptii of 
only 140 feet.^^ The southeastern lagunes or bays in which 
the Lake terminates, show a greatest depth of about sixty 
feet; whereas to the northward along the Bolivian shore, 
depths of from 600 to 800 feet have been recorded. The Strait 
of Tiquina, that narrow channel through which steamers pass 
after leaving the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, may there- 
fore have opened at a time when the watery basins about 
Chihlaya existed independent of the main Lake; and the 
outflow at the Desaguadero may have been a result of the 
breaking of a barrier that formerly united the Peninsula of 
Huata with that of Copacavana. 

Such problems can be solved only by a close stady of the 
region in general, and this study has not as yet been under- 
taken. It may be said that Lake Titicaca, in most of its 
features, is as nnknown as the least visited of the inner 
African lakes. The shores are so indented and their topo- 
graphy is so complicated, that a coasting voyage of a year 
at least wonld be needed to achieve a complete investigation. 

We have as yet found bat faint traces of geological myths 
among the folk-lore and traditions of the Aymara Indians 
inhabiting the shores. This negative result, however, is not 
final, since it was only from the Island of Titicaca, and to 
some extent from the Peninsula of Copacavana that, previ- 
ous to 1897, we had been able to secure scraps of what may 
be called folk-lore. At Tiahuanaco, stories are told con- 
cerning a time when the sun had not yet risen into the 
heavens, but none of them bear any relation to the condition 
of the Lake or to any modifications in its contours. We 
were told by an old Indian that the builders of the edifices 
of stone (now in ruins) were *'Gtentiles," and were de- 
stroyed by a flood. The appearance of the sun in the heav- 
ens is said to have occurred after this supposed destruction. 
It is not an uncommon belief that the waters of the O-ulf of 
Taraco once reached as far inland as Tiahuanaco, now abont 
five miles distant from the shore. Some of the explanations 










of the name are even based on this hTpothesis, saving it tiie 
meaning of :*' dry beach. " " 

Among the traditions recorded by early Spanish chron- 
iclers, that of the appearance of a white man on the shores 
of La^e Titicaca appears to be connected with a dim recol- 
lection of geological phenomena. Ticiviracocha (also 
called Tuapaca and Amanan) is represented byfCieza'"} 
as having come from the sonth and as having been 
endowed with such power that, "he converted heights into 
plains and plains into tall heights, and cansed springs to 
6owoutof bare rocks.*'" A century after Cieza had writ- 
ten his chronicle, an Angastine Monk,^ray Antonio de la 
Calancha,Vreferred to a tradition in regard to a disciple of 
Tonapa, called Taapac, stating that the Indians of the 
Lake-shore killed him, placed his body on a raft, or 
b(Usa: "and thmst that craft on the great lagone aforesaid; 
and so, propelled by the waves and breezes ... it navi- 
gated with great swiftness, causing admiration to the very 
ones who had killed him; their fright being increased by the 
fact that the Lake, which at present has very little current, 
at that time had none at all. . . . When the balsa with its 
treasnre reached the beach at Cadiamarca where the Des- 
agnadero now is (this tradition is well established tunong 
the Indians), this same balsa, breaking throng die land, 
opened a channel that previously did not exist, bnt which 
since that time has continued to flow. On its waters the 
holy body went as far as the pueblo of the AuUagas."' ..." 
According to this legend (provided the tale is genuine native 
folk-lore, as the author asserts, and not from after the con- 
quest) it would appear that the opening of the Desaguadero 
oocnrred within the scope of dim recollection of man." 

The story that sun and moon were created a/fer the inhabi- 
tants of Tiahuanaco had been visited by a diaaatrons flood, 
is told by several authors from the early times of Spanish 
colonization ; as well as the myth that both orbs rose pri- 
marily from the Lake, or from some point of its surface."^ 



The fact that nearly all the traditions, so far aa we know, 
aboat the earliest times, and the natural phenomena sup- 
posed to have occarred at those times, centre in Tiahuanaco, 
may be not without significance. The tale preserved to ua 
by Calancha points to a time within range of ancient folk- 
lore in Bolivia and Peru, when the waters of the Lake had 
no outlet. It may, however, be only a myth of observation. 
According to Uigassiz^ere are indications of a slow grad- 
ual sinking of the level of the Lake." This has been denied 
by others ; and I beg to suggest that such a change may not 
have been general. Thus the Lagone of Uioamarca and tiie 
G-ulf of Taraco could have slowly receded from their shores 
without affecting the level of tiie main Lake. 

Storms on Lake Titicaca are violent, and the waves, 
though short, dangerous. The indigenous balsa is a clumsy, 
alow, exceedingly primitive craft, but it cannot sink. If cut 
in twain, each piece floats for itself and can afford refuge to 
human beings.'" Swimming is out of the question, since the 
temperature of the water is so low tia&t liie ewinuner soon 
gets ntmibed and sinks.*' 

Animal life on tiie Lake is seldom seen away from the 
shores. Gulls {Larus serranus) now and then follow the 
steamer, and an occasional diver (Podtceps, Tachyobaptus, 
and Centropehna)'' furrows the water in that lively, dash- 
ing way which recalls the motion of a diminutive tug-boat. 
On expanses covered with lake-reed or "totora" (Malaco- 
chaete totora) swarms of these agile swimmers bustle about 
the handsome "choka" {FtUica gigantea), a stately bird 
of black metallic plumage with bright colored head and 
erest A dark green stork-like bird, possibly a Tantalidae,'^ 
stalks through marshy approaches to deeper water. In 
the main Lake, animal life appears almost extinct; of the 
six kinds of fishes, officially known,*" not one appears on the 
surface. The natives claim that there are at least a dozen 
species of fishes in Lake Titicaca. 

As we approach the long promontory of the Peninsula 



of Copacavana, Titicaca appears in its insular shape. Be- 
yond its northwestern outline small islets,— the steep and 
yrass^jovered dome of Koa, flat Payaya, tiny Chnju, 
—elongated Lanasaani, rise above the waters.'* They 
seem like scattered remains of a causeway formerly uniting 
Copacavana with the Bolivian mainland at Huaidio, of 
vfaieh there remains, on the south, the Island of Titicaca 
and its surroundings and in the north the islands of Apin- 
gfiila, Pampiti and Campanario.*^ 

The Straits of Yampupata, which divide Titicaca from the 
Copacavana Peninsula have a width of about two-thirds of an 
English mile ; " and on both sides of the Straits, around the 
Island of Titicaca, and between that of Koati and the main- 
land at Sampaya, the Lake has a depth of from 580 to 600 
and more feet. It is when issuing from that short and pic- 
turesque channel that tiie two peaks of Sorata are se^i to 
greatest advantage. The steep and bold sbpes of the Island, 
with conntlesa andenes traversing them horizontally, and the 
precipitous sides of the mainland, form what appears like 
a mstic portal, above and beyond which the truncated pyra- 
mid of Hilampi and the dome of Hanko-Uma stand out in in- 
comparable grandeur.*' The Island of Koati, in the midst 
of the placid waters of the Lake, breaks the sombre monot- 
ony of the Bolivian shore between Ancoraymes and the 
Peninsula of Huata. 

At Yampupata, the work of man begins to appear on 
every side. The bold promontory of Chani hides from view 
the celebrated sanctuary of Copacavana, but the hamlet of 
Yampupata, with its houses of stone and its humble chapel, 
nestles close to the rocky point terminating the Peninsula. 
Traces of cultivation, in tiie shape of andenes, are every- 
idiere seen. We pass the two balsas plying between Yam- 
pupata and Pnncn, the extreme southerly point of the Island 
of !ntioaca. The Aymara Indians, who manage these clumsy 
ferries, either gloat stolidly at the steamer as it sweeps 
by, or if they are in numbers and in festive mood, they 



break out in rude and sometimes very nncivil demonstra- 

Even on the little Island of Chilleca near the end of the 
Straits, traces of cultivation, snch as potato patches, are vis- 
ible. On the main Island we see, at one glance, the ruin 
called "Pilcokayma" (an ancient structure attributed to the 
Pemvian Incas), the modem hacienda of Yumani with its 
tile-roofed buildings; cnltiTated as well as abandoned an- 
denes on the indented slopes; a grove of mostly modem 
trees surrounding the so-called " Fountain of the Inca," 
near the shore ; and, higher up, Indian houses scattered here 
and there, some with red roofing of tiles, others witii the us- 
ual covering of thatch. As we glide along, hogging the Pe- 
ninsula of Copacavana, we see that almost every fold of that 
steep and ragged shore bears a small hacienda. High up on 
the slope of one of these folds, the village of Sampaya clus- 
ters picturesquely between terraced garden-beds. Opposite, 
the entire length of the Island of Koati is striated with an- 
denes. The eastern Bolivian shore is so distant that none 
of its villages, situated near but not on the shore, are visible. 
The northeastern side of the Strait of Tiquioa is rocky and 
almost uninhabited; the southwestern side, although nearly 
as steep, is extensively cultivated. The reason of this is 
that slopes exposed to the north, in this hemisphere, are 
those whidi receive directly the warmth of the son. The 
two villages of San Pablo and San Pedro Tiquina<» occupy 
respectively the southern and northern shores of the nar- 
rows near their southeastern extremity. From here the 
most souHierly pillar of the snowy range, the "Nevado" of 
Blimani,*" hitherto invisible, seems to rise suddenly and di- 
rectly out of the water, at the other end of the shallow 
lagune which we now enter. To the right opens the basin of 
Uinamarca dotted with islands mostly inhabited. The 
larger ones, Patapatani and Co&na, also Cumana, divide 
that lagnne from the bays of Hnarina and Chililaya. On the 
left, the shore bears extensive haciendas like Compi and 









Clrna, also the hamlet of Hnatajata. On the main Lake, 
and as far as the passage of Tiqnma, scarcely a craft is met, 
bnt now the water becomes enlivened by flotUlas of small 
balsas, each raft with a sail of reeds and managed by one 
man or sometimes by two men. These are fishing craf ^ that 
do not go into the Lake where their labor wonld hardly 
prove r^nnnnrative. The ooast of these interior basins is 
rich in totora, *'' whereas the depth of the Lake along the 
shores of Koati and Copacavana does not permit the 
growth of this aquatic reed except in small patchos. The 
Indians of Huatajata and of the islands near by, are to a 
great extent fishermen. A balsa does not last long, bnt a 
new one is easily eonstmcted. Uany of the Lake Indians 
are rather fearless navigators and undertake comparatively 
long voyages, tmsting to the winds to direct their oonrse. 
It is not nnoommon to see Indians, from Hnaicho and 
Ezcoma, drift across the widest part of the Lake to Have, 
Jnii or Pomata. From the Island of Titicaca a three days' 
voyage to Pano is by no means a rarity; and trips to Ajioo< 
raymes are of frequent occarrenoe. As the balsa is pro- 
pelled much more by sail than by the imperfect oars, the 
direction of atmospheric currents is watched and used so far 
SB possible. Happily these currents blow with considerable 
regularity. Thus the southeast wind nsoally prevails until 
midday. Afterward the wind veers to the northwest and 
blows from that quarter until after or about midnight 

Thunderstorms and tempests occur very often. During 
the summer months they are of daily occurrence. The vio- 
lence of the wind depends upon localities, upon the degree 
of shelter, and the existence of a funnel tiirough which the 
moving air must rush at greater speed and with increased 
power. The Straits, both of Yampnpata and of Tiquina, are 
exposed to violent blasts, and so is the vicinity of Copaca- 
vana. The middle of the Lake, which the people call the 
"Pampa de Have," is also feared on accoont of the power 
which the wind, coming from the snow-capped Andes, 



wields over this shelterless expanse. Tempests ahnost in- 
variably come from the northwest and we have known them 
to last several days, the mftvimnwn violence reoccnrrin^ 
daily aboat 4 p.u. Such storms are mostly dry in winter, 
or with a slight fall of snow or hail, chiefly on the heights. 
Bnt snow falls every year on the shore also. In Febmary 
we have many times seen the ground at Copacavana white 
with snow, also on the Island and the Peninsala of Santiago 
Hnata. Li June we had light snow-falls, accompanied by 
tiionder and lightning and soft hail, on the Island of Koati. 

Lightning strokes are locally frequent, they descoad with 
mnch greater frequency at certain places than at others. 
Copacavana is one of these dangerous spots. On the Island 
of Titicaca, on the narrow isthmus where the hacienda of 
Challa stands, we counted as many as twenty lightning 
strokes in little more than half an hour. All of them stmck 
either the water, or the rocky heights of Challa Pata and 
Inak-Uyu near by. 

To give the results of meteorological observations at one 
point only, and then draw conclusions from them as to the 
climate of the Lake in general, would be misleading. A 
glance at the map accompanying, however faulty it may be, 
will show that the indented form of the shore-line, the distri- 
bution of the Cordilleras in regard to the northern and 
southern portions, and the greater or less distance of the 
heights bordering on the Lake, create a number of local cli- 
mates. Thus, while the shores exposed to the north are 
warmer than those exposed to the south, and northern ex- 
posures those in whi(^ more delicate culture plants (like 
maize) can alone be raised, yet some sites along the south- 
eastern Bolivian shore enjoy a milder climate than others, 
near by or on the opposite side. Hnarina, for example, is 
warmer and milder than Chililaya, six miles distant from it 
to the southwest. The reason for it is that some villages 
on that side are built against the coast-hills, and the cold 
blasts from the Cordillera blow over these hills and di- 



rectly on to the shore opposite, makiiig it chilly and dis- 
agreeable in the afternoons. 

Thermometrical observations made bnt at one or two 
points have only a local value and for the specified period 
of time ; bnt it may still be of interest to note the results of 
snch observatdons, made by my wife, chiefly on the Island 
of Titicaca, daring several months of the year 1895. 

For the month of January the mean of 37 obser- 
vations was 54"4o degrees. For the month of February, 
the mean of 120 observations was 55^o degrees. For Mardi, 
the average of 107 observations was 54%o degrees. The 
mean for these three months, embracing the height of sum- 
mer and the autumnal equinox, is therefore 55 degrees, 
Far. ; and the variation in the mean, from one month to the 
other, amounts to barely one half a degree. The maxima 
were, in January, BSy^i in February, 65; and in March, 
64. The minima were, in January, 47; in February, 45; 
and in March, 43. In the month of April the observa- 
tions could only be conducted during the first half of the 
month, and at three distinct localities, according as we 
moved onr domicil in the interest of excavations. Hence 
averages for that month possess no value. At Ynmani, a 
point several hundred feet above the .Lake, the thermom- 
eter reached its maximum between the Ist and 15th of 
April at 59 degrees, and its miniTnnm at 45. During the 
interval between the 26th of May, when we returned to 
Titicaca after a protracted stay at Puno, and the 18th of 
Jmie, the extremes were respectively 60 and 39 degrees. 
On the Island of Koati the extremes, from the 18th of June 
to the 1st of July indnsive, were 50 and 33 degrees. While 
the above figures probably represent the Tnnxima of £he 
whole year, I have doubts about the minima. The lowest 
point reached by the thermometer falls below freezing 
point. I infer this from the fact that, on the morning of 
Angost 18th, we found tiie Bay of Hnarina covered with ice 
a quarter of an inch thick. Should, however, the figures 



given represent the extremes for that year (the difference 
will be very small), the annual range of temperature of 
abont 32 degrees shows an nnnsnally equable climate. But 
that climate is also constantly hmnid, hence always chilling. 
It rains nearly every month. In January, 1895, we had 19 
days of rain (always with thnnderetonns) ; in February, 22 ; 
in March, 16 ; in April, 14 ; in May, 6 ; in June, 10 ; in. Jidy, 1 ; 
and in August, 2. All these months, as well as the last 
third of December, 1894, were spent on some point of the 
Lake-shore. The constantly low temperature, together 
with frequent precipitation, renders the climate disagree- 
able, although by no means unhealthy. 

Vegetation exists wherever there is room for it, but it is 
seldom handsome. The "kenua" {Polylepsis racemosa), 
the wild olive tree (Buddleya coriacea), and the Sambucus 
Peruvianus are abont the only indigenous trees. These 
grow only on favored sites and are stunted and low. The 
beantifnl and richly flowering shrub called "cantuta,"— the 
large carmine, yellow or white flowers*' of which are so 
abundantly represented on ancient textiles and on pottery, 
—thrives in sunny localities. The potato takes the lei^ 
among indigenous culture plants, next comes the oca (Oxa- 
lis tuberosa), the "quinua" (Chenopodium quinua), and in 
sheltered places only, maize of the small bushy kind. Since 
the sixteenth century, barley and the common large bean** 
have been added to this modest list Kitchen vegetables 
would grow well in many places if they were cultivated ; but 
the Aymara Indian is such an inveterate enemy of innova- 
tion that all attempts at introducing new plants which 
might bring about a wholesome reform in his monotonoos 
diet, have failed. Thus on the islands there is cabbage 
growing wild ; on Koati we have seen almost arborif erooa 
cabbage plants. The garden near Challa on Titicaca (er- 
roneously designated as "Garden of the Incas,") is filled 
with trees, shrubs, and with an abundance of flowers. It 
has beds of strawberries that ripen annually; but every- 





P £ 





thing ifi Badly neglected, now that the owners no longer 
reside on the estate. The Indian uses the dahlias, the for- 
get-me-nots, the beantifnl roses; he sempnlonsly plucks 
and devours all the fruit; hnt not a single effort would he 
make for preserving the plants. Only the strict orders im- 
parted by the owners have saved that beantifnl site from 
utter, wanton destrQction. The nseful seeds that were dis- 
tribated among the Indians of Titicaca for their benefit 
were sown, because it was so ordered, and they germed, 
grew and prospered. The Indians made use of the proceeds 
dnring the first year; afterward no more attention was 
paid to the plants. I might state that one of the causes for| 
this lies in the fact that few people on the face of the earthj 
are so possessed by greed for money as the Aymara ] 
dian of the Lake region. Only what can procure coin at 
once, is prized by him. Hence plants and trees, however 
prodnctiTe in the course of time, are of no consequence to 
him, as they do not immediately yield the coveted easli. 
At present, vegetables and fruits could hardly be made 
profitable on the Islands, for there is no market. Naviga- 
tion on Lake Titicaca is restricted by the laws of Bolivia to 
Pnno, Huaqui, and Chililaya, and no intermediate point 
can be touched without special permission from the gov- 
ernment. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati, belonging to 
Bolivian waters, are therefore cut off from commonication 
with the outer world, Copacavana excepted, which is too 
small a village to offer any inducement. Hence culture 
plants other than the potato, oca, quinua, maize, bean and 
barley are of no immediate advantage to the Aymara In- 
dian of the Lake. Cupidity, low cunning, and savage 
cruelty are unfortunate traits of these Indians' character. 
These traits are not, as sentimentalism would have it, a re- 
sult of ill-treatment by the Spaniards, but peculiar to the 
stock, and were yet more pronounced in the beginning of the 
Coloiual period than at the present time."* The Aymard 
Indian is not at all stupid, but the degree of intelligence he 



possesses seems to be used mostly for evil. Saoh traits do 
not necessarily strike the traveler, bat if one has to Uve 
with the Indians they become woefully ai>parent.'* 

In the coarse of the pages to be devoted to the Islands of 
Titicaca and Koati, many other points relatuig to natnre 
and to the inhabitants of the shores and Islands will be 
mentioned. The picture that I have attempted to present 
of the Lake and its immediate snrronndings is only a super- 
ficial sketch. It is not a gay picture. Natnre is mostly 
cheerless in that region. Dismal monotony reigns all 
aronnd, in topography, and in color of landscape ; a stunted 
vegetation, animal life distributed by local groups and with 
few prominent forms. The climate is as monotonous as 
the landscape, in the sliji^t variations of temperatnre which 
it e^bits throngbout the year; cold, moist, and abounding 
in threatening phenomena, dangerous to man directly and 
indirectly." There are no means for rendering comfort- 
able the shelter which one builds, for the Puna has scarcely 
any combustible material within reach of the native except 
llama dung: "taquia."" The only redeeming features 
are: The sight of the glorious Andes, and the magnificent 
sky, when it condescends to exhibit itself in full splendor. 
These redeeming features, however, have no influence on 
the Indian ;B< his heart is untouched by beauties of nature. 

That nature, so uninviting on the whole, must have, for 
ages, exercised a steady pressure on the mind of the Indian 
who was, and is yet, wholly dependent upon it Three 
methods of subsistence were open to him,— hunting, agricul- 
ture and fishery. Hunting was limited to quadrupeds of 
great fleetness and to water-fowl. Although the gaanaco 
and the vicuna were formerly abundant, they are shy and 
swift, and it was only in communal hunts that the Indians 
could secure such game.'' The same may be said of the in- 
digenous deer, or "tamca." '• Birds were not so difficult to 
obtain, and an abundance of edible water-fowl is still seen 
in many places on the shores. Agriculture enjoyed the ad- 







vantage of a moist climate, and, in the dry season, of irriga- 
tioiL But the plants that conld grow were of bat few species 
and all of the coarsest kind of food. The cold rendered im< 
possible the storing of the potato, in. its natural condition. 
There is not enough combustible wherewith to dry the bolb 
in quantities, hence the IJidian resorted to the expedient of 
freezing the potato and then squeezing all the liquid out of 
it, thus preparing the insipid "chunu," one of the meanest 
articles of vegetable diet.'^ Maize was rarely cultivated. 
To the dweller on the beach, fishing was possible. Yet it 
does not seem to have been extensively practised. 

^ns the primitive inhabitant of the Titicaca basin was, 
as his neighbor and congener of the I^ma and Cordillera, 
weighed down by a hard dimate and scanty resources. It 
is tree that the Indian, having the llama at his disposal, 
had the resource of commerce; but that commerce also 
was checked by division into tribes resulting from Indian 
social organization."") The configuration of the shores fa- 
vored segregation into smaU groups, at war with each other. 
This condition of affairs survives to-day, in the regular 
hostilities between the Indians of neighboring villages as 
veil as between those of neighboring haciendas. Blood- 
shed is inseparable from Indian festivals and from certain 
days in the year. Besides, in the northwest of the Lake, 
the Aymara are contiguous to another linguistic group,- the 
Qoichuas, and historical folk-lore is filled with instances of 
warfare between tribes of tiie two powerfnl and numerous 
stocks."" In the east and southeast, the Aymara spread as 
far as the hot regions on the eastern slopes of the Andes 
and, there, came in contact with savages of the Amazonian 
basin, all of i^ich were, and stiU are, cannibals. The char- 
acter of the Aymari Indians could not, therefore, develop 
tmder favorable conditions. 

On the whole the Indian of the Titicaca ba^in is a being 
well fitting the nature of that baain. Even the Quichua, 
althonj^ generally of a milder disposition than the Ay- 



mara, is more tadtani and far less approachable than his 
oongeners near Gnzco. These Quichoas show ehaTacteristics 
as nnprepossessing as may be fonnd anywhere among the 
American Indians, 

The accompanying map of Lake Titicaca, althonji^ in- 
complete, is the best now extant. It is interesting to com- 
pare it with the one made in 1573 by order of the Viceroy 
fDon Francisco de Toledo,'^ copy of which has been given to 
me by Don Enriqne Clamero of Pnno. To this modest but 
exceedingly well informed gentleman, whose data on the 
Lake and its environs will be, when pablished, the most 
reliable ones concerning the r^on, I herewith express 
sinoere thanks for many an act of kindness, among irtudL 
the gift of the ancient map herewith presented is by no 
means the least 




'The attitnde of Lake Titieaw la 
tuimuQ; giTen, On tha adjoining 
map it ia stated aa 3835 meters, or 
123^8 feet. James Oiton gives it as 
12,4B3 feet (TAe AKd«* and thtf 
Amagon, p. <27), aceoTding to tha 
tailroad anrvejs. The coireet alti- 
tod^ bowerer, is 12,466. 

'The (7017 indellnite) line finnnna 
tlmMigh the northweatem point of the 
Iihad of Titicaea, leaving that Island, 
Eoati, and the parte southeast of 
time islanda, as well as the Peninsula 
of Copaeavana and all that liee east 
of the channel of the Deeagnadoro, 
wiUdn Bolirian tfinitory. 

'"It apreada over 2500 geograph- 
ical aqriare milee, being 100 milea 
loo^ irith an average breadth of 
tWBBty-fivemilea" (Orton: ThtAndet 
md the Amaton, p. 427). It is evi- 
dat that the author speaks otHj at 
the main lAke and doea not take in 
the banna at each extrenutj, north- 
weet and aontbeast. Ignado la 
I*DaDt« givea the following flgoree; 
"8a major di£metra desde la deeem- 
boeadnra del no Bamis haeta nna 
BiwiiaJa no lejoa de Ajgache mide 
1M,M0 mettoe; el ancho en sn mi- 
lime, tornado en una direction per- 
paidieDlar & la longitad, deeds Cara- 
boeo, haata la deaemboeadnra del rio 
Jeli ea de 68,524 metroe" (EtUdia 
Uonogr&fUio del Logo THieaea; bajo 

tu atpeeto fUieo t Mvltfrwio, in Boletw 
de \a Boeiedad Qeogrdfiea de Lima, 
Tomo I, p. 365). These figures corre- 
spond to 122 and 44 milss. But the 
mouth of the Bamia is not the eztreroo 
northwestern, nor is the baj near 
Ajgachi the extreme southeastern, 
terminus of the Lake. 

'Theee Aguree are taken from the 
railroad aorveTS and are therefore 

•That Bonree ia at La Baya, 169 
milea, by rail, northweat of Puno, and 
14,150 feet above the level of the sea. 
The altitudes of the 8anU Bosa, or 
"Eonurona," and of the Yilcanota 
are not jet known. Modesto Bosodre 
aasigns to Vilcanota 17,825 feet, and 
to the other 17,590 feet (Lot Logo* de 
Titieaea, in Boletin de (a Boeiedad 
Oeogrifioa de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 44- 
45). Pax-8oldan gives the height of 
Tileanota according to Pentland at 
5362 meters, or 17,586 feet (^(loe 
Oeogrdfleo del Peri, p. 14). Orton, 
in a foot-note, sbts of Pentland 'h 
meaanrements of the Bolivian Andes 
that "they mnst have come down 300 
feet," as he determined the altitude 
of Titieaea at 12,785 feet, instead of 
12,466 (7Ae Andet and the Amamn, 
p. 428). Pentland's flgores for the 
Bommits of the Cordillera are below 
realitj. It is much to be desired that 
the elevation of the moat prominent 




paakB of .the westeni or eoMt mig» of 
Pera be aecnratelj datemduod. It ia 
likely (nsleai some hi^ior peak be 
found jet in northern fern) tlwt Eon>- 
pnna, in the Pernvian coast canga 
of the Department Axeqnipe, ia 
the culminating point of tbe conti- 
nent. It exceeds £3,000 feet in 
bel(^t, wheieaa Acoueagna, in Chili, is 
but 6940 metera (22,763 feet) above 
■ea lereL Pentland also determiiied 
the altitnde of Misti, the alnmbering 
volcano of Areqnipa, at 6600 meten, 
or 81,048 feat, whereas it ia now fully 
ascertained, throngh the careful baio- 
metrie ofasemtions of Prof eaaois Pick- 
eting and BmI^, that Misti is only 
10,250 feet in heighL Its neighbor, 
Charchani, is 1000 feet higher. 

'Points on the Peravian shore can 
be reached without difficulty, if the 
■teamers are ordered to touch there, 
bat in Bolirian waters they are not 
even allowed to stop in the Lnke or off 
from the shore. These stringent reg- 
nlations have their canse in the actiTe 
contraband going on all along the 

' Manuel de Mendibtira leaves it in 
donbt whether 1668 or the year fol- 
lowing {Dieeiimaric Hittdneo-Biogrd- 
]lM><MP0rti, Tomo III, p. 226). The 
date ia that of the establishment of 
Pnno as capital of a department. 
The village (pusblo) of Pnno existed 
prior to 1548 (Poreoer de Don Fray 
Matiat ie Ban Martin, Obitpo d« 
Ckaroat, tobre ol Saariipiao de m son 
him ganadoe lot Biene* adqmridot 
por lo* Conqitistadoree, in Doewtientoa 
iniditoK para la Bittoria de BipaMa, 
Vol. LXXI, p. 451). Pedro Qntierrai 
de Santa Clara (Sittoria de lot gtte- 
TToi elvOet del PerU, 1S44 to 1548, 
Madrid, 1905, VoL III, pp. 44 and 
408) mentions Pofio as a village 
(paeblo) extant in 1546. There is no 
doubt about the identity of Pufio with 
Pnno, as the former is described as 
on the lAke, before reaching Chn- 
cnito (then the roost important set- 
tlement) on the Cnzco trail. 

•Chncnito is to-day a village of 
about 800 inhabitants. It was the cap- 
ital of the province and is mentioned 
as such at an early date in Spanish 
documents. The Indian insnneetion of 
1780-1781, injured it seriously. Acora 
has, at the present tira^ about 500 in* 
habitants. I do not vouch for tbe 
accuracy of these flgurea; they are 
taken tiom Modesto Basadre (Ahm>, 
in Boletin de la Booiedad Oeof/rdftca 
de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 215-216). 

■ Peni, Inoidente of Travel and Ex- 
ploration in the Land of the Inoae, pp. 

"Further on, when treating of tbe 
islands, I ehall have oecarion to refer 
to the andent system of rotation in 
tilled tracts. That system was gen- 
eral and by no means an introdaetion 
by the Ineas. The length of time 
allowed each tract for rest and re- 
cuperation differs according to local- 
ities, conditions of the soil, etc. 

" The objects secured werc^ as 
usual, scattered, so that I have not as 
yet been able to see any of them. 

" I make this statement provision- 
ally. The pottery from Cosco is of s 
well-defined t^pe and one easily reoog- 
niied. Whether that type originated 
in the Cnsco valley or elsewhere in the 
scope of territory oocnpied l^ In- 
dians speaking the Qniohoa bngnage 
is a question I do not venture to cob- 

" Besides Sillnstanl, there are other 
remains at Hatnn-Kolla near hj, at 
UBllqui-amayn, and a number of other 
Bites; also on the Peninsula of Capa- 
chica. None of these have ever been 

The beet aoeonnt of SiUnstani that 
has yet been written is that of Sqnier 
{Per*, pp. 376-384). In the same 
work (p. 385) there is a very good 
picture of the sculptured etonea at 

The picture contained in the voA 
oOCharles 'Wiener^CPA'OM et BolMs, 
1880, p. 387), as well as hia descrip- 
tion of the ruins of Silluatani, shows 




that the Mthor luu nerer visited the 
iit«. It loffieea to qaote hia text on 
p«g« 3S6: "Tfoia toon en granit 
noir dont deux encore complitement 
dttunt I'Hdrent mr le boid de 
I'MS." There ia not a lingle one of 
the niuBerouB <not merelj three} 
towen "on tlw edge of the mten" 
of Lake nmaTo. They all stand high 
abort it and at some distance. 
Wsiier'i pietnre of the ChnllpBa is as 
bseennte as his deseription. 

Tb« same can be said of the pictnre 
df Billostani in the Atlaa of RiTero 
and (Tsehaai} (AntigHedade* PenM- 
not), and of their remarks upon the 
mini; with the difFerence, bowerer, 
tliat no pretense to ocnlar inspection 
ii made b^ these anthors. 

"We witnessed one of these 
phsDomena, from the port of Puno, in 
Iha mnnth of Haj of last ^ear. I>on 
fiui<iae Qamero, whose intimate ac- 
qwintanee with the I^Jte haa no 
Sfcal, assnred us that he had seen as 
man; as fire at one time. 

' Tbe report on the large roonolitb, 
KD^tnred, diaeoTered at a diatance 
of two lefftuu, from the village of 
IlaTc^ is taken from the work of 
FUlHr|PabIo Josef Arriag^ BJ.— 
fxtirpdWoa de la Tdolatria del Pirv, 
Lima, 1621, Cap. a, p. 53: "Ari- 
»do tengo a Toestia Sefioiia la dili- 
gcDda, qne tengo hacieDdo contra 
Tadioe heehiaeroe, 7 principalmente 
a raion de m Idolo de piedra de tree 
ertados ai alto 007 abominable, qne 
dcseobri, doe legnaa de ette pueblo de 
fiilari, eetava en Tn cerro el mas alto, 
qoe aj en toda ceta comarca en vn 
repeeho qne mira hasia donde nace el 
Ml, al pie del esrro a7 mncha arbo- 
Mt, 7 m ella algnnas ehogas de 
Tadios qae la gnardan, 87 tambien 
noehas sepnlturss antignas mn7 
gnadea, de ontietros de Yndios mu7 
■nqitnoaamaite labradas ds piedras 
de eneaxe, que dicen sei de laa eabe^aa 
piindpalea de loa Yndios del pneblo 
de HilaTi. Estava Tna pla^uela hecha 
a mano, 7 an ella Tna estatna de pie- 

dra labiada eon doe flgnras monstrao- 
sas, la vna de varon, qne mirava al 
nacuniento del sol, 7 la otra eon otro 
roatro ds mnger en la misma piedra. 
— Ias qnales flgnras tienen vnas cnle- 
bras grucBBaa, qne suben del pie a la 
eabe^ a la mano derecha, 7 iiqnierda, 
7 aasl mismo tienen otraa flgnras 
come de papas. Estava esta Hnaca 
dd pecho a la cabei^ descnbierta, 7 
todo lo demas debazo de tierra. Tree 
diss tardaron mas de treinta peiao- 
nas en deecabrir todo el sitio al dene- 
dor deete Tdolo, 7 se ballaron de Is 
vna parte, 7 otra adelante de los dos 
rostroa, a cada parte ma piedra qna- 
drada delante de la Bstatna, de pidmo 
7 medio de alto, que al pareeer serian 
de araa^ o altares mn7 tnen pnestos, 
7 arrancadas de sn assiento eon 
mueha diflenltad, ae hallA donde 
eetava asentada la ara de la eatatua, 
con Tnas hogillas de ore mD7 delica- 
das, esparddss Tiias de otras, qne re- 
locian eon el 80L— Hncho trabaxo 6 
paaado en arranear eete Tdolo, 7 dea- 
haeello, 7 mas en deaeugafiar a loe 
Yndioe." I regard this statement, 
which Arrisga copies from a letter, 
addrened b7 one of tbe official "Tiait* 
on" of the rites and idolatries of 
the Indiana, to tbe Bishop of La Pas 
in 1621, as fiill7 reliable in the main. 
There ma; be some exaggeration in 
the dimensions of the statue, althou^ 
three fathoms, or approximatel7 ei^- 
teen feet, is the length of the tallest 
monolith (iTisg on the ground) at 
Tiahnanaco also. It would seem as 
if the stone had been placed ao as to 
overlook lAke Titicaca, for the range 
of hilla behind Have (HUari) domi- 
nates tbe view in that direction. The 
interpretation of the flgnree is of 
course subject to doubt. It is not 
impossible that fragments of tbs 
carved atones might 7et be found at 
or neai the site, rihe "burials" ma7 
hare been those of former shamans, 
around the idol or, tlie7 ma7 have been 
houses with htnise-burial^ as on tbe 
Pnna near by. ) 



Tfae^Angnatiiie F. Alonxo Btunos) 
iSiMtiria As CopwxAana, edition 
I860, edited t^f Bana.J p. 49) meu- 
tiona the eune iflol, bat givea it onlj 
n loigtb of three uid e half Taraa 
(ten feet, kboat). He ftlso qnotee the 
viritoi OsTcia Coftdrado, and adds: 
"Eetab« en el eerro llamado TaeiiiDtli 
fronteriao k Titleaca, lo adoraban ma- 
tne una loea grande, eomo al dioa de 
las comidaa." The difference in lize, 
between Arriaga '■ statement and that 
of Bamoe, ia noteworthy. 

"The flnt miaeioiiarjr of the Prov- 
ince of ChDcnito (which then eztended 
aa far as Copacavana, Zepita, and the 
Deaagnadero) was Fray TonUe de Ban 
Uartiu of the order of Bt. Dominic 
It ia stated that he entered the prov- 
ince in 1534, which is an error in 
date. That date ia from Mendibfira 
{DioiAoKaHo, Tomo VII, p. 187). 
That Fray San Martin wae the 
flret missionary is aaeerted by ^Fray 
Jnau Helendei '^renfriM Verdtulero* 
de laa Yndiaa, SMona de la Provinoia 
de Km Ivan del Pen del OrSen de 
Fredioadorea, 1081, Tomo I, p. ftl9) : 
"EI ConnSto de Santiago de Pomata 
eet4 fnndado en nn paeblo de Tndios 
deete nombre, qne es de los me,B prin- 
cipalee de la gr&de Frovincia de Chn- 
eaytn k las orillaa de la lagnna de 
Titieaea. Bedoxole i la Ffi eon todos 
los demas de so distrito el Tlostrinmo 
Don Fray Tom&s de San Martin, eo- 
mensando la labor de sn Fvangelica 
Bonenteia, 6 introdnciendo en eete, y 
loe demas Ingares de aqaella nomlwa- 
dingima Provincia, machos Praylea de 
an Orden, qae acabando de eembrar, 
el grano limpio de la Divlna palabra, 
eogieron para la Tgleaia ana cosecha 
de almas isumerablee. Tanimoe (como 
hemos dicho) Conoentos en eeta Pro- 
vineia en Chncoytn, en Jnli, en Copa- 
eaoana, y en los demas de sue pueblos 
'^carias, hasta el aBo de 1509, en qae 
deapojadoe nnestros Frayles de toda 
la ProTinda, SQcedid todo aqnel qnento 
qne ya daiainoe esorito del Yirrey Don 
de Toledo, y el modo, y loe 

motivoa, qne tnuimoa para bolner al 
pueblo de Pomata" (p. 399). In 
the year 1665, the Convent of Saa 
Pedro Martir de Jnli contained twelv« 
Dominican friais, and at the chapter 
celebrated in the same year, the ord^ 
received the "faonses" (monaateriee) 
of Acorn, Dave, ZepitB, TangT^n, and 
Copacavana (p. 411). In regard to 
the caaaee that led to the separation 
of the DominieauB from Chacnito, I 
refer to the same volome (pp. 4U and 
446). That the removal of the Do- 
minicans was an act of injoeUee ia 
admitted by the aatliors of the order 
of Augnstines, which order snbee- 
qnently profited by it, in reeeiving the 
mission of Copacavana. (See Fray 
Antonio de la Calaneha; CorSnica 
Moralieada del Orden de San A%gMtin 
en el Perf, 1658, Tomo II, Cap. vn, g. 
35; alsOifPray Andrla de San NieoUs^ 
ImAgen de If J. de Copaeavana Por^ 
tento del Suevo Mundo Ya Conooida 
en Evropa, 1663, Cap. vi, foL 33.) 

" Jnli is known as being the' plaes 
where the Jesuits eetablished their 
flirt printing press in Peru. 

" The Province of Chacnito em* 
braced, under Spanish role, all the 
territory between Pnno and the Deaa- 
gnadero. See map of 1S73, pablisbed 
herewith. Diego de Boblee says of 
the Indian population of the province; 
"Los frailee Domlnicoe de Chieuito 
han tenido tales formae, que pn- 
diendo aqaellB provincia dar maa de 
otro tanto de lo qne da, han aneten- 
tado qne Chienite teit taaado en may 
poeo : aiendo en aqneUa provincia dose 
6 trexe mil indioa tribntarios, y can 
einqnenta mil de todoe edadea" (Jfe- 
moriol aobre el Atiento del Peri, ia. 
Dootmentot inSditot del Arohioo d» 
Inditu, Tomo II, p. 36; no date given, 
bat certainly about 1570). According 
to Lnie de Moralee Figueroa, the num- 
ber of tribntary Indians of Chncnito 
was 17,779, The proportion bting 1 
to 3^ for the aggregate popnlation, 
the latter woald have been at that 
date aboat 62,000 (£elaoio» de lorn 




2»diot TrUmtario* que hay al prtaente 
en Miot reinot y Provineiat del Peri; 
tecka poT Mandado del SeHor Marqaie 
de Caflete, betnven the jean ]S91 and 
ISM; contained in Volume II of tbe 
Belatrionet de lot Vireyee del Peri, 
Ifadrid, 1871, p. 333). If we compare 
frith thSM figOTM the more or less ex- 
ACt onM gh«D b7 Modesto Basadre in 
hk arti«l««Btitkd,Ptiflo,in Volume HI 
of the Boletin de la Soetedad Oeogrdflea 
de Lima, we get the following data: 
IKatriet of ChQeuito, 7000 (p. 215); 
Aeora, 7500 (p. 210) ; Joli, 0500 (p. 
365); nare, 10,000 (p. 386); Po- 
mata, 3500 (p. 367) ; Tongnyn, gOOO 
(p. 368); Zepita, 9000; Desagna- 
dero, 1000 (p. 369); Hoaculbmi, 
eOOO (p. 370); Pieacoma, 1200; and 
Santa Bon abont 1600. Total for 
these eleven dietricti, nearly C7,300, 
aU of which are A^rsaii Indiana, the 
whites bang in almost lusigniScaiit 
minority. To this ntunber we would 
haTe to add, for a fair comparisoo, 
the Indian habitants of the Penin- 
mla of Copacarana and of the Is- 
landa of Titieaea and Koati, which 
■sunut to at least Ave thousand, if not 
more. The eoneloaion is reached that 
tbe Indian population, of that district 
at least, has not at all diminished 
nnee the early times of Spantah eol- 
oniaatian, bnt has rather increased. 
While this is no surprise to me, 
it shows how nnjasti&ed is the hue 
and cry abont extermination of the 
Bative* of Pern by the Spaniards. 
I eoold easi^ fnmiA more examples 
of tbe kind from all over Pera and 

"Knina exist near Pomata, at 
Tungayn, at Tanea-tanea, etc. Basa- 
dre mations some of these (Puno, p. 
218). We saw pottery from Poinsta 
wbieh was almost identical with that 
of tbe so-called Chnllpas in Bo- 
livia. Tbe pottery of Tnngnyo, how- 
ever, is of the type called Inea or 
Cnieo. The Uignel Oarels collection 
'ns a nnmber of Tongnyn speci- 
This gives cobr to the state- 

ments that Tnngoyn was a village or 
station of tbe Ineas; a sort of «t- 
trance to the Peninanla of Copaca- 
vana. See Calaneha, Cordniea MoraK- 
Koda, Tomo II, Cap. H, foL 5: "En el 
asiento de Tnnguyn vienen ft estar 
tan vaiinaa las eostas de la lAgnna, 
que bafia al promomtorio de nua parte 
i otra i afirmau los Tndios natorales, 
qiie estQo el Ynga may pnesto en plft- 
tica ronper Is tierra, i aier Ingar por 
donde las agnas se comnnicasen, i 
aqni tnvo echada nna cerca qne to- 
mava de costa ft casta, 1 en ella ans 
paertai, porteroa, i gnardaa. ..." 
Calaneha mostly copiee from tbe book 
of Fray Alonso Bamos, of which two 
perfect copies exist in Bolivia. V^y 
Bafael 8<uu,')the aged Becolleet mis- 
sionary of Bolivia, has given what be 
calls a partial reprint of Bamos from 
an incomplete copy now in Spain. 
This book bears the title, Bittoria 
de Cofocabana, y de la MUagroea 
Imdgen de «h Virgen. Third edi- 
tion, 1886. He says (Cap. vn, p. 14) : 
"El haber sacado el Inea & los na- 
turalee de la Isla trasladftndoloa ft 
Ynngnyo, fni por que quiso poner de 
coatodios del f amoBo adoratorio del sol 
ft gentes de su confianm. . , ," In 
the same work he speaks of store- 
honses (frnmeros) established near 
Loeca, midway between Copacavana 
and Tnnguyo (Cap. zviii, p, 47). 

"The name Huayna Potosi (yonng 
Potoei), a Qnieboa word, is not prop- 
erly given to the splendid pyramid of — 
the "Ea-Ka-a-Ka." Tbe latter name 
is tonnd as early as 1638, in the flrst 
volnme «f Calaneha; "En lo que ga»- 
tavan mas saeriildos, i estremavan el 
eolto era en el cerro niimani CnU- 
CBchata, i en el mas frontero del 
pnebto llamado Cacaaes, eete por ser 
mny eminente i eatar siempre nevado, 
fo6 mny venerado de todos los desta 
Provinda de Omasnyo, en estos cenos 
lea dava respnestas el Demonio, i aran 
eontiauos sns ortculos. ' ' Bat the 
word "Ea-Ka-a-Ka" itself is a cor- 
ruption of ' ' Eaika- "— (or " Eaka* ' ') 



"JaqiN," (rock man). The altitude 
of the Ka-Ea-a-Ka ia, aa near aa can 
be aKertained, 20,320 feet; the ex- 
tremea being; Miitehin, 20,170; and 
Conway, 20,560 (Sir Uartin Conwar: 
2iote» on a Map of Part of lft« Cor- 
diUera Beat of BoUma, in OeograpK- 
ieal Jovnua, May, 1000). 

" I have no reliaUe data in regard 
to the altitadee of these ranges, 
fcat thej are certainly very high, judg- 
ing from the maMea of perpetool 
•now that coTera them. They are on 
the Peruvian side, known aa "Neva- 
doe de CaTabaja" and pertain to the 
D^artment of Pane. 

"We noticed that the alpine glow 
oceorred oftener on the IlUmani alone 
than on the whole chain. Most bean- 
tifully this splendid phenomenon ia 
witneved from La Pa^ either from 
tiie bridge epanmng the river, or the 
Alameda or Prado. 

" This has been denied, but we eaw 
the reflection too often and too dia- 
tinctly from the Island of Titicaca to 
entertain any donbt. 

"The Bio de Pnear& that riaes at 
the base of Iia Bay« ia a branch of 
the Bio Bands and possibly the prin- 
dpal one. Hence I consider La Baya 
aa the true eouree of the Bamia. 

"The water of Lake Titicaca is 
braekisb, but not enough so aa to be 
unpalatable. We di«nk it during our 
atay on the laland of Koati for two 
weeks and found it wholeaome and 
not disagreeable. 

" According to La Pnente^ the Lake 
recdTOB mnch more water than ia es- 
pelled through the channel of the Dee- 
agnadero, and he accounts for the 
nnifonn level of the lAke by evapora- 
tion, which according to Octavio 
Pardo ia Sttj millions of cubic metera 
in twenty-four hours. In regard to 
tbe ontilow at the Desaguadero, 
Puente adds: "El caudal de sua 
agnaa pnede estimarse 4 la salida dd 
lago en 4822 metroa cfitucos por 
ndnuto" (Bstudio Monogr&fioo del 
Lago TttiAUKt, in Boietin de la Boeia- 

dad G«ogriittca de Lima, Tomo I, p. 

"Heaonrecl deptha along the Bolir- 
ian ahoML immediate proximity of i» 
lands and beach ezeeptad, are mootly 
in exceaa of 600 feet. The weetem or 
Peruvian half ahows aa greateat 
depth, 185.09 meters, or 009 feet; 
whereaa dne east of i^ near the prom- 
ontory at Huaicho, deptha of 252.5 
meters and 2S0.5 meters, ot 838 and 
841 feet, are recorded, fnener atatea: 
' ' J 'eus la aatisf action de ponvoir 
faire use sMe de sondagea qui me 
donndrent en beaneonp d'endroita 
la profondenr de 530 matree" (P4ro» 
et BoUcie, p. 390). How far thia 
writer ia capable of stretching tbe 
truth can be judged by the following 
passage on the same page: "Ia Cor- 
diUdre neigeuae de Sorata aa trouve i. 
phu de 30 lieues du livage." Sow 
Eanko-Uma ia, in a direct line, not 
tueitty-ftve Englith rnOei from tha 

Near the little laland of Soa (aeo 
map) a depth is recorded of 400 me- 
ters, or 1812 feet. I do itot know on 
what bads that statement may be 
resting. We visited Koa and it ia 
certun that tbe water is very deep 
ther^ but we had no means for sound- 

■* Wiener affirms that tbe Straits of 
Tiqoina have a depth of not leaa than 
70 meters, or 230 feet (P6roit et Bolt- 
vie, p. 390). 

""La maa repntada y adnitida in- 
terpretacion es la que ha dado el 8r. 
Josi Boeendo Ontierres: Thia sns- 
tantiro que ae traduce por borde 6 
libera; y Hitatuteo, participio pasado 
del verbo deaecar. £3 enigma qneda 
asi decifrado; Borde deaecado. Eata 
inlerpretacion, juste ea confesarlo, 
est& en consonancia con la natnraleza 
del terrene y aapeeto fisieo de la loea- 
lidad" (Puente: Ettfidio Monogrd- 
fieo, p. 381). I remain perfectly 
ne^ntral in regard to the many inter- 
pretationi^ leaving it for linguiata ta 
solve the problem. But I would ra- 




muk here that the name Tiahn&naeo 
doM not aeem to havi) been the otvtnol 
DM of the mina. In the w^k. of the 
jMoit Father \Barnab6 Cobop entitled, 
Bittoria del Nvevo Mundo, conclnded 
in 1653 and publiahed at Sevilla in 
1894^ there ia the following psBaage: 
"El nombre que tnvo este pueblo an- 
tei qae fneee lefioreado por los Incaa, 
cm Tagpieala, tornado de la lengaa 
■Tntri, qae es la materua de nu &a- 
taiale^ 7 qniere deeir 'la piedra de 
aamedio;' porqae tenian por opinion 
kM indioa del CoQao, que eate pneUo 
Wtaba aimedio del mando, j que dil 
nUtaon deopnes del Dilavio loa que 
tonaran & poblat." Another writer 
of the same order and a contempo- 
ruj. Father (^nello Olivaj'^BaBerts : 
"P»m6 & laa partes de Tjjttj Vanaen 
par ver ma edifldoa que antiguamente 
TJ«iM>»T^ Chucara, cnys antignedad 
atdie nipo determiikalla" (Bittoria 
del Peri y FaronM Ituignea en Santi- 
Sad Ae la Compaftia de Jetii, 1631, 
Lib. I, Cap. n, p. 39; at preeent pnb- 
liahcd bj rabaeription at Lima). In 
Ajmari, Tajpieala liK&iflea "stone 
between" or "icTnidst of." 

"Seg^nda Parte de la Crdttiea del 
Peru, Qvd trata del Beflorto de Em Jn- 
ou FvpangHif ji de nu OrandeM 
Heeko* y Oobemaeion, published in 
Madrid in 1880, in SMiotica Sit- 
fono-UltTornqrina, "by Bfarcoe Jimfinei 
de la Elapada. I Cieia ia one of the first 
•ntbors who wrote abont traditions of 
the CoIIao, as the regions northwest, 
vert, and lontli of I^ke Titicoea 
ware called. It is worth; of notice, 
howerer, that Cieaa in his Frimera 
Parte d« la CrSniea del Peni (in VoL 
II of the SittoriadoTee pnmitivoi de 
iadiM, published bj Enrique de Te- 
dia) doea not refer to the ertraordi- 
Bai7 power attributed to the white 
nea, in his second part. He idniply 
Mft: "Antes que loa ingaa relnaaen 
niaatNi nuehos indios destos collas 
qM Imbo «n sn prorinda dos grander 
teAorsi^ el nno Umia por nombre Za- 
paaa j d otnr Cari, 7 que eatos oon- 

qniitaron mnehos pneares, qae son sua 
fortalecaa: 7 que d nno dellos entr6 
en la Uguna de TITICACA, 7 qne 
hall6 en la isla maTor qne tiene aqnel 
palade gentss blanem 7 que tenian 
barbae, con loa enalea peied de tal 
manera, que los pudo matar & todos" 
(Cap. 0, p. 443; aee also Cap. or, p. 
446). When qnotiag Cieia I shall al- 
waTV refer to Vedia's pablieation of 
the first port of his writings. 

" This was after the son had risen 
oat of tbe I^ke and Island of Titi- 
caea. "Antes qne los Incaa rsinasen 
en estoa reinos ui en ellos fueee o n co- 
noddos, caentan eatos indios otra eoM 
niQ7 mayor qne todaa las qne ellos 
dieen, porqne afirman qoeatnTieron 
mucho tiempo sin Ter el sol, 7 qne 
podedendo gran trabajo eon esta 
folta, hadan grandee votos 6 pl^iariaa 
i los que ellos tenian por dioses, pi* 
diendolea la IQbre de qne caredau; 7 
qneetando deeta suerte, aalid de la iala 
de Titicaca, qneetA dentro de la gran 
lagnna del Cotlao, el sol mn7 re- 
gplandedente, eon que todos se ale- 
graron. T luego qnerto pas6, dicen 
que da h&oia laa partes del Mediodia 
Tino 7 remanead6 nn hombre bianco 
de creddo enerpo, el enal en sa a>- 
pecto 7 persona mostraba gran antorl- 
dad 7 Teneradon, 7 quests varon, que 
ad Tieron, tenia tan gran poder, qne 
de loa eerroa baefa llanuras 7 de laa 
llannias hada eerros grandea, ha- 
dendo fnentea en piedraa Ti-raa; . . . 
T este tal, euentan los indios qne & 
mi in« le dizeron, qne 07eron k sns 
paaadoe, que elloe tambien o7eron en 
los eantaree que ellos de mn7 antigno 
tenian, qne tv6 de largo bacia el 
Norta, hadendo 7 obrando eetas ma- 
ravillas, por d eamino de la eerrania, 
7 qne nnnea jamas lo volvieron & *er 
. . . Oeneralmente le nombran en la 
mayor part« Tidviracocha, aunque 
en la proTinda dd Collao le llaman 
Toapaea, 7 en otroa Ingaree dells Ar- 
nanan" (Segvnda Parte de la Crdniea 
del Porii, Cap. t, p. 5). The Tuapaea 
ma7 be the same as the Ta&pae of 



Cabuelui, of which more anon. It la 
Iiot«irortli7 that tlua tale hlnta at a 
temporary daAening, not at a primi- 
tive appearance o< tbe boh. A oon- 
temporaij of CSem de Leon, and one 
who had Btm better opportnnitT' for 
gBthsriiig original inforipaition relat- 
big to the Indiana was Unan de Be- 
tauBML*^ He apoke Qnichna flaentl; 
and redded long in tbe eomttTj, 
whither he had eome with the con- 
qoeat and where be married an Indian 
girl from Cdko. Betanioi rdatea: 
"T en estoe tiempos que eeta tterra 
era toda aoehe, dieen que lalid de una 
lagnua que ea en eata tierra del peru 
en la proTineia qae dices de collasnyo 
on Sefioi que llunaron Con Tiei Vira- 
cocha, d cual dieen haber aaeado con- 
iigo derto numero de gentea, del enal 
nomero no ae aenerdan. T Coma eote 
hnbieae aalido deata lagnna, faese de 
alii 4 nn ritio qnea junto i eata la- 
gnna, qnesti donde hoj dia ea an pue- 
blo qoe iTpwif^fi Tiaguanaco, en eata 
dieha provintua ja. ^ha Ad Collao; 
7 eomo alii fueae fil 7 loa hu^ob, Inego 
alii en eata dicha proviscia ja dieha 
del Collao; j como alU fueae d 7 loa 
BuyoB, laego alll en improriao dieen 
qne hiio el aol 7 el dia, 7 que al aol 
mand6 que anduriese por el enrao qne 
anda; j Inego dieen que biso laa ea- 
trellaa 7 la luna. El cnal Con Tid 
Tiracoeha, dieen baber salido otia yes 
antea de aqnella, 7 que en eata Tea 
primera qae aalifi, hiio el delo 7 
la tierra, 7 que todo lo dej6 oseoro; 
7 qne eutoneea hizo aquella gente qae 
bebia en el tiempo de la eacaridad 
7a dicha; . . ." (Buma y Narmeion 
dt lo* Incat qtu lot Indio* LlamaroK 
Capaocuna; que fvero* MeHoret en 
la eiudad del dueo, y de todo lo A 
eila lubjeeto . . , Agora nuevamente 
Trad'ooido 4 Beeopiiado de la Lengva 
India de lot NatitraUe del Perv, por 
Juan de Betaiuoa; Vecino de la Gran 
Cindad del Cnxco, Cap. 1, Parte 1, p. i; 
in tbe aame volome aa the 8eg%nda 
Parte de la Crtfniea del Peri, 
of Cieia). The book of Betanzoi ia 

dedicated to the Ticero7 Don Antonio 
de Mendoia, and waa flniabed in 1660. 
At that time, and when Cieaa waa in 
Peru, the traditiona of the Indiana 
could not 7et have Buffered much al- 
teration through Chriatian Influence, 
and hence the parlt7 of theae talea aa 
genuine folk-lore ia Ter7 probaUcL 
The wen known anthorrBardlaao de 
la T<^s,>B meatteD of Infea d eae w rt on 
hie mother 'b Bid^ aaaerta that be 
giTea, in Chapter xnn of Book I of 
the flrat Toloms of hia CMneatorioa 
BttOee (original edition, Lisbon 1009, 
folio 16), the true traditiona of the 
Indiana of tbe Collao: "Diien pnaa 
que cemadas las agoaa ae iq)area<d6 Yn 
bombre en Tiabuanaeu, qne eat& al 
mediodia del Coaco, q ta6 tan pode- 
roBo qne reparti6 el mundo en quatro 
parteo, 7 las die & qnatro hombrea qne 
llam6 BeTea, ..." 

** Thia ia not a literal tranolatlon; 
hence I give the original text alao: 
"Eeharon el coerpo bendito en una 
balaa de eno, 6 totora, i lo arrojaron 
en la gran lagona dieha < aerrifoidole 
las agnas manaas de remeroe, i loa 
blandos vientoa de pilotoa . . . na< 
Teg& con tan gran Telocidad qae dejA 
eon admiradon eapantoaa loe mismoa 
qne le mataron aln piedad; 1 creeifilea 
el eapanto, porque no tiene caal eor- 
riente la laguna i entoncea uingnna , , . 
Lleg6 la balaa con el rico teooro eai la 
plaja de Caehamarca, donde agora ea 
el deaaguadero. I ea mnj aaentada en 
la tradidon de loe Indios, qae la 
meama balaa rfiptendo la tierra abrift 
el deaaguadero, porque antea nfiea te 
tuTo i dsede entonces corre, 1 aobre laa 
aguas que por alii eneamind ae fai d 
aanto euerpo baata el pueblo de loa 
Anllagaa muchaa leguaa distantea do 
Chacuito i Titieaea ada la corta 
de Arica 1 Chile ..." {CorSnica 
Voraluroda, Vol I, PP.3S7-338). Ca< 
laneha extenBiTBl7 describea the action* 
of two m7thieal peraooa, whom ba 
calla aainta, and their trarelB aeroaa 
tbe South American continent from 
BrazU to Taiija in aouthem BoliTia 




uid thence *fl tar aa tlie Titieaea ba- 
ain; "Al nno llamarC Tnonpa, que 
qoiers deeir gri labio, lelior i criodoT, 
i al otTo Taipac, que aigniilea el ijo 
del Ciiador, aai lo teetiflca el Tadre 
Ft. AIoqbo Bamoa, en aa CopacaTann ; 
i eate nonbrado aai, fu6 de qnien que- 
daron maa memoriaa de eehoe en an 
vida, i de portentoa en ga maerte en 
las ProTindaa del Collao [CoUao], 
Omqiiito i 1m Chareaa ' ' (_Ibid., p, 
S20), Hencs we are again xeferred 
to the hook of Bamoe as the aoniee of 
the information imparted to Calaneha. 
Indeed in the Bittoria de Copaeabatut 
of Sana, already mentioned, which 
purports to be (at least in its flnt 
part) a reprint of the work of Bamoa, 
we Bnd that the bodj of Tafipac, after 
ha had been kiQad by Indians on the 
lalaud of Titieaea, was placed on a 
balaa and set adrift on the lAke. "Y 
refleren loa antignoa: qna nn redo 
Tiento lo lkrf6 baeta toear en tierra de 
Cbaeainarca; qne la abri6 eon la proa, 
hadendo eoTrer Us agnas hada el 
■ad, fonnando ad d Desagnadero, 
qne antes, dicen que, no lo habia, j 
por ese nnero lio ta6 flotando hasta 
los AnllagBs . . ." (Cap. xvn, p. 
96). Title and date of the book of 
BunOB are: BUtoria del e£k1>re y 
wtOagmo SanUuaio de la Ti—igne 
Tmdge* de HfiSfii de Copaeabona, 
Uma, I62L The traditions referred 
to seem to be folk-lore of the Indiana 
of CopaeaTana and perhaps of the 
laland of Titieaea. 

" It is strange, however, that an aa- 
tbor of the same period as Calandia, 
and an Indian at that, Juan de Santa 
Craa Fadiaenti Tamqni Saleamaj' 
hna, irtiile apeaking of Tonapa 
and hia ndraeolous deeds, makes 
no mention of his death, still leas 
of his portentooa opening of the 
Desagnadero. He limits Umsdf 
to Baying : ' ■ Diien qod dicho 
Tnnapa pas6 aigniendo al rrio 
de Chaeamarea, hasta topar en la 
nar" (Sriaeio* de AntigHedadea 
ante S^M del PML Pobliihed in 

1879 by the Ministerio de Fomento at 
Madrid, In the Tolnme entitled: Tres 
Sahtoionee de Antiffiedadet pervanat, 
p. 240). Howerer, he agrees with 
Bamos in that the route taken bj 
Tonapa from Tiahoanaco was toward 
the Desagoadero. Baleamafhna was 
an Indian from the soathem part of 
the aetoal Department of Cnsco, and 
the traditions which he relates are 
Qaichoa as well aa ATmarA, while 
those referred to bj Bamos and Ca- 
laneha are ezdndrdj A7iDar& folk- 
lore. This ma; explain the differ- 

"It wonld be mperflnona to qnote 
extennTet; in support of a statement 
that is so abundantlj repeated hy al- 
most erer; Spanish author. The be- 
lief in the rising of the eon ont of 
Lake Titieaea was perhaps the reeolt 
of dailj observation, for it may ap- 
pear to the Quidina inhabitants of 
the northwestern extremit; of the 
Lake that the snn does actnal^ rise 
oat of the water. Later on I shall 
again refer to this tale of the origin 
of the snn and moon from the Island 
of Titieaea. 

""El profeeor Alejandro Agassis 
ezandnando atentamente las terraias 
de las costsa dd Isgo, ee ha persna- 
dido qne d nlTfil de las agnas ha ba- 
jado de 121 metres 92* & 91 metros 
44"' (Pnente; Bttvdio MoiwgrdlloQ, 
p. Ml). My friend f^Agnatin Tovar) 
in his short bnt very interesting study 
entitled: Logo Titieaea; obeerva- 
oione* tobre la dismtmtoiofi progrwiva 
de siw Agvae, in BoUtin de la Bwiie- 
dad Qeogr&fioa de Lima (Tomo Z, pp. 
163-167) records a nomber of indica- 
tions of the gradual diminution or 
shrinking of the great wateidieet. 
Thns he states that, thirty-three years 
ago, the Lake readied as far as the 
snbiirba of Funo, where to-day enlti- 
vated plots are scattered all along, the 
water having receded at least five tma- 
drat. He also refers to a tradition 
current among old Indians to the effeet, 
that the lAgnne of Umayo, where tite 




funoiu ndnB of SUInatvii stand, ma 
foTinflilT eonnecMd iritb TitiCMft bj 
an intermediate lagime called Illpa. 
TT11U170 is Hre legoas from the shore 
of the great lAke. 

"A eaM of a balaa being cat in 
twain b; one of the Lake eteamers 
during a dark ni^t, in the Straits of 
Tampnpata, iras related to ns b; the 
snrvivors. They iiinplj held on to 
the pieces and were saved. 

'A table of temperatares of the 
water, at depths from 8.36 meters to 
256.49 (26 to 841 feet), has been 
giren bj Agastiz, and I refer to it 
from Pnente (EMtvdio, p. 36S). The 
extremes are 16 centigrade at 30 
meters 10* (99 feet), and 10.6 centi- 
grade at 137 meters 10" (490 feet). 
The greatest difference between the 
teroperatore at the surface of the wa- 
ter and the bottom tempetatore was 
at 46 meters 86' (1S4 feet). 

" I giTC theM technical names from 
Pnente (ffftwHo). 

"I nerer saw the bird, however 
common, near enough to note details. 
It ia meet likely a bandnrria, which 
Pnente calls Faletnelhu Sidgieayi and 
Therittioiu oaudatu«(E<(«dto,p.37e). 
Tschndi mentiomi two kinds of ibis, 
the bandnrria, rA«ri«t(ctM melanopiiM; 
and the yanarnioo, Ibia ordo {Peri, 
1848, VoL II, p. 100). 

""En el lago existen sas espedea 
de peecadoa perteuecienteB a laa fa- 
mUiaa de los Cyprittoidet j SiluToi- 
det" (Pnente: Bttvdio, p. 376). 
Probab^ taken from A. Agasaii and 
8. W. Garman: £xpIoni(ion of Lake 
Titicaca, The species eaten to-daj 
are: the snehea, TtiiAomyctenu dw- 
par; the nmanto, Ore*tiat otivieri, 
and especially the boga, 0. Fentlandii. 

" I refer to a belief, current among 
aU the Indians on the Islands of Titi- 
caca and Eoati and on the Peninsulas 
of Copacavana and Tiquina, of the ex- 
istence, in the Lake, of a large aqua- 
tic animal described as resembling 
either a seal or a ses cow. When 
treating of these islands I shall give 

further details. We never saw tUs 
n^aterioQS beaa^ bat the Qarefia eci* 
lection eontaina a tooth said to bara 
been taken from a specimen. It ma^ 
b^ as Professor W. Nation snggested 
to me, that it ia a gigantic SihtrMf 
but the fact that it has been seen aev* 
eral times, according to the Indiana, 
"asleep on the beach," would indi- 
cate a seal-like animaL 

*A grave objection to the former 
axiatence of a ridge in the direction 
indicated lies in the fact, that the 
Lake has an enormona depth along 
that line. 

"In No. 10 of the Seviita of La 
P<us, ToL I, No. 10, there is an article 
entitled: Piano del Logo Titioaoa by 
J. L. H. The author gives the width 
of the Btrait of Tiquina at 860 meters, 
or 2820 feet, a little over half as 
English mile. Puente (in Eatitdio, p. 
378) gives it at 629 meters. 

" The altitude of Illampu is, accord- 
ing to Conway (Notet on a Map 
of Port of the Cordillera Beat), 21,- 
490 feet (taking the mean of three de- 
terminations). The extremea are: 
Pentland, 21,286; Conway, 21,710. 
The extinct volcano Sajima, ia 
the western Cordillera of Bolivia, ia 
probably higher, bot not as high aa 
the Sapo and Koropuna in the Depart- 
ment of Areqnipa in sonthern Pern. 
The proper name of Dlampn ia Haa- 
ko-Uma ( white water ) . Dlampn ia 
a corruption of "Hila-llampn" (lit- 
erally, much line anew). I owe this 
suggmtion t« Dr. Macario Escob&ri, 
of La Poi, Bolivia. The naoia 
Eila-llampn, or, by contraction, 
niampn, is given to the mountain 
at some distance from it, on tbe Puna. 
The northern summit, about 200 feet 
lower, is called Hilampi (brother 
with); also "Hanko-Kunn" (white 

■ The church of San Pedro Tiqnina 
is quite old. 8ans notices a chapel 
at San Pedro Tiqnina aa early as 
1582. The mention is from a written 
statement by the Indian Frandseo 



nio Tnpasqtii wlio CArrad and fln- 
iibed Um eelebratod image of tbe 
Yup% ao much feiierat«d at Copa- 
cataaa; "ft eatnbo en Tiqoena la 
Tti^vn en la eapilla de San Pedro on 
poeo da tiempo" (BUtoria de Copa- 
tabana, p. 136). Sati Pablo ma as 
timei to the Angnstuie convent of Co- 
puanna in tbe Mventeenth eentarj. 
Daring tbe great Tnainn npriaing of 
17B1 it was (like moat of the lettle- 
menU in Uiat region) the scene of a 
boirible Indian ^tebeiy. 

■ miniawi ia a corruption of "Hila- 
Uma-ni" (mneh water poMeawe, liter- 
lUj). At Llnjo, on tbe northwert- 
tra ilopM of the moontain, or rather 
cbuter of peoke, the Indians assnrod 
ni that it was properlj called "Jilli- 
mani ' ' (Spanish }), bat tbe; also called 
it Aehaehila and UTnirL Tbe latt«c 
«•* interpreted to as as aignifTing: 
feeder of tbe eropi; becanse the wa- 
ten of tbe Tiiimp»i irrigate tbe fields 
of the natiTes of that seetion. Bnt 
tins etTmoIogj appears qnite doabt- 
foL In Degerifoion y relaeioit da la 
Cwdod de La Pat, from 1SS9 (con- 
tained in tbe second Tolonio of tbe 
Stiaeionea geogrifiotu) , is the fol- 
lowing: "Ha7 otra adoradon qua se 
Oama Hillenuuin (mimani}, qnes una 
una alta enbisrta de nieves que pei- 
petoamente ae le haeen, 7 asi Eille- 
■tana qmere decir; 'cosa para aiem- 
pre,' J deata causa los natorales la 
tiuen en adoradon" (p. 71). "Bn 
erta eordilleia so vma continoando 
Bmchan sionas naas de otras 7 cada 
Bna tiene an nombre; j la qnes mas 
notable ecrea deata dudad se Qama 
Hilhmana, ques una sierra quo per- 
petnamente eati nerada, 7 asi el nom- 
bre qoiere dedr: 'eoea perpotna' " 
(p. TS). I nerei heard this definition 

The amtnde of Ulimani is &1,1S0 
fwt, according to tiie mean of six de- 
terminations, tbe difCerence between 
tbe extrenea being 340 feet (ConwB7: 
VeUM, ete.). Sir Martin Conwn7 was 
the txtl and thus far the onl7 one 

who reached the ennunit, in Septem- 
ber, 1898. A nnmber ot yean ago, 
aome Indians from the haeienda of 
Tanimpata attempted the ascent. One 
reached the upper snowfields, but 
never retomed. Wiener elaimi to 
have ascended as high as 20,112 feet, 
to the second peak, which be called 
"Pie de Paris" {Ftrtnt et Bolivia, p. 
408). Few explorers (if any) have 
redded so long in dose proximity to 
the glaeiers of nii"<Bii1 as we did in 
1884, 1895 and 1888. We were very 
anxioni to ascertain everything relat- 
ing to ascensions of tbe mountain, 
and have been assured that the only 
known attempt to ascend niimmii (the 
one by Indians excepted) was made 
by Professor Bod. Falb and President 
Pando of Bolivia (then a youth), who 
readied an elevation of about 20,000 
feet and were still at a coudderable 
distance from tbe sunimiL Of an aa- 
cenuon b7 Wiener, ftoiody had (my 
Icnomltdge, and his daim was derided 
as pure invention, both here and at 
La Pas. In 1877, when Wiener states 
he made his ascendon, Falb had al- 
ready made bia, but not a vroid is 
said about it in Wiener 'a book I 
Without positively asserting that Wie- 
ner's ascent is a mytb, I am forced to 
state that we were unable to find any- 
one who knew anything about it or 
believed in it, in Bolivia and all along 
the TiiiwiftHi , 

On the lOth of October of 1895 
we made a reconnoissance from the 
haeienda of Cotafia. Cotafia Uea at 
81E0 feet, aoeording to onr baromet- 
rie obaervatiQus, compared and re- 
dneed bj Professor S. J. Bailey of tbe 
Harvard Observatory of Arequipa, 
\nener has, on page 40S, only 8006. 
We followed tbe route taken by Falt^ 
but having been delayed until 6.30 
Aji, by our guide, it was noon when 
we arrived at Chua-ehua-ni (altitude 
13,670), where the mules had to re- 
main. Thence we climbed to 16,050 
and found oursdvea above one of the 
small gladen iaaoing directly from 




tha app«r enowfields. It woji Blreadj 
3 7.V. and we were not pnipu«d to 
■pend the night on thnt tpot. Now, it 
ia evidott from Wiener's deecription 
tb&t he took the same route, bnt his 
measorementa giTO flgnrea ae much aa 
2,000 feet in exeesi of oora, which aa 
■tated were carefnllj reduced after 
long eomparieon of the inatrument 
with the borometen of the Areqnipa 
Obaemtorj, The deecription of the 
aaeent ia alao eompletelf at variance 
with the tmth. Furthermore it ia 
inipoiaible, even if atarting at 2 a^. 
as Wiener claims to have done, to 
reach the altitnde he mentions at 4.30 
p.H., and retnm to Qtucfau-naTa, 
which he calls the "residence of the 
lUcata" (p. 412), at 9 p.m. of the 
oame da;, A deocent from THirmmi 
at night ie franght with such dangers 
as to be practieallj impossible, espe- 
cially when we consider that there are 
no gnides to be obtained, and that one 
has to grope his way eren in the dny- 
timo. To give an idea of the mnrrel- 
oos rapidity of Mr. Wiener's ascent, 
in regions where the rarifleatiaii of 
the air is a powerful obstacle, I giro 
his own figorea (page 413): Starting 
from an elevation of 16,092 feet at 
11 A.1C., he ascended, in two hours 
and thUtf-flre minntee, 1770 feet; 
thence in 89 minute*^ 1450 feet; 
thence again in 38 minutee, 1200 
feet; and flnallj the last 600 feet in 
an hour and a half. The time noted 
inelndes that need for observing and 
recording the hTpaometerl 

' The main use of the totora is for 
CDoatraeting balsas. Even the lai^eet 
of Bueh craft are made of long bos- 
dlee of reeda; they form the hull and 
bulwarks. Bot the totora ia also a 
nutritive plant, aa the tender pointa 
are often eaten 1^ the Indians, and 
even hj Creolea, in the shape of a 
aalad, with red peppers. It ia said to 
be of fair taate. The totora grows 
only in shallow baya and inlets. It is 
found in abundance in the bay of Hna- 
rina, heaee the great nnmbei of fish- 

ing balsas cruisliig between Chililaya 
and Tiquina. All along the ahorea of 
the Peninsula of Copacavana the wa- 
ter is deep and descent from the 
beach abrupt; hence but rery few bal- 
sas are seen, because of the scarcity 
of totora wherewith to eonatmet 

"Of the genus Cantvta. The most 
prominent is the red variety, C. bnai- 
toKa, the yellow is rare and the vAil« 
rarest (see A. Baimondi: Blemento* 
de Botdnioa Aplicada & la Medicma jr 
la Induttria, 18S7, p. 2S5; also Pn- 
ente: EtUtdia, p, 3S7). 

** The bean la of the Und called 
habat, a large and coarse variety. 
The Indiana eat it toasted. That this 
kind of bean is not indigenous ia 
shown by the following statement of 
Father BemabS Cobo, HJ. : ' ' Laa h»- 
bas, Garbanzos, Lentejas y Frijoles 
petpiefioa, Uamados en Espaila Jndi- 
hnelos, ae ban traido & esta tiarra y 
ae dan donde quiera copioaamente. — 
En algnnaa partM, eomo en la di6eesis 
del Cuzco y en la de Chutjoiabo, ban 
entrado mucho los Indies en el nso de 
las Habas, y hacen aementeraa dellas, 
particularmente en las tierras mas 
friaa que tonpladaa, donde en^en 
helarse )oe maitalea, porqua laa Ha- 
bas sufren maa los hieloe que el Mais 
y que otraa mnchas legumlnres" {Si»- 
toria del Nuevo Mundo, Tomo II, p. 

* Even Ciexa says of the Collaos in 
general: "T qne eran vicioaoa en 
otras costnmbres malas" (Primera 
Parte de la Crinitia del PerU, Cap. c, 
p. 443). Pedro Piaarro aaya: "Estoa 
indios destas provincias del Collao es 
gente sucia, tocan en muchos pecados 
abominahlOB ..." (£etaoHm Set 
Detaibrimiento y Conqtutta de lot 
Beinoa del Peri, 1571, in ToL T of 
Coleeoion de Domime%tot inSdiUu 
para la Hittorta de Espafla, p. 280). 
Snch statements could be easily multi- 

** The stranger, who lemaina bnt a 
short time amftng the Aymar4ag la 




«uil7 muled b; tbeir sabmittive 
manneni, tbeir cringing wajv, and 
«ap«eiall7 by tbeir hnmble mode of 
greeting tbe wbitee. Upon doeer bc- 
qnaintanee, bowever, tbe innate fe- 
rocity of du>re«ter cannot remain 
eoneesled. Tbat tbey are, at tbia day, 
miiiMliiiiil eannibabi ia mil known 
tbrongbont Bolivia. Fortber on I may 
refer to Mreral very recent easee of 
^annihallrmij not in One district only, 
bat in Tariona parti of tbe territory 
oerapied by tbe Aymaii etoek. 

"Hailatorma are not only frequent 
bnt often deatmetive. Tbe quantity 
of ban tbat folia now and tben on 
eertain apots of tbe abore ia aatoond- 
ing. We bave BMn it remain for two 
daya after tbe atorm, completely 
wMteaing tbe gronnd aa if covered 
witb beavy enow. Tbe Aymari name 
for bail ia: "cbij-cbL" 

" Tbe eombnalible moat in nae ia 
dried animal dnng. Wbere ttnnted 
Ambbeiy i* witbin reach, as on the 
Inland and on aome paita <^ the Penin- 
anla of Copaeavana, it ia need in pref- 
ereaee to tbe repulsive tiqoia, aa tbe 
otber eombnstible is called. Bnt at 
moot plaeea tbia relief is not at band. 

"Among tbe Aymar4 I have fonnd 
tbe nme utter lack of sense or taate 
for tbe beantifnl or pietureeque in 
nature tbat had itrnck nte among 
Bortbem Indiana. Tbe phenomena of 
Batnre tbat flU man witb awe and 
ea«ae bim to tremble for hia ehattela 
or hia person, are tbe only ones tbat 
affeet tbe mind of tbe Indian. 

* Tbe vieufia and the goanaeo were 
botb eommon, in andent timea^ on tbe 
Aorta of tbe Lake or rather in the 
districts near these aborea. Among 
Oe animal bones collected and sent to 
the Ifuaeom by na, there are remnants 
of botb of tbeae species of AueXenia. 
In addition to the communal hunt or 
"cbacn," single bnnters paraued tbe 
fleet qnadnipeds, uaing tbe holM, or 
"OiaL" Ciexa says of the Collao: 
' ' Beade Ayarire eomienian loa Collaa, y 
IlagsabavtaCaracoUo. Al orieote tienen 

las monta&u de loe Andes, al ponlente 
las cabecadss de las sierras neradas 
7 las vertient^a dsllaa, que von & parar 
en la mar del Sor Sin la tierra que 
ocnpan eon mis pueblos y labores, bay 
grandes deepoblados, y qoe eat4n bien 
llenos de gauado lilveBtre" (Ftimera 
Parte de la Crdnica del Per6, Cap. 
zdx, p. 442). Oaioilaso de la Tega, 
like Cieu and others, aaaerts tbat the 
ehacu was aapecially an Inca cnatoin or 
institntion and that the promiBcuona 
hunt of tbe aucbeniaa waa prohibited; 
but, as usual, he contradicts himself. I 
refer to tbe following passage: "La 
gents plebeya en general era pobre de 
ganado (sine eran loe Collas que tenian 
mncho) y por tanto padedan neceem- 
dad de came, qne no la comian dno 
de merced de los Curaeas, & de algun 
eonejo que por mueba fiesta matanan. 
. . . Para eoeorrer eata general ne- 
eessidad mandana el Inca baser aque- 
llaa cacerias, y repartir la came en 
toda la gente liomiui, ..." (Comen- 
<arto*£ealej,TomoI,foL13S). Henee 
be confesses that in the Collao tbe 
hunt of these quadmpeds was free, 
later on I shall refer to tbe sedety 
called "Chayllps," which seemsto cor- 
respond to the eeoteric order of bunt- 
ere among the Now Mexican pueblos. 
One of their dances is called tbe 
"cbaen-ayllo," or "cbokela" and is 
a eeremony reealling tb^ ancient 
commonal bunts. Pedro Piiarro ex- 
plidtly says; "Cada aflo badan eer- 
cos en qne tomaban destai vicoiiaa y 
guanacos y las tresqnilaban para la 
laua para hacer ropa para los sefiores, 
y las reses que morian baeianlas ee- 
dna mny delgada secandols al 8ol 
sin , . . £n estoe deepoblados habia 
grandes gauadoa como digo: y had- 
anse eetos cereos por mandado de loe 
sefiores, ballandoee ellos presentee al- 
gnnas veeee y recreindose en ellos" 
(Betaoion del DeeeubrimieHto, p. 
280). By "sefiores," be certainly 
does not mean the chiefs of Coieo ez- 
" CervM anMtieNtf, 



"Tha prepantion of thia insipid 
artide in andent timea waa not dif- 
ferent from the proeew now naed. 
Fraj Diego de Hendosa write* as 
toUowi; "lam papaa que en eata Be- 
gion se dan, son de las qoe ae base el 
CbolSo, amargBs, que llanian Imqne 
{"choqae," probably]. Saoanlaadela 
tieira, j aobre una camada de paja, 
Ifia tienden & que lea de el I'do, 
qoando mas rignroao cae de nocbe; 7 
de dia laa ponen al Sol, por termino 
aeflalado, deapoee laa enbren de pajs, 
J pisan reciamente, eBtrnj&ndolaa, 
luego laa ponen al Sol & que loa en- 
JDgne am dexarlat hmiior algan, j 

qnedan de tres partes la ma 

El Chuiio blaneo, 6 moraj, de rsgalo, 
lo beneflcian & las eonientea de el 
agua, J deq>iieB lo enjagsn, j Baionaa 
coma el otrn" (Chronica d« la Pro- 
vinoia de 8. Antonio de Loa Charoaa 
del ordeti de nfo teraphieo P. 8. 
Franeiieo, «n lot Indiat Oooidetttaiet, 
Btgno del Peri, 1664. Lib. I, Cap. v, 
p. 37). The same, 01 v^tj nearly tbe 
same, proceaa ia naed to-day. Por the 
common or bla^ chnfin, amall and in- 
different-looking potatoes are selected ; 
for the white or "tunta," white po- 
tatoes with thin skins are set apart. 
In case of the common chofin, the po- 
tatoes are cnuhed; bat in making the 
tnnta the potatoes remain entire. 
Both kinds are first thoronghly soaked 
and the black chnfin remains in pools 
of standing water for a long time, un- 
til it emits an almost pestilential odor. 
They are next spread ont to freeie, 
and when thoroagbly frozen, cmabed 
to express erery drop of liquid, and 
then dried. The white tnnta, as 
stated, ia not emshed, and further- 
more it is washed in running water. 
Tbe process haa remained substan- 
tially the same aince pre-Spanish 

** " Conmerdan nuoa 7 otros qne aus 
antecesoree viviA eon poco 6rden antea 
qns loa ingaa loa sefioreasen; y qne 
por lo alto de loa cerros tenian aus 
poeblos fnertee, de donde so daban 

gnena, y que eran Tidosos en otraa 
coatumbrea mains" (Gien: CrAUoo, 
Part I, Cap. m^ p. 443). I limit 
myadf to this quotation, sa it ex- 
preaaea more or laaa what all otiiar 
sources state. 

*I purposely omit mentioning in 
the text the Uroa, a amall group of 
Indians who were found living at and 
along the Desagoadeio and still live 
in that Tidnity. The language of the 
Uros has been stadied, and again 
quite recently by(Dr. M. Uhle)of Ber- 
lin. Until such lingoiitic reoearcliM 
appear in print we Bhoald witbbold 
any opinion in regard to thia aingnlar 
group of Indiana, living aa they do 
completely anrroonded 1^ people of 
another linguiatie atoek. The condi- 
tion of the Qroa seems to have been 
the same in the sizteenth century as 
now, although they are considerably 
intermingled with Aymari blood 
through intermarriage. In the ehnrdi 
books of Tiahnanaco, kindly loaned to 
us by the parish priest, Father Eseo- 
bari, we found a number of marriages 
with Uro Indiana (lAbro de Cat»adot 
que perteneee S ute ptM&Io de Tia- 
gvanaeo eomienm d oeho de henero 
de 1694. X* MSa . . The book end* 
1728). Church recorda are very im- 
portant, since they contain the names 
of a number of ayllns, or elans. In 
three instances the names of TTros are 
given, together with the name of the 
dan to which they belong, and tbe 
name of the village in idiicfa tbey 
lived. Thus, from Huarina, Uros are 
mentioned aa bdonging to the ayllu 
Pocona; from the Deaagnadero, the 
clan Camana; and from ChallacoUo, 
the clan Coehisa. Whether these dana 
were of tbs Vro tribe or Aymari Z 
am not able to say. Tbe beat descrip- 
tion of the TTros at my command is 
by Calaneha: "Estos son Indies Vroi 
Iwrbaros sin poliela, renegridos, dn 
linpie^^ enemigoa de la eomniiiea- 
don, i nada afectos al cnlto de nues- 
tra F6; tienen por sustento i gran- 
geria pesear en la lagnna de Faria 




qnifln tiene tTejnta legnsa de dmui- 
fereseia proeedida de 1ft gran UgniM 
de Cliaqiiito UamadA Titieaw .... 
1m gae aUtan ea tiem, es en sepn]- 
tnrai debajo de tiena por el frio, i 
qaando viTen en la lagoua, aon aiu 
cans Mbre barbaeoaa i enect; Tease el 
aKuentro, qae aiendo tieira donde 
niSTa i grani^ daemtBn en sotanoB i 
riven an el agna; loa Indlos Troe na- 
een, w eriaa, viven, en eeta l&gnna 
■obre d agna en la enea, que acfi Ua- 
man totondea, son mnj espeaoi, i 
dvte genero de jnneo lirianos, aqoi 
aUUn ain mas ropa ni cnbierta (con 
■or tierra niDj fria) qne nnos eabiiaB 
d«tt« enea. Andan alii denodoe 6 
caai en eamea, eomen mnehaa Teiea 
la came eruda, 1 el peaeado eaal vivo, 
i lai raiaea dnta totora 6 enea. No 
deDbran, ni tienen labranQaa . . . 

8u lengna ea la mas eaenra, eorta i 
b&rnara de qoantas dene el Ferti toda 
gntnral, i aoi no ae ptiede eserinr sin 
gran eanfnaion . . . Sob idolatriaa 
son adorar al Sol i i eeta lagnna, 
& qoien aien adoraeionea de nunision, i 
le ofrecen eomidaa de Mai^ peio elloa 
ensniiBn el mismo Dloa qne adoran 
. . . son loboe porqoe se comen una 
OTBJa crnda, i baen la DSa dd dedo 
polgar de la mano derBeha tan larga i 
tan afliailn, qne deanellan ain neceaitar 
de enchiUo ..." (Cordnioa Morali- 
toda, Tomo I, p. 3S0). The fends be- 
tween the Qnichuas and the Ayinar&a 
and the tales of warfare between Za- 
pana and Cari, tbe former from the 
Pemvlan Colloo and the latter from 
Chnenito, are too often reported in 
older sources to need q»ecial qnota- 










Paet n 



THE shape of the Island of Titicaoa, the largest of the 
m&ay that dot the surface of the great Lake, has been 
compared to that of an elongated toad; and Koati has 
been said to resemble a whale. In both instances the com- 
parison is fair. The longitudinal axes of both Islands run 
from southeast to northwest; and Titicaca appears, as al- 
ready stated, like a continuation of the Bolivian mainland 
of Copacavana in the direction of the northwestern end of 
the Lake, near Huancane. 

I refer to the accompanjuig maps of these Islands, exe- 
cuted on the scale of 2560 feet to the inch, for an idea of size 
and form. Although made with care, I cannot guarantee 
their absolute exactness. The theodolite which I used was 
not a first-class instrument, and had suffered at Llujo from 
constant use among large deposits of iron ore.^ While sub- 
sequent surveys will doubtless correct many defects, I still 
beheve my maps to be sufficient for the purpose for whidi 
they were made, namely, to illustrate shape and size, and 
especially the topography in connection wi^ the location of 
ancient ruins. 

Koati, where its extreme northwestern headland of Uila 
Peki (f, of the adjoining map) approaches the nearest point 
on Titicaca, lies about four miles east-southeast of the latter. 
Koati is separated from the Peninsula of Copacavana at 
Sampaya by nearly two miles; but Titicaca, as stated, is 



only two-thirds of a mile from Tampupata on the same 
Peninsula. The greatest length of Titicaca, counting from 
the Puncn (28) to Sicnyn (b), is seven miles. Its greatest 
width, from the beach below the steep ridge of Kakajo-Kena 
at Chnllmi-Eiij^ni (15) to the eastern foot of Kea-Kollu 
(7), is not quite three miles. Koati measures one and 
three fourtiis miles in length and not over one half of a mile 
at its greatest width. The highest points on Titicaca— 
Chnllnn-Kayani and Palla-Kasa (11)— rise slightly over 
eiji^t hundred feet above the level of the Lake, whereas 
TJila-Ke on Koati is not over four hmidred feet high. The 
highest points of the two Islands are, respectively, 13,300 
feet and 12,900 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean. 

The surface of Titicaca is so broken, and its contour so 
indented, that a trip across the whole length of the Island 
is indispensable for obtaining a clear idea of its topography. 
The '*Puncu" is Qie landing-place for visitors reaching the 
Island by the way of Copacavana.' Set ashore there, they 
find themselves at the foot of steep slopes covered with a 
stunted vegetation, and traversed laterally by innumerable 
terraced garden-beds, or andenes. A trail, rather steep and 
rocky, leads upward to a denuded crest. Along this trail a 
magnificent panorama gradually unfolds. First of all, one 
finds himself looking down on an ancient ruin, the stmcture 
caUed Pilco-Kayma, flanked by smaller buildings and by 
terraces that sweep around folds descending to the beach. 
The waters of the Lake bathe that beach in long, dark-blue 
ripples ; and in the distance rests the Island of Koati with 
its reddish headland. Above the Promontory of Santiago 
Huata bristles niampu, "the crown of the Andes."' 
Reaching the crest, the panorama becomes more extensive 
and more varied. To the right, the buildings of the hacienda 
of Yumani (B) nestle close to the rounded top of a bold 
promontory. Far below the hacienda rise groves of trees 
surrounding the garden of Yumani and the so-called ' ' Foun- 
tain of the Incas" near the water's edge. Indian houses 







dot undulating slopes in the north, slopes that descend ab- 
roptly toward the Lake and rise abruptly to the top of 
Palla-Easa (11), one of the two highest summits of the 
Island. We cross the crest, and a view spreads ont as dif- 
ferent from the one described as shadow from sunlight. 
The side from which the trail rises is the sonny side ; beyond 
the crest the view opens to the southwest and sonth, away 
from the snn. The distant horizon is encompassed by the 
monotonons shore-line of Pern. The main Lake expands 
like a sheet of silver beyond Qie crest of Kakayo-keoa, and 
the red hmnp of Condor-o-na-na-cha-ne (14). At Qie foot 
of this long and narrow promontory, that forms the south- 
western wall of the Island, ties the southern Bay of Kona, 
scarcely ever ruffled by tempests. From the trail the slope 
descends toward this bay in steep grades, terminating in 
narrow strips of green and divided by grayish ledges of 
rock down to the water's edge. The trail runs on to the 
northwest, hugging the base of higher points : first, Kum- 
Pata (10), at the foot of which opens a little valley affording 
a glimpse of the northeastern shore, where, at the Bay of 
pQcara, the conical height of Kea-KoUn (7) rises; further 
on, the twin heights of "Llalli-Sivi-Pata," or Santa Bar- 
bara (12 and 9), again hide the sunny side from view, and 
the Bay of Eona and the long ridge of Kakayo-kena with its 
dark green bottom appear on the left. After leaving the 
chister of hnts at Apachinanca (q) the landscape becomes 
desolate for a while ; but from the comer of Llalli-Sivi-Pata 
on, the somber western x>ortions of the Island disappear and 
the eye rests with delight on the graceful summit of Kea- 
KoUa, the bays of Eea and Challa, and the inlets of Champu- 
Uaya (20) and Coyani (25). The slopes are dotted with 
Indian houses, and green in summer with cultivated patches 
and terraces and long lines of shrubbery growing ont of the 
decaying walls of abandoned andenes. Blampu stands out 
b^ond the Lake, and the snowy ranges of CHiarassaru loom 
op in the north. To the left rise the heights of Challa-Pata, 



Inak'tTyu, and the Calvaiio (6, 5, 4). After we have tamed 
the slope of Inak-Uyo, the sandy iathmns of Gballa lies at 
onr feet, with the house of the hacienda (the hospitality of 
which we enjoyed for so many montiiB) , its chapel, and some 
straw-roofed Indian dwellings. That isthmus leads to the 
Peninsula of Uajran-Kala (18, 19). We look over the 
handsome Bay of ChaUa, the peninsula beyond, the Bay of 
Maynnani, the projections of Llaq'-aylli and Ye-j&-chi (f and 
17), and the little Islands of Lanassani, Kenata and Chnjn. 
It is not a view ; it is a relief -chart spread oat at our feet 

To reach, from Challa, the extreme northwestern point of 
the Island at Sicayn, the trail mast be followed along the 
beach by the once beantifal and, with all its decay, attractive 
garden (23), to the Isthmns of Kasapata (e) and its mins. 
Directly north of it rises the Peninsola of Llaq'-aylli. This 
short stretch is one of the most lovely on the Island, and the 
view from Kasapata, across the Bay of Maynnani, the 
Isthmns of Challa, and beyond the northern promontory of 
Kea, is enchanting. Koati lies in fnll view, and the great 
Bolivian Cordillera closes the horizon. Kasapata is the 
last inhabited spot in that direction. Beyond it, and as 
far as the crest of Muro-Kato (3), bare rock predominates 
on the slopes descending from the Calvario. The basin at 
the foot of what is called the "Sacred Bock," or "Bock of 
the Cat," Titi'Kala (a), is covered with shrubbery. West 
of the Sacred Bock a green slope descends to the northern 
Bay of Kona, and here the view changes again to the 
shadowy side. The ridge of Kakayo-keoa terminates in a 
point in tiie north as well as in the south. The waters of 
the bay are always placid, for the Island of Kochi protects 
them. Northwest of the Sacred Bock, the Promontory of 
Ticani (2) terminates the Island. Its rapid slopes bear 
acmbby vegetation, except on the south, where the rocks of 
Tari-tnrini (41) stand out in vertical cliffs. The extreme 
northwestern projection, Sicuyu, is low and partly covered 
by thickets, and the view from it extends far to the north- 



vest, where the surface of the Lake meets the horizon. 
Sicayn is a forlorn spot, well fitted for an abode of the 

Titicaca is perhaps one of the most pictnreeqne Islands 
on the globe, from the nnmber of bays, inlets, promcmtories, 
and bold summits. Besides the two large bays of Kona and 
the one of Challa, the Island connts along its shores twenty 
larger or smaller coves and inlets. An equal number of 
sharply defined mountain-tops, rising from 400 to 800 feet 
above tlie Lake, give to its surface a peculiarly varied as- 
pect Hence the scenery abounds in contrasts. Surrounded 
by the magnificent water-sheet of the Lake, in full view of 
the Andes,* Titicaca lacks but arborescent vegetation and 
the presence of civilized num with his resources for com- 
fort, to make it a spot worthy of being counted among the 
precious sites on the earth's surface. 

The rocks of the Island, as well as those of that part of 
the Peninsula of Copacavana that lies immediately in front 
of it, belong to the carboniferous series. Seams of coal 
crop out at various points, and a coal mine has been worked ^ 
at Yampupata for a number of years.'' '' At Kea I saw a 
handsome specimen of fossil plants of the carboniferous 
age. The strata on the Island are much tilted, and lifted 
up toward the northwest, as far as I could notice. Only the 
long ridge of Kakayo-kena is formed almost exclusively of 
limonite, and that mineral crops out at its base even, in the 
bottom of southern Kona. But I should not be surprised if 
other minerals were found also, for instance, at Kea-Kolln. 
The geological structure of the Island h^s not, to my know- 
ledge, been closely studied, altiioughrD'Orbigny ^levoted 
some attention to it* ' 

It may be said that the greater portion of the Island is 
covered with scanty vegetation, scant in forms and scrubby 
in size. No part of it appears completely dennded except 
the northern slopes, from the vicinity of Challa to Sicnyu, 
and even there only in places, as on the rocky slides between 



Kea and the foot of Inak-Uyn, to the smmnit of that height 
and its nnghbors of Challa-pata and Calvario, and thenoe 
to Ticani, Vertical cliffs rise in a number of places ; but 
even at the foot of rocky slides, in cavities at the water's 
edge, lovely groups of ferns are seen. The only indigenous 
tree-form is the kenna (Polylepsis racemosa), found in 
small groves and in few places. This tree does not grow to 
any considerable height, but its trunk assumes a great bulk 
in the course of many years of growth. At the garden of 
Challa there is a very ancient kenua tree, the diameter of 
which is quite five feet. 

The abundance of fresh water with which the Island is 
supplied fosters the growth of vegetation to a degree not 
common at that altitude. Springs are nnmerous and the 
water of excellent quality. In summer, when rains are 
most abundant, lively brooks and even small cascades 
rush down the steep declivities. Hence, wherever the 
sun can strike disintegrated rock, thos moistened, vegeta- 
ble germs may thrive and tiny groups of plants will arise. 
Wherever, on steep slopes, a thin crust of soil impinges on 
bare rock, the "kara," a tall Yncoa or Dasylirion-like plant 
with fieshy, dentated leaves and sharp spines, grows in pro- 
fusion. The popular Spanish name for this singular and 
quite abundant vegetable type is comida de oso (literally, 
bear food). It is especially abundant on the northern slopes 
of the Calvario and of Ticani. A number of plants grow 
upon the Island, which are used by the Indians for medicinal 
purposes, or are known to them as having medicinal proper- 
ties. Mrs. Bandolier collected and sent to the Museum a 
number of plants, gathered under the direction of an TnHiaTi 
medicine-man on the Island. The list appended contains 
about twenty species used for healing and for sorcery, two 
practices which are inseparable among the Indians. Be- 
sides, there are some which the Indians do not care to indi- 
cate to the stranger. ^One of the most common and most 
generally used of these medicinal plants is the verbena. ^ 



The Indian authorities (Ilaeata and Alcalde) of Clull» 
on Titicaca Island 





Shrubbery grows mostly along the lines of abandoned 
andenes, and in and among the mins. It forms the dark- 
green lines that striate the eteep slopes of the Island and 
gives them a peculiar aspect from a distance. The hand- 
some shrub of the conntry, the red cantata, is fomid at 
Pncara (m) and at several other places on declivities facing 
the north. It is possible that this beantifnl shrub was trans- 
planted thither from the mainland during colonial times. 

In shallow bays like that of Challa, and in the inlets form- 
ing the shores of sonthem Kona, the useful totora grows in 
a belt of varying width. It is only at Challa that its growth 
is sufficient to permit the construction of balsas. The sup- 
ply at Kona is too small, hence the Indians of the hacienda 
of Yumani are dependent upon those of Challa for the mate- 
rial for the ferry on which they cross the Tampupata 

Animal life is by no means scarce, but mostly aquatic Of 
quadrupeds we have seen only a field rat. But it is well 
known that a species of wildcat, called "titi" (and "mulu-w 
mnln" on the flftwVH of the Ulimani), occasionally comes 
across from the mainland.^ On the Island, raids by the titi 
are rare, and I doubt very much if it can be ri^tly called an 
"aquatic feline," as the people of the country sometimes 
describe it." Birds are abundant The beautiful '*alka- 
mari," known in the Peruvian Sierra under the name of 
' ' chinalinda, * ' a tall buzzard of handsome chestnut plumage, 
ii^te breast, and bright yellow feet, stalks about, and al- 
ways in pairs. It allows the stranger to approach quite 
near and only rises to fly away a short distance. A gray 
eagle soars along the shore. Stately gray-and-black night- 
herons stand on rocks in secluded inlets. The Bay of Challa, 
especially, is enlivened by flocks of divers, and by handsome 
chokas. We have seen, between the belt of totora and the 
beach, as many as thirty divers chasing each other, together 
with a nnmber of chokas tranquilly swimming among the 
bustling crowd. From time to time the beach was visited by 



a pair of "hnallatas," the stately goose of the Pima," 
white, with dark wings— a beantifnl bird, and capable of 
domestication.'" What is commonly called the "caervo," a 
species of cormorant, is most abtindant on the small Islands 
near the northern extremity of Titicaca, where it has its 
nests, and where hnndreds are nsnally seen to roost. 
The "leke-lefce," or "lliclli" {Charadrius resplendens, 
Tschndi)," often visits the sandy beach of Ohalla or 
the marshy bottom of Pncara. Lastly, swarms of small 
green parrots (Bolborhifnchw andkola^^) occasionally aj)- 
pear (to the detriment of crops) and fill the air with dis- 
cordant screams. To see snch a flock suddenly arise from 
a thicket recalls a handful of emeralds thrown into the air. 

Septiles are represented by toads, and by small lizards 
seen on dry and rocky spots and among rains. The Indians 
say that a large water-snake, over twelve feet in length and 
of proportionate thickness, which they oall ' ' yauiinka, ' ' fre- 
quents the rocky shores of the sonthem Bay of Kona. We 
have no positive evidence of the existence of this reqptile," 
nor of that of the large aquatic animal resembling a seal,** 
which, according to the belief of the Indians and many of 
the white and mestizo population, exists in the waters of the 
Lake. It is interesting to note the tenacity of this belief, 
which can be traced to several generations and to a number 
of different sources having no possible connection. We are 
reminded by it of certain fantastic animal types carved on 
metallic objects from the Island of Eoati, as well as of 
pottery from the village of Ancoraymea, on the eastern 
Bolivian mainland,*" also of the ancient wooden goblet, 
found at Santa Maria, representing an Lidian spearing a 
huge fish. 

Fish are seen often in the clear waters of the Lake. The 
Indians of Titicaca are not much addicted to fishing, bat 
we were told that as many as twelve different kinds of fish 
are found in the Lake. The two most common are the boga 
(Orestias) and the suchis. 



Reduced copy of Indian pictograph {church ritiml), from " Boletin de hi 

Sociedad Geografica de Lima. Vol T." 

Original presented to that Society by Don Abel Mendez of Pimo, Peru 





Lisects are not nomeroas. A small spider, with stael- 
colored abdomen and red legs, is abundant about toc^ mtes 
and rnins. I saw at Sicnjn, when opening burial cysts, a 
gmall scorpion. Hymenoptera are more nnmerona, Lepi- 
doptera scarce, and limited, so far as we saw, to Diumidae of 
the ArgymoB, Vanessa, and smaller genera. I would recall 
here the remarkable spedmen of pottery sent to the Museum 
from our exoavationB at Easapata, on which is a very good 
representation of a crepuscular moth and of a diurnal but- 
terfly common to warmer cUmates. The execution of the 
painting of these bptterflies is so true that it could have 
been done only from natnre ; that is, by capturing the speci- 
men and spreading it out after the manner of modem 
collectors. Of Coleopterawe have seen only very few speci- 
mens. Insects which are disagreeably prominent through 
their intnuion upon man, like PedtctUus capitis and espe- 
cially Pedicvius vestimenti, also Pvlex irritans, are, to the 
disgust of him iriio must associate with the Indians, pain- 
fully abundant on Titicaca Island. 

Having already inferred, in the preceding chapter, to the 
climate in general, I would beg to add only a few statements 
relative to the physical appearance of the Island of Koati, 
Although the air-line distance from the eastern end of 
Koati to its western termination is but one and three fourths 
miles, the Island is more than two miles long, if the sinuosi- 
ties of the crest are followed. The shape is tiiat of a gable- 
roof. The western termination is a butte of red rock, nearly 
two hundred feet hi^, and the eastern end is formed by 
similar rocks abruptly terminating over a low sandy projec- 
tion. "With the exception of that i)oint and the triangular 
low projection of Uito-pampa (e), the beach all along is 
narrow and mostly covered with drift and boulders. The 
slopes are steep, slightly folded, and, on the north side, 
covered with a bushy vegetation and rather tall grass. 
Along the crest, single kefina trees, and even clusters, are 
not uncommon. Wild olive trees also occur. On the 



whole, Koati has, on its northern slope, a better flora than 
Titioaca. The southern, in many places, never receives 
direct sonlight, and therefore is mnoh colder. In Jtme 
we noticed thin ice, for whole days, in shady recesses 
along the southern shore. The only sonrce of fresh water 
on the Island is a small spring at the western end of Uito- 
pampa, and its supply is inaofficient even for half a dozen 
persons. Hence the inhabitants must drink the water of the 
Lake, which is, as stated before, slightly briny. Animal life 
on Koati is similar to that on Titicaca, but less abundant. 

WbUe treating of Koati, I will briefly describe its actnal 
condition (1895) in r^r^rd to population and products. The 
permanent population of Koati is, in reality, reduced to 
about twelve or fifteen Aymara Indians of both sexes. 
Their dwellings, with one exception, all lie on the sonthem 
or shadowy side of the Island. At times, however, the 
Indian population increases to thirty and forty through 
accessions from the village of Sampaya on the mainland, to 
which pueblo the Indians of Koati belong. The Island is 
owned by Dr. W. del Carpio of La Paz, who visits his prop- 
erty once or twice a year, leaving, at the time we visited it — 
1895— its management mainly in the bands of the Indian 
authorities of Sampaya. Latercourse between Koati and the 
mainland is therefore irr^nlar. "When the Indians have to 
go to the village or to Copacavana, a balsa or two will cross 
and recross ; but if they have no cause for making the trip, 
the visitor on Koati may remain cot off from all the world 
for several weeks. Sometimes even money, unless offered 
in excessive quantities, cannot induce the Aymara Indian to 
confer a legitimate favor." 

Caltnre plants on Koati are limited to potatoes, oca, 
quinna, and maize. The northern part of the Island is espe- 
cially adapted to the cultivation of Indian com. Bi 1895 
the Indians had on the Island some domestic animals, among 
them one llama. Since then conditions are somewhat im- 
proved. An attempt by the owner to plant eucalyptus trees 



on the Bonthem side, and in front of the bnildings of the 
hadenda, gives hope for a favorable result The eonstrac- 
tion of the bnilding at a point as chilly as the slope above 
Uito-pampa appears at first incomprehensible; but the 
proximity of the mainland and the convenient landing-place, 
oving to shallowness of the water (whidi elsewhere aronnd 
Koati is of great depth), explain the selection. 

In the conrse of this study I shall again refer to Koatt, bnt 
I DOW revert to the Island of Titioaca, where the popnlation 
is mach more munerons, the resources are more varied, and 
the relation to the Indian popnlation of the mainland of 
greater importance. 

The Island of Titioaca belongs to the jurisdiction of 
Copacavana, hence to Bolivia, in administering judicial and 
ecclesiastical matters. Originally the whole Island was the 
property of the Garces family of Pono, in Peru. The resi- 
dence of the owners was Challa. A number of years ago the 
southern extremity became property of the Bolivian family of 
Guarachi, so that the Island is now divided into two hacien- 
das, the much lai^r one of Challa belonging to Peruvians, 
and the smaller southern portion owned by Bolivians. The 
Island is permanently inhabited only by Indians, for the 
owners reside there but a short time in the year. The local 
authorities are Lidians, namely, an alcalde and' an ilacata at 
Challa, and another alcalde and another ilacata at Yumani. 
The Indiam are estimated at 800, all told, of which by far 
the greater number belong to the northern hacienda. It 
cannot be said that there is a village on the Island. There 
is a group of houses at Challa, another cluster at Kea and 
on surroanding eminences, a scattered group at Pucara, 
houses here and there on the slopes, and hamlets at Yumani 
and ITacuyn (22). A considerable portion of the soil is, not- 
withstanding the steepness of the slopes, cultivated or at 
least tillable, thanks to the system of terraced garden-beds 
adopted by the Indians since time immemorial, or rather 
forced upon them by the natore of the groimd. There are 



also paatnrages, like the bottom of Pncara, the graaay swell- 
ings of Ciriapata and Marcnni (g and 19). The western 
portion of the Island, especially the long and elevated ridge 
of Kakayo-kena, is nninhabited, although patches of ground 
are oceaaionally cultivated even there. 

The crops raised are: Potatoes, oca, qninua, beans of the 
large and coarse kind called habas, and a little maize. Of 
the now neglected gardens I have already spoken. Potatoes 
being the main staple, the mannfaotnre of chnnu is also the 
chief industry. The products are carried on donkeys and 
by carriers as far as the Pnncu, thence by balsa to Yampu- 
pata on the mainland, and to Copacavana on the ba<dm of 
donkeys or on the backs of men. What the hacienda of 
Challa gives to its owners is sometimes carried to Puno by 
balsas in a three days' voyage; and what the <3uarachi 
family needs at La Paz is taken to that city on pack animals 
from Yampupata. 

Domestic animals abound on the Island. The Indians 
have, as usual, a good supply of ugly mongrel dogs, which 
they feed as little as possible. There are some domestio 
fowl, many donkeys, and occasionally a diminutive mule. A 
horse is sometimes seen. Sheep exist in large floc^. 
Vicious and powerful bulls are used for ploughing with the 
preadamite plough, and even the mast^, much more the 
stranger, is not safe from, these savage and treacherous 
brutes. The cows are ill fed and uncared for ; but still they 
give milk, which is converted into a very fair cheese and 
sent to Puno. A sporadic cat, few rats and mice, some 
very familiar swine, a few ducks and geese, and a very 
ill-natured turkey, together with the guinea-pig (called in 
Bolivia "rabbit"— conejo, and in Peru '*cuy")i constituted, 
during our stay on the Island, the remainder of domesticated 
animals. As Pediadus vestimenti to the Ladian'g garb, and 
capitis to his hair, so is the goinea-pig to the In^an's 
kitchen. These extremely reprodnctive animals render ex- 
istence in a cooking-place desperately lively for the nuac- 



mi, one of the leading medicioe-mrai (La^'ka) 
OD Titicticii Island 





costomad visitor. Sleep in Buch a place, with the maiiy- 
hned, Tat-foot«d, and taillees rod^its bustling about and 
chattering with liieir teeth, is impoeeible, onlees one is extra- 
ordinarily tired. 

Although there is an abnndance of water-fowl, ducks in- 
cluded, on and abont the Island of Titicaca, the Indian does 
not take advantage of it as a supply of meat; bat he fre- 
quently hunts for the eggs. The yolk is green and the taste 
decidedly fishy and unpalatable; but the Indian relishes 
Buch. food. It is chiefly on the small islands near the north- 
western extremity of Titicaca that thonsands of birds roost, 
and thither the Indian goes in his balsa, retuming some- 
times with a fall load of eggs and also of young birds. 
These Islands (see map) are six in niunber, the smallest of 
which is Chujn, and the largest Kodii, or "Kuji-huata." 
Lanassani, which is the most eastem^ is low and flat and has 
at its eastern extremity a still lower extension, which fea- 
ture has s^^en rise to the belief that an ancient dyke for- 
merly connected it with the main Island. We could not find 
anything to support this belief ; but noticed some faint ves- 
tiges of walls and terraces on the island indicating that in 
andent times it may have been, at least temporarily, inhab- 

West-northwest of Lauassani lies Kenata. It has the 
shape of a triangnlar pyramid, and on its steep slopes are 
traces of ancient terraces. We did not land on Chujn, but 
passed near enou^ to be able to scan its sides. Ko vestiges 
of ancient remains could be seen. Payaya, which is farthest 
from Titicaca to the north, is low and flat, like Lanassani, 
and we saw what appeared like remnants of walls. Koa is 
by far the tallest. It has the shape of a cupola ; slopes are 
very steep, in many places vertical On its eastern side 
grottoes have been washed out by the water, and one of 
them has a handsome portal with two openings. Graceful 
ferns drape them. One of these entrances is the doorway to 
a long winding passage, the floor of which is covered with 



water for some distance. This passage has not yet been 
explored, as the fear that it might be the home of some 
aquatic animal has deterred every one from penetrating to 
more than a hundred feet.'' It is believed this natural gal- 
lery traverses the whole island and has an exit on the oppo- 
site western aide. We were shown the almost inaccessible 
cleft where that exit is supposed to be. Eochi is by far the 
largest of the cluster. We did not visit it, owing to the late 
hour of the day,^^ bnt we saw it very near and from all 
sides. It appeared bleak and denuded, and Don Miguel 
Ctorces informed us that it contained no vestiges of antiquity 
and that its slopes were exceedingly slippery. It is near ^ 
Koa that, according to Baluarte, the extraordinary depth of 
400 meters (1312 feet) is said to have been noted. I do not 
know on what authority this statement is made, but Koa 
has the reputation of being surrounded by the deepest 
waters of the Lake. 

The lower islets, Lauassani and Payaya, are covered with 
dense shrubbery and abound in handsome flowering plants. 
These islands struck us as bearing more abundant and 
vigorous vegetation than most sites on Titicaca. The grass 
especially is rank and tall. Hence small flocks of sheep are 
sometimes carried to them and left to pasture for months. 
They need no herder and no care whatever, feed and water 
being both abundant, and some shelter being afforded 
either by the shrubbery or by the rocks and cliffs. 

These islets are, as stated, the home of thousands of 
aquatic birds. Koa especially, with its numerous rocky 
shelves, is inhabited by countless families of black, slender- 
necked cormorants. When we approached the island, on the 
eastern side, every ledge and projection was occupied by 
nests filled with eggs or with young birds. Six Indians had 
attached themselves to our crew for the purpose of robbing 
the nests. On our homeward voyage to Challa we met a 
balsa, the only occupant of which was paddling his craft 
toward the Island of Kenata on a similar errand. 





'^e gronp of mtoB called, re- 
spBeH-veij, Condor-konofis, EBpanit*, 
and Torno Knpvia, wbove th« hsciendA 
of Lhijo, and 12,900 fact abore the 
•ea, are trallt on femiglnotii rock 
witii an abundance of limonite, in 
Dodnlea and otherwise. The eompua 
of my theodolite became so Boiish 
affected tberebj that I had to have it 
remagnetiMd at L« Paa. It waa done 
aa well as povible, but not with the 
accoraej that woold hare been ob- 
tained elMwbere. 

'Squiar givM the plan of an an- 
cient edifice through the remaina of 
which the trail from the PnncD 
passed at tUs time (Ptfm, p. 889). 
There are fiOnt Testigee lef^ but It 
would not be poisible now to MCOg- 
niie the plan still obtainable in 
Sqider "s time. I fear that mj gifted 
predeceosor oeeasionall; lo<Aed at 
thiags on Titicaea with rather im- 
iginatiTe ^es; for instance, the 
"line of an ancient road supported 
br terraces of large stone*" (p. 8SS) 
cannot be found any more, and I 
doabt very mncb if it ever existed. 
With these exceptionj, hia description 
of tbe tnul aeroM the Island Is very 

* I borrow this beantif nl and ap- 
propriate term from Sqnier (Psnt). 

The plate which faees page S68 of 
bis book gives a fair idea of the ap- 
pearance of the motutain as well as 
of the scensrj in generaL 

* From the northern haU of the Is- 
land Illimani is not viable, bnt from 
tbe knoU in front of the hadenda of 
TnmanL I consider the panorama 
from that spot to be one of the 
most magnificent moontatn views in 
America or Europe. The eye «m> 
biacM, in almost a semicirde, tbe 
Cordillera of Charassani as well aa 
tbe whole of tiie Bolivian raagf^ 
from IQampa to nUmanL 

'The mine was opened and worked 
bj a Scotchman, Hr. Alexander Don, 
tmt the conditions of trade and com* 
mere* were such that it had to be 
dosed. fDavid Forbe^ (Report on lh« 
0«Aogy of South AnleTitsa, 1861, pp. 
48, 40) mentions carboniferoos for- 
mations on both sides of the Lake. 
Since Ua time it has become a wdl- 
known fact. 

*I have not at mj command the 
works of ^'Orbignj and Oabb'^and 
hence quote them from the essay of 
Puente bo often referred to (Btt%tdio 
Monogrdfieo dd Logo Titieaoa, pp. 
384, 387). In regard to the qnalitr 
of the coal we beard various opinions. 
Many claim that it is exceUent, and 



others declare the reverse. It has not 
as ret been fairly teeted. 
■- ' The eziatenM of this wildcat baa 
been denied, but we baTS atmndant 
proof of it. Among others, it is men- 
tioned br Pnente: "En los eerroa 
que radean la lacuna se halla el gato 
montle, Titi, mas grande que el do- 
tttMiea, de color patdo, aliatado 
como la pid del tigre real, qne tits 
de la eaza de avea qne le propordona 
el lagp" (fftudto, p. 387). Further 
on I slwll refer to the connection of 
tbat animal with some traditions re- 
garding the Island. 

'If, aa pDsnta states (see note 
7), tbe titi feeds alee on water- 
fowl, it would aeeonnt for the belief 
that it is arapUUone, a statement 
which was grarelr repeated in the La 
Fas newspapers in 1S95. 

' CUoephaga m«lant>ptera, or Ber- 
niela melanoptera. In the PemTian 
Sierra it is called "bnachna." We 
fonnd this beautiful bird also at the 
foot of the gladers of Dlimani, in 
altitodn eiceeding 13,000 feet. 

"There are two domesticated hna- 
llatas at Uacnya, a group of buildings 
above the hacienda of YumanL 

"^wTi, VoL II, p. 100. 

"fProfeoBor W. Nation^ SeePoente, 
fitldto, p. 374. 

"Fra^ AndrA de 8. Nicolas 
(Jffl^en de N:St de Copooabawi) 
mentions a belief, that the shrine on 
Titieaca was goarded by large makea, 
Cobo (Sittoria del Nuewt M*ndo, IT, 
p. 62) states: "Contaban los Indioa 
viejoe qne era goardado eae aantoario 
per una aierpe 6 colebra grande; j 
pndo ser haberlee hecho el Demonio 
flse engaflo para cebarlos mis en £1 
que les hacia en lo principal; m&s, lo 
qne 70 entiendo, ee que el deeir qne 
oercaba toda la isla una culebra 
entendisron, jr ee debe entender, per 
el agua de la lagnua que cifie la Isla, 
la coal en los dias daros retoeada con 
loa rayoB del Sol, hace que en la 
playa las olas psreican culebras pin- 
tadas de Tarios 7 diversos celoros." 

This effect of light is often seen on 
the Lake and from the Inland. 

" The usual deacription recalls a 
sea-cow. Don Miguel Oarefe has in 
his collection a tooth supposed to 
have been taken from the dead bodj 
of such a creature, found in some re- 
mote comer of the beach near Copa- 
earana. There lives at Challa an In- 
dian who lost his mind npon ee^ng 
the animal on the beach. Ter7 large 
Siluridae are known to eiiet , dae- 
where. I refer among othen to the 
enormous specimen caught yean ago 
in tbe Lake of Neuchatel, in Switser- 
land. It is TeT7 curious that nearly 
all those who have seen the mjate- 
rloQS beaat have noticed it on the 
beach, asleep. Upon being aronaed 
it plunged into the water and disap- 
peared. Those that were seen at 
Tiqnina in the month of Mmj of 
1SQ5 were deecribed to us as follows: 
Length about twelve feet, head like 
that of a bear with a tuft of hair of 
moderate length (not a mane, aa baa 
been stated), body covered with short 
and amooth hair of a coffee-brown 
color. The animal approached the 
shore toward evening, and was neither 
shy nor savage. At Huariua I was 
told by the prindpal inhatutanta that 
whole families of these animals have 
been seen in sheltered covee, sunning 
themselvei^ and that it was wdl 
known to the Indians and older in- 
hatntants. Several apparitions of Oto 
mTsterions creature on the beach, at 
diverse places, but always about tbe 
petiinwilaa of Copacavana and Santi- 
ago Huata, have been related to na 
hj parties having no connection with 
each other. 

" I allude to the heads forming 
handlea of goblets or pitchers, moetly 
painted, which we obtained chiefly 
from the singular aite of Kea-Kollu 
Ghieo (1), and more particularly to 
the three pieces of gold-leaf in the 
shape of two-legged animals, obtained 
at Koati. The latter may be anything 
from a hippopotamna to a condor. 



"Tean mgo Koati waa inhabited him that b« did not ventore to 
b7 two parties who exposed them- awaken the creatore, but he Mw it 
Mlvea to the grare mupidoii of mak- near enough to deecribe Ite sh^te and 
ing counterfeit monej. When, how- color; and both agree with the de- 
arer, Bolirian troopa were Bent to seripdon bj parties who claim to 
March the Island for proof, nothing haxe seen the animal at Tiqnina and 
eonld be fonnd. The craft that within six feet of the beach, 
landed the detachment, returned to "It wae in Jone that we were 
Bome remote point on the mainland ; finally enabled to visit the emaller 
and the little band of eoldien with islands. The positiTe orders of 
their officers found themselreB in the Miguel Oarcis to have a balsa ready 
woret of pligbts. There was no food for ns at ony Ume were ntterly die- 
on Koati and no waj of getting out obeyed, by Ms own manager of the 
of the Island. At last it became pos- property as well as bj the Indians, 
■ible to commnnieate with the shore It was only when, through the Und- 
and to secure relief. ness of Oarc^ and of Don Abel Men- 

"It ■waa at Koa that, about sixty de^ we obtained a handwheel-boat at 

years ago, an Indian saw, asleep on Pnno, that we were able to. make the 

rocks in the grotto, a beast resem- voyage. 
bUog a cow. Tbe sight so frightened 





M rf 


yon* ^ 





Pabt III 

"IjiEW, if any, of the preaent inhabitants of the Island of 
J/ Titicaca are direct desoendants of the Indians who 
ooenpied it at the time of the oonqnest. After Pizarro had 
established himself at Cnzoo in the latter part of 1533, he 
sent, early in December of that year, two Spaniards to reoon- 
noiter the Lake re^on, of which he had already heard.* 
The two scouts remained absent forty days and retamed 
with the following information : 

' ' The two Christians that were sent to see the province of 
the CoUao delayed forty days on their jonmey, from which 
they returned to the city of Cuzco, where the Governor was. 
They gave him an aoconnt and report of everything they 
had learned and se^i, as will be related below. The country 
of the CoUao is distant, and far away from the ocean, so 
much so, that the natives inhabiting it have no knowledge of 
it (the sea). The land is very hig^, somewhat level and, 
besides, imusually cold. There are no trees, nor is there any 
firewood, and wlutt of the latter they may ase, is gotten by 
them in exchange of goods with those who dwell near the 
sea called Ingri, and reside also along the rivers in the low- 
land, where the coontry is warm ; and they have firewood. 
From these they obtain it against sheep and other animals 
and vegetables ; for the rest of the country is sterile, so that 
all sustain themselves on roots of plants, on herbs, maize, 
and some little meat. There are in this province of Gxe 
CoUao many sheep, but the people are so submissive to the 



lord to whom they owe obedience that, without his permis- 
sion or that of the principals or governors that are in the 
conntry by his command, none are killed, and not even the 
lords and caciques ventore to slaughter and eat any, unless 
it be with his lieense. The conntry is well settled because it 
is not destroyed through war as are the other provinces. 
Their settlements are of moderate size and the houses 
small, with walls of stone coated with earth (clay), and 
thatched with straw. The grass that grows in that conn- 
try is sparse and short. There are a few streams, but 
small ones. 

"In the middle of the province ia a big lake about a hun- 
dred leagnes in size nearly, and around this lake is the most 
peopled conntry. In the center of the lake are two small 
islands, in one of which is a mosque temple and house of the 
BOB, which is held in great veneration, and in it they go to 
present their offerings and perform their sacrifices on a 
large stone that is on the island^ called Thichicasa, which, 
either because the devil conceals himself there and speaks to 
them, or because it is an ancient custom as it is, or for some 
other reason that has never been found out, they of the 
whole province hold in great esteem and offer to it gold and 
silver. There are [on this Island] more than six hundred 
Indian attendants of this place, and more than a thousand 
women, who manufacture Chioca [chicha] to throw it on 
this rock.'" 

After this first hasty visit by the Spaniards (either late 
in December, 1533, or in the first days of January, 1534), it 
is not impossible that Titicaca as well as Koati were aban- 
doned by the Indians of Inca descent.' Cieza states: "On 
large islands that are in the lake they (the Indians living 
on the shore) plant their crops and keep their valuables, 
holding them to be safer there than in the villages along the 
road. ' ' This was in 1549, fifteen years after the first visits 

What transpired during these fifteen years is vaguely in- 
dicated by various sources. Thus the name of the fiirst 



i I 

% I 





Spaniard who visited the Island is given as Blesoas, an 
officer of Pizarro.' It is not clear, however, if Dlescas was 
one of the first two explorers or whether he commanded a 
larger party sent afterward to seize the gold and silver sup- 
posed to have acctuntUated on the Island.' A modem 
Boorce, claiming to base on the earliest manuscript inf orma- 
tioD, asserts that a visit to Gopacavana was made by Gon- 
zalo Pizarro in 1536, and that, on that occasion, the Lidians 
were apportioned according to the system of "Enoo- 
miendas."^ If any reliance conld be placed on the sonrce 
alluded to, Diego de Ill^cas would have been at Gopacavana 
in 1536, in company with Belalcazar and Pedro Anznrez de 
Campo-redondo, bnt it is well known that Belalcazar was in 
Ecnador at the time, and that Anzurez returned to South 
America in 15381" 

In 1536 the Spaniards were blockaded at Gnzco by the 
bdiana for ten months. Hence, while it might be barely 
possible that a small detachment had stayed on the Lake, 
cat off from oommnnication with Gonzalo and Hernando 
Pizarro, but on friendly terms with the Aymar4 Indiana, it 
is very doubtful. No mention is made of it in any contempo- 
raneous document at my command.* 

A work of considerable iniportanoe on Peruvian antiqui- 
ties, bnt written more than a century after the conquest, by 
the Jesuit Father BemabS Gobo, contains the statement that 
Francisco Pizarro sent three Spaniards to the Lake to visit 
the Island and take from it a statue, half gold and half 
silver, which they are said to have brought to Cnzco." If 
th}s is true, it must have happened subsequent to the first 
visit, else it would have been alluded to in the report from 
1534. Neverfheless, Gobo favors the (then general) belief 
that the main ceremonial objects were, upon the coming of 
the Spaniards, concealed or thrown into the Lake. The 
. Augustine Fray Alonzo Bamos, who was a resident of Gopa- 
cavana at the same time as Gobo, bnt wrote fully thirty 
years before him, states: "To what we have already said 



abont [the temple of] Titicaca we shall add that it was the 
most frequented one in the realm and with great riches, 
which, according to common belief, the Indians threw into 
the Lake when the first Spaniards entered the Island with 
the captain Illescas."'* Vizcarra affirms in regard to the 
Island of Koati: "And when the Captains Alznres (An- 
znres] and the Blescas, with the Franciscan Fathers, came 
to the peninsula [Copacavana], although they attempted it 
in 1536, they conld not reach it [Koati] from la<^ of time, 
and becanse they thoa^t it was, as well as that of the snn 
[Titicaca], deserted and waste."" After the blockade of 
Cozco had been raised and the bloody dissensions between 
Ahnagro and Pizarro terminated through the death of the 
former, Francisco Pizarro himself came to Cnzco in 1538,^^ 
while his brothers Hernando and Qonzalo invaded the CoUao 
with the avowed intention, says the treasurer Manuel de Es- 
pinall, of going to an island called "Titicacao," said to con- 
tain much gold and silver.^* Their attempt seems to have 
failed, for the younger Almagro, in his aocnsation against Pi- 
zarro (1541 ) acctises Hernando Pizarro of an attempt to hunt 
for the treasure in the Lake, in which attempt ten Spaniards 
were drowned t ^^ It shows that five years after the first visit 
the gold and silver believed to have existed at the shrines of 
Titicaca and Koati were already looked for in the waters of 
the lagune and not any more on the Islands. I am loath to 
admit as yet that any visit was made to the Islands between 
1534 and 1538, and incline to the belief (until otherwise in- 
formed) that the Quichua attendants of the shrines, after 
secreting the principal fetishes, abandoned both isles, the 
Aymara Indians alone remaining. What the first Spanish 
explorers of Titicaca reported on the numbers of its Indian 
occupants (1600) must be taken with due reserve." 

/'It appears, therefore, that the Islands were occupied, as a 
place of worship mainly, at the time of the conquest, and 
long previous, but that a part of the population abandoned 
it very soon after the first visit by the Spaniards. Informa- 



tion oonceming the Island from tunes anterior to 1533 rests, 
of coarse, exclusively on tradition.'^ 

In 1550 Pedro de Cieza finished the first part of his valu- 
able Cronica del Peru, in which he mentions folklore to the 
effect that "white men" with long and flowing beards had 
"once npon a time" inhabited Titicaca and were ex- 
terminated by (Aymard) Indians from the Collao." A 
contemporary of Cteza. and, like him, a soldier -^edro Gu- 
tierrez de Santa ClaraWhas preserved what he claims to 
be genuine Indian lore, according to which the inhabitants of 
the Island, many centuries prior to the sixteenth, invaded 
the mainland and established themselves at Hatun-CoUa, 
near Pnno. According to the same source, the Inca tribe 
were originaUy Islanders and made war on the people of 
Cnzeo, which warfare began about in the fourteenth cen- 
tury.^" I merely allude here to these very uncertain tales, 
having to treat of them in another chapter of this mono- 
graph and with greater detail. The same is the case with 
the (mnch better founded) statements concerning the occu- 
pation of the Island by the Inca, in the latter half of the 
fifteenth^' century, which will be discussed in the archaeo- 
logical sections. Suffice it to mention here that at the time 
when the Inca first visited the Island they found it inhabited 
by Aymar& of the Lupaca branch, or rather, i^o spoke the 
Lupaca dialect of the AymarS idiom. It seems that these 
were partly driven to the mainland, while some Quichua and 
a number of women established themselves, or were estab- 
lished, around the shrine and at other sites, chiefly for cere- 
monial purpoaes.'" 

After the Spaniards had become complete masters of 
northern Bolivia, in 1588, it becomes difficult to trace the 
condition of the Island until the end of the century. On the 
map made by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo 
in 1573 (herewith published) the "Embarcadero," or place 
where people from the Peninsula of Copacavana were wont 
to embark in order to cross over to Titicaca Island, is indi- 



cated ; hence it may be 12ie Island was inhabited at the time. 
From the same time (1571-1574) /^nan Lopez de Vela&co^ 
cosmographer royal, conveys the information (obtained at 
second or third hand) that in the "great lagone of Chncnito, 
in the language of the Indians Titicaca," there are '*many 
islands peopled by natives, who navigate it in their canoes 
and plant their crops on the islands, and keep in them, 
guarded as in a stronghold, the most predoos things they 
have ; and so, ancientiy, in the time of the Incas, there was 
a temple of the son, great and very rich." While the Connt 
de ta Gk>mera was CK>vemor of Chncnito (end of the sixteenth 
and beginning of the seventeenth centnry) he caused "all 
the uncultured Indians to be removed from the islands."*^ 
Whether this measure was limited to the islands in the 
vicinity of Chncnito or whether it was also extended to Titi- 
caca and Koati is not certain. At the dose of the sixteenth 
century the Dominican Fray Qregorio Garcia, a resident of 
Fern and Bolivia for a number of years, describes the 
islands as deserted, which might indicate that they were de- 
populated under pressnre of official measures.^' On the 
other hand, the Angnstine Antonio de la Calancha, about 
thirty years later, published: "On the islands which its 
archipelago embraces, and espedally on the largest one of 
Titicaca, there are great numbers of Indians, either as f ngi- 
tives from the Doctrine, or on account of being troubled by 
the Corregidores and Caoiqnes, or as fishermen for their 
own sustenance, and not a few of them in order to continue 
in their idolatrous practices."" Thus, although the Island 
may have been abandoned for a number of years, at the 
dose of the sixteenth and in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century, it was reoccupied afterward by Indians, but 
tiiere seem not to have been any white settlers on it until the 
eighteenth centnry, or perhaps later. I have as yet been 
unable to find out if the Island was inhabited at the time of 
the great uprising of 1780. 
The historical notices presraited above are meager, but 







they indicate that few, if any, direct descendants of the 
Indiana who occupied Titicaca in the early part of the six- 
teenth century can be looked for on the Island tOKlay. 
' 'While the great majority of the Islanders are to-day Aymara 
by language, and regard themselves as snch, it is not un- 
likely that Quichua, even Uro, and perhaps Chachapoyas 
elements'* are mixed with them, and the statement of the 
actual owners of Titicaca, that its present ^dian popula- 
tion is of comparatively modem origin and has settled on 
it from varions places, should not be lost sight of. 

While the women on the Island are usually of the low 
stature of other female Indians, there are among them some 
of middle hei^t and more slender than, for instance, the 
Pneblo Ibdian women of New Mexico. Among the men 
there are some tall and well formed figures, witii pleasant 
faces; many are of low statnre and have sinister counte- 
nances. It Is not unusual to meet an Indian with a remarkably 
low forehead and abnormally elongated skulL It is known 
that flattening of the forehead was carried on for at least 
half s century after the' Spanish authorities had perempto- 
rily forbidden the practice.*" 

The Indiana, not only of this Island but of the Puna in 
general, are rather a hardy race. Nevertheless, diseases are 
S8 frequent among them as among onrselves. With us, care 
is taken to keep the upper extremities of the body cool and 
the feet especially warm. The Aymara Indian goes bare- 
footed, tmdgee for hours, nay for whole days, in the ice-cold 
waters of the Lake up to the knees, while on the head he 
carries a pointed woolen cap with ear-laps drawn down, and 
a hat over that cap. Over his shirt or jacket he wears a 
poncho, more or leas thick and more or less ragged and 
dirty, that reaches, when very long, as far as the knees. 
Thus only the upper part of the body is protected and the 
feet are bare. It is true that their feet gradually obtain a 
natural protection through the skin being thickened and 
hardened hy constant exposure. Usnally, the ^dian wears 



a sandal of leather."" Shoes or gaiters are worn only on 
festive occasionB and are qnite dmnsy. The soles are abont 
an inch in thickness, the heels three inches high, the uppers 
thick, often decorated with painted rivets and strings, and 
in the soles are ponderous nails with ronnded heads. This 
festive foot-gear of the Aymara pr^ents a striking but not 
gracef nl appearance. 

The Aymara of Titicaca, and probably the whole tribe, 
suffer from colds, coaghs and Inng diseases. ■'' Protracted 
exposure to the cold waters, snch as a long voyage on the 
Lake during stormy weather In an onprotected balsa, pro- 
dncea sometimes an ailment which we snccessfnlly cured 
with nitrate of potash." Skin diseases we found to be 
common on the Island. Dnring onr stay Mrs. Bandelier 
was besieged by men, women, and children begging for re- 
lief from what they erroneously call itch. All our supply of 
Peruvian balsam became exhausted, for, if applied together 
with sulphur, the treatment was invariably successful. This 
contagious disease began to show Itself at the end of Janu- 
ary, and by the middle of March over thirty of both sexes 
and aU ages had been cured. It is certain that smallpox and 
measles occur, althon^ we had no cases during onr stay 
there. It is equally true that the former, espedally, makes 
the same havoc among the Indians of Titicaca as arnon^ 
northern tribes. A number of less dangerous diseases have 
come under onr observatioa and have usually yielded to the 
contents of our medicine chest, specially prepared at Lima. 
From consumption down to toothache, nearly the entire 
scale has been represented." A very common ailment is 
indigestion, produced by a happy combination of coarse 
food and excess of alcoholic liquids. Beside exposure to 
cold and moisture, the mode of living is the chief cause of 
the ailments to which these people are subjected. Their 
houses are mostly of stone, the more or less shaped blocks 
being laid in common adobe mnd.'<* They are usually of 
one room only, and I noticed the same distribution of the 



home into three buildings or more, which I had previooaly 
noted among the Indians of central and sonthem Mexico.*^ 
A residence nsnally consists of at least three small rectan- 
gular and thatch-roofed boildings, each with its door and 
without any windows. One of these buildings is the kitchMi, 
another is officially regarded as the dormitory, and there 
are one or more storehouses. This arrangement prevalU in 
the Bolivian as well as in the Peruvian Puna. Around 
Joliaca and up the valley toward Ayaviri the numerous 
dwellings of the aborigines, each sorronnded with several 
onthoQses of almost the same size and shape, are scattered 
over the level expanse like so many tiny hamlets." 

Living in close, low, and usually very filthy abodes is not 
hygienic. Furniture is limited to the most primitive. In- 
stead of a bedstead, there is a so-called "gallo," or bench, 
made of adobe. On this bench the ponchos of the inmates 
are spread, and there they sleep, sometimes with a straw 
mat tmder the poncho. Not unfrequently the dormitory is 
united with the cooking-place,'* and then the family shares 
the room with nmnerous guinea-pigs, domestic fowl, or 
dogs, and even with swine of tender age.'* 

In the kitchen of the hacienda buildings at ChaUa there 
dwelt the "IJnya-siri," or Indian warden of the house, with 
his consort, a number of guinea-pigs, two white rabbits, and 
an occasional chicken. Chairs are not common, but still 
they are found and are invariably, as well as the tables, of 
the low kind so conmion ten years ago among the Pueblo 
Indians of New Mexico." 

In the house of our "compadre" at Kea-kolln, where we 
spent a number of "pictnreaqae" days, a table had been 
built with two ponderous stone slabs supporting a heavy 
stone plate. Such a home is not without some attempts at 
decoration. The walls have niches, and these niches some- 
times contain a carved image and a few modest flowers. A 
saucer containing fat stands before the object of worship, 
and a burning wick timidly protrudes from the vessel. 



Gmcifxes are not rare, although not generally displayed. 
Pamted images we do not remember to have seen in Indiui 
homes on the Island." It lies so utterly * ' out of the world ! ' ' 

The valnables of the Indian are stored, or hidden away 
rather, in the store-rooms, and it is more than indiscreet to 
attempt to enter one of these. Hence a store-room is only 
known to ns from the ontside, or as far as the casually 
opened door permitted, in which case one or more of the 
family would surely block the way as thorouj^y as possi- 
ble. Mistrust is one of the leading traits of Aymara char- 
acter, a mistrust which is partly the consequence of frequent 
abuses committed by political and ecclesiastical authorities. 
It is also due in part to the possible oonoealment, in such 
places, of objects of ancient worship and especially of 
sorcery. I would say here that tito Aymara Indian is as 
mistrustful of his own people as he is of a stranger.'^ 

The kitdien furniture rednces itself to a hearth of clay, 
called "kere," provided with a firehole, and one or more 
holes on which to place cooking vessels. There are no chim- 
neys or flues in Indian honees."^ As the brushwood is often 
green, or the substitute of taquia'* is nsed, the dingy place 
becomes filled with a pungent smoke injurious to the eyes. 
The cooking vessels are of clay mostly;"* an iron kettle or 
pan is regarded as a first-class treasure and stolen from the 
nnsophisticated stranger as often as possible. The pottery 
is not made on the Island but at various places of the Puna, 
as, for iustanoe, at Ancoraymes, on the northern shore of 
the Lake ; and it is bon^t either at the Copacavana fairs or 
on an occasional voyage by balsa to that village or to Adba- 
cadie. It may be said that the kitchen and household fur- 
niture of the Islanders, and inhabitants of the Puna in. 
general, display the same combination of ancient and modem 
as that of the sedentary Indians of the southwestern United 
States and of Mexico,*' the preponderance being slightly 
in favor of modem implements. Ancient vessels are occa- 
sionally met with, but they are seldom well cared for. It is 



chiefly the larger jars that are preserved for the Btoring of 
grain and for the preservation of chieha." 

The most impoiiant household atensil, from andent 
times, is the grinding slab with its grinder, both of stone, 
called in common parlance, and in Peru and Bolivia, the 
batdn. Father Gobo a&ja of this indispensable utensil: 
"For grinding their com and bread they have in their 
houses smootii and broad slabs on which they pour out a 
amaU quantity only, and when that is ground, as mudi 
again. They grind it by placing on this slab a stone made 
in the shape of a half-moon, about two palms in length and 
one in width, not round, but somewhat elongated, with three 
or foTir inches of edge. They take hold of the horns with 
their hands and, lowering and lifting alternately the arms, 
move it edgewise from one side to the other over the maize, 
and by means of this labor and difficulty grind it, as well as 
anything else, althouj^ now most of them use our mills. 
This instrument we have called batan . . . but the Indians 
caU it 'maray,' Tiftming the lower stone 'callacha' and the 
upper 'tanay.* "" 

The batan, whether ancient or modern^ has nothing of the 
elaborateness of the "metate" used in Mexico and adjacent 
oonntriea. It is simply a ponderous slab, unadorned and 
seldom even rou^y shaped. Any suitable flat rock is 
selected for the purpose, but by preference an andent batfin 
is taken from some neighboring ruin. The crusher is usually 
a small oval boulder, picked up among the drift Whereas 
the metate is worked on the incline, the batan is used in a 
horizontal position and indiscriminately for grinding red 
pepper, maize, dried meat, and quinua, or coffee when the 
latter can be procured. Mortars, andent as well as modem 
(the latter manufactured at Viacha out of white stone), 
some with pestles and others with simply a rounded pebble, 
are frequently met with, and are used for grinding herbs 
and other condiments.** 

An Indian kitchen containing the hearth, several "ga- 



loB," pots and pans, bmshwood or taqnia, and the batan, 
and occupied by a number of homan beings, a colony of 
guinea-pigs, a dog or two, and the like, is one of the most 
crowded places on tiie globe. 

Indian architecture in the Sierra, hence on the Island 
also, displays a marked tendency to exclnsion of fresh air. 
The doors are not only low but even the sill is raised. 
Windows there are none,*" hence li^t is excluded as well 
as air, unless the door be open. I must say, however, that 
the same is the case in most of the hacienda buildings on the 
Puna. The rooms are much more spacious than those in 
Indian abodes and the ceilings higher, but the windows have 
no panes ; they are closed with rude shutters, and he who 
most work during the day in these apartments has to open 
the door and sit in the humid cold, muffled in vicuna blankets 
and overshoes (if he has any), in order to be able to write 
or draw. 

The constant cold prevailing in these re^ons** is the 
main reason for excluding air, from the houses of the abo- 
rigines as well as from those of the better classes. Against 
this chilly air there is no way of protection, since there is 
no timber, hence no clean combustible, in the land. Both 
the Indian and the white are driven out of the house into 
sunshine, if there is any, and as long as it lasts. Should it 
be a rainy day, or at night, crowding is the only way for the 
Indian to obtain warmth, and if to that crowding the addi- 
tional heat of a close kitchen can be added, life is rendered 
at least supportable. Leaving the door open, to let out the 
smoke or from force of habit, the Indian family agglomer- 
ates, either in the dark or by the dim light of a rare tallow 
dip until one after the other falls asleep. Usually the door 
of the dormitory is closed at night but rarely locked, al- 
though the doors of store-rooms are fastened.*'' Then 
everybody slumbers, men, women, girls and children, on 
"gallos," on ponchos, covered or uncovered, but never un- 
dressed. The Indian sleeps to-day very much as Cobo de- 







Boribes it from early times: "Everywhere they sleep in the 
same clothes in which they go abont in the daytime, except 
that the males take off the TacoUa and the women the 
lAicUa; and when they rise in the morning all the dressing 
they have to do is to shake and arrange their hair . . . '"^ 
The dress of to-day still preserves some primitive featares 
frith the addition of breeches and sometimes a jacket as well 
as a shirt for the men, and of a chemise and skirts for the 
women. The andent costmnes are described as foUowB: 
\Cieza de Leonymentions the pointed caps of the men, called 
by him "chncos,"** whereas "llnchn." is the name now 
given to them on the Island and on the Peninsnla of Copa- 
cavana as well as at La Paz. Cobo, who gives the most de- 
tailed description, bnt who wrotb nearly a century after 
Cieza, says of the costume: "Their dress was simple and 
limited itself to only two pieces, also plain and withont lin- 
ing or folds (plaiting) ; the men wear below, in place of 
breeches or nnderwear, a scarf a little wider than the hand 
and thin, and so tied aronnd the loins as to give an appear- 
ance of decency . . . this they call guara, and only nse 
it after they are fourteen and fifteen years of age. Over 
the guaras they pnt a vestment without sleeves or collar, 
which they call %mcu, and we call it undershirt, as it has 
the cat of onr shirts ; and each one is woven separate, since 
they do not, as we do, weave large pieces and then cut off 
from these for their garments. The texture is like a piece 
of thick, coarse stuff, its width is three and a half palms, 
and its length two ells. The opening for the head and neck 
is left so that there be no need of cutting it open, and, once 
taken from the loom, all that is reqnired is to fold it and 
sew the sides with the same thread with which it was woven, 
just as one ae^ra a bag, leaving in the upper part of each 
side opening enongh to stick through the arms. This garb 
commonly reaches as low as the knee or three or four fingers 
(in<dies) above it. 
"The cape is less intricate. They make it of two pieces. 



'with a seam in the middle, two and a quarter ells long, uid 
one and three quarter ells broad. It has fonr oomers or 
enda like a mantle or blanket, and for tMs reason we call it 
mantle, bnt the name vrbidi the Indian gives it is jfocoUa. 
They throw this over the shoulders, and when they dance, 
work, or do anytliing in which it might be an obstacle, they 
tie it with two ends over the left shoulder, leaving the ri^t 
arm free. Beneath this mantle and above the underwear, 
they carry a bag or wallet hanging from the neck, named 
chuspa, one palm in length, more or less, and proportionately 
wide. This bangs down to the girdle below the right arm, 
and the strap to which it is hong passes over the. left 
shoulder. This bag replaces to them our pockets. This is 
the common and nsual costume of the males, arms and legs 
being bare, and this costume they make of wool in the moun- 
tains and of cotton in the hot lands.'"*" 

Of the female dress the same author speaks as follows: 
"It consists of two mantles: one of these they wear like a 
tunic without sleeves, as wide above as below, and covering 
them from the neck to the feet There is no slit in it for 
putting through the head, and they wrap themselves np in 
it in the following manner : they wrap the body in it from 
under the arms downwards, and pulling up the edges over 
the shoulders, they join and fasten them with their pins. 
From the girdle down they tie and dnch the body with a 
scarf, broad, thick and handsome, called chutnpi. This tonic 
or wrapper is called anocu; it leaves the arms free and naked 
and it remains open on one side so that, although the edges 
overlap a little, when they walk they flutter and open from 
the chwnnpi or scarf down, showing part of the leg and 
thigh. . . . The other mantle is called Uiclla; this is thrown 
over the shoulders and, gathering the edges over the breast, 
they fasten them by means of a pin. These are their man- 
tles or mantillas, which oome down as far as half the limb, 
and they take them off i^en they work or when they are at 



"Their pins vith which they fasten the dreBsea are called 
fvptu, and they are very queer and as long as a third of an 
ell and less, and the smallest of half a span and as thick as 
small bones. At the top they have a thin and roond plate 
of the same metal, as large as a real of eight (half a quarter 
or twelve and a half cents) , more or less according to the siae 
of the tupu, irith the edges so thin and so sharp, that they 
eat many things with them. Most of these tupus or topos 
have many trinkets of gold and silver dangling from the 
heads. In these pins they place their greatest pride. An- 
ciently they were made of gold, of silver and copper ; to-day 
the most of them are of silver with some carvings and paint- 
ings on the heads, made with special curiosity. 

"To adorn their heads consists in carrying the hair vet7 
long, washed and combed; some wear it loose and others 
plaited. They tie it with a ribbon, more or less as wide as 
a finger, of many colors and striking, which they call vincha, 
that crosses the forehead. On the head they put a piece of 
very fine cumbi, called pampacona, and this piece of cloth 
they do not wear its fnll width, but folded, so as to be only 
one sixth of an ell wide. One edge comes down over the 
forehead and the other, twisting it around the head so as to 
leave the hair free on the sides, faUs down over the back of 
the neck. 

"On the chest, from one shoulder to the other, they used 
to wear necklaces of certain beads called chaquiras, which 
were made of bones and sea shells of various colors. They 
neither wore ear-pendants nor perforated their ear-laps."'* 

Of the ancient costumes of the males, the pointed cap, 
poncho and breech-clout have remaiaed. The pins and 
needles are also used.'* The men have adopted, besides 
shirt and jacket, a wide kind of breeches, open behind from 
the knee down— the so-called calzdn," known in Peru also 
as characteristic of the Aymard dress. A bright colored 
scarf, sometimes with striking designs, fastens this species 
of breeches about the waist, and the trousers are turned in- 



side out when they are at work or in a specially bellicose 
mood. Scanty protection of the lower extremities, careless 
and nndean dress, and the pointed cap with the small, nar- 
row-brimmed and roimd-topped felt hat, are, for the men, 
the essential components of an every-day Aymari coatome 
on the Islands as well as along the shores of the Lake and on 

This costome is not very hygienic, in the climate in which 
it is worn. The houses are certainly not hygienic, nor is the 
maimer of living. Custom and habit keep the Indian in the 
old road he stiU travels ; althongh improvements have been 
made since the conquest, not only in dress but chiefly in 
household ntensils and in implements. Thus the houses 
have doors, often of rawhide only, but still doors made to 
close and with wooden hinges, some also with hinges of iron. 
Lumber being an unknown quantity in the Puna, the Indian 
seizes upon every empty box in which the alcohol which fur- 
nishes him with most of his spiritual nourishment is trans- 
ported, and with the aid of the few iron tools he has either 
bought or atol^, and a stone as hammer, he manufactures 
a door. Of the same material he occasionally makes a low 
table and perhaps an equally low stool with high square 
back, called by courtesy a chur. 

All these are advances; and for their scantiness we must 
not blame too severely the Spanish colonist nor the former 
colonial government I cannot sufficiently insist upon the 
extraordinary situation of the Spanish colonies. Imxwrta- 
tion was difficnlt, and transportation still more, to the inte- 
rior of as secluded a region as Bolivia and the environs of 
its great Lake. Hence advances could be made but very, 
very slowly. If the Creole met with great obstacles, hovr 
much greater were they for the Indian who, besides, looked 
npon every innovation, every unknown and uncomprehended 
implement or source of comfort, with snepicion and super- 
stitions aversion. 

During primitive times, the Aymara Indiana needed no 



other inBtrament in order to nuumfactnre garmenta and 
dresses, or to mend them, tiiac a needle which they called 
"ciracona," made of a spine (thorn) as long as half a 
"geme" (five and a half inches), as tiiick as one of onr 
darning needles, perforated at one end and very pointed."* 
Copper and bronze needles ("yanri") were nsed also.*' To* 
day they have, on the Island and elsewhere, sewing needles, 
pack needles, metallic pins, and, at Sampaya on the main- 
land, as well as at Copacavana, the sewing machine. The 
maol of stone nsed for breaktng clods of the often very hard 
soil is still in nae; bnt the "chonta," a first consin to the 
Mexican "coa,"" with a heavy blade of steel, has long ago 
supplanted the hoe of stone, copper or bronze. The wooden 
plonj^, drawn by treacherous bolls (not by cows), is in 
general nse. Knives, forks, spoons, and ladles are of metal 
in many Indian abodes. Iron axes and hatchets, iron 
shovels, and occasionally planes, saws, bits and angers, are 
foond in possession of the Indians and they know how to nse 
them. Still the aborigine yet grasps a stone in preference 
to a hanmier, and he ties in preference to naUing.^'' He 
steals modem tools as diligently as he can, and no nail is 
safe from him, no end of rope or leather strap, even if they 
belong to a parcel or to a saddle, and if the removal en- 
dangers the safety of parcel or rider. Bnt after he acquires 
Bodi civilized implements and auxiliaries he does not take 
any care of them. The owners of Challa have repeatedly 
given tools to their Indians. The latter used them rather 
deftly, but after a year or so the saw was blnnt and rusty, 
and the hatchet had lain in the mnd so long that when a 
neighbor's offspring dug it out of the mire it became trans- 
formed into a harmless toy. Then they will beg or steal 
from a stranger's scanty supply of tools, to neglect these 
in torn, as soon as they have no immediate use for them.°" 

This carelessness is exhibited toward everything. The 
Indian puts on a new shirt and wears it day and night nntU 
it is a disgnsting rag; thai he tries to get another one. 



Ever^ article of clothing he serves in the same wa^. He 
likes animals, but does not ^ve them any care. With very 
few exceptions, perhaps not a single one, the Indian houses 
are dilapidated. Sweeping with a very unhandy wisp of 
ichhu-grass is done mostly on the day previous to a feast, 
that is, only a few times each year. The accnmnlation of 
rubbish, it seems, propagates heat. Personal cleanliness is 
on the same level."* 

In addition to the improvements already enumerated, I 
have to mention, as an advance made since the Spanish occa- 
pation in articles of household use and fumitare, the ao- 
called gallo or sleeping platform of adobe. la olden times 
the family slept on the floor.'" The tile roof, not rare on 
the Island, is another improvement. 

The Indians on the Island are not serfs. It would be 
more appropriate to call them "renters." In case of a sale 
they are not obliged to remain on the land. Those of the 
men who have lands in charge for cultivation cannot hire 
themselves out to others without permission of the proprie- 
tor; such as have no lands in charge may work for others, 
and it is not rare to find young men and boys, from the 
Island, at La Paz as servants or hired hands. The Indians 
have no real estate of their own, but occnpy sites where 
their houses stand, and work little plots and fields for whicb 
they pay no direct rental. The compensation g^ven the 
owners consists in: 

(1) Cultivation of certain arable lands exdnsively for the 
benefit of the owners, or, as it is called, for the "hacienda." 

(2) Personal attendance, without compensation, at the 
houses of the owner, either when they dwell on the Island 
or at Puno, La Paz, or elsewhere. The men while per- 
forming such a service are called, "pongo"; the women, 

(3) Other special services, snch as selling of the prodnoe 
("Aljiri") at Copacavana, guarding the house ("unya- 
siri * ') , herding of sheep and cheese-making. These services 


...A^ ;:u:-uf.'-l hiiu ■.!.:1^ 


Plate XVU 

Male and female Ajinarfi skulls from Titicaca Island. The male 
skull aitiflcialty flattened 





are not entirely gratnitons, but compensated to a certain 
extent in prodncts, tbat is, in sheep, dieese, milk, and the 
like. Money is neither received nor paid except when some 
of the products of the hacienda are sold, in which case the 
proceeds are received by the ilacata who keeps the accounts 
for the owners and settles with them and their "mayor- 
dome," or overseer, who is the agent of the proprietors on 
the Island, although in the case of Cballa he remains most 
of the time at Copacavana. Ynmani has no mayordomo, as 
one of the owners resides there during folly one half of the 
year. The Indians are also obl^ed to transport the crops or 
products belon^g to the hacienda to where the owners 
reside, or to Copacavana, which is the nearest market 

Of these four kinds of servitude only one, that of pongo or 
nut'-^ni, may become vexations. The pongos alternate every 
fortnight Every fortnight a new set goes from the Island 
either to Pnno, or to Copacavana if one of the family re- 
sides there, or to La Paz, or Sapahaqui, to attend at the 
houses of their landlords. This may become annoying at 
times, since it may fall upon one whose duties would lie 
nearer to borne. But on the whole the proprietors of Titi- 
caca treat their renters with a consideration akin to sacrifice 
of their own interests. This is especially the case in the 
working of the lands of the haciendas and in the gathering of 
crops. "We had ample opportunity to convince ourselves of 
how much the Indians abuse the negligence of the owners, 
or rather their careless good nature; how little they did 
for the lands of the hacienda, and how the crops raised on 
them were stolen under the very eyes of the overBeer. As 
for transportation of prodncts from the Island, it is usually 
done by Indians who are called to Pnno or other places of 
residence of the owners, hence it is not an extra duty, prop- 
erly speaking. 

According to Bolivian and Peruvian laws the Indian is, 
at least in theory, a citizen." Hence he might vote. Such 
an exercise of the " ri^ts of a free and enlightened citizen ' ' 



we have not had the pleasure of witnessmg; but from de- 
scriptions it wonld be about as imposing an affair as voting 
in many parts of the interior of Mexico, where the Indian 
receives for his patriotic action a compensation that inevita- 
bly culminates in alcohol. The Indians from Titicaca would 
have to vote at Copacavana ; but whether they exercise this 
right or not, and under what pressure, we have not yet been 
able to ascertain. 

Communal tenure of lands was abolished in Bolivia, bat 
the laws remained so far a dead letter."* In the case of the 
Island, it is private property, and the Indians are only 
renters; there is no communal tenure, though some features 
of it remain. Thus every year in antomn (southern hemi- 
sphere) a distribution of plots for cultivation is made. On 
Titicaca, the ilacata proceeded to make this distribution, on 
the ninth of March, 1895, among the Indians pertaining to 
the hacienda of Challa. Every one who has a family, or re- 
quires land, is allotted a tract of tillable soil proportionate 
to his wants. This tract he cultivates for one year only. 
Then it is left to rest for a term of four years, while he 
receives in exchange a new plot that has been recuperating 
about that length of time. The rule is not the same in all 
localities. There are districts or valleys where lands rest 
three, seven or ten years. It results from this that, while 
the surface of the Island (wherever rocks do not protrude) 
appears to have been "anciently cultivated," that cultiva- 
tion has been far from simoltaneons. Only a small pro- 
portion was tilled at any given time, the other portions 
lying idle to recuperate. This system of rotation is a 
very ancient one, and there is no doubt it was general all 
over the Sierra long before the Cuzco Indians overpowered 
the mountain tribes.** The lands on the Island may l»e 
classified as follows, starting from the basis that the entire 
real estate is vested in owners of originally Spanish extrac- 

(1) Vacant expanses and pasturage,*" the latter Tised by 



the flocks of the hacienda, but the animals of the Indians 
obtaining their share of them with the knowledge and con- 
sent of the owners. 

(2) Lands cnltivated, for the ezclnsive benefit of the 
proprietors, by the Indians in common and without com* 

(3) Individual plots distribnted among the Indians an- 
noally and improved by them for their own benefit without 
payment of rent. 

(4) The sites of the homes of the Indians which they 
occupy, without rent, as long as they please, or as long as 
they have no reason for abandoning their dwellings. 
Should they make a change, they can move to another site 
without being molested or compelled to ask for permission, 
as long as they do not inconvenience a neighbor or impinge 
on cultivated expanses or pasturages. 

Thus the Indian has on the Island no real estate of his 
own, but he may exchange the plot annually allotted to him 
for cultivation for that of another Indian." 

Political jurisdiction is vested in the Corre^dor of Copa- 
cavana ; and the courts of Bolivia mie in matters of serious 
crimes. The curacy of Copacavana is the ecclesiastical 
authority ; but the Indians still maintain, as everywhere on 
the Pona and in the Sierra, an organization of their own, 
one handed down to them from pre-colonial times, and'' 
which is based npon the clan as a unit. The clan in Quichua 
as well as in Aymari, in Peru as well as in Bolivia, bears 
the name of "ayliu." It is the well-known consanguine 
cluster, all the members of which acknowledge an official 
and traditional relationship, governing themselves inde- 
pend^tly of other clans, while the tribe is but a shell, pro- 
tecting and holding together a number of clans through 
common consent.^^ 

The rapid but irregular expansion of the sway of the Inca 
tribe of Cnzco did not modify these primitive organizations 
wherever conquered inhabitants were suffered to remain. 



The ayllns remained as before, as well as two larger groups, 
each of which embraced several clans. These groups existed 
at Cuzco as geographical divisions, called, respectively, 
Upper and Lower Cuzco— "Hanan" and "Hurin-Cuzco."** 
Under the names of "Aran-Saya" and "Ma-Saya," analo- 
gons divisions are met with among the AymarA everywhere, 
and were foond among them, together with the ayllu, by the 
Spaniards. At the present day the village of Tiahuanaco is 
divided into Aran-saya and Ma-saya, the former embradng 
what lies north, the latter what lies south, of the central 
square. In the older church books of Tiahuanaco the two 
"aayas" are noticed occasionally, the ayllu always." At 
present the ayllns are much scattered, not in consequence 
of depopulation, but of wider dispersion tiirou^ inter- 
course. A number of Indian families settling in another 
village became tiiere an ayllu named after the place they 
came from, a custom also observed in former times;'" thus 
there is an "Ayllu Tiahuanaco" at Coni, at the foot of 
Ulimani. The Indians of Titicaca, at least those of Challa, 
belong (according to their own statement) to the cluster of 
Aransaya of Copacavana. They are divided into two local- 
ized clans : the ayllu of Challa and the ayllu of Kea. About 
the organization of the Indians of Yumani I could not ascer- 
tain anything beyond that they have their own officers. 
They were even more reticent than the Indians of Challa. 
A^lomeration on haciendas has been a disturbing factor in 
original gronpiog and government. To-day the owners of 
haciendas believe that they appoint the Indian functionaries 
without consulting the wishes of their Indians. These 
officers are : An ilacata, an alcalde, and at least two campos. 
The ilacata represents the administrative power. He dis- 
tributes the lands for cultivation. He receives the products 
of tracts cultivated for the benefit of the owners and over- 
sees certain labors done in common. The alcalde is the 
executive officer. All cases of strife, conflict, acts of vio- 
lence come under his jurisdiction. He also heads the men In 



case of warfare. So the former corresponds to the gov- 
ernor, the latter to the war-captain, of the New Mexico 
pnebios. On the Island these two principal ofiScers are ao* 
cepted rather than appointed by the proprietor on or about 
the first of January of each year;^* also the campos, who 
are Bubaltems and assistants, watching the fields and the 
manner in which they are attended, the housing of the crops, 
their transport, the dispatching of pongos, and the like. All 
these officers have their staffs of office, with silver heads if 
possible, but no distinctive costume. 

I have said that the owners accept the officers proposed. 
The natives of Challa told me emphatically that there ex- 
isted a council of old men, and that this council proposed 
the ilacata, alcalde and campos to be appointed each year. 
The existence of such a body was denied by the owners. 
Probably both sides were right, each from their own stand- 
point. A council certainly exists, but it does not propose 
the men of its choice directly; it elects them t We had proof 
of this while on the Island, in the fact that the Indians, 
among themselves, were quietly speaking of somebody as 
next ilacata, whereas the owner himself had not yet 
thought of any one. In cases of great importance a pub- 
lic meeting may be called, at which even women have vote 
and voice. 

The term ilacata is an Aymard word, whereas alcalde is 
Spanish. We endeavored to find out how the alcalde was 
called in Aymara, but without result.'" In the docu- 
ments concerning the great Indian uprising of 1780 and fol- 
lowing years, of which Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, or Tupac 
Amaru, was a conspicuous figure in the beginning, both the 
Indian alcaldes and the ilacatas are mentioned.^' Among 
northern Peruvian Indians, the gobernadores seem to repre- 
sent the Bolivian ilacata. The alcalde was and is the police- 
magistrate of his tribe, or comunidad,''* hence he seems to 
be the connterpart of the caftan a guerra of the pueblos of 
New Mexico and northern Mexico; whereas the campos 



are algua^es or constables, similar to the tementes of 
northern viUage-Iudians. That the alcalde is a leader in 
warfare was plainly shown on the 16th of March, 1895, when 
the Indians along the Peruvian shores had risen and were 
threatening Copacavana. It was the alcalde to whom the 
Corregidor of Copacavana gave orders to come to the relief 
with armed men, and similar orders were imparted to all 
the Indian alcaldes within the jurisdiction. The ilacatas re- 
mained quietly at home, and we were assured that they had 
nothing to do with the warlike preparations. 

With the mtermingling and shifting of clans, the changes 
wrought therehy and the formation of new ones, it is not 
easy now to detect primitive castoms in r^ard to marriage, 
naming of childrrai and interment (it seems certain, how- 
ever, that marriage originally was exogamous, with descent 
ia the female lineJ^^On the Island, regular marriage 
through the Church is officially required, but the Indians do 
not follow the precept. Baptism is more rigidly observed, 
and one reason for this may be the greater cheapness of the 
ceremony. Marriages are, according to the character of 
the parish priest, often expensive. The complaint raised 
against the clergy on that score Is unhappily too well justi- 
fied. It Is true that with the advent of the Franciscans at 
the convent of Copacavana, a laudable change has taken 
place; stin the Indians have remained rather loose in their 
marital relations, and little punishment is meted out to the 
unfaithful husband or wife. As to chastity, the natives are 
like Indians everywhere else, and like the population of 
these countries in general.^" Not a single marriage hav- 
ing been performed while we were on the Islands, we caauot 
give any details from personal knowledge. We, however, 
took part as god-father and god-mother in an Indian bap- 
tism, which was carried out strictly according to the rules 
of the Church. As presents, we had to give the mother (not 
to the father) chocolate, rice, sngar, two skirts— one for 
herself and another for the baby— and two chemises for the 



^ I 





child. The father being the sheep herder of the Island, we 
were excused from adding fresh meat to the gifts, but made 
up for it in the number of chemises. 

We diligently inqtdred about aboriginal personal names, 
but were invariably told there were none, many personal 
names in Aymara having tamed into family names since 
the conquest.^^ That primitive ceremonies are yet secretly 
performed, both at marriage and at the birth of a diild, is 
beyond all doubt, for we have seen too many evidences of 
the power sorcery and ancient ceremonials still exert over 
the Indian in every phase of life. But it is not possible, in a 
single year's contact, to gain the confidence of so reticent a 
tribe aa the Aymara. In regard to bnrials we were more 
fortunate. In the first place, we witnessed at least a part of 
the bnrial of an adult at Challa ; bat saw only what can be 
seen, with slight modifications, among the New Mexico pue- 
blos, in church. The body was wrapped in ponchos; but 
what transpired in the churchyard while the body was being 
interred, we were not allowed to witness. At Tiahnanaco, 
however, we were reliab^. informed that when a child dies, 
a vessel containing water, some food, and a small wisp or 
broom, are put into the grave with the body. The belief is 
that it takes the soul several days ' travel to reach heaven, 
and that the broom is required for sweeping the road in 
order to reach the last resting place.^^ While on the Island 
we were assured that on the death of an Indian peculiar 
ceremonies are performed around the body, and that when 
that body has been removed from the house, ashes are 
strewn on the floor inside the door-sill, and the house is 
locked from the oatside. After burial the people examine 
the floor carefully. This is done by "old men," and seldom 
do they fail to discover foot-prints of men, women and 
roosters. The former are looked upon as prognosticating 
further deaths in the family, and the latter as indicating the 
presenceof evil spirits whom they call" deuiis." Itisinter- 
esting to compare these practices with those in use among 



the pnebloB as well as vith ancient Pemvian customs men- 
tioned by early chroniclers.^* 

So far as onr observation goes, organization, marriage 
and other customs, on the Island, seem to be like those we 
saw and heard of at other places in Bolivia. There are 
local variations, but the main features are the same. In 
another work I shall record data obtained elsewhere in 
Bolivia, and that throw mn<^ more light on all these ques- 
tions. For the present I confine myself to what we observed 
and learned on the Island and in its neighborhood. 

If we resume the foregoing, we find (1) the sune disposi- 
tion of buildings constituting the Ijidian home as in central 
and southern Mexico; (2) a degree of development in art 
and industry about on a level with that of the New Mexico 
pueblos half a century ago;^" (3) communal tenure of 
lands; (4) a system of clanship ante-dating Spanish occu- 
pation, with indications that the original gentes may have 
partly disappeared, whereas new clans have sprung op, tak- 
ing their names mainly from localities; (5) officers, elective 
in the clan, but nnder ostensible control of the government, 
and of the landowners where the Indians live on large 
estates, as on the Island ; these officers corresponding to the 
governor, war-captain, and assistants of the New Mexico 
village; (6) marriage customs, officially regulated by the 
Church. (Here I shoald add that in flie seventeenth century 
the aylla may have already lost control of marital rules,** 
marriages becoming indiscriminately indogamous and ex- 
ogamous.') The distribution of estates depends upon the will 
of the parents, and there is not, as among the pueblos, as 
strict a division between what belongs to the mother and 
what pertains to the father ; and yet it is asserted that the 
wife controls whatever is housed, or contained in the house I 
We noticed that we never obtained articles of the household, 
such as ancient pottery used in a kitchen, except with consent 
of the women. (7) Burial rites resembling those of the Mexi- 
can and New Mexico sedentary Indians at the present time. ) 



The life of the liidian on the Island is seeminglT' monoto- 
nons. Agricnltnre is his chief occupation. He plants maize 
in October and harvests it in May. Barley is sown in Janu- 
ary and Febmary, and matures in May also. Potatoes, 
which are the important staple, are planted in August and 
Sept^nber, so are the oca, and the quinna, but early pota- 
toes are already harvested in January and Febmary, 
whereas oca and quinna can only be gathered in May. This 
cycle of crops recurs with unvarying regularity year in and 
year out, and this is the narrow circle within which the lead- 
ing occupations of the Islanders, and of the Indians in gen- 
eral, are kept alive. Personal service to the owners bears 
the same character of monotonons periodicity. But as these 
duties require absence from home, and at places where there 
LB more to be seen and heard (as, for instance, La Paz and 
Puno), the Indian of Titicaca has become more wide-awake 
and crafty, more malicious, than many of the Indiana of 
other localities of the Puna ; his wits are sharper, and he is 
by no means the clumsy being as which he may appear at 
first glance. Wbile at home, little sociability can be noticed. 
They hardly gather except on feast-days. Life is much the 
same as in a pueblo of New Mexico. 

The young men associat« more, and chiefly at night. 
Many of them, or of such as are married bat still young, go 
on trading expeditions to Yungas, to the hot regions beyond 
the snowy Ulimani." They take with them mnles and don- 
keys laden with products, mostly chunu and oca, also barley, 
and trade them off for coca, coffee, and sweet tropical 
fruit. These they sell either at Copacavana or on the 
Island, keeping a respectable lot for tiiemselves. Such trips 
fnmish food for discussion at home. An occasional voyage 
to the eastern Bolivian shore, to bay pottery and peaches, 
the former at Ancoraymes, the latter from the vicinity of 
Sorata, is another source of talk outside of the every-day 
treadmill. Gossip is as rank and rife among them as in any 
civilized community, and as the Aymara Lidian is naturally 



of a quarrelsome and rancorous disposition, sqxiabbles in 
words and deeds are not nncommon. For such dissensions 
there is always ample pretext. When crops are being gath- 
ered, stealing is diligently practiced. They are as dishonest 
towards each other as towards the owners of the Island, and 
we know of an instance of an old man, who had to sit up 
night after night in the bitterest cold and in the open field, 
to gnard his potato crop. 

During our stay we had occasion to heal a gronp of 
Indians, all of the cluster of Kea, who had Hi-treated each 
other on the most futile pretexts. But the great occasion 
for displaying prowess is with tiieir neighbors, the Indians 
of the hacienda of YumanL The latter are as pugnacious as 
tiiose of Challa and, although mndi less numerous, provoke 
hostilities now and then by trespassing upon their neigh- 
bors ' lands. The results are regnlar engagements with 
slings and stones, women supplying the men with projec- 
tiles, which they carry in their skirts. A number are badly 
wounded and now and then some are killed, for the Indian is 
dangerously expert with the sUng. Such engagements end 
invariably in the rout of the Yumani warriors, but still they 
are renewed annually. Among the Aymara, hostilities be- 
tween villages are common occurrences, and a number of 
persons are killed every year in fights between pueblos or 
haciendas, or on festive occasions. 

There is no school on the Island. An old man, who speaks 
Quichua as well as Aymara, teaches some of the children 
church hymns and Catechism in their own language. There 
is, as far as we could ascertain, one Indian, an old man, who 
is able to read and write. He does this lying on the floor, 
with his face down. His cbirography is as original as his 
orthography is picturesque. Some of the Indians still pre- 
serve a kind of picture-writing, of which the annexed plate 
is a specimen. It is very difficult to obtain such pictographs. 
The Indians refuse even to exhibit them, and our tenders of 
money could not induce them to show us one of these curious 








picto^rrapba. Their import is wholly religions ; they are the 
Catechism, and dmrch-prayers, pictorially represented. 
The one herewith presented belonged to Don Abel Mendoz 
of Pono, who sent it to the Cteographical Society at Lima, 
and the copy is a photolithographic publication in that 
society's Bulletin."* Nobody has, as yet, been able to 
secnre a literal translation, bnt it seems certain that they 
all relate to church ritual and are of post-Golnmbian ori- 
gin."* For keeping their accounts with the hacienda, the 
Indians, on the Island as well as on the flanks of lUimani 
and elsewhere in the Sierra, still use a simple "qnippu" or 
knotted string, also sticks with notches. We have seen the 
former in use at Llnjo."' 

Councils are held on matters of interest to the whole 
commmiity, but i^ere and when we conld not ascertain. 
The affairs of the little commonwealths on the Island are 
discussed, and liidians are by no means indifferent to the 
outside world either. We noticed, during our stay among 
them while the civU war in Fern was going on, with what 
interest the Indians followed the course of events and how 
surprisingly well informed they were of military move- 
ments. When Chilian troops once trespassed on Bolivian 
territory and an invasion of Bolivia by them was feared, we 
obtained the news through our Indians at Challa and at once 
noticed that the occurrence was not by any means a matter 
of indifference to them. While the liidian nprising along 
the Pemvian border continued and negotiations were being 
carried on secretly between the insurgents and the Indiana 
on the Peninsula of Copacavana, we now and then noticed 
fire-signals on the mainland both west and east, and it was 
not very reassuring to see a response flaring up on the 
summit of Kea-Kollu, the most convenient height for Uiat 
purpose on the Island. Of sign-language we have, as yet, 
not seen any trace. 

The condition of the Indian of the Puna appears to be 
poverty, nay, indigence. One who arrives on the great 



central plateau and sees the Indian trundling along with 
bare feet or at best only with sandals, his body protected by 
a ragged poncho, following his donkey, as shaggy and un- 
conth as the master, or a Uama; sees him devouring an 
unappetizing meal of chiinu and oca or roasted beans on 
the road, and sees the dingy, close, nndean home where the 
same kind of meal is taken, is led to deplore the fate of the 
aborigine.^* And yet, the Indians own more wealth in 
money than many of the landholders in Bolivia, but this 
money they hide most anxiously. Frequent spoliations, 
especially since the separation of South America from 
Spain, is one reason why the liidian hides his wealth. He 
keeps it for certain festive occasions, on which he lavishly 
spends for display in dances and in orgies. He hoards also 
for another purpose. The Indian is slowly accumulating 
even firearms. On the Island, revolvers are by no means 
rare, neither is ammunition. The disconnected state of 
Indian society, their segregation, maintained also after the 
Spanish occapation, render an uprising very improbable; 
but should they ever be able to coalesce, the situation of 
Bolivia and of the Pemvian Sierra might become exceed- 
ingly critical. 

These are the main reasons why the Indian is so ex- 
tremely anxious, as I have previously stated, to secare 
money. He uses it also as currency in his daily transac- 
tions. But there is a substance which he prizes even more, 
for certain reasons, than gold or silver, and this is coca. 
The dried leaves of EryihroxUon Coca, a product of the 
hot lands, are in many cases a greater incentive for the 
Indian to sell or to work than money."* Such has been onr 
experience elsewhere. Coca is, to the older men among 
them, more indispensable than food or drink. I need not 
treat here of the qualities attributed to this plant, whether 
real or imaginary; but its leaves are, if not another cur- 
rency, like sheU-beads among northern Indians, often a 
much surer resource than silver or gold. The use of coca 







is more common and more widely distribnted among 
the male Indians than it was before the time of Fizarro, 
because the coca-plant was then cnltivated to a limited ex- 
tent only,** and the coca-producing regions have become 
more accessible. What has been pablished about planta- 
tions of coca on Titicaea Island for the benefit of the Inoa-B 
is, at beat, very doubtful.*' 

Both money and coca are indispensable to the Indians for 
religious purposes. As religions performances constitute 
an important part of th^ exterior life, and as their modes 
of thinking and the moflves of their actions are dependent 
upon religious beliefs,^ I shall have to approach, though 
timidly, this importynt field as far as we were able to 
scrutinize it while on the Island of Titicaca and at Copa- 

The Indian of Bolivia is a Catholic ; at least nominally. 
He clings with utmost tenacity to his local church and cer- 
tain sanctnaries, to the images they contain, and to every 
vestment and ornament. This attachment is manifested in 
the presence of the stranger and to any one who would en- 
deavor to deride or profanate snch objects. But, in case of 
a general uprising, I doubt very much (and in this I am 
confirmed by the opinion of reliable parish priests) whether 
the Indians woald not return openly to a paganiran which 
at heart they still profess and in secret actually practise. 
The great Indian rebellion of 1781 would have culminated 
in such a retum.*^ The Aymara Indian, especially the 
younger generation and the sorcerers, are fetish-worship- 
era to-day, while they follow the rites of the church also. 
The latter is done sincerely, inasmuch as the Indian at- 
tributes to these rites and ceremonies power in eases when 
the ceremonials of his primitive creed are powerless; in 
other words : he sincerely believes Catholic rites and pray- 
ers to be "big medicine" for certain things, whereas he 
still dings to the other, and with still greater tenacity per- 
hai>e. I can but repeat, on this point, what I have already 



published in regard to &e tribee of the soathwestem United 
States and of northern Mexico: "It is vain to deny that the 
soathwestem Indian is not an idolater at heart, bnt it is 
equally preposterous to assume that he is not a sincere 
Catholic. Only he assigns to each belief a eertaia field of 
action, and has minntely circumscribed each one. He liter- 
ally gives to God what, in his judgment, belongs to God, and 
to the devil what he thinks the devil is entitled to, for the 
Indian's own benefit. Woe unto him who touches his an- 
cient idols, but thrice woe to him who derides his church 
or desecrates its ornaments.'"' Substituting "Aymara of 
Bolivia and Peru" for "sonthwestem Indian," and this 
statement stands as well for South America as for those 
parts of the northern hemisphere about which it was 

The Indian, so far as we could observe, firmly believes in 
a spiritual being— spiritual in the sense that it is invisible 
to his eyes— which being is tiie Christian God, "Dios" or 
"Dius," and for which he has, at least on the Island, no 
other name." The Indian professes great devotion to the 
patron saint of his chapel, and on the Island "Our Lady of 
the Light," the miraculons image of Copacavana, certainly 
stands higher in his estimation than the invisible "Dins." 
He attends church nearly every Sunday. The balsas that 
cross to Yampupata and recross, are filled with men, 
women and children on Saturdays, who go to pray at tiie 
sanctnary of "Nnestra Senora de Copacavana," and at the 
same time to sell their products at the Sunday fairs. They 
make vows, and discharge the obligations thereby incurred; 
they are anxious to have their children baptized; they sob 
and howl and sigh at church in a heartrending manner, and 
if they can steal a piece of the kostia, it will invariably be 
used for some medicinal, that is, witchcraft, purpose. At 
Tiahuanaco we were told that the Indians believe that 
when a child dies unbaptized it returns to the body of the 
mother, causing it to swell, a process which they call 



"limbo," and to prev^it this they use the hostia. They 
confess themselves regularly for some years, then again 
drop the "habit." They regard God and the eaints usually 
as beneficent or rather as neefoL Certain diseases, how- 
ever, are attributed to an ill wind produced by God, and 
others to an ill wind due to some saint; hence the "pacha 
ayre" and the "santo ayxe."" In some districts or vil- 
lages, no image of a saint is tolerated in their bouses, out 
of dread of that "ill wind" of the saints. Of retribution 
after death they have, as far as we could ascertain, no idea. 
Of the existence of evil spirits they are firmly convinced. 
On the Island, it is "Supay" who sweeps over the land in 
the hail-storm, and when their crops are destroyed by hail 
they say that Supay has preyed on them with his hordes of 
other fiends. How often were we, at night, startled by the 
hgubrious sotmd of the "Pu-tu-tu," a cow-hom, which the 
Indians blew on the approach of clouds threatening hail, 
in order to oblige Supay and his associates to take another 
conrse in their devastating career." At Tiahnanaco and 
vicimty it is "Anchancho"** who plays the part of the 
spirits of evil, and when they fear his approach in a threat- 
ening storm, they also blow their pu-tu-tus and shout at the 
top of their voices: "Pass on, pass onl" On the Island, 
there seems to be greater indifference than on the mainland 
toward some church practices, as, for instance, they care 
very little for an official blessing of the crops. Mass, how- 
ever, is exacted by them on the feast day of their pa- 
tron saint. When the agents of the owners of Challa, 
throngih a very ill-timed measure, attempted to prevent the 
Qsoal celebration on the twenty-fifth of July of 1895, 
onr mtervraition alone prevented a serious outbreak. We 
noticed, however, that it was more the opportunity of cele- 
brating the day with dances of old and immoderate drink- 
ing that would have been missed than the religious cere- 
We could not detect, in the midst of the host of witchcraft 



. practices and reminiscences of ancient beliefs, any prefer- 
ence to a worship of either sun or moon. The definition of 
Indian fetishism given by Mr. Cashing applies also to the 
AymarS: "The A-shi-wi, or Znnis, snppoae the aim, moon, 
and stars, the sky, earth, and sea, in all their ph^iomena 
and elements, and all inanimate objects, as well as plants, 
animals, and men, to belong to one great system of all- 
conscions and interrelated life."^ One thing struck as, 
namely, the belief that both snn and moon were created 
beings, and this is primitive belief, anterior to influences 
of a ChriBtian origin."^ What, however, the Aymara of 
the Island pays particular attention to are the "Adia- 
cbilas," literally "grandfathers," spirits, dwelling at all 
conspicnons places, in all striking objects, and who are 
supposed to exert a constant influence npon man."" This 
belief in the " Achachilas" ia nothing else but the fetishism 
so well characterized by Mr. Cnshing, and which I have 
traced among every Indian tribe with which I came in con- 

Every conspicuous object in nature is believed, by the 
Aymara, to harbor its own spiritual nnclens or essence, 
that plays an active part in the life of its surroundings, man 
included. This Indian conception may be illustrated by ex- 
amples that came under our observation. While we were at 
Challa, the Indians received orders to tear down some walls 
forming the southern side of a court, and to erect on the 
site a store-house of adobe. The first part of this work was 
performed without any ceremony, and this greatly incensed 
the warden or "unya-siri" who happens to be one of the 
leading medicine-men on &e Island. He chided the work- 
men and insisted that, in order to prevent disaster to the 
new edifice, they should, before proceeding to demolish the 
walls, have burnt incense in each of the four comers ; should 
have prayed (begging for^venesa) in each comer, and 
finally, in the centre, prostratii^ themselves, kissing the 
earth and looking up to tiie sky, with both hands raised in 



I'otter)' from graves of Aymcwi (ChaUp*) origin itt nuions parta of tlto 

Iiiland. The two vases at the bottom may have been brought 

from the maioland, posrably from Tiahuanaco 





prayer. On the following morning the fomidationa of the 
new stmctare were to be laid, and for that purpose they 
had, the night before, prepared as many tiny bundles as 
there were comers, and an extra one for the centre. Each 
bundle contained : The fetus of a llama,** the fetns of a pig, 
a piece of llama-tallow,*'"' leaves of a plant not found on the 
Island and called by them "nira-ko-na," and coca leaves. 
These bundles are prepared by men only, and at night, and 
the parties are chosen the evening before by the ilacata, 
which shows that this officer has certain religious functions 
also. When all the workmen had gathered on the site, the 
one who directed the work, the maestro, or architect (a plas- 
terer from the Peninsnia of Copacavana), spread before 
bim a "llik'Ua," or square piece of embroidered cloth, made 
like a poncho, but smaller. Every Indian took three coca 
leaves, arranging them in the shape of a trefoil, and depos- 
ited them on the llik'lla, while the master of ceremonies was 
pronouncing the following prayer: "Children, with all your 
heart, put coca into your mouths [each took a mouthful of 
coca-leaves] ; we must give to the virgin earth, but not with 
two hearts; with one heart alone." After this ceremony 
they set to work. In the afternoon when they had again 
gathered they all took off their hats, and the director said : 
"Children, we shall ask of 0od (Bius-at) and of the Acha- 
chila and the grandmother,'*" that no evil may befall us.'**** 
Then they buried the bundles, in each of the four comers 
and in the centre, adding to them "aji" (red pepper), 
sugar, and salt. After this the master again spoke as fol- 
lows : ' 'Let all of you together take coca [they put coca into 
their mouths], throw coca on the ground [upon this they 
began to scatter coca into the trench made for the founda- 
tion}, ^ve them their dues!" The old men responding: 
"Diua pagarat-kat, uauanakal"— May Qod reward you for 
it, children I After this they threw earth on the bundles. In 
this ceremony the Christian God and the fetishes are both 
appealed to. The articles offered in sacrifice represent 



olden as well as modem times. Thus the llama-fetos and 
Uama-tallow, the "uira-kooa" and the coca are andoit the 
others are modem. 

The above ceremony of invocation and sacrifice is called 
"tincat" (giving the "tinea"), and it is practised on almost 
every similar occasion. While we were excavating at Kasa- 
pata, a new honse was erected near this site, and we were 
told that the same sacrifice had been performed before work 
was began. On the first day, all the men who took partinthat 
"house-raising" wore wreaths of flowers aronnd their hats 
andcaps. AtTiahaanacowewereassnredthathonse-bnilding 
is a communal undertaking of the aylln, or of those of its 
members that are related to the family for which the building 
is erected, and that the only compensation for such assistance 
is chicha and food. The custom is undoubtedly primitive.*"' 

Another ceremony, which we only partly witnessed, how- 
ever, took place on the Island during the days of Carnival, 
February 24th, 25th, and 26th of 1895, and it is annually 
repeated. Already on the 24th preparations were going on in 
the practice of the drum here and there. On the following 
day, the Indiana of Ohalla with the alcalde at their head 
brandishing a Peruvian flag, and with his hat, as well as 
those of most of the other participants, wreathed with flow- 
ers, went in procession, to the sound of drum and flute, to 
the fields at "Kea," there to exchange, for about half an 
hour, throws of peaches wiUi the people of that settlement, 
and offer to the soil the tinea above mentioned. They 
bnmed this offering, burying the ashes in the fields with 
appropriate invocations, and sprinkling the ground with 
alcohol and red wine. Afterward they dug out small quan- 
tities of whatever fruit had been raised, which was taken 
home to be kept until the following season. The idea is, to 
give to the earth (which also is "Achachila") a remunera- 
tion or compensation for its favors."* The most instruc- 
tive examples of Achachila worship that we were allowed to 
witness were those performed previous to our excavations 



for antiqnitieB, and without which no such work is expected 
to be snccessf ol. We had to go through this ordeal at three 
Afferent places— on Titicaca, on Koati, and at Cachilaya, 
near Chililaya, on the mainland. I shall limit myself to a 
description of the performances on Titicaca, as the others 
showed bnt slight variations. 

At the laying of the comer-stone, the architect or superin- 
tendent officiated, but for the ceremony initiating excava- 
tions a medicvne-man, or shaman, was required. At Challa 
we had the desired dignitary at the very house of the 
hacienda and in the person of its nnya-siri, or warden, 
Manuel Mamani, whose portrait accompanies these pages. 
He informed me (my wife was at first excluded from the 
deliberations, though afterward she was permitted to see 
Bome of the preliminaries) that the articles needed for the 
conjuration were: Coca, uira-koa, Uama-taUow, the two 
fetuses, a piece of the skin of the "titi," or wild-cat, grape- 
brandy, wine, and especially "muUu." For this ceremony 
the latter is a fetish of white alabaster representing a bull 
or cow, and resembling, both in color and in shape, certain 
well-known fetishes of New Mexico.""* The fetus could 
not be procured, but the other substances were ready on the 
day appointed, and in the afternoon a walk was taken with 
theconjurertotwo of the places where we intended to begin, 
Easa-pata, and the pasturages of Ciria-Fata (g). There, 
Manuel Mamani squatted on the groond, took off his hat, 
and greeted the "Achachilas" as follows: "Good after- 
noon, Achachilas: Kasapata AchachUa, Llak'ayUi Acka- 
chila, Chincana AchachUa, Calvario AchachUa, Santa Maria 
Achachila, Ciriapata AchachUat We have greeted all of 
yoQ whom a viracocha [the common designation for a white 
stranger] has sent me to greet ; for him [on his accomit] I 
have come, as he cannot speak to thee. Forgive me for 
asking of ttiee a favor." Then he took coca, made two tre- 
foils of ooca-leaves and placed them into as many balls made 
of llama-tallow (untu), wine, nira-kona, a piece of cat's fur, 



and mnlln, rasping with his knife from the alabaster fetish. 
Then making two holes at some distance from each o&er, 
he placed one of the balls in each of tbem, covering the hole 
with a stone. This was an "official notice" to the Acha- 
chilas of the main ceremony^ that was to take place the night 
following. Ordinarily, this preliminary is performed the 
evening before, and the sorcerer then goes to dream abont 
the moat eligible spot. The Aymara believes ia dreams as 
firmly as all other Indians ; bnt in our case the dreaming 
part was deemed tmnecessary, as we had already deter- 
mined upon the locality. After nightfall, Mannel stealthily 
crept into onr rooms. Squatting"** by the side of a candle 
he formed twenty balls like those he had made in the after- 
noon, with the addition, however, of brandy. He also made 
two larger ones, in the centre of which he placed, in lien of 
the nsnal trefoil, a bnnch of coca leaves. With these twenty- 
two pellets, the remainder of a bottle of brandy, and a bottle 
of red wine, onr procession of conjurers crawled np to 
Kasa-pata in the darkness of the night, over cliffs and slip- 
pery rocks, and with more than one tumble. The greatest 
care was taken to avoid dwellings, and a secluded spot 
selected for the operation. The medicine-man repeated the 
formula of the afternoon and sprinkled wine and afterward 
brandy in the direction of each of the five Achachilas named, 
saying: "All thy presents I have now brought. " With this, 
he counted out the twenty balls one by one, each being 
counted as a quintal, or hundredweight,***^ and adding: 
"Thou hast to ^ve me with all thy heart" Then a fire 
was built, and the twenty baUs were placed on it. Manuel 
threw into the flames a substance which he refused to show 
us and which caused the fire to spit and to cra<^e. At this 
sound everybody had to run off a short distance while he 
exclaimed : ' ' The Achachilas are eating I ' ' After the fire had 
gone out he returned to the place and covered it with stones. 
Then he went with the two larger balls to another spot and 
dug a hole, saying : ' ' The virgin earth is now invited, here is 






thy burial of treasure,"'"" and placed both balls into the 
hole. "The very things of the Inca thon hast to bring forth. 
Now, with thy permission we will take leave. Forgive me. ' ' 
With this the performance was at an end and we groped our 
way back, over the steep and wet rocks, without a single star 
on tiie dark firmament. By midnight we were home again, 
bruised and tired, and the next morning, the Indians, satis- 
fied tbat we had the "Achachilas" in our favor, went to 
work, convinced that the yield would be abundant. Never- 
theless at noon on the following day, while our laborers took 
a recess for lunch, another medicine-man among them poured 
out wine and alcohol in the direction of the five Achachilas, 
after each one of the laborers had taken a pinch of coca, and 
said : * ' Achacbila, do not make me suffer much work, we are 
those who work under pay; to this viracocha thou hast to 
retom what he paid to us, for this thou art beckoned [in- 
vited].*' If an !bidian is offered a glass of wine, or when- 
ever he partakes of their favorite beverage, alcohol diluted 
to about sixteen or seventeen degrees, he first pours out a 
little, as libation. The well-known offering by the Peruvian 
and Bolivian Indians, at the "apachitas," is also to the 
spirits. Every pass, and the mountain peaks around it, are 
"Achachilas," and every Indian places a stone and some 
coca leaves in a comer or sx>ot along the trail in order to 
influence the spirits in his behalf. The next one adds his 
votive offering, and thus heaps of pebbles and leaves gradu- 
ally accanmlate.'"* They have their counterparts in the 
"tapn*' of the New Mexico Tehnas, the little stone heaps 
aroond many of the pueblos in general, and in the Apache 
reservation of Arizona. According to pueblo interpreta- 
tion, each stone lying on twigs in one of these heaps signifies 
a prayer. The Quichuas and Aymaras claim it to be a sacri- 
fice. A sacrifice is always accompanied by a wish, whether 
expressed in a formal prayer or not, hence the fundamental 
idea is the same in South America as in the southwest of 
North America.'" 

^3««^' „,„.„Googlc 


From what precedes it is clear that the number of Acha- 
chilas is immense. Every summit, every gorge, every spring, 
in short, every site more or less prominent is thought to be 
inhabited by snch a spirit. Meteorological phenomena also 
are inclnded, such as lightning, the rainbow and the clouds. 
One of their devices for rain-making consists in "calling the 
rain-clouds." It resembles the pueblo practice of invoking 
the "Shiuana" and beckoning to them to come. Near 
Tiahuanaco, there is a height whither the Indians repair 
whenever they need rain, to sacrifice coca and to call the 
clouds. The rainbow ("knrmi" ) is Achacbila, and at 
Tiahuanaco they forbid children to gaze at it lest it 
might kill them."' In short, the Achachilas are the "Gna- 
cas" or "Huacas" of Peru; they are analogous to the 
"Shiuana," and "Kopish-tai" of the Queres, and to the 
"Ojua" of the Tehuas, in New Mexico.'" 

Whether the Indians have other fetishes besides the 
"Mulln" above referred to, I am nnable to tell. All our en- 
deavors to elicit information on that score were in viun. 
The queries were eluded, not answered. 

Where the idea prevails that nature is occupied by a mul- 
titude of spiritual individualities more or less potent, it re- 
sults that whatever man suffers, be it from disease or 
through accident, is attributed to evil spiritueU agencies. In 
many instances there is a singular blending of ancient with 
Christian notions. Thus, at Tiahuanaco, we were informed 
that, when lightning strikes a house, it is abandoned for the 
day and nig^t following, for they believe that "Santiago" 
(Saint James) has stumbled or made a mistake.'" The 
doors are draped in black. The next day twelve boys, per- 
sonifying the twelve apostles, are fed in the building. Once 
the meal over, these boys go home without looking hack; if 
they turn around to look, lightning will strike one of than 
soon after. After their departure, the owner of the house 
and his wife return accompanied by a shaman, or medi- 
cine-man, who, after joining their hands, covers tiieir heads 



with a black poncho and utters a prayer to "Pachacamac" 
(I have my doubts about this word) in behalf of the future 
safety of the house. To this prayer the sorcerer replies in 
a changed tone of voice explaining the lightmng-stroke as a 
nuHtake that shall never occur again. Huge stones are 
dreaded as swallowing people occasionally.*^* When the 
priest of Tiahuanaco once found it advisable to have such 
a stone removed, he obtained assistance only with the great- 
est difficulty, and after its removal the Indians sacrificed 
coca and alcohol to appease "Anchancho" and indnce him 
not to take revenge upon them for the removal. 

In the valuable essay on Zoni fetishes already quoted, Mr. 
Gushing says: "In this system of life the starting point is 
man, the most finished yet the lowest organism, actnally the 
lowest, because the most dependent and least mysterious. 
In just 88 far as an organism, actual or imaginary, resem- 
bles his, it is believed to be related to him, and correspond- 
ingly mortal. In just as far as it is mysterious is it consid- 
ered removed from him, further advanced, powerful and 
immortal. It thus happens that the animals, because alike 
mortal and endowed with similar physical functions and 
OT^ans, are considered more nearly related to man than are 
the gods ; more nearly related to the gods than is man, be- 
cause more mysterious, and characterized by spedfic 
instincts and powers which man does not of himself 

The truth of this is also exemplified among the Aymari. 
They attribute to animals not only the gift of presage, but 
also the faculty of intercession. Innumerable are the beliefs 
in manifestations of evil omens. The owl, that unlucky bird, 
one of the most slandered in this world, must, of course, 
head the list, especially the large species or "nrcu" (Biibo 
nutgeUanicus). But the smaller lechuza^" are also noted 
for the ominous significance of their cry. When Indians 
see an owl flying in the night they throw salt at it with the 
left hand. Domestic fowl also play a conspicuous part. 



■Whenever a hen erowa like a rooster, or a rooster cackles 
like a hen, or when a rooster crows at the honr of evening 
prayers, it is a bad omen and the bird is forthwith killed. 
On the mainland, a little bird which they call "tiolas" is 
much dreaded, being charged with the disagreeable habit of 
taking away the "fat of the heart" while flying past a per- 
son, and thus causing his or her death. Another very nn- 
popnlar bird Is called "coohi-pachi," and its voice bodes no 
good.''^ Among qnadmpeds, the skonk and the fox are, on 
the mainland, suspicionsly watched, and if a f os crosses our 
path accidentally, we had better prepare for ill luck. Among 
domestic quadrupeds it is the guinea-pig or cuy, formerly, 
at least, much used in sacrifice and divining.*" In case one 
of these lively creatures whines at night or chuckles, it is 
killed at once and its body thrown away, as it is a conejo- 
brujo (rabbit-witch) and will carry sickness into the 
family. The barking of dogs in a dark night is also an evil 
omen. The alcalde of Challa, a man not by any means 
gifted with an exalted imagination, and still less a coward, 
when returning from our room to his home one dark night, 
was terribly frightened by the sudden barking of the dog 
of the hacienda. He swore he would never visit ns any 
more after sunset, as the dog had seen a f^ost, and he 
thought to have noticed a dark figure near our door. 

Belief in f obvious animals is also current. If the * ' marine 
monster" previously mentioned should not, in course of 
time, prove to be some large aquatic animal, we may classify 
it among the mythical beasts, although the belief in its ex- 
istence is of rather recent origin. The fabulous animal 
most generally believed in, however, is the carbuncle. As 
everywhere else, the "carbuncle" is described as a cat, hav- 
ing on its forehead a blood-red stone which shines at night 
On the Island it is confounded with the titi, and that name 
is also given to it."* "We were told that the carbuncle 
dwelt in the snows of the high peak of Sajama, near Oruro, 
and impeded approach to the summit of that mountain. 







Spiders are nsed, by some sorcerers, for prognostics. 
From the movements of the legs of the insect, ibe diviner 
draws his inferences, in a similar manner as the Opata 
Indians of Sonora prognosticated from the motions of the 

We lack yet most of the information desirable in regard 
to the role of animals as intercessors. Bot we were x>osi- ' 
tively informed that the group of dancers called "Chayll'- 
pa," and of which I shall hereafter speak, have among 
other duties that of conjuring drouth. They go to the sum- 
mit of the height called Calvario (4), which is denuded of 
sU vegetation, gather small stones and throw them into tiie 
Lake. Bat they also catch toads and throw them into the . 
water, there to intercede for rain."' Among the objects of 
stone found on the Island, on the Peninsula of Copacavana, 
and chiefly on Koati, are frogs of stone, and we diligently 
inquired of the Indians whether these had been perhaps 
rain-intercessors after the manner of those used by the 
pueblos to-day. "We never received, any other but an eva- 
sive reply. 

Another indication of intercession by animals is found in 
the dance called chacu-ayllu, or chokela, danced by the 
ChayU'pa. In this dance the vicuna plays the same part as, 
in symbolic dances of the pueblo Indians, the eagle, the deer, 
and the motmtain-sheep. The chaca-ayllu is an ancient 
eeremonial, the signification of which as a " hunter 's-dance ' ' 
is no longer understood. 

The Ohayll'pa, whenever they appear in full costnme, 
wear the skin of a young vicnna, head included, han^ng 
down their backs. The "Kena-Kena," another group of 
dancers, wear a sleeveless jacket made of the skin of a 
jaguar. Animal forms are also represented in the fetishes 
called "MuUu," so extensively peddled about the country 
by the curious guild of Indian medicine-men and shamans 
known as "Callahuaya." 

The Callahuaya speak the Quichua language."' Their 



borne is fhe province of Mnnecas, east of the Lake, which 
province is partly inhabited by Qoichna-speaking aborig- 
ines.*" On the Island they are sometimes called Chunchos, 
bat they have nothing in conmion with these forest Indians 
except inarannch as they pretend (and it is probably trae) 
that some of their medicinal herbs are gathered in the 
montoHa, or forests, where the wild tribes (often called 
Chunchos collectively) dweU and roam. The Callahnayas 
are great and intrepid traveling peddlers ; they extend their 
jonmeyings to the eastern as well as to the western sea- 
coast, and one is as likely to meet a Callahnaya in Bnenos 
Ayres as to find him offering his wares at La Paz, Copaea- 
vana or on Titicaca Island. Their costume differs from 
that of the Aymara, in that they wear pantaloons and 
broad-brimmed hats. A poncho with more or less intricate 
patterns, and always dirty, falls down from the neck as far 
as the knee, over the nsnally dilapidated breeches. Two 
big bags, like saddle bags, and a wallet with ooca and other 
ingredients, handsomely woven, but stiff with grease, com- 
plete the oflScial costmne of the wandering Callahnaya. We 
met them everywhere. Between Pnno and Sillustani we saw 
these quaint figures walking single file, wending their way 
in silence from Indian village to Didian village, from iso- 
lated dwelling to isolated dwelling, everywhere tolerated 
and everywhere received with undemonstrative hospitality. 
A close study of the Callahuayas at their home is mnch 
needed, and would reveal a host of interesting detaUs on 
aboriginal medicine and witchcraft. As yet we can only 
speak of these singular and raiterprising peddlers from 
what we saw of them far from the district which they in- 

Objects peddled by the Callahuayas are mostly herbs, but 
these are not all indigenous. We bought, from a Callahnaya 
who came to the Island and offered his wai^s at Challa, the 
following remedies: (1) Against melancholy: "yerba de 
amante"; (2) against rheumatic cold: "uturuncu,"^'^ to 



be mbbed in; (3) against headache: "yerha de GastUla*' 
and sternutative powder of hellebore. Hence, of these four 
substances, at least one came from some dmg^st. That 
8ucb was the case was further proven by the fact that the 
Indian 'wizard himself called the powder rape. 

There is no doubt that the Callahnaya had other medi- 
cine more efficient and certainly indigenons, bnt these he 
was carefnl not to show ns. He was very soon taken in 
charge by some of the- Indians of Ohalla and remained 
several days on the Island, without showing himself any 
more about tiie hacienda buildings. Bnt— and this seems to 
be the principal treasure in which the Callahuayas deal— he 
had for sale a number of fetishes made of white alabaster. 
This mineral is said to be abundant in the region of Charas- 
sani, where the Callahnayas are at home. We purchased 
ench of them as he showed ns, and they were all sent to the 
Musenm. One represents a snail, others clenched fists, and 
these are said to create contentment and i^ve wealth. They 
were all besmeared with llama-tallow, "nntn," the same 
substance that is indispensable for incantations. Other ac- 
cessories were gold and silver tinsel, and red and black 
beans. These fetishes are sold not only to the Indians (and 
perhaps less to these), bat to mestizos, and even to whites 
occasionally, as faith in the cures and supernatural gifts of 
the Callahnayas is very common and deeply rooted in all 
classes of society, though seldom confessed. 

We certainly saw only such fetishes as the Callabuaya 
deemed safe to exhibit, and not the most interesting ones. 
The latter are more particularly called Mullu, and are of 
ancient origin and nse. The word is Quichua, but has been 
adopted into the Aymara language. A Mullu is usually an 
animal figure, like the one used by Manuel Mamani in the 
ceremonies preceding our excavations. It is "good" for a 
great many things, and the Callahnayas also sell, secretly, 
human fibres. We sent to the Museum a small one, found 
on the surface of the slopes of Ticani (2), and of a whitish 



stone apparently arenaceons. When I showed this figure to 
one of the wizards on the Island, his eyes sparkled^ and he 
displayed intense desire to obtain it, saying: "If it were 
Callahnaya, then it would be worth a great deal I" This 
significant remark caosed ns to interrogate him eantionsly, 
and thns we ascertained that fetiehes in tiie form of men 
and of women are still in use. We further found out that, 
while the white fetishes served for good purposes, the Ga- 
' llahnayas had fetishes of black or at least dark-oolored 
stone, which were used for evU sorcery. Here our inquiries 
came to an end, as Mamani denied any knowledge of "black 

Accessory information, however, was obtained in another 
way. A friend of ours, the Franciscan Father Juan Maris- 
cal, on one of his intrepid tonra among the then rebellious 
Indians of the Peruvian boundary, saw a whole arsenal of 
implements for witchcraft, which he tried to secure for us, 
but the owner refused to give them up. Our frigid conld 
barely more than glance at them. He noticed, however, 
human figures and other strange objects of wood and stone, 
and also of rags, but was not permitted to examine them 
closely as soon as the party having them in charge under- 
stood the priest's intention. On the hacienda of Cnsijata, a 
short distance from Copacavana, a number of objects for 
evil sorcery were found, previous to our coming to Bolivia. 
One of the chief means for mortally hurting anybody 
throu^ witchcraft is, to make a human figure out of grains 
of Indian com, and pierce it with thorns. In order to sepa- 
rate a loving couple, two such figures are tied togetiier with 
' hairs (not far) of a cat, and buried, witii a live toad along- 
side of them.'*" 

It will be noticed, that not only is witchcraft (good and 
evil) extensively practised among the Indians of Aymara 
stock, hence on the Island also, but that they have symbolic 
figures, of which, however, we saw very few. But any one 
visiting Bolivia can, if he looks at the roofs of Indian 



houses, at once desciy a primitive symbol placed there 
alongside of the crosses mth which nearly every gable of 
an Indian home is decorated. This symbol is a snake, and 
represrats lightning. We had noticed this figure without 
seeing in it more than an accidental ornament until at 
Challa the chapel of the hacienda was being repaired. Its 
low tower had been finished; the cross alone was lacking. 
To hmnor the Indians, we promised to obtain a cross at 
Copaeavana, of iron or brass, and donate it to them. As 
our trip to Copaeavana became delayed, onr servant (a 
Bolivian mestizo, who afterward gave us tmtold trouble 
through his intemperance and dishonesty) volunteered to 
make such a cross, with the aid of our carpenter's tools, 
out of an old box unserviceable for packing, and an aged 
tin can. He kept his promise and, on completing the orna- 
ment, stated that he wonld have to add two figures of 
snakes, to be fastened diagonally over the cross. TJpon ask- 
ing the wherefore of this, we were told, by him as well as 
by the Indians, that the snake was a protection against 
lightning, and its symbolic pictare. Figure (p. 108) shows 
the symbol in the test 

a and a is the symbol for lij^tning, and intended to repre- 
sent a snake. 

b, b, b, are called hands {memos) and also stand for light- 
ning. As far as I could xmderstand, the snake rather repre- 
sents the downward ray, or thunderbolt. 

The snake symbol is the more singular since that reptile 
is rarely met with on the high and cold table- landa, the only 
striking species being the aquatic "yauriQca," already 

There can be no doubt that the dances of the Aymara are 
symbolic, although in many cases their tme significance is 
now only known to a few Indians. Their dancing is clearly ■ 
a religious act, and if the performances are accompanied by 
demonstrations of boisterous delight and by excessive im- 
bibing, this does not militate against their intrinsically 




serious character. The orgies into which nearly all, if not 
all, the Indian dances degenerate are not the result of deg- 
radation and growing vidonsness since the advent of tiie 
Spaniards, as is often pretended; ihey are andent cnstoms, 
in which the intemperance displayed takes the character of 
Ubations.^*' It may be that the Indian of the Pona dances 
for mere enjoyment also,*** but we know thatevery reli^ons 
festival, and every public celebration in general, is aocom- 

I)anied by Indian dancing. The variety of dances is great, 
among the Aymara as well as among the Qnichua. Some of 
these are common to all districts ; many are danced only in 
certain localities. Some are performed at loi^ intervals of 
time, others on every occasion, for reasons which only a 
protracted study of the Aymara will reveal, a study that, 
_lite the work of /Mr. Frank H. Cnshingymong the Zunisl^of 
Dr. "Washington Matthews^^mong the Navajos^and ofO^iss 
Alice Fletcherjamong tribes of the central plains, mnst be 
carried on with much tact and patience. 
It was not possible during our stay in the Lake basin and 




on certain islands to penetrate deeply into the nature of 
cemnonies identified with the innermost nature of the In- 
dian and bis most hallowed reminiscences. I can present, 
therefore, bat an incomplete introduction to the subject. 
The Aymard are much more reticent on these points than 
northern tribes. Besides, t^ie true meaning of many dances 
is either lost or known only to few, and these few are just 
those whose confidence it is most difficult to gain. 

Comparatively few dances are performed on the Island, 
and these are also danced at Copacavana. Hence what I 
ehall say in regard to the Island will apply to the Peninsula, 
Bo far as ascertained. We heard that others are performed 
at Copacavana besides, and have no reason to doubt it. 
They differ from those of the pueblo Indians. The proces- 
sion, sometimes men alone, sometimes men and women, files 
in with less regularity, and with a step that is rather a 
dnmay trotting. As there were always several groups danc- 
ing at the same time and chan^g places with each other, 
it was very difficult to watch the figures. (Each group of 
dancers has a number of musicians, who do not, as in Mew 
Mexico, stand still and play their discordant and noisy in- 
struments, but join the others in the dance. The figure is, 
sometimes, a meandering back and forth in single file; gen- 
erally, however, and when there are women in the group, 
they describe a circle, with one man or a pair in the center 
irtiirling about like tops, the women especially. We have 
often wondered at the length of time a woman, encumbered 
with her many skirts and the bundle of blankets on her ba<^ 
can endure that vertiginous gyration. The dancer often 
falls to the ground, and while it ia sometimes from iutoxica^ 
tion, it is also from sheer dizziness!) No better idea can be 
gathered of the general character of these performances 
than at one of the great festivals at the sanctuary of Copa- 
cavana, for instance on the first and second of February. 
We went to Copacavana on the day previous and when, on 
the picturesque trail from Tampupata to the village, we de- 



scended into the bottom by the Lake-side, lond shonting, sing- 
ing, the rumbling of big drams, and firing of muskets was 
heard. Ahead of as on the road, a procession of white figares 
with gaudy head-dresses was moving toward the village. 
They were dancers going to the festival. In front walked 
the "Chnnchu-Sicuri," their heads adorned with tall um- 
brella-like contrivances, each of the canes composing the 
frame carrying a tuft of red, yellow and green plumes. This 
head-dress is light, but at least three feet high. All these 
dancers were men. They wore the gray and laced jackets 
so common on the markets of La Paz, and over them a 
sleeveless bodice of jaguar-skin similar to a cuirass. A 
skirt, made of white cotton and nicely plaited, sometimes 
stitched handsomely, floundered about their limbs. The 
leaders carried the Bolivian tricolors and lances, and their 
head-dress consisted of a stiff hat, with three tiers of parrot 
plumes, in the national colors: red, yellow and green. ^** 
The noise made by this group, with flutes and drums of all 
sizes and descriptions, fright^ied our animals, althou^ 
they were old and decrepit Following tiie Chunchu-sicnri, 
a second procession wended its way to the village. This 
was the antuent and honorable cluster of "Chirihnanos." 
Their dress consisted of the usual festive garb of the 
Aymard: jacket, trousers, white shirt, and an occasional 
vest. Over these was draped a white mantle, graceful when 
new, but already much worn. Over this mantle a broad 
band of parrot feathers, beautifully worked, was fastened 
a drum. On the head they wore a black hat, but this post- 
Columbian head-gear was disgoised by a profusion of 
mostly drooping plumes, white and red. With the first of 
tiiese two groups a few women jo^ed along, joining in the 
discordant shouts and arrayed in their most select accoutre- 
ments: a number of gaudy skirts and the little bundle of 
blankets on the back. These women accompanied the 
Chunchu-sicuri, the Chirihnanos not allowing women to 
dance with them. Forcing our animals past this noisy pro- 



1 1 





cession, we reached Gopacavana and saw the devotion with 
vhich each cluster approached the sanctnary. They were 
admitted to chnrdi to offer their respects, and, upon sally- 
ing from it, began to dance, pound their dmms, and blow 
their flutes in each of the four comers of the square or 
plaza successively. It may not be out of place here to give 
an idea of the appearance of this square on the evening be- 
fore the festival. 

At each of the four comers, which are also the four en- 
traDces, an altar had been erected. Two poles, about twenty 
feet in height, were set into the ground and decorated with 
colored cloth and ribbons, and connected, on the side to- 
wards the street, by blankets and ponchos stretching from 
one pole to the other so as to form a ba(^:ground. This 
background was further supported by two intermediate 
poles. At ri^t angles to the former were set on each side 
two other masta of equal height, and these sides were also 
dosed, leaving open only the front. In the quadrangular 
recess thns formed stood the altar, simply a table covered 
with cloth, blankets, or ponchos, on which the image is 
placed, and loaded with offerings and ornaments, some- 
times of the crudest kind. Across the opening, from pole 
to pole, ropes are stretched at a considerable hei^t above 
the ground, and from these ropes dangled silverware, some- 
times of great value ; plates, trays, cups, all from the early 
times of Spanish colonization, massive, and of qnaint work- 
manship. Between them hung purses filled with money, 
ancient coins, spoons, in short, all that could be used for 
representing metallic wealth. We have seen some very re- 
markable pieces, that would be worthy of any museum of 
colonial antiquities. These treasures are the property of 
private individuals, sometimes of Indians, who keep ^em 
carefolly concealed between festival and festival. There are 
also parties who loan or rent their plate for such occasions. 

The four altars, although alike in the main, vary in de- 
tails. In f nmt of them gather the Indian dancers, one group 



after another, they bow to the image, and then dance to the 
sound of their wretched instruments, finally in the center of 
the square also. None of these dances can compare with 
those of the New Mesico pueblos for symmetry. Every- 
thing seems to be carried on in a much looser way. Already 
on the evening before the festival the Indians begin to drink, 
and only the nature of the beverage has changed since an- 
cient tinffis; alcohol, diluted from forty degrees to sixteen 
or seventeen, taking the place of the primitive ehicha. Dur- 
ing tiie night, one or several trusty Indiuis keep watch at 
each of the altars. To keep awake, they drink, play the 
flute, and the dancers return to the plaza from time to time 
to repeat their performances and to distnrb the slumbers 
of the inhabitants with their horrid noise. As, late in the 
evening, new groups come in, they add their din to that of 
their predecessors, so that the first night* or rather the night 
before the feast, is already a torture on account of the truly 
infernal nproar. The mnsical instruments of the Aymara 
are more varied than those of the pueblos. They have a 
great variety of drams, from the smallest to the largest, 
and from the most andent type, similar to the tambourine, 
to the military drum, big and small. The Pan-flute, called 
in its tiniest form "kena-kena," and in its tallest (nearly 
of the size of a fnll grown man) "zampofia," is most 
numerously represented. Nearly every Indian carries a 
darinet-Iike instrument or a fife as hia constant companion 
when traveling.^'^ These instruments, on a great feast- 
day, are represented by hundreds, and each group of play- 
ers blows and beats as hard as possible, regardless of 
harmony with the tune executed by their next neighbors. 

The second day of February was the great day of the 
festival. At daybreak hosts of dancers poured into the 
square, and the fifes, kenas, zamponas, and drums made a 
deafening noise. The members of each group first knelt on 
the steps at the entrance of the churchyard and then filed 
into church, taking off their head-gears. Upon returning to 




1. OrouDd-pUo of Ciriftpata. 2. Small bonsM (probRblr Ine») nt CiriApftU 

;cbyG00'^lc . 




the square, they began their noisy perfonnances at the cor- 
ners and in the center. The following gronpe of costnnred 
dancers made their appearance: (1) The Sena-kena, or 
Kenaicho. These vere the most nnmerons, and all able- 
bodied young men. With them came a ntmaber of women 
and girls. The costume of the men is striking: A short 
jacket of cloth, black or brown or gray (the latter hue pre- 
dominating), ont sqnare above the waist and mostly with 
braids across the breast; the usoal breeches, and beneath 
them often drawers with common white lace. All wear over 
the jacket a tiger- (jagaar-)skin in the form of a cnirass. 
Many of them also carry a broad band like a talbart of red, 
green and yellow parrot-plnmeB, and on the head a narrow- 
brimmed black hat of felt or plnsh, snrmonnted by an arch 
of plumes. From the band of this hat dangles, down the 
back, a train of tinsel, ribbons, and small mirrors. Nearly 
every Eena plays his fife, never the Pan-flnte, and many 
have drams. (2) The Chayllpa. Their distinctive dress 
consists in a white cotton mantle hung edgewise across the 
shoulders, one of the ends reaching nearly to the knee, and 
over this mantle, tiie skin of a yonng vicuna, its head pro- 
vided with eyes of glass, and profusely decorated with tin- 
sel, ribbons, and tiny mirrors. A black felt hat with a load 
of drooping plumes, red and white, and a crown of similar 
plumage completes the costume. (3) The Ohirihuanos (al- 
ready described). Each is provided with a big dmm. (4) 
The Inca-sicuri. Costume: velvet, cloth and silk, gold and 
silver embroidery, imitating the supposed dress of the Incas, 
and clearly of colonial origin.^" (5) The Chnnchn-sicnri 
(already described). They all beat small drums and play 
flutes or fifes. There are two bands of these each with a 
leader, whose distinctive mark is a hat with a triple row of 
brij^t plmnes, and a long spear or lance which he brand- 
ishes sometimes quite offensively. (6) The C9iaca-na-ni. 
They dance along with the Eenacho, and wear the same 
costume, without tiger-skins. 



(Add to these gronpB a great number of independent per- 
fonners, male and female, in festive Indian dress, and hosts 
of spectators, hundreds of big and little drmns, hundreds of 
flutes, from the tiniest to the biggest, and perhaps more 
fifes yet, the instruments rumbling, thundering, rattling, 
screeching, howling imd screaming, without any r^^rd to 
rhythm or harmony; hundreds of ugly voices sin^^ng 
monotonons melodies; now uid then, here and there, a yell 
or a whoop ; all the performers more or less intoxicated and 
drinking harder and harder towards nightfall— the sc^ie is 
indeed very picturesque, very strange and brilliant in hues; 
bnt at the same time the din and nproar is so deafening, so 
utterly devoid of the slightest redeeming feature, that it 
forms one of the weirdest and, at the same time, most sick- 
ening displays imaginable.^'* Once started, this moving 
crowd, ever changing like a kaleidoscope, keeps on the dis- 
tressing roar, night and day withoat intermission, for never 
less than two days and two nights, sometimes as long as a 
whole week! We had the excruciating "pleasure" of en- 
during three of these festivals at Copacavana, the firat of 
which lasted three days and as many nights, only inter- 
rupted by hard showers. The second and third were oon- 
tinned for three days, but the nights were less noisy. At 
Tiahuanaco, however, tiie festival lasted five days and four 
niffhts, the din never ceasing during thai time.^ 

The Aymara dances which we have seen lack, as stated, 
the decorum of paeblo dances. Hence, much of tiieir origi- 
nal symbolic character appears to be lost."* They all 
degenerate into an orgy, drunkenness prevailing among 
both sexes after the first afternoon. Once at this stage, the 
naturally quarrelsome character of the Aymard crops out 
and most Indian festivals in Bolivia end in bloodshed. It 
may ev^i be said, that no Ibidian festivity is satisfactory 
withoat one or more homicides. Feuds between nMghbor- 
ing hadendas are often fought out on such occa^ons, for 
the Bidian often carries, besides his sling (for which the 



women provide ronnd pebbles in their skirts) a dangerons 
weapon in the shape of a whip terminating at the upper end 
of the handle in a small tomahawk of steel. Whenever 
such fights take place it is not rare to see men swallowing 
the brains oozing ont of the fractured skulls of the womided, 
and women dipping chonn in the pools of blood, and eating 
it, when well soaked, with loathsome ferocity. 

Two peculiar performances took place on the second of 
February at Copacavana. One began before sundown, 
causing the uproar to subside somewhat for about an hour. 
Two processions marched into the square from opposite 
sides. Each was beaded by a litter of wood borne on the 
shoulders of f onr or six Indians. 

On each litter, and on an old carved chair decorated with 
boughs and other cheap ornaments, sat an "Inca," that is, 
a young Indian in the toggery of the "Inca-sicnri," and 
armed with a sling. When the two files met, both "Incas" 
rose in their litters and a di^ogne began, treating of the 
historic strife between Haascar and Atahuallpa and 
abounding in challenges and insults; one of the "Incas" 
personifying Hnascar, the other Atahnallpa. From words 
they came to throire with slings, pelting each other with 
roots instead of stones. The action was quite lively and 
lasted until one of the "Incas" gave up, considerably 
braised and bleeding. After the combat, both stepped down 
from their litters and mingled with tiie crowd, dancing side 
by side. This performance is, of conrse, post-Columbian. 
It is one of the many semi-theatrical performances invented ' 
as a substitute for the idolatrous and often obscene primi- 
tive ceremonials. 

The other took place after nightfall and in the darkest 
oomer of the square, where not even the numberless fire- 
crackers, rockets, and other luminous displays shed a spark 
of light. It was the "Mimula," an ancient round dance in 
which both sexes take part, and which is now only per- 
formed at ni^t. Hence we could not discern any partic- 



nlars, l>eyoDd a ntunber of fignres moving about on a small 
space and to some indifferent tone that did not even seem 
to be primitive."' 

None of the groups of dancers heretofore ennmerated have, 
like the New-Mexican pueblos and the Yaqnis of Sonora, 
their particular jesters or clowns. But olomsy mimicries 
were executed, during the day, by mestizos wearing masks. 
There is a special group of clowns that appears on the scene 
everywhere and at every festival, even in public processions 
at La Paz. These are the "morenos"; not Lidians, but 
mestizos, "cholos," young men who are not unfrequently 
paid for their performances. We saw them first at La Paz, 
afterwards at Tiahuanaco, and lastly at Copacavana. The 
dress of the morenos is nsnally very costly, being the cos- 
tume of the eighteenth century, bright-colored frocks of 
velvet or silk, richly embroidered with gold and silver, vests 
to fit, knee-bree<dies, hats, and low shoes and masks, hideous 
rather than comicaL With them go small boys wearing 
ugly masks of devils, and frequently a condor, that is, a 
performer arrayed in the plumage of that bird and with 
a mask imitating its head. If the morenos were less ad- 
dicted to bard drinking, their pranks and jests might be 
more palatable. At Copacavana, however, they performed 
in a rather dignified way. Their costumes were plainer, and 
each played a small flute or fife. They evidently have noth- 
ing in common with the primitive dances of flie Indiana.* •• 

At Tiahuanaco, the liidian dancers belonged to the plain 
**Sicuri," distinguished from the others by a towering 
head-dress of gray plumes of the American ostrich, ^'^ and 
to the Kenacho, with some Chacanani. The Kenacho had in 
their company women who wore tbe peculiar hats repre- 
sented by Mr. Squier."* At Copacavana female perform- 
ers wore simply their "nice" clothes, and each had the 
characteristic bundle slung aronnd the neck. We have not, 
as yet, been able to obtain a satisfactory explanation of this 
custom, ^u<d) seems to be ancient. 



On the Inland of Titacaca, the 25th of July, feast of the 
pntron saint of Challa, ooold be only partially celebrated. 
Bat we coaxed the Indians into dancing during the after- 
noon. Before noon a gronp reaembling the Chirihoanos in 
costume, but called "Pnsipiani,""' came to the chapel to 
dance and play their fifes and drums before the boilding. 
The Chayllpa followed, and later on, besides these two 
clnsters, the Eenacho and the Chacanani presented them- 
selves. Witiiin a very short time the courtyard of the 
hacienda was filled with dancers, with or without offidal 
costmne, and with the same din and uproar, though propor- 
tionately less, than at other places and larger gatherings. 
The wonted disregard for symmetry and harmony prevailed, 
showing that discordant noise and irregular motions are 
inherent to most aboriginal dances of Bolivia ; those of Pern 
we have not yet witnessed. 

The existence of numerous groups of dancers, groups that 
are permanent associations and represented over a wide 
range of territory in villages, conmiunities, and on estates, 
leads to the inference that there might exist, among these 
Indians, a special organization controlling these associations 
and upholding them in the midst of slowly encroaching 
civilization. But to obtain an insight into this organization 
is as difficult as it was among the Indians of New Mexico, 
until the classical researches of Mr. Gushing removed the 
veil with which the aborigine shrouded his primitive re- 
ligious customs. The study of these features is an enormous 
virgin fidd, that claims the attention of students. We found 
the Aymara as reticent on snch topics as any other Indian 
tribes and even more difficult of approach. Proficiency in 
their language is, of course, the first condition, and this we 
had not yet been able to acquire. Besides, with the excep- 
tion of a few commnnities, who still live according to ancient 
cnstoms, long residence and familiarization with the Indians 
in Bolivia may not be even as profitable as in the North. 
Adoption in an Aymar^ tribe is ont of the question for 



Beveral reasons: First, there is among the Indians, bitter 
hatred against all that are not of their stock. An ethno- 
logical observer wonld be at once liable to snspicion as a 
spy; for the Aymara has many thin^ to conceal from the 
white man. The local anthorities and the landowners them- 
selves are likely to take nmbrage at investigations, the pur- 
pose of which many would fail to nnderstand, and hence 
misconstrue. Furthermore the Indian himself has changed 
many of his cnstoms, and it is a question how far a life of 
sacrifice and privations conld he rewarded, except in places 
where the AymarA preserved most of his primitive habits 
through rigid seclusion. There are a few communities 
where a discreet and practical student might do important 
ethnologic work. 

Beside the dances mentioned, we have heard of a number 
of others which it did not fall to our lot to witness. At 
Llujo on Hallow-eve, the Indians, nnbeknown to us, danced 
the " Anqni-auqui" at their chapel. It was accompanied by 
prayers and offerings to the deceased. The people were 
pining for rain, and they believe that, when the bones of the 
ancient inhabitants are disturbed, drouth follows.'**' We 
had begun our excavations, and the Indians were mortally 
afraid of the consequences. On the night, however, of the 
day mentioned it began to rain and thereafter rained abun- 
dantly. The Indians thus became reconciled to our doings, 
and we never had better laborers and more willing ones 
than at Llnjo.'*' Whether the auqui-auqui had anything to 
do witii their intercessions we conld not ascertain. That the 
chacu-ayllu is a rain-dance was at least not denied by our 
old wizard on Titicaca Island. 

(The first indication of an organization, are the ofBcers 
called '*Irpa," in Spanish maestros de bayles (literally, 
teachers of the dances). These officers, according to yihai 
was stated to us at Tiahuanaco, are appointed for life, but 
on Titicaca we were assured, by the Indians themselves, that 
the irpas are selected for each dance (by whom they did not 







say), and that every band of dancers is divided into two 
groups, each with its director;**' one group representing 
Aran-saya and the other Ma-saya. At Tiahuanaeo it was 
asserted that each of these clusters danced on its own side 
of the square, the Aran-sayas on the north, the Ma-sayas 
on the south, and that if one section trespassed upon the 
ground of the other, bloody conflicts would ensue. We 
noticed snch a division in church, but at the dances the con- 
fusion became so great, at Tiahuanaeo as well as at Copa- 
cavana, that it was impossible to ascertain anything. The 
Indians of Titicaca belong^ to the cluster of Aran-saya 
of the Peninsula of Gopacavana, there could be no division 
on the Island. The irpas are not remunerated for their 
work. It is an honorary office, as well as that of "alf^rez" 
banner-bearer, or godfather to the festival, an introduction 
from colonial times. 

The dances of the Aymara being a part of their primitive 
religions ceremonies, and but superficially connected with 
the chnrch,"' any association directing and conducting 
them must be a part of their primitive religions organiza- 
tion. I need not allude here to chnrch-officials among the 
Indians, like the fiscales, but there is one office, at least, con- 
nected with the church, and little noticed, that possibly 
recalls certain functionaries among northern Indians who 
are more particularly keepers of <mcient beliefs and rituals. 
We first heard of this office on Titicaca. It is called 
Preste,"* and its incumbent was an old man, acknowledged ' 
to be a potent wizard. It was whispered that he was a 
lineal descendant of the ancient "gentiles," or "Chotlpas." 
This preste is appointed, by the Ilacata and the old men, or 
mayores, for five years. His duties consist ostensibly in 
caring for the church, and overseeing preparations for 
feasts and the like; hence our aged friend Mariano Machn, 
the preste of Challa, wandered to Copacavana as frequently 
as it was indispensable on account of these duties, but not 
oftener, and not out of devotion. We were assured by one 



of tiie other shamanB that this preste had also tha 
obligatioii of doing penance for his people! I ^ve these 
statements as we received them, and do not goarantee their 
veracity, althoogh the same office was mentioned to us at 
other places. 

The existence of wizards, sorcerers, and medicine-men 
among the Aymara Indians, has been frequently mentioned 
in the preceding pages. It was natural that, once informed 
of their existence, we should endeavor to obtain as much 
information as possible in regard to them; and it is easy to 
believe that this was a very delicate and difficult tadc On 
general principles, and from what I had seen among the 
Peruvian Indians, we were prepared to find the shamans in 
Bolivia also, and the first somewhat detailed statements in 
regard to them were obtained at Tiahuanaco, though not 
from Indians. There, the term brujo (sorcerer) appeared 
to be a household word applied to all Indian medicine-men. 
There also we were told of the belief among the Indians 
that bones of dead "gentiles" could be introduced into the 
bodies of persons through evil witchcraft and taken out by 
some brujo throng suchmgl Later on, in the coarse of 
conversation with people of the country who spoke Aymara 
and appeared well versed in the customs of the Indiims, we 
were informed that the tities of those who officiated as di- 
viners were "Lay-ka" and "Yatiri."'" Some become 
"Yatiri" because they have been struck by lightning and 
survived, therefore looked upon as endowed with supernat- 
ural gifts; a belief mentioned by older chroniclers and pre- 
vailing all over the mountainous districts of Pern.*** We 
were assured that the layka consulted the coca, throwing its 
leaves tike cards or dice when they wanted to discover 
hidden, lost, or stolen property, and that they also used 
playing cards. One of their performances was described to 
ns as follows: The layka gather at night in some house and 
begin to drink. At midni^t the light is put out, after pre- 
viously consulting the cards, and then the owl ("jur-cn,** or 



"nrcn'*) is called. The bird answers at onoe, and its cry is 
interpreted by the wizards as confirming the conclusion at 
which they arrived by means of the cards."M 

On the Island of Titicaca, compelled to live for months 
with the Indians, we obtained more precise data. The in- 
cantation to which we consented in order to obtain an idea 
of such ceremonies, led ns to know that Manuel Mamani, 
warden of the hacienda bnildiags (nnya-siri), was one of 
the chief layka on the Island. Toward the end of oar last 
stay at Challa he acknowledged it. But direct questioning 
Id regard to his art and rank among the wizards proved use- 
less. It made him offish and oansed him to avoid, for a time, 
the familiar evening talks at our room. Neither gifts of .^ 
coca nor of money conid prevail npon him to speak. With 
other Indians the resnlt was still worse. The preste, 
who had been pointed out to ns, and by Mannel Mamani 
himself, as a very powerful shaman, shmmed us from the 
moment be suspected we might interrogate him. Hence it 
was only through very indirect methods, and by comparing 
indications thus secured with statements freely made by 
whites and mestizos, that we were finally able to learn some- 
thing. We found out that there were at least three principal 
wizards on Titicaca, and that (this from their own confes- 
sion) they were subordinate to medicine-men of higher au- 
thority residing at Sampaya on the Peninsula of Copaca- 
vana. But it was also stated, and by Indians, that at 
Huaicho there resided some powerful magicians whom they 
obeyed. This would indicate that the religious organization 
of the Aymara of that region is independent of the two par- 
tialities of Aran-saya and Ma-saya. Among some of the 
whites and mestizos, a certain Indian family [and particu- 
larly one man], residing at Tiquina, was in very bad repute, 
as mighty sorcerers dreaded on the Peninsula, the Islands, 
and on Peruvian territory adjacent to Copacavana. But 
we found out, through the Indians themselves, that although 
that personage was indeed a noted shaman who frequently 



abused the crednlit;' of mestizos and even of whites, his 
influence was not so great with the Indians. Casual obser- 
vations, hints caught here and there, the testimony of resi- 
dents at Copacavana and Pane satisfied us that the influ- 
ence of the shamans is as great among the Aymax^ as 
among northern Indians, and tliat it amounts to nearly 
absolute control of their actions and thoughts. We became 
convinced that among these wizards there is a proper 
organization, that there are degree of rank, that some 
limit their performances to a certain sphere, others to an- 
other. On the evening of our last day at Challa we obtained, 
at last, some positive information. The Indians had been 
celebrating, and at our expense, which we readily allowed 
for obvious reasons. On the day before, two of the highest 
medidne-men from Sampaya, as it was afterward acknow- 
ledged to us, came to Challa under pretext of a friendly 
visit, and in the forenoon (while the aborigines were still 
undecided whether they would rejoice or do mischief) the 
IndianB gathered around these wizards to see them consult 
the coca. We were not allowed to look on. The response 
must have been favorable, for onr offers to defray the ex- 
pense of the celebration were accepted, and the dances took 
place in the afternoon. At night the house-warden, being 
moderately intoxicated, caUed at our room to receive his 
^t of coca, and we found him Inclined to intimate talk. 
We approached him first on the subject of the dances and 
elidted the following information, which I consider mostly 
reliable; hut while it is probably true in regard to tlw 
Island and Copacavana, there may exist variations else- 

Manuel Mamani of Challa, our informant, stated that 
among the inhabitants of Titicaca the following dances and 
groups of dancers exist : The Mimula, which is seldom per- 
formed ; the Pusipiani, the Ohacanani, the Chayllpa. 

These four groups he distinctly and emphatically de- 
clared to be (mcient and primitive. The Mimula and Pusi- 







piflni, he further asserted, were branches of the highest of 
ofl,— the Ohirihnanos,— which were not on the Island, but 
had their headquarters at Sampaya, their leaders and hi^- 
est shamans being layka from the Mamani family. 

Besides these five ancient groups, there were the following 
more modem ones : The Kenacho, or Kena-kena; the Sicuri, 
the Inca-sicnri. The latter three clnsters he represented as 
being less important His statement as to the Chirihnanos 
being the oldest and the last three named the most recent 
and least important, was repeated to us, spontaneously, by 
Dr. del Carpio, the owner of Koati, who has good oppor- • 
tunity of securing information, since the headquarters of 
the Chirihuanos are in the near neighborhood of his prop- 

We could not eli<nt from our Lidian other information in 
r^^rd to the Chirihnanos, Mimula and Pnsipiani. As he 
himself belonged to the last-named, hence to a branch of the 
Chirihnanos, it is evidoit that he did not wish to talk "out 
of school." But in regard to others he was more commu- 
nicative, as the Indian always is about matters that do not 
directly concern him. 

He told us that it was the duty of the Chacanani "to 
fight," and that the Koiacho, or Kena-kena, have the same 
office, but as a recent and "younger" branch of the Oha- 
canani. The Chayllpa he represented as being hunters, 
hence they dance the chacu-ayllu. But he also stated that 
the Chayllpa are charged with the duly of "making,'* or 
procuring, rain, by using frogs and toads as intercessors, 
and by collecting little stones on the rocky summit of the 
Calvario and throwing them into the Lake. In addition to 
these duties, the Chayllpa are expected to "make peace 
when the Chacanani and Kenacho begin to fight." 

Assuming the above statements to be true (and from onr 
present knowledge I must regard them as true in the main, 
at least so far as concerns the Island), these different 
groups of dancers form as many esoteric societies. Upon 



being closely interrogated on their origin, onr informant 
gave evasive answers, repeating, however, that the layka 
of Sampaya were the beads of tiie Chirihnanos; that he 
himself, as Fnaipiani, was the leader of the latter on the 
Island (there may have been some exaj^ration in this) ; 
and that initiation in any of the closters depended upon the 
pleasure of the "old men" exclusively. We asked several 
times lAether the parents of a child might, throng some 
vow, or pledge, destine that child to become a member of 
any sodety of dancers. He either did not understand the 
query, or was wary enough to suspect the true import of it: 
at all events he emphatically asserted, that neither the par- 
ents nor the party himself could decide or choose.^*' But 
he also made the somewhat strange statement that the "old 
m^i" had power to transfer from one group to another! 

There is much in this iii&t recalls the esoteric societies 
discovered by Mr. Onsbing among the pneblo Indians of 
New Mexico, which certainly existed among the ancient 
Mexicans and other tribes. Thus the Chacauani and Ke- 
nacho appear to be the warriors, the Chayllpa the hunters. 
I mention such analogies only as hints, and as problems for 
further careful investigation. 

At all events, the existence of these groups, their organi- 
zation and duties, are kept very secret That their 
functions are connected with beliefs and rites antedating 
Spanish times, appears manifest Not only the perfor- 
, mances of the Chayllpa as procurers of rain, but other 
features indicate this. While the mannfactore of costumes 
and toggery is partly carried on in broad daylight, the days 
and nights preceding a big dance are marked by doings to 
which outsiders are not admitted; the layka are, at such 
times, often absent from their homes or at least are not 
accessible to strainers. The dance itself seems to be but 
the display, not the object, of the performance. Its con- 
nection with festivals of the Catholic church is a veil under 
cover of which the Indian performs ancient ceremonies.*** 







These embody etimologic features of great antiqTiity and 
considerable interest. I can only urge the necessity of 
Btndying the aborigines of this part of South America ac- 
cording to the methods so saccessfnlly employed within the 
last twenty-five years among northern Indians. 

The great variety of shamans scattered over Bolivia 
among the Indians of all tribes and stocks, as well as among 
all Indians of Fern, renders their classification difficnlt. On 
the Island, there was a shaman over whom a cloud seemed 
to hover. He was mentioned as being "chama-kani," and 
regarded with mistmst because he had "dealings with the 
owl.""^ We tried to ascertun whether the medicine-men, 
the healers and cnrers proper, or doctors, so-called, were 
distinct from the diviners or prophets. It stmck us that 
our medicine chest and the household remedies of my wife 
were bo frequently pat in requisition, and that even the 
layka Manuel Mamani preferred to ask for our medicaments 
rather than, at least openly, use remedies of his own. It 
seemed as if he had no knowledge of aboriginal medicine. 
Still this same man, who usually accompanied us and par- 
ticularly assisted Mrs. Bandolier in her gathering of 
medicinal plants, displayed on such oocasions a very inti- 
mate acquaintance with herbs and their application in 
sundry eases. His knowledge was indicated by what he 
refused to teU or avoided to acknowledge, as well as by what 
he freely told. Thus we teamed, from other sources, of 
plants which we saw and of which he refused to give even 
the names. On the other hand he revealed to us, oncon- 
sdonsly, many strange beliefs and customs, relating to 
medicine. Whenever one of ns accidentally hurt himself 
by falling against a stone, he would enjoin us to take a small 
piece of the rock, reduce it to powder, dilute it with water, 
and drink it, lest the same rock might hurt ns again. He it 
was who told ns about the ailment called "larpata," a 
child's disease, caused by the sight of a corpse. In the list 
of medicinal plants sent in by my wife, a nomber of species 



nsed in witchcraft are noted. Whatever remains of the 
aborii^I practice of medicine among the Aymara is kept 
secret, and this is doubly strange, since the more snspidotis 
"art" of foretelling by means of the coca is practised laf 
Indian sorcerers, not for Indians, alone, but frequently for 
the benefit of mestizos as well as of whites. Singnlar 
coincidences of prophecy with fact have been related to as. 
These oracles and the manner in which they are obtained 
further illustrate belief in the " Achachilas," so often men- 
tioned here. The conjurer takes certain coca leaves, perfe(H 
in form, which, when thrown, fall with the lustrous side 
upward. Such leaves are to represent the "Achachilas," 
of the localities where the object or subject of the consulta- 
tion is at the time, or where a certain action takes place 
directly connected witii the matter at issue. We know of 
an instance where the object of the performance was to 
obtain information in regard to military movements con- 
nected with political disturbances in Peru and Bolivia. The 
consultation of the coca took place at Copacavana, and the 
shaman was an Indian of that Peninsula. He selected 
three coca leaves as representing, respectively, La Paz, 
Areqoipa and Funo, the first through the "Achachila" of 
lUimani,^^' the second that of the Misti,"' and the third of 
some height near Funo. That most of the diviners or layka 
are imposters cannot be affirmed. They to a great extent 
are sincere, but at the same time there are some -who abuse 
credulity, especially of those who are not Indians. Upon 
the Indian mind these predictions, or oracles, exercise an 
astounding influence, mnch greater than a wonderful core. 
Hence the diviners, among the Aymara, assume a position 
superior to that of the medicine-men. ( Our later investiga- 
tions have fully established that the shamans are, amoi^; 
the Aymara, organized into several main esoteric clusters.) 
But it is not the place to enter into details of researches 
carried on after our work on the Islands, in other sections 
of Bolivia. 



That fhe Indian punishes evil sorcery as craelly as he 
bows slavishly to what he considers legitimate magic art, 
applies in full force to the Aymar&. When the Indians of 
Tiingiiya hrohe out on the Pemvian frontier, they sacked 
the bouse of the Governor, a white man. On that occasion 
they discovered two innocent dotts, but they had been hidden 
beneath the floor. It satisfied the natives that they were 
objects of black sorcery and raised their fury to sach a 
pitch, that the honse was actoally torn to shreds. We saw 
the wreck soon after, and I never saw snch complete anni- 
hilation throng the hand of man. In 1893 an Indian on the 
Island, well known to us, took it into his head that a certain 
woman was a dangerous witch. He seized the mtfortunate 
on a favorable opportonity, thmst her into a burning brush 
pile until she was completely roasted and then— ate her up! 
Acts of cannibalism, by the way, are not imcommon among 
the Aymara of Bolivia, and many of them are well known to 
the authorities who, however, either deny or confess they 
are impotent against such customs. Where an Indian stock 
has preserved so many of its ancient customs and beliefs, 
it is natural to suppose that authentic traditions, mythical 
and historical lore, are still to be gathered. Since the 
AymarS possess an esoteric organization like that found 
among the aborigines of the North American southwest, it 
is chiefly among their esoteric clusters that we must look 
for ancient historical lore. 





"rb« Mtrlieat prial«d boUm of 
Titieutt Iiland thns far known b 
from the jen 1S34. Still it ia poan- 
bl« tluit inmon about tbe Island and 
it( Mwred aite bad gone bejond the 
limit* of, actual Pem. ^e report 
made bj^Jnan de Bamano^Seeretaty 
of ChatlM V, to the Emperor (1526) 
on the esplotationa along the Soath 
American weat eoaat aa far aa Ta- 
camo, in 1525, meations a atory told 
the Bpaniarda, by people from fur- 
ther aonth, about the eoontrj inland 
and a Mrtain ialand near the eoaat 
with the effigy of a woman (Selooion 
de lot primerot deioubrivtientot de 
FrtMouco Fitam y Diego da Almagro, 
from Codex CXX of the Imperial li- 
brary of Vienna, in Coleeoion d« 
DoatBitnta* inidito* para ta Bittoria 
de Stpoia, ToL T, p. 200): "Hay 
una lala en la mar jnnto i lea pneblo* 
donde tienen nna eaaa de oradon 
hecha 4 manera de tlenda de earapo, 
toldada de may rieaa mantaa labra- 
daa^ idonde tienen nna im&jea de nna 
mnger con nn nifio en loa btaioB qne 
tiene por nombre Maria Meeela: 
euando algnno tiene alguna enfer- 
medad en algnno miembro, baeele nn 
miembro de plata 6 de oro, y ofre- 
eeaela, y le aaeriflean deUnte de la 
imigea dertaa orejaa en dertoa 
tiempoa." The "aheep" here men- 
tionad were the naau, and the offer- 

inga of tbeae anlotali took place in tbe 
Bierra, not on the coast, wbere the 
llama cannot lire for any length of 
time. The offering of parte of the 
hnn»n body imitated in gold reoalla 
the little gold and ailTeT f etiahea ao 
numeronaly found in the aoil of the 
Island, The Spaniards ccnld hardly 
be expected to have understood the 
nativea at that time. Even an Indian 
interpreter conld not impart to Enro- 
peans then already a correct idea of 
what he was told in hia own language; 
No Indian had had time to become 
auffldently familiar with Spanish, at 
least on the coast of South America. 
Hence tbe confusion in deacriprioa 
and location. The notice printed in 
1S34 is, geogrspliieally, more definite, 
though lUll muddled, and the de- 
seriptiTe part briatlea with exaggera- 
tioDB, by meaoB of which the Indians 
Bometimea boped to get rid of the 
atrangera by aending tbem on an ad- 
venturons jonrnt^ far away. The 
document is the (azeeedingly rare) 
folio, La Conqititta del Pent, Uamada 
la n*eaa CatttOa, Sevilla, 1631 (with- 
out paging). The author ia not 
known, but be mnat have been a 
companion of PiiarTO. He laya, on 
the last page: "Se 4 diio el (^dqne 
4 ay otroa muehos indioa de aqnelU 
tiem de CaoUo [Collao] y J) ay vn 
rio mny grande en d qi ay Tna yila 




dSde Aj eiertw caaae: 7 qua entra 
elUs Mto vnSi may graode toda en- 
bieita de oro j taa p&j&a heebsa de 
oro; por<| los indioa not trnzeron nt 
manojo dellu j q laa Tigss j enaato 
en In ctwa »j todo es oro ; j J) tieiie el 
melo empedrado con gnuioa da oro 
poi fundir: j J} tiene dentro de ella 
mncho oro por f undir. Y eoto 07 deciT 
al cacique 7 a nu iudiot ({ ion de aqnella 
tierra eetAdo presente el gonemador. 
Diio mas el eaciqne Q el oro 4 aael 
de aijl rio no lo eogi en bataaa: aiit«a 
_Jfu«)gen en Tiiaa aeequlaa J} hacen 
•olir da a^l rio qae Una la tierra <| 
tienen eaoada: 7 aaal mesmo qnitan 
el agna de aJjlla seequia eomo eat* 
laoada y eogan el oro 7 loa granoi H 
Lallan 4 aon mnchoa: 7 eato 70 lo 07 
Kuchaa Teses: poT4J a todoe loa indioa 
de la tieira de CoUao i} lo pregnn- 
tnnsn deziS qae esto era aara Ter- 
dad. ' ' Thia information was obtained 
prerioua to September, 1633, aa the 
eaeiqaa mentioned waa Atanbnallpa. 
The river with which Lake Titieaea ii 
confounded was probabl7 the Cara- 
baTa, eontbeaet of Cveco, in Peru. 
The gold-bearing district of that 
name waa known, and the Spaniarda 
began to work ita "placera" before 
15U. Oleaa: TerMT Libro de la* 
gverTM oMIm dst Perw, M8S. at 
Lenox Librar7, Cap. ozi>, fol. 190: "7 
en el inter que tai aqnel viaje Diego 
Centeno deapachA cartas al rico 7 
inn7 nombrado rio de CaraTia para 
qae los Espafiolea qne en ana rireraa 
aacaban metal de oro dexaaeu por 
entoneea aqnel oflcio y vinleeen 4 aer- 

r' al Be7 uaando el milltar." 
OviedoTwho wrote from liearaa7 of 
flODqnerori returned to Spain, is more 
Bobm and podtiTe than the two an- 
terior ones (HwtOTHt gmenU y 
wiliinil de Ifiditu, Vol. IT, lib. xlth, 
Cap. n, p. 261). "Aquella tierra de 
Collao tiene bnena dispasicion 4 sitio: 
h^ en ella una laguna qae tiene qna- 
lenta legnaa de cireunferengia, 7 ea 
dnl^ 6 f ondable 6 de mncho pcseado : 
7 en noa isleta que dentm ae hate, 

tiene aqadla gente la principal easa 
de ana 7dolatTia8 7 nerifidoa, 7 
es de mneha veneradon entreUo^ t 
van alii como en romeria deade mii7 
lexoa tierra." I plaee bia testimon7 
here, aa he obtained the information 
preTiooa to 1540. 

'The flrat Tialt t^ Spaaiarda to 
the shorea of Titicaca Lake took 
place, aa stated, lata in December of 
1533, but the date of their viait to 
the lalatid ia not known. It moat 
have been in the last daja of that 
Tear or earl7 in Jannaij, 1534. The 
information coneeraing thia recon- 
noiaaauee of the Lake, Ita sborea, and 
the Islands is official, and embodied 
in the report which the aeeretary of 
Pixarro, /^edro Sancho, ) wrote at 
Janja Jnfy 15, 1534, addreasing It, in 
the name of I^zarro and the ro7al 
fnnctlonariea with him, to the Em- 
peror. The original of this inrahi- 
able doeoment maj be lost, bnt an 
Italian tnuialation of it waa pob- 
liahed b7 [Bamnaio^ (Terao vohtm* 
Delle. XaviffaUoiri et Vioffgi), was 
printed in 1556, and Incorporated 
verbatim in the aecond and third edi- 
tions of 1565 and 1606. The trans- 
lation was made directlj from 
the original— "Qnesta translatione 6 
eanata dall'originale" (foL 414). 
It states (foL 413): "Nel paeae di 
Collao non n ha notitia del mar& — & 
6 paese piano, per quel cho n'i eonoa- 
dnto, A grande, A molto f reddey A vi 
Bono molti flume, de quali ae caoa 
oro. Dieono gl 'Indian! easer in eaao 
Tn lagune grande d'aeqna dolee in 
meaio della quale lono due laole, per 
aaper I'esaer di qnesto paeae, A al 
gonemo ano, mand6 il Qonemator* 
dno Chriatiani aeeio gH rapportaa- 
aerou d'esao lunga informatiane, eiie 
si partiron da Ini nel prindpio di 
Deeembre. ' ' The brief notice in 
Oriedo seems to be taken from thia 
text. A retranslation from Italian 
into Spanish waa made by the l»te 

^n Joaquin Qarcia Yeaibaleetajud 
ntAfi in thA annflniliT tA hif Biw* 

Sprinted in the appendix to I 



lU Tenion of Preieott'i Conqueit of 

Ptri, 6$erita en Inglet por(w. S. 
Preteoti^ Traducida ol CtuteUano 
for JoagHin Qareia Yeaabaleeta, 
Mezicc, leSO, 1 one the date eon- 
eerniiig this vary r&re work to m7 
friend Mr. CharlM Paul MeKie of 
Englewood, to nbom I am, besides, 
indebted for otber valnnble iiiforiii&- 

Ths title of the report of Bancho 
{above quoted) ia: Relatione per Sua 
Maewla di gpel ehe n«l con^uuto 4' 
paeifioatione di gveete prouineie della 
numui Catlifflia t waeetMO, f deHa 
gualitd del paetv dopo cite el Capitano 
Fernando FUarro (i parti f ritcrnS 
a tua Maetta. It rapporto dtl oon- 
qaittame»to di Cateamalea 4" I" P*^ 
fiime del Cacique Atabdlipa, ete. 
(Bamiuia, 1566, III). The report ia 
tipied: Franeeaeo Pixarro, Aluaro 
Bieehelme Antonio Nanarro, Oania 
di SalEedo and Pero Suicbo, and 
bean date aa stated, Zanxs, July 16, 
1531. TlM part of it tmuUted in 
the text is on foL 413: "I doe 
Chriatiani ehe fimnio mandatl a 
Tedere la prooineia di Collao tarda- 
rono 40 giomi nel lor viaggro, doppo 
ritomnti alia citti dd Cneco, diioe 
rtana il Ooaematore, gli dierona 
■noaa A relatioaa di tntto quel che 
haaeoan intoo & vednto, che 6 qaesta 
dw qui diaotto d diehiari. II paeee 
di CoQao £ lontano k appartato molto 
dal mare, tanto che le geiiti natiue 
ehe habitamo non hanuo notitia 
d'esM: i paeae molto alto, ft medio 
eremente piano, A eon tntto a6, 6 
faor di modo freddo. — Non y'6 in 
(MO eela> ne legna d 'abmcciare, ft 
i|ndla ehe perd6 vsa, han In baratto 
di mereantia eon qnelli ehe habitano 
tieino al mare, ehiamati Ingri, ft ehe 
haUtano aneo al baaao preeao le Sn- 
maney done 6 paeae ealdo ehe qnesti 
hanno Ic^na, et ai baratta eon peeore 
ft altro beetlame, ft legnmi, perche 
nel reato 11 paeae 6 aterile, ehe tntti 
eon ndiM d 1i«rb<^ et lierb<^ Mais, ft 

qnalehe poea nme 
non perche in quella pronineia di 
Collao non afa bnona qnantit& di pe- 
eore, ma perehe la geate 6 tanta 
Boggetta at Siguore achidenepreatare 
obedienia, che aensa ana licenia, 6 dd 
principale, 6 Oonematore ehe per auo 
eomandamento sta nella terre, non 
n'vudde, poato qoe ancora i Signorii 
ft Caciqni non ardizcano anunaziare 
ne mangiare niuna te non 6 con tal 
lieenza.— n paeae i l>en popolato, 
perehe non 6 diatmtto dalla guerra, 
come sono I'altre pronlde, le sue 
terre aono di mediocre grandezsa, ft 
le eaae niedole, le mora di pietra ft 
terra ioaieni^^ coperte di paglia. — 
Zj'herba che nasce in qoeate paeae, 6 
rara ft corta. Vi sono alcuni flnmi 
per6 pie^oli: nel mezio della pro- 
oineia 6 Tn gran lago di grandeixa di 
preaao cento leghe, ft all'intomo di 
qneate lago i il pin popolato paeae^ 
in meuo d'eaao aono due piccioM 
Isolette, nell'ma delte qnali 6 vna 
moaeliea ft easa del Sole, laqnale 6 
teodta in gran veneratione, A in eaaa 
vanno a fare le lore offerte ft aacrifl- 
cij in ma gran pietra ehe 6 neQIaola 
che la chiamano Thichieasaf done 6 
perche il Dlanoto tI si naaeonde^ ft gli 
paria 6 per coatmne antieo, come 
gU^ 6 per altro ehe non a '6 mai 
chiarito, la tengono tutti qnelli della 
prouineia in grande atime, ft gli offe- 
riaeono oro A argento, ft altre coae. 
VI Bono meglio di aeeento Indian! al 
■emitlo di ^neeto laogo, ft pin di 
mille donue, che fauno CMeea per 
gettaria aopra qndla pietra." 

* See note 10. 

'Primera Porte da la Crdniea del 
Peri, Tedia, II. Cap, Cin, p. 4«, 
f 'Fray AlonEo Samoa OaTilan^JTu- 
Mria de Copaeabana, edited by 
Father Bafael Sana; the original, to 
which I ahaU refer with greater detail 
in the last part of this monograph, 
ia from 1621. Part I, Cap. XV, p. 21: 
"A lo dicho ya iobre el de Titicaca 
afiadirlmoa que era el mas visitado 
del rtino ; de tamafias riqneui, laa 



qn« M ttma. eomon eeluuoii lo* iodioi 
a lE lagnna cnando entrsTon s U Ula 
lo« piimenw tapaSLoiea eon el ci^tu) 

'from the above it eeema that 
DleBcaa had with him more than ono 
soldier, wheraaa the flnrt Tidt waa bj 
onl^ two men. About the supposed 
Tiait of lUescas to CopacaTOoa in 1S36 
see note S. 

' The sonree here mentioned is a 
donbtful one in bo far as the author, 

fan eipelled inonk bj the name of 
J. Tizearra Pi^from Ia Paz, Bolivia, 
pretends to give a HyDopaia of a work 
.written and pnblitdied hi 1628 b^ 
(jPray Baltasar de Salaa (an Angus- 
tine), nndei the following title ; 
Esscertat Aymdrv—Aymira tohre de 
lo$ Origenet de toe Oentet deete Nuov- 
Orve Me Mrl. diriaido a la C:M: de 
Don Felipe Qvarto, N: Portnttmo 
Bey de lai Bfpaflae, y Moiuireha 
ynvietUtimo deite Nttevo Oroe: por 
an hemilde tierva Don Fray Baltdiar 
de Sdlaa, fixo auffvttiniano : Qvien fito 
empremir zsta pastc deede lot folios 
141 faata lot tSS oonlc* ItoenoKM mvy 
oonformee a Deoreto del IS de Mono 
■ de lets, Expetito en Soma por 
etc. The remainder of the so-c&lled 
facsimile ia manifestly from the pen 
otVixearra. At the bottom of this title- 
page stands: AnUeryiae EaoSioina 
Planliniana, ApudBaUhoiarem et lodn- 
nemMoretot.—M.DCXZ.VItl. The 
title given hj Vizearra to his produc- 
tion is: W:T: Copamabana de lot 
Jneai Documentot Anto-lingvittieot i 
itografadot del Ay7n&rvi-Aym6,Ta Pro- 
tdgonot de lot PreHtmerioanot, Ia 
Pai, J901. 

The whole is such an incongmons 
mass of more or lees disjointed ab- 
stracts from Salas, pretended fae- 
einul«a, ridicolons and badlj executed 
wood-cnts, and notes and diacnssions 
bj Tiicam which create the impres- 
sion of being the work of an utterly 
dioordered brain, that at first sight 
one throws away the book in disguat 

Still there can hardly be any donU 
of the eiictanee of the work of 8aUa 
or at least of a fragment, in the 
hands of "VizearTa. The latter is be- 
lieved (at Iia Paz) to have obtain«d 
(hew ia not definitely known) a nnm- 
ber of ancient doemnesta tonching 
Copaeavana, which he carefully con- 
ceals. The book of 8alas had to be 
shown to the vicarial chapter of La 
Pas, and in conaeqnenee of it that 
ecclesiastic anthority issued the fol- 

"Obtuvimos para eopiar y reimprimir 
el Memorial bist^rico-IingolBtico del 
Padre Solas, impreeo en 110 fojas d 
alio mil, aeieientoB y veintiocho. Dicbo 
fascfcnlo ae lee de pig. 141 & 255, in- 
clnsive; y, el mismo que, adjnnto A 
eoatro legajoe mannscritos, y ea- 
tampados eon el preeente en eonjnato, 
han merecido el siguiente auto. . . . 
"Ticaria Capitnlar de la diteeaia de 

La Pas, i veintiaeia de Eoero de 

mil novecientos y nno. 

"No conteniendo nada opneeto A la 
doctrina Cattilica, segun la precadanta 
censura de S :8 ; el Can6nigo Doc- 
toral, e! libra 'Copaeabana de las 
Ineas' partx priickb— Qne ae pro- 
pone rdmprimir el Praabltero oeenr- 
rente, eoncMeee la liceueia que para 
el efecto ae solicita. 
■ < Maehicado. 

' ' Larrea-Secretario. ' ' 

Hence the work of Satas exists, al- 
though probably not intacL If the 
abstracts that Tiscarra claims to give 
are gennine, then Balas most have 
been as insane aa his modern editor. 
But no reliance can be placed npon 
qaotations even. I limit myself to 
referring to pages iv-vii, whore he 
states that BartolomS Las Caaas came 
to Pern in 1525(1), six yean before 
Pitarro, and that he held a long par- 
Iey-~in SiwnuA— with an Indian giil 
in the vicinity of Coxcol For other 
evidences of an utterly deranged 
mind, the book bristles with them, 
and, what is worst, it is next to im- 



ciaeo de U Cnu Aleoiir, j Tnj 
Fnueo. de STa An* I* Boca, 7 Fr. 
Matteo de XmniUft, j Ft. Aloneo de 
Alcsfikee. Con otroe eaarentn Teeinoe 
de Eapafis, venidiM an doe annadaa. 
La una de Quito pot el CeoMceo y el 
Aricaza. Ia otra de Lima pw Are- 
kTpa J el Lnpaka . . ." There are 
six more of these "Bepartimieiitoe" 
mentioned, all, however, on the Peni- 
fian and Bolivian mainland. One ia 
from the year 1557, three from ISSS 
and two from 1539. At the end 
■tanda the following: "De todo lo 
que certiDeo en Copaeavana 7 Julio 
de 1620: kit Tnj FrancdBCo de Oam- 
boa." The mention of the preeence 
of FrxMneitaan* at Copaearana in 1536 
ia lomewhat mirpriiiDg. One of the 
chroniglen of the Franeisean order in 
Fern, ^Fra7 Diego de Mendotaj^ in 
Chrdnusa de la Provinoia ie 8. Anto- 
nio it loa Charoa* del Oritn dt NSo 
terapliioo F. 8. Franoitoo, on la* Jn- 
dia$ Oooidentale; Beyno del P«rd, 
Madrid, 1064, Lib. I, Cap. n, p. 10, 
BtatM that Fra7 Martoi of Niua 
came to Pern in 1532 and was preeent 
at the affair of Canunarea with hia 
six companions of the order: "Tino 
eon eeia Beligioaoa uneatroe por sn 
Comiasario al Pom, aSo, de mil 7 
qninientoa 7 trelnta 7 dot, 7 w hall6 
COD mi compafieroa, 7 loa Beligioaoa 
de Nneatro Padre B:Domingo en la 
priiion, 7 mnerte de Athahnalpa, 6 
Atabalipa Be7 Inga, legnn el mesmo 
da teatimonio, 7 Id reflere el Obiepo 
de Chiapa. ' ' Thia reference ie to the 
notoriona book of (Laa Caaaa^ Breitii- 
tima relaoknt dela dettruyoiin delat 
Tndiat. I qnote from the Italian 
and Spaniah Teraion pnbUahed in 
4^ at Venice, b7(Oia«omo Caatel- 

poaaible to diaeiiminate between what 
ia from Salae and what from the 
other. Nerertlieleaa I nnnot diaeard 
■baolnlelf aome of the material pob- 
liihed b7 Yiscarra and ahall have to 
refer to it oeeBaionaIl7, alwaTa with 
doe reaervB. There ia no doubt that 
he haa incorporated in the hopelMalf 
eonfoaed text of hia work soma rtate- 
nienla based upon doctmientary ari- 
deaee, but manipulated and altered 
them in such a manner as to throw 
a elood on their authenticitj. Eow- 
erer, the core ma7, in eome cases, be 
separated from the mbbiah nnder 
which Vizeam (and, perhaps, Balaa 
himaelf f) has bnried it. One of these 
eases is the following: On pagea 324 
and 525 he dtes a document attrib- 
nted to^EVa7 Franeiseo de Oamboa,'} 
Angnatine, dated Copacavana, Jnl7, 
1620, in which that ecelesiaatic ia 
made to State: "D07 116 Yo FTa7 
Ftandsco de Oamboa, religioso Er- 
mitajio do 8: Angustin, que hnbe 
reeogido cnarentjdoa Expiedientee en- 
tre proeesadoB abeneltoa, 7 entre enr- 
santee, de las 'Fundacionee de En- 
comieadas' para Doctrinaa de Indlos 
Cnll&waa." Thna far probabl7 Oam- 
boa. What folTows recalls TiaeaiTa, 
although there ma7 be some original 
pansgea. "Entre loa maa antiguM 
7 prindpalea de ellM, eziaten T&rioe 
de mncha importanda para loa 
AtfALis de cooFAKavAKA— eu7os tra- 
snniptoe loa ffice eserebir aegun el 
pieeente— INVKMTAUO de kjoommk- 
DAB.— "e£.) Comarcas deLInca Ceopa- 
kawa, eran dete el alio mill 7 qui- 
nientoa 7 treinta 7 tela. En el enal 
aiio 1536, fneron radnddas 4 una sola 
Doetrina de las Sacraa Cmeea, por 
CMnla flrmada 7 aellada de mano 
pr6pia de Don Pedro AnanreE 7 Hen- 
riqnea de Campo-redoado ; Don Diego 
Dlaseaa, eon seaenta areabueeroa; Don 
Sebastian Belalcaiar, eon eeaenta area- 
boeeroa. Con loa Padrea de) Ordeo de 
B:Franeiaeo tree Sacerdotee, 7 doe 
Laicos^ Cfl de saber: Fro7 FrancisBO 
de k>s Angalea Horabi, 7 Fr. Tna- 

lani |nnder the title of letoria 6 
SfAHMima Belationt deUa ZNttrat- 
tioM doll' Indie OetndentaU, p. 114: 
"Yo fra7 Marcos de Niea de la orden 
de Sant Frandaeo, eomisaario sobre 
meroa Christianoa entraron en las 
pronincias dd Ferii, qne tai de los 
primeroa religioMC, qna eon los pri- 




mtros ChriBtUnoa entraron en laa 
dichaa prooineiaB, digo dimdo tevtimo- 
nio Terdadero de algniuu easas, que 70 
con mia ojiw ri en aijlla tUira. ..." 
Among the ocearreacea Fimf Marcoa 
MW, no mention is made bj hiro of 
the CaiHinarea epiaode, 4iDt (p. 116) 
he daima (par. 14): "Item soy tea- 
tigo, ft dojr teatimoniD, qae tin dar 
cansB, ni oeeasion aqueUofl Yndioa 
aloa Espaftolea, toego, qoe entraion 
en ana tierraa, despaea de auer dado 
el major Cadqne Atabolipa, que era 
Sefior de toda U tieira maa de doe 
millonea de 010 aloa SapafiolM, j 
aaiandolee dado toda la tieira en mi 
poder Bin reaistenida, laego qaemaron 
al dicho Atabalipa. . . ." The as- 
anmptlon that Praj Marco* waa in 
Pern with hia six companions already 
in 1682 la therefore gratnitona. It ia 
also verj donbtfol if any Franeiscan 
monka eould have been in Bolivia in 
1638. The coart ma then blockaded 
bj the Indiana, and there ma no 
eommnnieatioD vith the interior. 
Fr^ Frandaca de la Cma was at 
Lima in 1536, according to Father 
Bemabi Cobo, B.J.: SUtona de la 
FunAuiitm ie Lima, from 1639, Lima, 
1882. "EI principto que tavo en esta 
cnidad la 6rden del aerUco padre 8an 
Fnneiaco pas6 de eeta manera; al 
miamo tiempo qne ac fnnd6 la ^vdad, 
en el repartimiento de solarce qne el 
Marqnia Fitarro hiso entre loa pobla- 
dorea, BeSal6 ritlo para eonyento de 
San Frandaeo en la coadra en qne 
ahora est4 fnndado el de Santo Do- 
mingo, . . . Y coma entoncee ae 
hallase preaente nn fraile Franeiieo 
de la Cnii, Icvanti an £1 ana peqnelLa 
capilla 6 nunada, j en elta dijo miaa 
J predie6 algnnsa Tccea al pneblo; 
anaentdae eete Bellgioio dentro de 
brere tiempo, J no qnedando otro de 
■u 6rden deja jermo 7 deaamparado 
aqnel Ingar 6 solar. . . ." Farther 
on it ia stated: "Tom6 [Fianciaco 
PinuTo] poseaion de aat« aitio 7 did 
prindpio al edifleio del Uonasterlo el 
ailo de mil qninientos eoarenta 7 aeia 

[ehonld be 1S36], 7 fa6 an primer 
Guardian el padre fray Frandaeo de 
Santa Ana, el cnal hnbo de Mcar eat« 
■itio de poder de ciertoa vednoa 
poderoaoH que ae batuan entrado en 
61 7 ediScado casaa 7 hoertaa, j loa 
primeroe qne en & ediHearou fneron 
Ciistfibal Borgoe, Frandaeo de Oodoy 
7 Antonio Picado aecretario del 
Marqujs PiiKrro." Two of the 
Frandscass mentioned in the book of 
Yizcarra eonld, therefor^ hardfy 
have been at Copacavana in the year 
1638. (I do not reject the posdbili^ 
of thdr having been there a few 
Tears later.) It ia not to be orer* 
looked, alao, that the fint misnonary 
on the L&ke-ehore was the Dominican 
Fray Tomfis de San Martin, accord- 
ing to Uelendec (See note rdative to 
it in Fart I.) While there is, proba- 
bly, eonaiderable trntb in the state- 
ments ef Father Frandaeo de 0am- 
boa, it is evident, as I ahaH show 
further on, that the dat«a are not 
reliable or have been tampered with 
b7 Tiaearra, tither from incompe- 
tene7 or intentionall7. Whatever 
ma7 be the date of the "Eneo- 
mienda ' ' of Copaeavana, it eatab- 
lisbea the fact that there were, proba- 
bl7 about 1538 or 1639, eeven a7Uoa 
at Copaeavana and on the T ^j g n da. 
Aeeording to Diego Oarcia de Tillalon 
{Sobrg reftitwoiott de indtoa, in Doo*- 
nienio' inidito* tobre la Biitoria d» 
ChiU, Vol XII, p. 204), Francisco de 
la Camara waa, if not the flrat, at 
least one of thellrat"Eneomenderoa" 
of Copaeavana. 

'Tisearra: Copacaeaita de loa Ja- 
eai, p. 324— /nvetriortv de Enoomieu' 
dot; "£n d cnal afio 1S36, fneron 
rednddaa 4 ana sola DocniNA de 
laa Sacraa Ckdcks, por Cfidola 
flrmada 7 sellada de mano prdpia de 
Don Pedro Anzurea 7 Henriqoea de 
Campo-redondo ; Don Diego Illeacaa, 
eon seaenta arcabnceroe; Don Sebas- 
tian de Belaleaaar, con sisenta area- 
buceros. Con loe Padres [see «t 
ntpnt]. Con otroa eoarenta veeinaB 



da EqwflA, Tenidoa en dos arniad&a. 
La niui de Quito poi el CeoMco 7 el 
ArieaiK. Ia otr* de lima por Are- 
^pa y el LnpaJta. . . ." On p. S9 
he giTee an abetraet(t) from a doea- 
ment dated Koatj, Jnne, 1618, and 
ttgnei by Fraf Balt&sar de Salaa and 
otbera, in which it is asaerted that in 
153S the FranciHcans aforementioned 
planted aerentj-five eroaoea along the 
Idke^ore from Copacavana to Po- 
mata. The croaeea were of wood 
bnmght from Arieaxa (now Lare- 
eaja). Thia ia aecompaiiied hj a 
note: "Beaovamoa laa Cmeea de ein- 
enoita afioa atraa." If the qaota- 
tion ia from an sathentie text it 
throws an nnfaToiable lig:ht npon the 
rdisbility of Pather SaUa'a atate- 

Had there been one hnndred and 
iiztj Bpaniarda at CopaeaTana in 
1536, tbeT' wonld have been compelled 
hj dntj and honor to go to the relief 
of CnxEo, where Hernando and Gon- 
nlo PiEam) were then in the worat 
of pUghta. 

The proof that ndther Ansorea 
nor Belaleaiar were anjwhere near 
Peni in 1536 ia eaailf fnmishei 
Abont Belaleaxar no docnmentar^ evi- 
dence need be qnoted, for It ia well 
aatabliabed and biown that he waa 
Borth of Pern, in Ecuador, at the 
time. Aa to Anmrea, he retomed to 
Pam ia 1538 1 (Satpotioion de Her- 
WM Jimtfiuaaeeroa de la* detaveneneiai 
da Pworro y Almagro, in Doo»mento§ 
i*Sdito9 para la Btttaria de Chile, 
ToL Til, p. 256.) He had been Bent 
to Spain t^ Piaarro, whence he re- 
turned eailj in the above Tear (Anto- 
nio de Herrera: Sittoria general de 
loe See^o* de lot Caetellanot, etc., 
edition of 1720, Deeada vi, p. 61). 
Henee he eovdd not be at Copaeavana 
with an armed force in 1636. 

'The onlj place whence a Bpaniah 
troop eould have reached the Lake in 
1538 wonld have been Areqnipa, but 
the date ef the foundation of the 
fret Bpaniah eatablialunent in that 

vaUej is yet in doubt, 1S35 and 1537 
being varionalj mentioned. The 
Spanish town waa offidaUy founded 
in 1540. 

"Sietoria del JTvevo Mmdo, VoL 
IT, p. C9: "Sea to nno 6 lo otro, la 
eetatna fn6 llevada & la dudad del 
CoECo por el Marques DiFrandaco 
Pizarro, que envi6 & tree eepafioloa por 
ella." I And, aa yet, no eonflrma- 
tion of thia atatemeut. 

'^Sittoria de Copaeabana, edition 
Sana, 1860, Cap. XT, p. 21. (See note 

" Copooovana de lot Ineai, 33: "T 
enando llegaron & la Penlnanla loa 
Capitauea Alznree j loa Illescaa, eon 
loa Padrea franeiscanos, aonqne in- 
tentaron en 1536, no podieron Ilcigar 
& eata, por falta de tiempo, y porque 
la creyeron eomo & la del Sol eetar 
jerma y demerta." Be gives no an- 
thoritiee for thia statement, and it is 
probably one of hia naual anrmiaeo. 

" Mannel de Eapinalli Selooton 
heeha al Smperador de lo auoedida 
entT9 Piaarro y Almagro, in Doo. de 
India; Vol III, p. 192, June 15, 1530 : 
"En eete medio tiempo, vino & la 
dieha dndad del Cnseo el gobema- 
dor D: Fraoeiaeo Pixarro. ..." 
He further states: "En este medio 
tiempo, vino k la dndad del Cnico 
el dicho Obiapo." The Bishop men- 
tioned waa Fray Vicente de Tal- 
verde. In hie tetter to the Emperor, 
dated March 20, 1530, Talverde aays: 
"Yo llegn£ k esta dudad Dd Cuxeo 
nn Innea, 28 de Noviembie 1538, 
donde hail6 al gobemador I>:Fran- 
daco IHiarro. ..." It ia not un- 
likely, therefore, that it waa in 1538 
Piaajro aent the three men alluded to 
by Cobo (see note 10) to get a atatue, 
half diver, half gold, from the laland 
of Eoati. 

"Belaeion heeha al Bmperador, p. 
102. (See note preceding.) 

"Aimagro the Yonnger: A<m»aoioit 
eontra Son Fran«ifoo Pitarro & B:M:, 
in Doe. de India*, ToL XX, p. 330: 
"Queriendo entrar en la dicha lagnna 



da Titiea aliog6 eiertoa Mp&llolee por 
loa h&cer entiBr en la dicfaa Ugmu" 
(p. 46S). DeolaraUon by /oon £odrv 
guei Barragan: "Lo otro, quel dieho 
HenutDdo PUarro por ir 4 robar el 
oro 7 plate qnestaba en la Ugnna do 
Titiaea, w acgaron en la dicha lagnna 
dies ombrea de loi qne lleb6 conaigo k 
buocai la dlcba plata por in culpa 6 
eaiuB por el dieho robo, 6 por lea man- 
dar aoometer & eoaas peligroaas en la 
dieha agua." Cobo: Eittoria del 
Naevo Mundo, 17, p. M. (See note 

"Tbat the principal sacred objectn 
were aeeretad before the time the 
Spani^rda appeared in anj number 
at Copacafana, ii Tariotulj atated, 
from hearaay. Qaiellano de la Vega 
(ConiMtano* rtfolai, 1809, YoL I, Lib. 
n^ Cap. ixT, tol 80), hoaever, 
qnoteflCF. Blaa Valera^ "74 Inego 
que loa Yndioe anpieron la entrada de 
loa Eepafiolee en aqnella tierra, j ij 
juan tomando para af quanta riqaesa 
hallanan; la eeharoa toda en aqnel 
gran lago. ' ' On what anthoritj 
Father Valera (bom in Pern, 1561, 
according to Saldamando) made thia 
atatement, ia not aaid. Cobo, Eit- 
toria del NMevo Mundo, IT, p. 64: 
' ' Porqney eatando on dia en gran 
fleata 7 regocijo, enentan qne ojfaon 
UDBB triataa Toeei, 7 de ahf i an rato 
se metiiS poT eatre ellos nn eierro A 
todo corter, de lo cual loa agoreroa 
pronoaticaroD la noticia que loa ea- 
paliolea tenlan de su aautnario 7 
tMoroa qae en A habia 7 la breve 
Tenida qne hatdan de haeer & &, como 
en efeeto paa6; ae dieron tan buena 
mano en eaeonderloa, qne nnnca ban 
pareddo.— Preatimeae que loa traala- 
daron & otraa ialaa; annqne otroa 
dieen qua loa miniatroa qae & la aason 
aqnl eataban, 6 loa enterraron 6 eeba- 
ron & la lagnna, poiqne no lea goia- 
aen loa eapaHolea. ' ' Alaa Samoa : 
Eittoria tie Copaoabana, edition of 
1860, p. 21. I do not qnote Calaneha, 
■ince he copiea moctl7 from Bamoa. 

"PHmera Parte de ia Crdnioa del 

Peri, Tedia, II, p. 443, Cap. o: 
"Antaa qne loa Ingaa reonaaeD, 
enentan mncboa isdioa deatoa collaa 
que hnbo en an provinda dM giandea 
aeHorea el nno tenia por nombre 
Zapana 7 d otro Cari, 7 qne eatoa 
eonqniataron mnchoa poearea, que aon 
ana fortalecaa; 7 qae el nno entrA en 
la lagnna de Titicaea, 7 que hall6 en 
la iala ma7or que tiene aquel palnda . 
gentea blancaa 7 qne tenian barbae, 
con loa enalea pelefi de tal manera, qua 
loa pado matar & todoa." In Be- 
gvnda Parte de la Crdnica, also called 
Del BeRorio de lot Ineat, Madrid, 
1S80, Cap. IT, p. i, he not onl7 con- 
flrma hia pTerioaa atatement bat givea 
tbe aonrce whenee it waa obtained I7 
him. ' * Chirihnana, gobemador de 
aquelloa puebloe que aon del Empera- 
dor, me contd lo que tengo eecripto. 
. . ." Hence the tale might be nn- 
Contaminated Indian lore. 

" Bi*t(*ria de lot guerrae etvUei del 
Peri, Vol. ILI, Cap. xux, p. 421, et 
teq. Analogona talea are eontaiiied 
in the anonTmons Conqttiita y Pobla- 
eion del Peri, in Dtxmme^toi iniditot 
de Chile, to which I aball alao refer 
in detail in the laat chapter of thia 

"The approximate date of the oe- 
cnpation of Titicaca hj the Cuioo peo- 
ple ia about 1475. (Bee the two eh^ 
tera following.) 

" Tbia ia concorrentlj atated bjr tbe 
Anguatine monka who wrote on Titi- 
caca in the flrat half of the aenn- 
teenth century. Bamos, fiiatoria, etc, 
p. 5, speaking of Tupac Ynpanqnl, to 
whom the occupation of the Idand 
ia attributed: "Laego ae declar6 ao- 
berano abaotnto de la iala, 7 mand6 
aalir de ella i aua babitsntes uatn- 
ralea, 7 sin darlee andieneia loa tras- 
lad6 id pneblo de Tnngn70, pnea n» 
eran loa maa morales ni loe maa apa- 
rentes a ana intentoa" (p. 14). "El 
habet aacado el Inca & loa natnraks 
de la iala traalad&ndoloa k TongoTO 
t\i6 porqne quiso poner de enatodios 
del famoso adoratorio del aol k gentas 



de an conJima." Fny Antonio de 
la CalanchA (CorAnoa MoraUModa, 
Vol II, lib. I, C»p. n) merely eopiee 
BamoB, &nd so does Fiaj Andrte de 
San NIeoUs: Imigen de If. 8. de Co- 
paetnana, ete^ Madrid, 1663. The Je- 
suit Cobo, who wrote at length on the 
Island (which he visited from Copaea- 
Tana), also rtatea: "Lb gente qne 
hatntaba la isla de Tmc^CA en natn- 
lal de Tongnjo, A la coal euvi6 el luea 
it ID pneblo, reaerrando algnnoa viejoa 
que diMen raifin j enteraMn en loe 
Mcretoa da la iala 4 loe qne de nnero 
hiM la hatrataaen. Forqne, en Ingar 
de aqnella gente deapoedda, metU 
otra tmidA del Cmco, de qoien tenia 
la tatiafaeeioTi j erfidito qne la 
gravedad del eaao requirla." That 
the original inbabitanta of Titieaca 
were Collaa, that is, ATinari, is as- 
serted by both Augtwtines and Je- 
snits. I merely refer t(t Bamoe, HiM- 
torio, p. 4, and to Cobo, Hilt, del If. 
Mrnido, TV, p. S5. Father Lndovieo 
Bertonio, S.J., aMsrts that the Lnpa- 
eas oceapied the western Lake-shoTe 
(Jrt* y OrammatiM mvy oopitua 
dela Lengva Aymara, 1603, reprint 
bA.PlatEmaii]i,\l879, p. 11), and the 
nme is intimated by Bama« (pp. 11 
and 27). 

The (act of the wtabUahnwnt of 
wom«n who had to de*ota at least 
part of their existence to ceremonial 
ptupoM* is variously stated. Bamoe: 
Sitt., p. S, et »eq.; AneDo Oliva, Sia- 
loria del Perv, etc., 1631, published 
at Lima, without date, aboot 1SB3. 

" If the statements of Calancha are 
reliable, the islands were inhabited in 
1589. Cordniea Moraiitada, Tol. II, 
Cap. Xtv, foL 78: "A otroa Beligioeos 
eometieron el entrar & dotrinar en las 
islas, de que tanto dej&mos dieho, que 
est&n en la gran lagnna Titieaca, 
donde avia gran mnltitud de Indioe; 
algnnoa eon titnlo de sua labranfas, 6 
comercios, mnehoe por hnir de la doe- 
trina, i do el trabajo, otros por 
asistir en sas guacas, i adoratorioa 
aedpafiando & sua idolo^ i todo*, 6 

los mas, tenian de pristianoi aola- 
mente ser bautiiados." The Angna- 
tines took possession of the mission 
of Copacavana in 1589, and the above 
paasage relates to their actions imme- 
diately after they had Mtablished 
themselns there. Bee alsofliopes de 
Yelaseo^ Oeografia y PAoripowm 
wniversal de iat Indiat (written in 
Jhe years 1571 to 1574, published by 
[jnato Zaragoia,YCadTid, 1894). 

In regard to the decree of the 
Conde de la Gomera, reference to it 
is found in Bamos: HiMtoria, p. 20: 
"Siendo Oobemador de Clracnito el 
Conde de la Oomera hiio sacar todos 
loB indios incultos de las islas. . . ." 
The province of Cbncnito did not em- 
brace Copacavana, nor the Islands of 
Titieaca and ^oati, which pertained 
to OmasnyM; it is therefore unlikely 
that the decree of the Corregidor of 
Chncuito should have affected the In- 
dians of that district 

"Orl^m de loe Indioe de el Nueva 
Mundo, edition of 1720, p. 76: The 
Ingone of Titieaca "tiene Islas, que 
antiguamente ae babitaron, i labnrou, 
aora est&n desiertas." This passage 
Is also in the first edition, published 
in 1607, so that the information is 
from the end of the sixteenth or the 
beginning of the seventeenth centnry. 

■ Corfinioa Morali$ada, ToL II, f oL 
31: "En las Yslas i} contiene su 
archipelago, i como mayor en la de 
Titieaca, ay gran eantidad de Tndios, 
6 fugitives de la dotrina, 6 agravia- 
dos de los Corregidores, i Cariqnes, 6 
Pescadores para grangerias, i no avri 
pocoB para asistir l> la mperstieion de 
sua idolatrias." The aecond volume 
of Calancha 's work was published in 

"There is to-day on the shores of 
the Copacavana Peninsula a site bear- 
ing the name Chachapoyaa. That 
some Indians from that remote north- 
em part of Pen may have been car- 
ried along with the Inea war-partiea 
to the Lake-bann is not Impossible. 
Bamos: Si»torio,p.9i "P«ro, apeesx 




de esa 6ideii imperial, Ub mas eatan 
perdidas que ni loa apellidoa m ballan, 
aanque exiBten todavia las estanciaa 
de loB ChachapOTaa, Cafi&r«a, Canas j 
algima otra. ' ' He asaerta that the 
Indiaos from Chachapojras were 
among Tupac Ynpanqni '■ f oDowen. 

" TofMf Fnmero de lot OrdetumiM 
del P»f%i, 17S2; Ordenantiu de Tih 
ledo, November 6, 1673, Lib. II, Tit 
U, Old. Tm, foL 145: "Itih, mando, 
que niDgun Indio, ui India apriete las 
cabezae de las criaturas reden uaeidaa, 
eomo lo BBoleu bazar para haierlaa 
mas largaa, porqne de averlo beeho ee 
lee a Tecreeido, 7 leerece dafio, j 
Tieuen a morir dello . . ." Thirteen 
yean leter, tbe Corregidor of the 
provinee at Collaeuae (Department of 
Arequipa, Pem),\Joau de Ulloa Uo- 
gollon,1in Ida leport dated January 
20, 1586: Belacion de la Prwiaoia de 
lo$ Colloffvat, etc, in Jtelootonet jreo- 
grdflcat 4t Jndiat, VoL II, p. 40: 
"EEtoa Collaguas, antes de la visita 
general que se hiio por mandamiento 
del ezcelentlsimo -riiey don Franeiaeo 
de Toledo, tralan en la cabeza nnoa 
que llamaban en sn lengna Cbocob, k 
maDsra de aombreroa luuy altos tin 
falda ninguna, 7 para que m padieeen 
tener en la cabeca, se la apretaban i 
loe uifios reeien nacidoe tan recia- 
meute, que se la atmsaban 7 adelgnza- 
ban alta 7 prolongada lo m&a que 
podlan, para memoria que habian las 
cabeias de tener la forma alta del 
Tolcan de donde aslieroD. Eato lea 
esU 7a piohebido por ordenanza." 
Of the Indiana of "Cavana" he mys; 
' ' Estoa son mnj dlf erentes an 1& 
eabeia & loi Collaguas, porque, reden 
naddoB loa nifios 6 ioIm^ h la atan 7 
]a bacen chata 7 ancba, muy fea 7 
deeproporcioneda; la ciial ee atan eon 
onaa euerdas blancae k manera de 
meehaa, 7 dando mnchas Toeltas alre- 
dedor, quedan las cabezae eusaneha- 
das. Eatilee prohibido 7a esto por 
ordeniuiia. Condeenae bieu en la 
heehnra de las cabesas el quee natural 
de Cavsua 7 el quee Collagna, que, 

como est& dieho, las Gollaguas so 
ahnaau la cabeza larga 7 eatoe Cava- 
naa ancha 7 ehata." The Indians of 
CaTana are Quiehoaa, those of Colla- 
goa spoke the ATmarA languag» 
(p. 43). The Indian 8aleama7hua, in 
his Belaoion de Antigiiedadet deite 
SejfW del Ptm, written probaUy 
about 1613, but pnblisbed in the orig- 
inal text at Madrid in 1870, in Tret 
Selaeionea de Antig^dadet pentaniu, 
attributea the custom to the commands 
of the Inoa irar-chief Lloque Ynpan- 
qui (p. 253). This is pnrefy an imag- 
inary stat«neDt and explanation of 
the origin. Says Cobo (Btetoria del 
Nuevo MiUido, IT, 176): "Unas na- 
cionee las haeian anchas de frent^ 
Bpret4ndolas, pai& darles esta forma, 
con Unas tabliUas fuertemeute liadas. 
Los Collas formaban la cabeza larga 
y puntiagnda ... 7 para dar erta 
flgnra & las cabeiaB de loe ni&os, las 
liaban y apretaban cod reodas, 7 Us 
traian ad baata edad de cnatro 6 
einco aAos, que 7a quedaban endnre- 
eidaa 7 amoldadae i bu tocado, largaa, 
ahuaadaa 7 sin eolodrillo." Ee af- 
flrma to ha*e yet seen some old men 
with deformed skullB. 

"That the sandal ("aymnqoe" on 
the coast of Peru, and "ojata" in 
A7inaT6 of Bolivia) waa the primitiT« 
foot-gear of the Indians needs no 
references to early informatian. It la 
well known and eatablished. 

" Pnlmonar7 affections were alsa 
noticed b7 us. We know of two easea^ 
one of which a bo7 about sixteen 7e»>« 
(Mj the other a young married woman. 
("The disease is looked npon aa 
venereal by the Indians, but our cure 
doea not support the belief. Of vene- 
real affections we saw some traces, 
although the Indian conceals such idl- 
ments as ranch as possible. Tb«T 
certunly exist among them, bnt I be- 
lieve them to be less frequent and Imb 
violent in the Sierra than on the 
coast. "I 

* It 'ma7 not be devoid of intereat 
to note what Father Cobo, from ths 



ttkndpoint of knowledge of tbe Mren- 
tMnUi eentiiTT', Myi about the phjideal 
propcrtiea of the Indian IHMoria del 
Snew Ifmido, ni, p. 23 el mq.): 
"Sob todos naturklineiita Semfttieoi 
de eomplexito ; 7 como la floma natn- 
nl haee blanda j hiiineda la aiutatieia 
da Ia« miambroi del cnerpo, tienen 
mnj ¥f"''*i 7 delieadas eaniea, 7 ad, 
M eauan preirta 7 no son para tanto 
tnbajo como loa hombrei de Enropa ; 
kace mil labor en el eampo on hombre 
en Eipafia que enatro indioa act . . . 
Jooto eon mt flsm&ticoa son en ex- 
trvno grado aangniuoa de donde les 
nacB wr exeeaivameiite «&lidoe, como 
M prneba en qua en el tienpo de 
mijorM frioa 7 hieloa, d ee lee toea 
la mano, w lee haUari dempra ealor 
Dotable; 7 en la poea ropa que Tisten, 
qae no les aure de nlngtbi abrigo, 
■lia que de enbrir nu euerpoe. 
Coando van eamino, daermen, annqne 
tea en ma7 frioa piramoa, donde lea 
toma la noebe, al delo deacnbierto; 
7 aeonteee eaer eobre elloe an pabno 
jfl niere 7 dormir eutre ella eon tanto 
repoao como d eatDvieran ea blandas 
7 regaladaa eamaa. Echaae tambien 
de Ter m excedva ealor, en que tienea 
uuM esUimagoa mis redoe que de 
Aveatnu, aeglin la eantidad 7 ealidad 
de los nianjarea qae gartan. Porqne, 
dqjado aparte qne son 0107 groseros 7 
reeioa ma mantenimientoa, loa comen 
erdinariamente eati erDdoe7dnaBs6ti, 
7 eon todo eso loa digieren nin7 
prerto: 7 d bien enando comen & an 
coda son mn7 pareoB en la eomida, 
eon todo eno, eomlendo & eoata ajena, 
•on niios loboa. ' ' 

Coneeniing the diseases moat eom- 
mon among the Indians of the Bolidan 
table-land, the Stilacion de (a Pro- 
•tneia de los Pacajei, in Bel. geo- 
gr&fioa* de India; Vol. II, p. SB, 
from abont 15S6, has the following: 
"Las enfermedades qne tenlan anti- 
n vimelas, sarampion, c&- 
I de sangre, 7 qoe al presente 
tienen las mi ^nin j tienen m&a otraa 
«nfermed«dea, qne son baba^ qne 

Uaman Ouanti, 7 mal de eoruon, 7 
algonaa terdana* 7 eoartanaa qne lei 
procede de entiar en loa Ynngas poT 
Coca, qnee tiena ealiente. Y pan el 
retnedio deataa enfermedades no tenlan 
mtdieo^ s6lo nsaban de la langrla eon 
on pedemal 7 de una Terba qne ha7 en 
esta proTinda que se dioe Akato, & 
manera de 7erba-bueiia, la eoal eondan 
Terde, 7 molida la beblan; 7 de otra 
7eTbR qne se dice Chu()uicatll.a qoea 
k manera de anlagaa, eon que ae lahn- 
maban para las ealentnraa; 7 deepnes 
qne entraron los espafiolee turieron 
conodraiento de nsa resina qne se dice 
Tabvta, 4 manera de trementina, qnea 
para sacar frios 7 dolores." 

" This is alTead7 recorded in the 
report of J11I7, 1B34: Setatione per 
Bita Maetta, ete. Bamuio, III, fol. 
413: "Le ene terre sono di mediocre 
graadena, A le ease picdole, le mora 
di pietra A terra insieme, eoperte di 
paglia." Cieia: Primera Parte de 
ta CrAniea, etc, Cap, zclz, p. 442: 
"Ijm pneUoa tienen loe natorales jnn- 
toi, pegadaa las eases anas con otras, 
no ma7 grandei, todas hechas de piedra, 
7 por eobertora paja, de la qne todoe 
en lagar de teja snelen osar. " Cobo: 
Eitt. del N. Mwido, rV, p. 166; "En 
la Sierra bae«n las casaa de piedra 7 
barro 7 lae eubren de paja. Ia piedra 
ee toeea 7 paeata sin 6rden 7 eonderto, 
mas qne la Tan asentando 7 jnntando 
eon pelladas de barro." These de* 
seriptiona, from 1634, 1550, and 1653, 
respectiTel7, agree fairl7 well with 
the present appearance of Indian 
dwellings, less the few modem im- 
nroTements mentioned in m7 text 
\ " Arehaeologiool BeeonnoiuanM into 
Mexico, second edition, p. 129. ) 

" Cobo, in Hietoria, etc, IV, p. 163, 
describes the Tillages of the Bierras 
ver7 well, also on pp. 166 and 167, bat 
does not mention store-honsea. 

"Cobo: Eittoria, etc., IV, p. 171: 
"I« cama qne naan los de la sierra 7 
tierra fria, ea ana manta gmesa de 
lana, llamada Ckubi, tendida en el 
soelo; U mitad !•• airre de eolehoA 7 




Branch of 

otra mitad, que doblan poi 1m pite, 
de eobettoT 6 f reuda, j saeleo dormir 
metidoa en nn Chiul todoB los d« nna 
easa, padres 6 hijoa, annqoa loa qne 
van entrando An polioia, por la honeati- 
dad, apartan ji eamaa ... En todaa 
porta dneRnen con el miano Testida 
qua traen de dia, excepto qne loa 
Taronet se qoitan la TaeoUa 7 Ui 
mnjerea la Uiella." Thia enatom of 
aleqtiag together on one Fonelio, so 
to aaj, is alre&djr mentioiied in the 
eixteentli eenturj. The lieenelada 
^Joan de Hatienio,)one of the moat 
diatingniahed, and at the aame time 
moat atadioM in matten of the In- 
dian, of the membera of the rojal 
Andienda of La Plata (now Soi^ 
Boliria), who came to Pera in IGSO, 
atatea in Oobivnut del Porfi oon todOa 
iat eOKH pvrteMoimte* A & y & . 
kittoria, MBS. at ILenox Bn 
N. y. Pob. Utinxj, ' ' 
^ poiqae de dormir en el anelo lea i 
enfermedadea qne ae manda qua ten- 
gan barbacoaa en qne dnerau j 
poTqne el Padre y la Uadre 7 niJoB 7 
liijaa aatan ea vn boijo todoa jnntoe 
7 doermen jnntoa qne ae haga en ^da 
eaia o boijo nn apartamTO en qne 
eaten las liijaa 7 no eomo beatiaa." 
Like inan7 aalntar7 meatorea of the 
Bpaniah gorenunent, thia one re- 
mained a dead letter in the inte- 
rior. We aaw man7 famiHea on the 
Itlanda living and sleeping togethsr 
in one room and partl7 on the floor, 
so to Ba7, "ta a heap." 

"The gninea-pig ("007" in Pern, 
"«0M^"— the Spanish for labUt— 
in Bolivia) ia indigenona; the liog ia 
imported from Enrope. Oeeaaionally 
a cross of the domestio pig with the 
javaU of tlie forest ia met with. There 
waa sneh a tpedmen on the laland. 
It recalled the Enropeau wild boar in 
appearance and its meat waa far anpe- 
rioi to that of the common hog. 

" Compare Final Btport of Invatti- 
ffOtioM amtmg (k« Indiaiu of the 
ftMtkwMlern United State*, VoL I, 
p. 26S, and ArehaeoloffiMl Beaottnoii- 

«MM, p. 142. We saw, at Challa, on 
the Island, in the dwelling of the 
Alcalde Mariano Manii"^, a fonr- 
legged stool of stonc^ weU made. It 
waa imbedded in the wall and said 
to have been toond in the ^ea niaa 
of Eaiap«ta./p«dro Piaarroj|eseribaa 
aa f oUowa tbMaat naad b7 Afa h na llp a 
{Belaoion del iJeaoabrlmteiito jr Coa- 
gaiffa de lo* Seiaoj del Peri, etc, in 
DoMtaeato* para la Eittoria de B«- 
paXa, Vol. T, p. 249): '<Ertaba sen- 
tado eete seSor en nn duo de madera 
de altor de poeo mas de an palmo; 
eete duo era d« madera colorada mQ7 
linda, 7 tenlanle sieropre tapado con 
nna manta mn7 delgada, annqne eetn- 
vieee tl sentado en iL " Francisco de 
Zeres; Verdadera SeJaokm d« ia Co*- 
gwitto del Perv y Provineia del Cwaoo, 
1534, reprint of 1891, Madiid, p. 82: 
"Y d tlrano eataba k la pnerta de an 
aposento sentado en nn asiento bajo. ' ' 
Cobo: EUtoria del Hittvo Jfvndo, IT, 
p. 272: "No tenlan en ana easaa sillas 
eacaiio* ni gfciero de asientoe, porqne 
todoa, hombree 7 mnjeret^ ae aentaban 
en el aacdo, aaeaudo los Caeiqnea 7 
grandee aefiorea, que por man»d 7 
privilegio del Inea nsabaa de adenta 
dentio 7 fnera de ens eaaaa, al enai 
llamaban DuHOj 7 era nn banqniUo 
de madera labrado de ana pieaa, largo 
doe palmas 7 alto nno, semejante en 
la hechnra k on animal qne tnvieae laa 
piemaa eortas, U cabeia baja 7 ta 
cola aKa, porqne eomnnmente la daban 
flgora de ■"'*"»' Tenia la snperfleia 
alta eilneava, para qne ajnstaae eoa 
la parte por donde se astenta «1 
hombre." With the eueption of the 
■tatflmeut that the right to nae toA 
stools waa Tested In the "Inea" and 
delegated by him to minor ehie^ 
the statement b; Cobo ia vafaiabla. 
The worda "dnho" or "dno" Mva 
neither A7maT4 nor Qnichna. 

In the private eoBection of Mr. 
Oeorge 0. Heje at New Tork CHt7 is 
a good apeeimen of a wooden aeat 
from Poerto Bico, and tbei« a 
at t" ■ 



of Nstnral BMotj, both from Tniki 
Iilaiid. It wemB thei«fore that tbcae 
ftooli, or low chairs, were in nae 
among a number of tribei, both in 
North and Bonth America. Among 
maaj other aeetiona I only mantion 
bare Nicaragua. Oriedo: Hittoria 
general y witwral, edition of ISSS, 
ToL IT, pjL 109 and 111, et t«q. 

"We were usored, at Tiahnanaco, 
that the Ajinsri wonld not tolerate 
image* of cainta in their luMuei, from 
faar of the "Santo Ajn" or ill-wind 
from the eainta, a epeciea of diMMe. 
/" Although in appearanee, the 
Indian trarta his home and chattel! bf 
not locking the door of the former, 
tbU ia not the remit of eonfldenee 
in hie own people. In the flnt plaee, 
there are hardlj locks to be Men in 
the TillagM of the aboriginea, and, 
beaidee, he tmata to the magie power 
of primitive eeremoniala that accom- 
panied the eonstmetion of the bnild- 
ingf, and to the "Achachila" or 
"Paecarina" (see later, test and 
uotee). Bnrglary, therefor^ ia aa 
good aa unknown. What he owna 
ootaide of the home and ia not in 
care of apedal fetiibee he gnarda 
earefnilj against robbeiy, from hia 
own people even more than from 
whitea or meetiKW.V 

"Cobo: EiMtoria] ete, IT, p. 170: 
"En todaa lu eaeae, por peqnefiaa 
qne eean, hay an fog6n detraa de la 
pnerta, el eoal ea de heebnra de nn 
homilla peqneHo, no ma* alto qm nn 
palmo, eerrado por todaji partei, eon 
peqne&a boea por donde atixan el 
foego, 7 por la parte alta, dos 6 trea 
agnjeroa redondoi, donde aaientan laa 
ollaa." Thia Is the here of to^lay, 
whieh ia naoalfy Imilt l^ the women, 
and done qnlte rapidly, too. Whether 
the kere, in ita present fonn, is still 
of th« primitiTe tjpe, it another qnes- 

**Gobo: ififtoria, etc., IT, p. 170: 

■ qne de dos 6 tres maneras; 
ollas de barro sin Tidiiar, en qne an- 
tigDamentfl pintabaa diversas fignrai, 
eomo tambien en los cintaroa 7 demas 
Taaijas; platos de ealabassa seeaa, del 
tamafio de peqneBas porcelana% barro 
7 de madera; los de palo se dieen 
MncA, 7 los de barro Fvm; j candaa 
medianaa de bam qne Uaman 
CaukB." Ikt ehna Is a bowl or a 

o^PittoI Btport, I, p. eS9; ^foha«- 
oloffieal SeeonnoiMaKoe, p. 138. 

•■ Cobo, But. del Vwtfoo Mundo, IT, 
p. 168 : ' ' Los mantenimientos qne en- 
eienan son Hais, Oiofio 7 Qninna, qne 
todas estas trea eosas les sirren de 
pan, annqne no todas siempre k todoa, 
Bnelen las gnardar, 6 dentro de ana 
easas en tinajaa grandee, 6 en algnn 
apartadijo qne para «tto hacen, 6 
fnara dellaa en anas peqnefiaa trojea 
qne hacen, bien defendidu del agna." 
Formerly they kept their better cloth- 
ing also in Teasels of ela7. (P. 171.) 
' ' Todo esto goardaban en tinajaa, qne 
no tuTleron otraa arcai^ banles ni ea- 
eaparates." Hence clothing found in 
large elay veesels is not alwa7a an in- 
dication of ceremonial usage. 

"Biftoria M Vawo Mundo, IT, 
p. 170. 

"Ibid.: "Para moler cons pe- 
qnelias tienen otra piedra al modo de 
mortero, algo cdncava, 7 mnelen en 
ella con otra pequefia y largnilla de la 
anerte qne los pintores mnelen los 
eolores." Spedmena of these imple- 
ments are contained in the eolleetions 
sent by na from the Islands and other 
parts of BoUTia. See plates, etc 

■Cobo, IT, p. 166: "No tnriAron 
enrioeidad en haeer portadas grandee 
7 labradas: todas eran puertas pe- 
qnefiaa 7 lianas, 7 laa maa tan bajaa 7 
Mtreehaa, qne pamcen boeas de 
homos. Pot donde, cnando Tamoa i 
eonfeasar sns enfermoa, no podemos 
entrar elno doblando el enerpo y & caal 

"C^eia, Primera Forte, etc. Cap. 




xox, p. 442: "Iioa diaa j noehM ion 
ciai ignalee, j en Mta oomkrea haee 
mu frio qua en ningniu otra da las 

"Cobo, IT, p. 167; "Lo t«re«TO, 
que ni casas de noblea ni de pleberos 
tenian pnertaa fljaa 7 asentadaa para 
abrii 7 eemi: lolo nsabBii de nncw 
eafUzM 6 unoe eon qua tapa- 
bau U pnerta cnando eerraban; 7 si 
ibaa faeta 7 no qnedaba nadie, arri- 
maban al eafiizo alganas piedraa, 7 no 
naaban de mu Gerrsdnraa, Uave nl de- 
fenra." This (ftside from other taa- 
tiiDon7) sbows that the door is a 
Enropean introductiaD. 

"flirtorio, IT, p. 171. 

"The wowl "choco" ia Qoiehna. 
(Pray Tonaa Babio:^Jrto y Fooabwlo- 
na 3» la Lengva Qwiehua, edition of 
175^ fol. 16S— "Chbucco, Binete, 6 
Capaeete de Indios. ' ' Cieza : Pri- 
mara Parte, Cap. ni. Cobo : SUtoria, 
IT, p. 176. Pedro PiEarroi Btlaeitm, 
p. 261. TTUoa Uogollon: Selaaon de 
la Provinoia de lot Collaguaa, p. 40. 

-Bittoria dal Niievo Mmtdo, TV, 
p. 1S9 at aag. Tacolla and ehnapa aie 
both Quiehna words. Torrea BnUo: 
Arte y VomAyAano, foL 106, Part I, 
for Tacolla, p. 85 (or Hnaraa, and 
p. 8S for Chospa or Chhaapa. 

" The UielU, or Uielle, ia aJao caUed 
"aguajo" andi^ at the preaent time, 
a small piece of handaomelf woven 
«loth, like a handkerchief, or what 
in French ia named foulard. The 
cnmbi or pampacona is TOt Been in 
Bolivia on the heads of women from 
•outiL'of La Pas and elsewhere. The 
vincha, or nineha, is worn aa a head- 
band by the women aroond Cliaraa- 
Sani; it ia from one to two inches wide 
, and beautiful in color and deaign. 
/ Finger-ringa are not unfrequentl7 
found in mins; compare the speed- 
mens from the Island flgnred in this 
monograph. The latter are of copper 
and of bronia. A liandsome ring, of 
enamded bronie, was found t? na on 
the upper slopes of Xllimanl in a 
mined Tillage^ 

'The ancient needle of eopper vt 
broBxe is called "yanri." It is not 
in use at present. The large [uds — 
topo, or tumi— are now mostly mttda 
in the shape of ^Kwns, and are some- 
timea of silTer or gold. Tbe neatiM 
women ("cholas") of Bolivia waaor 
ear-rings, sometjinea very long and 
costly ones. 

" The word calzAn is, aa well known, 

"Cobo, fiUtt>ria, IT, p. 163: "Pai» 
obrsr eatoa veatidoa y ropaa, 7 aim 
para remendarlaa, no tienen neeeaidad 
de m&g instrumentoa que de niw 
aguja, qne alios llaman dmenna, 
hecha de una espina larga medio jeme^ 
gmaaa eoma las nuestras eolchoneraa^ 
horadada al eabo 7 may puntisgndA; 
porque con ella 7 Mlo de lo miamo qoe 
son los veattdoa; laa coaen y remiendan, 
porqne no Dsan para remendar afiadir 
parte de sn palio aobre la rotnia, eomo 
nosotros, sino qne van larciendo eon 
nn hilo de la misma laua lo que de la 
nrdiembre ae ha gaitado." A nnza- 
bar of such needles made of thoma or 
apinea were aent by ue to the Ameiir 
can Muaeum of Natural History ftt 
thia city. 

"Tauri is also the ATmari noma 
for copper. Bertonio, FooabKlario, I^ 
p. 124. 

"Cobo (MviUma, IT, p. 190) doe* 
not mention agricultural implementa 
of atone, bnt onr nnmerons Anda of 
atone hoea and clod-breakeia, on &• 
Islands, in the CordUlera, etc., prora 

He t 

on]7 of eopper and wooden tools. 
"Los inatrnmentoa de ana labnmaaB 
eran poeos, y eaoa de palo 6 eobre y ds 
ningnn artiflcio. El arado 6 aaadfin 
era nn instromente llamado TacQa, da 
hn palo tan gmeeo como U mullecs j 
largo poco maa de dos codos, k manera 
de canco. For donde lo aidan eetattw 
toreido como esyado, y en la ptinta 
ataban otro palo da euatro dadoa d« 
ancho 7 nno de canto de otra madera 
mas recia; y eomo un palmo antaa del 
remata della tenian Mido aa gaaaha 



del Iwgoi de im jema, donde badan 
i^ena eon el pit iiqnierdo. Fnen 
d«U ni«rt« da antdoa tenimn otio in- 
itmmetito de un pslo corro, que bada 
forma de haznela de earpintero 6 de 
ttanoeafre, eon que qnebiantavan loe 
terronee, eKardabau 7 mulian la 
tJeira; 7 eatoa doe inatnunentoa eran 
1m prineipalea eon que labraban loe 
eampD*. Para eeeardar loe eembradoa 
J haeer loe hojOB en que enterrabau 
el Mail al aembrarlo, DHiban de Lam- 
PH, que loa MexiouioB llaman Coaa, 7 
m nn instnunento eomo atada, lalvo 
qne el liiarni era de cobre, dno llaao 
eomo pala eorta de homo. ' ' 

■Cobo, Hittoria, IV, p. 208: "EI 
teebo 7 emtrierta de todo* eatoR adifl- 
dM era de Tigaa grandee do davaidn, 
mb que atadaa eon BogaB, f por tejaa 
HiCHO largo mn7 bien aaentado." 

*We found mncb ancient rope, 
made of icbbn-grasa, in mined hoDsei 
of tbe Puna. Tbonge of Llama-hide 
and woolan ropoi were also aaed. To- 
da7 Um7 etill oas rawhide in prefer- 
enee to hemp. What I ■a7 of tbe 
lalanda eoneeming modem toola we 
•Dfaeeqaentl7 notiead on the nuunland 

** The complaint orer the nndeanli- 
neaa of the Ajmari ia general in ear]7 
•ODreea. No qnoUtiona are required. 

*S«e note 33. 

" The pongo (from ptMot: door, or 
dooiwa7, ainee the ancient bonaea had 
DO doora) ie in realitr not ao nnieh a 
doorkeeper (except at night) aa a gen- 
eral drudge. There are two kinda of 
"pongoa" in moet hooaea of wliltea 
or meatisoa: tbe "aala-pongo," who 
ia doorkeeper and waiter, and the 
"eocina-pongo," who earriee water, 
eleana np, waahee diahee and belpa the 
eook. The "mit'-ini" Is nsaaU7 a 
faniale cook, alao a maid of all work. 

" Simon Bolirar, Deereto, Cnteo, 
Jal7 4, 1825, in Coleeoion ofioial de 
L*yet, Deeretot, Betoliuwnei, 4-ea, de 
la Bepublioa BolMana, Vol. I, p. 34: 
"Qn« la Conetitodon de la Bepobliea 
no eoDoee derignaldad entre loe cin- 

dadanoe." Thia i« an indirect recog- 
nition of the citiienahip of the In- 
dians, conflrmed in the aeeond decree, 
of aama date. On December 2Zd 
of the same 7ear Bolivar decreed (p. 
101) : "Qoe proclamadaa por la 
Aatunblea de eataa provinciaa sn abao- 
hita independencia, libertad, 6 ignal- 
dad dnl, dejaron de ecaiatir laa claaea 
priTil^iadaa. ' ' Preddent Andrte 
Santa Crns of BoliTia (Deereto, Vol. 
II, p. 2S), speaking of the Indians, 
ealla them "Stendo eatoa dudadanoa 
•mpleadoa en el cnltivo de laa tiema^ ' ' 

** Changea in polic7 in regard to 
Indian laada have been frequent, and 
I withhold from quoting authoritiM. 

"The terradng of dopes for pur- 
poeea of tillage, and eepeciall7 the 
rotation in cnltirated patchea for the 
aake of letting the land recuperate, 
are eostoms that t 

land-tilling tribes of Pern sad Boliria 
long previODS to the conqneat. Bajs 
/Oareilasso de la Vagal in Cvmentario* 
ruUet, I, fol. 100; "T por^ eran tan 
eetjrilee por falta de ri^o, no las 
aibranan mas de rn aflo o doa, 7 hiego 
repartil otra^ porqne deaeansaaaen laa 
primeraa." (Like Cieca, he attrib- 
ataa eTer7 kind of improvement, alao 
in agriciUtDre, to the Inca. This is 
not the ease. The custom of rotation 
antedstea the time of Inca raids, as 
well as the conatmetion of terraces on 
slopes. The latter needs no further 
proof than the existence of snch an- 
denea in sections whither the Incaa 
never penetrated, where the7 are aa 
abundant as elsewhere, and the exiit- 
ence, on the Islands, of terraces at- 
tributed to the "Chiillpa"ar ATmsri, 
and positivd7 stated to be from timea 
long anterior to the first vidt of Ineas 
to Titieaca. Inca terraces on the 
Islanda can be eaail7 reeogmied from 
their superior workmanahip. 1 1n re- 
gard to periodical rediatribimon of 
landa, the Vlieendado Falcon,jiii his 
Bepreetntaoion Jteoka en Ooneilio 
Froimeial, tobre lot iaHot y ntoUttia* 




flM le hocen & lot Indiot, Doo. d« 
JndiM, VII, p. 466, mT*: "Tatnbieii 
es necourio advertir qoe oe engafiAu 
loB que diiwa que d luga daba, j qni- 
taba laa tierraa & qnian queria, f aon 
loa caciqnea, lo cnal no paaa. aai, sino 
fne AH ^ entrada ; eonqtiiata . . . j 
no haM al easo que en alyinaa tierras 
haata bo7 se reparian laa tierraa por 
«l cnraca k 1m indios, porqne esto e« 
por coetombie qoe hahia. en aqnellaa 
provincifis de antee del tiempo del 
Iiiga7dez61oselIngaeii eUa." This 
alludee to rotation and redistrlbntion 
aa a enatom anterior to tbe estab- 
liebment of Inea Bwa7. The well- 
knownf Licendado Polo de Ondognrdo,^ 
in Belaciim de lot ftmdamento* aoerea 
d«I notable dano qut retuita dt no 
gvardar d lo» Indio* tut fuero*. Doe. 
de India*, XVII, p. 32, Jane 26, 1571, 
atatee; "T eetaa tienae dividian en 
oada m aila e dividen hoy dia en la 
mayor parte del rrejno, e 70 me 4 ha- 
llado preeente i la cUuiaion en mnncboe 
t prineipaJmente en la proTineia del 
Gollao y en la del Chncnyto, j en eate 
qointo preeapueeto pado entrar por 
regla general ynfalible qne nyngnno 
poaeyo por merced del inga, la qnal 
eomo eata diebo, tampoeo dinidian loa 
beredeiofl ny podian diaponei della en 
uyngnna manera." 

■The principal paetniagee on the 
Island are the low groonda at Pacari 
(m.) and the gnaty ewelUnga of Ciri- 
apata. Tbe cattle of the Indiana mn 
looae all over the Island. 

** The aame eystem preraile nearly 
all over Bolivia, aa I shall have occa- 
sion to show in my other work on the 

" What to-day ia deaignated by the 
Spanish name of " comnnidades " 
and "estancioa" are tribet, each com- 
posed of a number of ayllu. The word 
aylln is both Aymarft and Qoichna. 

"This division, abont which I hope 
to give moTe data in a anbeeqnent 
work, ia ao frequently mentioned in 
the early aonreea that no donbt can 
ramain eonceniing its eiistenee at 

Cusco. At the present time it exists 
in Bolivia nnder the respective namea 
of Aran-saya and Ha-saya. AJthon^ 
it is stated the Incas introduced it 
among the Aymari, it is far from 
certain. A singular statement is f onnd 
in Bamos' fi'utoria dtf Copaedbana, 
1860, p. B5, in connection wiUl the 
finding of the eroHS of CBrabaeu((aea 
my paper in the Amer^n Ai^hny- 
pOlogUt, VoL VI, No. 6n "Entre loa 
Urinsayas, que son loe natnrales de 
un Ingar, solia mandar el Inca indios 
de su confiansa para amalgamarlee 
mejoi en las coetumbres del imperio 
J para velar aobre la fidelidad de loa 
nuevoB conqniatados; a estoa feraate- 
roa lea llamaban Ananaayaa: doa par- 
dalidadea que se miraban con reeelo y 
mnehas veeea venian a las manos^ eomo 
jndioB y aamaritanos. . . . Loa 0riB- 
sayaa dijeron a los Ananaayaa, qna 
eran unoa pobree advenediaos ain tierra 
ni patria propia," etc This would 
indicate that the division antedated 
the appearance of the Ines on the 
eastern ahorea of Titieaea. 

'Also: lAbro de Cattadoi (tim Per- 
tenece a ett« Pueblo de Ttoffumaeo, 
1694 to 1728, MS8. 

" Ibidem. An ' ' Inca-ayllo ' ' ia 
mentioned, aa from aeveral distinct 
localities. Even among the Inea at 
Cnico there was at leaat one aylln 
with the name of a locality, the 
"Aylln Tome-Bamba" (from Tnmt- 
pampa, in Ecuador), and said to hav« 
descended from Hnajna Capae (Diego 
Femandei: Primera y Segwida Part9 
de la Bittoria del Perti, 1571, reprint 
of 1S76, at Lima, p. 358). OareUaeBO 
de la Vega, in Comentarioe, I, fol. £63. 
confirms. In th« Decoripeion de la 
tierra del BeparUmiento de loe Bitca- 
nae Antamarcat, of 1586 (Bel. geo- 
grdflcae, etc., II, p. 198), it ia stat«d: 
' ' Primeramente, se responde al primer 
capttulo, qne eata provineia 6 repaiti- 
miento tiene por nombre Bucamab 
Antahabcas, de nn pueblo Ilamado 
aa(, i donde eetaban poblndos en 
tiempo de sn gentilidad nn ayUo 6 



que tiene ni Cri&dor, tbm dlian, qn« 
tal Cairo, otroa qne tal fneute, otroa 
qoentan de bus Paeuiiuts maehaa 
fAbalsB, 7 patnliu." The Quichna 
PscBTinA u, in mljabuiee, the same as 
the Haehnia; and tbe Achachila of 
theATmari. (Cap. n, p. 12.) "Alaa 
Paearinaa, que ea da donde dloa dicen 
qne deadeudeii, revereueiaii tamblen. 
Que eomo no tienen 16, ui eonoei- 
mianto de eu primer origen de nnw- 
troa prinaroB padrea Adan j Eva, 
tieuan m cata pnnto muehos arrores, 
7 todoa eapeeialmaita laa eabexaa de 
Ajlloa aaban, j nombraii bub Psca- 
rinaa." At an eu'l7 day tliiH belief 
in deseent of the elani from loealitiM 
is mentioned. I quote, for example, 
(jnan de Betanios^ Svma y Natracion 
de Im Incat, ISSVMadrid, 18S0, p. 5: 
CriBt6bal de Molina (tranilation hj 
Markham in Saelelmtft Sooitty Publt- 
eatitmt, original st lima) : An aecount 
of the Fablet and Site* of the Ineaa, 
pp. 4 to 9. While deseent or origin 
of the A7IIU ia placed at apeeifle loeali- 
tiea, it ia dear that it ia attribated 
to eertain objeeU, animate or inani- 
mate dtoated at the placM men- 

" The election of oleaJdea about the 
txtt at Jannar7 waa inatitnted in the 
Tiee-ro7alt7 of Pem by Bon Fran- 
eiMO de Toledo In 1575. Ordenatuiu 
da Peru, Vol. I, Lib. n, foL 135: 
"Qne el dia de sflo nuero se jnnten 
para la aleedon. ' ' 

"Properly "hilaeata." The word 
alcalde ia, of eonne, Spaniih. The 
olllee ia not, aa represented in lome 
Bonreee, an "Inca" inatitntioB. 

" Carta d« lot prinoipolu de Sioa- 
*i«a d la Com/umidad de Callapa, May, 
I7S1, Arehmo 'boiimano, Doeumentoa, 
p. 20S; alio Informe of Fray Matiaa 
Borda, p. 220., 

" The alcalde ia not a survival of 
the "cadque." The latter olSee was 
abolished by decree of Bolivar, July 4, 
1S25. In early timea, when the office 
of alcalde naa flnt established among 
tha Indiana, he waa in fact the chief 

pardalidad qne ahora le dice 
Aatamarcas, y eatin redneidos an otro 
pueblo que se dice Ia Vera Cmi 
de Canaua; y Pneato qne en eate 
Bombre de Antamarcas Bncanaa ae 
eomprehenden todoe loa fndioa deate 
repartimiento y provineia, hay eu ella 
enatro ayUoe 6 pareialidadea, qae ee 
Bombran aal: Antamarea, Apeara, 
Omipscha, Hnehaeayllo. Antamarea 
qniere decir pneblo de colnt^ 7 no 
tioMn loB indioa noticis poi qn6 aa 
haya Qamado aal ; Bneona qniere dacir 
dedo; Apeara qniere decir fortaleza, y 
par ier el pneblo cereado de pared 
yfoMaeqneddeon ertenombre . . . ; 
Omapscfaa, qne ea otra parcialidad, 
qniere decir, en lengoa antigua de loa 
propios indioa partieolar, tierra de 
■goal," ete. We have in tbie in- 
Btauce indications of three ehangei 
■mong the ayllns of the district of the 
Antamarcas— change in locality since 
the conqneot; change of name, from 
the original Aymar4 to the Qoichtu, 
probably in tliree cases. Omapacha is 
half Aymarfi, half Qoichna. The in- 
terpretation by Es;H>da in note (a) 
has no basis; hence a combination of 
two langnagaa in one end the same 

At some fntnre day I hope to be 
able to present more concrete data 
rdati*e to tha aylln in Pem and Bo- 
livia. Suffice It to Bay here, that the 
aylln is *the dan, modiHed in its fea- 
tures by time and contact with Euro- 
pean elements. But I cannot refrain 
from quoting, on the sabjeet of origin, 
a high anthority,nPatheT Pablo Joseph 
Arriaga,^ SJT.: Brtirpaeion da (a 
TdotatriJ del Pirv, Lima, 1621, Cap. 
m, p. 40: "No saben, qne proeedemos 
todoa de naeetros prlmeros padres, 7 
ossi eatan persnadidoe no solo qua los 
IJepafioIee proceden de vn prindpio, y 
los negroB de otro, tlno que cada Ayllo, 
y paitdalidad de loa Yndios tiene bq 
principio, y Pacarina, qua eUos Ilaman 
particular, y la nombran, y la adoran, 
7 ofrecen socrifldos; llsmaJidola Cs- 
ma^ qae as eriador, 7 eada vno dixe 




polica eommiariouar of th* pueblo. 
Ordmunwof para lot Iitdiot, bj tha 
viceioj' Toledo (Ontenanea* del P«rw, 
Lib. n, Tit I and n, foL 135 to 134). 
This implie* the militaij command in 
«ue of war, among the Indiana, m 
that the alcalde ia in reality tlie mr- 
chief of hi* tribe. 

"It ia hardlj tbe place to enter 
into a diacuuioQ of the cuitoma of 
■neeeadon and inheritance which are 
■o deeiuTe in regard to the question 
of endogamoni and ezogamoni niai- 
riage. /Grideneet in favor of exogamj 
are niifaieroua among older somtea. 
Even the Cnzeo Indiana (the Inca} 
mem, aa I shall eatablish elaewheie, 
to have had descent in the female 
]in& I limit myself to onoting from 
the Ordinances of Toledoy(Or(I«naa«(ic 
i«l Pan, Lib. n, Tit A, fol. 144) : 
" Primeramente, porjj entre loa indios 
ae aeoatnmbra qne cnando la India da 
vn Ayllo, 6 lepartimiento se casa eon 
Indio de otro repartlmiento, & Ajllo, 
7 el marido se mnere dexando hljos 6 
bijaa, loa Caciques Principalea euya 
era la India antes qne se easese la 
conipelen & bolver al repartimiento, 
J Ayllo adonde era antes, j llavar 
conaigo loa hijoa que have del marido. 
Ordiho, y mando, que & India de td 
repartimiento, parelalidad, 7 A7II0 
qne se caaare con Indio de otro, deien 
los hijoa que en ella hnriere harido m 
marido en el repartimiento, pareiali- 
dad, 7 A7II0 donde an padre era triba- 
tario, porqae allt le han de aer elloa, 
7 ella se passe i sa repartimiento, 6 
A7II0, ai sns Cssiqnes, 6 Principalea 
la pidieren dezfindola eatar algnn 
tiempo eon ans bijos baata que el 
menor deUoa eea de edad de ocho 
afios para arriba, porque no lea hags 
falta au Buaencia al tiempo antes." 
The title of this aectlon ia still more 
ConelnaiTe: "Que los bijos eigan 7 
reeonoacan el A7II0, 7 Parcialidad de 
sn Padre 7 no «1 de la Madre." fit 
proTU that nurriage was esogamons, 
and alao, that snceeaidon in the male 
line waa a change introduced by 

Spanish legialation at the end of the 
sixteenth eentnr7. Whenever a eon- 
qnering people, by laws or decree^ 
explieitl7 either aanetiona or abn>> 
gates customs of the conquered, aneh 
sanction or abrogation ia the beat evi- 
dence of the eriatence of anch eoatom^ 
at the Ume when the change was or- 
dained. ) 

Taca de Caatro: Carta al Emperador, 
November 24, 1&42 (Cartaa de India; 
p. 491); "En la prooincia que he 
dicbo . . . qne ae Uama del Collao . . . 
aanido como Kj Tndies que tienen por 
eoatnnbre de vsar el pecado abomina- 
ble entrelloa, 7 andan vestidoa de 
&bito de yndiaa: tengo aqui preeoa 
machos; hazene ha joaticia € ponerae 
ha remedio en esto. Algunoa dizen, 
en sua diebos, questan dlpntadoa par*, 
eate abominable pecado, para los pasa- 
jeros 7iidiofl que v6n por aquella pro- 
ninda, porqne no entiendan eon laa 
7ndias. ' ' There are aeveral conflrma- 
tions of this statement. Even Qeza, 
who ia BO decidedl7 partial to the In- 
dians («speciall7 the I oca) aaja 
(Primera Porte ds la CrSniea, Cap. CI, 
p. 44S) : "Destoe ae tiene que abor- 
reclan el pecado uefando, pueeto qne 
dicen que algnnos da loa nisticos que 
andaban guardando ganado lo "«»>«"i 
aecretamente, 7 los qua ponian en los 
templos por inducimiento del demonto, 
como 7& tengo eontado." The latter 
refera to the coast people (Cap. lxit, 
p. 416). Pitarro; Selaeio* itH Dttnt- 
brimimto, p, 280: "Estoa indioa 
destaa provinciaa del Collao es genta 
sneia, tocAn en muchos peeadee abo- 
minables, andaban muchoa varonee en. 
hfibitoB de mugeres 7 en mnchaa idoln- 
trlaa. ' ' M7 inqoiries on this point 
were always answered in the negative, 
and I never observed anything that 
led me to suspect that sneh a habit 
might exist at the present time;. It 
certainly existed, thirteen yeara Mgo, 
among ths New Mexican pueblos and 
was openly practised, in isolated 



«u«L in the dxteenth eantnr^. Com- 
parapupur PerM de TillagranA Hi*- 
toria^df Itt Nttwa Mmioo, J6I0. 

To-d«7 there ezistt among the 
Ajsuui tbe euBtom of what might be 
named a "trul year" before mar- 
riage. Tliat thifl ia an ancient habit 
ii proTen hj it being mentioned anta- 
lior to its prohibition bj Sp&uiah de- 
ereea. Pedro Piiarro, who wrote 
about 1&70, aaaerts that, prerioiu to 
nwiriage, indiMTiminate interconrae 
wag permitted with the girls (Beta- 
eion, pp. 347 and 379). Tbe decree 
promnlgated bj- Toledo ia eonclnuTe 
(OTdaummu del PerO, foL 128, et 
uq.): "I-ntNiporqaantoaycoitmnbre 
entre loa Indioe eaai generalmente, no 
eanrae dn primers averse eonoddo, 
tratado, A eonvenado algon tiempo, j 
heeho Tida maridable entre si, eomo 
B Terdaderamente lo fuesaen, y les 
pareee, que ai el marido no conoce 
primero i la mnger, j pot el eo&trario, 
que deapues de eaaadoi no paeden 
tener pas, eontento j amistad entresi. ' ' 
It might be, that this trial-jear 
is preceded by some proviaioiial 
ceremony, bvt the marriage after 
primitive cuatom takes place at the 
expiration of the twelve months. 
That the trial year is what I have 
called it, remains proven by the fact 
that, at its close, the parties may yet 
■eparate and the fact of temporary 
anion is not binding upon either party. 
If they eontlnne, however, to live to- 
gether as man and wife, without hav- 
ing their primitive and the church 
ceremonials performed, they are looked 
apon as transgreeaors. The Coiutitu- 
eionea synodole* del Arfobitpada A» 
lot Beyea, en et Perv, 1613, reprint of 
1722, p. 79, Lib. IIII, Cap. n, foL 79, 
ordain: "Porqne el Demonio ha Intro- 
dueido entre loa Tndios, J) qnando 
tratan de eaaarae con algona India se 
amaneeban primero con ella, viviendo 
en ofenaa, . . . ; Mandamos: qne loa 
Coras, mny de ordinaiio en aos ser- 
mones, les ezorten y amonesten aer 
aboao 7 grave peeado lo qne baeen y 

qua averiguen qnienea son eulpados en 
ello, y la tal averignadon la remitan 
al TJicario para qne loa caatlgne." 
Arriaga: B^irpaeion de la Idolatria, 
etc., p. 34: "Otro abiuo esmnycomnn 
entre todos los Yndioa oy en dia, qne 
antea de casarse, se an de eonocer 
primero, y jnntaise algonas veies, y 
assi ea caao mny raro, el casarse, uno 
es, primero, Tincunacnspa, eomo elloa 
dicen, j estar tan assentadoa en eate 
engalio, que pidiendome en vn pneblo, 
por donde passava, vn Tndio, qne le 
casase con vna Tndia con qnien estava 
eoDcertado de easarM, vn hermano de 
eOa to eoDtradeda grandemente, y no 
dava otra causa, aino que uonea se 
aoiaa eonoddo, ni jontadoee, y de 
otro Tndio at yo qae aviendose eaaado 
no podia ver a an mnger, y le dava 
mala vida, por qne dizo que era de 
mala condicion, pues nadie la avia 
<]nerido ni eonoddo antes que ae 

" Arriaga : Bxtirpaciott, Cap. vi, 
p. 32. 

"The deaeription of mertnary ens- 
toma by Cieta {PHmera Parte, Cap. 
C, p. 443) presents a distorted picture, 
from inanffldent observation, the 
writer merely passing through the 
CoUao, in 1549. The Belaoion de lot 
Faoajet, 1586, (Sel. geogrdf. II, p. 
01) : "Y at difunto le enterraban con 
loa mejores veatidos y ofreclan mncha 
comida y Aeda ..." Arriaga, Ex- 
tirpaeion. Cap. VI, p. 34: "Heehanles 
mny d ^w'"*" ^<*d ^T p e nte ch ^<* ha en la 
sepultnra, porque bevan, y mny al 
descublerto enando lea hasen lae hon- 
ras, eomidaa eocidas, y asMdas tobre 
la sepaltnra, para que coman. . . ." 
The Licenciado Fernando de SantUlaa 
(Solocion det Origen, Veteendeneia, 
Politioa y Oobienut ie loa heat, date 
about 1566, Madrid, 1879, in Tree Be- 
laeionet de AntigUedadea pervanaa, 
p. 35) afBrms it to have been a gen- 
eral custom: "Tenlan y Cretan tam- 
bien que los mnertos ban de resadtar 
eon ana cuerpoa y volver t, poseer lo 
que dejaroB, y por eso lo niandaban 




ecbar cousigo «n las hnaeaa, 7 loa 
pontaD 4 loa mnertoi todo lo major 
que teniaii," etc. The broom may be 
a modem sabetitate for a weapon. 

" Aixiaga, Ssctirpaoion, p. JH: "Bb- 
parcen en algnnaa partes haiina de 
Uajz, o de Qniniut por la eaea, para 
Ter camo elloe dizen ta buelTO el di- 
fniito, por lae piaadaB, qne A de deiar 
•efialadaa en la hariua. ' * 

"filial Report, I, p. 208 et teq. 

" Thia is clearly bIiowh in the IA}>ro 
de Catiadoi, of Tiagvanaoo (UB&). 

"Belooion de la Fronnoia de lot 
Faoajee, p. 59: "T el dia de hoj ran 
& PotosI 7 & otnw partes, eomo son las 
Ynngaa, donde ae coge la Coca j baesn 
otroa mneboa eervidoa qne no haeian 
entoneee." (P. 61.) "Las easaa de 
lot eadqaea 7 tambos tuaron largaa 7 
cnadradas, 7 la madera traian de los 
Tnngaa. ' ' Deioription y Belacion ie 
la Ciudad de La Paa, lfi86 (Sel. ffeo- 
grdf. II, p. 78): "Entran en los 
valies calientes, asl donde se da maiz 
eomo eoea, trigo 7 dam&s eosaa qne 
tengo referidaa, 7 traen del ganado 
qne tienen, que son loa eameros deeta 
tierra, 7 lana deOoa 7 Tsstidos qne 
deata lana hacen 7 la aal qne ba7 en 
BU tierra, 7 cod eata compran hariendo 
tfoeqae del mats 7 la coca 7 demia 
"cosas qae en bq tierra f altan. ' ' 

*■ VoL V, 18B6, flrat quarter, p. 120. 

" We ofFered qoita a reasonable 
amount of money at Bampa7a for tbe 
privilege of seeing and copTing one of 
these pietograpba drawn on sheepskin, 
bnt in Tain. I. I. von Tschndi (5H- 
tm duTok Sad-Amerika, 1S69, Vol. V, 
p. 314) gives a fsesiniilB of one of 
these CatechismB, which he foond at 
Copaeavana, adding an explanation, 

* And also sent two to the Mnsenm. 
For the ose of a knotted string (in an 
analogoos manner as the New Ueiiean 
Indians used It in 1680 in order to in- 
form all the pneblos of the date flxed 
forihe npriaing against the Spaniards) 
l^ the Aymari at Copoeavana in 1781, 
see Fray Matfaa Borda: Informe (Ar- 
ehivo boHmano, p. 206). The Indian 

messenger from Tlqiiiiia carried a cord 
or string with a knot in it— "7 el 
eitado undo, deeatado qne fneee, taa- 
bien Bignificaiia nna especie de carts 
6 auto oerrado, que (H eolo tenia la 
f aeultad de abrir, 6 desatar ..." Am 
soon as the knot wa* untied, the In- 
dians attacked the Sanctuary (p. 811). 

"In primitiTe times the two rasals 
were qnite regular. Cobo: Hiitona 
del Nuevo Mundo, lY, p. 174: ".Oo- 
mian dos Teies al dia, k las ocbo 6 
nueve de la maftana, y & la tarda, eon 
nna 6 dos boraa del aol ' ' 

"The nse of coca as medium of 
exchange la already mentianed in tbs 
sixteenth eentaT7. OaieilaaBD de la 
Tega: Cornea (arios, I, foL213: "Ade- 
lante diremos eomo la Ileuan a Potod, 
y tratan 7 contratan con ella. ' ' Also 
SeEnefon de lot Paoajet, p. 63: "Y 
aal el farato principal qne hay en eata 
pro*inda entre los indios y eapafioles, 
ea reecatar Coca por cameroa y eomida 
que lea Uevan." 

■Bishop Tieente de Talrerde: 
Carta al Bmperador sobre amnios do 
stt igleaia y etrat de la gobemaoioit 
general de aquel pait, in Doo. de In- 
diae. III, p. 08: "Coca .... 7 vale ea 
eeta tierra & peso de oro 7 ea la prin- 
cipal renta de loa dieonoa. ' ' The 
date of this letter i^ Cnaea, March 2X>, 
1530. The nse of eoea (mastiealian 
of the leaves, especiall7) was mack 
moi« general in Sonth and CentiBl 
America than is nsnally believed. It 
extended from Nicaragua southward. 
Oviedo: HUtoria, VoL I, p. 206: "De 
la hisrva qne los indios de Nieaiagna 
llaman yaat, ti en la gobemaeion da 
Venezuela ae dice hado, y en el P«r& 
la llaman coca, 6 en otras partes la 
nombran por otros nombres diversaa, 
porque son las lenguas dif erentes. ' ' 
In Colombia its nse was oommon 
(liidem, II, p. 300). Lfieaa Feman- 
dei de Piedrahita: Bietoria genenU 
de lot Con^iitai del Nvevo Seytto da 
Oranada, 1688, p. 20. "Porqna lo 
mas de la noche gastaban a nasear 
Eayo, qne es la Tsrva, qua an si PasA 



UaniHD Coea, j sou eiertas hoju eomo 
lu del Zomaqae." Antonio JuUan: 
La Perla d« la Amerioa, Madrid, 1787, 
p. 25 et JSg.rCieu (Primffra Parte, 
p. 440), while inclining to ttie belief 
tlwt tbe eocB was qjeciallj reaBrred 
for the high ehiefi and the worship 
of the Inea tribe at Ciueo,\ aayt 
BererthelcM: "En el Perfi en todo se 
Ds£ f nea traer eata coea en la booa, 7 
deade la »i«ftTia haata one se Tan 
i dormir la traen, nn la ediar della. ' ' 
Pedro Pizarro: Betaoion, p. £70: "k 
otroa hacer eoger coca, qne era nna 
rerb* qnelloa traian en la boca mny 
prsBciada 7 con qne ^^'^^" todoa ku 
■aeriflcioa 6 idolatriaa . . . Tenlanla en 
nmeho porqne lunban della loa SeSorea 
J i quien ellOB la dabttn, j no oomnn- 
mente ..." Thia would indicate tbat 
coca and its use were a priTilege of a 
certain elasa. Ita ebaracter sa an ob- 
ject for aaeriflee and ita raiitj at 
Cozeo may have giren It that appear- 
ance, it* nae (as the abore qnotationa 
ihow) was free and general. Bantl- 
Dan: Belaeion, p. 116: "En tiempo 
del inga eran D1117 pous laa chiearas 
[of coca]." 
-I ahaU nfer to that tradition 

"In 1781, the horrible manacrea 
perpetrated inaide of the chorehei, and 
repeated at A;o-a70 and Idohom in 
1899, ahow how littl^ at heart, the 
ATmari cares for tbe Christian re- 

" Knot Report, I, p. 223. 

" The term Paehacamac we heard 
at Tiahoanaeo. It is a Qnichna im- 
portation and rarely need bj the 

" Theee tenne ere poBt-conqoiatoTial, 
but they show the Indian's ideas on 
these points. Arriaga (ifrtirpaoion. 
Cap, Ti, p. 33) giTea an iUnctratioD of 
how they made use of the Apostle 
Santiago to incorporate Mm in their 
own cirele of epiritnal beings 1 ' ' En el 
nombre do Santiago tienen tambien 
snperaticion y anelen dar eete nombre 
al vno de los Chnchna [twiiu] eomo & 

hijoa del rayo qne snelen namar San- 
tiago. No entiendo qne ser& por el 
nombre Boanerges, qne lea posso al 
Apoatol Santiago, 7 a en hermano 
S:jDan Christo nneatro Belior, llaman- 
dolee Bayo^ que esto qniere deair hijos 
del tmeno, segun la f rase Hebrea, sino 
6 porqne ee STr& eatendido por ae& la 
f raaa^ o eoneeja de loe muehaehoa de 
Espafia, qne qnando trnena, diien qne 
corre eavallo de Santiago, 6 porqne 
Teran, qne en las gnerres que tenian 
loe Espafioles, qnando qnerian disparar 
loa Areabuies, que loa Yndios llaman 
Tllapa, o Bayo, apeUidaran primero 
Santiago, Santiago. ' ' A very inatme- 
tive incident is related by the same 
anthority (Cap, xm, p. 79): "El 
octavo, da la intercesaioD de lua San- 
tos, 7 adoraeion de las imagenes, 
porqae ellos diaen qne son nuestraa 
Hnacas, y tienen aeerea de esto algn- 
nas Tezee, como en otras eoeaa, moehaa 
ignorancias.-~Como socedid en Tn 
pneblo, donde avia qnatro imigenee de 
Santos, y mny buenaa de la voeaclon 
de qnatro Cofradias, 7 ae averignd, 
qne algunoa no se aneomendaran a 
aqnelloa Santoa, ni lea haslan oracion, 
porqne deiian, qne aqnellos Santos, 7a 
eran soyoe, y ellos los avian comprado, 
y ami iran a otro pneblo a viaitar 
otroB Santos, por las razonee contra- 

"The "Pn-tn-tu" is also used dur- 
ing a lunar eclipse and, in general, as 
a signal of warning in any oceorrenee 
or phenomenon that Inspires awe or 
fear to tbe Indian of Bolivia. We 
had no almanac at Challa and none 
conld be procured far or near, to we 
were not aware beforehand of the 
lunar eclipse of March 10, 1805, and 
could not witness the earemonials 
which the Indians ma7 have per- 
formed, but the sound of the pntutu 
disturbed na. Shouting and beating 
of dmme, eoneh-ibella and trompeta 
of clay and copper, et«., took the 
place of tbe cow-horn in primitive 
timea. 80 in tbe caee of eetlpsea. Ar- 
riaga: SaUrfooion, Cap. n, p. 38: 




"Lo que TsaTan ftDtiKnunente en loi 
ElipMa de la Iitina, qD« llMnan Qni- 
Li.utHUAi}Dni( la Luna m moere, o 
QuiLLA ToTATAN, ]a LniiB M eHCoreee 
vaan tambiea aora, a^tando loa per* 
toa, tocando tambores, 7 dando gritoa 
|>ar todo «1 pueblo, paia qne reandte 
la Inna . . . tocanan trompetaa, cot- 
Comentarioi, foL 4S; "AI eclypse de 
la lona . . . toeauan trompetaa, cor- 
netai, caracoles, atabalea, 7 atambores, 
J quaatOB iostrumentoe podian auer 
que bisiessen nijdo; atanan loB perros 
giandea 7 chico^ dauaulea muchos 
palos para que aullaBsen, 7 llamaHBeu 

7Bupa7 is a Qoichua term for evil 
qiiritB collectivel7, but aD7 demon or 
fiend ia Supa7 also. As little as the 
Indians had 007 conception of a su- 
preme Qod, as little did tbe7 hare a 
notion of a supreme devil.') 

"I cannot And tbii word in Bar- 

"ZuHi Fetiehea, p. 9. 

" It would cany me entir^ too 
far, were I to enter into a discnsaion 
of tbia queation. That both sun and 
moon were looked upon as created be- 
inga resnlta from every tradition or 
so-called creation myth as reported in 
the sixteenth centur7. Compare, for 
instance, Cieia: Segunda Parte de la 
CrSniea del Petii, Cap. t, pp. a and 6, 
and Cap. ZZX, p. 119; Betaoios: 
Buma y NarraoUm, Cap. I, pp. 1 and 2 ; 
Santillan: fielooton, p. 13; Eelaeion de 
tat oottntnbres antig^iat de los Natu- 
rolM del Pirti, of about I61S, and 
anonTmona; Tree Eelaeionet de Jn- 
Ugitedadei peruanaa, p. 13S; Oard- 
lasBo de la Vega: Comeniariot, I, Lib. 
n, fol. S5. < It was not tbe orba to 
which a certain worship waa offered, 
but to tbe tpiriWal heinga thai dwelt 
in IheiR, to tbe Acbachilas, Machulas 
or Pacarinas believed to reside both 
in the sun and the moon. Sun-wor- 
ship, so-called, was b7 no means gen- 
eral, but limited to the Inca of Cnico, 
Neither did these look npon the sun 
as the supreme God. It was one of 

the fetiahea most applied to, but not 
for ereTTthing.'^ In this respect the 
list of places 01 worahip or shrines, 
at Cuice and anrroundings, given by 
Cobo (Hiltorio, IV, pp. 7 to 47) U 
ver7 instructive, Aniaga (fxttrpo- 
otem. Cap. u, p. 11) atatee: "En 
muchas partes (eepecialmente de la 
nerra) adoran al Sol, con nombre de 
Pnncbao, que signiflca el dia, 7 tam- 
bien debs jo de an propio nombre 
Ynti.— ¥ tabien K la Luna, que ca 
Quilla ... El adorar estaa cosas no 
ea todos los dias, aino el tiempo eeiia- 
lado para bacerlas fiestas, 7 caando ee 
ven en alguna necesidad 6 enf ermedad, 
d ban de hacer algnn camino, levantan 
las manos, 7 se tiran las cejas, y las 
Boplan hada airiba, hablando con d 
Sol 6 con Libiac, Ilamandole au Haee- 
dor, 7 81^ criador 7 pidiendo qne le 
aTude." (Pedro Piiarro waa e7e-wit- 
ness of the ceremonials at Cuica, and 
states that the7 were performed dail7 
in tbe square, not only to the ann, but 
to the bodiea of their dead chiefs' 
(Belocton, p. 264). 

It ma7 not be inappropriate to add 
here that Pedro Gutierrex de Santa 
Clara {HiKtoria de laa Guerraa CMitiei 
del Peni, 111, Cap. LVI, p. 48S) states; 
' ' En toda esta tierra, tamafio como ea, , 
que los Ittgas sefiores avian, 7 todos 
los Tndios qne en ella habitauan, ado- 
rauan doa diosee, qne el vno ae deiia 
Cons 7 el otro Pachacama, como a 
dioses prindpales; y por aceeaorea 
tenian al Sol y a la Luna (diciendo) 
qne eran marido y muger 7 que estoa 
eran multiplicadores de toda la tierra; 
bien ea verdad qne Cona y Pachacama 
badan estaa operacione% maa qne no 
los vian, 7 a estoa doa af, cada dia 7 
cada noehe." This might (if true) 
recall the "sun-fatber" and "moon- 
mother" of the New Ueiico pneblost 

"While both son and moon ere 
"Acbachilas," among tbe A7niari, 
tbe fetishes chiefly applied to wars 
(and are) the tall peaks of the Ad- 
deo. This wne also the ease in tliosa 
■actions of Pern where the 111DW7' 



moonttiiia firs of grMt beiglit uid 
itrikiiig fippearajicB. Aiao in Ecuador. 
Bttaeio* keclta par mi. Fray 0«rwitmo 
d« AgMar, dt la Dotnna jr Pit«bIo d» 
CagnoMqiki y QuUca, etiu, 1582, in Bel. 
gtQgrdficaa, III, p. 126: "Los ritoi j 
ceremoiiiaB que tenian MrtoB natnralM 
J loa dfl Qnilcfi «a el tiempo de m 
infldelidad, adonban a! cielo j 6 loa 
eerroa m4a altoa y aevosoa; hadan 
Mcrifieio de mail bianco," etc Fraj 
Jnao de Pai Maldonado: Belaeion del 
Puthlo de 8ant-Andret Xuiuei (no 
date, bnt from tlie latter part of the 
aixteentti eentnij). Ibidem, p. ISl; 
"Kl dicho volcan del Chimbaraio esti 
derte poeblo nna legoa y media; aalen 
dfl trcB 6 enatro arrojoa de agua qne 
Qeran dlferentca rlaa. Y alrededor 
dd, al pi£ de la niere, baj ho? dia 
algnnoB ediflcios eaidoe, donde acndia 
toda la tiwre alrededor i ofreeer . . . 
Keen los indioe que el volcan del 
ChimboTuo, es el Taron, y el de Ton- 
gnregua ee la hembra, j que m comn- 
niean yendo Chinboraxo 4 tot i en 
mnger j la mugei al marido, j qne 
tienen eoa ajnmtamieiitoa . . . En lo 
que adoran m en el Sol 7 en la Luna 
7 en eetoa diclioa do* voleanea. ' ' An- 
tonio Bello Oayoao; Selacio* qite enbio 
a maiidar «w Mageitad h kiMiete detta 
CUidad de Cuenca ji de toda fu Pro- 
vinoia, 1581, Ibidem, p. 179: "Adon- 
ban b1 sol 7 la Inna, 7 en particalaT 
algonoe adoiaban en laa lagnnaa 7 en 
cerroB BcGaladoa. ' ' 

Similar teatiDion7 eonld be addnced 
from almoet ereiy part of Pern, but 
it would be too Tolnminona. The qaea- 
tion is as to the Inca of Cusco, and 
in thia respect the writings of 'CriaUS- 
val de Holin£^ ^Fablee and Bitee of 
Ute Ineae) are Ter7 iutereeting. Like 
Pedro PiEBTTO (note 96), Vhe states 
that the fetishes of the son, of thnnder 
and lightning, were alwa7S worsbiped 
together (pp. 16, 20, 21, 24, etc), at 
least in the pnblic square.^ Cieia 
(Segwnda Parte, p. 40) professes to 
give the fipprozimate text of an invo- 
cation, in which the head-chief was 

addressed as follows: "Ob Inca 
graude 7 poderoso, el Sol 7 la Luna, 
la Tierra, los montes 7 los firbolee, las 
piedras 7 toa padres te guarden de 
infortonio 7 hagan pr^spero," etc 
The Bvtocion de lot eottumbrei an- 
tiguoM de lot nalumkt del FiHi, pp. 137 
to 140, although not Ter7 reliable, 
ahonld also be considered. V Even Oar- 
dlaaso de la Tega inTolnntarily admits 
that the Inca wonhiped inntunerable 
fetishes. ^ Comentario* I, foL 75; 
"Too de los priudpalBS idoloe Q los 
Be7es Ineas 7 sns vasallos tnuieron, 
fne la Imperial dndad el Coaco, ^ la 
adorauan loe Tndioe como cosa sa- 
grada." Beaidea the sun (to which 
he of eoDTM aaaigns the flrst place), 
he mentiana (foL 70 et teq.) the 
fetishes of the moon and of several 
stare, of thunder and lightning, and 
of the rainbow. Finally he gives an 
explanation of the term "huaca" that 
is exactly the Achaehila colt as we 
found it among the Aymaii (fols. 29 
and 30). Ee says; "laa muchaa, y 
dinersas signifleaciones qne tiene este 
nombre Huftea : el qoal . . . quiere 
dezir ydolo, como Jupiter, Marte, 
TenuB." It would be too long to 
quote the remainder of Chapter it, 
Book II, in which he ennmeratea tha 
manifold objects to which the name 
was given. The dearest and most 
positive statement, however, is found 
In Arriaga: ExtiTpaoion, Cap. n, bnt 
it is also too lengthy to be incorpo- 
rated here. 

The fact that the Aymari of the 
Bolivian Puna and Lake badn re- 
garded as their prindpal fetishes the 
snnuiuts (strongly individualized) of 
the Andes, repeatedly mentioned (De«- 
cripdon y Belaeion de la Ciudad de 
La Pae, p. 71); "Hay otra adoracion 
que se llftma Hillftntamna [Tllimani, 
properly Hilanmani], quea una sierra 
alta cabierta de nieves qne perpetoa- 
mente se hscen," etc Speaking of 
the Indians of Pucaranl, a village 
situated south of the Lt^e and be- 
tween it and La Pas, Fray Antonio 




de Ib CalanolM (CorAiiea ItorMaada, 
J, Lib. on, Cmp. zm, p. 867) wts: 
"Lofl Idolo* qne ftdotatun eatoa Indio* 
ttwa lot fronteiiiM eerroa uerados, 
daudo maa adoraeion al qae tenia mu 
alteza. En loa que gastavan maa aa- 
erifcioe, i eetremavaii el ealto era en el 
ceTTO Tlliyp flni Collcachata, i en el xuba 
frontero del paeblo llamado Cacaaea, 
Mte por m lany eminente i eatar 
riampre uevado, fae mnj Tenerado de 
todoa loa deata proTinda de OmasoTO, 
en eatoa cerroa lea dava reepoeataa el 
Demonio, i enw continaoB aoa oraeu- 
loB." OmasaToa ia the district to 
wliich CopacBTana pertained and per- 
tains to-day, hence the statementa of 
Calaneha applj dlreetlj to the Indiana 
of the Islands. I woold alao otMerre 
that on the Island we heard the name 
Illimani applied to the peaks o( 80- 
ntal Ttaj are certainlj the moat 
prominent pointa of the Cordillera as 
wen from Titicaca and eepeelally f rom 
Eoati, whereas Illimani is onljr Tisible 
at a few points and at a great dis- 
tance. The Earka-Jaqne (Ka-Ka- 
a-Ea, or Hnajna Potwrf) is quite 
prominent also, thongh not as much as 
the Hanko-TTma (nUunpn) »nd 
Hilampi (Hanko-Eonii), the twin 
peaks of the Borata chain. From 
statements hj Miguel Cabello de Bal- 
boa (JftwMMnM ontAarttAi, IS86, 
U88., at the Lenox Branch, New Tork 
Pnblio Library) andfF. Bamos aaTilan\ 
{Hittoria del eeltbre y mHagTOto Ban- 
tmtrio de la Tniigne Tmagen de Nfti 
8Hi^ Capaeavma, Uma, 1621, Cap. 
ii),lit might be inferred that the 
adoption, hj the loot, of the eon- 
father as a anperiof fetish, occmred 
abont four or live eentnries prerions 
to the eonqaeat.^ I hope to treat this 
matter in a special paper, 

"Called "soUu" in cnrrent speech. 
The proper signiflcation is the fetus 
of an abortion. Bertonio: Fooohrio- 
rio, H, p. 327: "Abortiuo, mal pa- 
rido." In Qniehna it is clearer jet. 
Torres Babio; ^rfs y Vooalmlario, 
toL 100: "Cosa abortada." The nee 

of the anHa of a pig is, of eoiuM^ 

"Called "nntn." A common offer- 
ing in primitiTe times. Arriaga: E%- 
tirpaoion. Cap. iv, p. 26; "Bira, qoe 
ea aebo de loa Cameros de la tierm 
ea tambien ofrendfu" "Biia," or 
"vira," ia the Qnichua term. 

'"They nse the term "afanilita," 
from the Spanish "abnelita." Also 
aometimea ' ' ahnichn. " 

"'The translation of theae inroea* 
tione ia not literal. 

*" Bamoa: Sittoria, p. 72, edition of 
1860: "Era eoatombre maj eomnn 
eutre eatas gentea el jnntar & loe ago- 
reroB, para que despnea de tomar aa 
ehicha, coca y otraa neeedadea, dedg- 
nasen el lugar j la flgnra de la easa 
6 ehoca que penaaban haeer. Miraban 
al aire, eeenehaban pfijaroe, eomo an»- 
picea, inrocaban & ana lares 6 al de- 
monio, eon cantarea tristei^ al eon de 
tamborilea deetempladoB: j prouosti- 
cando el buen 6 mal anceso empeiabaa 
la constmccion, poniendo A Teeea coca 
maaeada en el dmimto j aoa aaperjtoa 
de ehicha . . . Alin ahora no ban aea- 
bado de perder esaa abnsianea al fabri> 
car SOS casitaa ; pnee dempre angnraa 
4 su modo, echan su ch ^ ^^^ ^ 6 aguar- 
diente por lo« rinconea^ festejan an 
conelnsion eon regular bomehera j 
■oe eonseenencias. " Arriaga, Sxtir- 
paoion, p. 37: "En hazer ana Caaaa 
denen come en todas laa demas eoeas 
mnchaa anperaticiones, eombidando de 
ordinario a loa de en Ayllo, roeian ttat 
ehicha loa cimientos como ofreeiendola, 
J sacriflcandola para que no ae eaigan 
las paredes, y deepaee de heeha la casa 
tambien la aaperjan eon la miama 
ehicha." Bee also: 'miagomes: Carta 
paitorat de Exortaoion « tnttrweetoii 
oontra Uu Idolatriaa de loa wdiot del 
Argobitpado de Lima, 1641, foL 47. 
He copiea Arriaga teztnaDj. 

** Arriaga, Bxtirpaoion, Cap. n, p. 
11: "A Mamapaeha, qne ee la tiena 
tambien revereneian eapedalmente laa 
mujeres, al tiempo, que ban de aem- 
brar, 7 hablan con ella didendo qM 



k» a boena ecaeeha, j Atimnun por 
«ao dueba, j mail moUdo, 6 por m 
mano, 6 por medio de los heehisenM." 
Tiltagomei; Bxortacion, p. 39. Fer- 
nando de SantiDaii: Belaoion del OH- 
gen Dtiomd«iK)ia, ete^ p. 81: "£3 
Mcrifleio qoe hadaii k la tuna no era 
tan ordinario bI en tanta cantidad, 
Coando eafan maloe, en aqnel Ingar 
dedau que U tiena eataba enojada, j 
derramaban ehieha j qoemaban ropa 
para aplaearia. Tenian 4 la tierra por 
wipedal abogada de laa mnjerea qae 
mtin de paito, 7 mando habian de 
parir, le ^ »'■'«" •acrifleioi. ' ' Polo de 
Oadegardo: Belaeiojt da lot fnada- 
mentot aeeroa dtfl rotable daHo que 
Tuuita dt no puardar d lot indio* tuf 
/uero*, June 26, 1571 IDoe. d« Induu, 
Xrn, p. S3): "e otroa <^e la hieieaen 
■1 Pachamama para que jnatiflcase la 
tierra al tiempo que se eembraTa. ' ' 

*" Cbieflj the bear. The prtaent 
■hspe of the fetish in Bolivia— a cow 
or bnll— 18, of eoorae, modem. 

*" Thia sqaatting poatnre of the In- 
diana is well deeeribed bj Cobo: Hit- 
toria d«l Nuevo Uundo, IV, p. 174. 

"QDinloI ia of conrae a Spaniah 
word. The Indiana use it, In their 
ineantationj, to deaignate aaj verj 
large quantitr, nndetermined. 

""The incantation took place on 
tbe si^t of Jannaij 27, 1805, after 
ten o'clock. 

Id times anterior to the arrivml of 
the Spaniards it waa alao the eostom, 
when the food offered to the idols waa 
bnrned, for those present to remain 
motionless, with heads bowed, so as 
not to see the process believed to go 
□n— that of eating, hj the spirits. 
Pedro Pixarro (Selaeion del Deto»- 
brtnii«nto, p, 265) deB«ribM as followa 
the e«reinanial attending the offering 
to a fetiah which he calls that of the 
■on: "nn bolto peqneBo tapado qne 
deelan qae era et Bol.' '— ' ' Al Elol 
tenian pnesto en mitad de la plasa 
nn eaeafio peqncAo, todo gnameddo de 
mantas de pluma muj pintadaa 7 
maj delicadaa, 7 aqoi ponian aste 

bolto, J el nn hachaco de ana parte 7 
el otro de la otra. Teniendo laia 
hachas dereehas pnei^ daban de comer 

6 este Sol por la drden que tengo 
dieha la daban k los mnertoe, 7 da 
beber. Poes cnando qaemaban la 
comida al Sol levant4baae nn indlo 7 
dalM nna toi que todos le oian ; 7 oida 
la TOs todos eoantos habia en la [daia 

7 faera de ella qne la oian, ee senta- 
ban 7 sin hablar ni tooer ni menearse 
estaban eallados haata que se aonsoniia 
la comida, qne eeliabaji en el fnego 
que tenian heebo, qae no tardaba 
mucho por aer la lella ma7 seca." 
This was a dail? function in the 
square of Ciueo. PiEairo witnessed 
it hinuelf, and a nnmber of times. 
It ia fnndamentallj tbe same as the 
command given to ns by the t^'bthbti 
to retire while the Aehaehilaa were 

*" The apachitas or apachetas (also 
written apachectaa) are very common 
in the mountains, especially on monn- 
tain passes. Oareilaaso saya of them 
(Comentario*, I, fol. SB): "y aad 
hiego qua auian enbido la eneeta, se 
deseargauan, y al^ando los ojos al 
eieb, y basandolca al snelo, 7 ha- 
dendo laa miamaa oatentaeionee de ado- 
racion, qne atrfia diximos para nSbrar al 
Paehaeamac, repetian doe tree veses 
el datino Apaeheeta, y en ofrenda se 
tiranan de las eejaa, 7 que arancaasen 
algnn pelo, 6 no, lo soplaoan bacia el 
delo, y echauan la yema Uamada 
Cnea que llenaoan en la boea, que 
elloB tanto preedan, como diEiendo 
que le of resdan lo raas presdado qae 
llmanan, y k mas no poder, ni tenei 
otra coaa mayor, ofrescian algon 
paliQo, 6 algunas pajuelaa, si las ba- 
Qauan por all! cecca, y no las ba- 
llando, ofrescian algun gnijarro, 7 
donde no lo ania, echauan vn puDado 
de tierra, 7 destaa ofrendaa aula 
grandee montonea en laa cumbrea de 
laa oueetas." Arriaga: S«tirpamii», 
p. 37 : " Cosa mn7 vaada era antigna- 
mente, y aoia no lo ea menoa, qaando 
auben algonaa caastas o Cerroa, o se 




cftuftn en d eamiiio, llwftndo a AlffnuA 
piedrs gTftnde, que tieaen ja eeCaladn 
para este efeeto, eacnpir eobre ella (j 
por esBo Uamftn i erta piedrm, j & 
e«ta ceremonia Toeaoca) Coca, 6 maiz 
maacado otraa vezet dexan alii las 
Tjuta% 6 eal^do viejo, o la Hnaraea 

6 TXiaB Mig nillaw Q ntajiozilloB d6 
hieho, o paza, o poueu otna piediae 
peouellas encuna, y con eoto dii!fl"j 
qne m lea qnita el eansando. A e«toa 
montoDcillo* de piedra nieleii llamar, 
cotTompieDdo el vocablo, Apachitaa, 

7 dizen algnnM, qne loa acloran, 7 no 
Mu aino laa piedraa qae an ido amon- 
tonando eon eeta ■aperetieion, ofre- 
ciendoles a qnien lea quita el ean- 
■ancio 7 le B7nda & llerar la csrga 
que esM M Apacheta ..." Tha 
apachetaa, therefore, are aeenmala- 
tiona of prayer offeringB made to a 
■pirit euppoaed to reaide at the placs 
where they are raiaed. 

" If I freqaentl7 alliide to sneh 
analogies, it ia withoat the alightest 
Ideaof tracing relationohipa. Similar- 
ity or even identity of eoatomB ia not 
nifficient to prove original connection. 

"■Thia belief, common to the 
A7mar& of Bolivia, bIbo existed, and 
probabl7 exist* to-da7, among the 
Qnichoa. Oarcilaaso: CometitaHo* (I, 
foL 77): "Uaman al arcs CDTOHO, 
y con tanerlo en esta veneradon, 
qnando le veTan ea el ayre, cenaoan 
la boca, 7 poniau la mano delante, 
porqne dedan, que ai te deocubrian 
loB dientes, loa gaatanan y empodre- 
cian." Cobo: HutoHo (lY, p. 149): 
"Tambien tenian por mal agiiero 7 
qne era para morir 6 para algon otio 
dailo grave, euando vian el Arco del 
Cido, 7 4 vecea por buen pron6fltieo. 
Bevsrendabaulo macho y no le oeaban 
miiar, 6 ya que le miraban, no lo 
osaban apontar con el dedo, euten- 
diendo que se morir&n; y & aqnella 
parte donde lea pareda que caia el 
pi£ del arco, la tenian por lugar hor- 
rendo y toneroso, entendiendo que 
habia alU alguna Onaea 6 otra eoaa 
digna do temor y revereneia." 

""The AehaAQaa are also the" pae- 
earinaa" or ancestor! of a^n and 
tribea. In regard to the New Mezieo 
pnebloB, compare Final Beport, I, 
p. 312. 

""The baptismal name "Santiago" 
BO common in Mexico and New 
Mexico, is seldom met In Bolivia 
among Indians, whereas Diego is 
heard very frequently. See Arriaga: 
Sxtirpaeion, p. 83; Idem: Conttit*' 
eione* qve d«xa el viiitador mi Id* 
putbltu, p. 130. 

*" This is a very ancient belief and 
connected with some of the earliest 

"*Z«fH Fetickw, p. 9. 

" Cobo : HiMtoria, IT, p. 149 : 
"Cnando olan eantar Lechnza^ Bnhoa 
6 otraa aves eztralias, le tenian por mal 
agiiero y pmagio de su muerte 6 de 
la de sua hijos 6 vecinoB 7 particalar- 
mente de la de aqnel en cnya caaa 6 
Ingar cantaban 6 anllaban." About 
the use made of the owl to-day for cer- 
tain Indian witchcraft practices, in- 
formation wiU be imparted in a anfaoe- 
quent work. 

" Cobo : Hittoria, TV, p. 149 : 
"Item, cnando otan eantar al Bniae- 
fior 6 at Sirguero, lo tenian por pro- 
n6atieo de que habian da renir c<m 

'"Saeriflcea of guinea-pigs were 
common In Pern before the eonqnest, 
aa is generally stated by earlier an- 
thoTS. Cieza: Begunda Parte, pp. 
116, 119; Belaeion de la Seligion y 
Silos iel Ferv, heeJia por lot prime- 
rot Beligiotoi Agiutwot que aUi 
patavKm para la oonrertum de loa 
naturotM, in Poo. de India*, m, pp. 
21, 29, 30, H <* •«9-; Qardlasso: 
Comentarva, I, foL 34. Arriagn: 
jEztirpooion, Cap, iv, p. 24: "H 8«- 
eriflcio ordinario es de Cnyee, de lo« 
qnales se sirren mal, no aolo pais 
sacrifldos, sino para adlnnar por 
ellos, y para enrar eon elloa eon mil 
embnatea." Cap. m, p. 19: "Eaea* 
rienc, o Cnyricnc, es el que mira 
enyes, y abriendolea con la vlia adi- 



liitm por ello«, mirsndo da que parte 
sale Huigre, o que parte w menea de 
lu attmUa." I refrain from 
further qootatioiu. 

""The Btory of the "earbiuele-eat" 
on the Island U told by MTwal an- 
tbora, Angoatine monki^ from the be- 
ginning of the aeranteenth eeatnrj. 
Bamoe: Hutoria de CopaotAa*a, p. 
10: "Porqae dieen loe indioe que en 
tieoipoe pasadoe ee Ti6 en U pe&a nu 
gato eon gran reaplendor, paeandoae 
en ella ordinariamente • . . pndiera 
■er qne el tal gato fnese el animal 
Uamado Carbtmco, qne loe de Onamieo 
diMn haber Tisto algnnos de elloe por 
el resplendor qne deopiden de noehe 
eon la pledra earlmneo 6 Bubl," etc. 
Calaneha ( Cordaiaa If omliaoda, 1 1, Lib. 
I, Cap, n) eopie* textnall^. Fr. Andrte 
de 8. Nicolaa (Irndgen de li:8: (U 
Copaeaoama, foL 28) farlea iomewliat 
from Bamoe hj stating; "ae belni6 t 
dexar ver en ignn de gato m6UeL, 
eorriendo por O, y deBpidieodo 
feego. ' ' Whether a dti or wildcat of 
wwtem and northern Bolivia, nich as 
oecanonallj infurt the Peninsula of 
CopacavaDa, could erosa the straits 
of Yamputata swimming I do not 
attempt to disenss. While the idea 
of a "earbnnele" is eertainly a Enro- 
pean modifleation, the story of awild-i 
eat appearing on the Saered Boek] 
appe«n to be primitive and might 
have, together with the eavitiee en the 
rock resembling eats' heads, contrib- 
uted to the name of the Island. 

"■This enatom appears to be an- 
cient Arriaga: Sxtirpaoion, Cap. tu, 
p. 196: "Paeharicnc, o Pacbaeatlc, 
o I^cbaenc, as otro adlvina por loa 
pies de vnas arafias, que Uaman Pae- 
cha, J tambien Oroeo, y son mny 
grandee y pelndaa. <^iando le eon- 
tnltan para algnna com, va a boacar 
en loB agngeroa de las [wredea, o de- 
bezo de algnsas piedras, vna de estas 
arsilBi, CU7B eepecie es eonocida, 7 
poniendola sobre nna manta, o en el 
■oek), la penrigue eon vn palillo, haata 
-que te qniebran tos pies, y Inego mira 

que pies 6 manos le faltan, 7 por alii 
ndinina." See also Cobo: BMoria, 
IV, p. 134. We saw no large spiders 
on the lalanda, but at Atanallani, 
cloae to tbe upper base of Illimani, a 
small Mygale was, together with cen- 
tipedea, not nnfreqiieatl7 taken ovt of 
andent graves bj 017 wife. 

"* In regard to raln-makiiig it Is 
evident that the ceremonials aecom- 
panning it are primitive, that is, pre- 
Columbian, with some modifleations 
brought about bj contact (aod pro- 
hibition also) since the conquest. Tbe 
tenacit7 with which the Indian dung 
end clings to his original rites and 
ceremouiea indncea him, when these 
are to be anpereeded b7 strange onee, 
to adapt them, within limits, to tbe 
latter. About original pmetiees of 
rain-making I And so far hardly any 
detailed statements eicept in Catan- 
cha (Confntea UomliModa, I, p. 867), 
and tbe directions contained In Ar- 
riaga: Extirpamon, p. 80, for qnee- 
tioning sorcerers: "Decimoaexto: Qne 
Hnaca adoran para que el mali ereiea 
bien, 7 no ae coma de gusano, de qne 
lagnnaa traen eantaros de agua para 
rociar la chacara, 7 pedir Uuvia, a 
que lagnnas tiran piedras para qne 
no se eecan, 7 veng&n lluvias. ' ' Com- 
pare also, for the practices when 
dronth had set in, and 807 Indian, 
male or female, was auspected of 
having prevented rain b7 committing 
■ome offense— probabl7 evil ndtcfa- 
eraft, as among the pueblos -f-San- 
tillan: fielocitm^Vtc, p. 38. 

"And one of 'their own, tbns far 
unstudied. It ma7 prove to be some 

■"I treat more in detail of the 
CallahuaTa in a subaeqnent volume on 

'"Mnfieeas is inhabited, in Its 
southern parts, by ATmari, in the 
north b7 QuichnaL The CallahnaTB 
live In the village of Corva near Cha- 
rs ssanL 

"Taebudi Ba7B it is Fetit parOali* 
(the ocelot). Die KttAua Spraehe, 




WdrterbwA, p. 108. Bertanio (Voaa- 
bvlarva 1612, II, p. 383) hu "Ttu- 
EUNocA, I ; Timmiooo.— Tigw. • ' 
HflDM the word luui, from tbe QokbnA 
of lonthem Pern, penetrated into the 
northweetem Ajmaxk. Cobo (HUto* 
ria, U, p. 339) ealla the tiirr« 
(jaguar) ntumnen. AcoBta (EUtoria 
natural y moral de India*, edition of 
1608, p. 279) ealU the ant-eater "oto- 
roneo." The nse of the "ntnmnca" 
in aboriginal medidoe ia ancient. 

*" Tillagomei (Baataeion, foL 41) 
■aya: "Annque aon raroa laa qae 
matan eon heehiaos." Bat Arriaga 
(^SxtirpoMon, p. 21) deeeribea a elaaa 
of Borcerera who killed by sucking 
the blood of the peiaon, at night 
(▼ampirea), and 1878 the7 were nn- 
merooB at hia time and did a great 
deal of harm: "Dice el Cnra de vn 
poeblo que pocoa aiioa antes ATian 
muerto dentro de qnatro m«MB, maa 
de Betenta muehachoB de doM i dies 
y echo afioo, y de eatoa i tub muger 
en Tna aemaua qoatro hijoa, j ^ aora 
que ee avian deacnbierto eatoe male- 
fieioB aoBpediava, que ellos loa avian 
muarto, por que no aabia de que en- 
fermedad morian." Cobo (Hittoria, 
IT, p. ISl) deacribea an act of mal- 
feaaanee through witcbcraft recalling 
to a certain extent the one described 
in the text; "Fan que vinieee i mal 
6 moHeM £1 qne aborredan, veatian 
eon an ropa y vestidos alguna eatatna 
que hadan en nombre de aqaella per- 
sona, y la maldedan eolgandola de 
alto y escnpiendola ; 7 uimismo ha- 
dan eetatnae peqnefiaa de eeta 6 de 
barro 6 de maaa j laa ponian en el 
fuego, para que alii bc derritieae la 
cera, 6 ae endnredeee el barro y maaa 
6 hideae otroa efectoa que elloa pre- 
tendlan, ereTendo que por eate modo 
quedaban veugadoa y hadan mal i 
BUB enemigoa." 

'" Compare aketcfa annexed with the 
one given \yy Salcamajhna: Anti- 
gHediadet deste Seyno del Pint, p. 257, 

"* Intemperance wot, and i^ one of 

the worat vieea of the Indiana of the 
Peravian and Boli*ian monntaina. It 
ia almoat anperflnona to quote on the 
BubJecL I limit mTaelf to gOTom- 
mental and ecelesiaatic edieta ieaned 
against the abuse of intoxieating 
drinks (cMcha especially) t^ the abo- 
rigines. Ord«natuat del Feri, Vice- 
roy Toledo, 1575, foL 129, Ub. U, 
TiL n, Ord. xviii. CoaaUfooiimes 
aimodale* de Lima, 1613, p. 86. 
Amopg the casea which are not to be 
absolved in confeaaion by prieata but 
are reterred for the prelate is: "De 
loa Eapallolea qne vendieren diieha 
de aora aola, i meselada eon yaea, 6 
gnarapo de miel de pnrga del primer 
barro 6 mosto." CotuUUteioitet tyno- 
daUa, 1636, p. 16, Cap. v. In primi- 
tiTc timea every one of the nnmeroaa 
feetivala was a protracted orgie (aa 
it is to-day). Arriaga: Extirpaoion, 
p. 100: "Pnee qnitallea laa boiaebe- 
raa, que son las qoe crian, fomentan, 
y conaervan laa Tdolatriaa. " Jdam, 
CmMtiUieione», etc., p. 131. 
( "* The primitive dancee were, ao to 
Bay, weeded out in conaeqaenea of the 
strict inveetigatiou into idolatry in 
Pern, that began at an early day and 
eulminated in the metbodical work 
partly directed by Arriaga in the 
early pert of the eeventeenth centiiry. 
One of the results was, to eliminate 
fiem public displaya what aeemed of- 
fenaive to Christian ideas and to gen- 
eral propriety. Thia reduced some of 
these dances, at least, to harmleaa 
diversions in appearance. Whether, 
in primitive timee^ there were dancea 
that were not ritoaliatic, is donbtfuL 
I incline to the belief that every 
choreographic performance waa a 
eeremouiaL TArriaga (f^rpoeio* p. 
46) ia of the same opinion: "Qnando 
les avian haxer eataa fleataa todos ea- 
tendian, que no avia maliriw en eUa% 
rino que eran ana regodjos, y danqaa 
antignaa y qnando mueho, que era vna 
vana saperatieion, en que no avift 
mucho que reparar." That all tbe 
dancea were accompanied by e 



libationa, wMeh were also religions 
acts, is stated (p. 46): "Pero en lo 
qua an tenido mnclioa major deaeniclo, 
7 remiBaion ee en coiueotiT, 7 diidniD- 
lar fua borachonui, 7 laa juntas quo 
baien pais eilaa, eepedalmente en Isa 
miAffai, one llntnan pan hoier ma 
eliaoraa, o eaaaa. Porqae e« eraa tnnj 
nada liuer todo lo que hazen por via 
de comnnidad. Y la Tnion de ertaa 
juntaa ea ri«iiipTo el berer haata eaer, 
7 de tal madre, de mas de loa in- 
esetoB, eatmpoa, j otraa mncbaa tor- 
peeaa, k proeodido riempre U Ydola- 
tria en loa aiglos pasBdoa." Wo have 
not seen a single dance that was not 
ilTmboUe^ althoQgh probabljr 0017 the 
medicine-men (who are always pres- 
ent, though not notioed b7 the simple 
sptetator, since there are no exterior 
tokniB 17 which the7 might be 
known) know their original aigBi£- 

"The nae of plimiage in dances is 
primitive; onl/ the shape of the head- 
onuunenta has changed. The hat, for 
inatane<^ is modern. The color of the 
plnmage is that of the BoUrian tri- 
color, bnt this is bronght abont also 
bj the prevalence of the colors in the 
larger parrot plnmes in use. 

•^ Cobo (_Hi*tona, IV, pp. 228 and 
229) gives the most detailed descrip- 
tion of ancient mnsieal instromenta in 
Pern and Bolivia: "Tenian para ello 
mnehoa inatnunentoa mfisieos, los 
cnales nnnea tocaban sine en los 
bailee 7 borracheras, 7 todos hsdnn 
el son poeo suave, 7 menos artifieioBO, 
pnes qnalqniera que ae pooe k toear- 
los, i la primeia lecdon qneda maes- 
tro. El instrnmento mia general es el 
atambor, que elloa llantan Ha&near; 
badanloB, grandes 7 peqaefloe, de nn 
palo hneeo tapado por ambos cabos 
eon caero de Llama, come pergamino 
delgado 7 seeo. Loe majorea son 
eomo nneetras eajas de gaerra, pero 
maa largos 7 no tan bien hechos; los 
meuores eon eomo una eajeta peqnetla 

DoestroB tamborinea. ' ' 

"Toeanlo eon nn boIo palo, el ctial 
i veeas por gala eeti enUerto de hilo 
de lana de diferentea eolores 7 tam- 
bien aoelen pintar 7 engalanar los 
atambona. TAeanlo asi hombres 
eomo mnjeres; j haj baileB al a6n de 
nno solo 7 otros en qoe eada ono lleva 
BQ atambor peqneSo, bailando j to- 
eando jnatamente. Tambien nsan 
derta auerte de adofes, nombradas 
Haaneartin7a; pifano, llamado Pin- 
eollo. Antara ea otro ginaro da flanta 
corta 7 aneha. Qaenaqnana ee nna 
eafia sola eomo llaata, para cantar 
endeebas. Qnep* es ana saerte de 
trompeUlla qne haien de nn ealabaio 
largo, U*an tamlnen en sob bailee 
to«ar nn instrnmento eompnesto de 
mete llaatillBB, poco mis 6 menos, 
paeataa eomo caGonee de 6rganoB, 
juntas 7 deaigualeB, qne la ma70T 
seri larga de on palmo y laa donia 
van deacrecjendo por sn orden: 11a- 
man i. aate instrnmento ATarlehie, 7 
tdcanlo pneeto sobre el labio el lablo 
bajo 7 Boplando en las dichas llanti- 
lias, con mie hacen on eordo 7 poco 
doles soniao. Tocan asimismo cara- 
eolea 7 otroa inatnunentoe de menos 
enenta. ' ' He fnrther mentions rat- 
tle^ of beans ("lacapa"), of copper 
and of silver ("chanrara"), and 
snails ("chnm"). This list of mn- 
sieal instnunents is confirmed hj the 
archaeological finds as well as 1^ 
several other earlier anthors. 

"* The models for these modem 
"Inca" eostomea are indirectly those 
that served to Herrera; Hitloria ge- 
neral, etc. (title-page to fifth decade). 
Herrera copied them from the four 
aboriginal paintings made b7 order 
of Don Fraudsco de Toledo and sent 
to the King in 1572. Hence the cos- 
tumes were painted nearl7 fort7 7ears 
after the eonqaeetl Informaeione* 
aeerea del Se^orio y Gohiemo de lot 
Inoat, published Madrid, 1682. This 
interesting document contains : La FS 
y Te$timonio tpta va puetta M loa 
ouotro poAos; de la verilleacion que 
H hiso oon kw /ndios, de la prntwra 




4 InKUytia VeOtf, p. 260. "Por b 
coal, todoa j ead& una d«llot dijetou 
^« todo lo que eoU eseripto y pintado 
«ii loe dieboa co&tro pa&M, ui en lot 
bnltos de 1cm Ingaa eomo en Us dm- 
d«Uu d« SOB nrnjerea 4 aylloa < biito- 
riu de Ua een«fu, «eepto lo qoa no 
ae lea leyd." The plcttma of Inoa 
ddefs are, of coane, largely imsgi* 
nuj, u vsU as the eoatumei. But 
tlM7 bave sorvlTed and, from the (act 
that tiivj were made to be verifled bf 
tbe Indiana, undue importance ia often 
attached to them. Silk, velvet, gold 
and ^ver lace vrere known to tbe 
Indiana in 1572, through what thej 
saw of Spanish dreaa, and it is natoral 
that the nadvea should clothe tbe 
anpposed portraits of their ancient 
chi^tains in the beet of— European — 
flnerj. Hence it ifl well to be cantioaB 
and not accept the pietorea for more 
than what thej can b& Tbe same 
with the "indgnla.*' This naturally 
applies to the costame as seen in the 
performance described in the text. 

■"Judging from the deacriptioni of 
eje-vritneeeea, primitiTe dances at the 
time of tbe Spaniards' first arrival 
most have been more disgusting Tet. 
Compare, for instance, Betanioa: 
Ahim y NarracioK, Cap. 331, pp. 83 
and 84. Cieaa: Segunda Parte, Cap. 
XII, p. 122: "Yeatabau enestaflesta 
de Hatun Bann quince 6 viente dias, 
en los coaka ae bacian grandea t&qois 
7 borracberaa j otras fleataa i an 
naanta; lo cnal pasado, daban fln el 
•aerificio, metiendo loa bu]toa de los 
Idolos en los temples, j los de los 
Incas mnertos eo sna casaa." Pedro 
Pisarro: Selaeion del Deaeubrimiento, 
p. Z77; "Puea dir6 de los vicioa qnee- 
toe orejonM tenian j m&ldadee: eran 
taxij dados & la Injuria 7 al beber: 
tenian acceso carnal cod las hermanas 
7 con las mugeres de ana padres, como 
no fuesen bus mismaa madrea, 7 ann 
algunoB habia que con ellas mismaa. 
, . . Emborraehibanse mu7 & menudo, 
7 eetando borrachos todo lo que el 
demonio lea train & la volontad ha- 

dan." Also p. 347. AH that oq> 
ean«d among the Inea. Of the !■• 
diana in the district of La Pas, the 
DMeripUon, 1586, p. 72, states: "Laa 
eoatnmbres de la gente deste adento 
7 provinda ea cad como laa demas 
deste reino, porque todos de ordinarie 
ee emborraehan con una bebida qua 
hacen del mail ... el coal, aunque 
parece simple, bebeu tanta eanddad, 
qne loa embomeha. . . . Bedunda 
destas bonaeheras qne cometca 
mochoe eatnproa I ineestoa eon madre^ 
hijas, hermanas, sobrinas 7 cnfiadai^ 7 
vuelven 4 bus ritoi 7 adoracionee." 

*" Compare note 129. 

™ We saw the 'Wim^lln again at La 
Paz, in the street, but alao after daik, 
about ten o'clock. It vraa aang and 
danced 117 men. 

"The "morenos," aa I ahall eatab- 
liah elsewhere, are a surrival of theat- 
rical pla7S and outdoor performances 
introduced b7 the Church with the 
view of gTsdnBll7 subatitutiug then 
for objectionable Indian daikesa. 

'^ Shea americatut. 

" Pent, p. 306. 

■"From "puai," "four" in Ay 
marfi, and "ppiaila," to perforata 
with the poaaeeaive affimm " nL " 
The flute in queation haa, indeed, four 

""The cnstom Is common all over 
the higher portions of Bolivia. If tbe 
Indians have too much rain, tbe7 ex- 
pose a akull (of the Chnllpaa) to the 
air, and eometimeB place between ita 
teeth a cigarette. 

■" But the7 stiU were loath to touch 
the eknlls themselvee. 

"* Further information about tha 
' ' Irpa ' ' vrill be given in a subeequMrt 

■" A good example of how the In- 
dians used, and perbapa to-da7 atUl 
uae^ church fonetlona to shroud thtai 
ancieut rites is given b7 Arriaga; 
Bxtirpaoion, Cap. vin, p. 45; "T ea 
eosa cierta, 7 averignada, qne en 
mucbaa partes con achaqne de la ficatft 
del Corpus, baien la ilesta de Onw^- 



quoting, th« more m, aa it win be 
tTMtad St greater length eljewber*. 

>"T)u» hna been etated to iu at 
Tariona places in BoliTia. It is al- 
luded to bj Cobo: BUtoTia del Nmevo 
ilundo, IV, 14». 

" I cannot etjinologlae more than a 
few of the namea of the daneea: The 
word "PoaipiBni" tneana, aa alreadj 
■tated, perforated fonr timea. Eena- 
kena ia the name of the Ante placed 
hy the dancers of that name. Bicnri 
eomee from "&eo," the pan-flate of 
reeds— Bertonlo: FocabHlano, U, p. 
3IS: "Sieo— Vnas flantUlas atadaa 
eomo ala de organo." Chirilnianos 
derivea from "diiriri," or from 
"cUri." The former, according to 
Bertonlo, p. 84, II, signifies a talker; 
the latter is a word nsed Bometimea to 
ezpreaa darkneaa. Aa a personal name 
—therefore, posaiblj, ' ' HoaTna, ' ' 
"jotith"(1)— it appears alreadj in 
Cieut: Segvnda Parte, Cap. IV, p. 4. 
After relating some andent etoriee 
abont Titicaca Island, he sajs : ' ' Chiii- 
huana, gobemador de aqudlos pneUoB, 
que son del Empeiador, me eontfi lo 
que tengo eacripto. " 

''About the manner of snceession 
to the Tarions "degrees" (if aneb a 
term is permitted) of mediclDe-men, 
tlw statements of older Spanish 
writers varj. What we learned con- 
cerning it later on will be recorded 
elBBwhere. The Belaeion andnima, p. 
172, aafs: "Loa miniatroa ma;y>rM 
■iempre venian por via de elecdon j 
Buflciencia; loa de la aegtinda j tereera 
diferencla slcaniaban los oflcioa por 
una de tree vias; 6 por via de beren- 
cia, 6 por via de eleccion, 6 por haber 
nacido con alguna aefial singular 7 
rara, no nsada en loa demis hombres. 
como es tener aeis dedoe en laa manos, 
brazoa maa largos de lo ordinario, 6 
haber nacido en el mismo tiempo en 
que cajd cerca de aquel lugar algnn 
TBjo, 6 haber nacido de pite, 6 otroe 
sefialee; aunque lo de la Iterencia 
qnitfile la misma reptblica con an 
r^." Arriaga, Bitti^aeio*, Cap, in. 

nita que dlximos arriba, que es por 
eatAees. Y en la Provinda de Chin- 
ehaeoha, qnando ee riait6, a» aTerignfi, 
qua neravan en la proeeaaion del Cor- 
pus doa Corderoe da la Uerra vivoa 
eada mo en aos »"■^^^) por via de 
fissta J de danfa, j M sopo, que real- 
mente eran of renda% j sacrifldos ofre- 
ddoa a doe laguna^ que eon Vrcoeo- 
eha, 7 Cboeloeoha, de donde diian, que 
salieron, 7 tniieron origen laa Ua- 
Buu."— "Como tambien ee aTerignd 
en Hnaroehirf, por el doctor Fran- 
dseo de Avila, que para adorar vn 
Tdolo en llgora de mnger llamado 
Chupizamor, 7 Hamayoc, hasian fiesta 
t, m imagen de nuestra Sefiora de la 
Asondon, 7 para adorar vn Tdolo 
Taron llamado Hoaf-Hnaf, hanas 
fiesta a n Eoot Hovo. ' ' That 
soeh priaitiTe ceremonials nia7 be 
eonneeted with the dances performed 
at chnreh featiTala b>-da7 is not nn- 
Bkelf. At an7 rate, there is little 
direct relation between the daneee and 
the ehnreb ritual with which it fa made 
to coincide. 

"* Also Prioate : SodatitU oeeonomiu. 

" The lA7-ka are varionalr allnded 
to b7 Arriaga: Exlirpa«ion, p. 17; 
"Eatos que comonmente llamamos 
Heehiaeros . . . con nombre gennal 
se n»m«ii Vmn, 7 I«ieca . . ." Also 
b7 VUlagomex: B^^rtaeion oonlrn la 
Idolatria, fols. 41 and 5S: Bflaeiom 
aitfinima, etc., p. 171, calls them "lal- 

TJ»« word "YaUri" is fonnd in 
Bamoa: SUtorUi it Copaeabana, p. 75, 
and ifl said to bam been the name of 
an idol invented hj Hoajna Capac 
and worabiped by him chiefl7 on the 
Island of Apingnila, near the north- 
western shores of Titicaea Lake: 
"Llevado de derto espiritu innova- 
dor determin6 ofrecer todos aqoelloB 
saerifieios & un solo Idolo, que Ilaman 
Yatiri, como ai dijere, al que todo lo 
sabe, T"»"'^""<" qns aolo & eae se le 
invocaae ..." 

"■This is so freqnentt7 mentioned 
in older soorces tbat I refrain from 



foDdian MtoB ofidoa eon el primer 
linaje de McerdoU, na&ndolM todoa 
jnatM nnui miamaa peraoiwi, 7 otrot 
andkban dirididoB, atendienclo eadft 
nno al toyo ; li bien lo mu eomnn en 
lo prinero, que los saeerdotea enm 
jantamento eonfcoorea, mMieoe 7 
hechleerra" (p. 132). "El ollew da 
Bortllegoa tuTieroii estoa indioi no ■olo 
por Udto 7 permitida, nia tamUeB 
por 6til 7 neeesario en !■ lepAbliea. 
. . , TodoB ciuuitoe entendlui en erto 
enn gente InAtil, pobre 7 de bajR 
narte, eomo loe demu hecliieeroa, 4 
loe eoalea e1^i& el Caeiqna de cada 
pueblo, deapoea qoe lea faltaban las 
fuenaa para trabajar, prec«dlendo i 
esta eleecion diTerVBH eeremoniaa 7 
ritoo, qne lea mandaban haeer loa 
diehoa Cadqneo. ' ' 

(The statement, that the offieea woa 
eometimea bereditar7 mean, not an 
obUgatory oacMWioD from father tft 
■on, but, a* among the New Had«a 
pnebloa, adoption of a proquct i Te nie- 
eeaaor, who may be the child of the 
incnmbeat if tiie latter oeM in him 
■peoial aptitude for the offlee. It ia aba 
intereating to note, that some of the 
roedidne-men (ahamana) embodied in 
their circle of knowledge that of all 
the other gpedal branchea, where** 
tlie majoritj were limited to a letMT 
aphere of action. This indieatea aao- 
tarie soeietieB, ai tlte knowledge of 
each group waa, of neeeaait7, kept 
aeeret, from the people aa well as froa 
other dnatera, the principal shaman* 
excepted, who, as it is said to-da7 is 
BoUvia of the Haeha Tata, "know it 

■"Vniagomei: Bacortacion, toL 15: 
"S en laa Iteatas del Corpoa Ohrioti, 
6 en otraa fteetaa de la Igleda Ungi- 
endo loa Indioa que haeS ioataa de loa 
Chriatianoa, an adorado, 6 adoran 
oevltamente, i ana idoka, 6 an Iweho 
6 baeen otros ritos." This is one of 
the qneriea ordered to be made in offi- 
cial examinations of aoreerera and 
other Indiana supposed to know about 
witeheraft and primitiTe earanonial^ 

Hoacaa. Ia piimera e* por tneeaion, 
qne el hijo lo hereda del padre, 7 tf el 
heredero no (tiene) tso de raioo, 
antra en an Ingar el pariente mas 
eereano, haata qoe el ligitlmo heredero 
■ea nifldente pan el olido. Ia ae- 
gnnda manera ee por eleecion, qnando 
falta el primer modo por via de beren- 
da, o qnando lea parece, lo* otroa 
miidstro* eligen d qne jnagan, qne 
aerft maa a propodto, eon pareoer de 
loa CoraCB* 7 Gsdquea. Y qnando 
aeonteee, qne alguno berido dd Ta70 
quede vivo, annque ^ qnede lastimado 
eata 7a eomo divlnamente degido par* 
el miniaterio de Isa Hnacaa. El ter- 
eero modo ea, qne elloa miamo* se 
toman el ofido, 7 Be introdneen en el, 
q>ecialmente de loa ofldoa menorea de 
adivinoe, cnranderoe, por sola an to- 
hintad, 7 antoridad, 7 eato ee ordinario 
en lo* viejoB, 7 viejaa, qoe por ganar 
de eomer, 7 eomer eOoa diien Ti^ifa- 
raTCn, qne ea eeatria oatwa, se basen 
olkialea en eetoa miniaterioa. ' ' Laatl7 
I wiU add the te8timon7 of Cobo: 
HUtoTia, IT, p. 130: "Loa dipntados 
para este ofido Be degian deata ma- 
nera; d nada en d campo algnn 
raron en tiempo de tampeatad 7 true- 
Boa, tanian enenta eon O, 7 deapoea 
qoe era ja Hejo, le mandaban qoe 
•ntondieae en eato . . . Item, los qne 
aacian da mnjerea qoe aflimaban 
haber eonceUdo 7 parido dd Tmeno, 
7 loa que "»"*»" doa 6 tree jnntoa 
de nn viantre, 7 finalmente, aqoelloa 
en qnieoea la Natnralesa ponia maa 
de lo comon, didendo qoe acAao 7 
tin miaterio loa selLalaba, todoe eatoa 
eran conaagradoa por aacerdotea 
cuando viejoa; porqne todoa 6 loa 
mia que tenian este ofido, lo nan 
7 DO se admJtlap 4 Q aino enando 
Uegaban k edad, qne no podian ejer- 
dtar otroa trabejoa . . . TamUen ha- 
tda otroa mnehoa qne trataban «n 
•char snertea, 4 loa cnalM andabn el 
ofido de eonfeaorea 7 de enrar anper- 
atidosamente. Mnchaa veeea ae eon- 



* Inf ormatioii mboot the "Chama- 
kui" (he who owm d&rkneM) vill 
be giTen elMwhere. 

■"That TiiiTnani ig a powerful 
"Aehaehilk" haa alreedj been rtated 
(Bote »8). 

'"Ifiati and all the Toteaaoea in 
general were regarded (and are to-day 
in eeeret) aa fetishes of hlg^ rank. 
In regard to Hiati it was plainly 
■hown during the terrible eruption o( 
the Ornate, near Moqaegna (•ontham 
Pern), In 1600. When the arnption 
was at Its height, the dtj of Are- 
qoipa plnngcd in daAne■^ voleanie 
uhss falling steadily, the earth shak- 
ing, and tremendons thnnder bellow- 
ing, while B Inrid light faintly illn- 
Biinatad the southeastern sldee, the 
Indiani^ dressed in red, UUed their 
Aeep, fowl, and gninsB-pigs, and be- 
gan to daaee, sing, and drink iniinod- 
eiatdy. Some of thdr wiiards, after 
meziAetng Hamas to the volcano, were 
sdd to have claimed "that they spoke 
to the deril, who informed them of 
the eatastrophea that ware to take 
plac^ and how the Toleano of Omata 

had attempted to eoufederate with 
that of Areqoipa to destroy the Span- 
iards, and that, aa the one of Are- 
qoipa (Histi) replied be eonld not 
enter into the agreement since he was 
a Christian and named Saint Frands, 
the Tokano of Ornate nndertook it 
alone." Sittoria del Colegia dt la 
Coatpofiia d0 Je*6t de Areqitipa y 
Bmwtaton del Volean de OnuUe, 
MSB. at National Arehives at Lima, 
1000, Tol. XXI, fol. 24: "Mataron 
loe eameroa galfinas y eonejos de la 
tierra que tenian y hizieron grandee 
vanqnetes vailes y Torracheras Tistien- 
doae para esto de Colorado y aAn se 
dijo qne algnnos hecbiceroa sacriflca- 
ron cameros al Volcan porqne no los 
bnndieee y que hablaron con el de- 
monio qne lee dexia las tempestades 
que ania de aner y eomo el Tolean de 
ornate se ania qaerido eoneertar eon 
d de ara^ para deatndi i loa eapafio- 
lea 7 qne eomo ol de are^ reapondiease 
qoel no podia venir en ello par aer 
^ano J Uamarse S;Frandb qusl de 
Ornate solo se esfor^ua por aallr eon 
eat« yntento. " 










THE Indians who inhabit the Island divide the rains 
into two classes, one of which they call CMUlpa, and the 
other Inca. They assign to each class a different ori^n. 

As stated in the preceding chapter, traditions preserved 
by writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries men- 
tion two distinct stocks as oocnpants previous to advent of 
the Spaniards. Hence the classification by tiie Indians of 
to-day is not an imaginary one. 

Geographical distribution of the rains on Titicaca is best 
onderstood by means of the annexed map. The survey was 
made by me for the purpose of illustrating this distribution. 
I do not pretend, however, to have indicated all the ancient 
remains extant. There mnst be more, espetnally of the 
class called Chullpa, but their reduced size and utter decay 
render it difficult to trace theuL Again the artificial ter- 
races, or andenes (in Aymara, "pata"), are so extensively 
worked at present that in a great nomber of cases it is not 
possible to tell which of them are ancient. According to the 
Indians, small and scattered houses, of one or only a few 
rooms and mde workmanship, are Chullpa; the larger build- 
ings, with fairly constructed walls, good-sized doorways and 
niches are, as welt as the better built andenes, Inca. A safer 
criterion is the character of the artefacts associated with 
eacli class of ruins. It cannot be denied that there are two 
distinct types in pottery. One type seems to be modeled 



after the well-known earthenware of ancient Cnzco. It 
shows chaste fono, a good quality of clay, solid burning, 
and especially a striking and often beantifnl decoration in 
paint. This is the Inca type, as the Indians on Titicaca 
claim. The other corresponds to the ceramics found in all 
the so-called Ohullpas of Bolivia. It is much mder in 
shape fmd design, the clay is not as well burnt, and the 
decoration more primitive. Other artefacts, such as those 
in metal and stone, are no longer abundant enough to per- 
mit of a strict classification, but the objects of silver and 
gold are regarded as belonpng to the Inca type. We were 
unable to find textile fabrics, but through purchase of the 
magnificent *' ponchos" contained in the collection of Don 
Afignel Qarces of Puno, the Museum has come in possession 
of five specimens that are clearly of Inca origin.^ 

Thus it seems that the classification suggested by the 
aborigines of the Island is home out by: the appearance of 
the ruins, the testimony of tradition, and the character of 
some of the artefacts, hence we may adopt it in onr de- 

'nie Island has many burial sites, and the majority of 
these belong to what the Indians call Chullpa. There are 
also graves which they declare to be ^ca, and which are 
somewhat different from the former. I regret to say that 
we have not been fortunate enongh to secnre skulls from 
so-called Inca graves, except at the place called Kasapata. 
where we obtained, from seven stone cysts, fragments of 
children's bones, including broken sknlls. At Sicuyu we 
hoped to have secured one skull of an adult woman, but it 
was only the cast, or lump of earth left after the sknll had 
decayed. This lump fell to powder as soon as exposed to 
the air, and we did not even have time to take a mould of it. 

In regard to the distribution of the scMjalled Chnllpa 
remains I may state that artificial terraces and burials are 
found nearly everywhere, where the nature of the ground 
permitted. Bnt in regard to the terraces, "andenes," or 



"patas," it is mostly impossible to affinn that any par- 
ticnlar group of them is exchtsivelff Chullpa. In such eases 
I limit myself to repeat the statements of the Indians with- 
out endorsement. The southeastern extremity of the Inland 
—that part of it belonging to the hacienda of Tnmani— is 
thickly striated with andenes, principally on the eastern 
side. In and about these, bnrial cysts of the type called 
Chullpa are scattered in nombers ; hence, probably, the In- 
dian assumed that the terraces belonged to the same class. 
We found few vestiges of small houses, thon^ the cause 
of this may be their destruction in modem times for pur- 
poses of cnltivation. The Indian is not piously inclined 
toward the remains of his forefathers. The mins of 
clearly defined Inca origin between the landing at the Pnncu 
(28) and the foot of the promontory on which stands the 
hacienda edifice of Ymnani (b), the numerous andenes ac- 
companying them, and present cultivation according to 
ancient methods, make it impossible to assert anything more 
than that the so-called ChnUpa remains occur in many 
places ; chiefly in the form of burials. Between Ymnani and 
Pncara it is nncertain whether Inca vestiges exist; hence 
the supposition that the terraces on Palla-kasa (11), on the 
little platean of Apachinaca (q), and the northern flanks of 
Kumpata (r and 10) are Chullpa, is not unlikely. We 
made excavations at (q) and at (r) and opened stone cysts, 
of the type designated as Chnllpa, that contained skulls 
(male) artificially flattened, and pottery of the coarser class. 
Of buildings there are but few traces, and these so damaged 
by the Indians that only their site can be detected. Heaps 
of mdely broken stones indicate small edifices, square or 
ronnd, hence Chullpa pattern.' 

The bottom of Pncara bears traces that appear of Jnca 
origin ; still, there are also vestiges of Chullpa burials. On 
the slope descending from the sonth into the grassy bottom 
that bears the name of el Ahijadero (place for raising or 
propagating animals, cattle or sheep, in reality a pastur- 



ag6), are fonndf with Challpa tombs, andenes of Inca type 
and Chnllpa terraceB. North of the bottom, and to the west, 
rise steep heights, on the tops and slopes of which the 
Chnllpa andenes predominate, if not exchtsively repre- 
sented. These heights, which require special mention, are 
the prominent peak of Kea-Kollu (hill or mountain of Kea 
(7), and its lower companion of Little Kea-Kollo, Kea^ 
Kolln Chico.* The abrupt rocky point of Like-Like (8) 
bears vestiges of terraced garden-beds, but it is not i>os8ible 
to determine to which class they belong. 

Kea-Kolln (see accompanying photograph) is a dome- 
shaped height rising about six hundred feet above the Lake. 
Its lower slopes are steep and, in places toward the north 
and northeast, terminate in low cliffs. Andenes on the 
middle and upper slopes are so numerous as to make the 
mountain appear girded by numberless concentric belts. As 
will be seen by the plat of the top of Kea-Kolln, they are 
neither regular nor symmetric. The andenes are of varying 
widths and heights. Some are only two or three feet tall, 
others nearly twenty. They follow the sinuosities of the 
slope. Frequently there are short and narrow projectionB, 
like bastions ; either in front of longer andenes, or connect- 
ing one terrace with another. The survey of the upper 
part of Kea-KoUu was therefore a very tedious work, 
and very much like that of the ruins near Llujo, at 
the foot of Tlli»"ft.-ni, The stonework on the andenes is rude. 
The merely broken stones are laid in mud and with little 
care. Some of the walls are smooth, others rongh, and none 
have the finish of terraces attributed to the Incas, althou^ 
the pnrpose was the same, that of making a steep slope 
available for cultivation. [We were unable to find traces of 
irrigation, nor would irrigation be necessary ."^ 

Shrubbery and ichhu-grass now cover slopes and terraces 
wherever rocks do not protrude. The irregularly elliptic 
summit is rocky, yet the "kara," or Dasylirion-like plant 
called in Spanish comida de oao (bear's food), grows 



Plati XZZ 
Objects from various parts of Tificaca Island 
1. Bola-Htone <IiliiiI) of hematite. S. Bola-stone (L1iiii),uii<iBa&l shape. 
3. Head of warelnb of stone. 4. Bronse head of vrarolnb with hatchet 





abundantly among the rocks. On the northern slope the 
andenes gradoally disappear; bnt on the other sides they 
oontinne down in many places as far as the base. Cultiva- 
tion having taken hold of the lower slopes lately, there may 
be many recent patas among those near the base, toward the 
pass of Kea and on swellings in the west and northwest. 
The upper half of the moontain is one iiregnlarly terraced 
height, and as bashes grow on the edge of each anden, these 
btmdreds of terraces appear from a distance like horizontal 
stripes of darker green. 

Beside andenes, Kea-Kolln has buildings and graves. 
The buildings (see plans) are small and quadrangular, with 
walls varying in thickness from one to two feet. The stones 
are laid in mud, but not in regular conrsea. The rooms 
were, to all appearance, not communicating. In those build- 
ings that are not built against the rock there are from three 
to five rooms and probably more. Shrubbery has played 
great havoc with the structores, so that details are mostly 
nndistinguishable. The rubbish shows that the houses were 
all one-storied. The larger ones stand on the rim of plat- 
forms, affording good lookouts. Excavations proved nse- 
leas, as they have long ago been rifled of everything by the 
Indians. The sites of these bnildi^s are indicated on the 
general plan. 

Other structures are small honses, bnilt against the slope, 
with seldom more than three rooms. We examined closely 
whether it was indeed the rock that formed the rear wall, 
and not the walled front of a higher anden, and invariably 
found it to be the former. Not even its sinuosities had heea 
corrected, as will be seen on the plans. The rooms in this 
class of buildings are usually somewhat smaller than in the 
others, and the walls thinner. The longest of these roek- 
hoQBes measnres thirty-three feet, whereas the longest of 
the others, bnilt on a projecting point, is as long as forty- 
nine. The width was probably between seven and ten feet. 

At the places marked on the plan of the top of Eea-Kollu 



are baried houses that seem to contain but a single room 
each. One of these, of which the entrance had been made 
accessible, showed very good workmanship. It was made of 
approximate paraUelopipeds of andesite laid in conrses, 
and superior in appearance to the walls of neighboring 
edifices. The Indians declared it to be Inoa. Shmbbery 
had so completely overgrown the place that it would have 
required several days to clear it. We had made arrange- 
ments to explore the site thoroughly, when my wife was 
attacked by severe influenza. For several weeks previous, 
our own supply of provisions had almost given out; tea, 
without sugar, and potatoes were onr only food. The In- 
dian dwelling which we occupied on the middle flanks of 
Kea-KoUu afforded slight shelter against the nightly recur- 
ring rain. To return to the hacienda of Challa was im- 
practicable, since the family of the owners was expected to 
take refuge there from political persecution in Perti. Still 
I could not expose my wife's health and life in the cold and 
moist hut afforded to us by the Indians, and so we removed 
to Ynmani, breaking off work at Kea-Kollu. It was not 
even possible to obtain laborers. Influenza had also broken 
out among our hands, and they attributed it to the bones of 
the dead which we were removing. So we had to abandon 
the interesting relic to later visitors. To all appearances, 
this little building is like the one still standing on the slopes 
of Ciriapata, also declared by the bdiaus to be Inca, aod 
of which I shall treat hereafter. 

Graves are very irr^ularly distributed over the upper 
parts of Kea-KoIIu. There are some on the summit, in soft 
ground between bare rock, also on the artifidal terraces, or 
andenes. They are like those in other parts of the Island. 
The stone covering them is usoally one to two feet below the 
surface; the cysts are lined with rude masonry, and they 
were mostly empty! What we found in a few of them were 
skulls, the male ones with flattened forehead, the females 
with mudi less or no deformity at all. Sometimes we found 



but one skoll and skeleton, again two, in the same oyBt. The 
bodies had all been folded, but lay mostly on the side, and it 
vas easy to notice that the hands had been joined across 
the chest. Of artefacts, only a little pottery of the coarser 
kind was found. The Indians have rifled all these sites, 
first only in view of obtaining precions metal; lately, with 
the advent of foreign visitors, also for the sake of finding 
pottery, for which they have sometimes received exorbitant 
prices. Hence we obtained only leavings, and abandoned 
Eea-Kolln after completing its survey, in order to b^^in at 
Eea-KoUn Chico, or Little Kea>KolIu, where, according to 
the Indians, a richer yield might be expected. As I stated 
before, it was onr intention to retnm and open np the small 
bnilding mentioned, in order to stndy its architectural 
features. Upon oar subsequent return to the Island ex- 
cavations became impossible through the behavior of our 
Bolivian servant. 

Judging from existing remains, and from what we were 
told of similar ones formerly extant on its slopes, but now 
completely obliterated, the colony on Kea-Kollu may have 
contained about two hundred inhabitants. They dwelt in 
scattered houses and cultivated the terraces. These ter- 
races recall to some extent the banquitos of Sonora and 
of northwestern Chihuahua,* with the difference that in 
Mexico the ground was mostly redeemed from the beds of 
mountain torrents, as the slopes are either rocky or covered 
with high timber, whereas on the Island there is no growth 
of v^etation strong enouf^ to impede Indians from clear- 
ing; and the cherty deposits so common in Sonora do not 

In none of the older sources at my command have I found 
any reference to Kea-KoUu and surroundings, hence no 
evidence that it was ever occupied by the Inoas. The more 
singular, therefore, is the accumulation of ancient artefacts 
and haman remains which we found on the low eminence 
called Little Kea-Kollu, west of south of the main height, 



and soQth of the pass leading from the settlement of Kea to 
Puoara. It is mnch lower than Kea-Kolln proper (see 
photograph) and forms part of an arc encompassing the 
bottom of Pncar^ on the west and north. On the slopes of 
this pass, toward Pneara, stand andenes, some of them so 
well made tiiat the Indians say they are Inca ; and there are 
remains designated as Chnllpa (andenes and bnrials) abont 
the heights of Santa Barbara (12) and at Titin-IJayani, near 
Eea (29). At the latter place we excavated a nnmber of 
graves, obtaining sknlls, pottery of the coarser kind, and 
one skoll trephined on the forehead. 

The hill of Little Kea-EoUn bears some low shrabbery 
along the rim of its summit. This summit is a triangular 
level, sixty-fonr feet in its greatest width, and seventy-four 
in greatest length. A few rocks crop out on the surface, 
and the soil is thin. In its southwest comer the remains of 
a wall, about ten feet long, were dug up by us. Near it, a 
disturbed cyst appeared. On the southern slope, another, 
partly rifled, cyst was opened. It is nearly round, and its 
diameter twenty-one inches. The sod over it was fifteen 
inches thick, beneath was clumsy masonry in three courses 
of large blocks, rudely broken and superposed, forming a 
pit thirty-foar inches in depth, so that the bottom of the cyst 
lay forty-nine indies below the surface. In this cyst was 
found a flattened male sknll, with decaying bones, and frag- 
ments of coarse pottery. On the opposite comer and on the 
northern slope two more cysts were discovered, one of 
which is represented on plate XX. Its form was trape- 
zoidal, and the casing consisted of five rough slabs set 
vertically into the ground. It was sixteen inches below the 
surface and the bottom eighteen inches lower. The greatest 
length was thirty-six inches, greatest width twenty-one 
inches, least ten inches. In this grave we found a deformed 
skull and a golden bangle. Thns there were, in all, five 
graves and part of a wall, on or near the top of Kea-Eolla 
Chico. The upper slopes of this hill, however, are covered 





/, :t;,.,\ 



with from one to three feet of loam, and in it there was an 
accTunoIation of human remains, especially in the south- 
eastern comer. The skeletons were so near each other that 
it was not possible to determine what belonged to each 
sknll. They had been packed as closely as possible, all bent 
and lying mostly on the side, with hands folded across the 
chest. There were male and female skeletons, but no bones 
of children. Among these remains and a short distance 
from them, always inside of the zone indicated on the plan, 
were found artefacts of almost every description, weapons 
and textures excepted. We obtained pottery, copper imple- 
meats, stone hammers for breaking clods, pins ("tmnis," 
or "topos")) a ^^'^ tiny specimens of gold, among them a 
bangle, fragmemts of sculptured slabs, hoes ("chonta") of 
stone, etc Beside perfect specimens of earthenware, many 
sherds were exhumed. The pottery was mostly of the 
eoareer type, but we obtained several gaudily painted speci- 
mens with plastic decoration recalling some previously 
secured at Tiahnanaco. Here also was dug up a spoon of 
bone, beantifnlly carved, used for taking lime or dialk with 
coca. What, however, appeared to .m.Tuost valuable were a 
niunber of m<de skulls with circular, irepkining. One of 
these had two orifices close to each other, and the bone was 
scraped so as to form a common basin for both. We were 
unable to secnre the slightest information, from the In- 
dians, in regard to this locality. Nobody remembered any 
mina on it except those we had discovered, there was no 
name for the place other than the current one of Kea-KoUn 
Chico, and nobody recalled, or wanted to recall, any tradi- 
tion, legend, or lore connected with the site. Onr first im- 
pression was that the bodies bad been thrown together after 
some massacre, but we could not discover any marks of 
lesions, with the exertion of one sknU that had an incision 
near the ocdpnt, as if the party had been struck from behind 
with the sharp end of a topo. In short, no clue to the cause 
or purpose of this strange gathering of. human skeletons 



and artefacts cotilcl be obtained. Aa to the "trephined" 
sfcuUa, not one of our men professed to know how or for 
what purpose the operation had been performed. "What 
they insisted npon was, that the plaoe and its contents were 
ChnUpa. The golden bangles, however, se^n to be Inca. I 
merely add, that the male skalls are deformed like those 
taken from the stone cysts, said to be Chollpa. Among the 
stone objects were mortars, grinders and cmshers. Whorls 
were found and bone implements for weaving, bnt not a 
single weapon! Tnrqnoise beads came out of cyst 
No. 1. Other cylindrical beads were dng np in the loose 
earth, as well aa a natural concretion, resembling a crondi- 
ing llama, which the Indians eyed so longingly that we sus- 
pected it to be "Mulln," that is, a fetish of some kind. 

I may be permitted here to state what we snoceeded in 
learning about trephining among the Indians of the Sierra 
in Peru and Bolivia. My researches among printed or 
mannscript sources of early times have be^a fruitless np to 
date. Bnt we have been assured, by parties not unworthy 
of credit, that the practice of trephining, and afterward 
closing the orifices with a piece of gourd, is still in vigor 
among the Indians of high Pern. We were told that the 
operation is and was performed by persons without any 
instmction in surgery, and in order to remove splinters 
from broken skulls. !bi regard to the instruments used, our 
informants knew nothing, but they declared to have seen 
individuals who survived the operation for many years, 
with a piece of mate (gourd or squash) in their skulls, over 
which the skin had been stitched together. A friend of 
mine, Don Antonio de Ocampo, told me that in one of his 
rambles at Ancon, on the Peruvian coast, he stumbled over 
something that proved to be a skull i^ch protruded from 
the soil. Picking it up, he saw that a foreign substance 'was 
inserted into the bone. It turned out to be a thin disk of 
mate closing an orifice.' The skulls we found at Kea- 
Kollu Chico differ from many other trephined ones in that 



Plate XXXn 

Uetallio objects of personal decoration from Titwacft Island 

1, 2. Wrist bMids. 3 Gorget 4. ito«Mt-psndknt 





tlie opening is circular and snrroTmded by a depression. 
This depression seems to indicate the insertion of a thin 
plate, as mentioned in the acconnt g^ven ns of the operation, 
as well as in Senor Ocampo's description of the specimen 
from Ancon. It might be objected that the sknlls of Kea- 
Eolln are perhaps not ancient The misshaping of akolls 
was rigidly prohibited by the Viceroy Don Francisco de 
Toledo in 1575.* Later decrees, and a stringent search for 
idolatrous practices in the first half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, finally abolished the custom. Hence the crania from 
Kea-Kolln Chico mnst be, if not of the period before the 
conquest, at least quite old. Trephining is a very andent 
practice, and the artefacts that accompany skulls are, 
nearly all, of the type which the Indians declared to be pre- 

The process of artificial deformation of skvUs so gen- 
erally found all over the Ptma and on the Island, among 
the so-called Chnllpa remains, is described by older authors. 
It was noticed, at the very earliest times of Spanish occupa- 
tion, among the Indians of the so-called CoUao, to which 
region the islands of the Lake belonged. 

Cieza writes of the "long heads and without occiput," of 
the ' * Collas, ' ' as produced by artificial shaping from * ' child- 
hood on."^ A detailed description of the process we find 
in the work of Cobo : * ' The Collas shaped the head long and 
pointed, to such an extreme as to cause astonishment at 
seeing the old people whom I yet saw with this custom from 
the days of paganism. They did this because they wore 
woolen bonnets called Chucos, like mortars or hats without 
brims, very high and pointed, and in order that these should 
fit better tiiey shaped the head after the mold of the head- 
gear and not the latter after the head; and in order to give 
this shape to the heads of children they tied and bonnd them 
tight with bands, keeping them thus tied until they were 
four or five years of age, after which the heads had become 
hard and had taken the form required for the bead-dress, 



that is, long, flat, and withont occipnt. They said that they 
formed the heads in this way in order to make them 
healthier and better adapted to work, and the first bonnet 
was manof actared with many ceremonies and superstitions, 
as well at the spinning of the wool as at the weaving."^ 

The shores between Kea and the sandy Feninsnla of 
Challa (a), and the slopes descoiding to that shore from the 
backbone of the Island, contain Challpa vestiges. Bnt this 
slope is broken; the little bays of Coyani (25) and Champa^ 
TJaya (20) are bordered by strips of tillable groand, divided 
by steep rocks, so that the vestiges, of which many have 
disappeared throngh cnltivation, are few and limited, as 
far as we conld see, to terraces and scattered graves. The 
main crest of the Island, between Santa Barbara (12) in the 
southeast, and Muro-Kato (3), show but few traces of an- 
cient remains. The range of bald heights ^:tendiQg north- 
west of Challa, from Inak-Uyu to Challa-Pata and the 
Calvario (6, 5, and 4), is said to have supported ruins that 
are no longer visible. 

"Challa" means sand,' and the isthmus fully deserves 
the name. It is a narrow strip of white sand. On the 
north, it ahnte against a low rocky hutte called "CoUca- 
Fata," beyond which a long peninsula, shaped like a foot, 
extends eastward. CoUcapata (h) is the gateway to the 
grassy and fertile swellings of Ciriapata (g) and Harcnni 
(19), which run out in the point of Uajran-Kala (18). It 
is at Ciriapata and CoUcapata, that we found the greatest 
number of burial sites declared by the Indians to he Chullpa. 
On CoUcapata are a number of stone cysts of which we 
opened twenty-three, finding only four intact ones. With 
little difference, a few inches in extension and depth, they 
are like those described from Kea-Kollu Cbico. Most of 
them had been rifled by the Indians long ago, and the posi- 
tions of such skulls as are left leads to the suspicion of 
rebnrial. Artefacts were limited to pottery of the coarser 
kind and some stone implements. Large snaUs, called 



Plate XXXlIt 

i. General plan of the ruins of Pilco-Eayma. 2. Plan of ground floor of 

bnilding. 3. Plan of upper story. 4. Side nevr of northern front. 

5. Onthouaes with platform. 0, 7- Plans of outhonsM 




/...v,.,. ^ 



"churi," were also found in some." The four well-pre- 
served cysts had no covers, and the grave proper— the pit 
walled in with mde bloi^s and slabs— began at a depth 
varying between sixteen and eigjtteen inches, whereas tiie 
depth of the cysts ranged from eighteen to thirty-two. 
Three shapeless stone heaps indicated as many "Chnllpa" 
hmldings, and tiie declivities toward the Lake are naturally 
graded, bat supported by artificial walls transforming them 
into andenes. A wall of stone, nearly three feet in thick- 
ness, crossing the summit of the hill, was uncovered. "We 
followed it for a length of fifty-eight feet. It showed better 
workmanship than that of the walls at Eea-KoUu, still the 
Indians insisted upon it being "Chnllpa." Aside from tiie 
three stone-heaps, the long wall, the andenes and graves, 
Collcapata presented nothing of interest. 

A narrow neck, nearly at the level of the Lake, connects 
Collcapata with Ciriapata. This peninsula has some of the 
best pasturages and most fertile lands on the Island. Hence 
the ^dians have cultivated it and cultivate it to-day. Its 
gentle slopes to the south and east are striated by ancient 
andenes as tortuous as any on Kea-Kollu. Their height 
varies so much that no average can be given. Only one of 
the face walls exceeds ten feet in elevation and the majority 
of the rest are lower than six feet. On one of the first steps 
ascending from the direction of Collcapata stands a mined 
edifice, small and mde. Beneath slabs left of the floor we 
found a quantity of human bones. Higher up on the slope 
is a well-made building which the Indians say is "Inca." 
Its workmanship would confirm their statements. The 
higher plane of Ciriapata formerly supported a cluster of 
stone buildings. Twenty can still be traced, of which eigh- 
teen are almost obliterated. Two of the buildings appear 
to have been dome-shaped. They also were broken into and 
rifled, years ago, bat enough is left to establish their form. 
The interior having been disturbed, it is filled with rubbish 
to snch an extent as to render it impossible to measure the 



inside elevation. From the top of the opening of "a" to 
the mbbish below is an interval of three feet; at "b" it is 
thirty-four inches only. Interior diameters are: "a," five 
feet nine inches; "b," twelve and a half feet. The mound 
formed by each being from six and a half to eight feet in 
height, it is presumable that the room inside was abont six 
feet high. The dome shape of both results from successive 
overlapping of stones. Each structure has its doorway 
with a mde lintel ; in " a " the lintel is twenty-six inches long 
and eight inches thick ; in " b " thirty-one inches by six. The 
entrance to "a" is tapering, measuring eighteen inches 
below and sixteen above, its present height twenty inches. 
In "b" the opening is quadrangular, twenty-one inches in 
width and seventeen inches in height. We excavated these 
ChuUpas to a depth of several feet, without result They 
had been thoroughly cleaned out, but the Indians denied any 
knowledge of ' ' finds ' ' made in them. 

Itemains of walls connecting rubbish heaps are visible 
besides. Bnt since the Indians have torn up andenes, de- 
stroyed buildings, and built enclosures and new andenes, it 
is impossible to form an idea of how the cluster appeared 
when it was intact. In many instances we could not even 
distinguish the new from the old. Nevertheless I believe 
that the plan indicates nearly, if not all, the ancient remains 
yet extant. It is possible that I have included walls and 
andenes that are recent or at least not pre-Spanish. I be- 
lieve it safe to state, in r^ard to this settlement, that it 
consisted of dispersed small houses, of one room each, con- 
nected with stone enclosures and terraces. Ciriapata was 
the largest Chnllpa settlement on Titicaca, and I would, 
under my present impression, place the maximum of its 
former population at five hundred souls. 

There is a spring on the plateau, hut it is hardly used at 
present. There are much more abnndant sources of water- 
of a superior quality on the Isthmns of Challa, at the foot of 
Challapata. The advantages afforded at Ciriapata to agri- 



i ° 






cultural Indians are sufficient fertile soil, eastern exposition, 
hence smishine and warmth, and good lookouts. On the 
sonth shores of Ciriapata the totora grows large enoa^ for 
the construction of balsas, and here indeed is the only point 
OQ the Island where balsas can be manufactured. Also, if 
the ancient dwellers on Ciriapata had llamas, there could be 
no better grazing ground for these animals, and to-day the 
sheep of Chal!a are mostly herded on this peninsula. "With 
the exception of north and northwest, the range of view is 
extensive. It would not be surprising, therefore, if the most 
populous settlement, on Titicaca, of Indians who were not 
Inca, had been established on this peninsula. 

The condition of the remains just described led to expect 
that undisturbed graves might yet be found. We were 
strengthened in our hopes by the Indians, although they 
invariably added that the site had been overhauled "long 
ago." We made excavations at four places. The result of 
our work was the opening, emptying, and measuring of 
eighty-five stone cysts: seventeen in one place; six in an- 
other ; two in another ; and a fourth group, of sixty. It is 
needless to describe each grave. The accompanying plates 
give an idea of their size, appearance and distribution. 
Some of the cysts had covers, consisting of a large slab al- 
ways covered by sod. There were seldom any surface In- 
dications, we had to test the ground every^rfiere, in order to 
find graves. Their distribution is irregular; they lie at 
uneqnal distances from each other, and children's tombs are 
scattered among those of adults. Their depths vary be- 
tween fifteen inches (child) and fifty (adult), including a 
layer of soil from six to fourteen inches in thickness. The 
clnster is in an open quadrangle formed by a mined wall, 
which is mostly modem, though its foundations appeared 
to be ancient. Many of the graves were empty, still we 
obtained pieces of coarse pottery and one Llivi, Aylln, or 
grooved stone, for holas.^^ The yield on the whole iras 
unimportant, only two of the cysts containing tall red and 



black clay cups, which the Indians call kero. The dnster of 
six graves lay close to a bench of rocks overgrown with 
bnshes, and forming the face of an anden. This rock over- 
lapped the rear wall of three eysta. The soil raider the rock 
was about nine inches deep, and the side of the cyst 
descended two feet more. It will be seen that some of these 
graves are approxirnately round or oval, and that their 
sides are encased sometimes by vertical plates, mostly, how- 
ever, by from two to four courses of uncut blocks, with or 
without a thin seam of mud between them. The covers were 
gone, and the yield was broken and decayed skulls, a little 
coarse pottery, and a bit of gray obsidian. In one, three 
skeletons with sknlls were disinterred at a depth of 
eight inches, and still lower three more skeletons so com- 
pletely decayed that hardly anything could be saved. 
Enough was left, however, to show that the bodies had been 
folded and the arms pressed against the chest. Near these 
graves, a hoe (chonta) of stone and a fragment of another 
stone implement were taken out of loose earth. 

On a narrow terrace, two very small cysts were opened 
that contained nothing. Their deptb below the surface was 
only six and eight inches respectively. At site 2, on an 
ancient anden facing the south, and within an area bounded 
north and west by old stone walls, fifty-eight graves were 
found ; and two more close by. Of these fifty-eight graves, 
forty-seven clustered on a space covering not quite thirty- 
seven hundred square feet, near to a small mined stmcture 
on the edge of the anden. Of these sixty cysts, five were of 
children. The cysts had been partly opened and disturbed ; 
hence, while it is likely that they all originally had stone 
covers, not all of these were in place, and a number of the 
cysts were empty or partly rifled. The depth of the covers 
below the surface varied between nine and fifteen inches. 
The stone-work on the cysts is mostly like that of the others, 
but there are in this group some well-laid and fairly 
rectangular casings. Here the yield was better, consiatinj; 







of sknlls (the skeletons had disintegrated), earthenware 
and other objects. In some we found only ceramics, in 
others a skeleton, with from one to seven piec^ of pottery, 
all of the mder kind. From one cyst, a skull, a stone- 
mortar, and a pot were taken ont at a depth of twenty 
inches. In a cyst ten inches beneath the surface, and twenty- 
four inches deep, a vessel of clay in the shape of a duck lay 
three feet nnder the surface. There was rarely a grave 
withont something in it The best constructed one, a 
rectangle twenty-fonr by seventeen inches, its wall laid in 
courses, was empty to a depth of forty inches, then only a 
few^ bones and the bottom of a vessel, charred, came to light. 
A polygonal cyst, twenty-four by twenty-one inches, inside 
measures, twelve inches below the ground and twenty-fonr 
inches deep, yielded a painted pitcher, a painted bowl, the 
bottom of a larger bowl filled with charcoal and blackened 
by fire, but no human remains. Another contained frag- 
ments of one male and one female skeleton, at a depth of 
thirty-two inches ; and twelve inches lower, seven pieces of 
coarse reddish toy-pottery, a tiny piece of silver, one tar- 
qnoise bead, two copper rattles, and four topos, or tomis, 
two of which were of silver. On the top of all this, and with 
the decayed skulls, lay a well-made circular grinding slab. 
Charcoal was found in nearly all the cysts, and fragments 
of pottery blackened by fire. The greatest number of sknlls 
in one grave was three. The male skulls are artifidally 
flattened, female skulls showing no, or hardly any, deform- 
ity. I must note also that flint flakes were found in one 
cyst, and in another the upper part of the skull of some 
animal, which, however, was lost through carelessness of 
our servant. In one pit there were five skulls, but it after- 
ward turned out that these had been taken out elsewhere 
and reburied. 

There is a ruined "Chullpa" in close proximity to this 
cluster of graves. We could only make out its approximate 
size and probably circular shape. At or near the surface 



we obtained in loose earth, a few implements or fragments 
of implements of stone, mostly agricQitnral ; also the half 
of a handsome stone-mortar that may have been dropped by 
accident Here also the Indians* rnthless ransacking has 
made research difficult and conclnsions doubtful. Be-bnrial 
has certainly taken place, and as careless as could be, when 
done by barbarians who upturned the ground only in search 
of metal and striking pieces of pottery. Destruction of 
ruins on Titicaca is mostly due to the cupidity of its Indian 

There are more burial sites at Ciriapata, and we in- 
vestigated several other points but only to find that they 
bad been rifled long ago, jnst as the Indians told ua. The 
same is probably the case with the remainder of the penin- 
sula. On the eminence called Marcnnl (19) traces of an- 
denes exist, but there, as well as further to the east, toward 
the point of TJajran-Kala (18), the ground was either 
cultivated or used as pasturage and we conld not think of 
disturbing it. It seems that this peninsula was more or lees 
covered with scattered habitations of the CHiullpa type, 
making it probable that Collcapata, Ciriapata, Marcnni, and 
Uajran-Kala, together, harbored the largest **Chullpa" 
population of any part of the Island. 

One small building consists of two (approximate) 
rectangles, one larger and one smaller. It is not the size 
of the building that attracts attention bnt the neatness of 
the stone work. The total length of its front is nine feet 
four inches ; its greatest width, six feet nine, and its height 
above the ground (it is partly buried) five feet. The door- 
way is eighteen inches wide, and only one foot of the eleva- 
tion is open. The lintel (of well cut stone) measures five 
inches in thickness and thirty inches in length. The walls, 
eighteen inches thick, are well built, the comers sharp, 
though not squared, and the fadng quite smooth. It recalls 
the best specimens of Inca work on the Island. Its presence 
in a duster of much ruder buildings attracts attention. IJn- 







fortnnately, the Indians penetrated into it from above, 
causing the roof to fall in, as well aa through the door. It is 
probably rifled of everything, and ravaged, throngh caving- 
in as well as by vegetation, which has converted the neat 
little structnre into a blooming bnsh with ugly thorns. We 
saw that it would be unprofitable to excavate there, and 
limited ourselves to measurements. The Indians, as al- 
ready stated, affirm that the building is "Inca." We eould 
not learn of any other structure of the kind in that viianity. 
Betoming to Challa and proceeding northwestward 
along the Lake to the garden of Challa with its terraces of 
!bica origin, thence to Kasapata past the mined andenes of 
Santa Maria, we find no clear vestiges of the ChuIIpa on 
our path. In continuation of the isthmus on which the Inca 
ruins of Kasapata stand, rises, as its northerly prolonga- 
tion, the height of Llaq'-aylli (f ) which terminates in the 
sharp point of Y6-Jachi (17). The top of Llaq'-aylli is about 
four hundred feet above the Lake, and its northern point is 
somewhat lower. Both bear considerable shrubbery, and 
on them also lines of bushes indicate numerous ancient 
andenes. We were unable to determine to what class these 
andenes belong. We found no structures, although the 
top of Llaq'-aylli recalls some features of Ciriapata. We 
were repeatedly told there was nothing on Y^jachi, and 
indeed saw no traces. Hence I am inclined to believe that 
the Ghnllpa remains do not extend further than Kasapata. 
Beyond that point the fertile soil thins out, slopes are 
rocky, and the graves on the extreme northwestern point 
of the Island, the low promontory of Sicuya (3), differ 
from those described as ChuUpa. The southwestern wing 
of the Island, the bottoms of Kona and the long ridges of 
Kakayo-Kena (19) are covered with ancient terraced 
garden-beds, but we have seen no traces of other structures^ 
notwithstanding that in those sections the modem Indian 
did less damage. The andenes may be partly Chullpa, but 
there is a wide and fair trail or road— Quivini (3a)— lead- 



ing np to the Kakayo-kena from the bottom of Kona. 
Hence I beheve that, while Chullpa remains may yet be 
found, in the shape of burials, in these sections, they were 
not inhabited to any extent comparable with sites above 

We find the distribution of Chnllpa remains on Titicaca 
to be as follows : They occupy chiefly, if not exclusively, the 
southern three-fourths of the Island, and the principal 
settlements seem to have been Ciriapata, the upper slopes 
of Kea-Eoilu, the crest at Apachinaca and along Enmpata 
and, possibly, the southern parts of the present hadenda of 
Ynmani. The latter I infer from what we saw of an- 
tiquities and what could be observed in spite of modem 

The settlements were not compact. They consisted of 
scattered houses of small size, and mostly of one room only. 
On Kea-KoUn the dwellings are partly built against the 
rock, and have more than one apartment, sometimes as 
many as six. We found no trace of fortifications, but the 
fact that the clusters occupy points of observation mi^t 
indicate that the inhabitants did not always feel secnre. 
The smaller houses, with one room only, recall the Obollpas 
on the Bolivian mainland near Chililaya,^' and the many- 
roomed buildings resemble the dwellings on the slopes of 
TlliTTiftm near the perpetual snow-line.^' 

The great number of andenes with which the dwellings 
are connected, and the implements found at Eea-Kolln 
Chico and elsewhere show that the people were land-tillers; 
but the presence, in graves even, of the stones called 
"llivi," or "ayllu," which were used after the manner of 
the Argentine bolas, indicates that they hnnted, not only 
water-fowl, but probably also quadrupeds on the main- 
land. The llivi were also their main implements of war- 

Their pottery is mder and coarser, in material as well 
as in decoration, than that of the so-called Inca type. 




Details of ruins of Piloo-Kaymft 

Speoimena ot niches ' 





Plastic decoration, often cmdely painted, prevails. Among 
the most strikiDg vessels are certainly the black and red 
caps or goblets called kero, found abundantly in the stone 
cysts of Chullpa bnrials. Of these we know that they were 
drinking cups, and nsed in ceremonials. It is even stated 
that they served, under Inca stray, as accessories to hwnan 
sacrifice, and were buried with the bodies of victims.'* The 
same was the case with the keros of wood, of wbidi at least 
three were found in rents of rocks above Santa Maria (i). 
Whether these wooden goblets are to be classed as Chullpa 
I am not able to decide. X know, however, that they are met 
with at Tiahnanaco and other places on the Bolivian main- 
land, both north and sonth of the Lake, and that their shape 
is distinct from that of the usual drinking vessels from 
Cnzco.*' If the black wooden kero from Santa Maria, sent 
by UB to the Museum, is Chullpa, then, since the carving on 
it represents a man spearing a large fish, it would indicate 
that the Chullpa also engaged in fishing, and that they nsed 
a harpoon-like instrument, beside others, perhaps, of 
which we may have no knowledge as yet." The keros of 
clay are often decorated with human faces in relief, but 
these are, with rare exceptions, angular and rude, and can- 
not compare with the beautiful heads from the Peruvian 
coast. Otherwise plastic art, jndg^g from irfmt we were 
able to collect, limited itself to fairly made vessels in the 
shape of ducks and to a few carvings in stone. 

While excavating at Kea-Kolln Chico, an Indian from the 
small settlement of Kea brought us a slab of black stone, 
which he had found on the slopes of Ticani (2), one of the 
faces of which was covered with carvings. Th^e carvings 
represent intricate figures. The origin of the stone we 
could not ascertain, beyond what I have stated. It may be 
ancient, or it may be of more recent date and belong to the 
class of pictographs now used by the Indians to represent 
church rituals graphically. 

Of textile fabrics from the Chullpa we were unable to 



secure any. Moistnre has destroyed everytiung of that 
kind. Bat the Indians claimed to be able to assure ns that 
the Chnllpa dressed in clothes made of llama wool. As we 
obtained, at Kea-Kolln Gbico, instruments for weaving 
made of bone, there is nothing improbable in this state- 

That the people called Chullpa on the Island worked 
metal, is shown by the pins found in one of the graves at 
Ciriapata. These pins were of copper and of silver. The 
scarcity of metallic objects in the burials is no evidence 
that they were originally rare, since the eagerness of the 
modem Indian to obtain ancient objects of metal is very 
great, and, as I have repeatedly stated, the majority of the 
graves have been, if not completely rifled, at least searched 
long previous to our coming. 

Of household articles, we found the grinding slab or 
hatdn at various places, and its crusher or grinder. Mor- 
tars were also found, and they are of the same type as 
those of Cuzco, though not as elaborately carved. 

It is also worthy of note that the artefacts in general 
ascribed to the Chullpa on the Island are identical with 
those of the Chullpa on the Bolivian mainland as far as we 
know. I refer to the vicinity of Chililaya and Hnarina, and 
the sections of Llujo, Goana and Goni, near the snows of 

The word Chullpa is often applied, on the shores of the 
Lake and in the Puna in general, to tower-like stmctores, 
some of the handsomest of which are those of Sillnstani, 
of Accra*" and of the Peninsula of Huata. Elsewhere I 
have shown that the Siltustani edifices were not burial tow- 
ers, which is also likely in the case of Huata.'" The mode 
of burial which Cieza de Leon describes as general in the 
GoUao and on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca** is 
not found on the Island. All the graves seen by ns— and 
we saw upward of three hundred— are m the ground, and 
stone cysts mostly, with a rude slab or block as cover. This 








mode of burial is like that observed by as at Chililaya, on 
the Island of Cojata and on the lUimani slopes. The ntun- 
ber of graves on Titicaca is large, but does not indicate a 
so-called Chollpa population in excess of the number of 
present inhabitants.'' 

The artificial deformity of the heads being the same as 
was found in practice among all Aymara-speaking tribes at 
the time of the conquest, it also supports the assertions of 
early chroniclers, that the Island of Titicaca was originally 
inhabited by a branch of the Af/mard tribe. 

From the size and disposition of structures that were 
probably dwellings we may conclude that the homes of 
these people were dingy and calculated for shelter and 
warmth almost exdnsively. In the absence of combust- 
ibles, crowding and exclusion of air had to protect from the 
prevailing cold. Not enough is left of these structures to 
enable us to decide whether their inmates used chimneys, 
but there is at least no trace of them, nor of flues. The 
Indians emphatically stated that id none of the Chullpas 
bad they ever seen contrivances of the kind. This agrees 
with what we noticed on the mainland, among the ruins 
scattered over the Puna. 

But the Island of Titicaca contains ruins of a different 
character, which the Indians ascribe to the Inca. By this 
word, only the Inca tribe of Cuzco, in Peru, can be meant. 

The distribution of these so-called Inca ruins differs from 
that of the former class in that they are limited to fewer 
localities. They may be said to constitute four groups: 
The southeastern, composed of, first, almost obliterated 
structures near the landing of Pnncu (26), the buildings 
and terraces at Pilco-Kayma (a), and the so-called foun- 
tain of the Inca, with andenes, at the foot of the promontory 
on which the hacienda buildings of Yumani have been 
erected ; together, probably, with andenes on that promon- 
tory; second, the ruins at Pucara and the "Ahijadero"; 
third, the cluster of ruins at Easapata and at the foot of 



Llaq'-aylli ; and fourth, the rains on the northwestern end 
of the Island, embracing Mnro-Kato (3), the Sacred Bock 
and annexes (a), the min called Ohincana (b), the almost 
obliterated vestiges at Chncaripn-pata (c), the andenes of 
Chucaripn (d), and the promontory of Sicuyu (3), with 
whatever faint traces may exist between that point and the 
Sacred Bock, and on the flanks of the conical height of Ticaiu. 

There are also Inca remains in the soathem bottom of 
Kona (p), but these, together with the andenea in tiie 
grassy basins north and south, and those on the slopes of 
Kakayo-kena, also the road called Qni-vini (30), attract less 
attention from the fact that no buildings have as yet been 
found among them. 

All the other groups show traces of edifices. The first 
three are mostly built on or surrounded by fertile soil; the 
fourth group lies on partly sterile ground. All are provided 
with good water, and in connection with each we find sys- 
tems of terraced garden-beds, superior in construction to 
the Chullpa patas. The first group affords a good view of 
the eastern shore of Copacavana, the straits of Tiqoina, 
and the Island of Koati. The second lies in a well-shel- 
tered bottom. The third embraces a magnificfflit range of 
view toward the east, nortii, and northwest. The fourth 
commands the north, part of the northwest, southwest, and 
portions of the south. It may be said that the first group 
commanded the eastern shore of tiie Peninsula of Copa- 
cavana and the Peninsula of Huata ; the third the line of 
the eastern Bolivian mainland and the main Lake ; and the 
fourth the Peruvian coast from Pnno to Yungnya; so that, 
from these sites, the shores of Lake Titicaca could be 
watched in sections. 

Nothing indicates, however, that the possibility of sur- 
prise or ambush was dreaded by the Inca. Landings mif^t 
be effected, under cover of darkness, at points out of si^t 
of any of these Inca settlements. Either the people vrho 
selected the sites had no grounds for fear, or noctamal at- 




.2 9 





tacks were, hj the Indians of Bolivia and Pern, not nsnally 
made." For creeping op and hiding in close proximity 
to the buildings nntil dawn, there were ample opportunities. 
This indicates that the Island was not exposed to danger 
while under Inca sway. 

A distinctive feature of the settlements called Inca, aside 
from superior construction and finish, is the lesser number 
and greater size of the buildings. From one to three larger 
edifices and not over five or six smaller ones compose each 
duster. The main buildings, while far from being very 
large, are still superior in size to anything of ChuUpa type. 

Another feature is the traces of wide trails that connect 
the several establishments with each other. We must not 
fancy, however, that these were highways suc^ as we find 
in civilized countries. For the greater part of their length 
they are simply well-trodden trails; such, for instance, as 
those leading up to the "Cerro de Montezuma" near Casas 
Qrandes in €3iihuahua, northern Mexico.'' The section of 
the ancient road called Quivini— Chullun-Kayani (15)— is 
from seven to ten feet wide on the slope, but it is impossible 
to detect how much of that width belongs to the road and 
how much to the terraces along which it ascends. It con- 
nected the summit of Kakayo-kena with the clnster about 
the Sacred Bock, but the main portion of it, across the 
undnlating slopes between the northern bottom of Kona to 
the Sacred Bock, and Chncaripu, seems to have been an 
Indian trail simply worn out by frequent travel. So it is 
the case with the road from Pncdra to the northwestern 
end of the Island, and with the trails that connected the 
southern (first) group with Pucara. The latter was prob- 
ably along the line of that which now leads to Challa, but 
deviated from it to follow the ridge instead of descending 
to the Challa Isthmus. Mr. Sqnier saw some of tiiis an- 
cient road, but included in the description of it features 
that are not artiflciaL*" Besides Quivini, the best pre- 
served specimens are the fragments of the road descending 



from MuTo-Kato toward mins called Mama^Ojlia. On the 
heights, however, all tracee vanisL 

Another distinctive feature of Inca mins on the Island 
are particnlarly well constracted andenes, with artifidal 
drainage of the slopes in two places. The water was gath- 
ered in troughs behind the anden, which troughs emptied 
through narrow condnits into an artificial baain, whence it 
is led hj stone channels down the slope into tiie Lake. Snch 
is the case at the "Fountain of the Inca" of Yumani (n) 
and at the garden of Challa (23). At the Chincana (&) 
something analogous may have existed, although there ia 
at present merely a spring surrounded by a stone encloanre. 
Such contrivances indicate considerable advance, bat we 
must not exaggerate by fancying these places to have been 
improved artistically. They are naturally picturesque, as 
many others on the Island, and the superabundtMce of 
water compelled the Indians to resort to drainage. The 
gardens themselves, with a number of imported shade and 
other trees, flowers— dahlias, forget-me-nots, pinks, roses, 
etc.— and strawberries, are from colonial times, and they 
have given to the sites their main charm. If we divest tiie 
garden of Challa of these originally Spanish beautifying 
elements, the view remains: clusters of indigenous stunted 
kenoa-trees, and monotonous andenes as the only work 
performed by the Incas. The same is the case at Yumani. 
Only the utilitarian point of view— not landscape gardening 
as fabled- determined the Indian's choice, and the rever- 
ence which the Peruvian aborigine, like all Indians, paid to 
springs and groves was a part of their Huaca, Faccarioa, 
or Machula worship." 

The works above described, and attributed to the Inca, 
appear greatly superior to the achievements of the so- 
called Chullpa. It remains to investigate how far this 
superiority is upheld in other lines, and we must therefore 
attempt a descriptiou of the main ruins and cast a glance 
at the artefacts found in connection with them. 



Mr. Sqnier has pvea a plan of the rains at the Pniicu, 
a short distance above the landing. As these vestigea have 
almost disappeared, I refer to his description, plan, and 
pictare."^ These snaall strnctnres overlooked approach to 
the Island from the Peninsula of Copacavana. The path 
vhich now leads up to the backbone of the Island (see 
map), rises, as already stated, continnonsly, though not 
steeply. Soon the traveler sees below him on the right the 
reins known as Pilco-Kayma. 

The Pilco-Kayma is a qnadrangnlar stractnxe of stone 
connected with a system of handsomely constmcted andenea 
that skirt the abrupt shores of the Lake and extend in 
curves 400 feet to the sonth-sontheast, and, by airline, 800 
feet to the north. From the level on which the main ruin 
stands, terraced garden-beds rise irregolarly, running in 
undulating lines as far as the extreme northern end of the 
whole system of terraces. Above tiiat end, other handsome 
andenes rise, forming eleven nearly parallel gradients, 
altogether little more than a hundred feet deep, while their 
front toward the Lake is not over two hundred feet in 
length. Beyond these andenes follow others, out of sight 
from the main ruin, which extend northward toward Yu- 
mani. Most of these are under cultivation, and they may 
even be partly modem. 

In tiie rear of the Kayma, the ground rises rapidly and 
rocks bulge out in irregular steps, bearing patches of soil 
which were also cultivated. The andenes in front of the 
building are well made, and overlook the waters of the 
Lake from a hei^t of about sixty feet Descent is abrupt 
and the beach very narrow. 

A little over one hundred feet north-northwest of the 
Kayma stands a small building, seventeen feet long by 
thirty in depth, on the southern comer of a terrace 
deiusely overgrown by shrubbery. The length of this ter- 
race is one hundred and twelve feet, and its northern end 
bears another small edifice, more ruined than the former 



and of about equal dimensions. The rear wall of the anden 
on which these two etructures stand is of very fair con- 
struction and has eight trapezoidal niches. It will be seen 
that, while the dimensions of tiie niches are nearly (not 
absolutely) equal, there are differences in detail of form 
or design. Thus, one has a lintel, and tiny recess, which the 
others hare not Between every two of the large niches is 
a smaller one in the shape of a lozenge, the deep middle 
recess of which is lined by fonr thin plates of stone set on 
edge, and as many small pebbles formiiig the comers. This 
wall presents, therefore, quite an ornamental appearance. 
Its height is eight feet. The masonry of the buildings is 
equally well made, and one has a number of small interior 

Below this upper tier runs an esplanade four feet wide 
and three feet high, faced with stones and fairly leveled. 
All these structures are now overgrown with shrubbery 
that plays sad havoc with them. The purpose of the two 
buildings and of the terraces connected is conjectural. Mr. 
Squier offers no explanation. The interior would be per- 
fectly plain except for the niches, to which a practical, not 
an ornamental, purpose must be ascribed. These side- 
buildings, and another, which I yet have to describe, appear 
like outhouses or isolated store-rooms, rather than dwell- 
ings or structures of a ceremonial or military character. 

Abont twenty feet to the west, and higher up the slope, 
stands a larger bnildiug which is better preserved. In 
places its walls are as tall as eight feet, and three feet thick, 
with two interior niches in the western and three in the 
northern wall. The doorway is thirty inches wide and its 
stone frame well made, but it has no linteL There is as little 
left of the roof as in any of the others, la front of this 
structure lies a ruined platform about six feet wide. 

This edifice stands on higher ground than the Pilco- 
Kayma proper, and it leans against the same rocky rise as 
that building. It wiU be seen that the Kayma is not sym- 








metrically built. It forms a qaadrangle with sides of un- 
equal length. The north vail, withoat its two additions, 
measures forty-nine feet; the western wall, forty-four; the 
southern, for^-five; and the eastern or Lake-front, fifty. 
The cause of these irregularities lies partly in the nature 
of the ground which slants considerably to the eastward. 
It is another evidence that the builders, notwithBtanding 
certain advances, conld not remove serious natural oIk 
stacles, hence, as in New Mexico and at Mitia, in Mexico,'" 
adapted their buildings to the ground, instead of leveling 
the ground for the building. 

The waUs, exterior as well as interior, of the Pilco-Kay- 
ma, vary in thickness between eighteen and forty-two 
inches, and at small distances from each other. The ma- 
sonry is fair, the stones are laid in irregnlar courses, some- 
times breaking joints, and the blocks are of every imaginable 
size, merely broken, not cut or hewn. Thin seams of mud 
form their binding; hence their appearance is not as pre- 
possessing as, for instance, the stone walls at Cacha, nearer 
to Cnzco, or the so-called "hoase of Atahualpa" at Oaja- 
marca. But since there is every reason to believe that over 
tiiese rongb walls there has been a coating of day, painted 
besides, we may consider the present appearance of the 
building as merely the skeleton of its ori^nal state. 

The lower story, as we may call it, is divided into eleven 
apartments, three interior courts, and one space on the 
Lake-front, in regard to which, tiiere being no roof and 
only a considerable amount of rubbish left, I do not venture 
to decide whether it was a room, or an open passage, or 
small court. The western end, surmounted by a part of 
what is an upper story, is completely dark and very little 
detail can be observed. The three middle courts, as will be 
seen at a glance by comparing the plan of the upper story 
with that of the lower, are small, filled with thorny shrub- 
bery, and they have niches as well as doorways leading into 
rooms on the west. Both the northern and southern courts 



open to the outside. The middle court commnmcates with 
one single room to the west of it (I refer to the plan for 
dimensions and details.) The height of the rooms decreases 
from east to west. Those on the Lake-front measure from 
fifteen to fifteen and a half feet to the top of the ceiling. The 
exterior hei^t of the building along that front is nearly 
twenty-two feet, leaving seven feet for the thickness of 
the roof, which is of slabs, mad and stones. It is not cer- 
tain that its present thickness was the original one, and it 
would seem to have been less rather than more. At the 
northern doorway, the total elevation of the structure is 
reduced to about eighteen feet, and at the western end of 
tiie northern wall to eight. Still the height of the apart- 
ments, while less in western rooms, does not keep step with 
the decrease in exterior elevation. 

The three rooms along the eastern front that are still 
intact have the same kind of ceilings. They consist each of 
four tiers of successively overlapping stones to a hei^t of 
fifty-eight inches. The uppermost tier supports four large 
slabs forming the apex of this primitive vault. We could 
not measure exactly the surface of this apex, hence the 
figures, so far as dimensions are concerned, are not abso- 
lutely accurate. The masonry inside is not much better 
than that outside, and it is plain that it was plastered over 
and painted. The ceilings of the western rooms, so far as 
we could see, correspond to the description given by Mr. 
Sqoier: "Their ceiling is formed by fiat overlapping 
stones"; but the "great regularity" with which they are 
said to be laid we were unable to find. The plates forming' 
the apex are far from equal in size and seem to have been 
picked out rather than shaped. Doorways with niches and 
rude cornices, and larger and smaller niches, give to the 
outer walls a clumsily ornate appearance. The northern 
doorways appear to have been the main entrances to the 
lower story, being on the most convenient side. Niches are 
plentiful, and those in the rooms on the Lake-front are 



taller and more elaborate. Fnrther in, they become small 
and plain. There are no fireplaces, chimneys, or fines ; not 
even a smoke escape, which is strange enongh in a cold 
climate. Some of the doors and larger niches taper toward 
the top ; the others are fairly rectangular. 

In two of the rooms (see plan of lower story), a heavy 
boolder, resting on the floor, is imbedded and has been in- 
cluded in tiie wall. Above one of these boolders is a niche. 
The boulders are so large that it would have required sev- 
eral men to remove them ; still it is strange that people who 
were able to move incomparably more ponderous masses, as 
shown at SUlustani and Cuzco, should have left smaller 
blocks in situ, building over and around them. The pur- 
pose of making a rude mass an integral part of the side of 
a room is not clear to me. The work of carrying the boulder 
to the spot, would have been much greater than that of 
laying the wall. The boulders show no trace of workman- 
ship. They may have been placed there for some purpose, 
but it strikes me as more rational that they were found 
there originally and included in the masonry. 

The whole of the lower story has, so far as we could 
find, only two airholes aside from doorways, and to these 
tiny openings the name of window can not be given. They 
are so constructed as to permit tiie admission of a thin 
stream of air, but of very little light, as the opening is not 
straight, but in one forms an angle, in the other almost a 
"T." Both are in the rooms toward the Lake, hence in 
those that are lighted and ventilated by tall doorwaj^. 
None of the other apartments in the rear have anything 
but low doorways to illuminate them; they are dark, dingy 

The little outhouse resembles the other smaller bmldii^, 
only it is not as large and has no niches. It is a continua- 
tion of the southern wall of the Kayma, and has the hand- 
somest masonry of the whole group. The doorway in 
particular is very carefully made. 



In T^i^ard to the upper tier, which is much more in rains 
Oian the lower, I refer to the plan. It will be seen that it 
covers but one half of the ground floor. On the northern 
side are portions of walls as tall as nine feet, the others 
are lower, and the eastern front is much deteriorated; 
hence architectaral details offer less interest The two 
rectangular additions in the rear are abont on a level with 
the floor of the upper story ; they are in rains and filled with 
shrubbery. Lmnediately behind them rise the rocky steps 
of the slope, some of which have been used as andenes, 
wherever the ledge was capped by a sufficient thi<^es8 of 

The site itself, on which the Pilco-Kayma forms the cen- 
tral stractare, is fairly picturesque. The terraces and 
slopes afforded ample space and soil for cultivation. Water 
is near at hand. It receives the greatest amount of sun- 
shine obtainable, being op^i to the east and northeast, 
and protected against cold blasts from both north and west. 
It is, for these great altitudes, comparatively rich in 
natural advantages. 

The magnificent view from the Pilco-BIayma, the un- 
paralleled beauty of the Sorata group of the Andes, which 
nowhere else on the Island appears so grand and majestic, 
inspires almost reverential admiration. Every one of oar 
visits to this site was a sonroe of new and deep-felt pleasure, 
aside from archaeological interest How far this impressed 
and impresses the liidian, whether Aymara or Quichna, 
CoUa or Lupaca or Inca, may be judged from his character 
and primitive beliefs. If the scenery affected his mind at all, 
it was throngh the appalling nearness of the gigantic peaks, 
each of which was to him the home of some powerful spirit, 
and not a "sense of nature's beauty," of which there is no 
trace In his character, either in ancient or modem tames. 

It is clear from the size of the edifices that the number of 
their former inhabitants cannot have been great. The 
Pilco-E^yma, admitting that all the rooms were occapied. 



Plate XLI 

Artefacts of Bronze (Inca make) from the laUod of Titaoaoa 

1. Bar or lever of bronze, 2. Cbiael or engraTing tool erf broDBe. 3. Bn 

needle or Yauri. 4. EngraTer's tool (T) of bronze. 5. Celt or 

chieel of bronze. G. As of bronze. T. Broose, knife 





could shelter at most a hnndred people by dint of crowd- 
ing. The Dothoases might have lodged as many more. What 
tiie original purpose of the building may have been is diffi- 
cult to imagine.^ 

The fiinnous slopes between the Pileo-Kayma and Ynmani 
are covered, as already stated, by andenes showing ancient 
and recent cultivation. I have mentioned the fact that the 
nmnber and extent of these garden-beds does not indicate a 
correspondingly large agricultural population. The system 
of rotation in lands requires a very large surface in com- 
parison with the number of the people. We find no traces 
of Inca buildings tmtil we reach the lower slopes of the 
promontory of Yumani, where, not far from tiie water's 
edge, shapeless rubbish designates the spot on which, ac- 
cording to the present owners of Yumani, "another 
Kayma" formerly stood. Not even the approximate size 
of the structure can he determined, so completely have 
treasure-seekers overthrown its remains. On the southern 
slope of the Ynmani height, however, stand, in fair state of 
preservation, the vestiges called "Foontain of the Inca," 
improved and beautified after the seventeenth century 
through the addition of trees and plants not indigenous to 
South America. What renders the Fountain and its num- 
erous and well constructed andenes attractive is not due 
to Indians. 

From the plan it will be seen that the water, gathered in 
tiie rear of the upper andenes, finds its egress into a wide 
niche with a small basin, and through four openings left 
purposely between the blocks out of which the rear wall of 
the niche is built. The term "spouts" is therefore inap- 
propriate, as there are no conduits cut in the stone, still less 
spouts that protrude. The stones are fairly laid in mud, and 
the opoiings are at unequal distances. A coating of whitish 
concrete formerly covered the wall from which the water 
issues. Traces of this coating still exist, and to it must he 
attributed the statement that conduits are cut in the stone. 



The basin in front is not deep, and from it the water, which 
IB beautifully clear and of excellent quality, finds egress, 
through a covered channel, to the lower level of the next 
anden, and thence down the slope in a narrow canal of 
stones forming on the way little falls of from one to two 
feet. The height of the slope, from the beach to the Foun- 
tain, is 110 feet, and the horizontal distance nearly 300 feet. 
All along the inclined channel, steps, made of rude and very 
unequal stone plates three feet wide at the top, but only 
two feet further down, lead to the narrow and sandy beach. 
On both sides of this path numerous andenes extend in 
carves, those on one side not being always on the level of 
those on the other. The facing of these terraces is well 
made, and superior to any on Ciriapata and similar sites. 
Below, where the water issues on t^e beach, the anden is 
high. Stone steps lead up to it at more than one place, and 
tall and well made niches, not exactly equal in size, adorn 
the front, both right and left of the channel. We saw no 
trace of buildings. The whole is a system of terraced 
garden-beds combmed with a well-planned arrangement for 
drainage. The basin is too small for a bath. In the wall 
to the left of it, are two niches of small size, capable of 
holding a pitcher. Terraces, niches, basin and steps, have 
been repaired by the owners of Yumani at 'rorions times. 
Some details may not be original; the main features cer- 
tainly are. The water is not from a spring. It is the drain- 
age of the steep slopes of a crest, extending from Pallakasa 
to Kenuani (13), of part of the latter peak, and of the 
southern declivities of Yumani. The crest and tops 
mentioned are bare, and the grade is steep, hence the 
waters rush down the slopes. Some years ago the owners 
of Yumani had to open the rear of the anden in which the 
fonntain is constructed, because the latter stopped running. 
They found an ancient wooden channel, partly decayed, the 
decay obstructing the outflow. This channel is said to ex- 
tend nearly as far as the Pilco-Kayma, hence it receives the 







waters of a considerable length and height of slope and 
drains it, insuring stability to the ground. Were it not for 
this drain, the soil woald turn into mire and eventnally be 
washed away. The Fountain of the Inca ia therefore sim- 
ply an arrangement for draining the declivity in its rear. 
The channel throngh the garden and to the Lake, if primi- 
tive, was not intended for irrigation, as the water in it 
flows at a lower level than the andenes on both aides, and 
it cannot be turned onto any of the terraces. 

Beyond Yumani, except the almost undistingnishable 
remains at the northern base of its promontory, Inca ruins, 
if they ever existed, have disappeared. I hold it to be likely, 
that Pncara, on the margin of the grassy pasturage called 
"Ahijadero," at the base of Kea-Kolln, is the next site of 
Inca remains, on our way from Yumani to the northwestern 
extremity of the Island. 

Pncara (m) is sadly wrecked. What remains does not 
even allow suggestions of a reconstruction. The bottom of 
the "Ahijadero** is in many places marshy and traversed 
by dykes dividing it into irregular sections. The elevation 
of these causeways above the ground is from a few inches to 
six feet, one side being nearly always higher than the other. 
Their width varies also, five and thirteen feet being the 
extremes noticed by us. The rims or borders are lined with 
rows of stones in single file, and in the case of the widest of 
these causeways, another row divides it longitudinally also 
(see diagrams). The dykes are built of earth and gravel, 
with some stones, so as to make them harder than the sur- 
rounding level. 

The Indians could give us no information in regard to 
these causeways, neither could the owners of the Island, nor 
anybody else familiar with Titicaca. They had escaped 
attention thus far, as their appearance is not striking. Our 
first impression was that they were ancient irrigating 
canals. But it soon became apparent that this was not the 
case. The "Ahijadero" is a marshy pasturage, its north- 



western section, at the foot of Eea-KoUn, a swamp. The 
central and soathem parts are drier because higher. The 
djkes in question cannot have had anything to do with 
cultivation, for the bottom was not anciently cultivated. 
These contrivances seem therefore to have been made in 
order to enable circulation. It is tiie only suggestion I can 
offer. There are two groups of them, one of which touches 
Inca andenes on the slope of Little Kea-Kolln, the other 
traverses nearly the whole length of the bottom, from 
a deep ravine on the flanks of Santa Barbara to the beach. 
Up that ravine, the Indians aay, an ancient trail or road 
leads to the Sacred Bock. The ravine is so much eroded 
that we cannot affirm having seen vestiges of the trail, and 
higher up so many trodden paths cross the slopes that it is 
impossible to distinguish the old from the new. The lower 
end of the long^t dyke tapers out almost in front of Pn- 
cara. Hence it is possible that the causeways were built for 
the purpose of facilitating intercourse between Puoara and 
the northwestern end of the Island, the bottom of the 
' ' Ahi jadero ' ' being formerly more swampy than it is to-day, 
and water covered perhaps the entire expanse as far as the 
base of Kumpata (r). Similar causeways are fonnd in tiie 
southern bottom of Kona, of which mention will be made 
further on. 

The rains proper consist of what at first sight appears as 
a long and solid wall forming an "L," the eastern wing of 
which is taller but much shorter than the southern. Its 
thickness is not easy to determine, as it has been cban^d 
by removal as well as through additions, but it seems to 
vary between four and a half and six feet The masonry is 
fairly laid and snperior to Cbullpa work. The soathem 
wing is still standing, partly, on a length of four hundred 
feet ; there are traces of its former extension westward for 
qnite a distance along the base of Kumpata. Its height 
varies between four and eight feet. In it are a number of 
large niches, a tall one alternating with a smaller, the 



0«n4TaJ plui ot tbe bgM«n of AUontefD vUiMiiU at Piicwa 





former going down to the ground. There are two openings 
that may have been gateways, but they mi^t also be due to 
Temoval. Yet I believe that at least tite smaller one was an 
entrance. The eastern wing seems to have been part of a 
btiilding. Its length is ninety-eight feet from the comer to 
a doorway, thronj^ which stone steps lead np to a M^er 
plane on the slope of Uacuyn. In this wall are two tall and 
qnite elaborate niches, and two openings the largest of 
which measures four feet in height, twenty-six inches at 
the base and twenty-four at the top, whereas the other is 
smaller and not tapering. Both have stone lintels. The 
greatest elevation of this wing is nearly thirteen feet, the 
tallest niche measuring eight and a half feet in height. 
Both openings stand five feet above the ground. Here de- 
struction has been very great. Enclosures for cattle and 
swine have been built out of the material by the Indians, 
and the space in front is so completely converted into pig- 
sties, and the like, that it is nseless to conjecture what might 
have stood there formerly. As, furthermore, we could not 
obtain any ioformation about the place, I can only con- 
jecture that there stood at Pucara '*once upon a time" a 
stmcture, one wall of which was about a hundred feet in 
lengtii and had two openings like windows, to the east. 
Why these openings were made on the side where the slope 
crowds the walls, is strange, unless they were doorways to 
facilitate access from the rear. 

Tall andenes with tall niches line the slope of Kuru- 
pata in the rear of the soutiiem wing, and on the lowest 
declivity of TJacuyu, 160 feet from tiie eastern wall or 
building, lies an anden (d), with at least five ruined 
niches, while its front is otherwise in a fair state of pre- 
servation. From the anden a wall, partly in ruins, advances 
to the edge of a lower terrace, shutting it off on the south. 
This anden also is well constructed. On the southern side 
a little chamber has been bnilt with two doorways, one 
below and the other above, and with stone steps of which 



only traces remain, from the lower to the npper. Both door- 
ways are carefully made and do not taper like the niches. 
The face of Qie lower anden has recesses and farther south 
stands a similar structure on the same level. We could only 
glance at the latter. Higher up on the slope of Knmpata 
stand more andenes declared to he Inca hy the natives, as 
well as those on Little Kea-Kolln. It is probable that 
cultivation was limited to these points, in addition to what 
is said to be Chnllpa, of which there are numerous vestiges. 
This mixtnre of !bica, Chnllpa, and modem terraces, and 
consequent changes, renders discrimination very difficalt 
Among the artefacts from Pncara, articles in copper and 
bronze predominate. From here we obtained tiirough pur- 
chase (excavations being impossible as the slopes were 
covered with ripening croi>s) the finest specimens of knives. 
Among them is one with a handle terminating in a well 
modeled hand. This implement was cast, not hanmiered. 
We also obtained heavy bars made of bronze, said to be 
agricultural implements, and the only star-headed weapon 
(one side terminating in an axe-blade) that we saw or 
heard of on the Island. It is singular, that none of the 
older sources at my command mentions Uie nuns at Pncara 
or any ruin resembling it. It is true that P*ucara lies away 
from the line of travel from the southern to the northwest- 
em end of the Island, and this may be the reason also why 
Mr. Squier makes no mention of the place; but the mis- 
sionaries of the seventeenth century might be expected to 
have at least heard of Pncara I Nevertheless, neither 
Ramos, nor Cobo, nor Calancha, all of whom visited the 
Island, allude to the site, whereas on other ruins they are 
very explicit.'" What the object of the constructions at 
Pncara might have been is, therefore, a matter of specula- 
tion. The elaborateness displayed in several of the andenes 
indicates that some importance was placed upon that 
establishment, an indication supported also by the exist- 
ence of andent trails and dykes. It evidently stood in 




I 1 i« 

M It 






direct relation to the northwestern clusters of Inca build- 
ings, and was probably occopied at the same lime. 

On the way to the Bica rains at Kasapata, the garden of 
Challa (23) attracts attention. It is, on a smaller scale, a 
second Fonntain of the Inca. The few andenes, traversed 
by a channel filled with limpid water as at Tnmani, are even 
better boilt than those of the Fountain. There is at the 
Ghalla garden a greater number of kenna trees ; and above 
the garden, on the slope, stands qnite a grove of these 
bulky pldnts. Most of them mnst be qnite old, especially 
the one in the garden of which a photograph is appended. 
In the grove are remains similar to those at Ynmani. Ex- 
cept a channel and most of the andenes, all improvements 
were made since the conquest and probably dnring the 
eighteenth centnry. Of bnildinga there are no traces. The 
same is tme of the site called Santa Maria (i), where 
rained terraces yielded to ns potsherds of the so-called 
Inca type. Still higher up, on the northern declivities of the 
Calvario (4), black goblets.of wood were found in crevices 
of the rock. 

Kasapata (e) stands near an isthmus, at the foot of the 
promontory of Llaq'-aylli. Mr. Squier made a plan of part 
of these ruins,*' the importance of which plan consists in 
giving lines of structures south of what is called "Temple 
of the Sun." To-day no traces of them remain beyond one 
well preserved anden and vestiges of others. I am not sore, 
however, that these terraces are ancient, as the whole is 
under cultivation, hence I have not indicated them on the 
general plan of Kasapata. The most prominent building is 
the one to which the Indians give the name of "Temple of 
the Sun." It appears to have contained but a single large 
hall. Its outside length is 166 feet, its width on the west 
thirty-six, on the east forty. The walls, which are fairly 
bnilt and laid in mud, are three feet tiiick, and rise not over 
six feet above the ground in their present condition. Three 
doorways, slightly tapering, stand close to each other in 



the western half of the northern front. They are of nneqnal 
size. Inside, the western and eastern walls have each four 
small niches, and the soathem side has two. Oliierwise the 
interior, aa well as the exterior, is plain. It nmj be that 
there was a doonray to the sonth, as indicated on Mr. 
Sqnier's plan, bnt we conld not find the two eastern door- 
ways on the northern front marked in his diagram. We 
fonnd five window-like openix^ elevated from the ground 
fonr and one half feet and of about the width of those at 
Pncara, bnt not aa tall, possibly because the upper part of 
the wall is destroyed. The northern front has stepping- 
stones for scaling the walla. Whether this indicates the 
former existence of an upper story we could not ascertain. 
There is no trace of a superatmcture, still less of the roof. 
Why this building should be called a "temple" I cannot 
imagine. Some of the historians of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, who saw the edifice in a better state of preservation, 
assign to it an entirely different purpose. 

It stands on a plateau, or esplanade, 250 feet wide, oc- 
cupying the highest place close to the isthmus on the west, 
and terminating abmptly both east and west. Farther 
down, the declivity on each side shows traces of ancient 
andenes. One hundred and sixty feet to the north of the 
"temple" an ancient wall, partly rebuilt of late, traverses 
the isthmus from east to west. North of it the plateau 
extends in slightly varying width for another 160 feet to 
the base of Llaq'-aylli; so that this ancient wall divides 
the neck into two equal sections. The base of Llaq'-aylli 
is formed by a handsome anden 224 feet long, part of 
which shows traces of former buildings which the Indians 
boast of having destroyed for the sake of treasure-hunt- 
ing. Of these buildings there remain part of the founda- 
tions— two sides only, so that no accurate idea can be 
gathered of size— and an interesting doorway, very well 
made. The details of tbis doorway, which opens on 
andenes of the slope of Llaq'-ayUi, are given on this plan. 



i & 






The masonry is far handsomer than any at Pilco-Kayma or 
Pacara, and the lintel, consisting of a single thin slab, is 
particularly well cat It is a gateway rather than a door, 
its walls measnring at least five feet in thickness. In Mr. 
Sqnier's time, already, the northern part of the esplanade 
was a greensward, nearly in the midst of which lies a huge 
block, radely chipped."* The Indians call it a block of 
sacrifice, and say that its lower side is elaborately carved. 
We did onr utmost to induce them to overtom the stone, 
bat in vain. So that, while the upper surface indeed shows 
traces of artificial changes, we cannot affirm the same of 
the lower. At the base of Llaq'-aylli is another large stone 
resembling a seat, the back of which has a groove. This is 
believed to have been a sacrificial block also. The groove is 
artifidal, and there is no doubt about human sacrifices on 
Titioaoa. The description which Bamos gives of them may 
lead to the snrmise that the block first described served 
such a purpose. He states: "They placed them on a large 
slab, the face tamed up to heaven, and palling tiiem by the 
neck placed over it a slab (1) or smooUi stone somewhat 
broad, and with another stone they pounded on it so hard, 
that within a short time they took their life away from 
them."" Elsewhere he remarks that the victims were 
sometimes smothered, by staffing their months with ground 
coca; and again that they were killed by cutting tiieir 
throats.*' The fact of human sacrifices seems established 
by nearly all the older sources,'" yet it is not safe so far to 
assert tbat the blocks at Kasapata were sacrificial stones. 

Of the andenes covering the slopes of Llaq'-aylli I have 
already spoken. I have also mentioned that at Kasapata 
we initiated our excavations on the Island. These excava- 
tions having revealed interesting featores, I shall devote 
some space to an account of them. 

The first work was done at a spot determined by the 
indications of Manuel Mamani the wizard, and in order to 
humor him; bat we soon found that he either had littie 



knowledge of the nuns, or that he desired ns to waste oar 
time, profitably for himself and other Indians, bnt with 
little result for ourselves. We found that we had stmck 
only a mined anden that yielded broken pottery, whorls, 
and especially animal bones partly boiled and gnawed. 
Some copper also was found. We abandoned the place, 
after making a trench eighteen feet long, five feet wide, and 
eight deep at the npper side, and probing the sod all aroond, 
without result. We then moved on to the opposite slope of 
the isthmus and there very soon brought to light the founda- 
tions of some building. The eastern end of it waa gone, i^e 
stones having been removed to make room for cultivation, 
but the end abutting against the eastern edge of the plateau 
was intact. Here we discovered three rooms, the middle 
one being forty feet long and at least eighteen feet wide. 
The rooms to the right and left of it had been so disturbed 
that no idea could be obtained of their size. The northern 
one was separated from the middle by an alley about twenty 
inches wide, and the thickness of the walls was three and 
four feet, respectively. On the south of the central apart- 
ment were two parallel alleys not over eighteen inchee in 
width, the wall separating them being four and a half feet 
thick, while the side of the sonthem room, or remainder of 
a room, was only three feet thick. Of these two alleys one 
runs dear through to the base of the plateau, the other 
makes an angle, so as to oicompass the central hall on two 
sides, without communicating with the alley that separates 
the northern apartment from the esplanade. The founda- 
tions were set in the ground, not over four feet and mostly 
only two. The masonry was fairly done, and though the 
angles are not absolutely correct, yet they are approxi- 
mately so. No floor of any kind could be detected. 

Inside of the rooms thus uncovered the amount of arte- 
facts was comparatively small, but the narrow alleys and 
the space south, where all traces of walls had been ob- 
literated, were densely packed with potsherds. This pot- 






teiy is mostly decorated with intricate designs in vivid 
colors, far superior to those on the so-called Chnllpa pot- 
tery. Wherever shapes could be recognized they showed 
more attractive forms. The clay and burning find their 
equals only in red and black goblets taken ont of OhuUpa 
cysts, whereas the decoration is much more artistic It 
was clear that we had before us a higher development of 
ceramic art, completely distinct from that on the coast, and 
corresponding in every way to what may be called the Cozco 
or Inca type of pottery. Buder specimens were also f omid 
alongside of necks of jars and fragments of huge nms 
painted in brilliant hues with very elaborate, mostly geo- 
metrical designs. Of plastic ornaments, the cat's head 
placed on urns and pitchers as knobs, heads of water-fowl 
as handles to flat sancers, were qnite common. Some of the 
plain vessels or sherds were covered with soot, and char- 
coal was taken ont here and there. Bones of animals, among 
which the Indians at once recognized the indigenous deer, 
the vicuna and the llama, were found with the sherds, also 
copper implements, mostly topos, and one of silver. Snch 
pieces were nsually buried at a level lower than the founda- 
tions. The majority of objects came from the alleys which 
were packed with what appeared to be refuse from the 
buildings. It might be that when the ground at Kasapata 
was first tilled again, broken pottery and rubbish were 
heaped up in the narrow alleys ; but this is scarcely prob- 
able, as, if tiie cultivators wished to get rid of such obstacles, 
they had the easier way of throwing them into the Lake, 
instead of reburying them where they would remain in the 
way of the hoe or plow. Hence we con(dnded that, while 
we had brought to light at least three rooms of an ancient 
structure, or perhaps three ancient houses, we had also 
nncovered the place whither refuse was thrown. Among 
the animal bones many had been boiled or cooked. Of stone 
implements few were taken out, and, while the presence 
of charred and smoked pottery as well as of animal remains 



indicates cooking, not a household article of etone, like the 
grinding slab or mortar, was met with. This may be due to 
the Indian custom of securing such articles for present use. 
Of human remains there was not a trace. 

After probing, without result, the whole length of the 
slightly inclined plane on which the excavation had been 
made, and thus confirming the statements of the Indians 
that this locality had been thoroughly ransacked a long 
time ago, we moved on to the Esplanade. The part of it 
fronting the "temple" did not seem promising, as it ap- 
peared either to have been excavated long before or to 
contain nothing. The latter proved to be the case. An old 
Indian living on the site told us that faint traces of walls 
were seen formerly on the part of the plateau adjoining 
the transverse wall in front of the "temple." We accord- 
ingly began there, and soon had the pleasure of bringing to 
light vestigea of three buildings not indicated on the plan of 
Mr. Squier. Hence they must have been destroyed, their 
fomidations covered up, and forgotten long ago. Even 
these foundations are partly obliterated. 

Contiguous to the transverse wall we found a building of 
four compartments. The two middle ones are narrower 
than the eastern (a), and the western seems to have been a 
court. The western wall of the latter is almost destroyed. 
The length of the first tiiree, which probably formed the 
building proper, is sixty-four feet, that of the annex, thirty. 
Width on the eastern end is eighteen, on the western six- 
teen, and there is a trace of a continuation of the former 
along the edge of the terrace. The second or middle room 
has a recess. We excavated this quadrangle thoroughly to 
a depth of four feet at least, so as to reat^ the hud yel- 
lowish marl with chert and pebbles, called "chillu," that 
forms the usual substratom. No human vestiges of any 
kind may be expected in this very compact formation. We 
found handsome fragments, among them necks of very 
laige jars, but there was, on the whole, less pottery than in 



Platk XL\'n 

Dimd-plui of Kanpaibt and Ukq'^arlU. 2. T^Mbo or soMwUed t«iq>le 
of EampaU. 3. Nichos in wall of Tuubo. i, 5. Ste^piDg- 
stoues in wall of Ttmbo. 6, Doorwaf in Tambo. 
7. "Window or npp«T entrance in Ttunbo 











the previons excavation. In the two western rooms five 
hollow cylinders, quite thick, of clay, of different sizes, were 
foond. The perforation is like a funnel, flaring at the top 
and with a comparatively small orifice at the bottom. Their 
original position is indicated on the plan. Our first im~ 
pression was that they were hearths, but we soon recognized 
them as bases, or stands, for large jugs and jars, the bot- 
toms of which are conical, in which the Indians preserved 
chicha, and underneath which a fire was sometimes kindled 
in order to accelerate fermentation.^^ Necks of such jars 
were foond close by. These bases, or stands, were all 
placed against the walls, either main or transverse. In 
room 2 of the same building were two grinding slabs with 
their grinders. A part of the room was paved with slabs ; 
the first artificial floor we met in the ruins. A copper knife 
and some beads of azurite were also obtained here. 

No human remains of any kind were found in the first 
three apartments, but in the last eight stone cysts came to 
light. One was that of an adult, while the other seven were 
of children. This feature, and the fact that hardly any 
artefacts occurred in this compartment, led ns to infer, that 
it was probably an annex, or enclosure, and not a room 
proper. The depth of tiie childrem's graves beneath the 
surface varied between seven and eighteen inches. The 
larger (^st, manifestly the grave of an adult, was a foot 
under ground ; counting, in every case, to the cover of the 
cyst. The six small graves were different from any of those 
called Chnllpa. They were chests made of stone plates set 
on edge, rather neatly fitted, and from six to ten inches 
high. The covers were thin slabs. In each of these graves 
was the skeleton of a chUd unaccompanied by artefacts. We 
conld preserve very few of the vestiges and these only in a 
broken state. SkoUs lay invariably on the west side, the 
feet on the east, and the hands had been folded across the 
breast. From the dimensions of the cysts it is apparent 
that the seven bodies were about of the same size, hence the 



children more or less of the same age. Within the same 
coxirt or annex we foondj in loose earth, bnt hla<^ened by 
fire, a handsome spoon or ladle of clay, a handsomely 
painted sherd, and a spinning-whorl. 

The larger cyst contained the remains of at least one 
adolt. Fragments of homan bones and one molar was all 
we foond, and these at nineteen inches below the cover. 
The cyst, while nearly circular and resembling many of the 
Chnllpa burials, was constructed with greater care. The 
existence of this grave so close to those of the childrra 
might lead to the inference that a family had been buried 
there; bnt the nearly equal size of the seven smaller skel* 
etons and the proximity of the stones represented as 
' ' sacrificial ' ' by the Indians, together with the statements of 
chroniclers that for human sacrifices children were taken in 
preference, favor a Bupposition that the seven little graves 
were those of as many victims. Possibly an examination of 
the few fragments of bones and skulls which we could 
transmit to the Museum may lead to some clue. These 
eight graves the Indians emphatically declared to be Inca.*' 

We continued examining the plateau, and found the 
foundations of another group. Two rooms or halls came to 
light, one of which may have been originally connected with 
the western annex, and the other is an approximate rectangle 
measuring forty-seven by twenty feet, with walls of un- 
equal thickness. This apartment, or building, stands on 
the western rim of the esplanade and is connected with the 
terrace north of it by a wall forty-eight feet long and about 
two feet thick. Here we found two more grinding slabs 
and potsherds with handsome designs, but not as many as 
in the previous excavations. 

The most diligent probing and digging on the esplanade 
did not reveal more until we came to the northeastern cor- 
ner. There a wall was uncovered which may have originally 
run along the whole eastern border of the plateau. Pot- 
sherds, some with beautiful designs, were scattered throosh 



1 1? 
^ if- 






the BoU. Thirty-six feet south of the rocks which tenmnate 
the lowest terrace of Llaq'-aylli (4) our men found what 
seemed to be another grave. Its npper rim was struck at a 
depth of twenty-one inches, and over it was a mde slab 
thirty-foar by eighteen inches, and four inches thick. Un- 
derneath this cover was earth containing two large bones, 
then a mixture of earth and stone, more bones, and coarse 
sherds. Further digging proved that it was not a grave, 
but a tank, suggestive of a bath. We laid open a rectan- 
gular sink, twenty-one inches beneath the surface, from 
thirty-six to forty inches deep, eight feet long inside, two 
feet wide at the northern and nineteen inches at the south- 
em end, lined with a well built wall of stone one foot in 
average thickness. On the eastern side there protruded 
from this wall, at two feet below its rim, two stepping- 
stones. The floor was of stone-flags, a foot thick on an 
average, and beneath them nothing but soil. What seemed 
to indicate a bath was a channel, made of smaller stones 
and emptying into the southern end of the tank. This 
channel was from four to six inches wide, and thirteen and 
a half feet long. Its depth to the bottom paved with plates 
of stone nicely joined was six inches below the level of the 
gronnd. The sides were about four inches thick. It issued 
from a circular space three feet in diameter, one foot deep, 
also paved. Further investigations revealed nothing. 

We were naturally led to the supposition that we had 
before us an ancient bath, with its channel, through which 
the water entered the tank, and the stepping-stones to 
facilitate going in and out of it. I must call attention to the 
proximity of this contrivance to the so>called block of sacri- 
fice, the circular depression or head of the channel lying 
twenty-four feet from it, between it and the tank. Without 
expressing any opinion, I note this coincidence, calling at- 
tention to the cnstom of human sacrifices, and to the ob- 
jection tiiat for filling the tank the channel was unnecessary, 
since the water had to be brought from the Lake, there 



being no trace of a reservoir or spring, and the Indians 
disclaiming any knowledge of one or the other. Around 
this place nothing more was discovered except loose stones 
bnried in the sod, and potsherds, but the Ijadians asserted 
that many rocks had been removed by them from all over 
the surface. 

The group of ruins described is, of all the so-called Inca 
remains on the Island, the most extensive cluster of some 
compactness, the only one which might be called a small 
ancient village. At least the northern half of the esplanade 
and the lower terrace of Llaq'-aylli were at one time covered 
with buildings. What we found in our excavations justifies 
the opinion that the buildings were occupied by households, 
as well as the structures on the eastern declivity. What 
the bnilding was to which the name of "Temple of the 
Sun" has been given, is the question. We know little of 
the Inca edifices called "temples."" But it is not to be 
overlooked that Bamos, Calancha, and Cobo place the 
"Temple of the Sua" close to. the Sacred Rock, not at Kasa- 
patal In regard to the latter site, Cobo, who visited the 
Island previous to 1619, says, after locating the Temple of 
the Son about a mile from Kasapata by air line, that Tnpac 
Tnpanqui, the Inca chieftain to whom he attributes the 
occupation of the Island, formed, for the Mitimaes, who in 
their greater number were Incas, a nuddle-sized pueblo 
half a league in advance of the temple, and in it he had a 
dwelling erected for himself.'^ Bamos, who wrote about 
the same time, completely independent of Cobo, states: 
"Copacabana once regulated, the same monarch established 
another middle-sized village on the Island, about half a 
league from the Sacred Bock; and there constructed his 
royal palace, the rums of which are probably those that are 
seep in front of the Temple of the Sun on a hiU toward the 
east."*^ The italicized part is from the pen of the modem 
editor, Father Sans, because Calancha, who made abundant 
use of the work of Bamos, omits it, stating: "Tnpac Tnga 




Personal ornaments from, various partn of Titicaca Island, 

chiefly from Kasnpata 

Tbirty-one Beads of stone, shell, turquoise, and lazulite (also possibly 

nephrite). a. Toy pit«her. b. BronEO flpimits (pendant) 

MiginaUy trom TiahnauMO 


'^ % fe 

• I 

IS 9 

i ^ f I 




f oanded a middle-Bized pueblo, almoat half a league previous 
to coming to the rock, and in it reared his royal palace, 
poor in its architecture, but very rich in the treasure of 
its income."*' The distance agrees with the position of 
Kasapata, and if the large house there was the edifice 
designated by these authors as a "palace," it deserves 
Calancha's epithet of "poor" in architecture. It was a 
public edifice of some kind, and I ventnre the sujj^estion 
that it was a "tambo" or place for quartering visitors, 
also military escorts such as an important war chief 
would have with him. The edifice has nothing "palatial," 
and for a place of worship its interior lacks the essen- 
tial feature of tall and elaborate niches.*' To-day it is a 
long hall, capable of accommodating a number of people 
that would crowd together at night, as Indians are wont 
to do. 

The belief tiiat the houses at Kasapata were those of an 
Inca settlement is supported by the nature of the artefacts 
found; especially by the pottery. Cuzco ceramics are char- 
acteristic and easily recognized. Isolated spedmens, widely 
scattered, are not sufficient evidence of former occupation 
of the site by their makers ; bnt at Kasapata nearly all the 
pottery bears the same specific type, that of Cnzco, and we 
may with reasonable safety admit that a settlem^it of 
Cnzco Indians existed in sufficient nnmbers to manufacture 
the ware on the site. In the case of the Island, the evidence 
from Spanish sources is conclusive that its occupation by 
the Inca took place during the term of office of the third 
last war chief, counting back from the first Spanish landing 
and from Hnascar as the last. Hence the settlement at 
Kasapata must have taken place within less than a hundred 
years previous to 1531, and probably within less than sev- 
enty years, that is, in the last quarter of the fifteenth cen- 
tury.** It is not likely that in such a short lapse of time 
the type of ceramics could have undergone as radical a 
change as that from ChuUpa pottery to Inca; hence it is 



likely that the settlement at Kasapata was mainly one of 
Indians who came to the Island from Cnzco, not long 
previous to the Spanish conqnest 

Proceeding northwestward from Kasapata, we reach 
that group of Ijidian mins to iriiich clings most of the 
legendary lore of Titicaca. The northwestern end of the 
Island is its bleakest part. On the trail from Kasapata to 
Muro-kato, where vestiges of abori^nal occupation are 
again met, the slopes, while not utterly devoid of verdure, 
are mostly rocky. Seams of coal crop out in places, and ^ 
carious erosions attract attention. The "kara" predom- 
inates among plants, and its fleshy, serrated leaves, and the 
black trunks of decaying specimens, cast a somber hue. The 
grand chain of tite Bolivian Andes has dropped out of si^t, 
and the eastern shore, dark and monotonous, bounds the 
horizon. On very clear days distant peaks belonging to 
the snowy range of Charassani, and in the far north the 
Nevados of Kunu-rona and Vilcanota in Peru loom up 
in faint outline. The general impression is one of chilling 
monotony. The narrow path gradually rises from Kasa- 
pata to about three hundred and seventy feet above the 
Lake. To the left are the bald crests of the Calvario. 
Animal life seems to remain behind as and finally to dis- 

Half an hour's slow walking brings us in sight of the 
ao-called Sacred Bock, or Titi-kala— literally: rock of the "* 
wildcat, for "titi" is the Aymara name for that feline in 
the Lake district. The point from which the rock is first 
seen lies on the eastern slope of Muro-kato (3). Titi-kala, 
though not as tall as ridges south and north of it, is 
peculiarly situated. It is the highest point on the neck of 
land, and from it both the eastern and western shores of the 
Lake can be scanned for quite a distance. Tradition re- 
corded in the seventeenth coitury and repeated at this day, 
says that Titi-kala was formerly covered with plates of 
silver and gold in order that, when the sun rose, the rock 




Inca vessel of clay viUi stand of unburnt day tiom Kaaapata 





might, from both shores, appear as in a blaze of light which 
sboald be a signal to the Lidians along the Lake to bow in 
worship.** This pleasing romance is not confirmed by the 
report of the first Spanish visitors (Jnly 15, 1534). They 
merely say of the rock: "They go to make their offerings 
and perform their sacrifices on a large stone titat is on the 
Island, called Thichicasa, which, either becanse the devil 
conceals himself there and speaks to them, or becanse it is 
an ancient cnstom . . . , or for some other reason which 
may never be found ont, they of the whole province hold in 
great esteem and offer to it gold and silver. There are [on 
this Island] more than six hundred Indian attendants of 
this place, and more than a thousand women, who mann- 
facture Chicca (chicha) to throw it on this rock. . . ."*' 
It is likely that, if the sacred cliff had had snch a valuable 
coating as later chroniclers report from hearsay, the first 
Spaniards would either have seen it or heard of it, and they 
would not have failed to make mention of it upon their 
return to Cuzco. The face of Titi-kala is turned to the 
west, and the sun does not strike it at sunrise; the gentle 
slope of it descends to the east, and the rock has in fact 
nothing striking at first sight. 

At that point (10) our attention was arrested by a ruined 
wall. What is left of it does not suggest good workman- 
ship. Piles of rude stones and pillars of uncut rock form 
a line of d^ris to the crest of Mnro-kato. They indicate 
that Itan-pata, as this wall is called to-day, was not in- 
tended for defense. It rises for a length of 546 feet, then 
crosses thirty-five feet of level, and descends steeply 384 
feet more to the west over beetling rocks and thorny shmb- 
bery, terminating at the edge of a group of very handsome 
andenes. The wall therefore, together with the andenes of 
Chncaripn, as they are called (d), divided this end of the 
Island from the rest. On the crest, outside of the wall, are 
faint vestiges of two quadrangular structures. They are 
like gnardhooses to an entrance, bnilt after the manner of 



those on the coast of Pera and in the north, that is, a nai^ 
row passage forming an elbow. 

Descending from (10), the remains of an ancient road, 
called Incan-taqtii or Inca-road, are soon enconntered. This 
road, where measurable, has a width not exceeding ten feet 
It is lined with small enrbstones, and has steps built of 
fairly smoothed slabs. The width of the steps varies. On 
a length of forty feet and a vertical fall of ten we coanted 
twelve. The bottom, which the Indiana call Mama-ojlia (we 
also heard the name Inak-nyn), lies east of the plateau on 
which the Sacred Sock stands and slopes gently to the 
Lake. It is mostly terraced and bears the vestiges of at 
least four small buildings. Three of them stand west of 
the trail, the largest one is on the east and somewhat lover 
(6). To this last building the name Afama-ojlia is more 
particularly given. The structure measures sixty by 
twenty-nine feet; its walls are about thirty inches thick, 
and it is in fact a rectangnlar platform raised four feet 
above the surrounding level with about a foot of walls 
above its surface, which is of clay or earth. This wall en- 
closes three sides only, as on the sonth the platform joins 
a higher terrace. It presents the appearance either of an 
esplanade with a low parapet, or of a hall without niches, 
doorways, or windows. Popular lore makes of it the mins 
of a "house of nuns," or cloister, whereas it recalls the 
large building at Kasapata, and, with its three smaller 
companions, also the onthouses at Pilco-kayma. Others 
have told ns that these buildings were the dwellings of 
people guarding the approaches to the Sacred Bod. 
Beyond them the trail winds along the rocky slopes of 
Mnro-kato for a short distance, and here again are a feff 
well made stone steps, sometimes called by the Indians 
Kenti-pnncn, and said to have been one of the gateways 
through which the enclosure of the Sacred Bock was tn- 
tered.*" In the bottom, previous to reaching the httle 
houses, the road or trail crosses a fillet of clear water run- 



a =1 
I I- 
I if 

■» .i 






ning in a well made channel of stone. Above Kenti-poncu 
large nodoles of limonite appear, two of which, each about 
three feet long, have the outline of huge mocassins. These 
marks are called "Tracks of the Sun," or of bub and 
moon, the largest being those of the moon, according to 
some Indians. They existed in the seventeenth century, and 
Father Cobo, who recognizes them as natural, says the 
Indians ascribe to them supematoral origin.'^. Hence the 
tradition may antedate the conquest A short distance 
above them the trail, which here is simply worn out by 
travel, lands on the terraced edge of the greensward in 
front of the Sacred Bock. 

This area covers an approximate surface of two hundred 
and fifty by one hundred and eighty feet From it we again 
obtain a view to the west. We overlook the northern Bay 
of Kona, darkened by the tall ridge of E^ayo-kena and 
the green bottom below. The long and narrow Island of 
Eochi lies athwart the bay. In the northwest tiie slopes of 
Ticani appear, almost precipitous, but still green. The 
summit of Ticani is bald, beyond it the vertical rocks of 
Turi-turini shut off the view. 

The impression created by the dreary Bolivian shores in 
the east, and the monotonous coast line of Peru in the west 
is almost dismal. It is the least accessible part of Titicaca, 
the one most distant from the mainland. Its western slopes 
are partly tillable, and good water is plentiful. Close to 
the Sacred Bock is a handsome spring; there is another at 
the Chincana, one at the andenes of Chucaripu, besides 
several others near by. 

The level in front of the rock has been disturbed by 
desultory excavating. From the statements of Bamos, and 
of Cobo, I gather that this level was a free space, with, per- 
haps, a wall of enclosure.*" There are stone heaps on it, as 
well as on the slope of Muro-kato. They look like rubbish 
from former diggings rather than remains of edifices that, 
under any circumstances, could only have been very smalL 



TiTi-KAiA is an oatcrop nmniiig approximately from 
northwest to soiitheaBt for a distance of one hundred and 
ninety feet, then one hundred and thirty feet from west- 
northwest to east-Bontheast. Its greatest elevation above 
the sward is not over twenty-five feet. The material is 
reddish carboniferons sandstone, the strata being tilted at 
a considerable angle.*" Hence the eastern slope of the 
rock is a slide, whereas its western face is cnt off sharply 
and contains a number of natural cavities. One of these, 
the largest one, may, by dint of imagination, be thought to 
resemble a crown. Above it are smaller cavities, like rudely 
carved cats' heads. From these, it is said, the Island and 
finally the Lake obtained their name, "kaka" (rock) having 
been substituted for "kala" (stone). Another etymology 
derives the word Titikaka from the Quichua term "titi," 
lead, and "kaka," which signifies rock in that idiom also. 
Still another interpretation considers Titicaca to be a cor- 
ruption of "Inticaca": "Eock of the Snn.'""' On the level 
in front are some prismatic stones of andesite— a rock not 
in situ on the Island— that are very well cut and seem to 
have formed parts of some wall. Similar blocks exist at 
Yampupata, on the Copacavana Peninsula, on which an- 
desite is fonnd in abundance. Whether the first mentioned 
blocks belonged to some edifice that faced the Sacred Bock 
or to remains still extant on the northwestern end of the 
level, is unknown. 

The latter ruins are very much destroyed. They form 
a quadrangle, the southeastern comer of which is occupied 
by a hump nearly as tall as Titi-kala and over sixty feet 
in length. The low and niched wall connecting the eastern 
comer of this outcrop with the face of Titi-kala is ninety 
feet long, to which length must be added ten feet built 
against an entering angle of the latter. There the cliff of 
Titi-kala shuts off the level on a length of sixty-four feet. 
Then follows a wall forty-eight feet long, because the rock 
recedes to the east. The space between is filled by rubbish 








and shrabbery, rendering it diflBcnlt to distinguish de- 

By removing as far as possible a mass of bnilding 
material in the shape of fairly broken blocks of stone, an 
alley two feet in width was discovered mnning between 
walls three feet high, the outer of which was two and the 
inner not quite four feet thick. We could not follow this 
alley to its western end, rubbish and shrubbery rendering 
it impossible. Bnt w^ saw that the wall (or walls) termi- 
nated in what appeared to be a large niche or room with a 
front of at least fourteen feet, the southern side of which 
was flanked by foimdations. This front was in line with 
the western margin of the area, and that margin showed 
traces of either a rim of masonry or of a number of com- 
partments like those of the wing of some building. Sixteen 
feet further west and at a lower level were similar traces 
that seemed to indicate a long building with a number of 
cells or rooms. The whole was so disturbed that this was 
all we conld detect On the west side of the area are also 
traces of a wall running from the edge of the big western 
outcrop to the sonthwestem comer, so that the whole may 
have been either an enclosure or a bnilding with a court in 
the middle, or an L-shaped structure occupying the north 
and west sides of a court. The last seems most probable. 
The Indians asserted that they knew of' the existence of a 
building on this spot and had seen traces of cells on the 
northern side." 

The situation of these ruins fairly agrees with the state- 
ments about the position of the so-called "Temple of the 
Snn" by Eamos. It is stated by Cobo that the structure 
stood "on the east side, and forty paces from the rock.'*"' 
Bamos says: "On the side of a level, about thirty paces 
from the rock, are the houses of the sun, of thunder and 
lightning, which the Indians greatly respected. Further on, 
in the ravine that faces the road from Juli to Pomata, was 
the store-house of the sun , . . vulgarly called Chingana, 



which is to say, 'a place where people lose themselves.' "" 
The Chiucana stands northwest of the ruins which I have 
gust described, hence it is not nnlikely that these are the 
remains of the Temple of the Sun! In that case the edifice, 
or cluster of edifices, cannot have extended beyond the 
enclosed area jast described, and this area measures 100 
feet by 112. The entrance on one side is su^estive of a 
court and not of a building, so that the "temple" probably 
consisted of two wings, one on the southwest and another 
on the northwest,"* It may be that the well cut blocks of 
Andesite mentioned above came from these structures. 

The suggestion that the "temple" occupied, with its an- 
nexes, one or two sides of the quadrangular space in front 
of the rock, and now turned into a greensward, is supported 
by the evidence of the first two Spanish visitors to the 
Island. They report: "In the center of the lake are two 
small islands, in one of which is a mosque temple, and house 
of the sun which is held in great veneration and tn if [ I] 
they go to present their offerings and perform their sacri- 
fices on a large stone that is on the island, called Thichicasa, 
where," etc'' (Italics are mine.) The stone, iidiicii is 
the same as the Sacred Bock, coald not be inside of the 
"temple," bat was connected with the buildings. Hence 
the level in front of the rock was an open square, one side 
of which was occupied by the hallowed cliff, and possibly 
two sides by the Tranple of the Sun and accessories. 

The surroundings of Titi-kala have long ago been searched 
and rifled. The Garc^ collection, now at the Museum, con- 
tains gold and silver fignrines from this vicinity. The 
concarrent testimony of the former owners of the collection, 
as well as of Indians from the Island who excavated for 
these owners, is that most of the figures of llamas, if not all, 
came from this neighborhood, as also the small pins of gold 
and of silver. The latter were probably with textile fabrics 
burnt in sacrifice, the pins showing traces of fire." 

In this connection I must refer to a discovery made on 



a a 





1 . 











the sonthem elope of Moro-kato, near "Chacaripu-pata." 
A few inches below the surface was fotmd a stone chest, 
now at the Knseam, which contained a most remarkably 
beantifol poncho. Somewhere in that neighborhood another 
chest was exhnmed that still remains on the Island, and 
also contained a poncho. In fact, five of the six handsome 
tissues of the Garc^ collection were obtained from this end 
of Titicaca, but three of them were dng ap so long ago that 
the exact locality camiot be ascertained. 

I do not place great reliance on local names given by the 
Indians of the Island. Hence I simply record, without any 
guarantee, the name of Tican-aychi stated to us as that of 
the ruins connected with the Sacred Bock, and of T'ana 
for those lying north of Mnro-kato in general. The latter 
name would thus apply collectively to Titi-kala, to the bot- 
tom of Mama-ojlia, and to the promontory of Sicnyu. 

About four hundred and fifty feet northwest of the Sacred 
Eock, on the upper western declivity, lies the complicated 
structore which already in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century was known as Chincana, or "place where 
people lose themselves." To-day it is called the "palace"; 
whereas Ramos and Cobo declare it was a dispensa, or 
store-honse.'* It consists of two wings built on a rapid 
slope descending to the Lake, from the shores of which its 
lowest walls are about three hundred and fifty feet distant. 
It will be seen that its southern wing stands on higher 
ground than the northern, that that wing has at least two, 
and probably three, open ooarts, and that several of the 
passages are still covered, whereas one at least was origi- 
nally without roof. The thickness of the walls of this wing 
varies greatly, the extremes being two and six feet, and 
similar variations occar from one room to another, in 
places. The walls are still of an average height of six to 
eight feet, showing that comparatively little deterioration 
has taken place, althongh there is shrubbery around it and 
in nearly every comer. 



At first sight it seems as if this wing had been two- 
storied, bat on closer examination we notice that the west- 
ern rooms, sonth of the uncovered passage way, simply 
stand on lower ground than the eastern. The western rooms 
have an elevation of more than twelve feet (see accompany- 
ing plans), and what remains of the roof shows that it 
was, like that of the tallest apartments of the Pilco-kayma, 
made of successively projecting slabs so as to form a primi- 
tive vault. Other roofs show the same kind of ceilings. In 
long covered gangways and narrow chambers the ceilings 
are flat, as in the inner rooms of the Pilco-kayma. The 
irregular angles of the edifice result from the inability of 
its builders to accommodate the ground to the strnetore. 
This also explains the variations in thickness of walls. It 
looks as if the building had been erected at different periods, 
additions being made as required. The stone-work is like 
that of the lilcorkayma, of Pucara, and of Kasapata; that 
is, superior to the Chullpa typo, but inferior to that of 
handsomely built audenes. Lintels are formed by a single 
stab. One of these is six feet long and one foot thick. Some 
lintels are rough, others but slij^tly clupped on the edges. 
The doorways vary in width between two and (in a sin^e 
instance— the ^itrance to an open court) eight feet. Some 
taper, others have vertical sides. One doorway terminates 
in a primitive arch. The true arch is nowhere found. 
Niches are plentiful but neither as tall nor as elaborate as 
at the Kayma or at Pucara. The whole complex structure 
has but qne small air-hole, to which the name of window 
cannot in justice be given. The Chincana must, therefore, 
have been a very nneomfortable abode. Among the niches 
there is one quite tall, which terminates in a primitive arch. 
In this nidie are still traces of a clay coating painted red 
and yellow, like the ruins of Tambo Colorado, near Pisco, 
on the coast. In general, the Chincana reminds one of that 
ruin in size and arrangement. 

A wall runs from the northwestern comer of the southern 




I. 21 

i t 





mng in a northerly direction, making an angle to the west. 
This wall is the highest part of the rain; it is fonr feet thick 
and has a snccession of niches on both sides. Its length is 
seventy-two feet From the northwestern comer it descends 
to the west fifteen feet, to meet the northeastern comer of 
the northern wing. 

The latter is smaller than the aonthem, bnt wherever its 
walla are not reduced to rubbish heaps they appear more 
substantial. The rooms are more regular in shape, their 
angles being truer. It stands lower than the other wing, 
and the second tier of rooms is about eight feet lower than 
the first. It is bnilt on a rather steep incline, and at the 
lower end reduced to shapeless heaps of debris. Clearly 
defined, however, is a long alley leading from the western 
end of the ruin to the two upper exits, one of which is into 
the snnken part of the edifice, and the other into a space 
between both wings. This passage has on one side a well- 
built wall eight feet high and four feet thick. The ascent 
is partly on an inclined plane, partly on short steps of 
stone. The peculiarity of this passage consists in that it 
presents the same features as many gangways found in 
ruins on the Peruvian coast, namely, at irregular distances 
short walls project alternately from one side and the other, 
as if for interception and protection in case of assault from 
the side of the Lake. It is one of the few traces of defensive 
contrivances noticed by us on tite Island. There are two 
lower exits from this lane. One is an open sally upon the 
edge of a terrace, the other a graded way, now in ruins, 
tnming to the south and passing between the lowest com- 
partments and a tall rectangular structure on the extreme 
comer of the wing. This structure is, unfortunately, in 
ruins, but it sn^ests a watchtower or guardhouse over- 
looking approach from the Lake. The only air-hole or 
window, in the northern wing, opens toward the Lake-side. 

The area between the two wings is sloping and consider- 
ably broken. Immediately below the niched wall connecting 



them are a few mined andenea. Then follows an open 
space containing a spring endosed by walls that, appar- 
ently, have never been mnch hi^er than three or fonr feet 
Close by this spring is a seat of stone. Further down, 
traces of walls extend northward, from the southern wing, 
toward the middle of the slope. A sluice has formed at the 
base of the northern wing, which may be recent, but it is 
also possible that its formation is andent This is sug- 
gested by a low wall running out some distance from the 
southeastern comer of the southern wing, and by two 
slabs of rock, one of which is still in place, while the 
other has been moved. The one still in place is four 
feet tall, its loigth five feet two indies, thickness fif- 
teen inches. The other measures four feet seven indies, 
by four feet, and is twelve inches thick. They appear like 
parts of a gateway. There is also, east of these slabs, a 
piece of wall indicating that the ravine was originally lined 
with stones. Of the space between the two wings of the 
Chincana Bamos says: "In its center it had an orchard of 
rows of (disos (Alnus acuminata), the constant freshness 
of which maintained a perpetual spring issuing there. In 
the shade of these trees the Inca constructed curious baths 
for the sun and its worship.'"" Cobo expresses himself in 
nearly the same terms." It may be, therefore, that the ra- 
vine was a drainage-channel from the spring to the Lake. 
At present, the surroundings of the spring are wet, but not 
euouf^ to moisten more than the small endosnre around 
the basin. Beyond the southern wing are vestiges of an- 
denes. North of the Chincana the rock crops out, and the 
flanks of Ticani are but scantily overgrown. That height 
descends to the Lake in steep declivities, on which ex- 
cavations by the owners have disdosed well-built andenes. 
To-day the Chincana is called "Palace of the Inca." It 
looks like a communal dwelling of moderate size. One hun- 
dred and fifty bdians might have found room tu it for 
shelter. But only for shelter/ The apartments are so dark, 



80 ai-ventilated, that they offered not as much comfort as 
an agglomeration of Indian hats to-day. The plan shows 
how much space is oocnpied by courts, passages and gang- 
ways, in proportion to rooms or cells. 

About ei^t hundred feet soatheast of the Ghincana, 
separated from it by nadnlations of the gronnd on a steep 
incline, with a few scattered andenes of small extent, lies 
the plateau called Chncaripn-pata, an irregular quadrangle, 
originally level, now completely overturned tiirongh ex- 
cavations. This quadrangle appears to have been a plat- 
form lined by walls and surrounded by lower terraces on 
three sides, whereas in the northeast it abnts against a 
higher plane on the flanks of Mnro-kato. The northeastern 
side of this platform measures at present 182 feet, the north- 
western 258, the southwestern 192, and the sontheastem only 
188 ; but these are not original dimensions. Very few traces 
of buildings remain on this plateau, which overlooks the Lake 
and the Peruvian coast, dominating, so to speak, the whole 
northern Bay of Kona. On the east comer is an entrance 
twenty feet wide, and there are traces of an alley along 
the northwestern side of the platform. But its actual con- 
dition is such that I do not venture to state more than that 
it is a terrace or esplanade said to have been oocnpied by 
buildings of which I could not obtain any description. 

It is the more to be regretted that so little is left on this 
site, as most, if not all, the pottery contained in the Oarers 
collection, some of the silver figurines, and most of the ob- 
jects in gold, were found at Chncaripn-pata or between it 
and the Sacred Bock, and always, according to the Indians, 
quite near the surface. I have mentioned the magnificent 
poncho found near Chucaripn-pata in a stone chest. A 
silver mask was disinterred higher up, on the slope of 
Mnro-kato and on the same side. With it was found a 
human jaw, which hints at the possibility of it having been 
a mortuary mask. The pottery is, like the fragments ez- 
hnmed at Kasapata, of Ouzco type, very handsome in colors 



and in design. From the same place we obtained, tbroti^ 
purchase, a golden tope, or tomi, and several small articles 
of copper or bronze."* 

More than an approximate plan would be not only useless 
bnt perhaps misleading, as the wreck of ancient walls is 
complete and their material has been nsed for modem en- 
closares, so mixed with old ones that it is impossible to 
distingnish the ancient from the new. 

The distance of Chncaripu-pata from the Sacred Bock is 
a little over five hundred feet. In order to find a mention 
of the former in Spanish sources, we must therefore seardi 
for references to some structure, or cluster of structures, 
distant about five hundred feet southwest of the latter. I 
have so far failed to find any such references. 

From this point, the view on the dark green bottom of 
northern Kona, overshadowed partly by the ridge of Ka- 
kayo-kena, has a somber cast. The waters of the bay are 
quiet, because sheltered, and of a dark blue tint The 
Island of Kochi has nothing soft in its contonrs. It is a 
sharp ridge, like Kakayo-kena, of which it seems to be a 
northwestern continuation. From the margin of the prom- 
ontory of Chucaripu-pata we see the reentering curve 
described by the slope of Mnro-kato and descry on that 
slope the handsome andenes of Chucaripu, 800 feet south 
of east of Chucaripu-pata. They are the most regular sys- 
tem of terraces on the Island. 

The facing of these andenes, the elevation of whidi varies 
between two and thirteen feet, is exceedingly well dcme. 
The stones are so carefully broken that they might pass for 
a modem wall, laid in adobe mud in place of mortar. Ascent 
from one anden to the other is effected in places by stone 
steps built along the fronts of terraces, or by stepping- 
stones, or on inclined planes. The stepping-stones are like 
those at Kasapata. The terraces are level, and shmbbery 
grows along edges and sides, so that from a distance its ap- 
pearance is striking, from the regularity of dark green lines. 







si J 

' llol 

•§■2 1 
S £ 5 






On many of these terraces a layer of black soil, from 
three to six inches thick, and entirely difEerent from the 
soil of its snrronndings or of the Island in general, is 
noticed. It is a rich loam. The story goes that the Incas 
had it brought from the transandine regions of Tungas in 
order to grow coca on Titicaca. As Cobo remarks, the at- 
tempt failed on account of the climate. Bnt his description 
of the site where that trial is said to have been made does 
not agree with Chncaripn, so that there is little foundation 
for the story, whether told in the seventeenth century" or 
in the nineteenth. It may be that an attempt was made to 
raise coca on the Island, previous to the conquest, but it 
wonld only show that those who made it had not the least 
idea of the influence of climate and altitude upon vege- 

Artificial objects, such as topos and tnmis, some of 
precious metal, have been found on these andenes, but we 
heard neither of buildings nor burials. In the northwest 
corner is a ruined enclosure with a spring, and the ground 
in the northwest and southwest is constantly moist. Of 
channels for irrigation we saw no trace, atmospheric 
hmnidity and natural drainage from the rocks above sup> 
plying ample moisture. This group of terraced garden* 
beds, connected with the mined wall that crosses the crest 
of MuTo-kato as already described, are the last ancient 
remains in this part of the Island. But the northern ex- 
tremity of Titicaca, the low promontory of Sicnyu (s), 
bears some vestiges which, though disturbed by treasure- 
hunters, deserve a passing notice. On that promontory 
some of the golden figrarines in the Garces collection are 
said to have been fonnd. 

The northern slopes of the conical height of Ticani are 
rather bare, there is low shmbbery and grass, bnt rocks, 
ledges, and steps appear everywhere. The little Bay of 
Arcn-puncu (16) is encased by low cliffs. Cultivation has 
been possible on these slopes by forming andenes, and while 



some of these seem to be modem, others are uadoabtedly 
ancient. Sicuyu is a low promontory, covered with shrab- 
bery and the rabbish of stmctores of some kind. We spent 
there a whole afternoon and later on two days, excavating, 
bnt conld not discover anything capable of giving an idea 
of the edifices, so thoroughly Imd they been torn down by 
the Indians. These Indians assured ns that they had torn 
down walls of buildings, which they believed were reared 
by the Incas, among them one that seemed to be a store- 
honse. What our investigations revealed was that nearly 
the entire promontory, on its upper plane, which stands 
twenty feet above the Lake, contains stone cysts, mostly in 
parallel rows and differing from the cysts of ChuUpa type, 
whereas they closely resembled the seven graves of children 
discovered at Kasapatal In the first place, they are all 
quadrangular ; then they are encased by thin slabs set np- 
right in t^e ground, and most of them had covers. They 
are much more regular in size, form and arrangement, than 
"Chnllpa" burials. But our search for hmnan remains was 
fruitless. Only from one grave the mould of a skull was 
obtained, the bones having completely disappeared with Qie 
exception of the right temporal, and even that crombled very 
soon. As to the cranial mould, as soon as the earth of 
which it consisted began to dry it fell to pieces. We do not 
know how many individuals were buried together in a eyst, 
and as to artefacts, not even a potsherd was found in or 
about the graves. But the resemblance of the cysts to those 
at Kasapata gives color to the statemoit that they were 
Inca burials. It is a lonely site. The view on the Bolivian 
shore is extfflisive and dismal. The Island of Apingnila, 
on whidi Inca remains are said to exist, and its neighbor, 
Pampiti, where, it is alleged, Huayna Capac, the last of the 
Inca head chiefs, previous to Atahnalpa and Hnascar, i»er- 
formed fearful hnman sacrifices," are seen from Sicnyn 
in a line with the longitudinal axis of Titicaoa ; and some- 
body told ns that here Huayna Cai>ac had taken the balsas 



Plate LVI 
Architectural details from the Chincana 
on luoan-Taqui, or luca path. 1, 2, 3. Doorwaya. 4. BiuU 
S, 6. Stone ceitiuga over room and paseagewa; (see teit) 





to carry him over to Apingiiila and Pampiti."' "Se non 
ivero," etc 

If now we cast a retrospectiye glance at the duster which 
the wall of Moro-kato and the andenes of Chitoaripn divide 
from the remainder of the Island, we ohserve that it con- 
tained a greater number of single boildings than any of the 
others attributed to the Inca, and also, probably, the most 
extensive ones. I may be permitted to recapitulate the 
principal points contained in the foregoing description. 
From some point on the eastern side of Muro-kato a well- 
made road, or wide path, with steps, descended into a bot- 
tom at the southern base of the Sacred Bock, passing close 
by a group of small buildings, each of one apartment only. 
The road then ascends to a level, on the eastern margin of 
which the Sacred Bock stands. This level seems to have 
been snrroonded by a wall outlining a terrace. Many an* 
cient votive offerings were disinterred here, and in front of 
the Sacred Bock are vestiges of foondations. 

The rock has a natural concavity and other marks that 
must have forcibly struck the Indian mind. These marks 
bear resemblance to the head of the indigenous cat, and the 
name of the rock is derived from the Aymara name of this 
animal. In close proximity are traces of former edifices. 
A few blocks of andesite of good workmanship are lying 
near by. Andesite is not on the Island, but on the Peninsula 
of Copacavana I The Sacred Boc& is so situated as to afford 
an excellent view of both shores, east and west. On this 
site the Indian to-day is still impressed with superstitious 
awe. This was noticed by Mr. Sqnier.'* It is asserted that 
no bird of any kind passes beyond the wall of Mnro-kato ; 
the reason for it lies probably in the scantiness of vegeta- 
tion.*" On the western slope, and not far from the Sacred 
Bock, is a fairly preserved edifice, which tradition describes 
as a residence and again as a storehouse. This edifice is so 
built aa to surround a copious spring of water, and the 
slope on that side is covered with vegetation. On the same 



Bide a qoadrangnlar platform, conunandmg an extensive 
view, bears faint traces of andent buildings. Excavations 
have brongbt to ligbt, besides pottery similar to that of 
Cuzco, figures of gold and silver Boch as the older authors 
assert were used as ofFeringa in pre-Columbian times. 
Near by, tissues of exceptional beauty in texture, design, 
and color have been found; and at least two of these were 
buried in well made chests of andesite. On the last prom- 
ontory of the Island are graves different from Chullpa 
graves. Shapeless ruins of buildinga are also foimd there. 
Add to these features the andenes of Chucaripu, and the 
i^ole northwestern group of mine on Titicaca Island 
presents every condition essential to IJadian residence, while 
at the same time tradition designates it as having beoi a 
place of aboriginal worship. 

The wall of Muro-kato does not seem to have been erected 
for defense. Neither are there any traces of other purely 
military constructions. The only bnilding showing some 
defensive features is the Chincana. I have already stated 
that some authors from the early part of the seventeenth 
century mention the Chincana as a "storehouse," whereas 
to-day it is called a "palace." It is certainly not a palatial 
building. On the contrary, with its dingy cells, narrow and 
tortuous passages, it is more unfit for abode than the Pilco- 
kayma, and has, furthermore, the notable disadvantage of 
fronting away from the snn. Still there is <me feature that 
might suggest an abode or, perhaps, that portions of it were 
used as a place of worship. One of the smaller cells, to 
which, when intact, light and air had access only throu^ 
the doorway, had the floor paved with rough mosaic-work 
made of small and bright pebbles. Such pebbles are found 
on the beach below Ciriapata, on the east side. The mosaic 
was, of course, torn up by the Indians, who kept some of 
the pebbles and left the rest. We sent a number of tiiem to 
the Museum. It is doubtful if the Indian would take the 
trouble of decorating the floor of a store-room I An indica- 



tion that the Chincana was also nsed, partly at least, as a 
residence is the prozimity of a spring. Ohromclers state 
that a bath for the sun had been constrocted there. Bat 
the spring is simply an enclosed pool, too narrow for bath- 
ing purposes, and there are no vestiges of tanks or sinks. 

I again call attention to the precautions taken against 
hostile approach from the Lake-side. Such precautions 
would not have been nsed unless the bnildlng contained 
something valuable or sacred. For the alimentation of the 
inmates of all the buildings around the Sacred Bock, a 
storehoQse of more modest proportions was ample. Never- 
theless, it is possible that the Chincana may have been a 
magazine as well as a dwelling. ^Tbere is still another pos- 
sibility: Statements in regard to the location of special 
places of worship are too positive to admit of much doubt 
that they stood in the imtnediate proximity of the Sacred 
Bock; but the same is not the case with another structure, 
inhabited by female attendants of the shrine," women who 
lived in seclusion, like nuns, with the difference that chastity 
was not obligatory upon them, sexual interoonrse being 
allowed under special conditions and only with men from 
the Inca tribe.''' Hence such places were kept under 
vigilance to avoid intrusion. The occupations of these 
women consisted in the manufacture of objects nsed in 
worship, such as ceremonial dresses, and in brewing 
chicha."" Such a house existed on Titicaca, and of all the 
ancient structures still discernible on the Island, the Chin- 
cana is the only one suggesting it.** In that case, it served 
for residence, as well as for storing valuable objects des- 
tined as offerings, and this justified some precautionary 
measures against eventual attempts at spoliation. It is 
tme that the Indians state that the house occupied by these 
women was the one which they call Mama-ojlia ; but neither 
its size nor its arrangement, which shows no divisions into 
apartments, favor that opinion, whereas the Chincana con- 
tained at least twenty rooms. It has a number of courts. 



large and small, that afforded room for spuming, weaving, 
cooking, and other work for which the ding7 cells were 
inadequate; and shows features ans^stive of protection 
against illicit access. 

I regret to be unable to offer more data than those 
presoited. The report on the first visit to the Island lam- 
tions the seolnded women on the Island, giving their nmn- 
ber at the much exaggerated figure of more than a thousand, 
whereas there is not, in all the Inca structures on the 
Island put together, room for such a number of people of 
both sexes. They state that the occapation of these women 
was to brew chicha and asperge with it the Sacred Bock.^ 
But no mention is made of the abodes wherein the women 
dwelt. Other Spanish authors who give accounts of the 
ancient strnctures from actual observation are of the seven- 
teenth centnry. Hence these writers obtained their in- 
formation about the original condition and purpose of tbe 
edifices at second or third hand. Some old' Indian may have 
been able to give them data from direct recollections, but 
it is doubtful whether, after three quarters of a centnry, 
such recollections were suffidently clear. At the same time 
it is evident that Bamos, Calancha, Father Andres de San 
Nicolas, as well as the Jesuits Cobo and Oliva, visited Titi- 
eaca but occasionally and saw only certain portions of it 
Else how could they be silent in regard to such ruins as the 
Pilco-kayma and Fuoaraf 

I b^ to return once more to the suggestion tliat the 
Chincana may have been an abode for women living in 
compulsory retirement Of tbe six beautiful pondios 
acquired by tbe Museum with the Oarers collection, five 
were found buried in tiie vicinity of Chucaripn-pata and 
Titikala. The tissnes are of extraordinary beauty and 
solidity, patterns as well as colors are exceptionally fine. 
Concurrent testimony of the Spunidi chroniclers is to tbe 
effect tliat such work was mostly performed by women liv^ 
ing in seclusion and that it was part of their duties.'*) 



Platb LVll 

Objects in mlver found in vicinity of Saor^d Bock 

1, 2. Topos or TumiB of siWer. 3, 4, 5. Silver pins. 0, T. Female flgurei 

8, 9. Uale Iguiee of silrer, nsed h offerb^s 





H^ice it is not improbable that the five ponchos in qnesUon 
Tere voven on the Island of Titicaca unless one or the 
other was brought thither from Cnzco. It is also likely 
that their age is not mnch greater than foor centariesJ' 
The loom actually in nse among the Aymar& is primitiTe 
and consists of fonr stakes planted in the gronnd, and at 
this the woman, kneeling and squatting, weaves with im- 
plements like those fomid in Chullpa mins." In the case 
of the large ancient ponchos, it is diatiactly stated that 
each required a larger frame placed upright, and great 
length of time. The colors were ^yen to the wool before it 
was spun, and the thread twirled by hand, men sometimes 
assisting the women in this work." 

I still have to allude to several large stones, all of ande- 
site, one of which is to-day at the hacienda of Challa, in the 
courtyard of its buildings, and the others are found at the 
garden of the same hacienda. The former measures five 
feet in length by two in width. Its least thickness is ei^t, 
its greatest thirteen inches. The shape is best understood 
from the sketch. 


The other three are prismatic slabs of various length, 
rangii^ from five to eight feet. These slabs were brought 
from Kasapata by the Indians, with the aid of only a few 
ropes and rollers of wood, over narrow and sometimes qoite 
steep and rocky paths, distances of a quarter and half a 
mile respectively. This is instructive for the manner in 
which, at other places, much larger blocks may have been 
moved in ancient tunes. Authors from the seventeenth 



century state that admission to the particularly sacred 
sections on Titicaca Island was obtained through tliree 
gateways called, respectively: Pumapnnca, Kentipunco, 
and Pillcopuncn, or "door of the puma," "door of tiie 
hunumng-bird,"and'*door of hope." Such is the informa- 
tion given by Bamos. Cobo speaks of a single gate, which 
he calls Intipunca, or "gate of the sun." The former says 
that the three gates were twenty paces distant from eadi 
otiier. Cobo places the gateway of Intipuncu some^ere 
on the crest of Mnro-kato.'* It has been su^^ested that the 
large block and slabs above alluded to are from some sodi 
gateway; but their being found at Kasapata does not favor 
the assumption. 

It remains to cast a glance at the vestiges in the south- 
western portion of the Island, in the two bottoms of Kona, 
north and south, and on the flanks of the tall ridge of Ea- 
kayo-kena. These remains consist, so far as we eonM 
observe, of terraces, or andenes, and of the road, called 
Qnivini (30), that leads to the eammit of Chullun-kayani. 
Of the andenes little is to be said. The Indians affirm that 
they are all Inca, and well may it be. Of the road, I have 
already spok^i. At the foot of the eastern declivity of the 
trough (as which the bottoms of Kona appear), in its sonth- 
eastem comer, there is a fairly leveled terrace with niches. 

On the platform not the slightest trace of buildings can 
be detected, and not a potsherd nor other artefact of any 
kind is to be found. Excavations proved fruitless. Never- 
theless, the impression becomes strong that this artificially 
encased rise, with the remains of a descent on the eastern 
side, may have been leveled for the purpose of erecting on 
i|; some edifice. The outline of the terrace is not regular 
and shows the customary adaptation to natural features, 
bnt the walls are well constructed and the two niches (of 
nneqnal size) very fairly made. Each of these niches has a 
ceiling composed of slabs, like some at the Chincana and 
PUco-kayma. From the comers on the west project walls 



tliat appear like cODtiniiations of the northern and sonthem 
sides of the platform. In some of the ravines that ran 
parallel with those between which the platform stands are 
similar facings, bnt much damaged. West of the min, the 
slopes of Kakayo-bena are covered with terraces, and the 
marshy bottom is traversed by causeways similar to those 
at Pncara. 

The niches so common on the Island in ruins of Inca type, 
inside of buildings as well as in outer walls, deserve some 
attention. In the interior of btiildings the small niche evi- 
dently served the same purpose as in Indian houses of to- 
day, being a substitute for our closets, cupboards, and 
wardrobes. In them articles of household use were kept," 
and in many of the large niches also. (Bnt at the Pilco- 
kayma, for instance, the niches of the eastern apartments 
are so tall and ornamental that it seems probable they were 
either seats or destined to contain objects of worsliip. We 
know from descriptions that taller idols were sometimes 
kept in such recesses.'^ None of them are long or deep 
enough to suggest they mij^t have served as sleeping plat- 
forms. The large niches in facings of terraces or walls of 
enclosores (as at Kona and Pncara) are more difficult to 
account for. The Indian is too ntititarian to manufacture 
anything without some practical purpose. In the case of 
Kona, for instance, recesses do not seem to have been merely 
ornamental. I suggest that niches tall enough for a human 
being to stand in might have been made for shelter from 
the showers which are most frequent in the months when 
the Indian is engaged in bis field-work. They may have 
not only served as shelter for human beings, but also for 
harvested crops, against drenching rains. This does not 
exclnde the possibility of fetishes having been kept in such 
niches also, fetishes destined to protect and foster the 
crops, although, so far as we know, such Huacas were of 
small size.'*') 

How many of the andenes on the slopes of Kakayo-kena 



are due to the Incas is impossible to detenmne. We sav, 
when on the saminit of the great ridge of that name (Chn- 
llnn-Kayam in particular) traces of what might have been 
remains of small edifices similar to watch-towers, bat our 
Indians pretended not to know anything abont them, hence 
we are nnable to say if these vestiges are andent or recoit. 
The existence of watch-towers, on so excellent a lookont as 
this crest, wonld not seem improbable. The watch-tower is 
common in ancient architecture of the Nortii American 
southwest, and it served for military purposes as well as 
for simply goarding the crops. 

It is snperflnons to enter into more detail abont Inca 
mins on Titicaca Island. They indicate a degree of cnltore 
so superior to what we have become acquainted with under 
the name of Chullpa, and the artefacts accompanying them 
show a type so closely corresponding to that from the 
valley of Cnzco, that the belief expressed by the IJidians of 
to-day, ascribing them to the Incas, amounts to a certunty. 
I beg to observe, however, that while the buildings were 
erected for and under the direction of Incas, they do not 
show the nice work displayed in remains at and around 
Cnzco, Cacha, Ca jamarca and other places of the Pemvian 
Sierra. Some blocks which were brought over from the 
Peninsula of Copacavana indicate that in some instances 
the same perfection was reached, but the majority of walls 
are of a ruder make. It may be, therefore, that while the 
nicer work was done by men of the Inca tribe of Cnzco, 
the main labor was performed by hands who were not as 

filfnl, and this is partly corroborated by tradition. 
The earliest descriptions of Titicaca Island, subsequent 
to the report of 1534, the one by Gieza of Leon, and the 
other by Oviedo, the latter from the testimony of con- 
querors, are short and v&gaeT) The former says : ' * The great 
lagnne of the CoUao bears the name of Titicaca, from the 
temple that was constructed in the same lagune, abont 
which the natives held a very vain opinion. These Indians 



say that their ancestors affirmed as certain, as they also 
did of other fables of which they speak, that light failed 
them for many days, and that, while all were in darkness 
and obscnrity, the snn came ont (rose) from this Island of 
Titicaca with great splendor, for which reason they held 
the island to be sacred and the Ingas made in it the temple 
of which I have spoken, that was mnch esteemed and vene- 
rated among them, in honor of their son, placing in it 
virgin women and priests with great treasures ; of which, 
although the Spaniards at various times have obtained a 
great deal, it is still believed that the most is there yet."^* 
I note that, as this was written in 1550, it indicates that 
previons to that year the Island had been repeateeUy visited 
by Spaniards. Oviedo tells ua : " That conntry of Collao is 
veiy well situated and has a good disposition. In it there 
is a lagnne that has forty leagues of circumference and is 
sweet and . . . and in an islet within, the people have their 
principal house of worship and idolatry, and it is held in 
great veneration among them, and from distant lands they 
go thither in pilgrimage." This was written previous to 

[The concurrent testimony of all the sources from the six- 
teenth century, at my command, is to the effect that Titi- 
caca was a shrine, sacred to the Licas of Cuzco as well as to 
the Indians on the shores of the Lake. This is also clearly 
expressed by authors from the century following, hence 
more remote from the time of the conquest. 

(The object of particular worship on the Island is stated 
as having been TitikcUa, or the Sacred Rock, and that wor- 
ship is said to have been due to some connection of the rock 
with the sun, nay, that the sun was the deity to which the 
main adoration was directed. fHence to-day Titicaca is 
often called "Island of the Sun," and Koati, its smaller 
neighbor, the "Island of the Moon." ) The Temple of the 
Sun, as we have seen, stood close by the Sacred Bock, and 
with it other chapels, dedicated to thunder and lightning. 



Nevertheless that rock, and not the sun, was the principd 
fetish of the Island. It is stated that "pilgrims" were not 
allowed to touch the face of the cliff, but only to gaze at it 
from the margin of the little plane in front of Titikala. 
Inca chieftains and those officiating as attendants to the 
shrine alone could approach closer. It is also asserted 
that the face of the rock was decorated with plates of 
precious metals and rich tisanes, and that an altar waa 
placed inside of its main natural recess. It is farther 
stated that the "pilgrims" were subject to penance and con- 
fession, repeatedly even, before they were admitted to the 
margin of the sacred enclosure. The elaborateness of this 
cult is so far ^ihanced as to claim that the Peninsula of 
Copacavana was occupied by the Incas for the sole purpose 
of sanctifying and controlling access to the Island, checkii^ 
those who would attempt to tread its soil unprei>ared or in 
an unworthy condition."' ) 

To deny a priori the truth of such reports would not be 
critical research, but to accept them wtconditionMy is an- 
other question. All these reports suffer from the failings 
of their time, that is, from lack of means of comparison 
with other peoples and countries, and an inclination to ac- 
cept without reserve all that was told. I believe we may 
safely apply to these descriptions the testimony of tiie 
mins themselves. The terms "gorgeous," "splendid," 
"sumptuous," so lavishly bestowed upon the monuments 
on Titicaca, appear as great exaggerations. The same was 
the case with ceremonials. Barbaric display, dftraling in 
color, and striking throngh the weirdness peculiar to liidlan 
performances, cannot have but powerfully impressed Eu- 
ropean spectators."' 
/The central object of this worship was, as stated, not the 
snn, bat the Sacred Bock. Hence it was Achachila cult of 
the AymarS, with notable Inca display, introduced not a 
century before the conquest. As accessories to the principal 
shrine, there existed chapels dedicated to other fetishes.^ 



Puts Lvm 
1. Alpaca of silver. 2. IJama pf sUver witb oapaiison and naili of (old 





Kamofi mentions three atatues on Titicaca called, respec- 
tively, Apu-ynti, Chosip-ynti, and Tntipguanqui, which 
words he translates as the Son-chieftain, Sun-son, and the 
Brother-sun. Of this Trinity he states that it was ' ' only one 
God."*' Cobo describes a statue, half gold, half silver, 
of the size of a woman, of whic^ he was told that it repre- 
sented the moon and stood on the Island of Koati. But he 
adds: "Although others will have it that this fignre and 
statue was called Titicaca, and they say it represented the 
mother of the Incas."^ In regard to such ceremonial ob- 
jects the most complete disagreement exists between the 
chroniclers, whereas they agree in that the Sacred Rock 
was the center of attraction and at the same time the seat 
of oracnlar utterances.*' This worship at the "Bock of 
the Cat" and the consequent fame of the Island of Titicaca 
among the Indians, was of great antiquity in Bolivia, Titi- 
caca being a noted shrine of the Aymard long before the 
Incas took possession of it. In this connection I have to add 
a word of cantion. 

(it seems certain that when the Incas took possession of 
the Island, in the latter part of the fifteenth cwitnry, they 
found it inhabited by jdymord-speaking aborij^es, to 
which the name "Chullpa" is given by .the present genera- 
tion. It is furthermore asserted, that these Aymara Indians 
were mostly removed by the Incas to the mainland. But 
upon the arrival of the Spaniards in the basin of Lake 
Titicaca the shrine was abandoned by the Inca and the 
Island gradually reoccupied by Indians of Aymara stock, 
who lived there for at least a century after the manner of 
their forefathers. Hence not all of what is included under 
the head of "Chullpa" is pre-conquistorial. Even the 
artificial deformation of the head, so frequently alluded to 
in these pages, was practised as late as the seventeenth 
century. A number of antiquities from Titicaca may be of 
later date than the time of the conquest, and more recerd 
than the Inca remains. Nevertheless, even when posterior 



to the sixteenth centnry, they are of an ancient type, and 
fair representatives of the art and industry of the people m 
their primitive condition, prior, not only to the advent of 
the Spaniards, hat also to that of the Ineas and tlidr 
occupation of Titicaca Island.^ 

I now torn to the Island of Koati, Titicaca 's smaller 
neither, and to its mins. Whereas there is good evidoace 
that Titicaca enjoyed a certain repntation as a shrine 
previous to the time when the Incas established themselves 
on its soil, Koati rose into prominence only throng ths 
establishments which the Incas founded there. 





r:. - \ 

V" y 




■The word "CbnUpft" aignUea the 'Meaning "Little (tbe 

bag, or nek, nuide of iebbn gram eMico) Kea-Eollu." "Kea" is th« 

of the monntaiii-ieBioiu, in which the name of a plant, bnt I would not 

dead were placed. See Bertonio: venture to aMtrt it to be related to 

Voedbulano, II, p. 92: "Chnllpa:— the name of the hei^t. 

Bntierro o Bemn donde metian rai *Bee the intareotiog and Talnable 

difnntos." I, p. 430; "Sepnltnra,— woik of mj friendlDr. Charles Lum- 

o wron eomo iaanga donde ponian holt^y/nknown ItaHeo, and my final 

el difnnto: ChnDpa, Tel Aaaneo." Bepoi^, II, Part xm, pp. 502, 604 et 

From the bag, or sack, the name ~ ' 

wBs gradually tranaferred, popnlarlj, 

to the bnildinga in which they were 

found and finally to the people who 

once occupied them. The Indian wix- 

ard on Titieaea, to whose etatements I 

referred m freely in Fart III, told na 

the "Chnllpa" drened in teztnrea of 

llama wool. Pedro I^zarro (S«laoUn, 

p. 281) layB the inhatritanta of the 

Collao "viaten de ropa de Una 

'BelatioM per Bva Uaetta, 1634, 
(Bamnaio, II, Bamoaio III: 1SS6, fol. 
413): "le sue terre lono di me^oere 
grandeua, k le eaae picciole, le mure di 
pietra k terra inaieme, coperte di pag- 
lia." £elaoum de la Provinoia de lot 
Faoaja, p. 62: "La forma y manera 
de laa caaas aon redondaa, de quince 
piee de redondo, peqoefiaa . • ■ y una 
puerta pequella taacia la parte de 
donde aale el aol, ain tener ninguna 
caaa eon aposento doblado." 

leg.; Part xit, p. 664. 

'In the book of(8. 8. smi\TraveU 
i» Peru and Meaieo, 1860, on page 
241, he mention* a collection of 
PeruTiau antlquitiee at Cuzco in which 
were "innumerable weapons of war. 
. . . One of them eonaiited of • piece 
of metal with prominent knobe around 
it, and a hole in the middle trtiich 
•eemed designed for the handle. The 
Doctor [Bennett] bad examined many 
■knlla of embalmed bodiea which 
seemed to have been broken by thia 
instrument, and were aetvaUjf repaired 
witA oolobath." (Italics are mine.) 
If the statement is reliable, it recalls 
dosing of the trephined oriJBee with a 
piece of gourd or mate. 

* Ordertaneat del Peri, Lib. II, Tit. 
IX, Ord. vm, fol. 146. 

'Primefo Parte de Ut CrSnioa del 
FerU, Cap. □, p. 443: "En las cabeus 
trtten pneetos unos bonetes & manei* 
de morteros, heehos de en laaa, que 




nombraii CbiicM; j tieuenloa todoa 
mny largaa j am colodnllo, porque 
desde niHos se ka qnebrantut j pouen 
como qnieren." TillAgomec: Exorta- 
oioK eontra la Idolatria, etc., foL G8, 
Edicto: "Si algnnos an amoldado 6 
smoldau laa cabe^as de sub mncha- 
ehoa & la forma qne loa Indios ''"i"?" 
Cantmna, 6 Palta Vmnt" 

*Biatoria del Nvew Mando, TV, 
p. 175; Abo, Belacion de la Province 
de lot Collagvat, p. 40; and Salea- 
DMThna: Belaeion de AntigUedadee 
dute Seyno del Piri, p. 353. 

•Properly Cchalla (gee Bertonio; 
V<>oabi^rio, I, p. 67), modemued to 
Challa. Voealmtario de tat voces 
mtxatet de Aymara al Cattellano y 
0(MAtM>, La Pai, 1894, p. 4: "Cballa 

"One of the nometooa speciea of 
biiima, found on tre«a in the eaatem 
■eetions (Amaxoiiian baain and eastern 
■lopes of the Aiidee) of South Amer- 
ica, where thej Uve on treee. 

" The bola waa in general nee 
among the Indiana of the Peruvian 
monntains, although more in the aec- 
.tiona which now constitute Bolivia. 
(Praneiseo de XeTtz\(VeTdadera Bela- 
cion de la eonguitta del Perv, p. 89) 
gives an interesting list of the 
weapons used by the people of Atan- 
bnallpa at Cajamarca, bnt he only 
mentiona stonea ahaped like egge and 
burled by alings. The anonymona 
doenment, 8*ee$o* oettrridot e» la 
eonquigta del Peri ante* de la Oegada 
del Lyeeneiado La Qaaoa, Doe. de 
India*, XLU, p. 381, has an excellent 
description of the bolas, aa need bjr 
the Indians at Cnsco in I53G: "qne 
k echaban los yndioB peleando unas 
sogas de Nierroa de ovejaa eehu tres 
rflmales qae sola la soga en eada 
Tamat una piedra atada y con aqoella 
manera los mas de loa caballos qne no 
abia quien peleasa e a loa cabaUeroa 
lee ansi misnio los liaban con'aquellaa 
eogas qnellos Ilaman ailloa, qne no 
eran seflores de riendas ni espadas ni 
laoEa ni aefiorss de si aqnel dia fyxie- 

ron mucho fruto loa peonaa qne eon 
taa eqtadas eortaban de aqndlaa st^aa 
eon gran trabazo, que apenaa podian 
por ser de vemzoB i mny oliadaa." 
This statement is by an eye-witiMsa 
and participant in the so-called ai^e 
of Cutco by the Indiana in 1536, and 
a> good a deeeription as conld be de- 
aired. The bolaa themaelvea were, 
then, attached or connected by tendoaa 
of Uamaa. Alao: Pobladon y eon- 
quieta del Pirn, DoeatneiiUn iiiAKtM 
de ChiU. The name "ayllo" if 
Quichua. Torree Bnbio: Arte y Fcea- 
liOano, fol. 150: "AyHu 6 Uvi,- 
Cierto instnunento para trabar 1m 
pica, y caiar animales." Among the 
Aymari "llini" is in nse. In the 
short roeabnlary appended to tlw 
woik of Aniaga, Extirpacion de ta 
Idolatria, etc, foL 134, he definea 
Aillo, o Libis, as foUowa: "Tn endel 
con tree ramalea, y a] eabo de eada 
vno vna bolilla de plomo sirve para 
caqar pajaroa, o animalea enredaa- 
dolea." After theae deacriptiona I 
merely refer, for confirmation and 
minor detaila, to Calancfaa; CorfimiM 
Uoriaitada, II, fol. 2; and Cobo: Si*- 
toTia del Ntievo Uundo, TV, p. 196. 

" And on the Puna in general, alao 
on the eaatem slopes, abont Pahehneo 
and CharaeaanL 

" Alao on the Peniuania of Hnata, 
and in the broken country. 

"Samoa (Hitoria de CopoeaibMo, 
edition of 1860, p. 45), is connect km 
with sacrifices of dtildreo, states: 
"Mnchas vecee eolian sacriAcar astaa 
tiemas vtctimaa ahog&ndolas^ deapoM 
de haberlea dado bisn do cwnv y 
beber, llen&ndolaa la boea de eoea 
molidja y deteni6ndoIea d rcsndlo; 
despnaa las enterraban con ciertoa 
viaajes y ceremonias. Otras veca laa 
degollaban, y eon sn sangre as tefiiaa 
el rostro; enterraban con elloa ba 
vasoe en qne antes lea hacian beber, y 
por «so en taa sepnlturas se snelu 
hallar mnehoa, que euando son ds ma- 
dera Ilaman Qnero, y 6 loa de plata 
Aqnillas." Torre* Bobio has (AHe. 



fol. 98): "Quheru-Vaao i« madera 
en que vavian la Chicha"; foL 75: 
' ' Aquilla— Vaso de plata. ' ' Ber- 
tonio : Foco&uIarMi, 11, p. 24 : " Aquilla 
— Taao de plata para bener, que tam- 
bien HamHii Quero, 7 si es a manera 
de ta^a, Vichn. ' ' Idem, p. 290. 

■* There are, at the Ajnericiui Ma- 
Mnm of Natural Hurtoiy (New York) 
two wooden keroa, purported to have 
come from Ciuco, with inlaid SganB, 
painted, and partly vbtj well dec- 
orated. In regard to these drinking 
goblets it is stated t^ Cobo, Hittoria 
del Nuwo Mttndo, IT, p. 169: "Los 
mas comunes son de madera, de 
hechnra de naestroe eubiletet de vidrio, 
maa ancbos de arriba qne de abajo, 
<jne hacen nn enartiUo de vino. Pin- 
tanlos por de fnera eon derto bnmis 
muy relnciente de varies eolores, con 
diferentes labores y pintnras; y & 
eatoB vasoB de palo Uaman QueroB. ' ' 
The two gpecimenB mentioned recall 
the above description. They alao have 
bita of tin inemstated with the fl^;- 
ures. QBertoniOi^Y" VooabvlaTio, II, 
p. 290, gives vari^is names in Aymari 
for varieties of keros, among them: 
' ' Chaantacata Qnero— Taso que en los 
estremos tiene enesxado eetafio." 

"Cobo, in Historta, IV, p. 227, 
describes a way of fishing with a 
"fiaga," wbieb is a (tbree-pronged) 
harpoon or a fishing spear. He says: 
"Indies hay qne en los rios mansos y 
hondos se eeban & nada con nna Asga 
en la mano derecba, nadando iiSIo con 
la iiqmerda con gran ligereEB, y la- 
bnllendo traa el pescado, lo lignen 
hasta alcanzarlo, y clav&ndolo eon la 
Osga, lo sacan atravesado 4 la orilla." 
He fails to indicate the region where 
this was practised. Swimming in Lake 
Titieaca is by no means safe and 
eould hardly be sustained for longer 
than ten or at most twenty n^ntes. 

"The so-called Chnllpa people, 
being nothing ebe than the primitive 
Aymari, and it being well established 
that the latter wore clothing— a tact 
also established by onr own finds 

elsewhere in Bolivia— there is no need 
of special reference to anthorities. 

" And to various other seetiona of 
Bolivia which we explored. 

"Bqnier: P«™, pp. 302 and 363, 
picture of CJiullpas at Acora. 

*8ee the(^nterioan Antkropologut, 
January-March, 190G: The aboriginal 
Svitie at SUhutani, F«ru.'\The towers 
at Kalaki, on the AonJ of Hnata, 
fronting the Peninsula of Copacavana 
were, like those of SiUnstaoi, prob- 
ably store-houses. 

"Prtnwro Parte de la Crdnioa, 
Cap. c, p. 443. 

"Furthermore, not all of these 
graves are pre-Spanish. As shown in 
Part III, the Island continued to be 
inhabited by Aymari, who, for a cen- 
tury after the conquest, at least, lived 
on it after the fashion of prinutive 

" Most of the engagements between 
the first Spaniards in Pern and the In- 
dians were fought in the daytime, even 
when the latter were the aggressors. 

"Final Report, II, pp. 506 and 568. 

'Pent, p. 335: "The path skirla 
the flanks of the abrupt hills forming 
the island, apparently on the line of 
an ancient roajl supported bj terraces 
of large stones, at an elevation of 
between two and three hundred feet 
above the lake, the shores of which 
are procipitona. " There is no trace 
of such terracM, but there are ledges 
of natural rock cropping out here and 
there. Andenes are plentiful, but 
they are low and bear no relation to 
the path, whether ancient or modem. 
The Inca remains at the Puneu are 
not mentioned by any of the early 
authors at my command. 

"Arriaga: ExtiTpa^itM, p. 11: "A 
los Puquios, que son los manantlales, 
y fuentes hemos hallado que adoran 
de la misma manera, especialmente 
donde tienen falta de agna, ptdien- 
dolee qne no se seqnen." 

" Perv, p. 333. 

" Art^eologieal Eeetmnoieeaitee into 
Meaioo, chapter on Mitla. 




* Nom of the deseriptiou of the 
Iilsnd of the Mventeenth centurf 
at mj commuid mentioiu the Pilco- 
KsTina. "Pilco" BeemB to be a oor- 
m[Aion of ' ' Pirca ' ' — wall, in Qoiehtui 
as well aa in Ajmari. Bertonio, in 
Fooabvlario, II, p. 49, asTS of 
' ' Eajma ' ' that it means ' ' cor- 
rompido, ' ' decayed— and is applied 
to food and drink; The eilance of 
the Angnatines and Jesnita who vii- 
ited the Island in the second decade 
of the seventeenth eentary, about the 
PileO'KaTniB, is a matter of surprlae 
to me, since it is one of the best pre- 
served and most atriking ruins on 

** See note above. 

"Peru, p. 36S. Id aaagning to 
the promontorj' of Uaq'-ajlli an ele- 
vation of 20CN) feet, the distinguished 
explorer haa been mistaken. No point 
of the Island rises more than BOO feet 
above the Lake. 

"Sqoier: P«nt, p. 368. Bock (a) 
on the diagram on the page quoted is 
manifeetlj' the one deeignated to ns 
as a aacrifldal atone. Of other blocks 
alluded to by Mr. Elqnier and which 
he calls "Inti-Huatana" there is only 
the one that looks like an arm-chair. 

^HUtoria de Copaoabana, p. 44: 
"£I 6rden que gnaidabau loi aaoer- 
dotes en sacrifloarlos era este. Ponf- 
anloa aobre una gran losa, echados los 
roetroe bJ eielo, vneltoe al sol, y tiron- 
dolee del cnello ponlanlee aobre 61 una 
teja 6 piedra lisa aJgo anehs y con 
otra les daban eneima tales golpee que 
en breve lee quitalian la vida; y asi 
mnertoe los dejaban dentro de la 
misma guaca . . ." 

** Ibidem, p. 45. It seems also, that 
bnman sacrifices continued to be made 
after the conquest. In secret. On 
page 36 be mentions tliat, in I59S, 
and between Sicadca and Omro, a 
girl, ten yean old, bad been rescued 
from a tomb where she bad been 
bnried by the Cnraeas of Sicasica. 
This manner of sacrifice is etill 
in vigor to-day, and it is made 

at places where ' 
unearthed. Cobo: Biatoria, etc., IT, 
p. 64: "Los sacrifleiDS que en este 
adocstorio se haeian eran mny fie- 
qnentes y eoatosoe, derramando tanta 
sangre de inoeentee j ofreciende tan 
grandee teeoros. ' ' He mentions four 
modes of aacrifieing people: Stiangn- 
latioQ, cutting of the throat, buiying 
alive, and tearing oat the heart. The 
latter statement is snspieione, aa Cobo 
was for a number of years in Mexico. 
Fray Andr^ de 8. Nicolas, in Ivi&ge% 
de N:B: de Copaeavana, foL 3D, 
states that tlie victims were mostly 
adults, and describes the sacrifiees as 
follows : ' ' Ponian i los mnchadios 
Bobre una losa grande, alll dispneBta; 
y aui^ndoles dado i beber m brenaje 
becho da maii, que Ilaman ■'*'■''>■", los 
priuauan de Hentido, y luego les 
Ueuauan la boca de yerba, qne par 
nombre de la Coca es eonoddo (enye 
VBO vn ConcQIo Limense jnatamente 
ha condenado) y poniendolea minndo 
al Sol, apretanan ens gargantaa eon 
vna piedra liaa, y algo aneha, y eon 
otra les danan tales gelpes, qne dentro 
de poco los priuaoan de Is vida." 
Calancha, in Cordnioa, U, foL 18 et 
$tq., repeats Bamos in the main, bat 
he is positive that adult girls were 
sacrificed on the Island, thoogb he 
insiBts that the majori^ of vietinM 
were children. 

When Hernando and Qonaalo I^- 
larro made their raid into Bolivia in 
I53S or 1S39, they lost one of their 
men who, as they afterward leaned, 
had been sacrificed in a shrine on the 
Deeagnadero. Btlaoion del tUio del 
Cveeo, p. 179: "Y de los qne prendie- 
Ton ae supo como el Cristiano tornado 
6 mnnoB le habian aacrificado en nn 
adotntorio que tenlan en pasando el 

* It is not true, as Gareilasso de la 
Tega and the author of the anony- 
moue Selaewn assert, that the Inea 
did not practice human saciificea. 
Even Cieia admits it : Segwnda Pari*, 
Cap. zxv, p. 100; "No digo yo qne no 



sacriAcabui y que no mstaban hombrea 
7 nifioa en loa tftle* BacriAcioa; pero 
no era lo que oe dice ni con mueho." 
( AJao Cap. xxvm, pp. 113, 169, at teq.) 
Ju&n de Betansoa: Suma y Narraoion, 
Cap. ZI, p. 66: "Y eato hecba, mandd 
Inea Tapanqm 4 loi aefiorea del Cnieo 
qoe, p«Ta de allf 4 diei diu, tuTieaen 
apareJAdo mncho proTeimiento de 
nuu(, ovejaa j eorderoe, 7 Bnsimiemo 
mocliB ropa flna, 7 eisita nima de 
niBoe 7 nifiae, qne elloa lUman Capv- 
eoha, todo lo enal era park haeei 
■acTifldo al mL T aiendo Icm diec 
dias enmplidM f (tU> ja toda jnato, 
Inea Ynpaaqui mandfi haeer vn gran 
fn^o, an el enal foego mandfi, 
deepuei de haber heeho degollai la« 
ovejaa 7 coTderoa, qne fneoen echados 
en 61, 7 laa demaa ropas 7 mafi, of re- 
eUndoIo todo al aol; 7 loa niAoa 7 
tiiflaif qoe aTurf habian imitado, ea- 
tando bien veatidoa 7 adereiadoa, 
mandiSlea entemur rivoa en aqnslla 
casa . . ." CriatiSTKl de Ifolina: 
FabU* and Bite* of f\e Inoat, p. 54: 
"The Ceapaeeooli* waa inatitntod b7 
Paohacntee Tnea Ynpanqni, and waa 
SB follows: The provineea of Colla- 
onyn, Chiucha-aDTO, Anti-at^n, and 
Cnnti-an7n bnnight to this clt7 from 
each lineage or tribe one or two male 
and female children aged about ten 
T^ara. . . . The children and the other 
aacriflcee walked aroond the statnea 
of the Creator, the Bon, the Thnnder, 
and the Hoon, which were placed in 
the iqnare, taking two tnma. ... Bo 
the children were strangled and bnried 
with the filver figarea of aheep," etc 
(p. B5>. "After this praTer they 
strangled the children, flrat giving 
them to eat and drink, that they 
might not enter the preaenee of the 
Creator discontented and hungry. 
From others they took oat the hearts 
while yet alive, and offered them to 
the Hnacaa whUe yet palpitating," 
etc The Indian SaleainB7hna, in 
^elooion de Antigveiadet, etc, p. 359, 
attribntea the introdnction of the 
sacriflcea of children above described 

to one of the earlieet head-chiefa men- 
tioned b7 him: "Diien que en tiempo 
deate (UaTta Capac) loa tmbentaron 
el BscriSeio de Capac Hneha Coeny, 
enterrsndolea 4 loa mnchaehoe ain 
mancha 7 eonoro 7 plata, 7 lo mismo 
an embentado el Arpar con sangre 
hnmana como eon corderoa blancoo," 

"That there waa constant mann- 
factnring of ehieha going on on Titi- 
cBca is already asserted b7 the first 
two Spaoiarcls wbo visited it in De- 
camber, 1633: Belatione per Bva 
Uaetta, 1534, Bamuaio, II, foL 41S; 
"Yi sono megli di aeoento Indian! al 
aeruitio di qneato Inogo, ft piu di 
miUe donne, ehe fanno Chisea per 
gettarla aop» qnella pietra Thiehi- 

"Ylotima saerifieed together were 
also bnried ekse to each other. 

"The RelatioM per Swt Maetta, 
foL 413, states; "doe picdols lao- 
letta, neil'vna delle quali t vna mos- 
chea, & eaaa del Bole, la qoale 6 tenuta 
in gran veneratione, & in eaaa vanno 
a fare k loro offerte ft aacrilleij in vna 
gran pigtra ehe i nell'Isola che la 
^■h^iiiT^^Tin Th^^hicawii" (Italics mine.) 
This statement bj persona who aaw 
the ceremonials on the Island in 
pHmitive condition indicates, as I 
shall still further develop, that the 
"moeqne, and house of the son" in- 
cluded what is called the Sacred Bock 
to-day, hence the "temple of the aun" 
cannot have been at Kasapata. 

-EUtoria del N*evo Mmdo, IT, 
p. 58 : " De loa Mitlmaea, qne la 
ma7or parte eran de la aaogre 7 linaje 
de loa Incas, tormd on moderado 
puebb media legua antes del templo, 
y en 41 mand6 labiar eaaa de en habi- 

"Bittoria de Copaoabana, 1860, p. 
16: "Arreglado yi Copacabana, el 
mismo monarea form6 otro paeblo 
moderado en la isia, corao 4 media 
legoa de la peEa sagrada; 7 aUi labr^ 
su real palaeio." Bo far Bamoa, but 
his editor. Father Bans, adds: "cn7aa 



minBa Bon probsblemente laa qae m 
Ten f rente del Templo del Sol an nna 
Colina a) lado de Oriento. ' ' 6vm shAres 
the impresaioD that the edifice at Kaaa- 
pata was the ' ' temple of the nin. ' ' 

"Cordntoa MortUitada, II, toL 6: 
' ' TnpBc Tuga f ondd on moderado 
pueblo ciai media legat. antaa de 
llegar fc la pefia, i en 61 labr6 m real 
palacio, pobro en la BTquiteetnra de bd 
edifieio, pero riqnlBimo en el teeoro de 

" This is corroborated by Cobo : 
Eittoria, etc., IT, p. 65: "T on 
enarto de Ic^a antes de llegar al tern- 
pill, nn grandioao Tambo 6 meaon para 
hospedaje de peregrinoa . . ." Al- 
thoQgh Cobo places that tambo at 
only a quarter of a leagne from the 
Sacred Bock, it ia plain that the site 
of Kasapata is meant hj him. "Maro 
Eato, ' ' where the cluster of edifices 
connected with the ihrine begins in 
the loath or southeast, is only a short 
distance away, and Bhows no traces 
of an edifice large enough for accom- 
modating any number of lodgers, 
even transient ones as ' ' pilgrims ' ' 
would be. 

" That Tnpac Tnpanqui was the 
Inea chief who first visited the Island 
is stated by the majority of authors. 
Cieia: Segitnda Parte, p. 199; "Pa- 
eando adelante Inca Ynp&nqui cneo- 
tan que Ttsit6 loa mfis pneblos que 
eonfinan con la gran lagnna de Ttti- 
eaea . . . Entrti en la gran laguoa de 
TiticBca y mir6 laa islaa qne en ella 
ee haeen, mandando bacer en la mayor 
de ellas templo del eol y palacioe para 
6^ J sua deecendientes. ' ' Retacian dt 
la Provincia de lot Paeajet, p. 58. 
Hamos: SUtoria, Cap. m, it, Tn, etc. 
Cobo:£i«torta,IT,Lib.Xin. Andrfade 
S. Nicolas, Im&gen, etc., f . 25. AneUo 
Oliva; Hiatona del Perv, etc., 1631, 
p. 61, attributes the first visit to the 
Island to Topa or Viracocha Inca, but 
he is himself in doubt as to the au- 
thenticity of the Information, and it 
looks as if he had interpolated two 
supposed war-chiefs in his catalogue. 

To my knowledge, Mr. Sqnier haa 
been the first and, thus far, only one 
to allude to the eomparatiTdy modeni 
origin of the Inea bnildinga on Titi- 
caca and EoatL Pent, p. 371; "As- 
siuning the truth of these traditions^ 
most, if not all, the edifices on the 
island were built some time between 
1425 and 1470, ^ieh was the period 
when Tupac Yupanqol reigned. ' ' 
Tnpae Tnpanqni was— and neariy all 
the early sources agree in this— the 
third last Inea war-ehlef, taking 
Hnaaear as the last one prerions to 
the conqueat; Atanhnallpa was the 
tetter's contemporary and an intruder 
from the North. Hence Tupac Yn- 
panqui must hsTe been in office be- 
tween 14S0 and 1500, and the visit to 
Titieaca took place within theae limits 
of time. The ertraordinary longerity 
attributed to some of theae ehie^ 
cannot be accepted as B basis for de- 
termining the length of a term. Eren 
allowing for a generation as much as 
forty years, the beginning of the 
term of Tupac Yupanqai wooM be 
about the middle of the fifteenth 
century only. With him traditions 
of the [oca assume a more poaitiTe 

*• The rock, nnfortunatdy for tbCM 
statements, is so situated that it le- 
eeives no light at sunrise and Tery 
little direct sunlight during the Te- 
mainder of the day. 

"fielalioNe per Sva Maetta, foL 

"Cobo, in Hittoria del Xaevo 
If undo, IT, p. S2, calls that entrance 
"Kenti poncu," says it was "dos- 
eientoB pasos distante de la pefia," 
and adds: "A nn lado de la puerta 
sobredicha se Ten dertoe edificioa 
Tiejos, que, s^on los indios cnentan, 
eran aposentos de los nunistros y air- 
vientes del templo ; y al otro lado hay 
eeCalee de nn gran edifieio, que era el 
recogimiento de las Maicaooh&s, mn- 
jeres eansagTadas al Sol, las euales 
Servian de hacer los brevajes y telas 
de eurioeidad que en aqnel ministerio 



del sdoratorio se gastaban." Bamoi, 
in Sittoria de Copaeabana, pp. 10 and 
11, mentions ttiree gate^&ja, the Dear- 
eat of which he plaeee 200 itepe from 
the rock, and calls the flrat or most 
distant of theos entraneea "Puma- 
puncn, ' ' the middle one " Kenti- 
paneu," and the la»t " Pillcopnncu. " 
He saT* the three nere M twentj- 
pacee from each other. ^Fraj San 
Nicolas Vjmdi/en, etc., foL S3) agreee 
with Cobo. Admiuion to the closter 
of bnildings nuroonding the rock was 
to be preceded by a "confeMion." 
That a certain confewion was in prac- 
tice among the FeruTian aborigines 
■eema certain, alio that it reaolted in 
expurgation and abaoltition. On this 
point Arriaga (Extirpation, Cap. lu, 
p. 18) is positive and detailed: "Au- 
cachic, qoe en si Cnzeo llaman Ichnria, 
es el Confeaor, eat« oflelo no anda 
Bolo aino qne elempre ea anneso, al 
Tillae, t> al Uaesa sobre dieho. Coo- 
flesa a todoe loa de sn A7II0, avnque 
sea BU mnger, 7 hijo. Estas eon- 
fesiones aon aiempre sn la< lleetaa de 
■ns Hnacaa, j qnando an de jr eamiiio 
largo. T son tan cuidadosos en su 
ofleio, qae 6 topado 70 algtinoa mu- 
chaeboa qne nnnca ae arian eonfesado 
con Sacerdote algnno de Dioa noeetro 
Beitor, 7 as avian eonfeeado 7a tree 6 
qnatro vbem eon eetoe miaiatroe del 
Demonio . . ." (P. 28, Cap. v.) 
' ' Durante el a7nDo M eonfievan todoa 
Yndioe 7 Tndiaa eon loB qne tienen 
este olleio, aentadoa en el anelo el qae 
076, 7 el qne se eonfieasa en lugaree 
qne enelen tener en el eampo diputa- 
doB para eate efecto.— No eonfleesan 
peeados interiores, sine de haver bnr- 
tado, de aver mal tratado a otroa, 7 
de tener mas que nia mnger (porque 
tener vna annqne aea eatando amance- 
bado, no lo tienen por peeado) acn- 
■anae tambien de tea adnlterios, pero 
la simple fomicadon de ningnns 
manera la tienen por peeado, acnsanse 
de aner acndido a rererenciai el Dioe 
de loB Eapaiiolea, 7 de no auer aendido 
a laa Hoaeaa el Heehiiero les dice que se 

emiende," etc.— "T ponen Bobre vna 
piedra liana de loa polvoa de of rendaa, 
7 hate qae loa aople, 7 con vna piedre- 
;uela qne llaman Fasca, qne quiere 
dezir perdon, que la lleva el Yndio, o 
la tiene el que eonfleasa le refriega la 
eabeqa, con maia bianco molido, 7 eon 
agua le lavan la cabe^ en algnn 
aiT070 6 donde se jontan loa rios, qne 
llaman Tineuna.— Tiene poi gran 
peeado el esconder los peeados, quando 
se eonflsaaan, 7 haee grandea dili- 
gencias, para averignallo el Con- 
feasor.— Y para esto en diveraas par- 
tes tienen diversaa ceremonias. En 
vnaa en Ilegando el Yndio al confeeaor 
dice 07dme loa Cerroa de al derredor, 
las llanadaa, loe Condorea qne l>ola7i, 
los Bnhos 7 Leebn^aa, qne qniero eon- 
feaaar mis peeados. Y todo eato diie 
teniendo vna qnenteeilla de moUu 
metida en vna espina eon doe dedoa 
de la mano dereeha, levantando la ee- 
pina hazia arriba, dlie ans peeados, 
7 en acabando la d& al confeeaor, 7 
el la toma 7 hincando la espina en 
la manta la aprieta haata qae se 
qniebre la quenta, 7 mira en qnantas 
partes se qnebnj, 7 si se qnebrl} en 
tree 4 eido buena la confesion 7 A 
•e qniebra en doe, no i side buena la 
confession, 7 dice qne tome a con- 
f essar sob pecadoa. ' ' 

" En otraa partes para veridear coto 
migno toman vn manojillo de biebo de 
a donde ae deriv6 el nombre do Ichuri, 
que es el que coje pajaa, 7 lo divide 
el confeasor en doe parUe, 7 v4 sa- 
cando vna paja de vna parte, 7 otra 
de otra, haata ver si quedan parM, que 
entonces ea buena la confession, 7 si 
no es mala.— En otraa lo devinan por 
la aangre de loa euyea, 7 en vn pueblo 
cerca de aqui atandole las manoa atraa 
al penitente, qnando aeaba de eonfea- 
sar, 7 apretandoaelas con vn coidel le 
haiia el confeaor deiir la verdad.— O7 
diio delanta de mi vn Yndio al Visita- 
doT, que dandole el confeeaor con ra 
palo le apretava a qne eonfeasase to- 
dos BUS pecadoa, 7 otro que dandole 
con vna aoga. I^dea por penitencia 



loB ajnnoa eobredichaa de no comer 
Bal, ni agi, ni donnir eon soa mugeres, 
J ruo dixo qoe le avian dado est« 
ajnino por Beys inMM." 

"Fuera de las fleatas, vaan tambien 
el confeaeane, qnondo eetan enfer- 
mos, ' ' etc. I have been thns prolix in 
quoting Arriaga becanae he is more 
detailed on the Bnbjeet than any other 
anthoT, and because he made it a mat- 

r' of minute inveatigation. 
rhiB custom of ' ' conf eesioD ' ' 
among the Femrian Indiana was not 
"diecovered" in eonseqtienee of tbe 
official search into the rUes and eeie- 
noniala of that i>eople institnted in 
the beginning of the aerenteenth cen- 
tarjr. FnUj mxtj jears prerioiu, 
aboDt 1560, the Augustine monks who 
established missions in the region of 
Huamachnco, noticed the rites of con- 
fe6Sion.\ Says the BeioMon de la JBe- 
It^n V ritot del Fetii, Doo. de Indiai, 
III, p. 44: "Cosa ea de eapanto, qoe 
estoa indioB tambien tenian eonfeaion 
Tocal J Bs eonfesaban, la cual ae 
desenbri6 deata manera; andando nn 
padr« par nna xalca 6 tierra de 
mncha nievo, vido qne entre la niere 
eataba nn indio aseutado, j llam6 6, 
SOB janaconas y eriados j mand61es 
qne tmxeeen aqnd indio, 7 comensfile 

6 anadir qne le dijeee qne qo^ faacia en 
aquella ^rm 6 xalca, que asl la 
lUman en la lengoa del Perd • • ■ T 
dizo qne algnn fdolo 6 guaea habia 
poT alii, puea qne eataba asf, que debia 
de adoiar li mochar, 7 atrayfindole con 
algunaa amenasas, dixo que 61 diria 
por qu£ estaba eiU, 7 que era par 
penitencia qne le habia dado el alea, 
ques el hecMcero; 7 preguntfile qne 
por qii6 era aquella penitencia, 7 dizo 
que canf eafindoee, 7 asf dixo quien era 
el alca A sacerdote, 7 Uamdlo, que era 
nn indio Tiejo, 7 de aqni ae deeon- 
brieron mnehea. T la manera de ea 
eonfeaion era qne decian ana 00H&8, 
que en la lengna qaierei) decir eulpaa, 

7 coDfcaaban ai habian hnrtado algo 6 
refiido, sine habian serrido bien i sn 
principal 6 caciqne, sino tenido acata- 

miento al Zopai 7 damonio 7 & la 
gooca 6 Idolo, cnmplido con lo qne le 
mandaba el demonio. "—Father Cria- 
t6bal Molina: Fablet and BUm of Oe 
Tneat, p. 15: "According to the ae- 
counts they give, all the people of tbe 
land eonfeaaed to the sowerers vbo 
had charge af the hnaeas." Molina 
obtuned hia information at Cnaeo, 
about fifty Tears prior to Arriaga. 

"Hittoria del Nuem Mtutdo, TV, 
p. fl2: "Bntre esta puerta 7 loe edifi- 
cioe dichoB eataba una pefla tItb, par 
la cnal paaa el camino qne va al 
santoario, 7 en ella estin dartai 
sefiales qne pareeen del ealiado de 
loB indios, grandlsimas, las ensiles 
creian loi indios viejos ser pisadaa 
milagroaas qne alll qoedaron da 
aquellos maa qua tenebnwoa tiempos 
de an gentilidad, aiendo eoma sob 
agnajes de la misma pefia." Sqnier: 
Pent, p. 339: "The7 "^ formed in 
outline, by hatd, fermginooa vaiB^ 
around nUeh the loek has been worn 
awa7, leaving them in relief." 

"HiMtoria de Copaoabana, p. 8: 
"Al lado do una planieie, Mmo k 
treinta pasce de la pefia," ate. 
Cobo: Hittoria, IT, p. 61: "La pefia 
tan venerada eataba desenbieita, 7 
junto i ella el templo, con tal diepo- 
aicion, que Tenia A caei Is dieha pefia 
eomo en sn cimenterio, 6 por mejor 
decir, en la eapilla mayor d61, aunqne 
dwcnbierta, pnes era el Ingar de mas 
veneraeion." This is alread7 stated 
in the BelotioM p«f 8va Uanta, 
1S34, foL 413, irtiidL statement I re- 
gard as conclnsiTe. 

* Compare the description b7 Cobo : 
Eistoria, IT, p. 61: "El canTszo ea 
de pefta Tiva, cu7aB rertientea U^an 
i comonicaiBs eon el agoa en ana 
ensenada que la lagnna haee." Bnt 
Cobo makes the miatake of placing 
the face (frente) of tbe rock to the 
north instead of to the west That 
face, or cliff, looka to the Pemriaa or 
weatem ahore of the Lake. 

"Selooton (MArima, p. 161. In 
regard to a derivation from tbe Qo*' 



ehna "Titi"— tin, I fronld remark 
that the DAme is Aymaris and not 
Qnichnfi; (2) thst there is neither 
tin HOI lend nor nntimonj on the 
Island, and (3) that the rock is red- 
diah-brown and hae not the •lightest 
resemblance in color with an^ of 
these metala. 

" Bamos : H'Utoria d« Capaoabaius, 
p. 8: "Al lado de ana planicie, como 
k treinta pasoe de la peSa, eetan las 
ealatO) dd aol, del tmeno 7 del re- 
Umpago, a. qoienee loa indioa respeta- 
ben mncho." I italieiaa the word 
"ealaa." It ma^ be a misprint from 
' ' easaa. ' ' Shonid it, howorer, be 
"ealas," it maj indicate exeava- 
tions, or diggings. 

" See above. Cobo, while otherwise 
earefnl in his deeoiiptioDs, confounds 
the directions of the compass. On the 
side towaid Bolivia (the north and 
east) the Sacred Bock presents an al- 
most unintermpted slope on which ab- 
solutely no trace of mine is seen. 
Neither is there any appropriate site 
for a building. 

" Bittoria, p. 8. 

" See plans. 

* Belatione per Bva Ma«Mta, toL 

'Bamos: Hi$tOTia, p. 8: "En la 
flflii^i^ft d^ esta isla se han baUado 
inncbos idolillos de oro, 7 cnrioeos 
vBsoe de barro; venae ann laa eataa o 
raetroa de eicavadonee que se han 
heeho para bosear Ids tesoros qne en 
ans sepnleros enterraban los antignoe. 
Ahora todo cet6 cnbierto de pajonal 7 
maleza." There is no iebho graas on 
the level immadiatelj in front of the 
rock and the description would rather 
apply to the site called Chncaripn- 
pata, contlgnons almost to the level 
in question. Calancha: Cordniea, etc., 
II, foL 4: "Tiene de tierra una gran 
panpa, 6 Ilanada que siirid de eemen- 
terio es de tierra faeU . . . En 
aqueeta panpa, 6 Ilanada, se an sl- 
lado mnchos idoloe de oro y vaaos 
enrioBOf de barro con otraa menuden- 
eiaa del tiempo antigno. Tenae laa 

catas qne se an dado por bnscar los 
tesoros, qne en sds sepnleros enter- 
TSTAD los Tndios," etc. Calancha 
manifestly copied from Bamos. 
Cobo {EUtoria, etc., IT, p. 61) is one 
of these iriio state that the Bacred 
Boek was covered with handsome 
pieces of cloth, and adds: "Delante 
de la dicha peiia y altar se ve nna 
piedra redonda al modo de baein, ad- 
mirablemente labrada, del tamaflo de 
una piedra de moUno mediana, con 
sn oriflcio, que ahora sirve al pi£ de 
nna crua, en qne echaban la chicha 
para qne el Sol bebiese." Of this 
stone, drcnlar in form, we did not 
hear. The sacriflee 01 offering of 
chicha is mentioned already in 1534 
(Selatione per 3va Mattta, foL 413) ; 
"che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra 
quella pietra Thichieasa. ' ' Cobo 
(SMtoria, etc, p. 61) saya the rock 
was "cnbierta con una cortina de 
0iimbj, el maa antil y delicado qne 
j&mfis se vid, y todo el cAncavo d^la 
cnbierto de i*m<na« de oro." About 
the word ' ' cnrabi ' ' Torrea Bubio 
(Arte, etc., fol. 78) has "Ceompl o 
compi— Topa preeioea." That such 
handsome textures were need for sac- 
riflee is frequently stated. (Qarei- 
lasso: Commtarioa, I, foL 34.) Treat- 
ing of the objects offered to the snn, 
he asserts: "y ropa de Teetir de la 
mny flna, todo lo coal quemauA en 
higar de enelenso, y lo ofrecian en 
hazimlento do graeias." Betanzos: 
jSwna y NarTooion, Cap. xv, p. 103: 
"La cnal fiesta mandfi que se hiciese 
en la plaaa do agora ea el espital, tm 
la eiudad del Cuico ... en la cnal 
fiesta mandd que se faieieeen grandes 
sacrificios i los Idolos, do se lea 
quemase 6 Hacriflcaoe mnchos ganados 
6 eomidas 6 ropa, 7 en las tales 
gua«as fueseo ofreddos mnchaa joyaa 
de oro y plata." This was in the 
month of Hay, according to the au- 
thor. (Also p. 105.) Uolina: Fable* 
and Site$, etc., p. 34: "They bnm in 
sacriflee a sheep, and a vast quantity 
of clothes of many colonn." Also 




pp. 45, 46, et Mg. Informaeion de 
Id* Idoialria* de lot Inau i Indiot y 
de eomo le enterraban, 1571, Doo. de 
IttOiat, XXIV, pp. 133, 140, 164. Ar- 
riagtl: Sxtirpa<ton de la YdoUttria, 
Cap. Tm, p. 44: "Tambien no na a 
reparado hasta aora, en que tnTieesen 
las camiMtas antigvas d« cnmbi, qoe 
ofiedan & ma Haacaa, o veetian a waa 
Halqnia, o qne se ponian, para eolu 
fiMtM J aacrilleioa de laa Hnaeaa." 
Bamoa; Copaeabema, p. 16. Cobo: 
Hittoria del Nuevo il%ndo, IV, p. 84. 
Ab to the gold and ailTer figurines 
of men, women, and llamas that were 
(and still are, tbongh in a lesser 
qnantitj) dag ap on the level of 
Tican-ayehi in front of the Saered 
Bock and at Chncaripu-pata, they 
were votive offerings, and wlut the 
AymarA to-day caU, if it represents a 
man, "Eollke-jaqne" (silver man); 
if a vomao, "EoUke-hn&rmi" (silver 
woman). When the fignrines are of 
gold, "Knri" or "Cori" (gold) is 
sabntitnted for "Eollke" (sUver). 
BooDgh is contained in quotations 
preceding to establish that thsj were 
found at an early day on the Island 
and on the sitea above mentioDed. 
Already the Selatione per Sva Maeeta, 
foL 413, states; "A gU offeriseono 
oro k argento, A altre cose." These 
offerings were made to the Bock — 
"in vna gran pietra ehe 6 nell'IsoU 
ehe la ehiamano Thietdeasa. " Gar- 
eilasso: Com«ntarxot, I, foL 80: "Of- 
reeian eada afio mncho oro, y plata." 
Bamos: ffiftoria de Copacabana, p. 
11. The same author mentions that 
Hnayna Capae, who died when the 
first Spauiuds reached the coast of 
Ecuador, went to the island of Apio- 
gOila to make offerings to a new 
fetish called "Yatiri" (this is proba- 
bly a misunderstanding, since "Ya- 
tiri" is the title of a class of sha- 
mans) ; he was dissuaded from it and 
went to the ' neighboring island of 
Pamplti: "Obatinado sin embargo, 
en sn caprieho erey^ oir nn orfienlo de 
sns IdtHoa que le mandaban llevase a 

Dtra parte los Baerifldos de oro j 
plata, llamas, eoaaa preeiosas, y ana 
de nifios; pero no alll sino en Paaprti, 
otra isla inmediata." It is mmared 
that flgniea like those dug up on Titi- 
eaca exist buried either on Apiagnila 
or its smaller neighbor Psjnpiti, or 
PaapitL The flgnres vrere not idols 
or fetishes, but substitutes for live 
beings, men or flTi^Tpftlif; that should 
have been sacrificed. Sinee the In- 
dians continued to perform primitiTe 
ceremonials on the Islands for about 
a centory after the conquest, it is not 
impoBBible that a part of these offer- 
ings are post-eonqnistorial, although 
after primitive models. 

" BUtoria de Copaeabtnui, p. 12: 
"En la barranca que esti al frente 
del camino entre Jul! j Pomata, es- 
tuvo la despensa del sol . . . llamada 
vnlgarmente Chingana, que quiere de- 
sir lugar donde ee pierden." Cobo: 
Hitloria, etc., IV, p. S2: "T eerea 
del tempio se ven hdnas de la despensa 
del Sol, euyos retretes imitan al labe- 
rinto de Creta." 

"BamoBi Hutoria, ete^ p. 6; "Lo 
que se tiene por eierto ee, que il 
mismo hiio plantar nnaa estaeaa de 
moUes J alisoa." Tree-plautiiig hy 
the Indians in primitive times is very 
doubtful. As oftoi as I have be^ 
shown such groves I found them to be 
of natural growth. The Spaniards, 
however, had trees (for shade and 
fruit) planted in Peru at an early- 
date. Cutting down of indigenans 
fruit-trees was prohibited at Lima by 
ordinance of the first town-eonneil, 
Januaij SO, 1535, under heavy penal- 
ties; also February 6, 1535 (JDibro 
primera de cabildo$ de Lima, Jiimn, 
lS88,pp.l8andl»). On October SMb 
of the same year it waa ordained that 
every resident of Lima who owned 
land should plant at ones from fifty 
to three hundred trees on his prop- 
erty (JdMi, p. 44); the penalt? tor 
not doing so was one mark in gold. 
Among the Ordinanoes of Toledo from. 
1574 there are two, in one of whlc^ it 



U ordained th&t tha alealdea of Indian 
Mnunniiities have trees planted: 
"Itxm, tendrin lea AlcUdee cardado 
de mandar, que en laa parUs, j 
lugsm que havien temple para ello 
en laa qnebradaa, j n.jexm de las 
eieqaiaa, 6 Bioe, m planten arbolea 
altsoa, 7 sauEea, 6 fmtalea de eaatilla, 
puea ea negocio de qne we les tagat, j 
racrBM tauto proTe«ho 4 los natonjea 
dMl« B«7DO." And in the oTdinanee 
follawing, the cutting of treee at the 
fctot is prohibited to the Indian* (Or- 
deiumMoa del F«t^, Lib. II, Titulo ix, 
fol. 146, Ord. xiT and xt). AJao, foi 
GuiM : TertimYO de lot Avto* heehot 
Pot el J*eM de Iflet tobre la Plants de 
iae Arboledat e* el frno de la Far- 
roqvia de Ban SebaetS por oomition 
del Ytigne Comldo de la DM ChhIihI, 
159D, M8S. in poaseBsion of Don Car- 
lo* A. Bomero at Lima, foL 3^ 

-Hiatoria, etc, IV, p. 62. 

"It might be (this ia merelj a mg- 
geation of miae) that Chnearipa-pAta 
waa a builal dte for thoM vrho died 
in attendance of worship on the 
Iiland. This might explain the ab- 
•enee of veetiges of bnildingg. Some- 
thing Uki> it i* iuinoated bj Ba- 
moa Biitoria, etc., p. 11: "Tenae 
aflh las eataa 6 rastios de excava- 
dones qne ae an hecho pars tnuear 
las tesoToe qne en mu sepnleroa cmter- 
raban loa autignoa." Calaneha: Cot6- 
ntoa, II, foL 4: "Venae laa eatas qne 
te an dado por bnacar loe teaoToe, que 
en SOS Mpnleroa enterravan los Tn- 

"Cobo: Hittoria, etc., IV, p. 68. 
Bamoa : Copaeabana, p. 6. 

"Apingfiila in to-daj aometimes 
called the ' ' island of the devil. ' ' 
From Titieaea it is plainly Tiaible, 
as a low truncated cone anrmounted 
hj a eolunm or pillar. Pampiti (or 
Paapiti) is clpse to it on the south, 
and ia low and flat. As far as I 
know, the episode of the voyage of 
HwiTDa Capac to ApingQila ia only 
mentioned hy three authora, all An- 
gustines: Bunoa: Cap. XXIU; Calan- 

eha; Corditiea, II, Cap. m, and Fray 
8. Nicolas: tmdgen, Cap. n, foL 87. 
While the latter has been guided, in 
writing his book, by Bamos and Ca- 
laneha, he haa enhanced on both in 
the follawing passage relative to 
Apinguila; "Unltiplicd Quaina Capae 
otro Templo en Apingaela, Isla no 
menoB bien cercana k la dicha Titi- 
eaea, y dedieole al Idolo latiii, qui- 
tando en impnroa aaerificios tantas 
vidas k loa aoyoe, que perdiendo por 
esso el primer nombre, se halld con 
aquel de Vilacota, que slgniAca Lago, 
6 mar de sangre, en la lengna natural 
de aqnella tierra. " " Uilacots ' ' 
meana "lake of blood," or bloody 
lake, in Aymari. Neither Bamos nor 
Calaneha mention the erection of a 
"temple" on ApingCila, and the lat- 
ter only applies the name "Vilacota" 
te portiona of the I^ke aronnd the 
two islands. The whole story appeara 
to me auspicious. 

** The voyage, although long and 
tediona, could be performed in balsas. 
The Indians aometimes make longer 
ones, though iuvolontarily, wh«i east- 
erly or northerly stormk prevail on the 

**P»rK, p. 336: "At almoet the 
very northern end of the Island, at 
its most repulsive and onpromising 
part, trtiere there ia neither inhab- 
itant nor trace of cnlton, where the 
soil is rocky and bare, and the eliffs 
ragged and broken ... is the spot 
most celebrated and most sacred in 
Peru. ' ' 

• The only bird we saw, daring the 
time of our investigations about the 
Sacred Bock was the alkamari (called 
in Peni "ehinalinda"), a handsome 
bnziard, always stalking and flying 
about in pairs. 

"Selatione per 8va Maetta, fol 
413 : "& pin di mille donne, che 
f anno Chieca per gettarla aopra qneUa 
pietnt Thichleasa. " The nmnber is, 
of comae, either exaggerated, or it 
may be that the Spaniards were fol- 
lowed to the Island by a large eon- 




conrw from the mainland, which wu 
often the ease, elsewhere, when white 
men appeared for the first time and 
in imall nnmben. 

" The title of ' ' virgimi of the 
flun," freqtientlf given to these doia- 
tered, or rather reohtto, fenialei is 
not appropriate, and it ma^ not be 
amisfl to enter here into a preliminaT;^ 
diBcaaaion of the natnre of the eoa- 
tom. When, in 1S32, the Spaniards 
moved npon Cajamarea, the^ met the 
lint one of tixe honsea occupied bj 
women in the Sierra at Caxaa. The 
anonTmons folio printed at Sevilla 
in 1934, and entitled. La Congvwta 
del Pent Uamada la N%eua CaifiUa, 
has the following: ' ' Uegaron al 
pneblo <1 era gride; j en onaa easaa 
moy aHaa hallaiA mneho majs; y eal- 
gado, otraa eetan& llenas de Una 7 
mas de qninientae mngeree J] no hBzi& 
otm coea sine ropas j vino de may* 
para la gente de goerra: en aqnellaa 
eaaas hania mneho de aqnel vino." 
Francisco Xeres {Verdod^ra Belaeioit 
de la Conqititta d«l Pen, pp. S2 et 
teq.) is more detailed: "7 qne se 
hall6 en aqnel pueblo de Cazas una 
easa grande, fnerte 7 eereada de 
tapiaa, eon ans puertas, en la coal 
eataban mnchaa mnjeree hilando 7 
tejiendo ropas para la hneste de Ata- 
balipa, sin tener varones, mfts de loe 
porteroB qne Us gnnrdaban, 7 qne t 
la entrada del poeblo habla dertoa 
indioa ahoreadoa de loe pite; 7 aupo 
deete prineipaJ qne AtabaJipa los 
uiand6 matai porqne one delloe entrd 
en la easa de las mnjeree i dormir 
eonnna; BleiiaI,7(t[>doB loe porteroe 
qne conaintieron, ahorc6." Of Caja- 
marea, the Congitista (foL 2) saye: 
"En el pneUo aoia mn7 poea geta/ 
H serii qnatroeStoe o qohdetos indioe, 
j} gnnrdanan Us pnertas de Us easas 
del oaciqne Atabalipa/q estaiA llenas 
de mngeree ^ hasian ehieha para el 
real de AtalMlipa." Xerez: Vtrda- 
d«ra BAieion, p. 79: "Entie U sierra 
7 wta plasa grande cet6 otra plaaa 
mta peqaefia; eereada toda de apo- 

Mntoe; 7 en elloe habU mndisa 
mnjeree para el servieio de aqneate 
Atabalipa." In his report on the 
jonmej to Pachaeamae, written No- 
vember, I63S, (Hernando Pissrro) 
speaks as follows of the reetsae 
women (Carta & la Audienda de 
Banto Domingo, Bibhoteoa de Aatorm 
etpafiolee, VoL SIX, Obraa de Qwia- 
tana, p. 497); "En todos eatoa pue- 
blos hay caeas de mnjeree eneerrada^ 
tienen gnardas i Us pnertas, goaidaa 
caetidad; si algnn indio tiene parte 
en algnna de ellaa, mnere pot eDo; 
eetas easaa son onaa para el sacriflejo 
del sol, otraa del Cueo viejo, padre 
de Atabaliva: el sacrifieio qne haeen 
es de oveJBi^ 6 haeen ehieha para 
verter por el anelo: hay otraa easaa 
de mnjetes en eada poeblo de estea 
prineipalee, aaimismo gnardndas, qne 
eet&n reeogides de loe caciqnes eo- 
marcanoe, para cnando pasa d aefior 
de' U tierra aacan de alii las mejores 
para preeent&rseUs, i sacadas aqndlaa, 
meten otraa tantas: tambien ti^wn 
eargo de hacer cliicha para eoando 
pasa U gente de gnerra: de estas 
easaa saeaban Indias qne nos pn- 
santaban." Of the coast Piarro 
states (p. 497): "Asimiamo tienen 
easas de mnjeree." Mignel de EU«(e 
(La Belaeion del Viaje ^m Mao el 
Seffor Capita* Henutndo Pitarro, etc., 
in Xeres, pp. 121-149) make* no 
mention of the women, bnt Oviedo 
(Biitoria general, TV, p. 213) reeorda 
a criticism on the atetementa of 
Piiarro by Diego de Molina, wbo 
eame to Santo Domingo in 1S3S, hav- 
ing been s participant in the eon- 
qneet. Uolina told him: "Deeia qne 
aqnellaa mugerea eaataa que dice la 
carta ee bnrla, qne no son eaataa; 
pero qnee verdad qne Us goardaa 
hombree caatradoe." To theee stata- 
menta from the earliest day« of tba 
conqneat, that of Pedro Piaarro moat 
be added. He also was one of the 
first conqnerors, although he wrote 
inlS71. He sUtes (BebKion, p. £68) : 
"En Mte bnhio donde digo eatab* ti. 



Bol, donni&n coUdiano maa de dodeii' 
tae mngOTM liiJBa de indios piinei- 
pales: donman en el anelo, 7 al baita 
del Sol tanian puesto im eaea£o alto 
mvj rico de mucha plumeria Ae toT- 
usBol, J fingian eUaa donnir alii 7 que 
d Sol se ayuntaba eon ellaa." 

"Tratar^ ahois de lo qne eon estu 
Duunaeonaa, 7 eote oombTe qne tlaken 
de mamaconaa era eoatombre entre 
eete linage dwtoa orejonea que eran 
mncha geute 7 tenidoB entre elloa por 
eaballeroa, en especial los que andv 
bau traaqniladoe, porque otroa habia 
qoe traian el cabello lafgo earriente 
nn eortarlo jam&a, atmqne deeian qne 
eran parientea los nnoa de loa otroe, 
riendo. el prindpio de elloa dos ber- 
manM 7 qne el nno habia tornado 
tnje de audar tnacpilladD 7 el otio 
eon el cabello largo: de la generaeion 
de lo* qne se traaqnilaban eran loa 
■efioiea de eete reioo 7 en mas tenidoB 
loa hijoa 6 hijaa de estoe.— Teulan U- 
bertad d«eqne eran de edad, de eae<^er 
& qoien era an volnntad & Ilegarae 
para lo aerrir 7 nombrane & m ape- 
lUdo, 7 dende ehieoa ens padrea los 
••Satabaii 7 dedieaban 6 paia el Sol 

6 al Sefior qoe i la auon reinaba, 6 
para algono de los mrnrtoB qoa tengo 
dieho, aefialabanloe k sn Mrrieio; 7 loa 
qne eran paia el Sol, estaban en sns 
easas, qoe eran muj grandee 7 nin7 
eercadaa, oenp&ndoae laa mogerea en 
bacer ghieha, qne era una mauera de 
brebaje qne baeian del mail que be- 
bian eoino noaotroa el vino, 7 en gniaer 
de comer anaf para el Sol eoroo para 
loa qne le serrian: habian de eatar 
lecogidaa de nocbe todaa sin lalir 
fuera destoa eereadoa 7 eaaaa, que 
tanian ronchoa porteroa que laa gnar- 
datmn 7 nna tola pnerta que en eataa 
cases 7 cereado t1 70: no babia de 
dormir ni qnedai de uoehe niugnn 
▼aron so pena de la vida porqne ai 
se snpiera (vi U 6rden qne era eomo 
tengo dieho) el qne todo lo diapenaaba 

7 mandaba en tna ritoa loe hieieTa 
matar, porqne i eete obedeacian 7 
twnj»" en sua eeiemoaiM 7 ritoa. 

De dia podian lalir eataa mngeref, 7 
Mtas se Ilamaban mamaconaa : laa qne 
eran para el wrvicio «Bteban angt eomo 
tengo dieho, en otroa Ingaree IDD7 
eereadoa teniendo pnertaa 7 porteros 
qne Us gnardaban: oenp&banae anai- 
mesmo en lo mesmo qne tengo dieho 
hadan laa del Sol, 7 en serrir A laa 
hermanaa de loa lugas. Lm qne esta- 
ban eon los muertiM tenian mas li- 
bertad, porqne annqne estaban encer- 
radaa en sua easas no estaban tan 
opremidas eomo las demaa 7a diehas. 
Ihi todo este reino del PiiA habia 
esta 6rden de mamaeonaa en pro- 
vineiaa, jnntindoae en la nuiToi pro* 
Tineia 7 eabeaa qne dloa tenian 
seBalada, tra7endo aUl todaa laa hijaa 
de los indios prineipalea; 7 en sns 
miamoa pneblos, annqne foesen peqne- 
fios tenian eaaaa de reeogimiento para 
reeoger laa hijaa que nadan de todos 
los indios: en siendo de edad de dies 
afioe eetas ee oenpaban en a7ndar i 
haeer las sementeras del Sol 7 del 
Inga 7 en haeer ropa delgada pan 
los seflorea, digo en hilar lana porqne 
el tejella Taronea no qneriau. Ad 
miamo estas se oenpaban en hacer 
ebicha para los indios qne enltivaban 
las tierras del Sol 7 del Inga, 7 para 
d paaaban gnamidones de gente do 
gnerra por en tierra dallea de comer 
7 desta diictia. Ia drden qne tenian 
para dar mogerM k loa indios 7 re- 
novar estaa mamaconaa, era qne de 
aSo k alio el gobemador qne gober- 
naba laa prorineias qne el Inga tenia 
pnestos, qne eran orejonea , , , ante 
eada a&o jnntaba todaa eataa mama- 
eonaa en U plasB 7 Us qne eran 7a 
ma70Tea para easar les deda eseogie- 
aen loa maridoa que qnerian de sn 
pneblo, 7 llamados k loa indios lea 
pn^nntaban qne eon qn6 indias as 
qnerian easar de aqnellas, 7 por esta 
6rden cada afio iba easando, sneando 
Ua ma7or«a 7 metiendo otraa de edad 
de diea aSoa eomo tengo dieho. Si 
aeaao habia algnna India destas qne 
fneae mn7 hermos^ U enriaban al 
BeSor. Eataa se Ilamaban mama- 




eonu: eato era mnj eomnn en todo 
este reino del Piili." 
f Thna far statementa of parties iriio 
Rkw Indian Boeie^ in Pern irtiile in 
its primitire condition. It shorn th&t 
tli« mam&ctmu (literallj, mothers, 
from ' ' mama ' '— mothei— and the 
plural "cona") were in fact a tHbvt» 
in Miomen eseacled by the Cvmoo tribe, 
and, secondly, that chastity on their 
part was onlj relative, not absolute. 
The bnildinga in which nch women 
were kept under gaaxA were neither 
more nor lev than storehonsea shel- 
tering a tribute in women,') 

Juan de Betanioa ffiojf have come 
to Pern with PiEarro, but it ia more 
prudent to suppose that be came to 
Pern at an earlj day, and certainly 
prior to 1542. In his Swma y Narra- 
eUm, Cap. xm, p. S5, he mentions 
that women and men of the settle- 
ments around Cnico in the fifteenth 
centnry were reqnired to manufacture 
clothing for the Cuaeo tribe: "Man- 
daron que Inego en sos tierras fnesen 
juntas muehaa mujerea, 6 pueatas en 
eaaaa y eorralee lee fueee repartida 
mueha Una flna 6 de diversoa colorea, 
y que anaimeamo tneeen pneatoe y 
armadoB mnchoa telarca, 6 que ansf 
hombrea eomo mujeres, eon toda la 
m&s bierednd que fuese posible, hieie- 
een la ropa que lea habia cabido . . . 
T eata ropa anal hecha i acabada, 
fu6 traida & la ciudad del Cozeo." 
While (p. 127) he uses the term 
' ' mamaconas ' ' to designate women 
destined to attend certain idols or 
fetishes, he does not mention any 
forcible or voluntary recluaion on 
their part. But what we possess thus 
far of the work of Betanaoe is un- 
fortunately a fragment. 

Cieia, who came to Peru at least 
eight year* later than Betanios, is 
perhaps the most uncritical panegyrist 
of ao-ealled Inca "civiliiation" of 
the aiiteenth century. In Segvnda 
Forte de la CrSnioa, p. 106, he treats 
of the recluse women in the fallowing 
manner: "A. laa pnertas deataa casus 

eataban puestoa porteros que teniaa 
cargo de mirar por laa virgunes, qna 
eran mnchaa hijaa de seiiorea prin- 
cipales, las mAs hermosas y apusataa 
que BO podian hallar; y estaban en el 
tempio haata aar viejaa) y si algona 
tenia conocimiento con Taron, la mata- 
bau 6 la enterraban vira, y lo mismo 
hacion & £L Estas mnjeres eran 
llfttn<ifift» mSJnaconaa; no entendiaa 
en mas de tejer y pintar ropa de laaa 
para serricio del tempio y en haew 
chJcha," etc. Prerionsly (p. 68), 
among the tribnt« exacted by the 
Inca, he enumerates: "y de mngeres 
y mnchachos; loa eualea ae sacabaa 
del pueblo sin ningnna pesadomla^ 
porqne si nn hombre tenia nn sob) hijo 
6 hija, eate tal no le tomaban, pero ai 
tenia fares 6 cuatro, tom&balea para 
pagar el serricio. ' ' Still pivrioas 
(p. 33) we find the folloiring state- 
ment: "No habia ningnno dellos qna 
BO tuvieoe mfia de aeteeientas mogeres 
para serrido de su eaaa y para so 
pasatiempo; y asi, todos ellos tavie- 
Ton muohoa hijoa que habian eo Mas 
que tenian por mngsres 6 mancebas, 
y eran bien tratadaa poi & y estima- 
daa de loa indioa natnralea; y aposoi- 
tado el rey en sn palacio, 6 por donde 
quier qua iba, erad miwuia* y guarda- 
daa todas por los porteros y camayoa^ 
qnea norabre de goardianea; y si al- 
gnna nsaba con varon, era caatigada 
con pena de muerte, dindole & fl la 
misma pena." It should not be aver- 
looked that Cieta, out of ignorance 
of the rules of Indian relationsbip in 
Pern, bIbo Baaerta that the chiefs inTa- 
riably married their sisters; also that 
in one of the forgoing paragiaphs 
he uses the term "Tirgins" qnite a 
priori. Oarcilaseo de la Vega (Co- 
tMDtario*, I, foL 78) deniea there 
were any women inaide of the ho me s 
of worahip at Cuaco, thus contradict- 
ing CiezB. While hia work is mock 
posterior to that of Cieca, he was at 
Cnaco iriien the latter made a eou- 
paratively short viait to that (tbon 
already Spanish) town. Be asaerta 



(ComenfarMx, I, fol. TS): "Tampoeo 
entTMii mngeres en ella, Bun^ toeBoen 
las bijaa 7 mngerea del mismo Bej." 
Fcuther on : " aalao q en la casa del 
Sol no aoia seniicio de mugeiee. ' ' In 
Book lY, Cap. I and n, foL 81 and 
82, he treats at length of the "tIt- 
gins," makiiig the significant remark: 
"Porqne Koiendo de tener hijos el 
Sol como ellos iin&giDauBii, no era 
TBzd q fneran bastardoB, mezclados de 
■agre dinina 7 hmnana. For tito 
aaian de aer legitimaa de la sangre 
Beat <1 era la misma del Sol.' ' When 
OareilaBso states the "Tirgina" lutd 
to have ehildrm, it is not meant 
fignratiTel7. Fedro Fisarro, while 
stating; "Eneete bnlilo donde digo 
eetaba el Sol, dormian eotidiano mas 
de doeientas mogeree hijas de indiof 
prineipalee, " adds: "7 fingian ellas 
donnii alU 7 qne el Sol se a7nntaba 
con ellas. ' ' ( For the preaant I limit 
mTSelf to theM indications gathered 
ttoja earliest soorces. The7 seem to 
establish, as already observed, that 
the mamaeonas, indoding those on 
Titieaca Island, were not vestala, and 
that the institDtion was a part of the 
Inca STstem of tribnte. It ma^ be 
that, as some of the recluse women 
were occaBionaDy sacrificed, they were 
kept virgins for that pcrpoee, aa ia 
indicated by Bamos \BUtoTia, etc., p. 
12 et teg.: "Sabidij ee que & seme- 
janza de las Teatales de Boma, tnvo 
el Feni viijenes dedicadas al sol, 
habiendo mncbas caaaa de ellaa en el 
imperio, 7 por lo menoa nna en cada 
provincia; en que habia doe claaes 
de donc^aa, nnas llamadas asi, 7 
otros Mamaeonas, que eran laa maes- 
tras de noviciea: estas eran admitidaa 
a loe ocho afios 7 tc criabaa en reco- 
jimiento haata los quince o dies 7 
aeia. En esa edad las saeaban para 
desposarlas con el Inca o con sns 
capitanes favoritos, aunqne etrto se 
hacia rara vez en las fiestas mni prin- 
cipales 7 con firden espreao del eobe- 
rano. Cuando dcepnes se ensangrentd 
el culto, algnnas tambien laa aacri- 

ficaban al sol. ' '— ' ' Cnaodo despnes 
en las fiestas principalea aacabao al- 
gunaa para ofrecerlaa en aacrificio al 
Bol, eaas mas infellees Ifljeniaa eran 
degolladas." (P. 16.) "Cnando es- 
taa nifias dedicadas al sol llegaban 
a edad fiorida debian gnardar pei- 
petna virjinidad, mientrtu el Inea no 
lag etcojete, jniet era el intirprete 
toberano y el repretentante vivo del 
tol." (Italics mine.) 

* In addition to the te8timon7 pre- 
sented, I refer to Bamos, p. 13. 

<* The Chineana is the 00)7 build- 
ing, of Inca origin, on the Island 
capable of accommodating a larger 
number of people; the ruin at Kasa- 
pata excepted, which, as.shown, was a 
"tambo." V'Hie house of the women 
had to be wise to the places of wor- 
ship or ahrinea, and there is no VMtlge 
of any edifice In that Ticinit7 that 
eonld have been suitable for the pnr- 

"Hfelafvme per 8va Maetta, lot 

" See foregoing notes. 

" I believe to have shown that the 
first occnpation of the Island b7 Incaa 
occurred between 1450 and 1500, hence 
the conatructiona date from that 
period, if it ia true they were made 
during the term of office of Tupac 

" See annexed photograph. 

"Cobo: Eutoria, etc., IV, p. 202: 
"La tinta dan & la lana y algodon 
en pelo, antea de hilarlo, y despnes de 
aacada del Telar la pieza no naan 
darie ninguna." 

"Bittoria, etc., IV, pp. 57 and 62. 
Bamos, p. 10. 

"Cobo: HittOTia, eW., IV, p. 169. 

"Pedro Piiarro; Selacion del Dee- 
eubrimiento, p. 266; Oarcilasso: Co- 
mentarioe, I, fol. 76; and others. 

"Arriaga; Extirpacion, Cap. n. 

" FrimeTa Parte de la Crdniaa del 
Feri, Cap, cm, p. 443. 

" Eittoria general, IV, p. 261. 

"The Selalione, etc., of 1534, 
foL 413, already statea the sacrifices 




were nude "in vna gran pietm." 
Cieta: Fnmera Pfflrtfl, p. 446; Gawi- 
lasBo: CotMntariot, I, foL 80; Bnmoe: 
ff««loria, -p. i et aeq.; Cobo: SittorUt, 
IT, p. GBl The latter etatei; "Como 
qoiera que haya sido el Prmeii»o 7 
origen deete eantnario, 61 tenia 0107 
grande antig&edad 7 aiempTe fu6 mnjr 
venerado de laa gentea del Oollao, 
antes que fueran aojetadoe per loe 
Be7e0 Ineas." Also, p. 5T. 

"Aside from the deseriptions of 
the eeremoniale bf anthon who eaw 
them after the eonqnert, like Cieza 
{Segunda Parte, Cap. xziz and xxx), 
e7e-witi]eMes like Pedro Pitorro (Be- 
lacu>n, p. 276) give « fair picture of 
the impreari<ine made upon them by 
the oeremoniala trtien leen for the fliet 

"BUtoria, p. 03. This statement 
should be taken with reeerre. 

** Ibidem, p. 69. 

'Relatione per Bva Maetta, (oL 
413; Pedro Piurro: Selaoioit, p. 260. 
lAter authoritiea concur. Already 
Ciexa mentions a number of places 

where oracles were expected and be- 
lieved in, by the Indians — Primen 
Parte, p. 421, Pachaeamac; p. 426, 
Cajamaica; p. 432, Jaaja, and otben; 
Begwitda FarU, p. 109, near Cueo; 
p. 110, Tileanota; p. Ill, Ancoeagna; 
p. 112, Ebropvna. BOaeio^ y detian- 
eion del vwdo ipu Bite valle de Chi*- 
eka y ttu eomareanoi m gobentabax, 
etc. Doe. de Etpaia, ToL L, p. 221: 
"Los YnngBB no adoraban al Sol nie 
it OnacBfl, y no A todas lino aqoelhi 
qne daban reapnesta, y no aiempi^ 
■ino coando laa habian meneeter." 
This report, which bean date Febn- 
ary 22, 1558, is 1v the Dominicu 
Fn^ Cristabal de Cwtrolthe EOa- 
oioa d» la BeUgitm y Bitot dei Ferv, 
about 1S60, by AngnstiBe monk*: 
{Doe. de Indiat, III, pp. 16, 18, 19, 
21, 26, 27, 28, et teq. This doeimieitt 
treats, as already stated, of Hnama- 
chneo; also, abovt PachacsniM, 
Xerei! F^rdad^ra Selooion, aad 
Hernando Pizarro: Carta. It is not 
necessary to qnote authors of a lata 














Cs^et of andente with cover wfaieh contained ancient poocbo (see text) 
from tlie vicinity of Muro-Kato 





THE longitndinal axes of Titicaca and Koati are ap- 
proximately parallel, and tiiere are analogies between 
tbei two Islands that bear npon the distribution of aborigi- 
nal establishments on their surface. The northwestern 
extremity of each Island is narrow and rocky, especially 
that of Eoati. Uila-Peki, the "Bed Head" of Koati (see 
map of the Island, /), is a sheer cliff of red sandstone, and, 
seen from the Lake, it is very conspicuous.' On the sonth- 
eastem end of Koati there are cliffs also but they are not 
as striking as the bold promontory in the northwest. The 
two main groups of Inca ruins, still extant on Koati, are 
found at luak-Uyu (house of women) on the northern slope, 
and on the crest called "Bed Head." The former ruin (a) 
recalls, in situation, the Pilco-Kayma on Titicaca ; the other 
(b) Kasapata. 

So-called Chnllpa remains are few on Koati. "What we 
were able to discover were burial cysts. A few of them 
differ from those on Titicaca in that they are double ; that 
ia, two graves superposed and separated by a cover con- 
sisting of at least two slabs. They are of a somewhat better 
make than those at.Ciriapata and elsewhere. Most of them 
had been searched previously, so that the yield was poor, 
and the pottery as well as the few skulls secured were of 
Chnllpa type. We found tiiese graves on, or close to, the 
crest of the Island. This crest bears, along the whole line, 



the vestiges of a wall of varying width, that seems to have 
been mostly conBtrueted ont of rocky debris that formerly 
covered the slopes. From this wall, others descend like 
ribs, chiefly on the east side. Andenes, ancient and modem, 
run along the flanks of Koati, bnt it is chiefly the northeast- 
em slope, the one exposed to the son, that bears marks of 
onltivation. The sonthwestem declivity is so much in the 
shade as to be notably colder than the other. Hence Inca 
stractnres lie, either on the crest, like those near Uila-Peki, 
or on the eastern slope, as Inak-TTyu. Of Chnllpa buUdings 
we saw no traces. 

In connection with the wall on the crest we noticed 
vestiges of a quadrangular building.* The fonndations 
indicate a stmctare measuring thirty-siz by thirty feet, 
and the only side wall still defined is about four feet thick. 
Another rain stands at c. Three rooms, divided from each 
other by (now ruined) partitions two feet in tiuckneas, 
occupy the sonthem end of a fairly made anden (c). Their 
aggregate length is fifty-eight feet, their width nineteen. 
We could not obtain any information concerning these 
structures; the Indians did not even have a name for the 
sites. AH they said was, that they were Inca. Not a pot- 
sherd was found about them and excavations proved fruit- 
less. Indians from the Island and from Sampaya had long 
ago lifled both localities, although they claimed to know 
nothing abont them. 

The ruin which has attracted the attention of visitors to 
Koati is the one called Inak-Uyu (map, a). Squier calls it 
"Palace of the Virgins of the Sun,'** but believes that it 
was a "Temple of the Moon." "Wiener does not seem to 
have visited the Island, else he conld not have written: 
"The monuments of the Island of Koati are in a state of 
complete destruction."* Inak-Uyu is, on the contrary, 
one of the best preserved ancient buildings on the two 
Islands. Certain portions are torn down, bnt the lines of 
walla can everywhere be traced, and the facades bear, in 











places, a thick coating of plaster, made of mnd with ichhu- 
grass, that gave to the walls an appearance of neatness 
and finish which the rough stonework now exposed is lack- 
ing. Father Sans, following Bamos, calls Inak-Uya a 
"Temple of the Moon," Cobo, agreeing with Bamos and 
Calancha, states (speaking of the deeds of Tnpac Ynpan- 
qni) : "Bnt, not satisfied with what had been done for the 
adornment and lustre of this sanctoary (Titicaca), thinking 
yet that he was not complying fully with Ms obligations 
and was not attending with sufficient care to the worship of 
the sun if he did not assign to it a woman, and even women, 
for its use and service, he determined upon doing it. "While 
in this frame of mind he found a good opportunity which 
was the Island of Coata or Goyata, so billed after Co;b 
which is the same as queen, and he constructed on it a 
sumptuous temple, in which he placed the statue of a 
woman, from the belt upwards of gold, and from the belt 
down of silver, which was of the size of a woman and rep- 
resented as being the image of the moon. So that besides 
the live women that on Titicaca were dedicated to the sun 
for its service, this idol was dedicated to it also under the 
name of its spouse, in representation of the moon, al- 
though others claim that this figure and statue was called 
Titicaca, and say that it represented the mother of the 
Incas. Be it one or the other, the statue was carried to the 
city of Cnzco by the Marqnis D. Francisco Pizarro, who 
sent three Spaniards for it. In presence of this diversity 
of opinions it is difficult to arrive at any conclusion."" 

The situation of Inak-Uyu is very handsome. Standing 
on the slope of the Island, it gets the full benefit of whatever 
light and heat the sun affords in these altitudes. The view 
is not as extensive as from many points on Titicaca, but 
the peaks of Sorata are seen to much greater advantage. 
The building occupies part of the highest one of fonr ter- 
races, carefnlly leveled, and these terraces descend towards 
the jjake in regular steps, each faced by a wall of very good 



workmanship. The platfonns are respectively from seven 
to nine feet in height and irregularly qnadrangnlar, for as 
they take up the whole ravine they adapt themselves to its 
sinuosities. Their aggregate deptii, from the southern wail 
of Inak-Uyn to the northern margin of the fourth platform, 
is 340 feet, and the total elevation, thirty-fonr. From the 
base of the lowest platform to the Lake shore, the distance 
is about 100 feet more and the difference in level, sixty- 
three; so that the rear wall of the ruin stands ninety-seven 
feet above the lake and is horizontally 440 feet distant from 
it. On both sides of the ravine slopes are covered with 
ancient andenes, in the same manner as near Ynmani and 
the Pilco-Kayma. The Indians call the first platform and 
the buildings on it Inak-Uyn, the one next following Kalich- 
Pata. The wall of the latter is the best spedmen of andent 
masonry found either on Titicaca or on Koati, and many 
of its well cut blocks (which are fitted without any binding 
or mortar) are said to have been carried to Jtdi for the 
constmction of one of its churches. At the foot of the same 
wall (which is provided, besides, with good steps leading up 
to the terrace) stand two buildings of smaller size, one in 
each comer, that recall the outhouses at the Pilco-Kayma. 
They are reduced to low walls, so that only size and 
outline can be ascertained. From the face of the foorth 
terrace, descent to the beach is by steps also, but the 
andenes are less regular, much narrower, and considerably 

The main edifice occupies the approximate north, south, 
and west sides of the uppermost platform. The western or 
central part has a front of 178 feet, and its width is twenty- 
four. It is divided into thirteen compartments, most of 
which would have to be freed from rubbish in order to dis- 
cover details, a work of long time and considerable expense 
whidi it is hardly worth while to undertake. Among these 
thirteen subdivisions are a number of narrow ones similar 
to gangways, and one of these, at the southern end, is so 



..lit m---'i 


Plate LXm 

Architectural details from the Chincanft 
Doorways and niches, etc. (see text) 





mnch lower than the roof of the room adjoining that it 
appears almost subterraneous. The two central rooms are 
best preserved. A hall or passage, to which we could find 
no entrance, separates them. These rooms are the most 
striking features of the edifice. The doorways by which 
they are entered are each thirteen feet and four inches 
wide, and in the rear wall are very elaborate niches, the 
finest on either island. They are still partly plastered, and 
their greatest widths are respectively twelve and a f onrth and 
twelve and a half feet, their greatest height being fourteen. 
They are, therefore, exceptionally symmetrical, in general 
dimensions, whereas in detail they differ. Their depth is 
six feet in one and six feet three inches in the other. The 
innermost recesses are respectively three and a half and 
four feet deep. Besides these very prominwit niches, each of 
the two rooms has four smaller ones, two on the south and 
two on the north side. The other compartments of this part 
of the building are in a state of dilapidation, although the 
walls stand to a considerable height. The roofs are gone, 
and while it seems as if the building had had two stories, it 
is impossible to determine their elevation. It appears 
to-day as if the two large doorways were the only entrances 
to this section from the front, but the plan given by Mr. 
Squier, and made when the structure was in a better state 
of preservation, shows entrances to each of the southern 
rooms and also communicating doors, of which, at present, 
nothing is seen. He also marks several flights of steps that 
are either destroyed or covered by rubbish. A comparison 
of his plan wilii ours is therefore indispensable, as .well as 
with the plan given byfttivero'^and Tschudi. "With the ex- 
ception of discrepancies- in dimensions (almost inevitable 
in measurements made by different parties) and the error, 
common to all older surveys, of assuming right angles, 
whereas Indian ruins are rarely rectangular, the three plans 
will be found to agree fairly well, and the two diagrams 
anterior to ours restore many details no longer found. The 



same can be said about the two wings of the building. Our 
plan gives the same subdivisions, the same interior arrange- 
ment, as those of onr predecessor, bnt we found them in a 
far more advanced stage of decay. Eadi of these wings 
has a niched doorway in the middle (about) of its front, 
flanked by two large niches, one on each side. The south- 
ern wing resembles the main body, inaranuch as it has a 
series of rooms; the northern is divided by a curiously 
irregular court, one wall of which forms almost a curve. 
That court occupies the comer of the terrace on the north. 
The south wing has an annex, part of which stands on the 
platform of Ealich-Pata, hence on a lower level. On oar 
plan we have indicated ihirty-nine compartments of every 
description, including rooms, haUs, passages, and low gang- 
ways covered with roofs, besides the irregular court of 
which the people rightly say that it has "eleven comers." 

The rooms are not large, Uie largest one measuring twenty- 
two by fourteen feet. Small niches are found everywhere, 
but only the two middle apartments of the central section 
have tall and ornate recesses. These two apartments must, 
therefore, have served for some special purpose. The walls 
are of very unequal thickness, varying between two and eight 
feet. Their height also is unequal now, owing to decay, still we 
foimd cornices at an elevation of thirteen feet The cornice 
consists of three slabs snccesBively overlapping or project- 
ing, and together two and a half feet thick. In another 
place, a lower story, eleven and a half feet high, is crowned 
by a wall of six feet, making the total elevation sevcmteen 
and a half feet. It looks as if most, though probably not 
all, of tbe building had been two stories, thus TpalriTig 
Inak-TJyu the largest single building on either of the two 
Islands, as far as can be seen. 

In the whole stracture we noticed a single tiny airhole, 
and that was connected with a very elaborate niche in the 
shape of a lozenge, similar to the nidies near the Piloo- 







Kayma. Lozenge-shaped recesBes are in all three fa^des 
of Inak-Uyn, and they increase the ornamental effect Un- 
less there were openings in the npper story, of which there 
is now no trace, the rooms of Inak-tJya (except the two 
front ones) must have been as dark as any on Titieaca. We 
fonnd no communication of any kind from the lower story 
to the npper. Adjoining a comer of the central part, there 
is a small structure on a lower level, descent to which is by 
a flight of four steps three and a half feet deep. West of it 
are walls indicating either rooms or small enclosnres. The 
former seems more probable, and it is also possible that a 
portion of the space between the rear wall and the andeu 
was bnilt over. At least we noticed a row of slabs set in the 
wall at five and one half feet above the ground, and at one 
end of them a beam protruded. The slabs project about six 
inches, and between every two of them is inserted a smaller 
stone or pebble. Whether this indicates a ceiling or some 
contrivance for ascent it is not possible to decide. 

Only on the narrow and almost underground passages 
are roofs still extant. These consist of flat stones laid along- 
side of each other ; as at the Kayma and at the Chincana. I 
would call special attention to the passage ways of Inak- 
Uyu. They are lower than the floor of adjacent apartments 
and yet not really subterraneous. They are surprisingly 
narrow. One of them is only two feet wide, the others 
nowhere exceed four feet. They seem long recesses rather 
than corridors. There are at least f onr diagonally opposite 
each other.* I also call attention to a curions niche in one 
of the rooms, which has the form of a crescent-shaped an- 
cient knife with a short handle. Of the W-shaped windows 
mentioned by Mr. Sqnier there is as little left as of pointed 
gables.^ We cannot afSrm, still less deny, their former 

Although the sontheastem comer is considerably ruined, 
it is clear that the three wings of the edifice were connected. 



The dimensioDB are, therefore, on the side towards the 
terrace: sonthem wing, seventy-seven feet, central part, 
178 feet, northern wing, retreating part, fifty-aii feet, to 
which succeeds a room advancing twenty feet to the east and 
with a facade twenty-two feet in widtli, so that the northern 
side of the structure is nearly symmetrical with the south- 
em. The distance between the comers of outhouses along 
the edge of the platform is 134 feet Adding to these 
twenty-two feet for the length of the northern, and twenty- 
eight for that of the southern projection, we find that the 
southern and northern wings are six feet wider apart on the 
eastern end of the terrace than on the western. Hence, 
while there is a certain symmetry, the building still shows 
the usual imperfections of "rule of thumb." 

Koati has been, as well as Titicaca, the seat of desultory 
excavations. It does not appear that the Island was visited 
in 1533, althongji alluded to in the report of July, 1534.» 
Statements concerning a possible visit to Koati in 1538, by 
order of Francisco Pizarro, are vagae and contradicted by 
docnments that purport to be from the time, Father Cobo 
states. He says: "He [the IJica chieftain Tupac Tnpan- 
qui] found a good occasion [place] to carry out his inten- 
tion, which was the Island of Coati or Coyata, thus called 
from Coya which is the same as queen. And he erected 
(worked) in it a sumptuous temple where he plaoed the 
statue of a woman, of gold from the waist up and from the 
waist down of silver, which (statue) was of the size of a 
woman and represented the image of the moon. . . . Some 
say that this figure and statue was called Titicaca, and also 
that it represented the mother of the Incas. Whichever 
may be, the statue was carried to the city of Guzco by the 
Marquis D. Francisco Pizarro, who sent three Spaniards 
for it"* Bamos says the idol at Koati was "after the 
shape of a Coya" and of gold, bat he makes no mention of 
its translation to Cuzco by the conquerors. In the volumi- 
nous set of documents embodying the accusation of Almagro 







the younger against Pizarro, Hernando Pizarro is accnsed 
of attempting to "rob the gold and silver that was in the 
lagnne of Titaca [Titicaca]," and that in consequence of it 
ten Spaniards were drowned. No mention is made of the 
metallic treasure heing on an island.^" That an attempt 
of some sort was made, is as good as proven by other 
sonrces from the time, also that it occurred in 1539.^' 
. If the documents collected and published in abstracts by 
iJ. M. Vizcarra^in 1900 are not spurious, we may conolnde 
that no attempt was made by the Spaniards to reach Koati 
in the year 1539 even. The reason why is given as follows : 
"And when there came to the peninsula the captains Al- 
zures and the lUescas with the Franciscan Fathers, althon^ 
they intended it in 1536, they could not get to it by reason 
of lack of time and because they thought it was, like that of 
the son, deserted and abandoned."** The date of 1536 is, 
as I have already shown, doubtful, to say the least. I hold 
(until otherwise informed) the year to be 1539." 

As far as the sources at my command go,** an ofScial 
search of the Island, or rather of the Peninsula of Copa- 
cavana and insular dependencies, took place in 1617. The 
object seems to have been the gathering of buried metallic 
wealth, to be employed in the construction of a basilica at 
the sanctuary of Our Lady of Copacavana. It is not devoid 
of interest to note the results of this search. According to 
inventory, Titicaca Island yielded thirty-three "plates" in 
gold weighing nine ponnds and ten ounces, Koati 180 ob- 
jects representing a total weight of eleven pounds fifteen 
ounces three grains, and the Peninsula of Copacavana 
eighty-four objects weighing eleven pounds fifteen ounces. 
To these were added 367 in silver, weighing 419 marks and 
seven onnces. The silver was, in part, obtained from other 
islands also. The total value of these objects in gold and 
silver did not exceed 12,000 pesos and 70 maravedis.** 

The report on the visit to Koati is stated as bearing the 
date of June 3, 1618, and having been executed and signed 



on the Island." It is certified to by Fray Baltaaar de 
Salas, author of the strange chronicle of Copacavana men- 
tioned in the third part of this monograph. It contains a 
fancifnl description of the mun mins on Koati (rendered 
worse by changes and additions from the pen of Tlzcarra) 
and the report on some few diggings made by direction of 
the ecclesiastic visitors. 

The first indication of some valne which we meet is that 
in 1610 Koati was inhabited by "three or fonr families of 
from ten to twelve yomiiger souls.'* Hraice the Island was 
occupied in the first decade of the seventeenth centnry. The 
dwellings of these Indians stood on one of the terraces 
below I^k-T7yn. The description of the mins allndes to 
three doorways "antemnral of the temple," and says that 
the "castle of the virgins" was to accommodate "two hun- 
dred sools consecrated to the sun; (and had) fourteen 
compartments of lower and npper stories, with as many 
turrets of house idols, on a platform 300 ells long by 200 in 
width. * ' A t«nple of " the moon ' * is also mentioned. There 
are a few vague indications of features visible at the pres- 
ent day." 

The diggings brought to light a stone cheat apparently 
similar to the chests found on Titicaca and which contained 
human remains supposed to be those of a female. It was 
accompanied by "various amulets, Mppos and coins of gold 
and silver." The latter were manifestly bangles.*" 

There is no doubt that the official investigation of 1618 
really occurred, but statements about details are so involved 
in fanciful rhetoric and modem addition and interpretation 
that littie more than the fact of the visit can be relied npon. 
It should not be overlooked, that Father Cobo was at and 
near Copacavana in 1617, but makes no allusion to the pre- 
tended visit of 1618, although it was already being oi^an- 
ized. Also that neither Bamos nor Calancha nor S. Nioolas 
have a word to say concerning Fray Baltasar de Salas." 
This does not, however, justify denial of the visit."" 


l.iri;I.l iim-.iliT 1. 



Objeoto in copper or beonse from TitioMa lelaikt 

1, 2 ,3. Copper bADglea. 4, S, 6, 7, S. B«adfl. 9, 10, I]. BfttUes. 

12. Finger-riiic of bronse. 13, 14. Pandantt. 

13. Bronte implement, posaibly kwl 



• \ 



Yet, Cobo allndes to an attempt to search Koati for 
treasure made in 1617: "The report I heard while being in 
this province in the year one thousand and six hundred 
and sevoiteen is, that there are ffy gpt riphe s (wealth) on 
the island of Coatd, whither at the time certain Spaniards 
went in a bark (boat) and could not find anything."" 

In modem times, Koati and its ruins have becoi and are 
overturned and ravaged at intervals. The Indians from 
the village of Sampaya on the mainland and two former 
occupants of the isle," have done much damage to the ruins 
and we were advised not to excavate the interior of Inak- 
Uyn, or of any other building in general, since they were 
completely ransacked, a statemoit supported by appear- 
ances, l^e terraces in front of the buildings were said to 
have suffered less, but of these platforms only one was 
available— Kalich-pate. The others were covered with 
ripening maize and could not be disturbed. After probing 
the soil on the flanks of the ravine at various places we 
moved on to that torraoe. 

The first diggings disclosed two stone c ysts both of which 
were very well made. Only one of them contained some- 
thing, the other was empty. The first was rectangular, 
measuring thirty-six inches by twenty-one, inside. It had 
no cover and was found forty inches below the surface. Its 
depth being twenty-seven inches, the bottom lay more than 
five and a half feet beneath the surface. The sides consisted 
each of five regularly laid courses of prismatio stones, 
breaking joints, and the best work we have seen in any cyst 
with the exception of the grave Ciriapata, on Titicaca, con- 
spicuous for its rectangular shape. From the cyst on Koati 
five clay vessels of Chullpa type were obtained. The other 
was forty-two inches below the ground and thirty-two 
inches deep, polygonal, and measured thirty-three and 
thirty inches across. The Indians declare that these cysts 
are Chullpa ; and their great depth beneath the sod indicates 
that th^ were made at an earlier date than the platforms. 



These were the only barials on Kalit^-Pata. Escavationa 
were then continned on the appennost terrace. The groond 
was opened to a depth of two feet, on an area of about 2O0 
square feet. Lower down nothing was fonnd. But in that 
space of 200 feet square a surprising number of objects 
were brought to light. They had been tiirown together 
without order, as at Kea-KoUu-Chieo on Titicaca, but there 
were no human remains among them, and the objects were 
all declared by the Indians to be Inca. Prominent among 
them were two bowls, most beautifully decorated in paint, 
and wHh handles representing each a pnma with open 
mouth and the body of a snake. The heads of the animals 
with teeth, tongue, and palate, are very well executed. These 
bowls are the handsomest specimens of Inca ceramics 
which we have seen so far, and they are alike in size and 
decoration. Several other fine specimens of pottery were 
exhumed, together with six hollow silver figurines, repre- 
senting women, which the Indians call "Collque-Hoarmi," 
or silver women; and three figures of a non-descript 
animal, of thick beaten gold (not gold-leaf) with finely 
executed incisions bearing a remote resemblance to some 
of the carvings on the great gateway of Tiahuanaco.^ A 
large number of stones and stone implements, fetishes, etc, 
of all shapes and sizes, were taken out, among which the 
following deserve particular mention: 

A human head of andesite, which rock is found only on 
the Peninsula, and not on the Islands ; Urn head appears to 
have been without body." 

Several toads of stone. Of such toads Bamos states: 
"Also they placed on the rocks some small idols of toads 
and other filthy animals, believing that by this they would 
' obtain water.""' The quotation shows that they were 
"intercessors for rain," like similar figures used for that 
purpose by the pneblo Indians of New Mexico." 

Two objects that appear at first sight to be smoking- 
pipes. What these pipe-like articles were used for, except 



3 i 






for Bmokmg, I am tmable to surmise. In regard to smokmg 
among the aborigines before the conquest, I find the follow- 
ing in the edition of the work of Bamos arranged by Father 
Sans: "It is true that the Incas were very fond of agricul- 
tare, and at Airagnanca, a village of Omasuyos, an old 
Indian showed me a plant called Topasaire, the leaves of 
which the Indians use like tobacco, assuring me that the 
Incaa ,had caused it to be brought from a great distance." 
This passage, however, may he from the pen of tiie editor, 
hence modern,'^ as Calancha has no reference to it. The 
topasaire is a species of wild tobacco, for tobacco in Qui- 
ehua is "sayri," and was known in Peru before the con- 
quest as a medicinal plant.*' Sayri was taken in the form 
of powder (snuff) "to free the head."** Peru has at least 
three varieties of indigenous tobacco, according to Bai- 
mondi,"* bat all three grow in warmer climates. Of smok- 
ing I find no trace as yet, and still the stone objects foond 
in this "cache" on Eoati can hardly have been anything 
else bnt pipes. 

A great nnmher of minerals, fossils, probably used as 
fetishes. Among the minerals are beautiful pieces of 
mamillary dialcedony, among the fossils, trilobites, etc. 

Coiled snakes of stone, that is, concretions which seem to 
have been, with a few slight artificial touches, converted 
into shapes recalling the coiled snakes of stone from 

Fragments of silver leaf were found in considerable 
abundance. As stated, these objects were heaped together 
in the soil, without order or regularity, just as the deposits 
of human remains and artefacts at Kea-Kollu-Chico. Of 
many of them it may safely be assumed that they were 
votive offerings. In regard to others it is not easy to sur- 
mise why they were buried there.** Hardly had we made 
these discoveries when the Indians of the Island gathered 
on the spot and began to dig at random all aronnd, with a 
greed that be^ars description. We had found silver, gold. 



and handsome pottery, and that was snffident for them to 
take hold of the premiBes and onst ns if possible. They 
f orthmth sent numers to Copacavana informing the owner 
of our find, at the same time exaggerating its importance. 
He prohibited further diggings by them, bnt we saw that 
there was nothing more to do, as the enpidity of the aborig- 
ines and their jealousy wonld leave as no peace, and 
eventnally provoke a conflict with the owner himself. So 
we abandoned further work, with the deepest r^^ret The 
Indians confessed afterward to Dr. del Carpio, the pro- 
prietor of Koati, that they found more gold and silver, 
among it a number of what they called rayos or tiiander- 
bolts. These, according to description, must be slices of 
metallic leaf cut in the form of snakes." I recall here the 
snake-like additions to crosses on housetops, described in 
Part in. Dr. Carpio writes to me from Copacavana, that 
he caused further excavations to be made on Kalich-Pata, 
and that a few articles of gold and silver were found 
similar to those which we obtained, also pottery and stones, 
but in no considerable quantities. 

The finds on this platform of Kalich-Pata seem to indi> 
eate that Inak-Uyu was a shrine where sacrifices took place 
like those performed before the Sacred Bo<^ on Titicaca. 

Of textures no considerable piece was found on Koati,'* 
for the same reason as on Titicaca, namely, excesnve 
moisture. On the crest, a female figurine of massive silver 
was found by us in a stone cyst, and a few shreds of rather 
coarse cloth were attached to the feet of that figurine. It 
hints at the probability that this "silver woman** had 
originally been wrapped in clotL This recalls Ihe custom, 
mentioned by Oobo, of dressiog or clothing fetish^ or idols, 
at certain times and on certain occasions.** 

The other ruin of importance on Koati stands, as already 
mentioned, on the neck immediately in the rear of the ex- 
treme northwestern point of the Island; the bold prom- 
ontory of Uila-Peki, or Bed Head. The neck is a plateau. 



Platb Lxvin 
Jnca andenee aad details of Chucaripa 





not quite three htmdred feet long, from south to north, and 
not over seventy feet across. The declivity on the west is 
very steep, and even sheer toward the end. On the eastern ■ 
side the slope is not as rapid, and terraces go down to 
almost the water's edge. These terraces sweep around to 
the northward, abutting against precipitous cliffs. Seen 
from the height of Chicheria Pata (a), the tali and well 
built andenes present a striking appearance. The big wall 
along the whole length of the crest of the Island terminates 
against the sonthem end of these ruins. The Bed Head 
itself bears some andenes, but its top is quite small, and we 
saw no traces of buildings on it. What this northwestern 
extremity of Koati had in the shape of buildings, seems to 
be confined to the remains now called "La Chicheria," a 
Spanish term of the country, used to designate a place for 
raising and endosing goats and she^. 

Father Sans, the editor of Bamos, regards these ruins as 
those of a house for secluded women, calling it "Acda- 
gnasi," or "house of the selected."" Neither Calancha 
nor Gobo makes any mention of the place, hence the designa- 
tion may or may not be appropriate. The ruins are partly 
obliterated, mu<^ more so than the cluster at Inak-Uyn, the 
Pilco-Kayma, and the Chincana. If I were to compare them 
with any ruins on Titicaca t would select the Easapata 
cluster, to whidi they bear considerable resemblance. 

The analogy in location between these two ruins, the 
Chicherfa of Koati and Kasapata on Titicaca, is note^ 
worthy. A glance at the general plans must satisfy any one 
of the truth of this remark. Both occupy the highest plane 
of a neck of land, both are divided into two groups sepa- 
rated by a level, and even the size and arrangement of what 
is left of the bnildings display much similarity. The 
northern group of the Chicheria recalls the eastern of 
Kasapata, and the southern the western, with the so-called 
"temple." The long rectangular edifice adjoining the 
court called to-day "Canchdn de los Bailes de los Incaa"" 



(enclosed area of the dances of the Incas), on the west is, 
on a Bmaller scale, a copy of the "temple," or, as we 
should call it, the tambo, of Kasapata. The proportions of 
length to width are nearly the same (abont one to five). 
They are, nnlike all the other edifices, long, narrow, and 
devoid of ornamental niches. If we compare the plan of 
the buildings uncovered by excavation at Elasapata with 
the northern gronp of the Chicheria, we find more analogies 
yet. In short it seems as if the two clusters bad been oon- 
structed for the same purpose. In that case the Chicheria 
would have been, on Koati, a small Inca settlement and this 
seems very likely. Its situation is such as to command an 
extensive view and it is the spot on that Island that lies 
nearest to Titicaca. It is probable that it was the original 
landing-place, where visitors to Koati found quarters dur- 
ing their stay. 

Excavations at the Chicheria yielded as good as nothing. 
The liidians had cleaned it out completdy. On the western 
slope were a few graves with pottery and skulls of Chullpa 
type. The walla of the ruin have been sadly wrecked, and 
the southern part especially transformed as much as pos- 
sible into lots for goats and sheep. Hence it may be that I 
have left out on the plan vestiges which are ancient, because 
I regarded them as modem on account of transformation. 
Of ornamentation noUiing remains, if it ever existed. There 
is one small niche, perhaps two, and two doorways, both in 
the same building. At the edge of the middle level stands 
a small rectangular structure recalling the well-made small 
houses of Ciriapata, Kea-KoUu, and the one in the bottom 
of Mama-Ojlia, close to the Sacred Bock. The masonry of 
the Chicheria, as far as seen, is like that of Kasapata, and 
the walls have about the same thickness. 

From what precedes it becomes apparent that on Koati 
we find the same architectural features of Inca origin as on 
Titicaca. But at Inak-Uyu, not only are details better pre- 
served, but there is greater elaborateness and decoration.** 










Inak-Uyn was probably the largest and most handsome 
edifice which the Incas caused to be reared on either Island. 
Tradition has it that it is also more recent than most, if not 
all, of the stmctnres on Titicaca. It is stated that after the 
bicaa had established an elaborate ceremonial on Titicaca 
they caused the boildings at Inak-Uyn to be constnicted as 
accessories to the former." Our investigations have shown 
that so-called Chnllpa remains on the Island of Koati are 
limited to a few scattered bnrial sites. The reason for this 
may have been the distance from the mainland, absence of 
good water, for Koati has only one spring {on the south 
or shady side) and that spring is insufficient even for a 
small family. Of Chnllpa buUdings there is no trace, for 
the two smallest mins have scarcely any resemblance to 
Chnllpa stmctnres. It is therefore probable that the Ay- 
mara paid little attention to this Island previous to the 
coming of the Incas, and that only the latter made of it a 
shrine. But that shrine was an accessory to the principal 
one at the Sacred Eock. 

In the preceding chapter I have suggested that the date 
of the Inca establishments on Titicaca was approximately 
1475. In regard to Koati a still later date must be adopted, 
and it is therefore doubtful whether the ancient buildings 
on that Island had in 1533 been in existence fifty years."' 

I have called attention to a certain resemblance between 
the buildings at Inak-Uyn, their location and surroundings, 
and the duster of the Pilco-Kayma on Titicaca. Both mins 
stand near the eastern shores, and both occupy about the 
same position in relation to the peaks of Sorata. Both 
edifices face directly not sunrise, but the Nevados men- 
tioned. The two principal apartments in each ruin (with the 
most elaborate entrances and the tall and prominent nidies, 
such as no other ancient building on either Island contains) 
open toward these peaks, not to the east I From the Kayma 
it is distant Illimani, the extreme southern pillar of the 
Andes, behind which both sun and moon first appear above 



the horizon. From Koati, sunrise lieB sonth of the Sorata 
gronp. The fact that both bnildings are provided with 
exceptional niches shows that certain sections of them 
served for some kind of worship, whereas the remainder 
may have been reserved for attendants, male or female. 
The Pilco-Kayma was not the adoratory of the snn; eo 
much appears certain. Neither do the old chroniclers men- 
tion any adoratory of the moon on the Island of Titicaca." 
The agreement, in position and disposition, between tiie 
only apartments of each ruin that bear marks of having 
been destined to religions purposes is significant, and if the 
Pilco-Eayma, as appears likely, was not a "temple of the 
moon," the same was the case with Inak-Uyti. I venture to 
suggest that both buildings were constructed for the same 
purpose, selection of the sites being governed by their pom- 
tion witii regard to the most prominrait and awe-inspiring 
object of nature within view, far and near, the majestic 
"Crown of the Andes." The "Boyal Cordillera," as the 
Bolivian Andes are sometimes called, has three specially 
prominent landmarks, prominent through elevation, striking 
form, and massiveness. These are, in the north the Sorata 
group, in the center the Ka-Ka-a-Ka ("Karka-Jaque"), 
and in the south Illimani. Intermediate summits, wbUe 
bold, are less imposing. Of these three pillars of the chain 
we know that Illimani was the object of special worship od 
the part of the inhabitants of its surroxmdings ; Hila-una-ni 
(as its true name seems to be) being regarded as the most 
powerful fetish by the Indians around La Paz.*> At the 
base of Ea-Ka-a-Ka, the tribes of Pvcardni had their 
special shrine with a large stone idol.*" To the Indians of 
the shores of Lake Titicaca (especially of the two Islands) 
Illampu and its twin brother are as impressive as the two 
first-named are for their vicinity. Therefore it is not im- 
possible that among the people on the Lake the Sorata 
peaks were the most prominent fetishes together with Titi- 
kala, and that the Incas, who already had adopted the Acha- 



1. Oround-plan of miDS in the bottom of southern Koaa. 
>• Ceiiiitfa of niolies 





cMla cnlt of the Sacred Bock, still farther yielded in regard 
to those mountains, hy establishing shrines where they are 
seen to greatest advantage.^' These points are certainly 
Pilco-Kayma and Inak-Vyul 

[This suggestion by no means conflicts with the statements 
uiat at Hak-Uyn a colony of female attendants to worship 
had been established. On the contrary, the situation of 
Eoati and its comparative ioaccessihility render it very 
probable. Snch females were, as we have seen, not exda- 
sively dedicated to the aim, neither were they consecrated 
to the moon. Every place of worship of importance, every 
prominent settlement, had a house of snch women. Thns, 
for example, they were established at Irma (known as 
Pachacamac), on the coast, where the principal shrine was 
not dedicated to the snn, but to some particular oracle of 
that valley.** (^The Incas did not, as often alleged, "en- 
force" snn-worship wherever they extended their sway, 
they merely added to already existing shrines of great 
importance places of worship dedicated to their own tribal 

( In the preceding chapter I have stated that Titicaca is 
frequently called "Island of the Snn," and Koati "Island 
of the Moon." (It is abundantly proved that the Incas did 
not worship the sun as sun, nor the moon as moon. They 
considered both to be material and created objects. But it 
appears also that tbey conceived each orb to be the rest- 
dence or abode of some spiritual being, and there are 
indications that the sun was looked upon as Father and the 
moon as Mother, one being the husband and the other the 
wife.*" This is exactly the primitive belief of the pueblo 
Indians of New Mexico. 1 Hence we find, in descriptions of 
Inca idols, a certain contradiction. Sometimes it is stated 
that the figure of the snn was a circular or elliptical plate, 
again that it was a human figure, just according as the sun 
or the Sim-father is meant. 

It is very likely that on Titicaca a chapel existed, in 



vbich stood an effigy of the ann-father, and on Koati one 
containing a statue of the moon-mother. The circnmspect 
remark of Cobo that some say the latter was the "mother 
of the Incas"^' is significant. The reverence paid to both 
was, on Titicaca and on Koati, a specific Inca ceremonial 
Hence Sans states that on the Island the "great temple of 
six doorways" was closed to all Indians that were not Incas, 
and to the Collas especially.*" Bnt there are indications 
that to the Sacred Bock on Titicaca, even the idols of the 
Incas were made to give special tokens of respect Father 
Sans, the editor of Ramos, describes a ceremony performed 
on Titicaca which, if his statements are accurate, is a very 
good illustration of what I have saggested in regard to the 
worship paid to the spirits inhabiting snn and moon. He 
says, "when celebrating the solar feasts, particularly those 
of Gaparaime (Capao-Baymi) and of the Intipraime (Yn- 
tip-Baymi), which months we shall explain when treating 
of the calendar, those of the partiality of the Incas placed 
all their idols on litters, called 'rampas,' decorating them 
with many flowers, plumage, and plates of gold and silver; 
and with great and many dances carried them to the Island 
in procession; tiiere they pnt them in a large square called 
'Ancaypata,* where the festival was celebrated. There 
was the great temple of six doors, where no Colla Indian 
was allowed to enter or assist at the fea8t.\ 

"After having placed the idols they toofe oflE their foot- 
gear, their mantles, and prostrating themselves before them 
they worshiped, the principal one beginning and the others 
following, all taking off their 'Llantos' or diadems. First 
they worshiped the statne of the sun, then that of the moon, 
afterward that of thunder and the other idols ; since each 
one had its particular effigy. The sun they represented in 
the form of an Inca of gold, of so much jewelry and bril< 
liancy as to cause awe; the moon as a qneen of silver; 
thunder as an Indian of silver, also very brilliant. When 
the prostrations and adorations were over they raised their 


I/-/. I ,(■..■.■■1 


Plate LXXI 

1. Map of the Island of KostL 2. LoikgitmdiB«l s&d tnyimtM 
profile of EoAti 





hands, making with the lips as if kissing them, jnst as chil- 
dren do when they wave a kiss to some beloved person. 
Therenpon followed the dances, banquets, and amnsements, 
which were the end and aim of all their efforts; and to^y 
even they have not improved mtich.***^ 

The sqnare called "Aucaypata" mnst have been in the 
immediate vicinity of the Sacred Hock, and the word is a 
Qnichna name, for, very probably, the level at the foot of 
the cliflf, or the eqnare called by the Aymard "Tican- 
Aychi." The procession started from Copacavana, hence 
there was, at Copacavana also, a statne of the sun-father 
and one of the moon-mother ; aside from that of the princi- 
pal idol caUed Copacavana and described as a head like that 
of a sphinx without hands or feet" The two effigies were 
regarded as those of man and wife, and superior to other 
Inca idols, bnt their peregrination to the Islfuid was a 
tribute of respect to the shrine established there, hence to 
the rock which constituted that skrinet This proves that 
the supreme oracle on Titicaca was believed to reside in 
that rock."' 

A similar visit, bnt from the Island of Koati to that of 
Titicaca, is described by Cobo: "The priests and ministers 
of this adoratory and of that of Coata had a great deal of 
interconrse, and there were many and freqaent missions 
from one Island to the other, with great reciprocity, feign- 
ing the ministers of one and the other sanctuary that the 
wife of the son, as according to their opinion the moon 
might do it, sent her respects, which the snn returned with 
demonstrations of attachment and mntoal love; and in this 
they employed mnch time, and a great number of balsas 
that went back and forth between the two Islands ; and in 
order to represent this natnrally, the principal minister 
in one of the adoratories dressed himself like the snn, and in 
the other an Indian woman played the part of the moon. 
They sainted each other, and she who represented the moon 
caressed him who represented the snn, asking of him with 



many flatteries to appear eveiy day dear and bemgn and to 
never conceal its rays, so that he might fertilize the planta^ 
tiona nntil the time when rains would become necessary. 
Besides this, she asked that he might preserve the Inca, 
his life and health, and that of those who with such faith 
and devotion occnpied themselves in his service and wor- 
ship. He of the sun responded with loving words and in a 
satisfactory manner; and in snch vanities and crazy doings 
the wretches spent the time of their blind and idle existence, 
and all terminated in drinking, which was their greatest 
bliss." Bamos allndes with less detail to the same cus- 

It appears, therefore, that Koati was in constant inter- 
course with the religions establiBhrnents on Titicaca. The 
pilgrims who visited the latter Island went from it to Koati 
and the crossing was effected not from the Peninsula of 
Copacavana (Sampaya), as to-day, bat from some point cm 
Titicaca. As the pilgrims had to go first to the Sacred 
Bock, their jonmey to Eoati started necessarily from there 
or from Kasapata. Bnt, from either place, a voyage by 
balsa is almost twice as long as from Titicaca's eastern 
shores t The most convenient point for embarking wonld 
have been the little Bay of Pncara. It is hoice possible 
that in view of these frequent voyages the buildings at 
Pncara were erected, for Pucara is as well the natural port 
for Koati on Titicaca as the foot of the crest on which tiie 
buildings now called ' ' Chicheria ' ' stand is the landing-place 
nearest to Titicaca on the Island of Koati. 

This frequent intercourse formerly carried on between 
Koati and Titicaca may enable as to form some idea of the 
probable object of those buildiogs on the latter Island, to 
which their present condition affords no clue. The re- 
semblance between Inak-Uyn and Pilco-Kayma in position 
and arrangement, not in size, leads to the inference ttiat 
both may have been shrines dedicated to the "Achachila" 
worship of the peaks of Sorata."' The Chicheria, while 



Plato LXXII 
Rnint on eutam slops of Koati 






TesembUng arcfaitectnral vestiges at Kasapata and prob- 
ably destined to the same end, hints at the possible purpose 
of the buildings at Pacara. The latter stood near a land- 
ing-place on Titicaca, for the frequent communications 
from one to the other Island. 

The number of residents on Koati during the time the 
Incas maintained their establishments there was certauily 
greater than it is to-day. The buildings, admitting that 
Inak-IJyu had two stories, may have contained as many 
as two hundred permanent occupants.'* If, as is stated by 
some, most of these attendants were females, the number 
may have been even somewhat greater. For an abode of 
secluded women, Koati, espedally the site of Inak-Uyn, was 
very well chosen. The long wall that ran along the crest 
barred access, and the little ruin {d, on map) served as a 
lookout ; the Chicheria, and especially the Bed Head, cov- 
ered a vast extent of horizon. Distance from the mainland 
at Sampaya is more than three times that from Yampupata 
to the Island of Titicaca, and whereas there are said to 
exist Inca ruins not far from the village of Sampaya on the 
heights, I find no evidence that there was any settlement or 
landing in front of Koati, on the Peninsula of Copacavana. 

The settlements on Titicaca and on Koati made by the 
Incas for the purpose of worship, are intimately connected. 
But they do not stand alone. To them pertained also what- 
ever establishments the Incas had on the Peninsula of 
Copacavana. Unfortunately, circnmstances did not permit 
US to investigate the ruins on that Peninsula as it shonld be 
done. We know, by ocular inspection, that ruins of Inca 
type exist at Cnsijata, about a mile to the east of Copaca- 
vana." From sources which seem to ns worthy of cre- 
dence we ascertained that Locca, on the Peruvian boundary, 
three miles from Copacavana, bears traces of ancient Inca 
occnpation."* At Yunguyn the abundance of handsome 
pottery of Cuzco type corroborates the statements that on 
certain sites, now ocoupied by dwellings and church stmc- 



tores, Inca rums were fonnerly extant.*^ At Yampnpata 
blocks of cat stone, (andesite), like those near the Sacred 
'Rock, were taken oat of nondescript rains. Lastly the site 
of Copacavana itself was partly ocoapied by Inca boild- 
inga.'" From all these places the Mnaeom has received, 
throngh OS, antiquities of Inca type. There are, on the 
Feninsala of Copacavana, seats cat in the rock. A large 
clnster of these lies at the very doors of the village. The 
Aymara Indians of to-day call them "Inti-Kala,** stone of 
the son. Among the Spanish-speaking inhabitants, tiie 
term "Tribonal of the Inca" is cnrrent, and to the eoriooB 
lookoat on the rocky sonunit west of the place the name 
"Gallows of the Inca" is given."' In short, Uiere is no 
donbt that Copacavana was an ancient settlement, with 
possibly more inhabitants than the two Islands together, 
and not of as exclasivety Cuzco or Inca character. Tradi- 
tion has it that "colonists" from varions Peravian tribes 
had been settled there,'** and what gives some color to this 
assertion is, among others, the name of Chachapoyas, ap- 
plied to a site on the western shore of the Peninsala.*' 
Several family names of Indians abont Copacavana are 
clearly Qaichoa, and may even be called specifically 
"Inca," like "Inca-Mayta," "Sinchi-Boca," and "Sacso." 
Of the latter there is conclnsive evidence that they are of 
Inca descrait, the original personal names, as was very 
often the case among Indians in Spanish America, having 
been converted into family appellatives.*' Hence the 
existence of an Inca settlement on that Peninsala cannot be 
doubted. If snbseqaent researches shonld confirm tbe 
troth of tbe statement, made by Cobo and contemporaries, 
that the very narrow neck of land, seiparating at Tongoyn 
the northwestern body of the Lake from the liagane of 
Uina-Marca, was traversed by a wall constructed by the 
Inca (and this is not impossible),*" that wall barred ac- 
cess to the Peninsula from the mainland and made of it 
and of the two lalanda a completely secluded cluster in 



i a 





the midst of vast regions inhabited by IJidians speaking the 
AjTna,Tk language. 

/Very little is known as yet of the archaeology of Bolivia 
and sontheastem Peru. Bat of Inca settlements, beyond 
that on Copacavana and the Islands, there are few archi- 
tectnral remnants. Hence we may regard the clusters at 
Copacavana, on Titicaca, and on Koati as possibly the last 
outposts of permanent Inca occnpation in the direction of 
the southeast. Inca sway, overawing tribes into tribute 
and occasional military assistance, may have gone farther ; 
and through inroads, barter, or exchange, articles of Inca 
manufacture have penetrated beyond the territory swayed 
over. It must be remembered that independent Qniehna 
tribes OGcnpied soathem Bolivia."^ It is also worthy of 
note that between Copacavana and Cacha near Sicnani, 
where Inca structures appear, there are comparatively 
few traces of permanent occupation by the conquering 
Cnzco tribe. It is asserted that the Islands of Apinguila 
and Pampiti, on the Peruvian side of the Lake, near Huan- 
cane, contain Inca ruins, but these remains are, according 
to Spanish chroniclers after local traditions, those of places 
of worship also, established by the Incas on the two rather 
inaccessible islands, in the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury." Inca establishments on the Lake bore chiefly a 
religious character, and were maintained, on Titicaca and 
vicinity, alongside of a worship of much older date, which 
the Incas not only suffered to exist, but actually adopted, 
even subordinating their tribal worship, on certain occa- 
sions, to a cult extant previous to their coming. This is 
still further exemplified on the Peninsula of Copacavana. 
The worship of the Sun-father and Moon-mother is stated 
as having been established at that place, also; bat the 
fetishes "Copacavana," "Copacati," and others, remained 
for the Aymard the principal idols,"* just as the Sacred 
Rock was the main shrine on Titicaca. 

This concession, made by conquerors to the religious be- 



liefs of the conqnered, appears, on the part of the former, 
as an act of nimsaal wisdom. It consolidated the snpremacy 
of the Incas far more than any military establishment. It 
is also stated that the Incas were induced to worship, on 
Titicaca, by very ancient traditions irtiich made that Island, 
and especially tiie rock of Titi-Eala, as sacred to them as 
to any Aymara tribe. An investigation of this entails the 
treading of very unsafe ground, the field of aboriginal lore, 
of traditions and myths.^ 





■The Tcrtieal height of the cliff ia 
170 feet By Totmding the "head," 
a iMUsa or boat from Titieaca lalaod 
Teiy aoon reaches a point on the eut 
■hore where aecent to the mine ia 
quite gradual From the west, ascent 
ia more abmpt. The view, especially 
of Titieaes, ia magniflcenL 

*Ttw spot on which this Tain 
•tands is, within a few feet, the 
highest on KoatL The Ajmaxi call 
it: "Uila-K4," from "nila"— red. 
The view ia even more eztenaive than 
that from the "Bed Head" and in 
the dajlime approach to the Island 
can be observed in every diieetion. 
Uila-E6 ia alio one of the "Acha- 
ehilas" of Eoati. The others are 
I&ak-TTyQ, Inea Parqoi, Taj -Save, 
Uito Pampa (the beaeh in front of the 
hacienda), LMnbamanl, Cheje-Puju, 
Vincalla, Chojn TTintn, Cantntini, 
Acha Conde, Isea Cnnde, Tara-E«, 
Uiehin Fata, Tnnaa Pata, Uirta 
Eocho, Uaytir Pata, Haeha Pntunen, 
lata Pampa, AAofhtei Pata, Area 
Pnnen, Calvaiio Pata. I give these 
names as they were told m, without 
gnaranteeing their exactneaa, and be- 
eanae every one of these "Achaehi- 
las" had to be addressed during the 
incantations ("tinka") that pre- 
ceded OUT excavations. 

'Pent, p. 386: "The principal 
monument of antiquity on the Island, 
and which lends to it its chief inter- 
est, is the ediilee called the Palace of 
the Virgins of the Sun, but which 
mi^t probably better be called the 
temple of the Moon," BiTem and 
test, p. 297) treat of these mina 
without having aeen them, else they 
eonld not have Stated: "Sn arqnitee- 
tnra [that of ruins on Titicaca] es 
inferior & la de laa minaa del ediflcio 
nuts deetmido de la isla de Coati, en 
la misnw lagnna, sin que se pueda 
deecubrii si tjx6 nn palaeio, 6 nn 
templo." What remains of Ifiak-Uyn 
is better preserved in part than most 
of the ruins on Titicaca, the outer 
coating of clay still being visible in 

*PiTOH tt Bolivie, p. 441. 

*BMoria de Copacabana, p. 66, 
et teq., edition of 1880, 1« Pas. EU- 
toria del ^Netio Mimdo, TV, p. 69. 

'Peru, p. 332. He deaeribeg a 
■ingle one of these narrow passages, 
the one with a tiny airhoIcL It la not 
' ' vaulted, ' ' bnt covered with flat 
etonea or slaba. 

' Pern, pp. 361 and 362. 

'Belatione Per Bva Maetta, toL 
413: "in messo d'esso sono due 



piedole bolettc^ ndl'Tna delle qnkli 
t Tsa moaehea, A eua d«l Bole." 
Abo, lot 410. The Bpudards had 
alrea^r kewrd of the "due Isole" at 
Casta, btit, it appaan, riiited oiHj 

* I have qnoted thia paoeage re- 
peatedly, bnt' refer to it again here, 
on aeeoimt of the word "Co]rat&." 
^le stTmotogT of the name Eoati is 
not nnfreqnently derived from 
"CoTa" which is said to be "queen." 
That thla name was applied to the 
wife of the head war-chief is posl- 
tivtij stated b7 Qardlasw) (Comen- 
tarioM, I, foL 85), together with the 
notice that the wife bad to be the 
jitter of her boaband; "eon sn her- 
tnaua major, legltima de padre j 
madre, j eeta era sa legltima moger 
ll«Twn«iil» CoTa, que ee tuito eomo 
B^n% a ESmpeTBtris. " (Jnan de 
Betansoi,powe>Ter, who Uved at Cosm 
alreadj twenty jean prerions to the 
birth of OarrilaMO and was married 
to an Jnea woman, poaitivelT states 
(AtMUi * Narraeion, p. 113) : "4 la 
enal mujer llaman elloe Pi Hi Marmi y 
per otro nombre Mamanguomi; j la 
gante eomnn, coma i tal mnjer princi- 
pal del Sefior, Haitian cnando ansi la 
entran & saladai, Pooaxa Iwtidkwri 
Capao Coya Quaeo-Chacuyac qne dies 
'Hija del Sol 6 sola rejna amigable 
4 loe pobree.' " He repeats the word 
"PiliDiliDarmi" on page 115, calling 
her "mojer priacipaL" The deriva- 
tion of "Koati" I do not venture to 
investigate as jet. It seems probable 
that Coja waa onlj an andaaring title 
and not an official one. It appears 
first in Cieia: Segunda Parte, Gap. x, 
p. 33, and thence haa passed into 
many older and modem books. Cieza 
is, however, bj no means as reliable 
an authority as Betanzoa. He waa at 
Cnzeo bnt a abort time, and was not 
in anj manner proAdent in the Qni- 
chua language. The Indians of 
Sampaya piononnced "Ko&ti," not 
EoatL The word ia (like Titlcaca) 
Aymaii, and not Quiehoa. 

"JniMtoioa oantnt D<m 1 
Pitarro & S. M. ^or Don Diego de 
AUiumn, Doe. de India*, XX, pp. S31 
and 45S. 

"lUan Snares de Garvnjal, C»U 
al Smperador, November 3, 153B, Doe, 
d« Inditu, III, pp. 200 and SOL 

" Copaedbana Ae \o» Inoat, p. 33. 
See Parts UI and IV of thia nKmo- 

" Everything pointa to 1S3B u the 
year when the Peninsula of Cop*ea- 
vana was visited by Oonaalo Pilam 
and hia ofOcers, wiUi an armed force. 

"There eziat certainly, in Spanish 
archives, papers relative to the ^vr- 
ince of Omasuyoa, from the aeeond 
half of the sixteenth eentmy, bvt I 
am unatde to eonsntt thenL C«^aea- 
rana and the Islands pertained, as 
to-day, to that administratiTa diafarici. 

"Tiscarra: Copiioabaiui de lot 
Ineai, pp. 70 to 73. He elaioM Us 
to be taken literally from the /xvea- 
tario No. 1, signed by the " Joatieias 
mayores" h«ii««ii« and Qalvsa. One 
of the "golden plates" was smsjimI 
Its weight being nine onneea and one 
grain, it was found to eontain four 
ounces eight grains in gtdd, three 
ouDces six grains silver, and one omea 
three grains copper (p, 44). 

"Copaeabana de lo* Ineai, p. 54. 
Vizcarra says the report is signed by 
twelve persons snd that it bean three 
eedeeiaBtie seals. 

" Ibidem, pp. 30 to 65. 

" Tfrtdent, p. 51. 

"Andres de 8. Nicolas, InUtgen, 
etc., Prdlogo: "no obstante al aner 
ya eaerito desta Eflgie- soberana, los 
Padres Pray Alon^* Bainoa OanDaa; 
Haestro Pray Fernando de Talverde, 
Maestro Fray Antonio de la Calaiwha, 
Padra HipAlito Ifanccio, y agora 
poeo hk el Padre Fray Qabrid ds 
Leon: foera da loe qne en sas obtaa 
han hecho memoria de tan prodigiMO 
Betrato." Not only is Father Sales 
not mentioned, but there is not, either 
in Samoa, Calaneha, or 8. Nicolas, any 
allusion to the olBdal aeareh of I81S. 



"TbeM chrouiden might (t) not 
have eonridered the Tcsnlta of the 
visit to be of anfBciODt importanee 
for B mention. 

"Hittoria del Niuvo Mundo, IT, 
p. M: "Im famft que jo oi evtuido 
en Mta pToriDda el ^o de mil 7 
MiadentM 7 dies 7 nete, ee que ht7 
gran riqneca ea U ial> de CoatA; k 
la enal fneroa entoOMs ciertoa eapa- 
liolea en nn bareo 7 no pndieron hallar 

"The latter even had parte of the 
walls scraped to aaeertain whether the 
plaster contained pntveriaed precious 
metaL The parties were not Boliv- 

" The reaemUanee is not yvcj 
marked, still it recalls to a certain 
extent the Tiahnanaeo carvingn on 
both sides of the central flgnre on the 
gatews7. There is the following 
curious passage in Yiicarra: Copaca- 
bana, p. 171: "Gran sorpreea hemes 
reeifaido al eneontrar einoeladoe en 
planchas de tnmbaga loe monetmos 
deaeriptea por el sancto Job . . . 
CuTBS (ormaa eacnlpidaa en bajo re- 
lieve, (oo de las miiterioaas btetiaa 
Behemoth 7 Leviath&n. " This Is 
from Viicarra himself. 

"Bamos: Copaeabotta, p. 47: 
"Eete Idolo Copacabana estaba ea el 
mismo pneblo, por el lado de Tlquina 
... 41 era de una piedra acnl vistoea, 
7 no tenia mai que la flgnra de nna 
eara, <«mo una cabeza de esflnje, sin 
pite ni manoe. Estaba como mirando 
a Titieaea, como dios inferior que 
miraba al principal." This fetioh or 
idol seems to have been A7mar&, not 
Qnichna or Incaii.: The large head 
found b7 na on Eoati does not fnll7 
agree with the deaeriptlon of Bamoe. 
It is of trachyte or andesite, and not 
' * asnl vistoea. ' ' 

"7Wd., p. 71, edition of 1880; 
"Tambien ponian sobre las pefiaa 
nnoe idolitoe de eapos 7 de otros anl- 
males inmundoe, creTendo qua con eso 
7a aleanzaban agua." 

"FintU Btport, I, p. 312. 

"Sisloria de Copoonbana 1890, 
p. 9. 

"In the note that follows I shall 
refer to what Oarcilano ea7s abont 
the nse of tobacco in primitive times 
of Pern. Cobo; Siatoria, etc., I, p. 
403: "A la rais del tabaco silvcstie 
llaman loe indioe del Perii, Coro, de 
la cnal naan para muchas enferme- 
dadca. Contra la deteneion de orina 
dar & beber en cantidad da doa gar- 
banzoa de sns polvoe, en un jarro da 
agua mii7 ealiente, en a7iinaa, por 
tree 6 enatro dias. Tomados estos 
polvoB en moderada cantidad por las 
narices, qoitan el dolor de cabesa 7 
jaqueca 7 aclaran la vista: 7 el coci- 
miento deata rail hecho con vino, 
eehando en fl un poco de Sal de 
compas 7 at&ear eandl . . . Beblda 
de ordinario el agoa desta nls, vale 
contra loe doloree de bubas," p. 
405; "De otra 7erba Uamada Topa- 
aayri hncen otioe polvoe en el PerA 
para estomndar, que son mis eflcacei 
para esto que las del Tabaco. ' ' 

"Oareilaaso, CDmentorio*, I, foL 
51: "De la 7enui 6 planta que los 
!BspaSolei llaman talMuo, 7 loa lodioa 
Sa7ri, vsaron mncho para mochas 
eoeas; tomaua lot polvoe por laa 
narieea para deseargar la eabe^" 
Also foL 212. 

"Antonio Baimondi: BUmento* de 
Botinioa, Parte n, p. 158. 

" Even the shreds of silver-leaf 
ma7 have been offerings. Pedro Pi- 
larro {BelacUm, p. 273) mentions 
gold-leaf, bat not as an object of 
sacrifice. At Chavin de Hnantar.not 
far from Hn&nnco in eastern Peru an 
altar made of adobe was found b7 
"^Mr. Beer^ a French erplorer, which 
altar waa'covered with silver-leaf torn 
to shreds. Silver-leaf is mentioned b7 
Caloneha as an offering of the coast 
Indians, Coriruca moralieada, I, p. 
413: "I eada afio ofreeisn oja de 
plata, chicha i espinco. ' ' 

"It ma7 be that b7 theee the 
coarse imitations of planus were 
meant, of wbUt several were after- 



wards produced at I« Paz as eorning 
from KoatL These onuunents aie 
found in eopper, silver and gold, and 
wore worn on headdresses of the 

"Nor have we heard of anj find 
of that nature on KoatL 

"Eittoria del Nuevo Mutdo, IV, 
p. 84. 

"From " aellani "—select, and 
"hnasi "—boose. Torres Bmbio: 
Arta y Voeabiilano, fols. 125 and 
117, et teq. 

""Enetosnie of the dancea of the 
Ineaa." The phrase majr be of some 
significance. The space looks like a 
•qnare where pnblie dances eonld be 
performed. In connection we might 
ask; Was not the open platean be- 
tween the tambo called now "temple 
of the sun" at Kasapata and the 
mini at the base of iJaq'-aflll per- 
bape pat to the same use on Tlticacat 

" Poaaiblj, nay, probably, owing to 
more recent date of erection as well 
as to fewer visits to the Island. 

"Bamos: Eitt. de Copaeabcma, 
1880, p. M: "Como los geutllea j 
poetaa dieron majeree i sns dioses, 
asi Tops Ynga Yupanqoe quiso darle 
Coya al Sol, y eaa fu« U Inna: 4 la 
enal dedicti un famoao templo, con 
ministros j doneellas 4 sa eerrieio, en 
la peqnefia isla de Coati, en Me 
miemo lago, do* legoas al Oilente de 
Titicaca; . . . Entre on bosqne de 
esoB frondosoa irbolea, en ona qne- 
bradita eerca de la playa, erigi6 
Tupanqoe el adoratorio Inuar, en 
enya ara puso nn bnlto de oro, 4 la 
traza de ima Coye, qne representaba 
k la eaposa del SoL" Frmy Andrte 
de 8. Nieolaa: Imdgen, toh 27: 
"Para complemento de las falsedades 
del famoso adoratorio decret6 el 
Tupac, qne en otra isia, apartada vna 
legna de la primera, se fabricaase 
templo, consagrado 6 1& Lona, con el 
nombre de Coata." /Qotierrea de 
Banta Clara: |ff iff oriitSle lot gverroM 
eiutle* da Pern, HI, Cap. im, p. 486: 
"j PO' iuesoTes tenian al Sol y a la 

Lona (dieiendo) que e 
mnger y qne eetos eran 
MS de todA la tierra." 

" Inea chronology is far from 
tmstworthy prerions to the time of 
the chief Tnpae Ynpanqni, but from 
his time on a reasonable approzinia- 
tion to datM becomes poBsible. 

"Cobo (HittoHo, et^ IV, p. fl£) 
makes no mention of any shrine 
dedicated to the moon on Titicaca, 
nor doee he mention the Pileo-Eayma 
at aU. Neither does Bamoo. 

"DMcripoion y Btlaoum de la Cia- 
dad de La Foe, p. 71. 

"Calaneha: Cordttica, I, p. 807: 
"En los qne gsstavan mas saeri£eiM, 
i eetremsyan el eulto era en d eerro 
Tllim»iit Collcachata, i en el mas 
frontero del Pueblo Cacaaca," etc 

"CHeaa: Segmtda Parte, Cap. 
xxvm; "Machos fneron loa tamploe 
qne hobo en eete leino del Perfi, y 
algnnos se tienen por mny antigaos, 
pon]De fnemn fnndados Antes, eon. 
mndios tiempos, que los Incaa reins- 
sen, asi en la semxia de loe altos, 
como en la serrania de lo« llanos; j 
reinando los Ineas^ se edifleaion ^ 
nneyo otros moebos en donde so 
haeian me fieetaa 6 saerifieios." 

"This is already hinted at in X»- 
lottone per Bva Maeita, foL 413: "A 
in esaa vanno a fare le loro offeite * 
aacriflcij in vna gran pietra tite 6 
nell'Isola ehe la ehiamano Tbicbi- 
casa, done 6 perehe il Siavolo tI si 
nascond^ Jb gH parla, & per eoetnme 
antieo, como gli^ 6 ftx altro die non 
a'6 mai eharito, la tengono tntti 
qnelli dells pronineia in grande stima, 
& gli efFecieeono oro A argento, ts 
altre cose." Cieca: Primera PvrU, 
Cap. cm, p. US: "La gran Isgnna 
del CoUao tiene por nombre Titicaca, 
por el templo qne eatnvo edifeado en 
la misma lagnna; de donde los nata- 
nles tnvieron por opinion nna vaaidad 
may giaade, y es, qne enentan eetos 
indios qne sns antiguoa lo aSrnuron 
por cierto, como hideron otraa bnrle- 
rfaa qne dieen, qne eareciwon i» 



Inmbre mnchos dias, j que eatsndo 
todoa puMtoa en tinieblu 7 obaenri- 
dad, Bali6 dvta ial& de Titiuea el aol 
mnj TeBpIftndecieiite, pot lo coal U 
tnTieron por eoaa aagrada." In re- 
gard to Pachaeamae, the (act ia too 
well eatabliahed to lequire additional 

"Cieia: Frimdra Parte (p. US): 
"j loa ingBB hieieron en ella el 
templo que diga, que t\i6 entre elloa 
111117 eatimado 7 Tenerado, i boms de 
nt aoL ' ' See note 13. 

'See note 38. 

"IV, p. 59. 

-Hitt. d« CopaoaJMtna, 1S80, p. 31. 

"Bamofl: Copaoabana, 1800, p. 48. 

"SeUxUone Per Bva Maetta, foL 
413. The Btoij told bj Anello OUva 
(Eiftoria del Perv, etc., p. 33} mttf 
be of Indian origin, bvt it ia haidl^ 

'Hittoria, etc^ IV, p. 63: "Loa 
■aeerdotca j minktroa deate adorato- 
rio J del de Coati tenian asvj grande 
eomonieacion, j habiA ronehaa j mjxj 
frementea misioiies de la una lata & 
la otra con grandes retomos, flngiendo 
Itm ministroa del an lantaario j del 
otro que la mnjer del Sol, aal como lo 
pudiera 4 aa parecer hacei la Luna, le 
enviaba ina reeandoe; log cnalea el 
Sol le retomaba eon caricisa de tiema 
aflcion 7 reciproco amor; j en eeto 
gastaban mucho tiempo, ocvpando en 
to miniaterio gran eanlidad de balsaa, 
que iban j tomaban de niia iila i 
otrn; J para repnaentar eeto al -riTo, 
•e eomponla en el nn adoratorio el 
ministio major, que repreaentaba la 
persona del Sol, 7 en el otro nna 
India, que hacia el peraonaje de la 
Lima. Brind&banse el uno al otro, j 
la que repreeentaba 6 la Lnna acari- 
eiaba al que flgnraba al Sol, pidi£n- 
dole con caricias M les mottraaae eada 
dia daro j apaeible 7 que nnnca 
oenltaae ana rayoa, para que fertill- 
zasen loe tembradoa haata el tiempo 
en qne fneaen neceearlaa las Uoriaa. 
Demia duto, lo pedia qne conieirase 

en Tida, aalnd 7 lepoao al Inea 7 & 
log demia qne con tanta f e 7 devoelon 
M oenpaban en an aervido 7 colto; 7 
el que en nombre del Sol ae flngla, 
reapondla eon n^^aladaa palabraa, 
■nfleientea k utiafacer; 7 en eate 
deavanio 7 loenra gaataban loa mise- 
rables el tiempo de an eiega 7 ocioaa 
Tida, 7 todo paiaba en tMber, qne 
era an major felicidad." 

" This i^ of eonrae, a mere ing- 

**! base thia estimate on the prea- 
ent eoudition of the mina and on the 
ntnation of Illak-Ujn. It ia not 
]ikel7 that there were an7 buildings 
except thoee now seen. 

■This ia eepeeiallj indicated b7 
some walla included in thoae of the 
present hacienda and t^ a tank made 
of one block of stone, cirenlar in 
form, and in eziatenee at Cusijata. 
This tank ia a work of great patience, 
but not TegnlnTl7 shaped. Bee de- 
scription in Sqnier: Pem, p. 325, with 
illnstTBtion. The dimensiona given 
b7 Ur. Bqnier fairlj agree with onr 

"This ia also atated by Bamos: 
Copaoabana, 1860, p. 27: "Antes de 
llegar a Copaeabana poso el Inea en 
el Ingar de Loc«a nnoa gnneroa, qne 
llomaban Golcaa, donde ae almaeena- 
ban vlverea para el anstento de loa 
peregrinos, de los ministroa 7 del 
ejereito." The Coleaa or Colleaa 
were niaetl7 cirenlar. 

■ Cobo: Siwtoria, etc, IV, p. 58. 

■ Bamos; Eiitoria, etc., edition of 
1800, pp. 47 and 52. 

"Bamos: Biitoria, 1860, p. 31. I 
am in doubt aa to whether the great 
slab Ijing across the gap in the reeka 
of Seroeani baa been placed there bj 
hand of man or whether it is natnraL 

"Bamos: Copatsabana, pp. and 
10, et teq. Cobo: Siitoria, etc, IV, 
p. 58. 

*■ Bamoe, p. 9. 

"Jnst as, in Peru, the namea Bva- 
moK, Condorcanqni, Tapa7adu, etc. 

■It is mentioned bj Cobo: Sit- 




toria, IT, p. B8: "y Mgon los indioa 
cneutan, tnvo el InoA Tdnntad d« 
abrir U tiwra j qn« el agos de una 
put* 7 otia oeicaM 6 ceiraM aate 
promoDtorio, j qne hioiMe el afeeto 
que 1a cerca." Of the wall there are 
wrersl nentioiw, bj Cobo aa well •• 

" The allmdona to ' ' Inca coii- 
qneata" are not rery reliable. 

"Our information about theae 
mina is from heanajr. The atate- 
Beots abont the viait of Hnajna 

Capae to the lalanda are In S 
(1860, Cap. xzm, pp. 42 to 44). 
laneha and 8. Nicolaa copied 
The Jeanit writeia make no 
of it. Neither is there anj 
to bnildingi^ in the woiki of 
Angostiiiea. The whijle matter 
rather vague and doubtful. 

"Bamoa: Copaedbana, 1860, p- 4 
"Tambien era d« piedra de nna 
gnra nTHafiw^ todo enaartiiadA 
onlebraa . . . Lo Imploraban parm 
ilunaa en tiempo aeeo." 









J J. -*- 




Flatb LXXIV 

Arcbiteetonl details of rains of the ISak-U;u 

1, 2, 3. Stone steps. 4, 3. Oruktueiited niche and section. 6, 7. Ceiling and 

niohe. 8,9, 10, 11. Details of walls 








3 I 




Past VI 


( r I'ltLbJ moat anthentio sonrces for aboriginal Indian tradi- 
JL tions are aonga, oratdona, and tales, known to the mem- 
here of religions or other aooietieB of which every tribe has 
at least mdiments. Such societies sometimeB preaerre 
records from very remote times, through oral transmission. 
The anbstance changes bnt little in the oonrse of centuries, 
but form may suffer modifications which chstort the origi- 
nal picture or even ahroud it almost completely. 

On the Island of Titicaoa the changes which its Indian 
population has nodergone, and the promiacuouB origin of 
the present inhabitants, made it very doubtful if any origi- 
nal folklore was still to be found. Esoteric clusters exist, 
bat they are not orig^ally from Titicaca. Their present 
members may have been bom there, but the lore with which 
they are acquainted is not indigenous to the Island ; at least 
in all likelihood. Its original occupants, Inca as well as 
AymarA, forsook Titicaca soon after the Spanish conquest, 
and the Island was repeopled only after several decades^ 

Therefore, at the very beginning of our residence on Titi- 
caca Island we were assured that there was no trace of 
ancient folklore in the recollections of its inhabitants. Not- 
withstanding these assertions, we obtained several tales 
whidi, while liable to objections, still refer to pre-Spaniah 
times and conditions. In so far as their main secrets of 
magic and their most important dances are concerned, the 



^dians of Titicaca confessed they were derived from two 
points on the shores of the Lake— Sampaya and Hnaicho. 
It is, therefore, possible that the folktales which we gath- 
ered on the Island have come from one or both of these 
points. It is also possible that what the Indian of to-day 
gjves as primitive traditions were related to his ancestors 
by Spaniards and especially by priests, and from data pre- 
served by writers of the sixteenth centnries. I shall record 
the few tales gathered by ns, adverting that it was only 
little by little and with relnctance that the Indians became 
somewhat conminnicative on these topics. Their reticence 
might lead to suppose that what they told contains some 
authentic and primitive elements. 

TThe belief that, in times far beyond distinct recollection 
of man, the snn first rose from tJie Sacred Bock, or Titi- 
Eala, was mentioned to ns by several Indians on the Island, 
one of whom, an aged blind man, also stated that the moon 
was created there. The large nodules of limonite, which are 
said to be tracks of the sun and moon, bear some rela- 
tion to this belief. One of onr informants, an old wiiard, 
told ns that "the snn rose into the heavens from the Saisred 
Bock, in the shape of a big flame." Bat he also added that 
"the snn was the child of a woman" whom he called 
"Mama-OjIIia, who was the mother of Manco Capac." 
Abont the origin of the moon he professed to be ignorant 

''In very ancient times," said he, "the Island was in- 
habited by gentlemen (caballeros) similar to the vira- 
cochas" (name given to whites by the Indians to-day). 
Whence these "gentlemen" came he knew not "They had 
interconrse with the women of the people, and the children 
were deposited in caves, where they were kept alive by 
water dripping from the rock of the ceiling. After a certain 
time the mothers went to look after their offspring and 
found them alive and well. These children, who bad thos 
been exposed, became the Inga-Re (Incas), and they drove 
out the gentiemen and held the Island thereafter." "Whither 







the expelled "viracochas" retreated, the tale sayeth not.^ 
The narrator mentioned the names of two women who ao- 
qnired some note on the Island^ one of whom he called 
"Maria Ka," the other "Mama Chocnayllo. " About the 
Inca he remembered the names of Manco Capac, Viraoocba, 
Huayna Capac, Boca, Hnascar, and Atahnallpa, saying of 
Hnascar that the Spaniards killed him near the Island.' 

In a subsequent conversation the wizard stated that 
Atanhnallpa lived on the Island and Hnascar at Cnzco, and 
that after the time of the "Inga-Be" the Lake once dried np 
BO completely that people from Hnaicho came over on foot 
and killed the "Challpa" then living on Titicaca. From 
one or the other Indian we obtained at least partial con- 
firmation of this. AU seemed to agree that the son had 
made its first appearance on the Sacred Bock, and that the 
* ' Inga-He ' ' originated on the Island. 

While we were at the pneblo of Tiqoina, the parish priest, 
r Father Nicanor VizcarraArelated to ns the following tale 
which had been told him by an liidian from Copacavaiia : 

"The Peninsula of Copacavana was inhabited prior to 
the time of ihe Inca by a tribe of rade Indians who owned 
flocks of llamas. Every evening the herders returned the 
flocks to the care of the chief of the tribe, and among their 
nmnber was a dumb girl. For Several months this girl 
failed to pnt in an appearance. The fact of the matter was 
that she had given birth to a male child in some cave on the 
Peninsnla, and that a finale deer was narsing it The 
fatherless boy grew np in that cave/ his mother visiting him 
daily toward evening. This went on for a number of years, 
until at last somebody followed her stealthily. He saw her 
approach the cave. A boy mshed ont of it to embrace her 
and she retnmed his caresses. When this boy reached the 
age of manhood he begged his mother to give him a clnb 
and to make him three slings. With the aid of these 
weapons he soon became powerful, and this was the origin 
of the Licas."* 



Thia tale has a slight resemblance to the Montezama 
story as told in New Mexico.* Bnt the bringing np of the 
child in a cave, and with the assistance of a female deer, 
also irecalls the legend of Saint C^enoveva and, in a way, 
that of Bomnlns and Bemns I Legends of the saints, also 
bits of classical history, were f reqnently told the Indians by 
priests of the Catholic Chnrch." The tales from Titicaca 
and Tiquina agree, as we shall see further on, with Titicaca 
lore as represented by the majority of older sources in 
more than one respect, only the story of the hind is found 
nowhere else. Hence we may be permitted to ask, is it per- 
haps a post-conquistorial aggregate to primitive tales t 

Turning now to the earliest mentioiu of Titicaca lore by 
Spanish writers, I must premise that the first report on the 
Island, the one so often quoted by me (of July 15, 1534), 
makes no mention of ancient lore.* (^Cbnzalo Fernandez 
de Oviedo y Vald^s^ho for many years oarefoUy collected 
the data, written and oral, which his contemporaries 
brought back from the New World, and especially from such 
sections of it as were not known to him by personal inspec- 
tion, makes no mention of Titicaca lore, limiting himself to 
a brief statement of a Cuzco tradition, according to which 
the Incas had come to Onzco from the outside and were not 
oripnally from that valley.' 

Pedro Pizarro was an eye-witness of the conquest and 
took an active part in it. His report on Peru was finished 
in 1571, but is the result of observation and experiences in 
that conntry since 1532. I therefore place him here, as one 
of those who held earliest communication with the natives 
and saw Peruvian society while it was yet in its prinutive 
condition. He briefly remarks : "These Indians say that an 
Inga was the first lord. Some say he came from the island 
of Titicaca, which is an island in a lagoon of the Collao. 
. . . Other liidians claim that this first chief came forth at 
Tambo. This Tambo is in Condesuios, six leagues, more or 
less, from Cuzco."') 



Plate LXiVII 

Objects of stone from Inland of Koati, resembling tobacco-pipes, 
and excavated at laaic-Uyu 





Ii 1542 the Licentiate Cristdval Vaca de Castro, then de 
facto Governor of Pern, institated the first official inquiry 
into ancient lore of the Cnzco liidians, the proceedings of 
which are given in a document entitled: Discurso sobre la 
Descendencia y Qobierno de los Ingas, uid published by the 
lataDon Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. jThat investigation, 
earned on with a great deal of care and mnch sound dis- 
crimination^ contains no aUnsion to lore abont Titicaca, 
bnt places the origin of the Inca at Pacaritambo (Tambo) 
near Cnzco.* Aside from the valne this document has for 
specific "Inca" history, it is important for mentioning the 
name of an author who is of jgreat importance in connection 
with Peruvian Indian lore-Unan de Betanzos) He was one 
of the two Spaniards who controlled the examination of 
the Indian witnesses, being in 1542 already "one of the 
persons who knew very well the general language of this 
kingdom, and who wrote down what was declared by means 
of the Qmpos."'" 

Betanzos is generally looked npon as one of the earlier 
companions of Pizarro.'^ He spent the rest of his life at 
Cozco, having married an Indian girl from the Inca tribe. 
He wrote a Docirina chripsHana accompanied by two vo- 
cabularies, previous to 1550, and which are still unpublished 
at the National Ardtives at Lima. While at work on the 
Docirina, etc.,^' he also composed a history of the Inca 
entitled : 8uma y Narracion de los Incas, finishing it about 
1551." The manuscript was intact in the early part of the 
seventeenth century,^* bnt was lost sight of afterward 
until, in 1875, the indefatigable and judicious student of 
Spanish-American history.U'imenez de la EspadajVound the 
first eighteen chapters of it at the Library of the Escu- 
riaL" Of the rest of the book no trace has as yet ap- 
peared. Fortunately the fragment published contains what 
is of greatest importance here : the early traditions of the 
Indians of Cuzco and especially of the Collas or AymarS, 
gathered by Betanzos within ten, or at most fifteen, years 



after 1532. At snch an early date Indian folk-tales and 
myths conld not have been mnch contaminated throngh con- 
tact with the whites and, while there are, in some of the 
traditions recorded by Betanzos, inklings of extra- American 
influence, the snbstanee appears to be authentic and primi- 
tive. The connection of Betanzos with the Inca throng 
marriage, winle of great advantage in many respects, ex- 
posed him to a serions danger; the same that lessened the 
valne of works written half a centary later by Indian writers 
in Mexico and, in a still higher degree, the value of the book 
of G^rcil^sso de la Vc^. His informants, being Inca, told 
only their aide of the ^tory, with a tendency to extol to 
the conquerors (whose favor they were beginning to court) 
the importance of their tribe and of its culture. E<v«n 
traditions and myths, when told by people thus inclined, 
lose some of their purity. But Betanzos has also preserved 
to us traditions that originated away from Inca influence. 
He tells OS : 

"In ancient time, they say, the country and province of 
Pern was in darkness, having neither light nor day. There 
were, at that time, certain people in it, which people had a 
certain ciaet who commanded them and to whom they were 
subjected. Of the name of the people and of the chief who 
commanded them they have no recollection. And in those 
times, when all was night in this land, they say that from a 
lagune in this country of Pern, in the province of GoUasnyo, 
tiiere came a chief called Con Tici Viracoeha who, th^ say, 
had with him a certain number of people, whidi number 
they do not recollect And after he had sallied from tfaie 
lagnne, he went from there to a site that is close to this 
lagnne, where to-day is a village called Tiagoanaco, in the 
aforesaid province of the Collao. And as he went thither, 
he and his own, forthwith there improvisedty, they say, that 
he made the sun and day, and ordered the son to move in 
the course it now moves and afterward, they say, he made 
the stars and the moon. Of this Con Tid \^raco(dia they 



Objects in gold from the Islaode of Titicaca and Koati 
1, 3. Bdngles at gold-leaf from the Tioini^ of the SKoreil Bock. 3, 4. Golden pins & 
the level in front of the Sacred Bock. S, 6. Llamaa of gold from above sile. 
T. Human figure, of gold (offering) from same place. S. Aniraftl fig- 
ure of solid gold-leaf from the lalHid of EoaU (sea Uai). 








a&j he had appeared once before, on which occasion he 
made the sky and the earth, leaving everything in obscnrity, 
and then he made the people who lived in darkness as afore- 
told, which people did some sort of wrong to this Viracocha, 
and being angered by it, he turned to come ont again this 
last time and came forth as on the first occasion, and those 
first people and their chief he converted into stones, in pun- 
ishment for the anger they had caused him."*' 

The substance of the above is that there was, at the time 
of first contact between the Spaniards and the liidians of 
southern Peru and adjacent parts of Bolivia, a tradition to 
the e£Fect that there had been two snccessive "creations," 
and both by the same being, represented as a man endowed 
with supernatural faculties. After the first creation, that 
personage came out of Lake Titicaca and went to Tiahua- 
naco, where he dispelled the darkness (in which he had left 
the world after his first creative effort) by making the snn, 
moon, and stars, and regulating their coarse in the heavens. 
Thus far the tales connected with Titicaca Island." It is 
well to note, that the manuscript of Betanzos has "Titi 
Viracocha," not "Ttci" as Espada changed it, in order to 
conform with later spellings. It would have been preferable 
to retain the spelling of the original. 

Contemporary with Betanzos, although not participants 
in the conquest, were two^ writers, whose role in South 
America was very similar -tPedro de Cieza (of Leon))' and 
Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara. Both were soldiers and 
made the campaigns of the civil wars among the Spaniards. 
Gutierrez arrived in Peru at least three years earlier than 
Cieza and remained in the country (probably) longer than 
uie latter. But be finished his voluminous work only after 
1603," whereas Cieza completed the First Part of his 
Chronicle in 1550, and the remainder between that year and 
1560.^ Hence he deserves precedence, in that he wrote 
under more recent, hence more vivid, impressions. But 
Cieza is by no means an infallible guide. He was certainly 



a close observer and a painstakiiig recorder, bnt, as is the 
case with many, he lacked time and knowledge of the Indian 
languages. He freely acknowledges the latter.*' Hence 
his information on Indian traditions, compared with that 
of Betanzos, is in reality "second-hand." Bnt it agrees 
qnite well with that famished by the latter, thus corroborate 
ing in a measure its authenticity. It is also possible that he 
obtained his information throngh Betanzos, or at least from 
Indian sonrces the latter consulted, althon^ he mentions 
what may appear to be independent authority. In the First 
Part of his Ofaronicle he relates a myth to the effect tiiat, 
after many years of darkness, the son rose from the Island 
of Titicaca in great splendor ; thenceforth that Island was 
regarded as sacred, and the laca reared on it a temple 
dedicated to "their" sun. In another place he says that one 
of the principal chiefs of the Collao went to the "lagnne of 
Titicaca, and met on its principal Island white men with 
beards with whom he fought in such a manner as to succeed 
in killing them all."" Should t^s event prove tme, then 
Cieza furnishes an approximate date for its oocnrrenoe I^ 
placing it dnring the term of office of the chief Viracocha, 
hence in the fourteenth century." lii the Second Part he is 
more definite and allades to the source whraice he got his 
information: "They also tell what I have written in the First 
Part: that on the Island of Titicaca, in the past centuries, 
were white people, with beards, and that, coming forth from 
the valley of Coquimbo a captain by the name of Cari, he 
reached where now is Chueuito from where, after having 
made some new settlements, he passed over to the Island 
with his people, and made snch war upon that people of 
which I speak, that he killed them all. Chirihuana, gov- 
ernor of those pueblos (which pertain to the Emperor) told 
me what I have writt^i. . . ."" The name "Chirihuana" 
recalls one of the older societies of dancers still extant 
among the Aymar^ and if the traditions should be 
proven as coming from snch a source, seventeen years after 







the arrival of Pizarro and sixteen after his ocoapation of 
Cnzco, they might be primitive lore of considerable aafiien- 
tidty and purity. 

The first and second chapter, also the greatest portion 
of the third, of Cieza's Second Part of the "Chronicle of 
Pern, ' ' are nnf ortnnately missing. Li Chapter IV he states : 
"Many times have I asked the inhaHtants of these prov- 
inces what they knew about what there was in them before 
the Incas ruled over them . . .'*" Cieza had a compara- 
tively short time for his investigations, and was dependent 
upon interpreters, still what he ascertained in this manner 
concemiiig Titicaca lore corresponds in the main with what 
is stated by Betanzos. He says : ' ' Before the Incas ruled in 
these kingdoms and were known in them, the Ijidians tell 
another mnch more important thing than all the rest, for 
they affirm that for a long time they were without seeing the 
snn, and that suffering a great deal on that account, they 
prayed and made vows to those on whom they looked as 
their gods, begging them for the li^t of which they were 
deprived. And while this was going on the sun rose in 
great splendor from the Island of Titicaca, which is within 
this great lagnne of the CoIIao, so that all were delighted. 
And after this had happened, they say that from the part 
of midday there appeared and came a white man of large 
size who showed great authority and inspired vaieration 
by his person and presence ; and that this man, of whom they 
say he had so much power that of heights he made levels 
and of plains great heights, creating springs in live rock. 
And as they recognized in him such power, they called him 
Maker of all Created Things, Beginning Thereof, Father 
of the Sun, for they say that besides these he performed 
other and greater deeds, because he gave to men and ani- 
mals their existence and that finally they derived from Um 
great benefits.'"* 

This Being the Indians, according to Cieza, call Ticivira- 
cocha, also Tupaca and Ariiauan or Aranauan.'^ It is easy 



to recognize in him the "Con Tici Viracocha" of Betanzos. 
Only the latter makes him come from Titicaca Island, 
whereas Cieza states he came from the Sonth. There mi^^t 
be, in the tales gathered by Cieza, a confasion with the first 
appearance of the "Viracocha" mentioned by Betanzos, 
and of which Cieza does not seem to have been informed. 

Pedro Qntierrez de Santa Clara, as stated, is not as 
original a source as Cieza. The information he conveys is 
at variance with that of the preceding authors, bnt it recalls 
the r^nark of Pedro Pizarro: "These Indians say that an 
Inga was their first lord. Some say he came from the 
Island of Titicaca."" 

Qntierrez attributes Creation to two distinct beings, Ihe 
first of which was called "Cons," the other "Pachacauna," 
the second destroying what the first had done to remake it 
after his own pleasure. After these two deities : ' ' The first 
Indian lord who began to enter foreign lands was called 
Mango Ynga Zapalla and this Indian initiated the wars. 
He went forth with armed people from a large island called 
Titicaca, which is inmidst of a lagone that is very large and 
quite deep, in the great province of Atitn CoUao. This 
Mango Ynga Zapalla succeeded in becoming a very re- 
nowned and preferred lord, more than all the small ciiiefs, 
curacas, that were around of that lagune; on account of 
which he, by advice of the fiend and of the sorcerers, sooji^t 
to occupy their lands in a thousand ways, modes and man- 
ners he conld, and to place them onder his lordship and com- 
mand. And with this intention he went forth with many 
people from the Island, in many rafts made of canes and 
dry wood. Forthwith, by flatteries and threats he drew nnto 
him some curacas and small chiefs, and those who wonld 
not obey his bidding he made war upon until he put th^n 
under his dominion and conmiand. When he found himself 
lord of this great province, and that all the Caracas and 
principal bdians served him as their natnral lord, be 
foonded a settlement which he called Atuncollao which is to 




1 1 


- 1 1 



i I 







say : the great CoUao. In this settlement he established his 
seat and royal conrt in order that the Indians he bad con- 
quered might not rebel, and after he had them well subjected^ 
and pacified, his days came to an end. . . ."*• He further 
states that the seventh Inca war-chief, whom he calls Topa 
Ynga Ynpangne, conqnered the settlement of Cnzco and 
established there the tribe of the Inca.'" 

The list of Inca chiefs famished by Gutierrez does not 
agree with that of Betanzos in some respects, neither does 
it with the list of Cieza, whereas it folly agrees with that of 
GarcilasBo de la Vega.»' Bnt it does not seem possible that 
the book of the latter could already have been consulted by 
Gatierrez. The agreement in the names and the sequence 
of the war-chiefa points to a common sonrce of information. 
On the other hand traditions about the conquest of the 
Collao from Titicaca Island, in the tenth century, about, 
recall the statements of Oviedo and Pedro Pizarro, in a 
general way. In other respects (for instance, in regard to 
the creation by Cons and re-creation by Pachacamac) there 
is an analogy between Betanzos and Gutierrez. Close 
agreement in Indian tradition gathered by distinct sources 
can never be expected, bnt the conquest of Cuzco by Indians 
of Aymar6 stock, part of whom originally came from Titi- 
caca Island, is not mentioned by the two elder Spanish 
chroniclers, Betanzos and Cieza. 

( Agustin de Zdrate^ royal treasarer in Pern, whither he 
came in 1543,'^ earlier than both Cieza and Gntierrez, states 
in his History of the Discovery and Conquest of Peru, 
the first edition of which appeared at Antwerp in 1555: 
"These lords kept their Indians at peace and were their 
captains in the wars they had with their neighbors, and 
there was no general lord of the whole land, until from the 
region of the Collao, from a great lagoon there is (in it), 
called Titicaca, which has eighty leagues in circumference, 
there came a very warlike people which they called ingas. 
These wore the hair short and Imd the ears perforated, with 



pieces of gold in the holes which mlarge the apertnres. 
These called themselves [are called] ringrim, signifying 
ear. And the principal among them they called Zapalla 
inga, (the) only chief, although some mean to say that he 
was called inga Viracocha, which is 'froth or grease of the 
sea,' since, not knowing where the land lay whence he came, 
(they) believed him to have been formed ont of that lagrtuie- 
. . . These ingas began to settle the city of Cuzco, etc."" 

Substantially, this is what O-ntierrez has atated, and it 
may have been recorded abont the same time. 

Three years prior to the appearance of the book of Zarate, 
the first issue of the Chronicle off Francisco Lopez de Go- 
marajwas published, bat as the anthor never was in America 
and obtained his information at second hand, I place him 
after the former. Treating of the Inca Clomara states: 
"Their ori^ was from Tiquicaca, which is a lagnne in the 
Collao, forty leagues from Cuzco, the name of which signi- 
fies Island of Lead. ... It is eiji^ty leagues in oircum- 
ference. The prindpal Inca who took away from Tiquicaca 
the first ones and led them, was called Zapalla, signifying 
only chief. Some aged Indians also say that he was called 
Viracocha, which is to say 'grease of the sea,' and that he 
brought his people by sea. They finally affirm that Zapalla 
peopled and settled Cuzco, whence the Incas began to make 
war upon the surroimdings."" 

The similarity of the above and the text of Zarate is 
striking, yet it is hardly possible that one copied the other, 
unless Qomara obtained access to the manuscript of Zarate. 
The latter bad good opportunities of securing knowledge 
about Indian folk-lore at what we may consider first-hand ; 
hence, if there has been any plagiarism, it is more likely to 
have been committed by Qomara, after the return of Zarate 
to Spain. The author of the Chronicle, and chaplain of 
Hernando Cortes, however, lived in official disgrace and 
obscurity at the time, and his book was not well received at 
Court, whereas Zarate, who had no intention of pubUahing 



his work himself, but intended it for posthnmoas iBsne, was 
compelled to have it printed by pressure from Court. 

There is still another and similar version, from the same 
period, apparently: 

An anonymous document, already m^itioned byV^reacott) 
but hardly noticed since, entitled Conquista y Poblacton del 
Peru, states the following: "After this was done, these 
large-eared people (Orejones) say that the manner in which 
theygotachiefamongthemseIveswa3,that (from) a lagune 
which is thirty leagues from Cuzco, in the land of Collao, 
and (which) is called Titicaeaca, the principal of them, who 
called himself Viracocha, came forth, who was very shrewd 
and wise and said he was a child of the sun. And of this one 
they say that he gave them polity in dress and in building 
houses of stone, and he it was that built the Cnzco and made 
stone-honses and the fortress and house of the sun. ..." 
This document is not complete, hence no certainty exists as 
yet regarding its date, although there are indications that it 
was written during the period of early colonization in 

Leaving aside the short notice which Oviedo has preserved 
to us, and in which Titicaca is not mentioned, we have thus 
far, in the first half of the sixteenth century what appear to 
be two distinct versions of traditions concerning the remote 
past of that Island. Betanzos and Cieza are silent on the 
subject of a " conquest " of Cnzco by people originally issued 
from Titicaca. Still even they hint at something akin to it 
Betanzos states : "And from there (speaking of the journey 
of Viracocha from the coimtry around the Lake northward) 
the Viracocha departed and came on, making people as yon 
have heard, nntil he came to Cuzco where, upon arriving, 
they say, he made a chief, to whom he gave the name of 
Alcaniza, and also named tiie place of that chief (he) made, « 
Cuzco, and, leaving directions how, after he would be gone, 
the 'large ears' should come forth, he went on performing 
his task." He goes on to relate how, while Alcauiza was 



chief of the little hamlet of thirty houses t^at then con- 
stitnted the settlement, four men came ont of a cave at 
Pacaritambo, among them Ayar Mango who afterward be- 
came Manco Capac and the first Cnzco chieftain of the 

Cieza also mentions the preponderance of the tribe at 
Hatnn Colla of which Qntierrez treats, hnt without con- 
necting its origin with the people of the Island, and he 
describes the "creation" of the Inca as independent from 
Viracocha or from any conquest by CoUa Indians. I have 
allnded to the character of his information and manner in 
which he obtained it. 

In the second half of the sixteenth centory the number of 
writers that gathered Indian lore is considerably greater 
than in the first, bat they obtained it at a period more 
remote from first contact, and when Indian society was 
already disturbed and the teachings of the church had 
penetrated the mind of the natives, creating lasting im- 

OarcilasBO de la Vega, who lays particular stress on his 
Inca descent fromthe3fo(ftcr'sstde(!) while pretending that 
succession was in the Male line, was bom at Cuzco in 1540, 
and remained in his mother's care tmtil 1560, when he went 
to Spain for the remainder of his life."^ He spoke Qnichna 
perfectly, being in constant contact with his Indian rela- 
tives. He also kept np connections with Inca descendants 
at Cnzco by correspondence, in bis later years.'" At least 
part of the object he had in writing his Comentarios was, to 
assist in the presentation of certain claims which his Indian 
relatives had or believed they had on the Spanish govern- 
ment.'* In order to press these claims more effectively, 
Garcilasso de la Vega wrote a His.tory of tiie Inca, with a 
description of their general degree of culture, society, and 
creed, very palatable to the notions of the times, especially 
in that it sufiplies primitive Peru with a monarchical and 
theocratic organization which Europe conld understand, 



1 1 




^ .■.!.,■ 



and hy means of which ancient birtliri^ts and claims to 
snccession based upon supposed heredity could be not 
merely insinuated, but introduced. His statements on the 
religion of the Inca are colored by the desire to eliminate 
from their creed and customs as much as possible facts 
clashing too harshly with Christian principles. Garcilasso 
is (and for interested motives) constantly endeavoring to 
push primitive Pemvian culture as near as possible to the 
European of his time. Much of his detailed information is 
of the highest value, but he has woven it into a picture 
(by using terminology of the so-called Old World and its 
social condition) that is misleading. While this may not 
be absolutely germane to the subject, it is necessary for a 
due appreciation of Oarcitasso's writings, which contain 
considerable material for ancient folk-lore, of the Quichua 
as well as of the Aymar& Indians. 

Oarcilasso conveys the following information concerning 
the manner in which he secured the traditions, which he 
g^ves as authentic : 

"It strode me that the best plan and way was to relate 
what, in my childhood, I beard many times from my mother, 
and from her sisters and uncles, and from other and elder 
people, about their origin and beginning. . . . My mother 
residing at Cnzco, her home, there came to visit her nearly 
every week the few relatives, male and female, who had sur- 
vived the cruelty of Atanhuallpa. During these visits their 
usual conversation was about the origin of their kings, of 
their supremacy, of the greatness of their empire, of their 
conquests and great deeds in govcming, in war as well as 
in the laws they made, so beneficial to their vassals. 

"During these discourses I, who was a boy, often ran in 
and out, amusing myself with parts of the story as children 
do with the tales of nurses. In this manner days and years 
went by, until I had come to the age of sixteen or seventeen. 
Being one day present with my kindred, who were discours- 
ing of their kings and ancestors, it came to my mind to ask 



the most elderly person amoD^rst them, and so I interrnpted 
his speech in this manner: *Inca,' said I, 'and my uncle, 
hoT is it possihle, since yon have no writingB, that yon have 
been able to preserve the memory of things past, and of the 
origin of our kingst' "*° The aged Indian whom he thus 
addressed and who afterward became his chief informant, 
made the following statement in regard to the origin of the 

( "Yon must know, therefore, that in ages pwt all this 
region and comitry you see around ns was nothing but 
mountains and wild forests, and the people in those times 
were like so many beasts, without religion or government; 
they neither sowed, nor ploughed, nor clothed themselves, 
etc., etc. Our Father the Sun, beholding men such as before 
related, took compassion on them, and sent a son and a 
daughter of his own from heaven to earth to instruct onr 
I)eopIe in the knowledge of Onr Father the Snn, that they 
mi^t worship and adore him and esteem him for their God, 
giving them laws and precepts whereunto they might con- 
form their lives, lite men of reason and civility. . . . Wth 
these commands and instructions. Our Father the Sun 
placed his two children in Lake Titicaca, which is about 
eighty leagnes hence, giving them liberty to go and travel 
wherever they pleased; and in whatsoever place they stayed 
to eat or sleep, they should strike into the ground a little 
wedge of gold which he had given them, being about half a 
yard long and two fingers thick, and where with one stroke 
this wedge would sink into the earth, there should be the 
place of their habitation and the court unto whidi all people 
shonld resort. . . . Thus Onr Father the Sun, having de- 
clared his pleasure to these his two children, he dispatched 
them from him, and, taking their journey from Titicaca 
northward, at every place where they came to repose they 
tried to strike their wedge into the ground, but it took no 
place, nor would it enter. At length they came to a poor inn, 
or place wherein to rest, about seven or eight leagues sonth- 



ward from this city, which to this day is called Pacarec 
Tampn, which is as mndi as to say, 'The Shining or lUmm- 
nated Dormitory.' This is one of those colonies which the 
Prince planted, the inhabitants whereof boast of this name 
and title which our Inca bestowed npon it; whence he and 
his queen descended to the valley of Cozco, which was then 
only a wild and barren motmtain." "This was the relation 
made to me by this Inca, brother of my mother, concerning 
the origin of the kings of this comitry. I afterward tried to 
translate it faithfully from my mother-tongne, which is the 
Inca, into Spanish."*' 

Garcilasso then proceeds to tell other traditions, from 
other parts of Peru: 

"Having to report the most current opinions touching 
the origin of the Inca kings, I will say that most of the 
people of Peru, that is, the Indians from sonth of Cozco, 
what they call Collasuyu, and those in the west, called 
Cuntisnyu, tell about it a very pleasing fable. In order to 
make it more anthoritative through time (antiquity), they 
say it happened after the deluge, of which they know noth- 
ing beyond that it really took place. . . . Thus they say 
that after the waters of the deluge had subsided, a certain 
man appeared in the country of Tiahuanacn, which is to the 
sonth of Cozco. This man was so powerful that he divided 
the world into four parts, and gave them to four men whom 
he honored each with the title of king, the first of which was 
called Maneo Capac, the second Colla, the third Tocay, and 
the fourth Pinahua. To this they add that he gave the 
northern part to Manco Capac, that of the south to Colla 
(after whom that great province has ever since been 
called), to Tocay that in the east, and to Pinahua that of 
the west. They further assert that, after having thus 
favored them, he sent each one to the land pertaining to 
him, to conquer and govern all the people there found. 

"The Indians who live east and north of the town of 
Cozco report another origin of the Incas, similar to tiie 



preceding. For they say that in the bepnning of the world 
four men and four women, who -^ere brothers and sisters, 
came ont of the windows in certain rocks that are near the 
dty, in a place called Pancartampn. . . . The first of these 
brothers is called by them Manco Capac, and his wife Mama 
OcUo. They believe that this^one was the founder of this 

All the tales except the first one (told him by his rela- 
tives) Garcilaaso regards as silly fables, while acknowledg- 
ing liiat they are authentically Indian and primitive. 

It is easy to recognize in the tales recorded by Gareilasso 
the substance of those contained in the sources preceding 
him. But it is manifest that, since Gareilasso was told of 
them while he was yet a youth, his aged Indian relative 
adapted them to the age of his listener. An Indian of ex- 
perioice, and really versed in ancient lore, will never dis- 
close such matters in their real aspect to younger men, 
except after their discretion has stood an exceptionally 
severe test. To such a test Gareilasso does not seem to 
have been subjected, hence the stories which he repeats have 
not the merit of the results of serious investigation like 
those of Betanzos and even of Cieza. 

Gareilasso acknowledges also other sources of informa- 
tion. The writings of Father Bias Valera, partly destroyed 
at the sacking of Cadiz by the English in 1596, are quoted by 
him repeatedly. Valera was a native of Chaehapoyas in 
northeastern Peru and received in the Jesuit order at Lima 
in 1568, whence he went to Cnzco three years later, so that, 
the date of his birth being 1551, he must have begun, like 
Gareilasso, his investigations about the Indians at quite an 
early age.*' This, the fewer opportunities he may have 
had for cnltivating intimacy with the aborigines, and his 
early death in Spain, lessens the value of Father Valera's 
data. Nevertheless it should not be overlooked that he ar- 
rived at Ouzco at a time when special investigations were 
being carried on there on the subject of Indian historical 







lore, both by order of the Viceroy Don Prancisco de Toledo 
and, separately, by instmctious of the Bishop of Cnzco, 
then Sebastian de Artaun or Lartaun.*' 

Through the former, no information relative to Titicaca 
Island was revealed as far as known. Neither ia there any 
mention of the Island in the investigation reported npon by 
the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo in the same year of 1571. 
The latter merely alludes, in terms very brief, to some 
stories according to which Cozco had been originally settled 
from other parts, bnt he adds: "This is of small impor- 
tance, because they say it happened before the Delnge, and 
they connect it with certain fables that, being very old, it 
is not necessary to dwell npon."" I would add, that the 
"Deluge" appears first almost simoltaneously in the writ- 
ings of Cristoval de Molina, of which I am now to treat.*' 

The resnlt of the clerical investigation was reported upon 
by a secnlar priest, Father Criat6val de Molina, who resided. 
at Cozco between the years 1570 and 1584 as priest of the 
hospital founded in 1557 for the exclusive benefit of Indians 
and afterward converted into a municipal infirmary.'** 
Father Molina, in his treatise entitled Relacion de las fabu- 
Itis y ritos de los Tngas, of which only the translation by 
(Sir Clement B. Markhan^is at my command, treats at 
lesigth of ancient lore of the Cnzco tribe and adjacent clus- 
ters. He states : 

"And first with regard to their idolatries, it is so that 
those people had no knowledge of writing. But in a house 
of the Sun called Foquen-Cancha, which is near Cuzoo, they 
had the life of each one of the Yncas, with tiie land they 
conquered, painted with fignres on certain boards, and also 
their origin. Among these paintings the following fable 
was represented : In the life of Manco Ccapac, who was the 
first Inca, and from whom they began to be called Children 
of the Sun and to worship the Snn, they bad a fnl] account 
of the Deluge. They say that all people and all created things 
perished in it, in as far as the water rose above all the high* 



est moontains in the world. No living things survived except 
a man and a woman, who remained in a box, and when the 
waters subsided, the wind carried them to Hoanaco, which 
will be over sevent;^ leagues from Cnzco, a little more or 
less. The Creator of all things commanded them to remain 
there as Mitimas, and there in Tiahnanaco the Creator 
began to raise ap the people and nations that are in that 
region, etc. . . . They say that the Creator was in Tiahna- 
naco and that there was his chief abode. . . . They say that 
it was dark, and that there he made the snn, the moon* and 
stars, and tiiat he ordered the snn, moon, and stars to go to 
the Island of Titicaca, which is near at hand, and th^ioe to 
rise to heaven. They also declare that when the snn in the 
form of a man was ascending to heaven, very brilliant, it 
called to the Incas and to Manco Capac as their chief, and 
said : ' Thoa and thy descendants are to be Lords and are to 
subject many nations. Look npon me as thy father and 
then shalt be my children and then shalt worship me as Uiy 
father. ' And with these words it gave to Manco Ccapac for 
his insignia and arms the Suntur Paucar and the Champi 
and the other insignia that are nsed by the Incas, li^ 
sceptres. And at that point the snn and moon and stars 
were commanded to ascend to heaven and to fix themselves 
in their place, and they did so. At the same instant Miinco 
Ccapac Euad his brothers and sisters, by command of the 
Creator, descended mider the earth and came ont again at 
the cave of Faccari-Tambo, though they say that other na- 
tions also came ont of the same cave, at the point where the 
sun rose on the first day, after the Creator had divided the 
nij^t from the day. Thns it was that they were called Chil- 
dren of the Snn, and that the Snn was worshiped and 
revered as a father."*' 

In the first place, it is interesting to note that Molina 
refers to "figures on certain boards" as his principal source 
for the above tales. These boards he says were kept at a 
shrine called "Poqnen-Cancha," near Cnzco. The proper 



name for thig ahrine, which was one of the eighty ' ' Qxiacaa * ' 
or "Huacas," that, according to Father Bemabe Cobo, S.J. 
(1653), existed near Cuzco, is pven by him as "Poquin 
cancha." This is, very probably, a misprint {or misread- 
ing) for Pvquiu Cancha, signifying "enclosure of the 
spring." Cobo says of it that it was a house of the Sun on 
the summit of "Cayocache," where they sacrificed chil- 
LPedro de Sarmiento Gamboa^to whom the Viceroy Toledo 
committed the task of condensing the mnltifarions material 
gathered ahont that time into a "History" of the so-called 
"Inca Empire," spreads ont the tale of the painted boards 
in the following manner: "There connects with this the 
great investigation which Pachacnti Inga Ynpangni, ninth 
Inga, who issued a general call to all the old historians of 
all the provinces be subjected, and even of many others 
more from all those kingdoms, and be kept them in the city 
of Cuzco for a long time, examining them concerning the 
antiquities, origin and notable facts of their ancestors of 
those kingdoms. And after he had well ascertained the 
most notable of their ancient histories he had it all paloted 
after its order on large boards, and he placed them in a big 
hall in the house of the sun, where the said boards, which ' 
were garnished with gold, would be like our libraries, and 
he appointed learned men who cotild understand and ex- 
plain them. And nobody could enter where those boards 
were, except the Inga, or the historians, without express 
license from the Inga.'**' 

At the same time and in consequence of the investigation 
instituted by the viceroy Toledo, four "cloths" were pro- 
duced, on which were painted "the figures of the Ingas as 
well as the medals of their women and Ayllos, and the 
history, on the edges, of what happened at the time of each 
one of the Ingas, and the fable and noteworthy things that 
go on the first cloth which they call of Tambotoeo, and the 
fables of the creations of Viracocha that go on the edge of 



the first cloth as foundation and beginning of the history; 
each thing by itself distinct, as it is written and rabricated 
by me the secretary present," etc. These four cloths were 
shown to a large number of Indian witnesses that had been 
interrogated at the time. The paintings had been made for 
the purpose of accompanying and Ulustrating the (lately 
published) work of Pedro de Sarmiento Oamboa, iriiich was 
then read, in part, to the Indians by an interpreter, and the 
four pieces of cloth served to illastrate the talk. The In- 
dians, in their usual way, approved everything contained on 
the oloth and in the talk, which means very little, as the 
Indian approves (cum reservatione mentali) more or less 
everything that is shown and read to him, and declares it to 
be true. Whether these four pieces of painted cloth stood 
in any relation to the four panels of Molina is not possible 
to assert or deny, as yet The former were sent to King 
Philip n of Spain.»» 

The principal source, however, for the statements of 
Molina, seems to have been, according to Cobo, "anotiier 
general gathering of the old IJidians who had yet seen the 
times of the chief Gnayna Capac, which gathering was made 
in the very city of Cnzco by Crist6bal de Molina, curate of 
the parish of Our Lady of Bemedios of the hospital of the 
natives ; by. command of the Bishop D. Sebastian de Lar- 
tanm.""* Cobo claims tiiat the results of that investigatiou 
agree with those of Polo de Ondegardo and the Viceroy 
Toledo, which he states to have had and consulted. What I 
have been able to see of them does not, as stated before, 
contain any direct allusions to Titicaca, but there are others 
which I do not know."* Gatherings of Indians with the 
view of ascertaining ancient lore are not always snocessfni. 
The Indian dislikes to communicate on such subjects in 
the presence of witnesses from his own race. 

The deep and rapid impression made by biblical tales on 
the mind of the Indians, through teachings of the Catholic 
Church, is perceivable in some of the traditions reported 






a -a 





by Molina, as, for instance, in tite story of tbe Delnge, which 
earlier chroniclere do not mention, bnt would snrely have 
alladed to, had they heard of it Otherwise the tales re- 
corded by Molina agree in substance with those preserved 
by his predecessors in that the heavenly bodies are repre- 
sented as having been created on or about the Island of Titi- 
caca, and the Inca to have gone from that Island to Cnzco. 
As stated before, no close agreement between the texts of 
traditions obtained by distinct parties, or at distinct 
localities, can be ezx>^ed, hence divergence in details does 
not impair the value of substantial resemblance. 

Gamboa's work is, from its nature and origin, a second- 
hand compendium. It is, furthermore, not an impartial 
document. Its tendency ia clearly shown in the beginning, 
where he declares his object to be "to disabuse all those in 
the world who Uiink that the said Ingas were legitimate 
kings and the cnracas natural lords of this land." This 
tendency pervades the whole book and makes of it a sus- 
picious source, considerably diminishing its valne. In 
everything touching upon primitive tradition Sarmiento 
only follows his predecessors, partially divesting the origi- 
nal tales of their purely Indian character, and adding 
nothing that had not already been stated before. About the 
Island of Titicaca he says: "After the delnge had passed, 
and when the land was drying, the Viraoodia determined to 
people it a second time, and, in order to achieve it with 
greater perfection, he determined upon creating luminaries 
that might shed more light. And in order to do this, he 
went with his servants to a great lagone that lies in the 
CoUao, and in which lagnne there is an island called Titi- 
caca, ... To which island Viracocha repaired forthwith 
and commanded that the sun, moon, and. stars should at 
once come forth and rise into the sky to illuminate the 
world ; and thus it was done. And it is said that he made 
the moon brighter than the snn, and that therefore the sun, 
jealous at the time they were to rise into heaven, threw a 



handfnl of ashes into the face (of the moon), from vhich 
time on it remained of the paler color in which it nam ap- 

Migael Cabello Balboa came to Pern in 1566, and com- 
pleted his Misceldnea austral at Lima twenty years later. 
He places the origin of the Inca at Facari Tampa, identify- 
ing the site with Tambo Tooco, and then adds: "Many ^• 
dians pretend that the brothers who appeared at Pacari 
Tambo . . . were natives of Titicaca, and that in that place 
were manofactnred the garments in which they showed 
themselves for the first time." According to him, the little 
band (headed by Manco Capac) traveled at night and hid 
in the daytime, presenting themselves saddenly, arrayed in 
gorgeous vestments, a short distance from Cuzco."* 

The/jesnit Joseph de AcostaVesided in Pern from 1569 to 
1585."^ His book, less prolix tsian nsoal for the time, is of 
great valne. He mentions the investigations institnted by 
Toledo and by order of the King of Spain," and it is there- 
fore possible that what he attributes to Indian sources may 
have been derived from depositions then obtained. Bat he 
discriminates between traditions in general, current among 
Indians of Pern (and Bolivia) and specific Inca lore. Of 
the former he states: 

"However it may be, the Lidians say that with this their 
deluge people were all drowned, and tiiey relate that from 
the great lagnne of Titicaca there came ont one Viracocha, 
who made his abode at Tiagnanaco, where to-day are seen 
rains and parts of ancient and very strange edifices, and 
that from there they came to Cozco, and so the haman fam- 
ily began to multiply. They point ont in that lagune an 
islet where they fable that the snn concealed and maintained 
itself, and for this reason they anciently made to it, Uiere, 
many sacrifices, not only of sheep, bnt of men. Others say 
that ont of a certain cave, through the window, there came 
six or I do not know how many men, and that these made the 
beginning of the propagation of mankind, and this was at 



what (the place which), for that reason, they call Pacari 
Tambo. So they are of opinion that tiie Tambos are the 
oldest lineage of mankind. From there, they say, proceeded 
Mangocapa, whom they recognize as the foonder and head 
of the Ingas. . . .""^ Elsewhere Acosta states; '*The firat 
man the Indians mention as the beginning of the Incas was 
Mangocapa, and of him they fable that, aft«r the Deluge, he 
came oat of a cave or window of Tamtm, which is five or six 
leagues from Cuzco."" 

Acosta expresses himself nearly in the same terms as 
Pedro Pizarro regarding the two versions, one locating the 
origin of the Inca on Titicaca Island, Hie other near Cnzco. 
In reality they do not conflict; only it seems that the latter 
was a tradition confined to the Bica tribe, which became 
separated from the former after the investigation, in 1542, 
byfVaca de Castro^ Acosta, in the passage first quoted, has 
given bat an abstract of what his predecessors recorded 
concerning Titicaca traditions. 

The chroniclei(^Antonio de Herrera)foUows Cieza in his 
mention of Peruvian traditions ;" the Dominicai/Gregorio 
Garcia •■^copied Betanzos, andf Pray Hieronymo Eoman^ 

Passing over a nomber of works of the beginning of 
the seventeenth century that, while of ethnologic value for 
ancient Pern, contain nothing germane to the subject, the 
author next to be taken up, in point of date as far as 
can be ascertained,"' would be the Indian(juaD de Santa 
Cruz Pachacuti Yamqai Salcamayhua.') He claims to be 
"native of the pueblos of Sanctiago of Hananguaygua and 
Huringnaiguacanchi of Orcasuyo, between Canas and Can- 
chis of Collasuyo [follows part of his genealogy], all princi- 
pal Caciques that were in the said province and professed 
Christians in the matters of oar holy Catholic faith. . . . 
I say that we have heard, being a child, very ancient notices 
and the histories, barbarisms and fables from the time of 
the gentilisms, which is as follows, as among the natives of 



the things of times past they always are aecnstomed to 
talk."** Salcamayhua writes as an Indian from the monn- 
tainons regions of Pern, speaks Spanish— i.e., literally 
translating from his native tongue. Hence a literal render- 
ing, however nnconth, is almost indispensable. 

Salcamayhna makes snch ostentations professions of 
Christianity that some of his statements appear suspicions. 
That perspicacioos and sober scholar, Don Marcos Jimenea 
de la Espada, called attention to it.'* He tells us that the 
peopling of what now is called Bolivia took place from the 
southeast, from "above Potosi."" After the country had 
been settled, there came to the Collao (Aymara region) a 
bearded man whom he calls "Touapa," also "Viracoha 
Pachayacfaachican," performing miracles, and whom Salca- 
mayhua therefore identifies with Saint Thomas the Apostle. 
He describes the wanderings of that personage and his 
tribulations among tiie barbarous natives around Lake Titi- 
caca," and concludes by stating that "they say that the 
said Tonapa, after having liberated himself from the hands 
of those barbarians, remained some time on a rock called 
Titicaca,""^ and that afterward he passed throng Tiquina 
toward Chacamarca, and on his way came to a village called 
Tiahuanaco, where the people ridiculed his teachings. In 
punishment he changed them into stones. From Chaca- 
marca he followed the Desagnadero to the soath, finally 
reaching the ocean, where he disappeared.*" While in the 
Collao, Tonapa met a chief called Apotampo, who was &e 
only one who lent an ear to his teachings, in consideration 
of which Tonapa gave him "a piece of wood from his walk- 
ing-stick.""" This Apotampo was father to Manco Capac, 
to whom Salcamayhua attributes the foundation of Cuzco, 
which place was then already occupied by Indians, so that 
by "fotmdation" the estahlishmoit of a formal village must 
be understood." In regard to the teachings of Tonapa, the 
author states: "The modem old men from the time of my 
father, don Diego Felipe, are wont to state that it was 




^ I 

3 I 





almost the commandments of God, especially the seven 
precepts, only the name of God our Lord was lacking and 
that of onr Lord Jesus Christ, as it is puhHo and notorious 
among the old men, and the penalties were severe for those 
who broke them."''* 

The analogy of these tales with those reported by Betan- 
zos and Cieza is unmistakable, as far as their substance is 
concerned. Details of course vary, and, furthermore, the 
effect of three quarters of a century of contact with the 
Spaniards and the clergy is plainly visible. The story of 
the walking-stick, of which Tonapa gave a piece to Apo- 
tampo, recalls the magic wand mentioned by Gardlasso de 
la Vega. 

Contemporary with Saloamaybna (although he is not 
known to have exerted any influence on their sources of in- 
formation) are what might be termed a "school of writers" 
of the first half of the seventeenth century. There are 
even two "schools," one of Jesuits, the other of Augustines. 
All of them resided for some time in northern Bolivia with 
the Indians, as missionaries and teachers ; their information 
is, therefore, in a certain way, first-hand. 

In the beginning of the sevraiteenth century the search 
for survivals of primitive ceremonials among the Pemvian 
Indians became not only more active, but more systemat- 
ized. The Jesuit Joseph Pablo Arriaga was one of the prin- 
cipal organizers of that investigation. His own work, the 
Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru,''* appeared in print in 
1621, and, while of the highest value for ethnologic know- 
ledge in general, it contains no allusion to folk-lore con- 
nected with the Island of Titicaca. What little is known 
about the two books written by his co-worker, Father(Luis 
Terhnel,)afford8 no material either for our present investi- 
gation." The silence of Arriaga on the traditions of the 
Titicaca basin need cause no surprise. Arriaga was, o£B- 
cially, the spirit that moved the search for Indian rites and 
beliefs, in a methodical way, and his book is a manual of 



that search rather than a treatise on ceremonials. Henoe 
it contains many valuable descriptions of customs that 
were still in vigor, but as examples only. For the great 
mass of details he refers to special reports of loc(U " viat- 
ors," some of which, if not all, still exist in manuscript 
Thtis it is likely that in the reports of the visitorsfAlonao 
Garcia Gnadrado)on the Lake-shore near Copacavana, and 
of (Bartolom^ de Ihienas on Tiahiianaco,)folk-lore on th« 
Islands will be fonnd;^* also, possibly, in the letters of 
Pather|Hemando de Avendano.'') Every visitor was, ac- 
cording to instmctions framed by Axriaga, to keep a writtra 
account of the proceedings of his inquiry." 

Leaving aside other works of the bepnning of the 
seventeenth century that are but imperfectly known," I 
turn to a contemporary of Arriaga and Salcamayhna, tke 
Jesuit Bemab^ Cobo. Bom at Lopera in Spun, 1582, be 
came to Peru at the age of seventeen years, and was re- 
ceived a novice in the "Company of Jesus" in 1601, and 
ordained priest in 1612. From 1615 to 1618 he was on the 
Lake-shore at Juli and as far as Copacavana, then as a 
missionary farther south in Bolivia. He had good oppor- 
tunities to become acqoainted with the country and its 
people, as his voluminous book on the "New World" 
abundantly proves.^* He gathered the traditions then cur- 
rent abont the Islands and Copacavana, and in their dis- 
cussion displays much critical spirit But he investigated 
and studied at a time remote from the period of first eon- 
tact and does not always state the sources of his informa- 
tion. These, even in case they were Indians, were no longer 
nntampered with, after eighty years of growing contact 
with whites and of church influence. Hence the following 
quotations from the book of Cobo are to be taken with the 
reserve which the above remarks imply. 

"In many ways do the Peruvian Indians relate the ori^ 
and beginning of the Incas their kings, interweaving so 
much confusion and diversity of incongruities that from 



their statement it is not possible to gather anything cer- 

Thoa, "leaving aside for the present and its proper place 
what they held about the Deluge and peopling of the 
earth," he proceeds to give some of the "fables and fictions, 
most received by nearly all, about whence proceeded the 
Inca kings." 

' * The first is as follows : That from the lagone of Titicaca 
there came to Facarictambo, a place distant from Gnzco 
seven leagnes, certain Indians called Incas, men of prudence 
and valor, clad in a very different dresa from that worn 
by those of the district of Cuzco, with their ears perforated 
and pieces of gold in the orifices; and that the principal of 
them, called Manco-Capac," etc., etc. He goes on to give an 
account of the manner in which Manco Capao made himself 
master of Ouzco.*" 

Another account says that four brothers and f onr sisters 
came out of the cave of Pacarictampu, adding: "About 
their origin they do not agree, some imagining they pro- 
ceeded (originated) out of themselves, and others, that 
from the lagune of Titicaca, where they escaped the Deluge, 
the Maker of the world led them through the caverns of 
the earth until they came out through that cave of Pacaric- 
tampu," etc." 

Still another: "That when the Creator of the world (i^om 
IB their language they call by two names, to wit : Ticdvira- 
coha and Pachayachachic) shaped all things at Tiagnanaco, 
where they imagine he resided, he commanded the sun, 
moon and stars to go to the Island of Titicaca which is in 
the lagnne of that name, and that from there they should 
rise into heaven, and that at the time the snn was leaving 
in the figure (form) of a resplendent man he called the 
Incas, and to Manco Capac, as the eldest brother, he spoke 
as follows: 'Thou and thy descendants have to subject 
many lands and be great lords ; always hold me to be your 
father, priding yourself on being my children and never 



forgetting to venerate me as such*; and that, after he had 
said this, he gave to him (Manco Gapac) the insignia of 
king . . . and that forthwith (after the orbs had taken 
their respective places in the heavens), by command of the 
Maker, the Inca brothers sank into the earth and went to 
come ont at the said cave of Pacarictampa/*"' 

Finally another tale:"' "This same fiction others relate 
in this manner : They say that the Snn, pitying the miser- 
able condition in which was the world, sent to it a son and 
a daughter of his, to instruct and teach men the knowledge 
of Ihe Snn, persuading them to worship him as a god and 
yield him the adoration that was dne to him as sndi, . . . 
and that they were placed by the Snn in the said lagnne of 
Titicaca, commanding them to take the road and direction 
they pleased, provided that, wherever they wonld stay to 
eat and take rest, they would sink into the soil a rod of gold 
he gave them, one ell in length. . . .** Then follows an al- 
most textual copy of the story told by Glarcilasso de la 
Vega, although the source is not alluded to.'* 

He mentions a version which, he says, is similar to the 
preceding, with the difference that the Inca were bom on 
the Island from a woman called Titicaca." 

In a chapter devoted to a description of the Islands of 
Titicaca and Koati (it is not clear whether he visited the 
former, and certain that he was not on Koati) he relates 
traditions that are partial repetitions of the preceding, but 
deserve to be quoted : 

"The adoratory (shrine) of the sun that was on the 
Island of Titicaca was a large and solid rock, the venera* 
tion for which and motive why they dedicated it to the sun 
has for beginning and foundation a very ridiculous novel, 
which is that tiie ancients affirm that, having been without 
light from heaven many days in that province, and all its 
inhabitants being surprised, confused and frightened by 
such long and obscure darkness, those who dwelt on the 
aforesaid island of Titicaca saw one morning the sun oome 



out from that rock with extraordinary splendor, from which 
they believed thia rock to be the house and true dwelling 
of the stm or the thing of all that was most acceptable to 
it. . . ." 

"Others refer the fable differently, and say that the 
reason for having dedicated to the sun this rock was be- 
cause beneath it the sun was kept and guarded during all 
the time the waters of the Deluge lasted, after which it 
came forth from there and b^an to enlighten the world 
from that place, that rock being the first object that enjoyed 
its light"" 

The Jesuit Anello Oliva was a Neapolitan by birth. He 
came to Lima two years before Cobo and entered the order 
of Jesuits at that city. Like Cobo, he spent some time at 
Jnli on Lake Titicaca. He concluded his History of Pern 
and of the Company of Jesus in that country in the year 
1631, twenty-two years earlier than Cobo finished bis more 
voluminons "History of the New "World."*' But the 
sources which Oliva acknowledges, as having based upon 
them his tales of ancient lore, are not as satisfactory as 
those of Cobo. 

Oliva acknowledges having consulted chiefly: 

1. Garcilasso de la Vega, laying particular stress on what 
the latter claims to have taken from the writings of Father 
Bias Valera." 

2. Manuscripts of a certain doctor in theology of the 
Cathedral of Charcas (Sucre in Bolivia), calledNBartoIome 

3. The sayings of an Indian by the name of Catari, from 
Cochabamba (in the Qoichua-speaking districts of Bolivia), 
who claimed to have been Qaipucamayoc and chronicler of 
the Incas." 

Of the writings of Father Valera we have already 
spoken, and Oliva rather discards the version given by 



Garcilasso, of the origin of the Inca, for the reason that it 
implies a sapemataral origin for Manco Capae and hia 
female companion."' 

I have not yet been able to find any data of importance 
concerning Doctor Cervantes. His piincipal reliance 
seems to have been on what was given him as traditions pre- 
served by the keepers of qnippns or knotted strings. Of 
the value of these strings for historical documentation, 
Qarcilasso himself confesses the following: 

^In a word, In these knots were expressed all things that 
could be computed by numbers, as far as to note the num- 
ber of battles and encounters, of the embassies on the part 
of the Inca and the declaration the king had given. But by 
these knots it was not possible to express the contents of 
the message, the express words of declarations, and such 
other historic events, for these things consisted of terms 
uttered in speech or in writing, and the knot marked indeed 
the number but not the word. To remedy this defect they 
had also certain signs by which they recognized memorable 
actions, embassies, and declarations made in times of peace 
or war: the Qnipncamayos learned their substance by heart 
and taught tiiem one to another by tradition. . . ."" 

Oliva cannot have obtained his information from Catari 
earlier than the first decade of the seventeenth century, or 
three quarters of a century after the conquest, when folk- 
lore had been exposed to steady and slowly modifying con- 
tact. Furthermore, if the name of his informant is any 
indication at all, it is an Aymard, not a Quichua, name. 
The primitiveness of stories told in southern central Boli- 
via, long after the Indians had been under Spanish rule 
and nnder the teachings of the church, and at a time when 
their ancient ceremonials were being subjected to a close 
and nnsympathetio scmtiny, may appear questionable. 
Their reliability becomes more doubtful yet through the 
wide geographical range they embrace, about which the 
Indians of ancient Peru could have no information, and 



through the positive maimer in which details are ^ven. 
Oliva tells ns: 

"After the Deluge, the first people came to South Amer- 
ica from parts miknovn, landing somewhere on the coast 
of Venezuela. F^om there they gradually scattered over 
the whole continent, one band reaching the coast of Ecnador 
near Santa Elena. Several generations passed, many made 
voyages along the coast and some were shipwrecked. At 
last one bnuudi took up its abode on an island called 
Guayau, near the shores of Ecuador. On that island 
Manco Capac was bom, and after the death of his father 
Atau he resolved to leave his native place for a more 
favored clime. So he set oat, in anch craft as he had, with 
two hundred of his people, dividing them into three bands. 
Two of these were never heard from again, but he and his 
followers landed near lea, on the Peruvian coast, thence 
stru^led up the mountains, reaching at last the shore of 
Lake Titicaca. There Manco separated from the others, 
leaving them wi& orders to divide after a certain time and 
to go in seardi of him, while he took the direction of Cnzco. 
He told his people, before leaving, that when any of the 
natives should ask them their parpose and destination, to 
reply that they were in qaest of the son of the Son. After 
this he departed, reaching at last a cave near the Cnzco 
valley, where he rested, 

"When the time had elapsed, his companions started in 
several groups in search of him. One of these crossed over 
to the Island of Titicaca, where they were surprised to find 
a rock, and in this rock a cave lined with gold, silver, and 
precious stones. Thereupon they sunk the craft in which 
they had reached the island, and agreed among themselves, 
if anybody from the surrounding country should appear, 
to say that they had come out of the cave to look for the 
son of the Sun. 

"A few days after, on the day of full moon, they saw 
some canoes approaching, and they forthwith retreated to 



the cavern. Those who came in the canoes, when they ap- 
proached the cliff and perceived the strangers viewing the 
cave apparently with the greatest unconcern, were snr- 
prifled. The strangers gave them to understand that they 
had jnst come oat of the rock and were in qnest of the son 
of the Snn. This filled the others with profound respect 
for the newcomers ; they worshiped them and made offer- 
ings to tiie rock, sacrificing children, llamas, and ducks. All 
together went back to the munland, and shortly afterward 
learned that at Pacari Tampu the son of the Snn had come 
out of a cavern, called Gapactocco, in great splendor, be- 
dected with gold, as brilliant in appearance as his father, 
and that with a sling he had hurled a stone with such force 
that the noise was heard for more than a lea^e off, and the 
stone made in the rock a hole as large as a doorway.^ 

"At these news all the people of those regions went to see 
the miraculous being. Manco Capao received them as sub- 
jects. On this artifice he began to base his authority and 
the subsequent sway of the Inca tribe."" 

Oliva mentions also a tradition concerning Tiahuanaoo, 
according to which that place would be the oldest settle- 
mrait in the land. He says tiiat the original name of Tiahua- 
naco is Chucara, and that nothing is known of its earliest 
history beyond that "there lived the great chief Huyusius, 
who, they say, was lord of the world.*' This, he states, was 
long previous to the time of Manco Capac.** 

There is, in the tales related by Oliva, something that 
recalls those recorded by Cabello Balboa, and it would not 
be surprising if the writings of the latter could have been 
known to the former.*^ The details given by Oliva on the 
earliest periods, and about the manner in which Titicaca 
Island became connected with the Inca and their orijpn, are 
manifest explanation of traditions, related in mnch greater 
purity by Betanzos, Cieza, and others. 

At the time when Cobo and Oliva were gathering folk- 
lore on the past of the tribes of Cnzco and of the Gollao, the 



Augostme monks in charge of the sanctuary of Copacavaiia 
were not idle. Leaving aside the yet insufficiently known 
work attribnted to Fray Baltazar de Salas, printed in 
1628,'" we mnst devote serions attention to the History of 
Copacabana by Fray Alonzo Bamos Oavilan, published at 
Lima in 1621.'* That book is exceedingly rare, but the late 
Father Sans of La Paz has published it as far as the incom- 
plete copy at his command permitted. In that copy the first 
three chapters were lacking, and Sans replaced them by hia 
own views of the early history of Titicaca, in part The 
Bight Beverend Bishop of La Paz,^on Fray Nicolas Ar- 
maitia,| however, aoqnainted with the existence of two com- 
plete copies of the work of Bamos, took pains to collate the 
book of Sans with one of these copies, and was also kind 
enongh to allow me to copy such passages as were not con- 
tained in the publications of the former. Hence it becomes 
possible to investigate the text of Bamos completely. In 
them, a popular belief is mentioned in the origin of Manco 
Capac from Titicaca Island."^ Bamos also speaks of a 
mysterious white man called Tonnpa and Taapac, murdered 
by the Indians on the Island."*^ Mention is also made of 
the belief that, after several days of obscurity, the sun came 
out of the Sacred Bock."* 

There are, in these statements of Bamos, many points of 
resemblance with what Cobo preserved. The two were not 
only contemporaries, but resided on the shores of Titicaca 
at the same time ; the Augustine in the immediate vicinity 
of Titicaca at Copacavana, the Jesuit at Juli between that 
sanctuary and Puno. There may have been communication 
between them, or each may have obtained his information 
independently of the other. Besides, the Tonapa tale as 
related by Bamos is almost identical with the statements on 
the same topics by Salcamayhua, another contemporary of 
his."*' It will be recollected that Tunapa was already 
alluded to by Cieza, but very few are the details he gives, in 
comparison with what is contained in the writings of Bamos 



and Salcamayhna. Between 1550 and the beginmng of the 
aeventeenth centary only a few fragments of stories re- 
sembling the Tonapa or Tonapa tradition are as yet 
known.>°* Hence it is possibly a CoUa or Aymara tale^ 
heard by BamoB and Salcamayhna from AymarA TnHiftns 
or (in the case of the latter) from Qnichnas confining with 
the Aymara stock. (This is also supported by the first ap- 
pearance in detail of the legend of the cross of Carabaco^ 
Anello Oliva makes an allusion to that singular tale, but 
he is posterior to Bamos. 

Withal elaborate details on one hand, and the brevity of 
notices on the other, all of which tends to shroud the sub- 
stance of original tradition, Bamos agrees with Betanzos 
and Cieza in the main, which is the more important, since it 
is not likely he consulted the works of either of these early 
writers.**" He appears to base mainly on the lore he col- 
lected on the shores of the Lake and, possibly, on the Is- 
lands. It is no surprise, therefore, to find that those writers 
of his order that followed him in point of date, are hardly 
more than copyists, and acknowledge themselves as such. 

Father Antonio de la Calancha, a contemporary of Bamos 
and a punctual follower of his statements,'**" alludes, as a 
source he consulted, also to the Licentiate Polo de Onde- 
gardo, of whom I have treated before. Calancha refers to 
the investigations Oudegardo carried on "in all the conn- 
try above Chuquiago (La Paz), Chuquisaca (Sucre), Po- 
toai, and their surroundings, where the Licentiate Polo 
made bis inquiries, and in that of Chucuito."'"^ As before 
stated, the known writings of Ondegardo contain no Titi- 
caca lore, so that Calancha must have had access to papers 
that are as yet unpublished. He says that, according to 
what Ondegardo gathered, the first men lived in obscurity • 
and were nearly all destroyed by a fiood, but multiplied 
again, and the builders of Tiahnanaco were tamed into 
stone; after which, at Tiahnanaco and on Lake Titicaca, the 
sun and moon appeared. "The sun at once went to the 



Indian Mango Capac, adopted him, made him king . . . 
and then rose into the heavens.""** 

(Father Hippolyto Maracci,"^ the Augastine Fray Fer- 
nando de ValverdeXand finally the Augustine Fray Andres 
de San Nicolas"**— all base their statements on the writings 
of Fray Alonzo Ramos Qavilan. San Nicolas, after repeat- 
ing in substance what Bamos said, admits: "The founda- 
tion which the Indians had in worshiping the island and the 
rock . . . was because on it the family of the liicas had 
their fabulous origin."^" 

White the traditions which we have compiled differ from 
each otiier considerably in detail, their substance agrees 
fairly well, in that they all assign to a remote period the 
time when Titicaca Island first came into prominence 
among the Indians. The occasion for it seems to have been 
some natural phenomenon. A period of darkness (whether 
long or short is not safe to affirm) seems to have been its 
principal feature. After it the heavenly orbs shone out in 
splendor. By what this obscurity was produced we cannot 
conjecture.'*" Under any circumstances it appears certain 
that the tales about this occurrence, which fastened itself so 
firmly on the minds of the Indians, are local tales, not gen- 
eral myths. They belong essentially to the circle of Aymara 
folk-lore, whence they penetrated to a certain extent beyond 
their original home. 

To the same circle must be assigned the statements about 
the origin of the Inca from Titicaca Island, in connection 
with the natural phenomena alluded to. These also appear, 
in their primitive form, as traditions of the Aymara, sub- 1 
sequently, as shown in the writings of Garcilasso de la' 
Vega, transferred to those of the Quichua of Cnzco. 





*Tlw "TlneoehM" here mantioQed 
recall the "white uid bearded men" 
of Cieia. See farther on. 

'This ptorj is u truthful (it be- 
ing well catabliehed that Hoaaear waa 
tnardered bj* the order of Atanhuallpa 
near Antamarea, aonth of Cazamarea 
and north of ATaencho) aa that re- 
lated bj Ciexa (PHmera Parte St la 
Cr6niea, Cap. or, p. 447), that Mnnco, 
Inca, the one who led the Indiana at 
the blockade of Cnico in 1536, waa 
bom at Tiahnanaeo. 

* Something analo^np is mentiiMted 
in that long and tiraome poem bj 
(Pedro de Peralta Ba^lueTo|^Booha 7 
Benavidea : Lima fvndada o Cmuimfta 
del Peru, 1732, edition of 186S, Canto 
aegundo, p. 34. 

"Deapnes la astata Hnaco & infante 
Criado en el seno de una gmta lun. 

Para darle por padrs Inmiuoao 

Del dia al claro aator, lo n^6 al dia : 

Lnego en nn monte al parto prodl- 

A qoien oro ealaaba, oro veatia. 
Lo ezpueo al vnlgo inflel que lo jni- 

No hijo ja, el miamo Sol que lo 

'fCompare mj artide on "The 
Honteauma of the Pneblo Indians," 
in A-morican Anthropologirt, October, 
18S2, p. 325.) 

* Eapeciallj at the pneblo of Co- 
chitl. New Mexico, where mj ainee 
deceased host, (joan Joei Hontoja^ 
(M&^ya Tihna),'\waa Ter; fond of 
displaTing a amatcering of elaaatcal 
history, gathered at random in conver- 
sation with tbe prieata. 

'Belatione per 8va Maetta, Ba- 
muaio, lfi6e, ToL HI. 

'HUtona general y natural, ToL 
IV, Lib. ZLTi, p. 235: "A eeta tierra 
Tino antiguamente an grand Bcfior eon 
una gente qne llaman luga 6 agora ae 
llaman orejones, 6 solo al superior le 
llfl nmTi Inga . . . Bete eefior que Ila* 
man Inga pobid el CoMO, 6 hi^o ana 
eibdad mnj f nerte para midir fl . , . " 

'Belanott cM Deieubritniento, etc, 
p. 234; "Unoa dieen que Bali6 de 
la iala de Titieaea qnee ana isla qaeatfi 
en nna lagnna en el Collao, qne tenia 
seaenta legnaa en torno . . . Otroe in- 
dios dicen queete primer tefior lalid de 
Tambo, eate Tambo eati en Conde- 
snios seis leguas del Cnzco poco mas 6 
menoB. Este primer Inga dieen se 
namaba Inga Tiracoeha. " 

'Ditmno tobre la Detontdetteia y 
Oobi&mo Ae lot Ingot, p. 6. This 




document wu published in 1892, b; 
Jimiiiei de la Eapada, nmder the title 
ot Una Antigvalta peruana. 

"Diteurio, p. 6; "Difiron este 
cargo 4 perMiiaa de moeha CDriooidad 
por Interpretaeion de Pedro EacBlante 
indio ladino en lengna eaatellana, el 
coal Bervia & Taca de Curtro de inUr- 
prete, eon aslatencia de Juan de Betau- 
CM 7 Frtmeiieo de YiUscsatiu vednoa 
d«Bta dodad del Cnceo, petaonaa qne 
■abian may bien la lengna general 
deete reino, loe enaka iban eaeribiendo 
lo qne poy loe QoipM iban deola- 
lando. ' ' mllacaatin 'Y* mentioned, 
now and iben, aa being very well 
Tened in Indian language. Cieur 
Segunda ParU tie la CrtMen, p. i, 
and other*. 

° On Deeembei 1, 1S39, one Juan 
de Betanios directed a letter to the 
Conndl of the Indiea from Santo Do- 
mingo, concerning affaire of Cnbagna ; 
Carta ol Contejo real dt India*, J>otm- 
mmtof iniditoa de Indiat, Vol. I, p. 
604. It ie hardlr poeeible this waa 
the Mme aa the author under con- 
aideratlon, ainee the latter would 
•careely hare had time to acquaint 
hiniMlf with the langnagea of Pent in 
the cooTBe of abont three jears. 

"The manuKript of the Doctrina 
tAripttiana Is at the National Archivea 
of Lima. Betanxos bstb (Bitma jr 
Narraoion de lot Inau, Dedicatoria) : 
"Hfime eido tambien majr penoM, por 
el poeo tiempo qne he tenido para 
oenparme en ella, pnes para el otro 
libro de U Doetrina era meneater 
todo." Thia ihows that he worked at 
the Utter work aimoltaneonelty with 
Ol* Doetrina, 

"BiURa y KarToettM, p. 100: "hasta 
eate alio en qne eetamoa de mill 
r qninientoa j dnenenta j nn 

" We may gather tMa from Orego- 
rio Qardai Ortpen de lot Indios, 
edition of 172S (Proemio), p. 4; 
"Joan de Betoncoe, eonqnistador del 
Perli, fi do entrfi con D: Francisco Pi- 
zarro, hi^ vna Hiatoria por mandado 

da D: Antonio de Mendofa, Yirrei de 
aqnel Beino, annqne no aali6 & luz . . . 
Eata Hiatoria tengo en mi poder, la 
qoal me ha aiadado barto pan eate 
mi Libro. ' ' 

**:8Knta V SarraouM, IntrodnetiaB, 
by Eapada. 

" Swna y ^orraoMm, Cap. I, |^ 1 
and 2. 


UAneDo OliTa {Riitoria del Fera 
y Farone* Intignet at Amtidod de l» 
Compote de /mn«, IS31, pnbliilied at 
Idma abont 1802:, Lib. I, Cap. vm, 
p. 168) call! him "Pedro de (^esa 
CoDgora." I have not yet been able 
to diecorer on what anthority, 

** He did it in Uezieo, aeeording to 

"Ciesa hiniaelf atatea of the f^tat 
Part of the Chronicle, Primera Parte, 
p. 45S: "La enal se comencd & c*- 
crebir en la dudad de Certago, de la 
gobemadon de Popayan, afto de 1541, 
y H aeabfi de eaerebir otiginalmenta 
en la dndad de loe Beyea, del rdno del 
Ferfi, & 8 diaa del mea de Setiembra 
de 1550 aSoB, lienda el aotor da 
edad de toeuito y dea afioa, ha- 
biendo gaatado loa diei y rieta ddkN 
an aataa Indias." It ia well eatab- 
liahcd, alao, that ha died at Seville 
in 1560. 

'^Segunda Parte, Cap. ti, p. 13: 
"T poT haeerlo eon mfca veridad visa 
al CuEco, aiendo en elli 
Jnan de Sayavedia, donde hic« jui 
& Cayn Tfipae, que ea d qne hoy vrra 
de loa deeeendientea de Enaina Capae, 
porque Sairi Tfipac, hijo de Ua^MO 
Inca, eati retirado en Titieoa ■ ■ • y 
6 otroB de loe orejonea, qne aon lea 
que entre elloa ae tienen por mia mo- 
blea; y eon loe mejorea intdipretaa y 
lengnaa que ae hallaron lea pi^ont^ 
eatoe aefiorea Ineaa quA g«aite era y da 
qn£ nadon." 

"Primera Parte, Cap. cm, p. 445: 
"qne carecicron de Inmbre maeboa 
diaa, y qne eatando todoe poeatoa ^ 
tinieblas y obaeuridad, aali6 deata iaia 
de Titicaea el eol muy reaplandecientv. 



poT lo CDal 1ft tnvieron por torn, ■&■ 
grada, j loi ingaa hieieron en ella el 
templo que digo, que tiii entie ellos 
may eet^nado 7 veoerado, i honra de 
Bu Bol, , . ." (Cap. C, p. 443), "j 
que el nno delloa eutTd en la Ugnna 
de Titieaca, j qae hall6 en la iala 
mayor que tiene aqnel palnde gentea 
blancaa y que teolan barbaa, eon loa 
cuales peled de tal mnnera, que loa 
pudo matai t todoa. " 

"It any reliance can be placed on 
the Tariotu liata of Inca war-chiefs 
given by the anthon of the aixteentli 
century, Inea Tiraeoeha mtwt have 
lived about the end of the fourteenth 

" Seffwida Forte, Cap. it, p. 4, 

"Ibidem, p. 2. 

"liidem. Cap. T, p. C 

" Ibidem, p, 6. 

"BelaMtm del DetoHbrimiento, p. 

" HiltoTia de las ffuenat oivUet del 
Peri, III, p. 421: "Quanto a lo 
primero diaen loa yndioa may viejoa 
7 antignoa 7 que lo 07eron drair a am 
ma70Tea y lo tienen 07 dia en ana 
inemoriaa 7 cantarea, qne uto aeiacien- 
toa afiofl primeroa que no tuTieron 
reyee, aino vnoa aefioretee llamadoa 
cnracaa que loa gonemauan eada vno 
en m prouineia 7 que despnee Tinieron 
lofl Yogas que reynaron en todas eataa 
pronineiaa, qoe lea aum mas de Seia- 
eientoa aBos. Kl primer aedor que 
eomen^o a eotrar por tierras agenaa 
fne llamado Mango-Tnga Capalla," 
et«. There is a certain analogy between 
the tale abont the CoUao and Hatvn- 
eoUa (now a Tillage a short distance 
north of Puno near Lake Titicaea) 
told by QutietTSE, and the following 
statement of Cieia: Seganda Parte, 
Cap. IV, p. 3: "T eatsndo eatas gentea 
desta manera se levantd en la pro- 
vineia del CoUao nn sefior vaientlsiino 
llamado Zapana, el cual pndo tanto, 
que met 16 debajo de sa aeSorlo mnehas 
gentea de aqnella provincia." This 
Zapana is also mentioned by Cieia in 
Frimera Parte, Cap. 0, p. 443, aa one 

of the earliest and principal chiefs of 
the Collao. There is a rMemblance 
between Zapalla and Zapana. Ac- 
cording to Torres Bnbio (Arte y Vo- 
eabidario, foL 82), Qapalla means 
"solo, vno," in Qnichna. In Aymari 
there is, among the worda nsed to 
designate "the only one," according 
to Bertonio (Fooabtdarto, I, p. 436), 
"sapaktha," and for "alone and nB- 
acoompanied, " " sapaqoi. ' ' The term 
Zapalla, as part of a title of the prin- 
cipal Inea war-chief, is found in 
Cieia, Seiniiula Parte, Cap. LXi, p. 233 : 
"Y asl, k grandee voeea deeian: 
Qnayna Capae Inca Zapalla tnenillaeta 
nya," que quiere decir: 'Ouayna Ca- 
pae aolo es rey, & €1 oyau todos loa 
pnebloa. ' 

The Cona and Paehaeamae myth is 
fOtmd in Hittoria de lae gverrae 
mvOm del Pera, III, Cap. lvi, p. 4S0 
et teq.: "En toda esta tiem, *fT"i'*'fl 
eemo ea, qne los logas sefiorss auian, 
7 todoa loe yndioa qne en ella habi- 
tanan, adoranan doe diosea, qne el mo 
SB deiia Cons 7 el otro Paehaeama, 
eomo a diosM principalea; 7 por aoee- 
aorea tenian al Sol 7 a la Lnna 
(didendo) qoe eran marido 7 mnger 
7 qne estoa eran mnltiplicadores de 
toda la tierra," etc. (P. 493): 
"Cnentan loa 7ndioe mn7 viejoa qne 
agora a7, qne lo oTeron de sns passa- 
doa, qae al primer Dloa que nvo en la 
tierra fne llamado Cona, el coal f ormo 
el eielo, aol, la lnna, estrellas y la 
tierra, con todos loe anlmalee y lo 
demas qne ay en ella, qae fne tan 
Bolamente con el pensamiento 7 eon 
an resaello, 7 qne paaando por «etaa 
tierms, qne eran todavfa deapobladas, 
hiio 7 crio todas laa eoaaa qne se veen 
7 pareseen en ellaa, 7 que formo eon 
sn reauello todoe los yndios 7 loe anl- 
malee terreatrea 7 anea eeleatea y 
maehoa arholee 7 plantaa de dinenaa 
maneras. T qae despnee deato ae foe 
a la mar 7 que andnno a pie enjuto 
Bobre ella, 7 sobre los rioa, 7 qne crio 
todofl los peees qne a7, eon sola sn 
palabra, 7 que hiso otras eosaa mara- 




Tllloau, J qoe dwpDea m foe detta 
tiam 7 m anbio b1 ei«lo. Desiftn mu 
Mtoa yndiaa, que dMde a moeho Uempo 
J a mnchoa afioa f siglo* vino a la 
tiern td otro dioa mai podenwo qae 
Com, llBmado Pachaeama, qne qniere 
decir Hassdor del Himcio, o Be- 
fonnador, 7 que destrajo eon fnego 
7 agua todo lo hecho 7 criado por 
el diot Cona, 7 que 1m TndiM qne 
ania Im Miniiiitio en aimlM 7 moDM 
7 Im onblo a bioir a 1m Andee 7 a 
1m TaDei . . . T que despvea de de- 
■tTn7dM eatM tieiraa, diwn Im TndiM 
qne el diM Pachaeama, como mas 
podeiMo en todas laa ecus 7 por 
otra parte miserieordiMO, laa toni6 & 
nfonnai 7 a mnndUeai • . ■ 7 qae 
dapuM de lieebaa Mtaa cMaa, eon 
otraa mndiaB, disen que m torao a] 
eielo." The analogy between the 
above and the myth eonatgned in Be- 
tancM, of the two aneceaaiTe "erea- 
tora," ia manifeat, bnt in the venion 
of Qntierrea the atteriy "nn-Indlan" 
(notiona of a ereation perfonned by 
the breath of a ereattve element or 
indiridnal, and especialhr the crea- 
tion b7 meana of the ' ' «t>ord, ' ' 
■how that the lore ia no longer in 
Its primiUTO state. It ia likely that 
Qutierrea, who flniahed hia work 
nearl7 fort7 7eara after he had been 
in Pern, either explained while pre- 
tending to eimply narrate the talee, 
or that he adopted adulterated ver- 

* The paangea relating to the a»- 
aomed ' ' eonqnest 1 Cnico ' ' are 
found in his Hittoria de lot jWMToa 
mvile*. III, p. 432 et aeq. 

'It woi^d be too long to refer in 
detail to this anbjeet. Intereated atn- 
denta can eaail7 compare the aeriea, 
in each of the anthora mentioned, 
with others, and draw their eonelii' 
dons aeeoidingl7. 

"Bittoria del DetotibTimimto y 
CoRfKitta d« la Proritwia dol Peri, 
Vedia, VoL II, p. 459. 

**lfeid0m, p. 470: "T al principal 
deQM Uamaron Zapalla inga, qoe ea 

solo sefior, annqne slgnnM qnierea de- 
cir qne le Uamaron inga 'Vlra- 
eoeha . . ." This reealla Padre 
Piiarro : Jlelooion, p. 234. 

In Qoiehua, the ear ia called "liaa 
rL" Torrw Rnbio: Arte, fola. M, 

** The title of the second edition of 
Oomara 't ehnniele is : Pria<«ra jr 
Segtmda Parte de la hiMtoria geaenl 
de lot India* hatta el aHo de ISSl, 
Medina del Campo, 1553; I iwe the 
reprint b7 Tedia ; J7u<onadores prtKi- 
tivot de ItidioM, VoL I, p. 231. 
Levinns Apollonina {De pentanae Be-, inter Novi Orhte prvmiteiat 
Celeherrimae, in%ention«: ^ ia eaSfm 
getie, Libri T, Antwerp, 1567, foL 
36) nterefy eopiea, in a eondenaed 
form, either Qomarn or Z&rate. 

"Congiiitta y Foblaeion del Peri, 
Doemmeittoi para la Sutoria de ChOe, 
Vol VII, p. 447: "Dieen eatM an- 
jonea qne la manera qne tnrlaron paia 
tener safiores entre si, fni de qne ana 
lagnna qneati treinta legoaa de Cvko 
en la tierra del Collao, qne se llsMi 
Titaeaea, saliif dellM que se IhuBaba 
Inga- Viracochs, que era muy eutaidido 
7 aabio, 7 decla que era hijo dd So^ 
7 £ste dicen elloa, qne Im diA polkia 
de vestidos, y ha^er easaa de piedra, 7 
ta6 fl qoe edified el Cnaeo, 7 hiao 
eaaaa de piedra," etc The doe am a^ 
cited was alread7 known to PnaeotL 
There ia a mannseript cop7 of H at 
the Lenox branch of the New ToA 
Pnblie Library, and it has beoi pob- 
llahed twice, both timw in Sontt 
America. Jiminei de la Espada (Trn 
BetooMHie* de AntigieAtdet ffmninai. 
Carta al Bxctno Br. D:FraHeiaea de 
Borja Qneipo de Llano, Conde de 
Toreno, p. xii!) giTW a swngw fca t 
different title, and anggeata, thait tha 
author mi|^t have been Father Cifl' 
tfival de Molina, who ia known ta 
have written a Deteripdon de todo I0 
desmbierto y andado por Don Diofo 
de Almagro, detde Ttinles al rio de 
JfoHle, in 1539. This docnment is BtHI 
unpnldislied: Aelaoiottat gaogrSfcee 




de Indiat, I, pp. zlii and ezlii. Ante- 
cedent e». 

" Sitma y Narracion, Cap. H, p. 8, 

" CcymentarioB Seoiet, editio prin- 
ceps, Liabon, 1609, Vol. I, Proemio. 

"Iftidem, I, foL 263. 

"Ibidem. It wonld Teqnire copy 
of the whole chapter to present Uie 
details. The petition was h&ndBomely 
attended to, the petitioners receiving : 
"Ea assi que al principio deste afio 
de BejB cientoa j quatro salio la con- 
sulta en bu negocio, de que se le hazia 
merced de siete mil j quinientoa diica- 
doe de renta perpetnos, sitnadM en la 
caxB Beal da bd Mageatad en la 
cindad da Iob Bejee," etc. 

" CoToentariot BeaUt, I, Lib. i, Cap. 
XV, fol. 14. 

*^ Ibidem, toU 15. 

" Enrique Torres Saldamando ; Lot 
Anttguot Jeauitat del Peri, pp. 21 to 
23, indusive. , 

" The name was probablyrLartBani, 
or Lartaun.'^ Mendibnru; Diecionario 
HistdTico Biogrdfico del Peri, VoL 
IV, p. 388. 

Cobo (Bittoria del Nuevo Afundo, 
Vol. Ill, p. 118), after mentioning 
the investigation carried on under the 
anspicea of the viceroy, adds: "Y 
poco deapuea, en otra jonta general 
de los indios viejoe que habian alcan- 
cado el reinado del Inca Onalna 
C&pac, que hizo en la misma cindad 
del Cuzco Crist6bal de Molina, cnra 
de la parroquia de Nuestrs Sefiora da 
lofl Bemedios del Hospital de los 
natnralea, por mandado del obispo 
DiSebastian de Lartaum, se averignd 
]o mismo, reaultando della una copioaa 
relacion de los ritoa j fibulas qtie en 
BU gentilidad tenian los indies pema- 
noB. La cual conforms en todo lo 
Bustancial con la del lieeneiado Polo 
7 con la que ae hizo por orden de 
DrPrancisco Toledo, qne ambaa vinie- 
Ton & mi poder . . ." 

" The title given in the pnblicatioit 
of that important document is utterly 
misleading, aa Jim6nei de la Bapada 
baa justly observed. It reads: Sela- 

don d« los fundamentog aceroa del 
notable daRo que retulta de no fuardar 
d loB Indioa m* Fverot, Doe. de In- 
diaa. Vol. XVII, p. 9, 

" Ondegardo: Belaoion de lot 
fundamentot, p. 10: "porqne dado 
caao como es ansi quelloe trtvieron 
noticia del IMlnvio, afirman que se 
destruy6 todo el Mundo por agua; 
desta generalidad dura la memoiia en- 
trellos e mny generalmente como cosa 
mny notoiia. ' * fit must be noted that 
Ondegardo made hia aearch for folk- 
lore more than thirty ysara after the 
first eontaet of Peruvian Indians with 
whites, and when the chnrch was al- 
ready well established in that part of 
South America. Also, that neither 
Betanzos nor Qeza allnde to a tale of 
the deluge ^n the myths they have 
preserved. Arhere are some stories of 
great inundationa, but apparently 
local ones only, and the remark is 
very pertinent, by Joseph de Acosta: 
Hiatoria natural y moral de lot Ii\dia», 
1608, Lib. I, Cap. XXV, p. 82: "Ay 
entre ellos comnnmente gran noticia, 
y mucha platica del dilnvio, pero no 
se pnsds bie determinar, ai el dilnuio 
qne estos refieren, ea el vnineiBal, qne 
enenta la dinina Eseritnra, o si fns al- 
gnno otro dilnuio, o innndaeion par- 
ticular, de las regionee en que ellos 
mor&: mas de qne en aqueatas 
tierraa, hombrea expertos diien, qne 
se veen sefiales claros, de aner anido 
algnna grande inondacion. To mas 
me llego al paree«r, de los qne 
aienten, que loa rastroe y aeaales que 
ay de dilnuie, no son del de Noe, sino 
de algnno otro particular, eomo el qne 
euenta Flaton, o el qne los Poetas 
cantan de Dencalion." 

"The hospital for Indians was 
founded at Cnseo with the aid of vol- 
untary donations of the Spanish rem- 
dents (amounting to 17,314 pesos). 
The subscriptions were opened March 
25, 1556, and in eleven days 14,500 
pesos bad been subscribed. See Bela- 
elon de la$ maiwla* jf limotjuu que los 
VBfituM V dbitantet Maienm m la 



fwidaeion M dieho hotpittO. USS. 
Origiiial in lAbro viejo de la funda- 
oifrn de la gran oiwdad dsl Cvseo. 
("Tha Fablea and BUei of tA« 
Tnau. HaekluTt Boeietr, 1873, pp. 4 
to 6.) 

"EMoria del Nuevo MundQ, TV, 
p. 44: "La Begimda m deeia Piiqnin- 
canchA. Eta una easa del Sol que 
eataba eucima de Cajoeaetie. Socrill- 
e&banle nifioB." 

"Segmtia parte de la BUtoria 
general Uamada Indiea, la eital par 
mandado del exeelentUimo eefior Don 
Franeiaeo de Toledo, virrey, gober- 
itadoT, y oapit&n goneral de lot reino* 
del Pir& y majfordomo de la oata real 
de CattUla, eompuia el oapitdn Pedro 
Barmiento de Qamhoa. Finished 
1ST2. (Id Abhandl. der Konigl. 6e- 
aelUehaft der Wwenaehaften m 
OSttingtn, Nene Polfe, Band TI, 

" Informaekniet aoeroa del SeRorio 
y Oobiemo de lot Ingot feeehtu por 
mandado de Don Franciteo de Toledo, 
Firev del Peri, 1570 to 1672, pnb- 
lished by Eqwda, at Uadrid, in 1882, 
together with the Memoriat of )£ont»- 
■inoa. Carta de Don Franeitco de 
livedo ol Contejo de Indiat, March 1, 
1ST2, p. 249. A painted doth eontaiu- 
ing a "genealogy" of Inea Indiana 
was alao tent to Spain in 1603, in 
eare of Oarellawo de la Tega, bnt it 
■tood in no relation to the font men- 
tioned. Comentariat Bealei, 1, fol. 
268: "Y para major verification, j 
demonatraeioa embiaion pintado en 
Tsnt J media de tafetan bianco de la 
Oiina el arbol Beal, deocendiendo 
deade Uaneo Capac haota Enayna 
Capac, 7 an hijo Panlln. Teuian loa 
Yncaa pintadoa en sn tiage antigno. 
En laa eabe^as trayan la borla eolo- 
Tada, y en laa orejaa sna OTegeraa: y 
en Us manos sendaa parteaanas en 
Ingar de cetro Beal; venian pintadoa 
de loa pechos arriba y no mas." This 
agrees fairly well with the so-ealled 
pictures of the Inca chiefs giren by 
HerreTS, and, as the date when the 

eloth was sent to Qardlaaw was a 
few years prerious to the pvUiea- 
tion of the Utter 's book, there is 
a poaaibility that thU clotfa, and 
not the four painted pieeea sent by 
Toledo, served to Heireia aa ori^- 
nals. It is true, however, that PanDa 
Inea does not appear on Herman 

" See note 43. 

** Jn/ormaoionM aoeroa del SeHorio 
y Oobiemo de lot tngat, p. 267. Only 
one witness, originally ^om Chadis* 
poyaa, bnt living on the eoaat at 
Hnacho, teati£ed that "Manco C^>ae 
habia salido de una Fefia de Ploooo." 
This alludes to the Qnichns interpre- 
tation of the word "Titieaea." Am 
already stated, the word ia Aynar^ 
and signifies "rock of the wild eat." 
The Indians who dwelt on and near 
the Island long before the Inea ^»- 
peared were Aymarfi, who gave the 
name to the Island in their nstivs 

From the writings of Calandia 
(Cordntoa MoraUmida, VoL I, Lib. i^ 
Cap. z, p. 366) it seema the ineati- 
gationa of Ondegardo are also en- 
bodied in another report which is not 
accaosible to me. 

"Segunda Parte de la Hist. ffraL 
Oamada Indiea, p. 26. 

**I qnote from the Frmch transla- 
tion of the UiteeUnea aiutrtU, by 
(Temanx Compans,^ pablished im^r 
the title of Hittoire da FSrott, pp. 11 
and 144. 

*Acosta was bom at Medina dd 
Campo, in Spain, abont the year 1540. 
Torres Saldamando: Lot antiffmae 
Jetvitat del Peni, p. 2. The daU * 
given in my text are found on pagaa 
2 and 10. He died at Salamanca, 
Febrnary 15, 1600. 

" Bietoria natural y MoroJ de Us ' 
Indiat, Lib. YI, Cap. xix, p. 4£9: 
"Por mandado de U Mageetad Cato- 
lica del Sej don Felipe BBeatra 
sefioT, so hico anerignaeion eon la dili- 
gencia que f ne possible del origen, j 
ritoi^ y fueroe de loe Inga^ j por no 



tener aqnellM Indioa eBeiitnraa, no se 
pndo aporar tanto como se denma." 

" Sitt. natural, etc^ p. 82. 

" Ibidem, p. 432. 

" The fint edition of Eemra ii 
from IBOl-ieiS. I nee the one edited 
bjr Bareia, from 1726, 1728-lT3a 
Sittona general de lot Eeohot de lot 
CatteHanoa en lot lata* jt Tierra firme 
del Mar Oc&mo, VoL II, Dec v, p. 60 
«t teq. 

"Origen de lot Indioe, edition 
1729, pp. 333 and 334. He bIbo quotes 
Cieia and Acoata. 

*■ Lot Bep&>licat del Uiindo, Sala- 
manca, 1595, VoL III, Lib. Q, Gap. 
XI, fol. 163. 

" I follow the indleationB of Bon 
MareoB Jimlnei de la Espsda: Tret 
S^aeione*, p. zliv: "La drcunBtancift 
de eDeontrarae jnnto con otroit USS. 
del Dr. Francisco de Aiila, j anotado 
ademas por el sablo visitador, aobre 
atmuar so iateres, noe preats algnna 
Inz aeerea de la fecha en ^ne debi4 
eacribirse, j que 70 pongo no lejoe de 
loea&oflde 1613." 

"SsCocion de AnUgHedadee deite 
Beyno del PirH, Tret BeJaeionei, p. 
234. He aaja: "que entre loe nstn- 
ralea & laa cosaa de loe tiempos 
paaaadoe aiempre Iob snelen pailar," 
etc The word "parlar" for "to 
speak" is nsed to-daj bj tiie Aj- 
marA genatallj. In Voeabtilario de 
lot Vocee ueaalee de Aytnara al Cat- 
tellano y Quechaa, 1895, p. 2, "Par- 
lai" is given as the Quiehua term for 
* hofilor, and "amsilia" for the 
ATroari, Hence it would seem to 
have been, a Quichna word, alUioagh it 
la not found in Torres Bnbio, Arte y 
Pmubitlano. 1754, nor in Tsehodi, 
AlF£>rt«r6««h!il853, or in Bertonio. 
^ "Bslooion'de Antig^edadee, p. 234, 
same volnme, p. xliii: "Forqne eeo si, 
D:JDan de Banta Cras qniere mos- 
traiM «ftt61ico cristianD 4 toda owta, 
convirtiendo, uempre _ qne pnede, en 
nnestros djablos los antignos espiritus 
de loe hnacaa, j anstitayendo la inter- 
vendon bondadoaa fi serera del ineom- 

prensible Eniracocha en cintos 
hechos materialee 7 eztemoe, A en la 
conciencia de loa Incaa, por la de 
Jesneristo 6 la de sn etemo Padre." 

"Ibidem, p. 234. 

"ibidem, p. 236. 

" P. 289. 

"P. 240. 

- Pp. 237 and 240. 

" Ibidem, p. 240 ri teq. 

" P. 237. 

" Ezttrpooion de la Fdolatria del 
Pin, Lima, 1621. Father Arriaga 
was bom at Tergara, in Biseaj, in 
1564, went to Peru in 1585, returning 
to Spain (after Iiaving been admitted 
into the Societf of Jems and received 
ordination) in 1601. He came back 
to Peru three years after and was en- 
gaged in the STstematic inveatigation 
of ancient Pernviaa ceremonials. He 
became entrnsted with tlie eonstrue- 
tioQ of the College of Caciques at 
Lima, which was opened in 1619. 
Father Arriaga perished, 1622, near 
Havana in a tempest that wrecked a 
unmber of Tessele. 

"He came to Pern in 1610, and 
died at Lima, I>ecember 3, 1670. 
Torres Saldamasdo: Loe antiguo* 
Jeevitat, p. 122. Arriaga cites bim 
freqnent^ and Tnj Antonio de la 
Calancha (Cor^ioa Mordliaada, Vol. 
I, p. 410) refers to his mannseript 
entitled Contra IdolatHoni as a very 
valuable soorce on the ceremonials of 
the Indians of the coast. !E!spada, in 
his introdnetlon (letter to the Conda 
de Toreno, Tret Selootones, p. zzziv), 
mentiona two works of Father Ter- 
hnel: Trotodo de lot idotatriae de loe 
indto* del Peru, and the above cited 
Conlrd Jdolatriam, of which he says: 
"en que ae oeupa dd ortgen de los 
indioa yuncas 6 de los llanos eoste- 

"Bxtirpaoion de la Tdolatria, Cap. 
IX, p. 53. 

'^ Exttrpaoifn, p. 6: "Despnes de 
lod dichos dos Tisitadorea, el primero 
que pnso mas cuidado en esto fufi el 
Doctor Fernando de Avendafio, qne 



tenia entoncM la doetrina de San Pe- 
dro de Casta en la minna proriitcla de 
HoaioduTL" Exti«cts of letters 
writteD t^ Avendafio are givea bj 
Arriaga. Very TBlnable, principallr 
for lisgniaties, are the ntnnoxm 
preached by Aveodafio in Qnichua and 
published (with a Spanish transla- 
tioo) in 1649 at Lima; Sermonea de 
lOM MUteriot da Nvegtra Santa Fa 
catolioa, en Leagva caiteUana, y la 
general del Inaa. Thej contain noth- 
ing relative to Titicaea. 

** Extirpaoion, Cap. xv, p. 88 : 
"Todo lo que diieren & de yr escri- 
viendo breremente, pero con claridad, 
J di«tinoion para mejar entendeise en 
vn libro bianco, qne tendra para cste 
efeeto; poniendo sn titnlo. La Ydol»- 
tria que se deeeubriA en tal poeblo, 
tal dia mee j afio. Y en el misnio 
libio a parte, o en otro distinto, yra 
escriviendo, lo q inddstemente deecu- 
briere do Hnacas, o Hechizeros, o cosaa 
BomejanteB de otros puebloe. Y lo 
mismo hara eada j qnando, que 
eapiere laa eosas de otraa partes, 
snnque no soan de an visita . . . De 
qual quiera manera que eea todo lo 
que Be anpiere, lo eierto eomo oierto, 
7 Id dudoeo, eomo dndoso, so i de 
eecribir con claridad, pnntnalidad, y 
diligencia. " 

" I refer, for such works, to the 
letter to the Condo Toreno, by Es- 
pada, in TTe$ Belaoiones de Antig^- 
dadet Peruanat. 

"Siatoria del Nnevo Mundo, com- 
pleted 1653, bnt published in SeriUa 
in 1900, in four volnmee. It is one 
of the most important works on Span- 
ish America (the author also lived in 
Mexico for twenty yeara) for eth- 
nology, archaeology and natural his- 
tory for the seventeeoth century. 

"Hwtoria del Nvevo Mvndo, VoL 
HI, p. 12L 

" mdem. 

" P. 122. 

■P. 128. 


"P. 128. 

■P. 125: "Otra f&bola del orign 
de lofl Ineaa ea mny semejante & erta, 
salvo que afirma que loa primeKa 
nncieron en la sobredidia iota de VM 
mnjer llamnda TiUeBca, de qnien 
toni6 el nombre qne hoy tiene la iaia 
y lagnna." 

-Vol. IV, p. 85. 

"Sittoria del Pent y Vamnea i»- 
tignet en Santidad de la CowipaAia de 
Jemu, p. xvL 

" P. 5 rt teq. 

"Lib. I, Cap. n, p. 23: "Notida 
eerit eota que no Be hallari tan fa«il- 
mente en laa historias, par lo manoa 
con auer viato, y leido mnehaa no la 
h6 alcanfado dellaa, y en d tim^K) 
que eetoy eecribiendo eata vinieron & 
mia manos unoa papelee originaleo, 
que me di6 el doctor Bartcdame Cer- 
vantes, radonero de la Bancta y^ena 
de loe Charcas en qne haU£ eon pnn- 
tnalidad lo que mochoe anoe fi 6 de- 
seado saber." 

" Pp. 18, 19 and 20. 

■Lib. I, Cap. n, p. 17. 

" Cofltentarioe Beaiea, I, foL 137- 
He claims: "Yo trat6 loe Qu^db j 
lludos con loe Yndios de mi padre, y 
con otroe Curacaa qoando per ann 
Jnan y Nauidad venian a la Ciadad, 
a pagar sns tribntoB. Los Cnnuaa 
agenoe rogauan a mi madre, que me 
mandasse lee coteja«ee sua cnentas por 
que, eomo gente soepeefaoaa, no se 
flauan de los Eepafiolee, que lea tr«- 
taasen verdad en aqnd particalar, 
hasta que yo lea certiflcMia della, 
leyendoles los trasladoe, que de am 
tribntos me trayan, y eotejandokM 
con sue findos, y desta manera supe 
dellos tanto eomo los Yndioa." 

" Siatoria del Perv, Lib. I, Cap. n, 
pp. 23-27. The story of the throw 
with the sling was repeated to ns by 
an Indian from At&ngaro north of 
the Lake, with slight variations. 

"P. 38: "Lnego dinidifi d Seaiw 
en qnatro partes que aon laa miin— 
en qn£ el gran Hnynstus antea qoe 



eomeiisarti i reiaar m padre Usnco 
Capac lo aula repartido . . ." This 
tbIbtb to the Inea war-chief Sindii 
Soca and allndeB to a aapposed ante- 
rior rale, the seat of which was Tia- 
hoanaeo. (P. 39.) "T paesd i laa 
partes de Tyyaj Tanacn por ver mi» 
ediflcioe qne antiguameate llamabau 
Chncara, eaya. antigiiedad aadie aapo 
detenninalla. Mas aolo que all! vivia 
el grau seEior HaToatiia qae dedan ser 
SeBor de todo el mundo." The word 
' ' HujuBtuB ' ' is BDspidoDB. It is 
neither Qnichna nor ATmarti, and re- 
calla the manner in which the Indians 
of those parts would pronounce "Ad- 
gnstus" 1 

" Cabello Balboa was aUve in 1603. 
Orden y Traea para deteubrir y poblar 
la tierra de tot Chvnehoi y otrai pro- 
vincvu, SeL geogr&pxu, 11, Apfodice 
III, p. ciii. 

"Tizcarra: Copaea3>a»a de lof /n- 
oai. About this rather snapiciona 
book, and that of Salaa npon which it 
claims to be baaed, aee preceding 

" The work of Father Bamos ia 
exceedingly rare. I know of onl7 f onr 
copiee, one of which (and an Incom- 
plete eop7) waa taken to Spain bj 
Father Bafael Sana, whUe two intact 
ones are in Bolivia and the fourth 
one at the Hispanic Society of 
America. Uj friend, the ffig^t 
Beverend Biahop of La Pai, Pray 
Nicolas Armentia, had the kind- 
uesa to compare the text of one 
of these copies with the pnrported 
reprint of the book by the late 
Father Nicolaa Sana, and to fnmiah 
ine with the title of the original, 
wliich is : Hittoria del cSlebre y mila- 
fffoto Banttiario de la Timgne Tntdgen 
de Kfh 8fi de Copacabana, Lima, 
1621. Of the partial reprinte nude 
by Father Sans there are two editiona, 
also rare, the first one of which, dated 
1860, eontaina a map of Lake Titicaca 
and sn ontline sketch of Copacavana. 
The aecond edition bears date 1686. 
I qnote from tike former. 

'^Eittoria de Copaeahana, 1860, 
Cap. i-n, p. 3: "y de la caal la 
tradicion Tulgor hace salir a Haaco 
Capac a la conqnista del imperio." 
This is from Father Sana. 

"* Cap. zxTH, p. S3 At »eq. 

"Cap. Tin, p. 12: " El foadamento 
de la estimacion de esta isla fad ha- 
benie creido por los antigaos qne, 
habiendo estado en tinieblas algnnos 
diaa, vieron dwpnes aalir al Sol de 
aqnella pe&a." 

"* With the difference that Bamos 
gives more detail concerning the mya- 
teriona "Cross of Carafanco." See 
my article in the American Anthro- 
pologitt, Vol. TI, No. 5. "The Cross 
of Carabnco. " 

"And even that resemblance ia 
very faint. Compare Belacion de lo 
Beligion y Bitoa del Pent, tiecha por 
lot prim«roa Beligiotot Agiutittoa 
que alii posaron para la Convernon 
de lot naturaUt, Doe. de Indiat, III, 
p. 2i; alao Cabello Balboa: Mit- 
celanla anstral (M3S.). 

™ The manuscript of Betauos was, 
when Bamos wrote, in Spain, and 
possibly in the hands of Fray Gre- 
gorio Garcia. Of the writings of 
Ciesa only the flrat part had been 

""According to Mendiblira {Die- 
oionaTio, VoL n, p. 117), Calancha 
was born at Snere (now in Bolivia), 
in 1584, and died 1654. His pon- 
derom, but valuable work, Cor^toa 
Iforalizoda, was pnbliahed, the first 
Tolnme in 1638, the second (very 
rare), in 1653. 

*" CoT6nioa Moralvada, Vol I, Lib. 
n, Cap. I, p. 366. 

"'Ibidem, p. 367. 

"'De diva virgine, Copaeavana, tn 
peruana novi mvndt Segno oeteber- 
tima. Liber vnvt, Quo eivt Origo, et 
iliraonla eompendio detenpta, Rome, 

'"Imdgen de N:S: de Copaoavana, 
mentioned previously. 

"/dSfB, foL IB. 

■"Bamos: Eittoria de Copaeabana, 



Cap. Tin, p. 12, sdition of 1S60: "EI in which the region la aaid to har* 

fiutdamento de U eatimAcioQ da eata been plnnged. Bome aiathon mention 

isls fa£ el haberse creido por loa an- a long period, wtiile othera apeak of 

tignoe qne, habiendo eetado en tinie- merely a few dajs. Soeh a ahurt 

blaa algunoa diaa, vioron deopaea aalir period of darknesa waa at Copaearana 

al Sot da aqaella pefia." I call at- produced bj the eruption of the toI- 

tentioQ to the Tariona veraioiia eon- cano of Ornate in 1600. Bamoa: 

eerning the dnration of tlie obacnrity Bittoria, p. 120. 



These jdantB vere collected by Mrs. Ad. F. fiandelier on the 
Island of Titicaca, and ose was made thereof according to Btato- 
ments of the Indiana. 

Nmma In Arnmi IiaUa NaoM Um In Indian M't^HM 

BeUlajft Malvagtrum "Against all land of diseases" 

Chapi Relbmunm microphjUnm 

(Gray) Hemsley Same 

Chancha Not determined Against dog-bite. The plant 

is groimd to a pnlp, which 
ia mixed with the ashea of 
the hairs of the dog and 
applied as a plaster on the 

dhiki Acicarpba procombens 

Lass Taken as an infusion to re- 

freeh the blood after a dis- 
pute or quarrel 

Hannea Not determined Not used on the Island 

Hannk'ara Lepidinm bonarensis DC . Against pneomouia and plen- 

roais. Taken as infusion 

Hanuk'sra inna . Not determined Not osed on the Island 

Kachii-Kaehn . . . Erodinm cicntarinm L'Her Against goitre. Toasted like 
coSee, ground and applied 
OD the skin. Some nae in 
the case of sores 

Sea-Kea Not determined Placed on wounds or cuts to 

stop bleeding 

Layn-Layn Oxalis, probably a new 

species Not used on the Island 

Marancela Si^rincbinm Sps., near "i 

8. posilla H. B. K. . . } Both need as purgatives 

Marancela Lobelia nana H. B. K. . ) 

Miaiou Not determined Atrainst pain in the stomach 

Idani-llimi Not detennined Same use as Ctiik'i 



Nuns In ATnuui Latdn Huna 

Knaomaya Bolannm BOFeifolinm 


Panti-Panti Cosmos pnleberrimiu . 

Sasaya blanca . . Cerastium arrense L. . 

ToDonarl Acicarpha . 

TTairank'aja Rannncnlns pnamorsos 


Verbena Yerbeoa 

Uh In IndluKadldD* 

..The leaves, dried and moist- 
ened with native giape- 
biandy, are wrapped aroimd 
the body of a child that haa 
been frightened b; thesi^it 
of a coipse. If the child 
falls into perspliation and 
its eheeks become red, it is 
looked upon as saved, other- 
wise it may die. See "Iat- 
. The root and flowers are used 
for preparing a hot infu- 
aon which ia an ezcelleot 
remedy against severe colds 

. . Taken as infusion against 
sodden affections of the 
Inngs and some nervous dis- 
eases peculiar to the ooon- 

. While admitting that the plant 
is Dsed by them for medie- 
inal purpoees, the Indians 
obstinately refused to give 
any information on the sub- 

, . Not used on the Island 
. . For all sorts of d 

The determination of botanical names in the above list is doe to 
the kindness of Professor Nathaniel L. Britton, Director of the New 
York Botanical Gardens. 






(Tbapafenomba* toUowtaiCtiUH T^a to thia Tolams.) 

jL«oM>, p. Io»r d«: ISO. ISS, 34^ 24B, 3S4, 380, 307, 8S3, 

HblorlB nUnnl j moral it Indtu. lOTS. BBS 

lee, S8S, 887 

AmhIi, AlnundTfi, and Oknuu, S. V.; O*b«llo Bdboa, Hlcnd da; 

Exploration of Lako Tllleua. S3 Hittoln dn Ptoon <T«niBiix Oimpui*). 

AaoDTinou : S86 

BoUcloD dal iIUd dal Cnioo. 344 Oklkocfai, rnr Antonio da te: 

TocsbDlario do 1m toch naaatsa do At- Oot6bhmi Horaliudo dal Ordon da Bob 

- - ~ iu> J Qnaehu, 180*, a«. AnRin an al Pord, ToL I. 1688. 87, 80. 

ISM, 343, AfBRin an al Pord. ToL I, 1688. 87, 80. 
80, ST, 3BT, 3BB, 888, BBB 

Ralaelon do Im coilnoibrca untlnu da 1« Vol. II. 18G8. 36, 187, 166, 343, 344. 

natnralM dal PlnL iBlS <in Trea Kola- 340, 34B, 3S1 

elonoo do Antlittedadaa pamanai). 150. Oaaaa, Pray Butokml da laa: 

lEl, ISS, 348 BroBlatima raUdon daU doatmjclon dilu 

La ConqnlaU dal Paru, Damada la Nnena Yndlaa (Vonlce. 1048). 18B 

CaatUla, SarlDa, 1S84. 139, 3G3 Cl«* do Uon. Podro do; 

Apollanlna, Iiarlnna: , SeBonda Part* do la Ordnloa dol Pam, 

Do pamanao Bailanta, intar Raul Otiili Qne traU dol Safiorto do loa Ineaa Tnpan- 

proninalaa. Oalabarrlmaa, Innontlooo: 8 In qolar daini Orandoo HooboarOobamaeiDn 

•adem iBalla, ISBT. 884 (writton prarloni to 1B80, pnblialiod 

AnklTo boUTiano: Hadrid. 1880). 3», 186. 150, 164, IBS, 

Carta da loa prinelpaliB da Stea-ilsa 1 la IBB, 344, 846. 3B4, 3BB, 360. 3BB, 883, BBB 

Comnnldad do OaDapa (1781). 14B Prlnora Parto do la Ordoloa dol Form. 

Borda, Pray Ifatlaa; 39, B4, 88, 86, IBl, 186, IBB, 141. 143, 

iDformo (1781). 14G, 14B . 146. 147, 149, 151, 341, 348, 35S, 356, 

^--., P. Pablo, Jooot do: 386, 383, 8B1, SB3, BBB 

— ^lon da U TdoUtrU dol Pir*, 1031. Oobo, P. BornabJ: 

'B, •««. 147. 148, 148, ISO, 151. 158, Hlatoria dal Nnoro Mnndo, 1066 (Bnflla, 

1B4, ISS, 156, 167, tSS, 169, 34). 34B, 18B0). 3B, 84, 56. ISG. 186, 187. 189, 

347. 348, 350, 3GB. 887, 888 140, 141, 143, 148, 148. 160, 168, 154, 

Avandafio, P. Pomando da: IGS, 1S6, 1S7, IBB, 160, 343, 348, 344, 

SanaoDOa da loa Mlatarloa do Mn«tra 346, 246, 347, 346, 34B, 3G0, 351, 3G5, 

Santa Po eatoUoa, an Lonpia laataQana, 350. 38S, 38T, 388, 388, BSG, 886, 888 

J la nnarBl dal Inaa, 104B. 888 Hialorla da 1^ Pnndailon do Lima {168B}. 


Bandalior, Ad. P.: Colooclon da Documentoo InMlloa aobr* la 

nM AborlBlnal Bnlna at BUlnatanl. Pam. Hiatorja da OUIa: 

1906. 24i Vol. VIL 

The Uontanuna at tbo Psoblo Indlaoi, Eipoalnlon da Hamas Jlmanaa aearoa do 

18B3. 881 laa daaaTonanelaa da Piaarra ; Almacro. 

An Archaaoloaleal Baeonnfllaaanco Into 1S6 

Koitoo (oaoond edition}. 189, 140, 141, Anonjinotu : 

343 Omqnlda j PobUdon dol Pari. 1B7, 

Pinal Beport of InTenisalloni amona tba 343. 884 

Indiana at tba SoDthwoaum United ToL XII. 

filataa. VoL I. 140. 141, 387 Oarela do THIbIob, Dtafo: 

Oroaa of Oarabnco (Amarioan AiithK>poli>- Bobra roMhodon da lodloo. 184 

|M. ToL VT). 144._ 143, 14S. 1G4, S89 CMaerion Oa Doonmantaa intdltga pan 1 

-_j| Beport, ete.. ToL 11. 241, 346 Hialorla dc _., 

Baaadra. Kodooto: Vol. I. 

Loa Lana de Tltlcsaea (In Boletln da la Oariro, Prar OrlatAbal da: 

Soelodad Oeonaflsa da Lima, Tomo III}. Bolaelon y docUraclon dal Dodo qua oato 

38, 34, 3T nlla da OUncba t ana comaroauoa aa 

Bortonio, P. LndoTleo: (obemabaa. alo.. 1B5B. 368 

Arta J QrammatLca nxTj aoploaa da la VoL V. 

Lanna AymarB (1608, Plalimann fan- Pliarro, Pedro; 

almila ISTO}. 180 Balaoion dol Donnibrlnilento j Oonqnlata 

Tocabnlarlo an U Lanna AjnarB (1613). do loa Belnoa dal Part, 1571. 84. 85. 

143, 156, 159, 341, 343, 348, 344, 888, 140, 143, 140, 147, 149, ISO, 15S, IGB, 

887 341, 3G3, 3BG, 3G0, 38T, 881. 888, 884 

BMBUioa, Joan da -. Samano, Juan da : 

Sana 7 Narraeion do loa Tneai quo loa Balaslon de loa prlmaroc doaenlnimlantoa 

Indioa Llamaron Capaemna (pnUlahad da Pranolaco Puarro 7 Dloco do Alnka- 

Hadrld, 1880, vrlttwi 1560). 80, 145, sro. 1536. 139 


San Martin, ^nj Matlu dt: Primtn t Swunda Part* 4a b HMoria 

Pancer lobra tl Etcrfipnlo d« il »n bien del P« " ^^ " 

nDidiu !aa Biaoea adquiiidDa pvr lo> Forbaa, I 
Oanqaiitadona. 34 Bmint 

_. ._ , DecrMoa, E«»«ln- 

la la BepDbUea BoliTiaua: 

Bepint o: 
1861. SI 

GareU, Frar Orsnrlo: 
Oriaen da toa Indio 

(ITZB). 187, 882, 38T 

idioa da el Na«<ro Miuda 

BaoU Cnii, AndHa da: 

^ Fraseiaeo Iiopca it: 

n^l-ifS^jTni™— ..- i_ui._ .1 1 1 ■■< mnaral de laa Indiaa haata id aflo da ISBI 
de inaiat. Qntlamt da Santa Clara, Padra: 
*"' '- Hiatorla da Ua nerraa cMIca del Pert, 
"'■ ■- ■'■"' 2*, 187, "" — ° 

ISM U 1S48. 24. 187, ISO, 380, SSI, 

ianlo dal Pert. 3A Herrara, Anhrnio de: 

HiitorU general de loa 

tdlanoa, an laa Tolaa ; la Tierra 

iperador de lo ansee- _ Har Oofano 
buiToflSSS). 186 Hm, a 8.: 
^r^e)ltede: TraTela in P. 

Har O^ofano (ITSS). 186, 157, 887 

(ISeo). 241 

ptberBaeian ceDeni Infonnacio: 

«■ T Bltoa dal Pern, asO 

oa Rellclnaoa Afsa- Infonnacioi _ _, 

"JfS ^.^"I^*"" ^ 1" IneM (pubilaied lEadn^ ISni. 

1, 3*8, SSfl, 889 167, SSS 

Julian, Aotenio: 

Id Peiia da la Amevif 

1S8B. 386 

"Sjwft'lJeeneiado: "litSi'dru America, 1787. 
Reprsaentaeian heeha en OoneiDo Pro- 

Tinclal aobre loa da&oa t molaatlaa qna Llbro primaro de OabOdoa da Lima. 1888. 

aa baesn i lo* Indloa. 144 ISO 

Vol. XTII. Lapai da Telaaoo. Jnan: 

Ondanrdo, Polo de: GeoxrafEa t ]>(Beriiielon nnlietaal T 

Bdacion da toi tundamenlna acerea del Indiaa (1671-""" ••-'-■' •- 

notable dllla que rcaulta da no nardar : 
■ '36, ISTI. 

Unknown Ueilea. 

^Ahna^ DlivK. (th. vnnnnrl ' **^^ D"I i 

vol. X.X.. ItalBBdea, Fraj Jnan: 

Almafio, Diego (tie yonn(»r) : Tatdro. V.ia«derD, de 1« .au.H. nn 

AcuaKion contra Don Franciam Piaarro j, i, proTincia de aan iTan del Per _. 

■D iV-i,,; "^' ^" OrdtB de Predicadorea, 1881. 36, 134 

Tel XXIV. T. , ^, . , , Mandibllm, Manual de: 

laformaeJon de laa Idolatrlaa de lo* In«" DlodonaHo Biatorioa-Blocriflea del Per*. 

Vol. XLlf. Meniota, Ftar Dle«. 

ABoojDiona: ,_ , , Chr^oa di 

SuFHoa ocnrrldoB en la oenqolata del lo, ciiarci- 

Por^ anlea da la llotada dal I^eenelado p. g. FraBclww. en'laa Indiaa Omii^ul^ 

U Oaan. 343 . , ^ ^, . Bajno del Pari, 1684. SB, 188 

Oonat tno^nea ijboA^ dri Artobln^o um^^ Oriatdbal de: 

?S„'S! ^^ ^,"' ^'"' ^*" ("Pri>" o' Fable* and Bitea of tba Inem (HaUojt 

n. .-. '"i 1 ' J i_ J 1 i „!,._ j> J Soci^. 145, 151, 246, 248, 3«B, SSB 

S..iS^; .-'fp.™ i^a^«^^ ' Morale* ilSinoraa. Luia da: 

to* Kej«, to el. Per*, 1888. 156 Balaaion d" •---■■ ■ 

Notea' on a Map of Part of the Oordfllera Sll "pSIi- F«li»"^r ^^ml« A- ~~..- 
J^LV M'1,^ il «»'''P'^»' -f""^ Kr^uS^da'^atTlS^^SS (^ ^S^ 

Cuihing mni W- '^"'^ ^ •" Ti«j« dal Peri). S6, S7 

Zudi telichca. 160, IS4 

OliTa, P. Audio: 

Eipada. Uareoa Jlmenei de la: Hiatoria del Pard y Tarone* rn«»p»« ■■ 

Tree Belaclonea da Aatifttedadea peruanu Bantidad da U CompaUa da Jerta (ISSl). 
(Dadicatoria). BS4, BB?, BBS 2B, IBS, 246, 283, 882, 888 

Sitete, Ulcuel de: Ortao. Jama*: 

La Relacion del Vlaje que biio el Seflor Tbe Ande* and the Amaaon. SB 

Oapitan Hernando Flaano, ate. (ieaZiru). Orledo y Taldia, Oonialo Fenandes da: 
352 Hiatorla taoeral y natural de India*. 


130. Edieion IgSS. 141, 

Plnl rnnhliihwl 1HT01 fln.,_ „ 

.81, IBS, 168, 

. __ itneiio, r-''— ■ 

Paralls BarnueTs, RocIib 7 BiDsTidM, P«dra Betstk^. ,.. 

"■! A paoiflutlone 

Lima fnndidi o Conqnuto d>I Pirn, 1TS3 aiacie della nnona Oaitidia 

,.i-i__ _. .0...^ jji jg[I, quallU del pa«M dopo cL 

~ ~ FersBDdo Fium ai parti A ; 

anqalatM d«l Ua«aU: Jolf IE. _16B4_(l_n T 

(cdilioD of ISeS). 831 datta qoallU del pa«M dopo eha el OapiUno 
■'--'-■■- '^ - temtBf- •- " "- "' ■ -— . - -■ 

' ' Pt«drahlU, LAeaa Fernandei de: Fersaodo Fium ai parti A rlloi 

- Hiitoria (eneral da Isi OonqalatM dal UaeaU: Jolf IE. 16B4 (In Ban 

- Nveio Rayno de Oranada. 16BB. 148 III, 1S85). ISO, 1S9, 241, 246, 

--J. 350, 381, 356, 288, 2S6, 388, 280, 
a da Banto ~ ' 

83 (in Bibliolera de AutorH espaSolet, Ban Nicolis, Frar Andria 
I. X17" "'" "" ._-— J- -v. c -. ^. 

N. a. de CepacaTaoB Portanto 

'^anta, Tcnuio ia: del Naero Mondo Ya Coaocida en EnMpa, 

. Eatadio Uanogriflco del Lap TilUaea: '"• "* '■ ■"* ■'= "" "*'■ ""' 
bajo aa aapeclo fitlco i hiat^rico (in Bole- 

. (In da la Soeiedad GeoKTldca de Lima, Banlilfan, ^emaado da: 

Tomo 1). 23, 28, 81, 83. 34. Sfi, GS Belacign dd OH«:eii, Deacendencia. Pdlitic 

y Oobiemo de loa lacaa (about 1585) (I 
Ssimgndl, A.: Tr» Kalaciona de ADttgHedade* pemi 

Elementoa de Botiolea Aplicada 1 la Uadl- naa). I4T, 149, ISO, 155 
cina T la Indnitria, 1S5T. 84. 28T Sarmlento de Oamboa, Fedra; 

Itsmoa BaTiltn, Fra; AIooio: Sagunda parte de U Hiatoria tenand Hi 

HIaloria de Copacahana (edited br Praj mada Indica. - -' - - ''- ' 

Rafael Sane, 1860). 28, 81, 83, 181, 185, ' ' 

186, 187, 144, 243. 244. 24 S, 246, 2 47. 

248, 249. 260. 261, 25S, 268, 387, 389, 

2S0, sas CM* real da Oaatilla, compuaa e] capitin 

Hiatorla da (lopBcabana 7 de la HQacroM Pedro Barmiento da (lamboa, 1573. 886 

Imigen de nu Virsen (edited b; Qana, SqDier, B. O.: 

I8S6). 2T, 31. 33, 131, IBS, 187, 165, Fard, laeidenU of TraTal and Eiplorallon 

159, 2S5, 287, 288, 289, 889, 840 tn (he Land of the Ineaa. 24, ^6, 158, 

Biatoria del c£tabra y milagroio Santaario 248, 344, 246, 248, 261. 286, 288 

da la Yniigna Ymlisen de Sfl Srk da 

Copacabana (orlgina! work. Lima, 1831). 

31. una Toledo, FramilBOo de: 

liUd by Carta a! OaoBeio de Indlaa, 1572. 338 

Ordeaaniaa 1573 (In Ordenaniaa del Perft, 

1753). las, 145, 146, 14T, 166, 341, 350, 

Toma Subio, F, DietO it: 

n y TraiL ^ , 

la lierra de loi Chnnchoa y elraa proTln- 338, 834, 887 ^ 

D de U Cindad de La "^ 

S'l,,.. ,. 

Proyineia de loa CoUa- Laco Titieaea; obaaiTaeiaDsa aobre 

188.142,242 mlDDcion prosiniTa de lua AgD^_ ... 

laProTineia dfljoa Paeajea. Solotin da 1* flociedad Ooofrafiea, Tomo 

Uiloa HogoUon, ioan ^e: Totbi, Afaetl 

Relacion de la Proyineia de loa CoUa- Laco Titiei 

Eli, etc.. 1586. 188. 142, 242 mlDDcion prosiniTa di 

laeion "- - " '--'- '- '" " — *- --— - '- ■- "--'-'-• 

I, 147, 148. 241, 248 1). 31 
~ ■■ Tachndi, J 

Pard, Kelaealiiuen (1842). 32. G5 
Reiaen durch Sed-Amerlka, 1869. 148 
Dio Koelina-Spraoho, WOrterbueh. 165, 88T 

Relacion one eubio t mar 
tad ae hiilese deata Oiuda 

liudad de OuencB y Vaca da Caal 

. 1581. 151 Carta al 

Maldonada, Fray Juan dB Fai:^ _^ ^ lodiaa). 

e loa Incu 1543 (pobilahed bj Don liar. 
-- •■ de la Zapada). 297 

^mVerador. 1542 (ia Cartaa da 

Relacion beeha por ml. Pray (Jeronlmo da coa Jim 

a Dotrlna y Pueblo de Cafnaa- Ven. 

1683. 151 ComenUrioa Realm de loa Incu (Vol. I. 

Riyero and Taehodi: 1609). 80,35, 136.148,144,148,160, 151. 

ADtigUsdadea pemanaa (Atlaa). 3S 163, 154, 349, 250, 254, 365, 358, 286, 

ADtlffledadaa psruanaa. 18S1 (Text). 385 287. 3SG. SSB, S3B 

Roman. Fray HlaronymD: TlUannnaa, Arebbiahop Pedro da: 

Laa Repdblicaa del Uundo, 1696. B87 EiortKloii contra la IdoUtria dal Part 
(Lima. 1640). 166. 169. 180, 241 

SatCBmaybuB, Joan da Santa Orn« Pachaentl TlDarnui, Ommt Pam de: 

Yamqui: Hiatorla de la Nuera Ifaiico, 1410. 147 



...-.„, a da la Oonmtate U 

Anlo-IiDcaiBticM t JMcnfladM d«t Anntrv' Fern j ProTinela dd Ouna. LS34 IrqiU 

Annln PnlAioiKa da In Pn-UDaiieuH of ISBl). 140, MS, ESa. 256 
<L> Pu, IBOO. IB3, 184, IBS, asS. aST, 

Zaratc^ AcoMIn d«: 

Wienar, Oharlai: Hiitorla dil DaHnbrlmlsDta i OaaqoWi 

Piron Bt BoUtI^ 1S80. 2i, 2S, 8S, 2BS da la FraTiada dd Part. SS4 



OabaDo da Batboa, P. Uignet: tancclenlaa t tt 7 1 n blitorla (Lcaai 

HiKwIante antaretiaa (anatral). B3» Libmrj. lao 

Oieia, Padro da: Bdadon da laa mandaa j linii>mf4 qgc |m 

Tarc«T LIbro da Ua gnarrM elTilga del Teijnoa ; abltaiitai bfdfoim ea la tnadaete 

a OompaBla da Jaadi Inndaeii 

_ , . . Ltamii d«l Volcan da BBS 

Omila. 1600. 161 Tiatlm 

dliha hamftal (In l^Sbra Ticje^b h 

Libra da Oaaaadoa qve^ pcrtanaw ^i Mte pnablQ ds Nlea^aobre ^U^Planta de laa flilmlidai 
IhtienB.jDan da':~ tlU OtodadT 15~90.~ 

imnvxamimni ocho de benera an «l TAa da la Paro^la da B 

da ISM X<- B«, 144. I4S. par eamlaioo dal Ti 

Ihtlenia, Joan da: *^' - " 

Gobianin dal Part con (odai laa 



AbuM 1^ palltleal uid •cdMlutlal anltaori- Arm-panDn, bkr tl, SIT 

IJM. To, S4 AiwiilpL ein and deiiartmant of, 34, SS; 

Aeelacnui (Qnlehua, houa of wamm), 21S date oJ foDDdatlon of, ISG 

Aceuaatloni, nnjiut. ■(■inat ths Spaolarda, S7 Arlcua (im Larteaja), 13S 

Achacaeha, town, TO Aimaatia, Biahop Fray Kloolaa, B2T. 9t» 

Achacachc, Kio da, Arnanan, 11 

AihaeliiU, 8, SB, 94, SS, 99, 100, 12fl, 141, Aniaca, P. Pafalo Joatt da. IGS, 31B, 830; 

14S, 1G0, 1S4 blosraphleal aketch, B8T 

AeQa-Doail, deSnltlon of word, 2BS Artann, or Lartaon, Bsbaatlan da, Biaho[i of 

Aeoeapia, oraela at, SGCI Ouico, Sll, S14 

AeoncagDa, maanUin in Ohila, 34 Artiflcial dralnaca (hb Incm andtnai). 190 

Acora, TlUan B, 34, BS, ISS Aaaaj at goldan plaM (*e« TUcarra), 3BS 

Aeoata, P. Joupb da, aritieal aplrlt diaDlared Atabnatpa, Inea nr ehlaf, 338, MS, BOT 

by, 819: lonrcea of Infomutlon, 818; eraa- AMofaDallpa, ISO 

tlon mTtli, 816, 817 AtnuaiihaTlo enTTontt on Laka Titleaea, IS 

Acaiali, Alaxandre, 81, 83 Alnn Collao, reported conqnaat of, by Uanio 

Aianli, Lonia, 13 Ynfa ZapaDa, 803 

Asrionltnral Utt on Iiland, 8T AocaTpata, ugnara on Tllloua Idaad. 3T9 

Afnayo {aBe LUfOai, 143 Annaline monka (aea Copa«oana Midiion), 

A&ijadoro, 1ST, 199, 300; dlkaa at, 199 187, 331 

Alraruacoa, Tillan in proTlnBa af Omaanroa, AucuatlDoa, adiool of writara, 819 

sri A^an, rlilam, 11 

Ajf, red peppar, 96 Anqnl-anqni danca al Uojo, 113 

AUamini, range, T ATandaao, F. Hernando da, lattera of, 830 

Alabaater at Ohanunni, 105 Ayanqna (aaa SandaU), IBB 

Alealda, Indian, 51, 82: fnnetlDni, BS, 146 Ararltanco (lee ilanco Capu), 808 

Alsaldaa, election ot, 145 Ayarlrl, Peru. S9 

Aleamarl (aao ChliuUnds), 4T, 2E1 AyneU, ba; of, 23 

Aleanlia, flnt chief of Onico, aocordlns to Ayllo*. aeTen, at OopaeaTana and lalasda In 

Betaniot, 806 "°° "" "" 

Alftre^ cbnroh offloar, IIS Aylla. clana or nntea, 8S, 81, 83, 88, 144, 

Allao (llnnu Keuminata), 334 145, 154 

Aljirl (aaa Pmonal ttriteii. 78 AyllD Tiahoanaoo al Oonl, 83 

" ->, Diego de (the older], 64 Aylltu, ebanfca In D><n— "f 1*K 

>, Diaio da (tha yaiinnT), 84, 36B .^mart, lanfnafa, 5 

Almacro, Diego de (the older], 64 Aylltu, ^aufca li 

Almafro, Diaio da (tha rannnr), 84, 36B .^mart, lanfnafe. . . 
Alpine ^v on tile Andaa at Boliria, T, 8 Afmard, prlmillTo relicion 

Qdiehtu dftBoea, freal 

DU of 

Aymart danoan, II 

Amantani, liiand, E 

Amaion lUTer, 4 ATnart 

American lloaann ot Matoral HMott. 140. Ajmari euatonu of marriaftL 

143 Aymart danoan, Iheir deTotloi 

Ananta, monnlain, T 
Anehaneho, 98, 101 
Ancient eoatoma of Armard, TG 
Anelant pottair from Saaapata, 40 
Ancon, trapUned akoll at, 174, ITS 
ABMiaTOWS, Tlllasak 18, IS, 48, TO, 8T 
Andanai, lemeed nidaa-baaa, 6, IS, It, 4 

■1. 47, 1 

la, chi- 

iait& 1 — , 

ADimal Intareeaaora, 101 

Animal life, on Lake TItieaca, 13 : on THIOBM 

laUnd, 47 : on Koatl laU^ 60 
Annrei de Campo-redondch Pedro^ 08, 185 
Apacblnanea, auo Apaclitnaca, umlat, 48, 

Aplnf&Ha, ialand, 18, 159, 338. 339, 360, 351 
Aplnnila and Pamplll, Inca ramaina lald to . 

Apotampo,' talhar ot Manoo Oapac, 818, 81S Bailor, Prof- B. Q., 34, 83 


Bmddiar, Kr*. Ad. F., 17. 4B, SB, 13G, 170 0>t<k«s1ui, o«r PDqii«n.O»Belu, 813 

Banquitoa of Soaoia ud OhihnahDa In Hu- Oentipsds* (•« UtSrUf, 1G5 

Ico. 171 CsriimDiiul vban Gghtninc itrikM bv&diBC 

Baptlua, 84 100 

BsrlBT, IS CerMBonial objaeU cone«*l«d by lodiaiu. TO 

BMfcn, plndlnriliU 71, T2, 180 OwBrnonikla, prlmitiTB, in hano-lwildiin B(. 

BcUlatsar, SebHtlut de, 88, 1S5 Oarro de Montonma, ChBinabB*. I 

Doelrina d 

tMi bT, SB7, 8B2: early traditiona of Incaa Chaeanani, Indiui duetc, IIS. 116, 111, 

aod Armaria, 297 122 

Bloodahed duiiiK Armari dancM, 114 OluehiipOTai, on penfomla of CopaekTama, 

BoU (MS IHul), as, 242 1S7, 282 

Bolhria, BapobUe of, 8. t, 7, 19 Cbachaporaa Indiana, 07. 187, 183 

BoondaiT line between Pent and Bolhrla. 23 Ohacn-aTUn, or ChoksU, Indian danea, 8S, 103 

BmJo (ue Mtdieint-inm, Borctftn, Ska- Obaen-uUo, rain danca. 118 

moiu}, 120 Ghana, bar of, 48, 44, 46, 47 

Boddleya, wild otiTe tTM, IS. 40 ObaUi, nrdeo of, witt Ine* rsfau, IBS 

BnildinB-ait« of Indiana, Bl diaDa. baeienda, Ifl, IS, 45, 4B. 51. 53. 54, 

Bnrlat cnitomi M Tiabnaaaoo, 85 CO. 69, 78, B8, SB, B3, lOG, 106, 117, 140. 

Burial ailea on Iiland. moaUr ObvUpa, 1A8 188 

Bnrlall, 85 Challa, lathmna of. 44, 17B, 1TB, IBO 

Cballa, larie Mooea at and near br. 238 

Cabbace. IS Cballa Fata, beicht, 18, 4S. 48, 1T^ 178 

Csbello Balboa. Mlfoel, on Titieaea Iiland, Chama-kani, 12$; 181 

318; Uliesllnaa anitral, 318 Cbampi, B12 

Cacha, mini at. ISS, 288 Cbampn-Daya, Inlet. 48. ITS 

Cachomarca, 11 Cbadi. promoatory of. 13 

Cacique, office abollibed by BoliTar. 1825, 145 Ctaaraaaani, mountain! of (tee Oannbaya, A.w 

Cojaraarea. houie of Aiahnalpa, IBS du of), 48, SB. 214 

Oajamarca, town, 183, 1B4, ^86, 262; oracle Obaraaaani, TiUam, T. 142, 155, 242 

■t. 268, moonuin. 24 

Calancha. Tray Antonio da la, 11. 12, se, CbaTui de HuanUr, Hoinuoo, ailnr-leBf an 

212, 213, 282, 261, 233, 2T1. ITS, 286, andeal altar of, 287 

828: bioltnphlcal iketfll of. 888; crsation Cbayllpa, CToap of Indian daneara, 86, 103. 

mytb according to Ondegardo. 823 118. llf. 122 

Oallahaaya. traTellni t''f"f", 103, 104, 105, Ohayllpa (wilnme, 108, 113 

IGG ChsHS-makini nn Tilicaea. B3 
Callabuara coctume. 104 

CalTano, aummit. 44, 48, 103. 178, 208, 214 
Ca[i6n, tronaera of Armaria, 143 
Oalifia (gee Coitunu d/ Ainiwrd Indlaiu, 

Oamara,' Franclaeo de la, 13« Chrclwria'FVM {Tn'soati), 278, 2T4 

._, , __ CbL 

mpoa, aubordlnate Indian offlciala, 32 ChilUaya. bay. 

Jcberia FaM {on Eoati), 2 
ili-ehl (Armari for half), 1 
imtaya. bay, 14, 34 

•nrt at Chililaya, poii. B. 10, IS, 187; niiu at, 181 

Chirheria, Koatl, 278. 238 

■ ■■ ■lymnri 1 , ,_, __. , __.. __. 

Ionian baain, 21 Cbinalinda (laa Aleanari), 47, S51 

imonf Ayuiiri Indiana. 85, 12T ChlUu, chertr marl. 208 
... . ,__ ..__,_ «, Cbinalini"- '-- " ' 

Cantuta. ihrab, IB, 84, 4 .._ _.. 

CapacRayni. 2TB rnlna. 217, 220. 221, 222, 224, 225, 230, 

Capacbiea, peninaala, 4, 24 231, 232, 284, 25B, 265, 273; aprinc at. 

Oapadocco. appearance of eon o( the Bnn at 224 ; walla of defene^ 223 ; wmtEb-towtr 

eaTe of. 328 at, 228 

Oarabaya. And** of, 7, B, 28, 48 Ohirtbuana, OoTemor of the Indiiuia of Clia- 

Oarabaya,_riTar confounded with Lake Titl- cullo, 188, 300 

110, U8, IIT; hlffbeat croup of danccra. 
id penin- 123 

Choka. water-hen (Fulica), 12. 47 
102, 155 Chonta, hoe. 7T. ISO 
jl Chua, bowl or aanccr, 141 

Chna-cboa-ni, 88 

Cbucara. a name for Tiabnanaeo, 328 
ChucarlpD, 189, 215, 21T. 228. E2S, 210; 
Inca andenei at. 226 ; myth of eoaa-plaola- 
tion by Incaa, 227 
SiS, 824 Chucarlpu-pato. mina, 221, 225, 328, 212, 

liau lore, Chueo' (aee'l^Iiichii], 73. 142 
B» ChD»« (lee Llueliui, 78. ITS 

"aTaOnni, monutaln, 8 Chumlto. Ufune. 4, 6. B 

" * ■*" Chnenilo, priMnontory, 4 

Cbuniilo, provinea u, 138 


Chuenito, prorinoa of DomlnlMui Ordar. 9S 

Chullpft, daOnhloo at hum 
Chnllpa anilsiiM, ICT, 188 
Chullpa hnriali, ITS 
ObnDpa dweUinc*, IBT 


OcntNiloii, part of prlmitiT* Indlui Mmoo- 

nUl. 2SB, a«7 
ConqnlM* } Foblulon del Pert, SOB 
Oou (iM OutitTrtt dt Santt Clara, Ptirt 

(U), 802, 80S, 883 
Oonttmta of honn t»Btroll«d by wamui, SO 
OoD Tini Tlneoeha (laa £i(auH), 398, 803 
Cob Titl Tineo«ba (*«a Stlamoi), 288 

. ... OoDvar, Bir Martin, aaeent of lUttuani br. 88 

175, 176 ; diitrlbD- Cooking ti ' — 

Olmlliui-lCajaDl, IBB, 284; CTMt of, 42, 189; 

rniai oa, 288 
Chanelioa, 104 

Chtincba-elcarl, Indian dancan, llOf 118 
Chafin, ai. 8B, 63 

Ohnro, or Oharl. anaib naad aa rattlas, 157, 174 
GhDipa, or Cbhoapa, bac, 143 
Oleaa, Pedro da, 11, 78, 288, 254, 808, 817, 

835, 837 
Cleia de Letn, Fsdro da, S2, SS, 1T5, 185; 

eritielam of hit worki, 309; tradition! 

about TllIeusB Iiland, 237, SSS, SCO 
OlraCDDa. ne«dla. 77 
Oiria-Pata. G2, S7, 144, 17S, 1T7, 179, 183, 

136; aacieot cnTa* ocaTated at, 178, IBO, 

^" "'" SBS; antlnoitiaa toiuid -- ■■"■ 

177, i 
Olaoa on Tilicaea, S3 

_ MT»na, peDinaula, i 7 9, --, — , — 
15. 84, 41, 46, G6, eS. 78, S9. 01, 130, 
1B7. ISB; Tnca raina on, 281: reportad 
CDDDKlion with Inca MramonlaU on Titl- 
eaea, 2SS; rock tsali on, 283 

OopaeaTana, aanctnary of, 18, 92. 109, 367 

OopaoaiBDa, TflUn, 16, IS, 42, EO, 81, 63, 
68, TB, 84, 104, 116, Hi, 182. 188, 185, 
185: decoration of aqnara at featlnl. Ill; 
aScMa of Son-father and Uoon-mother at, 
278; fain at, TO, 83 ; In«a TtMisaa at, 383 

Oonlillera ReBl. 8, 7, B 

Connarant (aaa Ourv*), 48, 64 

Oorrecidor of OopaeaTana, 84 

Ooattj ooatimea of Uonnoa. 116 

Ooatmna of ATnuri Indiana (mala), 78 

Ooatnme of Ajrmart mmsn, 74 

OoUHa, hacienda, 88 

OouBcil of old men, anpncaa anthoritj amonc 
Indiua, 83 

007a. 261, 2B5 


, 209 

_ .. oato of baala of Lake litieaca, 16, 20 
Clotha paintad bj Ineaa, paintinn aaid to 

haTSboen Utiorical, 818, 814 
Ooa <a«a Dltonla), 77 
Ooal on Titieica and al Tuopnpala, 45 
Ooina. Uland. 14 
Coaat-peopla, PerDTian, 5 
Ooaat-nnge, f 

--■-a, OB, 71. ■ 

26i; sea; aeel 37a, 373; 379; Hi', aia, 

814. 830, 82T ; biocraphical akoteb of, 820 ; 

flTB diatinet creaKon nrth •-' "-- "" 

_ ... - ■ iKJH 

Oroaa of Carabnoo, 

plantlnj ai 

Cmeifliaa, TO 

Oni, Fra7 Ftanitico da la, 184 
Caerro (aee OorTnorant), 48 
Onltnre-planta, on laianda of Tl 

Koali, 19; on Soati, 50; o 

laUnd, 63 

Oumbi. Bpaelaa of cloth, 349 
Oninbl. or Pampacona, 142 
OniTs, Tlllan 166 
Onahinc, P. 13.. 04. 101, 108, 117. 
OnaljaU, haeleDda, objoeta for e 

I. 97, 148; imiraphloal On; ( 

364; biookatle oi, by 'iDdiana, ^8, 64' 

13S IBB, 336. 

Colla, 809 

Collaenaa. Indiana of. 188 

Coiiao, buriala in diatrici of. ISB 

Collaa, praTlnea, SB, 80, 85. 64, 147, 116 

Collaa, ITE 

CoUaioio. proTince of, 398 

OoUca-Pala. 178, 17T, 182; bnriala at, 176 

CoUcu, Mora ' """ 

L ladiai 

ro principal fmnpa 
liou, 311, 815 

Cocuda de Oao 

a Trlniia), 20 
(aee^o™), > 

Indiana lo apaclal eaaaa, 79 


DeUKoodSTo, biunsn aacrlllce near, 244 
DaatnctioD ot mina br Indiana, 183 
Diacretlon naed bj Indiana In nlatlnc an' 

ciani lora, 810 
Dlacnrao aobra la Deaesndanola j Gobiemo de 

loa Ingai, 1542 (Una Aniisnalla pemana, 

Diaeaaea'of the Ajmart Indiana, 68 

DItaasea, pilmoDary, 188 

Diapoallian of pnfWTtr aftar doatb anong 


Diitrlbntlon of land* mniuUr, SO, 144 Q<ai>*ST4. Bt, ttoiy ol 

Dim (tea Oti), B3 ^— -.. 1-....- - 

DlTen (Padletp*). IS, 47 
DiTinlnf by muni of nca-lHTei, 12S 
Don luTkliig, aril proun, 103 
Domntie aDTiD*!! on TiacHB, K3 
DomHtlc {owl, bird! of ill oman, 
Dominkiin Frian, fl 

D'Ot„^_,, ... -_ 

Draami of aorcenn. 98 Onpe-brandT. libationi, 

" >- 'ndiana on (aaUralL 112. 1S8 Qniupt of dkiieera on Til 

irali, 112, ISS Qniupt of it-neen on Tlticaca laUnd, 13S 
b7, 830 - -~ -' 

D'OTblgnr, Alcidi 

DrnnltMSwaa 0?" 

Dn«flaa. BartolomA da, rapOTta or, bau uaaiiaaj, ^u, oa 

Doha, or Dno, 140 Ooarachl, tama^ of. 51, E3 

Dnn, Alexander, 6S Onijan, liland on the coaat of Kcatdot. (aid 

DwdliDgl of tba todUlu, S8, SB br OliTa (o haye bean biitliplaca of Mann 

Rariea, 41 On[niia-pEn (aea Ouu), M, BS, 69, 72. 140 

Earth an Aehachlla alto, flS Oolb, 13 

Eeelaiiaitical aQtbarlliea tor Iiland, SI Ontiemi, Jaa« Roaando, 38 

Edipie, InoHI, 149 Gotiarcei de 8anU Clara, Pedro d^ 85. IM. 

EenadoT, flB 803 

Eui of aquatic birdi. eaten by Indiana, G8 

Entiaroadera (>•« Tamirupata), 6B 

EDcamlacdaa at OopacaTaoa, 88, 184 

Bicobari, Father U., SB 

Eaeobarl, MAcario, 83 

Eioteric orden amoof Indiana, SB 

12S; in ancient Ueiico, 124; on'^llieau tt 

Itland, 398 
Eipad*. Uueo* Jinenoi da la, 146, 818 
EaplnalX Uannel de, S4 
E«Uiicla (•*• OoiHun<dad), 144 
EoealTptna traaa on Eoatl, fiO 
E>auTallon on Lak* Tilieaoa, 38 

BTfomena. bellat in, 101 IS 

Evil lorcerr paniihad amoDi Anuria, 13T 

ZtU (ptrita ^arlU), SS, 93 10 

Exchansa of culllTated plat* amont Indlaoi, SI , 91 

Buona, Tlllaie, IS 

Fetiah, at jmik-kduh vmcv vhqudj, j-i«; 

of Indian corn, slo., for afU pnrpoati. 100 i 

Tatiahea. Indian, 9, 94, 158; of blaek atona 

for anil ■orceir. 105; told b; Oallahnaraa, 

105; dTMiad in obth (aeo Oebo). 3T3 

" ' 'f piff in wltchoraft, 05 Hnanean4, town, 41 

L( ladiatu, BO Hnansant, 'rillafe, 4 

-'-- Indian InanrraetloB, 89 Hnaqnl, port, 4 

>ca. 13, 48 Saarina, b«T. 14. 17, 84 

riahini In Lake Titieaea, 31 Hnarlna, Tlllafa^ Ifl, 8S 

Flahini Bpeari. 248 Hnaaear, Inca var-chiet 313, 338, >tS; 

Ilatteiilni of the torahaad, artlfleial, 47, 167 kiUad V order o( Atahnallpa at *-'——. 

ne«ehar,ViBa Alice, 108 Pars, 881 

niat flakea found at Olrla-Pata. ISl Hnata, pontnnU, IS 

Ilood myth at Ttahnanaeo, 11 Bnat^a^, handel of, IS 

FoMil plants earbonUarona, 4E Hnana 0~ — '~ 

FooBlaIn of the Ynea (ao called}, 14, 43, 3fil, 38W. ..o, ... 

190, 197, 199 Hurna Potoal (aea £arfc»Ja«w, alio Km-Em- 
Fox in Armarl lore, 101 a-So), T, 37 

Famltnra of Indian houlM, 09-76 Hninan aacrifleea, amanc Ineaa, 185. 3*1, 
344; deeeribad by BanuM, 306; cine* Ite 

Qallo. 89, 73, 78 ™nnn.« 911 

Gamboa. Fray Franelaco de, 188 

Gam no, Don Enriqna, 36 

Garcia, Don Uiftiel, coQectlon of antlqaltie* 

by, 37, B3, 5S, 68, 61, 180, 230, 331, 326. 

337, 382 lea, Pen, 835 

GaieJa, family of, 51 leblin, Pnua-graaa, 7S, 14S 

Garcia, Fray Qrapirlo. 68, B11 IdoUtraua praetlcea oontinnad en tha Ii 

Garcia Cnadrado, Alonao, report of. 830 88 

Garcia Cnadrado, Llccnolado, 3fl Ilaoata, Bl, 79, 82; fanctiona, M; i«l 

Garden near Ohalla, of Spaniah orlain, IS, dntlea at, 96 

100, 30B Hare, villacs, 8, 0, 15. 36, 38: nrai 

Gema. maaanra, 77 near, 35 

iriqna, 36 ^^ ^ _^ ^^^ Hoyiutu), nij^hieal cU«f at nahoanaeo, 836^ 


INDEX 353 

nUmpa (tM Banka-Uma), S, B, S3,' 43, iS, tanmui hud of Miuia foniid at, 370; Iocs 

370; altltndc (iM Camda)i), 82; voi- artsfaeta (oond at, 3701 Urgs doorway* 

ahiped ■■ Aehaehila, S7fl and niohea at, 96fi; Icianss-iliaFad nicJu al, 

lUaCBi, DisBo de, SB, 193 2e*: pauatewan at, BCS; poiafblr l*o 

niimanl, S, 8, B, 14, SB, Sfi, 82, IBS, 31E, atorfea, 304; atona pip« fanndat, S70, 371 

2T6: Bttcmpta at aaceniloo of, B8: Tniai UikUTU, nunmlt od Titieaea, IB, M, 40, 

DMr anoir-lliic, 184; ilopea, bnml* In, 187 170 

lUpa, iBKUDe, S2 Uak-Uyn and Plloo-KaTD*, probah^ ihrinN 

Imitation of plnmM In nMal tonnd on at Aduehaai of Borala paaka, 330 

EoatI, aS8 Irma (aa* PaiAaeiimae), 3T7 

Inca andenea, IBS. ISO; on Titieaoa, IBS Irpa, dancinl r -"' 

iBca arMfsct*, IBO Itan-pat*. 315 

IBB. ISO; on Titieaoa, IBS Irpa, dancinf nuater, llB, ISB 

188 7 "^ 

ildinfi on Tltleaeai Ihsir ^anaral flhar- 

Tlliiiaea, 378 Jacnar-akiiu worn b; iueor*, 108, 110, 118 

oqal, IbS 

Inea namea at CopacaTana, 383 JaTall, indinnoni wild boar. 140 

IncB runaina betwoan OopacaTana and Oaeha Jeanjta. Ordai of, 3B: achool at wTitan, SIS 

tn Pern, 3SS JiUlnianl (••• /lUnuinJ), S8 

Inca rain*, IBE; diitrlbntlon of, on Tlllcaca, Jull. Oonyent of Ban Podro Ifartlr d«. 3B 

1B7 Jl^ TlUan 8, IB, 38, 827; block* from 

Inca ■ettlcmant on Tttlcaea, appraxlmato data Koatl nacd tor ibnreh at, 3fl3 

of, 348 Jnliaea, Pom, S9 
Inea traila on Titieaea, ISS 

Inca tribe of Onico. 18T Ka-Ka-a-Ka (aae HiuyM PsdwO. 27, 3TS 

Incan-taqnl, Inca road, 318 KaksTO^KcB*, rldn of, «3, 48, 44, G3, 1B8, 

lucaa, 14, 34. 27, BS, SI, 148. IBl: origlii IBS, 1S9, 317. 326, 384, 3SG 

of, aeeordlnf to QHreilauo de la Vcn, 808 Kalalfl, itons towen at, 248 

Inca-ileuri, Indian dancera, IIS, 133; dr*- Ealicti-Pata. rain. afl3. 284, 2SB, 3T2: Obnllpa 

outle HTformanes of, 115 burl*!* at, 36S, STO, 271 

Ineanae In «renianlal^S4 Kara (sea Cmida it Ofs), 48, IBS, 314 

Indian anthorltlea on Tllicaea laland, B1 Karka-Jaqna (lea Httayns Polsri, alao Ka-Ka- 

Indian eraation mTlh lnfln«Bl^od by ObrlitlaD o-Es). f, 278 

Ideaa, 884 Eaaapata. animal bonea and mctalUo artataeta, 

Indian danou, orifinall; i^mboUc, 157; aty- 207 2(1D. 310; animal bead* on jaia, 207: 

molofT of namea. 163 arlillclal tank at, 311; unrit* b«ida foDBit 

Indian foTornort (•«* Ilaeatn). 88 at, 30S: batanaa at, 309; bnrlala at, 209, 

Indian liaapital at Onico, fonndod !n 1557, 238; cicaTationa at, 20S; Inoa pottBir at, 

811, 814 307; loca letUement at. 318, 314; iatbmni 

Indiui bontinf, 30 and rain* of, 44, SB, 140, Ifln. isn anit- 

- ' — "— -■ '"'"' "" ~' ' "— oofbt from, i 

Jarn alonei broncbt from, 3S8, 384; *o- 
caired Temple of tbe Bna at. 208, 208, 218, 
Liiuiiui uicuii;iuii-uiiui uBiui auiDsrs ui uieii 245; ■o-Falled Tempi* of tbe Bun * lanhn. 
belief*, 138 218, 31B, 24B. 2SS. 274, 281; a 

la and jonrnejnMn, T 


Indian tradition*, 80'' "' ~~' ' Kea, bar o^, 48, 4B 

Indian npilalng of lTSO-81, 89, 88, 88, 31, Kea. pramoDtorr and aettltment, 4 

Totlng in Boli*la, Pern, and Uexleo, Ken-RoUn. ... ..... __. __. 

ITI, 177, lis, 300: burial aj 

laoian women on Tlllcaca. 87 Inca rnini at, 170, 177, 374; raina at, lOB 

Indiana. B, 19; OalboUca, Bl; tndlnatlon to Eea-KoIIn Cbleo, 200; aoenoiDlallon of hn- 

retaro to primitlne creed. 91; tntareat In man remain -' ' "•■ — — - — 

den, 90; not arfecte^br beauty of acenery, name. 241: 

a. 20, B4. 196; ranUra, 7B; rtruek b; 

llablnini made medicine-men. 130 n.^, ^ud 

Indfana of Titieaea, 81. B7; pbydcal appear- Kmialcbo (aee X(Ra-fc«na), 118, 116, 117, 128 

ance, 67 Kena-kena, ironp of daneera, lOa 

Indiana on Pnna, aeemlntl; Indigent, 89, 90 Kena-kena, pan-dnte of Armari Indiana, 113 

Iun-B« {Iceaa}, tradition about Uie^ 3S4, Kanata. i^nd. 44. BB. fi4 

2B5 Keflna (i>oI|rI(|Wif J, 18, 46, 49, 190, 208 

Insaa (aaa Zdmti). 808 EaBuanl, IBB 

InrHalioa into eaoterlc aocletlea, 124 Kere. bearth, 70, 141 

iDBceta on Titieaea Idand, 49 Kere. cupa, ISO, 185 

Intl-Eala. rock aeata In OopacaTana, 283 Eeutl-pnnen, 218, 317, 384 

loHpnnea, 384 Kitchen, S9 

Inneation* at Tinea, 97 Kitcben implemonta, 70 

IBak-Uyu, rain on Koatl. 269. 260, 263, 268, Kitcben Tegetablei. 18 

3S9. 272, 278, 377, 385. 389; analogj wllb Xoa, illsnd, 13, 38. 53. 54 

PUco-Eayma, 376. 280; andenat at, 382; Koali. ialaod, 10, 18, 14. IE, 16, 18. 20. 28. 

animal flcurea ot atone found at, 270; com- 41, 43, 44, 49. GO, 51, 57, 83, <4, 68, 185, 

Sariton wllh Inea rain* on Tllleaoa, 3T4, 187, IBS, 269, 278, 278, 822; aacleni wall 

75; eorioai eonrt at, 864; erroneonaly on ereal. 360, 378: andenea on. 280; aol- 

oallod 'Tampla ot tb* Hoon," 360, 261; mal flpina tram, 48, 68, 3T0; nppmfmate 

fold and lUTer Ignra* fannd at, 370; ancient population of, 381; lieeanu known 


354 INDEX 

throBgh th* IdcW, 940; oUM "blud of Ibnco Capu, 394, 395. SOS, BD9, Bll, HI, 

Uu HiMn," 38T; OhoDp* biirla]i on, 359, SIS, S17. S18, B31, 833. 834, 838. 339 

"'" ; Ohiilliw nmaiiu an. Sit; diwnltary Uaneo Oipae aod Huna OeDo. iHand of. 110 

— ■' — DQ. 2fl6: Inoa baildiun poil«- Hun-eaUiit Monii bellcred in. ISl 

icHurr to Uu»a onTltleuA, U>np> Ynn Z " ' ~ ' 

dI lool fetUlM (AjihKhilu) Clam), 803 
, ., __..- — K ofihyj— 

exoaVationi oa. 2fl6: Inoa traih^iin poatt- Hun-eaUaf al 

rEor aod •eceu()r7.ta Uu»a oT^WeuA, Ifanp> Yn^aZapalto (aae dtit<*rTa d* £■>!• 

.. -, . , , _T>, 85 

poaaiblf MTmolocT of naoM, 2BS: pro' UaraecL P. HippolTto, B39, 889 

... . ^^^ Igg. taeiuieA women Uarennj, 53, ifi; ruiu at, 1S3 

ne laid to bara ttdtMd at, Haria Ka and Mama Cbovnarilo- 

; pUfrlmag* to, nndtr Uu locaa, Hap of Tltioaea bufn, 1 
uiD!« «t7D3a^' — "• " """- — *■ ■ ■" "' — ■— ■- ' 

289, ae'l, aee'rVliilsd in 1S18^ agg" " woman on'miiaa Idan4, aSS" 
EochJ, iaUud (taa £iifi-A«ata), 44, 6B, G4, Hariwiat, rrar Jnan, rraodHO, 10« 

t. IBB. 184. 984; Inca raina Uarrian eiiatoma, 84 

I, 188, 200, 384; laif* alchei at, lla-8*ra, 83, lie, 144 

•Du Uaaa on laland, 98 

ona, aortham bar ol. 48, 44, 45, 189, 317, Hat*. Board or aqnaab, OMd in tnpUnlnc. 1' 

3Si, 334, 384 Uattbawa, Dr. WaahlnHon, 108 

- -' n bay of. 4B, 4S, 47, 4S, 3B4 Hant of Mona (or clod^teutdni; 77 

Konpona. monntala, 24, 83 : oracia at, 3B0 liaynnani. baT, 44 
■"-ill-boala <aH Keehi). 63. 317 Uarprdomo, onraaor, .., .- 

- "■ "- ' ■ - - - -. IfeEi^ Cbarlai PaoL ISt 

HedJunal ^anta on laland ol 

Knll-boala <aH Keehi). 63. 317 Uarprdomo, onraaor, 79, 98 

KanD'Kona, Ajmati nama for inowr monn- IfeEi^ Cbarlai Paol — 

Konnrana (aee Santo Muni, 3B, 314 Hadietno^nan (Ma 8k«wiu}, 94, 97; their 
Enpanita, roln, 65 oraaniutkiB and dwraaa of rank, Ut. 13B 

" irupata, rnina at. 301, 303, 333, 335, 369, UsalTnca. (aBsTBl, of t ' - ~- " 

278 Hmdw, AM 67. 89 

■ - -"' - - " (laa BsMa), 71 

atata (aaa San 
etMnloEleal pi 
AduahBaa, f< 


La Pm, clt7 of. B, 3B, 53, GS, 7B, 79, 87, Adiaabaaa, iOC 

110, lie, 183 Himnla, andral danM, 115, 133, 13B, 158 

La Baya. aonrca of tba Amaion. 38, 38 Uinehin, John, 38 

LandL enttiratad for Indiana, 81; enltlmtad Ulali. Tolcano. 24, 181 

forWdowneia, 81 Hll'ani ((M P«r«otM) Mrtte*}. 78, 79. 143 

Lanwaja (aaa «arata), IS5 Hitlmaea al Kaaapata, 313 

Larpata, diiaaaa of cUldran. 135 HiUa (Itailoo). IBB 

Lanaaaanl idand. 18, 44. 58, 54 Uode* of labaiatanaa In pT*4pan{d ttaui^ 30 

IrimndarinI, langa, 7 Hohou, Titlaio. and maaaacra at. 149 

IdT.ka, Indian madiolno-man. iorocrer, etc., Molina, Dloco da (aaa Oviada), S6t 

130. 134, 159: wllehenft sangnoniala ot, HoUna, F. Oriat6*al da, nport on rflaa and 

Molina, F. Oriat6*aL _. 
tabiM of tha Inoai 


Leke-laka^ alu Llldli. 48 unrca (or hla wriUhfL B 

LIbaliona of aieohol and wlno, 99 atMDl Tlllcaea laland, ~SlS; 

LlrtlninB atrok«a^ 19 ^ ___ „^^^^_- }?^-A** 


Lika, Toehr point o(, ISS Montaiiuna aloir (nm Mew Mexico, 398 

t, oitr of. 134 Montaja, Jsan icU, Indian ot OocUti. Ki 

Limauile at XakaTo-Eana, 4S Moon aa a fetiah (aaa Stm). 94 

Ualtl-aiTJPaU (ua Santa Barbara), 43 Moqnecaa, Tillan, 8 

Llama, 21, 139 Horenoi, eoulGdaneon, Matiiaa, 118, 1S8 

Llania fain* In witottoratt, M, 98 Hortan, 71; alana, 188 

Llama tallow In witchcnift. 9S, 08, 97 Uoontaln Tiew (nm Ynmani, 55 

Uaq'arlli, projwitian of land, 44, 138, SOS, Mnehn. Mariano, praat* ot Ch^U. 119, 131 

304. 311, 313 MoUn, fatiah o( irt^ alabaater. 97, 98, 100; 
LUklla (cloth), 95, 143 108, 105; (oond at Tlcanl, 105 

Llial. or A;Uu (bmi Sola), BS 179, 184 Unln-mnln (aaa TM). 47 

LlooDO Yupanqal, Inca war^euaf, 1B8 UoBeeai, provinea ot, 104, 155 

Lluchn, woolen cap. 7B Mun-Kalo, sraat 44, 178, 190, 31^ Sit. 
Lin] 0. hacienda of, 8, B8. 41, 65, 39, IIB, 310, 317. 331. 325, 23S, 337. 339, 380, 

leS 3B4, 248; ailTar nuak lonnd at. 336 

Locea. Inea rnina at, 37, 3B1 Hnaleal Inatmmanta at eolipao, 148 

Ijopei da Telauo. Joan, QS Mjfale (aplder), 155 

XjDJwca, braDcb of the Armarl Indiana, 85 Mytb of ooea-iiluitlng on laland. 91 

Mfthleal animal in Lalu Titieaca, 83. 4S, 58. 
Uachola (laa PaccartTw and AcfiachOa), 145, 57, 103 

Maiaa,' IS. IB. 31 Nation. W., B3, G8 

Maker ot all created lhln|t, caUed b; Indiana tfarlgatlon on Lake Titieaca, reatrietiona tipM, 

TiciTiraco'cha or Tnpaea. Amanan or Ara- 10 

naaan (aee CK«m), 801 Needlea of ooppai and bronie (laa Tmurti, 77 

UaDqui Amaja, rnina, 5, 34 Nicarana, 141 

Mamaoonaa (aeo Btcluiti wom«n), 354, 355 Nichea and omamenU In honaea, 89 

Mamani Manual Onra-airi at Cbalta. and Nichea Id Inca fatdldlno on Tlticaea, 3SS 

medicine-Dan, 97, 98, 105, lOS, 131, 133, NiKhl-herona, 47 

125, 305 Nlua, E^TMareoa de, 138, 184 
Hama-Oilla. Tolna, 190, 31S, 321. 3S1, 274 

Hnma-Ojllia, mother of tba ann, 294 ObUsallona of Indiana towarda landowncn, Tt 



Obcidlan. ISO M2, 364, 3<S. ST8, 271 

Ou, IB dad«d in will*, 196; a. 

Ocarapo. Don Aotoolo i% tT4, ITS orata nlcliat al, isa; Urn alcbm at, IBi; 

Offlcara of Snr Uaiiean pnabfoa, 8«, 88 niehtm at. 286; not a ^rfne at Iha Son, 

Offlclal iDTHtlfatlona Into Indian antiqnitita. 3TS; pouibla DnmbaT at Inbabltand, IBT; 

ISTl, SlI roof, 194; ■lluatian and Tisw, 198 

ODcial aaanb for tnanire, 161T, 387 PiUeoponeii, 334 

OjoM (an £andab>, IBS Pinahna, 809 

OliTa, P. Anallo, iS2, 82B; analon of liii PUano, Franobco, 81, 88, 84, 182. IBB, 261, 
mltiun Willi Ihoaa of llifntl OabaDo Bsl- 368 

boa, S38; nirtlll coacornlnc Uanco Oapac Piurro, Gunialo. 88, 84, IBS, 344; rlait to 
•ad Tilicaca Island, 83S: roTiew of lila prctnanla of CopacaTana, 1SS9, 388 

book, 838. 834, 83G. 838: tradition at Flurro, Harnando, 88, 84, IBS, 344; eharpid 
oriiinal paopUng at ebntli America befin- vHli eaualai dulli of Spaniarda In Laka 
nlQE in Yan«n^ S2S; tradilloni about Titicsca. 367 

liabnanMo, 83S Piurro, Pedro, on tradition! abant Titleaca, 
OmaioToa, prorinn o(. 19T 396, BOS, SIT 

Ondecardo, Polo da, Bll, 814, 838; iaTeMI- Plaatis work on Titieaea, IBS 

cationa bj, 828 Pl0D(h, 63, TT 

Opau Indiana of Bonora, 108 Plnmaia ai danec onlamant, lET 

Oilrin ot preifnt ladiaua on TKlsau pnba- Polltloal and Jndiciarr aathoiitlBa for Iiland. 

Omata, ervplion of, 161 Pomata, vUlaca. 6, IS, 3T, IBS 

Oalricb. American {Rhta anurfeaim), phunea Ponebo, 86, 186 

of, 16S PoDcboi, ancient, from Titldwia Iiland. 231, 
Onr Ladr of OopacsTana, patron aalnt of 336, 283 

bland, 93 Fonio (lee Ftrtonal «nr<»>, TS^ 79, 14S 

Oriado y Taldja, Oonialo Feraandei de, 3B8, Population (numben of) ot Obneaho and 

3BT. 298 adjoining dlitrida to BollriaB frontlor, 37 

Owl, bird of trll omen, 101 PopnUtloa ot Oopacaiana and Thloaea Idanda, 

Pacaree Taoipn, deOnllion of name bT Oar- Fopnlallon ot Koatl, 60 

cOaaao, SOB Popnlatioa of TiUeaea Iduid, 61 

PacBritambo. near Coica, auppaaed placa of Foqnen-Oaaeba, palnMd baarila at, 811, 812, 

oricin of Incaa, 297, 313. 818, SIT, B31. BIS 

833, 836; tradhion about (aaa BKrnust), FoUlo, 18 

308 Pottery, madern, 70 

Paecarioa (lee AeftMltAa), 141, 146, ISO, Prann in Ajmtri, pTMadln« boDM-bnildlni, 

154, 190 96 

Pacba ayre, 98 PrHto, cksreh tDnettoDary, 119, 131, 189 

Pachaeama (see QtMtrrtt i* Santa Clara), PrlmltlTe eonunerce, 21 

303, BOS, S88 PrloMe (tee Prm*), 169 

Pachatamu (Qnlefana], 149; bona* at ae- PDcar4,^mlet, SI. 62, 144, 1B9 

etnded women at, 2G3, 2TT; oracle at, 368 Pneari, marebf bottom, 48, 173 

Paehacnii Ynpinani, Inea war-oblet (aee Pncari, rlTor ot. 38 

Potnlid beard*}, 818 Pncari, mini, 47, 187, 199, 300, 301, 306, 332, 
Pacbajacbacblo (ate TieiviraeteKa), 831 232, 336; artefact* in copper and bronie. 

Painted boarda (lee f cnm-Oanclia), S13 203; not mentioned br older anthora, 203; 

Painted cloth leat trcm Parn to Osrcllaaao de port co laland ot Tlllcaoa for Koatl, 280, 

la Vaca, 16Q8, S86 SSI 

PaintincB, aboriflnal. al Ouica, 157 Pucart bay, 48 

PalU-Kaaa, anramll of, 43. 4S, 1ST, 198 PnearanI, Tillafe, ISl; atone Idol ot, 3T8 

Pampa de IlaTe. name (iren to wideit part ot Pncblo women of New Uuiea, 67 

Lake Titleaca, IS Puerto BJoo, anliqaltta* trooi, 140 

Pampili island, IB, 238, 329, 350, 3G1 Ful4X inllans, 49 

Pando, Joai Uaonel, 88 Ponapunen, 234 

Pardo, Octario, 38 ■ Pnaa, UUdand, 4, 6, SO, 87, 10. 73, 37. 
Parrsta (BetAarkrnoKtu). «8 lOS. 342 


— ■ -ML Isluid. la Pnncn Us „,, „, , . 

^ 4, S, 9, 16, 28, S3, 79, SI, 104, 

PaUpatani, Island, J4 Pnnen (landing), 42, 62, 187. 191 

Patron sslnta and imaiia, 93 

Paucartampa (see PxcarUambB), 810 Fnno, department, 4, 9, 38 ' 

Payaya, iarand, IB, 63. G4 PuqDtn>Oaneba (at* PtQutn-Caneha), BIB 

Pidieulw vetimtnti and capiKf, abnndanee PusipianI, Indian dances, 117, 122, 128 

of, 4B, 62 Pn-tQ-tn. cow-bom. 93, 14S 
Peleebnco, TiUsfa, 7, 243 

Personal namea in Aymari, 86 Qnarrela and flfbta between Indiana, 88 

PertOBsl ■eniee to landowner*, 7S ualctana, lanrnare, 163, 104 

Pern, republic ot, 8, 7 Qnlcbna Indians. 31, 23. 34, 04, 87. 99 

Pbillp if, Kim of Spain, 314, 818 Qnlcka-uaya, bsdenda, 84 

Piekerinf. Frof. Bdwud Ob., 34 UuinUL 168 
Plctnre-writlna, 88. 148 

IBS, 30S, 316, 322, 280, 283, 384, 259, 


356 IKDEX 

QnlTtaL Mictail InM tnO to Ekka^o-Kana, Sirmlenlo Qmmbo*. Pedro da, 81), >I4, 111: 
18B, laa, IBS, 3St cTlUclm at Ut wrfdnat, SU; tndttta «■ 

TItioMS tdud, >1B 

Rilmondl, ADtonlo, lUtamanti BboBt Psrn- SaTii, Qnlelims tor lobsoM, 371 

Tian lodifenoDi tobneoo. 3Tt Seotvioii on TUieaaB hUno, 49 

RilnbDw, an Aehaehila, 100 Baal (aM MptlHetl mimal), 48 

lUlnfalli on TilJcaoa Idand, 18 SMiadad womBB (talarir oallad "Vbfte tt 

Bain -making, 100, 156, 1G8; at Ttahnuuco, _ Iha Bon"), 3S3, 3_5G: on Titisaea, »I 

TUmli, rlnr, S, 28 

and OI«u, acroemont be- Bhamau (aee MtHehtfrntn), S4. ST, IM, 

^ ..« jgg. ^,^j inflnanea ovar Indlu*, 111 

... _)S, 313, BMuana of FDeblo Indiana, 100 

, --^ SS3. 384. ass, 3S1, Bienri, Indian danoan, llfl, 138 

3SS, 388, 370, 271, 27S, 288. S3T, 828, Slcivn, pfontontorr ol, 43, 44, 48, IBS, 18t, 
839; popnlar bstlef In origin of Hanoo 931, 337, 338; ralna and v ' "~ 

an thair Matemanta, I 
I aarOan, Frar Aloi 

'. a IS, 331, 394, as 

■ at, 318 

BatUaa, of l»ana, 1S7; maUllio, 1S7 

Ballrloni Iwliafi and onmoniala amonC In- Skin dfaaaaee oa Iiland, SS 

dbna, SI Sknila. aTtlOeial flatteni 

Ballglaaa ccnmouial at Ookd, ISO mala, not deloimad, 1 

BapaTUmleDla* at OopaeavaDa, 188 " '"* 

Baporta on Indian aoatsma from aer 

BaptOaa on ialanda of Tllloaoa and Koatl, 4S 
BisgrliB, large ean (aee liraU), 804, 80B 

Ike anubo 

nooK Ol bae <ja< iiee ^in-Jiawt, «« jfT8, 378 

Boman, Vrmj Hieronrmo, 817 Sorala, town, B 

—Jnga, anolant, — ., ,. 

Roca Inea. var-chief, 29S Sorala, group of monntalna, 8, 7, 8, i; 

Book of the Oat (aee TiUKtla), 44 3TS, 378 

Boman, rray Hieronrmo, 817 Sorala, town, BT 

Romnhia and BemnJ, lata of, 3S8 Soreerart (aee Sk<tm»Kt, ale.) 130 

Bopaa, aaoiant, 148 Sorearr and witeheraft, 85 

Botalion at landa among Indiana, 34, 80, 144, Spanlth eotonlali. dldlmltiaa of poaitiu ail 
1S1 lack of naonnaa. 78 

Spidera, need in dltlning, 103 
Sacred Rock (aee flH-Zate), 44. 188, 200, Squier, E. O., JS, 118, 189. ISl, 193, IH, 
214, ai8. 3IT, 93E, 330, 229, 331, asz. 903, 208, 204, 205, 208, 328, 380, 281, IK 
2G0, 373, 374, 388, 394, 827: gataWBTa to, Statnia nporMd to kave axiated on nlcaea 
3fl4. 347: original Armari ahrina, adopMd (aea tamct}. 280 

by Ineaa, 388, 38S; piinotpal fetiah on Stieki wHh notehea, tor keeping acmvau, 8t 
liland, 988: aeal of an oracle, 999; aao- Stone ohaata oontalnlng ponehaa, 331 
rlfloial itone-heapi ol Puebloa and NaTajoa, Stone (tolnea near Hbtc, 8 

"' — toadi, to Intaroede for rain, 108: n" 

Sallma, Tol 

fettihea, ± 

» BaHaaar, 

IT PHirenonaaa, ov, vu 

,_ _.^ ,j, _-., , BtravberriH, 18 

830, S27, 828; lonrces of information, 8 18 ; Sochei. range, 7 

foandation of Onico, 818; Iraditiona abant Snehei, riTar, S 

Tnn.To .lu, Tlncocha, ale., 818; analoR Backing, Indian medicinal praoliaa, 130 

1 vlih Ihoaa ol Betaniaa and Son, no inprBne deitr of the Ajiud 94; 

y ona of the fatlahB, 150 

id Uoon, not worahipved aa nA bf 

Olau, B 
Samfrnnw rtrvvw 

Sampara, TiUaca, 18, 14, 41, 80, 121, 280, the Incaa, 3T7; feliahaa, n 

289, 281; Indian maclc deriTeJ from, 3S<i aa hoaband and wife, ats 

San Martin, Fra^ Tomb da, Dominican, 3d, Snnchnli, range, 7 

184 Sno-Fathei and Uoon-Kotber, Inea b<llif ia. 

Ban Nicolaa, Fra]r Andite de, 333, 268, 38S, 3T7. 378 

839 enntar Pancar, 813 

Bandala (hb (7g«t«m«), 88, 188 Saa-voraliip not enforced by tha Incaa, ITT 

Bani. Father Bataal, Pranaiaean, 313, 381, Snpar (aaa SHI tpMU), 63, 150 

. ,_..- TUpao, 11. 99. 81, 83T 

Santa Barbara Caaa LtaUi-Bfvi-PtUti), 48, 172, Tacanaa (aaa Andentt), G 

178, 200 Tambo (mined) at Ewvate, 818 

BanU Uaria. andanaa of, 188. 208; voodan Tambo Oolorado, near Pfieo. Pern. 333 

goblflti fonnd at, 185 Taiubolooo (eea Barmitntit), 818. 818 

I, range of, 4, 38 T'aca, 321 

(St. Jamaa), 100, US Tanca-Unea. .. 

---•--—- Impata, haolanda, 8L 

talldw (aqnatle Urda), IS 

. .. , 100, US Tanca-Unea. mini 

Hnata. penininla of, 9. 10, IS, 43, Tanimpata, haclen 

Tiania. or 

>, monntain, 83 TaqnJll. bland, 8 


Trucks of Um Ban and Vimr on TllkMa, 117, 

TinieiL indifsnoo* d«eT, 90 TndinK trip* to lowar nciou (TnnfM), 8T 

TorhucL P. Imli. 316. SST Tradition, aboDt ueiwt «>U protMtlDt Ooiw- 

ThtodDlito, iofliMiiMd hj Itmabuoat nwki, eiTmna. 382; abont oricln at tha Ineu 

41, SG from ^Qoini, 306; at ersBtian at nui and 

Tharmonietrii DbuTTktieu on Idaadi of Titi- moon on Titi(»r- --' — ' -— -— "•• 

eaes ud Soatl, IT, 18 S13: of whita i 

Thander ud Uihtainr, loM fgtUbM, ISl br Olau, SOO 

aeo. muii and TiUue, ID, 11. IZ, 2S, Tradilions abont Titlcua laland, 2S4; local 

2, BB, 100, IK. 118. tlS, 119, 120, Arnart Ion, 828 

If, i^v, Arm 

Indian Tnain 

ka. S9; Trephii 

. _- ... ..J«« at tfon _, , - — 

ear)/ traditinna abooL 209; aboda of TiwUnlu amDii( Indiana of BolMa and 

c lore ail 10: shurch booka. S9: Trephinad a 

— - -, .tUaf "- 

got, 299; aboda o^ 

, Jinr to Molina, 813 

fcbl. 221. 2S0, ST9 Trfba, SS 

.. . — Jta at tloD at Onioo, 

., abont, 299; aboda ol Trgihlnin* i 

tha Oniator, accordinr to Molina, 813 Fara, 114 

iTomontorr, 44. 48, 217, 224, 227 Troplaal frnlt, 87 
>, alao Thicbicaaa (an IWciKa), 08, Tnapaea, 11, 29 

Tonapa <aea Tmapa, alao fadpoe), 827, 828 
TonU (t*« Ohulm), 80 
^ .. Tnpae Aman <aa* Indian vprMnff), 88 

t CachilaTa, near ObnUaTa, S7: on Tupac TnpanqBi, Inea war-cbiat *iaH lo 
oall, 97, 2SS Tltiflaea 7fUnd, 1S8, 312, 840, 25S; TUit 

a eeremenial, W: at Kaiapata betors ai- to Soati, 2S1 
LTaiioni, 97798 Tnrl-TnrlS. cliff, 44, 317 

1, bird of eril, 102 Tnrka Iiland. antiqnltU* fran, 141 

!— o._ T..I,. J. _>n .. „<j Tnmnoia«. 181 

I, 298 

rnina at baas at. 201 

Pablo ds, TfDaEo. 1«, 88 

Tlqnlna, Btreita of, B, 10. 14. 16, 84, 188 rr.-„™ h._i^ m (■. -„i_. .> h... ~r 

TiS, irUd cat (a«i liiJu^n^). 47, 68, 102, n;frZ^f^S^,?hJu ' 12.^7^ ^ 

214 r pl«a of aVln of, naad In wilohcraft. 97 nSl M« ^(f^^^ ^ ^ 

■"'^S^-f'iS^^'^'iri "* "*"* '"' "M^"^ Uil^ota,i;k« of blood. 381 

t;«™ r.i.-J J T fl in la iji la it nfla-K*. haigbt of, on BoatL 43. 288 

iS^'n aif\i^ Is 'J 'to' St' ii II' DDa-Pil, pnmontorr, 41,^89. 280, 273 

JS;l6S'8%*7'8Sf'78,'''76,%"ii7t'ni; gE.'^rs ssr'^V 

IIB, lil. 187. ISO. 2B9, 276. 821. 828 S{?™IS! win. 

abaDdonsd after 1BB4 and noconpied Utar n nrhT^Kn^Ynit, 

abandonsd after 1ES4 and iweon^Jed latar 

_'__ ' '" ' " _ d In'whchoMJti 06. B8, 

" 287; Bjot Tiiil'to, 1^ Bpaiiiarda, 81; nii'o'raniDa (loo Joaffl 4B 60 61 

inferior workmanahip on Inoa atmatnraa. jt.._^^.„ liu* h qj wi * ' 

288; older reporU nawerated. 228; orir n?.n^/«; 7^=^. ^JnaLl 97 105 

map, Inhabllid by ArS'.r* Indiana 18^ vl^^M, aSTs,^ ' 

aaat of an ancient anrine, 287 tt**.. tm^ n<u,i\ ini t4i 

Tlllcaea. lakj 8, 4. T, 0, 11. 12, 38. 188. ^J^ t^dl™. 88 87- elana of 88 

l"i8t'2ri4?'Cn3*TlSnl'S;/Ao?; ^"SX^n^'tSIt ^•^"' "'■ ^'^'^^ 

305: (Inklnj of Tavel {aee Torar), 81; n "12^™ »-, Tiiu„—n a ■■ 

Bwinuninc in* 248; water of, 9, 10 Djn-Iri (name for HUmanl), 8, 88 

Titicaea baaln, 81 

Titicacao (aea Tttieoaa), B4 Vaea d« Oaatro, OriatAral, ofleial InTMUaa- 

Titi-Kala (Sacred Bock, Rock of Ike Oat), tion of ancient lore of Onioa Indiana Un- 
fa, 62, ISS. 214; (old and allTaT ob- cu), 307, 817 

Ject* found at. 320; object of apeclal Colt, Talera. Fatfaer Blaa, 186, 838: bio(Tapb]cal 

287, 2TS, 277, 234; ruina at, 310, 330, data C0DC«niinc 810; ail vHtiDfi uaod br 

231. 2B2 aarcflaaao de la Veca, 810 

Titin tTayanl, 173 "-' ■- ■■ — " ■■- ■•- " 

Tito Ynpanqni, Franciieo 88 

Toada, iiilsre«uarB for rain, 108 

TocaT, BOO Veu. Qarellaaao da la, SOS, S19, 832, 83B, 

Toledo, Don Francjaeo de, ViceroT, 33, SS, S24: biomphlcal notice of, 806; intareslcd 

167, 17B, 811, 8)8, 814, S16 tradandea dUplared In i^ book. S07; 

Tonapa, II, BI, 81B, S2T; ehanaed people of aonreea _of Information. 807: traditiona 

probablr an AriDari mrtli, B2B; wander- vefeiaiion 

In^ of, according to HalcamaThna, 818, 819 Venereal d 

Toolg, modem, atod br Indiana, 77, 14S Verbena. 4 

Topa Ynga Ynpanjne, aaid to bara eonqai — ■" " — ' 

Caico (aee O-alitrrit dt Banta Clara), 

poaaire, tobacco, 271 Viaeba, Tillaae. 7 

1, or Tnmi. pini. 142. 181, 207, 336, 237 Vlcnfla. 30, 86 

a Otara), 808 from n 
Viaeba, t 

, u. luui.. i..uri. 143. 181, 207, 336, 237 Vlcnfla. a<., u.. 

of gold from HoroKato. 236 Vlcnfla dance, or Okokela {•«• Chaeu-a^Ilu}, 

Torao Kopana, mln, SB 108 

Totora, 12, IB. S4, 47, ITO Vjleanota, Oracle at, 366 

ToTar, Asoatin, 6 Vilcanota. rania of, 4, B, 38, 314 


r) (IM NttdUt tl etpptr mui brvsM), TT, 

Tanrinka, vktor^nkko, 48, 10^ 

, . . , Ta-i*-idii, projection of Utid, 44 

ilMUioea. imporMnt Indian fMIthen, ISl Tarba d» unwnM, OalUhniTa m 

VEieuTs. F. NiuDor, 2BG Ta-ia-chi, projection of 

Volcanoea. important Indian fstlahen, ISl Torba d» amaota, C~"~ 
TotiTa Dff*rin(a of fold and allTsr flcoiai, 2E0 malaneholj, 104 

Watcb-loven, ancient, aS6 

Terba d« OaMilla, haDebon^ 1< 
Watcb-loven, ancient, aS6 TDtb-KaTmL STS 

Water-inaka (aee Taurtnlfo), 48 "!._.. . 

n Tlticaca, 8, as 88, 1B7, 170, 

implamenCa of Ohnllpaa, ""* ""'' ■ — ' 

VeaTing implamenCa of Ghnllpaa, 18S 

White men, mytb of, on Tlticaca Iiland, 05 

Wlann, Chario. 300 

Witohciafl on Iiland, BB 

Woman on Titleaca Iiland for seremoiiial pnr- 

poaei, BG ZampoEa, Ursa pan-flute, 113 

Wooden toblat fonnd at Santa Karla, 48 Zap^la bin (aea Xiraf}, 904 

Zapana, olilef of tha OoIUa, 3S8 

TaeoIU, 141 Ztrale, Afnitln da, hii book, SO 

Tampnpata, bamlat of, 18, 49, 83, 181; Inn of ori^ of Iceai from TUicaa 

nuni at, 383 Zepita, TiBafa, 30 






sure in annonncmg the publication of Mr. Adolph F. 
Bandelier's The Jslandb of Ttticaca ahd Koati. 

The author of this work is the veil-known archseologist 
who, though a native of Switzerland, has been since his 
youth a resident of the United States. Becoming interested 
in the subject of archsology, he traveled, under the auspices 
of the Ardueolo^cal Institute of America, among the native 
races of New Mexico, Arizona, Mexico, and Central Amer- 
ica, making a thorough study of their life and traditions. 
Later, under the auspices first of Mr. Henry Villard of New 
York and then of the American Museum of Natural History 
of New York, he began similar investigations in Bolivia and 
Peru, and the collection of antiquities for the Museum. 

A report of part of this work is contained in the pages 
of "The Islands of Titicaca and Koati,"— islands situated 
in Lake Titicaca, on the Peru-Bolivia boundary. The volume 
is illustrated with eighty-five plates, many of which are in 
full color ; several maps, one of which is a reproduction of a 
manuscript map of 1573, enable the reader to follow intelli- 
gently Mr. Bandelier's narrative. The plates give views 
not <mly of the author's discoveries but also of the natives, 
who still retain many of their primitive castoms and cos- 
tumes. Excavations were made on the islands named dur- 
ing a residence there by Mr. and Mrs. Bandelier for the 
greater part of seven months; thdr stay was interrupted 
for a short time because of a Peruvian revolution which 


caused an interraptioii of all commanication between the 
islands and the shores of the lake. Work was done at all 
times in face of the greatest difficulties. The author says: 
"Only those who have resided for some time in that section 
of Bolivia can appreciate the obstacles it presents to scien- 
tific investigation. Climate, natnre, and man conspire to 
impede, annoy, and obstruct." Yet Mr. Bandelier, as the 
book itself bears witness, was satisfied only with thorough 

As a consequence we have here a full and exhaustive 
description of the archeology and folk-lore of the region 
described, and the author shows in oopions notes at the end 
of each chapter the records that have been transmitted by 
the old Spanish chroniclers and by later investigators. 
There is a thorough portrayal of the native Indian, tradi- 
tions, customs, and superstitions; some of ^diich serionsty 
interfered with the work of excavation. 

Mr. Bandelier in successive chapters treats of the Basin 
of Lake Titicaca, the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, the 
^dians on Titicaca, the Buins on each Island, and the Abo- 
riginal Mytiis and Traditions concerning the Island of Titi- 
caca. At the close of the book there is a List of Plants 
Indigenous to the Islands and a fall Index. 

Medium octavo, xvii + 359 pages, bound in dark-red bnck- 
ram, with ^It top, and lettered in gold. Price, $5.00. 

This prospectus shows size of leaf, style of text-tyx>e, and 
- qn^ty of paper. 





ui-'j u 1306 


., Cooi^lc