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^  PRINCETON,   N.   J.  <!f 


DG  468  .F157 
Fairall,  H.  H. 

Italy  struggling  into  ligh 


/ 

9 


\ 


« 


Digitized  by 

the  Internet  Archive 

in  2015 

https://archive.org/details/italystrugglingiOOfair_0 


COUNT  CAMILLO  CAVOUR. 


ITALY 

STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT: 

OR, 

^  f^edoi'd  of  f^i'on-(ii\er(t  J<vei|t^ 

IN  ITS 

Civil,  Religious,  a\d  Literary  History, 

jfrom  tl^c  Commencement  of  Ibe  Cbnstian  €r:i  lo  the  present  gag. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


By  rev.  H.  H.  FAIRALL,  D.  D. 


CINCINNATI: 
HITCHCOCK  AND  WALDEN. 
1880. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1879, 

BY  H.  II.  FAIRALL, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  DAWN  IN  ITALY. 

PAGE. 

Early  Tribes — Various  Titles  —  Pagan  Worship  —  Its  Degrading  Influence  —  The 
Christian  Church  in  Rome — Paul  in  the  Eternal  City — The  Cruel  Reign  of 
Nero — The  Martyrdom  of  Paul — The  Prosperity  of  Italy  under  the  Adminis- 
trations of  Vespasian  and  Titus — The  Christians  persecuted  in  the  Reign  of 
Domitian — The  Benevolent  and  Tolerant  Nerva,   9 

CHAPTER  n. 

PAGAN  DARKNESS  DISAPPEARING. 

Italy  Peaceful  and  Prosperous  during  the  Administrations  of  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and 
Antoninus — The  Persecution  of  Christians  permitted  hy  Marcus  Aurelius — The 
Emperor  impressed  by  a  Remarkable  Circumstance — The  Conupt  Reign  of 
Commodus — Perlinax  deposed  and  murdered  —  Septimius  Severus  on  the 
Tlirone — The  Rapid  Progress  of  Christianity  in  Italy — Paganism  declining — 
The  Testimony  of  the  Martyrs,  1 6 

CHAPTER  HI. 

THE  LIGHT  SHINING  IN  ITALY. 

The  Short  Reign  of  Pleliogabalus — The  Benevolent  Alexander  Severus — The  Con- 
dition of  Italy  under  Maximinus,  Gordian,  Philip,  and  Decius — Paganism 
endeavoring  to  exterminate  the  Italian  Christians — The  Unimportant  Adminis- 
trations of  Callus,  yEmilianus,  Valerian,  and  Claudius — The  Brilliant  Reign  of 
Aurelian — Tacitus  assumes  the  Imperial  Purple — He  is  followed  by  Probus, 
Carus,  Carinus,  and  Numerianus — The  Reign  of  Diocletian  inaugurates  a  New 
Period — The  Authority  of  the  Government  strengthened — Christianity  rapidly 
advancing  in  Italy — Tlie  Church  in  the  Catacombs,  23 

CHAPTER  IV. 

PAGANISM  OVERTHROWN  IN  ITALY. 

Diocletian  issues  a  Persecuting  Edict  against  the  Christians — He  and  Maximian 
abdicate — Galerius  and  Constantius  rule  Italy — Constantine  defeats  Maxentius, 

V 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


and  becomes  Emperor — The  Luminous  Cross  and  the  Conversion  of  Constantine — 
Christianity  becomes  tlie  National  Religion — The  Religious  Devotion  of  Con- 
stantine— The  Bishop  of  Rome — Disgraceful  Contentions — The  Italian  Church 
gradually  becoming  Formal,  Superstitious,  and  Corrupt — The  Practice  of  Monk- 
ery—  Ecclesiastical  Councils  —  The  Doctrines  of  the  Church  —  Translation  of 
Relics — The  Power  and  Wealth  of  the,  Clergy,  29 

CHAPTER  V. 

AMBROSE — THE  WALDENSES. 

The  Independence  of  the  Diocese  of  Milan — The  Birth  of  Ambrose — His  Education 
and  Promotion — Elected  Bishop  of  Milan — The  Conversion  of  Augustine — The 
Evangelical  Views  of  Ambrose — His  Writings  and  Musical  Compositions — The 
Origin  of  the  Waldenses — Various  Theories — The  Testimony  of  Jerome — The 
Waldenses  in  the  Fourth  Century — The  Testimony  of  their  Enemies,  ....  36 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  GOTHS  IN  ITALY. 

Alaric  invades  Italy — His  Forces  induced  to  retire — The  Martyr  Telemachus — The 
Vandal  Invasion — Alaric  returns  to  Italy  and  pillages  Rome — His  Death  and 
Burial — Attila,  King  of  the  Huns,  invades  Northern  Italy  and  destroys  Several 
Cities — Rome  plundered  by  Genseric,  the  Vandal  King  of  Africa — The  Emperor 
INIaximus  slain — Eight  Sovereigns  reign  in  Twenty  Years — Odoacer  proclaimed 
King  of  Italy,  41 


^m\t  11. 

PAPAL  DARKNESS  PREVALENT. 

CENTURY  TI-XIV. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  REIGN  OF  THE  LOMBARDS. 

Italy  Tranquil  and  Flourishing — The  Administration  of  Theodoric — Boethius  slain — 
Amalsontha — Theodatus — Vi leges — The  Great  General  Belisarius — Totila  cap- 
tures Rome — The  Gothic  Power  destroyed  in  Italy — The  Lombard  King. 
Audoin — His  Conquests  and  Death — Clepho — Chilperic,  the  Frankish  King, 
enters  Italy — Authauris — Childebert — Gregory  the  Great — Benedict — Origin  of 
the  Benedictines,  45 

CHAPTER  II. 

ITALY  IN  PAPAL  DARKNESS. 

Tho  Deplorable  Condition  of  Italy — The  Industrious  Benedictines — Boniface  IV — 
Religious  Disputes — Monophysites  and  Monothelites  —  Pope  Martin  I  perse- 
cuted— The  Sixth  General  Council — The  Claim  of  Agatho  to  Supremacy — Su- 
perstitious Views  of  the  Sacraments  and  Pilgrimages — Festivals  in  Honor  of  the 
Virgin  Mary — The  Pantheon,  5' 


CONTENTS. 


VII 


CHAPTER  III. 

ITALY  UNDER  FRAXKISH  RULE. 

PAGE. 

Leo  III  and  Pope  Gregory  II — The  Iconoclastic  War — Eutychius — Luitprand — 
Charles  Martel — Pepin  enters  Italy  and  defeats  Astolph — The  Pope  of  Rome 
becomes  a  Temporal  Ruler — Desiderius  conquered  by  Charlemagne — The  Latter 
crowned  King  of  Italy — The  Flight  of  Pope  Leo  III,  54 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  PROTEST  OF  CLAUDIUS. 

Claudius  of  Turin — He  denounces  the  Errors  of  the  Papacy — The  Prevalence  of 
Image -worship — The  writings  of  Claudius — His  Views  of  the  Sacrament,  the 
Primacy  of  Peter,  etc. — Claudius  sustained  by  Bishops  and  Synods — The  False 
Accusations  of  his  Enemies — The  Trial  of  Leo  III — Charlemagne  receives  the 
Crown  of  the  Caesars — Louis  the  jNIild — Lothaire — Leo  IV — Pope  Joan — Various 
Pontiffs — The  Assumed  Decretals,  59 

CHAPTER  V. 

RISE  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

The  Death  of  Charles  the  Fat — Various  Rulers  and  Popes — Alberic  restores  Repub- 
lican Institutions  in  Rome — Otho  III  overthrows  Popular  Government — His 
Death — Liberty  enjoyed  in  Rome  and  Other  Italian  Cities — The  ^Yealthy  and 
Powerful  Republics  of  Venice,  Pisa,  and  Genoa — Four  Emperors — Gregory  VII 
and  Henry  IV—  The  Normans,  66 

CHAPIER  VI. 

THE  STRUGGLES  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

The  War  of  Investitures— Henry  V  and  Pascal  II— The  End  of  the  Conflict— The 
Normans  in  Southern  Italy — The  Cities  of  Lombardy  Independent — The  Strong 
Republics  oppress  the  Weak — The  Struggle  between  Milan  and  Lodi — Frederic 
Barbarossa  in  Italy — The  "Lombard  League,"  72 

CHAPTER  VIL 

ARNOLD  OF  BRESCIA. 

Arnold's  Proposed  Reforms— He  is  condemned  and  banished — The  Bold  Reformer 
returns  to  Rome — The  City  in  a  Tumult — Arnold  denounces  the  Prevailing 
Corruptions — The  Hero's  Martyrdom,  82 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  FRANCISCANS  AND  DOMINICANS. 

Legends  of  St.  Francis's  Birth — The  Monk  in  Rome — He  is  commissioned  by  Inno- 
cent HI  to  establish  a  ^Mendicant  Order  —  Its  Growth  —  St.  Dominic  visits 
Rome — The  Work  and  Garb  of  the  Dominicans — The  Grandeur  of  their  Con- 
vents— Prominent  Italian  Writers — Thomas  Aquinas — Bonaventura,  87 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  GUELFS  AND  GHIBELINES. 

The  Claims  of  the  Popes — The  Papal  Power  increasing — Origin  of  Guelfs  and 
Ghibelines — Otho  IV — Frederic,  Honorius,  and  Gregory — The  Capture  of  the* 


VIII  CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

Papal  Fleet — Celestine  IV — Innocent  IV — The  [Italian  Republics — Conrad — 
Manfred,   95 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

The  Wealth  and  Military  Defenses  of  Italian  Cities — The  Podestas — Factions  and 

Feuds — Giovanni  di  Vicenza,  HO 

CHAPTER  XL 

DECLINE  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  POWER  IN  ITALY. 

Eccelino  da  Romano  —  Conradin  —  Manfred  —  Urban  IV  —  The  Defeat  and  Death 
of  Conradin  —  The  Ambitious  Charles  —  Dissensions  in  Milan  —  Castruccio 
Castrucani,  n8 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  DOCTRINES  AND  USAGES  OF  THE  WALDENSES. 

The  Waldensian  Theology — The  "Nobla  Leycon  " — The  "Lingua  Romana" — 

The  Synods  and  Clergy — Waldensian  Missionaries,  127 


PAPAL  DARKNESS  RELIEVED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ITALY  DURING  THE  PAPAL  SCHISM. 

Robert,  King  of  Naples — Nicola  di  Rienzi — The  Bannerets — Electing  a  Pontiff- 
Urban  VI— The  Rival  Popes,  133 

CHAPTER  11. 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS  IN  ITALY. 

Dante — His  Poetical  Works — The  "Divina  Commedia" — Dante  on  the  Papacy —  ^ 
Petrarch — His  Letter  to  Clement  VI — Laura  de  Sade — Petrarch's  Character 
and  Writings — Boccaccio — His  Poems — The  "  Decamerone,"  137 

CHAPTER  III. 

WARS  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

A  Crisis  in  Lombardy — The  Power  and  Wealth  of  Venice-  -Its  Wars  with  Milan — 
Florence — Its  Government — Cosmo  de  Medici — The  Milanese  defeated  by  the 
Florentines  and  Venetians — Various  Popes,  152 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SAVONAROLA — MICHAEL  ANGELO — RAPHAEL. 


PAGE. 


Girolamo  Savonarola — Accepts  the  Monastic  Life — Admired  by  Lorenzo  de  Med- 
ici— Accomplishes  Reforms — The  Fiery  Trial — Savonarola's  Martyrdom — His 
Character  —  Michael  Angelo  —  His  Works  —  Raphael  —  Other  Distinguished 
Italians,  157 

CHAPTER  V. 

FIRST  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  WALDENSES. 

The  Tragedy  of  Pragelas — Cataneo's  Expedition — The  Fearful  Massacre — the  Inva- 
ders defeated,  169 

CHAPTER  VI. 

FAILURE  OF  CATANEO'S  EXPEDITION. 

The  Val  di  Angrogna — Cataneo  repulsed — The  Pra  del  Tor — The  White  Cloud — 

Captain  Sacquet — The  Humane  Prince,  Charles  II,  l8l 

CHAPTER  VH. 

LUTHER'S  JOURNEY  TO  ROME. 

The  Monk  on  his  Pilgrimage — An  Italian  Monastery — Luther  in  Florence — The 
Campagna — Luther  in  Rome — The  Prevailing  Impiety — The  Church  of  the 
Lateran — Scala  Santa,  187 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  PAPACY  AND  ITALY. 
Pope  Julius  II — Leo  X — The  Corruptions  of  the  Papal  Court — Indifference  and 

Skepticism — The  Patriotic  Spirit,  201 

CHAPTER  IX. 

ITALY  RECEIVING  LIGHT  FROM  GERMANY. 

The  Reuchlin  Controversy — Luther's  Writings  in  Italy  —  Protestant  Books  in — 

Rome — Egidio  di  Porta — Baltasare  Fontana,  207 

CHAPTER  X. 

SACRED  LITERATURE  IN  ITALY. 
Various  Italian  Scholars — The  Writings  of  Pico — Authors  of  Hebrew  Works — 

Italian  Commentators  and  Translators,  213 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  REFORMATION  EXTENDED  BY  COMMERCE  AND  WAR. 

The  Intercourse  between  Germany  and  Italy — Charles  V  in  Italy — His  Controversy 

with  Clement  VII — Rome  pillaged — Terrible  Scenes — The  Reformation,  .  .  .  223 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  VENICE. 

The  Condition  of  Venice  Favorable  to  the  Gospel — Luther's  Writings  circulated — 

Rosselli's  Letter — Protestantism  advancing — Altieri's  Letter,  233 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MILAN  RECEIVING  THE  GOSPEL. 

Paul  III  alarmed  at  the  Progress  of  the  Reformation — Celio  Secundo  Curio — His** 

Arrest  and  Imprisonment — His  Remarkable  Escape,  239 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

MANTUA — LOCARNO — ISTRIA — FERRARA. 
The  Gospel  in  Mantua  —  Folengo — Cardinal  Gonzaga  —  The  Reformation  in  Lo- 
carno—  Beccaria  and  Other  Reformers  —  Istria  receives  Protestantism  —  Ver- 
gerio — The  Court  of  Ferrara — Duchess  Renee — She  favors  the  Reformation,  .  242 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  PROTESTANT  CAUSE  IN  MODENA. 

The  Academy  at  Modena — Controversy  with  the  Priests — Paolo  Ricio — Giovanni 

di  Politiano — Cardinal  Morone,   .  252 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  CENTRAL  AND  SOUTHERN  ITALY. 
Florence  as  a  Literary  Center — Brucioli,  Marmochini,  and  Teofilo — The  Writings  of 
Brucioli — The  Reformation  in  Bologna — ^John  Mollio — A  Reform  Commission — 
Protestantism  in  Naples — Juan  di  Valdez — PeterJtl^tJilJV'eimi^li^ 
Ochino — His  Popularity  in  Venice  —  The  Gospel  in  Sicily  and  Lucca — Aonio 
Paleario,  257 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  INQUISITION  AT  VENICE,  MODENA,  AND  FERRARA. 

Pietro  Caraffa— The  Flight  of  Ochino  and  Martyr— The  <'Holy  Office  "—The  Con- 
flict at  Modena — Protestants  persecuted — Valentino — Trial  of  Castelvetro — 
Protestantism  at  Ferrara — Duchess  Renee,  280 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PERSECUTION  IN  NORTHERN  ITALY. 
The  Firmness  of  Duchess  Renee — Her  Character — Her  Children — Persecution  in 
Venice — Altieri  banished — Terrible  Scenes  in  Capo  d' Istria — Flight  of  Ver- 
gerio — The  Martyrs  of  Venice — Guirlanda,  Ricetto,  Sega,  Spinula,  and  Lupe- 
tino — Pei-secutions  in  Cremona,  Parma,  and  Faenza,  297 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  CRUELTIES  OF  THE  PAPAL  INQUISITION. 
The  Sufferings  and  Banishment  of  the  Locarnese  Protestants — Persecutions  in 
Lucca,  Mantua,  Milan,  Florence,  and  Sienna — The  Reign  of  Terror  in  Naples 
and  Calabria — Wholesale  Slaughter,  31 1 

CHAPTER  XX. 

ITALIAN  MARTYRS. 
The  Cruel  Reign  of  Pius  V — Jacobini,  Fannio,  and  Mollio — Algieri,  Gamba,  and 
Varaglia — The  Imprisonment  and  Martyrdom  of  Paschale — Carnesecchi,  Pa- 
leario, and  Beatrice  Cenci,  335 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ITALIAN  RULERS  AND  POETS. 

PAGE. 

The  Italian  Reformation  suppressed — Death  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici — Alexander  VI 
succeeds  Innocent  VITI — Ludovico  Sforza — Pietro  de  Medici — Charles  VIII  of 
France — Decline  of  the  Genoese  Republic — Death  of  Leo  X — Charles,  Arch- 
duke of  Austria — Andrea  Doria — Ludovico  Ariosto — Torquato  Tasso — Various 
Italian  Writers — Niccola  Macchiavelli — His  Diplomatic  and  Literary  Career — 
Political  Writers,  355 

CHAPTER  XXH. 

SYNOD  IN  THE  WALDENSIAN  VALLEYS. 

The  Vaudois  Church  declining  in  Spirituality — The  Synod  at  Chamforans — The 

Waldenses  revived — Delegates  from  Switzerland,  365 

\ 

CHAPTER  XXHI.  \ 

THE  WALDENSIAN  REMONSTRANCES. 

Emmanuel  Philibert's  Decree  —  Persecution  at  Carignano  —  Remonstrance  to  the 

Prince — To  the  Queen — To  the  Council,  372 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  PAPAL  CRUSADE  IN  THE  VALLEYS. 

The  Vaudois  Messenger — The  Monks  of  Pinerolo — Philip  of  Savoy — A  Monk's 
Sermon — La  Trinita  invades  the  "Valleys" — The  Enemy  repulsed — Deception 
and  Persecution — The  Vaudois  Covenant — The  Defeat  of  La  Tiinita's  Army — 
"Articles  of  Capitulation,"  377 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

DISTINGUISHED  PONTIFFS — PROMINENT  SCHOLARS. 

Clement  VIII— He  is  resisted  by  the  Venetians — Paul  V  and  the  Venetians — 
Urban  VIII — Various  Pontiffs — Galileo — His  Imj^risonment — ToiTicelli — Bo- 
relli — Malpiglu — Sarpi — Pallavicin;,  394 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  FAMLNE— THE  PLAGUE — THE  MASSACRE. 

The  Vaudois  aided  by  Foreign  Contributions — Castocaro's  Tyranny — The  Fearful 
Pestilence — The  Duchess  Christina — The  Inquisition  at  Work — Marchioness  di 
Pianeza — The  Exiles — Pianeza's  Treachery — The  Awful  Massacre — Cromwell's 
Interposition,  399 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

GIANAVELLO — THE  MASSACRE — THE  EXILES. 

The  Mountains  of  La  Combe — ^Joshua  Gianavello — The  Deceptive  Pianeza — Giaiv 
avello's  Bravery — Massacre  of  the  Vaudois — Their  Courage — Cromwell's  Let- 
ter— The  Cruel  Edict  of  Amadeus — The  Exiled  Vaudois,  417 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  RETURN  OF  THE  WALDENSES. 

The  Exiles  looking  Homeward — Preparations  for  Departure — Henri  Arnaud — The 

Waldenses  Victorious — The  Sabbath  at  Prali — Leidet's  Pulpit,  427 


XIT 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  WALDENSES  RE-ESTABLISHED  IN  THEIR  VALLEYS. 

PAGE. 

The  Vaudois  at  Bobbio  and  the  "Rock  of  Sibaud  " — Arnaud's  Warriors  on  La 
Balsiglia  —  Tlie  Giant  Alps  —  Supplies  for  the  Vaudois  —  Catinat  defeated — 
French  Cannonading — The  "Old  Mantle"  covers  the  Vaudois,  434 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

FOREIGN  RULE  IN  ITALY — PROMINENT  POPES  AND  WRITERS. 

Italy  under  Austrian  Rule — Philip  V  of  Spain — Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy — The 
French  and  Spanish  defeated — Victor  Amadeus  II  and  the  Vaudois — Charles 
Emmanuel  HI — The  Spanish  Power — Clement  XI — Benedict*  XIII — Clements 
XII,  XIII,  and  XIV — The  Jesuits  suppressed — Alfieri  and  other  Eminent 
Italians  in  Art,  Science,  and  Literature,  442 

CHAPTER  XXXL 

THE  FRENCH  CAMPAIGN  IN  ITALY. 
Bonaparte's  Victories  in  Italy — Overthrow  of  the  Venetian  Republic — The  Cisalpine, 
Ligurian,  Cispadane,  Tiberine,  and  Parthenopsean   Republics — The  French 
Reverses  in  Italy,  452 


5aiit  rt. 

PAPAL  DARKNESS  DISAPPEARING. 

CEXTURX  XIX. 


First  Decade,  1800-1810. 

CHAPTER  L 

ITALY  UNDER  FRENCH  RULE. 

The  Conflict  in  Italy — The  Passage  of  the  Alps  by  Napoleon's  Army — The  French 

Victory  at  Marengo — Napoleon's  Supremacy  complete  458 

Second  Decade,  1810-1820. 
CHAPTER  II. 

BIRTH  OF  CAVOUR — ITALY  OPPRESSED — GARIBALDI. 
The  Birth  and  Childhood  of  Cavour — The  French  Rule  in  Italy  overthrown — The 
Despotic  Power  of  Austria — Pius  VII  restores  the  Jesuits — Giuseppe  Gari- 
baldi— His  Education — The  Young  Sailor,  461 

Third  Decade,  1820-1830. 
CHAPTER  HI. 

JOSEPH  MAZZINI  AND  THE  CARBONARI. 
The  Liberal  Movement  in  Naples  and  Piedmont — Charles  Felix — Young  Mazzini 

aroused — His  Writings — Initiated  into  Carbonarism,  469 


CONTENTS. 


XIII 


Third  Decade,  Continued,  1820-1830. 
CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  WALDENSES — COLONEL  BECKWITH— THE  PAPACY. 

PAGE. 

Education  in  the  "Valleys" — Aid  from  Philanthropists — Colonel  Beckwilh — His 

Work  among  the  Waldenses — Their  Condition — Leo  XH — Pius  VHI,  .  .  .  479 

Fourth  Decade,  1830-1840. 
CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ITALIAN  REVOLUTION— YOUNG  ITALY." 

The  Insurrection  in  Various  Cities — Its  Suppression  by  Austria — Mazzini — His  Ar- 
rest and  Imprisonment — His  Release  and  Retirement  to  France — Visits  Sis- 
mondi — His  Flight  to  Corsica — Returns  to  France — His  Letter  to  Charles 
Albert — "Young  Italy" — Its  Failure — "Young  Europe" — Mazzini  in  Eng- 
land,  483 

Fourth  Decade,  Continued,  1830-1840. 
CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  WALDENSES — GREGORY  XVI — GARIBALDI. 

Dr.  Baird's  Visit  to  the  Waldenses — Their  Usages  and  Doctrines — Colonel  Beck- 
with's  Efforts — Gregory  XVI — The  Degradation  of  Italy — Garibaldi's  Career 
in  South  America,  \  497 

Fifth  Decade,  1840-1850. 
CHAPTER  VII. 

MAZZINI  IN  EXILE — THE  BANDIERAS. 

Mazzini  collects  Foscolo's  Writings — Carlyle's  Opinion  of  Mazzini — Attlilio  and 

Emilio  Bandiera — Their  Expedition,  AnesL,  and  'Execution,   ........  502 

Fifth  Decade, Continued,  1840-1850. 
CHAPTER  VIII. 

CAMILLO  CAVOUR — TH^  CRISIS  IN  ITALY. 

Cavour's  Policy — Piedmontese  Reverses — The  Condition  of  Europe — Various  Poli- 
cies proposed — Charles  Albert  abdicates — Victor  Emmanuel,  508 

Fifth  Decade,  Continued,  1840-1850. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

ALESSANDRO  GAVAZZI — PIUS  IX — GIOBERTI. 

Gavazzi  as  a  Monk,  Professor,  and  Priest — Nicolini  on  Romanism — Gavazzi's  Ser- 
mon in  Rome  —  His  Imprisonment  —  The  Italians  aroused — The  Patriotic 
Army — Ovation  to  Gavazzi— His  Bravery — Welcomed  to  Bologna — Pius  IX 
abandons  his  Liberal  Policy — Daniel  Manin — Gioberti— His  Writings,  .  .   .  521 

Fifth  Decade,  Continued,  1840- 1850. 
CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  OVERTHROWN — GARIBALDI  ANTONELLI. 

Garibaldi  returns  to  Italy — Pius  IX  at  Gaeta — Provisional  Government  in  Rome — 
The  French  Repulsed — A  Spirited  Proclamation — The  Neapolitans  defeated — 
The  Fall  of  Rome — Garibaldi  and  Anna — Sketch  of  Anionelli,  538 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Sixth  Decade,  1850-1860. 

CHAPTER  XL 

THE  POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  CAVOUR. 

PAGE. 

Cavour  and  Rattazzi — Cavour's  Proposed  Reforms — Massimo  D'Azeglio — Parties  in 

Parliament — Cavour's  Resignation — Visits  France  and  England,  566 

Sixth  Decade,  Continued,  1850-1860. 
CHAPTER  Xn. 

THE  POLICY  OF  CAVOUR. 

Cavour  as  President — Financial  and  Commercial   Reforms — Cavour's  Religious 

Policy—  His  Liberal  Views — Denounced  by  Factions — Public  Works,   ....  579 

Sixth  Decade,  Continued,  1S50-1860. 
CHAPTER  XIH. 

OPENING  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DRAMA  IN  ITALY. 
Piedmont  and  the  Crimean  War — The  Treaty  of  Alliance — Cavour's  Anxiety — 
Bravery  of  the  Italian  Troops — The  Congress  at  Paris — Death  of  Manin — Ca- 
vour's Triumph — The  Alliance  at  Plombieres,  594 

Sixth  Decade,  Continued,  1850-1860. 
^  CHAPTER  XIV. 

ITALY  BEFORE  AND  AFTER  THE  PEACE  OF  VILLAFRANCA. 

The  Italian  Question — Cavour  and  Napoleon  III — Austria's  Rashness — War  de- 
clared—  Cavour's  Labors  —  Battle  of  Montebello  —  Palestro — Magenta — The 
Austrians  defeated — The  Battle  of  Solferino — Peace  of  Villafranca — Cavour 
resigns,  615 

Seventh  Decade,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  ANNEXATIONS — THE  REVOLUTION  IN  SICILY. 

Cavour  resumes  the  Premiership — Tuscany  and  Emilia  annexed  to  Piedmont — Ces- 
sion of  Savoy  and  Nice — Debate  in  Parliament — Cavour's  Reply  to  Rattazzi 
andT  Guerrazzi — Garibaldi's  Expedition  to  Sicily — Francis  II  defeated — Naples 
surrenders,  634 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XVI. 

'  CAVOUR  AND  THE  UNITY  OF  ITALY. 

The  Sardinian  Parliament — Victor  Emmanuel  proclaimed  "King  of  Italy" — The 

Roman  Question — Father  Pasijaglia — Cavour  and  the  "Temporal  Power,"  .  .  644 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XVII. 

cavour's  policy  VICTORIOUS — THE  STATESMAN'S  DEATH. 

The  Situation  in  Southern  Italy — Cavour's  Arduous  Labors — Gariljaldi's  Caustic 
Addresses — Ricasoli's  Reply — Garibaldi's  Speech  in  Parliament — Cavour's  Re- 
joinder— His  Sickness  and  Death — General  Sorrow — Cavour's  Appearance,  .  .  650 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  18C0-1870. 
CHAPTER  XVIII. 

WALDENSIAN  MISSIONS  IN  ITALY. 

PAGB. 

The  Bible  in  Italy — The  Waldensian  Church — Its  Theological  School — The  Leg- 
horn Mission — Romish  Opposition — Letters  of  Drs.  Revel  and  M'Clintock — 
The  Gospel  in  Milan,  Aosia,  Elba,  and  Naples — Gavazzi  visits  England,  .   .  665 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XIX. 

ITALIAN  MISSIONS  OF  THE  "AMERICAN  AND  FOREIGN  CHRISTIAN  UNION." 

The  Society  sends  a  Missionary  tai^lorence — Work  commenced  in  the  Island  of 

Elba — The  Story  of  Francesco  and  Rosa  Madiai — Papal  Intolerance,    ....  684 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  ITALIAN  CABINET — GARIBALDI — PROTESTANT  WORK. 

Rattazzi's  Administration — Garibaldi  preparing  for  War — The  Hero  wounded — The 
Italians  aroused — Protestant  Literature — Evangelical  Missions — Death  of  Gen- 
eral Beckwith,  688 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  BRIGANDS — THE  LIBERAL  PRIESTS — MISSIONS. 

Brigandage  encouraged  by  the  Papal  Church — Garibaldi  Resigns — Liberal  Priests 

proscribed — Waldensian  Synod — The  Wesleyan  Mission,  697 

Seventh  Decade.  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  ROMAN  QUESTION — THE  ITALIAN  PRESS. 

Garibaldi — Religious  Corporations  suppressed — The  "September"   Convention — 

The  Press — Conflict  of  Ideas — Liberal  Papers  criticising  the  Priests,    ....  705 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXIII. 

RELIGIOUS  PARTIES  IN  ITALY — THE  PAOLOTTI. 

The  Views  of  the  Three  Parties — The  Writings  of  Gabelli,  de  Boni,  and  Perfetli — 

The  Paololti — Their  Perfect  Organization  and  Power,  717 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXIV. 

PROTESTANT  MISSIONS  ADVANCING. 

Tlie  Prospect  in  Northern  Italy — Preaching  in  a  ^Monastery — The  Converted  Su- 
perior— Reports  from  Como,  Milan,  Sienna,  etc.,  727 

Seventh  Decade, Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAP  TER  XXV. 

EVANGELICAL  WORK  IN  ITALY. 

The  Valtellina — Colporteurs  persecuted — The  Mission  at  Carrara — The  Avaricious 
Priest — The  Labors  of  Don  Ambrogio — Gavazzi  in  Milan — The  Italian  Free 
Churches — Various  Missions — Religious  Parties  in  Parliament,  738 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  i860- 1870. 
CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  DEFEAT  OF  AUSTRIA — ITALY  ANNEXES  VENETIA. 

PAGE. 

Italy  declares  War  against  Austria — Victor  Emmanuel's  Proclamation — His  Address 

to  llie  Venetians — The  Circular  of  Ricasoli,  753 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXVn. 

THE  ROMAN  QUESTION — PROTESTANT  MISSIONS. 

Garibaldi's  Expedition  against  Rome— A  Proposed  Conference— The  Parliament — ^ 
Various  Evangelical  Missions — Burning  Protestestant  Books,  760 

Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 
CHAPTER  XXVni. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  PARLIAMENT — EVANGELICAL  MISSIONS — PAPAL  COUNCIL. 

Protest  against  Frencli  Intervention  at  Rome — The  Gospel  in  Central  and  North- 
ern Ilaly — The  Life  and  Labors  of  De  Sanctis — OEcumenical  Council,  .   .   .  766 

Eighth  Decade,  1870-1880. 
CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  "FREE  CHURCH"— THE  KING  IN  ROME — PROTESTANT  MISSIONS. 

The  "Free  Church"  Assembly — Declaration  of  Principles — Papal  Council — Victor 

Emmanuel  in  Rome — Entrance  of  the  Gospel — Several  Missions  Organized,  .  777 

Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 
CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  GREAT  DEBATE — WALDENSIAN  CONFERENCE — GENERAL  ASSEMBLY. 

A  Remarkable  Discussion — Italian  Bible  Societ}^ — Gavazzi  in  America — Death  of 

Mazzini — Waldensian  Conference — Free  Church  Assembly,  79° 

Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 
CHAPTER  XXXI. 

VARIOUS  RELIGIOUS  AND  POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

The  '-Military  Church"  in  Rome — Missions  in  Florence  and  Rome — Religious 

Corporations  abolished — Roman  Catholic  Congress — Mrs.  Gould's  Work,  .  .  795 

Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 
CHAPTER  XXXII. 

RELIGIOUS  PROCESSIONS  PROHIBITED— AMERICAN  METHODIST  MISSIONS. 

A  Protestant  Chapel  dedicated — Religious  Processions  forbidden — Proposed  Re- 
forms— Death  of  Antonelli — Several  Mission  Stations,  810 

Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 
CHAPTER  XXXIIL 

VARIOUS  EVANGELICAL  MISSIONS — THE  DECEASED  KING  AND  POPE — CLOSING  EVENTS  OF 

THE  DECADE. 

The  Waldensian  and  Free  Italian  Churches -Gavazzi's  Anniversary — Death  of  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel— Death  of  Piiis  IX— Leo  XIII— Garibaldi  in  Rome— The  End,  817  , 


INTRODUCTION. 


TTOR  more  than  twenty-five  centuries  Italy  has  occupied  a  prom- 
inent  place  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  and  has  been  the 
theater  of  remarkable  events.  The  geographical  position  of  the 
Peninsula  no  doubt  contributed  to  these  results.  Almost  surrounded 
by  the  sea,  situated  between  two  hemispheres,  and  abounding  in 
natural  harbors,  it  attracted  the  nations  and  became  the  grand  entre- 
pot of  the  world's  commerce.  This  advantage  of  location  secured 
wealth  and  power,  and  that  small  territory  soon  had  universal 
dominion. 

No  other  country  has- a  history  more  interesting  and  thrilling  than 
Italy.  To  the  philosophical  student  of  human  events  it  is  a  profound 
volume.  On  that 'narrow  strip  of  land  projecting  into  the  jNIediter- 
ranean  arose  the  fourth  great  monarchy  described  by  the  prophet 
Daniel,  and  in  the  "seven-hilled  city,"  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber, 
stood  the  magnificent  structures  of  the  Roman  civilization.  Succeed- 
ing ages  have  read  with  wonder  and  even  admiration  the  history  of 
Rome  and  its  Caesars,  whose  dominion  ruled  the  civilized  world  for 
twelve  centuries.  Not  less  remarkable  in  its  character  and  effects 
is  Papal  Rome,  whose  career  during  the  past  thirteen  centuries  is 
unparalleled  in  the  record  of  human  affairs.  In  all  the  great  historic 
epochs  the,  central  power  in  the  renowned  city  of  Italy  has  been  a 
mighty  factor  in  governing  and  civilizing  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Italy  also  presents  instructive  lessons  for  the  consideration  of  the 

statesman  who  desires  to  study  the  science  of  government  and  the 

art  of  diplomacy.    At  different  periods  the  Peninsula  has  been  under 

monarchical  and  then  under  republican  rule,  and'  the  peculiar  fea-  ^ 

tures  of  each  have  been  discussed  in  the  intervening  centuries  by  the 

political  writers  of  all  countries.     In  every  age  Italy  has  produced 

I 


2 


INTRODUCTION. 


Statesmen,  but  none  surpass  the  illustrious  Cavour,  Victor  Emman- 
uel, Ricasoli,  and  D'Azeglio. 

Those  who  admire  martial  deeds  will  find  on  the  pages  of  Italian 
history  the  names  of  distinguished  generals,  whose  valor  will  be  com- 
mended while  bravery  is  esteemed  an  honor  and  patriotism  remains 
a  virtue.  The  popular  belief  that  the  sons  of  the  Peninsula  are 
effeminate  and  incapable  of  military  hardships  is  not  sustained  by  the 
record.  If  the  achievements  of  Scipio,  Sylla,  Caesar,  and  other 
ancient  heroes  had  never  been  preserved,  the  daring  exploits  of 
Garibaldi,  La  Marmora,  and  Cialdini,  and  the  glorious  victories  of 
Magenta  and  Solferino,  would  shed  imperishable  lustre  upon  the 
escutcheon  of  that  sunny  land. 

Although  crushed  by  the  worst  form  of  political  and  ecclesiastical 
despotism,  Italy  has  been  the  home  of  the  champions  of  freedom. 
Hence  the  friends  of  liberty  delight  to  repeat  the  names  and  read 
the  lives  of  such  noble  patriots  as  Brutus,  Cato,  Arnaldo,  Rienzi, 
Savonarola,  and  Mazzini,  who  were  the  apostles  of  a  new  faith,  if 
not  the  evangels  of  a  new  dispensation.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that 
the  discoverer  of  w^iat  has  become  the  "land  of  the  free  and  the 
home  of  the  brave"  was  a  native  of  Genoa,  in  which  the  spirit  of 
republicanism  has  always  been  predominant. 

In  art,  science,  and  literature — the  trinity  of  a  refined  civiliza- 
tion— Italy  stands  pre-eminent.  No  other  country  has  as  many  gal- 
leries of  paintings  and  sculpture,  and  the  influence  of  these  has 
cultivated  the  taste  and  elevated  the  feelings  of  all  enlightened 
nations.  Its  cathedrals,  palaces,  and  villas  are  visited  by  lovers  of 
fine  art  from  every  clime,  who  admire  the  proud  and  costly  mon- 
uments of  architecture  like  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.  Michael  Angelo, 
Raphael,  Giotto,  Ghiberti,  Bandinelli,  Cellini,  Canova,  Titian,  Tinto- 
retto, Paul  Veronese,  Salvator  Rosa,  Grassi,  Benvenuti,  and  a  host 
of  other  architects,  artists,  and  sculptors  have  made  the  name  of 
Italy  illustrious.  It  will  also  be  honored  in  its  relations  to  scientific 
discovery,  Galileo  having  invented  the  telescope,  to  explore  the  heav- 
ens, and  Gioja  the  magnetic  needle  to  explore  the  earth.  In  nav- 
igation the  labors  of  Columbus,  Vespucci,  and  Marco  Polo  crown  the 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

brow  of  Italy  with  a  halo  of  glory,  while  Bruno,  Malpighi,  Torricelli, 
Bellini,  Morgagni,  Borelli,  and  others  in  the  various  departments  of 
natural  science  reflect  credit  upon  their  native  land.  In  literature 
Italy  shines  as  a  star  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the  galaxy  of  nations. 
The  productions  of  Virgil,  Cicero,  Livy,  Horace,  Tacitus,  and  other 
celebrated  writers  have  been  perennial  fountains  of  classic  thought, 
enriching  all  modern  languages  and  elevating  the  standard  of  culture. 
This  age  of  intellectual  activity  passed  away  when  the  Roman  empire 
fell,  and  the  northern  barbarians  possessed  the  land  of  scholars.  For 
centuries  papal  dogmas  engrossed  public  attention  and  repressed  all 
investigation;  but  the  great  minds  of  Italy  at  last  rebelled,  and  Dante, 
Petrarch,  Tasso,  Boccaccio,  Macchiavelli,  and  others  startled  the 
ignorant  ecclesiastics  of  Italy  by  their  eloquent  appeals  in  behalf  of 
political  and  spiritual  independence. 

Italy  is  a  land  of  sacred  interest  to  the  Christian.  Soon  after  the 
establishment  of  Christianity  in  Palestine  it  penetrated  the  country  of 
the  Caesars,  and  had  its  representatives  in  the  imperial  household. 
The  great  apostle  to  the  Gentiles  was  brought  in  chains  to  Rome, 
preached  the  Gospel  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  then  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom, baptizing  the  soil  of  a  pagan  nation  with  the  blood  of  a 
noble  saint.  Then  followed  the  ten  fearful  persecutions,  during 
which  multitudes  of  Christians  were  slain,  and  the  remnant  wor- 
shiped in  the  catacombs,  whose  dark,  subterranean  passages  and 
significant  inscriptions  will  ever  impress  the  Christian  world.  The 
martyrs  of  Italy  in  the  sixteenth  century  have  been  canonized  in  the 
hearts  of  every  Protestant,  and  no  more  thrilling  chapter  can  be 
found  in  the  history  of  the  Christian  Church  than  that  which  records 
the  labors  of  Peter  Martyr,  Ochino,  Paleario,  Paschale,  Carnesecchi, 
Fannio,  and  other  worthies. 

In  the  present  volume  the  author  has  narrated  in  chronological 
order,  as  far  as  possible,  the  prominent  events,  political  and  relig- 
ious, in  the  modern  history  of  Italy.  He  has  commenced  with  the 
Christian  era,  because  not  until  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into 
that  country  did  the  real  struggle  between  the  conservative  and  pro- 
gressive elements  of  society  become  manifest.    It  will  be  apparent 

2 


4  INTRODUCTION, 

to  the  reader,  in  considering  the  many  changes  through  which  Italy 
has  passed,  tliat  it  has  advanced  into  the  h'ght  or  receded  into  the 
darkness  according  as  it  has  maintained  or  corrupted  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity.  Equahty,  Hberty,  and  fraternity  are  the  fruits  of 
the  pure  Gospel  in  society,  and  a  nation  can  not  reach  the  light  of 
a  true  Christian  civilization  without  them.  For  nearly  nineteen  cen- 
turies Italy  has  been  moving  slowly  toward  this  grand  destiny. 

During  the  first  five  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  the  Peninsula 
was  a  part  of  the  vast  Roman  empire;  but,  upon  the  overthrow  of 
the  latter,  it  became  a  distinct  kingdom.  It  had  been  struggHng 
into  a  new  religious  light,  and  the  luminous  cross  which  Constantine 
beheld  was  prophetic  of  the  complete  banishment  of  pagan  darkness. 
But  a  short  day  only  intervened  between  the  night  of  pagan  and 
papal  rule,  and  then  followed  eight  centuries  of  ignorance  and  super- 
stition. Filicaja,  an  Italian  poet,  in  his  beautiful  sonnet,  extols  the 
gift  of  loveliness  possessed  by  his  native  land,  but  calls  it  a  fatal 
dower,  because  it  has  tempted  the  invader  and  attracted  armed  hordes 
from  the  time  of  Hannibal's  conquests  down  to  those  of  Napoleon. 
The  Goths,  Vandals,  Lombards,  Franks,  and  Germans  in  succession 
ravaged  the  fair  plains  of  Italy  and  subjugated  its  people. 

At  length,  however,  these  oppressions  of  foreign  tyrants  aroused 
the  principal  Italian  cities,  and  they  asserted  their  independence. 
This  was  the  first  struggle  into  the  light  of  political  freedom,  and  is 
a  bright  epoch  in  the  history  of  that  land.  Those  small  republics 
were  rich  and  powerful,  and  even  at  that  early  age  the  Peninsula 
might  have  been  united  under  one  free  government  had  not  the 
papacy,  which  acquired  temporal  possessions  during  the  reign  of 
Pepin,  held  Rome  as  its  capital,  and  fomented  jealousy  between 
rival  cities.  From  the  fourteenth  to  the  nineteenth  centuries  the 
prevailing  darkness  was  partly  relieved  by  the  lamps  of  the  Renais- 
sance and  the  Reformation.  The  former  was  the  awakening  of  the 
Italian  intellect,  and  the  latter  the  moving  of  the  Italian  heart. 

Another  radiant  center  was  the  Waldensian  Church,  which  had 
lighted  its  ancient  lamp  at  apostolic  altars  and  kept  it  burning  in  the 
Alpine  valleys  during  that  long  night  of  papal  ignorance.    At  differ- 


INTRODUCriON.  5 

ent  periods  the  bloody  hand  of  persecution  endeavored  to  extinguish 
this  Hght;  but,  amid  the  most  terrible  sufferings  that  any  people  ever 
experienced,  the  Waldenses  maintained  the  truth  of  their  significant 
motto:  *'Lux  Lucet  In  Tenebris."  The  names  of  Arnaud,  Leidet, 
Leger,  and  other  heroes  are  indissolubly  linked  with  those  grand 
mountains,  where  marvelous  deeds  of  valor  were  performed  and  the 
pure  faith  preserved.  The  Italian  Reformation  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury was  suppressed  by  the  Inquisitior!>  the  republics  declined,  and 
for  two  hundred  years  the  Peninsula  was  ruled  by  Spain,  Austria, 
and  France.  Soon  after  the  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century,  Italy, 
profoundly  moved  by  the  French  Revolution,  and  weary  of  its  sub- 
jection to  despotic  governments,  sighed  for  national  independence 
and  unity.  The  brilliant  victories  of  Napoleon  on  its  soil  and  the 
defeat  of  Austria  aroused  its  patriotic  spirit,  and  several  republics 
were  organized.  Once  more  Italy  struggled  into  the  light  of  free- 
dom, but  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  resulted  in  the  restoration  of 
Austrian  tyranny.  It  was  too  late,  however,  to  crush  the  aspirations 
of  an  awakened  people,  which  found  expression  in  such  organiza- 
tions as  the  Carhoiiaid''  and  "Young  Italy."  Mazzini,  the  fearless 
patriot  and  republican  agitator,  was  the  first  to  raise  in  the  face  of  all 
Europe  the  banner  of  Italian  unity.  He  gave  to  his  native  land  a 
faith  and  a  conscience.  His  motto  was,  ''Thought  and  action;"  his 
creed,  "God  and  the  people."  He  was  the  civil  educator  of  the 
masses,  the  oracle  of  Italian  liberals,  and  the  symbol  of  the  national 
energy  and  intelligence,  working  out  the  problem  of  the  national 
regeneration.  His  was  "the  Titanic  dream,"  as  he  himself  says  of 
Dante,  "of  an  Italy  the  leader  of  humanity  and  the  angel  of  liberty 
among  the  nations."  Believing  that  he  had  a  divine  mission  to  fulfill, 
Mazzini  labored  to  secure  the  triumph  of  his  lofty  ideal,  though  he 
sometimes  employed  means  which  were  unworthy  of  himself  and  of 
his  holy  cause. 

The  three  decade^ — from  1850  to  1880 — are  the  most  glorious  in 
the  history  of  Italy.  During  this  short  period  more  real  progress 
has  been  made  than  in  all  the  previous  centuries.  At  last  a  bright 
morning  has  come  to  that  oppressed  country.    The  house  of  Savoy 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

is  honored  with  the  inauguration  of  the  new  pohtical  dispensation, 
because  it  had  nourished  the  germ  of  freedom.  In  1850  Victor 
Emmanuel  occupied  the  throne  of  Piedmont,  when  internal  dissen- 
sions and  European  complications  threatened  to  defeat  all  plans  for 
Italian  unity;  but  at  the  opportune  moment  Count  Cavour,  who 
became  the  Washington  of  his  country,  was  appointed  prime  minis- 
ter. In  ten  years,  amid  insult  and  opposition,  he  secured  important 
reforms,  and  by  his  diplomacy  placed  Italy  on  a  level  with  the  great 
nations  of  Europe.  He  was  in  many  respects  the  most  remarkable 
man  of  his  time,  and  ranks  among  the  ablest  statesmen  of  the  world. 
Italy,  now  united  and  prosperous,  is  his  legacy,  and  he  w^ill  ever  be 
recognized  as  the  "Father  of  his  Country." 

During  the  past  thirty  years  Italy  has  solved  a  problem  which 
has  troubled  the  nations  for  ten  centuries — the  temporal  power  of 
the  papacy.  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  Rome  in  1870,  and  unfurled 
the  tricolored  flag  from  the  Quirinal.  Pope  Pius  IX  became  a  sub- 
ject of  the  Italian  government,  and  the  reproach  of  Canossa  Avas 
taken  away.  Fifteen  centuries  had  elapsed  since  Constantino  left 
P.ome,  and  Victor  Emmanuel  took  possession  of  it.  The  Peninsula 
once  more  had  its  ancient  and  magnificent  capital,  and  was  united 
under  one  ruler  from  the  Alps  to  the  sea.  The  fruits  of  this  recent 
political  and  ecclesiastical  emancipation  are  already  apparent.  While 
Italy  has  always  been  distinguished  for  art,  science,  and  literature, 
yet  in  ever}^  age  the  masses  of  the  people  have  not  been  intelligent 
and  enterprising.  Indeed,  the  lower  classes  w^ere  proverbially  igno- 
rant, few  of  them  being  able  to  read.  No  real  progress  in  popular 
education  Avas  made  until  i860.  As  late  as  1840  Tuscany  and  the 
Lombardo-V enetian  kingdom  were  the  only  governments  in  Italy 
which  provided  instruction  for  all  classes  of  youth.  These  few 
schools  were  generally  taught  by  the  priests,  who  were  so  indolent 
and  inefficient  that  they  were  called  ignorantelli. 

In  1862,  soon  after  the  awakening  of  Italy,,  only  one-half  of  the 
whole  population  in  the  old  provinces  and  Lombardy  were  able  to 
read,  one-fourth  in  Emilia,  Tuscany,  the  Marches,  and  Umbria,  and 
one-tenth  in  Naples  and  Sicily.     Although  the  Peninsula  contained 


INTRODUCTION.  7 

about  21,000,000  inhabitants,  not  more  than  ;^  1,600,000  were  spent 
in  maintaining  elementary  instruction.  In  1864  there  were  21,000 
schools,  attended  by  about  1,000,000  pupils.  At  the  present  time 
(1879)  there  are  37,642  public  day  schools,  and  2,299,758  pupils; 
9,560  private  schools,  193  normal  schools,  attended  by  8,460  stu- 
dents, and  in  the  department  of  secondary  instruction  107  gymnasia 
with  9,296  pupils,  and  80  lyceums  with  5,132  pupils.  The  depart- 
ment of  superior  education  embraces  17  state  universities  and  4  free 
universities  supported  by  provinces  and  communes.  These  statistics 
indicate  the  recent  advancement  of  Italy  in  the  light  of  popular  edu- 
cation, and  are  prophetic  of  its  future  greatness.  The  press  has 
been  emancipated,  and  contributes  to  the  diffusion  of  general  intelli- 
gence. In  1820  Silvio  Pellico  was  imprisoned  for  publishing  a  literary 
journal  entitled  the  Conciliatore,  and  in  company  with  Romagnosi, 
Maronchelli,  and  other  able  writers,  endured  years  of  cruel  suffering 
in  a  gloomy  dungeon;  but  now  freedom  of  thought  and  speech  is 
unrestricted. 

While  new  Italy  rejoices  in  the  possession  of  national  unity,  civil 
and  religious  liberty,  improved  educational  facilities,  a  revived  com- 
merce, a  vigorous  press,  and  other  elements  of  greatness,  yet  its  real 
prosperity  and  stability  depend  upon  the  success  of  the  evangelical 
agencies  now  at  work  there.  An  open  Bible  and  a  restoration  of 
the  primitive  Christianity  first  planted  there  by  Paul  are  the  hope 
of  Italy. 

The  author,  after  his  return  from  that  country  several  }^ears  ago, 
resolved  to  prepare  a  volume  containing  the  prominent  events  in  its 
civil,  religious,  and  literary  history.  He  has  gathered  his  material 
from  a  wide  field,  and  is  indebted  to  such  excellent  authorities  as 
Hallam's  "Middle  Ages,"  Wylie's  ''History  of  Protestantism," 
M'Crie's  ''Reformation  in  Italy,"  M'Cabe's  "Illustrated  History  of 
the  World,"  Baird's  "Protestantism  in  Italy,"  De  Mazade's  "Life 
of  Cavour,  and  Dwight's  "Life  of  Garibaldi." 

Iowa  City,  Iowa,  December  i,  1879. 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


fhi't  I. 

PAGAN  DARKNESS  DISPELLED. 

CENTURY  l-VI. 


Chapter  L 

THE  DAWN  IN  ITALY. 

THE  early  history  of  Italy  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  Among  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  country 
were  the  Umbrians,  Etruscans  or  Tuscans,  Oscans,  Siculi  or  Latins, 
Volsci,  ^qui,  Sabines,  Peligni,  Marsi,  Marrucini,  Vestini,  Hernici, 
CEinotrians,  Daunians  or  Apulians,  Japyges,  Peucetii,  and  Messapii. 
These  and  many  other  barbarous  tribes  lived  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  peninsula,  and  various  Grecian  colonies  in  the  southern,  which 
was  called  "  IMagna  Graecia. "  The  Greek  appellation  of  ''Hesperia," 
or  "  Hesperia  Magna,"  which  was  applied  to  the  whole  region,  was 
replaced  by  the  name  "Italy."  The  latter  was  at  first  employed  to 
designate  a  small  southern  portion  of  the  peninsula,  but  gradually 
extended  to  the  north  until  the  time  of  Augustus,  when  it  embraced 
the  provinces  of  Liguria,  Gallia  Cisalpina,  V enetia,  and  Istria  in  the 
north  ;  Etruria,  Umbria,  Picenum,  Samnium,  Latium,  and  Campania 
in  the  center,  or  Italy  proper ;  and  Apulia,  Lucania,  and  Bruttium, 
in  the  south. 

It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  authentic  history  of  Italy  com- 
menced with  the  founding  of  Rome,  B.  C.  753.  From  that  remote 
period  to  the  birth  of  Christ  pagan  darkness  enveloped  the  land. 
The  tribes  in  the  north  and  the  colonies  from  Greece  in  the  south 
had  introduced  polytheism  into  Italy,  and  made  it  the  national  religion. 

9 


\ 


10  ITAL  Y  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

Romulus  laid  the  foundation  of  Rome  with  the  most  minute  ceremo- 
nial, and  Numa  Pompilius,  who  succeeded  him,  B.  C.  715,  increased 
the  number  of  the  gods,  built  temples,  and  instituted  different 
classes  of  priests  and  a  great  variety  of  religious  ceremonies.  The 
flamens  officiated  each  in  the  service  of  a  peculiar  deity ;  the  salii 
guarded  the  sacred  bucklers  ;  the  vestals  cherished  the  sacred  fire  ; 
and  the  augurs  and  aruspices  divined  future  events  from  the  flight 
of  birds. 

As  Rome  advanced  in  wealth  and  refinement  its  pagan  Avorship 
was  rendered  more  magnificent  and  impressive  by  the  erection  of 
costly  and  splendid  edifices,  adorned  with  all  the  arts  of  sculpture, 
and  filled  with  offerings  and  sacrifices.  The  priests,  arrayed  in  gor- 
geous costumes,  officiated  in  the  temples,  and  the  multitude  beheld 
the  spectacle  of  bleeding  animal  victims  with  feelings  of  the  deepest 
awe.  Jupiter  and  a  host  of  other  national  deities,  celestial  and  ter- 
restrial, were  worshiped  in  the  most  solemn  and  imposing  manner. 
Ancient  Rome  is  said  to  have  contained  four  hundred  and  twenty 
temples  dedicated  to  different  gods.  Indeed,  every  virtue  and  vice 
of  the  human  heart,  every  faculty  of  the  mind  and  body,  and  every 
property  of  the  real  and  imaginary  world,  was  presided  over  by  its 
peculiar  deity.  Every  mountain  and  stream  and  grove  had  its 
nymph  or  naiad,  and  every  hero  and  sage  of  Italy  Avas  elevated  to 
the  rank  of  a  divinity.  In  the  dwelling  of  almost  every  wealthy 
family  there  was  a  private  chapel,  in  which  their  household  gods 
Avere  worshiped. 

This  system  of  paganism,  with  all  its  mysterious  rites  and  grand 
ceremonies,  degraded  the  people  of  Italy.  Instead  of  restraining 
human  passions,  this  ancient  religion  actually  developed  them  by 
inculcating  the  worship  of  certain  deities  Avho  represented  the  Avorst 
forms  of  vice.  There  could  not  be  incitements  to  Anrtue  Avhen  the 
unlimited  gratification  of  appetite  AA^as  regarded  as  the  snmimnn  bo- 
mun  of  human  life.  While  some  of  the  heathen  philosophers  had  an 
indistinct  idea  of  the  true  God,  and  of  future  rcAvards  and  punish- 
ments, the  multitude  Avere  ignorant  of  these  important  truths. 
Hence,  from  age  to  age,  they  progressed  in  Avickedness,  and  so  intent 
Avere  they  in  practicing  evil,  and  so  resolved  to  gratify  their  passions, 
that  their  minds  AA^ere  excited  to  discover  ncAV  modes  of  indulgence. 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  their  entertainments,  games, 
theaters,  and  sports  became  cruel  and  bloody  to  satisfy  the  desires  of 
lust  and  of  pride.  The  priests,  Avho  Avere  teachers  of  error  and  the 
base  deluders  of  a  AA^retched,  degraded  people,  could  not  arrest  this 


THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH  IN  ROME. 


II 


tide  of  iniquity,  because  paganism  ignored  the  authority  of  con- 
science, declaring  the  whole  of  religion  to  consist  of  the  performance 
of  certain  ceremonies,  and  the  gods  to  be  superior  to  men  only  in 
their  immortality  and  power. 

Such  was  pagan  Rome  when  the  Christian  era  dawned  upon  the 
world.  Christ  had  proclaimed  those  truths  which  were  destined  to 
enlighten  and  elevate  every  nation  ;  but  as  yet  they  had  not  advanced 
beyond  Judea.  At  length  the  instrumentality  that  was  to  proclaim 
them  in  the  great  center  of  paganism  was  selected.  It  is  not  defi- 
nitely known,  however,  when  the  first  ray  of  Christian  light  pene- 
trated Italy.  In  A.  D.  58  Paul,  the  chosen  apostle  to  the  Gentiles, 
was  moved  to  address  a  letter  from  Corinth  to  the  Christians  at 
Rome,  but  when  and  by  whom  the  Gospel  was  first  preached  there 
can  not  be  ascertained.  Those  who  assert  that  the  Apostle  Peter  was 
the  honored  instrument  depend  upon  tradition  to  support  their 
opinion,  as  the  Bible  is  silent  concerning  the  matter.  If  that  servant 
of  Christ  first  preached  the  Gospel  in  the  "Eternal  City,"  such  an 
important  event  would  have  been  recorded  in  the  "Acts  of  the. 
Apostles,"  which  embraces  chiefly  the  labors  of  both  Peter  and  PauL 
Indeed,  the  name  of  the  original  founder  of  the  Church  in  Rome  has 
not  been  preserved  by  history.  It  is,  therefore,  probable  that  it  was 
first  organized  by  private  Christians  converted  in  Palestine,  who  had 
come  to  reside  at  Rome,  or  who  had  brought  back  Christianity  with 
them  from  some  of  their  periodical  visits  to  Jerusalem,  as  the  "stran- 
gers from  Rome"  from  the  great  Pentecost.  (Acts  ii,  10.)  Among 
the  immense  multitudes  whom  political  and  commercial  reasons  con- 
stantly attracted  to  the  metropolis  of  the  world  there  could  not  fail 
to  be  representatives  of  every  religion  which  had  established  itself  in 
any  of  the  provinces. 

As  the  organization  of  the  Church  in  Rome  .was  undoubtedly  the 
early  dawn  of  Christianity  in  Italy,  its  character  possesses  an  historic 
interest.  The  epistle  of  Paul  reveals  some  features  of  it  which 
deserve  consideration.  The  salutations  at  the  close  indicate  that  the 
apostle  was  already  acquainted  with  the  names  of  numerous  Chris- 
tians at  Rome,  though  he  had  never  seen  the  brethren  there.  He 
had  ascertained  from  those  who  had  visited  the  Church  some  impor- 
tant facts  relative  to  its  spiritual  condition,  and  he  did  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  to  address  its  members  as  "beloved  of  God,  called  to  be 
saints."  Paul  also  expresses  thanks  to  God  that  their  faith  was 
"spoken  of  throughout  the  whole  world."  This  was  a  remarkable 
tribute  to  the  zeal  and  devotion  of  the  first  Italian  Church,  which 


12 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


boldly  maintained  the  truth  in  the  magnificent  but  corrupt  capital  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  The  apostle,  moreover,  declared  his  purpose  to 
visit  the  brethren  at  Rome,  and  by  imparting  ''some  spiritual  gift," 
through  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  to  more  fully  establish  them 
in  their  work.  He  expected  to  greet  them  on  his  contemplated 
journey  from  Jerusalem  to  Spain ;  but  having  been  delayed,  and 
wishing  to  assure  them  of  his  affectionate  regard,  he  wrote  the  cele- 
brated epistle. 

From  Corinth  Paul  went  to  Jerusalem  to  attend  the  Hebrew  fes- 
tival of  Pentecost.  He  was  there  arrested  and  arraigned  before  the 
Sanhedrim,  but  was  afterwards  sent  to  Caesarea  to  Felix,  the  Roman 
governor.  At  the  close  of  two  years'  imprisonment  he  was  brought 
to  trial,  and  having  appealed  his  case  to  Caesar  was  taken  a  prisoner 
to  the  Roman  emperor.  It  is  the  prevailing  opinion  that  Paul 
reached  the  imperial  city  in  the  Spring,  A.  D.  6i.  How  different 
the  circumstances  of  his  visit  from  what  he  anticipated  three  years 
before  when  he  wrote  to  the  brethren  at  Rome !  He  now  landed 
upon  the  shores  of  Italy  in  chains ;  but  his  humiliation  only  served  to 
increase  the  sympathy  of  the  Italian  Christians,  who  gave  the  dis- 
tinguished prisoner  a  cordial  reception,  meeting  him  at  Appii-Forum 
and  the  Three  Taverns,  and  escorting  him  to  the  city.  The  apostle 
was  delivered  to  the  "captain  of  the  guard,"  who  permitted  him  to 
dwell  by  himself  with  a  soldier  that  kept  him." 

The  presence  and  counsels  of  Paul  were  a  blessing  to  the  Church, 
and  though  an  "ambassador  in  bonds,"  he  was  determined,  as  he 
had  previously  declared,  "to  preach  the  Gospel,"  under  all  circum- 
stances, to  the  believers  "at  Rome  also,"  for  even  there  he  was  "not 
ashamed  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ."  Knowing  it  to  be  "the  power 
of  God  unto  salvation,"  he  proclaimed  it  to  others,  and  m.ade  con- 
verts in  "Caesar's  household."  While  waiting  to  be  arraigned  for 
trial  he  "dwelt  two  whole  years  in  his  own  hired  house,  and 
received  all  that  came  in  unto  him,  preaching  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  teaching  those  things  which  concern  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  with 
all  confidence,  no  man  forbidding  him."  It  is  evident  from  the 
various  epistles  which  he  wrote  to  distant  Churches  while  in  Rome, 
that  many  were  converted  under  his  ministry  there. 

The  humble  Church  to  which  Paul  ministered  was  as  "a  light 
which  shineth  in  a  dark  place."  At  that  period  Italy  had  reached  the 
meridian  of  wealth,  refinement,  and  luxury;  but  its  moral  condition 
was  fearful  to  behold.  Seven  centuries  of  pagan  superstition  and 
idolatry  had  produced  their  legitimate  effects.    Livy  says  of  the  age 


PAUL  IN  ROME. 


13 


of  Augustus,  which  closed  A.  D.  14,  We  can  ncitJicr  bear  our  vices 
nor  their  remedy.''  Seneca,  one  of  the  purest  moraHsts  of  Rome, 
says  of  the  same  period:  "All  is  full  of  criminality  and  vice; 
indeed,  much  more  of  these  is  committed  than  can  be  remedied  by 
force.  A  monstrous  contest  of  abandoned  wickedness  is  carried 
on.  The  lust  of  sin  increases  daily,  and  shame  is  daily  more  and 
more  extinguished.  Discarding  respect  for  all  that  is  good  and  sa- 
cred, lust  rushes  on  wherever  it  will.  Vice  no  longer  hides  itself.  It 
stalks  forth  before  all  eyes.  So  public  has  abandoned  wickedness 
become,  and  so  openly  does  it  flame  up  in  the  minds  of  all,  that 
innocence  is  no  longer  seldom^  but  has  wholly  ceased  to  exist." 
Thus  the  testimony  of  pagan  writers  confirms  the  statements  of  Paul 
contained  in  the  first  chapter  of  his  epistle  to  the  Romans. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius, 
A.  D.  14,  to  the  death  of  Nero,  A.  D.  69,  Italy  had  continued  to 
sink  lower  in  effeminacy  and  vice.  It  could  boast  of  a  civilization 
of  intellectual  and  physical  greatness,  which  may  exist  even  under 
the  dominion  of  paganism,  but  sensuality  and  cruelty  every -where 
prevailed.  The  spirit  of  Roman  liberty  fled,  and  the  people  became 
slaves  under  the  tyrannical  rule  of  Tiberius,  Caligula,  Claudius,  and 
Nero.  In  the  mean  time  the  light  of  divine  truth  had  been  radiat- 
ing from  the  Church  in  Rome,  and  many  embraced  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity.  The  number  of  such  must  have  been  considerable, 
because  a  severe  persecution  was  waged  against  them  by  Nero, 
A.  D.  64.  In  the  Summer  of  that  year  a  terrible  conflagration 
occurred  in  Rome,  which  continued  nine  days,  and  destroyed  ten  of 
the  fourteen  regions,  or  "wards,"  of  the  city.  Nero  watched  the 
progress  of  the  flames  from  a  tower  on  the  Esquiline,  and  chanted 
the  "Sack  of  Troy"  in  the  dress  of  an  actor.  He  manifested  the 
most  heartless  indifference  to  the  sufferings  of  his  subjects.  It  is 
said  that  he  ordered  the  firing  of  the  city  because  he  was  disgusted 
with  its  narrow,  winding  streets,  and  then  charged  the  crime  upon 
the  Christians,  who  were  pursued  like  wild  beasts  and  put  to  death 
in  the  most  cruel  manner. 

During  the  reign  of  this  blood-thirsty  monster  Paul  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom, the  tragic  event  occurring,  according  to  the  best  authority, 
in  the  Summer  of  A.  D.  68.  The  heroic  apostle,  after  fearlessly 
proclaiming  the  truths  of  Christianity  in  the  splendid  city  of  the 
Caesars,  offered  himself  as  a  sacrifice  ;  but  his  death,  instead  of  dis- 
couraging the  Christians  in  Italy,  inspired  them  with  fresh  courage 
and  hope.    The  immediate  successors  of  Nero  were  more  tolerant 


14 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


toward  the  followers  of  Christ.  Galba,  who  reigned  only  seven 
months,  was  of  illustrious  descent,  and  possessed  a  good  moral 
character.  He  endeavored  to  accomplish  two  important  objects — 
the  punishment  of  the  enormous  vices  then  prevalent  and  the  replen- 
ishing of  the  treasury.  Otho,  who  succeeded  Galba,  occupied  the 
throne  only  ninety  days,  but  during  that  time  he  manifested  a 
humane  disposition.  One  of  his  generals  was  proclaimed  emperor 
by  the  army,  and  Otho,  having  been  defeated  by  Vitellius,  commit- 
ted suicide.  The  latter  resembled  Nero  in  his  vices  and  cruelties, 
and  at  the  end  of  eight  months  was  ignominiously  put  to  death  by 
his  enemies,  who  had  selected  Vespasian  to  be  his  successor. 

The  new  emperor  came  to  the  throne  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  senate  and  army,  and  was  received  with  demonstrations  of 
delight  on  his  arrival  at  Rome,  A.  D.  70.  He  acted  under  the  forms 
of  the  republic,  and  even  restored  the  senate  to  its  deliberative 
rights.  Under  his  vigorous  administration  the  empire  regained  a 
great  degree  of  its  lost  power  and  prestige.  The  prominent  features 
of  his  character  were  clemency,  affability,  and  frugality. '  Vespasian 
also  restored  the  discipline  of  the  army  to  its  old  standard,  and  pro- 
moted education  and  literature.  The  spirit  of  enterprise  was  fostered 
by  the  erection  of  great  public  works,  which  gave  employment  to 
the  laboring  class.  The  emperor  converted  the  space  inclosed  by 
Nero,  for  his  own  use,  into  public  grounds,  and  in  a  portion  of  it  built 
the  Flavian  Amphitheater,  or  celebrated  Coliseum.  The  interior  was 
decorated  with  great  splendor.  The  principal  seats  were  of  marble, 
and  covered  with  cushions.  Gilded  gratings,  ornaments  of  gold,  ivory, 
and  amber,  and  mosaic  of  precious  stones,  displayed  the  generosity 
of  the  emperor  and  gratified  the  taste  of  the  people. 

Vespasian,  who  died  A.  D.  79,  to  the  universal  regret  of  the 
people  of  Italy,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Titus,  a  just  and  benevo- 
lent prince.  He  was  sincerely  and  unceasingly  devoted  to  the  hap- 
piness of  his  subjects,  and,  notwithstanding  his  extravagant  habits 
and  other  grave  personal  faults,  deserves  to  be  classed  among  the 
good  rulers  of  Italy.  During  his  reign  the  country  was  afflicted 
with  heavy  calamities.  A  terrible  fire  raged  three  days  and  nights 
at  Rome,  and  this  was  followed  by  a  destructive  pestilence,  which 
carried  away  ten  thousand  persons  in  one  day.  Titus  from  his  own 
resources  repaired  the  devastations  of  the  city,  even  selling  the  orna- 
ments of  his  palace  to  defray  the  cost  of  rebuilding  the  burned  dis- 
trict. The  great  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  which  destroyed  the  beautiful 
and  wealthy  cities  of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum,  was  a  serious  loss  to 


i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


that  portion  of  Italy ;  but  in  all  these  disasters  the  emperor  acted  as 
a  father  to  his  people.  His  brother,  Domitian,  assumed  the  royal 
purple,  A.  D.  8i.  The  beginning  of  his  reign  promised  a  continu- 
ance of  their  happiness  to  the  inhabitants  of  Italy ;  but  the  scene 
soon  changed,  and  he  became  a  most  execrable  villain  and  tyrant. 
Possessing  a  morose  and  jealous  disposition,  he  'delighted  in  cruel 
deeds,  condemning  to  death  many  illustrious  Romans,  whose  agonies 
he  witnessed  with  ferocious  pleasure.  His  reign  was  an  era  of  prod- 
igality and  luxury  as  well  as  of  inhumanity  and  baseness.  The 
people  were  loaded  with  insupportable  taxes  to  furnish  spectacles  and 
games  for  their  amusement.  Though  not  destitute  of  learning  him- 
self, he  was  not  disposed  to  patronize  it,  but  banished  the  philoso- 
phers from  Rome,  and  spent  his  own  leisure  in  the  most  degrading 
pursuits.  He  was  bitter  against  the  followers  of  Christ,  who  had 
become  numerous,  and  at  his  instigation  not  less  than  forty  thousand 
of  them  suffered  martyrdom,  A.  D.  95. 

The  cruelties  of  Domitian  had  so  discredited  the  hereditary  prin- 
ciple that  the  senate  now  asserted  a  right  which  it  had  not  exercised 
since  the  days  of  Augustus,  and  selected  Nerva  to  occupy  the  throne, 
which  was  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Domitian,  A.  D.  96.  The 
new  emperor  proved  to  be  one  of  Rome's  best  sovereigns — econom- 
ical, prudent,  munificent,  courteous,  and  modest.  The  few  vices  he 
possessed  were  scarcely  observed  amidst  the  blaze  of  his  virtues  and 
the  fame  of  his  exploits.  He  replaced  the  bloody  rule  of  Domitian 
with  a  government  of  great  gentleness,  and,  by  rescinding  the  san- 
guinary edicts  of  his  predecessor,  permitted  the  Christian  Church  to 
enjoy  a  season  of  tranquillity. 


HEN  the  second  century  opened  Trajan  still  held  the  imperial 


V  V  scepter,  and  endeavored  to  extend  his  dominions.  After  a 
struggle  of  four  years  he  finally  conquered  the  Dacians,  A.  D.  105, 
and,  returning  to  Rome,  celebrated  his  triumph  with  games  which 
lasted  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  days,  during  which  eleven  thou- 
sand wild  beasts  and  ten  thousand  gladiators,  chiefly  Dacian  prison- 
ers, are  said  to  have  been  slain.    He  invaded  Armenia,  A.  D.  115, 


Chapter  II. 


PAGAN  DARKNESS  DISAPPEARING. 


THE  PEACEFUL  REIGN  OF  HADRIAN. 


17 


and  carried  his  victorious  arms  as  far  as  Siisa.  The  result  of  the 
war  was  the  addition  to  the  Roman  territory  of  the  provinces  of 
Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria.  Desiring  to  be  considered  by 
future  ages  as  a  great  conqueror,  he  resolved  to  subjugate  the  whole 
earth,  but  was  compelled  to  abandon  the  enterprise  on  account  of  the 
inconveniences  of  increasing  age.  He  died  in  Cilicia,  A.  D.  117, 
on  his  return  from  the  East,  and  his  ashes  were  conveyed  to  Rome 
in  a  golden  urn,  and  buried  under  the  column  which  is  called  by 
his  name. 

Hadrian  was  chosen  emperor,  and  in  many  respects  resembled 
Trajan.  He  was  genial  in  his  disposition,  affable  in  manner,  and 
liberal  in  character.  Though  he  ruled  with  a  firm  hand  he  was  mod- 
erate in  all  things,  and  scrupulously  maintained  the  forms  of  a  free 
government.  He  expended  the  public  funds  lavishly  in  the  service 
of  the  state  and  the  improvement  of  the  empire,  but  managed  the 
finances  with  such  skill  that  his  treasury  was  never  exhausted.  He 
resembled  Trajan  also  in  his  capacity  for  and  devotion  to  business, 
and  never  allowed  his  love  of  pleasure  to  interfere  with  his  official 
duties.  He  was  a  liberal  patron  of  the  arts  and  a  wise  friend  to  lit- 
erature. His  reign  was  an  almost  unbroken  period  of  peace  and 
prosperity,  as  he  desired  to  improve  his  dominions  without  caring  to 
extend  them.  By  visiting  in  person  all  the  provinces  of  his  empire 
he  became  acquainted  with  the  various  races  over  which  he  ruled, 
and  dispensed  to  each  alike  the  blessings  of  justice  and  order.  With 
the  advance  of  age  his  natural  irritability  of  temper  and  jealousy 
increased,  and,  disregarding  the  value  of  human  life,  he  put  men  to 
death  for  small  offenses.  An  architect  was  condemned  to  be  exe- 
cuted for  criticising  some  statues  designed  by  the  emperor.  Toward 
the  close  of  his  earthly  career  he  was  miserable  and  unhappy ;  but 
his  subjects,  despite  his  faults,  mourned  his  demise.  "To  have 
combined  for  twenty  years  unbroken  peace  with  the  maintenance  of 
a  contented  and  efficient  army ;  liberal  expenditure  with  a  full  ex- 
chequer, replenished  by  no  oppressive  or  unworthy  means ;  a  free- 
speaking  senate  with  a  strong  and  firm  monarchy, — is  no  mean  glory." 

The  wisdom  of  Hadrian  was  never  more  strikingly  exhibited  than 
in  the  choice  of  his  successor,  Titus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  or  Antoni- 
nus Pius,  as  he  is  more  commonly  called.  He  commenced  to  reign 
A.  D.  138,  and  during  his  peaceful  and  prosperous  administration 
of  twenty -three  years  conferred  innumerable  blessings  upon  Italy. 
While  preferring  peace  to  conquest,  yet  whenever  war  became  nec- 
essary he  carried  it  on  with  vigor  and  success.     He  continued  the 


i8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


liberal  policy  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian,  displaying  virtues  that  were  an 
ornament  to  human  nature.  Such  was  his  munificence  that  in  cases 
of  famine  or  inundation  in  Italy  he  supplied  with  his  own  money  the 
wants  of  the  sufferers.  When  told  of  conquering  heroes  his  humane 
feelings  moved  him  to  say,  with  Scipio,  that  'Mie  preferred  the  life 
and  preservation  of  one  subject  to  the  death  of  a  hundred  enemies." 
He  was  the  first  of  the  pagan  emperors  who  protected  the  Christians, 
for  whom  he  manifested  an  extraordinary  regard,  declaring  that  ' '  if 
any  should  proceed  to  disturb  them  on  account  of  their  religion, 
such  should  undergo  the  same  punishment  which  was  intended  against 
the  accused."  A  degree  of  persecution,  nevertheless,  occurred,  for 
which  Antoninus  can  not  be  held  responsible. 

IMarcus  Aurelius,  who  ascended  the  imperial  throne  A.  D.  i6i, 
assumed  the  name  of  Antoninus,  his  adoptive  father,  to  whom  he  was 
sincerely  attached.  He  was  a  prince  of  great  talents  and  virtue,  lov- 
ing retirement  and  philosophical  contemplation,  and  improving  for 
mental  cultivation  and  enjoyment  all  his  leisure  time,  which,  to  his 
regret,  was  limited.  The  disturbances  in  the  empire  called  him  fre- 
quently into  the  field,  and  being  inclined  to  peace,  he  disliked  these 
military  excursions.  It  was  an  infelicity  of  the  otherwise  admirable 
reign  of  Aurelius,  that  the  Christians  at  one  time  were  violently  per- 
secuted. From  his  youth  he  had  been  a  devoted  follower  of  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  was  influenced 
in  his  treatment  of  the  Christians  by  the  advice  of  the  harsh  and  arro- 
gant members  of  that  sect  who  surrounded  him.  The  fanatical  pagan 
priests  ascribed  to  the  Christians  the  various  calamities  which  afflicted 
the  empire — the  attacks  of  the  barbarians,  and  the  devastations  occa- 
sioned by  earthquakes,  famines,  pestilence,  and  inundations.  The 
disciples  of  Christ  were  accused  of  provoking  the  gods  by  impiously 
refusing  to  deprecate  their  wrath.  During  this  persecution,  which 
occurred  A.  D.  177,  many  indignities,  deprivations,  and  sufferings 
were  inflicted  on  those  who  professed  the  true  faith.  These  cruel 
measures,  which  equaled  those  of  Nero,  were  permitted  by  Aurelius, 
though  he  was  the  most  philosophic  and  accomplished  of  the  Romish 
emperors,  and  his  administration  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  such 
eminent  martyrs  as  the  venerable  Polycarp,  bishop  of  Smyrna,  the 
friend  and  companion  of  the  Apostle  John,  and  the  excellent  and 
learned  Justin  Martyr.  Among  many  nameless  sufferers  history  has 
preserved  from  oblivion  Pothinus,  the  respectable  bishop  of  Lyons, 
who  was  then  more  than  ninety  years  of  age ;  Sanctus,  a  deacon  of 
Vienne;  Attains,  a  native  of  Pergamus ;   Maturus,  and  Alexander; 


AURELIUS  LESS  INTOLERANT. 


19 


some  of  whom  were  devoured  by  \\  ild  beasts,  and  some  of  them 
tortured  in  an  iron  chair  made  red  hot.  Some  females  also,  and 
particularly  Biblias  and  Blandina,  reflected  honor  both  upon  their  sex 
and  their  religion  by  their  constanc}'  and  courage. 

It  is  said  that  a  circumstance,  which  seemed  to  be  almost  miracu- 
lous, gave  Aurelius  a  favorable  impression  of  the  Christians,  and 
immediately  caused  him  to  relax  the  persecution  against  them.  In  a 
contest  with  the  barbarians  beyond  the  Danube,  the  Roman  legions 
unexpectedly,  through  the  artifice  of  the  enemy,  found  themselves 
inclosed  in  a  place  where  they  could  neither  fight  nor  retreat.  In 
this  situation  they  became  at  length  entirely  disheartened  from  their 
long-continued  fatigue,  the  excessive  heat  of  the  place,  and  their 
violent  thirst.  In  this  terrible  condition,  while  sorrow  and  despair 
were  depicted  on  every  brow,  Aurelius  ran  through  the  ranks  and 
used  every  effort  to  rekindle  their  hopes  and  courage ;  but  in  vain. 
At  this  crisis,  and  just  as  the  barbarians  were  ready  to  follow  them, 
it  is  recorded  that  the  solemn  prayers  of  a  Christian  legion,  then  serv- 
ing in  the  Roman  army,  produced  such  a  shower  of  rain  as  instantly 
revived  the  fainting  soldiers.  At  the  same  time  the  clouds  seemed 
to  change  their  appearance  and  next  discharged  a  fearful  storm  of 
hail  with  thunder,  that  dismayed  the  enemy  and  made  them  an  easy 
prey  to  the  refreshed  and  inspirited  Romans.  This  circumstance  is 
related  by  pagan  as  well  as  Christian  WTiters,  with  this  difference,  that 
the  latter  ascribe  the  victory  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christian  legion,, 
and  the  former  to  the  prayers  of  the  emperor.  The  death  of  Aurel- 
ius, A.  D.  180,  was  regretted  as  a  public  loss,  and  great  honor  was- 
paid  to  his  memory  by  the  people.  According  to  the  superstitions 
of  the  times  he  was  ranked  among  the  gods,  and  in  almost  every 
house  his  statue  was  found.  Scholars  and  philosophers  in  succeeding, 
ages  read  and  admired  his  book  of  ''Meditations." 

Commodus,  the  son  of  Aurelius,  was  nomitiated  by  the  latter  to 
succeed  him,  and  he  accordingly  mounted  the  throne  A.  D.  180. 
He  had  nothing  but  the  merits  of  his  father  to  commend  him  to  the 
Roman  people,  evidently  inheriting  the  disposition  of  his  infamous 
mother,  Faustina,  rather  than  that  of  Aurelius.  It  is  a  singular  fact 
that  the  most  detestable  of  all  the  emperors  was  the  son  of  one  who, 
in  many  respects,  may  be  ranked  among  the  best.  Commodus  in- 
dulged in  the  lowest  vices  and  the  meanest  pursuits,  participating  in 
the  sports  of  the  circus  and  the  ampitheater.  Proud  of  his  physical 
strength,  he  called  himself  the  ''Roman  Hercules,"  and  engaged  in' 
combats  with  wild  beasts  and  gladiators.     His  administration  of  the 

3 


20 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


government  was  entirely  weak,  contemptible,  and  tyrannical,  and  the 
decline  of  the  empire,  which  had  begun  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Galba, 
and  had  only  been  arrested  by  the  five  good  emperors,  proceeded 
with  frightful  rapidity.  The  discipline  of  the  army  was  almost  totally 
destroyed.  The  troops  deserted  their  standards  by  hundreds,  and 
either  united  with  the  provincials  and  settled  down  into  an  agricul- 
tural life,  or  organized  themselves  into  banditti  and  plundered  the 
country  without  restraint.  Meanwhile  population  was  declining  and 
production  consequently  diminishing,  while  luxury  and  extravagance 
continued  to  prevail  among  the  upper  classes,  and  to  exhaust  the 
resources  of  the  state.  Abo\-e  all,  the  general  morality  was  contin- 
ually becoming  worse  and  worse.  Despite  a  few  bright  examples  in 
high  places,  the  tone  of  society  grew  every-where  more  and  more 
corrupt.  Purity  of  life,  except  among  despised  Christians,  was  almost 
unknown.  Patriotism  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  was  not  yet  replaced 
by  loyalty.  Decline  and  decrepitude  showed  themselves  in  almost 
every  portion  of  the  body  politic,  and  a  general  despondency,  the 
result  of  a  consciousness  of  debility,  pervaded  all  classes." 

Commodus  was  assassinated,  A.  D.  193,  and  in  the  same  year 
Pertinax,  who  had  been  chosen  emperor  by  the  conspirators,  com- 
menced to  reign.  The  praetorian  guards,  yielding  to  the  entreaties 
of  their  commander,  who  was  one  of  the  murderers  of  Commodus, 
sullenly  accepted  the  new  ruler ;  but  the  senate,  overjoyed  at  the 
elevation  of  one  of  their  own  order,  welcomed  him  with  manifestations 
of  delight.  At  first  he  naturally  hesitated  to  receive  a  crown  pre- 
sented to  him  by  bloody  hands,  but  his  scruples  were  at  length  over- 
come. Originally  the  son  of  an  enfranchised  slave,  he  nevertheless 
rose  to  esteem  by  his  virtues  and  military  talents.  When  called  to  the 
throne  he  possessed  an  unblemished  character  and  was  one  of  the  few 
surviving  friends  of  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  treasury  being  empty,  Per- 
tinax endeavored  to  introduce  economy  into  the  administration  of  the 
government;  but  he  corrected  abuses  with  such  an  unsparing  hand 
that  he  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  avaricious  praetorians  and  alien- 
ated the  affections  of  a  corrupted  people.  On  the  28th  of  March, 
A.  D.  193,  he  was  deposed  and  murdered  by  the  same  guards  that 
had  elected  him.  The  praetorians  now  put  the  imperial  dignity  up 
at  auction,  and  Didius  Julianus,  a  man  of  consular  rank  and  the 
richest  citizen  of  Rome,  charmed  with  the  prospect  of  unbounded 
dominion,  hastened  to  the  camp,  and  became  the  purchaser  by  a  bid 
of  more  than  fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  The  senate,  afraid  to  oppose 
the  will  of  these  troops,  acknowledged  Julianus;  but  at  least  three  of 


THE  MILITAR  V  REIGN  OF  SEVER  US. 


21 


the  generals  in  the  provinces  abroad  disclaimed  his  authority,  and 
were  each  proclaimed  emperor  by  their  respective  forces.  Of  these, 
Severus  was  the  most  energetic,  and  being  the  nearest  to  Rome  he 
soon  passed  the  Alps  and  marched  upon  the  city.  Julianus,  unable 
to  raise  an  army  to  oppose  him,  was  exposed  to  disappointment, 
mortification,  insult,  and  danger.  His  perplexity  and  distress  at 
length  became  extreme  and  overwhelming.  The  senate,  at  this  crisis, 
perceiving  his  timidity  and  irresolution,  abandoned  him,  and  after 
causing  him  to  be  beheaded  proclaimed  Severus  emperor.  Thus 
within  eight  months  the  imperial  crown  had  been  worn  by  two  mon- 
archs,  Pertinax  having  reigned  three  months  and  Julianus  five. 

The  first  act  of  Septimius  Severus,  after  obtaining  possession  of 
the  capital,  was  to  degrade  the  pr^torian  soldiers  and  destroy  their 
power,  and  he  secured  this  result  by  depriving  them  of  their  title  and 
banishing  them  one  hundred  miles  from  the  city.  The  new  emperor 
was  an  African  by  birth,  and  possessed  a  restless  activit}'  with  an 
unbounded  share  of  ambition.  He  was  endowed  with  a  hardihood 
and  decision  of  character  .which  fitted  him  for  any  enterprise.  His 
military  talents  were  conspicuous,  and  the  credit  of  the  Roman  arms 
was  sustained  during  his  reign.  In  his  administration  of  government 
he  was  generally  wise  and  equitable,  but  highly  despotic.  After  de- 
feating Albinus  and  Niger,  his  rivals,  he  put  to  death  forty-one  sen- 
ators and  a  number  of  rich  provincials,  because  they  did  not  support 
him.  He  spent  considerable  time  in  visiting  the  cities  of  Italy,  but 
devoted  more  attention  to  military  than  civil  affairs. 

During  the  second  century  Christianity  made  rapid  progress  in 
Italy,  and  paganism,  beholding  the  desertion  of  her  temples  and  the 
neglect  of  her  victims,  trembled  in  the  presence  of  an  increasing 
power  which  threatened  her  with  inevitable  destruction.  The  writ- 
ings of  Pliny,  Justin  Martyr,  and  others,  declare  that  not  only  the 
wretched,  the  ignorant,  and  the  poor  accepted  the  Gospel,  and  espe- 
cially the  doctrine  of  immortality,  which  reconciled  them  to  the  miser- 
ies of  life,  but  also  the  learned,  the  accomplished,  and  the  wealthy. 
The  prominent  virtues  of  the  early  Italian  Christians  were  instrumental 
in  the  spread  of  the  truth.  Alen  could  not  resist  an  argument  so 
persuasive  and  powerful.  The  followers  of  Christ,  relinquishing  the 
pleasures  and  vanities  of  the  world,  lived  in  humble  style,  and  those 
who  had  possessions  voluntarily  renounced  them  for  the  relief  of 
their  indigent  brethren.  The  heathen  philosophers,  who  tolerated 
every  form  of  vice,  naturally  abhorred  the  doctrines  and  despised  the 
professors  of  this  new  religion;  but  even  INIarcus  Aurelius  acknowl- 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


edged  the  contrast  between  the  resigned  and  devout  manners  of  the 
Christians  and  the  conduct  of  the  other  subjects  of  the  empire  during 
a  season  of  pecuHar  calamity.  They  were  bound  by  the  most  sol- 
emn obligation  to  abstain  from  theft,  sedition,  adultery,  perjury, 
fraud,  and  all  other  crimes  which  disturb  the  private  or  public  peace 
of  society.  Far  from  being  engaged  in  any  unlawful  conspiracy,  they 
were  even  commended  for  their  loyalty  by  the  pagan  governors. 
Besides  these  virtues,  which  shone  so  brightly  in  that  dark  age,  the 
members  of  this  persecuted  sect  possessed  a  warm  and  active  charity, 
which  was  not  confined  to  their  own  society,  nor  even  to  the  whole 
Christian  community,  but  extended  to  all,  however  different  in  relig- 
ious opinions. 

Notwithstanding  that  during  the  greater  part  of  this  century  the 
Christians  of  Italy  were  not  molested,  the  sword  of  persecution  was 
not  sheathed  because  the  pagan  government  had  ceased  to  be  hostile. 
It  was  constantly  suspended  by  a  single  hair  over  their  innocent  heads, 
but  the  emperors  were  often  too  much  engrossed  with  public  affairs 
to  punish  them.  The  decrees  of  Trajan  respecting  them  were  soft- 
ened by  the  counsels  of  the  mild  and  benevolent  Pliny,  whose  hu- 
mane interference  secured  for  them  exemption  from  further  annoy- 
ance ;  and  in  the  succeeding  reign  of  Hadrian,  the  penalties  enacted 
agamst  them  were  mitigated,  but  not  abrogated.  The  enemies  of 
Christianity  despised  its  followers,  because  their  manners  and  habits 
were  peculiar,  and  they  were  accused  of  being  austere  and  arrogant. 
As  they  had  no  visible  object  of  worship,  their  pretensions  to  religion 
were  considered  improbable,  if  not  impious,  and  because  they  assem- 
bled in  solitary  places  they  were  charged  with  holding  incestuous 
festivals  and  practicing  human  sacrifices.  These  and  other  accusa- 
tions originated  in  the  implacable  hatred  of  the  pagan  priests. 

Not  only  the  pious  lives  but  also  the  triumphant  deaths  of  many 
of  the  prominent  martyrs  were  powerful  arguments  in  favor  of  the 
Gospel.  The  testimony  of  these  illustrious  saints  confounded  the 
pagan  philosophers,  and  deeply  impressed  the  people.  Another  ele- 
ment of  strength  that  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  error  was  the 
Christian  literature  of  Italy.  Among  the  celebrated  writers  of  the 
century  was  Justin  Martyr,  whose  piety  and  eloquence  have  been 
admired  by  succeeding  ages.  He  wandered  in  pursuit  of  truth 
through  every  known  philosophical  system,  and  at  length  embraced 
the  Christian  religion.  Without  laying  aside  the  philosopher's  habit, 
he  taught  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  at  Rome,  where  he  suffered 
martyrdom. 


THE  NOBLE  ALEXANDER  SEVER  US, 


23 


Chapter  III. 

THE  LIGHT  SHINING  IN  ITAL  Y. 

THE  reign  of  Severus  extended  into  the  third  century  and  ter- 
minated A.  D.  211.  He  died  in  Great  Britain,  where  he  had 
spent  more  than  two  years  in  military  campaigns  against  the  Caledo- 
nians. His  sons,  Caracalla  and  Geta,  conjointly  ruled  the  empire, 
but  the  former  murdered  the  latter,  A.  D.  212.  The  surviving 
brother  was  a  cruel  monster,  and  after  committing  a  continued  series 
of  fearful  atrocities  was  taken  off  by  assassination,  A.  D.  217.  ]\Ia- 
crinus,  who  instigated  Caracalla's  death,  became  emperor;  but  little  is 
known  concerning  him.  He  was  of  obscure  birth,  and,  alienating 
the  affections  of  his  soldiers  by  severe  discipline,  he  rendered  himself 
unpopular,  and  lost  his  life  in  the  struggle  to  retain  his  power,  after 
a  brief  reign  of  eighteen  months.  The  army  raised  Heliogabalus  to 
the  throne,  A.  D.  218,  when  he  was  only  fourteen  }-ears  of  age  ;  but, 
notwithstanding  his  }-outhfulness,  he  ranked  in  wickedness  with  Xero, 
Commodus,  and  Caracalla,  hastening  by  his  vices  the  fall  of  the 
empire  and  covering  his  name  with  eternal  infamy. 

At  the  end  of  four  years  Heliogabalus  was  assassinated,  and  Alex- 
ander Severus  became  the  imperial  ruler,  A.  D.  222.  He  was  a 
prince  of  pure  and  blameless  morals,  possessing  a  kind,  beneficent 
disposition,  and  having  a  thorough  knowledge  of  literature  and  the 
arts.  It  is  said  that  in  deciding  a  controversy  between  the  Christians 
and  a  company  of  cooks  and  vintners  about  a  piece  of  ground,  which 
the  former  claimed  as  a  place  of  public  worship,  and  the  latter  for 
exercising  their  respective  trades,  he  made  the  following  remark:  ''It 
is  better  that  God  be  worshiped  there  in  any  manner  than  that  the 
place  should  be  put  to  the  uses  of  drunkenness  or  debaucher}*. " 
Though  a  young  man  of  only  sixteen  years  when  called  to  this 
responsible  position,  he  exhibited  great  wisdom  and  was  highl}-  hon- 
ored and  esteemed  by  his  subjects.  During  a  mutiny  among  his 
soldiers  he  was  slain  at  the  instigation  of  Maximinus,  A.  D.  235, 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  reign.  jNIaximinus  did  not  long  wear 
the  crown  obtained  through  crime,  for  he  became  so  odious  to  the 
Roman  people  on  account  of  his  cruelties  that  his  own  soldiers  were 
induced  to  put  him  to  death,  A.  D.  238.     From  this  period  to  the 


24 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


beginning  of  Diocletian's  administration,  A.  D.  285,  one  emperor  fol- 
lowed another  in  rapid  succession.  The  praetorian  soldiers  selected 
the  two  Gordians,  father  and  son,  and  the  senate  elected  Pupienus 
and  Balbinus.  During  the  struggle  that  ensued  all  the  claimants  per- 
ished, and  Gordian,  a  grandson  to  one  of  the  former  Gordians,  was 
chosen  by  the  army,  and  the  senate  and  people  were  compelled  to 
submit.  This  ruler  was  a  young  man  of  considerable  merit,  and  was 
so  fond  of  learning  that  he  collected  sixty-two  thousand  books  in 
his  private  library.  He  appointed  Philip,  an  Arabian,  his  prefect, 
and  the  latter  showed  his  ingratitude  by  murdering  his  benefactor, 
A.  D.  244;  but  after  reigning  five  years  he  himself  fell  under  the 
assassin's  blow,  thus  receiving,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  a  righteous 
retribution. 

When  Decius  began  to  sway  the  scepter,  A.  D.  249,  the  profli- 
gacy and  luxury  of  the  times,  the  disputes  between  the  pagans  and 
Christians,  and  the  recent  eruptions  of  the  barbarians  from  without, 
had  enfeebled  the  empire  beyond  remedy,  and  hence  the  activity  and 
wisdom  of  the  new  sovereign  could  not  arrest  the  process  of  decay. 
Believing  that  by  destroying  the  Christians  the  purity  of  religion  and 
morals  among  the  Romans  would  be  restored,  he  inaugurated  a  series 
of  persecutions,  and  among  the  eminent  martyrs  were  the  bishops 
of  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Rome.  During  his  reign  the  Goths, 
attracted  by  the  riches  of  the  empire,  swept  over  the  border  in  large 
force,  and  Decius,  in  endeavoring  to  check  their  advance,  was  slain. 
The  army  now  consented  to  allow  the  senate  to  regulate  the  succes- 
sion, and  that  body  nominated  Gallus,  one  of  the  generals  of  Decius, 
and  two  sons  of  the  latter,  Hostilianus  and  Volusianus,  to  rule  the 
kingdom;  but  Gallus  was  really  the  emperor,  his  age  and  experience 
placing  him  far  above  his  colleagues.  He  purc^hased  peace  from  the 
Goths  by  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute  on  condition  of  their 
abstaining  from  invading  the  Roman  dominions.  This  act  rendered 
him  unpopular  in  Italy,  and  the  prevailing  discontent  was  increased 
by  the  calamities  Avhich  rapidly  came  upon  the  people.  A  destructive 
pestilence  raged  in  Rome,  threatening  almost  to  depopulate  it,  and 
among  the  victims  was  Hostilianus.  Gallus  was  a  vicious  sovereign, 
and  was  more  and  more  disliked  by  his  subjects.  He  failed  to  repel 
a  fresh  invasion  of  the  barbarians;  but  ^mihanus,  a  governor  of  one 
of  the  provinces,  defeated  them,  and  was  proclaimed  emperor  by  his 
troops.  Advancing  upon  Rome,  he  was  opposed  by  Gallus,  whose 
soldiers  revolted,  murdered  their  leader,  and  accepted  ^milianus. 
The  latter  was  acknowledged  by  the  senate,  A.  D,  253;  but  Valerian, 


THE  VIGOROUS  REIGN  OF  A  URELIAN.  25 

a  general  of  Galliis,  returning  from  Gaul,  contested  the  elevation  of 
the  new  ruler,  and  defeated  him  in  a  conflict  in  which  he  perished, 
after  a  reign  of  three  months. 

Valerian  was  sixty  years  of  age,  and  being  too  infirm  to  grapple 
with  the  dangers  Avhich  now  burst  upon  Italy,  he  did  not  enjoy  a 
prosperous  reign.  In  a  war  with  Persia  he  was  made  a  prisoner,  A. 
D.  260,  by  Sapor,  who  refused  all  offers  of  ransom  for  his  illustrious 
captive,  allowing  him  to  retain  his  imperial  purple  while  in  chains — a 
spectacle  never  before  witnessed  in  the  world's  history.  It  is  said 
that  the  Persian  king  held  the  royal  prisoner  seven  years,  and  used 
him  as  a  footstool  in  mounting  his  horse,  declaring  that  ''such  an 
attitude  was  the  best  statue  that  could  be  erected  in  honor  of  his 
victory."  Gallienus,  who  had  been  associated,  A.  D.  254,  in  the 
government  of  the  empire,  upon  his  father's  capture  became  sole 
ruler;  but  during  his  reign  of  eight  years  the  disasters  which  had 
been  afflicting  Italy,  continued  without  cessation.  "The  emperor," 
says  Gibbon,  ''was  a  master  of  several  curious  but  useless  sciences, 
a  ready  orator,  an  elegant  poet,  a  skillful  gardener,  an  excellent  cook, 
and  a  most  contemptible  prince."  He  promised  to  avenge  the  insults 
and  death  of  his  father ;  but  after  his  elevation  he  thought  only  of  his 
own  base  pleasures.  In  the  mean  time  his  dominions  were  attacked 
without  and  disturbed  within,  and  he  could  do  little  more  than 
attempt  the  defense  of  Italy  against  the  thirty  pretenders  who  at  one 
time  contended  for  the  control  of  the  state.  In  the  vicinity  of  Milan, 
Gallienus  was  slain  by  his  troops,  A.  D.  268,  and  their  selection  of 
Flavins  Claudius  to  fill  the  vacant  throne  was  indorsed  by  the  whole 
Roman  people.  This  prince  was  an  active,  wise,  and  good  man,  and 
by  his  firmness  arrested  for  a  while  the  work  of  destruction  which 
was  going  on  in  the  empire.  He  conquered  and  expelled  the  Goths 
and  other  tribes  from  Italy;  and,  after  a  short  but  glorious  reign  of 
two  years,  died  at  Sirmium,  A.  D.  270.  On  his  death-bed  he  recom- 
mended as  his  successor  Aurelian,  one  of  his  generals,  whom  he 
considered  most  competent  to  the  task  of  completing  the  work  he 
himself  had  begun. 

The  parentage  of  Aurelian  was  obscure,  but  he  was  esteemed  the 
most  valiant  commander  of  his  age,  and  after  driving  the  Germans 
out  of  Italy  he  put  an  end  to  the  Gothic  war  by  crushing  the  enemy. 
He  revived  the  rigid  discipline  of  the  army,  and  led  his  victorious 
troops  to  Palmyra,  and  not  only  overthrew  the  kingdom,  but  con- 
veyed Zenobia,  the  ruling  princess,  to  Rome,  A.  D.  273.  Previous 
to  these  wars  Aurelian,  in  order  to  secure  the  capital  against  the 


26  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

sudden  attack  of  the  barbarians,  fortified  Rome  with  a  new  wall 
which  inclosed  the  suburbs  that  had  sprung  up  beyond  the  wall  of 
Servius  Tullius.  This  brave  general  was  about  to  proceed  to  the 
East  to  make  war  upon  the  Persians  when  he  was  assassinated  by 
several  of  his  officers,  who  had  been  instigated  to  the  crime  by  his 
private  secretary,  A.  D.  275.  The  administration  of  Aurelian  was 
thus  suddenly  terminated  at  the  end  of  four  years  and  nine  months, 
and  ranks  among  the  most  brilliant  in  the  history  of  Rome.  His 
violent  death  created  great  indignation  in  the  army,  and  the  troops, 
refusing  to  allow  any  of  the  officers  to  assume  the  imperial  dignity, 
applied  to  the  senate  to  appoint  a  new  emperor.  After  waiting  six 
months  the  people  were  informed  that  M.  Claudius  Tacitus,  a  senator 
of  great  wealth  and  pure  character,  had  been  chosen.  He  endeav- 
ored to  decline  the  honor,  pleading  his  age  and  infirmities,  but  the 
senate  would  not  release  him.  During  a  reign  of  six  or  seven  months 
he  labored  to  restore  that  era  of  morality  and  law  which  had  marked 
the  earlier  republic.  Being  called  away  to  the  East  by  the  disaffec- 
tion of  the  army  in  that  quarter,  he  sank  under  the  fatigues  of  the 
journey,  and  died,  A.  D.  276.  When  the  news  of  his  death  reached 
Rome,  his  brother,  Florian,  resolved  to  take  the  reins  of  government; 
but  the  Eastern  army  had  already  invested  their  general,  M.  Aurelius 
Probus,  with  the  imperial  purple.  The  troops  of  Florian  not  only 
refused  to  fight  their  comrades,  but  were  induced,  within  three 
months,  to  murder  their  own  commander. 

Probus,  who  now  had  undisputed  possession  of  the  throne,  was 
an  able  general  and  a  prudent  and  vigorous  monarch,  sincerely 
devoted  to  the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  which  he  believed  he  could 
accomplish  as  well  by  the  arts  of  peace  as  by  conquest.  He  endeav- 
ored to  drain  the  marshy  lands  and  to  improve  the  agricultural 
system.  In  attempting  to  accomplish  the  latter  object  he  found  it 
necessary  to  employ  his  troops,  and  they,  disgusted  with  agricultural 
pursuits,  and  desiring  to  be  relieved,  put  Probus  to  death,  A.  D.  282. 
The  army  selected  Carus,  the  praetorian  prefect,  to  administer  the 
government,  and  he  proclaimed  his  two  sons,  Carinus  and  Numer- 
ianus,  ''Caesars,"  associating  the  former  in  the  empire.  Leaving 
Carinus  to  govern  the  West,  Carus  departed  for  the  East,  taking  with 
him  his  younger  son.  After  a  victorious  campaign  in  Mesopotamia 
and  Persia,  he  died  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  A.  D.  283.  Numer- 
ianus  assumed  the  command,  but  was  assassinated  by  his  father-in- 
law,  who  hoped  to  seize  the  throne.  When  the  legions  discovered 
the  crime  they  placed  the  scepter  in  the  hands  of  Diocletian,  the 


THE  TWELVE  C^SARS. 


28 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


commander  of  the  body-guard,  who  slew  the  murderer  of  the  young 
prince  with  his  own  hands  and  marched  westward.  Carinus,  who  had 
disgusted  the  people  of  Italy  by  his  profligacy,  hearing  of  the 
approach  of  Diocletian,  advanced  with  a  large  army  to  meet  him, 
and  obtained  a  decisive  victory,  but  was  himself  slain  by  a  tribune 
whom  he  had  grievously  wronged. 

The  troops  acknowledged  Diocletian  as  emperor,  A.  D.  285,  and 
his  accession  truly  marks  a  new  period  in  the  history  of  Italy  and  the 
whole  empire.  Since  the  death  of  Commodus,  the  imperial  authority 
had  been  restricted  by  the  insolent  legions,  who  claimed  the  right  to 
elevate  and  dethrone  the  sovereign  at  will.  By  assuming  the  pre- 
rogatives legally  belonging  to  the  senate,  they  inaugurated  a  tyranny 
which  was  unendurable,  and  Avhich  would  have  destroyed  the  Roman 
state  long  before  had  not  the  danger  with  which  the  barbarians  con- 
stantly threatened  it  made  the  troops  willing  to  submit  to  some  form 
of  discipline.  Diocletian  strengthened  the  authority  of  the  government 
and  taught  the  army  its  true  position  as  the  servant  of  the  state.  He 
associated  with  him  in  the  empire  one  of  his  generals  named  Maxim- 
ian,  who  had  risen  from  the  ranks,  and  who  was  little  more  than  a 
good  military  commander.  The  two  emperors  took  each  the  title  of 
Augustus.  Two  Caesars"  were  appointed  to  stand  in  the  relation 
of  sons  and  successors  to  the  Augusti,  Galerius  being  chosen  by 
Diocletian  and  Constantius  by  Maximian.  Both  were  younger  than 
their  patrons  and  possessed  great  ability  as  generals.  The  empire 
was  divided  among  the  four  sovereigns,  Italy  being  a  part  of  Max- 
imian's  territory;  but,  according  to  the  basis  of  agreement,  the  unity 
of  the  whole  remained  intact.  This  complex  arrangement  worked 
well  while  Diocletian  lived,  because  his  influence  was  sufficient  to 
maintain  harmony  in  the  government.  Toward  the  close  of  his  reign, 
however,  the  evils  of  the  system  began  to  manifest  themselves.  The 
establishment  of  four  imperial  courts  instead  of  one,  and  the  conse- 
quent multiplication  of  officials  and  of  armies,  necessarily  increased 
the  rate  of  taxation,  already  very  heavy.  The  inhabitants  of  Italy 
were  almost  crushed  beneath  the  Aveight  of  the  imposts  laid  upon  the 
country,  and  the  taxes  were  collected  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  It 
was  generally  necessary  to  employ  violence  and  sometimes  torture 
for  this  purpose.  Hence  industry  sank  beneath  this  system  that 
deprived  it  of  all  its  earnings;  production  diminished  steadily,  and 
the  prices  of  all  commodities  rose. 

During  the  civil  and  military  events  of  the  third  century  Chris- 
tianity continued  to  advance  in  Italy.    Among  several  causes  favor- 


LIGHT  IN  THE  CATACOMBS. 


29 


able  to  its  diffusion  was  the  rapid  succession  of  the  Roman  emperors, 
whose  Hves  and  deaths  attracted  pubhc  attention,  and  delayed  the 
execution  of  those  edicts  intended  for  the  destruction  of  the  Chris- 
tians. The  interval  between  the  death  of  Severus  and  the  time  when 
Maximinus  assumed  the  imperial  purple  was  a  period  when  the  follow- 
ers of  Christ  enjoyed  peculiar  privileges.  They  publicly  appeared  at 
court,  and  composed  a  considerable  part  of  the  household  and  favor- 
ites of  the  amiable  Alexander,  being  protected  by  Mammaea,  his 
mother.  Alaximinus  persecuted  them,  but  after  his  death  they  had 
more  liberty  than  they  ever  before  experienced.  Philip  had  even 
advanced  beyond  the  bounds  observed  by  Alexander  Severus,  who 
paid  divine  honors  to  Christ,  and  it  is  said  that  he  placed  his  statue 
or  picture  along  with  Abraliam  and  Orpheus  in  his  domestic  chapel. 
After  the  Decian  persecution  the  Church  had  comparative  peace, 
which  continued  during  eighteen  years  of  the  reign  of  Diocletian. 
In  this  prosperous  season  the  Christians  publicly  professed  their 
religious  sentiments,  and  increased  so  rapidly  that  many  additional 
edifices  were  demanded  for  religious  worship. 

Thus  the  first  dawn  of  Christian  light  upon  Italy  had  developed 
into  a  bright  morning.  The  storms  of  persecution  often  darkened 
the  sky ;  but  the  radiance  of  the  Gospel  dispelled  even  the  gloom  of 
the  Catacombs,  the  subterranean  sanctuaries  where  the  saints  assem- 
bled to  worship  God,  and  the  purity  of  their  faith  is  attested  by  the 
symbols  on  the  walls  of  these  wonderful  retreats. 


OWARDS  the  close  of  his  reign  Diocletian,  alarmed  at  the 


X  rapid  progress  of  Christianity,  which  had  been  embraced  by 
fully  one-half  of  his  subjects,  determined  to  destroy  it.  He  issued 
an  edict,  A.  D.  303,  requiring  uniformity  of  worship  throughout  the 
empire ;  but  the  Christians  refused  to  comply  with  it.  Thousands 
were  slain  in  every  province ;  their  property  was  confiscated,  and 
their  churches  destroyed.  Diocletian,  w^eary  of  the  trials  and  cares 
of  public  life,  abdicated  his  throne,  and  compelled  INIaximian  to  do 
likewise.  By  this  act  Galerius  and  Constantius  became  Augusti, 
A.  D.  305,  and  for  several  years  the  empire  was  ruled  by  various 


Chapter  IV. 


PAGANISM  OVERTHROWN  IN  ITALY. 


30 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


persons  appointed  by  the  senate.  Maxentius  was  (A.  D.  311)  em- 
peror of  that  division  which  embraced  Italy,  and  had  ahenated  his 
subjects  by  his  cruelties  and  extortions.  They  appealed  to  Constan- 
tine  to  drive  their  oppressor  from  the  throne ;  but  he  disliked  to 
engage  in  such  a  war.  Finding,  however,  that  Maxentius  was  pre- 
paring to  invade  Gaul,  he  anticipated  him,  and  entered  Italy  at  the 
head  of  forty  thousand  men,  passing  the  Alps  by  way  of  Mont  Cenis 
without  resistance.  The  struggle  was  decided  by  the  vigor  and 
rapidity  of  Constantine's  movements.  He  defeated  his  adversary  in 
two  battles — one  near  Verona  and  the  other  at  the  Colline  Gate — 
and  made  himself  master  of  Rome  and  Italy,  Maxentius  having  been 
drowned  in  the  Tiber  during  the  last  battle. 

Constantine  declared  subsequently  to  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Caesa- 
rea,  according  to  that  writer,  that  in  one  of  his  marches  in  the  cam- 
paign against  Maxentius  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  the  luminous 
trophy  of  the  cross,  placed  above  the  meridian  sun,  inscribed  with 
these  words,  ''By  this  conquer!"  This  amazing  object  in  the  sky 
astonished  the  whole  army,  as  well  as  Constantine,  who  was  yet 
undetermined  in  the  choice  of  a  religion.  His  astonishment  was 
converted  into  faith  by  a  vision  which  was  vouchsafed  to  him  the 
following  night.  "Christ  appeared  before  his  eyes;  and,  displaying 
the  same  celestial  sign  of  the  cross,  he  directed  Constantine  to  frame 
a  similar  standard,  and  to  march  with  an  assurance  of  victory  against 
Maxentius  and  all  his  enemies." 

In  the  fourth  century  the  darkness  of  paganism  disappeared  from 
Italy.  When  Constantine  embraced  the  Christian  religion,  A.  D. 
311,  he  found  the  Church  crushed  by  persecution,  and  resolved  to 
defend  it  against  its  enemies.  In  A.  D.  313  he  issued  an  edict  from 
Milan,  authorizing  every  subject  of  the  empire  to  profess  either 
Christianity  or  paganism,  undisturbed,  securing  the  places  of  Chris- 
tian worship,  and  even  directing  the  restoration  of  whatever  property 
they  had  been  dispossessed  of  by  the  late  persecutions.  About 
A.  D.  325  he  sent  forth  circular  letters  to  all  his  subjects,  exhorting 
them  to  an  immediate  imitation  of  their  sovereign,  who  had  em- 
braced the  divine  truths  of  the  Gospel.  By  legal  enactment,  Chris- 
tianity became  the  national  religion  of  the  Roman  Empire.  From  a 
persecuting  the  government  had  been  converted  into  a  protecting 
power.  The  religious  zeal  of  Constantine  increased  with  his  years, 
and  toward  the  close  of  his  life  several  imperial  edicts  were  issued 
for  the  destruction  of  the  heathen  temples  and  the  prohibition  of 
any  sacrifices  upon  the  altars  of  the  gods.     Before  receiving  the 


THE  CHURCH  AND  STATE. 


31 


initiatory  rite  of  baptism,  or  entering  the  ranks  of  the  catechumens, 
he  performed  many  of  the  solemn  ceremonies  appointed  by  the 
Church — fasting,  observance  of  the  feasts  in  commemoration  of  the 
martyrs,  and  devout  watching  during  the  whole  night  on  the  vigils 
of  the  saints. 

The  Church,  having  received  so  many  advantages  from  the  con- 
version and  protection  of  Constantine,  was  prepared  to  acknowledge 
the  emperor  as  its  supreme  head,  who  desired  to  unite  the  office  of 
sovereign  pontiff  with  the  imperial  dignity.  He  assumed  to  himself 
the  title  of  bishop  and  ruler  of  the  external  affairs  of  the  Church, 
and  regulated  whatever  pertained  to  the  possessions,  reputation, 
rights,  and  privileges  of  the  clergy.  He  and  his  successors  convened 
councils,  in  which  they  presided  and  determined  every  thing  relating 
to  religious  controversy,  to  the  forms  of  divine  worship,  to  the  vices 
of  the  ecclesiastical  order  or  the  offices  of  the  priests,  and  to  matters 
of  discipline.  The  limits  of  episcopal  power  between  the  emperor 
and  the  clergy  were  never  clearly  defined,  and  hence  each  party  often 
encroached  upon  the  rights  of  the  other. 

The  Bishop  of  Rome  claimed  superior  antiquity,  and  therefore 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  clerical  order.  Before  the  close 
of  the  fourth  century  his  authority  had  a  formidable  rival  in  the 
bishop  of  Constantinople,  who,  in  the  council  convened  at  that  city, 
was  elevated  to  the  second  clerical  rank  in  the  empire.  From  this 
period  began  that  contention  and  animosity  which  long  existed 
between  these  rivals,  and  which  finally  terminated  in  a  final  separa- 
tion between  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches.  This  strife  frequently 
arose  between  candidates  for  the  same  bishopric.  The  extensive 
powers  and  revenues  belonging  to  the  principal  sees  made  them 
desirable,  and  presented  a  temptation  to  ambition  and  avarice 
which  even  clerical  integrity  could  not  resist.  A  melancholy  and 
disgraceful  instance  of  this  kind  occurred  A.  D.  336,  when  the 
vacant  see  of  Rome  was,  by  a  greater  part  of  the  clergy  and 
people,  conferred  upon  Damasus,  and  the  bishops  confirmed  the 
election  by  regularly  ordaining  him.  By  various  intrigues  the  de- 
signing Ursicinus  had  obtained  ordination  to  the  same  see  from  some 
other  bishops,  and  proceeded  to  take  possession  of  what  he  regarded 
as  his  right.  This  produced  a  severe  contest,  which  resulted  in 
blows,  and  even  bloodshed  and  murder.  The  tumult  did  not  subside 
after  the  banishment  of  Ursicinus,  whose  followers  would  not  com- 
municate with  Damasus.  They  were  likewise  banished,  but  soon 
returned  with  their  turbulent  leader  and  excited  another  rebellion. 


32 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  Council  of  Aquileia  requested  the  emperor  again  to  banish  the 
factious  prelate ;  but  several  years  elapsed  before  Damasus  obtained 
peaceable  possession  of  his  office.  This  specimen  of  clerical  deprav- 
ity indicated  a  departure  from  primitive  virtue  in  the  early  Church 
of  Italy  that  must  have  alarmed  those  who  preferred  Jerusalem  above 
their  * '  chief  joy. " 

One  of  the  most  striking  evidences  of  the  growing  formality, 
superstition,  and  corruption  of  the  Italian  Church  was  the  increasing 
veneration  for  the  Virgin  Mary,  which  arose  in  the  fourth  century, 
and  was  generally  entertained  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth.  Her 
image,  holding  in  her  arms  the  infant  Jesus,  was  honored  with  a  dis- 
tinguished situation  in  the  church,  and  in  many  places  invoked  with 
a  peculiar  species  of  worship.  Another  step  toward  Romish  idolatry 
was  the  respect  shown  for  the  bread  consecrated  for  the  sacrament 
of  the  Lord's-supper.  The  body,  as  well  as  the  soul,  was  supposed 
to  feel  its  efficacy,  and  it  was  used  as  a  medicine  in  sickness.  Many 
who  traveled  by  land  and  by  sea  carried  it  with  them  as  a  preserva- 
tive against  every  danger.  Some  deposited  a  quantity  of  it  in  the 
sepulchers  of  their  departed  relations.  This  practice  was  condemned 
in  the  Council  of  Carthage,  but  it  continued  to  prevail  in  succeeding 
centuries.  Thus  the  memorials  of  the  death  and  sufferings  of  Jesus 
Christ,  which  had  formerly  been  celebrated  by  all  Christians  on  every 
Lord's-day,  was  attended  by  very  few  of  the  numerous  professors 
of  Christianity,  because  they  feared  that  they  might  receive  them 
unworthily. 

A  remarkable  innovation  was  also  made  in  the  discipline  of  the 
Church  by  Leo  the  Great,  who  suppressed  all  public  confessions  of 
sin.  It  had  been  customary  for  the  trembling  penitent  to  confess 
before  the  assembled  congregation,  but,  in  order  that  the  power  of 
the  clergy  might  be  extended  over  the  consciences  of  men,  a  single 
priest  was  authorized  to  hear  confession  in  private.  This  change 
indicated  how  rapidly  the  Italian  Church  was  being  transformed  into 
the  papal  hierarchy. 

All  the  magnificent  appendages  which  had  characterized  pagan 
ceremonies  were  now  interwoven  into  the  fabric  of  the  Church. 
Incense  was  no  longer  regarded  as  an  abomination,  but  smoked  upon 
every  Christian  altar.  Even  in  the  day  the  services  of  religion  were 
performed  by  the  light  of  tapers  and  flambeaux.  The  discovery  of 
relics  was  proportioned  to  the  desire  of  obtaining  them. 

Another  branch  of  superstition  originated  at  this  time,  and  rap- 
idly increased  in  Italy  and  the  surrounding  nations.    This  was  monk- 


CHURCH  CO  UN  CHS. 


33 


ery.  It  was  greatly  encouraged  by  the  Emperor  Constantine,  who 
was  deeply  attached  to  those  that  devoted  themselves  to  what  they 
called  ''divine  philosophy."  Large  numbers  of  females  abandoned 
their  elegant  homes  and  all  the  pleasures  of  domestic  life  to  dwell  in 
deserts  and  caves.  Among  these  was  Paula  of  Rome,  a  matron, 
descended  from  one  of  the  most  illustrious  families.  She,  with  her 
daughter  Eulalia,  rent  asunder  every  tender  domestic  tie,  and,  forsak- 
ing her  home,  her  country,  and  her  weeping  children,  went  to  Pales- 
tine, visited  Jerome,  and  accompanied  him  in  his  visit  to  Epiphanius  at 
Cyprus.  Neither  talents  nor  wealth  were  demanded  of  these  solitary 
devotees.  Hence,  the  illiterate  and  indolent  discovered  in  the  mo- 
nastic life  an  agreeable  retreat,  and  were  soon  elevated  to  positions 
of  peculiar  respectability  and  honor,  provided  they  could  assume  a 
fervent  sanctity  and  austerity. 

Different  motives — religion,  fanaticism,  hypocrisy — no  doubt  in- 
fluenced men  and  women  to  become  monks,  because  their  conduct 
revealed  the  purpose  that  had  animated  them.  Many  were  devout, 
modest,  disinterested,  and  compassionate ;  some  were  censorious, 
austere,  and  gloomy,  and  others  by  intrigue  obtained  a  large  part 
of  that  property  which  they  pretended  to  renunciate  when  they 
embraced  the  monastic  life.  A  fanatical  spirit  controlled  a  certain 
class,  who  voluntarily  inflicted  upon  themselves  the  severest  sufferings 
and  deprived  themselves  of  every  earthly  comfort.  While  in  this 
solitary  state  they  opposed  education  as  a  useless  thing,  if  not  per- 
nicious, and  professed  to  spend  their  whole  time  in  silence,  medi- 
tation, and  prayer.  Some  were  organized  into  regular  societies,  and 
devoted  themselves  to  study.  Their  modes  of  life  made  them  mel- 
ancholy and  visionary,  filling  them  with  all  the  vagaries  of  a  heated 
imagination  ;  they  had  prophetic  dreams,  beheld  remarkable  visions, 
conversed  with  the  various  inhabitants  of  the  invisible  world,  and 
many  closed  a  life  of  insanity  in  wretchedness  and  despair. 

Various  kinds  of  ecclesiastical  councils  were  held.  The  first 
species  of  these  consisted  in  an  assembly  of  the  bishops  and  pres- 
byters of  a  particular  city  or  district.  The  second  was  composed  of 
the  bishops  of  several  provinces.  The  oecumenical  or  general  coun- 
cils were  convened  by  the  emperor  alone,  and  the  rulers  of  the 
Church  in  every  part  of  the  empire  were  required  to  attend.  The 
first  general  council  was  called  by  Constantine,  A.  D.  325,  at  Nice,  in 
Bithynia.  Three  hundred  and  eighteen  bishops  and  two  thousand 
and  forty-eight  ecclesiastics  were  in  attendance.  The  synod  was  in 
session  two  months.    The  emperor  frequently  took  a  seat  in  the 


^  34  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

assembly,  and  even  participated  in  the  debates.  This  council  con- 
demned the  doctrines  of  Arius,  which  had  many  followers  in  the 
Church  of  Italy.  Jesus  Christ  was  declared  to  be  of  the  same  essence 
with  the  Father.  An  effort  was  made  to  favor  the  perpetual  celibacy 
of  the  clergy,  but  it  was  not  successful.  The  Homoousian  faith,  or 
the  doctrine  of  consubstantiality,  was  indorsed,  and  matters  relating 
to  the  powers  of  the  clergy  and  the  discipline  of  the  Church 
acted  upon. 

During  the  fourth  century  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  received 
more  attention  than  at  any  preceding  period.  The  schismatic  Arius 
asserted  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  Son  of  God  was  not,  that  he 
was  created  out  of  nothing,  or  that  he  was  of  a  different  substance 
from  the  Father.  He  and  his  followers  were  solemnly  anathema- 
tized by  successive  councils,  and  declared  the  enemies  of  God.  The 
consubstantiality  of  the  three  persons  in  the  Godhead  was  declared  a 
fundamental  article  of  the  Christian  faith.  The  semi-Arians  violently 
attacked  the  divinity  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  was  in  the  general 
council  of  Constantinople,  A.  D.  383,  discussed  and  defined,  and  the 
doctrine  of  three  persons  in  one  God  established  as  the  orthodox 
belief  of  the  Church.  The  Nicene  Creed,  which  was  accepted  by 
the  Church  of  Italy,  is  thus  stated  in  the  epistle  of  Eusebius  to  the 
Caesareans,  and  in  the  epistle  of  Athanasius  to  Jovian:  "We  believe 
in  one  God,  the  Father  Almighty,  maker  of  all  things  visible  and 
invisible.  And  in  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God ;  the  only- 
begotten  ;  begotten  of  the  Father,  that  is,  of  the  substance  of  the 
Father ;  God  of  God,  Light  of  Light,  true  God  of  true  God  ;  be- 
gotten, not  made;  consubstantial  with  the  Father,  by  whom  all  things 
were  made,  things  in  heaven,  and  things  on  earth ;  who  for  us 
men,  and  for  our  salvation,  came  down  and  was  incarnate,  and 
became  man,  suffered,  and  rose  again  the  third  day,  and  ascended 
into  the  heavens,  and  comes  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead ;  and 
in  the  Holy  Ghost.  And  the  catholic  and  apostolic  Church  doth 
anathematize  those  persons  who  say  that  there  was  a  time  when  he, 
the  Son  of  God, was  not;  that  he  was  not  before  he  was  born;  that 
he  was  made  of  nothing,  or  of  another  substance  or  being;  or  that 
he  is  created  or  changeable  or  convertible." 

While  the  maintenance  of  sound  doctrine  was  of  great  importance 
to  the  cause  of  Christ  in  Italy,  many  practices  were  introduced  which 
did  not  contribute  to  the  promotion  of  either  piety  or  good  morals. 
The  minds  of  the  people  were  confused  with  difficult  and  fanatical 
explanations  of  the  Bible.    The  Christian  emperors  encouraged  super- 


THE  POWER  AND  WEALTH  OF  THE  CLERGY. 


35 


stition  by  erecting  costly  churches  over  the  remains  of  saints  and 
martyrs,  and  even  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  beheved  that  wonderful 
miracles  were  performed  by  relics.  This  veneration  for  departed 
saints  increased  until  a  degree  of  worship  was  rendered  them,  because 
they  were  supposed  to  intercede  with  God  in  behalf  of  the  worshiper. 
About  A.  D.  386  some  persons  asserted  that  they  had  received 
extraordinary  revelations  from  heaven,  which  declared  where  the 
remains  of  distinguished  martyrs  could  be  found.  Their  bodies  had 
been  secretly  buried  in  some  obscure  place,  but  when  persecution 
ceased  they  were  brought  forth  and  decently  interred.  This  custom, 
to  a  great  extent,  gave  rise  to  the  translation  of  relics,  many  esteem- 
ing it  a  meritorious  act  to  carry  and  preserve  the  bones  of  martyrs. 
Constantine  commanded  the  bodies  of  St.  Andrew  and  St.  Luke  to 
be  removed  from  the  sepulchers  where  they  had  been  deposited  to 
the  magnificent  church  at  Constantinople,  Avhich  he  had  dedicated  to 
the  twelve  apostles.  The- powers  which  belonged^  to  the  people  in 
the  election  of  their  ministers  produced  great  scandals  in  the  Church. 
These  were  at  length  taken  away,  and  were  soon  followed  by  those 
of  the  presbyters ;  but,  instead  of  being  lost,  were  usurped  by  the 
bishops,  and  many  of  the  rights  and  privileges  with  which  the  relig- 
ious community  had  been  formerly  invested  were  obtained  by  the- 
emperor  and  magistrates.  The  Bishop  of  Rome  assumed  powers 
superior  to  the  other  metropolitans,  who  governed  one  province 
only;  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops  differed  according  to  the 
different  extent  of  their  respective  sees.  The  famous  Council  of  Nice 
determined  the  mode  of  establishing  the  bishops  in  their  functions 
and  offices,  and  declared  that  every  bishop  should  be  ordained  or 
consecrated  by  three  bishops  of  the  province,  and  that  his  election 
should  be  confirmed  by  the  metropolitan. 

The  revenues  of  the  Church  in  Italy  were  secured  by  the  edict 
of  ?^Iilan.  All  that  had  been  lost  by  the  persecution  of  Diocletian 
was  restored,  and  the  establishment  continued  to  be  supported  by 
voluntary  oblations  long  after  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the 
emperor  and  the  empire.  Full  and  free  permission  was  granted  by 
Constantine  to  his  subjects  of  bequeathing  their  possessions  to  the 
Church  ;  but  while  this  measure  filled  the  ecclesiastical  treasury,  it 
encouraged  a  practice  which  brought  penury  and  distress  to  the 
desolate  widow  and  defenseless  orphan,  and  made  them  a  depend- 
ence upon  their  kindred  or  upon  the  alms  of  the  ecclesiastical 
body.  The  emperors  themselves  considerably  increased  the  riches 
of  the  clerical  profession.     Constantine  bestowed  upon  the  Churches 

4 


36 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


in  every  city  a  regular  allowance  of  corn  for  the  purposes  of  charity, 
and  the  no  less  acceptable  present  of  large  donations  of  land.  Far 
from  aiding  the  Church  these  measures  were  among  the  causes  of 
that  apostasy  by  which  it  was  extensively  and  deeply  injured. 


HILE  the  Church  in  the  southern  part  of  Italy  had  become 


V  V  formal,  and  declined  in  spirituality,  the  northern  section 
remained  comparatively  pure.  This  might  be  attributed  to  the  fact 
that  the  inhabitants  of  mountainous  regions  are  less  effeminate,  more 
virtuous,  and  stronger  in  their  attachments  to  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erty than  tfiose  of  the  plains,  residing  in  an  enervating  climate.  The 
powerful  diocese  of  Milan,  which  included  the  Alps  of  Piedmont, 
was  not  tributary  to  the  papal  chair  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century.  In  those  days  the  see  of  Rome  embraced  only  the 
imperial  city  and  neighboring  provinces.  Pope  Pelagius  I  writes, 
A.  D.  555,  **The  bishops  of  Milan  do  not  come  to  Rome  for  ordi- 
nation," and  declares  that  ''this  was  an  ancient  custom  of  theirs." 
This  ecclesiastical  independence  of  Northern  Italy  prevented  the 
corruptions  of  the  Roman  see  from  entering  Milan  and  its  diocese. 

The  remarkable  story  of  Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,  has  an 
appearance  of  romance  seldom  found  in  real  life.  He  was  born 
about  A.  D.  340  at  Treves  (Augusta  Trevirorum),  where  his  father 
resided  as  prefect  of  the  prsetorium  among  the  Gauls.  It  is  said 
that  while  he  was  yet  an  infant  a  swarm  of  bees  settled  upon  his 
mouth,  which  his  father  interpreted  as  a  portent  of  future  greatness. 
After  his  father's  death  his  mother  took  him  to  Rome,  where  he 
received  the  education  of  an  advocate  under  Anicius  Probus  and 
Symmachus.  For  some  time  he  pleaded  at  the  bar,  and  his  success, 
together  w^ith  his  family  influence,  led  to  his  appointment,  about 
A.  D.  370,  as  consular  prefect  of  Liguria  and  Emilia,  a  tract  of 
Northern  Italy,  which  extended,  as  near  as  can  be  ascertained,  to 
Bologna.  It  is  said  that  Anicius  Probus,  the  prefect,  when  he  sent 
him  to  his  government,  did  so  in  these  remarkable  words,  which 
may  well  be  called  prophetic,  "Go,  then,  and  act,  not  as  judge,  but 
as  a  bishop."    Ambrose  made  Milan  his  residence;  and  when  Aux- 


Chapter  v. 


AMBROSE— THE  WALDENSES. 


AMBROSE  ELECTED  BISHOP. 


37 


entius,  the  bishop,  died,  the  people  of  ]\Iilan  assembled  to  elect  a 
successor.  This  the  cruel  divisions  made  in  the  Church  by  the 
Arian  heresy  rendered  no  easy  matter ;  and  the  contest  was  carried 
on  between  catholics  and  Arians  with  such  violence  that  Ambrose 
was  obliged  to  proceed  himself  to  the  church,  to  exhort  the  people 
to  make  their  election  quietly  and  in  order.  At  the  close  of  his 
speech  the  whole  assembly,  catholics  and  Arians,  with  one  voice 
demanded  him  for  their  bishop.  Believing  himself  to  be  unworthy 
of  so  high  and  responsible  an  office,  he  tried  all  means  in  his  power 
to  evade  their  call ;  but  in  vain,  and  he  was  at  last  constrained  to 
yield,  A.  D.  374.  He  was  yet  only  a  catechumen  ;  he  had  then  to 
be  baptized,  and  on  the  eighth  day  after  he  was  consecrated  bishop. 
He  devoted  himself  to  his  work  with  unexampled  zeal ;  gave  all  his 
property  to  the  Church  and  poor,  and  adopted  an  ascetic  mode  of 
life.  He  opposed  the  Arians  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  epis- 
copacy, and  soon  acquired  great  influence  both  with  the  people  and 
the  Emperor  Valentinian.  He  presided  at  an  episcopal  synod  in 
Aquileia,  summoned  by  the  Emperor  Gratian  A.  D.  382,  at  which 
the  Arian  bishops  Palladius  and  Secundianus  were  deposed. 

Ambrose  had  a  severe  conflict,  A.  D.  385,  with  Justina,  mother 
of  Valentinian  H,  who  demanded  the  use  of  at  least  one  church  for 
the  Arians ;  but  the  people  sided  with  Ambrose,  and  Justina  desisted. 
He  excommunicated  the  Emperor  Theodosius,  A.  D.  390,  for  the 
massacre  at  Thessalonica,  and  did  not  absolve  him  till  after  a  penance 
of  eight  months  and  a  public  humiliation.  Augustine,  the  great  the- 
ologian and  author,  was  instructed  by  Ambrose,  and  converted  under 
his  preaching.  The  former,  after  remaining  two  years  among  the 
catechumens,  was  baptized  by  the  latter  at  Easter,  A.  D.  387.  Am- 
brose died  at  Milan,  April  4,  A.  D.  397,  having  served  as  bishop 
twenty-three  years.  His  theology  and  that  of  his  diocese  was  not 
essentially  different  from  that  of  the  Protestants  at  the  present  time. 
The  Bible  alone  was  his  rule  of  faith;  Christ  alone  was  the  foundation 
of  the  Church  ;  the  justification  of  the  sinner  and  the  remission  of  sins 
were  not  of  human  merit,  but  by  the  expiatory  sacrifice  of  the  cross ; 
there  were  but  too  sacraments,  baptism  and  the  Lord's-supper,  and 
in  the  latter  Christ  was  held  to  be  present  only  figuratively.  Such, 
according  to  Allix,  is  a  summary  of  the  faith  professed  and  taught 
by  the  chief  bishop  of  the  north  of  Italy  in  the  end  of  the  fourth 
century.  Hence  the  evangelical  light  shone  there  long  after  darkness 
had  gathered  in  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula. 

Notwithstanding  his  great  talents  and  ardent  piety,  Ambrose  did 


38 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


not  entirely  escape  the  degeneracy  of  his  age.  He  was  not  without 
a  degree  of  veneration  for  rehcs.  His  writings  abound  in  moral  les- 
sons, plentifully  interspersed  with  exhortations  to  celibacy,  and  the 
other  superstitions  of  the  day.  It  is  also  recorded  that  he  performed 
many  astonishing  miracles.  He  composed  a  discourse  upon  the  in- 
carnation, mysteries,  and  penance,  several  books  concerning  faith  and 
the  Holy  Ghost,  and  many  other  works,  which  have  been  published 
in  two  volumes,  folio.  His  services  to  church  music  were  very  great ; 
he  was  the  father  of  "  hymnology "  in  the  Western  Church.  The 
writings  of  the  early  Fathers  concur  in  recording  the  employment  of 
music  as  a  part  of  public  worship,  though  no  regular  ritual  was  in 
existence  to  determine  its  precise  form  and  use.  This  appears  to 
have  been  first  supplied  by  Ambrose,  who  instituted  that  method  of 
singing  known  by  the  name  of  cantns  Ainhrosiamis,  Avhich  is  said  to 
have  had  a  reference  to  the  modes  of  the  ancients,  especially  to  that 
of  Ptolemaeus.  The  effect  of  the  Ambrosian  chant  is  described  in 
glowing  terms  by  those  who  heard  it  in  the  cathedral  of  Milan. 
"The  voices,"  says,  Augustine,  ''flowed  in  at  my  ears,  truth  was  dis- 
tilled into  my  heart,  and  the  affection  of  piety  overflowed  in  sweet 
tears  of  joy."  Ten  of  the  many  hymns  ascribed  to  him  are  generally 
admitted  to  be  genuine,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  ''Ambrosian 
Hymn,"  or  the  Te  Deimi,  is  his  production.  It  is  not  certain  whether 
any  genuine  relics  of  the  music  thus  described  exist  at  the  present 
time,  though  the  style  of  singing  may  have  been  preserved.  The 
writings  of  Ambrose  are  numerous,  but  some  of  them  are  of  no 
practical  importance. 

It  was  not  alone  their  proximity  to  the  Alps  that  imparted  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Northern  Italy  a  spirit  of  independence  which  resisted 
tyranny  and  corruption  in  both  Church  and  state.  The  bracing  at- 
mosphere of  the  mountains  had  its  influence  upon  their  character, 
but  they  breathed  a  still  more  vitalizing  air.  The  purity  of  apostolic 
Christianity  had  been  maintained  in  the  valleys  of  Piedmont,  and  its 
power  Avas  felt  throughout  all  that  region.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
.Vmbrose  was  strengthened  in  the  defense  of  the  true  faith  by  observ- 
ing its  elevating  effects  upon  the  Waldenses.  These  people  could 
not  confine  their  religion  to  their  own  narrow  valleys,  but,  like  the 
pure,  sparkling  streams  that  gushed  forth  from  the  rugged  mountains 
and  rolled  on  to  refresh  the  plains  below,  it  permeated  the  north 
of  Italy. 

f  The  origin  of  the  Waldenses — Vallenses — Vaudois — Valdesi,  as 
they  are  variously  called,  has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  controversy, 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  WALDENSES. 


39 


some  tracing  their  genealogy  to  the  first  periods  of  Christianity,  or  to 
a  less  remote  time,  according  to  the  ingenuity  or  fancy  of  different 
historians.  Some  think  that  they  are  the  descendants  of  the  Christian 
inhabitants  of  Spain,  whose  territory  lay  in  Navarre  (a  part  of  Bis- 
cay), who,  upon  the  irruption  of  the  Moors,  were  driven  for  refuge 
into  the  vicinity  of  the  Pyrenean  Mountains.  In  this  new  situation 
it  has  been  conceived  that  they  assumed  new  names,  agreeable  to 
their  former  or  present  circumstances,  or  names  composed  from  dif- 
ferent combinations;  and  that  one  of  these  tribes  took  their  denomi- 
nation from  a  place  near  Barcelona,  called  Vallensia,  whence  tlie  name 
of  Vallenses,  Valdenses,  or  Waldenses,  might  be  easily  derived. 
This  opinion  is  attended  with  many  difficulties  that  render  it  unpopu- 
lar. Turretine,  a  Waldensian  writer,  represents  them  as  originating 
from  the  Milanese  clergy,  many  of  whom  refused  to  repudiate  their 
wives  at  the  command  of  Leo  IX,  Nicholas  II,  and  Gregory  VII. 
With  still  greater  probability,  however,  they  are  supposed  to  have 
been  a  branch  of  the  Paulicians,  w4io  were  dispersed  in  almost  all 
the  countries  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  selected  a  secluded  region  in 
the  Alps.  These  and  other  theories  do  not  give  to  the  Waldenses  a 
greater  antiquity  than  that  which  belongs  to  the  period  between  the 
seventh  and  eleventh  centuries.  But  Jerome,  the  famous  theologian 
of  the  Church  in  the  fourth  century,  unquestionably  refers  to  them  as 
then  dwelling  in  the  Alps.  With  the  zeal  of  a  new  convert,  he  assailed 
a  Spanish  priest,  called  Vigilantius,  on  account  of  religious  opinions 
similar  in  some  respects  to  those  held  by  the  Waldenses.  Vigilan- 
tius, bitterly  persecuted  in  Spain,  fled  into  Italy,  and  concealed  him- 
self, says  Jerome,  in  a  region  which  is  between  the  Alps  of  King 
Cottius  and  the  waves  of  the  Adriatic  Sea.  There  all  the  inhabitants 
had  the  same  religious  opinions  as  Vigilantius,  and  even  the  bishops 
cherished  him,  ''though,"  observes  Jerome,  ''I  can  not  recognize 
them  as  bishops,  because  they  would  ordain  not  even  a  deacon  if  he 
has  no  wife."  Evidently  that  region  was  the  eastern  side  of  the  Cot- 
tian  Alps,  where  the  Waldenses  lived.  After  having  spent  nine  years 
there,  Vigilantius  returned  to  Spain,  full  of  zeal  for  the  truth'^  and 
published  the  most  uncompromising  treatise  against  the  growing 
superstitions  of  the  age.  It  was  probably  owing  to  the  residence  of 
Vigilantius  among  them  that  the  name  ''Leonist"  was  applied  to 
the  Waldensians,  for  he  being  a  native  of  Leo  in  the  Pyrenees,  was 
often  called  the  Leonist  in  Italy.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  doctrines 
advocated  by  him  in  his  book,  in  many  points,  are  the  same  as  those 
of  the  Waldensian  Church. 


40 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  marriage  of  priests  has  always  been  maintained  as  most 
desirable  by  the  Waldensian  Church  in  the  Cottian  Alps.  Upon  this 
point  we  have  the  testimony  of  Peter  Damian,  another  doctor  of  the 
Church  in  early  ages.  One  of  his  letters  is  to  Adelaide,  marchioness 
of  the  Cottian  Alps,  to  excite  her  to  help  the  local  bishop  in  the  holy 
work  of  destroying  the  married  clergymen  who  resided  in  a  part  of 
her  dominions.  *'Thy  are  new  Siseras, "  says  he;  "the  bishop  will 
be  a  new  Barak,  and  you  must  be  a  new  Deborah."  In  this  Scriptural 
language  the  new  saint  goes  on  insinuating  that  while  the  new  Barak 
deals  with  the  husbands,  the  new  Deborah  should  kill  the  wives. 

The  most  reliable  theory,  therefore,  concerning  the  origin  of  the 
Waldenses  is,  that  they  were  among  the  first  inhabitants  of  Italy  who 
embraced  Christianity.  History  does  not  reveal  who  first  preached 
the  Gospel  to  them  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  the  early  missionaries, 
going  out  from  Rome  soon  after  the  time  of  Paul,  penetrated  these 
mountains,  for  the  road  from  Italy  to  France  and  Spain  passed  that 
wa\-.  If  Paul  ever  made  his  proposed  journey  into  Spain  (Rom.  xv, 
28),  he  would  probably  travel  that  road,  and  may  have  been  the  first 
Christian  preacher  to  these  "men  of  the  valleys."  The  name  Vmi- 
dois  Avas  first  given  to  them  because  they  resided  in  the  valleys  (or 
vaux)  of  Piedmont.  They  were  "men  of  the  valleys"  from  time  out 
of  mind,  and  before  the  dukes  of  Savoy  became  princes  of  Piedmont. 
While  there  may  be  differences  of  opinion  concerning  their  ethnolog- 
ical history,  the  antiquity  and  purity  of  their  religious  faith  and  prac- 
tice are  generally  conceded.  The  testimony  which  they  give  of 
themselves  is,  that  their  fathers  occupying  those  same  valleys  held  the 
same  faith  from  the  days  of  the  apostles.  Their  traditions  invariably 
point  to  an  unbroken  descent  from  apostolic  days,  as  regards  their 
religious  belief.  The  Xobla  Ley  con,  which  dates  from  A.  D.  iioo, 
shows  that  they  were  not  established  by  Peter  Waldo,  of  Lyons,  who 
did  not  appear  until  A.  D.  11 60,  though  they  may  have  derived  the 
names  Vallenses,  or  Waldenses,  from  him  after  he  had  visited  them. 

Their  greatest  enemies,  Reynerius,  the  Jesuit,  A.  D.  1250,  and 
Claude  Seyssel,  of  Turin,  A.  D.  15 17,  have  admitted  their  antiquity, 
and  stigmatized  them  as  "the  most  dangerous  of  all  heretics,  because 
the  most  ancient."  In  a  petition  presented  A.  D,  1559  to  the  per- 
secuting Philbert,  Emanuel,  duke  of  Savoy  and  prince  of  Piedmont, 
the  AA^aldenses  sa}' :  ' '  We  likewise  beseech  your  royal  highness  to 
consider  that  this  religion  is  not  only  ours,  nor  hath  it  been  invented 
by  men  of  late  }xars,  as  is  falsely  reported,  but  it  was  the  religion  of 
our  fathers  and  grandfathers  and  great  grandfathers,  and  other'  yet 


THE  STA  TEMENTS  OF  THEIR  EAEMIES. 


41 


more  ancient  predecessors  of  ours,  and  of  the  blessed  martyrs,  con- 
fessors, prophets,  and  apostles,  and  if  they  can  prove  the  contrary  we 
are  ready  to  subscribe  and  yield  thereto."  Rorenco,  Prior  of  St. 
Roch,  Turin,  A.  D.  1640,  was  employed  to  investigate  their  origin 
and  antiquity,  and  of  course  had  access  to  all  the  Waldensian  docu- 
ments in  the  ducal  archives,  and  being  their  bitter  enemy  he  may 
be  presumed  to  have  made  his  report  not  more  favorable  than  he 
could  help.  Yet  he  states  that  "they  were  not  a  new  sect  in  the 
ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  and  that'  Claude  of  Turin  must  have  de- 
tached them  from  the  Church  in  the  ninth  century." 

It  is  also  remarkable  that  their  persecuting  princes  in  replying  to 
their  petitions  and  addresses  never  accused  them  of  being  apostates 
from  the  Romish  Church.  If  their  claims  to  antiquity  could  have 
been  denied  with  decent  plausibility,  these  learned  princes  and  priests, 
instead  of  passing  over  in  silence  such  pretensions,  would  have 
attempted  to  disprove  them.  The  testimony  of  Jerome,  that  the 
Waldenses  in  the  fourth  century  were  so  distinguished  for  their 
orthodoxy  and  piety  as  to  attract  \^igilantius  from  Spain,  remains 
unimpeached. 


Chapter  VI. 

THE  GOTHS  IX  ITAIY. 

ABOUT  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  Alaric,  king  of  the 
Visigoths,  attracted  by  the  beauty  and  wealth  of  Italy,  crossed 
the  Alps  and  appeared  under  the  Avails  of  Milan.  Honorius,  who 
ruled  the  W^estern  Empire,  was  alarmed  at  the  invading  host,  and 
took  refuge  in  the  strong  fortress  of  Ravenna.  Stilicho,  a  famous 
warrior  of  Italy,  hastily  gathered  a  powerful  army,  and  inflicted  a 
crushing  defeat  upon  the  Goths  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pollentia, 
about  twenty-five  miles  from  Turin,  on  the  29th  of  March,  A.  D. 
403.  The  Gothic  infantry  was  almost  totally  destroyed;  but  Alaric, 
with  his  cavalry,  which  was  comparatively  uninjured,  marched  rap- 
idly upon  Rome,  hoping  to  capture  it  by  a  coiip-de-inain.  Stilicho 
followed  him  closely,  and  prevented  the  execution  of  his  design ;  and 
desiring  to  be  rid  of  the  enemy  on  the  easiest  terms,  the  Roman 
general  paid  Alaric  a  stipulated  sum,  and  conducted  him  safely  to 
the  boundary  of  his  kingdom.    The  departure  of  the  barbarians  was 


42 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


celebrated  in  Rome  with  great  rejoicings.  In  the  midst  of  the  games 
Telemachus,  a  Christian  monk,  sprang  into  the  arena,  and,  raising 
the  cross  above  his  head,  commanded  the  gladiators,  in  the  name  of 
their  crucified  Lord,  to  cease  their  inhuman  sport.  The  enraged 
multitude  stoned  him  to  death,  but  subsequently,  overwhelmed  with 
remorse  for  their  crime,  acknowledged  him  a  martyr.  Honorius, 
taking  advantage  of  the  occasion,  prohibited  human  combats  in  the 
amphitheater.  The  seat  of  government  was  now  transferred  from 
Milan  to  Ravenna,  which,  on  account  of  its  situation,  was  impreg- 
nable, and  it  remained  the  capital  of  Italy  until  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  century. 

The  Vandals,  a  new  host  of  barbarians,  burst  into  Italy,  A.  D. 
405,  passing  the  Alps,  the  Po,  and  the  Apennines  without  opposition, 
and  ravaging  with  fire  and  sword  the  region  between  the  Alps  and 
the  Arno  before  Stilicho  could  collect  an  army  to  oppose  them. » 
Radegaste,  the  savage  leader  of  the  barbarians,  had  sworn  a  solemn 
oath  to  reduce  Rome  to  ashes,  and  to  sacrifice  the  senators  to  his 
gods.  Detained  before  Florence  by  the  stubborn  resistance  of  that 
city,  he  refrained  from  moving  southward  until  he  had  conquered  it. 
Profiting  by  this  delay,  Stilicho  advanced  with  his  troops,  and  by  his 
superior  generalship  defeated  the  formidable  host  of  the  barbarians, 
slew  Radegaste,  and  compelled  the  remnant  of  his  army,  about  one 
hundred  thousand  strong,  to  withdraw  from  Italy.  Stilicho  despised 
the  weakness  of  Honorius,  and  resolved  to  remove  him  and  place  his 
own  son  upon  the  throne.  The  enemies  of  the  great  general,  sus- 
pecting a  conspiracy,  obtained  the  consent  of  the  emperor  to  put  him 
to  death;  but  his  execution  w^as  a  calamity,  as  he  was  the  only  man 
who  could  contend  with  the  barbarians.  The  friends  of  Honorius 
alienated  the  only  force  that  was  capable  of  resisting  the  Goths  by 
a  general  massacre  of  the  families  of  the  foreign  auxiliaries  who  had 
been  left  in  the  Italian  cities  as  hostages  for  the  faithful  service  of 
these  troops.  The  latter  swore  vengeance  upon  the  murderers  of 
their  wdves  and  children,  and  invited  Alaric  to  invade  Italy,  promis- 
ing him  assistance. 

The  Gothic  king  gladly  accepted  the  invitation,  and  at  once 
crossed  the  Alps,  marched  upon  Rome,  and  closely  invested  the 
city,  which  was  soon  reduced  to  extremities.  By  the  payment  of  an 
enormous  ransom,  Alaric  was  induced  to  retire  and  Rome  was  spared. 
The  barbarian  general  withdrew  into  Tuscany,  where  he  spent  the 
Winter.  During  negotiations  with  Honorius  he  was  grossly  insulted, 
and  again  besieged  Rome  to  gratify  his  revenge,  and  by  seizing  the 


ITALY  UNDER  BARBARIAN  RULE. 


43 


fort  of  Ostia,  where  the  grain  for  the  use  of  the  capital  was  stored, 
he  starved  the  city  into  an  unconditional  surrender.  Alaric  entered 
Rome  by  night  on  the  lOth  of  August,  A.  D.  410,  the  gates  having 
been  opened  by  the  slaves,  forty  thousand  of  whom  assisted  the 
Gothic  king,  and  thus  repaid  in  full  the  wrongs  they  had  suffered  at 
the  hands  of  their  masters.  The  city  was  given  up  to  murder  and 
pillage  during  a  period  of  five  days.  The  scene  was  dreadful,  for, 
though  the  conqueror  in  his  magnanimity  had  given  orders  that  none 
except  the  armed  should  be  killed,  many  citizens  were  slain  and  larger 
numbers  still  were  reduced  from  affluence  to  want  and  captivity. 
Rome  for  ages  had  been  a  repository  for  the  plunder  of  the  world, 
embracing  the  choicest  spoils  of  conquered  countries,  such  as  gold, 
silver,  jewels,  silks,  Grecian  sculptures,  and  other  rare,  costly  arti- 
cles. These  were  remorselessly  seized  and  carried  off  by  the  Goths, 
and  much  that  could  not  be  removed  was  destroyed.  The  most 
ancient  and  valuable  monuments  of  art  and  learning  were  leveled 
with  the  ground.  Alaric,  the  Arian  invader,  professing  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian, declared  that  he  made  war  upon  the  Romans,  not  upon  the 
apostles,  and  he  therefore  spared  all  the  churches,  even  granting  life 
and  liberty  both  to  the  pagans  and  Christians  who  took  refuge  in 
the  sacred  edifices  dedicated  to  the  apostles,  or  at  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs.  The  holy  vessels  which  had  been  pillaged  from  the  Church 
of  St.  Peter  were  also  restored  by  the  victorious  barbarians.  Thus 
the  great  city,  which  had  not  for  more  than  six  hundred  }'ears  been 
violated  by  the  presence  of  a  foreign  enemy,  was  sacked,  plundered, 
and  partially  burnt. 

At  length  the  Goths  withdrew  from  Rome,  and  marching  along 
the  Appian  way  overran  Southern  Italy,  contemplating  the  conquest 
of  Sicily  and  Africa,  but  the  death  of  Alaric  suddenly  terminated  the 
expedition.  The  waters  of  the  Busentius  were  diverted  from  their 
channel  by  the  labor  of  the  captive  Romans,  and  in  the  vacant  bed  a 
sepulcher  was  constructed  and  adorned  with  the  spoils  and  trophies 
of  Rome.  In  this  tomb  the  body  of  Alaric  was  laid,  and  the  waters 
were  turned  back  in  their  channel.  The  prisoners  who  engaged  in 
the  work  were  then  inhumanly  massacred,  lest  they  should  reveal  the 
secret  of  the  tomb.  Honorius  died,  A.  D.  423,  after  a  reign  of 
twenty-eight  years,  and  the  throne  was  usurped  by  John,  his  princi- 
pal secretary;  but  he  was  beheaded  by  the  troops  of  Theodosius  II, 
at  Aquileia,  A.  D.  425.  Valentinian  III,  the  legal  successor,  being 
only  six  years  of  age,  his  mother,  Placidia,  as  regent,  governed  the 
empire  during  the  next  twenty-five  years.    Attila,  lang  of  the  Huns, 


44 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


invaded  North-eastern  Italy,  A.  D.  453,  captured  and  destroyed  the 
cities  of  Aquileia,  Altinum,  Concordia,  and  Padua,  and  sacked  Milan 
and  Pavia.  A  result  which  the  Hun  did  not  foresee  and  would  not 
have  desired  sprang  from  this  destruction.  The  inhabitants  of  Aqui- 
leia, Padua,  and  the  adjacent  towns  fled  from  the  cruelties  of  the 
barbarians  to  the  safe  but  humble  shelter  of  the  islands  at  the  head 
of  the  Adriatic,  and  there  laid  the  foundations  of  the  famous  republic 
of  Venice.  Attila  then  advanced  southward,  intending  to  take  and 
destroy  Rome.  An  embassy  headed  by  Pope  Leo  the  Great  met 
him,  and  the  solemn  appeal  of  the  pontiff  aroused  the  superstitious 
fears. of  the  barbarian,  and  he  retired  to  his  own  dominions. 

Valentinian  was  slain,  A.  D.  455,  by  Maximus,  a  wealthy  senator, 
whom  he  had  wronged,  and  the  latter  ascended  the  throne,  but 
reigned  less  than  three  months.  Eudoxia,  the  widow  of  Valentinian, 
being  compelled  to  marry  the  assassin  of  her  husband,  besought  aid 
from  Genseric,  the  Vandal  king  of  Africa,  whose  fleet  commanded 
the  Mediterranean,  and  that  monarch  responded  to  her  appeal,  eager 
to  enrich  himself  with  the  spoils  of  Italy.  He  landed  at  Ostia,  and 
in  a  short  time  seized  Rome,  which  was  pillaged  by  his  troops  for 
fourteen  days.  Not  even  the  churches  which  Alaric  had  protected 
were  spared,  and  the  city  was  literally  stripped  of  its  wealth  of  every 
description.  At  length,  laden  with  plunder,  the  barbarians  sailed  for 
Carthage,  taking  with  them  Eudoxia  and  her  two  daughters.  This 
terrible  disaster  so  paralyzed  the  Romans  that  they  delayed  the 
appointment  of  a  successor  to  Maximus,  whom  they  had  slain.  Dur- 
ing the  next  twenty  years  the  throne  was  occupied  by  eight  different 
sovereigns,  whose  brief  reigns  were  unimportant.  The  barbarians 
proclaimed  Odoacer  King  of  Italy,  A.  D.  476,  and  thus  fell  the 
Western  Empire. 


fhit  11. 


PAPAL  DARKNESS  PREVALENT. 

CENTURY  VI-XIV. 


Chapter  L 

THE  REIGN  OF  THE  LOMBARDS. 

WHEX  the  sixth  century  dawned  upon  Italy  it  beheld  one  of 
the  most  tranquil  and  flourishing  countries  in  the  world. 
Theodoric  extended  the  boundaries  of  his  kingdom  to  the  north, 
east,  and  west,  and,  besides  Italy  and  Sicily,  ruled  Dalmatia,  Nori- 
cum,  the  two  Rhaetias,  Pannonia,  and  Provence.  During  the  minority 
of  his  grandson,  Amalaric,  the  king  of  the  Visigothic  monarchy  in 
Gaul  and  Spain,  he  managed  the  affairs  of  those  nations  with  wisdom. 
Though  an  Arian  himself,  Theodoric  tolerated  all  forms  of  belief  in 
his  dominions,  and  this  liberal  policy  drew  upon  him  the  wrath  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  party.  The  Eastern  emperor,  Anastasius,  was 
jealous  of  such  a  powerful  servant,  and  attacked  the  kingdom  of 
Theodoric  from  the  direction  of  the  Danube,  but  was  defeated  by 
the  warrior  king  with  an  inferior  force.  The  last  years  of  this  mon- 
arch were  in  striking  contrast  with  the  opening  of  his  reign.  Soured 
by  the  ingratitude  of  his  people,  he  became  suspicious  and  cruel. 
Boethius,  a  Roman  senator,  was  put  to  death  on  the  charge  of  plot- 
ting to  restore  the  authority  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  and  his  execu- 
tion was  soon  followed  by  that  of  Symmachus,  his  venerable  father- 
in-law.  Remorse  for  these  crimes  hastened  the  end  of  Theodoric 
himself,  and  he  died,  A.  D.  526.  Had  he  been  more  a  statesman  he 
might  have  founded  an  enduring  state  by  a  union  of  the  Goths  and 
the  Romans ;  but  he  did  not  seem  to  desire  a  consolidated  empire. 
Instead  of  claiming  the  title  of  King  of  Italy,  he  appeared  satisfied 
with  mere  dominion  over  his  own  Goths.  His  kingdom  did  not  long 
survive  him. 

45 


46 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Theodoric  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson  Athalaric  ;  but,  as  he 
was  only  ten  years  old,  the  regency  passed  into  the  hands  of  his 
mother,  Amalasontha,  the  daughter  of  Theodoric,  who  was  assisted 
by  the  wise  counsels  of  her  minister,  Cassiodorus.  Her  son  failed 
to  profit  by  her  care  and  instruction,  and  indulged  in  riotous  living 
and  excesses  of  all  kinds.  Being  punished  by  his  mother,  he 
appealed  to  the  Goths  to  sustain  him,  and  the  queen  regent  was 
compelled  to  resign  the  authority  to  him.  He  did  not  enjoy  it  long, 
but  died  at  the  age  of  sixteen  from  the  effects  of  intemperance. 
Amalasontha,  in  violation  of  Gothic  law  and  custom,  then  endeav- 
ored to  retain  the  throne  by  conferring  her  hand  upon  her  cousin, 
Theodatus,  and  raising  him  to  the  rank  of  king.  Theodatus,  how- 
ever, refused  to  be  ruled  by  a  woman,  and  caused  his  wife  to  be 
strangled,  A.  D.  535. 

The  Emperor  Justinian,  who  had  been  eagerly  watching  for  a 
pretext  to  regain  Italy,  now  constituted  himself  the  avenger  of 
Amalasontha,  and  prepared  to  invade  the  peninsula  with  a  force 
under  the  command  of  Belisarius.  Sicily  was  conquered  toward  the 
close  of  A.  D.  535.  The  next  year  Belisarius  crossed  to  the  main- 
land. The  chief  strength  of  the  Ostrogoths  was  in  the  north  of 
Italy,  and  the  Greek  influence  was  strong  enough  in  the  south  to 
render  its  conquest  by  the  imperial  forces  an  easy  matter.  The 
southern  Italians  welcomed  Belisarius  as  a  deliverer,  but  the  barba- 
rian garrison  of  Naples  held  out  against  him.  The  city  was  taken 
by  surprise,  and  upon  its  fall  Apulia  and  Calabria  were  restored  to 
the  empire.  Advancing  northward,  Belisarius  entered  Rome,  which 
opened  its  gates  to  him  with  joy,  A.  D.  536. 

Assembling  a  powerful  Gothic  army,  Viteges,  the  successor  of  The- 
odatus, laid  siege  to  Rome,  which  was  bravely  defended  by  Belisarius, 
with  an  inferior  force,  for  more  than  a  year.  During  this  siege  the 
sepulcher  of  Hadrian,  now  known  as  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  was 
used  for  the  first  time  as  a  fortress.  In  their  attacks  upon  the  city 
the  Goths  met  with  heavy  losses ;  thirty  thousand  men  fell  in  the 
principal  assault ;  and  Viteges  was  compelled  to  draw^  off  his  deci- 
mated army  to  Ravenna,  leaving  Belisarius  master  of  Italy.  This 
great  general  could  easily  have  conquered  the  entire  country  but  for 
the  dissensions  of  the  Roman  chiefs.  Valuable  time  was  lost,  and 
the  Goths  were  given  a  breathing  spell.  Ten  thousand  Burgundians, 
allies  of  the  Gothic  kings,  captured  and  destroyed  Milan,  which  had 
revolted  from  Viteges,  A.  D.  538.  The  next  Spring  Theodebert,  the 
grandson^  of  Clovis,  passed  the  Alps  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 


TOTILA  CAPTURES  ROME. 


47 


thousand  Franks,  and  defeated  both  the  Roman  and  the  Gothic 
armies  near  Pavia,  and  ravaged  Liguria  and  yEmiha  until  his  losses 
from  disease  and  the  intemperance  of  his  troops  obliged  him  to  return 
to  his  own  country. 

Belisarius  now  applied  himself  to  the  completion  of  the  conquest 
of  Italy.  He  laid  siege  to  Ravenna,  and  reduced  that  impregnable 
city  by  famine.  The  Goths,  weary  of  Viteges,  proposed  to  deliver 
up  the  city  to  Belisarius  if  he  would  make  himself  their  king.  He 
pretended  to  accept  the  proposal,  but  upon  obtaining  possession 
threw  off  the  mask  and  declared  that  he  held  the  city  only  as  the 
lieutenant  of  the  emperor.  Pavia,  garrisoned  by  one  thousand  Goths, 
alone  held  out ;  and  these  warriors  elevated  Totila,  the  nephew  of 
Viteges,  to  the  vacant  throne.  Before  Belisarius  could  attack  this 
stronghold  he  was  recalled  to  Constantinople  by  the  emperor,  who 
had  become  jealous  of  his  fame.  Totila  at  once  attempted  to  regain 
all  that  had  been  lost  by  his  uncle.  I\Iany  cities  which  had  Avelcomed 
Belisarius  as  a  deliverer  had  been  so  sorely  oppressed  by  the  Byzan- 
tine officials  that  they  now  gladly  opened  their  gates  to  Totila. 
Rome  was  taken,  A.  D.  546,  the  senators  carried  away  as  prisoners, 
and  its  people  scattered.  The  noble  character  of  Totila  won  him 
friends  on  all  sides,  and  it  seemed  that  he  was  about  to  restore  the 
Gothic  kingdom  in  all  its  strength.  Such  rapid  and  marked  success 
compelled  Justinian  to  restore  Belisarius  to  the  command  in  Italy; 
but  the  emperor  could  not  overcome  his  jealousy  of  his  great  gen- 
eral, and  sent  him  to  Italy  without  troops,  and  delayed  those  which 
were  ordered  to  follow  him.  Belisarius .  soon  discovered  that  he  was 
sent  to  remain  **the  idle  and  impotent  spectator  of  the  glory  of  a 
young  barbarian."  Crossing  to  the  coast  of  Epirus,  he  succeeded  by 
extraordinary  exertions  in  assembling  a  small  force,  with  which  he 
sailed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.  He  arrived  in  time  to  Avitness  the 
capture  of  Rome  by  Totila;  and,  though  he  was  too  weak  to  prevent 
this,  he  succeeded  by  his  firm  and  temperate  remonstrance  in  induc- 
ing Totila  to  spare  the  city  which  he  had  resolved  to  destroy.  Upon 
his  departure  for  Southern  Italy  he  failed  to  leave  an  adequate  force 
behind  him ;  and  Belisarius  with  a  thousand  horse  seized  the  deserted 
city,  and,  erecting  the  imperial  standard  upon  the  Capitol,  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  scattered  population  to  return.  The  fortifications 
were  repaired,  and  Totila  was  repulsed  with  severe  loss  in  his  efforts 
to  retake  Rome,  A.  D.  547.  The  jealousy  of  the  emperor  still  con- 
tinued to  embarrass  Belisarius,  and  he  was  unable  to  follow  up  his 
success.    His  movements  in  Southern  Italy  were  defeated  by  the 


48 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


disobedience  and  cowardice  of  his  own  officers.  Finding  it  impossi- 
ble to  accomplish  any  thing  in  the  face  of  such  obstacles,  he  sought 
and  obtained  leave  to  return  to  Constantinople,  A.  D.  548. 

After  overrunning  Italy,  conquering  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica, 
and  invading  Greece,  Totila  again  captured  Rome,  A.  D.  549.  These 
successes  induced  the  pope  himself  to  head  a  deputation  to  Justinian, 
imploring  his  aid  against  the  Goths.  The  emperor  dispatched  a 
strong  force  under  the  eunuch  Narses,  a  man  of  commanding  abili- 
ties, and  a  favorite  of  the  emperor.  Narses  was  invested  with  abso- 
lute power  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  was  liberally  supported 
by  the  emperor.  He  succeeded  in  regaining  the  lost  territory,  and 
defeated  and  slew  Totila  in  a  great  battle  near  Tagina.  Rome  at 
once  passed  into  his  hands,  A.  D.  552,  changing  masters  for  the 
fifth  time  during  the  reign  of  Justinian.  Under  the  title  of  duke, 
Narses,  gaining  some  other  victories,  governed  Italy  with  ability  for 
thirteen  years,  A.  D.  554-568. 

Teias,  the  last  Gothic  king  in  Italy,  succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
Totila,  and  sought  aid  of  the  Franks ;  but  before  it  could  reach  him 
he  was  defeated  and  killed  at  Cumae.  A  force  of  seventy-five  thou- 
sand Germans  subsequently  passed  the  Alps,  and  ravaged  Italy  to 
the  extreme  southern  end  of  the  peninsula ;  but  Narses  defeated 
them  with  terrible  slaughter  at  Casilinum,  on  the  Vulturjius.  All 
Italy  was  now  subject  to  the  emperor,  and  the  Ostrogothic  kingdom, 
after  an  existence  of  sixty  years,  was  at  an  end.  The  seat  of  the 
exarchate  of  Italy  was  at  Ravenna,  and  the  first  exarch,  or  lieutenant 
of  the  emperor,  Narses,  ruled  the  country  successfully.  The  Goths 
either  emigrated  in  search  of  new  homes  or  were  absorbed  into  the 
mass  of  the  Italian  people. 

The  destruction  of  the  Gothic  power  in  Italy  produced  a  result 
which  the  emperor  had  not  seen.  During  the  life  of  Theodoric  and 
his  daughter  Amalasontha  the  Goths  had  faithfully  guarded  the  im- 
portant barrier  of  the  Upper  Danube  against  the  Gepidae,  who  had 
since  the  days  of  Attila  occupied,  on  the  opposite  banks  of  the  Dan- 
ube, the  plains  of  Hungary  and  the  Transylvania  hills.  The  necessi- 
ties of  the  Goths  in  Italy  compelled  them  to  evacuate  Pannonia  and 
Noricum  for  the  defense  of  their  Itahan  possessions  against  the  im- 
perial arms.  Those  regions  were  instantly  occupied  by  the  Gepidse, 
who,  not  content  with  these  acquisitions,  threatened  to  burst  into 
Italy.  To  defeat  them  Justinian  called  on  the  Lombards,  or  Lango- 
bards  (Long  Beards),  who  had  moved  from  the  eastern  banks  of  the 
Elbe  down  to  the  Upper  Danube.    The  Lombard  king,  Audoin, 


THE  LOMBARD  RULERS.  49 

accepted  the  invitation,  and,  entering  Pannonia  with  his  troops, 
began  a  war  with  the  Gepidae,  which  lasted  for  thirty  \-ear5.  At  his 
death  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Alboin,  who  had  greatly  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  savage  braver}-.  Alboin,  finding  the  Gepidae 
too  formidable  to  be  defeated  by  his  own  people,  made  an  alliance 
with  the  Avars,  and  the  result  was  the  extermination  of  the  Gepidae. 
Alboin  slew  Cummund,  king  of  the  Gepidae,  in  a  single  combat, 
and  married  the  beautiful  daughter  of  that  monarch,  A.  D.  566. 
The  Avars  received  the  lands  of  the  Gepidae  for  their  services,  and 
the  Lombards  were  obliged  to  seek  new  homes.  The  wa}'  to  Italy 
was  open,  and  they  resolved  to  invade  that  country.  Justin  II,  the 
nephew  of  Justinian,  succeeded  the  latter,  A.  D.  565  ;  and,  having 
degraded  and  removed  Xarses  from  the  exarchate,  was  alarmed  at 
the  approach  of  the  fierce  warriors  of  the  North,  because  he  had  no 
servant  to  resist  their  advance. 

Xarses,  desiring  to  avenge  the  insult  he  received  from  the  em- 
peror, urged  Alboin  to  take  possession  of  the  country,  and  the  Lom- 
bard king,  after  crpssing  the  Julian  Alps,  A.  D.  568,  soon  made 
himself  master  of  Italy  as  far  as  Ravenna  and  Rome.  Pavia  alone 
resisted  him  in  a  three  years'  siege,  but  was  taken,  A.  D.  571,  and 
made  the  capital  of  the  Lombard  kingdom,  which  was  divided  into 
thirty  duchies.  Alboin  did  not  long  enjoy  his  success.  Having  mor- 
tally affronted  Rosamond,  his  wife,  by  compelling  her  to  drink  from 
the  skull  of  her  father,  she  organized  a  conspiracy  against  him,  and 
he  was  slain  by  the  conspirators,  A.  D.  573.  Rosamond  and  her 
lover,  the  latter  of  whom  was  the  principal  actor  in  the  tragedy,  fled 
to  the  court  of  the  exarch  of  Ravenna.  Longinus,  the  exarch,  be- 
coming enamored  of  the  beautiful  queen,  offered  her  his  hand  in 
marriage,  and  she  undertook  to  remove  Helmichis,  her  lover,  by 
poison,  in  order  to  accept  the  offer.  Helmichis  discovered  her  treach- 
ery, and  compelled  her  to  drink  also  of  the  fatal  cup.  He  then 
expired  a  few  moments  before  the  queen. 

Upon  the  death  of  Alboin,  the  Lombard  chiefs  elected  Cleph,  or 
Clepho,  the  bravest  of  therriselves,  to  be  king.  He  was  assassinated, 
A.  D.  574,  and  for  the  next  ten  years  the  kingdom  had  no  regular 
government,  and  was  ruled  by  thirty  dukes.  Each  chief  seized  some 
city  for  himself.  Some  of  them  attempted  to  invade  the  territories  of 
the  German  tribes  beyond  the  Alps,  and  the  people  of  Rome  besought 
aid  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  who  succeeded  Julian  II,  A.  D.  578. 
The  emperor,  unable  to  assist  them,  bribed  Chilperic,  the  Prankish 
king,  to  invade  Italy  and  expel  the  Lom.bards  from  the  peninsula. 


50 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


In  this  emergency,  the  Lombards  conferred  their  crown  upon  Autha- 
ris,  the  son  of  Cleph,  who  defeated  the  Franks,  and  compelled  them 
to  return  to  their  own  country,  A.  D.  584.  The  last  Prankish  inva- 
sion was  led  by  Childebert,  who  was  encouraged  to  it  by  the  Emperor 
IMaurice,  who  ascended  the  throne,  A.  D.  582.  Autharis  completely 
baffled  the  Prankish  sovereign  by  his  prudence  and  superior  general- 
ship, and  declining  an  engagement,  allowed  the  heat  of  Summer  to 
defeat  his  antagonist.  The  victorious  Lombard  extended  his  king- 
dom to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  peninsula,  where  he  founded 
the  great  duchy  of  Benevento.  He  confirmed  the  various  dukes  in 
their  authority  on  condition  of  their  paying  him  half  of  their  reve- 
nues, and  serving  under  his  command  in  times  of  war,  with  troops 
levied  within  their  respective  jurisdictions.  This  is  regarded  by  some 
as  the  origin  of  the  feudal  system.  Autharis  died,  A.  D.  590,  and 
his  widow,  Theodolinda,  Avas  intrusted  by  the  Lombards  with  the 
choice  of  his  successor.  She  conferred  the  crown  and  her  hand  upon 
Agilulf,  duke  of  Turin.  She  converted  her  husband  and  many  of 
his  subjects  from  the  Arian  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  was  rewarded 
by  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  with  the  famous  Iron  Croivn  of  Lombardy, 
Avhich  is  still  preser\^ed  in  the  Cathedral  of  Milan,  and  which  is  said 
to  have  been  made  of  one  of  the  nails  of  the  true  cross  !  Gregory, 
whose  birth,  rank,  and  literary  abilities  acquired  him,  in  this  age  of 
ignorance,  the  appellation  of  Great,  occupied  the  papal  throne  more 
than  thirteen  years,  his  reign  having  been  terminated  by  death,  A.  D. 
604.  Another  celebrated  son  of  the  Church  in  Italy  was  Benedict, 
a  native  of  Norcia.  He  was  born  about  A.  D.  480,  and,  at  the  age 
of  fourteen,  attended  school  at  Rome.  Disgusted  with  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  Church  and  the  city,  he  ran  away  and  concealed  himself 
for  three  years  in  a  cave  at  Subianco.  He  retired  to  Monte  Cassino, 
A.  D.  529,  converted  the  "Temple  of  Apollo"  into  a  monastery,  and 
introduced  a  new  system  of  rules  for  the  government  of  monastic 
establishments.  This  monk  died,  A.  D.  543,  but  his  system  extended 
over  Western  Europe.  Among  the  Benedictines  of  the  Middle  Ages 
were  two  hundred  cardinals  and  four  thousand  bishops. 


ITALY  IN  PAPAL  DARKNESS. 


51 


Chapter  II. 

ITAL  V  IN  PAPAL  DARKNESS. 

THE  condition  of  Italy  during  the  seventh  century  was  truly 
sad  and  deplorable.  As  a  general  thing  the  Lombards  ruled 
their  territories  with  wisdom  and  firmness,  but  the  state  of  the  ex- 
archate was  one  of  anarchy.  It  was  a  period  when  individual  rights 
were  not  acknowledged  or  respected,  and  when  the  strongest  man 
alone  was  sure  of  any  thing.  "Conquest,  spoliation,  and  insecurity 
had  done  their  work.  Wave  after  wave  had  passed  over  the  surface 
of  the  old  Roman  state  and  obliterated  almost  all  the  landmarks  of 
the  ancient  time.  The  towns,  to  be  sure,  still  remained,  but  stripped 
of  their  old  magnificence,  and  thinly  peopled  by  the  dispossessed 
inhabitants  of  the  soil,  who  congregated  together  for  mutual  support. 
Trade  was  carried  on,  but  subject  to  the  exactions,  and  sometimes 
the  open  robberies,  of  the  avaricious  chieftains  who  had  reared  their 
fortresses  on  the  neighboring  heights.  Large  tracts  of  country  lay 
waste  and  desolate,  or  were  left  to  the  happy  fertility  of  nature  in  the 
growth  of  spontaneous  woods.  Marshes  were  formed  over  whole 
districts,  and  the  cattle  picked  up  an  uncertain  existence  by  browsing 
over  great  expanses  of  poor  and  uninclosed  land.  These  flocks  and 
herds  were  guarded  by  hordes  of  armed  serfs,  who  camped  beside 
them  on  the  field,  and  led  a  life  not  unlike  that  of  their  remote  an- 
cestors on  the  steppes  of  Tartary. "  Such  was  the  condition  of  Italy, 
and,  indeed,  of  all  Europe. 

Amid  this  darkness  and  neglect,  agriculture,  which  had  become 
almost  a  lost  art,  was  restored  by  the  Benedictine  monks,  who  had 
established  monasteries  in  various  parts  of  Italy.  The  wise  founder 
of  the  Order,  St.  Benedict,  fearing  that  many  evils  would  arise  from 
the  assembling  under  a  single  roof  of  a  number  of  idle  persons, 
enjoined  upon  his  followers  ''to  beware  of  idleness  as  the  greatest 
enemy  of  the  soul."  They  were  directed  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  to 
perform  the  various  duties  belonging  to  the  domestic  service  of  their 
convents.  "No  person,"  he  said,  "is  ever  more  usefully  employed 
than  when  working  with  his  hands,  or  following  the  plow,  providing 
food  for  the  use  of  man."  These  instructions  soon  produced  their 
legitimate  effects.   Labor  was  rescued  from  the  degradation  into  which 

5 


52 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


it  had  fallen,  and  those  who  ministered  at  the  holy  altars  of  religion 
were  not  ashamed  to  work  with  their  hands.  The  lands  attached  to 
the  monasteries  were  better  cultivated  than  any  other,  and  these  exam- 
ples of  the  most  approved  methods  of  cultivation  encouraged  industry. 
The  monasteries  also  became  retreats  of  learning  in  this  period  of 
darkness  and  violence,  and  in  them  was  preserved  whatever  of  educa- 
tion and  culture  had  survived  the  Roman  overthrow.  In  these  places 
of  refuge  the  scholar  found  protection,  and  the  leisure  and  means  of 
pursuing  his  congenial  studies. 

The  Church  did  not  escape  the  contaminating  influence  of  this  era 
of  ignorance  and  immorality.  Ambitious  contests  arrayed  the  differ- 
ent orders  against  each  other,  and  as  the  Church  grew  in  prosperity 
it  became  more  corrupt.  The  elegant  scholarship  which  was  once 
characteristic  of  the  clergy  disappeared,  and  often  a  bishop  could  be 
found  who  could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  was  notoriously  profli- 
gate. The  bishops  and  monks  were  frequently  engaged  in  bitter 
conflicts,  and  the  latter  were  oppressed  by  the  former.  The  Roman 
pontiff  interfered  in  behalf  of  the  monks,  taking  them  under  his 
special  protection,  relieving  them  from  the  supervision  of  their  local 
bishops,  and  making  them  directly  dependent  upon  and  responsible 
to  himself.  By  this  stroke  of  policy  he  secured  the  enthusiastic  sup- 
port of  the  most  compact  and  influential  body  in  Europe.  Their 
power  was  completely  established  by  Boniface  IV,  A.  D.  606,  whose 
attachment  to  them  was  such  that  he  converted  his  house  at  Rome 
into  a  monastery.  This  prelate  granted  to  the  monks  authority  to 
preach,  to  baptize,  to  hear  confession,  and  to  absolve,  and,  in  fine, 
to  perform  every  clerical  Function.  These  favors  were  appreciated  by 
the  followers  of  St.  Benedict,  and  they  wxnt  forth  proclaiming  the 
pope  to  be  the  first  of  earthly  powers,  even  speaking  of  him,  in  the 
enthusiasm  of  their  gratitude,  as  something  more  than  mortal.  Thus 
the  authority  and  influence  of  the  papacy  were  securely  established 
as  a  firm  foundation  upon  which  the  temporal  claims  of  the  Roman 
pontiff  were  subsequently  based. 

During  the  seventh  century  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches 
were  convulsed  with  religious  disputes  between  the  Monophysite  and 
Monothelite  parties  concerning  the  union  of  the  two  natures  in  Christ, 
one  asserting  the  existence  of  a  single  will,  and  the  other,  of  two 
wills  in  the  person  of  the  incarnate  Son  of  God.  The  pontificates 
of  Honorius,  Severian,  John  IV,  and  Theodore,  who  began  to  reign 
A.  D.  642,  were  disturbed  by  these  controversies.  Pope  Martin  I, 
on  account  of  his  views,  was  removed  from  Rome  by  the  opposite 


CLERICAL  A  UTHORITY  AND  SUPERSTITION.  5  3 


party,  and  exiled  to  Naxos,  a  small  island  in  the  Archipelago.  He 
experienced  extraordinary  hardships,  and  after  enduring  captivity, 
disease,  and  insult,  was  summoned  before  the  senate,  refused  the  in- 
dulgence of  a  seat,  though  too  weak  to  stand,  and  was  charged  with 
treason  against  the  state.  His  powerful  address,  in  which  he  proved 
his  innocence,  was  ineffectual,  and,  after  being  divested  of  his  sacer- 
dotal garments  he  Avas  loaded  with  chains  and  led  through  the  city, 
preceded  by  the  executioner,  bearing  a  drawn  sword.  For  some 
reason  he  was  not  then  put  to  death,  but  was  thrown  into  successive 
prisons  and  finally  sent  into  banishment,  where  he  died,  A.  D.  656, 
in  extreme  poverty  and  distress.  In  order  to  unite,  and,  if  possible, 
to  restore  peace  to  the  Church,  Agatho,  the  Roman  pontiff,  convened 
at  Constantinople,  in  November,  A.  D.  680,  a  General  Council,  called 
the  sixth.  It  continued  until  the  following  September,  and  confirmed 
the  decrees  of  the  Romish  synods  by  the  condemnation  of  the 
Monothelites. 

At  first  the  pretended  successors  of  Peter  faintly  urged  their  claims 
to  dominion  and  supremacy,  but  they  became  more  ambitious  as 
their  power  increased.  The  bishops  of  Rome  denounced  those  of  the 
Eastern  Church  for  accepting  new  titles,  but  at  the  same  time  they 
were  eagerly  seeking  them  for  themselves.  The  artful  Boniface  III, 
who  had  for  some  time  resided  as  nuncio  at  the  imperial  court,  did 
not  hesitate  to  insinuate  himself  into  the  good  opinion  of  the  infamous 
Phocas,  nor  to  receive  with  gratitude  the  effects  of  his  favor.  The 
Romish  patriarchs  were  permitted  to  assume  the  title  of  oecumenical 
or  universal  bishops,  but  it  did  not  confer  any  new  powers.  The 
title  of  pope,  which,  in  fact,  merely  signifies  the  name  of  father,  was 
equally  bestowed  upon  the  Bishop  of  Rome  and  those  who  possessed 
the  other  considerable  sees ;  and  Cyprian  had  been  complimented  with 
the  title  of  Pope  of  Carthage,  by  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome.  About 
the  seventh  century  the  prelates  of  the  Roman  see  began,  however, 
to  appropriate  this  title  to  themselves.  But  it  is  impossible  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  ambition  and  vanity,  and  Agatho,  not  content  with 
the  honors  already  acquired,  laid  claim  to  a  privilege  never  yet  en- 
joyed by  man,  and  asserted  that  the  Church  at  Rome  never  had 
erred,  nor  could  err  in  any  point,  and  that  all  its  constitutions  ought 
to  be  as  implicitly  received  as  if  they  had  been  delivered  by  the  ''di- 
vine voice  of  St.  Peter." 

The  different  fathers  of  the  Romish  Church  endeavored  to  excel' 
each  other  in  the  invention  of  new  superstitions,  and  thought  that 
they  could  not  be  zealous  champions  of  the  holy  faith  unless  they 


54 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


ignored  truth  and  reason.  The  sacrament  of  the  Lord's -supper, 
■which,  in  the  first  stages  of  the  Church  had  been  received  with  the 
utmost  plainness  and  simphcity,  was  now  accompanied  by  various 
superstitious  observances  prescribed  by  the  authority  of  councils. 
The  council  of  Toledo,  A.  D.  646,  prohibited  any  one  from  receiving 
it  after  having  eaten  the  smallest  particle  of  food ;  and  that  of  Trulla 
confirmed  this  decree,  with  the  addition  of  a  command  to  the  receiver 
to  take  it  stretching  out  his  hands  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  The 
superstitious  opinion  prevailed  that  the  eucharistical  wine,  when 
mixed  with  ink,  rendered  the  contract  with  which  it  was  signed 
peculiarly  sacred.  The  doctrine  of  the  efficacy  of  masses  repeated 
by  ecclesiastics  was  strenuously  urged,  and  became  a  fruitful  source 
of  wealth.  Pilgrimages  afforded  a  profit  not  less  considerable,  and 
devout  visitors  to  the  tombs  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  at  Rome, 
w^ere  taught  by  the  priests  to  believe  that  great  spiritual  benefits 
Avould  be  derived  from  these  acts  of  practical  piety.  The  people, 
the  clergy,  and  the  civil  rulers  in  Italy  were  equally  infected  with  the 
most  desperate  superstition. 

During  this  century  various  festivals  were  instituted  by  the  Romish 
Church  and  observed  throughout  Italy,  among  which  were  those  in 
honor  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  Her  departure  from  the  world  was  com- 
memorated by  the  faithful,  and*  toward  the  close  of  the  century  the 
feast  of  her  nativity  was  established.  Few  of  the  saints  had,  indeed, 
been  forgotten  in  the  distribution  of  celestial  honors  ;  but  Boniface 
IV  obtained  a  grant  of  the  Pantheon  at  Rome ;  and,  in  order  that  no 
one  might  be  neglected,  he  piously  dedicated  it  to  all  the  saints. 
The  edifice,  therefore,  which  among  the  pagans  had  served  as  a 
memorial  of  all  the  gods,  was  consecrated  by  the  papal  Church  to 
the  remembrance  of  all  its  saints. 


Chapter  III. 

ITALY  UNDER  FRANKISHRULE. 

UNTIL  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  the  Italians  had 
regarded  themselves  as  the  subjects  of  the  emperor,  though  he 
had  not  always  protected  them.  Even  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  who 
was  a  temporal  prince,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  maintain  his  inde- 
pendence against  the  exarch,  still  acknowledged  allegiance  to  the 


EXTERIOR. 

THE  PANTHEON. 


56  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Eastern  emperor.  But  when  Leo  III  inaugurated  the  iconoclastic 
war,  A.  D.  726,  a  serious  and  determined  opposition  to  it  was  aroused 
in  Italy.  Pope  Gregory  II,  who  had  strongly  resisted  the  attempts  of 
Leo  III  respecting  image  worship,  endeavored  to  soften  his  resent- 
ment by  claiming  great  merit  for  the  measures  he  had  taken  in  Italy 
in  restraining  the  growing  power  of  the  Lombards,  and  wrote  to  the 
emperor,  earnestly  entreating  him  to  revoke  the  imperial  edict  against 
one  of.  the  most  cherished  practices  of  the  Latin  Church.  Leo  III 
refused  to  comply  with  this  request,  and  sent  private  orders  to  the 
exarch  of  Ravenna  and  to  the  governor  of  Rome  to  arrest  the  con- 
tentious prelate  and  bring  him  to  Constantinople.  Thus  a  great 
breach  was  opened  between  the  empire  and  Italy,  which  widened 
daily.  The  people  of  Rome  were  too  little  attached  to  Leo  III  to 
suffer  the  execution  of  this  order,  and  Gregory  II,  aware  of  this 
fact,  excommunicated  the  exarch,  and  by  letters  exhorted  the  Vene- 
tians, with  Luitprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  and  all  the  cities  of 
the  empire  to  continue  steadfast  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  He 
also  absolved  the  people  of  Rome  from  their  allegiance  to  the 
emperor,  and,  it  is  said,  would  not  permit  the  annual  payment  of 
tribute  from  Italy  into  the  imperial  treasury.  This  step  was  the 
signal  of  revolt ;  the  imperial  officers  were  massacred,  or  banished ; 
the  people  of  Rome  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the 
emperor,  and  new  magistrates  were  chosen. 

Leo  III  made  a  desperate  effort  to  retrieve  his  fortunes  in  Italy, 
to  relieve  the  exarch,  Eutychius,  who  was  shut  up  in  Ravenna,  and 
to  reduce  the  refractory  Gregory  II  and  Italy  to  obedience.  Manes, 
one  of  his  bravest  and  most  experienced  generals,  sailed  for  the 
peninsula  with  a  great  fleet ;  but  it  encountered  a  terrible  storm  on 
the  Adriatic,  a  large  part  of  the  ships  were  lost,  and  the  "image 
worshipers  on  the  coast  of  Calabria  beheld  their  shores  strewn  with 
the  wrecks  of  the  iconoclastic  navy."  The  inhabitants  of  Naples  mur- 
dered their  duke,  Exhiliratus,  the  imperial  governor,  together  with 
his  son  and  one  of  his  principal  officers.  The  peace  between  Gregory 
II  and  the  Lombards  was  broken  by  Luitprand,  who  took  Ravenna, 
and  then  began  to  overrun  the  Roman  territory.  The  pope  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Venetians,  and  retook  the  city.  He  was  enthu- 
siastically supported  by  the  Italians,  who  disliked  the  emperor  because 
he  was  the  champion  of  iconoclasm.  Yet  Gregory  II  hesitated  to 
throw  off  definitely  his  allegiance  to  Leo  III,  as  he  needed  an  ally 
against  the  Lombards,  who  were  pressing  him  hard.  Finding  that  it 
was  impossible  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  the  emperor,  he  finally 


PEPIN  IN  ITAL  Y.  57 

appealed  to  Charles  Martel,  duke  of  the  Franks,  and  the  real  ruler 
of  the  Prankish  kingdom,  for  aid.  In  the  midst  of  the  negotiations 
Gregory  II  died,  A.  D.  731  ;  but  his  successor,  Gregory  III,  took  up 
the  struggle  with  equal  vigor.  Eutychius,  who  had  maintained  for  a 
long  time  his  perilous  position  in  Ravenna,  temporizing  the  pope, 
the  Lombards,  and  the  Franks,  abandoned  the  seat  of  government, 
and  fled  to  Naples.  Italy  was  now  forever  lost  to  the  empire,  and 
the  pope  and  the  Lombard  king  only  remained  to  contest  its  sover- 
eignty. Luitprand,  by  endeavoring  to  reduce  the  pope  to  submission 
to  him,  compelled  Gregory  III  to  call  upon  the  Franks  for  aid,  as  his 
predecessor  had  done.  The  pope  offered  the  Frankish  leader  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Roman  people  as  the  reward  of  his  intervention, 
and  the  latter  prepared  to  accept  it,  but  died  before  he  could  do 
so,  A.  D.  741. 

Rachisius,  king  of  the  Lombards,  commenced  to  reign  A.  D. 
742,  and  under  the  pretense  that  the  people  of  Rome  had  violated  a 
treaty  besieged  a  city  which  belonged  to  the  pope ;  but  such  was  the 
influence  of  the  pontiff  over  the  king  that  at  their  meeting  the  ruler 
of  the  Lombards  was  persuaded  to  retire  to  the  abbey  of  Monte  Cas- 
sino.  His  queen  and  daughter  at  the  same  time  (A.  D.  749)  founded 
a  monastery  of  nuns  near  that  abbey,  whither  they  retired  and  took 
the  veil.  The  Lombard  king,  AstolpJi,  having  seized  Ravenna, 
A.  D.  752,  and  invaded  the  Roman  territories,  Pope  Stephen  II 
appealed  for  aid  to  Pepin,  the  son  of  Charles  Martel,  who  had  been 
proclaimed  king  of  the  Franks  by  Pope  Zachary,  A.  D.  751.  The 
alarmed  pontiff,  who  visited  the  Frankish.  capital  in  person,  after 
receiving  a  promise  from  Pepin  to  cross  the  Alps  the  following 
year  and  assist  him,  rewarded  the  latter  by  absolving  him  from  his 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Chilperic,  the  deposed  king,  by  anointing  him, 
and  then  investing  him  with  the  regal  crown,  at  the  same  time  sol- 
emnly conferring  upon  him  the  title  of  Patrician  of  the  Romans.  In 
the  Autumn  of  the  next  year,  A.  D.  754,  Pepin  entered  Italy  at  the 
head  of  a  powerful  army,  and  compelled  Astolph  to  restore  the 
Roman  territory ;  but  the  conqueror  had  scarcely  returned  home 
when  the  Lombard  king  renewed  the  war,  ravaged  the  Romagna, 
laid  siege  to  Rome,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  pope  as  the 
price  of  the  city's  safety.  Pepin  at  once  crossed  the  Alps  a  second 
time,  and  inflicted  upon  Astolph  such  a  punishment  that  he  was 
obliged  to  purchase  peace  by  the  surrender  of  all  his  conquests, 
including  the  exarchate  and  Pentapolis. 

Pepin,  who  declared  that  he  undertook  the  war  only  for  the  glory 


58 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  St.  Peter,  bestowed  upon  the  pope  the  restored  territory,  and  thus 
raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  a  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  ruler. 
Thus  began  the  temporal  dominion  of  the  Roman  pontiffs,  which 
continued  until  1 87 1.  The  district  thus  acquired  by  the  pope 
included  Ravenna,  Rimini,  and  twenty-three  other  cities,  and  em- 
braced the  territories  of  the  exarchate  and  the  Pentapolis,  which  were 
afterwards  known  as  the  States  of  the  Church."  Thus  by  the  gift 
of  a  foreign  potentate,  this  large  part  of  Italy  became  the  kingdom 
of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  The  sovereignty  of  this  territory  was 
retained  by  Pepin,  but  its  immediate  government,  with  its  rich  reve- 
nues, passed  into  the  hands  of  the  pope.  Still  the  latter  was  not 
yet  entirely  independent,  as  money  was  coined  and  justice  adminis- 
tered in  the  name  of  the  king  of  the  Franks,  and  even  the  election 
of  the  pope  was  subject  to  his  revision. 

Astolphus  having  died,  A.  D.  756,  Desiderius  became  king  of 
the  Lombards;  but  not  until  the  death  of  Pepin,  which  occurred 
A.  D.  768,  did  he  dare  molest  Rome.  But,  in  the  pontificate  of 
Adrian  I,  the  restless  and  enterprising  Lombards  invaded  the  prov- 
inces which  had  been  granted  by  Pepin  to  the  successors  of  the  poor 
and  humble  Peter.  Desiderius  laid  waste  the  Romagna,  and  threat- 
ened the  city  of  the  popes.  Several  years  previous  he  meditated  the 
conquest  of  Ravenna,  and  sought  the  protection  of  Charlemagne  and 
Carloman,  the  sons  of  Pepin,  between  whom  Italy  was  divided.  His 
two  daughters  became  the  wives  of  these  rulers;  but  a  difficulty  arose 
between  Charlemagne  and  Desiderius,  and  the  former  divorced  his 
wife.  This  act  displeased  the  Lombard  king,  who  applied  to  the 
pope  to  favor  him  in  his  projects  against  the  French  monarch ;  and 
failing  in  the  attempt,  he  attacked  the  papal  territory  and  endeav- 
ored to  seize  Adrian  I.  The  latter  appealed  to  Charlemagne,  who 
came  seasonably  to  his  assistance  with  a  powerful  army,  captured 
Pa  via  after  a  siege  of  several  months,  took  Desiderius  prisoner,  and 
put  an  end  to  the  Lombard  kingdom,  which  he  added  to  his  own 
dominions.  During  the  siege  of  Pavia  Charlemagne  spent  "Holy 
Week"  in  Rome,  and  confirmed  the  gift  of  his  father  Pepin  to  the 
pope,  and,  in  return,  was  crowned  king  of  Italy  and  "Patrician  of 
Rome,"  by  Adrian  1.  Charlemagne  entered  Italy  again,  A.  D.  781, 
to  protect  the  pope  against  a  league  of  all  the  adversaries  of  the 
papal  and  Frankish  interests,  headed  by  Arigiso,  the  Lombard  duke 
of  Benevento,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Desiderius.  The 
prompt  appearance  of  the  great  conqueror  in  Italy  ended  the  trouble. 
Adrian  I  died,  A.  D.  795,  and  Leo  III  became  his  successor.  He 


THE  DOCTRINES  OF  CLAUDIUS. 


59 


was  unpopular  with  the  factions  which  divided  Rome,  and  his  enemies 
attacked  him  in  the  streets,  A.  D.  799,  and  ahnost  killed  him. 
Escaping  from  the  city  he  went  to  Spoleto,  and  thence  to  Paderborn. 


HE  ninth  century  produced  the  most  remarkable,  perhaps,  of  all 


J-  those  distinguished  champions  of  the  truth  in  Italy,  who  de- 
nounced the  growing  superstition  of  the  Church  and  labored  to 
preserve  pure  and  undefiled  the  faith  which  apostles  had  preached. 
The  mantle  of  Ambrose  fell  upon  Claudius,  archbishop  of  Turin.  He 
was  an  earnest  and  diligent  student  of  the  Bible.  As  he  read  it  he 
seemed  to  stand  in  the  immediate  presence  of  the  apostles,  and  of 
One  greater  than  the  apostles.  Beholding  with  dismay  the  departure 
of  the  Church  from  the  true  way,  he  resolved  to  "cry  aloud  and  spare 
not."  He  had  been  chaplain  of  the  emperor,  Louis  the  Meek,  who 
appointed  him  bishop  of  Turin,  saying,  "I  have  made  this  nomina- 
tion in  order  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Italian  Churches,  which 
for  the  greater  part  have  gone  astray  from  the  doctrine  of  the  Evan- 
gelists." Claudius  had  talent,  learning,  firmness,  and  virtue  for  such 
a  mission.  He  commenced  it  in  earnest,  and  denounced  the  errors 
and  abuses  of  the  bishop  and  king  of  Rome  with  uncompromising 
zeal,  both  in  his  preaching  and  writings.  He  wrote  extensive  works, 
which  the  Inquisition  has  since  destroyed.  The  titles,  however,  and 
many  interesting  passages  of  them  may  be  found,  as  they  are  quoted 
in  the  works  of  his  opponents,  and  especially  in  a  book  published 
against  him  by  Jonas  of  Orleans,  a  contemporary  writer. 

The  opinions  of  Claudius  that  may  be  gathered  from  such  sources 
were  in  direct  opposition  to  those  which  were  held  by  the  Bishop  of 
Rome.  Claudius  maintained  that  the  Church  had  no  other  head  but 
Christ,  no  supremacy  in  the  Church  for  any  bishop,  no  such  place  as 
''purgatory,"  no  merit  in  pilgrimages  and  formal  penances,  no  wor- 
ship of  relics  and  images  under  whatever  pretext,  no  pagan  pomps 
in  the  worship  of  God,  no  transubstantiation  in  the  Lord's-supper. 
He  grasped  "the  sword  of  the  Spirit,  which  is  the  Word  of  God," 
and  attacked  the  errors  of  his  day. 

In  regard  to  the  supremacy  claimed  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  Clau- 


Chapter  IV. 


THE  PROTEST  OF  CLAUDIUS, 


6o  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

dius  remarked  that  "a  certain  supremacy  was  given  by  our  Lord  to 
Peter  for  the  conversion  of  the  Jews  as  well  as  to  Paul  for  the  con- 
version of  the  Gentiles;  but  this  was  personal  to  them,  as  were  all 
the  gifts  of  the  apostles.  At  any  rate,  the  bishopric  of  Rome  was 
probably  founded  by  Paul,  who  went  there  twice,  but  not  certainly 
by  Peter,  who  never  saw  Rome."  In  addition  to  this  statement 
concerning  the  Roman  primacy,  we  present  the  following  from  the 
writings  of  Claudius:  "We  know  very  well  that  this  passage  of  the 
Gospel  is  very  ill  understood — 'Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock 
will  I  build  my  Church;  and  I  will  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,'  under  pretense  of  which  words  the  stupid  and 
ignorant  common  people,  destitute  of  all  spiritual  knowledge,  betake 
themselves  to  Rome  in  hopes  of  acquiring  eternal  life.  The  ministry 
belongs  to  all  the  true  superintendents  and  pastors  of  the  Church, 
who  discharge  the  same  as  long  as  they  are  in  this  world;  and  when 
they  have  paid  the  debt  of  death  others  succeed  in  their  places,  who 
enjoy  the  same  authority  and  power.  Know  thou  that  he  only  is 
apostolic  who  is  the  keeper  and  guardian  of  the  apostle's  doctrine, 
and  not  he  who  boasts  himself  to  be  seated  in  the  chair  of  the  apostle, 
and  in  the  mean  time  doth  not  acquit  himself  of  the  charge  of  the 
apostle." 

The  greatest  difficulty  with  which  Claudius  had  to  contend  in  the 
course  of  his  mission  was  the  worship  of  relics  and  images.  It  had 
been  adopted  early  by  the  Church  as  a  compromise  with  paganism, 
and  the  people  were  fond  of  it.  There  is  no  doubt  a  tendency  in 
our  weak  human  nature  to  represent  God  clothed  in  our  material 
forms  and  passions;  and  this  tendency  was  gratified  in  a  high  degree 
by  the  sensuous  idolatry  of  the  ancient  Romans.  It  was  an  almost 
continual  exhibition  of  the  fine  arts,  showy  pomps,  and  exciting 
spectacles,  besides  being  associated  with  all  the  national  glories. 
Claudius  regarded  the  worship  of  images  and  relics  as  the  source  of 
all  abominations,  and  resisted  it  with  all  the  logic  of  his  pen  and  all 
the  force  of  his  eloquence.  The  Bishop  of  Rome  was  the  great  advo- 
cate of  this  innovation,  which  was  then  making  rapid  advancement. 
The  bishop  of  Milan  condemned  the  practice  as  idolatrous,  and 
purged  those  churches  in  his  diocese  which  had  begun  to  admit 
representations  of  saints  and  divine  persons  within  their  walls,  not 
even  sparing  the  cross  itself.  The  seventh  General  Council  ox  second 
of  Nice,  held  A.  D.  787,  had  decreed  the  worship  of  images;  but 
France,  Spain,  Germany,  and  the  diocese  of  Milan  rejected  it.  It 
was  also  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  A.  D.  794. 


CLAUDIUS  DENOUNCES  IMAGE  WORSHIP. 


6i 


The  advocates  of  images  in  the  ninth  century  employed  the  very 
same  arguments  in  their  defense  that  Romanists  at  the  present  time 
offer,  and  Claudius  refuted  them  on  the  same  ground  that  Protestant 
writers  still  maintain.  The  former  declared  that  they  did  not  worship 
the  image  itself,  but  simply  used  it  as  the  medium  through  which 
they  worshiped  him  whom  the  image  represents,  and  when  they 
kissed  the  cross  this  act  expressed  their  adoration  of  Him  who  died 
upon  it.  But  Claudius  would  not  accept  this  common  excuse  that 
the  worship  rendered  to  a  material  object  is  directed  to  an  immaterial 
one.  '^Fii'sty''  said  he,  ''this  is  not  true.  The  common  class  of 
men  are  not  able  to  make  that  subtle  distinction,  and  for  this  reason 
the  Bible  forbade  absolutely  even  to  make  images  of  God.  Secondly, 
some  images  and  relics  are  the  objects  of  pilgrimages  and  greater 
veneration  than  others;  and  this  proves  that  an  intrinsic  virtue  is 
supposed  to  reside  in  those  material  objects.  TJiirdly,  there  is  no 
reason  why  we  should  w^orship  the  souls  of  those  whom  we  believe 
to  be  saved.  To  God  alone  is  due  honor,  praise,  and  worship.  Should 
the  saints  be  worshiped  at  all  it  would  be  preferable  to  do  so  when 
they  are  still  alive  and  in  the  image  of  God." 

Claudius,  in  his  letter  to  Theodemir,  says:  ''Appointed  bishop  by 
Louis,  I  came  to  Turin.  I  found  all  the  churches  full  of  the  filth  of 
abominations  and  images.  ...  If  Christians  venerate  the  images 
of  saints  they  have  not  abandoned  idols,  but  only  changed  their 
names."  While  employing  the  most  invincible  arguments,  the  bishop 
of  Milan  also  occasionally  indulged  in  sarcasm.  "God  commands 
one  thing,"  says  he,  "and  these  people  do  quite  the  contrary.  God 
commands  us  to  bear  our  cross  and  not  worship  it;  but  these  are  all 
for  worshiping  it,  whereas  they  do  not  bear  it  at  all.  To  serve  God 
after  this  manner  is  to  go  away  from  him.  For  if  we  ought  to  adore 
the  cross  because  Christ  was  fastened  to  it,  how  many  other  things 
are  there  which  touched  Jesus  Christ!  Why  don't  they  adore  man- 
gers and  old  clothes,  because  he  was  laid  in  a  manger  and  wrapped 
in  swaddling  clothes?  Let  them  adore  asses,  because  he  entered  into 
Jerusalem  upon  the  foal  of  an  ass !" 

Where  the  voice  of  this  earnest  preacher  could  not  reach  he 
labored  to  convey  truth  by  his  pen.  He  published  expositions  of 
almost  all  the  epistles  of  Paul,  and  several  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, besides  writing  commentaries  on  the  Gospels.  According  to 
Allix,  none  of  these  works  have  been  printed  except  his  commentary 
upon  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  The  monks  of  St.  Germain  have 
his  commentary  upon  all  the  epistles  in  manuscript,  in  two  volumes, 


62 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


which  were  found  in  the  Hbrary  of  the  abbey  of  Fleury,  near  Orleans. 
They  have  also  his  manuscript  commentaries  on  Leviticus,  which 
formerly  belonged  to  the  library  of  St.  Remy  at  Rheims.  There  are 
several  manuscript  copies  of  his  commentary  on  Matthew  in  England 
and  elsewhere. 

In  A.  D.  815  he  expressed,  in  his  commentary  on  Matthew,  his 
views  of  the  Eucharist,  declaring  that  it  was  a  memorial  of  Christ's 
death,  and  not  a  repetition  of  it,  and  that  the  elements  of  bread  and 
wine  were  only  symbols  of  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Jesus.  It  appears, 
therefore,  that  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  was  not  held  in  the 
ninth  century  by  the  Italian  Church  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps.  The 
bishops  of  neighboring  dioceses  indorsed  the  opinion  of  the  bishop 
of  Milan,  and  urged  him  to  continue  his  expositions  of  the  Bible. 
Though  differing  from  him  on  other  subjects,  they  concurred  in  his 
views  of  the  sacrament.  Among  these  prominent  ecclesiastics  who 
favored  the  teachings  of  Claudius  were  Jonas,  bishop  of  Orleans,  and 
the  Abbot  Theodemirus, 

The  doctrines  which  Claudius  so  powerfully  advocated  by  both 
voice  and  pen  were  essentially  the  same  that  Luther  proclaimed  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  He  insisted  that  there  is  but  one  Sovereign 
in  the  Church,  and  he  is  not  on  earth  ;  that  Peter  had  no  superiority 
over  the  other  apostles,  but  was  honored  in  being  the  first  who 
preached  the  Gospel  to  both  Jews  and  Gentiles;  that  human  merit 
does  not  avail,  and  that  man  is  saved  by  faith  alone.  This  earnest 
reformer  of  the  ninth  century  rejected  such  dogmas  as  the  authority 
of  tradition,  prayers  for  the  dead,  and  the  infallibility  of  the  Church. 
With  regret  he  beheld  the  downward  tendency  of  the  Church  in  Italy, 
the  worldliness  of  its  ministry,  the  ignorance  of  its  people,  the  prom- 
inence of  image  worship  in  its  service,  and  the  magnificence  of  its 
ceremonies.-  Yet  while  there  was  a  general  declension  of  piety 
throughout  Italy,  the  Church  in  the  northern  part,  to  a  great  extent, 
maintained  its  purity.  The  Bishop  of  Rome  had  not  succeeded  in 
compelling  universal  submission  to  his  jurisdiction,  and  had  not  per- 
suaded all  the  Churches  to  accept  his  new  opinions  and  to  adopt  his 
peculiar  customs. 

The  dominant  power  at  Rome  would  have  silenced  Claudius,  but 
he  was  not  alone.  Bishops  and  synods  extended  to  him  sympathy 
and  support.  Agobardus,  the  bishop  of  Lyons,  was  as  strong  an 
iconoclast  as  the  reformer  at  Turin,  and  stood  by  him  in  defense  of 
the  true  faith.  Dupon  says  that  the  emperor,  Louis  the  Pious  (le 
Debonnaire),  summoned  a  council,  A.  D.  824,  of  ''the  most  learned 


THE  FRIENDS  AND  ENEMIES  OF  CLAUDIUS. 


63 


and  judicious  bishops  of  his  realm"  to  discuss  the  question  of  images. 
At  that  time  emperors  could  convene  synods  and  appoint  bishops. 
Hence  no  papal  allocution  determined  the  action  of  this  council.  "It 
knew  no  other  way  to  settle  the  question  than  by  determining  what 
they  should  find  upon  the  most  impartial  examination  to  be  true, 
by  plain  text  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  the  judgment  of  the  Fathers." 
This  ecclesiastical  body,  which  met  at  Paris,  like  the  great  council  at 
Frankfort,  A.  D.  794,  indorsed  the  principles  for  which  Claudius 
had  contended.  During  the  twenty  years  of  controversy  he  was 
publicly  opposed  by  only  two  men,  Dungulas,  a  recluse  of  the  abbey 
of  St.  Denis,  an  Italian,  it  is  believed,  and  naturally  inclined  to  the 
opinions  of  the  pope;  and  Jonas,  bishop  of  Orleans,  who  differed  from 
Claudius  on  the  one  question  of  tolerating  the  use  of  images,  the 
bishop  of  Orleans  defending  them,  but  not  for  idolatrous  pur- 
poses, while  the  bishop  of  Turin  condemned  any  use  of  them  in 
churches. 

The  doctrines  of  Claudius  found  many  followers,  both  in  Italy 
and  in  France.  The  abbot  of  St.  Theodomir,  in  France,  who  had 
been  a  school-mate  and  friend,  wrote  to  him,  saying  that  his  doc- 
trines had  already  been  extensively  embraced,  and  beseeching  him  to 
give  up  his  preachings  and  writings,  because  they  were  not  approved 
by  the  apostolic  lord,  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  Claudius  replied  that 
his  doctrines  were  those  of  the  Gospel,  and  incidentally  remarked 
that  the  title  "apostolic  does  not  belong  to  him  who  administers  a 
bishopric  founded  by  an  apostle,  but  to  him  who  truly  fulfills  the 
apostolic  mission."  This  important  letter  was  followed  by  the  publi- 
cation of  a  book  on  the  same  subject.  An  extract  of  this  book  was 
made  by  Dungal,  an  Irish  priest,  who,  selecting  here  and  there  some 
propositions,  changed  their  meaning,  and  charged  them  as  being 
heretical.  A  self-constituted  council  assumed  to  examine  those  prop- 
ositions ;  but  Claudius  declined  their  judgment,  and  regarded  with 
indifference  the  attack  of  Dungal. 

At  this  the  enemies  of  Claudius  openly  and  directly  accused  him 
of  heresy  to  the  emperor,  Louis  the  Meek,  by  whom  he  had  been 
appointed  bishop  of  Turin.  That  monarch  did  not  heed  the  accusa- 
tion or  order  a  trial,  but  simply  gave  a  commission  to  Jonas,  bishop 
of  Orleans,  to  make  an  inquiry  into  the  doctrines  of  Claudius.  Six 
years  elapsed,  and  Jonas  was  silent.  In  the  mean  while  Claudius 
freely  continued  his  mission,  completed  his  extensive  commentaries 
on  the  New  Testament,  and  died  in  full  communion  with  all  the 
Churches  of  Italy  and  France.     It  was  only  after  his  death  that 


64 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Jonas  of  Orleans  published  and  presented  to  the  emperor  a  book  in 
which  he  admits  that  the  bishop  of  Turin  was  right  in  opposing  the 
worship  of  images,  but  rebukes  him  on  account  of  his  intemperate 
zeal  on  that  subject,  for  his  disregard  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and 
for  his  aversion  to  pilgrimages,  invocation  of  the  saints,  and  worship 
of  the  cross.  Jonas  in  the  same  book  hints  also  that  heretical  books 
were  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  library  of  Claudius  after  his 
death,  and  that  a  nunor  had  been  spread  of  his  having  received  the 
heresy  of  Arius.  The  words  of  the  bishop  of  Orleans  would  rather 
imply  a  malignant  insinuation  than  an  open  accusation  of  heresy. 
And  yet,  with  no  other  foundation,  a  modern  French  writer,  Bossuet, 
has  positively  asserted  that  Claudius  was  an  Arian  or  a  Nestorian.  " 
The  inconsistency  of  this  late  charge  is  shown  from  the  fact  that  he 
communed  and  almost  identified  himself  with  the  Waldensian  Church, 
against  which  no  such  accusation  was  ever  made. 

The  civil  and  religious  history  of  Italy  during  the  ninth  century 
are  so  intimately  connected  that  they  may  be  narrated  together  as 
one  inseparable  cluster  of  events.  Leo  III,  who  had  been  driven 
from  Rome,  A.  D.  799,  naturally  appealed  to  Charlemagne  for  the 
punishment  of  his  enemies  and  his  restoration  to  the  papal  throne. 
His  enemies  endeavored  to  defend  their  course  by  charging  the 
pontiff  with  grave  crimes.  The  Prankish  monarch  did  not  decline 
to  undertake  the  judicial  investigation  of  the  case,  but  postponed  it 
until  his  arrival  in  Rome,  in  the  mean  time  continuing  to  treat  the 
pope  with  undiminished  respect  and  familiarity.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  Autumn,  A.  D.  800,  Charlemagne  proceeded  to  Rome,  and 
the  trial  of  Leo  III  occurred.  It  resulted,  as  a  matter  of  course,  in 
his  acquittal  and  the  punishment  of  his  accusers,  the  king  with  his 
own  voice  proclaiming  the  innocence  of  the  pontiff.  The  latter, 
desiring  to  manifest  his  gratitude,  resolved  to  reward  his  benefactor ; 
and  accordingly,  while  he  was  kneeling  on  the  steps  of  the  great 
altar  in  St.  Peter's  Cathedral  at  the  service  of  the  mass,  Leo  III 
came  suddenly  behind  him  and  placed  upon  his  head  the  golden 
crown  of  the  Caesars,  at  the  same  time  hailing  him  with  the  ancient 
imperial  titles:  ''Long  life  and  victory  to  Charles  Augustus,  crowned 
of  God,  great  and  peace-giving  Emperor  of  the  Romans!"  It  was 
Christmas,  A.  D.  800,  which  was  then  the  day  of  the  New  Year, 
and  a  vast  throng  of  clergy,  warriors,  and  citizens  filled  the  church. 
This  multitude  echoed  the  words  of  the  pontiff  with  an  enthusiastic 
shout,  joyfully  acknowledging  the  king  of  the  Franks  as  the  lawful 
successor  of  the  Caesars.    Thus  an  august  title  which  had  remained 


CHARLEMAGNE  AND  LOUIS. 


65 


dormant  for  several  centuries  was  revived,  but  it  did  not  restore 
Rome  to  its  ancient  splendor. 

Charlemagne,  the  "Emperor  of  the  West,"  was  now  the  most 
powerful  monarch  in  the  world ;  but  his  fame  does  not  rest  so  much 
upon  his  great  exploits  as  a  conqueror  as  upon  his  learning  and 
statesmanship.  He  labored  to  promote  the  civilization  and  Chris- 
tianization  of  Europe,  and  during  his  life  Italy  enjoyed  a  period  of 
rest  and  prosperity.  On  his  death,  A.  D.  814,  his  only  lawful  sur- 
viving child,  Louis,  known  as  '*Le  Debonnaire,"  or  the  meek,  mild, 
or  gentle  one,  became  emperor,  having  been  crowned  the  previous 
year.  Feeling  his  own  incompetency,  and  hoping  to  preserve  peace 
among  his  turbulent  sons,  the  new  monarch  gave  to  each  of  them  a 
share  in  his  dominions,  A.  D.  817,  Italy  being  included  in  that  por- 
tion assigned  to  Lothaire.  The  death  of  Louis  occurred  A.  D.  840, 
and  Lothaire  took  the  imperial  title,  which  he  held  for  fifteen  years. 
His  son,  Louis  II,  who  had  been  ruler  over  Lombardy,  succeeded 
Lothaire,  A.  D.  855,  and  was  a  brave  and  virtuous  sovereign.  He 
advanced  into  Southern  Italy,  and  saved  Rome  from  the  further 
attacks  of  the  Saracens.  These  invaders,  after  striving  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Sicily,  landed  upon  the  Italian  coast,  and,  encouraged  by  the 
dissensions  of  the  cities  in  the  lower  end  of  the  peninsula,  extended 
their  ravages  to  the  vicinity  of  Rome,  even  besieging  the  city  itself. 
Had  they  been  united  they  might  have  conquered  all  Italy,  The 
distress  of  the  Romans  was  increased  by  the  death  of  their  pontiff, 
Sergius  II ;  but  in  his  successor,  Leo  IV,  they  found  a  chief  fitted 
for  the  employment  both  of  the  cabinet  and  the  field.  By  his  cour- 
ageous conduct  Rome  was  saved.  He  successfully  resisted  the  Sara- 
cens in  their  attacks  upon  the  city,  and  brought  about  a  league  of 
the  cities  of  Gaeta,  Naples,  and  Amalifei.  Their  combined  fleets 
inflicted  a  severe  defeat  upon  that  of  the  Saracens  off  Ostia,  and  a 
tempest  destroyed  the  remnant  of  it.  Leo  could  not  prevent  the 
Saracens  from  plundering  the  churches  and  shrines  which  lay  without 
the  walls.  Upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  enemy  he  inclosed  this  por- 
tion— the  Vatican  quarter — with  a  strong  wall,  and  called  it,  in  honor 
of  himself,  the  Leonine  City,  A.  D.  852. 

The  Saracens,  having  captured  Bari,  had  control  of  the  Adriatic 
and  the  southern  part  of  Italy;  but  Louis  II,  aided  by  the  Greek 
fleet  of  Basil  I,  defeated  them,  A.  D.  871.  The  death  of  Louis  II 
occurred  A.  D.  875,  and  Charles  the  Bald  of  France  was  crowned 
emperor  by  his  nephew.  Pope  John  VIII.  The  latter  is  believed  by 
some  authorities  to  have  been  a  female  in  disguise,  a  native  of  Ger- 


I 


66  ITAL  V  STJ^  UGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

many,  educated  at  Athens,  and  celebrated  for  eloquence,  learning, 
and  popular  manners.  It  is  said  that  she  was  elected  pope,  A.  D.  854, 
and  reigned  nearly  two  years  and  a  half,  but,  not  observing  the  laws 
of  chastity,  she  died  in  child-birth  from  improper  exposure  in  a 
public  procession  between  the  theater  called  Coliseum  and  the  church 
of  St.  Clement.  Mosheim  refers  to  this  extraordinary  or  imaginary 
person,  still  known  under  the  popular  name  of  Pope  Joan,  and  says 
that  it  is  ''more  than  probable  that  some  unusual  event  must  have 
happened  at  Rome,  from  which  this  story  derived  its  origin."  Some 
writers  maintain  that  she  is  a  fictitious  character,  whose  degradation 
represented  the  profligracy  of  the  popes  at  that  time.  Among  the 
prominent  pontiffs  who  reigned  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century  were 
Adrian  II  (who,  upon  the  death  of  Benedict  III,  A.  D.  857,  ascended 
the  papal  throne),  John  VIII,  and  Eugenius  III.  In  this  century  the 
power  and  influence  of  the  popes  in  civil  affairs  arose  to  an  enormous 
height  through  the  favor  and  protection  of  the  Italian  princes.  Car- 
loman,  who  became  emperor,  A.  D.  877,  and  Charles  the  Fat,  who 
succeeded  him,  A.  D.  885,  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy  and  in  the  Roman 
Empire,  were  elected  by  the  Roman  pontiff  and  the  Italian  princes. 
To  support  their  pretensions  to  supremacy  and  independence  the 
bishops  of  Rome  forged  ancient  records,  and  presented  them  as  au- 
thentic documents.  Among  these  assumed  decretals  of  the  early 
Church  were  those  of  some  obscure  writer,  to  which  was  attached 
Isidore's  name.  .  ' 


Chapter  V. 

RISE  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

DURING  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  Italy  was  in  a  state 
of  constant  strife.  Hostile  factions  contended  for  the  suprem- 
acy, and  surrounding  nations,  taking  advantage  of  these  internal 
dissensions,  invaded  the  peninsula.  In  the  early  part  of  the  tenth 
century  it  experienced  many  disasters.  The  Magyars  and  Northmen 
swept  over  the  Alps  and  ravaged  the  northern  portion  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  Southern  Italy  was  devastated  by  the  Saracens.  The 
death  of  Charles  the  Fat,  A.  D.  887,  ended  the  Carolingian  line  in 
Italy,  and  was  followed  by  the  disruption  of  Charlemagne's  magnifi- 
cent empire.    A  struggle  at  once  ensued  between  the  adherents  of 


DISORDERS  IN  ITALY. 


67 


Beranger,  duke  of  Friuli,  and  Guido,  duke  of  Spolctum,  for  the 
possession  of  the  ItaHan  crown.  The  latter  prince  was  victorious, 
and  became  emperor ;  and  Beranger  appealed  to  the  German  king, 
Arnulf,  to  assist  him  against  his  enemy.  He  responded  willingly  to 
the  summons,  and  invaded  Italy,  A.  D.  894.  Having  taken  Rome, 
he  set  aside  both  Beranger  and  Lambert,  son  of  Guido,  who  had 
died  during  the  conflict,  and  was  himself  crowned  emperor  by  Pope 
Formosus.  He  had  no  real  power  in  Italy,  and  soon  returned  to 
Germany,  where  he  died,  A.  D.  899.  Death  removed  Lambert 
about  the  same  time,  and  Beranger  occupied  the  Italian  throne  at 
the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century. 

Leo  V  succeeded  Benedict  IV  in  the  pontificate,  A.  D.  903  ;  but 
he  reigned  only  forty  days,  having  been  dethroned  and  imprisoned 
by  Christopher,  one  of  his  domestics.  But  the  usurper  was  over- 
thrown the  following  year  by  Sergius  III,  a  Roman  presbyter.  This 
pontiff  owed  his  elevation  to  the  protection  of  Adalbert,  a. powerful 
Tuscan  prince,  whose  influence  at  Rome  was  unlimited ;  and  his 
short  reign  was  followed  by  those  of  Anastasius  III  and  Lando,  all 
too  transient  to  be  very  fruitful  in  events.  An  archbishop  of  Ra- 
venna, under  the  title  of  John  X,  ascended  the  papal  throne,  A.  D. 
914,  and,  like  the  most  of  his  predecessors,  was  licentious  and  corrupt. 
His  glorious  campaign  against  the  Saracens,  whom  he  expelled  from 
their  settlements  upon  the  banks  of  the  Garigliano,  A.  D.  916,  was 
a  redeeming  feature  of  his  reign.  He  did  not,  however,  long  enjoy 
his  elevation,  as  he  was  disliked  by  an  infamous  woman  named 
Marozia,  the  daughter  of  Theodora,  and  wife  of  Albert,  marquis  or 
count  of  Tuscany.  She  was  the  mistress  of  one  pope,  the  mother 
of  a  second,  and  the  grandmother  of  a  third ;  and  the  record  of  her 
career  forms  the  darkest  page  in  the  history  of  the  papacy.  Upon 
the  death  of  her  husband  and  Beranger  I  she  endeavored  to  strengthen 
herself  by  marrying  Hugh  of  Provence,  who  had  assumed  the  Italian 
crown,  and  had  been  acknowledged  king  by  Pope  John  XI,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Leo  VI  and  Stephen  VII,  whose  respective  reigns  were 
unimportant.  John  XI  was  the  illegitimate  son  of  Marozia  by  Sergius 
III,  and  yet  accepted,  A.  D.  931,  the  sacred  position  once  occupied 
by  St.  Peter !  His  mother  introduced  Hugh  of  Provence  into  the 
castle  of  St.  Angelo ;  but  the  Romans,  led  by  Alberic,  the  legiti- 
mate son  of  Marozia,  refused  to  allow  Hugh  to  enter  their  city,  and 
confined  him  to  the  castle,  from  which  Alberic  soon  drove  him. 
Marozia  and  John  XI  were  thrown  into  prison,  A.  D.  933,  and  the 
latter  died,  A.  D.  936.    The  pontiffs  who  in  their  turns  succeeded 

6 


68 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  filled  the  papal  chair,  until  A.  D.  956,  were  Leo  VII,  Stephen 
VIII,  Marianus  II,  and  Agapet,  whose  characters  were  greatly  supe- 
rior to  those  of  their  immediate  predecessors,  and  whose  govern- 
ment, at  least,  was  not  attended  with  those  tumults  and  revolutions 
which  had  so  frequently  shaken  the  pontifical  throne  and  banished 
peace  from  Rome. 

For  twenty  years  Alberic  ruled  Rome,  restoring  to  a  limited 
degree  the  old  republican  institutions.  He  joined  to  his  dignity  as 
Roman  consul  a  degree  of  authority  and  opulence  which  nothing 
could  resist,  and,  consequently,  upon  the  death  of  Agapet,  he  raised 
his  son  Octavion  to  the  pontificate.  This  inexperienced  youth  took 
the  name  of  John  XII,  when  he  began  to  reign,  A.  D.  956,  and  thus 
introduced  the  custom,  which  has  since  been  adopted  by  all  the  popes, 
of  assuming  a  new  appellation  upon  occupying  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 
Hugh  of  Provence,  though  driven  from  Rome,  retained  his  hold  upon 
the  rest  of  Italy ;  but  he  was  an  infamous  tyrant,  and  became  so  un- 
popular with  the  people  that  they  devised  a  plot  to  supplant  him  by 
electing  Beranger,  marquis  of  Ivrea,  the  most  powerful  noble  of  Nor- 
thern Italy.  Hugh  detected  the  conspiracy  and  Beranger  fled ;  but 
the  former  was  finally  compelled  to  return  to  Provence,  and  his  son 
Lothaire  became  king  of  Italy,  A.  D.  945.  This  sovereign  died,  A. 
D.  950,  and  his  father's  rival  at  once  mounted  the  throne,  as  Beran- 
ger II.  He  endeavored  to  compel  Adelaide,  the  young  and  beautiful 
widoAv  of  Lothaire,  to  marry  his  son  Adelbert;  but  she  refused,  and 
was  thrown  into  prison.  After  suffering  the  most  cruel  treatment, 
she  succeeded  in  escaping,  and  appealed  to  the  German  king,  Otho 
the  Great,  for  protection.  He  crossed  the  Alps,  defeated  Beranger, 
and  married  Adelaide  himself,  at  the  same  time  assuming  the  title 
of  King  of  the  Lombards.  Allowing  Beranger  to  retain  his  crown, 
and  Lombardy  as  his  vassal,  Otho  returned  home  in  triumph,  A.  D. 
951.  After  ten  years  of  violence  and  discontent,  during  which  the 
Lombard  nobles  succeeded  in  winning  the  uncompromising  hostility 
of  the  pope,  John  XII,  the  latter  invited  Otho  to  become  emperor  of 
the  Romans,  and  accordingly  he  was  crowned,  with  Queen  Adelaide,  x 
at  Rome,  in  February,  A.  D.  962. 

Otho  had  scarcely  passed  the  Alps,  on  his  return  to  Germany, 
when  the  pontiff  commenced  to  plot  against  him,  and  finally  plunged 
Rome  into  a  revolt  against  its  German  master.  The  emperor  returned 
to  Italy,  A.  D.  964,  and  solemnly  deposed  the  pope  from  his  high 
office.  The  Romans  were  deprived  of  their  independent  institutions, 
and  placed  under  the  rule  of  Leo  VIII,  who  was  appointed  by  Otho. 


OTHO  III  AXD  SYLVESTER  IT. 


6g 


Thus  the  power  of  the  German  emperor  was  firmly  estabhshed  in 
Rome.  He  endeavored  to  add  Southern  Italy  to  his  empire,  but  was 
unsuccessful.  The  Romans  attempted  to  regain  their  independent 
municipal  government  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Otho  II, 
and  set  up  a  consul  named  Crescentius,  who  compelled  Benedict  VI, 
who  succeeded  John  XIII  (A.  D.  972),  to  acknowledge  his  authority. 
The  unfortunate  pontiff,  upon  the  death  of  Otho  the  Great,  A.  D. 
973,  was  murdered  the  following  year.  Boniface  VII  and  Donus  II 
each  reigned  a  few  months,  and  when  the  papal  chair  became  vacant," 
A.  D.  975,  Benedict  VII  was  chosen  to  occupy  it.  He  remained  in 
the  pontificate  nine  years,  and  was  succeeded  b\-  John  XI\'.  *  The 
latter,  however,  was  deposed  by  Boniface  \^II,  who  had  returned 
from  his  exile,  A.  D.  965,  but  whose  reign  extended  o\'er  a  period 
of  only  six  months.  His  successor  was  John  X\',  a  wise  and  pru- 
dent ruler,  whose  administration  was  tranquil  and  continued  until  A. 
D.  996.  In  that  year  Otho  III  placed  Gregory  V,  a  German,  upon 
the  papal  throne,  then  marched  to  Rome  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army,  put  an  end  to  the  consular  government,  and  was  crowned  em- 
peror by  the  pope.  As  soon  as  he  had  departed  from  the  city  some 
hostile  factions  raised  a  revolt,  and  elected  a  Greek  to  the  pontificate. 
Otho  III  promptly  returned  to  Rome,  deposed  the  rival  pope,  cruelly 
tortured  him,  and  laid  siege  to  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  Self-govern- 
ment was  now  at  an  end  in  Rome,  and  the  power  of  the  emperor 
was  supreme.  He  even  dreamed  of  reviving  the  ancient  glories  of 
the  Roman  Empire,  and  of  reigning  as  master  of  the  world,  with 
Rome  as  his  capital ;  but  his  early  death  defeated  all  these  plans. 
One  of  his  last  acts  was  the  appointment  of  Gerbert,  his  tutor,  to  the 
pontificate,  to  succeed  Gregory  V.  The  new  pope,  Sylvester  II,  was 
esteemed  the  most  profound  scholar  and  most  daring  thinker  of  his 
day,  using  his  power  to  promote  literature  and  science.  ]\Iosheim 
extols  his  genius  and  declares  that  by  his  writings  ''many  were  in- 
cited to  the  study  of  physics,  mathematics,  and  philosoph}-,  and  in 
general  to  the  pursuit  of  science  in  all  its  branches." 

The  disorders  which  had  marked  the  tenth  century  in  Italy  contin- 
ued throughout  the  eleventh.  After  the  death  of  the  emperor.  Otho 
III,  A.  D;  1002,  Rome  passed  again  under  popular  government,  and 
the  great  cities  of  Xorthern  Italy  enjo}-ed,  under  various  forms,,  much 
of  the  liberty  which  prevailed  in  them  at  earlier  periods.  The  great 
trouble  against  which  they  had  to  contend  was  the  repeated  effort  of 
some  powerful  noble  to  make  himself  master  of  some  important  city. 
Even  the  bishops,  not  content  with  their  spiritual  privileges,  endeavored 


70 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


I 


to  obtain  temporal  power;  and  the  people  of  Milan,  especially,  had 
a  severe  struggle  with  their  archbishop,  who  was  resolved  to  deprive 
them  of  their  liberties.  The  municipal  governments  of  Italy  were 
generalh'  conducted  by  two  or  more  consuls  chosen  by  the  people. 
Each  city  had  usually  two  councils,  the  smaller  being  called  the  Con- 
sigli'o  di  Crcdoiza,  and  the  larger,  the  Senate ;  but  the  supreme  power  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  citizens.  The  great  Italian  republics  were  more 
thoroughly  organized  than  their  minor  sisters.  In  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury V enice  was  one  of  the  richest  and  most  powerful  of  the  Italian 
states,  and  was  just  entering  upon  its  remarkable  commercial  career. 
It  was  the  only  republic  in  Italy  which  never  submitted  to  the  Ger- 
man emperors,  and  no  foreign  power  had  as  yet  been  acknowledged 
within  its  walls.  Its  chief  magistrate  w^as  styled  the  Doge,  or  Duke, 
and  possessed  all  the  powers  of  a  king.  For  six  centuries  Venice 
had  not  been  involved  in  the  great  struggles  which  convulsed  the 
other  portions  of  the  peninsula,  and  consequently  enjoyed  a  steady 
growth.  During  the  Crusades  the  republic  engaged  in  ship-building, 
expelled  the  pirates  from  the  Adriatic  Sea,  carried  on  an  extensive 
commerce  with  eastern  countries,  and  became  the  mistress  of  the  seas. 
The  example  of  Venice  was  followed  by  Pisa,  and  that  republic  next 
rose  to  wealth  and  importance,  and  became  the  principal  commercial 
rival  of  the  other.  Genoa  did  not  advance  so  rapidly,  but  her  terri- 
tory ultimajtely  embraced  the  cities  of  the  two  Rivieras,  and  extended 
around  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Genoa  from  Nice  to  Spezzia.  She 
was  always  the  enemy  of  Venice,  and  the  rival  of  Pisa,  though  some- 
times the  ally  of  the  latter  republic. 

During  the  eleventh  century  the  Italian  crown  was  worn  by  Henry 
of  Bavaria,  Conrad  II,  Henry  III,  and  Henry  IV,  the  Great.  All 
these  German  emperors  had  more  or  less  contention  with  the  Roman 
pontiffs.  Gregory  VII  compelled  Henry  IV  to  remain  three  days 
and  nights  barefooted  in  the  snow,  and  without  food,  at  the  gate  of 
the  castle  of  Canossa,  in  February,  A.  D.  1077.  The  chief  ally  of 
the'  pope  in  Italy  was  the  Countess  Matilda,  of  Tuscany,  who  pos- 
sessed great  fiefs.  She  laid  the  foundation  of  the  temporal  power  of 
the  popes  by  bequeathing  (A.  D.  1080)  a  large  portion  of  her  do- 
minions to  Gregory  VII.  The  Normans,  under  Robert  Guiscard, 
invaded  Sicily,  expelled  the  Saracens,  and  captured  (A.  D.  1053) 
Pope  Leo  IX,  who  had  advanced  against  them  with  an  army.  After- 
wards the  Normans  defended  the  Roman  pontiffs,  and  Roger,  the  son 
of  Robert  Guiscard,  became  king  of  Sicily,  and  promised  to  make 
his  dominion  a  fief  of  the  ''Holy  See." 


HILDEBRA.ND  (POPE  GREGORy  Vllj. 


72 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Chapter  VI. 

THE  STRUGGLES  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

THREE  important  events  mark  the  civil  history  of  Italy  during 
the  twelfth  century — the  struggle  between  the  empire  and  the 
papacy  for  ecclesiastical  investitures;  the  establishment  of  the  Nor- 
man kingdom  in  Naples,  and  the  formation  of  distinct  and  nearly 
independent  repubhcs  among  the  cities  of  Lombardy.  Pascal  II, 
who  had  been  raised  to  the  pontificate  in  the  closing  year  of  the  pre- 
ceding century  (A.  D.  1099),  appeared  firmly  seated  in  the  apostolic 
chair  without  the  least  apprehension  from  the  imperial  faction.  After 
the  death  of  Guibert,  A.  D.  iioo,  this  faction,  indeed,  chose  in  his 
place  a  person  named  Albert ;  but  he  was  seized  and  imprisoned  on 
the  day  of  his  election.  Theodoric  and  Magnulf  were  successively 
chosen  after  Albert,  who  could  not  long  support  their  claim  to  the 
pontificate.  No  sooner  did  Pascal  observe  his  deliverance  from  his 
domestic  enemies  than  he  determined  not  to  suffer  the  present  season 
of  tranquillity  to  pass  unimproved.  He  assembled  a  council  at  Rome, 
A.  D.  1 102,  in  which  the  decrees  of  his  predecessors  against  inves- 
titures and  the  excommunications  they  had  fulminated  against  Henry 
IV  were  renewed,  and  the  ambitious  pontiff  employed  the  most 
vigorous  efforts  to  excite  new  enemies  against  the  unfortunate  em- 
peror. The  latter,  however,  resisted  with  great  constancy  and  reso- 
lution the  aggressions  of  this  violent  pope,  and  eluded  his  perfidious 
stratagems  with  much  vigilance  and  dexterity.  But  the  heart  of  the 
emperor  was  wounded  in  the  tenderest  part,  and  lost  all  its  firmness 
and  courage,  when  his  unnatural  son,  who  was  afterwards  named 
Henry  V,  under  the  impious  pretext  of  religion,  took  up  arms,  A.  D. 
1 104,  against  his  person  and  his  cause.  He  seized  his  father  in  a 
treacherous  manner,  and  compelled  him  to  abdicate  the  empire ;  after 
which  the  unhappy  prince  retired  to  Liege,  where,  deserted  by  all  his 
adherents,  he  was  released  from  his  miseries  by  death,  A.  D.  1106. 

This  odious  rebellion  produced  a  revolution  in  the  empire;  but 
Pascal  II  did  not  derive  from  it  all  the  benefits  which  he  anticipated. 
While  Henry  V  was  willing  to  grant  the  right  of  election  to  the 
canons  and  monks,  as  was  usual  prior  to  his  reign,  he  could  by  no 
means  be  persuaded  to  renounce  his  right  of  investing  the  bishops  and 


JVAJ^  OF  INVESTITURES. 


73 


abbots.  This  refusal  exasperated  the  pontiff,  who  renewed,  in  the 
Councils  of  Guastallo  and  Troyes,  the  decrees  which  had  so  frequently 
been  issued  against  investitures,  and  the  flame  burst  forth  with  new 
fury.  It  was,  indeed,  suspended  during  a  few  years  by  the  wars' in 
which  Henry  V  was  engaged,  and  which  prevented  him  from  terminat- 
ing the  dispute.  But  as  soon  as  he  had  made  peace  with  his  enemies 
and  composed  the  tumults  which  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  the  em- 
pire, he  departed  for  Italy,  A.  D.  1 1  lo,  with  a  formidable  army,  to 
put  an  end  to  the  long  and  unhappy  contest.  He  advanced  toward 
Rome  b}'  slow  marches,  while  the  trembling  pope,  reduced  to  the 
lowest  and  most  defenseless  condition,  proposed  to  him  the  following 
conditions  of  peace :  That  he  on  the  one  hand  should  renounce  the 
right  of  investing  Avith  the  ring  and  the  crosier ;  and  that  the  bishops 
and  abbots  should,  on  the  other,  resign  to  the  emperor  all  the  grants 
they  had  received  from  Charlemagne,  of  those  rights  and  privileges 
which  belong  to  royalty,  such  as  the  power  of  raising  tribute,  coining 
mone}',  and  possessing  independent  lands  and  territories,  with  other 
immunities  of  a  similar  nature.  Henry  accepted  these  conditions, 
and  accordingly  ratified  them  by  a  formal  consent,  A.  D.  iiii;  but 
the  Italian  and  German  bishops  were  extremely  displeased,  and 
strongly  expressed  their  dissent. 

The  contending  parties  were  assembled  in  the  church  qf  St.  Peter, 
and,  a  fatal  tumult  having  arisen  between  their  respective  followers, 
Henry  ordered  the  pope  and  several  of  the  refractory  cardinals  to  be 
seized  and  to  be  confined  in  the  castle  of  Viterbo.  After  remaining 
a  prisoner  for  some  time  the  captive  pontiff  was  engaged,  by  the 
unhappy  circumstances  of  his  present  condition,  to  enter  into  a  new 
convention,  by  which  he  solemnly  receded  from  the  article  of  the 
former  treaty  which  regarded  investitures,  confirmed  to  the  emperor 
the  privilege  of  inaugurating  the  bishops  and  abbots  with  the  'ri7ig 
and  crosier,  and  anathematized  all  who  might  oppose  this  concession. 
Thus  was  peace  concluded,  and  Henry  received  the  imperial  diadem 
from  Pascal  II.  This  peace  was  transitory — the  fruit  of  violence  and 
necessity — and  was  followed  by  greater  tumults  and  more  dreadful 
wars  than  had  yet  afflicted  the  Church.  Immediately  after  this  treaty 
had  been  concluded  Rome  was  convulsed  with  the  most  vehement 
commotions,  and  a  universal  clamor  was  excited  against  the  pontiff, 
who  was  accused  of  having  violated,  in  a  scandalous  manner,  the  du- 
ties and  dignity  of  his  station,  and  of  having  prostituted  the  majesty 
of  the  Church  by  his  ignominious  comphance  with  the  demands  of 
the  emper9r.    Pascal  desired  to  appease  these  commotions,  and,  in 


74 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


defiance  of  his  anathema,  assembled  in  the  church  of  Lateran  a  coun- 
cil, A.  D.  1 1 12.  There  he  not  only  confessed,  with  the  deepest  con- 
trition, the  crime  he  had  committed  in  concluding  such  a  convention 
with  the  emperor,  but  submitted  the  decision  of  the  affair  to  the  de- 
termination of  the  council,  who  accordingly  took  the  treaty  into  con- 
sideration, and  solemnly  annulled  it.  This  step  led  to  many  events 
which,  for  a  long  time,  resulted  unfavorably  to  the  interests  of  Henry. 
Many  synods  and  councils  both  in  France  and  Germany  excommu- 
nicated him,  and  he  was  even  placed  in  the  black  list  of  heretics,  a 
denomination  which  exposed  those  who  were  embraced  in  it  to  the 
greatest  dangers  in  these  barbarous  and  superstitious  times  ;  and  to 
make  his  anxiety  more  intense,  he  saw  the  German  princes  revolting 
from  his  authority  in  several  places,  and  taking  up  arms  in  the  cause 
of  the  Church. 

Henry,  desiring  to  terminate  the  calamities  which  thus  afflicted 
the  empire  on  all  sides,  started  for  Italy  a  second  time  with  a  large 
army,  A.  D.  1116,  and  arrived  the  year  following  at  Rome,  where 
he  assembled  the  consuls,  senators,  and  nobles,  while  the  fugitive 
pontiff  retired  to  Benevento.  During  his  forced  absence,  however, 
Pascal  engaged  the  Normans  to  march  to  his  assistance,  and,  encour- 
aged by  the  prospect  of  immediate  succor,  prepared  for  a  vigorous 
war  against  the  emperor,  and  attempted  to  make  himself  master 
of  Rome.  But  in  the  midst  of  these  warlike  preparations,  which 
attracted  the  attention  of  Europe,  the  military  pontiff  died,  A.  D. 
1 1 18.  John  Cajetan  was  chosen  as  his  successor,  but  ended  his  tur- 
bulent reign  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year.  Calistus  H  was 
the  next  incumbent  of  the  papal  chair,  A.  D.  11 19.  He  renewed 
,  the  dispute  concerning  investitures ;  but  it  was  evident  that  both  par- 
ties had  become  wearied  by  constant  agitation,  and  desired  the 
blessings  of  peace.  Conditions  were  therefore  proposed,  which  dero- 
gated neither  from  the  majesty  of  the  empire  nor  the  rights  of  the 
Church,  and  temporary  tranquillity  was  once  more  restored.  In  the 
pontificates  of  his  successors,  until  the  elevation  of  Alexander  III, 
A.  D.  1 159,  few  remarkable  events  occurred,  except  the  struggles 
of  contending  popes,  and  their  disputes  with  Roger,  king  of  Sicily, 
who  haughtily  refused  to  acknowledge  his  dominions  as  dependencies 
upon  the  ''Holy  See." 

By  the  compact  between  Henry  V  and  Calistus  II  the  emperor 
resigned  forever  all  pretense  to  invest  bishops  by  the  ring  and  crosier, 
and  recognized  the  liberty  of  elections.  But,  in  return,  it  was  stipu- 
lated that  elections  should  be  made  in  his  presence  or  that  of  his 


I 


HTAI^  OF  IXJ^ESTITURES  ENDED. 


7S 


officers,  and  that  the  new  bishop  should  receive  his  temporalities 
from  the  emperor  by  the  scepter.  As  both  parties  in  the  concordat 
at  Worms  receded  from  so  much  of  their  pretensions,  it  is  difficult  to 
determine  which  was  victorious.  On  one  hand,  the  emperors,  by 
restoring  the  freedom  of  episcopal  elections,  deprived  themselves  of  a 
prerogative  which  they  had  long  possessed,  and  which  was  almost 
essential  to  the  maintenance  of  authority  over  not  the  least  turbulent 
part  of  their  subjects.  While  the  form  of  investiture  by  the  ring 
and  crosier  seemed  in  itself  of  no  importance,  yet  it  had  been,  in 
effect,  a  collateral  security  against  the  election  of  obnoxious  persons. 
For  the  emperors,  by  delaying  this  necessary  part  of  the  pontificals 
until  they  should  confer  investiture,  prevented  a  hasty  consecration 
of  the  new  bishop,  after  which,  the  vacancy  being  legally  filled,  it 
would  not  be  decent  for  them  to  withhold  the  temporalities.  But 
then,  on  the  other  hand,  the}-  preserved  by  the  concordat  their  feudal 
sovereignty  over  the  estates  of  the  Church  in  defiance  of  the  language 
which  had  recenth*  been  held  b}^  its  rulers.  Gregory  VII  had  posi- 
tively declared  in  the  Lateran  Council,  A.  D.  1080,  that  a  bishop  or 
abbot  receiving  investiture  from  a  layman  should  not  be  reckoned 
as  a  prelate.  A  bishop  of  Placentia  asserts  that  prelates  dishonored 
their  order  by  putting  their  hands,  which  hold  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  between  those  of  impure  laymen.  The  same  expressions 
are  used  by  others,  and  are  directed  against  the  form  of  feudal  hom- 
age, which,  according  to  the  principles  of  that  age,  ought  to  have 
been  as  obnoxious  as  investiture. 

The  same  doctrine  had  been  maintained  by  all  the  successors 
of  Gregory,  without  any  limitation  of  their  censures  to  the  formality 
of  the  ring  and  crosier.  But  Calistus  II  himself  had  gone  much 
farther,  and  absolutely  prohibited  the  compelling  ecclesiastics  to 
render  any  service  to  laymen  on  account  of  their  benefices.  "It  is 
evident,"  says  Hallam,  "that  such  a  general  immunity  from  feudal 
obligations,  for  an  order  who  possessed  nearly  half  the  lands  in 
Europe,  struck  at  the  root  of  those  institutions  by  which  the  fabric 
of  society  \\as  principally  held  together."  The  disciples  of  Gregory 
had  aimed  at  this  complete  independence ;  and  by  yielding  to  the 
continuance  of  lay  investitures  in  any  shape,  Calistus  may,  in  this 
respect,  appear  to  have  relinquished  the  principal  object  of  conten- 
tion. In  some  battles  immediate  success  may  seem  pretty  equally 
balanced,  but  subsequent  effects  indicate  to  whom  the  intrinsic  advan- 
tages of  victory  belong.  So  it  is  evident,  from  the  events  which 
followed  the  settlement  of  this  great  controversy  about  investitures, 


76 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


that  the  "  Holy  See  "  had  conquered.  The  emperors  were  not  the  only 
sovereigns  whose  practice  of  investiture  excited  the  hostility  of  Rome, 
though  they  sustained  the  principal  brunt  of  the  war.  A  similar 
contest  broke  out  under  the  pontificate  of  Pascal  II  with  Henry  I 
of  England. 

The  Normans  in  the  southern  part  of  Italy  continued  loyal  to 
the  papal  hierarchy.  As  has  been  previously  stated  Leo  IX,  A.  D. 
1053,  invested  them  with  their  conquests  in  Apulia,  as  fiefs  of  the 
"  Holy  See."  This  investiture  was  repeated  and  enlarged  as  the  popes, 
especially  in  their  contentions  with  Henry  IV  and  Henry  V,  found 
the  advantage  of  using  the  Normans  as  faithful  auxiliaries.  Finally 
Innocent  II,  A.  D.  1138,  conferred  upon  Roger  the  title  of  King  of 
Sicily.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  by  what  pretense  these  countries 
could  be  claimed  by  the  Roman  See  in  sovereignty,  unless  by  virtue 
of  the  pretended  donation  of  Constantine,  or  that  of  Louis  the 
Debonair,  which  is  hardly  less  suspicious.  Muratori  presumes  to 
suppose  that  the  interpolated,  if  not  spurious,  grants  of  Louis  the 
Debonair,  Otho  I,  and  Henry  II  to  the  Roman  See  were  promulgated 
about  the  time  of  the  first  concessions  to  the  Normans,  in  order  to 
give  the  popes  a  colorable  pretext  to  dispose  of  the  southern  prov- 
inces of  Italy.  It  appears  strange  that  Innocent  II  should  surrender 
the  liberties  of  the  city  of  Naples,  whether  that  was  considered  as 
an  independent  republic  or  as  a  portion  of  the  Greek  Empire.  But  the 
Normans,  who  had  no  titles  but  their  swords,  were  naturally  glad  to 
give  an  appearance  of  legitimacy  to  their  conquest ;  and  the  kingdom 
of  Naples,  even  in  the  hands  of  the  most  powerful  princes  in  Europe, 
never  ceased  to  pay  a  feudal  acknowledgment  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 

The  cities  of  Lombardy,  in  the  northern  part  of  Italy,  manifested 
the  same  independent  spirit  during  the  twelfth  century  that  they  did 
in  the  eleventh.  There  was,  in  fact,  no  power  remaining  in  the 
empire  to  control  them.  The  two  Henrys,  IV  and  V,  were  so  much 
embarrassed  during  the  quarrel  concerning  investitures  and  the  con- 
tinual troubles  of  Germany  that  they  were  less  likely  to  interfere 
with  the  rising  freedom  of  the  Italian  cities  than  to  purchase  their 
assistance  by  large  concessions.  Henry  IV  granted  a  charter  to 
Pisa,  A.  D.  108 1,  full  of  the  most  important  privileges,  promising 
even  not  to  name  any  marquis  of  Tuscany  without  the  people's  con- 
sent; and  it  is  possible  that,  though  the  instruments  have  perished, 
other  places  might  obtain  similar  advantages.  However  this  may 
be,  it  is  certain  that,  before  the  death  of  Henry  V,  A.  D.  1125, 
almost  all  the  cities  of  Lombardy,  and  many  among  those  of  Tus- 


FEUDAL  LORDSHIPS. 


77 


cany  were  accustomed  to  elect  their  own  magistrates,  and  to  act  as 
independent  communities  in  waging  war  and  in  domestic  government. 
As  already  stated,  the  territory  originally  under  the  control  of  the 
count  or  bishop  of  these  cities  had  been  reduced  by  numerous  con- 
cessions to  the  rural  nobility.  But  the  new  republics,  believing  that 
they  were  entitled  to  all  which  their  former  governors  had  once  pos- 
sessed, commenced  to  attack  their  nearest  neighbors,  and  to  recover 
the  sovereignty  of  all  their  ancient  territory.  They  besieged  the 
castles  of  the  rural  counts,  and  successively  conquered  them.  They 
suppressed  some  minor  communities,  which  had  been  formed  in 
imitation  of  themselves  by  little  towns  belonging  to  their  district. 
Sometimes  tliey  purchased  feudal  superiorities  or  territorial  juris- 
dictions ;  and,  according  to  a  policy  not  unusual  with  the  stronger 
party,  converted  the  rights  of  property  into  those  of  government. 
This  produced  a  vast  intricacy  of  titles,  which,  of  course,  was  of  great 
advantage  to  those  who  desired  a  pretext  for  robbing  their  neighbors. 

Hence,  at  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  hardly  any  noble- 
man could  be  found  except  the  marquis  of  Montferrat  who  had  not 
submitted  to  some  city.  Among  the  independent  families  were 
those  of  Este,  Malaspina,  and  Savoy.  Muratori  produces  many 
charters  of  mutual  compact  between  the  nobles  and  the  neighboring 
cities,  whereof  one  invariable  article  is,  that  the  former  should  reside 
within  the  walls  a  certain  number  of  months  in  the  year.  The  rural 
nobility  were  thus  deprived  of  the  independence  which  had  endeared 
their  castles ;  but  they  imbibed  a  new  ambition  of  directing  the 
municipal  government  of  the  cities,  which,  during  the  first  period 
of  the  republics,  was  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  the  superior  families. 
The  Lombards  adopted  the  sagacious  policy  of  inviting  settlers  by 
extending  to  them  the  privileges  of  citizenship,  and  sometimes  even 
bestowing  them  by  compulsion.  Sometimes  a  city,  imitating  the 
wisdom  of  ancient  Rome,  granted  these  privileges  to  all  the  inhab- 
itants of  another.  Thus  the  principal  cities,  and  especially  Milan, 
reached,  before  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  a  degree  of 
population  very  far  beyond  that  of  the  capitals  of  the  great  king- 
doms. Within  their  strong  walls  and  deep  trenches,  and  in  the 
midst  of  their  well-peopled  streets,  the  industrious  dwelt  secure  from 
the  license  of  armed  pillagers  and  the  oppression  of  feudal  tyrants. 
Artisans,  whom  the  military  land-holders  despised,  acquired  and 
deserved  the  right  of  bearing  arms  for  their  own  and  the  public 
defense.  Their  occupations  became  liberal,  because  they  were  the 
foundation  of  their  political  franchises ;  the  citizens  were  classed  in 


78 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


companies  according  to  their  respective  crafts ;  each  of  which  had  its 
tribune  or  standard-bearer  (gonfalonier),  at  whose  command,  when 
any  tumult  arose  or  enemy  threatened,  they  rushed  in  arms  to  muster 
in  the  market-place. 

While  the  growth  of  these  little  republics  and  the  corresponding 
advancement  of  liberty  excite  our  admiration,  their  national  conduct 
awakens  an  opposite  feeling.  Besides  their  love  of  freedom  they 
possessed  a  restless  spirit,  which  led  them  to  tyrannize  over  weaker 
neighbors.  They  played  over  again  the  tragedy  of  ancient  Greece, 
with  all  its  circumstances  of  inveterate  hatred,  unjust  ambition,  and 
atrocious  retaliation,  though  with  less  consummate  actors  upon  the 
scene.  Among  all  the  Lombard  cities  Milan  was  the  most  conspicu- 
ous, as  well  for  power  and  population  as  for  the  abuse  of  those 
resources  by  ambitious  and  arbitrary  conduct.  An  intensely  bitter 
feeling  of  long  continuance  had  existed  between  the  inhabitants  of 
Milan  and  Lodi.  This  animosity  originated,  according  to  Arnulf,  in 
the  resistance  made  by  the  citizens  of  the  latter  place  to  an  attempt 
made  by  Archbishop  Eribert  to  force  a  bishop  of  his  own  nomination 
upon  them.  The  bloodshed,  plunder,  and  conflagrations  which  had 
ensued  would,  he  says,  fill  a  volume  if  they  were  related.  And  this 
is  the  testimony  of  a  writer  who  did  not  live  later  than  A.  D.  1085. 
Seventy  years  more  either  of  servitude  or  hostility  elapsed  before 
Lodi  enjoyed  peace.  It  was  razed  to  the  ground  by  the  Milanese, 
A.  D.  Ill  I,  and  its  inhabitants  distributed  among  six  villages,  where 
they  were  subjected  to  an  unrelenting  despotism.  Milan  commenced 
a  war  of  ten  years'  duration  with  the  little  city  of  Como,  A.  D.  11 18; 
but  its  inhabitants' exhibited  such  remarkable  perseverance  that  they 
obtained  better  terms  of  capitulation,  though  they  lost  their  original 
independence.  The  Cremonese  treated  the  town  of  Crema  so  harshly 
that  it  revolted  from  them  and  put  itself  under  the  protection  of 
Milan.  Cities  of  more  equal  forces  carried  on  interminable  hostilities 
by  wasting  each  other's  territory,  destroying  the  harvests,  and  burn- 
ing the  villages. 

At  this  period  the  sovereignty  of  the  emperors,  though  not  very 
effective,  was  in  theory  always  admitted.  Their  name  was  used  in 
public  acts  and  appeared  upon  the  coin.  When  they  came  into  Italy 
they  had  certain  customary  supplies  of  provisions  called  fodnmi 
regale,  at  the  expense  of  the  city  where  they  resided;  during  their 
presence  all  inferior  magistrates  were  suspended,  and  the  right  of 
jurisdiction  devolved  upon  them  alone.  But  the  jealousy  of  the 
Lombards  was  so  great  that  they  built  the  royal  palaces  without  their 


FREDERICK  BARBAROSSA. 


79 


gates,  a  precaution  to  which  the  emperors  were  compelled  to  submit. 
This  was  at  a  very  early  period  a  subject  of  contention  between  the 
inhabitants  of  Pavia  and  Conrad  II,  whose  palace,  seated  in  the  heart 
of  the  city,  they  had  demolished  in  a  sedition,  and  were  unwilling  to 
build  in  that  situation. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Italy  when  Frederick  Barbarossa,  duke 
of  Swabia  and  nephew  of  the  last  emperor,  Conrad  III,  ascended 
the  throne  of  Germany,  A.  D.  1152.  His  accession  forms  the  com- 
mencement of  a  new  era,  the  duration  of  which  is  about  one  hundred 
years,  and  which  is  terminated  by  the  death  of  Conrad  IV,  the  last 
emperor  of  the  House  of  Swabia.  It  is  characterized,  like  the  former, 
by  three  distinguishing  features  in  Italian  history  —  the  victorious 
struggle  of  the  Lombard  and  other  cities  for  independence,  the  final 
establishment  of  a  temporal  sovereignty  over  the  middle  provinces  by 
the  popes,  and  the  union  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  to  the  dominions 
of  the  House  of  Swabia.  The  Italians  soon  discovered  that  Frederick 
Barbarossa  was  a  very  different  sovereign  from  the  last  two  emperors, 
Lothaire  and  Conrad  III,  who  had  seldom  appeared  in  Italy,  and 
whose  forces  had  not  been  adequate  to  rule  such  insubordinate  sub- 
jects. This  prince  had  a  severe  and  arbitrary  temper,  and  a  haughty 
conceit  of  his  imperial  rights.  Combined  with  these  qualities  were 
distinguished  valor  and  ability  which  rendered  him  very  formidable. 
He  believed,  or  professed  to  believe,  the  great  absurdity  that,  as 
successor  of  Augustus,  he  inherited  the  kingdoms  of  the  world. 
According  to  the  same  standard  of  right  he  claimed  with  more  author- 
ity, if  not  more  reason,  the  entire  prerogatives  of  the  Roman  emper- 
ors over  their  own  subjects,  and  the  professors  of  the  civil  law,  which 
was  now  diligently  studied,  sustained  him  with  the  utmost  servility. 

To  such  a  disposition  as  Frederick  possessed  the  self-government 
of  the  Lombard  cities  appeared  real  rebellion,  and  against  ]\Iilan 
especially,  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all,  he  cherished  the  most 
inveterate  resentment.  Its  behavior  toward  Lodi  afforded  him  a  good 
pretext  for  interference.  Two  natives  of  that  ruined  cit}'  threw  them- 
selves at  the  emperor's  feet  and  implored  him,  as  the  ultimate  source 
of  justice,  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  their  country.  A  striking  illustra- 
tion of  the  terror  inspired  by  Milan  is  the  fact  that  the  consuls  of 
Lodi  disavowed  the  complaints  of  their  countrymen,  and  the  inhab- 
itants trembled  at  the  danger  of  provoking  a  summary  vengeance 
against  which  the  imperial  arms  seemed  no  protection.  The  Milanese, 
however,  did  not  attack  the  people  of  Lodi,  but  treated  with  contempt 
the  emperor's  order  to  leave  them  at  liberty.    Otho  ]\Iorena,  a  citizen 


8o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  Lodi,  wrote  an  interesting  account  of  these  circumstances,  which 
Sismondi  criticized  by  reproaching  Morena  for  partiahty  towards 
Frederick  in  the  Milanese  war;  but  that  historian  should  have  remem- 
bered the  provocations  of  Lodi. 

Frederick,  meanwhile,  entered  Italy  and  held  a  diet  at  Roncaglia, 
where  complaints  poured  in  from  many  quarters  against  the  Milanese. 
Pavia  and  Cremona,  their  ancient'  enemies,  were  impatient  to  renew 
hostilities  under  the  imperial  auspices.  Brescia,  Tortona,  and  Crema 
were  allies,  or  rather  dependents,  of  Milan.  Frederick  soon  found 
an  occasion  to  attack  the  latter  confederacy.  Tortona  was  compelled 
to  surrender  and  leveled  to  the  ground.  In  a  short  time  the  feudal 
army  was  dissolved ;  the  emperor's  attention  was  demanded  at  Rome, 
where  he  had  contentions  with  Pope  Adrian  IV,  and  when  the  impe- 
rial troops  were  withdrawn  from  Lombardy  the  Milanese  rebuilt 
Tortona  and  expelled  the  citizens  of  Lodi  from  their  dwellings. 
Frederick  assembled  a  fresh  army,  to  which  almost  every  city  of 
Lombardy,  willingly  or  by  force,  contributed  its  militia.  It  is  said 
to  have  exceeded  one  hundred  thousand  men.  The  Milanese  shut 
themselves  up  within  their  w^alls,  and  perhaps  might  have  defied  the 
imperial  forces  if  their  immense  population,  which  gave  them  confi- 
dence in  their  strength,  had  not  exposed  them  to  a  different  enemy. 
Hunger  compelled  them  to  capitulate,  upon  conditions  not  very 
severe,  if  a  conquered  people  could  ever  safely  rely  upon  a  conven- 
tion that  testifies  their  submission.  At  the  end  of  three  weeks  an 
order  was  given  to  the  Milanese  to  evacuate  their  habitations,  and  the 
imperial  army  instantly  occupied  the  deserted  streets.  The  people 
of  Pavia  and  Cremona,  of  Lodi  and  Como  were  commissioned  to 
revenge  themselves  on  the  respective  quarters  of  the  city  assigned  to 
them  ;  and  in  a  few  days  the  pillaged  churches  stood  alone  amid  the 
ruins  of  what  had  been  Milan.  The  freedom  to  which  Lombardy 
had  aspired  had  vanished,  and  she  groaned  beneath  the  yoke  of  serv- 
itude. ''But  there  still  remained  at  the  heart  of  Lombard}-,"  says 
Hallam,  "the  strong  principle  of  national  liberty,  imperishable  among 
the  perishable  army  of  her  patriots,  inconsumable  in  the  conflagration 
of  her  cities."  Frederick  placed  the  imperial  eagle  on  the  spire  of 
the  Milan  cathedral  in  token  of  his  supremacy. 

In  the  same  year  that  the  city  surrendered  (A.  D.  1159),  Pope 
Adrian  IV  died,  and  the  papal  party  elected  Alexander  III,  while  the 
imperialists  conferred  the  honor  upon  Victor  IV.  Each  pontiff 
excommunicated  his  rival  and  his  followers,  and  all  Christendom  was 
divided  into  two  parties.     Alexander  III  was  more  generally  acknowl- 


82 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


edged,  and  he  successfully  resisted  his  formidable  enemy,  Frederick, 
while  the  latter  was  fighting  the  cities  of  Lombardy;  but  the  fall  of 
Milan  gave  the  emperor  control  of  Northern  Italy  and  made  Rome 
an  unsafe  place  for  the  pope.  Sicily  was  so  torn  with  violence  and 
strife  that  it  no  longer  offered  the  pontiff  his  accustomed  asylum,  and 
he  fled  into  France,  where  he  remained  three  years.  During  this 
period  his  rival,  Victor  IV,  died,  and  Guido  of  Crema  succeeded  him, 
under  the  name  of  Pascal  III.  While  the  emperor  was  detained  in 
Germany,  Alexander  III  returned  to  Rome,  A.  D.  1165.  alliance 
against  Frederick,  called  the  ''Lombard  League,"  was  organized, 
A.  D.  1 167,  and  this  combination  of  all  his  enemies  seriously  threat- 
ened his  power.  Taking  the  field  in  person,  he  vainly  attempted  to 
capture  Ancona;  but  Rome  surrendered  to  him,  and  the  pope  fled. 
A  pestilence  in  his  army  caused  Frederick  to  abandon  the  city.  He 
made  an  effort,  A.  D.  11 74,  to  take  the  new  Guelfic  city  of  Alessan- 
dria, near  Pavia,  but  was  defeated  by  the  forces  of  the  "League." 
In  the  battle  of  Legnano,  A.  D.  11 76,  the  emperor's  troops  were 
routed,  and  a  truce  between  the  hostile  parties  was  soon  arranged  at 
Venice.  Frederick  condescended  to  prostrate  himself  at  the  feet  of 
Alexander  III,  the  haughty  pontiff,  in  the  celebrated  Church  of  St. 
Mark,  and  to  receive  from  him  the  kiss  of  peace. 


BOUT  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  there  was  born  in 


-r~V.  the  town  of  Brescia,  Italy,  the  eloquent  and  earnest  reformer, 
Arnold,  whose  career  was  both  stormy  and  brilliant.  In  early  life  he 
became  a  devout  student  of  the  Bible,  and  was  a  reader  in  the  public 
congregation.  Having  a  deep  love  of  learning  he  went  to  the  desert 
of  Nogent,  in  France,  to  be  instructed  by  Abelard,  whose  fame  was 
then  filling  Christendom.  As  a  pupil  of  the  celebrated  scholastic  he 
advanced  in  wisdom  until,  in  some  respects,  he  surpassed  his  teacher. 
Abelard  was  his  superior  in  genius  and  knowledge,  but  not  in  fervid 
eloquence,  practical  piety,  courage,  and  entire  devotion  to  the  great 
cause  of  elevating  humanity. 

Arnold  returned  to  Italy,  not  as  a  mystic,  to  discuss  the  subtleties 
of  philosophy,  but  as  a  fearless  champion  of  the  truth,  to  battle  fof 


Chapter  VII. 


ARNOLD  OF  BRESCIA. 


ARNOLD  ATTACKS  THE  PAPACY. 


83 


reform.  He  beheld  the  corrupt  condition  of  the  Itahan  Church, 
which  resulted  from  the  anomalous  union  of  the  spiritual  and  the 
temporal.  The  clergy  had  become  worldly.  From  the  highest  eccle- 
siastic downwards  they  filled  civil  offices,  presided  in  the  cabinets  of 
princes,  imposed  taxes,  commanded  armies,  owned  extensive  domains, 
and  lived  in  luxury.  Arnold  was  convinced  that  the  immense  wealth 
of  the  Church  was  the  source  of  innumerable  evils — the  profligacy, 
the  ignorance,  the  wickedness,  the  intrigues,  the  wars  and  bloodshed 
which  cursed  the  world.  His  scheme  of  reform  was  based  on  the 
great  truth  that  the  Christian  Church  was  not  of  this  world,  and 
therefore  its  ministers  ought  not  to  accept  temporal  offices  and  engage 
in  temporal  employments.  He  maintained  that  kings  and  statesmen 
could  discharge  these  secular  duties,  and  to  these  civil  rulers  should 
be  surrendered  all  the  enormous  revenues  from  lands  and  palaces 
which  had  been  flowing  into  the  coffers  of  the  ministry  and  were  not 
necessary  to  the  performance  of  their  spiritual  functions.  His  theory 
was  that  the  ministry  should  be  supported  by  the  voluntary  offerings 
of  their  flocks,  and  not  depend  upon  secular  occupations,  which  con- 
sumed their  time,  degraded  their  office,  and  corrupted  their  hearts. 

It  was  evident  that  this  bold  Italian  reformer  had  sat  at  the  feet 
of  a  wiser  teacher  than  Abelard,  and  had  drunk  from  diviner  fount- 
ains than  those  of  the  scholastic  philosophy.  With  his  monk's  cloak 
around  him,  and  with  a  countenance  stamped  with  resolution,  he 
stood  in  the  streets  of  his  native  Brescia,  and  in  thunder  tones  an- 
nounced his  proposed  reform.  His  predecessors  had  demanded  a 
purification  of  the  faith  of  the  Italian  Church,  but  he  called  for  a  rec- 
tification of  her  constitution.  Hence  his  plan  was  more  radical  and 
comprehensive  than  any  that  had  yet  been  submitted.  The  towns- 
men of  Arnold  gathered  round  him.  All  classes  were  disgusted  more 
or  less  wdth  the  corruptions  of  the  clergy,  and,  though  they  did  not 
manifest  a  strong  desire  for  spiritual  Christianity,  they  welcomed  at: 
least  an  external  reformation.  The  bishop  of  Brescia  was  stunned  by 
the  sudden  and  daring  assault  of  Arnold,  but  soon  recovered  when 
he  saw  his  entire  congregation  deserting  the  cathedral  and  assem- 
bling in  the  market-place,  and  listening  with  applause  to  the  eloquent 
preacher.    He  resolved  to  silence  the  brave  monk. 

Arnold,  however,  continued  to  denounce  the  prevailing  evils,  not 
only  those  in  his  own  community,  but  the  more  glaring  abuses  of  the 
proud  hierarchy  which  had  its  center  on  the  ''Seven  Hills  "  of  Rome,, 
and  extended  its  circumference  to  the  extremities  of  Christendom. 
He  demanded  that  this  apostate  system,  which  had  crowned  itself 


84  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

with  temporal  dignities  and  supported  itself  by  temporal  arms,  should 
reform  and  return  to  the  simplicity  and  purity  of  the  first  century. 
It  was  not  probable  that  one  man,  even  of  Arnold's  courage  and  elo- 
quence, could  produce  such  a  reformation  ;  but  he  hoped  to  arouse 
the  populations  of  Italy  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Vatican  would  be 
compelled  to  yield  to  the  pressure.  He  was  not  alone  in  this  cru- 
sade, men  of  prominence,  such  as  Maifredus,  the  consul  of  Brescia, 
having  sustained  his  movement  from  its  origin. 

The  bishop  of  Brescia,  finding  that  he  could  not  successfully  con- 
tend against  Arnold  when  in  the  midst  of  his  numerous  followers, 
presented  a  complaint  to  the  pope,  Innocent  II,  who  convoked  a 
General  Council  in  the  Vatican,  A.  D.  1139,  ^^"'^^  summoned  the 
offending  monk  to  appear.  He  went  to  Rome,  and  though  in  the 
estimation  of  the  hierarchy  he  had  committed  the  most  heinous  of 
crimes  in  attacking  the  authority,  pleasures,  and  riches  of  the  priest- 
hood, yet  they  must  invent  other  pretexts  on  which  to  condemn  him. 
It  was  said  of  him  that  'Mie  was  unsound  in  his  judgment  about  the 
sacrament  of  the  altar  and  infant  baptism."  Another  suspicious  cir- 
cumstance was  the  heresy  of  Abelard,  his  teacher.  St.  Bernard  sent 
to  Innocent  II  a  catalogue  of  the  errors  of  Abelard,  accusing  him  of 
"teaching  concerning  the  Eucharist,  that  the  accidents  existed  in  the 
air,  but  not  without  a, subject;  and  that  when  a  rat  doth  eat  the  sac- 
rament, God  withdraweth  Avhither  he  pleaseth,  and  preserves  where  he 
pleases  the  body  of  Jesus  Christ."  He  was  accused  of  rejecting  tran- 
substantiation  and  baptismal  regeneration,  and  was  condemned  to 
perpetual  silence  and  banishment  from  Italy  until  permitted  to  return 
by  the  pope. 

After  leaving  his  native  land,  and  passing  the  Alps,  he  proceeded 
to  France,  where  he  met  an  old  fellow-student,  the  papal  legate,  Guido, 
afterward  Pope  Celestinus  II  ;  but  he  found  in  Bernard  of  Clairvaux 
an  unrelenting  adversary,  who  compelled  him  to  seek  refuge  in  Zurich, 
and  then  in  Constance  about  A.  D.  1140.  Otho  says,  Arnold  set- 
tled himself  in  a  place  of  Germany  called  Turego,  or  Zurich,  belong- 
ing to  the  diocese  of  Constance,  where  he  continued  to  disseminate 
his  doctrine,"  the  seeds  of  which  no  doubt  vegetated  until  the  times 
of  Zwinglius.  He  preached  against  the  abuses  of  the  clergy,  and 
had  many  favorable  hearers.  But  Bernard  traced  him  there  also,  and 
caused  the  bishop  of  Constance  to  banish  him. 

Having  been  informed  of  the  death  of  Innocent  II,  which  occurred 
A.  D.  1 143,  Arnold  returned  to  Rome  in  the  beginning  of  the  pon- 
tificate of  Eugenius  III  (A.  D.  1144-45).    It  may  appear  strange  that 


ARNOLD  RETURNS  TO  ROME. 


85 


a  man  under  the  condemnation  of  a  pope  and  council  should  delib- 
erately march  into  the  ^ates  of  Rome,  and  defy  the  power  of  the 
Vatican,  or,  as  Gibbon  calls  it,  ''the  desperate  measure  of  erecting 
his  standard  in  Rome  itself,  in  the  face  of  the  successor  of  St.  Peter." 
But  this  action  of  Arnold  was  not  as  desperate  then  as  it  would  have 
been  at  other  times.  The  Italy  of  those  days  was  perhaps  the  least 
papal  of  all  the  countries  of  Europe.  In  speaking  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  M'Crie  says:  "The  Italians  could  not,  indeed,  be  said  to  feel 
at  this  period  a  superstitious  devotion  to  the  See  of  Rome.  This  did 
not  originally  form  a  discriminating  feature  of  their  national  character ; 
it  was  superinduced,  and  the  formation  of  it  can  be  distinctly  traced 
to  cases  which  produced  their  full  effect  subsequently  to  the  era  of 
the  Reformation.  The  republics  of  Italy  in  the  Middle  Ages  gave 
many  proofs  of  religious  independence,  and  singly  braved  the  men- 
aces and  excommunications  of  the  Vatican  at  a  tim.e  when  all  Europe 
trembled  at  the  sound  of  its  thunder."  This  remark  is  equally  applic- 
able to  Italy  in  the  tw^elfth  century.  Sedition  and  tumult  were  com- 
mon at  the  gate  of  the  Vatican.  Indeed,  in  no  city  did  rebellion  so 
often  break  out  as  in  Rome,  and  no  rulers  were  so  ignominiously  and 
frequently  driven  from  their  capital  as  the  popes. 

When  Arnold  entered  Rome  he  found  it  in  the  midst  of  revolu- 
tion. Lucius  II  had  died  of  the  wounds  received  in  a  popular  affray, 
and  Eugenius  III,  a  disciple  of  Bernard,  succeeded  him  in  the  papal 
chair,  but  was  driven  away  from  the  city  by  the  people  and  the  sen- 
ate. Arnold  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  insurrection,  and  endeav- 
ored to  direct  the  agitation  in  a  wdiolesome  channel.  With  burning 
eloquence  he  portrayed  the  humble  and  holy  lives  of  the  first  Chris- 
tian bishops,  and  the  sufferings  of  the  first  Christian  martyrs.  He 
urged  upon  the  Romans  to  arise  and  unite  with  him  in  the  effort  to 
restore  the  glorious  times  of  the  past.  The  primitive  simplicity  and 
virtue  that  once  characterized  the  clergy  of  Italy  would  return  when 
the  wealth  that  burdened  them  was  taken  away.  The  buyers  and 
sellers  who  had  entered  the  Temple  must  be  expelled.  This  cour- 
ageous monk  insisted  that  there  should  be  a  separation  between  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  jurisdiction,  rendering  unto  the  pope  the  things 
of  the  pope,  even  the  government  of  the  Church,  and  to  the  emperor 
the  things  of  the  emperor,  namely,  the  government  of  the  state.  He 
believed  that  the  ancient  flame  of  liberty  might  be  revived  from  its 
ashes,  and  the  bright  form  of  a  pure  Christianity  cleansed  from  its 
corruptions.  In  glowing  terms  he  described  the  noble  achievements 
of  the  patriots  and  heroes  of  classic  ages,  and  declared  that  such 


86 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


loft}'  characters  and  illustrious  deeds  might  again  shine  upon  Italy. 
Rome  could  become  once  more  the  capital  of  the  world.  **He  pro- 
pounded to  the  multitude,"  says  Bishop  Otho,  **the  examples  of  the 
ancient  Romans,  who,  by  the  maturity  of  their  senators'  counsels, 
and  the  value  and  integrity  of  their  youth,  made  the  whole  world 
their  own.  Wherefore  he  persuaded  them  to  rebuild  the  capitol,  to 
restore  the  dignity  of  the  senate,  to  reform  the  order  of  knights.  He 
maintained  that  nothing  of  the  government  of  the  city  did  belong  to 
the  pope,  who  ought  to  content  himself  only  with  his  ecclesiastical." 
-  Thus  the  monk  of  Brescia  demanded  the  separation  of  the  spiritual 
from  the  temporal  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  Vatican. 

The  multitude  in  Rome  hurried  on  to  excesses  v/hich  Arnold  prob- 
ably had  never  contemplated.  The  houses  of  the  cardinals  and  nobles 
were  attacked,  and  the  plunder  distributed  among  the  revolutionises. 
Arnold,  however,  still  remained  poor ;  he  really  despised  wealth,  and 
his  morals  were  irreproachable.  For  about  ten  years,  A.  D.  1145-55, 
.he  continued  to  prosecute  his  mission  in  Rome,  which  was  in  a  state 
of  agitation  little  differing  from  anarchy ;  at  war  with  the  popes  and 
the  people  of  Tibur,  and  at  variance  within  itself.  Bernard,  in  his 
epistles,  draws  a  fearful  picture  of  the  state  of  the  city  at  that  time. 
The  pontificial  chair  was  repeatedly  emptied.  The  popes  of  that  era 
were  short-lived.  They  seldom  resided  in  Rome,  but  more  frequently 
went  to  Viterbo,  or  retired  to  a  foreign  country.  When  they  ven- 
tured within  the  walls  of  the  city,  they  intrusted  their  personal  safety 
rather  to  the  gates  and  bars  of  their  stronghold  of  St.  Angelo  than 
to  the  loyalty  of  their  subjects.  Eugenius  III  died,  A.  D.  1153,  and 
his  successor,  Anastasius  IV,  followed  him  to  the  grave  shortly  after. 
Arnold's  influence  was  great,  and  his  party  numerous.  If  the  Ro- 
mans had  possessed  virtue  enough  during  these  ten  favorable  years, 
when  the  city  was  in  their  hands,  a  movement  might  have  been  in- 
augurated which  would  have  produced  important  results  for  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  the  Gospel.  Arnold  labored  in  vain  to  recall  a  spirit 
that  was  fled  for  centuries.  Rome  was  a  sepulcher.  Her  population 
could  be  stirred  into  tumult,  not  awakened  into  life. 

The  golden  opportunity  passed.  Then  came  Adrian  IV,  who 
was  elected  pope  A.  D.  1154,  and  was  the  only  Englishman  who 
ever  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Vatican.  He  was  a  man  of  more 
determined  spirit  than  his  predecessors.  A  cardinal  having  been 
attacked  and  seriously  wounded  in  the  streets  of  Rome,  Adrian  re- 
sorted to  the  bold  measure  of  excommunicating  the  first  city  in  Chris- 
tendom, a  thing  without  a  precedent.    The  Romans,  who  had  set  at 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  ARNOLD. 


87 


naught  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope,  trembled  before  his  spiritual 
authority.  In  order  to  be  reconciled  to  the  pontiff  they  exiled  Ar- 
nold, who  took  refuge  among  some  friendly  nobles  in  Campania. 
The  portals  of  the  churches,  to  them  the  gates  of  heaven,  were  again 
opened  to  the  penitent  citizens.  But  the  banishment  of  Arnold  did 
not  appease  the  anger  of  Adrian,  who  bargained  with  Frederic  Bar- 
barossa,  then  a  visitor  in  Rome  soliciting  from  the  pope  coronation 
as  emperor,  that  the  monk  should  be  arrested.  Arnold  was  seized, 
sent  to  Rome  under  a  strong  escort,  and,  after  being  strangled,  his 
body  was  burned  and  the  ashes  thrown  into  the  Tiber  '  *  to  prevent 
the  foolish  rabble  from  expressing  any  veneration  for  his  dust." 
This  indicated  that  his  followers  in  Rome  were  numerous  to  the  last. 
But  they  could  not  resist  the  tide  of  iniquity  that  seemed  to  increase 
every  day.  Alexander  III,  Adrian's  successor,  died  A.  D.  1181, 
and  he  was  followed  by  Lucius  III,  whose  reign  closed  A.  D.  1185. 
Urban  III  then  assumed  the  reins,  but  yielded  them  to  Celestine  III, 
A.  D.  1 187. 


Chapter  VIII. 

THE  FRANCISCANS  AND  DOMINICANS. 

THE  religious  condition  of  Italy  in  the  thirteenth  century  did  not 
indicate  any  tendency  toward  reform.  Indeed,  the  absurd  and 
degrading  superstitions  which  characterized  the  practice  of  the 
Romish  Church  rather  increased  than  diminished.  There  were  many 
causes  which  concurred  to  render  still  darker  that  cloud  which  con- 
cealed from  the  world  the  divine  light  of  a  genuine  Christianity. 
The  Roman  pontiffs  resisted  every  effort  to  limit  their  authority  or 
to  encroach  upon  their  prerogatives  ;  and  the  theologians,  by  their 
intricate  distinctions,  obscured  the  plain  truths  of  religion.  The  pub- 
lic mind  was  prepared  to  accept  almost  any  superstition  or  usurpa- 
tion. In  the  fourth  Lateran  Council,  which  was  held  by  Innocent 
HI,  A.  D.  121 5,  and  composed  of  an  immense  number  of  eccle- 
siastics and  embassadors  from  almost  every  court  in  Christendom, 
without  condescending  to  enter  into  any  consultation,  he  produced 
seventy  canons,  already  prepared,  which  were  read  to  the  assembly, 
who  submissively  subscribed  the  decrees ;  in  which,  however,  they 
had  the  consolation  to  find  their  own  powers  extended  and  con- 
firmed.   The  first  canon  contained  a  confession  of  faith,  in  which  the 


88 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


opinion,  which  is  still  maintained  by  the  Romish  Church,  respecting 
the  eucharist,  was  pronounced  by  Innocent  to  be  the  only  true  and 
orthodox  account  of  the  Lord's-supper ;  and  he  had  the  honor  of 
establishing-  the  use  of  the  term  ti^ansubstantiation,  which  was  hith- 
erto almost  unknown.  Innocent  III  had  also  the  credit  of  insti- 
tuting by  his  own  authority,  among  the  duties  prescribed  by  the 
divine  laws,  that  of  auricular  confession  to  a  priest — a  confession 
which  implied  not  only  a  general  acknowledgment,  but  also  a  par- 
ticular enumeration  of  the  sins  and  follies  of  the  penitent. 

The  thirteenth  century  was  further  distinguished  by  the  institution 
of  two  of  the  most  celebrated  orders  of  monks  which  have  ever 
misled  or  disturbed  the  world — the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans. 
The  professed  object  of  these  orders  was  to  recover,  by  means  of  their 
humility,  poverty,  and  apostolic  zeal,  the  credit  which  had  been  lost 
to  the  Church  in  Italy  and  elsewhere  through  the  pride,  wealth,  and 
indolence  of  the  elder  monks.  It  was  also  claimed  that  the  Church 
was  entering  upon  a  new  era,  and  therefore  demanded  new  services. 
Preachers  Avere  needed  to  confute  the  heretics,  and  this  want  of  the 
Church  was  kept  in  view  in  the  constitution  of  the  newly  created 
orders.  The  founders  of  both  were  very  unlike  in  their  natural  dis- 
position and  temper. 

St.  Francis,  the  founder  of  the  Franciscans — Frati^es  Minores 
(Younger  Brethren),  or  Minores,  as  he  called  them,  to  signify  their 
humility — was  born  at  Assisi,  in  Umbria,  Italy,  A.  D.  1182.  His 
father  was  a  rich  merchant  of  that  town.  The  historians  of  St. 
Francis  relate  that  certain  signs  accompanied  his  birth,  which  prog- 
nosticated his  future  greatness.  His  mother,  when  about  to  be  con- 
fined, appeared  to  be  dying.  For  many  days  previous  she  had 
experienced  severe  and  prolonged  pains.  At  that  crisis  an  angel,  in 
the  garb  of  a  pilgrim,  appeared  at  her  door  and  demanded  alms. 
The  charity  sought  was  instantly  bestowed,  and  the  grateful  pilgrim 
proceeded  to  tell  the  inmates  what  they  must  do  in  order  that  the 
lady  of  the  mansion  might  become  the  joyful  mother  of  a  son.  She 
must  be  carried  out  in  her  couch  and  laid  in  the  stable.  The  pil- 
grim's instructions  were  followed,  the  pains  of  labor  were  now 
speedily  ended,  and  the  child  first  beheld  the  light  among  the 
''beasts."  "This  was  the  first  prerogative,"  remarks  one  of  his  his- 
torians, "in  which  St.  Francis  resembled  Jesus  Christ — he  was  born 
in  a  stable."  Despite  this  augury  recorded  by  Francesco  Fontana, 
another  writer,  D'Emillianne,  says  that  Francis  grew  up  "a  debauched 
youth,   and,   having  robbed  his  father,   was  disinherited ;  but  he 


THE  MONK  IN  ROME. 


89 


seemed  not  to  be  very  much  troubled  at  it."  He  was  seized  with  a 
mahgnant  fever,  which  produced  a  frenzy  that  appears  never  to  have 
wholly  left  him.  When  stricken  down  with  disease  he  was  a  gay 
spendthrift  and  profligate,  but  when  he  arose  from  his,  bed  of  sick- 
ness he  was  entirely  engrossed  with  the  idea  that  all  holiness  and 
virtue  consisted  in  poverty.  His  subsequent  conduct  was  in  har- 
mony with  his  belief.  He  gave  away  all  his  property ;  he  exchanged 
garments  with  a  beggar  whom  he  met  on  the  highway,  and  wandered 
about  the  country  around  his  native  town  of  Assisi,  Emaciated, 
squalid,  covered  with  rags,  and  dirt,  and  his  eyes  burning  with  a 
strange  fire,  he  was  followed  by  a  crowd  of  boys,  who  believed  him 
to  be  a  madman,  and  accordingly  hooted  at  him.  Having  secured 
seven  disciples,  he  proceeded  to  Rome  to  present  his  plan  to  the 
pope.  When  he  arrived  there  he  found  Innocent  HI  promenading 
on  the  terrace  of  the  Lateran  palace. 

What  a  scene  for  an  artist !  The  haughtiest  of  the  pontiffs — 
who,  like  another  Jove,  had  but  to  nod,  and  kings  were  tumbled 
from  their  thrones,  and  nations  were  smitten  down  with  interdict — ■ 
was  pacing  to  and  fro  beneath  the  pillared  portico  of  his  palace, 
revolving,  doubtless,  new  and  mightier  projects  to  illustrate  the  glory 
and  strengthen  the  dominion  of  the  papal  throne.  His  eye  occasion- 
ally wanders  as  far  as  the  Apennines,  which  rise  up  like  a  grand  wall 
around  the  Campagna.  The  latter  then  lay  spread  out  beneath 
him — not  as  now,  a  blackened  expanse,  but  a  magnificent  garden, 
sparkling  with  villas,  and  gay  with  vineyards  and  olive  and  fig  trees. 
While  this  glorious  prospect  was  visible  from  the  front  of  his  palace, 
another  very  different  scene  in  the  opposite  direction  met  the  pon- 
tiff s  eye.  Extending  from  the  Lateran  to  the  Coliseum  was  a 
hideous  gap  covered  with  the  fragments  of  what  had  once  been 
palaces  and  temples.  This  unsightly  spectacle  marred  the  beauty  of 
the  pontifical  city,  and  being  a  memorial  of  the  war  of  investiture, 
would  naturally  call  the  thoughts  of  Innocent  back  to  the  times 
of  Hildebrand  and  the  fierce  struggles  which  his  zeal  for  the  growth 
of  the  papacy  had  provoked  in  Christendom. 

During  the  century  which  had  elapsed  since  Gregory  VII  swayed 
the  scepter  which  Innocent  now  held,  a  tide  of  prosperity  had  flowed 
in  upon  Rome.  All  the  popes,  from  Gregory  to  Innocent,  had  been 
continuously  and  successfully  engaged  in  rearing  a  stupendous  Babel, 
whose  height  received  an  addition  in  every  pontificate  and  in  every 
decade.  At  this  time  the  papal  fabric  stood  complete.  Indeed,  it 
seemed  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  higher  advance.    Rome  was  now 


90 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


more  truly  mistress  of  the  world  than  even  in  the  days  of  the 
Caesars,  and  her  influence  went  deeper  into  the  heart  and  soul  of  the 
nations.  Again,  she  sent  forth  her  legates  as  of  old,  her  proconsuls 
to  govern  the  kingdoms  that  w^re  subject  to  her  authority;  again 
she  issued  her  edicts,  which  all  the  world  obeyed  ;  again  kings  and 
suppliant  princes  waited  at  her  gates ;  again  embassadors  and  suitors 
from  every  part  of  Christendom  crowded  her  highways.  The  pilgrim 
and  the  devotee  came  from  the  most  distant  regions  to  pray  at  her 
holy  shrines.  From  her  gates  there  flowed  day  and  night,  without 
intermission,  streams  of  papal  blessings  to  refresh  the  faithful  through- 
out the  world.  She  bestowed  with  a  lavish  hand  mystic  virtues 
and  priestly  offices,  crosiers  and  palls,  pardons  and  dispensations, 
relics  and  amulets,  benedictions  and  anathemas  ;  and,  in  return,  she 
received  tribute  from  all  the  nations.  The  thoughts  of  Innocent,  no 
doubt,  were  resting  on  these  pleasant  subjects  as  Francis  of  Assisi 
approached  him. 

The  eye  of  the  pontiff  is  immediately  arrested  by  the  strange 
figure  before  him.  Halting  a  few  moments.  Innocent  surveys  him 
more  closely,  and  finds  him  in  the  garb  of  a  beggar,  with  haggard 
looks  and  fierce  eyes ;  yet,  despite  his  repulsive  appearance,  there  was 
something  about  him  that  indicated  his  determination  to  discharge 
an  important  duty.  He  seemed  to  say,  ''I  come  with  a  mission,  and 
therefore  do  I  venture  into  this  presence.  I  am  not  here  to  beg,  but 
to  give  alms  to  the  popedom."  Innocent  did  not  then  appreciate 
the  fact ;  but  this  man  in  rags  had  come  to  lay  at  the  feet  of  Rome 
greater  gifts  than  most  of  the  kings  had  it  in  their  power  to  bestow. 
The  pope,  curious  to  know  what  his  strange  visitor  had  to  commu- 
nicate, permitted  him  to  address  him.  Francis  hurriedly  explained 
the  object  of  his  mission ;  but  Innocent,  failing  to  comprehend  the 
importance  of  the  project,  or  doubting  the  ability  of  Francis  to 
execute  it,  dismissed  the  enthusiast,  who  retired  disappointed  and 
downcast,  believing  that  his  scheme  was  "nipped  in  the  bud." 

The  mind  of  the  pontiff,  however,  had  been  more  deeply  im- 
pressed by  this  incident  than  he  was  aware,  and  while  resting  on 
his  couch  by  night  the  beggar  seemed  again  to  stand  before  him 
pleading  his  cause.  Innocent  dreamed  that  a  palm-tree  suddenly 
sprang  up  at  his  feet  and  became  great  in  stature.  In  a  second 
dream  he  beheld  the  Lateran  ready  to  fall,  and  Francis  stretching 
out  his  hand  to  save  it.  When  the  pope  awoke  he  commanded  the 
man  of  Umbria  to  be  brought  before  him.  The  cardinals  were  im- 
mediately convened,  and,  after  considering  the  project,  pronounced  it 


ST.  BOM/NIC.  gi 

good ;  and  it  appeared  proper  to  Innocent  and  his  conclave  that  the 
enthusiast  who  conceived  the  enterprise  should  be  appointed  to  exe- 
cute it.  Accordingly,  Rome  gave  her  commission  to  the  ragged 
beggar,  A.  D.  12 15,  and,  armed  with  the  pontifical  sanction,  author- 
izing him  to  found,  arrange,  and  put  in  operation  such  an  order  as 
he  had  sketched  out,  Francis  went  forth  to  begin  his  work.  The 
enthusiasm  that  burned  so  fiercely  in  his  soul  kindled  a  similar  feeling 
in  that  of  others.  In  a  short  time  he  found  a  dozen  men  who  were 
willing  to  become  his  followers ;  the  dozen  speedily  multiplied  into  a 
hundred,  and  the  hundred  into  thousands,  until  the  increase  went  on 
at  a  rate  of  which  history  scarcely  affords  another  example.  Before 
his  death  St.  Francis  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  five  thousand  of 
his  monks  assemble  in  his  convent  in  Italy  to  hold  a  general  chapter ; 
and,  as  each  convent  sent  only  two  delegates,  the  convention  repre- 
sented two  thousand  five  hundred  convents.  The  solitary  fanatic  had 
become  an  army;  all  the  countries  of  Christendom  wxre  full  of  his 
disciples,  whose  every  idea  and  object  were  subordinated  to  that  of 
their  leader,  and,  united  together  by  their  vow,  they  labored  with 
remarkable  zeal  to  promote  the  cause  to  which  they  had  consecrated 
their  lives.  The  Franciscans  have  enrolled  among  their  number  five 
popes  and  forty-five  cardinals. 

St.  Dominic,  the  founder  of  the  Dominicans,  was  born  in  Ara- 
gon,  A.  D.  1 1 70.  He  possessed  the  fiery  enthusiasm  and  intense 
zeal  of  Francis,  and  to  these  qualities  he  added  a  somewhat  stern 
temper,  cool  judgment,  firm  will,  and  great  acquaintance  with  affairs 
of  the  world.  Having  seen  the  ravages  of  heresy  in  the  southern 
provinces  of  France,  he  desired  the  adoption  of  more  effectual  meas- 
ures to  arrest  its  progress.  He  was  convinced  of  the  futility  of  those 
splendidly  equipped  missions  which  Rome  had  sent  forth  from  time  to 
time  to  convert  the  Albigenses.  He  saw  that  these  missionaries  left 
more  heretics  on  their  departure  than  they  had  found  on  their  arrival. 
Mitered  dignitaries,  mounted  on  richly  caparisoned  mules,  were  fol- 
lowed by  a  sumptuous  train  of  priests,  monks,  and  other  attendants, 
who,  too  proud  or  too  ignorant  to  preach,  were  only  successful  in 
dazzling  the  gaze  of  the  multitude  by  the  magnificence  of  their  cere- 
monies. While  this  pageant  most  conclusively  indicated  the  wealth 
of  the  Romish  Church,  it  did  not  attest  with  equal  conclusiveness 
the  truth  of  its  doctrines.  Instead  of  bishops  on  palfreys,  Dominic 
called  for  monks  in  wooden  soles  to  preach  to  the  heretics. 

He  resolved  to  visit  Rome,  and  also  siibmit  his  scheme  to  Inno- 
cent, offering  to  raise  an  army  that  would  perambulate  Europe  and 


92 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


promote  the  interests  of  the  "Holy  See."  With  garb  as  humble,  and 
habits  as  austere,  and  speech  as  plain  as  those  of  the  peasants  they 
were  to  address,  these  missionaries  would  soon  win  the  heretics  from 
their  errors.  Another  inducement  presented  by  St.  Dominic  Avas 
that  they  would  live  on  alms,  and  ask  no  support  from  the  papal 
treasury.  Innocent,  however,  for  some  reason,  refused  to  sanction 
the  scheme.  Having  so  recently  indorsed  the  Franciscans,  he  may 
have  considered  the  one  organization  sufficient.  But  Pope  Honorius 
was  more  favorable,  and  confirmed  the  project;  and  from  beginnings 
equally  small  with  those  of  the  Franciscans  the  growth  of  the  Do- 
minicans in  popularity  and  numbers  was  equally  rapid. 

The  Dominicans  were  divided  into  two  bands,  each  having  its 
peculiar  Avork.  One  went  forth  to  preach,  while  the  other  was  em- 
ployed in  exterminating  those  who  refused  to  be  converted.  D'Emil- 
lianne  calls  the  latter  class  "a  troop  of  merciless  fellows,  whom  he 
[St.  Dominic]  maintained  to  cut  the  throats  of  heretics  when  he  was 
a-preaching ;  he  called  them  the  militia  of  Jesus  Christ."  By  this 
division  of  labor  heresy  was  refuted  and  heretics  effectually  silenced. 
So  rapidly  did  the  number  of  preaching  friars  increase  that  in  a  few 
years  their  voices  were  heard  in  almost  all  the  cities  of  Europe. 
They  were  generally  ignorant  men  ;  but  their  enthusiasm  made  them 
eloquent,  and  admiring  crowds  listened  to  their  harangues.  In  the 
centuries  before  the  Reformation  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans 
accomplished  for  the  papacy  Avhat  the  Jesuits  have  done  for  it  in  the 
centuries  that  have  followed  it. 

These  newly  organized  orders  were  different  in  some  respects 
from  those  which  already  existed  in  Italy  and  elsewhere.  The 
monks  of  the  latter  were  recluses,  who  had  no  relation  to  the  world 
which  they  had  abandoned,  and  no  duties  to  perform  to  it.  Their 
world  was  the  cell,  or  the  inclosure  within  the  walls  of  the  monastery, 
where  their  whole  time  was  presumed  to  be  spent  in  prayer  and 
meditation,  thus  presenting  an  example  of  austere  piety  for  the  edi- 
fication of  others.  The  Franciscans  and  Dominicans,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  not  confined  to  a  particular  spot.  Their  convents  were 
not  places  of  seclusion,  but  rather  hotels  or  temporary  abodes, 
where  they  could  rest  on  their  preaching  tours.  They  perambulated 
provinces  and  cities,  addressing  the  people  every -where  and  at  all 
times,  on  the  Sabbath  and  week-days,  and  erecting  their  pulpit  in  the 
market,  at  the  street-corner,  or  in  the  chapel.  The  secular  or  paro- 
chial clergy  seldom  preached,  because  they  were  too  ignorant  to 
prepare  a  sermon,  and  too  indolent  to  deliver  it,  even  were  it  written 


THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS. 


93 


for  them.  Preaching  was,  therefore,  among  the  lost  arts ;  and  these 
pastors  endeavored  to  instruct  their  flocks  by  ceremonial  services, 
pra\xrs,  and  litanies  in  a  language  which  the  people  could  not 
understand.  The  friars,  on  the  contrary,  visited  all  classes  of  the 
community,  and  preached  to  them  in  their  own  familiar  tongue. 

The  new  monastic  disciples  appeared  in  striking  and  favorable 
contrast  to  the  old  in  regard  to  their  earthly  possessions.  The  latter 
were  very  rich,  while  the  former  were  exceedingly  poor,  living  on 
alms,  and  literally  begging  as  a  means  of  support.  The  name  of 
mendicants  was  therefore  applied  to  them,  and  they  accepted  it,  say- 
ing that  the  profession  was  ancient  and  holy  because  Christ  and 
apostles  were  mendicants.  The  early  monks  had  taken  the  vow 
of  poverty ;  and,  though  they  could  not,  as  individuals,  possess 
property,  yet  in  their  corporate  capacity  they  might  and  did  possess 
it  to  an  enormous  amount.  But  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans, 
individually  and  collectively,  were  disqualified  by  their  vow  from 
holding  any  property  whatever.  They  were  not  allowed  to  own  a 
penny,  and  their  profession  of  poverty  was  confirmed  by  their  plain 
garb  and  frugal  diet.  With  a  great  reputation  for  sanctity,  w^hich 
gave  them  a  proportionate  influence  among  all  classes,  they  seemed 
to  be  exactly  adapted  to  the  age  in  which  they  appeared  and  to  the 
work  which  was  committed  to  them.  They  were  truly  the  house- 
hold troops  of  the  Vatican,  or  the  regular  soldiers  of  the  pope,  sent 
throughout  Christendom  in  two  bands,  yet  constituting  one  united 
army,  which  became  stronger  every  day,  and  which,  having  nothing 
to  resist  its  progress,  marched  victoriously  forward  against  heresy, 
and  extended  the  fame  and  dominion  of  the  papal  See. 

The  habit  or  dress  of  these  friars  consisted  of  a  great  hood,  a 
scapulary,  a  knotted  girdle,  and  a  wide  cope.  The  Dominicans  wore 
a  white  gown  of  coarse  woolen  cloth,  Avhich  was  girded  by  a  broad 
sash.  The  Franciscans  were  clad  with  a  similar  gown,  though  brown 
in  color,  which  was  tied  with  a  cord  of  three  knots,  which,  ''they 
say,"  writes  D'Emillianne, "  hath  virtue  to  heal  the  sick,  to  chase 
away  the  devil,  and  all  dangerous  temptations,  and  serve  what  turn 
they  please."  These  gowns  contained  numerous  and  capacious 
pouches  in  which  these  begging  friars  deposited  amulets,  rosaries, 
little  images,  square  pieces  of  papers,  scraps  of  bread  and  cheese, 
morsels  of  flesh,  and  other  victuals.  But  while  their  humble  dress 
and  scanty  fare  were  outward  signs  of  poverty,  they  also  served  as  a 
cloak  to  conceal  the  secret  accumulation  of  wealth.  The  more  dis- 
criminating friars  could  discover  a  distinction  between  propiictors  and 


94 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


stewards.  As  the  original  constitution  of  the  orders  remained  unal- 
tered, no  member  could  be  a  proprietor;  but  any  one  might  be  a 
steward  and  possess  wealth  to  any  amount,  provided  it  should  be 
dispensed  for  the  benefit  of  the  order.  This  ingenious  distinction  was 
sanctioned  by  the  ''Constitution,"  issued  by  Nicholas  III,  in  1279, 
in  which  the  rule  of  St.  Francis  is  explained  and  confirmed.  The 
gates  of  their  convents,  which  had  been  so  effectually  closed  by  a 
most  stringent  vow  of  poverty,  as  yet  unrepealed,  were  unlocked  by 
this  new  interpretation,  and  immediately  a  stream  of  gold,  emanating 
from  their  devoted  admirers,  began  to  flow  into  the  coffers  of  the 
''mendicants."  They  refused  to  become  landed  proprietors,  but  the 
splendor  of  their  edifices  surpassed  those  of  the  Benedictines  and 
Augustinians.  In  Italy  and  other  countries  they  had  churches  in 
which  the  skill  of  the  architect  and  the  genius  of  the  painter  were 
fully  displayed,  and  their  convents  and  cloisters  were  worthy  to  have 
been  the  habitations  of  monarchs.  The  writer  in  traveling  from 
Perugia  to  Terni  beheld  the  convent  of  St.  Francis  d'Assisi,  which 
stands  on  the  lower  slope  of  the  Apennines,  overlooking  the  vale  of 
the  Clitumnus.  It  is  in  magnificence  a  palace,  and  in  size  it  is  almost 
a  small  town.  In  it  is  the  tomb  of  the  man  who  died  under  a  bor- 
rowed cloak. 

This  wealth  produced  indolence,  insolence,  a  corruption  of  man- 
ners, and  a  grievous  abuse  of  those  vast  privileges  and  powers  which 
the  papal  see  conferred  upon  these  monastic  institutions.  Their 
prodigious  increase  in  riches  was  followed  by  a  corresponding  declen- 
sion, which  was  even  more  rapid  than  former  ages  had  witnessed  in 
the  Benedictines  and  Augustinians. 

During  the  thirteenth  century,  amid  the  prevailing  darkness  and 
superstition,  the  study  of  literature  and  philosophy  engaged  the 
attention  of  a  few  individuals  in  Italy.  Among  the  prominent  authors 
were  Giuncelli,  Ghislieri,  Fabricio,  Onesto,  d'Arezzo,  da  Lucca,  Pis- 
ano,  Sanese,  and  Fiorentino.  Brunetto  Latini  was  the  teacher  of 
Dante  and  the  author  of  //  Tesoro,  written  first  in  French  and  after- 
wards translated  into  Italian,  in  which  he  aimed  to  give  a  cyclopaedic 
view  of  the  state  of  knowledge  at  that  time.  Guido  Cavalcanti,  one 
of  the  best  friends  of  Dante,  was  styled  by  Benvenuto  da  Imola,  the 
second  eye  of  Italian  literature,  of  which  Dante  was  the  first.  He  was 
a  philosophic  poet,  possessed  a  deep  knowledge  of  the  human  heart, 
and  was  accustomed  to  moral  reflections.  The  first  book  in  Italian 
prose  was  the  Chivnica,  by  Matteo  Spinello,  a  Neapolitan,  relating  the 
history  of  events  from  A.  D.  1247  to  A.  D.  1268.   The  honor  of  writ- 


COUNTESS  MATILDA. 


95 


ing  histor}'  in  a  neat  style  belongs  also  to  Ricordano  Malespini,  a  Flor- 
entine, who  died  about  A.  D.  1281.  Pietro  Crescenzi,  of  Bologna, 
wrote  several  scientific  works.  At  that  time  the  scholastic  divinity 
and  the  philosophy  and  logic  of  Aristotle  pervaded  the  schools  of 
Italy.  Thomas  Aquinas,  who  was  born  A.  D.  1224,  stood  at  the 
head  of  these  sciences.  He  was  descended  from  the  ancient  kings  of 
Sicil}',  had  considerable  enthusiasm,  and,  though  a  strong  Roman 
Catholic,  would  not  accept  the  archbishopric  of  Naples.  He  took 
the  habit  of  the  Dominicans,  A.  D.  1241,  and,  after  visiting  Paris 
and  lecturing  to  admiring  audiences,  returned  to  Italy,  became  divin- 
ity professor  to  several  universities,  and  at  last  settled  at  Naples, 
where  he  led  a  chaste  and  devout  life.  He  was  called  the  angelical, 
and  Bonaventura,  another  professor,  the  seraphic,  doctor. 


HE  political  history  of  Italy  during  the  thirteenth  century  pre- 


sents  the  sad  spectacle  of  a  people  comparatively  free,  but  so 
weakened  by  hostile  factions  that  they  could  not  resist  accepting 
despotic  rule.  After  the  election  of  Frederick  II  as  emperor  of 
Germany  a  series  of  contests  occurred  during  his  minority,  from  A. 
D.  1 198  to  A.  D.  1216.  Pope  Innocent  III  desired  to  consolidate  a 
separate  principaHty  for  the  Holy  See"  in  the  center  of  Italy.  The 
real  or  spurious  donations  of  Constantine,  Pepin,  Charlemagne,  and 
Louis  had  given  rise  to  a  perpetual  claim  on  the  part  of  the  popes 
to  very  extensive  dominions;  but  little  of  this  had  been  effectuated, 
and  in  Rome  itself  they  were  thwarted  by  the  prefect,  an  officer  Avho 
swore  fidelity  to  the  emperor,  and  by  the  insubordinate  spirit  of  the 
people.  The  cities  contiguous  to  Rome  were  not  ruled  by  the  cap- 
ital, and  were  probably  as  much  self-governed  as  those  of  Lombardy. 
In  reading  of  the  desperate  wars  between  Rome  and  Tibur  or  Tus- 
culum,  neither  of  which  was  subjugated  until  the  latter  part  of  the 
twelfth  century,  we  are  reminded  of  the  earliest  days  of  the  republic. 
The  popes  pretended  also  to  have  a  claim  to  the  duchy  of  Spoleto, 
the  march  of  Ancona,  and  what  had  been  the  exarchate  of  Ravenna. 
In  a  former  age  the  famous  Countess  Matilda,  to  whose  zealous 
protection  Gregory  VII  had  been  indebted  during  his  long  dispute 


Chapter  IX. 


THE  GUELFS  AXD  GHIBELIAES. 


96 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Avith  the  emperor,  Henry  IV,  granted  the  reversion  of  all  her  posses- 
sions to  the  **Holy  See,"  first  in  the  hfe-time  of  Gregory,  and  again 
under  the  pontificate  of  Pascal  III.  These  were  very  extensive  and 
held  by  different  titles.  She  certainly  could  not  dispose  of  her  vast 
imperial  fiefs — Mantua,  Modena,  and  Tuscany.  *'The  duchy  of 
Spoleto  and  march  of  Ancona,"  says  Hallam,  "were  supposed  to 
rest  upon  a  different  footing.  I  confess  myself  not  distinctly  to  com- 
prehend the  nature  of  this  part  of  her  succession.  These  had  been 
formerly  among  the  great  fiefs  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  But  if  I 
understand  it  rightly  they  had  tacitly  ceased  to  be  subject  to  the 
emperors  some  years  before  they  were  seized  by  Godfrey,  of  Lor- 
raine, father-in-law  and  step-father  of  Matilda.  To  his  son,  her 
husband,  she  succeeded  in  the  possession  of  those  countries.  They 
are  commonly  considered  as  her  allodial  or  patrimonial  property;  yet 
it  is  not  easy  to  see  how,  being  herself  a  subject  of  the  empire,  she 
could  transfer  even  her  allodial  estates  from  its  sovereignty.  Nor, 
on  the  other  hand,  can  it  apparently  be  maintained  that  she  was 
lawful  sovereign  of  countries  which  had  not  long  since  been  imperial 
fiefs,  and  the  suzerainty  over  which  had  never  been  renounced.  The 
original  title  of  the  "  Holy  See,"  therefore,  does  not  seem  incontestable 
even  as  to  this  part  of  Matilda's  donation.  But  I  state  with  hesita- 
tion a  difficulty  to  which  the  authors  I  have  consulted  do  not  advert. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  emperors  kept  possession  of  the  whole 
during  the  twelfth  century;  and  treated  both  Spoleto  and  Ancona  as 
parts  of  the  empire,  notwithstanding  continual  remonstrances  from 
the  Roman  pontiffs." 

At  the  negotiations  of  Venice,  A.  D.  1177,  Frederick  Barbarossa 
promised  to  restore  the  patrimony  of  Matilda  in  fifteen  years;  but  at 
the  close  of  that  period  Henry  IV  was  not  disposed  to  execute  this 
arrangement,  and  granted  the  county  in  fief  to  some  of  his  German 
followers.  His  death  resulted  in  producing  a  condition  of  affairs 
favorable  to  Innocent  III.  The  infant  king  of  Sicily  had  been 
intrusted  by  Constance  to  his  guardianship.  The  princes  of  Germany 
engaged,  in  a  civil  war  growing  out  of  the  double  election  of  Philip, 
brother  of  Henry  VI,  and  of  Otho,  duke  of  Brunswick,  entirely 
overlooked  the  claims  of  young  Frederick.  As  neither  party  was 
able  to  enter  Italy,  the  imperial  throne  was  vacant  for  several  years; 
but  the-death  of  Philip  removing'one  competitor,  Otho  IV,  whom  the 
pope  had  constantly  favored,  was  crowned  emperor.  During  this 
interval  the  Italians  had  no  superior;  and,  of  course,  Innocent  III 
embraced  the  opportunity  to  maintain  the  pretensions  of  the  "Holy 


THE  PAPAL  POWER  INCREASING. 


97 


See, "  resting  his  claims  upon  a  questionable  document  called  the  will 
of  Henry  VI,  which  was  said  to  have  been  found  among  the  baggage 
of  ]\Iarquard,  one  of  the  German  soldiers  who  had  been  invested 
with  fiefs  by  the  late  emperor.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  cities  of 
the  ecclesiastical  state  had  their  own  municipal  government,  like 
those  of  Lombardy;  but  they  were  far  less  able  to  assert  a  complete 
independence.  They  gladly,  therefore,  accepted  the  protection  of 
the  **Holy  See,"  which  promised  to  secure  them  from  ^larquard  and 
other  rapacious  partisans  without  disturbing  their  internal  regulations. 
Thus  Innocent  III  obtained  possession  of  the  duchy  of  Spoleto  and 
march  of  Ancona;  but  he  was  not  sufficiently  strong  constantly  to 
rule  such  extensive  territories,  and  some  years  afterward  adopted  the 
wise  course  of  granting  Ancona  in  fief  to  the  marquis  of  Este.  The 
pontiff  at  the  same  time  was  careful  to  maintain  his  authority  at 
home,  and  compelled  the  prefect  of  Rome  to  swear  allegiance  to 
him,  thus  ending  the  regular  imperial  rule  over  that  city  and  abridging 
the  privileges  of  its  citizens.  This  is  the  proper  era  of  that  temporal 
sovereignty  which  the  bishops  of  Rome  possessed  over  their  own  city, 
though  various  causes  prevented  it,  for  nearly  three  centuries,  from 
becoming  unquestioned  and  unlimited. 

It  was  not  difficult  now  to  understand  the  policy  of  Rome,  which 
was  more  clearly  defined  than  ever.  She  resolved  to  preserve  what 
she  had  thus  suddenly  gained,  rather  by  opportunity  than  by  strength, 
and  therefore  endeavored  to  weaken  the  imperial  power,  and,  conse- 
quently, to  maintain  the  freedom  of  the  Italian  republics.  Formerly 
a  marquis  of  the  emperor's  appointment  ruled  Tuscany,  though  her 
cities  were  flourishing,  and  within  themselves  independent.  Desiring 
to  imitate  the  Lombard  confederacy,  and  strongly  urged  by  Innocent 
III,  they  organized  a  similar  league  for  the  preservation  of  their 
rights.  Pisa,  which  was  always  strongly  attached  to  the  empire,  did 
not  enter  into  the  combination.  The  influence  of  the  pope  was  far 
more  strongly  manifested  in  this  league  than  in  that  of  Lombardy. 
The  latter  had  been  an  ally  of  Alexander  III,  and  was  formed  dur- 
ing the  height  of  his  dispute  with  Frederick;  yet  so  little  did  this 
ecclesiastical  quarrel  intrude  itself  into  the  struggles  for  liberty  that 
it  is  not  alluded  to  in  the  act  of  their  confederacy.  INIuratori  says 
that  the  Tuscan  union  was  expressly  established  "for  the  honor  and 
aggrandizement  of  the  apostolic  see.  The  members  bound  them- 
selves to  defend  the  possessions  and  rights  of  the  Church,  and  not 
to  acknowledge  any  king  or  emperor  without  the  approbation  of 
the  supreme  pontiff."    The  Tuscans,  therefore,  were  more  strongly 


98 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


attached  to  the  Church  party  than  to  the  Lombards,  whose  principle 
was  animosity  towards  the  house  of  Swabia.  Hence,  when  Innocent 
III  subsequently  supported  Frederick  II  against  the  emperor,  Otho 
IV,  the  ^Milanese  and  their  allies  espoused  the  imperial  cause,  but 
the  Tuscans  continued  to  favor  the  pope. 

During-  the  wars  between  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Milan  the 
cities  of  Lombardy  were  divided,  and  a  large  number  of  them  were 
firmly  attached  to  the  imperial  party.  History  does  not  inform  us, 
but  it  is  probable  that  even  at  this  early  period  the  citizens  did  not 
agree  upon  questions  of  public  policy,  and  therefore  a  particular  city 
adhered  to  the  emperor,  or  to  the  Lombard  league,  according  as  one 
faction  or  another  controlled  its  councils.  The  existence  of  jealous- 
ies for  a  long  time  between  the  different  classes,  and  which  were  only 
suspended  by  the  termination  of  the  national  struggle  at  Constance, 
produced  new  modifications  of  interests,  and  new  relations  towards 
the  empire.  About  A.  D.  1200,  or  perhaps  a  little  later,  the  two 
leading  parties  which  divided  the  cities  of  Lombardy  were  distin- 
guished by  the  celebrated  names  of  Guelfs  and  Ghibelines,  the  former 
supporting  the  papal  faction,  and  the  latter,  the  imperial.  These 
appellations,  derived  from  Germany,  where  they  had  been  the  rally- 
ing word  of  party  for  more  than  half  a  century,  directed  and  invigo- 
rated the  prejudices  of  these  cities,  whose  mutual  animosity  had  not 
as  yet  been  violently  manifested.  The  Guelfs  took  their  name  from 
a  very  illustrious  family,  several  of  whom  had  successively  been  dukes 
of  Bavaria,  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries.  The  heiress  of  the 
last  of  these  intermarried  with  a  younger  son  of  the  house  of  Este,  a 
noble  family  settled  near  Padua,  and  possessed  of  great  estates  on 
each  bank  of  the  Lower  Po.  They  gave  birth  to  a  second  line  of 
Guelfs,  from  whom  the  royal  house  of  Brunswick  is  descended.  The 
name  of  Ghibeline  is  derived  from  a  village  in  Franconia,  whence  Con- 
rad the  SaHc  came,  the  progenitor,  through  females,  of  the  Swabian 
emperors.  At  the  election  of  Lothaire,  A.  D.  1125,  they  were  disap- 
pointed of  what  they  considered  almost  an  hereditary  possession  ;  and 
at  this  time  an  hostility  appears  to  have  commenced  between  them 
and  the  house  of  Guelf,  who  were  nearly  related  to  Lothaire.  Henry 
the  Proud,  and  Henry  the  Lion,  representatives  of  the  latter  family, 
were  frequently  persecuted  by  the  Swabian  emperors :  but  their  for- 
tunes belong  to  the  history  of  Germany.  Meanwhile  the  elder  branch, 
though  not  reserved  for  such  glorious  destinies  as  the  Guelfs,  con- 
tinued to  flourish  in  Italy.  The  marquises  of  Este  were  by  far  the 
most  powerful  nobles  in  Eastern  Lombardy,  and  about  the  end  of  the 


FREDERICK  AND  HONORIUS. 


99 


twelfth  century  began  to  be  considered  as  heads  of  the  Church  party 
in  their  neighborhood.  Sismondi  states  that  they  were  frequently 
chosen  to  the  office  of  podesta,  or  chief  magistrate,  by  the  cities  of 
Romagna,  and  the  people  of  Ferrara,  A.  D.  1208,  set  the  fatal  ex- 
ample of  sacrificing  their  freedom  for  tranquillity,  by  electing  Azzo 
VII,  marquis  of  Este,  as  their  lord,  or  sovereign. 

Otho  IV,  the  son  of  Henry  the  Lion,  and,  consequently,  the  head 
of  the  Guelfs,  on  obtaining  the  imperial  crown,  diverted  the  preju- 
dices of  Italian  factions  out  of  their  usual  channel.  In  a  short  time 
he  and  Pope  Innocent  III  were  engaged  in  a  bitter  controversy,  as 
the  latter  was  hostile  to  the  empire,  whoever  might  be  its  ruler. 
Hatred  of  the  house  of  Swabia,  however,  prevailed  more  than  jeal- 
ousy of  the  imperial  prerogatives.  In  IMilan,  and  generally  in  the 
cities  which  had  belonged  to  the  Lombard  league  against  Frederick 
I,  the  people  adhered  to  names  rather  than  principles,  and  supported 
a  Guelf  emperor  even  against  the  pope.  From  this  period  every 
city,  and  almost  every  citizen,  gloried  in  one  of  these  barbarous  de- 
nominations. The  imperial  party  ruled  several  cities  through  hatred 
of  their  neighbors,  who  espoused  that  of  the  Church.  Thus  the 
inveterate  feuds  between  Pisa  and  Florence,  IModena  and  Bologna, 
Cremona  and  Milan  divided  them  into  opposite  factions.  But  there 
was  in  every  one  of  these  a  strong  party  against  that  which  prevailed, 
and  consequently  a  Guelf  city  frequently  became  Ghibeline,  or  con- 
versely, according  to  the  fluctuation  of  the  time. 

This  change  in  the  politics  of  the  Guelf  party  lasted  only  during 
the  reign  of  Otho  IV.  When  the  heir  of  the  house  of  Swabia  had 
reached  manhood.  Innocent,  who,  though  his  guardian,  had  taken 
little  care  of  his  interests  as  long  as  he  flattered  himself  with  the  hope 
of  finding  a  Guelf  emperor  obedient,  placed  the  young  Frederick  at 
the  head  of  an  opposition,  composed  of  cities  always  attached  to  his 
family  and  of  such  as  implicitly  followed  the  see  of  Rome.  He  was 
successful  to  a  considerable  extent,  both  in  Italy  and  Germany,  and 
After  the  death  of  Otho  received  the  imperial  crown.  But  he  could 
no  longer  obtain  assistance  from  the  pope  who  conferred  it.  Innocent 
died,  and  Honorius  III,  his  successor,  beheld  with  apprehension  the 
vast  power  of  Frederick  supported  in  Lombardy  by  a  faction  which 
balanced  that  of  the  Church,  and  menaced  the  ecclesiastical  territories 
on  the  other  side  by  the  possession  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  This  king- 
dom, feudatory  to  Rome,  and  long  her  firmest  ally,  was  thrown  into 
the  hands  of  her  most  dangerous  enemy  by  a  fatal  connection,  which 

she  could  not  prevent.     Hence  the  temporal  dominion  which  Inno- 

8 


100 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


cent  III  labored  so  earnestly  to  establish,  became  a  very  precarious 
possession,  exposed  on  each  side  to  the  attacks  of  a  pow^r  that  had 
legitimate  pretensions  to  almost  every  province  composing  it. 

According  to  a  custom  observed  by  every  pope,  to  urge  princes 
into  a  crusade  for  the  recovery  of  Palestine,  Honorius  III  exacted  a 
vow  from  Frederick,  before  he  conferred  upon  him  the  imperial  crown, 
that  he  would  undertake  a  similar  mission.  Frederick  evidently  was 
not  sincere,  because  he  endeavored  afterward  to  evade  the  engage- 
ment. He  became  by  marriage  nominal  king  of  Jerusalem;  but  his 
excellent  judgment  was  not  captivated  with  so  barren  a  prospect,  and 
at  length  his  delay  in  the  performance  of  his  vow  provoked  Gregory 
IX  to  issue  against  him  a  sentence  of  excommunication.  Frederick 
could  not  disregard  such  a  thunder-bolt,  and  sailed  the  next  year  for 
Palestine.  Believing  that  he  had  not  committed  a  crime,  he  refused 
to  solicit  absolution,  and  thereby  excited  the  court  of  Rome  to  still 
greater  indignation  against  him,  whom  they  regarded  as  too  profane  to 
conduct  a  crusade.  Upon  the  arrival  of  Frederick  in  Palestine  he 
received  intelligence  that  the  papal  troops  had  invaded  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  He  could  have  abandoned  the  Holy  Land  without  ac- 
complishing any  thing  advantageous;  but  he  made  a  treaty  with  the 
Saracens,  which,  though  not  as  satisfactory  as  under  all  the  circum- 
stances might  have  been  expected,  served  as  a  pretext  for  new  cal- 
umnies against  him  in  Europe.  He  repelled  the  charge  of  irreligion, 
so  easily  and  successfully  propagated,  by  issuing  persecuting  edicts 
against  heresy  that  do  not  honor  his  memory  and  availed  him  little 
at  the  time.  He  ruled  his  Neapolitan  dominions  with  great  rigor, 
which,  perhaps,  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  levity  and  insubordi- 
nation of  the  inhabitants,  but  which  resulted,  through  the  artful 
representations  of  Honorius  and  Gregory,  in  alarming  and  alienating 
the  Italian  republics. 

Since  the  peace  of  Constance  a  new  generation  had  risen  up  in 
Lombardy,  and  the  prerogatives  reserved  by  that  treaty  to  the  em- 
pire were  so  seldom  called  into  action  that  few  cities  were  disposed 
to  recollect  their  existence.  They  called  themselves  Guelfs  or 
Ghibelines,  according  to  habit,  and  out  of  their  mutual  opposition, 
but  without  much  reference  to  the  empire.  Those  of  the  former 
party,  and  especially  Milan,  remained  hostile  to  the  house  of  Swabia. 
If  established  usage  creates  a  right,  Frederick  II  was  entitled  to  the 
sovereignty  of  Italy ;  but  the  Milanese  would  never  acknowledge 
him,  nor  permit  his  coronation  at  Monza,  according  to  ancient  cere- 
mony,  with  the  iron  f:rown  of  the  Lombard  kings.     The  pope 


THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLIC. 


lOI 


labored  to  the  extent  of  his  power  to  foment  this  disaffected  spirit, 
and  encouraged  the  Lombard  cities  to  renew  their  former  league. 
While  this  was  in  accordance  with  a  provision  in  the  treaty  of  Con- 
stance, it  was  manifestly  antagonistic  to  Frederick,  and  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  commencement  of  a  second  contest  between  the 
republican  cities  of  Lombardy  and  the  empire.  But  there  was  a 
striking  difference  between  this  and  the  former  confederacy  against 
Frederick  Barbarossa.  Almost  every  city  in  the  league,  formed  A.  D. 
1 167,  seemed  to  forget  all  smaller  animosities  in  the  great  cause  of 
defending  the  national  privileges,  and  contributed  its  share  of  effort 
to  sustain  that  perilous  conflict.  The  existence  of  even  a  transient 
unanimity  in  a  people  so  distracted  by  internal  faction  as  the  Lom- 
bards is  the  strongest  evidence  of  the  justice  of  their  cause.  Their 
war  against  the  second  Frederick,  sixty  years  afterward,  had  less  of 
provocation  and  less  of  public  spirit.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  party  strug- 
gle of  Guelf  and  Ghibeline  cities,  to  which  the  names  of  the  Church 
and  the  empire  gave  more  of  dignity  and  consistence. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  the  republics  of  Italy  were  so  numerous 
and  independent,  and  their  revolutions  so  frequent,  that  it  is  difficult 
to  give  the  history  of  each  in  regular  order.  For  convenience, 
therefore,  they  may  be  divided  into  four  clusters  or  constellations  ; 
not,  indeed,  unconnected  one  with  another,  yet  each  having  its  own 
center  of  motion  and  its  own  boundaries.  The  first  of  these  we 
may  suppose  formed  of  the  cities  in  central  Lombardy,  between  the 
Sessia  and  the  Adige,  the  Alps  and  the  Ligurian  mountains  ;  it  com- 
prehends Milan,  Cremona,  Pavia,  Brescia,  Bergamo,  Parma,  Piacenza, 
iMantua,  Lodi,  Alessandria,  and  several  others  less  distinguished. 
These  were  the  original  seats  of  Italian  liberty  and  the  principal 
leaders  in  the  Avars  of  the  elder  Frederick.  IMilan  was  at  the  head 
of  this  cluster  of  cities,  and  through  her  influence  the  Guelf  party 
obtained  the  ascendancy ;  she  had,  since  the  treaty  of  Constance, 
rendered  Lodi  and  Pavia  almost  her  subjects,  and  was  in  close  union 
with  Brescia  and  Piacenza.  Parma  and  Cremona,  however,  were 
unshaken  defenders  of  the  empire.  In  the  second  class  we  may  place 
the  cities  of  the  march  of  Verona  between  the  Adige  and  the  fron- 
tiers of  Germany.  Of  these  there  were  but  four  worth  mentioning: 
Verona,  Viacenza,  Padua,  and  Treviso.  The  citizens  of  all  the  four 
were  inclined  to  the  Guelf  interests ;  but  a  powerful  body  of  rural 
nobility,  who  had  never  been  compelled,  like  those  upon  the  Upper 
Po,  to  abandon  their  fortresses  in  the  mountainous  country  or  reside 
within  the  walls,  connected  themselves  with  the  opposite  denom- 


102 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ination.  Sismondi  says  that  some  of  them  had  great  authority  in 
the  civil  feuds  of  these  four  repubHcs ;  and  especially  two  broth- 
ers, Eccelino  and  Alberic  da  Romano,  of  a  rich  and  distinguished 
family,  celebrated  for  its  devotion  to  the  empire.  The  former  by 
remarkable  vigor  and  decision  of  character,  by  dissimulation  and 
violation  of  oaths,  by  the  intimidating  effects  of  almost  unparalleled 
cruelty,  became,  after  some  years,  the  absolute  master  of  three 
cities — Padua,  Verona,  and  Vicenza ;  and  during  the  continuance  of 
his  tyranny  the  Guelf  party  was  entirely  everthrown  beyond  the 
Alps.  His  cruelties  excited  universal  horror,  even  in  an  age  when 
inhumanity  to  enemies  was  as  common  as  fear  and  revenge  could 
make  it.  All  over  Italy  beggars  generally  resorted  to  the  trick 
of  pretending  that  the  Veronese  tyrant  had  deprived  them  of  their 
eyes  or  limbs.  ''There  is  hardly  an  instance  in  European  his- 
tor}', "  says  Hallam,  "of  so  sanguinary  a  government  subsisting 
for  more  than  twenty  years."  The  crimes  of  Eccelino  are  well 
authenticated  by  the  testimony  of  several  contemporary  writers,  who 
enter  into  great  details.  Sismondi  is  more  full  than  any  of  the 
moderns.  Another  cluster  was  composed  of  the  cities  in  Romagna ; 
Bologna,  Imola,  Faenza,  Ferrara,  and  several  others.  Of  these 
Bologna  was  far  the  most  pow.erful,  and  as  no  city  was  more  steadily 
and  earnestly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  Church,  the  Guelfs 
usually  predominated  in  this  class — a  result  to  which  the  influence 
of  the  house  of  Este  largely  contributed.  jModena,  though  not 
geographically  within  the  limits  of  this  division,  may  be  classed  along 
Avith  it  from  her  constant  wars  with  Bologna.  A  fourth  class  will 
comprehend  the  Avhole  of  Tuscany,  separated  almost  entirely  from 
the  politics  of  Lombardy  and  Romagna.  Florence  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Guelf  cities  in  this  province,  Pisa,  the  Ghibeline.  As  we  have 
already  stated,  the  Tuscan  union  was  formed  by  Innocent  III,  and 
was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  papal  party ;  but  gradually  the  Ghibeline 
acquired  its  share  of  influence,  and  the  cities  of  Sienna,  Arezzo,  and 
Lucca  shifted  their  policy  according  to  external  circumstances  or  the 
fluctuations  of  their  internal  factions.  The  petty  cities  in  the  region 
of  Spoleto  and  Ancona  hardly  perhaps  deserve  the  name  of  repub- 
lics; and  Genoa  does  not  readily  fall  into  any  of  our  four  classes, 
unless  her  wars  with  Pisa  may  be  thought  to  connect  her  with  Tus- 
cany. In  this  division  Piedmont  has  not  been  mentioned,  because  no 
important  events  have  been  transmitted  connecting  it  with  the  repub- 
lics already  named.  It  Avas  at  this  time  divided  between  the  counts 
of  Savoy  and  marquises  of  ]\Iontferrat.     But  Asti,  Chieri,  and  Turin, 


FREDERICK  II  AND  GREG  OR  V  IX. 


103 


especially  the  two  former,  appear  to  have  had  a  republican  form  of 
government.  They  were,  however,  not  absolutely  independent.  The 
only  Piedmontese  city  that  can  properly  be  considered  as  a  separate 
state,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  was  Vercelli ;  and  even  there  the 
bishop  seems  to  have  possessed  a  sort  of  temporal  sovereignty. 

The  Guelf  cities,  after  several  years  of  transient  hostilities  and 
precarious  treaties  between  the  Lombard  confederacy  and  Frederick 
II,  engaged  in  a  regular  and  protracted  war  with  him,  or  more  prop- 
erly with  their  Ghibeline  adversaries.  This  contest  is  not  deserving 
of  a  detailed  historical  record.  Neither  party  ever  obtained  such 
decisive  advantages  as  had  alternately  belonged  to  Frederick  Barba- 
rossa  and  Lombardy  during  the  preceding  century.  The  emperor 
defeated  the  ^Milanese  at  Corte  Nuova,  A.  D.  1237;  but  the  next 
year  this  victory  was  balanced  by  his  unsuccessful  siege  of  Brescia. 
Assisted  by  the  Pisans,  he  gained  a  great  naval  triumph  over  the 
Genoese  fleet,  A.  D.  1241  ;  but  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  the 
blockade  of  Parma,  which  had  renounced  the  Ghibeline  cause,  A.  D. 
1248.  The  tedious  struggle,  however,  ultimately  exhausted  the 
strength  of  the  house  of  Swabia ;  the  Ghibelines  of  Italy  had  their 
vicissitudes  of  success,  but  their  country,  and  even  themselves,  lost 
more  and  more  of  the  ancient  connection  with  Germany.  In  this 
resistance  to  Frederick  II  the  Lombards  received  the  constant  support 
of  Gregory  IX  and  his  successor.  Innocent  IV ;  and  the  Guelf  party 
and  the  Church  were  used  as  synonymous  terms.  The  hatred 
of  these  pontiffs  to  the  house  of  Swabia  was  unquenchable ;  their 
animosity  could  not  be  mitigated  by  any  concessions,  and  they  would 
not  favor  any  reconciliation. 

Frederick  II  was  not  without  faults,  but  it  is  impossible  for  any 
one  not  blindly  devoted  to  the  papacy  to  deny  that  he  was  iniqui- 
tously  proscribed  by  her  unprincipled  ambition.  This  is  especialh" 
exhibited  in  the  contest  between  him  and  Gregory  IX.  No  sooner 
was  the  latter  placed  in  the  papal  chair  than,  contrary  to  all  justice 
and  order,  he  excommunicated  the  emperor  for  deferring  his  expedi- 
tion against  the  Saracens  to  another  year,  though  that  delay  was 
manifestly  owing  to  a  fit  of  sickness  which  seized  that  prince  v/hen  he 
was  ready  to  embark  for  Palestine.  At  length  the  emperor  arrived 
in  the  Holy  Land,  A.  D.  1228,  and  the  insidious  pontiff,  taking 
advantage  of  his  absence,  made  war  upon  his  dominions  and  used 
his  utmost  efforts  to  arm  against  him  all  the  Furopean  powers. 
When  Frederick  heard  of  these  violent  and  perfidious  proceedings  he 
returned  to  Europe,  A.  D.  1229,  defeated  the  papal  army,  retook 


104 


ITALY  STRUG GLIA^G  INTO  LIGHT 


the  places  he  had  lost  in  Sicily  and  Italy,  and  in  the  following  year 
made  his  peace  with  the  pontiff,  from  whom  he  received  a  public  and 
solemn  absolution.  But  this  peace  Avas  only  temporary.  The  em- 
peror's real  crime  was  the  inheritance  of  his  ancestors  and  the  name 
of  the  house  of  Swabia,  and  consequently  Gregory  would  not  permit 
him  to  enjoy  a  tranquil  reign.  On  the  other  hand,  Frederick  could 
not  tolerate  the  imperious  temper  and  insolent  proceedings  of  Gregory. 
He,  therefore,  resolved  to  punish  the  pontiff ;  and,  as  we  have 
already  stated,  he  distressed  the  cities  of  Lombardy  which  were  in 
alliance  with  the  Roman  See,  seized  upon  the  island  of  Sardinia, 
Avhich  Gregory  considered  as  a  part  of  his  spiritual  patrimony,  and 
erected  it  into  a  kingdom  for  his  son  Entius.  These,  with  other 
measures  equally  provoking  to  the  avarice  and  ambition  of  Gregory, 
drew  the  thunder  of  the  Vatican  afresh  upon  the  emperor's  head, 
and  he  was  publicly  excommunicated,  A.  D.  1239,  with  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  severity  which  vindictive  rage  could  invent,  accused 
of  the  most  flagitious  crimes  and  the  most  impious  blasphemies. 
The  exasperated  pontiff  even  sent  a  copy  of  these  charges  to  all  the 
courts  of  Europe.  The  emperor,  on  the  other  hand,  defended  his 
injured  reputation  by  solemn  declarations  in  writing,  while,  by  his 
victorious  arms,  he  avenged  himself  of  his  adversaries,  maintained 
his  ground,  and  reduced  the  pontiff  to  the  greatest  distress. 

The  emperor  found  himself  able  to  enter  the  States  of  the  Church, 
A.  D.  1239,  and  march  upon  Rome.  In  that  city  his  claims  were 
so  strongly  and  loudly  advocated  that  Pope  Gregory,  perceiving  his 
danger,  marched  in  procession  through  the  streets,  preceded  by  the 
wood  of  the  true  cross  and  the  heads  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
and  called  on  the  multitude  to  take  up  arms  for  the  Church.  This 
imposing  appeal  to  superstitious  enthusiasm  was  successful.  A  cru- 
sade was  preached  against  Frederick ;  and  the  same  indulgences  in 
the  line  of  present  license  to  sin  and  future  deliverance  from  purga- 
torial fires  were  extended  to  the  new  crusaders  as  were  formerly  con- 
fined to  warriors  in  the  Holy  Land.  Even  the  priests  enrolled  them- 
selves among  the  combatants ;  and  in  a  single  day  the  pontiff  was  at 
the  head  of  an  army  strong  enough  to  resist  all  the  forces  of  the 
emperor.  Frederick  retired  into  Apulia;  but  he  was  indignant  at 
the  preaching  of  a  crusade  against  himself,  as  if  he  had  been  an 
open  enemy  of  religion,  which  he  revenged  by  ordering  all  the  pris- 
oners who  wore  the  sign  of  the  cross  to  be  put  to  death.  To  extri- 
cate himself  from  these  difficulties,  and  to  assist  his  own  authority 
by  the  voice  of  the  Church,  Gregory  summoned  a  general  council. 


THE  PAPAL  FLEET  CAPTURED. 


105 


and  directed  all  bishops  to  assemble  in  Rome  at  Easter,  A.  D.  1241. 
His  main  purpose  was  to  depose  the  emperor  by  the  unanimous 
suffrages  of  the  cardinals  and  prelates ;  and  Frederick,  anticipating 
an  unfavorable  decision  from  such  a  council,  sent  letters  to  all  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe  protesting  against  it.  Not  content  with  mere 
protests,  he  resolved  to  capture  the  French  bishops,  who  had  sailed 
from  Nice,  convoyed  by  a  powerful  Genoese  fleet.  By  the  orders 
of  Frederick,  they  were  met  off  the  island  of  Meliora  by  the  fleets 
of  Sicily  and  Pisa.  A  bloody  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Pisans 
were  completely  victorious.  Four  thousand  Genoese  were  sent  pris- 
oners to  Sicily,  and  the  unfortunate  cardinals  and  bishops  were 
brought  to  Pisa.  Their  treasures  were  seized,  and  the  reverend 
fathers  themselves  were  imprisoned  and  fettered ;  but  because  of 
their  sacred  calling  and  lofty  rank  they  were  closely  confined  in  the 
chapter-house  of  the  cathedral,  and  their  chains  were  chains  of  silver. 
It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  the  illustrious  captives  derived  any 
comfort  from  this  fact.  The  amount  of  treasure  obtained  was  so 
enormous  that  it  was  divided  among  the  Pisans  and  Sicilians  by 
bushels,  reminding  us  of  the  bushel  of  gold  rings  gathered  from  the 
soldiers  after  the  battle  of  Cannae.  One  prominent  result  of  this 
sea-fight  was  the  infliction  of  mortification  and  grief  upon  the  vener- 
able pope.  This  disappointment,  attended  with  others  which  gave 
an  unhappy  turn  to  his  affairs  and  blasted  his  most  promising  expec- 
tations, dejected  and  consumed  the  despairing  pontiff,  and  contrib- 
uted probably  to  his  death,  which  occurred  within  three  months, 
A.  D.  1241. 

Geoffry,  bishop  of  Milan,  who  succeeded  Gregory  IX,  under  the 
title  of  Celestine  IV,  died  before  his  consecration,  and  for  about  two 
years  the  papal  chair  was  vacant.  During  this  interregnum  there 
was  much  wrangling  and  fighting  between  the  aristocrats  and  ple- 
beians in  many  of  the  Italian  cities.  In  Milan  a  dispute  arose  with 
respect  to  the  election  of  an  archbishop  ;  and  the  chapter  agreed  to 
refer  the  question  to  the  decision  of  one  **  Brother  Leo,"  a  holy 
man,  who  was  represented  to  be  entirely  free  from  terrestrial  ambi- 
tion. Brother  Leo  accepted  the  responsibility ;  but  after  long  delib- 
eration he  announced  that  he  could  think  of  no  one  so  fit  to  fill  the 
office  as  himself,  and  forthwith,  to  the  astonishment  and  disgust  of 
both  parties,  stepped  into  the  position. 

Senibald,  one  of  the  counts  of  Fiesque,  was  raised  to  the  pontif- 
icate, A.  D.  1243,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Innocent  IV.  His  eleva- 
tion offered  at  first  a  prospect  of  peace,  as  he  had  formerly  been 


io6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


attached  to  the  interests  of  the  emperor ;  and  accordingly  conferences 
were  opened,  and  a  reconciUation  was  proposed.  But  the  terms 
offered  by  the  new  pope  were  too  imperious  and  extravagant  not  to 
be  rejected  with  indignation  by  the  emperor.  After  these  futile 
attempts  at  negotiation,  Innocent,  affecting  a  dread  of  personal 
violence  from  Frederick,  and  not  esteeming  himself  safe  in  any  part 
of  Italy,  left  his  palace  at  night  in  disguise,  and,  departing  from 
Genoa,  the  place  of  his  birth,  succeeded  in  reaching  Lyons  safely, 
A.  D.  1244.  In  the  following  year  he  there  convened  the  general 
council,  which  the  capture  of  the  French  bishops  a  few  years  before 
had  postponed.  The  emperor  was  represented  by  Peter  de  Vencis 
and  Thaddaeus  de  Suessa.  At  the  opening  of  proceedings  Thaddaeus 
offered  on  his  master's  part,  if  he  might  be  reconciled  to  the  Holy 
Father,  to  recall  the  Greek  Empire  to  the  unity  of  the  Romish 
Church,  to  undertake  a  new  crusade  at  his  own  expense,  and  to 
restore  to  the  Church  the  possessions  he  had  taken  from  it — the  ful- 
fillment of  these  provisions  to  be  guaranteed  by  the  kings  of  France 
and  England.  But  Frederick  had  sinned  too  deeply  to  be  forgiven. 
Innocent  adroitly  avoided  the  settlement.  Said  he:  "I  shall  not 
accept  his  offer ;  for,  did  he  fail  in  the  fulfillment  of  his  contract  (as 
I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt  he  would),  I  should  have  to  fall  back 
on  his  securities ;  and  then  the  Church  would  have  three  enemies  of 
unequaled  power  instead  of  one." 

At  that  time  Lyons  was  an  imperial  city ;  but  Frederick  could 
no  longer  retain  his  supremacy  over  it.  In  this  assembly,  where  one 
hundred  and  forty  prelates  appeared,  the  question  whether  Frederick 
ought  to  be  deposed  was  solemnly  discussed.  He  submitted  to 
defend  himself  by  his  advocates ;  and  the  pope,  in  the  presence, 
though  without  formally  collecting  the  suffrages,  of  the  council,  pro- 
nounced a  sentence  by  which  Frederick's  excommunication  was 
renewed,  the  empire  and  all  his  kingdoms  taken  away,  and  all  his 
subjects  absolved  from  their  fidelity.  Matthew  Paris  says,  "The 
pope  and  the  prelates  sitting  round  him  in  council,  with  lighted 
taoers  thundered  forth  dreadful  sentence  against  the  Emperor  Fred- 
erick, whilst  his  agents  retreated  in  confusion."  As  soon  as  these 
proceedings  were  reported  to  their  object  he  burst  into  a  violent 
rage.  ''Has  the  pope,  then,  deprived  me  of  my  crown?"  he 
shouted.  ''Bring  me  my  jewel-case. "  He  seized  his  crown,  set  it 
on  his  head,  and,  with  a  voice  almost  inarticulate  with  passion, 
exclaimed:  "No  pope  or  council  shall  take  it  from  me  without  a 
bloody  struggle.    I  am  better  off  than  I  was  before  the  sentence. 


THE  PENITENT  EMPEROR. 


107 


Then  I  was  bound  in  some  things  to  obey — at  least,  to  respect  him  ; 
but  now  I  am  released  from  all  obligation."  This  is  the  most  pom- 
pous act  of  usurpation  in  all  the  records  of  the  Church  of  Rome ; 
and  ''the  tacit  approbation  of  a  general  council,"  says  Hallam, 
"seemed  to  incorporate  the  pretended  right  of  deposing  kings, 
which  might  have  passed  as  a  mad  vaunt  of  Gregory  VII  and  his 
successors,  with  the  established  faith  of  Christendom." 

After  the  emperor  had  been  deposed,  and  the  imperial  throne 
declared  vacant,  the  effect  of  the  sentence  was  soon  manifested  in 
cowardly  plots  for  the  assassination  of  Frederick,  some  of  which 
were  known  to  the  pope.  The  consciousness  of  these  plots  and  a 
life  of  incessant  anxiety  began  to  break  down  the  hitherto  uncon- 
querable spirit  of  the  emperor.  His  protracted  war  with  the  Church 
wearied  him,  and  he  resolved  to  renew  his  efforts  for  a  reconciliation. 
In  the  garb  of  a  penitent  he  set  out  on  a  friendly  visit  to  the  pope ; 
but  while  on  the  way  to  Rome  he  heard  that  the  pope's  adherents 
had  excited  a  revolt  against  him  in  Parma.  Frederick,  postponing 
his  penitence  till  a  more  convenient  season,  rapidly  collected  an  army, 
and  besieged  the  rebellious  city.  The  siege  was  maintained  for  some 
months ;  but  on  one  occasion  the  besieged,  taking  advantage  of  the 
emperor's  absence  at  hawking,  made  a  sally  into  the  German  Winter- 
quarters,  and  completely  routed  the  besieging  arm}',  taking  three 
thousand  prisoners.  Frederick,  returning  from  hawking,  met  his 
army  retreating  before  the  victorious  Parmese,  and  was  compelled  to 
accompany  them.  He  now  returned  to  the  obligations  of  his  tardy 
penitence,  but  without  avail,  the  haughty  pontiff  scornfully  repuls- 
ing him. 

Frederick  next  determined  to  establish  the  Ghibeline  party  in 
Florence  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Guelfs.  These  two  factions  were 
of  almost  equal  strength  in  that  city,  and  for  thirty -two  years  the 
beautiful  streets  of  Florence  had  been  seldom  free  from  civil  war. 
Certain  portions  of  the  town  formed  the  battle-fields  where  the  rival 
families  contended.  Movable  barricades,  or  cJievaux -de -frise,  called 
senngli,  which  could  at  a  moment's  notice  be  thrown  across  the 
streets,  were  kept  in  readiness  at  the  proper  places.  A  hasty  word, 
as  is  aptly  illustrated  in  "Romeo  and  Juliet,"  was  often  enough  to 
cause  an  appeal  to  arms  ;  in  an  instant  the  streets  were  blocked  by 
the  saragli,  and  the  town  was  soon  filled  with  the  dead  and  dying. 
At  night-fall  the  battle  ceased  to'  rage,  and  each  party  collected  their 
slain.  Next  day,  while  peace  reigned,  the  victims  of  the  skirmish 
were  buried ;  and  but  few  days  were  permitted  to  elapse  without  a 


io8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


repetition  of  the  same  terrible  work.  Frederick  ended  this  state  of 
things  in  Florence  by  expelling  the  Guelf  faction  utterly  from  the 
city,  and  thus  giving  his  own  party  the  predominance. 

About  the  same  time  the  Bolognese  attacked  Modena,  a  city  in 
alliance  with  the  empire.  The  number  of  the  Modenese  was  so  small 
that,  shutting  themselves  within  their  fortifications,  no  provocation 
could  induce  them  to  take  the  field.  The  Bolognese  devised  an  ex- 
pedient, which  has  at  least  the  merit  of  originality.  Taking  the  body 
of  an  ass,  they  ornamented  it  with  silver  fetters,  and  projected  it  from 
a  powerful  catapult  into  the  middle  of  the  town.  The  donkey  unfor- 
tunately alighted  in  the  center  of  the  handsomest  fountain  in  the  city. 
The  Modenese  were  so  infuriated  at  this  insult  that  they  could  no 
longer  restrain  themselves ;  they  made  a  furious  sally,  and  smashed  to 
atoms  the  obnoxious  engine.  Soon  after  this  incident  the  city  sur- 
rendered and  was  lost  to  Frederick.  The  latter,  whose  firm  and 
heroic  spirit  had  supported  him  through  these  cruel  vicissitudes,  at 
length  yielded  to  the  conqueror  of  all,  and  died,  A.  D.  1250.  His 
life  was  wasted  in  an  unceasing  contention  with  the  Church  and  with 
his  Italian  subjects  whom  she  excited  to  rebellion  against  him. 
While  this  prince  was  a  patron  of  letters,  and  possessed  many  emi- 
nent qualities,  he  was  very  ambitious  and  practiced  dissimulation; 
but  we  must  remember  that  in  every  period  of  his  reign  he  was  com- 
pelled to  act  on  the  defensive  almost  constantly  against  the  aggres- 
sions of  others.  But  if  he  had  been  a  model  of  virtues,  such  men 
as  Honorius  III,  Gregory  IX,  and  Innocent  IV,  the  popes  with  whom 
he  had  successively  to  contend,  would  not  have  given  him  respite 
while  he  remained  master  of  Naples  as  well  as  the  empire.  Indeed, 
the  hatred  of  bigoted  popish  writers  has  hardly  subsided  at  the 
present  day.  Tiraboschi  commended  him  very  moderately,  but  the 
Roman  editor  contradicted  the  statement.  Muratori  shows  sufficient 
prejudice  against  the  emperor's  character,  and  yet  a  fierce  Roman 
bigot  becomes  furious  in  his  animadversions  of  every  syllable  that 
looks  like  moderation.  Giannone,  who  suffered  for  his  boldness,  has 
highly  eulogized  Frederick,  perhaps  too  extravagantly,  in  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  books  of  the  civil  history  of  Naples. 

Pope  Innocent  IV  of  course  received  the  tidings  of  his  death  with 
exceeding  joy,  bursting  into  songs  of  praise:  "Let  the  heavens 
rejoice  and  let  the  earth  be  glad;  for  the  storm  which  the  Almighty 
has  so  long  allowed  to  impend  over  us  is  changed  by  this  man's 
death  to  refreshing  zephyrs  and  fertihzing  dews."  At  this  juncture 
the  pope  thought  that  the  kingdom  of  Naples  would  be  a  valuable 


MILAN  WELCOMES  THE  POPE— CONRAD—MANFRED.  109 


addition  to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and  hence  wrote  as  follows 
to  the  Neapolitans,  impudently  ignoring  their  right  to  any  voice  in 
the  government  of  their  city.  He  says:  "We  have  taken  your  per- 
sons, your  property,  and  your  town  itself,  under  the  protection  of 
the  "Holy  See;"  and  we  have  decreed  that  Naples  shall  remain 
henceforth  under  our  immediate  jurisdiction ;  and  we  guarantee  that 
the  Church  shall  never  make  over  the  sovereignty,  or  any  right  over 
Naples,  to  any  emperor,  king,  duke,  prince,  or  count,  or  any  person 
whomsoever."  Innocent,  upon  the  death  of  his  formidable  and  mag- 
nanimous adversary,  returned  into  Italy,  hoping  now  to  enjoy  with 
security  the  fruits  of  his  ambition.  His  progress  through  Lombardy 
was  one  long  triumphal  procession.  The  ^Milanese  especially  received 
him  with  unbounded  enthusiasm.  He  remained  with  them  two 
months,  and  manifested  his  gratitude  in  a  somewhat  singular  manner. 
The  city  finances  being  at  this  time  in  a  depressed  condition,  tlie 
Milanese  resolved  to  make  a  final  effort  to  stave  off  national  bank- 
ruptcy, and  accordingly  requested  the  pontiff  to  appoint  a  foreign 
magistrate,  with  the  title  of  podesta,  with  absolute  and  unlimited 
power  of  levying  taxes  from  themselves,  by  every  method  which  his 
brain  could  conceive.  For  four  years  Gozzadini,  the  officer  appointed, 
exhibited  an  ingenuity  which  Avould  excite  the  envy  of  a  modern 
secretary  of  the  treasury.  At  the  end  of  this  period  the  suppressed 
wrath  of  the  people  boiled  over,  and  Gozzadini  was  killed  in  a  tumult. 

Upon  the  death  of  Frederick  II,  which  occurred  in  Apulia,  on  the 
13th  of  December,  A.  D.  1250,  he  left  to  his  son  Conrad  a  contest 
to  maintain  for  every  part  of  his  inheritance,  as  well  as  for  the  im- 
perial crown.  But  the  vigor  of  the  house  of  Swabia  no  longer 
remained;  Conrad  was  compelled  to  fight  for  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
the  only  succession  he  could  hope  to  secure  against  the  troops  of  In- 
nocent IV,  who  still  pursued  his  family  with  implacable  hatred,  and 
claimed  that  kingdom  as  forfeited  to  its  feudal  superior,  the  "  Holy  See." 
After  Conrad's  premature  death,  which  happened  A.  D.  1254,  the 
throne  was  filled  by  his  illegitimate  brother,  IManfred,  Ayho  retained 
it  by  his  bravery  and  address,  in  opposition  to  the  popes,  till  they 
were  compelled  to  invoke  the  aid  of  a  more  powerful  arm. 


no 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


Chapter  X. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

THE  death  of  Conrad  brought  to  a  close  that  period  in  Itahan 
history  which  was  nearly  coextensive  with  the  greatness  of 
the  house  of  Swabia.  Perhaps  Italy  never  displayed  more  national 
energy  and  patriotism  than  she  did  at  that  time.  A  Florentine  or 
Venetian  may  recur  with  pleasure  to  later  days ;  bu.t  a  Lombard  will 
cast  back  his  eye  across  the  desert  of  centuries  till  it  reposes  on  the 
field  of  Legnano.  In  the  light  of  modern  events  the  successful  re- 
sistance of  the  Lombard  cities  to  such  princes  as  both  the  Fredericks 
appears  strange  to  the  student  of  history.  But  a  closer  examination 
of  the  facts  gives  a  satisfactory  explanation.  The  feudal  army  was 
enlisted  only  for  a  short  term  of  service,  and  was  reluctantly  main- 
tained in  the  field  at  its  own  cost.  It  could  not,  therefore,  be  effec- 
tually controlled,  and  besides,  many  German  princes  regarded  the 
house  of  Swabia  with  peculiar  distrust  and  disaffection.  Nor  did  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  almost  always  in  agitation,  yield  any  material 
aid  to  the  sfecond  Frederick.  The  principal  cause,  however,  of  that 
triumph  which  crowned  the  efforts  of  Lombardy  was  the  intrinsic 
energy  of  a  free  government.  The  cities  became  virtually  republican 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  from  that  period  they  began  to  put  forth 
those  vigorous  shoots  which  are  the  growth  of  freedom  alone.  The 
fierce  assaults  of  their  national  enemies,  their  mutual  wars,  and  their 
domestic  feuds  did  not  check  their  strength,  their  wealth,  or  their 
population;  but  the  republics  of  Italy  were  rendered  more  vigorous 
and  courageous  by  the  conflicts  they  sustained,  as  the  limbs  of  the 
human  body  are  nerved  by  labor  and  hardship.  In  order  to  appre- 
ciate the  changes  produced  in  Italy  by  the  growth  of  its  cities,  we 
must  remember  what  savage  license  prevailed  during  the  ages  preced- 
ing their  rise.  Penal  laws  were  inadequate  because  it  was  impossible 
to  execute  them.  Feudal  nobles  were  then  little  different  from 
robbers,  the  industrial  arts  were  held  in  contempt,  and  rapine  and 
violence  reigned  supreme.  During  the  twelfth  century,  when  the 
cities  of  Lombardy  were  in  the  first  stage  of  their  independence,  they 
were  convulsed  by  dissensions;  but  the  evils  resulting  from  them  ap- 
pear slight  and  momentary  in  comparison  with  the  blessings  of  the 


777^  WEALTH  OF  ITALIAN  CITIES. 


Ill 


new  regime.  Industry  was  now  protected,  injustice  controlled,  and 
emulation  awakened. 

There  are  only  a  few  authentic  testimonies  as  to  the  domestic 
improvement  of  the  free  Italian  cities  while  they  still  deserved  the 
name.  But  history  declares  that  their  power  and  population,  accord- 
ing to  their  extent  of  territory,  were  almost  unprecedented.  Galvan- 
eus  Flamma,  a  Milanese  writer,  gives  a  curious  statistical  account  of 
that  city,  A.  D.  1288,  a  date  about  thirty  years  after  the  overthrow 
of  its  liberties  by  usurpation.  The  inhabitants  are  reckoned  at  two 
hundred  thousand ;  the  private  houses,  thirteen  thousand ;  the  nobil- 
ity alone  dwelt  in  sixty  streets ;  eight  thousand  gentlemen,  or  heavy 
cavalry  {inilitates),  might  be  mustered  from  the  city  and  its  district, 
and  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men  capable  of  arms ;  a  force 
sufficient,  the  above-named  writer  observes,  to  crush  all  the  Saracens. 
There  were  in  Milan  six  hundred  notaries,  two  hundred  physicians, 
eighty  school-masters,  and  fifty  transcribers  of  manuscript.  In  the 
district  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  castles,  with  adjoining  villages. 
If  such  was  its  prosperity  after  the  destruction  of  its  liberties,  it  must 
have  previously  reached  a  higher  degree  of  advancement,  even  if  we 
make  allowance,  as  probably  we  should,  for  some  exaggeration.  At 
this  period  the  territory  of  Milan  was  not  large,  being  bounded  at  a 
little  distance  on  almost  every  side  by  Lodi,  or  Pavia,  or  Bergamo, 
or  Como.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  Flamma  may  have  intended 
to  include  some  of  these  as  dependencies  of  Milan,  though  not  strictly 
united  with  it.  The  state  of  cultivation  must  have  been  flourishing 
in  the  district  of  Milan  when  it  not  only  drew  no  supplies  from  any 
foreign  land,  but  exported  part  of  its  own  produce.  It  was  in  the 
best  age  of  their  liberties,  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Legnano, 
that  the  Milanese  commenced  the  great  canal,  which  connects  the 
waters  of  the  Tesino  to  their  capital,  a  work  very  extraordinary  for  that 
time.  During  the  same  period  these  cities  advanced  in  architecture, 
the  solidity  and  magnificence  of  which  may  yet  be  seen,  indicating 
the  internal  prosperity  of  the  Italian  republics  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. France  and  England,  perhaps,  had  more  splendid  ecclesiastical 
edifices,  but  neither  country,  according  to  Sismondi  and  Tiraboschi, 
could  equal  Italy  in  palaces  and  public  buildings,  streets  flagged  with 
5tone,  bridges  of  the  same  material,  and  commodious  private  houses. 

These  cities  possessed  means  of  defense  which  inspired  security 
and  made  them  courageous,  and  sometimes  insolent.  From  the  time 
of  the  Romans  to  that  when  the  use  of  gunpowder  prevailed,  very 
little  change  was  made,  or  perhaps  could  be  made,  in  that  part  of 


112 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


military  science  which  relates  to  the  attack  and  defense  of  fortified 
places.  According  to  Muratori,  there  were  the  same  engines  of 
offense,  the  cumbrous  towers  from  which  arrows  were  shot  at  the 
besieged,  the  machines  from  which  stones  were  discharged,  the  bat- 
tering-rams which  assailed  the  walls,  and  the  basket-work  covering 
(the  vinea  or  testudo  of  the  ancients,  and  the  gattus  or  chatchateil  of 
the  Middle  Ages)  under  which  those  who  pushed  the  battering  engines 
were  protected  from  the  enemy.  On  the  other  hand,  a  city  was  for- 
tified with  a  strong  wall  of  brick  or  marble,  with  a  tower  raised  upon 
it  at  intervals  and  a  deep  moat  in  front.  Sometimes  the  anti-mural 
or  barbacan  was  added ;  a  rampart  of  less  height,  which  impeded  the 
approach  of  the  hostile  engines.  The  gates  were  guarded  with  a 
portcullis,  an  invention  which,  as  well  as  the  barbacan,  was  borrowed 
from  the  Saracens.  Having  such  means  of  defense,  a  numerous  and 
brave  body  of  burghers,  could  resist  a  powerful  army ;  and  it  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  so  many  besieged  towns  exhibited  such 
desperate  bravery  when  they  knew  the  terrible  consequences  that 
would  follow  capture,  and  while  resistance  was  seldom  hopeless. 
Unless  compelled  by  famine  or  treachery,  few  large  towns  were  ever 
taken.  Tortona  did  not  submit  to  Frederick  Barbarossa  till  the 
besiegers  had  corrupted  with  sulphur  the  only  fountain  that  supplied 
the  citizens ;  nor  Crema  till  her  walls  were  overtopped  by  the  batter- 
ing engines.  Ancona  nobly  endured  the  pressure  of  extreme  famine. 
Brescia  tried  all  the  resources  of  a  skillful  engineer  against  the  second 
Frederick,  and  would  not  yield  when  that  prince,  adopting  the  atro- 
cious policy  of  his  grandfather,  at  the  siege  of  Crema,  exposed  his 
prisoners  upon  his  battering  engines  to  the  stones  that  were  hurled 
by  their  fellow-citizens  upon  the  walls.  These  sieges,  which  Sismondi 
so  forcibly  describes,  exhibit  the  military  spirit  of  the  Italian  people 
during  the  Middle  Ages. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  a  definite  sketch  of  the  government  which 
existed  in  the  republics  of  Italy  during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries.  The  historians  of  those  times  are  few  and  barren  in  details, 
and,  like  contemporaries,  rather  intimate  than  describe  the  civil  polity 
of  their  respective  countries.  If  it  were  even  possible  it  would  be 
tedious  to  delineate  the  constitutions  of  thirty  or  forty  little  states 
which  were  in  perpetual  fluctuation.  When  the  most  of  them  first 
began  to  throw  off  the  jurisdiction  of  their  count  or  bishop,  they 
elected  magistrates  called  consuls,  a  word  of  great  significance  to  the 
Italians,  since,  in  the  darkest  ages,  tradition  must  have  preserved 
some  knowledge  of  the  republican  government  of  Rome.    The  earliest 


THE  PODESTAS  in  LOMBARD  Y. 


113 


mention  of  these  magistrates  was  by  Landulf  the  younger,  whose 
history  of  Milan  extends  from  A.  D.  1094  to  A.  D.  1133.  These 
consuls  were  elected  annually  and  were  intrusted  with  the  command 
of  the  national  militia  in  war,  the  preservation  of  public  order  and 
the  administration  of  justice;  their  number  was  various — two,  four, 
six,  or  even  twelve.  The  Lombards,  in  their  legislative  and  delib- 
erative councils  still  copied  the  Roman  constitution,  or  perhaps 
naturally  adopted  the  form  best  calculated  to  unite  sound  discretion 
with  the  exercise  of  popular  sovereignty.  There  was  also  a  council 
of  trust  and  secrecy  (della  credenza),  which  was  composed  of  a  small 
number  of  persons  who  managed  public  affairs,  and  may  be  called 
the  ministers  of  the  state.  But  the  general  council  decided  all  impor- 
tant matters,  making  treaties  of  alliance,  declaring  war,  and  choosing 
consul  or  embassadors.  This  tribunal,  it  appears,  was  not  uniformly 
constituted  in  every  city,  and,  according  to  its  composition,  the  gov- 
ernment was  more  or  less  democratical.  **An  ultimate  sovereignty, 
however,"  says  Hallam,  "was  reserved  to  the  mass  of  the  people; 
and  a  parliament  or  general  assembly  was  held  to  deliberate  on  any 
change  in  the  form  of  constitution." 

About  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  a  new  and  singular  species 
of  magistracy  was  introduced  into  the  Lombard  cities.  During  the 
tyrannical  reign  of  Frederick  I  he  had  appointed  officers  of  his  own, 
called  podestas  instead  of  the  elective  consuls.  Instead  of  exciting 
insuperable  alarm  and  disgust  in  the  free  republics,  as  might  be 
expected,  this  memorial  of  despotic  power  was,  on  the  contrary, 
almost  universally  revived  after  the  peace  of  Constance.  They  had 
abrogated  it  when  they  first  rose  in  rebellion  against  Frederick,  but 
subsequently  favored  its  restoration.  As  their  domestic  factions  inter- 
fered with  the  administration  of  justice,  the  republics,  in  order  to 
avoid  partiality,  adopted  the  plan  of  electing  a  citizen  of  some  neigh- 
boring state,  and  under  the  title  of  podesta  he  became  their  general, 
their  criminal  judge,  and  preserver  of  the  peace.  For  the  performance 
of  the  last  duty,  which  was  often  arduous,  a  vigorous  and  upright 
magistrate  was  needed.  During  the  Middle  Ages  offenses  against 
the  laws  and  security  of  the  commonwealth  were  more  frequently 
committed  by  the  rich  and  powerful  than  by  the  lower  class  of 
society.  From  Villani's  "History  of  Florence,"  and  Stella's  "Annals 
of  Genoa,"  we  have  many  dark  pictures  of  family  feuds,  rude  and 
licentious  manners,  and  private  revenge.  This  state  of  society  ren- 
dered the  execution  of  criminal  justice  a  necessary  protection  to  the 
poor  against  oppression.    When  a  magistrate  pronounced  sentence 


114 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


upon  a  powerful  offender,  a  tumult  generally  followed,  and  in  almost 
every  case  force  was  necessary  to  execute  it.  The  relatives  of  a  con- 
victed criminal  did  not  consider  him  disgraced,  but  imputing  his 
sentence  to  iniquity,  or  glorying  in  an  act  which  the  laws  of  his 
fellow-citizens,  but  not  their  sentiments,  condemned,  his  circle  of 
friends  were  ready  to  defend  him.  The  law  was  often  enforced,  not 
against  a  family,  but  a  faction,  not  perhaps  against  a  local  faction, 
but  the  whole  Guelf  or  Ghibeline  name,  which  might  become  interested 
in  the  quarrel.  The  podest^,  therefore,  was  compelled  to  arm  the 
republic  against  the  refractory  citizen,  besiege  and  raze  his  house  to 
the  ground,  and  overcome  his  defenders  by  force.  Accustomed  to 
outrage  and  homicide  under  the  rule  of  their  magistrates,  the  people 
were  disposed  to  repeat  such  scenes  whenever  their  passions  insti- 
gated them. 

The  podesta  was  sometimes  chosen  in  a  general  assembly,  and 
sometimes  by  a  select  number  of  citizens.  His  office  was  annual, 
though  in  peculiar  emergencies  it  was  prolonged.  He  was  invariably 
a  man  of  noble  family,  even  in  those  cities  which  excluded  their  own 
nobility  from  any  share  in  the  government.  He  received  a  fixed  sal- 
ary, and  was  compelled  to  remain  in  the  city  after  the  expiration  of 
his  office  for  the  purpose  of  answering  such  charges  as  might  be 
brought  against  his  conduct.  He  was  neither  allowed  to  marry  a 
native  of  the  city  nor  have  any  relation  resident  within  the  district; 
and  so  great  was  their  jealousy  that  he  was  not  even  permitted  to  eat 
or  drink  in  the  house  of  any  citizen.  These  foreign  magistrates  did 
not  have  the  same  authority  in  all  cities.  In  some  it  appears  that  he 
superseded  the  consuls  and  commanded  the  armies  in  war.  In  others, 
as  Milan  and  Florence,  his  authority  was  merely  judicial.  Muratori 
refers  to  old  annals  in  which  the  years  are  headed  by  the  names  of 
the  podest^s,  as  by  those  of  the  consuls  in  the  history  of  Rome. 

The  fatal  effects  which  these  discordant  elements  produced  in  the 
republics  of  Lombardy  were  not  entirely  confined  to  national  interests 
or  to  the  grand  distinction  of  Guelf  and  Ghibeline.  In  every  city 
dissensions  prevailed  and  became  more  fierce  and  irrepressible  as  the 
danger  of  foreign  war  diminished.  The  feudal  system  rested  upon 
the  principle  of  territorial  aristocracy,  and  maintained  the  pride  of 
rank.  When,  therefore,  they  came  into  the  cities  to  reside,  the  rural 
nobility  preserved  the  ascendancy  of  birth  and  riches.  These  advan- 
tages were  naturally  respected  by  the  people,  who  divided  all  the 
offices  of  trust  among  the  nobles.  It  seems  that  the  inferior  citizens 
had  the  right  of  choosing  their  own  magistrates  by  free  suffrage  from 


CAUSES  OF  THE  FEUDS. 


115 


a  large  body  of  these  nobles.  As  a  form  of  government  this  limited 
aristocracy  has  its  commendable  features,  and  affords  some  security 
against  anarchy  and  oppression.  During  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries  such  a  system  as  this  prevailed  in  most  of  the  Lombard 
cities.  A  civil  war  occurred  at  Milan,  A.  D.  104 1,  between  the 
capitanei,  or  vassals  of  the  empire,  and  the  plebeian  burgesses,  which 
was  appeased  by  the  mediation  of  Henry  III.  The  nobility  were 
compelled  to  leave  i\Iilan  and  carry  on  the  conflict  in  the  adjacent 
plains,  and  one  of  their  number,  named  Lanzon,  moved  either  by 
ambition  or  by  real  indignation  against  tyranny,  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  people.  From  this  period  until  after  the  peace  of  Constance 
dissensions  among  the  two  orders  are  rarely  mentioned,  and,  even 
admitting  the  defective  character  of  contemporary  history,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  such  disturbances  were  neither  frequent  nor  serious.  There 
was  a  schism  between  the  nobles  and  people  at  Faenza,  A.  D.  1185, 
and  a  prolonged  civil  war  occurred  between  them  at  Brescia,  A.  D. 
1200.  The  domestic  tranquillity  of  other  cities  was  subsequently 
interrupted  by  mutual  jealousies,  and  about  A.  D.  1220  the  question 
of  aristocratical  or  popular  ascendancy  was  tried  by  arms  in  IMilan, 
Piacenza,  Modena,  Cremona,  and  Bologna. 

It  would  be  unprofitable  for  a  writer  of  the  present  age  to  discuss 
the  merits  of  these  feuds,  which  the  meager  historians  of  that  period 
seldom  attempted  to  elucidate,  and  then  they  permitted  their  preju- 
dices to  control  their  opinions.  Why  should  we  recall  the  forgotten 
animosities  of  the  past,  and,  like  a  partial  contemporary,  record  the 
failings  of  one  or  another  faction  ?  It  is  not  necessary  to  have  posi- 
tive testimony  in  order  to  become  acquainted  with  the  general  tenor 
of  their  history.  A  nobility  is  always  insolent  and  a  populace  is 
always  intemperate ;  and  we  may  safely  presume  that  the  former 
began,  as  the  latter  ended,  by  injustice  and  abuse  of  power.  At  one 
time  the  aristocracy  endeavored  to  exclude  the  bulk  of  the  citizens  from 
suffrage  because  they  selected  the  annual  magistrates  from  the  body 
of  the  nobles.  At  another  the  merchants,  whose  riches  made  them 
proud  and  confident  of  their  strength,  sought  the  honors  of  the  state 
which  had  been  reserved  for  the  nobility.  Commercial  wealth  inevi- 
tably produces  such  a  result ;  and  the  same  is  true  of  freedom  and 
social  order,  which  are  the  parents  of  wealth.  In  the  progress 
of  civilization  there  comes  a  time  when  the  possessors  of  exclusive 
privileges  must  yield,  or  be  overthrown  along  with  their  usurpa- 
tions. "In  one  or  two  cities,"  says  Hallam,  "a  temporary  compro- 
mise was  made  through  the  intervention  of  the  pope,  whereby  offices 

9 


ii6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


of  public  trust,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  were  divided  in  equal 
proportions  or  otherwise  between  the  nobles  and  the  people."  This 
expedient  was  very  efficacious  in  appeasing  the  dissensions  of  Rome. 

In  all  these  turbulent  scenes,  whether  the  contest  was  between 
the  nobles  and  people,  or  the  Guelf  and  Ghibeline  factions,  the  con- 
querors exhibited  no  mercy.  The  defeated  were  deprived  of  their 
fortunes  and  homes ;  and,  retiring  to  other  cities,  where  their  own 
party  was  in  the  ascendancy,  waited  for  the  opportunity  of  revenge. 
In  a  popular  tumult  the  houses  of  the  vanquished  were  often  leveled 
to  the  ground,  not  from  a  "senseless  fury,"  which  Muratori  con- 
demns, but  because  these  fortified  residences  were  used  to  inflict 
injury  upon  the  lower  citizens.  Proscription  and  forfeiture  excite  the 
most  deadly  hatred  in  men  toward  their  own  country ;  and  no  wonder 
Italy  was  afflicted  with  calamities  when  every  defeated  faction  was 
pursued  into  banishment  with  unrelenting  bitterness.  When  the 
Ghibelines  were  returning  to  Florence,  after  the  overthrow  of  the 
Guelfs,  A.  D.  1260,  they  proposed  to  demolish  the  city  itself  which 
had  expelled  them ;  and  but  for  the  persuasion  of  one  man,  Farinata 
degl'Uberti,  their  revenge  would  have  thus  extinguished  all  patriotism. 
Yet  Dante  placed  this  patriot  in  one  of  the  worst  regions  of  his 
Inferno.  This  vindictive  feeling  moved  them  to  invoke  assistance 
from  every  side,  and  to  accept  even  servitude  for  the  sake  of  retal- 
iating upon  their  adversaries. 

The  citizens  of  an  Italian  state,  besides  their  animosities  arising 
from  different  views  of  their  form  of  government  and  their  relation 
to  the  empire,  were  divided  by  other  causes,  insignificant,  and  yet 
mischievous.  The  quarrels  of  private  families  in  every  city  became 
the  foundation  of  general  schism,  sedition,  and  proscription.  Some- 
times these  were  identified  with  the  great  names  of  Guelf  and  Ghib- 
eline ;  sometimes  they  were  more  distinctly  conspicuous.  Imilda  de 
Lambertazzi,  a  noble  young  lady  at  Bologna,  was  discovered  by  her 
brothers  in  a  secret  interview  with  Boniface  Gieremei,  whose  family 
had  long  been  the  inveterate  enemy  of  her  own.  She  had  just  time 
to  escape  while  the  Lambertazzi  pierced  her  lover  with  their  poisoned 
daggers.  When  she  returned  she  found  his  body  still  warm  ;  and, 
entertaining  some  hope  of  his  recovery,  she  sucked  the  venom  from 
his  wounds;  but  it' permeated  her  own  veins,  and  her  attendants 
found  both  lifeless  by  each  other's  side.  This  cruel  outrage  mad- 
dened the  Gieremei,  and  they  formed  alliances  with  the  neighboring 
republics.  The  Lambertazzi  adopted  the  same  measures ;  and,  after 
a  conflict  of  forty  days'  duration,  they  were  driven  out  of  the  city, 


GIOVANNI  DI  VICENZA. 


117 


with  all  the  Ghibelines,  their  political  associates.  Sismondi  states 
that  twelve  thousand  citizens  were  condemned  to  banishment,  their 
houses  razed,  and  their  estates  confiscated.  This  contest  between 
the  Gieremei  and  the  Lambertazzi  suggests  the  story  of  "Romeo  and 
Juliet,"  which  was  founded  upon  an  Italian  novel,  and  is  not  an  un- 
natural delineation  of  Italian  manners. 

Florence  was  at  rest  until  A.  D.  12 15,  when  the  assassination  of 
an  individual  produced  a  mortal  feud  between  the  families  Boundel- 
monti  and  Uberti,  in  which  all  the  cities  took  part.  In  the  earlier 
stages  of  the  Lombard  republics  their  differences,  both  mutual  and 
domestic,  had  been  often  settled  by  the  mediation  of  the  emperors ; 
and  the  Avant  of  this  salutary  influence  was  greatly  felt  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  when  Italy  was  emancipated  from  foreign  rule.  The 
popes  sometimes  endeavored  to  interfere,  and  their  authority,  though 
not  so  direct,  was  held  in  greater  veneration  ;  but  as  they  were  not 
always  free  from  selfishness  and  revenge,  they  did  not  accomplish 
permanent  good.  Considering  the  Ghibelines  as  their  own  peculiar 
enemies,  they  labored  to  secure  the  triumph  of  the  Guelfs.  Gregory 
X  and  Nicholas  III,  whether  from  benevolent  motives,  or  because 
they  were  jealous  of  Charles  of  Anjou,  while  at  the  head  of  the 
Guelfs,  advocated  the  revival  of  a  Ghibeline  party  as  a  counterpoise 
to  his  power.  The  reign  of  these  pontiffs  was  distinguished  by  the 
enforcement  of  measures  of  reconciliation  in  all  Italian  cities ;  but 
their  successors  returned  to  the  ancient  policy  and  prejudices  of  Rome. 

Fra  Giovanni  di  Vicenza,  a  Dominican  friar,  who  began  his  career 
at  Bologna,  A.  D.  1233,  created  a  profound  sensation  by  preaching 
the  forgiveness  of  injuries  and  the  cessation  of  war.  This  singular 
individual,  though  far  less  elevated  in  station  than  popes  or  emperors, 
persuaded  men  to  lay  down  their  instruments  of  warfare  and  embrace 
their  enemies.  Tiraboschi,  in  his  account  of  this  new  apostle,  says 
that  several  republics  implored  him  to  settle  their  differences  and  to 
reform  their  laws.  A  general  meeting  was  called  in  the  plain  of 
Paquara,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Adige.  The  Lombards  came  from 
Romagna  and  the  cities  of  the  March;  Guelfs  and  Ghibelines,  nobles 
and  burghers,  free  citizens  and  tenantry  of  feudal  lords,  stationed 
around  their  carroccios,  eagerly  listened  to  the  illusive  promise  of 
universal  peace  which  the  preacher  eloquently  presented.  The  masses 
under  a  popular  government  are  proverbially  susceptible  of  moment- 
ary impulses,  and  they  accordingly  submitted  to  the  dictation  of  Fra 
Giovanni.  He  arranged  terms  of  agreement  or  a  mutual  amnesty ; 
but  when  reputation  and  power  are  suddenly  obtained  they  are  gen- 


ii8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


erally  transitory,  and  the  star  of  this  pacificator  soon  disappeared 
below  the  horizon.  He  was  not  content  with  being  the  legislator 
and  arbiter  of  Italian  cities,  but  desired  to  become  their  master,  and 
was  transformed  from  an  apostle  into  a  usurper,  abusing  the  enthu- 
siasm of  Vicenza  and  Verona  to  acquire  a  grant  of  absolute  sov- 
ereignty. 


DECLINE  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  PO  WER  IN  ITAL  Y. 
FTER  the  death  of  Frederick  II  the  distinctions  of  Guelf  and 


-Tv  Ghibeline  had  no  real  significance.  The  former  party  favored 
the  nominal  but  indefinite  sovereignty  of  the  empire,  and  the  latter 
party  was  ;iot  disposed  to  interfere ;  yet  these  fanatical  enthusiasts 
of  faction  continued  to  be  mutually  hostile.  The  most  bitter  hatreds 
were  engendered,  and  the  most  fearful  crimes  were  constantly  per- 
petrated. 

In  the  fall  of  the  house  of  Swabia  the  Guelfs  achieved  a  great 
triumph;  and  although  the  Ghibelines  were  able  for  a  short  time  to 
maintain  themselves,  and  even  to  advance  in  the  north  of  Italy,  yet 
two  events,  which  soon  after  occurred,  restored  their  adversaries  to 
power.  The  first  of  these  was  the  defeat  of  Eccelino  da  Romano, 
A.  D.  1259,  whose  victories  followed  one  another  in  such  rapid 
succession  that  both  Guelfs  and  Ghibelines  feared  the  establish- 
ment of  a  cruel  despotism,  and  formed  a  temporary  union,  which 
resulted  in  his  overthrow.  The  atrocities  of  this  tyrant  have  been 
incidentally  mentioned  in  the  previous  chapter.  He  was  one  of  those 
monsters  of  mankind  whose  actions  render  still  darker  the  record  of 
the  weakness  and  wickedness  of  humanity.  The  details  of  the  crimes 
of  "Eccelino  the  Ferocious"  are  so  horrible  that  they  have  not 
been  published  by  later  historians.  He  was  originally  a  soldier  of 
fortune,  and  possessed  that  unconquerable  energy  which  at  length 
made  him  ruler  of  the  north  of  Italy.  Alexander  IV  preached  a 
crusade  against  him.  an  act  sufficient  to  extenuate  many  unholy 
actions  of  the  "  Holy  See."  The  crusade  was  first  preached  in  Venice, 
where  large  numbers  of  Paduans  who  had  escaped  from  the  tyranny 
of  Eccelino  were  harbored.  It  was  difficult  for  them  to  reach  this 
city  of  refuge,  because  the  frontiers  were  strictly  guarded ;  and  those 


Chapter  XL 


ECCELINO  DA  ROMANO. 


119 


detected  in  an  attempt  to  cross  were  punished  by  the  loss  of  their 
legs  or  eyes.  The  Venetians,  jealous  of  the  increasing  power  of  the 
tyrant,  readily  joined  the  crusade.  The  first  attempt  was  on  the  city 
of  Padua.  Eccelino's  lieutenant,  in  order  to  check  the  advance  of 
the  Venetian  fleet,  turned  the  waters  of  the  river  Brento  into  another 
channel.  The  pope's  army,  taking  advantage  of  this  brilliant  ma- 
neuver, marched  across  the  dry  bed  of  the  river,  beat  back  the  out- 
posts of  the  Paduan  army,  and  established  themselves  in  the  suburbs. 
On  the  following  day  the  city  was  assaulted.  The  besieged  set  on 
fire  the  vinea  of  the  storming  party.  The  crusaders  then  pushed  the 
burning  mass  against  the  wooden  gate  of  the  town  ;  the  gate  was 
consumed,  and  the  city  captured.  A  week's  pillage  ensued.  For 
eighteen  years  it  had  groaned  under  Eccelino's  tyranny;  and  now  the 
scanty  remnants  which  his  avarice  or  cruelty  had  spared  were  seized 
by  their  liberators.  Yet  the  city  was  filled  with  rejoicing,  because  it 
had  been  delivered  from  oppression.  A  multitude  of  ghastly  people 
emerged  from  the  dungeons  of  Eccelino.  The  sight  of  aged  men 
and  women,  young  girls  exhausted  with  torture,  and  young  children 
barbarously  mutilated  and  blinded,  enraged  the  crusading  soldiery, 
and  excited  in  them  an  inextinguishable  passion  for  revenge  on  the 
monster.  In  the  mean  time  he  heard  of  the  fall  of  Padua,  and  was 
maddened  with  rage.  To  satisfy  his  thirst  for  vengeance  Eccelino 
commanded  all  the  Paduan  soldiers  in  his  army  to  be  disarmed,  and 
they  were  deposited  in  his  numerous  dungeons.  Of  the  whole  num- 
ber— about  eleven  thousand  men,  or  one-third  of  all  his  force — only 
two  hundred  escaped.  Some  perished  on  the  scaffold,  others  were 
burned  to  death,  and  the  great  mass  of  the  unhappy  wretches  died 
of  cold  and  hunger  in  prison. 

The  priests  persisted  in  conducting  the  crusade,  which,  owing  to 
their  incompetence,  was  prolonged  three  years.  Eccelino's  last 
atrocity  was  committed  at  Friola.  He  had  besieged  and  captured 
this  town.  By  his  orders,  every  man,  woman,  and  child  had  their 
legs  and  noses  cut  off,  and  if  they  survived  this  horrible  treatment 
they  were  turned  out  to  beg  their  bread  along  the  roads.  Two 
months  after  this  barbarity  he  was  attacked  by  the  papal  forces,  his 
army  routed,  and  he,  desperately  wounded,  captured.  In  a  few  days 
he  died  from  the  effects  of  his  wounds,  all  regretting  his  honorable 
fate  in  dying  a  soldier's  death. 

The  second  and  far  more  important  event  which  contributed  to 
the  ascendancy  of  the  Guelfs  was  the  change  of  dynasty  in  Naples. 
The  fact  that  Pope  Innocent  IV  sent  a  paternal  letter  to  the  Neapoli- 


1 20  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

tans  proposing  to  take  their  kingdom  under  his  protection,  has  already 
been  stated.  Its  reception  excited  a  fierce  rebelHon  against  the 
house  of  Swabia — that  is,  the  family  of  the  late  emperor ;  but  Conrad 
and  Manfred,  sons  of  Frederick,  speedily  suppressed  it.  The  pope 
soon  discovered  that  he  could  not,  by  his  own  unaided  force,  wrest 
their  dominions  from  these  young  men,  and  he  therefore  determined 
to  assign  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  (that  is,  Sicily  and  Naples) 
to  some  other  prince  who  w^ould  be  powerful  enough  to  conquer  it, 
and  sufficiently  humble  to  acknowledge  himself  as  the  pope's  vassal. 
The  offer,  however,  was  not  very  tempting,  and  it  was  difficult  to  find 
any  one  to  accept  it.  It  was  first  offered  to  the  earl  of  Cornwall ; 
but  that  prince  said  that  the  pope's  grant  was  of  about  as  much 
value  as  if  he  were  to  say,  Here  is  a  grant  of  the  moon,  climb  up 
and  take  it."  At  this  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  kingdom  Conrad 
died,  leaving  an  infant  son,  Conradin,  in  the  care  of  his  younger 
brother,  Manfred,  and  of  Berthold,  his  general.  After  the  death  of 
the  energetic  Conrad,  the  pope  changed  his  tactics.  He  collected  a 
large  army  from  the  Guelf  cities,  and  marched  into  the  Neapolitan 
territories.  Manfred,  while  reserving  his  own  and  his  nephew's 
rights,  saw  that  resistance  w^ould  be  in  vain,  and  he  himself  con- 
ducted the  pope  across  the  frontier,  holding  his  horse's  bridle.  In  a 
short  time  a  quarrel  arose  between  Manfred  and  his  escort,  and 
his  personal  enemy,  Borello,  attended  by  a  similar  escort.  In  the 
conflict  Borello  was  slain,  and  ]\Ianfred  was  immediately  summoned 
to  appear  before  the  pope  on  the  charge  of  murder.  He  applied  for 
a  safe-conduct,  and  being  refused,  he  began  to  appreciate  his  extreme 
danger,  and  fled  to  the  Saracen  colony  of  Lucera,  whose  soldiers  had 
always  been  faithful  to  his  family.  When  he  arrived  there,  he  rode 
forward  boldly  to  the  gates  wdth  only  three  servants.  The  governor 
was  absent  from  the  town,  and  his  lieutenant,  Marchisio,  was  in  com- 
mand, with  orders  from  his  chief  to  keep  the  gates  constantly  shut. 
"Here  is  your  prince,"  cried  out  Manfred's  attendants  in  Arabic; 
*'he  trusts  your  loyalty,  throw  open  your  gates."  When  the 
Saracens  heard  that  the  son  of  their  late  king  had  arrived,  they  were 
filled  with  enthusiasm,  and  shouted,  "Let  him  in,  let  him  in,  before 
the  governor  hears  of  his  arrival."  They  rushed  against  the  gate, 
burst  it  open,  admitted  Manfred,  and  carried  him  in  triumph  to  the 
palace.  Bowing  before  him  they  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him, 
and  he  became  master  of  the  town.  Lucera  contained  the  imperial 
treasures,  and  Manfred,  obtaining  these,  took  a  large  number  of  troops 
into  his  pay.    The  situation  of  affairs  was  now^  reversed.     He  expelled 


URBAN  IV  AND  ST.  LOUIS. 


121 


the  pope's  soldiers  from  the  Capitanata,  and  they,  in  full  retreat, 
reached  Naples  just  as  the  pope  died — happy  to  have  died  too  soon 
to  hear  of  this  reverse  of  fortune. 

The  weak  reign  of  Alexander  IV  closed  A.  D.  1261,  and  that 
of  Urban  IV  began.  The  new  pope  remembered  how  Manfred,  son 
of  the  late  Frederick,  had  frustrated  the  ambitious  schemes  of  the 
preceding  popes,  and,  with  great  cunning,  inspired  by  bitter  hostility, 
he  commenced  to  checkmate  this  successful  enemy  of  the  Holy  See.  " 
The  pontiff  felt  himself  no  stronger  than  his  predecessors,  but  he 
resolved  to  adopt  the  plan  of  Innocent  IV,  and  endeavor  to  find 
some  one  who  would  be  glad,  with  the  help  of  the  Church's  moral 
support,  to  win  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  and  hold  it  as  the 
pope's  vassal.  His  choice  was  Charles  of  Anjou.  But  a  difficulty 
in  the  way  was  St.  Louis,  Charles's  brother,  honorably  distinguished 
among  the  kings  of  the  earth  for  integrity  of  life  and  scrupulousness 
of  conscience.  Both  the  nature  of  his  objections,  and  the  methods 
by  which  they  were  overcome,  may  be  ascertained  from  the  fol- 
lowing letter  of  the  pope:  "We  have  received  your  letter,  from 
which,  among  other  things,  we  perceive  that  our  dear  son  in  Jesus 
Christ,  the  illustrious  king  of  France,  lends  a  credulous  ear  to  the 
crafty  speeches  of  those  who  would  gladly  frustrate  the  negotiations 
which  we  have  intrusted  to  you.  They  would  persuade  him  that 
Conradin,  grandson  of  Frederick,  has  some  right  to  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily ;  or,  even  admitting  that  he  has  been  lawfully  deposed,  that  his 
right  has  passed  by  concession  of  the  Holy  See"  to  Edmund,  son  of 
our  very  dear  son  in  Jesus  Christ,  the  king  of  England.  Thus  he 
hesitates,  although  he  sees  that  the  nomination  of  his  brother  would 
be  conducive  to  the  honor  and  happiness  of  the  Roman  Church.  We 
will  be  especially  on  our  guard  to  preserve  his  fair  fame  from  scan- 
dal ;  his  soul,  intrusted  to  our  keeping,  from  damnation ;  his  person 
and  his  state  from  danger.  He  should  believe  that  both  ourselves 
and  our  brethren  are  anxious,  with  God's  help,  to  keep  our  con- 
sciences pure,  and  save  our  souls  before  the  Author  of  salvation  ;  and 
that  we  know,  of  certain  knowledge,  that  nothing  that  we  would  do 
h  to  the  prejudice  of  Conradin  or  of  Edmund,  or  of  any  other  man." 

Having  overcome  the  scruples  of  St.  Louis,  Urban  dealt  next 
with  those  of  Charles.  But  they  were  of  a  different  kind.  A  too 
scrupulous  conscience  was  not  among  his  weaknesses.  He  was  very 
anxious  to  be  king  of  Sicily,  but  he  wished  to  pay  as  little  as 
possible  for  an  empty  title  and  the  pope's  patronage.  A  bargain 
was  finally  made  that  Charles  was  to  pay  his  holiness  the  town  of 


122 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Benevento,  and  an  annual  tribute  of  ten  thousand  ounces  of  gold. 
Charles  rapidly  collected  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men,  and  invaded 
the  Neapolitan  territory.  He  met  Manfred's  army  drawn  up  in 
battle  array  on  the  "plain  of  Benevento.  Manfred  made  some  attempt 
at  negotiation,  but  Charles  sent  back  his  envoys  with  the  message: 
"Tell  him  that  I  am  resolved  on  battle;  and  this  day  I  will  either 
send  him  to  hell  or  he  shall  send  me  to  heaven."  At  first  Manfred's 
army  had  the  advantage,  but  the  treacherous  flight  of  his  reserve,  at 
a  critical  moment,  turned  the  fortune  of  the  day.  He  resolved  not 
to  survive  his  defeat.  As  he  was  putting  on  his  helmet,  the  crest,  a 
silver  eagle,  fell  off  his  saddle-bow.  ''Hoc  est  sigrtum  dei,''  said  he 
to  his  barons;  '*I  fastened  on  this  crest  myself,  and  no  mere  acci- 
dent has  loosed  it."  He  rushed  into  the  milee,  and,  fighting  there 
without  any  royal  insignia,  perished  by  an  unknown  hand. 

Charles  had  not  been  long  on  the  throne  when  the  nobles,  who 
had  deserted  Manfred,  began  to  groan  beneath  the  heavy  hand  of 
the  invader.  Charles,  like  all  others  who  are  promoted  by  military 
power,  was  compelled  to  purchase  the  continued  favor  of  the  authors 
of  his  success  by  unlimited  munificence.  He  bestowed  upon  his 
high  officers  the  confiscated  estates  of  the  barons,  and  he  indefinitely 
increased  the  number  of  subordinate  government  officials  in  order  to 
provide  for  the  inferior  soldiery.  Under  the  former  government 
there  were  various  petty  civil  officers,  and  to  each  class  of  these 
Charles  added  the  corresponding  functionaries  of  the  French  admin- 
istration. He  also  rigorously  exacted  all  the  taxes  which  had  been 
imposed  at  any  time  during  the  reign  of  Manfred.  Where  one 
tax  had  been  repealed  in  order  that  another  might  be  substituted, 
both  were  now  levied  alike.  The  people  were  fearfully  oppressed, 
and  the  pope,  by  writing  to  Charles  an  unavailing  letter  of  cen- 
sure for  his  misgovernment,  made  but  .slight  and  tardy  atonement 
for  his  perfidy. 

Another  claimant  to  the  throne  which  Charles  occupied  was  Con- 
radin,  Manfred's  nephew.  He  was  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  his 
sensible  mother  was  not  willing  that  the  inexperienced  stripling  should 
take  the  field  against  such  a  veteran  as  Charles.  But  the  Ghibeline 
party  was  in  need  of  a  champion.  They  represented  to  Conradin 
that  the  Sicilians  hated  the  French  because  they  were  rapacious  and 
licentious.  They  assured  him  that  all  sects  and  parties  would  rally 
around  the  lawful  successor  to  the  throne  of  Frederick.  Conradin 
was  encouraged  by  this  assurance,  and  by  promises  of  assistance 
from   several  of  the  Lombard  princes.     He  therefore  resolved  to 


CONRAD  IN  DEFEA  TED. 


123 


avenge  the  persecutions  of  his  ancestors,  and  in  a  few  weeks  gath- 
ered a  large  army,  which  he  commanded. 

Charles  marched  forward  to  meet  him,  but  was  compelled  to 
return  to  his  kingdom,  being  recalled  by  tidings  of  a  dangerous  revolt. 
The  pope,  as  usual,  was  ready  with  a  letter  of  counsel.  It  said:  I 
know  not  for  what  reason  I  address  you  as  king,  seeing  you  do  not 
appear  to  trouble  yourself  about  your  kingdom.  Established  first  by 
brigands,  your  ministers,  it  is  now  devoured  by  your  enemies — the 
caterpillar  destroys  what  has  escaped  the  locust.  If  you  lose  your 
crown  do  not  imagine  that  the  Church  will  renew  her  labor  and 
expense  in  order  to  replace  it  on  your  head.  Perhaps  you  think  that 
your  virtues  entitle  you  to  a  miracle  of  God  on  your  behalf ;  or,  it 
may  be,  you  are  relying  on  the  sagacity  you  imagine  you  possess, 
and  which  you  prefer  to  the  good  advice  of  others." 

Meanwhile,  the  senate  of  Rome  declared  in  favor  of  Conradin, 
and  the  young  prince  advanced  towards  that  city.  By  this  time  the 
youthful  warrior  had  been  excommunicated  by  his  holiness  with  all 
pomp  and  solemnity.  The  arrival  of  Conradin  at  Rome  was  cele- 
brated with  the  magnificence  usually  given  to  the  emperor  alone. 
After  resting  his  troops  there  for  a  few  days,  he  set  out  for  Naples 
with  five  thousand  soldiers  enlisted  under  his  standard.  He  marched 
without  opposition  as  far  as  the  plain  of  Tagliacozzo,  where  he 
encountered  Charles  and  his  army.  The  main  portion  of  Charles's 
forces  was  in  sight,  but  he  himself,  with  eight  hundred-  picked  men, 
was  concealed  in  a  small  valley  in  the  rear.  Conradin  attacked  the 
•Neapolitan  forces  and  soon  routed  all  whom  he  saw.  His  army  of 
Germans  supposing  that  the  battle  was  decided,  dispersed,  as  usual, 
for  pillage.  As  soon  as  the  whole  army  had  broken  their  ranks, 
Charles  emerged  from  his  hiding-place,  his  eight  hundred  men  rushed 
into  the  field,  and  easily  cut  to  pieces  the  scattered  troops. 

Conradin  escaped  from  the  field  of  battle,  but  was  captured  within 
a  few  days.  At  the  court  which  was  assembled  for  his  trial  Charles 
himself  acted  as  prosecutor.  He  accused  his  conquered  rival  of 
rebellion  against  the  legitimate  sovereign,  of  contempt  of  the  Church's 
sentence,  of  his  alliance  with  the  Saracens,  and  of  the  plunder  of 
the  monasteries.  It  was  urged  in  defense  that  Conradin  was  a  pris- 
oner under  protection  of  the  laws  of  war ;  that  his  title  to  the  crown 
was  at  least  plausible  ;  and  that,  even  if  the  merits  of  the  case  were 
against  him,  his  youth  ought  to  protect  him.  The  judges  were 
under  the  immediate  influence  of  Charles ;  but  they  had  neither  the 
courage  to  condemn   nor  acquit  him,  and  sat  there  in  cowardly 


124 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


silence.  Only  one  spoke,  giving  his  verdict  for  death  ;  and  on  the 
authority  of  that  one  vote,  Charles  passed  sentence  of  death  on  Con- 
radin  and  his  companions.  The  unhappy  youth  was  led  into  the 
market-j^lacc  of  Naples.  A  scaffold  was  erected  on  the  shore,  while 
Charles,  from  an  eminence,  looked  down  upon  the  dying  boy.  The 
multitude  sympathized  most  intensely  with  their  rightful  prince,  but 
a  bristling  fence  of  French  spears  divided  them  from  him.  The  judge 
who  had  voted  for  death  stepped  forward  to  read  the  sentence. 
"But,"  says  Professor  Jones,  a  writer  on  Italian  history,  "the  days 
of  the  unjust  judge  were  numbered.  Robert,  of  Flanders,  Charles's 
own  son  in-law,  rushed  up  to  him,  and  exclaiming,  '  It  beseems  not 
thee  to  condemn  a  noble  prince  to  die,'  buried  his  sword  in  his 
breast,  and  the  judge  fell  dead  at  the  king's  feet.  Charles  did  not 
dare  to  avenge  this  wild  act  of  justice,  though  it  did  not  arrest  the 
execution.  Conradin  kneeled  in  prayer.  Rising,  he  said,  'What 
bitter  grief  will  this  day's  tidings  bring  thee,  my  mother!'  while  the 
people,  and  even  the  soldiery,  were  dissolved  in  tears.  Five  of  his 
adherents  perished  on  the  same  scaffold.  All  the  bodies  were  bur- 
ied by  the  seashore  in  unconsecrated  ground ;  but  long  afterwards 
a  Carmelite  church  was  built  over  the  place  where  their  remains 
w^ere  buried." 

The  voice  of  those  rude  ages,  as  well  as  of  a  more  enlightened 
posterity,  has  united  in  branding  with  everlasting  infamy  the  name 
of  that  prince,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  purchase  the  security  of  his 
own  title  by  the  public  execution  of  an  honorable  competitor,  or 
rather  a  rightful  claimant  to  the  throne  he  had  usurped.  With  the 
death  of  Conradin,  A.  D.  1268,  the  house  of  Swabia  was  extin- 
guished ;  but  Constance,  the  daughter  of  ^Manfred,  had  transported 
Jiis  right  to  Sicily  and  Naples  into  the  house  of  Aragon,  by  her  mar- 
riage with  Peter  III.  The  tide  of  faction  was  turned  over  all  Italy 
by  the  success  of  this  monarch,  whom  the  Roman  pontiffs  selected 
as  their  champion.  He  expelled  the  Ghibelines  from  Florence,  which 
had  been  completely  in  their  possession  since  the  memorable  victory 
a  few  years  before  upon  the  river  Arbia.  After  the  fall  of  Conradin, 
that  party  was  every-where  discouraged.  Germany  did  not  promise 
any  substantial  support,  even  when  the  imperial  throne,  which  had 
long  been  vacant,  should  be  occupied  by  one  of  her  princes.  The 
populace  in  almost  every  city  were  attached  to  the  Church  and  to 
the  name  of  Guelf  The  popes,  by  their  excommunications,  and  the 
kings  of  Naples,  by  their  arms  during  the  remainder  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  rendered  the  name  of  Ghibeline  a  term  of  proscription  in 


THE  AMBITIOUS  CHARLES. 


125 


the  majority  of  Lombard  and  Tuscan  republics.  Pope  Clement  IV 
constituted  Charles,  who  was  already  master  of  Provence,  Naples, 
Sicily,  and  head  of  the  Guelf  party  in  Italy,  vicar-general  in  Tuscany. 

This  was  a  new  pretension  of  the  Roman  pontiffs  to  name  the 
lieutenants  of  the  empire  during  its  vacancy,  though  their  consent 
was  generally  obtained.  It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  Charles 
aimed  at  the  sovereignty  of  Italy.  Some  of  the  popes  themselves, 
Gregory  X  and  Nicholas  IV,  became  jealous  of  their  own  creature. 
Sismondi  states  that  at  the  Congress  of  Cremona,  A.  D.  1269,  it  was 
proposed  to  confer  upon  Charles  the  seigniory  of  all  the  Guelf  cities ; 
but  the  greater  part  were  prudent  enough  to  choose  him  rather  as  a 
friend  than  a  master.  Several,  however,  including  Milan,  took  an 
oath  of  fidelity  to  him  the  same  year.  A  few  years  later,  A.  D. 
1273,  he  was  lord  of  Alessandria  and  Piacenza,  and  received  tribute 
from  Milan,  Bologna,  and  most  Lombard  cities.  He  e\'idently  in- 
tended to  avail  himself  of  the  vacancy  of  the  empire,  and  either  to 
acquire  that  title  himself,  or  at  least  to  stand  in  the  same  relation  as 
the  emperors  had  done  to  the  Italian  states;  which,  according  to  the 
usage  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  "left  them,"  says  Hal- 
lam,  ' '  in  possession  of  every  thing  that  we  call  independence,  with 
the  reservation  of  a  nominal  allegiance." 

At  the  latter  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  there  were  almost  as 
many  princes  in  the  north  of  Italy  as  there  had  been  free  cities  in 
the  preceding  age.  They  were  often  annoyed  with  domestic  revolu- 
tions, which  rendered  their  seat  unsteady,  and  thus  prevented  them 
from  encroaching  on  each  other.  Gradually,  however,  they  decreased 
in  number,  many  obscure  tyrants  were  overthrown  in  the  smaller  cities, 
and  the  people,  careless  or  hopeless  of  liberty,  gladly  exchanged  the 
rule  of  mean,  petty  usurpers  for  that  of  more  powerful  and  distin- 
guished families. 

Milan  was  the  most  prominent  city  in  supporting  both  wars  against 
the  house  of  Swabia,  and  manifested  the  strongest  attachment  to 
republican  institutions,  but  in  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Frederick 
II  it  was  the  first  to  sacrifice  them.  It  had  been  convulsed  for  a  con- 
siderable time  by  civil  dissensions  between  the  nobility  and  inferior 
citizens.  These  parties  were  about  equally  divided,  and  their  victories 
were  consequently  alternate.  Each  had  its  own  podesta  as  a  party 
leader  distinct  from  the  legitimate  magistrate  of  the  city.  Fra  Leon 
Perego,  the  archbishop  of  the  nobility,  was  selected  as  their  champion, 
while  the  people  appointed  Martin  della  Torre,  who  belonged  to  a 
noble  family  which  had  ambitiously  supported  the  democratic  faction. 


126  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

The  two  parties  became  involved  in  a  civil  war,  A.  D.  1257,  which 
originated  from  the  crime  of  a  nobleman,  wlio  had  murdered  one  of 
his  creditors.  The  conflict  was  carried  on  with  various  success,  and, 
though  temporary  peace  prevailed  several  times,  the  unhappy  dispo- 
sition of  the  belligerents  would  not  allow  the  strife  to  terminate.  At 
the  end  of  tw^o  years,  however,  the  aristocracy  were  completely 
defeated,  and  Martin  della  Torre  was  elected  chief  and  lord  {capitano 
e  signore)  of  the  people.  While  the  Milanese  did  not  probably  intend 
to  renounce  the  sovereignty  which  resided  in  their  general  assemblies, 
yet  they  soon  lost  the  republican  spirit.  Five  of  the  family  Della 
Torre  reigned  in  succession  in  Milan,  each  having  been  formally 
elected,  but  with  an  implied  recognition  of  a  kind  of  hereditary  title. 
Twenty  years  afterward  the  Visconti,  a  family  of  opposite  interests, 
supplanted  the  Torriani  at  Milan,  and  the  rivalry  between  these  great 
houses  did  not  end  until  the  final  establishment  of  Matteo  Visconti, 
A,  D.  1313. 

The  victories  of  Charles  of  Anjou  infused  vigor  into  the  Guelf 
party,  but  they  were  not  very  durable.  He  was  soon  involved  in  a 
protracted  and  unfortunate  controversy  with  the  kings  of  Aragon,  to 
Avhose  protection  his  revolted  subjects  in  Italy  had  recurred.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Ghibeline  interests  in  Lombardy,  and  even  in  Tus- 
can cities,  w^ere  retrieved  by  several  men  of  energetic  character.  The 
Visconti  were  acknowledged  heads  of  that  faction.  The  Della  Scala, 
a  family  early  established  as  lords  of  Verona,  espoused  the  same 
cause  between  the  Adige  and  the  Adriatic.  Castruccio  Castrucani, 
an  adventurer  of  remarkable  ability,  became  prince  of  Lucca,  and  by 
his  influence  the  imperial  party  received  a  large  accession  from  the 
heart  of  the  Guelfs  in  Tuscany.  After  his  death,  however,  the  an- 
cient order  of  things  was  restored.  The  inferior  tyrants  were  partly 
Guelf,  partly  Ghibeline,  according  to  local  revolutions;  but  upon  the 
whole  the  latter  obtained  a  gradual  ascendancy.  Those,  indeed,  who 
favored  the  independence  of  Italy,  or  cared  for  their  own  power, 
''had  far  less  to  fear,"  says  Hallam,  "from  the  phantom  of  imperial 
prerogatives,  long  intermitted,  and  incapable  of  being  enforced,  than 
from  the  new  race  of  foreign  princes,  whom  the  Church  had  substi- 
tuted for  the  house  of  Swabia." 


THE  WALDEXSIAN  DOCTRIXES. 


127 


Chapter  XII. 

THE  DOCTRINES  AND  USAGES  OF  THE  WALDENSES. 

IN  ages  so  remote  events  appear  dim,  and,  in  the  absence  of  his- 
torical records,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  account  of  the 
remarkable  people  called  the  Waldenses,  who  now  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Europe  by  their  resistance  to  the  papacy.  From  a  variety  of 
sources  we  can  glean  some  interesting  facts,  sufficient  to  form  a  pic- 
ture, though  not  complete,  of  their  venerable  Church.  For  many 
centuries  preceding  the  Reformation  they  were  the  only  representa- 
tives of  evangelical  Christianity  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge. 
We  learn  from  the  Nobla  Lcyco7i,  and  other  ancient  documents,  that 
this  school  of  early  Protestant  theology  was  presided  over  by  barbes, 
or  pastors,  who  preached  the  saving  doctrines  of  the  Bible.  Their 
theological  system  was  not  as  clear,  well-defined,  and  comprenensive 
as  that  which  the  sixteenth  century  gave  to  the  world  ;  it  was  only 
what  the  faithful  men  of  the  Lombard  Churches  had  been  able  to 
save  from  the  wreck  of  primitive  Christianity.  As  true  religion  is  a 
revelation,  it  was  perfect  in  the  beginning ;  yet  it  is  necessary  in  this, 
as  in  ever}-  other,  branch  of  knowledge  to  search  after  its  various 
parts  and  systematically  arrange  them.  It  is  only  by  patient  effort 
and  thorough  investigation  that  man  can  come  into  the  full  possession 
of  the  truth.  \The  cardinal  doctrine  of  the  Waldensian  theology  was 
the  atoning  death  and  justifying  righteousness  of  Christ.  In  the 
Nobla  Leyqon,  or  Noble  Lesson,"  we  find  a  tolerably  clear  presen- 
tation of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  the  fall  of  man,  the  incarnation 
of  the  Son,  the  perpetual  authority  of  the  Decalogue  as  given  by 
God ;  the  need  of  divine  grace  in  order  to  good  works,  the  necessity 
of  holiness,  the  institution  of  the  ministry,  the  resurrection  of  the 
body,  and  the  eternal  bliss  of  heaven.  The  professors  of  this  evan- 
gelical creed  exemplified  it  in  lives  of  peculiar  virtue.  Indeed,  the 
blamelessness  of  the  Waldenses  passed  into  a  proverb,  and  if  any  one 
abstained  to  a  limited  extent  from  the  prevailing  vices,  he  was  sus- 
pected of  being  a  Vaudois.  Dr.  Wylie  quotes  the  following  passage 
from  the  Nobla  Leycon:  "  If  there  be  an  honest  man  who  desires  to 
love  God  and  fear  Jesus  Christ,  who  will  neither  slander,  nor  swear, 
nor  lie,  nor  commit  adultery,  nor  kill,  nor  steal,  nor  avenge  himself 


128 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  his  enemies,  they  presently  say  of  such  a  one,  He  is  a  Vaudois, 
and  worth}'  of  death." 

If  any  doubt  concerning  the  rehgious  tenets  of  the  Waldenses 
existed,  it  would  be  removed  by  the  charges  which  their  enemies 
have  brought  against  them.  It  is  evident  from  these  accusations  that 
the  men  of  the  "  Valleys"  held  substantially  what  the  apostles  before 
their  day,  and  the  reformers  after,  taught.  The  indictment  against 
them  included  a  formidable  list  of  "heresies,"  among  which  was  Man- 
icheism,  but  the  declaration  in  the  Nobla  Leycon  that  they  believe  in 
the  "perpetual  authority  of  the  Decalogue"  was  a  sufficient  refuta- 
tion of  the  charge.  They  affirmed  that  there  had  not  been  a  true 
pope  since  the  days  of  Sylvester ;  that  ministers  of  the  Gospel  should 
not  accept  temporal  offices  and  dignities;  that  the  pardons  bestowed 
by  the  pope  were  a  sham  ;  that  purgatory  was  a  fable  ;  that  relics 
were  simply  rotten  bones  which  had  belonged  to  some  unknown  per- 
son ;  that  pilgrimages  accomplished  only  one  result — the'  emptying  of 
the  purse ;  that  flesh  might  be  eaten  any  day  if  the  appetite  demanded 
it ;  that  holy  water  was  not  any  more  efficacious  than  rain  water ; 
and  that  prayer  in  a  barn  was  as  effectual  as  if  offered  in  a  church. 
The  Romanists  also  accused  the  Vaudois  of  having  scoffed  at  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and  of  having  spoken  blasphemously 
of  Rome  as  the  "harlot"  of  the  Apocalypse.  The  Jesuit  Reynerius, 
who  wrote  A.  D.  1250,  charged  upon  them  numerous  heresies  and 
blasphemies,  which  the  historian  Allix  has  published. 

It  appears  from  recent  historical  researches  that  the  Waldenses 
possessed  the  New  Testament  in  the  vernacular.  The  ''Lingua 
Romana,''  or  Romaunt  tongue,  w^as  the  common  language  of  the 
south  of  Europe  from  the  eighth  to  the  fourteenth  century.  During 
the  Dark  Ages  the  troubadours  and  men  of  letters  used  it,  and  into 
it  the  first  translation  of  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament  was  made 
so  early  as  the  twelfth  century.  Dr.  Gilly,  in  his  work,  ''The 
Romaunt  Vej^sion  of  tJie  Gospel  according  to  John,''  has  diligently  labored 
to  establish  this  fact.  By  a  patient  investigation  into  all  the  evidence, 
and  a  great  array  of  historic  documents,  he  reached  the  following 
conclusions:  That  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  were  trans- 
lated from  the  Latin  Vulgate  into  the  Romaunt;  that  this  was  the 
first  literal  version  since  the  fall  of  the  empire;  that  it  was  made  in 
the  twelfth  century,  and  was  the  first  translation  available  for  popular 
use.  There  were  numerous  earlier  translations,  but  only  of  parts  of 
the  Bible,  and  many  of  these  were  rather  paraphrases  or  digests  of 
Scripture  than  translations,  and  on  account  of  their  bulk  and  cost 


THE  WALDENSIAN  SYNODS  AND  CLERGY. 


129 


were  entirel}'  beyond  the  reach  of  the  common  people.  This  Romaunt 
version  was  the  first  complete  and  literal  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  of  Holy  Scripture.  Dr.  Gilly  shows,  by  a  chain  of  proofs, 
that  it  was  probably  made  under  the  superintendence  and  at  the 
expense  of  Peter  Waldo,  of  Lyons,  not  later  than  A.  D.  1180,  and 
is,  therefore,  older  than  any  complete  version  in  German,  French, 
Italian,  Spanish,  or  English.  It  was  widely  circulated  in  the  south 
of  France  and  in  the  cities  of  Lombardy,  and  was  also  in  general  use 
among  the  Waldenses  of  Piedmont.  Its  preservation  and  dissemina- 
tion by  these  mountaineers  w^as  no  insignificant  part  of  the  testimony 
which  they  gave  in  behalf  of  the  truth.  Only  six  copies  of  the 
Romaunt  New  Testament  now  remain,  one  at  each  of  the  four  fol- 
lowing places:  Lyons,  Grenoble,  Zurich,  and  Dublin;  and  two  copies 
at  Paris.  These  volumes  are  small,  plain,  and  portable,  contrasting 
with  those  magnificent  and  ponderous  folios  of  the  Latin  Vulgate, 
written  in  gold  and  silver  characters,  richly  illuminated,  and  having 
bindings  decorated  with  gems.  But  their  splendor  and  size  awakened 
admiration  rather  than  a  desire  for  study,  and  prevented  them  from 
being  used  by  the  people. 

In  the  simplicity  of  its  constitution  the  Church  of  the  Alps  may 
be  considered  a  reflection  of  the  Church  of  the  first  centuries.  The 
entire  Waldensian  territory  was  divided  into  parishes,  in  each  of 
which  was  placed  a  pastor  who  watched  over  his  flock,  preaching, 
dispensing  the  sacraments,  visiting  the  sick,  and  catechising  the 
young.  A  consistory  of  laymen  was  associated  with  him  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  his  congregation.  The  synod,  which  met  once  a  year,  was 
composed  of  all  the  pastors  with  an  equal  number  of  laymen,  and  its 
most  frequent  place  of  meeting  was  the  secluded,  mountain-engirdled 
valley  at  the  head  of  Angrogna.  Sometimes  as  many  as  a  hundred 
and  fifty  barbes,  with  the  same  number  of  laymen,  would  assemble. 
In  imagination  we  behold  them  seated — it  may  be  on  the  grassy  slope 
of  the  valley — a  venerable  company  of  humble,  learned,  and  earnest 
men,  presided  over  by  a  simple  moderator.  While  deliberating  con- 
cerning the  affairs  of  their  Churches  and  the  condition  of  their  flocks, 
they  did  not  neglect  to  offer  their  praises  and  prayers  to  the  living 
God,  in  whom  they  trusted  for  wisdom.  Their  assembly  was  solemn 
and  imposing  without  the  pageantry  of  mystic  rites,  and,  though  no 
magnificent  fane  towered  above  them,  the  majestic  snow-clad  peaks 
rose  up  in  the  silent  firmament  with  a  grandeur  that  no  human  arch- 
itecture can  produce. 

The  Bible  was  the  text-book  used  by  these  young  men  who 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


received  instruction  from  the  more  venerable  and  learned  of  their 
barbcs.  They  not  only  studied  the  sacred  volume,  but  they  were 
required  to  commit  to  memory  and  be  able  accurately  to  recite  whole 
Gospels  and  epistles.  This  accomplishment  was  almost  indispensable 
to  public  instructors  in  those  days  when  printing  was  unknown  and 
copies  of  the  Bible  were  rare.  They  devoted  a  part  of  their  time  to 
the  work  of  transcribing  the  Holy  Scriptures,  or  portions  of  them 
which  they  were  to  distribute  when  they  went  forth  as  missionaries. 
Through  this  and  other  agencies  the  seed  of  divine  truth  was  scat- 
tered more  widely  throughout  Europe  than  is  commonly  supposed. 
This  result  was  produced  by  a  variety  of  causes.  At  that  time  a 
general  impression  prevailed  that  the  world  would  soon  end.  Disor- 
der reigned  in  almost  every  nation,  and  many  men  believed  that  the 
signs  of  the  times  indicated  the  speedy  termination  of  earthly  things. 
In  view  of  the  luxury,  pride,  and  profligacy  of  the  clergy,  not  a  few 
laymen  asked  whether  more  competent  spiritual  guides  could  not  be 
obtained.  Many  of  the  troubadours  were  religious  men  who  wandered 
from  country  to  country,  singing  lays  which  were  often  sermons  in 
poetry.  The  hour  of  deep  and  universal  slumber  had  passed  away, 
and  a  period  of  unusual  activity  was  inaugurated.  The  serf  was 
demanding  personal  freedom  from  his  seigneur,  and  the  city  waged 
war  with  the  baronial  castle  for  civic  and  corporate  independence. 
The  appearance  of  the  New  Testament,  and,  as  we  learn  from  inci- 
dental notices,  portions  of  the  Old,  in  a  language  which  was  under- 
stood alike  in  the  court  as  in  the  camp,  in  the  city  as  in  the  rural 
hamlet,  was  opportune,  having  received  a  cordial  welcome  from  many 
at  that  period.  Indeed,  the  truths  of  the  Bible  were  more  widely 
promulgated  then  than  they  had  been  at  any  time  since  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Vulgate  by  Jerome. 

The  Waldensian  youth,  after  remaining  a  certain  time  in  the 
school  of  the  barbes,  usually  Avent  to  the  seminaries  in  the  great  cities 
of  Lombardy,  or  to  the  Sorbonne  at  Paris,  where  they  became 
acquainted  with  other  customs,  were  initiated  into  other  studies  and 
enjoyed  a  wider  horizon  of  observation  than  they  did  in  the  seclusion 
of  their  native  valleys.  j\Iany  of  them  became  expert  dialecticians, 
whom  the  priests  of  Rome  did  not  desire  to  meet  in  argument.  These 
Waldensian  missionaries  often  made  converts  of  the  rich  merchants 
with  whom  they  traded,  and  the  landlords  in  whose  houses  they 
lodged.  The  Vaudois  were  not  satisfied  with  merely  maintaining  the 
truth  in  their  own  mountains,  but  realized  their  responsibility  to 
spread  the  Gospel  abroad  and  reconquer  the  kingdoms  of  Christen- 


THE  VENDERS  OF  RARE  GEMS.  \  3 1 

dom,  which  the  Romish  hierarchy  had  overwhelmed  with  moral 
darkness.  ^The  Waldensian  Church  was  not  only  evangelical,  but 
evangelistic.  Among  its  old  laws  was  one  which  required  that  all 
who  took  orders  in  the  Church  should  serve  three  years  in  the  mission 
field  before  they  could  be  eligible  to  a  home  charge.  It  was  not 
necessary  for  them  to  cross  oceans  in  order  to  perform  mission  work. 
The  extensive  region  at  the  foot  of  their  own  mountains  afforded  the 
Vaudois  youth,  upon  whose  heads  the  assembled  barbes  had  laid  their 
hands,  an  important  field,  which  would  bestow  upon  them  not  a  rich 
benefice,  but  a  possible  martyrdom.  By  assuming  the  guise  of  a 
secular  profession,  most  commonly  that  of  merchants  or  peddlers,  they 
concealed  their  real  character.  Uzoing  forth  two  and  two  they  carried 
silks,  jewelry,  and  other  articles  which  at  that  time  could  not  be 
easily  purchased,  except  at  distant  marts,  and  they  were  welcomed 
as  merchants  where  they  would  have  been  rejected  as  missionaries. 
The  door  of  the  cottage  and  the  portal  of  the  baron's  castle  stood 
equally  open  to  them.  The  gems  and  silks  procured  them  entrance, 
but  they  were  also  venders  of  rarer  and  more  valuable  merchandise — 
portions  of  the  Word  of  God — usually  their  own  transcription,  which 
they  carried  with  them  carefully  concealed  among  their  wares  or 
about  their  persons.  While  displaying  their  goods  to  the  inmates  of 
the  dwelling  they  would  also  direct  attention  to  the  manuscripts,  and 
donate  them  when  desired  to  those  who  were  unable  to  purchase. 
Thus  the  truth  was  disseminated  by  these  humble  instrumentalities, 
and  struggling  Italy  received  more  light. 

10 


f^kft  III. 


PAPAL  DARKNESS  RELIEVED. 

CENTURY  XIV-XIX. 


Chapter  L 

ITALY  DURING  THE  PAPAL  SCHISM. 

THE  fourteenth  century  dawned  upon  Italy,  revealing  the  exist- 
ence of  small  tyrannies,  established  upon  the  ruins  of  republican 
government.  The  cities  of  Lombardy,  both  Guelf  and  Ghibeline,  by 
force  or  stratagem,  or  free  consent,  had,  with  few  exceptions,  fallen 
under  the  yoke  of  some  prominent  citizen,  who  became  the  lord  (sign- 
iore),  or,  in  the  Grecian  sense,  tyrant,  of  his  country.  The  career  of 
Eccelino  beyond  the  Adige  should  have  naturally  inspired  the  Italians 
with  more  universal  abhorrence  of  despotism;  but  in  the  eyes  of 
exasperated  factions  every  danger  seemed  trivial  w^hen  compared  with 
the  ascendancy  of  their  enemies.  The  conflicts  between  these  adver- 
saries were  constant  and  unprofitable,  inflicting  alternately  disaster 
upon  either  party,  until  liberty,  wearied  and  disgusted,  withdrew  from 
a  people  who  disgraced  her  name.  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  the 
brave,  tumultuous,  and  intractable  Lombards  were  anxious  to  sub- 
mit themselves  to  a  master,  and  became  patient  under  the  heaviest 
Oppression.  Sometimes  tyranny  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  forbear- 
ance, and  the  reigning  prince  was  expelled  by  seditious  parties ;  but 
the  revolution  simply  placed  the  impotent  people  under  a  different 
and  perhaps  Avorse  despotism.  "In  many  cities,"  says  Hallam,  ''not 
a  conspiracy  was  planned,  not  a  sigh  was  breathed  in  favor  of  repub- 
lican government,  after  once  they  had  passed  under  the  sway  of  a 
single  person.  The  progress,  indeed,  was  gradual  though  sure,  from 
limited  to  absolute,  from  temporary  to  hereditary  power,  from  a  just 
and  conciliating  rule,  to  extortion  and  cruelty."  Before  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  all  those  cities  which  had  indignantly 
132 


ROBERT,  KIXG  OF  NAPLES— NICOLA  DI  RIENZL  133 

rejected  the  invitation  to  submit  to  imperial  rule  lost  even  the  recol- 
lection of  self-government,  and  were  bequeathed,  like  an  indisputable 
patrimony,  among  the  children  of  their  new  lords. 

Though  divided  into  several  hostile  factions,  the  victorious  popu- 
lar party  in  the  Italian  cities  was  able  to  frustrate  the  efforts  of  the 
German  emperor,  Henry  VII,  who,  A.  D.  13 12,  attempted  to  regain 
the  dominion  of  Italy.  Robert,  king  of  Naples,  was  more  successful. 
Like  his  grandfather,  Charles  I,  he  almost  openly  aspired  to  a  real 
sovereignty  over  Itah'.  When  the  Guelf  cities  were  engaged  in  war 
he  offered  his  assistance  upon  the  condition  that  they  should  submit 
to  his  rule.  ]\Iany  }'ielded  to  his  demands,  and  even  Florence  twice 
bestowed  upon  him  a  temporary  dictatorship.  He  was  (A.  D.  13 14) 
acknowledged  lord  of  Lucca,  Florence,  Pavia,  Alessandria,  Bergamo, 
and  the  cities  of  Romagna.  The  Guelfs  of  Genoa,  A.  D.  13 18,  being 
unable  to  overcome  the  Ghibeline  emigrants,  who  were  under  their 
walls,  resigned  their  liberties  to  the  king  of  Naples  for  the  term  of 
ten  years,  which  was  afterwards  extended  six  more.  All  these  ambi- 
tious measures  were  sanctioned  by  the  Avignon  popes,  especialh*  John 
XXII,  who  entertained  the  most  bitter  hatred  to  the  Emperor  Louis 
of  Bavaria,  and  the  Visconti  family.  But  the  death  of  Robert,  and 
the  disturbances  in  his  kingdom,  rendered  these  measures  unsuccessful. 

After  the  secession  of  the  popes  to  Avignon  (A.  D.  1308).  Rome, 
their  own  city,  was  far  more  demoralized  than  before.  Disorders  of 
every  kind,  tumult  and  robbery  prevailed  in  the  streets.  The  Roman 
nobility  were  engaged  in  perpetual  war  with  each  other.  They  were 
not  satisfied  with  their  own  fortified  palaces,  but  converted  the  sacred 
monuments  of  antiquity  into  strongholds,  causing  greater  destruction 
than  time  or  conquest  had  ever  done.  At  no  period  had  the  city  re- 
ceived such  irreparable  injuries.  Indeed,  the  contemptible  feuds  of 
the  Orsini  and  Colonna  families  were  more  disastrous  to  the  capital 
than  the  downfall  of  the  Western  Empire.  Government  existed  only 
in  form,  and  whether  administered  by  a  legate  from  Avignon,  or  by 
the  municipal  authorities,  did  not  restrain  these  powerful  barons.  In 
the  midst  of  this  degradation  and  wretchedness  (A.  D.  1347)  Nicola 
di  Rienzi,  an  obscure  man,  resolved  that  he  would  restore  good  order 
to  Rome,  and  render  her  great  as  in  ancient  times.  His  education 
was  advanced  for  one  of  such  humble  birth,  and  his  mind  was  enriched 
with  the  study  of  the  best  writers.  He  harangued  the  people  on 
many  public  occasions;  but  the  nobility,  blinded  by  self-confidence, 
made  no  effort  to  repress  the  excitement  which  prevailed.  An  insur- 
rection suddenly  broke  out,  and  soon  obtained  complete  success. 


% 

134  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

Under  the  title  of  tribune,  Rienzi  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  new 
government,  and  had  almost  unlimited  power.  The  first  effects  of 
this  revolution  were  wonderful.  All  the  nobles  submitted,  though 
with  great  reluctance  ;  robbers  no  longer  infested  the  roads ;  tranquil- 
lity was  restored  at  home,  and  by  severe  examples  of  justice,  offend- 
ers were  intimidated.  Indeed,  all  the  people  regarded  the  tribune  as 
the  destined  restorer  of  Rome  and  Italy. 

The  court  of  Avignon  could  not  indorse  this  usurpation,  but  it  was 
wise  enough  not  directly  to  oppose  it.  Most  of  the  Italian  republics, 
and  some  of  the  princes,  sent  embassadors  and  recognized  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  ostentatious  Rienzi.  The  king  of  Hungary  and  queen 
of  Naples  submitted  their  quarrel  to  his  arbitration,  but  he  did  not 
undertake  to  decide  it.  He  was  intoxicated  by  his  sudden  exaltation, 
and  exhibited  weaknesses  which  were  entirely  incompatible  with  his 
elevated  station.  Rienzi  possessed  really  great  talents,  and,  if  he  had 
lived  in  our  own  age,  they  >vould  have  found  their  proper  orbit.  His 
character,  as  described  by  Sismondi,  Tiraboschi,  Petrarch,  and  other 
writers,  was  that  of  a  literary  politician — "a  com.bination  of  knowl- 
edge, eloquence,  and  enthusiasm  for  ideal  excellence,  with  vanity, 
inexperience  of  mankind,  unsteadiness,  and  physical  timidity."  These 
latter  qualities  became  so  conspicuous  that  his  virtues  were  overlooked 
and  his  benefits  forgotten.  He  was  finally  compelled  to  abdicate  his 
government  and  retire  into  exile.  After  an  absence  of  several  years, 
some  of  which  he  passed  in  the  prisons  of  Avignon,  he  was  brought 
back  to  Rome  with  the  title  of  senator,  and  under  the  command  of 
the  legate.  The  Romans,  still  cherishing  some  of  the  spirit  of  insub- 
ordination, gladly  welcomed  their  favorite  tribune,  and  rallied  around 
his  standard  for  a  few  months ;  but  after  that  time  they  ceased  alto- 
gether to  respect  a  man  who  so  little  respected  himself  in  accepting 
a  station  where  he  could  no  longer  be  free.  During  a  sedition  in  the 
city  he  Avas  killed. 

It  is  difficult  to  form  a  correct  opinion  of  Rienzi's  history.  That 
great  Italian  writer,  Petrarch,  was  so  blindly  infatuated  with  the 
romantic  life  of  his  hero  that  he  indulged  in  the  most  glowing  pane- 
gyrics concerning  him.  Hallam  regards  some  of  these  enthusiastic 
utterances  as  extravagant  and  absurd,  and  commends  the  sensible  and 
proper  estimate  of  Rienzi  given  by  Giovanni  Villani,  of  Florence,  a 
strong  republican.  An  illustrious  female  author,  Madame  de  Stael, 
of  France,  in  her  Corinne, "  an  Italian  novel,  by  a  single  stroke  has 
portrayed  the  character  of  Rienzi,  Crescentius,  and  Arnold  of  Brescia, 
the  fond  restorers  of  Roman  liberty:  ^^Qid  out  piis  Ics  soitvenirs  pour 


THE  BANNERETS. 


les  esp&ances.''  Not  long  after  the  death  of  Rienzi,  the  freedom  of 
Rome  appears  to  have  revived  in  repubh'can  institutions,  though  the 
names  associated  with  the  movement  are  not  calculated  to  inspire 
peculiar  recollections.  At  the  head  of  the  commonwealth,  magis- 
trates called  bannerets  were  placed.  They  were  chosen  from  the  thir- 
teen districts  of  the  city,  with  a  militia  of  three  thousand  citizens  at 
their  command.  This  new  organization  was  instituted  to  intimidate 
the  Roman  nobility,  who,  in  the  total  absence  of  government,  had 
committed  intolerable  outrages.  The  execution  of  several  of  them  the 
first  year,  by  order  of  the  bannerets,  produced  a  good  effect.  The 
citizens,  however,  entertained  no  serious  thoughts  of  renouncing  their 
allegiance  to  the  popes,  but  simply  provided  for  their  own  safety. 
It  seems  strange  that  they  should  be  obedient  to  pontiffs  who,  after 
abandoning  the  holy  city,  continued  to  demand  their  support,  though 
denying  them  protection.  But  they  were  ready  to  acknowledge  and 
welcome  back  their  bishop  as  their  sovereign.  Without  waiting  for 
their  return,  they  surrendered  their  republican  constitution,  and  per- 
mitted the  legate  of  Innocent  VI  to  assume  the  government.  Some 
years  afterward  the  institution  of  bannerets  was  revived  and  possessed 
full  authority.  During  the  schism  of  the  Church,  Rome  probably 
enjoyed  some  degree  of  political  freedom;  but  its  internal  history  is  so 
obscure  that  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain,  amid  the  licentious  tumults 
of  the  barons  or  populace,  when  their  privileges  were  legitimate. 
The  Romans  formally  took  away  the  government  from  Eugenius  IV, 
and  elected  seven  seigniors,  or  chief  magistrates,  like  the  priors  of 
Florence.  But  this  revolution  was  only  temporary.  On  the  death 
of  Eugenius  the  citizens  deliberated  upon  proposing  a  charter  to  the 
future  pope.  One  of  their  principal  instigators  was  a  man  of  good 
family,  named  Stephen  Porcaro,  who  was  animated  by  a  strong  spirit 
of  liberty.  The  people,  however,  were  not  equally  patriotic,  and 
nothing  was  accomplished.  Afterward  Porcaro  was  engaged  in  a 
fresh  conspiracy,  and,  having  been  detected,  was  put  to  death  under 
the  pontificate  of  Nicholas  V. 

The  Romans  attributed  all  their  troubles  to  the  absence  of  the 
popes  from  the  "  Eternal  City. "  This  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of 
their  pecuniary  embarrassments,  for  the  presence  of  the  pontiffs  there 
attracted  crowds  of  strangers  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  and  the 
expenditures  of  these  visitors,  and  of  the  papal  court,  were  a  source 
of  considerable  wealth  to  the  citizens.  Hence  they  exerted  them- 
selves to  the  fullest  extent  to  persuade  the  popes  to  return  to  their 
city.    Finally  Gregory  XI  returned  to  Rome,  A.  D.   1377,  and  it 


136 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


once  more  became  the  religious  center  of  the  world.  Gregory  died 
the  next  year,  and  the  Romans  took  up  arms  to  compel  the  cardi- 
nals to  conduct  the  election  for  his  successor  at  Rome,  and  choose  an 
Italian  pope,  or,  at  least,  one  who  would  remain  in  Rome.  They 
even  invaded  the  hall  where  the  conclave  had  assembled,  shouting, 
"A  Roman  pope!  We  will  have  a  Roman  pope!"  Though  per- 
suaded to  retire,  they  crowded  the  streets  for  two  days  and  threatened 
the  cardinals  with  death  if  they  refused  to  comply  with  their  demands. 
In  the  midst  of  these  exciting  scenes,  the  trembling  cardinals  elected 
the  archbishop  of  Bari,  an  Italian,  to  the  papal  throne.  At  this  very 
moment,  the  mob,  still  shouting  their  demands,  made  a  fierce  attack 
upon  the  hall  and  were  determined  to  handle  the  cardinals  violently. 
The  frightened  ecclesiastics  induced  the  venerable  cardinal  of  St.  Pe- 
ter's to  appear  as  the  newly  chosen  pontiff.  He  presented  himself  at 
the  window  ''hastily  attired  in  what  either  was  or  seemed  to  be 
the  papal  stole  and  miter.  There  was  a  jubilant  and  triumphant  cry, 
'  We  have  a  Roman  pope  !  the  cardinal  of  St.  Peter's.  Long  live 
Rome!  Long  live  St.  Peter!'  "  The  mob,  now  wild  with  joy,  could 
not  be  restrained,  but  burst  into  the  hall.  "The  supposed  pope 
was  seized  by  his  enthusiastic  friends,  his  gouty  and  swollen  hands 
and  feet  were  pressed  and  kissed  with  such  fervor  that  he  shrieked 
with  pain,  and  swore  to  them  in  very  emphatic  language  that  he  was 
not  the  pope." 

The  archbishop  of  Bari  was  hastily  proclaimed,  and  commenced 
to  reign  under  the  title  of  Urban  VI.  He  was  a  violent  and  savage 
man,  and,  though  he  sought  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  Church,  he 
did  so  by  the  severest  measures.  He  seemed  utterly  incapable  of 
conciliating  the  affections  of  his  opponents,  or  even  of  retaining  his 
particular  adherents.  By  his  intolerable  arrogance  and  harshness  he 
soon  raised  up  a  formidable  opposition  to  him  among  people  of  all 
ranks,  and  especially  among  the  leading  French  cardinals.  The  latter, 
unable  to  endure  his  insolence,  withdrew  from  Rome  to  Anagni,  and 
thence  to  Fondi,  a  city  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  where  they  elected 
to  the  pontificate  Robert,  count  of  Geneva,  who  took  the  name  of 
Clement  VII.  The  seceding  cardinals  declared  that  the  election  of 
Bartholomew  de  Pregnano,  archbishop  of  Bari,  was  a  mere  ceremony, 
which  they  had  been  compelled  to  perform  in  order  to  calm  the  tur- 
bulent rage  of  the  populace.  Urban  remained  at  Rome,  and  Clement 
retired  to  Avignon,  in  France.  All  the  prominent  kingdoms,  except 
France  and  Naples,  supported  Urban. 

The  union  of  the  Latin  Church  under  one  head  was  destroyed  at 


DANTE. 


the  death  of  Gregory  XI,  and  was  followed  by  that  deplorable  dis- 
sension commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the  great  Western  scJiisni. 
Upon  the  death  of  Urban,  A.  D.  1389,  the  Italian  cardinals  pro- 
ceeded to  the  election  of  Boniface  IX,  a  Neapolitan ;  and  Clement 
VII  dying,  A.  D.  1394,  the  French  cardinals  raised  to  the  papal 
throne  a  Spaniard,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Benedict  XIII. 


Chapter  II. 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS  IN  ITALY. 

AS  the  three  centuries  preceding  the  fourteenth  witnessed  a  rapid 
revival  and  growth  of  architecture  and  the  arts  in  Italy,  so  the 
close  of  the  thirteenth  and  the  whole  of  the  fourteenth  century  saw 
the  sudden  blossoming  of  Italian  literature.  Dante  (Alighieri),  the 
greatest  of  Italian  poets,  rose  like  a  sun,  and  shone  on  his  native 
land  with  an  unparalleled  splendor,  imparting  to  it  a  new  life.  He 
was  born  of  a  respectable  family  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1265,  but  his 
writings  belong  almost  exclusively  to  the  fourteenth  century.  At- 
tached to  the  Guelf  party,  which  had  then  obtained  a  final  ascendancy 
over  its  rival,  he  might  justly  promise  himself  the  natural  reward  of 
talents  under  a  free  government — public  trust,  and  the  esteem  of  his 
compatriots.  But  the  unhappy  division  of  the  Guelfs  into  the 
Bianchi  and  Neri  factions  was  unfortunate  for  Dante,  as  he  was  con- 
nected with  the  former,  which  proved  to  be  the  unsuccessful  one. 
He  filled  the  office  of  one  of  the  priori,  or  chief  magistrates,  at 
Florence,  A.  D.  1300;  and  having  manifested  in  this,  as  was  alleged, 
some  partiality  toward  the  Bianchi,  a  sentence  of  proscription  passed 
against  him  about  two  years  afterward,  Avhen  it  became  the  turn  of 
the  opposite  faction  to  triumph.  Banished  from  his  country,  and 
baffled  in  several  efforts  of  his  friends  to  restore  their  fortunes,  he 
had  no  resource  but  at  the  courts  of  the  Scalas  at  Verona  and  other 
Italian  princes,  attaching  himself  in  adversity  to  the  imperial  interests, 
and  ''tasting,  in  his  own  language,  the  bitterness  of  another's  bread." 

While  in  this  state  of  exile  he  finished,  if  he  did  not  commence, 
his  great  poem,  the  "  Divina  Commedia,"  or  the  Divine  Comedy,  a 
representation  of  the  three  kingdoms  of  futurity,  hell,  purgatory,  and 
paradise.  This  masterpiece,  incomparably  the  greatest  of  Italian 
epics,  is  divided  into  one  hundred  cantos,  and  contains  about  four- 


138 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


teen  thousand  lines.  It  was  so  called  because  he  conceived  that  there 
were  three  kinds  of  style — the  sublime,  the  middle,  or  comic,  and 
the  lowest  of  all,  which  he  designated  the  elegiac ;  and  he  selected 
the  second  of  these  for  his  poem.  Even  in  this  finest  product  of  his 
genius  he  supported  the  emperor  and  the  Ghibeline  party  against 
their  enemies,  the  Guelfs.  He  depicted  an  inferno,  in  which  were 
placed  those  petty  tyrants  and  chieftains  who  had  filled  Italy  with 
the  horrors  of  civil  war.  He  described  a  purgatory,  in  which  those 
men  were  punished  who  with  too  little  heroism  and  firmness  had 
maintained  the  cause  of  justice  and  their  country.  He  finally  pic- 
tured a  paradise,  in  which  those  were  rewarded  who  had  devoted 
themselves  only  to  virtue,  and  had  labored  for  the  commonwealth 
with  strong  hearts  and  magnanimous  deeds.  There  he  imagined  a 
throne  to  be  raised,  and  a  crown  upon  it,  as  a  reward  for  that  Henry 
who  he  hoped  would  restore  Italy  to  her  ancient  power  and  splendor. 
This  political  aim  of  the  ''Divina  Commedia  "  was  only  incidental  to 
its  moral  and  religious  meanings.  The  work  displays  an  immense 
amount  of  theological  as  well  as  philosophical  and  historical  knowl- 
edge, and  contains  some  ingenious  scientific  views,  which  were  fully 
developed  and  understood  only  after  several  centuries.  It  is  for  these 
that  Redi,  Magalotti,  and  other  scientific  writers  quoted  from  him  in 
preference  to  any  other  poet.  To  every  succeeding  age  the  poem 
has  been  a  mine  of  elegant  quotations ;  and  in  some  of  the  descrip- 
tions the  reader  feels  transported  by  the  force  and  solemnity  of  the 
phrases,  as  if  it  were  the  work  of  a  prophet. 

The  unfinished  "  Convito  "  of  Dante  is  called  by  Monti  the  first 
sober  and  sound  prose  writing  that  Italian  literature  can  boast,  and 
the  first  on  moral  philosophy.  He  abandoned  the  Latin  language, 
in  which  he  had  begun  to  write,  for  the  Italian,  which  he  raised  from 
comparative  rudeness  to  the  highest  refinement,  believing  that  its 
perfection  and  embellishment  would  be  of  great  advantage  toward 
uniting  Italy.  In  his  Latin  treatise,  **De  Vulgaro  Eloquio,"  he 
maintained  that  no  one  of  the  Italian  dialects  merited  the  name  of 
the  Italian  language,  which  was  spoken  in  all  the  cities,  without 
belonging  to  any  one  in  particular.  Dante  is  among  the  very 
few  who  have  created  the  national  poetry  of  their  country.  For, 
notwithstanding  the  polished  elegance  of  some  earlier  Italian  verse, 
it  had  been  confined  to  amorous  sentiments ;  and  it  was  yet  to  be 
seen  that  the  language  could  sustain,  for  a  greater  length  than  any 
existing  poem  except  the  ''Iliad,"  the  varied  style  of  narration, 
reasoning,  and  ornament.     *'0f  all  writers,"  says  Hallam,"  he  is 


THE  POETRY  OF  DANTE. 


the  most  unquestionably  original.  Virgil  was,  indeed,  his  inspiring 
genius,  as  he  declares  himself,  and  as  may  sometimes  be  perceived  in 
his  diction ;  but  his  tone  is  so  peculiar  and  characteristic  that  few 
readers  would  be  willing  at  first  to  acknowledge  any  resemblance. 
He  possessed  in  an  extraordinary  degree  a  command  of  language, 
the  abuse  of  which  led  to  his  obscurity  and  licentious  innovations. 
No  poet  ever  excelled  him  in  conciseness  and  in  the  rare  talent  of 
finishing  his  pictures  by  a  few  bold  touches ;  the  merit  of  Pindar  in 
his  better  hours.  How  prolix  would  the  stories  of  Francesca  or  of 
Ugolino  have  become  in  the  hands  of  Ariosto,  or  of  Tasso,  or  of 
Ovid,  or  of  Spenser!" 

In  the  first  part  of  the  ^'Divina  Commedia  "  this  excellence  is 
strikingly  exhibited.  Dante,  after  forming  his  plan  so  as  to  give  an 
equal  length  to  the  three  regions  of  his  spiritual  world,  found  him- 
self unable  to  vary  the  images  of  hope  or  beatitude,  and  the  ' '  Para- 
dise" is  a  continual  accumulation  of  descriptions,  separately  beauti- 
ful, but  uniform  and  tedious.  While  images  derived  from  light  and 
music  are  the  most  pleasing,  and  enjoyed  longer  in  poetry  than  any 
others,  yet  their  frequent  repetition  detracts  from  their  sweetness,  and 
makes  the  intermixture  of  sharper  flavors  desirable.  In  this  third 
part  of  Dante's  poem  there  are  detached  passages  of  great  merit ;  and 
even  in  the  long  theological  discussions,  which  occupy  the  larger  pro- 
portion of  its  thirty- three  cantos,  it  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the 
enunciation  of  abstract  positions  with  remarkable  energy,  concise- 
ness, and  sometimes  perspicuity.  The  first  twelve  cantos  of  the 
"Purgatory"  are  an  almost  continual  flow  of  soft  and  brilliant 
poetry.  The  last  seven  are  also  very  splendid ;  but  there  is  some 
heaviness  in  the  intermediate  parts.  Fame  has  justly  given  the  pref- 
erence to  the  "Inferno,"  which  displays  throughout  a  more  vigorous 
and  masterly  conception ;  but  the  mind  of  Dante  can  not  be  thor- 
oughly appreciated  without  a  perusal  of  his  entire  poem. 

While  he  was  so  peculiarly  happy  in  his  power  of  expression,  he 
sometimes  introduced  coarse  idioms,  and  employed  a  word  to  com- 
plete his  measure  or  his  rhyme,  even  when  the  sense  of  the  passage 
did  not  warrant  it.  Indeed,  as  a  writer,  Dante  had  many  faults ;  but 
he  composed  his  poem  in  the  infancy  of  a  language  which  he  assisted 
in  creating,  and  therefore  could  not  know  that  words,  which  he  bor- 
rowed from  the  Latin  and  from  the  provincial  dialects,  would  by 
accident,  or  through  the  timidity  of  later  writers,  lose  their  place  in 
the  classical  idiom  of  Italy.  The  phrases  which  now  appear  bar- 
barous, and  are  at  least  obsolete,  might  have  been  fixed  by  use  in 


I40 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


poetical  language  if  Petrarch,  Bembo,  and  a  few  more,  had  not  aimed 
at  purity  rather  than  copiousness. 

Elevation  of  sentiment  is  the  characteristic  feature  of  this  great 
poem,  and  its  compressed  diction  and  the  emphatic  cadences  of  its 
measure  contribute  largely  to  that  result.  The  reader  does  not  find 
in  Dante  the  amusing  poet,  but  rather  the  master  of  moral  wisdom, 
who  inspires  the  mind  with  reverence  and  awe.  He  studied  closely 
and  seriously  the  truths  of  philosophy,  and,  learning  in  the  severer 
school  of  experience,  made  his  poem  a  mirror  of  his  heart  and  life, 
the  register  of  his  solicitudes  and  sorrows,  and  of  the  speculations  in 
which  he  sought  to  escape  their  recollection.  The  banished  magis- 
trate of  Florence,  the  disciple  of  Brunetto  Latini,  and  the  statesman 
accustomed  to  trace  the  varying  fluctuations  of  Italian  faction, 
always  appears  to  the  reader.  While  a  prodigal  display  of  erudition 
seems  inappropriate  in  an  epic  poem,  yet  in  the  "Divina  Commedia'* 
it  is  not  objectionable.  Except  Milton,  he  was  much  the  most  learned 
of  all  the  great  poets,  and,  relatively  to  his  age,  far  more  learned 
than  Milton.  How  sad  that  one  so  highly  endowed  by  nature,  and 
profound  through  instruction,  should  be  filled  with  a  resentment 
which  exile  and  poverty  rendered  perpetually  fresh.  His  heart  was 
naturally  sensitive,  and  even  tender ;  his  poetry  abounds  with  simple 
comparisons  from  rural  life,  and  the  sincerity  of  his  early  passion  for 
Beatrice  pierces  through  the  veil  of  allegory  which  surrounds  her. 
''But  the  memory  of  his  injuries,"  says  Hallam,  ''pursues  him  into 
the  immensity  of  eternal  light ;  and  in  the  company  of  saints  and 
angels  his  unforgiving  spirit  darkens  at  the  name  of  Florence." 

Dante's  wonderful  production  was  received  in  Italy  with  that 
enthusiastic  admiration  which  works  of  genius  awaken  in  an  age  too 
rude  to  listen  to  the  envy  of  competitors  or  the  fastidiousness  of 
critics.  Almost  every  library  in  that  country  contains  manuscript 
copies  of  the  "Divine  Comedy,"  and  an  account  of  those  who 
have  abridged  or  commented  upon  it  would  swell  to  a  volume.  It 
was  thrice  printed  A.  D.  1472,  and  at  least  nine  times  within  the 
fifteenth  century.  The  city  of  Florence,  A.  D.  1373,  with  a  magna- 
nimity which  almost  redeems  her  original  injustice,  appointed  a 
public  professor  to  read  lectures  upon  Dante ;  and  it  was  hardly  less 
honorable  to  the  poet's  memory  that  the  first  person  selected  for  this 
office  was  Boccaccio.  The  universities  of  Pisa  and  Piacenza  imitated 
this  example  ;  but,  according  to  Tiraboschi,  Dante's  abstruse  philos- 
ophy was  often  more  regarded  in  their  chairs  than  his  higher  excel- 
lences.   Italy,  indeed,  and  Europe  had  reason  to  be  proud  of  such 


DANTE  DENOUNCES  THE  PAPACY. 


141 


a  master.  Since  Claudian  there  had  been  seen  for  nine  hundred 
years  no  considerable  body  of  poetry,  except  the  Spanish  poem  of 
the  "Cid,"  of  which  no  one  had  heard  beyond  the  Peninsula,  that 
could  be  said  to  pass  mediocrity;  and  we  must  go  much  farther  back 
than  Claudian  to  find  any  one  capable  of  being  compared  with  Dante. 
His  appearance  made  an  epoch  in  the  intellectual  history  of  modern 
nations,  and  dissipated  the  discouraging  suspicion,  which  long  ages 
of  lethargy  tended  to  excite,  that  nature  had  exhausted  her  fertility 
in  the  great  poets  of  Greece  and  Rome.  *'Itwas,"  says  Hallam, 
"as  if,  at  some  of  the  ancient  games,  a  stranger  had  appeared  upon 
the  plain,  and  thrown  his  quoit  among  the  marks  of  former  casts, 
which  tradition  had  ascribed  to  the  demigods."  The  admiration  of 
Dante  gave  a  general  impulse  to  the  human  mind,  and  inaugurated 
that  ''  re\-i\-al  of  letters  "  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  Reformation. 

The  "  Divina  Commedia"  abounds  with  complaints  of  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  Roman  Church,  and  Dante,  with  his  great  mind  sur- 
charged with  the  truths  of  the  Bible,  denounced  the  papacy,  foretelling 
retributions,  and,  like  Daniel  and  St.  John,  picturing  the  doom  of 
anti-Christ.  He  was  one  of  those  poets  in  whom  the  vates  and  rhap- 
sodist  co-exist,  and  transfusing  himself  into  the  heart  of  Italy,  from 
which  the  Bible  was  shut  out,  he  became  the  leaven  that  leavened 
the  whole  lump,  and  finally  created,  in  the  nineteenth  century,  a 
united  Italy.  In  his  "  IMonarchia"  he  pleads,  indeed,  for  a  Utopian 
empire,  but  he  does  so  under  the  idea  that  by  gathering  all  nations 
under  a  single  imperial  scepter,  the  clashing  interests  of  petty  king- 
doms would  be  removed,  and  the  rise  and  perils  of  wars  be  obviated. 
Co-existing  with  this  monarchy,  which  was  to  be  an  embodiment  of 
the  reign  of  the  "Prince  of  Peace,"  Dante  desired  to  see  a  universal 
Church,  united,  indeed,  under  one  chief,  who  must  be  thoroughly 
spiritual,  working  in  harmony  with  human  government,  and  never 
advancing  beyond  that  limitation  of  Christ,  "Render  unto  Caesar 
the  things  that  are  Caesar's."  Deep  in  the  midnight  of  the  papal 
despotism,  and  long  before  the  cock-crowing  was  heard  from  the  little 
hamlet  of  Lutterworth,  in  England,  Dante  struck  the  key-note  of  his 
immortal  song  in  the  following  w^ords :  "The  Church  of  Rome, 
mixing  tzuo  goveninicnts  tJiat  ill  assoii,  hath  missed  her  footing,  fallen 
into  the  mire,  and  there  herself  and  burden  much  defiled." 

The  poet  appears  to  have  had  no  faith  in  the  infallibility  of  either 
popes  or  general  councils.  While  he  freely  bestows  the  keys  on  St. 
Peter,  and  speaks  honorably  of  his  early  successors,  he  expresses 
himself  doubtfully,  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  "Inferno,"  concerning 


I 


DANTE. 


PAPAL  CORRUPTIONS  EXPOSED. 


Rome's  claim  to  be  the  mistress  of  Christendom.  By  his  advice, 
''Think  on  what  succeeds,"  he  did  not  encourage  those  who  went  into 
purgatory,  and  reminded  them  that  no  power  on  earth  could  avail 
them  but  what  "riseth  up  from  heart  which  lives  in  grace."  In  the 
twenty-seventh  chapter  of  the  Inferno"  he  reduces  priestly  absolu- 
tion to  a  conditional  declaration  of  pardon,  asserting  that  ''no  power 
can  the  impenitent  absolve;"  and  in  the  twenty-fourth  chapter  of  the 
"Paradiso"  he  describes  an  imaginary  interview  between  himself  and  i 
St.  Peter,  in  which,  at  the  request  of  the  latter,  he  makes  a  confess- 
ion of  his  faith.  When  asked  by  the  apostle  from  what  source  he 
derived  his  faith,  he  answers :  ' '  From  that  truth  it  cometh  to  me 
rather,  which  is  shed  through  Moses,  the  rapt  prophets,  and  the 
Psalms,  the  Gospel ;  and  what  ye  yourselves  did  write,  when  ye  were 
gifted  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  When  asked  how  he  knew  these  to  be 
the  Word  of  God,  he  does  not  reply  by  appealing  to  the  authority 
of  the  Church  or  tradition;  he  says,  "The  works  that  follow  evidence 
their  truth."  He  then  proceeds  to  consider  the  early  triumphs  of 
Christianity  as  proofs  of  its  divine  character,  and  says  to  St.  Peter : 
"E'en  thou  wentest  forth  in  poverty  and  hunger  to  set  the  goodly 
plant,  that  from  the  vine  it  once  was  is  grown  unsightly  bramble." 
It  is  impossible  to  pronounce  a  clearer  and  more  decisive  judgment 
on  one  of  the  most  prominent  and  important  points  of  controversy 
between  Protestantism  and  Romanism  than  Dante  has  given  in  this 
part  of  his  poem. 

In  the  "Divine  Comedy"  a  simple  adherence  to  the  Bible,  in 
opposition  to  the  human  inventions  and  fables,  then  so  prevalent,  is 
repeatedly  inculculated.  "E'en  they,"  says  the  poet,  "whose  office 
is  to  preach  the  Gospel  let  the  Gospel  sleep,  and  pass  their  own  inven- 
tions off  instead."  After  having  given  some  specimens  of  this,  he 
adds:  "The  sheep  meanwhile,  poor,  witless  ones,  return  from  pas- 
ture fed  with  wind  ;  and  what  avails  for  their  excuse,  they  do  not  see 
their  harm?"  Dante  has  strikingly  exhibited,  in  his  pictorial  style, 
the  indecent  buffoonery  which  disgraced  the  pulpit  in  that  age  ;  and 
he  treated  the  credulity  of  the  people  with  almost  as  much  severity 
as  the  impudence  and  imposture  of  the  priests  and  friars.  He  cele- 
brated the  virtues  of  St.  Francis  and  St.  Dominic,  but  pronounced  a 
severe  censure  on  the  degeneracy  of  their  respective  orders.  He 
is  warm  in  his  praises  of  the  Virgin,  but  puts  them  into  the 
mouth  of  St.  Bernard,  the  great  opponent  of  those  who  ascribed  to 
her  the  honors  due  to  Christ.  His  hell,  as  well  as  his  purgatory,  are 
peopled  with  Romish  clergy,  from  popes  down  to  mendicant  friars. 


144 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


He  did  not  hesitate  to  compare  modern  Rome  to  the  idolatrous 
Babylon  of  the  Apocalypse.  In  describing  the  avarice  and  luxurious 
living  of  the  priests  he  sometimes  seemed  to  be  at  a  loss  whether  to 
employ  the  language  of  ridicule  or  of  indignation  ;  but  in  the  twenty- 
first  chapter  of  the  ''Paradiso"  he  combined  them  in  a  passage, 
which  he  imagined  to  be  the  utterance  of  a  cardinal,  who,  by  a  rare 
fate,  had  escaped  both  purgatory  and  hell.  These  were  not  the  mere 
effusions  of  poetical  exaggeration,  but  the  honest  declarations  of  a 
noble  spirit  who  was  deeply  impressed  with  the  corruptions  of  the 
Romish  Church,  of  which  he  was  a  member.  In  his  ''Monarchia"  he 
is  even  more  severe  on  the  abuses  of  the  Church  than  in  his  poems ; 
and  that  treatise,  which  so  boldly  assailed  tradition,  the  main  pillar  on 
which  the  papacy  rests  its  claims  to  spiritual  authority,  has  a  place 
in  the  Index  Prohibitorius "  of  Rome,  A.  D.  1559.  The  influence 
of  Dante  upon  the  religious,  intellectual,  and  political  destiny  of  Italy 
can  not  be  estimated.  He  conceived  a  poem  which  is  admitted  to 
be  one  of  the  finest  creations  of  the  human  mind,  charmed  a  people 
yet  groping  in  ignorance  and  barbarism  by  the  sweetness,  beauty, 
and  grandeur  of  his  delineations,  compelling  them  to  listen  to  the 
dictates  of  morality  and  Christianity,  and  also  proclaimed  the  prin- 
ciples which  alone  could  deliver  his  country  from  the  desolation  of 
civil  wars.     He  closed  his  earthly  career  at  Ravenna,  A.  D.  1321. 

In  the  same  year  that  Dante  was  expelled  from  Florence  a 
notary,  named  Petracco,  was  involved  in  a  similar  banishment. 
Retiring  to  Arezzo,  he  there  became  the  father  of  Francis  Petrarch, 
who  was  born  A.  D.  1304.  This  great  man  shared,  of  course,  during 
his  early  years,  in  the  adverse  fortunes  of  his  family,  which  he  was 
reluctant  to  restore,  according  to  his  father's  wish,  by  the  profession 
of  jurisprudence.  He  was  strongly  inclined  by  nature  to  polite  letters 
and  poetry.  These  are  seldom  the  fountains  of  wealth ;  yet  they 
would,  perhaps,  have  been  to  Petrarch  a  source  of  revenue,  if  his 
temper  could  have  borne  the  sacrifice  of  liberty  for  any  worldly 
acquisitions.  At  the  city  of  Avignon,  where  his  parents  had  latterly 
resided,  his  graceful  appearance  and  the  reputation  of  his  talents 
attracted  one  of  the  Colonna  family,  then  bishop  of  Lombes,  in  Gas- 
cony.  In  him,  and  in  other  members  of  that  great  house,  never  so 
illustrious  as  in  the  fourteenth  century,  he  experienced  the  union  of 
patronage  and  friendship.  This,  however,  was  not  confined  to  the 
Colonnas.  Unlike  Dante,  no  poet  was  ever  so  liberally  and  sincerely 
encouraged  by  the  great.  This  social  atmosphere  had  its  perils,  but 
Petrarch  was  independent,  and,  to  a  considerable  extent,  free  from 


PETRARCH  RECEIVES  PAPAL  FA  VORS. 


interested  adulation.  He  praised  his  friends  lavishly  because  he 
loved  them  ardently ;  but  he  was  easily  offended,  and  possessed  much 
of  that  restlessness  and  jealousy  of  reputation  which  is,  perhaps,  the 
inevitable  failing  of  a  poet.  In  a  letter  to  Boccaccio  he  detracts 
from  the  merit  of  some  writer  whose  popularity  had  evidently  filled 
him  with  envy.  It  was  believed  by  many  that  he  refers  to  Dante, 
but  others  assert  that  Zanobi  Strata,  a  contemporary  Florentine  poet, 
was  meant ;  but  whichever  was  intended,  the  letter  shows  the  irritable 
humor  of  Petrarch.  Yet,  in  his  writings  he  declares  that  envy  did 
not  rule  him.  But  no  matter  how  prominent  his  faults,  they  were 
overlooked  in  a  man  who  was  the  acknowledged  boast  of  his  age 
and  country. 

Clement  VI  conferred  one  or  two  sinecure  benefices  upon  Pe- 
trarch, and  would  probably  have  raised  him  to  a  bishopric  if  he  had 
chosen  to  adopt  the  clerical  profession.  But  he  never  took  orders, 
his  ecclesiastical  tonsure  being  a  sufficient  qualification  for  holding 
canonries.  The  same  pontiff  even  afforded  him  the  post  of  apos- 
tolical secretary,  and  this  was  repeated  by  Innocent  VI.  It  was 
either  magnanimity  or  policy  that  caused  Clement  VI  to  favor  the 
poet,  because  the  latter  made  the  residence  of  the  popes  at  Avignon 
and  the  vices  of  their  court  the  topic  of  invectives  too  well  founded 
to  be  despised.  A  letter  written  by  him,  and  dropped  in  the  con- 
sistory at  Rome,  was  read  in  the  presence  of  Clement  VI  and  his 
whole  courtf  It  was  inscribed,  ''Leviathan,  prince  of  darkness,  to 
Pope  Clement,  his  vicar  and  the  cardinals,  his  counselors  and  good 
friends;"  contained  an  enumeration  of  the  crimes  committed  by  the 
prelates  of  the  courts,  for  which  he  expressed  his  thanks,  exhorting 
them  to  continue  in  the  same  course,  by  which  they  would  merit 
more  and  more  his  favor;  and  concluded  with  these  words:  ''Given 
at  the  center  of  Hell,  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd  of  demons."  In  his 
confidential  letters  Petrarch  seems  at  a  loss  for  words  to  express  his 
detestation  of  the  sins  of  the  papal  court.  "I  am  at  present,"  says 
he  to  a  friend,  "in  the  western  Babylon,  than  which  the  sun  never 
beheld  any  thing  more  hideous,  and  beside  the  fierce  Rhone,  w^iere 
the  successors  of  the  poor  fishermen  now  live  as  kings.  Here  the 
credulous  crowd  of  Christians  are  caught  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  but 
by  the  arts  of  Belial,  and  being  stripped  of  their  scales  are  fried  to 
fill  the  belly  of  gluttons.  Go  to  India,  or  wherever  you  choose,  but 
avoid  Babylon  if  you  do  not  wish  to  go  down  alive  to  hell.  What- 
ever you  have  heard  or  read  of  as  to  perfidy  and  fraud,  pride,  inconti- 
nence, and  unbridled  lust,  impiety  and  wickedness  of  every  kind. 


146 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


you  will  find  here  collected  and  heaped  together.  Rejoice  and  glory 
in  this,  O  Babylon,  situated  on  the  Rhone,  that  thou  art  the  enemy 
of  the  good,  the  friend  of  the  bad,  the  asylum  of  wild  beasts,  the 
whore  that  hast  committed  fornication  with  the  kings  of  the  earth ! 
Thou  art  she  whom  the  inspired  evangelist  saw  in  the  Spirit ;  yes, 
thee  and  none  but  thee,  he  saw,  'sitting  upon  many  waters.'  See 
thy  dress — *a  woman  clothed  in  purple  and  scarlet.'  Dost  thou 
know  thyself,  Babylon  ?  Certainly,  what  follows  agrees  to  thee  and 
none  else — 'Mother  of  fornications  and  abominations  of  the  earth.' 
But  hear  the  rest,  'I  saw,'  says  the  evangelist,  *a  woman  drunk  with 
the  blood  of  the  saints,  and  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  of  Jesus,' 
Point  out  another  to  whom  this  is  applicable  but  thee." 

In  this  strain  Petrarch  continues  his  comment  on  the  description 
of  the  apocalyptic  Babylon,  and  inveighs  against  the  monstrous  vices, 
heresies,  and  false  miracles  of  the  papal  court.  Several  of  his  Latin 
eclogues  are  concealed  satires  on  the  popes  and  their  clergy.  In  his 
sonnets  the  satire  is  avowed,  and  the  Holy  See  "  is  characterized  as 
''impious  Babylon,"  "avaricious  Babylon,"  "the  school  of  error," 
"the  temple  of  heresy,"  "the  forge  of  fraud,"  and  "  the  hell  of  the  liv- 
ing." The  Abbe  de  Sade,  in  his  copious  "Memoirs  of  Petrarch," 
complains  that  the  Protestants  "have  in  their  declamations  against 
the  Church  of  Rome  abused  certain  secret  letters  which  the  poet 
wrote  to  his  friends,  in  which  he  opens  his  heart  with  a  little  too 
much  freedom."  But  the  only  way  in  which  the  Protestants  have 
"abused"  them  is  by  quoting  them,  which  the  abbe  has  prudently 
avoided  amidst  his  numerous  extracts;  and  when  he  calls  the  letters 
"secret"  he  seems  to  have  forgotten  that  Petrarch  himself  had  care- 
fully collected  them  into  a  volume  by  themselves,  intended  for  public 
use,  as  appears  from  his  preface,  and  his  having  suppressed  the  names 
of  the  persons  to  whom  they  were  written.  The  poet,  in  referring 
to  the  residence  of  the  papal  court  at  Avignon,  in  France,  where  it 
continued  during  his  life-time,  sometimes  deplores  its  transference 
from  Rome  under  the  name  of  a  captivity.  But  the  chief  part  of  his 
description  is  borrowed  from  that  of  Dante,  which  preceded  that 
event ;  and  he  himself  traces  the  sad  change  on  the  face  of  the  Church 
to  a  much  higher  period.  Petrarch  supported  the  project  of  Nicola 
di  Rienzi,  which  aimed  at  the  deliverance  of  the  city  of  Rome  from 
the  temporal  sovereignty  of  its  bishop.  Notwithstanding  these  bold 
utterances  against  the  corruptions  of  the  Church  and  his  support  of 
Rienzi,  the  poet  was  popular  among  the  most  respectable  Italian 
princes,  who  sought  his  society  and  friendship.    Besides  these  were 


LAURA  DE  SADE. 


Robert,  king  of  Naples,  and  Andrew  Dandolo,  the  famous  doge  of 
Venice,  both  of  whom  greatly  admired  his  genius.  He  was  also  a 
special  favorite  among  the  Visconti,  the  Correggi  of  Parma,  and  the 
Carrara  family  of  Padua,  under  whose  protection  he  spent  the  latter 
years  of  his  life. 

But  Petrarch's  popularity  was  not  confined  to  the  nobility,  but 
extended  to  the  humbler  classes.  A  goldsmith  of  Bergamo,  named 
Henry  Capra,  an  enthusiast  in  literature,  earnestly  requested  the 
honor  of  a  visit  from  the  poet.  The  house  of  this  good  tradesman 
was  full  of  representations  of  the  distinguished  writer  and  of  inscrip- 
tions with  his  name  and  arms.  No  expense  had  been  spared  in 
copying  all  his  works  as  they  appeared.  He  was  received  by  Capra 
with  a  princely  magnificence,  lodged  in  an  apartment  hung  with 
purple,  and  a  splendid  bed  on  which  no  one  before  or  after  him  was 
permitted  to  sleep.  According  to  the  Abbe  de  Sade,  who  narrated 
this  incident,  goldsmiths  in  those  days  were  opulent  persons ;  yet  the 
friends  of  Petrarch  endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  this  visit  as 
derogatory  to  his  own  elevated  station. 

Some  of  the  events  of  the  poet's  life  were  rather  singular,  particu- 
larly his  devotion  to  Laura  de  Sade.  He  first  saw  this  beautiful 
woman  A.  D.  1327,  after  he  had  fixed  his  residence  at  Vaucluse, 
near  Avignon,  and  immediately  became  infatuated.  But  though  the 
soft  passion  was  expressed  in  the  softest  language  of  poetry,  the 
heart  of  the  fair  one  was  by  no  means  moved.  To  divert  the  mel- 
ancholy which  ensued,  he  traveled  through  various  countries  and  Avas 
at  last  persuaded  to  enter  into  the  service  of  Pope  John  XXH.  But 
Petrarch  was  unhappy,  and  abandoning  the  pleasures  of  curiosity  and 
of  greatness  fled  to  the  shades  of  Vaucluse  to  converse  with  his 
beloved  Laura.  He  again  devoted  his  hours  to  studious  pursuits 
and  to  the  amatory  effusions  of  his  muse.  Twenty  years  of  unre- 
quited and  almost  unaspiring  love  were  lightened  by  song,  and, 
though  the  idolized  Laura  did  not  heed  his  poetry,  the  world  did ; 
and  Rome,  Paris,  and  Naples,  at  the  same  moment,  invited  him  to 
come  and  receive  the  poetical  crown.  Rome  prevailed,,  and  in  that 
famed  seat  of  empire  and  of  genius  Petrarch's  brow  was  entwined 
with  the  resplendent  honor,  A.  D.  1341.  His  solemn  coronation  as 
poet  laureate  was  the  most  conspicuous  testimony  of  public  esteem; 
he  had  received;  but  it  is  a  singular  fact  that,  previous  to  the  cere- 
mony, he  had  not  composed  any  remarkable  works  entitling  him  to* 
such  distinction. 

He  was  occasionally  drawn  from  his  favorite  residence  on  public 

II 


148 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


business,  and  it  was  during  an  absence,  A.  D.  1348,  that  he  was 
informed  of  Laura's  death,  which  affected  him  with  the  deepest  gloom 
and  changed  his  affection  into  an  intenser  feehng,  a  sort  of  celestial 
adoration.  The  poet's  purity  in  this  romantic  affair  has  been  main- 
tained by  some  and  denied  by  others,  and  in  the  midst  of  so  many 
conflicting  opinions  it  is  difficult  to  determine  the  question.  It  is 
generally  believed  that  before  the  time  of  his  first  accidental  meeting 
with  her,  Laura  was  united  in  marriage  with  another,  probably 
Hugues  de  Sade,  a  fact  which,  besides  some  more  particular  evi- 
dence, appears  deducible  from  the  whole  tenor  of  Petrarch's  poetry. 
Unquestionably  such  a  passion  was  not  innocent,  and  can  not  be 
defended  or  palliated,  though  the  manners  of  that  age  were  not  of  ^ 
the  highest  moral  type.  Like  other  great  and  good  men,  the  poet 
had  an  infirmity  of  character  which  induced  him  both  to  obey  and  to 
justify  the  emotions  of  his  heart.  The  lady,  too,  concerning  whose 
virtue  and  prudence  a  difference  of  opinion  exists,  appears  to  have 
tempered  the  light  and  shadow  of  her  countenance  so  as  to  preserve 
her  admirer  from  despair,  and  consequently  to  prolong  his  sufferings 
and  servitude. 

There  was  combined  in  the  moral  character  of  Petrarch  all  the 
elements  of  a  great  poet,  the  emotions  of  love  and  friendship,  of 
glory,  of  patriotism,  and  of  religion.  To  these  impulses  he  gave  full 
rein,  and  nearly  every  page  of  his  writings  shows  traces  of  these  dis- 
positions or  affections.  But  he  possessed  a  noble  delicacy  and  peculiar 
tenderness  of  heart,  which  made  him  distinctively  the  poet  of  love 
and  gave  the  greatest  celebrity  to  his  name.  As  the  father  of  Italian 
lyric  he  treated  all  the  passions,  hopes,  and  memories  of  love.  With 
equal  power  and  pathos  he  lamented  the  evils  of  his  country  and 
preached  peace  and  union.  His  various  lyrical  pieces,  sonnets,  songs, 
and  triumphs  abound  in  favorite  quotations,  and  his  language  was  so 
choice  that  every  word  employed  by  him  is  said  to  have  remained  in 
use  from  that  time  to  the  present.  In  this  department  he  surpassed 
all  his  predecessors  and  has  been  equaled  by  none  of  his  numerous 
imitators.  His  name  also  deserves  to  be  revered  by  philosophers, 
archaeologists,  political  orators,  and  all  men  who  honor  and  cherish 
learning  and  patriotism.  Both  by  precept  and  example  he  labored 
to  deliver  his  native  land  from  intestine  discords  and  to  elevate  it  to 
a  worthier  Hfe.  His  principal  philosophical  treatises  are  in  Latin.  In 
one  of  them  he  consoles  a  friend  suffering  under  calamities ;  in  another 
he  defends  a  life  of  solitude  for  purposes  of  study,  introducing  illus- 
trious examples  from  the  ancients  and  the  Fathers  of  the  Church ;  in 


PETRARCH'S  STYLE. 


149 


a  dialogue  on  the  contempt  of  the  world  he  makes  fine  reflections  on 
the  object  of  life  and  the  destiny  of  man ;  and  in  another  he  ridicules 
the  conceit  of  some  young  men  who,  on  a  visit  to  him,  had  taken 
pains  to  display  their  skill  in  disputation.  His  various  Latin  treat- 
ises and  poems  demonstrate  his  erudition,  justness  of  philosophical 
thought,  and  exquisite  skill  in  Latin  composition. 

Among  the  general  excellences  of  Petrarch's  writings  are  his 
command  over  the  music  of  his  native  language,  his  correctness  of 
style,  his  elegance  of  diction,  improved  by  the  constant  study  of 
Virgil,  and,  far  above  all,  that  tone  of  pure  and  melancholy  sentiment 
which  has  something  in  it  unearthly,  and  forms  a  striking  contrast  to 
the  amatory  poems  of  antiquity.  Most  of  these  are  either  licentious 
or  uninteresting,  and  those  of  Catullus,  a  man  endowed  by  nature 
with  deep  and  serious  sensibility,  and  a  poet  of  greater  and  more 
varied  genius  than  Petrarch,  are  contaminated,  above  all  the  rest, 
with  the  most  degrading  sentiments.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
nothing  gross  or  unchaste  can  be  found  in  the  writings  of  the  poet  of 
Vaucluse,  whose  strains,  diffused  and  admired  as  they  have  been, 
impart  to  the  imaginations  of  youth  an  elevation  and  refinement 
which  criticism  can  not  estimate.  ''The  great  defect  of  Petrarch," 
says  Hallam,  ''was  his  w^ant  of  strong  original  conception,  which 
prevented  him  from  throwing  off  the  affected  and  overstrained  manner 
of  the  Provencal  troubadours  and  of  the  earlier  Italian  poets.  Among 
his  poems  the  Triumphs  are  perhaps  superior  to  the  Odes,  as  the 
latter  are  to  the  Sonnets ;  and  of  the  latter  those  written  subsequently 
to  the  death  of  Laura  are  in  general  the  best.  But  that  constrained 
and  laborious  measure  can  not  equal  the  graceful  flow  of  the  canzone 
or  the  vigorous  compression  of  the  terza  rima.  The  Triumphs  have 
also  a  claim  to  superiority  as  the  only  poetical  composition  of  Petrarch 
that  extends  to  any  considerable  length.  They  are  in  some  degree, 
perhaps,  an  imitation  of  the  dramatic  Mysteries,  and  form  at  least  the 
earliest  specimens  of  a  kind  of  poetry  not  uncommon  in  later  times, 
wherein  real  and  allegorical  personages  are  intermingled  in  a  masque, 
or  scenic  representation." 

Petrarch  lived  in  different  cities,  honored  as  a  poet  by  various 
courts,  until  he  was  found  dead  in  his  library  with  his  head  resting 
on  a  book,  and  was  said  to  have  passed  from  the  serenity  of  study 
to  that  of  death,  A.  D.  1374,  at  the  age  of  seventy.  He  will  ever 
be  regarded  as  one  of  the  restorers  of  classical  learning,  and  more 
perhaps  than  any  other  person  as  the  father  of  modern  poetry.  He 
displayed  all  the  powers  of  genius  and  poetical  inspiration,  not  only 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


grace,  indicating  that  the  poet  had  a  most  charming  fancy.  He 
deserves  credit,  not  only  for  his  own  writings  and  scholarship,  but 
also  for  his  services  in  promoting  the  revival  of  learning  in  Italy;  and 


BOCCACCIO'S  WRITINGS. 


the  aim  of  his  whole  hfe  may  be  said  to  have  been  to  seek  to 
accompHsh  the  true  mission  of  htcraturc. 

A  less  versatile  author  was  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  who  was  born, 
A.  D.  13 13,  at  Certaldo,  in  Tuscany.  He  abandoned  successively  com- 
merce and  law  for  literature,  studied  with  ardor  the  ' '  Divina  Comme- 
dia,"  and  cherished  the  friendship  of  Petrarch,  from  w^hom  he  received 
early  instruction,  and  to  whom  he  looked  as  a  patron.  After  spend- 
ing some  time  abroad  he  returned  to  his  native  village,  and  devoted 
the  remainder  of  his  days  to  literary  pursuits.  A  prose  romance  and 
an  epical  poem  were  his  earliest  compositions,  and  were  written  to 
please,  and  indirectly  to  praise,  a  lady  of  whom  he  was  enamored. 
The  poem,  "La  Teseide, "  is  in  the  ottava  nuia,  or  strophe  of  eight 
verses,  of  which  he  has  therefore  been  called  the  inventor,  but  which 
was  previously  known  in  Sicily.  He  Avrote  several  works  in  Latin, 
and  made  an  expensive  collection  of  Greek  manuscripts,  but  is  chiefly 
known  as  the  author  of  the  "  Decamerone,"  and  thereby  as  the  father 
of  Italian  prose.  The  "  Decanierone, "  or  ten  days,  is  so-called  because 
each  of  the  ten  persons  introduced  into  it — seven  ladies  and  three 
young  men — relates  ten  stories  each  day,  one  hundred  stories  being 
thus  told  in  ten  days.  The  scene  is  a  villa  in  the  vicinity  of  Florence, 
whither  they  had  fled  from  the  plague,  A.  D.  1348,  and  the  descrip- 
tion of  that  pestilence,  with  which  the  work  opens,  is  admired  as  a 
masterpiece  of  eloquence.  Its  avowed  aim  was  only  to  furnish  enter- 
taining narratives,  but  its  real  object  seems  to  have  been  to  present 
a  picture  of  the  whole  human  family,  and  to  encourage  virtue  by 
commendation  and  to  correct  vice  by  ridicule.  The  style  of  the 
romance  varies  with  wonderful  ease  as  the  occasion  requires,  and  is 
in  turn  grave  and  elevated,  most  jocose  or  deeply  pathetic,  tragic, 
comic,  or  satirical.  While  it  touches  upon  whatever  in  human  affairs 
may  delight  or  instruct,  its  beauty  of  composition  is  sometimes 
expended  upon  the  most  indelicate  subjects. 

Despite  the  unchaste  blemishes  in  it,  the  general  tone  of  this 
elegantly  written  story  is  wholesome.  The  poems  of  Boccaccio  are 
not  equal  to  those  of  Petrarch,  but  his  prose  is  unrivaled  for  its  sim- 
plicity and  grace.  He  possessed  uncommon  learning, and  shares  with 
Dante,  Petrarch,  and  a  few  others  the  honor  of  contributing  to  the 
revival  of  letters  in  Europe.  His  constitution  was  weakened  by  his 
close  application  to  study,  and  he  died,  A.  D.  1375. 


152 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Chapter  III. 

WARS  OF  THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

THE  republics  of  Italy,  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
were  disturbed  by  wars  carried  on  by  rival  governors.  The 
death  of  Gian  Galeazzo  Visconti,  A.  D.  1404,  was  followed  by  a 
remarkable  crisis  in  Lombardy.  His  two  sons,  Giovanni  Maria  and 
Filippo  Maria,  both  young,  were  placed  under  the  care  of  a  mother 
who  Avas  not  competent  to  train  them  for  usefulness.  Through  her 
misconduct,  and  the  selfish  ambition  of  some  military  leaders,  who 
had  commanded  Gian  Galeazzo's  mercenaries,  that  extensive  domin- 
ion w^as  soon  broken  into  fragments.  Bergamo,  Como,  Lodi,  Cre- 
mona, and  other  cities,  revolted,  submitting  themselves  in  general  to 
the  families  of  their  former  princes,  the  earlier  race  of  usurpers,  who 
had  for  nearly  a  century  been  crushed  by  the  Visconti.  A  Guelf 
faction  revived,  after  the  name  had  long  been  proscribed  in  Lombardy. 

Francesco  de  Carrara,  lord  of  Padua,  availed  himself  of  this  revo- 
lution, and  seized  Verona,  at  the  same  time  menacing  all  the  cities 
beyond  the  Adige.  No  family  was  so  odious  to  the  Venetians  as 
that  of  Carrara,  and  they  gladly  made  an  alliance  with  the  lord  of 
IMantua  against  Padua,  their  old  enemy.  Both  Padua  and  Verona 
were  reduced,  and,  after  surrendering  the  latter  city,  Francesco  de 
Carrara,  with  his  two  sons,  was  sent  to  Venice,  where  all  three  were 
put  to  death  by  order  of  the  ' '  Council  of  Ten, "  a  cruelty  perfectly  char- 
acteristic of  that  government.  This  war  placed  Venice  in  possession 
of  Treviso,  Feltro,  Verona,  Vicenza,  and  Padua,  and,  by  thus  giving 
her  a  considerable  territory  on  the  main-land,  raised  her  to  the  dig- 
nity of  a  leading  Italian  state.  Notwithstanding  the  deranged  con- 
dition of  the  Milanese,  no  further  attempts  were  made  by  the  senate 
of  Venice  for  twenty  years.  They  had  not  yet  acquired  that  decided 
love  of  war  and  conquest  which  soon  began  to  influence  them  against 
all  the  rules  of  their  ancient  policy.  Some  cautious  statesmen  of  the 
old  school  still  remained  to  check  ambitious  designs. 

Sanuto  has  preserved  an  interesting  account  of  the  wealth  and 
commerce  of  Venice  in  those  days.  The  doge,  Mocenigo,  is  repre- 
sented as  dissuading  his  country,  with  his  dying  words,  from  under- 
taking a  war  against  Milan,  declaring  that  peace  was  more  profitable. 


WEALTH  OF  VENICE. 


He  stated  that  three  thousand  merchant-ships  were  employed  in  car- 
rying on  the  trade  of  the  repubHc ;  and  that  forty-three  galleys  and 
three  hundred  smaller  vessels,  manned  by  nineteen  thousand  sailors, 
constituted  its  naval  power.    Ten  millions  of  ducats  were  invested  in 


THE  BRIDGE  OF  SIGHS. 


mercantile  business  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  and  the  annual 
profits  to  the  traders  from  this  amount  of  capital  was  four  millions 
of  ducats.    From  the  Milanese  dominions  alone  the  republic  obtained 


154 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


one  million  of  ducats  in  coin,  and  the  value  of  almost  a  million 
more  in  cloths — the  profit  upon  this  traffic  being  about  six  hundred 
thousand  ducats.  Mocenigo  reminded  the  Venetians  that,  having 
acquired  this  great  wealth,  they  would  become  the  masters  of  all  the 
gold  in  Christendom,  but  warned  them  that  unjust  wars  would  lead 
infallibly  to  ruin.  ''You  have  many  among  you,"  he  said,  "men 
of  probity  and  experience ;  choose  one  of  these  to  succeed  me ;  but 
beware  of  Francesco  Foscari.  If  he  is  doge  you  will  soon  have  war, 
and  war  will  bring  poverty  and  loss  of  honor." 

Mocenigo  died,  and  Foscari  became  doge.  The  prophecies  of  , 
his  predecessor  were  neglected ;  and  it  can  not  wholly  be  affirmed 
that  they  were  fulfilled.  Yet  Venice  is  described  by  a  writer,  thirty 
years  later,  as  somewhat  impaired  in  opulence  by  her  long  warfare 
with  the  dukes  of  Milan.  The  latter  recovered  a  great  part  of  their 
dominions  as  rapidly  as  they  had  lost  them.  Giovanni  Maria,  the 
elder  brother,  a  monster  of  guilt,  even  among  the  Visconti,  having 
been  assassinated,  Filippo  Maria  assumed  the  government  of  Milan 
and  Padua,  almost  his  only  possession.  He  was  weak  and  unwarlike 
himself ;  but  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  employ  Carmagnola,  one  of 
the  greatest  generals  of  that  military  age.  Most  of  the  revolted 
cities  had  become  tired  of  their  new  masters ;  and  Carmagnola,  by 
his  eminent  talents  and  activity,  made  this  disaffection  contribute  to 
the  w^elfare  of  the  house  of  Visconti,  which  soon  reassumed  its  former 
ascendancy  from  the  Sessia  to  the  Adige.  It  might  have  obtained 
greater  conquests  if  Filippo  Maria  had  not  rashly  and  ungratefully 
offended  Carmagnola,  w.ho  retired  to  Venice,  and  inflamed  the  war- 
like disposition  which  the  Florentines  and  the  duke  of  Savoy  had 
already  excited.  The  Venetians  had  previously  gained  some  impor- 
tant advantages  in  another  quarter  by  reducing  the  country  of  Friuli, 
with  part  of  Istria,  which  for  many  centuries  had  depended  on  the 
temporal  authority  of  a  neighboring  prelate — the  patriarch  of  Aqui- 
leia.  They  entered  into  this  new  alliance,  which  was  in  the  end 
very  profitable  to  the  republic.  Carmagnola  commanded  their  armies, 
and  in  two  years  (A.  D.  1426)  Venice  acquired  Brescia  and  Bergamo, 
and  extended  her  boundary  to  the  river  Adda,  which  she  was  des- 
tined never  to  pass. 

Florence,  the  most  illustrious  and  fortunate  of  Italian  republics, 
rapidly  descended  from  her  rank  among  free  commonwealths,  though 
shining  with  unusual  luster.  Ever  since  the  insurrection,  A.  D.  1382, 
she  had  been  ruled  by  an  oligarchy,  composed  of  the  old  Guelfic 
families  and  the  new    popolani  grossly''  or  rich  men  of  the  people. 


THE  G  O  VERNMENT  OF  FL  ORENCE.  \  5  5 

During  these  fifty  years  this  ancient  aristocracy,  or  party  of  the 
Albizzi,  suppressed  every  attempt  at  rebelhon,  and  banished  the  prin- 
cipal leaders.  The  populace  and  inferior  artisans  were  discouraged 
by  these  failures,  and  their  rulers,  rendered  still  more  tyrannical,  did 
not  hesitate  to  violate  the  ancient  constitution  of  the  republic.  They 
assembled  a  parliament,  A.  D.  1393,  after  a  partial  movement  in 
behalf  of  the  defeated  faction,  and  established  what  was  technically 
called  at  Florence  a  ''Balia, "  composed  of  a  considerable  number  of 
citizens,  to  whom  was  delegated,  for  a  limited  time,  a  certain  degree 
of  sovereignty,  having  the  authority  during  their  dictatorship  to  ban- 
ish suspected  individuals  and  to  name  the  magistrates  instead  of 
drawing  them  by  lot.  This  was  a  dangerous  precedent,  and  at  length 
resulted  fatally  to  themselves  and  to  the  freedom  of  their  country. 
A  council  of  two  hundred,  consisting  only  of  those  who  had  enjoyed 
some  of  the  higher  offices  within  the  past  thirty  years,  was  formed, 
A.  D.  141 1,  and  through  this  every  proposition  must  pass  before  it 
could  be  submitted  to  the  two  legislative  councils.  It  was  evident 
that  the  Albizzi  were  jealous  of  the  people,  and  if  they  had  continued 
to  govern  the  republic  of  Florence  more  innovations  would  have  been 
introduced  until  the  constitution  would  have  become,  in  legal  form 
and  substance,  an  instrument  entirely  favorable  to  the  aristocracy. 

But  while  crushing  with  great  severity  their  adversaries,  the  ruling 
party  did  not  disturb  the  Medici  family,  whose  prudence,  wealth,  and 
popularity  had  saved  them  from  persecution.  They  were  among  the 
most  prominent  of  the  new  or  plebeian  nobility,  and  from  the  first 
years  of  the  fourteenth  century  their  name  often  occurs  in  the  domes- 
tic and  military  annals  of  Florence.  Salvestro  de  Medici  was  partially 
implicated  in  the  democratic  revolution  that  occurred  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fourteenth  century;  but,  the  Guelf  party  having  revived, 
he  was  not  proscribed,  though  some  of  his  family  were  afterward 
banished.  During  the  long  period  of  depression,  through  which  the 
popular  faction  passed,  they  always  regarded  the  house  of  Medici  as 
their  consolation  and  their  hope.  The  leader  of  the  opposition  was 
a  rich  merchant  named  Cosmo  de  Medici,  whose  genial  and  affable 
disposition  made  him  popular  in  Florence.  Albizzi  disliked  this 
wealthy  and  generous  citizen,  and  succeeded  in  procuring  his  banish- 
ment, A.  D.  1433;  but  the  next  year  Cosmo  was  recalled  by  the 
Florentines,  welcomed  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  hailed  as  the 
"Father  of  his  Country."  The  Medici  soon  placed  themselves  at 
the  head  of  the  state,  and  secured  a  power  which  they  never  afterward 
entirely  lost.    Neither  Cosmo  nor  his  successors  assumed  any  partic- 


1 56  ITAL  V  Sm  UGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

ular  title.  "Their  power  was  of  a  different  kind  from  that  of  the 
lords  or  tyrants,  either  in  old  Greece  or  in  other  cities  of  Italy.  Nor 
was  it  such  a  power  as  that  of  Pericles  at  Athens,  as  it  passed  on  from 
father  to  son.  It  was  more  like  the  power  of  Augustus  and  the  other 
Roman  emperors  who  respected  the  forms  of  the  commonwealth." 

The  party  opposed  to  Cosmo  fled  to  Milan  and  induced  the  duke, 
Filippo  Maria  Visconti,  who  Avas  already  at  war  wdth  Pope  Eugenius 
IV,  to  attack  Florence.  The  pope  sought  refuge  in  the  latter  city, 
and  was  sustained  by  both  the  Florentines  and  Venetians.  The  duke 
of  Milan  was  defeated,  and  Francesco  Sforza,  the  papal  general,  was 
acknowledged  by  the  Milanese  as  their  ruler,  simply  because  they 
could  not  prevent  it.  The  middle  of  the  century  saw^  Italy  divided 
among  four  great  temporal  powers  —  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  the 
duchy  of  Milan,  and  the  republics  of  Venice  and  Florence.  A  fifth 
power — the  papacy — now  began  to  assume  its  true  place  among  the 
Italian  states.  It  was  weakened,  however,  by  the  "Great  Schism," 
which  continued  until  A.  D.  141 6.  The  successor  of  Boniface  IX 
was  Innocent  VII,  who  commenced  to  reign,  A.  D.  1404.  After  his 
removal  by  death,  A.  D.  1406,  Gregory  XII,  was  elected  by  the 
Roman  faction.  Benedict  XIII,  w4io  ruled  at  Avignon,  fled  from 
France,  and  the  cardinals  of  both  parties  held  a  council  at  Pisa,  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  March,  A.  D.  1409,  in  order  to  heal  the  divisions 
of  the  Church.  Alexander  V  was  chosen  as  a  compromise;  but  the 
followers  of  Benedict  and  Gregory  would  not  accept  him,  and  hence 
there  were  three  rival  pontiffs.  They  were  deposed,  however,  by  the 
Council  of  Constance,  A.  D.  141 6,  and  Martin  V  became  the  true 
pope,  whom  all  acknowledged.  He  was  followed  by  Eugenius  IV, 
A.  D.  143 1,  who  reigned  sixteen  years.  His  successor,  Nicholas  V, 
was  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Roman  pontiffs.  He  built  the  mag- 
nificent palace  of  the  Vatican,  and  adorned  Rome  with  splendid 
churches.  By  his  efforts  the  peace  of  Lodi  (A.  D.  1454),  between 
Venice,  IMilan,  and  Naples,  was  secured.  After  his  death  (A.  D. 
1458),  Pius  II  mounted  the  papal  throne,  and  occupied  it  six  years. 
Cosmo  de  Medici  died,  A.  D.  1464,  leaving  his  son,  Pietro,  to  govern 
Florence.  The  latter  reigned  until  A.  D.  1469,  and  then  joined  his 
illustrious  father  in  the  realm  of  the  departed.  His  sons,  Lorenzo 
and  Giuliano,  became  his  successors;  but  the  former  soon  obtained 
the  entire  control,  which  he  held  until  A.  D.  1492. 


\ 


SA  VONAROLA. 


157 


Chapter  IV. 

SA  VONAROLA— MICHAEL  ANGELO— RAPHAEL. 

ABOUT  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  or  A.  D.  1452,  Avhen 
the  papal  throne  was  occupied  by  a  man  of  the  most  profli- 
gate character,  and  the  spirit  of  freedom  had  almost  departed  from 
the  Italian  republics,  the  birth  of  Girolamo  Savonarola  occurred  at 
Ferrara.  He  was  descended  from  an  illustrious  family,  originally 
belonging  to  Padua,  and  at  an  early  age  distinguished  himself  in 
his  studies.  It  is  said  that  from  his  childhood  he  was  an  enthu- 
siast in  religious  matters,  and  directed  his  attention  chiefly  to  the- 
ology. His  parents  desired  that  he  should  become  a  physician, 
but  he  resolved  to  accept  the  monastic  life,  and  in  the  twenty-third 
year  of  his  age  entered  the  Dominican  convent  at  Bologna,  as  some 
have  asserted,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  his  father.  The  superiors  of 
the  order,  observing  his  deep  piety  and  brilliant  talents,  appointed 
him  to  read  lectures  on  philosophy.  He  won  great  distinction  in 
the  academical  chair;  but  his  first  efforts  as  a  pulpit  orator  were 
unpromising.  A  harsh  and  feeble  voice  and  an  ungraceful  and  un- 
pleasant address  were  defects  that  detracted  from  his  efficiency,  and 
he  resolved  to  conquer  them.  Encouraged  by  the  example  of  the 
renowned  Athenian  orator,  he  began,  with  the  same  enthusiastic  per- 
severance, to  overcome  these  obstacles.  In  A.  D.  1488,  after  six 
years  of  earnest  effort,  he  succeeded,  and  both  surprised  and  delighted 
his  former  hearers  by  addressing  them  with  a  voice  deep-toned  and 
well  modulated,  accompanied  with  a  remarkable  gracefulness  of  action. 
He  had  now  become  a  popular  orator  and  a  profound  scholar. 

Savonarola,  fearing  that  his  eloquence  would  give  him  a  popularity 
which  might  diminish  his  piety,  determined  to  return  to  his  cloister, 
and  redouble  his  monastic  austerities.  In  a  short  time  he  was  again 
within  the  convent  walls,  renewing  his  self-denial  and  his  penances 
with  increased  rigor,  and  prosecuting  his  studies,  especially  those  of 
theology  and  metaphysics,  with  new  zeal.  It  has  been  said  that  this 
event  in  his  history  first  suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  his  divine  mis- 
sion. In  A.  D.  1484  he  commenced  to  preach  on  the  Book  of 
Revelation  at  Brescia,  and  in  a  series  of  discourses  which  he  delivered 
he  attacked  the  vices  and  luxury  of  the  inhabitants,  and  boldly  de- 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


LORENZO  DE  MEDICI. 


clared  to  them  that  the  walls  of  their  city  would  one  day  be  deluged 
with  blood  as  a  divine  punishment  for  their  sins.  His  followers 
believed  that  this  threatening  was  accomplished,  and  the  prediction 
remarkably  fulfilled  two  years  after  his  death,  when  Brescia  Avas  taken 
and  sacked  by  the  French. 

In  A.  D.  1489  Savonarola  went  to  Florence,  and  resided  in  the 
Convent  of  St.  Mark,  which  belonged  to  his  order.  Lorenzo  de 
Medici  admired  his  talents,  and,  knowing  that  he  exerted  a  great 


REFORMS  ACCOMPLISHED. 


influence  over  the  public  mind,  endeavored  to  attach  him  to  his 
cause;  but  the  monk  refused  all  the  offers  presented  to  him,  and 
would  not  even  visit  the  man  whom  he  regarded  as  the  usurper  and 
destroyer  of  his  country's  liberties.  Lorenzo  had  so  much  confidence 
in  his  piety  that,  when  on  his  dying  bed,  he  sent  for  him.  Savon- 
arola this  time  obeyed  the  summons,  and  went  to  the  ducal  palace. 
He  propounded  to  the  dying  man  three  very  important  questions: 
Whether  he  had  entire  confidence  in  the  mercy  of  God?  Whether 
he  was  willing  to  make  restitution  of  all  the  goods  which  he  had  pro- 
cured unlawfully?  And  whether  he  was  prepared  to  restore  the 
Florentine  republic  to  its  former  liberty?  To  the  first  two  Lorenzo 
replied  in  the  affirmative ;  but,  as  to  the  third,  he  was  silent.  Where- 
upon Savonarola  left  him  without  administering  the  rite  of  absolution. 
The  accuracy  of  this  statement  is  disputed  by  Roscoe  in  his  ''Life 
of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,"  but  it  is  affirmed  by  the  impartial  Sismondi 
in  his  admirable  History  of  the  Italian  Republics."  The  latter 
had  access  to  all  the  authorities,  and  is  therefore  far  more  accurate 
and  fair  than  the  former  writer,  who  has  done  great  injustice  to 
Savonarola. 

During  the  government  of  Pietro,  the  proud  and  luxurious  succes- 
sor of  Lorenzo,  the  influence  of  Savonarola  increased,  and  his  enthu- 
siasm became  more  intense  as  his  popularity  advanced.  Admiring 
thousands  were  attracted  by  his  fervid  eloquence  to  every  church  in 
which  he  preached,  and  he  addressed  them  in  the  name  of  Heaven 
concerning  the  calamities  that  were  approaching.  With  all  the  power 
of  his  vivid  Italian  imagination  he  described  the  immorality  and 
luxury  which  prevailed  among  all  classes  of  the  citizens,  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  prelates,  the  disorders  of  the  Church,  the  troubles  of  the 
state,  and  the  tyranny  of  its  rulers.  He  announced  to  the  people  the 
coming  judgments  of  God,  and  summoned  them  to  speedy  repentance. 
His  denunciations  produced  a  great  effect,  because,  at  that  time, 
there  were  rumors  of  the  invasions  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII,  of 
France,  whom  Savonarola  declared  to  be  the  monarch  employed  by 
Providence  to  punish  the  inhabitants  for  their  vices,  to  introduce  a 
salutary  reform  into  the  Church,  and  to  deliver  the  country  from 
political  bondage.  An  extraordinary  reformation  followed  the  preach- 
ing of  this  stern  and  faithful  monk.  The  people  of  Florence  were 
strongly  influenced  by  his  exhortations;  luxury  was  repressed,  the 
women  were  governed  in  their  dress  by  the  rules  of  modesty,  general 
immorality  was  greatly  diminished,  and  a  change  of  manners  became 
v'isible  over  the  whole  city.     After  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici, 


i6o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  IXTO  LIGHT. 


Savonarola  gave  all  the  weight  of  his  authority  to  those  who  estab- 
lished a  popular  government  in  Florence,  and  he  had  the  satisfaction 
of  beholding  it  rise  on  the  ruins  of  the  despotic  and  ambitious  house 
of  the  ]\Iedici.  His  influence  was  all  in  favor  of  the  re-establishment 
of  the  republic,  and  his  advice  was  a  controlling  power  in  its  counsels. 
But  his  greatest  efforts  were  directed  to  that  moral  reform  which  he 
regarded  as  absolutely  necessary  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  new  gov- 
ernment as  to  individual  happiness  and  salvation. 

It  was  evident  that  a  crisis  was  rapidly  approaching.  Savonarola 
had  many  enemies  in  Florence  among  the  Franciscans,  the  Augustin- 
ians,  the  secret  adherents  of  the  house  of  ]\Iedici,  and  the  dissolute 
portion  of  the  citizens,  Avho  impatiently  submitted  to  the  freedom  of 
his  reproofs  and  the  severity  of  the  laws  which  he  had  procured. 
These  various  parties  devised  different  means  to  destroy  his  influence, 
and  finally  succeeded  by  accusing  him  of  disloyalty  to  the  pope. 
Savonarola  had  preached  that  reform  should  commence  with  the  head 
of  the  Church;  and  in  his  invectives  he  had  not  spared  the  then 
reigning  pontiff,  the  infamous  Borgia,  Alexander  VI.  The  Florentine 
monk  publicly  denounced  the  crimes  which,  in  A.  D.  1497,  disgraced 
the  family  of  the  pope  and  scandalized  all  Italy.  Alexander  feared 
that  these  reforms  introduced  into  Florence  would  make  the  corrup- 
tions at  the  court  of  Rome  appear  more  prominent,  and,  moved  also 
by  personal  resentment,  he  accused  Savonarola  of  heresy,  interdicted 
him  from  preaching,  and  finalh-  hurled  a  bull  of  excommunication  at 
him.  The  Florentine  republic  was  likewise  threatened  if  it  permitted 
the  heretic  to  speak,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  senate,  he  desisted 
for  some  time  from  the  exercise  of  his  office,  seeking  to  pacify  the 
irritated  pontiff.  But  Savonarola's  courage  soon  returned,  and,  desir- 
ing to  manifest  his  disregard  for  the  papal  tribunal,  he  came  forth 
from  his  cloister,  appeared  in  public,  and  declared  that  the  unjust 
sentence  of  the  pope  was  invalid.  He  denounced  him  as  an  usurper, 
destitute  of  piety,  and,  therefore,  unworthy  to  be  a  Christian  bishop. 
Asserting  that  the  Church  had  no  human  head,  the  brave  monk 
announced  that  he  was  absolved,  by  divine  command,  from  all  obe- 
dience to  the  corrupt  court  of  Rome.  After  celebrating  mass  he 
conducted  a  solemn  procession  round  the  convent,  and  then  preached 
in  the  cathedral  to  greater  crowds  than  ever. 

It  required  no  gift  of  prophecy  to  foretell  the  fate  of  Savonarola. 
Defeated  in  every  attempt  to  silence  the  object  of  his  hatred,  Alex- 
ander VI  resolved  to  send  Francesco  de  Pouille,  a  Franciscan  and  a 
preacher  of  the  Minor  Obseruantines,  to  Florence.    This  deputy  from 


THE  FIERY  TRIAL.  l6l 

Rome  publicly  denounced  the  monk  as  a  heresiarch,  who  had  seduced 
the  republic,  and  threatened  the  government  with  immediate  interdic- 
tion and  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  its  merchants  in  foreign 
countries  unless  the  senate  should  prevent  him  from  preaching  any 
more.  The  Florentines  were  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  a  conflict 
with  the  pope,  and,  despairing  of  the  help  of  France,  yielded  to 
Alexander,  and  Savonarola  was  silenced.  Pursuing  his  advantage, 
Pouille  next  declared  from  the  pulpit  that  he  understood  that  the 
heresiarch  desired  to  confirm  his  false  doctrines  by  a  miracle.  He 
therefore  challenged  him  to  submit  the  truth  to  the  test  of  fire,  and 
offered  to  walk  with  him  through  the  flames.  Savonarola,  believing 
that  this  Avas  a  snare  devised  by  his  enemies,  declined  the  fiery  con- 
test ;  but  Bonvicini,  one  of  his  disciples,  accepted  the  challenge. 
Pouille  refused  to  go-  through  the  proposed  ordeal  with  any  one 
except  the  heresiarch  himself,  and  another  Franciscan,  named  Ron- 
dinelli,  appeared  as  his  substitute.  The  whole  city,  as  well  as  the 
government,  made  preparations  for  the  strange  affair.  The  pope 
wrote  to  the  Franciscans  of  Florence,  commending  their  zeal  for  the 
honor  of  the  "Holy  See,"  and  declaring  that  the  memory  of  the 
glorious  event  would  be  imperishable. 

On  the  /th  of  April,  A.  D.  1498,  the  combustibles  being  pre- 
pared, the  champions  appeared  on  the  spot,  surrounded  by  an 
immense  crowd  of  eager  spectators,  consisting  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city  and  adjoining  territories.  The  religious  ceremonies  had  been 
performed,  the  flames  were  already  kindled,  and  the  multitude  waited 
in  breathless  anxiety;  but  the  Franciscans  began  to  waver  and  sug- 
gest difficulties.  First,  they  urged  that  the  Dominican,  Bonvicini, 
might  be  an  enchanter,  and  therefore  insisted  that  he  should  be 
divested  of  his  raiment  and  clothed  with  a  suit  of  their  own  selection. 
This  demand  having  been  complied  with,  they  then  objected  to  their 
opponent  taking  the  host  along  with  him,  considering  it  impious  to 
expose  the  body  of  Christ  to  the  risk  of  being  consumed  by  the  flames. 
But  on  this  point  Savonarola  was  inflexible,  and  declared  that  it 
was  unreasonable  to  deprive  his  friend  of  that  which  was  the  comfort 
of  all  Christians  in  their  trial  and  the  pledge  of  their  safety.  There 
was  a  protracted  dispute  on  this  point,  which  continued  to  a  late 
hour ;  and  while  it  was  yet  undecided,  a  violent  and  unexpected 
shower  of  rain  came  on  and  extinguished  the  fire.  The  senate  then 
dismissed  the  assembly  to  the  satisfaction,  it  may  be  presumed,  of 
both  parties.  But  the  multitude  were  disappointed.  Their  curiosity 
had  been  excited  to  the  highest  point,  but  it  was  now  con\"erted  into 


1 62 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


indignation  and  ridicule.  They  were  ignorant  of  the  real  ground  of 
dispute  between  the  monks,  which  had  prevented  the  spectacle ; 
but,  hearing  that  Savonarola  had  refused  to  comply  with  some  con- 
dition required  by  the  opposite  party,  the  fickle,  dissatisfied  crowd 
insulted  him.  On  reaching  his  convent  he  addressed  the  people,  and 
explained  the  whole  affair.  An  unfavorable  impression,  however, 
had  already  been  made  upon  their  minds,  and  he  discovered  that  his 
influence  over  the  masses  was  gone.  On  the  following  day  he 
preached  with  great  unction  his  last  sermon,  and,  at  its  close,  as  if 
foreseeing  his  approaching  doom,  took  farewell  of  his  audience,  and 
announced  himself  ready  to  sacrifice  his  life  for  the  cause  of  Christ. 

The  enemies  of  Savonarola,  taking  advantage  of  the  prevailing 
dissatisfaction,  irritated  the  public  mind  against  him,  by  calling  him  a 
false  prophet,  who,  at  the  moment  of  danger,  declined  to  give  the 
proof  of  his  mission.  Having  collected  in  the  cathedral  church  that 
same  night,  they  raised  the  cry  during  divine  service,  "to  arms!  to 
St.  Marc  !"  Instantly  an  infuriated  mob  rushed  with  hatchets  and 
lighted  torches  to  the  convent,  forced  open  its  gates,  and  seizing 
Savonarola  and  two  other  monks,  conducted  them  to  prison  amidst 
insults  and  threatenings.  While  the  excitement  was  intense,  the 
conspirators  led  the  mob  through  the  city,  lalled  many  of  the  popular 
party,  and  compelled  others  to  abdicate  their  places,  which  were 
immediately  filled  with  persons  belonging  to  the  libertine  faction. 
The  institution  of  the  carnival  and  the  renewal  of  the  sports  that  had 
been  suppressed  for  several  years  indicated  that  the  government 
had  passed  into  different  hands.  A  sudden  revolution  had  indeed 
occurred,  the  republic  was  overthrown,  and  the  Medici  restored. 
The  insurgents  immediately  sent  a  courier  to  the  pope  to  inform  him 
of  the  imprisonment  of  Savonarola.  Alexander  demanded  that  he 
and  his  companions  should  be  brought  to  Rome  and  tried,  and,  in 
order  to  obtain  the  request,  promised  to  grant  indulgences  to  the  people 
of  Florence,  with  authority  to  reconcile  to  the  Church  all  who  had  in- 
curred excommunication  by  listening  to  the  sermons  of  the  heretical 
monk.  The  senate  insisted,  however,  that  the  trial  should  be  con- 
ducted in  Florence,  and  requested  the  pope  to  send  two  ecclesiastical 
judges  from  Rome  to  take  charge  of  it.  On  their  arrival  the  process 
commenced  with  the  torture,  and  Savonarola,  having  a  feeble  constitu- 
tion, which  had  been  further  weakened  by  labors  and  austerities,  could 
not  long  endure  the  rack.  He  was,  therefore,  forced  to  acknowledge 
that  his  prophecies  were  only  simple  conjectures ;  but  when  his  depo- 
sition was  afterwards  read  to  him,  he  declared  that  it  was  extorted 


THE  PA  TRIO T  MARTYR.  1 63 

by  bodily  agony,  and  maintained  anew  the  truth  of  his  revelations 
and  of  the  doctrines  he  had  preached.  A  second  trial  of  the  devoted 
monk,  of  which  Roscoe  has  given  an  incorrect  account,  resulted  as 
before,  and  the  tribunal,  finding  them  still  heretical,  condemned 
Savonarola  and  his  two  companions  to  the  flames.  He  spent  the 
interval  in  composing  a  commentary  on  the  fifty-first  Psalm,  which, 
in  lecturing  on  the  Psalter,  he  had  passed  by,  saying  he  would  reserve 
it  for  his  own  calamity.  On  the  23d  of  IMay,  A.  D.  1498,  a  pile 
of  fagots  was  erected  on  the  spot  where  the  voluntary  trial  by  fire 
was  to  have  occurred  a  few  weeks  before  ;  and  the  monks,  after  hav- 
ing been  degraded,  were  bound  to  the  stake.  When  the  presid- 
ing bishop  declared  them  separated  from  the  Church,  Savonarola 
exclaimed,  ''From  the  militant!"  intimating  that  they  were  about  to 
enter  the  Church  triumphant.  He  spoke  no  more.  The  fire  was 
immediately  applied  to  the  pile  by  one  of  his  enemies,  who  took 
upon  him  the  office  of  the  executioner,  and  soon  the  bodies  of  the 
three  monks  were  reduced  to  ashes,  which,  by  order  of  the  magis- 
trates, were  gathered  up  and  thrown  into  the  Arno.  Some  relics 
were  preserved  by  the  soldiers,  who  guarded  the  place,  and  are  still 
shown  at  Florence  for  the  adoration  of  the  devout. 

There  are  conflicting  opinions  concerning  the  character  of  Savon- 
arola. The  Roman  Catholic  historians,  without  exception,  and  the 
ardent  admirers  of  the  house  of  Medici,  have  represented  him  as  a 
turbulent,  ambitious  fanatic  and  demagogue,  who  endeavored  to  excite 
the  people  against  their  civil  and  ecclesiastical  rulers,  by  claiming  to 
possess  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and  to  have  immediate  intercourse  with 
heaven.  These  interested  advocates  of  the  Romish  Church  pro- 
nounced him  a  vile  impostor,  who  pretended  to  have  supernatural 
powers,  so  that  he  could  humble  and  rule  his  superiors.  On  the 
other  hand,  his  name  has  been  enrolled  among  the  bold  witnesses 
for  the  truth  before  the  Reformation,  and  some  have  called  him  the 
Luther  of  Italy,  a  glorious  reformer  and  martyr.  It  is  evident  that 
a  true  estimate  of  his  character  can  not  be  obtained  by  adopt- 
ing either  of  these  representations.  The  best  and  most  intelligent 
men  of  his  age  testify  to  his  integrity,  sanctity,  and  patriotism  ;  but 
there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  he  was  an  Italian  Luther. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  certain  that  he  taught  the  doctrines  concerning  justi- 
fication, the  communion  under  both  kinds,  and  others  wdiich  were 
afterwards  called  Protestant.  He  labored  to  secure  a  thorough 
reformation  of  the  manners  of  the  people  and  of  the  clergy,  rather 
than  of  the  doctrines  and  ritual  of  the  Church.    While  he  believed 

12 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


that  the  profligate  court  of  Rome  was  the  fountain  whence  flowed  the 
corruptions  which  prevailed  in  the  community,  yet  he  did  not  seem 
to  understand  the  true  method  of  securing  a  radical  reform  in  society. 
Instead  of  purifying  the  fountain  by  seeking  a  change  in  the  erro- 
neous doctrines  and  practices  of  the  Romish  Church,  he  endeavored 
to  cleanse  the  streams.  It  must  be  admitted  that  he  was  an  earnest 
and,  to  some  extent,  a  successful  representative  of  those  of  his 
countrymen  who,  as  Christians,  lamented  the  corrupt  condition  of  the 
Church,  and  as  citizens  resisted  the  encroachments  made  on  their 
political  rights.  The  fervor  of  his  zeal  led  him  into  extravagance, 
and,  in  prosecuting  his  plans  of  reform,  he  sometimes  yielded  to  the 
illusions  of  an  overheated  imagination,  and  deluded  himself  by  believ- 
ing that  he  possessed  supernatural  gifts.  This  was  probably  one  of 
the  effects  of  his  monastic  life.  But,  admitting  all  this,  there  is  abun- 
dant evidence  that  he  was  a  good  man,  and  sincerely  desired  to 
remedy  the  glaring  evils  of  his  times.  Certainly  there  Avere  few 
men  of  the  fifteenth  century  to  be  compared  with  him,  either  as  a 
Christian  or  patriot. 

While  Italy  produced  in  this  century  a  Savonarola  to  reform 
Church  and  state,  she  also  gave  to  the  world,  at  the  same  period,  a 
Michael  Angelo  and  a  Raphael  Sanzio,  to  purify  and  elevate  art. 
The  former  was  born  near  Florence,  A.  D.  1474.  His  great  genius 
showed  itself  in  his  earliest  childhood.  The  ruler  of  Tuscany, 
Lorenzo  de  Medici,  a  liberal  patron  of  the  arts,  was  so  pleased  with 
the  boy's  simple  manners,  as  well  as  by  his  devotion  to  art,  that  he 
invited  him  to  reside  entirely  in  his  house,  where  he  remained  three 
years,  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness.  When  Lorenzo  died  his 
brother,  Pietro  de  Medici,  continued  to  patronize  Michael  Angelo, 
but  in  a  different  spirit.  Treating  art  as  a  toy,  he  employed  the 
artist  during  a  severe  Winter  to  make  a  statue  of  snow.  A  few  years 
after  Pietro's  banishment  from  Florence,  which  occurred,  A.  D.  1494, 
Michael  Angelo  made  the  celebrated  statue  of  a  Sleeping  Cupid," 
which  was  sent  to  Rome ;  where,  without  the  sculptor's  consent,  it 
was  shown  as  a  piece  of  sculpture  dug  up  from  a  vineyard,  pro- 
nounced to  be  a  genuine  antique,  superior  to  any  thing  which 
the  art  of  the  day  had  been  able  to  produce.  When  the  trick  was 
discovered,  Michael  Angelo's  reputation  was  so  increased  by  it  that 
he  was  invited  to  Rome,  where  he  devoted  himself  to  close  study, 
and  executed  several  marvelous  works.  By  the  novelty  and  grandeur 
of  his  style  he  created  quite  a  new  era  in  the  arts.  He  designed  the 
celebrated  church  of  St.  Peter's,  at  Rome,  the  largest  and  most  magnifi- 


THE  SCULPTORS  LABORS. 


l6i 


MICHAEL  ANGELO. 


cent  in  the  world.  As  early  as  the  fourth  century  a  church  had  been 
erected  by  Constantine  the  Great  upon  the  site  of  the  circus  of  Nero, 
to  commemorate  the  spot  which  had  been  hallowed  to  the  Christian 
world  as  the  burial-place  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  scene  of  many  of  the 
early  martyrdoms.  This  church  having  fallen  into  decay  in  the 
course  of  eleven  centuries,  Nicholas  V  resolved  to  erect  another  in 
its  place,  which  should  rival  the  glories  of  Solomon's  temple.  When 
\  Michael  Angelo  was  appointed  architect  he  adopted  the  plan  of  the 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Greek  cross,  and  designed  the  dome,  the  tribune,  and  the  transepts 
substantially  as  they  now  are  ;  and  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century  the  spirit  of  this  great  man  presided  over  the  work 
and  ruled  it  from  his  tomb. 

The  artist  also  executed  the  splendid  monument  of  Pope  JuHus 
II's  tomb.  While  this  latter  work  was  in  progress  his  patron,  the 
same  pope,  delighted  to  come  and  inspect  it.  His  next  grand  tri- 
umph was  his  painting  of  the  roof  of  the  Sistine  Chapel,  in  the 
Vatican,  which  he  completed  in  a  year  and  six  months.  When 
Raphael  saw  it,  struck  with  admiration,  he  immediately  changed  his 
own  style,  and  with  the  candor  of  a  great  mind  thanked  God  that  he 
had  been  born  in  the  same  age  with  such  a  remarkable  artist.  Pope 
Leo  X  treated  Michael  Angelo  badly,  even  compelling  him  to  hew 
rocks  and  excavate  roads.  Afterwards  this  extraordinary  man  with- 
drew to  Venice,  where  he  designed  the  Rialto  Bridge.  Returning  to 
Rome  he  finished  Julius  IPs  monument,  and  proceeded  with  his  pic- 
ture of  the  "Last  Judgment,"  also  for  the  Sistine  Chapel,  an  im- 
mense work,  which  occupied  him  eight  years.  The  career  of  Michael 
Angelo  is  an  example  of  the  splendid  results  produced  by  great 
powers  when  joined  with  great  opportunities.  He  spent  the  closing 
years  of  his  life  in  the  construction  of  the  mighty  fabric  of  St.  Peter's 
Church,  directing  fortifications,  adorning  the  city  Avith  superb  build- 
ings, finishing  the  Farnese  palace,  and  executing  many  other  impor- 
tant works.  Old  age,  with  its  infirmities,  came  upon  him,  but  he 
retained  the  vigor  of  his  mental  faculties  to  the  end.  He  died,  A.  D. 
1563,  in  his  eighty-ninth  year.  His  last  words  were:  *'In  your  pas- 
sage through  this  life  remember  the  sufferings  of  Jesus  Christ." 
He  was  buried  at  Rome,  but  his  remains  were  afterwards  removed  to 
the  Church  of  the  Santa  Croce  at  Florence,  where  so  many  of  the 
illustrious  men  of  Italy  have  found  their  resting-place. 

Raphael  Sanzio,  or  Santi,  Avas  the  son  of  Giovanni  Santi,  and 
was  born  at  Urbino,  A.  D.  1483.  By  studying  the  best  mas- 
ters in  painting,  he  soon  rose  to  eminence,  and  merited  the  appel- 
lation of  the  "Divine  Raphael."  He  is  the  Achilles  of  art;  but 
beautiful  as  are  his  works,  none  excel  the  perfect  picture  of  his  life. 
Contemporary  writers  dwell  with  enthusiasm  upon  the  gentle  grace 
of  his  manners,  the  sweetness  of  his  temper,  his  freedom  from  envy, 
and  the  readiness  with  which  he  communicated  his  knowledge  to 
others.  He  breathed  the  atmosphere  of  love  and  admiration.  By 
general  consent  he  is  acknow^ledged  to  have  been  the  prince  of  paint- 
ers, and  was  also  an  architect,  performing  some  important  work  in 


LITERAR  V  CELEBRITIES. 


167 


St.  Peter's  Church  at  Rome.  He  died,  A.  D.  1520,  at  the  early  age 
of  thirty-seven. 

The  writers  of  the  fifteenth  century  were  not  distinguished,  Hke 
Dante  and  Petrarch,  for  creative  genius,  but  dehghted  rather  in 
reproducing  and  commenting 


on  the  authors  of  antiquity. 
The  printing  press,  invented  in 
Germany,  was  most  usefully 
employed  in  Venice,  Bologna, 
and  Rome,  in  multiplying  cop- 
ies of  the  ancient  authors, 
corrected  by  learned  scholars. 
Only  the  first  steps  had  been 
taken  by  Petrarch  and  Boccac- 
cio toward  a  new  civilization. 
The  introduction  of  the  mari- 
ner's needle  by  Flavio  Gioja 
had  opened  the  ocean  to  the 
Europeans ;  the  travels  of  Marco 
Polo  had  awakened  that  curios- 
ity concerning  the  way  to  the 
East  Indies  which  led  Colum- 
bus to  the  discovery  of  the  new 
world;  the  Arabic  numerals  had 
been  substituted  in  Italy  for  the 


Roman  ;  academies  were  estab- 
lished to  nurture  the  love  of  letters,  and  courts  became  an  as}-lum  for 
the  most  distinguished  men ;  and  the  popes  in  Rome,  the  Medici  in 
Florence,  the  houses  of  the  Visconti  and  Sforzas  in  IMilan,  and  of  the 
Gonzagas  and  Estes  in  Mantua  and  Ferrara,  became  protectors  of  lit- 
erature and  the  arts.  Pope  Nicholas  V  is  especially  celebrated  for  the 
encouragement  which  he  gave  to  every  branch  of  learning,  and  for 
the  generous  sacrifices  which  he  made  in  collecting  books.  Alfonso 
of  Aragon,  king  of  Naples,  is  also  eminent  among  these  patrons  of 
literature  and  science.  Ludovico,  surnamed  the  Moor,  invited  to  his 
court  in  Lombardy  many  learned  men,  painters  and  architects,  among 
whom  were  Leonardo  da  Vinci  and  Bramante,  founded  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pavia,  granting  it  many  privileges,  and  opened  schools  in 
Milan,  to  which  most  renowned  professors  gave  distinction.  The 
name  of  the  Estes  should  be  written  in  letters  of  gold  among  the 
protectors  of  literature  in  Italy.     Gian  Francesco  Gonzaga,  marquis 


i68 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  Mantua,  opened  a  school,  which  attracted  young  men  from 
Greece,  Germany,  and  France.  The  example  of  the  houses  of  Este 
and  Gonzaga  was  imitated  by  the  dukes  of  Savoy,  who  founded  the 
University  of  Turin.  But  the  most  illustrious  of  the  patrons  of 
letters  was  Cosmo  de  Medici,  who  rose  to  pre-eminence  among  the 

noble  families  of  Eu- 
rope. He  founded 
one  library  in  Venice 
and  three  in  Florence, 
and  established  the 
first  academy  for  the 
study  and  promulga- 
tion of  the  Platonic 
philosophy.  During 
his  administration  of 
affairs,  the  beautiful 
dome  of  the  cathedral 
of  Florence  was  built, 
and  the  city  adorned 
with  works  of  art. 
Pico  della  Mirandola 
was  almost  unrivaled 
in  erudition,  being 
profoundly  versed  in 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  vaHous  lauguagcs. 

But  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  may  be  considered  the  reviver  of 
t  Italian  literature,  and  was  even  called  its  father.  He  enriched  libra- 
ries, reopened  the  University  of  Pisa,  promoted  the  study  of  the 
popular  poetry,  and  wrote,  himself,  many  admired  pieces  for  the 
popular  taste.  Under  him  Florence  became  a  new  Athens.  Polizi- 
ano,  Burchiello,  Benivieni,  and  Pulci  were  among  the  poets  who 
flourished  at  that  period.  Two  names  that  belong  to  the  fifteenth 
century  are  illustrious,  especially  in  the  eyes  of  Americans — Amerigo 
Vespucci  and  Christopher  Columbus.  The  former  was  a  native  of 
Florence,  and  the  latter  of  Genoa.  Their  discoveries  shed  a  halo 
of  imperishable  glory  upon  Italy,  and  opened  a  new  era  in  the  history 
of  mankind. 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE  WALDENSES. 


169 


Chapter  V. 

FIRST  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  WAIDENSES. 

IT  has  been  truly  said  that  the  Waldenses  occupy  a  unique  posi- 
tion, not  only  on  the  surface  of  Europe,  but  also  in  the  history 
of  the  Christian  world.  God  selected  them  to  accomplish  a  great 
work,  and  in  the  performance  of  it  they  stood  alone.  As  the  snow- 
clad  peaks  amid  which  they  dwell  look  down  upon  the  plains  of  Italy 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  provinces  of  France  on  the  other,  so  this 
remarkable  people  are  equally  related  to  ancient  and  modern  times. 
It  is  an  undeniable  fact  that  they  existed  many  centuries  before  the 
birth  of  Protestantism.  All  the  histories  and  countries  of  mediaeval 
Europe  present  proofs  and  monuments  of  the  antiquity  of  the  Wal- 
densian  faith  and  worship,  in  which  was  the  germ  of  the  Reformation. 
Indeed,  the  doctrines  of  Protestantism  are  as  old  as  the  Waldenses, 
who  simply  preceded  Luther  in  discovering  them  in  the  Bible. 

The  peculiar  and  bitter  hostility  that  Romanism  has  ever  mani- 
fested toward  this  holy  and  venerable  community  is  readily  explained. 
If  the  Church  of  the  Alps  is  old,  the  Church  of  Rome  must  be  new; 
if  the  former  is  pure,  then  the  latter  is  corrupt ;  and  if  the  one  has 
retained  the  faith  of  the  apostles,  it  inevitably  follows  that  the  other 
has  departed  from  it.  It  is  natural,  therefore,  that  the  Romish  hier- 
archy should  wish  to  destroy  this  overwhelming  proof  of  her  apos- 
tasy, and  silence  a  witness  whose  testimony  so  conclusively  confirms 
the  position  of  Protestantism.  The  growth  of  the  Waldenses  alarmed 
the  Vatican.  In  their  dispersions  over  so  many  lands — over  France, 
the  Low  Countries,  Germany,  Poland,  Bohemia,  Moravia,  England, 
Calabria,  Naples — they  sowed  the  seeds  of  that  great  spiritual  revival 
which,  commencing  in  the  days  of  Wickliffe,  and  advancing  in  the 
times  of  Luther  and  Calvin,  made  Romanism  tremble,  and  now  re- 
generates its  ignorant  and  degraded  multitudes  throughout  the  earth. 

^\\  the  fifteenth  century  the  Church  of  Rome  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  crush  these  Alpine  Christians.  About  A.  D.  jjj^^^pe 
John  XXII,  desiring  to  resume  the  work  of  Innocent  III,  ordered  the 
inquisitors  to  visit  the  valleys  of  Lucerna  and  Perosa,  and  exter- 
minate the  heretics  that  inhabited  them.  The  bull  commanding  this 
persecution  undesignedly  acknowledged  the  then  flourishing  condi- 


I/O 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


tion  of  the  Waldensian  Church,  inasmuch  as  the  pope  complains  that 
the  synods,  which  he  calls  chapters,  were  used  to  assemble  in  the 
valley  of  the  Angrogna,  attended  by  five  hundred  delegates.  In 
A.  D.  1352  Pope  Clement  VI  instructed  the  bishop  of  Embrun, 
with  whom  he  associates  a  Franciscan  friar  and  inquisitor,  to  purify 
those  parts  adjoining  his  diocese  which  were  contaminated  with  her- 
esy. Clement  also  urged  Louis,  king  of  Naples,  to  punish  any  of 
his  subjects  who  had  wandered  from  the  faith,  evidently  referring  to 
the  Vaudois  colonies  then  existing  at  Naples.  Indeed,  the  pope,  in 
a  letter  to  Joanna,  wife  of  the  king  of  Naples,  who  owned  lands  in 
the  marquisate  of  Saluzzo,  near  the  Valleys,"  insisted  that  she  should 
purge  her  territory  of  the  heretics.  The  secular  lords,  While  wishing 
to  obey  the  pope,  were  governed  by  self-interest,  and  evaded  the 
command,  which  threatened  the  extermination  of  the  most  indus- 
trious and  peaceable  of  their  subjects.  At  that  time  these  princes 
were  often  engaged  in  war  among  themselves,  and  had  not  much 
leisure  or  inclination  to  gratify  the  caprices  of  the  pope. 

Gregory  XI,  writing  to  Charles  V,  of  France,  A.  D.  1373,  com- 
plains that  his  officers  interfered  with  the  inquisitors  in  Dauphine ; 
that  the  consent  of  the  civil  judge  was  required  before  any  papal 
judge  could  institute  proceedings  against  suspected  parties,  and  that 
great  disrespect  to  the  spiritual  tribunal  was  shown  in  releasing  con- 
demned heretics  from  prison.  While  the  princes  and  magistrates 
were  disposed  to  be  lenient,  the  inquisitors  did  not  relax  their  efforts. 
One  of  them,  Borelli,  had  one  hundred  and  fifty  Vaudois  men, 
besides  a  great  number  of  women,  girls,  and  even  young  children, 
brought  to  Grenoble  and  burned  alive.  These  acts  of  violence  pro- 
voked opposition  at  times  on  the  part  of  the  Waldenses.  In  A.  D. 
1375  they  attacked  the  popish  city  of  Susa,  forced  the  Dominican 
convent,  and  put  the  inquisitor  to  death.  Another  cruel  agent  of 
the  Vatican  sent  from  Turin  is  said  to  have  been  slain  on  the  high- 
way near  Bricherasio.  Many  Dominicans  suffered  the  penalty  of 
death  by  venturing  too  far  in  the  pursuit  of  the  Vaudois.  The  per- 
secuting policy  of  the  popes,  which  was  thus  inaugurated  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  became  more  sanguinary  toward  its  close,  and  the 
flight  of  Peter's  successor  from  Rome  to  Avignon,  and  the  greater 
calamity  of  the  schism  in  the  Romish  Church,  did  not  divert  their 
attention  from  the  confessors  of  the  Alps.  The  edicts  of  extermina- 
tion still  went  forth,  and  inquisitors  searched  the  Valleys"  for  new 
victims. 

iThe  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  marked  by  the  most 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  PRAGELAS. 


171 


terrible  tragedy  that  the  Inquisition  had  yet  enacted  among  the 
Waldenses.  It  occurred  on  Christmas,  A.  D.  1400,  in  the  Valley  of 
Pragelas,  one  of  the  higher  reaches  of  Perosa,  which  opens  near 
Pinerolo,  and  is  watered  by  the  Clusone.  As  the  snow  was  deep  on 
their  mountains,  the  inhabitants,  considering  themselves  sufficiently 
protected,  apprehended  no  attack  ;  but  they  soon  learned  by  bitter 
experience  that  the  severity  of  Winter  had  not  extinguished  the  fire 
of  malice,  which  burned  in  the  hearts  of  their  persecutors.  The 
man  named  above,  Borelli,  in  command  of  an  armed  troop,  broke 
suddenly  into  Pragelas,  with  the  determination  to  exterminate  the 
entire  population.  The  terrified  inhabitants  fled  hastily  to  the  mount- 
ains, taking  on  their  shoulders  their  old  men,  their  sick,  and  their 
infants,  dreading  to  leave  them  in  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  In  their 
flight  a  great  many  were  overtaken  and  slain.  The  darkness  of  the 
night  enabled  then  to  escape  from  their  pursuers,  but  other  dreadful 
calamities  awaited  them.  The  main  body  wandered  in  the  direction 
of  Macel,  and  encamped  on  a  summit  which  rises  from  the  valley  of 
San  Martino.  Without  food,  without  shelter,  the  Winter's  sky  above 
them,  the  frozen  snow  around  them,  their  sufferings  must  have  been 
inexpressibly  great  in  this  ice-clad  and  storm-swept  region.  On  the 
following  morning  a  heart-rending  scene  was  disclosed  by  the  early 
dawn.  The  hands  and  feet  of  many  were  frozen,  while  others  had 
perished,  and  their  stiffened  corpses  were  stretched  out  on  the  snow. 
Fifty  young  children  died  with  cold,  some  on  the  bare  ice,  and  others 
locked  in  the  frozen  arms  of  their  mothers.  That  memorable  spot 
has  since  been  called  the  Alberge,  or  Refuge,  and  to  this  day  in  the 
valley  of  Pragelas  the  venerable  sire  recites  to  the  son  the  tale  of 
that  Christmas  tragedy. 

During  the  fifteenth  century  the  bloody  work  of  destroying  here- 
tics was  vigorously  prosecuted,  though  no  fearful  catastrophe,  like 
that  already  described,  occurred  in  the  valleys  of  Piedmont.  The 
inquisitors,  ever  on  the  track  for  them,  kidnaped  individual  Vaudois, 
whenever  they  ventured  into  the  plains,  and  carried  them  to  Turin 
and  other  towns,  where  they  were  burned  alive,  ^ut  the  Roman 
I  Church  was  enraged  at  the  slow  progress  she  was  making  in  crushing 
this  heresy.  The  number  of  Waldensians  did  not  seem  to  diminish; 
their  constancy  was  unshaken,  and  no  power  could  compel  them  to 
accept  the  dogmas  of  Rome.  They  were  as  unmoved  by  the  edicts, 
inquisitors,  torturings,  and  burnings  of  their  unrelenting  persecutors 
as  their  rocks  were  under  the  tempests  of  hail  and  snow,  which  the 
whirlwinds  of  Winter  hurl  against  them.    Pope  Innocent  VIII  was 


1/2 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


in  the  papal  chair,  A.  D.  1487,  when  the  crusades  against  the  Wal- 
denses  seemed  to  languish,  and  remembering  how  his  celebrated  name- 
sake. Innocent  III,  had  purged  the  south  of  France  of  the  Albigen- 
sian  heresy,  he  resolved  to  strike  a  severe  blow,  and,  by  an  act  of 
summary  vengeance,  exterminate  the  Vaudois  as  effectually  and* 
speedily 'as  his  predecessor  had  disposed  of  the  Albigenses  on  the 
plains  of  Dauphkie  and  Provence. 

-.^_The  issuing  of  a  bull  denouncing  as  heretical  those  who  had  been 
marked  for  the  slaughter  was  the  first  step.  This  remarkable  docu- 
ment, like  all  others  of  its  kind,  was  adroitly  written,  containing  the 
most  sanctimonious  words,  but  pervaded  with  a  malignant  spirit. 
The  Waldenses  were  not  charged  with  lawlessness,  idleness,  dishon- 
esty, or  any  crime,  except  disloyalty  to  the  pope,  and  the  practicing 
of  a  ''simulated  sanctity"  which  seduced  the  sheep  of  the  true  fold. 
It  was  proclaimed,  therefore,  that  this  malicious  and  abominable 
sect  of  malignants,  if  they  refuse  to  abjure,  must  be  crushed  like 
venomous  snakes." 

Innocent  VIII  appointed  Albert  Cataneo,  archdeacon  of  Cre- 
•  mona,  his  legate  to  execute  his  bull  practically,  and  by  him  papal 
instructions  were  sent  to  all  princes,  dukes,  and  pOAvers  within  whose 
dominions  any  Vaudois  were  found.  Among  these  were  Charles 
VIII  of  France,  and  Charles  II  of  Savoy,  who  were  commanded  to 
support  Cataneo  with  their  entire  military  power.  **The_  bull_^nvited 
all  Catholics  to  take  up  the  cross  against  the  heretics ;  and  to  stimu- 
late them  in  this  pious  work,  it  absolved  from  all  ecclesiastical  pains 
and  penalties,  general  and  particular ;  it  released  all  who  joined  the 
crusade  from  any  oaths  they  might  have  taken ;  legitimatized  their 
title  to  any  property  they  might  have  illegally  acquired,  and  prom- 
ised remission  of  all  their  sins,  to  such  as  should  kill  any  heretic. 
It  annulled  all  contracts  made  in  favor  of  Vaudois,  ordered  their 
domestics  to  abandon  them,  forbade  all  persons  to  give  them  any  aid 
whatever,  and  empowered  all  persons  to  take  possession  of  their 
property." 

What  more  powerful  incentives  than  plenary  pardon  and  unre- 
strained license  could  be  presented  to  awaken  the  zeal  of  the  neigh- 
boring populations,  always  too  willing  to  manifest  their  devotion  to 
the  papal  Church  by  shedding  the  blood  and  forcibly  taking  the 
goods  of  the  Waldenses?  The  king  of  France  and  duke  of  Savoy 
were  obedient  to  the  summons  from  the  Vatican,  and  hastened  to 
unfurl  their  banners  and  enlist  soldiers  in  the  holy  cause,  iln  a  short 
time  a  numerous  army  was  advancing  to  the  mountains  to  sweep 


THE  PAPAL  ARMY— THE  PROPOSED  CAMPAIGN.  173 

from  their  ancient  home  these  confessors  of  the  Gospel  faith.  Fol- 
lowing this  organized  force  was  a  motley  crowd  of  volunteers,  "vag- 
abond adventurers,"  says  Muston,  "ambitious  fanatics,  reckless  pil- 
lagers, merciless  assassins,  assembled  from  all  parts  of  Italy  ;"  in  fact, 
a  miserable  horde  of  brigands,  and  well  adapted  to  the  work  they 
were  assembled  to  do.  Besides  these  thousands  of  ruffians,  whom 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  rewards  of  this  combined  piety  and  pillage 
had  attracted,  the  joint  army  contained  about  eighteen  thousand 
regular  soldiers. 

It  Avas  June,  A.  D.  1488,  before  all  the  arrangements  for  the 
campaign  had  been  completed.  The  pope's  bull  w^as  discussed  in 
all  countries,  and  the  din  of  preparation  was  heard  far  and  near. 
All  kings  were  invited  to  assist  the  Church  in  destroying  her  enemies. 
The  soil  polluted  by  Vaudois  feet  must  be  cleansed  ;  the  air  tainted 
by  Vaudois  breath  must  be  purified ;  and  no  Vaudois  psalm  or  prayer 
must  be  permitted  in  the  future  to  ascend  and  spread  the  infection 
of  heresy.  The  terrible  blow  was  to  fall,  not  only  on  the  Walden- 
sian  mountains,  but  on  the  Waldensian  race  in  Germany,  in  Calabria, 
and  wherever  dispersed.  While  the  surrounding  nations  were  ex- 
cited, and  the  bustle  of  preparation  resounded  throughout  Italy  and 
France,  these  innocent  Christians,  upon  whom  this  fearful  tempest  was 
about  to  burst,  were  ignorant  of  approaching  danger.  The  Piedmon- 
tese  division  of  the  army  marched  toward  the  "Valleys"  proper,  on 
the  Italian  side  of  the  Alps.  The  French  division,  advancing  from, 
the  north,  proceeded  to  attack  the  inhabitants  of  the  Dauphinese 
Alps,  where  the  Albigensian  heresy,  recovering  to  some  extent  fromi 
the  cruel  persecutions  of  Innocent  III,  had  again  taken  root.  Two 
devastating  storms,  from  opposite  directions,  or  more  correctly  from 
all  directions,  approached  those  mighty  mountains.  The  lamp  of" 
truth  which  had  shone  for  ages  in  this  sanctuary  of  the  primitive 
faith  was  about  to  be  extinguished. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  to  attack  at  the  same  time  on  the' 
two  opposite  points  of  the  great  mountain  chain ;  and  marching,,  the 
one  army  from  the  south-east,  and  the  other  from  the  north-west,  tO' 
meet  in  the  Valley  of  Angrogna,  the  center  of  the  territory,  and' 
there  strike  the  final  blow.  The  French  division  of  this  host,  advanc- 
ing against  the  Alps  of  Dauphine  was  commanded  by  the  lord  of  Las 
Palu,  a  daring  and  cruel  adventurer.  With  his  fanatics  he  ascended! 
the  mountains,  and  entered  the  Vale  of  Loyse,  a  deep  gorge  over- 
hung by  towering  mountains.  The  alarmed  inhabitants,  beholding 
an  armed  force,  twenty  times  their  own  number,  penetrating  their 


ITALY  STRUGGLLXG  IXTO  LIGHT. 


valley,  abandoned  all  hope  of  resisting  them,  and  prepared  to  escape. 
Placing  their  old  people  and  children  in  rustic  carts,  together  with 
their  domestic  utensils,  and  collecting  such  food  as  the  urgency  of  the 
occasion  permitted,  and  driving  their  herds  before  them,  they  began 
to  climb  the  rugged  slopes  of  Mount  Pelvoux,  which  rises  more  than 
six  thousand  feet  over  the  level  of  the  valley.  As  they  climbed  the 
steeps  they  sang  hymns  of  praise,  which  seemed  to  smooth  their 
rocky  path  and  cheer  their  drooping  hearts.  Many  were  overtaken 
and  slain,  and  thereby  delivered  from  a  more  terrible  death,  which 
awaited  the  others.  At  length  the  fugitives  reached  Aigue-Froid,  an 
immense  cavern,  named  from  the  cold  springs  that  gush  out  from  its 
rocky  walls.  Standing  on  a  platform  of  rock  in  front  of  the  cavern, 
they  saw  beneath  them  only  fearful  precipices,  which  must  be  clam- 
bered over  before  they  could  reach  the  entrance  of  the  grotto,  but 
to  them  this  was  not  a  difficult  undertaking.  This  place  of  conceal- 
ment is  a  roomy  hall  of  irregular  shape,  the  roof  of  the  cave  forming 
a  magnificent  arch,  which  gradually  subsides  and  contracts  into  a  nar- 
row passage,  or  throat,  and  then  widens  again.  Into  this  grotto  the 
Vaudois  entered,  the  able-bodied  men  having  posted  themselves  at 
the  mouth  of  the  outer  passage,  after  they  had  placed  their  women, 
children,  and  old  men,  in  the  inner  hall,  and  distributed  their  cattle 
and  sheep  in  the  cavities  which  abound  on  the  sides  of  the  cave. 
The  doorway  and  path  leading  to  it  were  barricaded  with  huge  stones. 
Cataneo  says  they  had  provisions  to  last  "two  years,"  and  there  was 
but  little  probability  of  their  capture,  because  the  enemy  could  be 
hurled  headlong  down  the  precipices,  even  if  they  succeeded  in  scal- 
ing them. 

•  But  their  pursuer.  La  Palu,  contrived  a  plan,  which  rendered  all 
these  precautions  and  defenses  unavailable.  Ascending  the  mountain 
on  the  other  side,  and  approaching  the  cave  from  above,  he  let  down 
his  soldiers  by  ropes  from  the  precipice  that  overhangs  the  entrance 
to  the  grotto,  thus  securing  for  his  soldiers  the  platform  in  front. 
It  seems  strange  that  the  Vaudois  did  not  cut  the  ropes  and  destroy 
the  soldiers  as  they  were  being  lowered  one  by  one  ;  but  the  bold- 
ness of  the  movement  evidently  paralyzed  them,  and,  terror-stricken, 
they  retreated  into  the  depths  of  their  hiding-places.  La  Palu  would 
not  permit  his  men  to  follow  them,  but,  collecting  a  sufficient  quan- 
tity of  wood,  he  placed  it  at  the  entrance  and  set  fire  to  it.  The 
black  smoke  rolled  into  the  cave,  and  the  Vaudois  were  compelled  to 
decide  between  death  by  suffocation  and  death  by  the  sword.  Some 
rushed  out  and  were  massacred,  but  the  greater  part  remained  and 


THE  TERRIBLE  MASSACRE. 


were  stifled  by  the  murky  vapor.  "When  the  cavern  was  after- 
wards examined,"  says  Muston,  there  were  found  in  it  four  hun- 
dred infants  suffocated  in  their  cradles  or  in  the  arms  of  their  dead 
mothers.  Altogether  there  perished  in  this  cavern  more  than  three 
thousand  Vaudois,  including  the  entire  population  of  Val  Loyse. 
Cataneo  distributed  the  property  of  these  unfortunates  among  the 
vagabonds  who  accompanied  him,  and  never  again  did  the  Vaudois 
Church  raise  its  head  in  these  blood-stained  valleys." 

The  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  valleys  of  Argentiere  and 
Fraissiniere  had  been  selected  for  slaughter,  and  the  catastrophe  of 
the  Vale  of  Loyse  convinced  them  that  their  only  chance  of  safety 
was  in  resistance.  By  barricading  the  passes  of  their  valleys  and 
massing  their  forces,  they  alarmed  the  enemy  and  were  not  dis- 
turbed. A  detachment  of  the  French  army  advanced  across  the 
Alps  in  a  south-east  direction  toward  the  Waldensian  valleys,  there 
to  unite  with  the  main  body  under  Cataneo.  Marching  onward, 
they  slaughtered,  burned,  and  pillaged  until  at  last  they  reached  the 
Valley  of  Pragelas,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  the  Christmas 
tragedy,  A.  D.  1400.  When  this  horde  of  cruel  assassins  suddenly 
burst  upon  them  the  peaceful  inhabitants,  not  expecting  an  invasion, 
were  busy  reaping  their  harvests.  A  panic  ensued,  the  people  aban- 
doning their  homes,  and  seeking  safety  in  flight.  Some  were  over- 
taken and  massacred  ;  hamlets  and  whole  villages  were  burned,  and 
the  barbarous  deeds  of  the  Val  Loyse  were  repeated  in  the  Valley 
of  Pragelas.  Taking  combustible  materials  and  placing  them  at  the 
openings  of  caves,  the  soldiers  kindled  fires,  whose  fatal  smoke  pene- 
trated the  hiding-places  of  the  Vaudois,  and  then  eddying  along  the 
roof  slowly  made  its  exit  into  the  clear  Summer  sky.  All  was  silent 
within.  There,  in  one  motionless  heap,  lay  patriarch  and  stripling, 
mother  and  babe.  These  outrages  aroused  the  inhabitants,  who 
united  and  drove  the  murderers  from  their  valleys,  compelling  them  to 
pay  a  heavy  penalty  for  the  depredations  they  had  committed. 

The  Piedmontese  division  of  the  invading  army  was  led  by  the 
papal  legate,  Cataneo,  in  person,  and  was  advancing  to  those  valleys 
in  Piedmont  which  were  considered  the  ancient  seat  and  stronghold 
of  the  Vaudois  heresy.  Halting  at  Pinerolo,  near  the  frontier  of  the 
doomed  district,  Cataneo  sent  a  company  of  preaching  monks  to 
convert  the  men  of  the  ''Valleys;"  but  they  returned  without  having 
accomplished  any  thing.  The  army  continued  its  march,  and  entered 
the  fertile  plain  through  which  flows  the  river  Clusone,  amid  lovely 
vineyards  and  rich  corn-fields,  and  overlooking  which  are  the  towering 


1 76  ITAL  V  STJ^  he G LING  INTO  LIGHT. 

mountains  with  their  pasturages,  chestnut  forests,  and  snows.  Turn- 
ing round  the  shoulder  of  Bricherasio,  the  forces  of  Cataneo,  followed 
by  a  multitude  of  pillagers  and  cut-throats,  advanced  up  the  avenue 


VIEW  OF  LA  TORRE. 


to  La  Torre,  the  capital  of  the  Valleys, "  and  encamped  before  it. 
The  inhabitants,  inoffensive  and  without  any  means  of  resistance, 
understood  how  to  cultivate  vineyards  and  lead  their  flocks  to  pas- 


THE  ADVANCING  ARMY.  lyy 

ture,  but  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the  art  of  war.  Beholding  this 
mighty  host  the  Waldensians  sent  two  of  their  patriarchs,  John  Campo 
and  John  Desiderio,  as  embassadors,  to  request  an  interview  with 
Cataneo.  **Do  not  condemn  us  without  hearing  us,"  said  they, 
"for  we  are  Christians  and  faithful  subjects,  and  our  barbes  are  pre- 
pared to  prove,  in  public  or  in  private,  that  our  doctrines  are  conform- 
able to  the  Word  of  God.  .  .  .  Our  hope  in  God  is  greater 
than  our  desire  to  please  men  ;  beware  how  you  draw  down  upon 
yourselves  his  anger  by  persecuting  us ;  for  remember,  if  God  so  wills 
it,  all  the  forces  you  have  assembled  against  us  will  nothing  avail." 

These  weighty  words  were  meekly  spoken,  but  they  produced 
no  visible  effect  upon  Cataneo  and  his  ruffian  host.  Their  hearts 
appeared  to  be  as  hard  as  the  rocks  that  rose  around  them.  Believ- 
ing that  these  simple  herdsmen  were  entirely  defenseless,  and  desir- 
ing to  strike  a  finishing  blow,  the  papal  legate  divided  his  army  into 
a  number  of  attacking  parties,  which  were  to  commence  the  battle 
simultaneously  at  various  points.  One  troop  was  stationed  at  the 
entrance  of  Val  Lucerna.  Then  the  next  important  movement  of 
the  invaders  was  to  occupy  the  town  of  La  Torre,  which  is'  situated 
on  the  angle  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Val  Lucerna  and  the  Val 
Angrogna.  The  inhabitants  having  fled  to  the  mountains,  the  blood- 
thirsty crusaders  were  probably  denied  the  pleasure  of  murdering 
them  in  their  homes.  Beyond  La  Torre  the  valley  is  wide,  and 
incapable  of  being  defended.  The  army  moved  along  it  without 
opposition,  the  warlike  appearance  of  the  troops  presenting  a  strik- 
ing contrast  with  the  peaceful  countenance  of  the  landscape.  It 
was  clothed  on  all  sides  with  a  carpet  of  rich  meadows,  flecked 
with  the  shadows  of  fruitful  trees,  and  watered  by  the  silver  Pel- 
lice.  A  massive  wall  of  mountains  rises  on  either  hand,  their  sides 
decorated  with  rich  pasturages,  golden  grain,  festooned  vines,  and 
dark  chestnut  forests.  Over  these  are  suspended  immense  battlements 
of  rock ;  and  above  all  are  the  everlasting  peaks,  towering  into  the 
heavens,  and  clad  in  their  white  robes  of  ice  and  snow.  But  what 
were  these  sublimities  of  nature  to  men  in  whom  the  worst  passions 
struggled  for  supremacy? 

In  their  march  up  the  valley  the  soldiers  next  came  to  Villaro, 
which  is  situated  about  midway  between  the  entrance  and  head  of 
Lucerna,  on  a  ledge  of  turf  in  the  side  of  the  great  mountains, 
raised  some  two  hundred  feet  above  the  Pellice,  which  flows  past  at 
about  a  quarter-mile's  distance.  The  town  was  taken  without  much 
difficulty,  as  most  of  the  inhabitants,  having  been  warned  of  approach- 


178 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ing  danger,  fled  to  the  Alps.  History  does  not  record  what  punish- 
ment was  inflicted  on  those  who  were  unable  to  escape,  but  it  is 
known  that  the  half  of  Lucerna,  with  the  towns  of  La  Torre  and 
Villaro,  and  their  hamlets,  was  occupied  by  Cataneo's  soldiers,  whose 
progress,  though  victorious,  could  not  be  called  glorious,  because 
they  had  conquered  only  unarmed  peasants. 

Pursuing  their  march,  the  invaders  came  next  to  Bobbio,  a  name 
not  unknown  in  classic  history.  The  town  nestles  at  the  base  of  the 
Col  la  Croix,  whose  lofty  summit  points  the  way  to  France,  and 
overhangs  a  path  that  may  have  been  traversed  by  apostolic  feet. 
Through  the  dark  gorges  of  the  mountains  the  river  Pellice  rushes  in 
a  thundering  torrent,  and  meanders  in  a  flood  of  silver  along  the 
valley.  At  this  point  the  grandeur  of  the  Val  Lucerna  reaches  its 
culmination.  Every  traveler  halts  to  survey  the  scene  that  must 
have  met  the  eyes  of  Cataneo  and  his  marauding  host,  and  which 
should  have  softened  their  hearts.  Immediately  behind  Bobbio  rises 
the  ''Barion,"  with  all  the  symmetry  of  an  Egyptian  obehsk,  but  far 
taller  and  more  massive,  its  summit  attaining  an  elevation  of  three 
thousand  feet  above  the  roofs  of  the  little  town.  The  grandest 
monument  of  Europe's  proudest  capital  is  a  mere  child's  toy  com- 
pared with  this  huge  monolith.  But  even  this  is  only  one  of  the 
majestic  figures  in  the  group.  Sweeping  round  the  extremity  of  the 
valley,  and  extending  above  the  Barion  behind,  is  a  magnificent 
amphitheater  of  precipices  and  crags,  inclosed  by  a  background  of 
towering  mountains,  some  rounded  like  domes,  others  sharp  as 
needles.  Rising  out  of  this  sea  of  hills  are  the  loftier  forms  of  the 
Alp  des  Rousses  and  the  Col  de  Malaure,  which  seem  to  guard  the 
gloomy  pass  that  Avinds  its  way  under  overhanging  precipices  and 
splintered  rocks,  until  it  opens  into  the  valleys  of  the  French  Protest- 
ants and  ends  on  the  plains  of  Dauphine.  In  Summer  Bobbio  sits 
in  this  glorious  amphitheater  like  a  queen  in  a  bower  of  blossoms 
and  fruit,  and  in  the  Winter  like  a  king,  on  whose  frowning  castle 
fall  the  shadows  of  the  mountains  and  the  mists  of  their  tempests. 
As  Cataneo  hastened  onward  to  the  little  town,  the  repose  and  beauty 
of  nature  should  have  awakened  some  emotion  of  compassion  ;  but 
his  thoughts  were  only  of  blood. 

The  capture  of  Bobbio  was  an  easy  undertaking  and  an  important 
victory,  because  the  inhabitants  had  escaped  to  the  Alps  or  their 
blood  mingled  with  the  waters  of  their  own  Pellice,  and  possession 
of  the  town  gave  the  invading  army  the  control  of  the  entire  Valley 
of  Lucerna.    Having  obtained  many  advantages  of  position,  Cataneo 


CATANEaS  PLAN. 


179 


projected  other  and  remoter  expeditions.  His  plan  was  to  march 
over  the  Col  Julien,  sweep  down  upon  the  Valley  of  Prali,  which 
is  on  the  north  of  it,  punish  its  inhabitants,  move  on  to  the  valleys 
of  San  Martino  and  Perosa,  and,  making  the  circuit  of  the  * 'Val- 
leys," clear  the  ground  as  he  went  onward  of  its  polluting  heresy, 
at  least  of  its  heretics,  meet  the  main  body  of  crusaders,  who  he 
expected  would,  by  this  time,  have  finished  their  work  in  the  Valley 
of  Angrogna,  and  unitedly  celebrate  their  victory.  If  this  plan  could 
be  executed,  the  papal  forces  would  then  be  able  to  say  that  they 
had  gone  over  the  Waldensian  territory,  and  accomplished  that  desir- 
able work  so  long  meditated,  often  attempted,  but  never  effected. 

The  expedition  across  the  Col  Julien  was  immediately  com- 
menced. For  this  service  a  corps  of  seven  hundred  men  was 
detached  from  the  army  in  Lucerna.  On  the  north  side  of  Bobbio 
the  ascent  of  the  mountain  opens,  and  the  soldiers  begin  to  march 
upwards ;  but  they  soon  find  it  a  toilsome  undertaking,  as  the  track 
is  a  mere  foot-path  formed  by  the  herdsmen.  As  they  proceed 
further,  numerous  chalets  and  hamlets,  sweetly  embowered  amid 
mantling  vines,  or  the  branches  of  the  apple  and  cherry  tree,  or  the 
goodlier  chestnut,  present  a  home-like  appearance;  but  the  inhabitants 
have  fled.  Continuing  the  ascent,  a  great  altitude  on  the  mountain- 
side is  attained.  Beneath  them  is  Bobbio,  a  mere  speck  of  brown. 
There  is  the  Valley  of  Lucerna,  a  ribbon  of  green  with  a  thread  of 
silver  woven  into  it,  and  lying  along  amid  masses  of  mighty  rocks. 
There,  across  Lucerna,  towering  up  in  the  silent  sky  are  the  mount- 
ains that  inclose  the  Valley  of  Rora ;  on  the  right  are  the  spiky 
crags  that  bristle  along  the  Pass  of  Mirabouc,  that  leads  to  France, 
and  yonder  in  the  east  is  a  glimpse  of  the  far -extending  plains 
of  Piedmont. 

But  the  summit  is  still  in  the  distance,  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
papal  legate  slowly  toil  up  the  rugged,  steep  path.  Ascending 
higher,  they  look  down  on  pinnacles  which  half  an  hour  before 
looked  down  on  them.  Other  lofty  eminences,  tall  as  the  former, 
still  rise  above  them ;  they  climb  to  these  spires  of  Nature's  cathe- 
dral, which  in  their  turn  sink  beneath  their  feet.  This  process  is 
repeated  again  and  again,  until  at  last  they  stand  upon  the  downs 
that  clothe  the  shoulders  of  the  mountain.  The  scene  around  them 
now  becomes  one  of  stupendous  and  inexpressible  grandeur.  Away 
to  the  east,  now  fully  within  the  range  of  vision,  is  the  plain  of  Pied- 
mont, level  as  the  ocean,  and  green  as  a  garden.  Dark  gorges  and 
fearful  abysses  yawn  at  their  feet,  while  pinnacles  resembling  spikes 

13 


I 


I  So  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

peer  up  from  below,  as  if  to  buttress  the  mountains.  A  multitude 
of  Alps  seem  to  fill  the  horizon.  Prominent  among  these  on  the 
east  is  the  Col  la  Vechera,  whose  snow-capped  summit  attracts  the 
eye  to  the  more  than  classic  valley  over  which  it  towers,  where  the 
barbcs  in  ancient  days  were  accustomed  to  assemble  in  synod,  and 
sent  out  missionaries  at  the  peril  of  life  to  distribute  the  Bible  and 
sow  the  seed  of  the  kingdom.  As  this  was  the  terminating  point 
of  their  expedition  in  the  Val  di  Angrogna,  the  advancing  corps  no 
doubt  marked  the  spot.  Monte  Viso,  the  crowning  glory  of  the 
scene,  rising  up  in  the  west  in  bold  relief  and  appearing  in  the  ebon 
vault  like  a  mountain  of  silver,  spread  its  magnificence  before  them  ; 
but  these  crusading  soldiers  had  neither  eyes  to  see  nor  hearts  to 
feel  the  majesty  of  God's  works. 

The  pass  terminates  in  a  steep  grassy  slope,  which  they  climbed 
on  their  hands  and  knees,  and,  standing  on  the  summit,  they  looked 
down  on  the  Valley  of  Prali,  then  a  scene  of  peace.  Its  snow-clad 
hills,  conspicuous  among  which  is  the  Col 'd  Abries,  stood  as  a  guard 
around  it.  Foaming  torrents  rolled  down  their  sides,  and,  by  uniting 
in  the  valley,  formed  a  full  and  rapid  river.  Numerous  hamlets  were 
scattered  over  the  bosom  of  the  plain.  The  peasants  were  working 
in  the  corn-fields  and  meadows ;  their  children  played  around  the 
humble  cottages;  their  herds  browsed  in  the  rich  pastures.  This  flock 
of  human  vultures  had  suddenly  appeared  on  the  mountains  above, 
and  with  greedy  eyes  looked  down  upon  their  prey.  Believing  that 
a  few  hours'  work  would  convert  these  dwellings  into  smoldering 
ruins,  these  seven  hundred  assassins  rushed  down  on  the  plain  to 
slaughter  the  inhabitants  and  take  their  herds  and  goods.  But  the 
humble  peasants  of  this  secluded  valley,  instead  of  fleeing,  as  the 
soldiers  expected,  hastily  assembled  and  prepared  to  defend  their 
homes.  A  battle  was  fought  at  the  hamlet  of  Pommiers.  Fired  with 
indignation  at  the  cowardly  and  bloody  assault,  the  Vaudois,  with 
rude  weapons,  and  an  unwavering  trust  in  God — which  gave  them 
strength  and  courage — attacked  the  enemy,  already  wearied  witl;  the 
rugged,  slippery  tracks  of  the  mountains.  The  entire  company,  with 
the  exception  of  one  ensign,  was  cut  down.  During  the  carnage  he 
escaped  and  ascended  a  mountain  stream.  Finding  a  cavity  which 
the  Summer  heats  had  formed  in  a  mass  of  snow,  he  crept  into  it  for 
safety,  and  remained  there  in  concealment  for  some  days  until  at  last, 
driven  forth  by  hunger  and  cold,  he  went  to  the  men  of  Prali  and 
entreated  their  mercy.  They  generously  pardoned  this  solitary  sur- 
vivor of  all  the  seven  hundred  that  had  come  to  massacre  them,  and 


VAL  DI  ANGROGNA. 


i8i 


sent  him  back  across  the  Col  Julicn  to  those  from  whom  he  had 
come,  that  they  might  know  the  determination  of  the  Vaudois  to 
fight  for  their  hearths  and  altars,  and  that  they  might  ascertain  the 
fate  of  the  six  hundred  and  ninety-nine. 


Chapter  VI. 

FAILURE  OF  CATANEO'S  EXPEDITION. 

RETURNING  to  the  main  body  of  the  papal  army,  we  find  Cat- 
aneo  encamped  almost  at  the  gates  of  La  Torre,  beneath  the 
shadow  of  the  Castelluzzo.  The  entrance  to  the  Val  di  Angrogna  is 
near  the  place  where  the  camp  was  established.  This  valley  extends 
a  dozen  miles  into  the  Alps,  consisting  of  a  grand  succession  of  open 
dells  and  narrow  gorges,  with  walls  of  majestic  mountains  on  either 
side,  and  terminating  in  a  noble  circular  basin — the  Pra  del  Tor — 
which  is  surrounded  with  snowy  peaks,  and  forms  the  most  interest- 
ing spot  in  all  the  Waldensian  territory,  being  the  seat  of  their  col- 
lege, and  the  meeting-place  of  their  barbes.  In  the  Pra  del  Tor,  or 
Meadow  of  the  Tower,  Cataneo  expected  to  find  the  mass  of  the 
Waldensian  people  assembled,  supposing  it  to  be  their  strongest  ref- 
uge. Besides  his  own  army,  he  expected  to  have  the  assistance  of 
the  corps  which  he  had  sent  round  by  Lucerna,  and  which,  no  doubt, 
had  made  the  circuit  of  the Valleys,"  devastated  Prali  and  San  Mar- 
tino,  climbed  the  mountain  barrier,  and  would  soon  reach  La  Torre. 
While  he  awaited  their  coming  the  corpses  of  all  that  slain  host  were 
lying  in  the  valley  of  Prali;  but  Cataneo  was  ignorant  of  their  fate. 
The  humble  supplication  of  the  Waldenses  for  peace  was  contemptu- 
ously rejected,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  previous  chapter,  and  now 
they  must  choose  one  of  three  courses:  accept  the  doctrines  of  the 
Romish  Church,  be  slaughtered  like  sheep,  or  fight  for  their  lives. 
They  resolved  to  go  to  war,  and  prepared  for  it  b}'  first  removing 
to  a  place  of  safety  all  who  were  not  able  to  bear  arms. 

Taking  their  ovens,  kneading-troughs,  and  other  culinary  utensils, 
con\-eying  their  aged  on  their  shoulders,  and  leading  their  children  by 
the  hand,  they  ascended  the  hills  in  the  direction  of  the  Pra  del  Tor, 
at  the  head  of  the  Val  di  Angrogna.  They  could  be  seen  traversing 
the  rugged  paths,  transporting  their  household  articles,  and  making 
the  mountains   melodious  with   their  religious   songs,    which  they 


1 82  ITAL  Y  S^R UGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

sweetly  sung  as  they  advanced.  Many  remained  behind  to  manufac- 
ture pikes  and  other  weapons  of  defense  and  attack,  to  repair  the 
barricades,  to  arrange  themselves  in  fighting  parties,  and  assign  to 


PASS  OF  PRA  DEL  TOR. 


the  various  corps  the  positions  they  were  to  defend.  Cataneo  com- 
manded his  army  to  move  forward,  feeling  confident  that  on  the  same 
spot  where  the  Barbes  had  so  often  met  in  synod,  and  enacted  rules 


THE  BATTLE— BLACK  MONDOVI—CATANEO  DEFEATED.  183 


for  the  government  of  their  Church  and  the  spread  of  their  faith,  he 
would  complete  the  campaign  by  proclaiming  the  final  extinction  of 
the  Waldensian  heresy. 

He  advanced  to  a  point  near  the  town  of  La  Torre,  then  made  a 
sharp  turn  to  the  right,  and  entered  the  Val  di  Angrogna.  Its"  open- 
ing is  soft  and  even  as  any  meadow  in  America,  and  the  invaders, 
finding  no  obstructions,  marched  onward.  The  Vaudois  determined 
to  make  a  stand  on  the  heights  of  Rocomaneot,  and  accordingly 
stationed  their  fighting  men  along  its  ridges.  Clad  in  the  simplest 
armor,  the  bow  being  almost  their  only  weapon  of  attack,  and  their 
bucklers  only  skin,  covered  with  the  bark  of  the  chestnut  tree,  these 
brave  men  awaited  the  beginning  of  the  conflict.  There  were  a 
number  of  women  and  children  gathered  for  shelter  in  a  hollow 
which  is  protected  by  the  rising  ground  on  which  their  fathers,  hus- 
bands, and  brothers  were  arranged  for  battle.  The  Piedmontese 
soldiers  advanced  up  the  acclivity,  and  sent  a  shower  of  arrows 
into  the  Waldensian  line,  which  made  it  waver.  Those  behind,  be- 
holding the  danger,  fell  on  their  knees,  and  extending  their  hands  in 
supplication  to  the  God  of  battles,  cried  aloud,  *'0  God  of  our 
fathers,  help  us!  O  God,  deliver  us!"  The  attacking  host  heard 
that  cry,  and  one  of  its  captains,  Le  Noir  of  Mondovi,  or  the  Black 
Mondovi,  a  bigoted,  proud,  blood-thirsty  man,  instantly  shouted  out 
that  his  soldiers  would  give  the  answer,  pronouncing  horrible  blas- 
phemies with  the  threat.  As  he  spoke  he  raised  his  visor,  and 
immediately  an  arrow  from  the  bow  of  Pierre  Revel  of  Angrogna 
penetrated  his  skull  between  the  eyes,  and  he  fell  dead  on  the  earth. 
The  death  of  this  daring  leader  disheartened  the  papal  army.  The 
soldiers  began  to  retreat,  and  were  chased  down  the  slope  by  the 
Vaudois,  who  now  rushed  down  upon  them  like  their  own  mountain 
torrents.  After  driving  the  enemy  to  the  plain,  and  destroying  many 
in  their  flight,  the  Waldenses  returned  toward  evening  to  the  heights 
where  they  had  triumphed,  to  celebrate  with  songs  the  victory  which 
the  God  of  their  fathers  permitted  to  crown  their  arms. 

In  a  few  days  Cataneo,  burning  with  shame  and  rage,  because 
he  had  been  defeated  by  herdsmen,  reassembled  his  forces  and  made 
a  second  attempt  to  enter  the  Angrogna.  After  passing  the  heights 
of  Rocomaneot,  the  scene  of  his  first  disaster,  and  not  encountering 
any  resistance,  he  plunged  into  the  narrow  defiles  beyond,  believing 
that  success  would  now  attend  his  efforts.  The  path  through  this 
dark  passage  is  overhung  with  great  rocks,  rendered  gloomy  by  the 
branches  of  large  chestnut-trees  that  extend  over  it,  and  then  termi- 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


nates  in  an  ample  and  fertile  valley.  Thus  far  the  papal  leader  had 
proceeded  without  opposition,  and  had  in  his  possession  that  part  of 
of  the  Val  di  Angrogna  on  the  left  of  the  torrent,  including  numer- 
ous hamlets,  with  their  finely  cultivated  fields  and  vineyards;  but  he 
saw  no  inhabitants.  They  had  fled  to  the  men  of  Lucerna  in  the 
Pra  del  Tor,  and  between  him  and  them  stood  the  "Barricade,"  a 
steep  mountain  of  Cyclopean  height  and  strength,  which  extends  like 
a  wall  across  the  valley. 

It  now  seemed  as  if  the  advance  of  Cataneo  must  here  end.  He 
beheld  the  white  peaks  around  the  Pra;  but  between  him  and  his 
prey  rose  the  Barricade,  which  could  not  be  scaled.  After  searching 
he  found,  unfortunately  for  him,  an  entrance,  which  some  convulsion 
of  nature  had  made  by  rending  the  mountains  and  forming  a  long, 
dark,  and  narrow  chasm,  and  through  this  runs  the  one  only  path  to 
the  head  of  Angrogna.  Into  this  frightful  gorge  the  commander  of 
the  papal  host  boldly  led  his  men,  little  thinking  how  few  would  ever 
return.  On  the  side  of  the  mountain  is  a  rocky  ledge,  so  narrow 
that  only  two  abreast  can  traverse  it,  and  in  case  of  attack,  either  in 
front  or  in  rear  or  from  above,  there  is  no  opportunity  to  retreat, 
nor  can  the  assailed  party  find  room  to  fight.  This  only  pathw^ay 
through  the  chasm  is  midway  between  the  bottom  of  the  gorge, 
along  which  thunders  the  stream,  and  the  summit  of  the  mountain. 
The  naked  cliff  rises  up  perpendicularly  at  least  one  thousand  feet, 
in  some  places  leaning  over  the  path  in  huge  masses,  and  threatening 
to  fall  upon  it.  At  one  point  the  golden  beams  of  the  sun  shine  in 
through  fissures  in  the  mountain  side,  relieving  the  darkness  of  the 
chasm  and  making  it  visible.  At  another,  appears  a  level  space  of 
about  a  half-acre,  affording  room  on  the  brink  of  the  mountain  to  a 
clump  of  birches,  with  their  tall,  silvery  trunks,  or  a  chalet,  with  its 
bit  of  bright,  closely  shaven  meadow.  But  these  cheerful  spots  only 
partially  relieve  the  rugged  features  of  the  terrible  chasm,  which  runs 
from  one  to  two  miles,  and  suddenly  opens,  with  a  burst  of  light, 
revealing  to  the  eye  a  flashing  of  white  peaks  above,  and  a  vast 
amphitheater  of  meadow  beyond,  apparently  large  enough  for  the 
encampment  of  an  entire  nation. 

The  papal  army  marched  as  best  they  could  along  the  narrow 
ledge,  and  was  now  approaching  the  Pra.  Cataneo  was  confident 
that  his  prey  could  not  escape  him  ;  and  the  Waldenses  seemed  to 
him  possessed  of  but  one  neck,  which  he  would  soon  sever  at  a  blow. 
But  God  protected  his  people.  He  had  said  of  the  invader,  as  of 
another  tyrant  of  former  ages,  "I  will  put  my  hook  in  thy  nose, 


CATANEO'S  ARMY  DESTROYED. 


185 


and  my  bridle  in  thy  lips,  and  I  will  cause  thee  to  return  by  the  way 
by  which  thou  earnest."  But  by  what  agency  was  this  host  to  be 
destroyed  ?  God  did  not  send  a  mighty  angel  to  blockade  the  pass 
and  smite  Cataneo's  army,  as  he  did  Sennacherib's.  He  had  power 
to  awaken  the  sleeping  thunder  and  hurl  its  bolts,  and  to  rain  the 
hailstones  upon  Cataneo's  soldiers,  as  of  old  on  Sisera's,  but  they 
fell  not.  An  earthquake,  rocking  the  ground,  or  a  whirlwind,  rend- 
ing the  mountains,  would  have  discomfited  the  papal  forces ;  but 
all  was  quiet  in  nature's  realm.  The  instrumentality  employed  to 
shield  the  Vaudois  was  one  of  the  lightest  and  frailest  in  the  material 
world,  but  it  closed  the  pass  as  effectually  as  bars  of  adamant  could 
have  done. 

The  Vaudois  beheld  a  white  cloud,  no  larger  than  a  man's  hand, 
gathering  on  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  about  the  time  the  Pied- 
montese  army  Avould  be  entering  the  defile.  That  cloud,  unobserved 
at  first  by  the  invaders,  became  rapidly  larger  and  blacker,  and  soon 
commenced  to  descend,  a  sea  of  murky  vapor,  rolling  down  the  side 
of  the  mountain,  wave  on  wave,  like  an  ocean  tumbling  out  of 
heaven.  Falling  into  the  chasm,  and  filling  it  from  top  to  bottom 
with  a  thick,  black  fog,  it  covered  Cataneo's  host,  and  instantly  they 
were  in  night,  unable  to  see  either  before  or  behind.  They  were 
bewildered  and  stupefied,  and  could  neither  advance  nor  retreat. 

The  Waldenses,  believing  that  God  had  interposed  in  their  behalf, 
and  given  them  power  to  defeat  the  enemy,  climbed  the  slopes  of  the 
Pra,  and,  coming  out  of  all  their  hiding-places  in  its  environs,  has- 
tened along  the  familiar  paths  of  the  mountain.  While  the  papal 
army  stood  riveted  beneath  them,  panic-stricken  by  the  double 
calamity  of  the  defile  and  the  mist,  the  Vaudois  tore  up  the  great 
stones  and  rocks,  and  sent  them  thundering  down  into  the  ravine, 
Crushing  the  papal  soldiers  where  they  stood.  Then  some  of  the 
Waldenses,  sword  in  hand,  boldly  entered  the  chasm  and  attacked 
them  in  front,  spreading  consternation  through  the  entire  army. 
They  attempted  to  flee;  but  the  confusion  in  their  own  ranks  was 
more  fatal  than  the  sword  of  the  Vaudois,  or  the  rocks  that,  swift  as 
an  arrow,  came  bounding  down  the  mountain.  Amid  the  excite- 
ment they  ran  against  one  another  and  threw  each  other  down  in 
the  struggle.  Some  were  trodden  to  death ;  others  were  rolled  over  the- 
precipice,  and  crushed  on  the  rocks  below  or  drowned  in  the  torrent.. 

History  records  the  fate  of  one  of  these  invaders,  a  certain  Cap- 
tain Sacquet — a  man,  it  is  said,  of  gigantic  stature,  from  Polonghera, 
in  Piedmont.    Like  his  Philistine  prototype,  he  began  to  curse  the 


1 86  ITAL  V  STJ^  UGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 

Waldensian  dogs;  but  while  the  words  were  yet  in  his  mouth  his 
foot  sHpped,  and  he  rolled  over  the  precipice  into  the  torrent.  His 
body  was  carried  away  by  the  stream,  and  finally  deposited  in  a  deep 
eddy  or  whirlpool,  called,  in  the  patois  of  the  country,  a  **tompie," 
from  the  noise  made  by  its  waters.  To  this  day  it  bears  the  name 
of  the  ToDipie  de  Sacqiiet,  or  Gulf  of  Sacquet. 

For  a  whole  year  this  cloud  of  war  hung  above  the  Valleys, " 
and  discharged  its  fury  upon  the  Waldenses,  inflicting  much  suffering 
and  loss.  The  burning  of  their  homes,  the  devastation  of  their  fields, 
the  plundering  of  their  goods,  and  the  massacre  of  their  people  were 
great  calamities ;  but  the  invaders  suffered  more  than  they  inflicted. 
Few  of  the  eighteen  thousand  regular  troops,  and  of  an  equal  num- 
ber of  desperadoes,  that  started  out  in  the  campaign,  ever  returned 
to  their  homes.  Their  corpses  enriched  the  mountains  and  valleys 
they  had  come  to  subdue.  They  were  generally  cut  down  one  by 
one.  Flying  parties  of  Vaudois  w^ould  suddenly  issue  from  some 
cave  known  only  to  themselves,  or  from  the  mist  in  a  narrow  defile, 
attack  and  defeat  the  enemy,  and  then  as  suddenly  retreat  behind 
the  protecting  rock  or  into  the  friendly  vapor.  Thus  it  came  to  pass 
that,  in  the  words  of  Muston,  ''this  army  of  invaders  vanished  from 
the  Vaudois  mountains  as  rain  in  the  sands  of  the  desert." 

"God,"  says  Leger,  "turned  the  heart  of  their  prince  toward 
this  poor  people."  He  sent  a  prelate  to  their  "Valleys,"  to  assure 
them  of  his  good  will,  and  intimated  his  wish  to  receive  their  depu- 
ties. Twelve  of  their  more  venerable  men  were  sent  to  Turin,  and, 
being  admitted  into  the  duke's  presence,  made  such  a  statement  of 
their  faith  that  he  candidly  confessed  that  he  had  been  deceived  con- 
cerning them,  and  would  not  again  permit  such  wrongs  to  be  inflicted 
upon  them.  He  several  times  remarked  that  he  "had  not  so  virtu- 
ous, so  faithful,  and  so  obedient  subjects  as  the  Vaudois."  He  sur- 
prised the  deputies  by  expressing  a  wish  to  see  some  of  the  Vaudois 
children.  Twelve  infants,  with  their  mothers,  were  brought  from  the 
Valley  of  Angrogna  and  presented  to  the  prince.  Closely  examining 
them,  and  finding  them  well-formed,  he  expressed  his  pleasure  in 
beholding  their  healthy  faces  and  clear  eyes.  He  had  been  informed 
that  ' '  the  Vaudois  children  were  monsters,  with  only  one  eye  placed 
in  the  middle  of  the  forehead,  four  rows  of  black  teeth,  and  other 
similar  deformities."  This  young  ruler,  Charles  H,  was  humane  and 
wise,  and  promised  the  Vaudois  that  they  should  not  be  molested  in 
the  future.  Thus  the  storm  of  persecution  ceased,  A.  D.  1489,  and 
the  Alpine  Christians  had  rest.  ~^ 


LUTHER  DEPARTS  FOR  ROME. 


187 


Chapter  VII. 

LUTHER'S  JOURNEY  TO  ROME. 

AN  interesting-  event  in  the  religious  history  of  Rome  was  Luther's 
visit  to  it,  A.  D.  15 10,  or,  according  to  others,  A.  D.  15 12. 
While  meditating  in  his  cell  at  Erfurt,  the  sinfulness  of  his  own  heart 
and  his  helplessness  as  a  lost  sinner  were  revealed  to  him.  At  Rome 
he  was  to  be  shown  the  vileness  of  that  Church  which  he  still  believed 
to  be  the  Church  of  Christ  and  the  abode  of  holiness.  As  is  often 
the  case,  a  very  trifling  circumstance  led  to  results  of  momentous 
importance  both  to  Luther  himself  and  to  Christendom.  A  quarrel 
having  broken  out  between  seven  monasteries  of  the  Augustines  and 
their  vicar  general,  they  agreed  to  submit  the  matter  to  the  pope, 
and  as  Luther  was  a  young  man  of  eloquence  and  sagacity,  he  was 
selected  to  undertake  the  task.  \\\  imagination  we  now  behold  him 
starting  for  the  metropolis  of  Christendom.  As  every  step  brought 
him  nearer  the  "Eternal  City,"  illustrious  as  the  abode  of  the  Csesars, 
and  still  more  illustrious  as  the  abode  of  the  popes,  the  pulse  of  the 
young  monk  no  doubt  beat  quicker,  because  to  him  Rome  was  a 
type  of  the  Holy  of  Holies.  Was  not  the  throne  of  God's  vicar 
there  ?  Did  not  the  oracle  of  infallibility  reside  there  ?  Were  not 
the  consecrated  ministers  and  priests  of  the  Lord  dwellers  within  its 
sacred  walls?  Did  not  armies  of  devout  pilgrims  and  tribes  of  holy 
anchorites  and  monks  go  up  thither  every  year  to  pay  their  vows  in 
her  temples  and  prostrate  themselves  at  the  footstool  of  the  apostles? 
The  heart  of  Luther  no  doubt  was  thrilled  with  deep  emotion  when 
he  thought  that  his  feet  would  stand  within  the  gates  of  this  thrice 
holy  city. 

But,  alas!  his  bright  dream  was  not  to  be  realized  at  the  end  of 
his  journey;  a  terrible  disenchantment  awaited  him,  or  rather  a  happy 
emancipation  from  an  illusion  both  enfeebling  and  pernicious.  It 
had  imprisoned  truth  and  enchained  the  nations,  and  Luther  would 
be  its  captive  until  this  spell  was  broken.  Christendom  could  not  be 
emancipated  by  blows  from  a  fettered  arm.  It  was  necessary  that 
the  monk  should  see  Rome,  not  as  his  dreams  had  painted,  but  as 
her  own  corruptions  had  made  her.  He  must  behold  her  with  his 
own  eyes,  because  a  description  of  her  moral  degradation  by  another 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


would  have  been  discredited  by  him.  The  more  profound  the  idol- 
atrous reverence  that  he  felt  as  he  approached  the  city,  the  more 
resolute  would  be  his  purpose  when  recrossing  her  threshold  not  to 
leave  of  that  wicked  and  tyrannical  power  one  stone  upon  another. 

Luther  passed  over  the  Alps  and  descended  upon  the  fertile  plains 
of  Lombardy.  At  the  present  time  the  traveler  proceeds  with  ease 
and  pleasure  along  magnificent  highways  through  the  snows  and  rocks 
that  form  the  northern  wall  of  Italy;  but  the  German  monk  Avas  com- 
pelled to  scale  this  rampart  by  rugged,  narrow,  and  dangerous  tracks. 
The  sublime  scene  that  met  his  eye  and  regaled  his  spirits  must 
have  elevated  and  expanded  his  mind.  There  was  a  charm  to  him  as 
to  others  in  the  rapid  transition  from  the  homely  German  plains  and 
the  frowning  Alps  to  the  brilliant  sky,  the  voluptuous  air,  and  the 
smiling  landscape,  bright  with  fruits  and  flowers  which  burst  upon 
his  sight  when  he  had  accomplished  his  descent.  The  ideality  of  the 
Italian  began  to  mingle  with  the  robustness  of  the  Teuton.  Luther, 
weary  in  body  and  desiring  to  refresh  himself  a  few  days,  entered  a 
monastery  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Po.  He  was  struck  with 
wonder  at  the  splendor  of  the  establishment,  whose  annual  revenue 
of  thirty-six  thousand  ducats  was  all  expended  in  feeding,  clothing, 
and  lodging  the  monks.  This  enormous  sum  enabled  them  to  live 
in  elegance.  Their  apartments  were  sumptuous  in  the  extreme,  being 
inlaid  with  marble,  adorned  Avith  paintings  and  filled  with  rich  furni- 
ture. Their  clothing  w^as  equally  luxurious  and  delicate,  consisting 
mostly  of  silks  and  velvet.  They  sat  down  daily  at  a  table  loaded 
with  dishes  containing  the  most  exquisite  and  skillfully  cooked  food. 
The  German  monk  in  his  native  land  had  been  accustomed  to  live  in 
a  bare  cell,  and  at  times  his  provision  for  each  day  was  only  a  herring 
and  a  small  piece  of  bread.  He  was  greatly  astonished,  but  remained 
silent.  When  Friday  came  he  expected  that,  as  faithful  sons  of  the 
Church,  they  would  obey  her  commands  and  not  taste  flesh  ;  but  he 
was  shocked  to  find  the  table  groaning  under  the  same  abundance  as 
before,  and  dishes  of  meat  as  on  other  days.  Luther  could  no  longer 
restrain  himself,  but  cried  out:  "Such  things  may  not  be  eaten.  The 
pope  has  forbidden  them."  The  monks  opened  their  eyes  in  aston- 
ishment on  the  rude  German,  and  were  indignant  at  his  boldness. 
This  reproof  did  not  spoil  their  appetite,  but  they  feared  that  the 
stranger  might  report  their  manner  of  life  at  headquarters.  While 
they  were  consulting  together  how  to  obviate  this  danger,  the  porter 
of  the  establishment,  a  humane  man,  informed  Luther  that  he  would 
incur  a  great  risk  by  remaining  there.    After  receiving  this  friendly 


LUTHER  IN  BOLOGNA. 


89 


counsel  he  resolved  to  profit  by  it  while  health  permitted,  and  with- 
out delay  departed  from  the  monastery. 

The  monk,  traveling  on  foot,  next  came  to  Bologna,  **the  throne 
of  the  Roman  law,"  where  he  became  dangerously  sick.  In  addition 
to  his  bodily  suffering,  he  experienced  great  mental  depression  from 
those  feelings  of  melancholy  natural  to  one  who  expects  to  die  in  a 
foreign  land.  Then,  to  make  his  anguish  still  more  intolerable,  his 
religious  condition  alarmed  him.  The  judgment-seat  rose  up  before 
him,  and  the  thought  of  appearing  in  the  presence  of  God  filled  his 
soul  with  dread.  The  old  terror  and  anguish,  though  less  violent, 
returned  to  him.  As  he  waited  for  death  he  thought  he  heard  a 
voice  saying  to  him:  "The  just  shall  live  by  faith."  So  vivid  was 
the  impression  it  made  upon  him  that  Luther  believed  the  voice  was 
from  heaven.  This  was  the  second  time  this  passage  of  Scripture 
had  been  addressed  to  him  by  some  invisible  power.  While  lectur- 
ing in  his  chair  at  Wittemberg  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  he 
had  come  to  these  same  words:  *'The  just  shall  live  by  faith,"  and 
they  impressed  him  so  deeply  that  he  was  compelled  to  pause  and 
ponder  over  them.  He  asked  himself  again  and  again,  What  do  they 
mean?  There  was  only  one  meaning  in  them,  and  it  was  simply 
this,  that  the  just  have  a  new  life  which  is  derived  from  faith.  But 
faith  on  whom,  and  on  what? 
On  whom  but  on  Christ,  and  on 
what  but  his  atoning  merits  as  the 
only  ground  of  salvation?  If  that 
be  so,  pardon  and  eternal  life  are 
not  of  works,  but  of  faith ;  they  are 
the  free  gift  of  God  to  the  sinner 
for  Christ's  sake. 

So  had  Luther  reasoned  when 
these  words  first  penetrated  his 
soul,  and  so  did  he  again  reason 
in  his  sick-room  at  Bologna.  They 
were  a  needful  admonition  to  him 
now  that  he  was  approaching  a 
city  where  endless  rites  and  cere- 
monies had  been  invented  to  en- 
able men  to  live  by  works.  His 

sickness  and  anguish  had  been  the  means  of  teaching  him  the  first  ele"- 
ments  of  life  and  the  only  one  source  of  holiness.  He  learned  that 
this  holiness  springs  up  in  the  heart  where  faith  is  enthroned,  and 


GIOTTO. 


190 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


therefore  is  not  restricted  to  any  soil,  any  system,  or  any  rite.  Its 
source  was  not  in  Rome,  but  in  the  Bible;  its  bestower  was  not  the 
pope,  but  the  Holy  Spirit.  "The  just  shall  live  by  faith."  As  he 
stood  at  the  gates  of  death  these  words  seemed  to  shed  a  light  all 
around  him.  He  arose  from  his  bed  healed  both  in  body  and  soul. 
Resuming  his  journey,  he  traversed  the  Apennines,  and  experienced 
no  doubt  after  his  sickness  the  invigorating  influence  of  their  health- 
ful breezes  and  the  fragrance  of  their  dells,  bright  with  the  blossoms 
of  early  Summer.  Crossing  this  rugged  chain  of  mountains,  he  de- 
scended into  that  delicious  valley,  where  Florence  sits  gracefully  on 
the  banks  of  the  Arno  amid  lovely  cypress  'and  olive  groves,  and 
under  a  sky  where  light  lends  beauty  to  every  object  on  which  it 
falls.     Here  Luther  made  his  next  resting  place. 

At  that  time  the  "Etrurian  Athens,"  as  Florence  has  been  called, 
was  in  its  first  glory.  Its  many  magnificent  and  sumptuous  edifices 
had  been  recently  erected  and  still  reflected  their  pristine  beauty  and 
freshness.  Already  Brunelleschi  had  hung  his  dome — the  largest  in 
the  world — in  mid-air ;  already  Giotto  had  raised  his  Campanile,  whose 
great  height,  elegant  form,  and  variously  colored  marbles  make  it  the 
prominent  feature  of  the  city.  Already  the  Baptistery  had  been  con- 
structed with  its  bronze  doors  which  Michael  Angelo  declared  to  be 
"worthy  of  being  the  gates  of  Paradise."  When  the  future  reformer 
visited  it,  Florence  was  adorned  with  other  monuments  and  works  of 
art.  Having  been  familiar  with  only  the  comparatively  homely  and 
unattractive  architecture  of  a  northern  land,  he  could  not  be  indiffer- 
ent to  these  splendid  creations  of  genius  which  he  beheld  in  Italy. 
Wood  was  then  often  used  in  Germany  and  England  in  the  erection 
of  dwellings,  but  the  Italians  built  with  marble. 

As  a  scholar,  Luther  could  appreciate  many  other  things  in  the 
Etrurian  capital.  It  was  the  cradle  of  the  Renaissance.  In  the  pre- 
vious century  the  house  of  Medici  had  risen  to  prominence.  Cosmo, 
the  founder  of  the  family,  had  amassed  immense  riches  in  commerce, 
and,  being  passionately  fond  of  letters  and  arts,  he  freely  expended 
his  wealth  in  the  magnificent  patronage  of  scholars  and  artists.  He 
and  his  son  Lorenzo  welcomed  to  his  superb  villa,  on  the  sides  of 
Fiesole,  lovers  of  letters  from  every  land,  who  were  entertained  with 
princely  hospitality.  To  this  delightful  retreat  came  learned  men 
from  England  and  the  north  of  Europe,  and  even  from  the  East,  to 
meet  the  poets  and  philosophers  of  Italy.  With  the  city,  the  Arno, 
and  the  cypress  and  olive  clad  vale  beneath  them,  these  eminent 
scholars  would  assemble  in  groups  in  the  alcoves  of  the  gardens,  or 


LUTHER S  REFLECTIONS.  I9I 

walk  on  the  terraces,  sometimes  prolonging  their  conversation  on  the 
new  learning  and  the  renovated  age,  which  literature  was  producing, 
until  the  shadows  of  night  concealed  the  domes  of  Florence  at  their 
feet  and  brought  out  the  stars  in  the  calm  azure  overhead.  Thus 
the  city  of  the  Medici  became  the  center  of  that  intellectual  and  lit- 
erary revival  which  was  then  radiating  over  Europe  and  heralding  a 
day  of  more  glorious  and  blessed  light  than  any  which  philosophy 
and  letters  have  ever  shed.  How  sudden  and  desolating  the  change 
to  Italy  when  this  light  was  extinguished,  and  her  morning  turned 
into  the  shadow  of  death  ! 

But  Florence  had  very  recently  been  the  scene  of  events  of  which 
doubtless  Luther  had  heard,  and  which  must  have  touched  a  deeper 
chord  in  his  heart  than  its  grand  edifices  and  literary  glory  could 
possibly  awaken.  Only  fourteen  years  had  elapsed  since  Savonarola 
had  been  burned  on  the  Piazza  della  Gran'  Ducca,  for  upholding  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Scriptures,  denouncing  the  corruptions  of 
the  Church,  and  teaching  that  men  are  to  be  saved,  not  by  good 
works,  but  by  the  expiatory  sufferings  of  Christ.  Luther  had  learned 
these  same  truths  in  his  cell ;  their  light,  shining  from  the  pages  of 
the  Bible,  had  illuminated  his  darkened  mind;  the  Holy  Spirit,  with 
the  iron  pen  of  anguish,  had  engraven  them  upon  his  heart ;  he  had 
proclaimed  them  to  listening  crowds  in  his  wooden  chapel  at  Wit- 
temberg,  and  on  this  spot  in  Florence,  already  marked  by  a  statue 
of  Neptune,  a  brother  monk  had  been  burned  alive  for  preaching  in 
Italy  the  same  doctrines  which  he  had  been  advocating  in  Saxony. 
He  regarded  the  martyrdom  of  Sa-vonarola  as  an  augury  of  both 
good  and  evil.  He  was  encouraged  by  the  fact  that  a  brother  in  this 
far-distant  country,  by  the  study  of  the  same  book,  had  reached  the 
same  conclusion  that  he  arrived  at  in  Germany  concerning  the  way 
of  salvation.  Luther  was  cheered,  moreover,  to  think  that  the 
Florentine  monk  had  been  enabled  to  seal  his  testimony  for  the 
truth  with  his  blood. 

But  the  stake  of  Savonarola  might  be  differently  interpreted,  and 
to  some  was  prophetic  of  other  stakes  to  be  planted  in  the  future. 
The  death  of  the  noble  confessor  indicated  that  the  ancient  hatred 
of  the  darkness  to  the  light  was  as  bitter  as  ever,  and  that  the  enemy 
would  not  abdicate  without  a  mighty  struggle.  Truth  was  not  to 
progress  peacefully  amid  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  her  path  would  be  through  tempest  and  conflict.  She  was 
compelled  to  win  at  a  fearful  cost  every  step  of  her  advance,  and 
before  she  could  reign  she  must  suffer  and  bleed. 


192  '      ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

These  were  among  the  instructive  lessons  which  Luther  learned 
on  the  spot  to  which,  no  doubt,  he  often  came  to  meditate  and  pray. 
The  author,  when  visiting  Florence  in  1871,  was  shown  the  Bible  of 
Savonarola,  which  is  preserved  in  the  library  of  San  Lorenzo.  His 
small,  elegant  handwriting  may  be  seen  covering  the  broad  margin 
of  its  leaves.  After  his  martyrdom  his  disciples  were  accustomed  to 
come  secretly  and  kiss  the  spot  where  he  had  been  burned.  When 
the  reigning  duke,  Pietro  de  Medici,  ascertained  this  fact  he  resolved 
that  the  practice  which  gave  him  annoyance  should  be  discontinued, 
and  accordingly  erected  on  the  spot  a  statue  of  Neptune,  with  a 
fountain  falling  into  a  circular  basin  of  water,  and  sea -nymphs, 
satyrs,  and  tritons  clustering  on  the  brim.  The  device  of  the  duke, 
however,  has  only  rendered  more  memorable,  instead  of  obliterating, 
the  event  of  the  martyrdom  and  the  spot  where  it  occurred. 

Without  doubt,  another  point  of  anxious  inquiry  to  Luther  was 
to  know  how  many  disciples  Savonarola  had  left  behind  him  in  the 
city  in  which  he  had  poured  out  his  blood.  The  answer  to  this  im- 
portant question  was  not  encouraging.  The  zeal  of  the  Florentines  had 
abated.  They  saw  that  it  was  hard  to  enter  into  life  as  Savonarola 
had  done,  and,  therefore,  were  not  inclined  to  travel  the  thorny  path 
of  persecution  which  possibly  might  lead  to  the  narrow  gate  of  mar- 
tyrdom. The  admirers  of  the  sainted  monk  praised  him,  but  they 
had  not  the  courage  to  imitate  him.  Florence  might  have  been  the 
cradle  of  an  evangelical  Renaissance  if  her  sons,  w^ho,  under  the  voice 
of  their  great  orator  and  preacher,  seemed  to  be  not  far  from  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,  had  not  drawn  back ;  but  when  brought  face  to 
face  with  the  stake  they  crouched  down  before  the  twofold  burden 
of  sensuality  and  superstition.  When  Luther  commenced  his  jour- 
ney he  believed  that  a  peculiar  sanctity  sprang  spontaneously,  as  it 
were,  out  of  the  holy  soil  of  Italy ;  but  so  far  he  had  failed  to  dis- 
cover it.  The  farther  he  advanced  into  the  country,  the  more  he  was 
shocked  at  the  impiety  and  irreverence  which  characterized  all  ranks, 
especially  the  * '  religious. "  There  appeared  to  be  a  universal  relaxation 
of  morals.  The  land  was  defiled  with  avarice,  pride,  luxury,  abomina- 
ble crimes  and  vices,  and,  to  crown  all,  sacred  things"  were  mocked. 
Luther  was  delighted  with  the  balmy  climate  of  Italy ;  but  he  ob- 
served that,  while  its  genial  influence  caused  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
to  grow  with  a  luxuriance  unknown  to  his  northern  home,  it  nour- 
ished with  equal  luxuriance  the  voluptuous  appetites  of  the  body  and 
debasing  passions  of  the  soul.  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that 
he  should  sigh  for  the  comparative  piety,  simplicity,  frugality,  and 


CAMPAGNA  DI  ROMA. 


temperance  of  his  dear  father-land.  But  he  would  soon  be  in  Rome, 
and  the  thought  consoled  him.  In  that  holy  city  Christianity,  in  the 
spotless  beauty  of  her  apostolic  youth,  would  stand  before  him. 
Surely  no  monks  in  the  costly  apparel  of  silk  and  velvet  would  be 
seen  there.  He  was  also  confident  that  conventual  cells,  having 
walls  aglow  with  marbles,  gildings,  and  paintings,  and  their  floors 
crowded  with  sumptuous  tables,  damask  couches,  and  curious  furni- 
ture inlaid  with  silver  and  mother-of-pearl,  could  be  found  in  many 
Italian  cities,  but  not  in  Rome.  It  seemed  sacrilegious  to  him,  no 
doubt,  to  even  think  that  priests  \\\\o  tarry  by  the  wine-cup,  or  par- 
take on  fast -days  of  meat,  could  dwell  in  the  sacred  metropolis. 
Instead  of  the  sound  of  the  harp,  the  lute,  and  the  viol,  he  expected 
to  hear  hymns  of  praise  in  the  monasteries  of  Rome — matins  wel- 
coming the  day,  and  vesper  songs  speeding  its  departure.  To  Luther 
it  must  have  appeared  impossible  for  any  thing  that  was  defiling  to 
enter  the  holy  place  where  sat  God's  vicegerent.  He  was  eager  to 
enjoy  its  select  and  devout  society,  and  there  forget  the  dark  scenes 
which  made  him  sad  on  the  way  thither. 

Leaving  Florence,  he  hastened  toward  Rome,  on  the  last  stage 
of  his  journey.  In  imagination  we  behold  him  on  his  way,  now 
descending  the  southern  slopes  on  which  Viterbo  is  situated,  and 
at  every  short  distance  straining  his  eyes  if  haply  he  may  dis- 
cover on  the  broad  plain  at  his  feet  some  signs  of  her  who  once 
was  "Queen  of  Nations."  On  his  right  the  blue  Mediterranean 
laved  the  shore  of  Latium ;  on  his  left  rose  the  "triple -topped 
Soracte  "  and  the  "purple  Apennine, "  on  whose  crests  white  towns 
were  hanging,  and  on  whose  sides  olive  woods  and  forests  of  pine 
were  clinging — this  mountain  range  running  on  in  a  magnificent  wall 
of  craggy  peaks  until  it  fades  from  the  eye  in  the  southern  horizon. 
Luther  is  now  traversing  the  celebrated  Campagna  di  Roma. 

Whoever  crosses  this  plain  at  the  present  day  finds  it  herbless, 
silent,  and  desolate.  It  once  nourished  multitudes  of  men,  but  they 
have  perished  from  its  bosom.  In  its  prosperous  days  numerous  and 
populous  towns  crowned  every  conical  height  that  dots  its  surface, 
but  now  they  are  buried  in  its  soil.  Where  orange  groves  and  olive 
woods  once  flourished,  there  reeds,  wiry  grass,  and  thistles  now  grow. 
Its  roads,  which  were  in  former  ages  crowded  with  armies,  procon- 
suls, and  embassadors,  are  now  deserted  and  almost  untrodden.  This 
great  plain  was  once  adorned  with  many  magnificent  structures  and 
cultivated  gardens,  but  the  only  memorials  of  its  pristine  glory  which 
remain  are  heaps  of  brick-work  with  the  marble  peeled  off,  broken 


THE  PILGRIM'S  ARRIVAL. 


columns  protruding  through  the  soil,  and  substructions  of  temples 
and  tombs  which  have  become  the  lair  of  the  fox  or  the  lurking 
place  of  the  brigand.  But  at  the  time  of  Luther's  visit  the  Campagna 
di  Roma  was  not  the  treeless,  blighted,  devastated  expanse  that  it  is 
in  our  day.  Many  memorials  of  decay  no  doubt  met  his  eye  as  he 
passed  along.  The  frightful  scars  of  war  had  defaced  the  landscape, 
and  the  indolence  and  ignorance  of  the  inhabitants  had  produced  even 
worse  effects  upon  the  plain,  but  in  the  sixteenth  century  it  had 
not  become  so  deserted  of  men  and  so  forsaken  of  its  cities  as  it  is 
now.  The  engravings  of  Peranesi,  which  are  nearly  two  hundred 
years  old,  represent  the  country  around  Rome  as  tolerably  well  peo- 
pled and  cultivated.  The  land  then  enjoyed  what  is  at  present  almost 
unknown  to  it — seed-time  and  harvest.  Besides,  Luther  beheld  it  in 
the  beginning  of  Summer,  the  light  of  an  Italian  sun  rendering  the 
young  verdure  which  clothed  its  surface  still  more  charming,  and 
reveaHng  to  the  itinerant  monk  a  pleasant  scene.  But  his  thoughts 
were  then  engrossed  with  one  main  object — he  was  within  sight  of 
the  metropolis  of  Christendom.  The  first  thing  that  would  naturally 
catch  his  eye  was  the  heights  of  Monte  Maria,  adjoining  the  Vatican, 
for  the  cupola  of  St.  Peter's  was  not  yet  built;  the  long,  ragged  line 
formed  by  the  buildings  and  towers  of  the  city  would  next  come  into 
view.  When  Luther  first  beheld  the  domes  of  the  sacred  place  he 
was  thrilled  with  those  emotions  which  every  one,  who  has  the  first 
sight  of  it  feels,  yet  few  hearts  have  ever  been  so  deeply  stirred  as 
the  German  monk's,  for  he  fell  upon  his  knees  and  exclaimed,  ''Holy 
Rome,  I  salute  thee!" 

After  traveling  many  a  weary  league  his  feet  stood  at  last  within 
the  gates  of  the  "Eternal  City."  He  persuaded  himself  to  believe 
that  he  breathed  a  holier  air,  and  was  in  the  midst  of  a  righteous 
people.  Every  moment  the  Nazarites  of  the  Lord  in  their  long  robes 
passed  by,  while  the  chimes,  which  pealed  forth  all  the  day  and  were 
not  silent  even  in  the  night,  indicated  that  prayers  and  praises  were 
continually  ascending  in  the  temples  of  worship.  The  decay  and 
ruin  visible  in  different  directions  deeply  impressed  the  mind  of 
Luther.  Glorious  palaces  and  noble  monuments  rose  on  every  side 
of  him ;  but,  to  his  astonishment,  in  the  midst  of  these  were  heaps  of 
rubbish,  the  remains  of  the  once  imperial  glory  of  the  city,  when  in 
its  palmy  days  it  was  adorned  with  the  products  of  art,  the  creations 
of  genius,  and  the  spoils  of  war.  These  physical  ruins  gave  him 
some  idea  of  Rome's  greatness  under  her  pagan  emperors  and  con- 
suls, and  their  defaced  and  ^nutilated  condition  excited  in  his  heart 

14 


196 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  profoundest  veneration.  In  his  thoughts  they  were  associated 
with  the  immortal  names  of  the  great  men  whose  deeds  had  thrilled 
him  and  whose  writings  had  instructed  him  in  his  native  land.  While 
iooking  at  the  stupendous  ruins  of  the  Coliseum  he  was  reminded  of 
the  martyrs  who  contended  on  that  spot  with  wild  beasts  and  died 
in  the  triumphs  of  that  faith  which  he  had  recently  embraced.  The 
mighty  temple  of  St.  Peter  and  the  Vatican,  where  the  Vicar  of 
Christ  had  erected  his  throne,  were  the  more  sacred  to  Luther, 
because  they  stood  where  the  martyrs  were  burned  "as  torches  to 
illumine  the  darkness  of  the  night."  As  he  wandered  through  the 
city  he  remembered  the  fact  that  Paul's  feet  also  had  walked  over  it, 
and  that  his  letter  to  the  brethren  there  had  been  opened  and  read 
by  them,  teaching  not  only  them,  but  even  himself,  sixteen  centuries 
later,  the  important  truth  that  "the  just  shall  live  by  faith." 

The  first  weeks  which  Luther  spent  in  Rome  were  occupied  in 
visiting  the  holy  places  and  saying  mass  at  the  altars  of  the  more 
holy  of  its  churches;  for,  though  converted  in  heart  and  trusting 
in  the  one  true  Mediator,  he  had  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  evangel- 
ical religion,  and  had  not  fully  emerged  from  the  darkness  of  Roman- 
ism. The  law  of  life  in  the  soul  may  not  be  able  suddenly  to  produce 
an  outward  course  of  liberty.  There  may  be  a  reformation  of  ideas 
while  the  old  habits  and  acts  of  legal  belief  yield  slowly  and  for  a 
time  survive.  It  was  difficult  for  Luther,  or  even  Christendom,  to 
find  the  way  out  of  a  night  of  twelve  centuries.  At  the  present  time 
that  night  still  broods  over  a  large  part  of  Europe.  The  physical 
deformities  of  Rome  wxre  not  the  only  stumbling-blocks  in  Luther's 
way.  He  soon  discovered  that  these  scars  and  other  outward  blem- 
ishes, which  war  or  barbarism  had  produced,  were  as  nothing  com- 
pared with  the  hideous  moral  corruptions  that  existed  beneath  the 
surface.  The  impiety,  luxury,  and  lewdness  which  shocked  him  in 
the  first  Italian  towns  he  had  entered,  and  which  he  had  beheld  at 
almost  every  place  since  crossing  the  Alps,  were  all  repeated  in  Rome 
on  a  scale  of  seven-fold  magnitude.  The  enchantment  that  had  sur- 
rounded Luther  was  suddenly  dispelled.  Instead  of  a  paradise  he 
found  a  pandemonium.  His  practice  of  saying  mass  at  all  the  popu- 
lar churches  brought  him  into  daily  contact  with  the  priests,  whom 
he  met  and  heard  behind  the  scenes.  Their  conversation  startled 
him,  and  he  could  not  conceal  from  himself  the  fact,  though  it  caused 
him  unspeakable  sorrow,  that  these  men  were  simply  playing  a  part, 
and  that  they  privately  held  in  contempt  and  treated  with  mockery 
the  very  rites  which  they  publicly  celebrated  with  so  much  apparent 


ROMISH  BLASPHEMIES. 


197 


devotion.  While  he  was  terribly  shocked  at  their  profane  levity, 
they  were  no  less  astonished  at  his  solemn  credulity,  deriding  him  as 
a  dull  German,  who  did  not  possess  enough  genius  to  be  a  skeptic  nor 
sufficient  cunning  to  be  a  hypocrite.  Indeed,  they  regarded  him  as 
a  fossilized  specimen  of  a  fanaticism  which  generally  prevailed  in  the 
twelfth  century,  but  which  they  were  amazed  to  find  still  existing  in 
the  sixteenth. 

While  Luther  was  saying  mass  one  day  in  a  prominent  church 
with  his  usual  solemnity,  the  priests  at  the  neighboring  altars,  who 
had  sung  seven  masses  to  his  one,  reproved  what  they  considered  his 
delay  with  these  words  of  blasphemy:  ''Make  haste,  and  send  Our 
Lady  back  to  her  Son."  To  them  **Lady  and  Son"  were  worth  only 
the  money  they  brought.  But  these  were  the  common  priests,  and 
not  the  true  representatives  of  the  faith  and  piety  of  the  Church. 
Hence  Luther  resolved  to  mingle  with  the  holy  dignitaries,  but  his 
belief  in  their  purity  must  also  be  destroyed  by  an  acquaintance  with 
them.  On  a  certain  occasion  he  was  in  a  company  of  prelates  who, 
supposing  the  German  monk  to  be  a  man  of  the  same  easy  faith  and 
morals  as  themselves,  hfted  the  veil  higher  than  prudence  would  dic- 
tate by  openly  expressing  their  disbelief  in  the  mysteries  of  their 
Church,  and  shamelessly  boasting  of  their  shrewdness  in  deceiving  the 
people.  Instead  of  the  words,  ''Hoc  est  ineitni  corpus,''  etc.,  the  words 
at  the  utterance  of  which  the  bread  is  changed,  as  the  Church  of 
Rome  teaches,  into  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ,  these  prelates, 
according  to  their  own  statement,  were  accustomed  to  say,  ''Pants  es. 
et panis  manebis.''  etc.,  Bread  thou  art  and  bread  thou  wilt  remain," 
and  then,  elevating  the  Host,  they  were  amused  at  seeing  the  people 
bow  down  and  worship.  These  declarations  of  the  prominent  priests 
filled  Luther  with  inexpressible  horror.  A  fearful  abyss  seemed  to 
yawn  suddenly  beneath  him,  but  it  exerted  a  salutary  influence  upon 
him.  His  eyes  were  opened,  and  he  was  now  convinced  that  he 
must  either  renounce  belief  in  Christianity  or  in  Rome.  He  could 
not  reject  the  first,  because  his  faith  in  it  had  been  too  deeply  rooted 
by  his  struggles  at  Erfurt.  The  Church  of  Rome  must,  therefore,  be 
abandoned ;  but,  while  he  was  resolved  to  separate  himself  from  her 
corrupt  clergy,  he  was  not  yet  ready  to  give  up  her  doctrines  and 
ceremonies. 

Instead  of  a  city  of  prayers  and  alms,  Rome  was  full  of  mocking 
hypocrisy  and  defiant  skepticism.  Among  the  clergy,  where  contrite 
hearts  and  holy  lives  are  naturally  expected,  Luther  found  shameless 
revelry  and  glaring  impiety.    Borgia  had  lately  closed  his  infamous 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


pontificate,  and  the  warlike  Julius  II  was  now  on  the  papal  throne. 
The  city  was  patrolled  every  night  by  a  powerful  police  force,  which 
was  empowered  to  inflict  summary  justice  on  offenders,  and,  in  some 
cases,  the  latter  were  hanged  at  the  first  post,  or  thrown  into  the 
Tiber.  But  all  the  vigilance  of  the  police  could  not  secure  the  peace 
and  safety  of  the  streets.  Robberies  and  murders  occurred  almost 
every  night.  **If  there  be  a  hell,"  said  Luther,  ''Rome  is  built 
over  it."  And  yet  it  was  in  Rome,  in  the  midst  of  all  this  darkness, 
that  the  light  of  truth  shone  fully  into  the  mind  of  the  reformer. 
There,  under  peculiar  circumstances,  that  grand  central  idea,  on 
which  his  own  life  and  also  the  whole  of  that  Reformation  which 
God  permitted  him  to  accomplish,  were  based — the  doctrine  of  justi- 
fication by  faith  alone — rose  upon  him  in  its  full-orbed  splendor. 
Desiring  to  improve  every  hour  of  his  sojourn  in  Rome,  he  was  con- 
stantly employed  in  performing  religious  acts,  because  he  believed 
that  they  had  a  tenfold  degree  of  merit  when  done  on  the  sacred  soil 
and  at  the  privileged  altars  and  shrines  of  the  city.  To  nourish  his 
piety  and  return  a  holier  man  than  he  came,  Luther  multiplied  his 
good  works,  for  as  yet  he  saw  but  dimly  the  sole  agency  of  faith  in 
the  justification  of  the  sinner. 

While  under  the  influence  of  these  feelings,  he  one  day  visited  the 
Church  of  the  Lateran.  It  has  always  been  held  in  peculiar  rever- 
ence from  its  venerable  antiquity,  and  especially  from  its  having  been 
long  regarded  as  the  mother  church  of  Christendom.  The  original 
edifice,  founded  by  Constantine,  was  greatly  injured  by  fire  in  the 
fourteenth  century ;  and  it  has  since  been  so  altered  and  enlarged 
that  hardly  a  stone  of  the  old  fabric  remains  ;  but,  as  there  has  never 
been  a  total  demolition  and  reconstruction,  the  chain  of  association 
remains  unbroken,  and  the  reverend  form  of  the  first  Christian 
emperor,  whose  statue  stands  in  the  vestibule,  is  still  the  presiding 
genius  of  the  place.  The  facade  is  of  a  style  of  architecture  kindred 
to  that  of  St.  Peter's,  but  superior  in  beauty  and  simplicity,  the 
perpendicular  of  the  columns  and  pilasters  which  support  the  massive 
entablature  being  broken  only  by  the  horizontal  line  of  the  balconies 
running  across  nearly  in  the  middle.  The  interior  is  rich  and  impos- 
ing, though  not  in  the  purest  taste.  The  features  of  the  basilica 
have  disappeared,  as  the  columns  which  once  separated  the  nave 
from  the  aisles  and  imprisoned  in  piers,  patched  over  with  ornaments 
in  stucco  and  marble.  Twelve  colossal  statues  of  the  apostles  in 
marble — six  on  either  hand — occupy  niches  scooped  out  of  these  piers. 
The  execution  of  these  works  fell  upon  evil  days  in  art,  and  they  are 


SCALA  SANCTA. 


200 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


characterized  by  flutter  and  extravagance.  The  impressions  of  the 
writer,  who  recently  visited  this  interesting  basilica,  are  expressed  by 
Hilliard,  the  distinguished  American  lawyer  and  connoisseur,  who 
was  in  Rome  thirty  years  ago.  Speaking  of  the  interior  of  St.  John 
Lateran,  he  says:  **The  draperies  look  as  if  the  wearers"  (the 
apostles)  **had  been  out  in  a  high  wind,  and  suddenly  stiffened  into 
stone ;  and  their  attitudes  are  painful  to  the  eye,  for  they  seem  to  be 
maintained  by  muscular  effort.  But  they  show  great  skill  and  mechan- 
ical cleverness.  They  are  in  art  what  Darwin's  '  Botanic  Garden ' 
is  in  poetry ;  and,  in  making  this  comparison  I  recognize  the  merits 
both  of  the  statues  and  the  poem."  The  visitor  to  the  basilica  will 
be  reminded  of  those  Gothic  forms  so  rarely  seen  in  Rome,  when  he 
beholds  the  high  altar  of  gilded  bronze,  resting  on  four  columns  of 
granite,  and  resembling  the  diminished  spire  of  a  cathedral.  The 
venerable  mosaics  of  the  tribune,  executed  by  a  contemporary  of 
Cimabue,  show  in  the  attitude  and  expression  of  the  figures  the 
gleams  of  the  new  dawn  of  art,  but  they  are  not  in  harmony  with 
the  objects  around  them. 

To  the  devout  Roman  Catholic  this  venerable  edifice  has  always 
been  sacred.  In  it  Pope  Sylvester  II  was  buried,  A.  D.  1003  ;  but 
neither  this  fact  nor  the  artistic  attractions  drew  Luther  to  it.  He 
went  there  to  ascend  the  Scala  Santa,  or  Holy  Stairs,  which  tradition 
says  Christ  descended  on  retiring  from  the  hall  of  judgment,  where 
Pilate  had  passed  sentence  upon  him.  It  is  said  that  these  stairs, 
which  are  of  marble,  were  conveyed  from  Jerusalem  to  Rome  by 
angels,  who  have  so  often  rendered  similar  services  to  the  Church — 
^'Our  Lady's  House"  at  Loretto,  for  example.  The  stairs,  so  trans- 
ported, were  enshrined  in  the  palace  of  the  Lateran,  and  every  one 
who  climbs  them  on  his  knees  merits  an  indulgence  of  fifteen  years 
for  each  ascent.  The  steps  became  so  worn  by  both  lips  and  knees, 
as  to  necessitate  wooden  coverings,  which  have  been  replaced  several 
times.  They  can  only  be  ascended  on  one's  knees ;  but,  fortunately  for 
curious  unbelievers,  there  is  a  narrower  staircase  on  either  side,  by 
which  they  can  mount,  and  by  which  the  faithful  may  descend. 
During  any  morning  of  ''Holy  Week"  may  here  be  seen  a  throng 
of  devotees,  climbing  with  prayerful  patience,  and  leaving  kisses 
on  every  step.  These  pilgrims  are  not  always  solemn,  as  Dr.  Wylie, 
in  185 1,  saw  some  peasants  from  Rimini  ascending  and,  at  the  same 
time,  enlivening  the  performance  with  roars  of  laughter,  for  it  is  the 
devout  act,  not  the  devout  feeling,  that  earns  the  indulgence.  A 
French  gentleman  and  lady,  with  their  little  daughter,  also  made  the 


POPE  JULIUS  II. 


201 


ascent,  but  in  a  more  decorous  manner.  The  writer  several  years 
ago  witnessed  a  large  number  performing  the  same  ceremony,  and, 
while  the  Protestant  Christian  visits  the  place  because  of  its  associa- 
tion with  Luther's  conversion,  he  beholds  the  scene  enacted  there, 
and  with  a  sad  heart  pities  the  credulity  of  the  superstitious  Roman 
Catholic. 

Luther,  not  doubting  either  the  legend  concerning  the  stairs  or 
the  merit  which  the  bulls  of  the  popes  attached  to  the  holy  act  of 
climbing  them,  began  the  work  with  earnestness.  While  slowly 
mounting  upward  in  the  appointed  way,  securing  for  himself  a  year's 
indulgence  at  every  step,  he  was  startled  by  a  sudden  voice,  which 
seemed  as  if  it  spoke  from  heaven,  and  said,  ''The  just  shall  live  by 
faith."  Luther  started  to  his  feet  in  amazement.  This  was  the  third 
time  these  same  words  had  been  conveyed  into  his  mind  with  such 
emphasis  that  they  appeared  to  be  uttered  with  a  voice  of  thunder. 
Its  tones  were  now  louder  than  ever,  so  that  he  grasped  more  fully 
the  great  truth  which  it  announced,  and  under  its  inspiration  departed 
from  Rome  to  inaugurate  the  great  Reformation. 


Chapter  VIII. 

THE  PAPACY  AND  ITALY. 

THE  voice  of  Savonarola  had  been  silenced  by  the  flames,  but 
his  eloquent  words,  demanding  a  reformation  of  the  Church, 
both  in  its  head  and  members,  lingered  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
This  earnest,  fearless  monk  expressed  the  sentiment  that  had  been 
secretly,  yet  surely  advancing  in  Italy  ever  since  the  Council  of  Pisa, 
A.  D.  1409.  Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  or 
in  A.  D.  15 1 1,  Pope  Julius  II  was  compelled  to  convene  a  council  at 
Pisa.  Louis  XII,  king  of  France,  provoked  by  the  insults  he  had 
received  from  this  violent  pontiff,  meditated  revenge,  and  even  caused 
a  medal  to  be  struck,  with  a  menacing  inscription,  expressing  his 
determination  to  overturn  the  power  of  Rome,  which  was  repre- 
sented by  the  title  of  Babylon  on  this  coin.  Several  cardinals  also, 
encouraged  by  the  protection  of  this  monarch  and  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  I,  endeavored,  in  this  council,  to  correct  and  reform  the 
errors  and  corruptions  of  a  superstitious  Church.  The  decrees  that 
were  passed  during  its  sittings  at  Pisa  were  so  many  rays  of  light 


202  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

shining  through  the  darkness  that  then  enveloped  Italy  and  the 
remainder  of  Europe. 

The  pope,  on  the  contrary,  relying  on  his  own  strength  and  on 
the  power  of  his  allies,  beheld  these  threatening  appearances  without 
the  least  concern,  and  even  treated  them  with  mockery  and  con- 
tempt. He  did  not  neglect,  however,  the  proper  methods  of  render- 
ing ineffectual  the  efforts  of  his  enemies,  and  therefore  gave  orders 
for  a  council  to  meet  in  the  palace  of  the  Lateran  at  Rome,  A.  D. 
1 5 12,  in  which  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Pisa  were  condemned 
and  annulled  in  the  most  injurious  and  insulting  terms.  But  Julius 
II  could  not  repress  the  demand  for  reform  which  was  made  in  this 
assembly.  Among  the  prominent  orations  were  those  delivered  by 
Egidio  of  Viterbo,  general  of  the  order  of  Augustinians,  and  Gian- 
francesco  Pico,  the  learned  and  pious  count  of  Mirandula ;  both  of 
whom  denounced,  with  singular  freedom  and  boldness,  the  abuses 
which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the  Church  and  the  utter  extinction 

of  religion.  The  pope,  no 
doubt,  would  have  hurled 
the  most  formidable  anathe- 
mas against  Louis  and  other 
princes  had  not  death  re- 
moved him  in  the  midst  of 
his  ambitious  and  vindictive 
projects. 

He  was  succeeded  by  Leo 
X,  A.  D.  1513,  who  was  of 
the  family  of  the  Medicis. 
This  pontiff  was  a  lover  and 
patron  of  literature  and  the 
arts.  A  profound  scholar 
himself,  he  also  protected 
literary  men,  and  devoted  his 
time  to  conversations  with 
them  and  to  the  pursuit  of 
pleasure.  He  disliked  to  be 
burdened  with  solicitude  and 
care,  and  exhibited  the  ut- 
most impatience  when  duty 
imposed  severe  labor;  but  he  never  neglected  the  grand  object, 
which  the  most  of  his  predecessors  had  so  much  at  heart — the  pro- 
motion and  advancement  of  the  papacy  in  wealth  and  splendor. 


GENERAL  DISCONTENT. 


203 


Julius  II,  during  the  sitting  of  the  Council  of  Lateran,  had  been 
summoned  to  appear  before  a  higher  tribunal,  leaving  many  impor- 
tant questions  to  be  decided  by  Leo  X,  who  opposed  every  measure 
that  had  the  least  tendency  to  favor  the  reformation  of  the  Church. 
He  went  still  further,  and  in  a  conference  with  Francis  I,  king  of 
France,  at  Bologna,  induced  that  monarch  to  abrogate  the  "Prag- 
matic Sanction,"  so  long  odious  to  the  popes  of  Rome,  and  to  sub- 
stitute in  its  place  another  body  of  laws  more  advantageous  to  the 
papacy,  which,  under  the  title  of  the  Concordat,  his  subjects  were 
compelled  to  obey,  though  with  the  utmost  indignation  and  reluctance. 

\^jriie~.  corruptions  prevailing  in  the  Romish  Church  were  con- 
demned, not  only  by  many  •of  the  delegates  in  the  general  councils, 
but  also  by  the  satirical  effusions  of  the  press.  The  reigning  pon- 
tiffs, however,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  wealth  and  luxury,  and  con- 
scious of  absolute  authority,  regarded  these  censures  with  indifference ; 
but  at  length  complaints  were  heard  in  the  pulpit,  and  the  people 
began  to  murmur.  This  mode  of  attack  could  not  be  safely  tol- 
erated;  and,  accordingly,  Leo  X  issued  a  bull,  A.  D.._i^i6;  in 
which  he  reprimanded  certain  irregularities,  and  prohibited  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  coming  of  Antichrist.  It  was  too  late.  During  the 
following  year  a  cry  was  raised  in  the  heart  of  Germany,  and  the 
ominous  sounds,  Antichrist  and  Babylon,  reverberated  from  every 
corner  of  Europe,  and  awoke  the  astonished  inmates  of  the  Vatican 
from  the  security  in  which  the}'  had  slumbered  for  ages.  It  was  not 
strange  that  ecclesiastical  grievances  should  call  forth  such  general 
complaint  and  remonstrance  in  Italy,  where  they  existed  in  an  aggra- 
vated form.  The  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  their  neglect  of  religious 
instruction,  produced  their  legitimate  results.  The  people  remained 
in  ignorance,  ecclesiastical  offices  were  sold,  and  sacred  things  pros- 
tituted to  worldly  purposes.  Popish  writers,  and  persons  whose 
official  situations  admitted  them  into  all  the  secrets  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  confessed  that  it  had  become  more  corrupt  than  any  of  the 
secular  courts  of  Europe.  The  popes,  in  their  spirit  and  character, 
were  merely  secular  princes,  and  the  Romish  hierarchy  obtained  the 
degrading  reputation  of  being  immoral  and  unprincipled.  Cabals, 
intrigue,  and  bribery  reigned  at  Rome.  The  ministers  were  united 
in  their  efforts  to  deceive  the  world ;  but  often  their  personal  inter- 
ests clashed,  and  they  labored  to  supplant  one  another. 

The  occupants  of  the  papal  chair,  for  some  time  before  the  Ref- 
ormation, openly  practiced  vices  which  the  increasing  knowledge  of 
the  age  should  have  condemned.    During  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus 


204 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


IV  a  terrible  spectacle  was  presented  to  the  world.  The  pope,  a 
cardinal,  and  an  archbishop  were  associated  with  a  band  of  ruffians 
to  murder  two  men  who  were  an  honor  to  their  country;  and  they 
even  agreed  to  perpetrate  this  crime  during  a  season  of  hospitality, 
within  the  sanctuary  of  a  Christian  church,  and  at  the  signal  of  the 
elevation  of  the  host.  The  insatiable  avarice  and  profligate  manners 
of  Alexander  VI  were  so  notorious  that  Sanazzaro  has  compared 
him  to  the  greatest  monsters  of  antiquity — to  Nero,  Caligula,  and 
Heliogabalus.  Julius  II  was  more  ambitious  to  be  distinguished  as  a 
soldier  than  a  bishop,  and  by  his  turbulence  Italy  was  in  a  state  of 
continual  excitement  and  warfare.  Leo  X,  though  celebrated  for  his 
elegant  accomplishments  and  his  patronage  of  literature  and  the  arts, 
disgraced  the  papal  chair  by  his  voluptuousness  and  luxury.  To 
gratify  his  love  of  pleasure,  and  his  passion  for  magnificent  extrava- 
gance, he  resorted  to  such  methods  in  securing  money  as  were  a 
reproach  to  Christianity. 

\  The  following  description  of  the  papal  court,  by  an  Italian  who 
live^in  the  age  of  the  Reformation,  is  significant:  V  Having  raised 


themselves  to  earthly  power  on  this  basis  and  by  these  rnethods,  the 
popes  gradually  lost  sight  of  the  salvation  of  souls  and  divine  pre- 
cepts, and  bending  their  thoughts  to  worldly  grandeur,  and  making 
use  of  their  spiritual  authority  solely  as  an  instrument  and  tool  to 
advance  their  temporal,  they  began  to  lay  aside  the  appearance  of 
bishops  and  assume  the  state  of  secular  princes.  Their  concern  was 
no  longer  to  maintain  sanctity  of  life,  to  promote  religion,  or  to  show 
charity  to  mankind ;  but  to  accumulate  treasures,  to  raise  armies,  to 
wage  war  against  Christians.  The  sacred  mysteries  were  celebrated 
with  thoughts  and  hands  stained  with  blood ;  and,  with  the  view  of 
drawing  money  from  every  quarter,  new  edicts  were  issued,  new  arts 
invented,  new  stratagems  laid ;  spiritual  censures  were  fulminated, 
and  all  things,  sacred  and  profane,  sold  without  distinction  and  with- 
out shame.  LThe  immense  riches  amassed  in  this  way,  and  scattered 
among  the  courtiers,  were  followed  by  pomp,  luxury,  licentiousness, 
and  the  vilest  and  most  abominable  lusts.  No  care  was  taken  to 
maintain  the  dignity  of  the  pontificate ;  no  thought  bestowed  on  the 
character  of  those  who  should  succeed  to  it ;  the  reigning  pope 
sought  only  how  he  might  raise  his  sons,  nephews,  and  other  rela- 
tions to  immoderate  wealth,  and  even  to  principalities  and  kingdoms; 
V  and,  instead  of  conferring  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  emoluments  on 
the  virtuous  and  deserving,  he  either  sold  them  to  the  best  bidder  or 
lavished  them  on  those  who  promised  to  be  most  subservient  to  his 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  SKEPTICISM. 


205 


ambition,  avarice,  and  voluptuousness.  Though  these  things  had 
eradicated  from  the  minds  of  men  all  that  reverence  which  was  once 
felt  for  the  popes,  yet  their  authority  was  still  sustained  to  a  certain 
degree  by  the  imposing  and  potent  influence  of  the  name  of  religion, 
together  with  the  means  which  they  possessed  of  gratifying  princes 
and  their  courtiers  by  bestowing  on  them  dignities  and  other  ecclesi- 
astical favors.  Presuming  on  the  respect  which  men  entertained  for 
their  office — aware  that  any  prince  who  took  up  arms  against  them 
incurred  general  odium  and  exposed  himself  to  the  attack  of  other 
powers,  and  knowing  that  if  victorious  they  could  make  their  own 
terms,  and  if  vanquished  they  would  escape  on  easy  conditions — the 
pontiffs  abandoned  themselves  to  their  ruling  passion  of  aggrandizing 
their  friends,  and  proved  for  a  long  time  the  instruments  of  exciting 
wars  and  spreading  conflagrations  over  the  whole  of  Italy."  The 
productions  of  this  writer  sometimes  exhibit  a  copiousness  that  re- 
minds us  of  Livy,  and  a  spirit  of  indignation  against  tyranny  like 
that  which  animates  the  pages  of  Tacitus.  The  censors  of  the  press 
in  Italy  would  not  allow  the  work  to  be  published  until  the  above 
extract  was  stricken  out. 

At  this  time  there  existed  in  Italy  numerous  and  serious  difficul- 
ties, which  were  unfavorable  to  the  reception  of  divine  truth  and  the 
cause  of  ecclesiastical  reform.  The  people  were  not  superstitously 
devoted  to  the  Roman  See,  and  the  Italian  republics  during  the 
Middle  Ages  manifested  a  degree  of  religious  independence  that  was 
remarkable  ;  but  this  reaction  against  the  papacy  introduced  a  skep- 
ticism which  was  not  less  hostile  to  Protestant  Christianity.  The 
sagacious  Italians  had  at  an  early  period  discovered  that  the  claims 
of  the  popes,  so  long  enveloped  in  mystery,  were  without  founda- 
tion, and  their  esteem  for  the  occupants  of  the  papal  chair  did  not 
increase  after  a  close  inspection  of  their  lives  and  the  motives  which 
actuated  them.  The  people  of  Italy,  by  their  proximity  to  the  Vat- 
ican, had  a  good  opportunity  to  prosecute  this  investigation  ;  and  the 
result  was  the  eradication  from  their  minds  of  those  feelings  of  ven- 
eration for  the  popes  which  were  entertained  in  other  countries. 
The  established  forms  of  the  Church  continued  to  receive  external 
respect ;  but  the  prevailing  corruption  produced  an  indifference  con- 
cerning religion  which,  on  the  revival  of  letters,  became  real  skep- 
ticism. It  would  seem  to  be  an  easy  matter  to  sever  a  people  in  this 
condition  from  the  Romish  Church  ;  and  yet  none  are  more  difficult 
to  impress  with  the  truth  than  those  who  practice  the  external  rites 
of  religion,  but  are  ignorant  of  its  inner  life.    The  pride  of  the 


206 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


human  mind  is  hostile  to  the  simple  and  spiritual  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel ;  and,  though  men  may  be  emancipated  from  prejudices,  yet 
when  their  hearts  are  dead  to  religious  feeling  they  readily  support 
established  systems  of  error,  and  as  bitterly  persecute  the  truth  as 
the  most  superstitious  and  bigoted. 

If  before  the  sixteenth  century  there  were  few  heretics  in  Italy, 
or  if  those  who  deviated  from  the  popular  faith  were  less  observed  or 
less  severely  punished  there  than  in  other  countries,  it  was  because 
the  people  did  not  trouble  themselves  about  the  matter.  As  a  gen- 
eral rule,  the  Italians  were  not  attached  to  the  Roman  Church  either 
by  a  lively  faith  or  an  ardent  enthusiasm.  The  sentiments  of  their 
hearts  and  the  convictions  of  their  understandings  did  not  approve 
its  principles.  The  educated  classes  felt  a  higher  regard  for  the  writ- 
ings of  Aristotle  or  Plato  than  for  the  Bible  or  the  teachings  of  the 
Christian  Fathers ;  while  the  multitude,  always  moved  by  the  sensu- 
ous and  the  imaginative,  were  attracted  to  the  services  of  the  Church, 
because  its  temples  were  magnificent  and  its  religious  festivals  grand. 
.But  while  the  Italians  were  without  religious  principle  and  devotion, 
their  attachment  to  the  Romish  See  had  been  strengthened,  for  more 
than  a  century  before  the  Reformation,  by  national  vanity.  The 
wealth  and  importance  of  the  city  of  Rome  had  been  greatly  dimin- 
ished by  the  removal  of  the  papal  court  to  Avignon ;  but  after  the 
return  of  the  popes  to  their  ancient  seat,  and  the  recovery  of  the 
pontificate  from  the  serious  wound  inflicted  on  it  by  the^ schism  of 
the  anti- popes,  the  Romans  believed  that  their  former  distinction 
would  be  restored.  The  ancient  glory  of  Italy  as  the  mistress  of  the 
world  had  departed,  never  to  return ;  but,  in  their  opinion,  the  loss 
was  compensated  by  the  noble  position  she  now  occupied  as  the 
head  of  Christendom.  The  Italians  generally  shared  this  patriotic 
feeling,  and  while  they  were  conscious  of  the  corrupt  state  of  the 
Church,  their  regard  for  the  national  interest  constrained  them  to 
defend  it.  Accordingly,  when  the  councils  of  Pisa,  Constance,  and 
Basle  attacked  the  corruptions  of  the  Roman  court,  and  endeavored 
to  abridge  its  extensive  authority,  the  Italians  opposed  these  reform- 
atory movements.  The  pontiffs  were  accused  of  "Italian  vices," 
and  the  people  considered  themselves  dishonored  as  a  nation  by  such 
invectives.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  they  should  seek  to  palli- 
ate these  evil  practices. 

The  popes  obtained  popular  favor  by  fostering  this  patriotic  spirit. 
They  resolved  that  the  power  which  they  had  gradually  acquired 
over  the  nations  of  the  West  should  be  productive ;  and  they  adopted 


THE  DOMINICAN  CONTROVERSY. 


207 


a  policy  which  directed  the  wealth  of  Europe  through  various  chan- 
nels to  Rome,  from  which  it  was  distributed  over  the  entire  country. 
The  first  year's  produce  of  all  ecclesiastical  livings  after  every  va- 
cancy, called  annats,  came  into  their  hands,  together  with  large  sums 
of  money  for  the  confirmation  of  bishops,  and  for  the  gift  of  archi- 
episcopal  palls. 


Chapter  IX. 

ITALY  RECEIVING  LIGHT  FROM  GERMANY. 

THE  attention  of  the  Italians  was  directed  to  the  important  ques- 
tion of  reform  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  a 
controversy  which  excited  a  deep  interest  in  Germany  for  several 
years,  and  finally  reached  the  papal  court  for  decision.  A  baptized 
Jew  of  Cologne,  named  Pfefferkorn,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Domin- 
ican inquisitor,  Hochstraten,  assisted  by  the  monks  of  his  order, 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Emperor  Maximilian  to  issue  a  decree 
ordaining  all  Jewish  books,  with  the  exception  of  the  Bible,  to  be 
burned,  because  they  were  filled  with  blasphemies  against  Christ. 
John  Reuchlin,  or  Capnio,  a  learned  man  of  Suabia  and  the  restorer 
of  Hebrew  literature  among  Christians,  labored,  both  privately  and 
through  the  press,  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  decree.  The 
emperor  requested  him  to  examine  the  books.  After  completing 
the  work,  Reuchlin  indicated  what  books  could  be  condemned  by 
the  imperial  order,  and,  accordingly,  these  were  consigned  to  the 
flames ;  but  such  as  contained  no  attacks  upon  Christianity  were 
saved.  This  enraged  the  Dominicans,  who  commenced  a  fierce  war 
upon  him.  The  resentment  of  the  clergy  was  so  bitter  that  they 
ventured  to  accuse  him  of  heresy,  and  quoted  passages  from  his  writ- 
ings to  prove  it.  But  Reuchlin  confounded  them,  A.  D.  15 13,  in  his 
''Defense  against  my  Detractors  in  Cologne."  His  successful  oppo- 
sition to  them  made  his  enemies  more  vindictive,  and  sentence  was 
pronounced  against  him,  first  by  the  divines  of  Cologne,  and  after- 
wards by  the  Sorbonne  at  Paris.  Hochstraten  assembled  a  tribunal 
at  Mayence,  and  had  the  writings  of  Reuchlin  condemned  and  burned. 
The  able  professor  appealed  to  Pope  Leo  X,  and  the  friends  of  learn- 
ing determined  to  make  his  cause  a  common  one. 

Erasmus  and  other  distinguished  men  wrote  warmly  in  their  be- 
half to  their  friends  at  Rome,  some  of  whom  belonged  to  the  sacred 


208 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


college;  and  the  monks,  with  equal  zeal,  made  a  strong  effort  to  de- 
feat those  whom  they  both  hated  and  feared.  On  the  one  side  stood 
the  monks,  the  most  faithful  servants  of  the  popes ;  on  the  other, 
the  men  whose  talents  and  writings  had  attracted  the  admiration  of 
Europe.  No  contest  of  the  kind  had,  for  a  long  time,  awakened  such 
general  interest,  especially  in  Italy  and  Germany,  where  learned  men 
almost  universally  defended  Reuchlin.  The  papal  court,  not  wishing 
to  offend  either  party,  protracted  this  delicate  case  from  time  to  time, 
and  during  the  interval  the  most  cutting  satires  were  written  on  the 
monks  and  their  supporters.  Leo  X  himself  had  no  deep  attach- 
ment to  this  class,  and  referred  the  whole  matter  to  the  bishop  of 
Spires,  who  declared  Reuchlin  innocent,  and  condemned  the  monks 
to  pay  the  cost  of  the  investigation.  The  ultimate  sentence,  enjoin- 
ing silence  on  both  parties,  was  scarcely  ratified  when  the  controversy 
between  Luther  and  the  preachers  of  indulgences  arose,  and  was 
brought  before  the  same  tribunal  for  decision.  The  course  pursued 
by  Pfefferkorn,  the  suspicious  convert  from  Judaism,  contributed  in 
no  small  degree  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  Italians  to  Germany, 
whose  inhabitants  they  had  hitherto  regarded  with  contempt.  A 
more  favorable  opinion  was  now  entertained,  especially  since  Luther 
espoused  the  cause  of  Reuchlin.  The  latter  was  also  defended  by 
Ulrich  von  Hiitten,  a  German  scholar,  and  a  mortal  enemy  of  the 
monks.  He  was  of  a  noble  family  of  Franconia,  and  won  great 
distinction  both  by  his  pen  and  his  sword.  In  early  life  he  visited 
Italy,  and  was  present  at  the  siege  of  Padua.  The  abominations  of 
Rome  aroused  his  indignation,  and,  after  his  return  to  Germany,  he 
composed  a  work  against  the  court  of  Rome,  in  which  its  vices  are 
described  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  the  forcible  overthrow  of  its  tyr- 
anny advocated.  There  are,"  says  a  traveler,  Vadiseus,  who  figures 
in  that  work,  * '  three  things  one  usually  brings  away  with  him  from 
Rome:  a  bad  conscience,  an  impaired  stomach,  and  an  empty  purse. 
There  are  three  things  which  Rome  does  not  believe :  the  immortality 
of  the  soul,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  hell.  There  are  three 
things  of  which  Rome  makes  traffic:  the  grace  of  Christ,  ecclesias- 
tical dignities,  and  women."  To  Hiitten,  surnamed  the  Demos- 
thenes of  Germany,  on  account  of  his  philippics  against  popery,  has 
been  attributed  the  famous  satire  which  appeared  A.  D.  15 16,  enti- 
tled, EpistolcB  Obsciironim  Vironim.  But  it  has  been  ascertained  that 
his  friend,  Crotus  Robianus,  who  was  a  college  acquaintance,  and 
other  Germans,  were  the  real  authors  of  this  production,  though 
Hiitten  contributed  largely  to  it. 


THE  "LETTERS''— L UTHER 'S  WRITINGS  IN  ITAL  Y.  209 


In  these  ''Letters"  the  adversaries  of  ReuchHn,  the  monks,  are 
represented  as  the  writers,  and  are  made  to  discuss  the  current  affairs 
of  the  day,  and  especially  theological  subjects,  after  their  own  fashion, 
and  in  their  own  barbarous  Latin.  The  most  absurd  questions  are 
addressed  to  Eratius,  their  correspondent  at  Cologne,  revealing  their 
own  gross  ignorance,  superstition,  unbelief,  fanatical  zeal,  pride,  and 
vulgar  spirit.  Worse  than  all,  they  expose  the  excesses  and  profligacy 
of  the  chiefs  of  their  party,  and  relate  several  scandalous  anecdotes 
of  Hochstraten  and  Pfefferkorn.  There  is  in  these  "Letters"  a  com- 
bination of  silliness  and  hypocrisy  which  renders  them  very  comic, 
and  yet  they  are  so  natural  that  even  the  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
ciscans of  England  accepted  them  as  a  genuine  and  faithful  statement 
of  the  principles  and  conduct  of  their  order.  But  when  the  monks 
in  Germany  saw  the  ''Letters"  they  were  indignant,  and  resolved  to 
submit  the  matter  to  Leo  X.  The  pope,  however,  refused  to  issue 
a  bull  against  the  satirical  production,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  monks, 
and  the  delight  of  their  enemies.  This  excitement  had  some  influ- 
ence in  Italy,  and  no  doubt  prepared  the  way  for  those  more  im- 
portant events  which  were  soon  to  follow. 

Luther  pubhshed  his  "Theses  "  A.  D.  15 17,  and  in  less  than  two 
years  his  writings  appeared  in  Italy.    There  was  nothing  to  indicate 
that  a  dispute,  conducted  by  a  friar,  in  an  obscure  part  of  Germany, 
in  opposition  to  the  sale  of  indulgences  would  awaken  any  special 
interest  in  other  countries.    The  traffic  in  which  Tetzel  engaged  had 
long  been  sanctioned  and  practiced  by  the  Roman  See,  for  its  pecua-- 
iary  benefit.    It  was  not  so  much  the  evil  itself  as  Luther's  boldness, 
in  attacking  it  that  startled  Italy  and  other  nations.    The  impudence 
of  his  antagonists  provoked  the  reformer  to  greater  perseverance,  and; 
gradually  led  him  to  censure  other  abuses,  until  his  name  and  opinr 
ions  soon  became  the  topic  of  conversation  beyond  the  limits  of  his 
native  land.   JThe  favorable  reception  of  his  writings  by  the  learned 
men  of  Italy  must  have  been  exceedingly  gratifying  to  him.  John; 
Froben,  a  celebrated  publisher  at  Basle,  sent  Luther  the  following: 
information  in  a  letter  addressed  to  him,  and  dated  February  14,  A. 
D.  1 5 19:  "Blasius  Salmonius,  a  bookseller  at  Leipsic,  presented  me,, 
at  the  last  Frankfort  fair,  with  certain  treatises  composed  by  you,, 
which,  being  approved  by  learned  men,  I  immediately  put  to  pressj 
and  sent  six  hundred  copies  to  France  and  Spain.    My  friends  assure 
me  that  they  are  sold  at  Paris,  and  read  and  approved  of,  even  by 
the  Sorbonnists.    Several  learned  men  there  have  said  that  they  have 
long  wished  to  see  divine  things  treated  with  such  becoming  freedom. 


2IO 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Calvus,  a  bookseller  of  Pavia,  himself  a  scholar  and  addicted  to  the 
muses,  has  carried  a  great  part  of  the  impression  into  Italy.  He 
promises  to  send  epigrams  written  in  your  praise  by  the  most  enlight- 
ened men  in  that  country;  such  favor  have  you  gained  to  yourself 
and  the  cause  of  Christ  by  your  constancy,  courage,  and  dexterity." 
A  letter  has  also  been  preserved,  written  about  this  time  by  an  indi- 
vidual in  Rome,  in  which  the  spirit  and  writings  of  Luther  are 
applauded. 

In  A.  D.  1520  Burchard  Schenk,  a  German  nobleman  and  a 
monk,  who  was  residing  at  Venice,  wrote  to  Spalatin,  the  chaplain 
of  the  elector  of  Saxony,  saying:  ''According  to  your  request,  I 
have  read  the  books  of  Martin  Luther,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  he 
has  been  much  esteemed  in  this  place  for  some  time  past.  But  the 
common  saying  is,  *Let  him  beware  of  the  pope!'  Upwards  of  two 
months  ago  ten  copies  of  his  books  were  brought  here,  and  instantly 
purchased,  before  I  had  even  heard  of  their  arrival ;  but  in  the  begin- 
ning of  this  month  (September),  ^  mandate  from  the  pope  and  the 
patriarch  of  Venice,  arrived  prohibiting  them;  and  a  strict  search 
having  been  instituted  among  the  booksellers,  one  imperfect  copy 
was  found  and  seized.  I  had  endeavored  to  obtain  that  copy,  but 
the  bookseller  durst  not  dispose  of  it."  In  a  letter  written  during 
the  following  year,  the  same  person  states  that  the  senate  of  Venice 
had  at  last  reluctantly  consented  to  the  publication  of  the  papal  bull 
against  Luther,  but  had  taken  care  that  it  should  not  be  read  until 
the  people  had  left  the  church. 

This  correspondence  relates  two  curious  circumstances.  The  one 
is,  that  Schenk  had  received  a  commission  from  the  elector  of  Saxony 
to  purchase  relics  for  the  collegiate  church  at  Wittemberg;  but  the 
commission  was  now  revoked,  and  the  relics  sent  back  to  Italy,  to  be 
sold  at  what  price  they  could  bring;  ''for,"  writes  Spalatin,  "here 
even  the  common  people  despise  them,  and  think  it  sufficient  (as  it 
certainly  is)  if  they  be  taught  from  the  Scriptures  to  have  faith  and 
confidence  in  God,  and  to  love  their  neighbor."  The  other  circum- 
stance is,  that  the  person  whom  Schenk  employed  to  collect  relics  for 
the  elector  was  Vigerio,  who  afterwards  became  bishop  of  Capo  d' 
Istria,  and  legate  of  the  pope  to  the  German  princes,  but  who 
ultimately  embraced  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  and  became 
eminently  instrumental  in  their  diffusion  and  elsewhere.  His  charac- 
ter at  this  early  period  of  his  life  deserves  consideration,  because,  after 
his  renunciation  of  popery,  the  greatest  efforts  were  made  by  Romish 
writers  to  discredit  his  authority  and  tarnish  his  reputation.    He  is 


PROTESTANT  DOCTRINES  IN  ROME. 


211 


described  by  Schenk  as  "a  most  excellent  young  man,  who  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  among  the  students  of  law  at  Padua,  and  was 
desirous  of  finishing  his  studies  at  Wittemberg  under  the  auspices  and 
patronage  of  the  elector  Frederick." 

The  writings  of  Luther,  Melancthon,  Zwingle,  and  Bucer,  notwith- 
standing all  the  pontifical  bulls  issued  against  them,  were  circulated 
and  read  with  eagerness  and  delight  in  various  parts  of  Italy.  .  Some 
of  them  were  translated  into  the  Italian  language,  and  were  published 
under  fictitious  names,  so  that  the  inquisitors  could  not  ascertain  who 
were  the  real  authors  or  what  was  the  subject.  With  disguised  titles 
they  entered  Rome  and  were  read  in  the  pope's  own  palace  by  some 
of  the  bishops  and  cardinals  who  praised  their  sentiments,  but  were 
compelled  to  denounce  them  as  heretical  and  dangerous  Avhen  the 
true  authors  were  discovered.  An  incident  of  this  kind  is  related 
by  the  elder  Scaliger  when  he  was  at  Rome.  "Cardinal  Seraphin," 
says  he,  "who  was  at  that  time  counselor  of  the  papal  Rota,  came 
to  me  one  day  and  said :  *  We  have  had  a  most  laughable  business 
before  us  to-day.  The  "  Common  Places"  of  Philip  Melancthon  were 
printed  at  Venice  with  this  title,  par  Mcsscr  Ippofilo  da  Teira  Negra. 
Being  sent  to  Rome,  they  were  freely  bought  for  the  space  of  a 
whole  year  and  read  with  great  applause,  so  that,  the  copies  being 
exhausted,  an  order  was  sent  to  Venice  for  a  fresh  supply;  but,  in 
the  mean  time,  a  Franciscan  friar,  who  possessed  a  copy  of  the 
original  edition,  discovered  the  trick,  and  denounced  the  book  as  a 
Lutheran  production  from  the  pen  of  IMelancthon.  It  was  proposed 
to  punish  the  poor  printer,  who  probably  could  not  read  one  word 
of  the  original ;  but  at  last  it  was  agreed  to  burn  the  copies  and  sup- 
press the  whole  affair.'  " 

A  similar  anecdote  is  related  of  Luther's  preface  to  the  "Epistle 
to  the  Romans"  and  his  treatise  on  "Justification,"  which  were  read 
with  avidity  for  some  time  as  the  productions  of  Cardinal  Fregoso. 
The  works  of  Zwingle  were  circulated  under  the  name  of  Coricius 
Cogelius;  and  several  editions  of  Martin  Bucer's  commentary  on  the 
Psalms  were  sold  in  Italy  and  France  as  the  work  of  Aretius  Felinus. 
The  learned  author,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingle,  says:  "I  am  employed' 
in  an  exposition  of  the  Psalms,  which,  at  the  urgent  request  of  our 
brethren  in  France  and  Lower  Germany,  I  propose  to  publish  under 
a  foreign  name,  that  the  work  may  be  bought  by  their  booksellers; 
for  it  is  a  capital  crime  to  import  into  these  countries  books  which; 
bear  our  names.  I  therefore  pretend  that  I  am  a  Frenchman,  and,, 
if  I  do  not  change  my  mind,  shall  send  forth  the  book  as  the  pro- 

15 


212 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


duction  of  Arctius  FcUiuis,  which,  indeed,  is  my  name  and  surname, 
the  former  in  Greek  and  the  latter  in  Latin." 

While  multitudes  in  Italy  were  discovering  errors  and  abuses  in 
the  Romish  Church,  comparatively  few  advanced  far  enough  to  appre- 
ciate the  spiritual  beauty  and  experience  the  regenerating  influence 
of  a  pure  Christianity.  Many  who  beheld  the  corruptions  of  popery 
did  not  fully  embrace  the  doctrines  preached  by  Luther  and  his  asso- 
ciates, but  there  were  some  who  received  the  truth  *'as  it  is  in  Jesus." 
The  following  extracts  indicate  the  intense  thirst  for  knowledge  which 
pervaded  their  hearts  after  they  had  read  the  first  writings  of  the 
reformers.  "It  is  now  fourteen  years,"  writes  Egidio  di  Porta,  an 
Augustinian  monk  on  the  lake  of  Como,  to  Zwingle,  ''since  I, 
under  the  impulse  of  a  certain  pious  feeling,  but  not  according  to 
knowledge,  withdrew  from  my  parents  and  assumed  the  black  cowl. 
If  I  did  not  become  learned  and  devout,  I  at  least  appeared  to  be  so, 
and  for  seven  years  discharged  the  office  of  a  preacher  of  God's 
Word,  alas !  in  deep  ignorance.  I  savored  not  the  things  of  Christ ; 
I  ascribed  nothing  to  faith;  all  to  works.  But  God  would  not  permit 
his  servant  to  perish  forever.  He  brought  me  to  the  dust.  I  was 
made  to  cry  out,  Lord,  what  wilt  thou  have  me  to  do  ?  At  length 
my  heart  heard  the  delightful  voice.  Go  to  Ulric  Zwingle,  and  he 
will  tell  thee  what  thou  shouldst  do.  O  ravishing  sound ;  my  soul 
found  ineffable  peace  in  that  sound.  Do  not  think  that  I  mock  you ; 
for  you,  nay  not  you,  but  God,  by  your  means,  rescued  me  from  the 
snare  of  the  fowler.  But  why  do  I  say  me?  for  I  trust  you  have 
saved  others  along  with  me."  In  these  enthusiastic  words  Porta 
announced  the  fact  of  his  enlightenment  by  the  writings  of  the  Swiss 
reformer,  and  of  the  reception  of  the  truth  by  some  of  the  brethren 
in  the  same  convent.  In  another  letter  he  urges  Zwingle  to  write 
him  an  epistle,  which  might  be  instrumental  in  the  conversion  of 
others  belonging  to  his  religious  order.  "But  let  it  be  cautiously 
written,"  he  continues,  "for  they  are  full  of  pride  and  self-conceit. 
Place  some  passages  of  Scripture  before  them  by  which  they  may 
perceive  how  much  God  is  pleased  to  have  his  Word  preached  purely 
and  without  mixture,  and  how  highly  he  is  offended  with  those  who 
adulterate  it  and  bring  forward  their  own  opinions  as  divine." 

Baltasare  Fontana,  a  Carmelite  monk  of  Locarno,  addressed  a 
fetter  to  the  Evangelical  Churches  of  Switzerland,  breathing  the  same 
devout  spirit.  He  exclaims,  ' '  Hail,  faithful  in  Christ !  Think,  oh 
think  of  Lazarus  in  the  Gospels,  and  of  the  lowly  woman  of  Canaan, 
who  was  willing  to  be  satisfied  with  the  crumbs  which  fell  from  the 


HEBREW  LITER  A  TURE  IN  ITAL  V. 


213 


table  of  the  Lord.  As  David  came  to  the  priest  in  a  servile  dress 
and  unarmed,  so  do  I  fly  to  you  for  the  show-bread  and  the  armor 
laid  up  in  the  sanctuary.  Parched  with  thirst,  I  seek  the  fountains 
of  living  waters;  sitting  like  the  blind  man  by  the  way-side,  I  cry  to 
him  that  gives  sight.  With  tears  and  sighs  we,  who  sit  here  in  dark- 
ness, humbly  entreat  you  who  are  acquainted  with  the  titles  and 
authors  of  the  books  of  knowledge  (for  to  you  it  is  given  to  know 
the  mysteries  of  the  kingdom  of  God),  to  send  us  the  writings  of 
such  elect  teachers  as  you  possess,  and  particularly  the  works  of  the 
divine  Zwingle,  the  far-famed  Luther,  the  acute  Melancthon,  the 
accurate  Ecolampade.  The  prices  shall  be  paid  to  you  through  his 
excellency,  Werdmyller.  Do  your  endeavor  that  a  city  of  Lombardy, 
enslaved  by  Babylon,  and  a  stranger  to  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  may 
be  set  free." 


HEN  the  Reformation  entered  Italy  that  country  was  distin- 


V  V  guished  for  its  knowledge  of  sacred  literature.  Even  in  the 
fifteenth  century  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  had  made  much  progress, 
the  Psalter  having  been  published  in  that  language,  A.  D.  1477,  and 
was  followed  by  different  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  original, 
which  were  issued  from  the  press.  A  complete  Hebrew  Bible  was 
printed,  A.  D.  1488,  at  Soncinio,  a  city  of  the  Cremonese,  by  a 
family  of  Jews,  who,  under  the  adopted  name  of  Soncinati,  estab- 
lished printing  presses  in  various  parts  of  Europe,  including  Constan- 
tinople. The  Jews  almost  entirely  engrossed  this  department  of 
typography  until  A.  D.  15 18,  when  Daniel  Bomberg  published  on 
the  splendid  press  which  he  had  recently  erected  at  Venice  an  edi- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  accompanied  with  various  readings 
and  rabbinical  commentaries.  A  close  examination  of  ancient  docu- 
ments shows  that  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew  was  not  entirely  extinct 
among  Italian  Christians  anterior  to  the  revival  of  letters.  Occasion- 
ally an  individual  had  the  curiosity  to  learn  something  about  it  from 
a  Jew%  or  had  the  courage  to  overcome,  by  his  own  strength,  the 
difficulties  of  a  language  whose  very  characters  appeared  formidable 
to  European  eyes.    Persons  like  Era  Ricoldo,  of  Florence,  and  Ciriaco, 


Chapter  X. 


SACRED  LITERATURE  IN  ITALY. 


214 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  Ancona,  traveled  into  Turkey,  Syria,  and  adjacent  countries  and 
acquired  some  knowledge  of  other  Oriental  languages.  Several  indi- 
viduals are  mentioned  in  the  literary  history  of  Italy  during  the  early 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century  as  Hebrew  and  Arabic  scholars,  the 
most  distinguished  of  whom  was  Giannozzo  Manetti,  a  Florentine, 
who  prepared  a  triglot  Psalter,  containing  a  Latin  translation  made 
b\-  himself  from  the  original.  But  the  study  of  Hebrew  in  Italy, 
properly  speaking,  was  coeval  with  the  printing  of  the  Hebrew  Bible ; 
and  it  was  facilitated  by  the  severe  measures  taken  by  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Inquisition,  to  oppress  the 
Jews,  which  induced  many  of  them  to  emigrate  from  Spain  to  Italy, 
where  from  lucrative  motives  they  were  favorably  received  by  the 
popes. 

Giovanni  Pico  was  one  of  the  earliest  students  of  the  Oriental 
languages  in  Italy.  He  was  a  young  man  of  rank,  the  son  of  Gian- 
francesco  Pico,  prince  of  Mirandula  and  Concordia.  In  his  youth  he 
had  a  retentive  memory,  and  seldom  forgot  any  thing  which  he 
heard  or  read.  He  studied  in  the  most  celebrated  universities  of  his 
native  land  and  France,  and  came  to  Rome  with  the  reputation  of 
knowing  twenty-two  languages.  In  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age 
he  published  nine  hundred  propositions  relating  to  dialectics,  physics, 
morals,  metaphysics,  theology,  and  natural  magic,  as  treated  by  the 
Chaldean,  Arabian,  Greek,  and  Latin  philosophers,  and  by  the  Chris- 
tian Fathers  and  schoolmen,  declaring  that  he  was  ready  to  dispute 
with  any  person  upon  every  one  of  them.  A  manuscript  copy  of  the 
propositions,  preserved  in  the  library  of  Vienna,  has,  at  the  end,  the 
following  notification  in  Latin:  ''The  dispute  on  these  conclusions 
will  not  take  place  until  after  Epiphany.  In  the  mean  time  they  will 
be  published  in  all  the  academies  of  Italy ;  and,  if  any  philosopher 
or  divine  choose  to  come  from  the  remotest  parts  of  Italy  to  dispute, 
his  expenses  shall  be  borne."  The  challenge  Avas  not  accepted,  and 
a  more  serious  charge  than  that  of  vanity  was  made  against  Pico. 
He  was  accused  of  heresy,  and  certain  divines,  having  examined 
thirteen  propositions  selected  from  his  Avork,  confirmed  the  charge. 

Pope  Innocent  VIII,  after  condemning  the  propositions  as  sus- 
picious and  dangerous,  exempted  the  author  from  punishment, 
because  he  had  declared,  on  oath,  his  willingness  to  submit  in  all 
things  to  the  judgment  of  the  Church.  In  an  apology  for  the  offen- 
sive articles  he  displayed  great  ingenuity  in  reconciling  them  to  the 
Romish  doctrine ;  but  this  aroused  a  more  intense  feeling  of  opposi- 
tion, and  no  doubt  he  would  have  been  severely  persecuted  had  not 


PICO  AS  A  STUDENT. 


215 


death  removed  Innocent  VIII.  After  remaining  for  some  time  at 
Florence,  Pico,  through  the  influence  of  his  friends,  obtained  a  brief 
of  absolution  and  security  from  the  new  pope,  Alexander  VI.  The 
papal  brief  is  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  Pico's  works  published  at 
Basle,  A.  D.  1572.  Among  the  condemned  propositions  are  the  two 
following:  "That  Christ  did  not  descend  into  hell  truly,  or  in  respect 
to  real  presence ;  and  that  neither  the  cross  of  Christ  nor  any  other 
image  is  to  be  adored  with  the  worship  called  latria,  as  taught  by 
Thomas  Aquinas."  There  are  other  propositions  in  the  work  which, 
it  might  have  been  supposed,  would  have  given  equal  offense,  such 
as,  '  *  that  the  will  of  God  is  the  sole  reason  why  he  reprobates  some 
and  elects  others ;  that  the  true  body  of  Christ  is  in  heaven  locally, 
and  on  the  altar  sacramentally ;  and  that  the  same  body  can  not 
be  made  by  the  power  of  God  to  exist  in  different  places  at  the 
same  time." 

While  at  Florence  he  became  intimately  acquainted  with  Lorenzo  ^ 
de  Medici  and  other  literary  men,  who  admired  him  for  his  erudition 
and  taste.  But  a  wonderful  change  in  his  plans  occurred  at  this 
time,  and  having  abandoned  the  pursuit  of  secular  knowledge,  and 
burned  a  collection  of  his  Italian  and  Latin  poems  which  Politiano 
had  revised  and  approved,  he  devoted  himself  to  sacred  studies  and 
the  practice  of  piety.  In  the  midst  of  these  exercises  he  was  pros- 
trated by  a  fever  and  was  prematurely  cut  off,  A.  D.  1494,  in  the 
thirty-second  year  of  his  age.  He  had  commenced  the  study  of 
the  Oriental  languages  before  entering  upon  a  decidedly  religious 
life.  His  instructor  in  Hebrew  was  a  Jew,  called  Jochana,  and  in 
Chaldee,  Mithridates,  concerning  whom  he  writes  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend.  *'As  to  your  request  for  the  Chaldee  alphabet,"  he  says, 
**you  can  not  obtain  it  from  Mithridates,  nor  from  me,  who  am  always 
ready  to  grant  you  every  thing.  For  this  man  would  not  agree  to 
teach  me  the  Chaldee  tongue  until  I  had  taken  an  oath,  in  express 
words,  that  I  would  impart  it  to  nobody.  Of  this  you  may  be 
assured  by  the  testimony  of  our  friend,  Geronimo  Benivieni,  who, 
happening  to  be  present  one  day  when  I  was  about  to  receive  a  les- 
son, Mithridates,  in  a  rage,  drove  him  out  of  the  room.  But,  not  to 
disappoint  you  altogether,  instead  of  the  Chaldee,  you  will  receive 
with  this  packet  the  Arabic  characters,  which  I  copied  with  my 
own  hands." 

The  writings  of  Pico  indicate  that  his  knowledge  of  Hebrew  was 
not  inconsiderable,  and  his  confidential  letters  afford  the  most  satis- 
factory evidence  of  his  enthusiasm  in  the  study  of  it  and  the  cognate 


2l6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


languages  of  the  East.  Writing  to  his  nephew,  he  says:  "The 
reason  why  you  have  not  had  an  answer  to  your  letter  is,  that  I  have 
met  with  certain  Hebrew  books  which  have  occupied  me  for  a  whole 
week,  night  and  day,  so  that  I  am  nearly  blind.  They  were  brought 
me  twenty  days  ago  by  a  Jew  from  Sicily,  and  as  I  am  afraid  that 
they  may  be  recalled,  you  must  not  expect  to  hear  a  word  from  me 
until  I  have  thoroughly  examined  their  contents.  When  that  is  done 
I  shall  overwhelm  you  with  letters."  In  a  letter  to  Marsilio  Ficino, 
he  writes:  ''You  could  not  have  demanded  back  your  Latin  Ma- 
homet at  a  more  convenient  time,  as  I  expect  shortly  to  be  able  to 
read  him  in  his  native  tongue.  Having  labored  a  whole  month  in 
studying  the  Hebrew  language  I  am  about  to  apply  myself  to  Arabic, 
and  am  not  afraid  but  that  I  shall  make  as  much  proficiency  in  it  as 
I  have  done  in  Hebrew,  in  which  I  can  now  write  a  letter  correctly, 
though  not  with  elegance.  You  see  what  resolution,  accompanied 
with  labor  and  diligence,  can  do,  even  when  the  bodily  strength  is 
small.  Certain  books,  in  both  languages,  which  have  come  into  my 
hands,  not  by  chance,  but  by  the  direction  of  a  kind  providence 
favoring  my  studies,  have  encouraged  and  compelled  me  to  lay  aside 
every  thing  for  the  sake  of  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  Arabic  and 
Chaldee.  Having  obtained  these  (shall  I  call  them  books  or  treas- 
ures?) I  was  inflamed  with  the  desire  of  being  able  to  read  them 
without  an  interpreter — a  task  at  which  I  am  now  toiling  with  all  my 
might.    Do  not  think,  however,  that  I  forget  your  favorite  Plotinus." 

Designing  and  covetous  men,  taking  advantage  of  Pico's  enthu- 
siasm, deceived  him  in  regard  to  certain  books.  These  impostors 
discovered  that  he  had  an  ardent  desire  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of 
the  Christian  religion  by  evidences  from  the  Pythagorean  and  Jewish 
philosophy,  and  they  interpolated  some  cabalistic  works,  of  Avhich 
they  sold  him  seventy  volumes  at  a  great  price.  He  was  solemnly 
assured  that  they  were  written  under  the  direction  of  Ezra,  and  con- 
tained that  interpretation  of  the  law  which  the  Jews  had  hitherto 
religiously  concealed  from  Christians.  His  contemporary  and  country- 
man, Annius,  or  Nanni,  of  Viterbo,  was  induced  to  publish  a  number 
of  fabulous  works  as  the  authentic  productions  of  Berosus,  Manetho, 
Fabius  Pictor,  and  other  ancient  writers ;  and  similar  impositions 
have  been  practiced  upon  literary  men  in  later  and  more  enlightened 
times.  Pico  was  certainly  one  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  th-e 
world  ever  saw,  and  the  prodigy  of  his  age  for  learning.  There  are 
many  things  in  his  works  which  show  that  his  mind  was  imbued  with 
true  piety,  and  that  he  had  a  clearer  knowledge  of  the  Gospel  than 


ITALIAN  WRITERS  OF  HEBRE IV  B  O  OKS.  2 1  ^ 


most  men  of  his  age.  The  honor  of  giving  to  the  world  the  first 
elementary  work  on  Hebrew,  written  by  a  Christian,  or  in  the  Latin 
language,  belongs  to  Germany.  This  was  the  grammar  and  lexicon 
of  John  Reuchlin,  printed  at  Pfortzheim,  A.  D.  1506;  but,  as  early 
as  A.  D.  1490,  the  "Book  of  Roots,"  or  lexicon,  of  the  celebrated 
Jewish  grammarian,  David  Kimchi,  was  published  in  the  original  at 
Venice.  Francesco  Stancari  of  ]\Iantua,  who  afterwards  embraced  the 
Protestant  religion,  and  excited  great  commotions  in  Poland,  pub- 
lished a  Hebrew  grammar,  A.  D.  1525.  Felix  of  Prato,  a  converted 
Jew,  who  printed  a  Latin  translation  of  the  Psalms,  A.  D.  15 15, 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  Christian  in  Italy  who  taught  Hebrew, 
being  invited  to  Rome  for  this  purpose,  A  .D.  15 18,  by  Leo  X. 
About  the  same  time,  Agathias  Guidacerio,  a  native  of  Catanao,  also 
taught  it  at  Rome,  and  was  called  from  there  to  Paris,  b}*  Francis  I, 
to  be  professor  of  the  sacred  tongue  in  the  Trilingual  College,  in 
Vv'hich  Paolo  Paridisi,  or  Canossa,  his  countryman,  and,  like  him, 
the  author  of  a  work  on  Hebrew  Grammar,  afterwards  held  the  same 
situation. 

As  early  as  A.  D.  15  14,  a  collection  of  prayers  was  printed  in  the 
Arabic  language  at  Fano,  in  the  ecclesiastical  states,  on  a  press  which 
had  been  founded  by  the  warlike  pontiff,  Julius  H.  Previous  to  this 
Pao;nino  de  Pas^ninis  had  commenced  an  edition  of  the  Koran,  in  the 
original  language,  and  a  part  of  it,  at  least,  was  published  at  \'enice. 
But  the  principal  work  in  this  language,  so  far  as  Biblical  literature 
is  concerned,  was  produced  by  Agostino  Justiniani,  bishop  of  Xebio 
in  Corsica,  in  a  polyglot  Psalter  containing  the  Hebrew,  Chaldaic. 
Arabic,  Greek,  and  Latin,  published  at  Genoa,  A.  D.  15 16,  and 
intended  as  a  specimen  of  a  polyglot  Bible,  which  the  author  had 
been  long  engaged  in  preparing  for  the  press.  This  work  gave  him 
a  wide  reputation  as  a  scholar,  and  Francis  I  invited  him  to  teach 
the  Oriental  tongues  at  Paris.  Many  of  the  Italians  were  instructed 
in  Arabic  by  Juan  Leon,  a  native  of  Elvira,  in  Spain,  better  known 
as  a  historian  by  the  name  of  Leo  Africanus.  Among  others  was 
Egidio  of  Viterbo,  who  earnestly  promoted  Oriental  studies  among 
his  countrymen,  both  by  example  and  patronage.  The  master,  Leo 
Africanus,  went  to  Tunis,  and  relapsed  to  ^Mohammedanism ;  the 
scholarly  prelate,  still  more  celebrated  for  extensive  learning  and  ele- 
gant taste  than  for  rank,  was  advanced  to  the  purple  and  sent  to 
Constantinople. 

The  knowledge  of  the  Ethiopic,  or,  as  they  called  it,  Chaldean, 
language,  was  introduced  into  Europe  by  deputies  sent  to  Rome 


2l8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


from  the  Christians  of  Abyssinia,  during  the  sitting  of  the  Lateran 
Council,  A.  D.  15 12.  These  representatives  performed  the  reHgious 
service  in  the  Chaldean  tongue,  and  also  imparted  instruction  to 
^  private  individuals,  among  whom  was  John  Potken,  provost  of  St. 
George's  at  Cologne,  who  was  able  to  publish  at  Rome,  A.  D.  15 13, 
the  Psalter  and  Song  of  Solomon  in  Ethiopic,  with  a  short  introduc- 
tion to  that  language.  At  a  later  period,  a  learned  abbot  of  that 
country  named  Tesso-Sionis  Malhesini,  or,  as  he  called  himself  in 
Europe,  Peter  Sionita,  who  resided  at  Rome  under  the  patronage  of 
Cardinal  Marcello  Cervini,  taught  his  native  tongue  to  Pierpaolo 
Gualtieri  and  Mariano  Vittorio,  afterwards  bishop  of  Rieti ;  and,  with 
their  assistance,  and  that  of  two  of  his  own  countrymen,  he  pub- 
lished the  New  Testament  in  Ethiopic  at  Rome,  A.  D.  1548,  and  four 
years  after  this,  Vittorio  issued  the  first  grammar  in  that  language. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  no  part  of  the  Syriac  version  of  the 
Scriptures  should  as  yet  have  come  from  the  press.  Bomberg  in- 
tended to  print  the  Gospel  according  to  Matthew  in  that  language, 
from  a  copy  of  the  four  Gospels  in  his  possession,  but  delayed  the 
work  in  expectation  of  obtaining  additional  information.  Soon  after 
the  election  of  Leo  X  to  the  pontificate  Peter,  patriarch  of  the  Mar- 
onites,  sent  a  deputation  to  Rome,  consisting  of  Joseph  Acurio,  a 
priest;  Moses,  a  deacon,  and  Elias,  a  subdeacon.  One  of  these  three 
individuals  initiated  into  the  Syriac  language  Teseo  Ambrogio,  of  the 
noble  family  of  the  Conti  d '  Albonese,  a  doctor  of  laws  and  canon 
regular  of  St.  John's  of  the  Lateran,  who  had  received  instructions  in 
the  Ethiopic  tongue  from  the  delegation  of  Abyssinians  who  visited 
Rome  A.  D.  15 12.  From  that  time  Ambrogio  became  passionately 
fond  of  these  languages,  and  being  appointed  to  teach  them  at  Bo- 
logna, issued  from  the  press  a  specimen  of  his  qualifications  for  that 
task  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Chaldaic,  Syriac,  Arminian,  and  ten 
other  languages,  with  the  characters  of  about  forty  different  alphabets. 
He  was  prevented  by  various  unfavorable  events  from  executing 
his  cherished  design  of  publishing  the  Gospels  in  Syriac.  Ignatius, 
patriarch  of  Antioch,  A.  D.  1552,  sent  Moses  Mardinens  as  his 
"orator"  to  the  Roman  pontiff  to  obtain,  among  other  things,  the 
printing  of  an  edition  of  the  Syriac  New  Testament  for  the  use  of 
the  Churches  under  his  inspection.  The  orator's  eloquence  was  inef- 
fectual at  Rome,  Venice,  and  other  places  in  Italy ;  and,  after  labor- 
ing in  vain  for  nearly  three  years,  he  was  about  to  return  home  in 
despair  when  he  was  advised  to  apply  to  Albert  Widmanstaedter,  the 
learned  chancellor  of  Eastern  Austria,  who  became  interested,  and 


ITALIAN  COMMENTATORS  AND  AUTHORS. 


219 


by  whose  earnest  effort  the  work  was  published,  A.  D.  1555,  at 
Vienna.  Thus  was  Italy  deprived  of  the  honor  of  giving  to  the 
world  the  New  Testament  in  the  best  and  most  venerable  of  all  the 
ancient  versions. 

The  first  edition  of  the  Septuagint  came  from  the  Aldine  press, 
A.  D.  15 18,  under  the  direction  of  Andrew  of  Asolo.  This  printing 
establishment,  so  famous  for  the  excellent  editions  of  the  Latin,  Ital- 
ian, and  Greek  classic  authors  which  issued  from  it,  was,  as  is  well 
known  to  scholars,  established  in  Venice  by  Aldo  Manuzio,  a  distin- 
guished Italian  scholar  and  printer,  about  A.  D.  1490.  It  was  car- 
ried on  for  more  than  a  century  by  Aldo  Manuzio  the  elder,  his  son 
Paolo,  and  his  grandson  Aldo.  Nine  hundred  and  eight  different 
editions  were  issued  from  it.  No  other  press  of  the  kind  has  ever 
been  so  celebrated.  Erasmus  had  his  Greek  Testament,  accompa- 
nied with  a  Latin  translation,  printed  at  Basle,  A.  D.  15 16.  The 
fame  of  the  author  gave  both  these  works  an  extensive  circulation 
in  Italy,  and  learned  men  became  better  acquainted  with  the  oracles 
of  God.  Sante  Pagnini  of  Lucca  published  his  Latin  translation  of 
the  whole  Bible,  A.  D.  1527,  and  it  was  received  with  great  eager- 
ness by  scholars,  on  account  of  the  writer's  reputation  as  a  Hebrew 
teacher,  and  also  because  he  had  spent  more  than  twenty-five  years 
upon  the  work. 

Not  only  were  the  Sacred  Scriptures  printed  in  the  original  lan- 
guages, and  in  various  versions,  but  valuable  commentaries  on  them 
appeared,  the  productions  of  gifted  minds,  which  afterwards  were 
very  powerful  weapons  in  the  hands  of  those  who  labored  to  extend 
the  Reformation  in  Italy.  These  commentaries,  written  by  men  of 
prominence  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  indorsed  by  its 
highest  authorities,  were  continually  appealed  to  in  supporting  the 
doctrines  of  the  Bible,  rightly  interpreted.  The  work  of  Pietro  Co- 
lonna,  commonly  called,  from  his  native  place,  Galatius,  was  useful 
to  later  writers  on  the  Jewish  controversy,  in  supplying  important 
material.  The  fact,  afterwards  discovered,  that  it  was  a  compilation 
from  the  unpublished  work  of  another  author,  did  not  detract  from 
its  real  merit.  Erasmus  edited,  not  only  his  own  paraphrases,  but 
also  the  notes  of  Laurentius  Valla  on  the  New  Testament,  which  was 
recommended  to  the  Italians  as  the  production  of  one  of  their  coun- 
trymen, who  had  become  distinguished  as  the  reviver  of  letters,  but 
whom  Bellarmine  subsequently  and  justly  called  the  precursor  of  the 
Lutherans.  The  commentaries  of  Cardinal  Cajetan  and  a  few  others 
were  characterized  by  a  Scriptural  simplicity  which  strikingly  con- 


220 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


trasted  with  the  writings  of  the  scholastic  divines,  who  preceded 
them.  The  orator,  Cardinal  Sadolet,  in  his  commentary  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  labored  to  correct  the  barbarisms  of  the  Vul- 
gate and  combat  the  tenets  of  St.  Augustine. 

Agostino  Steuchi,  or  Steuco,  of  Gubbio,  published  various  works, 
which  indicate  an  extensive  knowledge  of  the  three  learned  languages, 


"SEARCH  THE  SCRIPTURES." 


mixed  with  Cabalistical  and  Platonic  ideas.  Isidoro  Clario,  a  Bene 
dictine  abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  who  was  promoted  to  the  bishopric 
of  Foligno,  published  the  Vulgate,  corrected  from  the  original  He- 
brew and  Greek,  and  accompanied  with  preliminary  dissertations  and 
explanatory  notes.  The  work  did  not  appear  until  A.  D.  1542,  and, 
as  the  prevalence  of  heresy  had  alarmed  his  brethren,  the  author  was 
compelled  to  submit  it  to  a  rigid  examination.  The  result  of  the 
expurgation  was  the  suppression  of  the  prolegomena.    He  had  given 


THE  ITALIANS  AND  THE  BIBLE. 


221 


offense  by  saying  in  his  preface  that  he  corrected  the  version  of  the 
Old  Testament  by  the  Hebrew,  and  of  the  New  by  the  Greek  verity. 
This  writer  had  also  used  the  notes  of  the  Protestants;  but,  as  Tira- 
boschi  candidly  admits,  this  was  an  "unpardonable  crime"  at  that 
period.  "Heresy,"  says  another  modern  writer,  "was  a  pest,  the 
very  touch  of  which  created  horror;  the  cordon  of  separation  or  pre- 
caution was  drawn  all  around ;  Clario  did  not  dread  the  contagion  for 
himself,  but  he  dreaded  to  appear  to  have  braved  it,  and  his  pru- 
dence excuses  his  plagiarism." 

These  studies  directed  the  minds  of  the  learned  men  of  Italy  to 
the  Bible,  and  prepared  them  for  the  religious  controversy  which 
arose  after  the  commencement  of  the  Reformation.  The  sacred  lan- 
guages Avere  studied  in  the  palaces  of  bishops  and  in  the  cells  of 
monks,  and  were  mastered  by  individuals  in  the  conclave,  such  as 
Egidio,  Fregoso,  and  Aleander.  All  did  not  manifest  a  strong  desire 
to  seek  the  treasures  hid  in  those  books,  which  they  examined  by 
night  and  by  day,  and  still  less  were  they  led  by  them  to  abandon  a 
system  which  afforded  them  literary  leisure,  and  other  secular  advan- 
tages. Men  were  not  disposed  at  that  period,  as  they  were  subse- 
quently, to  employ  sacred  criticism  as  an  art  to  invent  arguments  for 
the  support  of  existing  evils.  Indeed,  there  were  many,  from  time 
to  time,  whose  minds  welcomed  the  truth,  or  were  accessible  to  con- 
viction. Among  the  converts  to  the  reformed  opinions  were  men 
eminent  for  their  literary  attainments,  whose  rank  in  the  Church,  and 
character  for  piety  in  the  so-called  religious  orders,  were  recognized. 
The  reformers  appealed  from  the  conflicting  and  fallible  opinions  of 
the  doctors  of  the  Church  to  the  infallible  dictates  of  revelation,  and 
from  the  Vulgate  version  of  the  Scriptures  to  the  Hebrew  and  Greek 
originals.  These  appeals  were  sustained  by  the  translations  that  had 
been  made  by  men  of  acknowledged  orthodoxy,  and  published  with 
the  permission  and  warm  recommendations  of  the  head  of  the  Church. 
The  wise  arrangements  of  Providence  are  revealed  in  this  portion  of 
history,  in  the  actions  of  monks  and  bishops,  cardinals  and  popes, 
who  forged  and  polished  those  weapons  which  were  soon  to  be  turned 
against  themselves,  and  which  afterwards  they  desired  to  blunt,  and 
labored  to  denounce  as  unlawful. 

The  works  which  have  been  described  were  confined  to  the  prom- 
inent scholars;  but,  however  useful  they  were,  they  probably  would 
not  have  made  any  impression  on  the  public  mind  in  Italy,  while  the 
people  at  large  were  deprived  of  the  means  of  religious  knowledge. 
As  the  Romish  Church  strictly  confined  her  religious  service  to  an 


222 


ITAL  V  STR  UGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


unknown  tongue,  it  is  not  surprising  that  she  has  always  viewed  with 
jealous  eyes  translations  of  the  Scriptures  into  vulgar  languages.  Ac- 
cording to  the  statement  of  a  learned  Italian,  all  the  sermons  preached 
in  churches  previous  to  the  sixteenth  century  were  in  Latin,  and 
those  in  Italian  were  delivered  without  the  consecrated  walls,  in  the 
piazzas,  or  some  contiguous  spot.  This  statement,  however,  has 
been  controverted.  It  is  certain  that,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  the 
sermons  were  preached  in  Latin,  and  afterwards  explained  in  Italian 
to  the  common  people.  A  similar  practice  was  observed  in  the  fif- 
teenth century,  and  so  late  as  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
Isidoro  Clario,  bishop  of  Foligno,  preached  in  Latin  to  a  crowded 
assembly  of  men  and  women.  The  Romish  authorities  contended 
that  the  dignity  of  the  pulpit  and  the  sacredness  of  the  Word  of  God 
were  compromised  by  using  a  different  method,  and  Passavanti  de- 
clares that  ''the  Sacred  Scriptures  were  villified  by  being  translated 
into  the  vulgar  tongue."  Notwithstanding  this  prejudice,  translations 
of  the  Bible  into  Italian  were  undertaken,  after  Dante,  Petrarch,  and 
others,  had  purified  the  language ;  and  these  works  were  issued  from 
the  press  within  a  few  years  after  the  invention  of  the  art  of  printing. 

Jacopo  da  Voragine,  bishop  of  Genoa,  and  author  of  the  ' '  Golden 
Legend,"  is  said  to  have  translated  the  Scriptures  into  the  Italian 
language  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century;  but  Le 
Long  and  Fontanini  deny  the  existence  of  such  a  version.  In  the 
fourteenth  century  more  than  one  individual  attempted  to  perform  a 
similar  task,  but  they  executed  it,  as  may  be  supposed,  in  a  rude 
and  barbarous  manner.  Fragments  of  such  translations  were  found  in 
libraries  during  the  fifteenth  century.  Nicolo  Malermi,  or  INIalerbi,  a 
Camaldolese  monk,  printed  an  Italian  version  of  the  Scriptures  at 
Venice  as  early  as  A.  D.  147 1 ;  and  is  said  to  have  gone  through 
nine  editions  in  the  fifteenth,  and  twelve  editions  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  This  indicated  that  the  Italians  were  addicted  to  reading  in 
their  native  tongue,  if  they  did  not  at  that  time  have  a  general  desire 
for,  the  Word  of  God.  There  are  additional  proofs  of  this  in  the 
Italian  versions  of  parts  of  Scripture  which  appeared  about  the  same 
period.  The  translation  of  Malermi,  like  those  on  which  it  was 
founded,  was  made  from  the  Vulgate,  and  written  in  a  style  unsuited 
to  the  sixteenth  century.  The  learned  men  of  Italy  long  desired  a 
version  more  faithful  to  the  original  and  less  barbarous  in  its  diction. 
This  was  at  last  executed  by  Antonio  Brucioli,  whose  Italian  version 
of  the  New  Testament  was  printed  at  Venice,  A.  D.  1530,  on  the 
press  of  his  countryman,  Luca  Antonio  Giunti.    A  copy  of  this  rare 


VARIOUS  ITALIAN  VERSIONS. 


223 


book  has  been  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Berh'n.  His  version 
of  the  whole  Bible  was  issued  from  the  same  press  A.  D.  1532,  and 
was  reprinted  with  greater  accuracy  A.  D.  1541.  The  translator,  in 
an  advertisement  prefixed  to  it,  intimates  that  the  whole  work  ap- 
peared A.  D.  1530;  but  he  must  have  referred  to  the  New  Testament, 
because  no  copy  of  the  Old  Testament  published  in  that  year  has 
ever  been  discovered.  So  great  was  the  success  of  this  translation 
that  other  versions  rapidly  followed.  The  Roman  Catholics  resolved 
to  publish  translations  of  their  own  in  order  to  oppose  those  which 
they  considered  favorable  to  the  Protestant  doctrines. 

This  was  the  origin  of  the  Italian  Bible  by  Sante  ]\Iarmochini, 
printed  at  Venice,  A.  D.  1538,  which,  though  professing  to  be  trans- 
lated from  the  Hebrew  and  Greek,  is  in  reality  a  version  of  the 
Vulgate,  except  when  it  slavishly  copies  Brucioli.  Fra  Zacchario 
followed  ]\Iarmochini,  A.  D.  1542,  with  his  version  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. "Massimo  Teofilo  translated  the  New  Testament  and  printed 
it  at  Lyons,  A.  D.  155 1,  and  Filippo  Rusticio  published  a  translation 
of  the  whole  Bible  at  Geneva,  A.  D.  1562.  Both  of  them  declare 
their  object  to  be  the  preservation  of  the  purity  of  the  Italian  lan- 
guage, which  had  been  neglected  by  preceding  writers ;  and  in  their 
preparatory  and  subjoined  discourses  they  defend  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures  in  the  vulgar  tongues,  and  inculcate  Protestant  views.  It 
is  evident  that  the  deep  interest  manifested  by  Italian  scholars  in  the 
study  of  Oriental  languages  and  sacred  literature  prepared  the  way 
for  the  disserhination  of  the  truths  of  the  Gospel  in  Italy. 


THE  REFORMATION  EXTENDED  BY  COMMERCE  AND  WAR. 
k  T  OTHING  contributed  more  to  the  introduction  of  the  Refor- 


^  ^  mation  into  Italy  and  its  development  there  than  the  increased 
intercourse  between  that  country  and  Germany.  Merchants  passed 
from  the  one  to  the  other,  often  taking  with  them  "books  which,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  came  into  the  hands  of  those  who  desired  to 
possess  them.  The  German  youth  had  long  been  accustomed  to 
finish  their  education,  especially  in  law  and  medicine,  at  Padua, 
Bologna,  and  other  Italian  universities,  and  the  Italian  youth  com- 
menced to  visit  the  schools  of  Germany  and  Switzerland,  whose 
literary  reputation  was  daily  advancing.    The  fame  of  IMelancthon 


Chapter  XI. 


224 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


had  reached  Italy,  and  was  known  to  most  of  the  learned.  Bembo 
and  Sadoleti  even  maintaining  a  friendly  correspondence  with  him. 
Desiring  to  hear  the  great  reformer  himself,  some  of  the  Italian  stu- 
dents were  attracted  to  Wittemberg,  and  they,  of  course,  were  likely 
to  return  to  their  native  land  with  minds  imbued  with  the  new  opin- 
ions. The  more  ardent  defenders  of  the  old  religion,  beholding  the 
effects  of  this  intercourse,  repeatedly  complained  of  it.  A  writer  of 
that  age  says  that  stop  should  be  put  to  all  commerce  and 

intercourse,  epistolary  or  otherwise,  between  the  Germans  and  Ital- 
ians, as  the  best  means  of  preventing  heresy  from  pervading  the 
whole  of  Italy."  It  is  certain  that  epistolary  correspondence  accom- 
plished much  in  the  diffusion  of  evangelical  truths,  as  those  who  had 
embraced  them  in  Germany  and  Switzerland  wrote  freely  and  fully 
on  the  important  subject  to  their  friends  south  of  the  Alps. 
/  Italy  was  terribly  scourged  by  war  during  the  first  half  of  the 
'sixteenth  century,  but  this  evil  was  overruled  by  Providence  for 
disseminating  in  that  country  the  inestimable  blessings  of  the  Gospel. 
In  the  armies  of  Charles  V,  emperor  of  Germany,  there  were  many 
Protestants,  and  not  a  few  from  Switzerland  followed  the  standard 
of  his  rival,  Francis  1.  These  men,  with  the  freedom  peculiar  to 
soldiers,  conversed  on  the  religious  controversy  with  the  inhabitants 
among  whom  they  were  encamped,  spoke  openly  of  the  Reformation, 
and  compared  the  simple  and  Scriptural  doctrines  of  the  reformers 
with  the  absurd  and  debasing  superstitions  of  the  Italians.  Xhey 
extolled  the  liberty  which  they  enjoyed  in  their  countries,  contrasted 
the  poverty  and  humility  of  Luther  and  his  associates,  the  purity  of 
their  lives,  their  beneficence,  their  charity,  their  untiring  devotion  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  people,  with  the  wealth  and  licentiousness  of 
their  opponents,  especially  the  sumptuous  and  luxurious  living  of  the 
cardinals,  and  other  dignitaries  of  the  Romish  Church,  the  ignorance, 
the  indolence,  the  insolence,  and  the  vices  of  the  priests  and  monks, 
and  expressed  their  astonishment  that  a  people  of  such  spirit  as  the 
Italians  should  continue  to  submit  to  an  unprincipled  and  corrupt 
priesthood,  which  demanded  a  base  and  implicit  subjection  that  it 
might  profit  by  the  ignorance  and  credulity  of  the  multitude. 

These  representations  made  a  profound  impression  upon  those 
Italians  with  whom  the  foreign  Protestant  soldiers  came  in  contact. 
The  truth  of  the  charges  was  daily  confirmed  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Romish  priests  and  other  ecclesiastics;  and,  besides,  the  people  had 
before  their  eyes  the  anger  which  the  pope,  Clement  VII,  and  the 
emperor,  Charles  V,  openly  exhibited  in  the  manifestoes  published 


"TJVO  GREAT  LUMINARIESr  22$ 

against  each  other.  Previous  to  this  war,  and  during  its  continuance, 
the  successor  of  St.  Peter  and  the  "First  Son  of  the  Church"  hurled 
bulls  and  proclamations  at  each  other  in  no  small  measure,  to  the 
great  scandal  of  all  the  faithful,  and  indeed  to  the  grief  of  every  sin- 
cere Christian.  Clement  charged  the  emperor  with  indifference  to 
religion,  and  complained  that  he  had  enacted  many  laws  in  various 
parts  of  his  dominions  which  were  hostile  to  the  Church  and  de- 
rogatory to  the  honor  of  the  Holy  See.  Charles  recriminated  by 
accusing  the  pope  of  kindling  the  flames  of  war,  that  he  might  evade 
what  was  loudly  and  universally  demanded — the  reformation  of  the 
Church  in  its  head  and  members.  He  wrote  to  the  cardinals  to  sum- 
mon a  general  council  for  this  purpose,  and  threatened  that,  if  this 
were  not  done,  he  would  abolish  the  jurisdiction  of  the  pope  through- 
out Spain,  and  convince  other  nations,  by  his  example,  that  ecclesias- 
tical abuses  might  be  corrected,  and  the  ancient  discipline  of  the 
Church  restored  without  the  intervention  of  papal  authority. 

Before  having  recourse  to  arms  against  the  "Holy  Father,"  who, 
contrary  to  all  the  probabilities  of  the  case,  and  contrary  also  to  his 
own  interest,  had  conspired  against  his  most  devoted  as  well  as  most 
powerful  son,  Charles  made  trial  of  his  pen.  In  a  letter  of  Septem- 
ber 1 8th,  A.  D.  1526,  written  in  the  magnificent  halls  of  the  x\lham- 
bra,  he  reminded  Clement  VH  of  the  many  services  he  had  rendered 
him,  for  which,  it  appeared,  he  must  now  accept  as  payment  the 
league  formed  against  him  at  his  instigation.  "Seeing,"  said  the 
emperor  to  the  pope,  "God  hath  set  us  up  as  two  great  luminaries, 
let  us  endeavor  that  the  world  may  be  enlightened  by  us,  and  that 
no  eclipse  may  happen  by  our  dissensions.  But,"  continued  the 
emperor,  having  recourse  to  what  has  always  been  the  terror  of 
popes,  "if  you  will  needs  go  on  as  a  warrior  I  protest  and  appeal  to 
a  council."  This  letter  produced  no  effect  in  the  Vatican,  and  these 
"two  luminaries" — to  use  the  emperor's  metaphor — instead  of  shed- 
ding light  on  the  world,  began  to  scorch  it  with  fire,  Charles  now 
resolved  to  do  something  more  than  threaten,  and  requested  his 
brother,  Ferdinand,  to  take  command  of  the  army  destined  to  act 
against  the  pope.  Ferdinand,  however,  could  not  at  this  crisis  be 
absent  from  Germany  without  great  inconvenience,  and,  accordingly, 
he  commissioned  Freundsberg,  the  same  valorous  knight  who  ad- 
dressed the  words  of  encouragement  to  Luther  when  he  entered  the 
imperial  hall  at  Worms,  to  raise  troops  for  the  emperor's  assistance, 
and  lead  them  across  the  Alps.  Freundsberg  was  a  genuine  lover  of 
the  Gospel ;  but  the  work  he  had  now  in  hand  was  no  evangelical 


226 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


service,  and  he  prepared  for  it  with  the  coohiess,  the  business  air, 
and  the  resokition  of  the  old  soldier.  It  was  in  November,  A.  D. 
1526,  that  the  army  commenced  to  march.  The  snows  had  already 
fallen  on  the  Alps,  making  it  doubly  hazardous  to  climb  their  preci- 
pices and  pass  their  summits;  but  the  brave  general,  with  his  host  of 
fifteen  thousand  men,  overcame  all  obstacles,  and  in  three  days 
reached  the  plains  of  Italy,  and  united  with  the  forces  of  the  Constable 
of  Bourbon,  the  emperor's  general.  This  combined  German  and 
Spanish  army,  now  amounting  to  twenty  thousand  men,  entered  the 
papal  territories  and  advanced  toward  Rome.  The  German  general 
carried  with  him  a  great  iron  chain,  with  which,  as  he  informed  his 
soldiers,  he  intended  to  hang  the  pope.  But  he  was  destined  not  to 
see  Rome,  a  circumstance  more  to  be  regretted  by  the  Romans  than 
by  the  Germans,  for,  had  he  lived,  the  kind-hearted,  though  rough, 
soldier  would  have  restrained  the  wild  license  of  his  army,  which 
made  the  city  a  scene  of  terror.  Freundsberg  was  taken  sick  and 
died  by  the  way,  but  his  soldiers  hastened  forward. 

On  the  evening  of  May  5,  A.  D.  1527,  the  invaders  first  beheld, 
through  a  thin  haze,  those  venerable  walls,  over  which  many  storms 
had  lowered,  but  few  more  terrible  than  that  now  gathering  round 
them.  The  inhabitants  of  the  city,  like  those  of  ancient  Babylon, 
were  indulging  in  banquetings  and  songs,  never  dreaming  that  the 
spoilers  were  at  their  gates.  On  the  following  morning,  under  the 
cover  of  a  dense  fog,  the  soldiers  approached  the  walls,  and  by 
means  of  scaling-ladders  entered  the  city  in  a  few  hours.  The  pope 
and  the  cardinals  fled  to  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  The  demand  to 
surrender  was  indignantly  refused  by  Clement,  who  was  expecting 
deliverance  every  moment  from  the  "Holy  League."  The  patience 
of  the  troops  was  soon  exhausted,  and  the  work  of  pillage  began. 
Though  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  have  rolled  away  since  its 
occurrence  we  can  not  relate  the  awful  tragedy  Avithout  a  shudder. 
The  Constable  Bourbon  having  perished  in  the  first  assault,  the  army 
was  without  a  leader  powerful  enough  to  restrain  the  indulgence  of 
its  passions  and  appetites. 

The  sacking  of  such  a  city  as  Rome  was  a  great  calamity. 
There  Avas  not,  at  that  period,  another  such  on  earth.  The  ages  had 
laid  their  choicest  gifts  at  its  feet.  It  was  the  perfection  of  beauty. 
Into  it  were  gathered  the  most  valuable  and  curious  specimens  that 
the  world  could  afford.  The  priceless  monuments  of  antiquity 
adorned  it,  and  it  was  ennobled  with  the  triumphs  of  modern  genius 
and  art.    The  chisel  of  Michael  Angelo,  the  pencil  of  Raphael,  and 


228 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  munificence  of  Leo  X  had  shed  upon  it  a  glory  which  still 
retained  its  original  luster.  The  riches  of  all  Christendom,  flowing 
for  many  centuries  through  a  hundred  avenues — dispensations,  par- 
dons, jubilees,  pilgrimages,  annats,  palls,  and  innumerable  contri- 
vances— had  filled  it  to  overflowing.  But  to  her  * '  that  spoiled  and 
was  not  spoiled  "  the  hour  of  retribution  had  now  come.  The  hungry 
troops  rushed  upon  the  prey.  In  a  moment  a  fearful  tempest  of  lust 
and  vengeance,  greed  and  rage,  burst  upon  the  "seven-hilled  city." 

The  pillage  was  not  only  unsparing,  but  pitiless.  The  plunderers 
opened  and  ransacked  the  most  secret  places,  even  employing  tor- 
ture in  some  cases  to  make  prelates  and  princes  disgorge  their 
wealth.  The  bullion  of  the  banker,  the  stores  of  the  merchant, 
and  the  hoards  of  the  usurer  were  robbed.  They  stripped  the  altars 
of  their  vessels  and  the  churches  of  their  votive  offerings  and  tapes- 
tries. The  sepulchers  were  invaded  and  plundered,  the  relics  of 
canonized  saints  carried  away,  and  the  very  corpses  of  the  popes 
rifled  of  their  rings  and  ornaments.  All  these  stolen  articles — gold 
and  silver  cups,  sacks  of  coin,  jewels,  pyxes,  rich  vestments  —  were 
heaped  up  in  the  market-places  and  gambled  for  by  the  soldiers, 
who,  having  an  abundance  of  wine  and  meat,  reveled  in  the  midst 
of  the  stricken  and  bleeding  city.  There  was  a  strange  and  hideous 
mixture  of  robbery,  carnage,  and  grim  pleasantries.  The  soldiers 
delighted  in  exposing  to  ridicule,  mockery,  and  outrage  those  per- 
sons- and  things  which  the  Romans  called  sacred.  The  pontifical 
ceremonial  was  performed  in  mimic  pomp,  camp-boys  being  arrayed 
in  cope  and  stole  and  chasuble,  as  if  they  were  going  to  consecrate. 
Bishops  and  cardinals — in  some  cases  entirely  nude,  in  others,  attired 
in  fantastic  dress  —  were  placed  on  mules,  wdth  their  faces  turned 
to  the  animal's  croupe,  and  led  through  the  streets,  while  the  unwel- 
come dignity  to  which  they  had  been  promoted  was  recognized  in 
the  ironical  cheers  of  the  multitude. 

A  scene  which  was  exhibited  during  the  siege  of  the  castle  of 
St.  Angelo  will  convey  an  idea  of  the  indignity  shown  toward  the 
Roman  See.  One  day  a  party  of  German  soldiers,  mounted  on 
horses  and  mules,  assembled  in  the  streets  of  Rome.  A  man  named 
Griinwald,  remarkable  for  his  noble  countenance  and  lofty  bearing, 
being  attired  like  the  pope,  and  wearing  a  triple  crown,  was  placed 
on  a  richly  caparisoned  horse.  Others  were  arrayed  like  cardinals, 
bishops,  and  friars,  some  wearing  miters,  and  others  clothed  in 
scarlet  or  white,  according  to  the  rank  of  those  whom  they  person- 
ated.   With  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  w^hich  usually  belong  to  a 


PILLAGE  OF  ROME. 


229 


pontifical  procession,  they  marched  through  the  principal  streets  of 
Rome,  amid  the  sound  of  drums  and  fifes,  and  followed  by  a  vast 
concourse  of  people.  When  they  passed  a  house  in  which  any  of 
the  cardinals  were  confined  the  procession  halted,  and  Griinwald 
blessed  the  people  by  stretching  out  his  fingers  in  the  manner  prac- 
ticed by  the  pope  on  such  occasions.  Then  he  was  taken  from  his 
horse  and  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  one  of  his  companions,  a  spe- 
cial seat  being  prepared  for  that  purpose.  Arriving  at  length  at  the 
"  Castle,"  he  drank  from  a  large  cup  to  the  safe  custody  of  Clement, 
in  which  he  was  pledged  by  his  attendants.  After  this  ceremony  he 
administered  an  oath  to  his  own  cardinals,  binding  them  to  yield  due 
obedience  and  faithful  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  as  their  lawful  and 
only  prince,  and  not  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  state  by  intrigues ; 
but,  according  to  the  precepts  of  the  Bible  and  the  example  of  Christ 
and  his  apostles,  to  be  subject  to  the  civil  powers.  After  a  speech, 
in  which  he  reviewed  the  sacrilegious,  parricidal,  and  civil  wars 
excited  by  the  popes,  and  declared  the  Emperor  Charles  V  an 
instrument  whom  God  had  raised  up  to  revenge  these  crimes  and 
restrain  the  rage  of  corrupt  priests,  the  pretended  pontiff  solemnly 
promised  to  transfer  all  his  power  and  authority  to  Martin  Luther, 
in  order  that  he  might  purify  the  Church,  and  completely  refit  the 
ship  of  St.  Peter,  which  had  been  so  long  the  sport  of  the  winds 
and  the  waves,  while  the  unskillful  and  negligent  crew  were  engaged 
in  drinking  and  debauchery.  Then,  raising  his  voice,  he  exclaimed, 
"All  who  agree  to  these  things,  and  would  see  them  carried  into 
execution,  let  them  signify  this  by  lifting  up  their  hands;"  and  im- 
mediately the  whole  band  of  soldiers  raised  their  hands,  and  shouted, 
"Long  live  Pope  Luther!  Long  live  Pope  Luther!"  All  this 
occurred  under  the  eye  of  Clement  VIL  "  Never,"  says  D'Aubigne, 
"had  pontiff  been  proclaimed  with  such  unanimity." 

According  to  the  statements  of  such  Roman  Catholic  historians 
as  Cochlaeus,  Spondanus,  and  Guiciardini,  the  Germans  in  the  emper- 
or's army  behaved  with  great  moderation  towards  the  inhabitants  of 
Rome  after  the  first  day's  pillage,  and  contented  themselves  with 
testifying  their  opposition  to  the  prevailing  idolatry ;  but  the  Span- 
iards never  relented  in  their  rapacity  and  cruelty,  torturing  the 
prisoners,  and  delighting  in  the  sufferings  of  Church  dignitaries, 
some  of  whom  expired  in  the  hands  of  the  brutal  soldiers,  in  the 
midst  of  cruel  tortures.  Not  content  with  robbing  their  victims  of 
their  wealth,  these  bloodthirsty  Spaniards  compelled  many  to  yield 
their  lives ;  while  the  animosity  of  the  Germans,  their  Tramontane 


230 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


comrades,  evaporated  in  grim  humor  and  drollery.  The  Spanish 
troops  spared  no  age,  rank,  or  sex.  "Most  piteous,"  says  Guiciar- 
dini,  "were  the  shrieks  and  lamentations  of  the  women  of  Rome, 
and  no  less  worthy  of  compassion  the  deplorable  condition  of  nuns 
and  novices,  whom  the  soldiers  drove  along  by  troops  out  of  their 
convents,  that  they  might  satiate  their  brutal  lust.  .  .  .  Amid  this 
female  wail  were  mingled  the  hoarser  clamors  and  groans  of  unhappy 
men,  whom  the  soldiers  subjected  to  torture,  partly  to  wrest  from 
them  unreasonable  ransom,  and  partly  to  compel  the  disclosure  of 
the  goods  which  they  had  concealed." 

The  sack  of  Rome  continued  ten  days.  "It  was  reported,"  says 
Guiciardini,  "that  the  booty  taken  might-  be  estimated  at  a  million 
of  ducats ;  but  the  ransoms  of  the  prisoners  amounted  to  a  far  larger 
sum."  The  number  of  victims  is  estimated  at  from  five  thousand  to 
ten  thousand.  According  to  the  testimony  of  their  own  historians, 
the  population  thus  terribly  afflicted  were  weakened  beyond  measure 
by  effeminacy  and  vice.  They  are  described  by  Vettori  as  *  *  proud, 
avaricious,  murderous,  envious,  luxurious,  and  hypocritical."  Thq 
"Memoirs  of  Benvenuto  Cellini,"  a  Roman  of  the  early  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  give  a  dark  picture  of  the  sacerdotal  city  at  that 
period.  Ranke  declares  that  it  contained  "thirty  thousand  inhab- 
itants capable  of  bearing  arms,"  and  that  "many  of  these  had  seen 
service."  But  of  what  use  were  arms  when  there  was  neither  bravery 
nor  manhood  in  their  breasts?  If  a  spark  of  courage  had  lingered 
in  their  hearts  they  could  have  prevented  the  advance  of  the  enemy 
to  their  city,  or  driven  him  from  the  walls  after  he  appeared. 

This  stroke  fell  on  Rome  in  the  meridian  of  her  mediaeval  glory, 
and  in  a  few  days  almost  annihilated  a  splendor  which  centuries  had 
produced,  and  which  the  centuries  that  have  since  followed  have  not 
been  able  to  restore.  Such  a  great  calamity,  under  other  circumstances, 
would  have  been  regarded  as  the  unrestrained  excesses  of  a  licentious 
soldiery,  and  might  have  excited  compassion  for  the  captive  pope ; 
but  the  Italians  at  this  time  were  not  in  sympathy  with  the  Romish 
hierarchy.  There  was  a  general  conviction  that  the  wars  which  had 
so  long  desolated  Italy  were  chiefly  to  be  ascribed  to  the  resentment 
and  ambition  of  the  reigning  pontiffs.  The  conduct  of  Clement  was 
considered  by  the  people  as  a  natural  result  of  that  judicial  blindness 
which  God  sends  upon  wicked  rulers  to  hasten  their  overthrow.  The 
disasters  that  afflicted  the  papal  See  and  the  city  of  Rome  were  inter- 
preted as  marks  of  the  divine  displeasure,  and  the  invaders  who 
insulted  and  plundered  them  were  regarded  as  heralds  employed  to 


THE  ROTA  ROMANA. 


231 


pronounce  the  judgments  of  Heaven  against  an  incorrigible  court  and 
a  city  defiled  and  desecrated  by  wickedness  of  every  kind. 

The  misfortunes  of  the  fallen  pope  did  not  excite  much  commis- 
eration for  him,  because  the  prevailing  opinion  was  that  he  had  been 
punished,  not  only  for  his  sins,  but  also  for  his  folly  in  provoking 
a  powerful  enemy  whom  he  could  not  resist,  and  in  precipitating 
a  war  for  which  he  was  not  prepared.  These  were  not  merely  the 
sentiments  of  the  vulgar,  or  of  such  as  had  already  embraced  the 
doctrines  of  the  Reformation  ;  they  were  also  entertained  by  dignita- 
ries of  the  Romish  Church,  and  uttered  within  the  walls  of  the 
Vatican.  A  remarkable  instance  of  this  occurred  at  the  first  meet- 
ing of  the  Apostolical  Rota"  held  after  Rome  was  delivered  from 
the  army  of  Charles  V.  The  Rota,  or  Rota  Romana,  is  the  highest 
papal  court  of  appeals,  consisting  of  twelve  members,  and  holding  a 
session  twice  a  week.  It  derives  its  name  (which  signifies  a  zvheel), 
according  to  some,  from  the  fact  that  the  room  in  the  pope's  palace 
in  which  this  court  meets  has  a  floor  in  which  are  inlaid  marble  slabs 
having  the  shape  of  a  wheel.  According  to  others,  it  is  so  named 
because  in  ancient  Rome  a  round  public  building  stood  on  the  spot 
where  this  tribunal  was  first  established.  Other  supreme  courts,  as, 
for  example,  that  of  Genoa,  have  borne  the  same  name. 

In  this  memorable  meeting  of  the  Rota,  soon  after  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  foreign  army,  Staph}-lo,  bishop  of  Sibari,  made  a  speech, 
in  which  he  described  the  devastations  committed  by  the  enemy,  and 
then  proceeded  in  the  following  strain:  **But  whence,  I  pray,  have 
these  things  proceeded  ?  and  why  have  such  calamities  befallen  us  ? 
Because  all  flesh  have  corrupted  their  ways ;  because  we  are  citizens, 
not  of  the  holy  city  of  Rome,  but  of  Babylon,  the  wicked  city. 
The  word  of  the  Lord,  spoken  by  Isaiah,  is  accomplished  in  our 
times — 'How  is  the  faithful  city  become  an  harlot!'  It  was  full  of 
judgment  and  holiness ;  righteousness  formerly  dwelt  in  it ;  now  sac- 
rilegious persons  and  murderers  !  Formerly  it  was  inhabited  by  a 
holy  nation,  a  peculiar  people  ;  but  now  by  the  people  of  Gomorrah, 
a  depraved  seed,  wicked  children,  unfaithful  priests,  the  companions 
of  thieves.  Lest  any  should  suppose,"  continued  the  bishop,  "that 
this  prophetic  oracle  was  fulfilled  long  ago  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
Babylonish  Jerusalem  by  the  Roman  emperors,  Vespasian  and  Titus, 
seeing  the  words  appear  to  refer  to  the  time  in  which  the  prophet 
lived,  I  think  it  proper  to  observe,  agreeably  to  ecclesiastical  verity, 
that  future  things  were  set  before  the  eyes  of  the  prophet's  mind  as 
present.    This  is  evident  from  the  sacred  WTitings  throughout.    *  The 


232 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


daughter  of  Zion  shall  be  forsaken  and  made  desolate  by  the  violence 
of  the  enemy.'  This  daughter  of  Zion  the  apostle  John,  in  the  book 
of  Revelation,  explains  as  meaning,  not  Jerusalem,  but  the  city  of 
Rome,  as  appears  from  looking  into  his  description.  For  John,  or 
rather  the  angel,  explaining  to  John  the  vision  concerning  the  judg- 
ment of  the  whore,  represents  this  city  as  meant  by  Babylon.  *  The 
woman  which  thou  sawest  is  that  great  city  which  reigns  [he  refers 
to  a  spiritual  reign]  over  the  kings  of  the  earth.'  Again,  John  says, 
'  She  sits  on  seven  hills;*  which  applies  properly  to  Rome,  called  from 
ancient  times  the  seven-hilled  city.  She  is  also  said  to  '  sit  on  many 
waters;'  which  signify  people,  nations,  and  various  languages,  of 
which,  as  we  see,  this  city  is  composed  more  than  any  other  city 
of  the  Christian  world.  He  says,  also,  '  She  is  full  of  names  of 
blasphemy,  the  mother  of  uncleanness,  fornications,  and  abomina- 
tions of  the  earth.'  This  supersedes  the  necessity  of  any  more 
specific  proof  that  Rome  is  the  city  referred  to ;  seeing  these  vices, 
though  they  prevail  every-where,  have  fixed  their  seat  and  empire 
with  us." 

If  the  mind  of  a  bishop  was  so  deeply  impressed  by  the  event 
which  had  occurred,  and  such  sentiments  uttered  within  the  hearing 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  what  must  have  been  the  feelings  and  lan- 
guage of  those  who  were  less  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
ecclesiastical  monarchy,  and  who  were  still  greater  sufferers  from  the 
tyranny  and  ambition  of  those  who  administered  its  affairs?  The 
minds  of  the  people  had  been  long  overawed  by  the  mysterious  veil 
of  sanctity ;  but  this  had  been  removed,  and  they  beheld  the  real  char- 
acter of  the  priesthood.  They  professed  to  be  the  teachers  and  guar- 
dians of  the  religion  of  Christ;  but  their  conduct  was  inconsistent  with 
its  precepts,  and  their  claims  to  superior  piety  were  arrogant  and 
unfounded.  The  names  ''heretic"  and  "Lutheran,"  which  had 
thrilled  the  Italians  with  horror,  were  now  heard  with  complacency, 
and  the  minds  of  the  people  were  even  prepared  to  listen  to  the 
teachers  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  who  were  emboldened  to  preach 
and  make  proselytes  in  a  more  public  manner  than  they  had  hitherto 
ventured  to  do.  *'In  Italy,  also,"  says  Fra  Paolo,  the  historian  of 
the  Council  of  Trent,  speaking  of  this  period,  "as  there  had  neither 
been  pope  nor  papal  court  at  Rome  for  nearly  two  years,  and  as 
most  men  looked  on  the  calamities  which  had  fallen  on  both  as  the 
execution  of  a  divine  judgment  on  account  of  the  corruptions  of  its 
government,  many  listened  with  avidity  to  the  Reformation;  in 
several  cities,  and  particularly  at  Faenza,  which  was  situated  within 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  VENICE. 


233 


the  territories  of  the  pope,  sermons  were  deHvered  in  private  houses 
against  the  Church  of  Rome ;  and  the  number  of  those  named 
Lutherans,  or,  as  they  called  themselves,  Evangelicals,  increased 
every  day. " 

That  these  sermons  were  not  confined  to  private  houses,  and  that 
the  reformed  doctrine  was  publicly  preached  in  Italy  before  A.  D. 
1530,  is  evident  from  the  highest  authority.  ''From  the  report  made 
to  us,"  says  Pope  Clement  VII,  "we  have  learned  with  great  grief 
of  heart  that,  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  the  pestiferous  heresy  of 
Luther  prevails  to  a  high  degree,  not  only  among  secular  persons 
but  also  among  ecclesiastics  and  the  regular  clergy,  both  mendicant 
and  non-mendicant,  so  that  some,  by  their  discourses  and  conversa- 
tion, and  what  is  worse,  by  their  public  preaching,  infect  numbers  with 
this  disease,  greatly  scandalize  faithful  Christians,  who  live  under  the 
obedience  of  the  Roman  Church  and  observe  its  laws,  and  contribute 
to  the  increase  of  heresies,  the  stumbling  of  the  weak,  and  the  no 
small  injury  of  the  Catholic  faith."  These  indications,  while  they 
alarmed  the  friends  of  the  papacy,  encouraged  those  who  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  The  latter  built  their  hopes  upon  the 
national  character  of  the  Italians,  whose  ardent  minds  would  nat- 
urally lead  them  to  propagate  the  new  opinions  with  more  than 
ordinary  zeal. 


Chapter  XII. 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  VENICE. 

IT  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  northern  portions  of  Italy,  owing 
to  their  proximity  to  Switzerland  and  Germany,  the  countries 
of  Zwingle,  Bucer,  CEcolampadius,  Luther,  and  Melancthon,  would 
be  the  first  to  receive  the  truths  of  the  Reformation.  Such  is  the 
historical  fact,  and  it  will  be  proper,  therefore,  in  relating  the  prog- 
ress of  the  reform  movement  in  Italy,  to  commence  at  the  north, 
especially  when  the  geographical  and  the  chronological  so  nearly 
coincide. 

Of  all  the  states  of  Italy  Venice  afforded  the  best  facilities  for  the 
dissemination  of  the  new  doctrines,  and  the  safest  asylum  for  those 
who  suffered  in  the  defense  of  them.  In  no  other  part  was  there 
so  much  liberty  of  religious  opinion.  That  sea-girt  city  kad  risen  to 
opulence  and  power ;  and,  in  order  to  encourage  strangers  to  visit  her 


234 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ports  and  markets,  she  conceded  more  than  ordinary  freedom  of 
speech  and  action.  She  was  truly  the  head  of  a  powerful  commer- 
cial republic,  whose  ships  did  business  in  all  seas,  and  whose  trade 
extended  to  almost  every  seaport  in  the  civilized  world.  Extensive 
intercourse  with  others  always  generates  a  tolerant  spirit.  It  was 
not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  rich  and  proud  aristocracy,  who  had 
control  of  the  government,  were  liberal  and  enlightened.  The  senate, 
fully  aware  of  the  ambitious  and  encroaching  spirit  of  the  Romish 
See,  uniformly  opposed  every  effort  to  establish  the  Inquisition,  and 
manifested  great  caution  in  permitting  the  edicts  of  the  Vatican  to  be 
published  or  carried  into  effect  within  the  Venetian  territories.  In 
fact,  the  republic  of  Venice,  among  Roman  Catholic  governments,  in 
its  policy  of  religious  toleration  somewhat  resembled  that  of  Hol- 
land among  the  Protestant  states.  She  was  distinguished,  too,  for 
the  number  of  her  printing-presses,  and,  while  letters  were  cultivated 
elsewhere  for  mere  literary  entertainment  or  to  gratify  the  vanity  of 
their  patrons,  the  Venetians  encouraged  them  from  the  additional 
consideration  of  their  forming  an  important,  and  not  unproductive, 
branch  of  manufacture  and  merchandise.  The  books  of  the  German 
and  Swiss  Protestants  were  consigned  to  merchants  at  Venice,  from 
which  they  were  circulated  to  the  different  parts  of  Italy ;  and  it  was 
in  this  city,  as  we  indicated  in  a  previous  chapter,  that  versions 
of  the  Bible  and  other  religious  books,  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  were 
chiefly  printed. 

We  have  already  stated  that  the  first  writings  of  Luther  were  read 
in*  Venice  soon  after  they  were  published.  In  a  letter  written  A.  D. 
1528  the  reformer  says  to  a  friend,  You  give  me  joy  by  what  you 
write  of  the  Venetians  receiving  the  Word  of  God.  To  him  be  the 
thanks  and  the  glory!"  During  the  following  year  he  corresponded 
with  James  Ziegler,  a  learned  man,  celebrated  for  his  skill  in  mathe- 
matics, geography,  and  natural  history,  and  a  publisher  of  the  prin- 
cipal works  of  the  ancients  on  these  subjects.  He  had  great  authority 
at  Venice,  and  was  favorable  to  the  Reformation,  though  he  never 
publicly  enlisted  under  its  banner.  His  adopted  brother,  Theodore 
Veit,  was  sent  by  him  to  Wittemburg,  and  was  for  some  time  the 
secretary  or  amanuensis  of  Luther.  This  is  the  individual  so  often 
mentioned  under  the  name  of  Theodorus  Vitus  in  the  letters  of 
Melancthon,  and  through  whom  these  leaders  of  the  Reformation  in 
Germany  chiefly  received  their  intelligence  respecting  the  Protestant 
cause  in  Italy.  An  incident  occurred,  A.  D.  1530,  indicating  that 
many  in  Venice  at  that  time  were  deeply  interested  in  the  good 


ROSSELLI'S  LETTER. 


235 


work.  It  was  widely  reported  that  Cardinal  Campeggio,  who  was 
the  papal  legate  to  the  imperial  diet  at  Augsburg,  had  persuaded 
Melancthon  to  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  pope.  This  pro- 
duced great  excitement  and  uneasiness  among  those  Venetians  who 
advocated  reform,  one  of  whom,  Lucio  Paolo  Rosselli,  addressed  a 
letter  to  Melancthon,  expressing  the  highest  regard  for  his  character, 
and  the  delight  which  his  writings  had  afforded  him.  In  respectful 
language,  but  with  an  honest  freedom,  he  exhorted  him  to  remain  a 
firm  and  fearless  defender  of  that  faith  to  which  he  had  been  the 
honored  instrument  of  winning  so  many. 

"In  this  cause,"   continues  Rosselli,    "you   ought  to  regard 
neither  emperor  nor  pope,  nor  any  other  mortal,  but  the  immortal 
God  only.     If  there  be  any  truth  in  what  the  papists  circulate  about 
you,  the  worst  consequences  must  accrue  to  the  Gospel  and  to  those 
who  have  been  led  to  embrace  it  through  your  instrumentality  and 
that  of  Luther.     Be  assured  that  all  Italy  waits  v/ith  anxiety  for  the 
result  of  your  assembly  at  Augsburg.     Whatever  is  determined  by 
it  will  be  embraced  by  Christians  in  other  countries  through  the 
authority  of  the  emperor.    It  behooves  you  others,  who  are  there  for 
the  purpose  of  defending  the  Gospel,  to  be  firm,  and  not  to  suffer 
yourselves  to  be  either  frightened  from  the  standard  of  Christ  by 
threats,  or  drawn  from  it  by  entreaties  and  promises.     I  implore  and 
obtest  you,  as  the  head  and  leader  of  the  whole  evangelical  army,  to 
regard  the  salvation  of  every  individual.    Though  you  should  be 
called  to  suffer  death  for  the  glory  of  Christ,  fear  not,  I  beseech  you  ; 
it  is  better  to  die  with  honor  than  to  live  in  disgrace.    You  shall 
secure  a  glorious  triumph  from  Jesus  Christ  if  you  defend  his  right- 
eous cause;  and,  in  doing  this,  you  may  depend  on  the  aid  of  the 
prayers  and  supplications  of  many  who,  day  and  night,  entreat 
Almighty  God  to  prosper  the  cause  of  the  Gospel,  and  to  preserve 
you  and  its  other  champions  through  the  blood  of  his  Son.  Fare- 
well, and  desert  not  the  cause  of  Christ."    This  zealous  Venetian 
Protestant  wrote  a  second  time  to  Melancthon,  and  inclosed  a  copy 
of  the  letter  which  the  latter  was  said  to  have  addressed  to  the 
papal  legate,  exhorting  him,  if  he  had  unhappily  been  induced  to 
express  sentiments  unworthy  of  his  character,  to  exhibit  the  greater 
courage  and  constancy  in  the  future ;  but,  if  the  report  had  been 
fabricated,  as  many  of  his  friends  declared,  then  he  should  imme- 
diately expose  the  malicious  calumny,  and  henceforth  openly  and 
boldly  attack  an  enemy  which  employed  stratagem  and  falsehood  to 
accomplish  its  ends. 


236 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Pietro  Carnesecchi,  Baldo  Lupetino,  and  Baltassare  Altieri,  were 
among  the  most  active  in  promoting  the  doctrines  of  the  Reforma- 
tion at  V enice.  The  first  was  a  patrician  of  Florence,  and  also  a 
former  secretary  of  Clement  VII,  and  his  name  was  finally  enrolled 
among  the  martyrs  of  Italy.  The  second,  who  likewise  obtained  the 
crown  of  martyrdom,  was  a  native  of  Albona,  of  noble  extraction, 
and  highly  esteemed  for  his  learning  and  worth.  As  provincial  of 
the  Franciscans  within  the  Venetian  territories,  he  had  the  most 
favorable  opportunities  of  imparting  religious  instruction  and  of  pro- 
tecting those  who  had  received  it.  He  persuaded  Matteo  Flacio,  a 
kinsman  of  his,  to  abandon  his  resolution  of  assuming  the  monastic 
garb,  and  induced  him  to  retire  into  Germany,  where  he  became  dis- 
tinguished for  his  learned  writings,  and  the  active  though  intemperate 
part  which  he  took  in  the  internal  disputes  that  agitated  the  Lutheran 
Church.  Altieri,  though  a  native  of  Aquila  in  Naples,  resided  in 
Venice,  and  for  some  time  acted  as  the  secretary  of  the  English  embas- 
sador and  afterwards  as  agent  for  the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany. 
He  was  ardently  devoted  to  the  Protestant  cause,  and  his  official 
station  enabled  him  to  promote  it  by  introducing  books  into  Italy, 
holding  epistolary  correspondence  with  foreign  courts,  and  both  advis- 
ing and  assisting  those  of  his  countrymen  who  had  embraced  or  were 
inquiring  after  the  truth. 

So  great  was  the  progress  of  evangelical  religion  in  Venice  be- 
tween A.  D.  1530  and  A.  D.  1542  that  its  numerous  friends,  who 
had  held  their  meetings  in  private  for  mutual  instruction  and  religious 
exercises,  began  to  consider  the  propriety  of  organizing  themselves 
into  regular  congregations,  and  of  assembUng  in  public.  As  several 
members  of  the  senate  were  favorable  to  it,  hopes  were  entertained 
at  one  time  that  the  government  would  sanction  the  measure.  In 
the  beginning  of  A.  D.  1538,  Michele  Bracchioli  went  from  Italy  to 
Wittemberg  to  have  a  religious  interview  with  Melancthon,  who  greatly 
admired  his  elegant  taste  and  refined  manners.  Having  received  in- 
formation that  his  brother  was  in  danger  of  proscription,  he  returned 
home  to  Germany  unexpectedly  within  a  year,  and  delivered  a  mes- 
sacfe  to  Melancthon  from  the  friends  of  the  Reformation  in  Venice. 

This  communication  encouraged  him  to  address  a  letter  to  the 
senate,  in  which  he  expressed  the  great  pleasure  that  he  had  expe- 
rienced when  hearing  of  the  favorable  opinion  entertained  by  many 
honorable  persons  among  them,  concerning  the  reform  of  ecclesias- 
tical abuses  which  had  been  made  in  Germany.  He  declared  in  a  few 
words,  how  cautiously  the  leaders  of  the  Reformation  had  proceeded 


THE  REFORMA  TION  AD  VANCING. 


237 


by  avoiding  dangerous  innovations  and  repressing  popular  tumults. 
After  showing  that  various  corruptions  had  been  introduced  into  the 
Church,  Melancthon  adds:  ''Such  slavery  surely  ought  not  to  be 
established,  as  that  we  should  be  obliged,  for  peace's  sake,  to  ap- 
prove of  all  the  errors  of  those  who  govern  the  Church ;  and  learned 
men  especially  ought  to  be  protected  in  the  liberty  of  expressing 
their  opinions  and  of  teaching.  As  your  city  is  the  only  one  in  the 
world  which  enjoys  a  genuine  aristocracy,  preserved  through  many 
ages  and  always  hostile  to  tyranny,  it  becomes  it  to  protect  good 
men  in  freedom  of  thinking,  and  to  discourage  that  unjust  cruelty 
which  is  exercised  in  other  places.  Wherefore  I  can  not  refrain  from 
exhorting  you  to  employ  your  care  and  authority  for  advancing  the 
divine  glory,  a  service  which  is  most  acceptable  to  God." 

It  is  evident  that  if  Venice  had  then  received  the  same  treatment 
from  the  court  of  Rome  that  it  did  at  the  commencement  of  the 
seventeenth  century  the  republic  probably  would  have  declared  in 
favor  of  the  Reformation;  and,  if  such  an  event  had  occurred,  how 
different  might  have  been  its  history,  as  well  as  that  of  other  por- 
tions of  Italy !  It  might  at  that  day  have  enjoyed  its  political  inde- 
pendence, if  not  also  regained  its  ancient  glory. 

Not  only  did  the  Protestant  cause  advance  in  the  metropolis,  but 
it  spread  also  in  many  cities  of  the  Venetian  territories.  At  Padua  it 
was  embraced  by  many  of  the  students  and  some  of  the  professors 
of  the  university,  which  was  celebrated  at  that  period  as  a  medical, 
school.  At  Verona  and  at  Brescia  there  were  converts  to  the  reformed: 
faith,  while  the  bishop  of  Bergamo,  Vittore  Soranzo,  was  favorable- 
to  evangelical  doctrine,  and  exerted  himself  in  reforming  his  clergy. 
But  Vicenza  and  Treviso,  situated  in  the  neighborhood  of  Venice, 
contained  the  greatest  number  of  Protestants.  A  German,  named! 
Sigismund,  was  delivered  up  to  the  vicar-general  of  Vicenza,  A.  D. 
I535»  by  the  doge,  to  be  punished  for  disseminating  the  Lutheran* 
heresy  in  that  diocese,  and  Paul  III,  in  a  pontifical  brief,  formally 
thanked  his  excellency  for  this  act  of  filial  obedience.  But  such, 
severe  measures  only  created  the  more  sympathy  for  the  reformed' 
opinions,  which  were  patronized,  or  at  least  protected,  by  the  local 
magistrates.  Ten  years  later  (A.  D.  1545),  the  reigning  pontiff  in- 
formed the  doge  and  senate  that  he  had  repeatedly  notified  them,  by- 
letters  and  nuncios,  of  the  existence  of  heresy  in  their  city  of  Vicenza,. 
and  that  the  governor  and  magistrates  of  that  place,  though  instructed] 
to  co-operate  with  their  bishop  in  extirpating  it,  had  refused  to  ren- 
der that  assistance  which  was  necessary  to  accomplish  this  holy  work. 


238 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


so  that  the  heretics  were  encouraged,  and  would  spread  the  pesti- 
lence in  surrounding  cities,  unless  promptly  arrested  and  punished. 

Altieri  addressed  a  letter  to  Luther,  A.  D.  1542,  "In  the  name 
of  the  brethren  of  the  Church  of  Venice,  Vicenza,  and  Treviso," 
confessing  their  neglect  in  not  acknowledging  their  deep  obligations 
to  him  who  had  brought  them  to  the  knowledge  of  salvation.  He 
said  that  they  were  ashamed,  and  could  not  account  for  their  silence, 
unless  it  was  that  their  sudden  emancipation  had  astounded  their 
minds,  or  timidity  and  dread  had  deterred  them  from  addressing  so 
grave  and  holy  a  personage.  But  now  they  were  driven  by  neces- 
sity and  the  urgency  of  their  circumstances  to  do  that  which  culpable 
negligence  and  ingratitude  had  hitherto  prevented  them  from  per- 
forming. He  presented  a  dark  picture  of  their  situation.  Antichrist 
had  commenced  to  rage  against  them.  Some  of  their  brethren  had 
been  compelled  to  leave  the  country,  others  were  cast  into  prison, 
and  the  rest  were  in  a  state  of  constant  alarm.  As  members  of  the 
same  body,  they  expected  to  receive  sympathy  and  assistance  from 
their  German  brethen,  who  had  persuaded  them  to  renounce  popery 
and  espouse  that  cause  for  the  sake  of  which  they  were  now  exposed 
/  to  such  imminent  danger.  They  entreated  him  to  use  his  influence 
with  the  evangelical  princes  of  Germany  to  write  in  their  behalf  to 
the  senate  of  Venice,  requesting  it  to  'abstain  from  that  violence 
which  the  ministers  of  the  pope  urged  it  to  employ  against  the  poor 
flock  of  Christ,  and  to  permit  them  to  enjoy  their  own  manner  of 
worship,  at  least  until  the  assembling  of  a  general  council,  in  the 
way  of  adopting  measures  to  prevent  all  sedition  and  disturbance  of 
the  public  peace.  *'If  God  grant,"  continues  Altieri,  ''that  we 
obtain  a  truce  of  this  kind,  what  accessions  will  be  made  to  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  in  point  of  faith  and  charity !  How  many  preach- 
ers will  appear  to  announce  Christ  faithfully  to  the  people !  How 
many  prophets,  who  now  lurk  in  corners,  exanimated  with  undue 
fears,  will  come  forth  to  expound  the  Scriptures !  The  harvest  is  truly 
great,  but  there  are  no  laborers.  You  know  what  a  great  increase 
your  Churches  had,  and  what  a  wide  door  was  opened  for  the  Gos- 
pel, by  the  truce  which,  as  we  understand,  you  have  enjoyed  for 
three  years.  Exert  yourselves  to  procure  the  same  favor  for  us; 
cherish  the  common  cause ;  do  your  endeavor,  that  by  this  means 
the  consolation  which  is  by  Christ  may  be  imparted  to  us,  who  daily 
suffer  for  Christ;  for  it  is  our  fervent  desire  that  the  Word  of  God 
may  be  spread  abroad,  but  we  have  none  to  feed  us,  unless  our  want 
be  supplied  out  of  your  abundance." 


MILAN  WELCOMES  THE  REFORMATION. 


Chapter  XIII. 

MILAN  RECEIVING  THE  GOSPEL. 

THE  duchy  of  Milan  was  in  a  favorable  state  for  receiving  the 
Reformation.  Several  causes  contributed  to  its  propagation  in 
this  interesting  portion  of  Italy.  The  people  were  not  ignorant  of 
the  resistance  which  that  diocese  had  made  to  the  arrogant  claims  of 
the  bishops  of  Rome  during  the  first  ten  centuries.  The  struggle 
which  Milan,  the  capital  of  Lombardy,  had  anciently  maintained  for 
its  ecclesiastical  independence,  continued  to  be  remembered  long 
after  its  submission  to  the  Roman  See.  This  circumstance,  together 
with  the  natural  advantages  of  the  country,  attracted  to  it  those  who 
dissented  from  the  doctrines  or  declined  the  communion  of  the  Rom- 
ish Church.  As  the  Milanese  bordered  on  Switzerland,  the  writings 
of  Zwingle  and  Bucer  were  early  circulated  among  them  and  widely 
diffused.  Their  proximity  to  Piedmont  (the  residence  of  the  Wal- 
denses  for  centuries)  also  enabled  them  to  be  acquainted  with  evan- 
gelical truth.  To  these  causes  may  be  added  the  political  state  of 
the  duchy.  A  protracted  contest  for  its  control  was  carried  on 
between  Francis  I  and  Charles  V,  and  it  was  alternately  occupied  by 
the  armies  of  the  contending  monarchs,  in  which  were  many  Protest- 
ant soldiers,  who  extensively  spread  the  reformed  doctrines  among  the 
people.  Paul  III  addressed  a  brief  to  the  bishop  of  Modena,  A.  D. 
1536,  stating  that  he  was  informed  of  the  recent  discovery,  in  the 
religious  and  illustrious  duchy  of  Milan,  of  conventicles,  consisting 
of  noble  persons  of  both  sexes,  belonging  to  a  sect  holding  and 
observing  the  tenets  of  one  friar  Batista  de  Crema,  by  which  many 
heresies,  condemned  by  the  ancient  Church,  were  fostered.  The 
pope,  therefore,  commanded  the  bishop,  who  was  then  at  Milan,  to 
make  inquisition  after  these  conventicles  and  heretics,  and  to  see  that 
condign  punishment  was  inflicted  on  the  guilty,  so  that  ''the  corrupt 
seed  sown  by  the  devil  might  be  extirpated  before  it  had  time  to 
shoot  up  and  strengthen."  Though  the  "impure  tenets  of  ancient 
heretics"  are  imputed  to  these  wicked  innovators,"  according  to 
the  usual  language  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  they  held  the  common  opinions  of  Luther  and  Zwingle. 

This  part  of  Italian  history  is  closely  connected  with  some  inter- 


240 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


esting  facts  in  the  life  of  Celio  Secundo  Curio,  the  most  distinguished 
propagator  of  the  evangelical  faith,  whose  career  was  altogether  more 
remarkable  than  that  of  any  of  those  who  embraced  the  doctrines  of 
the  Reformation  in  Italy.  He  was  born  at  Turin,  A.  D.  1503,  and 
was  the  youngest  of  twenty-three  children.  At  the  early  age  of  nine 
years  he  was  left  an  orphan,  but  being  connected  with  several  noble 
families  in  Piedmont,  he  received  a  liberal  education  at  the  university 
of  his  native  city.  In  his  youth  he  lost  his  father,  who  bequeathed 
to  him  the  best  of  legacies — a  copy  of  the  Bible,  beautifully  bound; 
and  the  reading  of  the  sacred  volume  made  a  deep  impression  upon 
his  mind.  V/hen  he  reached  his  twentieth  year  he  obtained  the  writ- 
ings of  the  reformers,  by  means  of  Jeronimo  Negri,  of  Fossano,  who 
with  some  others  in  the  Augustinian  monastery  of  Turin,  had  come 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth.  This  awakened  in  him  an  ardent 
desire  to  visit  Germ.any,  and,  accordingly,  he  started  in  company  with 
Giacomo  Cornello  and  Francesco  Guarino,  who  afterwards  became 
distinguished  ministers  of  the  Reformed  Church. 

During  their  journey  they  injudiciously  engaged  in  a  religious  con- 
troversy, and,  having  been  reported  to  the  proper  authorities,  they 
were  arrested  by  the  spies  of  the  cardinal  bishop  of  Ivree,  and 
thrown  into  separate  prisons.  Through  the  solicitations  of  his  rela- 
tions Curio  was  released,  and  the  cardinal,  admiring  his  talents, 
endeavored  to  attach  him  to  himself  by  offering  him  pecuniary  assist- 
ance in  his  studies,  and  by  placing  him  in  the  neighboring  priory  of 
St.  Benigno,  with  the  administration  of  which  he  had  been  intrusted 
by  the  late  Pope  Leo  X.  While  in  this  situation  Curio  was  diligently 
employed  in  instructing  the  monks  and  delivering  them  from  the 
bondage  of  superstition.  He  one  day  opened  a  box,  placed  on  the 
altar  of  the  chapel,  and  having  abstracted  the  relics  from  it,  substi- 
tuted a  copy  of  the  Bible,  with  the  following  inscription:  "This  is 
the  ark  of  the  covenant  which  contains  the  oracles  of  God,  the  true 
relics  of  the  saints."  When  the  relics  were  needed  on  the  next 
solemn  festival  the  trick  was  discovered,  and  Curio,  being  suspected, 
fled  and  escaped  to  Milan,  A.  D.  1530.  He  visited  Rome  and  several 
other  Italian  cities  and  then  returned  to  Milan,  where  he  married  a 
lady  belonging  to  the  illustrious  family  of  the  Isacii,  and  by  devoting 
himself  to  the  teaching  of  polite  letters  acquired  a  great  reputation 
in  the  city  and  vicinity  of  Milan.  The  Spanish  troops  having  com- 
mitted ravages,  Curio  was  compelled  to  leave  Milan,  and  accepted 
an  invitation  from  the  count  of  Montferrat,  under  whose  protection 
he  resided  some  years  in  peace  at  Casale. 


AN  INGENIOUS  DEVICE. 


241 


Desiring  to  recover  his  patrimony,  he  resolved  to  visit  his  native 
country;  but,  on  his  arrival,  he  found  that  one  of  his  sisters  and  her 
husband  had  seized  it,  and,  in  order  to  defeat  his  legal  claims  the 
most  effectually,  they  preferred  a  charge  of  heresy  against  him. 
Curio,  rather  than  engage  in  litigation,  retired  to  a  village  in  the 
territories  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  where  he  was  employed  in  teaching 
the  children  of  the  neighboring  gentlemen.  In  company  with  some 
of  his  patrons,  he  went  one  day  to  hear  a  Dominican  monk  from 
Turin,  who,  in  the  course  of  his  sermon,  presented  a  terrible  picture 
of  the  character  of  the  German  reformers,  and,  in  proof  of  his  accu- 
sations, he  read  false  quotations  from  a  work  published  by  Luther. 
After  the  sermon  Curio,  who  happened  to  have  in  his  possession  the 
book,  showed  it  to  the  friar,  and  then  read  the  passages  referred  to 
in  the  presence  of  the  most  respectable  part  of  the  congregation,  who 
were  so  indignant  at  the  misrepresentations  of  the  impudent  and  dis- 
honest monk  that  they  drove  him,  in  disgrace,  from  the  town.  The 
inquisitor  was  immediately  notified,  and,  having  arrested  Curio,  he 
sent  him  to  his  native  city.  His  enemies,  resolving  to  magnify  his 
crime  and  secure  his  conviction,  rehearsed  his  proposed  journey  to 
Germany  and  his  abstracting  of  the  relics  at  St.  Benigno.  As  his 
friends  were  numerous  and  influential,  the  administrator  of  the  bish- 
opric of  Turin  went  to  Rome  to  secure  his  condemnation.  To 
prevent  any  attempt  at  rescue,  a  brother  of  Cardinal  Cibo,  who  had 
charge  of  him,  remov^ed  him  to  an  inner  room  of  the  prison,  and 
ordered  his  feet  to  be  made  fast  in  the  stocks.  Any  other  person  of 
less  ingenuity  and  fortitude  in  such  a  situation  would  have  abandoned 
all  hope;  but  Curio,  in  his  3-outh,  had  resided  in  the  vicinit}'  of  the 
jail,  and  he  believed  a  method  of  escape  could  be  devised.  In  a 
short  time  the  plan  was  matured,  and,  through  the  favor  of  Prov- 
idence, was  effectual. 

The  prisoner's  feet  being  swollen  by  confinement,  he  persuaded 
his  keeper  to  release  his  right  foot  for  a  day  or  two,  and  then,  by 
taking  his  shoe,  together  with  a  reed  and  a  quantity  of  rags,  which 
were  within  his  reach,  he  constructed  an  artificial  lee,  which  he 
attached  to  his  right  knee  so  adroitly  that  he  could  move  it  with  ease 
and  without  detection.  Having  obtained  permission  to  have  his 
other  foot  relieved,  he  inserted  the  artificial  limb  into  the  stocks. 
Both  his  feet  were  now  at  liberty,  and  during  the  following  night  he 
forced  the  door  of  his  apartment,  felt  his  way  through  the  dark  pass- 
ages, dropped  from  a  window,  and  having  scaled  the  walls  of  his 
prison  with  difficulty,  escaped  into  Italy.     He  had  extracted  the 


242 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


fictitious  limb  from  the  stocks  and  taken  it  to  pieces  before  leaving 
the  prison,  so  that  his  persecutors  might  not  understand  the  method 
of  his  deliverance.  They  attributed  it  to  magic,  but  he  dispelled  the 
mystery  by  publishing  an  account  of  the  whole  circumstance  in  the 
form  of  a  dialogue,  which  contains  some  humorous  and  satirical  stric- 
tures upon  certain  papal  errors.  It  was  first  issued  without  date  or 
place  of  publication;  but  was  reprinted  at  Geneva,  A.  D.  1667.  After 
remaining  some  months  with  his  family  at  Sale,  a  remote  village  in 
the  territory  of  Milan,  he  was  persuaded  by  his  former  friends  to 
abandon  his  seclusion  and  enter  the  University  of  Pavia.  When  the 
inquisitors  received  this  information,  orders  were  sent  from  Rome  to 
arrest  him ;  but  they  could  not  be  executed.  The  principal  inhab- 
itants of  the  town  and  the  students,  many  of  whom  had  come  from 
other  seminaries  to  attend  his  lectures,  esteemed  Curio  so  highly  that 
they  protected  him  for  nearly  three  years,  a  guard  composed  of  his 
scholars  accompanying  him  to  and  from  his  residence  every  day  dur- 
ing a  greater  part  of  that  time.  At  last,  when  the  pope  threatened 
the  senate  of  Pavia  with  excommunication  if  he  was  not  delivered  up, 
he  retired  to  Venice,  from  which  he  removed  to  Ferrara. 


Chapter  XIV. 

MANTUA— LOCARNO— ISTRI A— FERRy^RA. 

MANTUA,  which  in  the  sixteenth  century  gave  birth  to  several 
persons  of  distinguished  talents,  did  not  shut  out  the  light  of 
the  Reformation.  At  an  early  period  warm  friends  of  the  evangelical 
faith  Avere  found  there,  not  only  in  the  capital,  but  throughout  the 
duchy.  Many  groaned  under  the  tyranny  which  oppressed  the 
human  mind,  and  made  a  generous  effort  to  break  asunder  their 
chains.  Among  these  was  Gianbattista  Folengo,  a  pious  and  liberal 
Benedictine,  who  earnestly  desired  to  heal  the  schism  which  afiflicted 
the  Church  by  an  extensive  reformation  among  both  secular  and 
regular  clergy.  Cardinal  Gonzaga,  bishop  of  Mantua,  manifested  the 
same  disposition  to  correct  existing  evils,  and  even  protected  those 
who  denounced  the  errors  of  the  Romish  hierarchy.  He  was  severely 
reprimanded  by  the  pope;  and,  as  late  as  A.  D.  1545,  Paul  HI 
addressed  him  a  fervent  epistle  to  stimulate  his  slumbering  zeal, 
stating  that  he  had  heard  of  certain  ignorant  clergymen  and  artisans 


THE  REFORM  A  TION  IN  LOCARNO, 


243 


in  the  city  of  Mantua,  who  had  ruined  their  own  souls,  and  brought 
great  scandal  on  others,  by  rashly  daring  to  dispute,  and  even  to 
doubt,  of  matters  belonging  to  the  Roman  Catholic  doctrine,  its  arti- 
cles of  belief,  and  its  holy  riles.  He  then  exhorts  the  bishop  to 
proceed  personally,  or  through  his  deputies,  against  all  persons  sus- 
pected of  heresy,  including  the  clergy,  secular  and  regular,  of  every 
order  in  the  city  of  Mantua,  and  throughout  the  Avhole  diocese ;  to 
ascertain  whether  they  have  read  or  possess  any  heretical  books,  or 
if  they  have  taught  any  opinion  condemned  by  the  Church ;  to  take 
the  depositions  of  witnesses,  seize  the  persons  of  the  accused  or  sus- 
pected, examine  them  by  the  torture,  and,  having  brought  the  proc- 
esses as  far  as  the  definitive  sentence,  to  transmit  the  whole  in 
authentic  shape  to  Rome  for  judgment.  For  some  time  the  reigning 
duke  shielded  his  subjects  from  this  persecuting  edict,  and  incurred 
the  displeasure  of  the  pope. 

Locarno  is  a  city  of  Italy,  and  the  capital  of  a  province  or  baili- 
wick of  the  same  name,  situated  on  Lake  Maggiore,  in  the  southern 
confines  of  the  Alps.  It,  with  three  other  provinces,  was  given  by 
Maximilian  Sforza,  duke  of  Milan,  A.  D.  15 13,  to  the  Swiss  cantons 
for  the  military  aid  they  had  rendered  him,  and  was  governed  by  a 
prefect  whom  the  cantons  sent  by  turns  every  two  years.  The  ter- 
ritory was  small,  but  its  inhabitants  had  considerable  wealth,  derived 
from  the  advantages  of  their  location,  as  they  were  carriers  in  the 
trade  maintained  between  Italy  and  Switzerland.  As  early  as  A.  D. 
1526  the  truths  of  the  Reformation  were  introduced  into  Locarno  by 
Baldassare  Foritana.  For  several  years  the  number  of  converts  was 
small.  ''There  are  but  three  of  us  here,"  says  that  devoted  servant 
of  Christ,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingle,  "who  have  enlisted  and  confeder- 
ated in  the  cause  of  propagating  the  truth.  But  Midian  was  not: 
vanquished  by  the  multitudes  of  brave  men  who  flocked  to  the  stand- 
ard of  Gideon,  but  by  a  few  selected  for  that  purpose  by  God.. 
Who  knows  but  what  he  may  kindle  a  great  fire  out  of  this  incon- 
siderable smoke?  It  is  our  duty  to  sow  and  plant;  the  Lord  must 
give  the  increase." 

Twenty  years  later  the  fruit  of  the  prayers  and  labors  of  these- 
good  men  appeared,  perhaps,  long  after  they  had  received  the- 
heavenly  crown.  The  work  commenced  by  them  was  taken  up  by 
Benedetto  Locarno,  A.  D.  1546,  who  returned  to  his  native  place,, 
after  he  had  been  employed  in  preaching  the  Gospel  in  various  parts; 
of  Italy  and  in  the  island  of  Sicily.  His  efforts  to  enlighten  his- 
townsmen  were  earnestly  seconded  by  Giovanni  Beccaria,  commonly 

17 


244 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


called  the  apostle  of  Locarno,  who  was  a  man  of  good  character  and 
excellent  talents.  He  had  discovered  the  principal  errors  and  cor- 
ruptions of  the  Church  of  Rome  by  studying  the  Bible,  without  the 
aid  of  a  teacher  or  any  human  writings.  In  a  short  time  he  was 
assisted  by  four  prominent  individuals,  who  had  the  true  spirit  of 
confessors,  and  actively  labored  in  the  noble  cause.  Varnerio  Cas- 
tiglione  spared  neither  time  nor  effort  in  promoting  the  truth  ;  Lu- 
dovico  Runcho,  a  citizen  of  great  respectability,  nobly  defended  the 
evangelical  doctrines.  Taddeo  de  Duuis,  a  physician,  and,  like 
Runcho,  a  young  man  of  courage  and  genius,  and  Martino  de 
Muralto,  a  doctor  of  laws,  and  of  aristocratic  descent,  contributed  to 
the  success  of  the  reform  movement  by  their  influence  in  the  prov- 
ince. In  the  course  of  four  years  the  Protestants  of  Locarno  had 
become  a  strong  Church,  were  regularly  organized,  and  received  the 
sacraments  at  the  hands  of  a  pastor  whom  they  called  from  the 
Church  of  Chiavenna.  The  daily  increase  of  the  membership 
excited  the  chagrin  and  envy  of  the  clergy,  who  were  earnestly 
supported  by  the  prefect  appointed,  A.  D.  1549,  by  the  popish 
canton  of  Underwald.  The  Locarnese  Protestants  were  slandered 
by  a  priest  residing  in  the  neighboring  province  of  Lugano,  who  was 
not  only  employed  to  denounce  them  from  the  pulpit,  but  also  to 
challenge  their  preacher  to  a  public  discussion  of  the  questions  in 
controversy  between  the  Churches.  On  the  day  of  trial  he  was 
completely  silenced  ;  and  to  revenge  his  defeat  the  prefect  ordered 
Beccaria  into  prison.  This  persecution  aroused  such  a  feeling  0% 
indignation  in  the  city  that  the  prisoner  was  immediately  discharged, 
and  the  enemies  of  Protestantism  were  compelled  to  wait  for  a  more 
favorable  opportunity  of  attack. 

The  truths  of  Protestant  Christianity  were  late  in  penetrating 
Istria,  a  peninsular  district  on  the  Adriatic  Sea,  then  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Venetian  republic  ;  but  their  dissemination,  after  a 
commencement  had  been  made,  was  rapid.  The  chief  instruments 
in  the  good  work  were  Pierpaolo  Vergerio  and  Gianbattista,  two 
brothers,  both  of  whom  were  bishops  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
and  one  of  them  a  papal  legate.  They  were  natives  of  Capo  d'Istria, 
and  belonged  to  a  family  which  was  distinguished  for  its  literary 
reputation  in  the  fifteenth  century.  We  have  already  referred  to 
Vergerio  as  a  young  man  of  excellent  character  and  promising  tal- 
ents, who  desired  to  visit  Wittemberg  to  complete  his  studies.  After 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  law,  he  received  the  degree  of  doctor  from 
the  University  of  Padua,  in  which  he  served  for  a  time  as  professor 


VERGERIO.  \ 


245 


and  as  vicar  to  the  podesta.  He  subsequently  located  at  Venice, 
where  he  became  celebrated  as  an  advocate.  His  fame  for  eloquence 
and  address  was  such  that  Pope  Clement  VH  sent  him  into  Germany 
as  legate  to  Ferdinand,  king  of  the  Romans,  at  whose  court  he  re- 
mained for  some  years,  laboring  to  promote  the  interests  of  the 
Romish  See,  and  opposing  the  progress  of  Lutheranism.  When 
Clement  died  his  successor,  Paul  HI,  recalled  Vergerio;  but,  after 
hearing  a  statement  of  his  embassy,  sent  him  back  to  Germany, 
where  he  treated  with  the  German  princes,  and  had  more  than  one 
interview  with  Luther  concerning  the  proposed  general  council. 
Returning  to  Italy,  A.  D.  1536,  he  was  appointed  bishop  of  ]\Iodru- 
sium,  in  Croatia,  an  episcopal  district  under  the  patronage  of  Ferdi- 
nand, and  afterwards  held  a  similar  position  in  Capo  d '  Istria,  his 
native  place.  He  went  to  France,  and  appeared  at  the  conference 
of  Worms,  A.  D.  1541,  in  the  name  of  his  Christian  Majesty,  but, 
as  some  believed,  with  secret  instructions  from  the  pope.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  he  prepared  at  this  time  an  oration  on  the  unity  of  the 
Church,  in  opposition  to  the  idea  of  a  national  council,  which  was 
desired  by  the  Protestants. 

During  his  residence  in  Germany  Vergerio  was  favorably  im- 
pressed with  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  but  did  not  openly 
embrace  them,  because  suspicions  of  his  heresy  were,  as  he  had 
learned,  entertained  at  Rome.  It  is  asserted  by  Protestant  writers 
that  the  pope  intended  to  confer  a  cardinal's  hat  on  him  at  his 
return,  but  the  alleged  unsoundness  of  his  faith  prevented  its  bestow- 
ment.  This  statement  is  denied  by  Pallavicini  and  Tiraboschi, 
Romish  historians ;  but  they  admit  that  his  holiness  was  aware  of 
Vergerio's  familiarity  with  the  German  heretics,  and  that  on  this 
account  he  was  summoned  to  Italy,  where  he  became  more  fully 
convinced  of  the  fact  that  he  had  displeased  his  superiors.  Cardinal 
Bembo,  in  a  letter  to  his  nephew,  who  appears  to  have  occupied  a 
high  official  position  in  the  Istrian  government,  declares  that  the 
bishop  of  Capo  d'Istria  had  urged  him  "to  intercede  for  some  of  his 
relations,  who  had  been  unjustly  thrown  into  prison."  This  was  on 
the  24th  of  September,  A.  D.  1541,  and  on  the  ist  of  February  fol- 
lowing Bembo  expresses  his  satisfaction  that  this  request  had  not 
been  granted,  adding :  "I  hear  some  things  of  that  bishop,  which, 
if  true,  are  very  bad — that  he  not  only  has  portraits  of  Lutherans 
in  his  house,  but  that  also  in  the  causes  which  come  before  him  he 
is  eager  to  favor  in  any  way  the  one  party,  whether  right  or  wrong, 
and  to  bear  down  the  other." 


246 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


It  was  not  easy  for  a  person  in  Vergerio's  circumstances  to  retire 
from  the  honorable  situation  which  he  held,  and  to  sacrifice  the 
bright  prospects  of  promotion  which  he  had  long  cherished.  Be- 
sides, he  did  not  have  clear  and  steady  views  of  the  truth.  After 
he  had  first  abandoned  the  excitement  of  public  life,  and  entered 
upon  his  episcopal  duties,  he  resolved  to  complete  a  work  which  he 
had  commenced  against  the  apostates  of  Germany,"  expecting  by 
its  publication  to  remove  the  suspicions  against  his  loyalty  to  the 
court  of  Rome.  While  writing  this  book,  and  examining  those  of 
the  reformers,  he  was  so  impressed  with  the  force  of  the  objections 
which  he  was  endeavoring  to  answer  that  he  threw  away  the  pen, 
and  relinquished  the  undertaking  in  despair.  With  a  burdened  heart, 
and  in  hope  of  relief,  he  revealed  his  feelings  to  his  brother,  Gian- 
battista,  bishop  of  Pola,  in  the  same  district,  who  was  distressed  by 
the  communication.  He  conversed  with  his  brother,  and,  after 
hearing  the  reason  of  his  change  of  views,  especially  concerning 
justification,  he  became  himself  a  convert  to  the  Protestant  doctrine. 
The  two  brothers  had  emerged  from  the  valley  of  darkness  and 
doubt,  and  a  light  from  heaven  shone  into  their  understandings. 
They  had  been  ignorant  of  the  simple  truth  of  salvation  by  faith,  and, 
like  the  ''bhnd  leading  the  blind,"  directed  their  hearers  along  the 
thorny  paths  of  austerities  and  penances,  which  inflicted  suffering, 
but  afforded  no  peace.  Having  found  the  true  and  living  way,  they 
resolved  to  bring  their  flocks  into  it,  by  imparting  instruction  to 
them  on  the  principal  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  and  withdrawing  their 
attention  from  those  ceremonial  services  and  bodily  exercises  which 
they  regarded  as  the  whole  of  religion.  These  converted  bishops, 
by  their  own  personal  labors,  and  the  assistance  of  others  who  had 
previously  obtained  pardon  from  the  great  "  High -priest,"  were  suc- 
cessful in  inaugurating  this  reform.  The  sound  of  the  old  Gospel 
ravished  the  ears  of  the  people  as  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  ''Day 
of  Jubilee"  delighted  God's  ancient  children,  so  that  before  A.  D. 
1546  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  district  had  cast  off 
the  yoke  of  ceremonies,  embraced  the  truths  of  the  Reformation, 
and  made  considerable  progress  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Christian 
doctrines. 

In  many  respects  the  history  of  the  dissemination  of  evangelical 
opinions  at  Ferrara  is  the  most  interesting  of  any  that  has  been 
written  in  connection  with  the  Reformation  in  Italy.  This  city,  at 
an  early  period,  afforded  protection  to  those  Protestants  who  fled 
from  various  parts  of  that  country  and  from  foreign  lands.  Under 


THE  COURT  OF  FERRARA. 


247 


the  government  of  its  dukes,  of  the  illustrious  house  of  Este,  it  had 
for  some  time  rivaled  Florence  in  the  encouragement  of  learning  and 
the  fine  arts.  Its  natural  advantages  never  could  compare  with  those 
of  Florence,  or  even  Bologna,  because  it  is  situated  in  a  plain,  mo- 
notonous, insalubrious  country.  But  this  unfavorable  circumstance 
did  not  prevent  the  court  of  Ferrara  from  being  the  resort  of  literary 
men,  who  delighted  to  enjoy  the  society  of  its  wise  dukes.  Ariosto 
and  Bernardo  Tasso  lived  at  the  court  of  Alfonso  I,  and  subsequently 
his  more  illustrious  son,  the  author  of  Jerusalem  Delivered,"  at 
the  court  of  Ercole  II,  and  consequently  the  genealogy  and  achieve- 
ments of  the  dukes  of  Ferrara  have  been  transmitted  to  posterity 
by  the  most  prominent  poets  of  that  age.  While  contemporary 
princes  yielded  patronage  to  men  of  letters  out  of  regard  to  their 
own  fame,  and  as  a  tribute  to  fashion,  Hercules,  who  had  received 
a  good  education,  was  actuated  by  personal  judgment  and  feeling  in 
his  respect  for  them. 

The  house  of  Este  had  been  devoted  to  the  Romish  See,  and 
labored  to  advance  its  interests;  but  recently,  in  several  instances, 
had  not  been  treated  with  proper  regard  by  it.  This  sense  of  injury, 
however,  was  overcome,  because  there  was  an  important  reason  why 
the  Italian  princes  should  be  attached  to  the  pope.  Ippolito,  a 
younger  son  of  Duke  Alfonso,  and  afterwards  his  nephew,  Ludovico, 
were  cardinals ;  and  from  time  immemorial  a  branch  of  the  family 
had  been  represented  in  the  sacred  college.  Accordingly,  Alfonso 
had  faithfully  sustained  Clement  during  his  humiliation  and  calamity; 
and  his  successor,  though  more  liberal  in  his  religious  views  than  his 
father,  carefully  avoided  offending  the  supreme  pontiff. 

Hercules  II  (as  he  is  more-  commonly  called  by  English  writers), 
duke  of  Ferrara,  married  the  celebrated  Renee,  or  Renata,  daughter 
of  Louis  XII  of  France.  This  noble  princess  had  been  instructed  in 
the  reformed  doctrine  before  leaving  her  native  country  by  some  of 
those  learned  persons  who  were  frequent  visitors  at  the  court  of  the 
distinguished  Margaret,  queen  of  Navarre ;  and  she  was  anxious  to 
have  the  evangelical  religion  introduced  into  the  land  to  which  she 
had  removed.  For  some  time  she  secretly  entertained  Protestants 
as  literary  men,  her  husband  encouraging,  or  at  least  permitting, 
it.  The  first  persons  to  whom  she  extended  her  protection  and 
hospitality  on  this  principle  were  her  own  countrymen,  whom  the 
violence  of  persecution  had  driven  out  of  France. 

It  was  under  her  auspices  that  for  several  years  Ferrara  was  a 
"  City  of  Refuge  "  to  unfortunate  scholars  and  persecuted  Protestants, 


248 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


not  only  of  France,  but  also  of  Italy.  Several  men  of  letters  had 
been  introduced  into  the  court  of  France  during  the  late  reign  by 
JMadame  de  Soubise,  the  governess  of  the  duchess.  She  now  resided 
at  the  court  of  Ferrara  with  her  son,  Jean  de  Parthenai,  Sieur  de 
Soubise,  afterwards  a  principal  leader  of  the  Protestant  party  in 
France ;  her  daughter,  Anne  de  Parthenai,  celebrated  for  her  elegant 
taste ;  and  Antoine  de  Pons,  count  de  Marennes,  the  future  husband 
of  this  young  lady,  and  a  warm  friend  of  the  reformed  cause  until 
the  death  of  his  wife.  The  distinguished  French  poet,  Clement 
Marot,  fled  from  his  native  country,  A.  D.  1534,  because  the  affair 
of  the  placards  had  excited  persecution,  and,  after  residing  for  a  short 
time  at  the  court  of  the  queen  of  Navarre,  in  Bearn,  came  to  Ferrara. 
He  was  recommended  by  Madame  de  Soubise  to  the  duchess,  who 
made  him  her  secretary ;  and  his  friend,  Lyon  Jamet,  finding  it  nec- 
essary soon  after  to  follow  him,  met  with  a  reception  equally  cordial. 

About  the  same  time  the  great  reformer,  John  Calvin,  visited 
Ferrara,  where  he  spent  several  months  under  the  assumed  name  of 
Charles  Heppeville.  The  duchess  was  confirmed  in  the  Protestant 
faith  by  his  instructions,  and  ever  after  retained  the  highest  respect 
for  his  character  and  talents.  The  duke  of  Ferrara,  though  a  Roman 
Catholic,  did  not  yet  manifest  any  opposition  to  the  course  pursued 
by  his  wife  in  entertaining  the  friends  of  the  Reformation.  Indeed, 
the  hospitality  of  the  court  attracted  many  from  various  countries, 
embracing  almost  all  the  prominent  Protestants  of  Italy,  among 
whom  may  be  mentioned  Fulvio  Peregrino  Morata,  from  Mantua, 
the  father  of  the  celebrated  Olympia  Morata,  of  whom  we  shall 
speak  more  fully  hereafter,  and  Celio  Secundo  Curio,  of  Turin,  of 
whom  we  have  spoken  already.  The  most  of  the  distinguished 
Protestants  who  spent  a  considerable  length  of  time  at  Ferrara  were 
either  connected  with  the  university,  which  was  then  in  the  zenith 
of  its  fame,  having  recovered  from  the  disasters  inflicted  upon  it  by 
the  civil  wars  of  the  family  of  Este,  or  employed  as  tutors  in  the 
household  of  the  duke.  These  learned  men,  who  educated  his  chil- 
dren, were  the  chief  instruments  in  propagating  the  Protestant  faith. 
While  imparting  instruction  in  every  branch  of  polite  letters  and 
arts,  they  did  not  neglect  to  inculcate  the  ''truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus." 
Among  the  enlightened  men  who  adorned  the  court  of  Ferrara  were 
Celio  Calcaquini,  Lilio  Giraldi,  Bartolomeo  Riccio,  Marzello  Palin- 
genio,  and  Marcantonio  Flaminio — all  of  whom  were  elevated  above 
the  superstitions  of  their  age,  if  they  were  not  converts  to  the  re- 
formed religion. 


PROTESTAXTISM  IN  FERRARA. 


249 


Paul  III  visited  Ferrara  A.  D.  1543,  and  was  present  at  a  classical 
performance  when  the  "Adelphi"  of  Terence  was  acted  by  the 
youth  of  the  family  and  the  three  daughters  of  the  duke,  the  eldest 
of  whom  was  only  twelve  and  the  youngest  five  years  of  age.  While 
the  pope  was  being  amused  by  the  juvenile  princesses,  he  was  not 
aware  then  of  the  religious  sentiments  of  their  teachers.  Two  broth- 
ers from  Germany,  Chilian  and  John  Sinapi,  instructed  them  in 
Greek,  and,  being  Protestants,  also  taught  them  correct  views  of 
religion.  Fulvio  Peregrino  ]\Iorata  had  been  a  successful  teacher  of 
youth  in  various  parts  of  Italy,  and  was  tutor  to  the  two  younger 
brothers  of  the  duke.  During  the  first  part  of  his  life  the  mind  of 
]\Iorata,  like  that  of  many  of  his  learned  countrymen,  had  been  en- 
grossed with  secular  studies  ;  but  meeting  with  Celio  Secundo  Curio, 
a  refugee  from  Piedmont,  he  received  from  him  the  knowledge  of 
evangelical  truth  and  a  profound  conviction  of  the  reality  of  religion. 
Morata  calls  Curio  his  "divine  teacher — one  sent  of  God  to  instruct 
him,  as  Ananias  was  sent  to  Paul."  While  IMorata  was  highly 
esteemed  for  his  integrity  and  culture,  he  became  still  more  distin- 
guished as  the  father  of  Olympia  IMorata,  the  most  enlightened 
woman  of  the  age,  whom  he  educated  with  all  the  zeal  that  parental 
love  and  professional  enthusiasm  could  excite.  The  duchess,  having 
observed  her  early  proficiency  in  letters,  selected  her  to  be  the  com- 
panion of  her  eldest  daughter,  Anne,  with  whom  she  improved  in 
every  elegant  and  useful  accomplishment.  Olympia  soon  discovered 
that  the  blandishments  and  confusions  of  a  court  are  not  favorable 
for  the  cultivation  of  personal  piety ;  yet  during  her  residence  in  the 
ducal  palace  she  first  obtained  that  knowledge  of  the  Gospel  which 
supported  her  under  the  trials  and  privations  which  she  afterwards 
had  to  endure. 

It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  number  of  those  in  Ferrara  who 
embraced  the  Protestant  doctrines,  but  it  probably  varied  at  different 
times,  according  to  the  fluctuating  politics  of  the  duke  and  the  meas- 
ures of  religious  constraint  or  toleration  which  were  alternately 
adopted  by  the  other  states  of  Italy.  It  is  said  that  they  had  sev- 
eral preachers  as  early  as  A.  D.  1528;  but  whether  they  were  per- 
mitted to  preach  publicly  in  churches  or  chapels,  or  hold  their 
assemblies  in  private  houses,  we  are  not  informed.  They  probably 
adopted  the  latter  course  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  their  labors  were 
successful,  because  such  a  large  number  of  distinguished  Protestants 
at  Ferrara  indicated  it.  Whatever  progress  the  Gospel  had  made 
there  was,  however,  owing  to  the  decided  patronage  and  encourage- 


250 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ment  of  the  duchess  Renee.  Indeed,  the  most  eminent  Itahans  who 
accepted  the  new  opinions,  and  were  confirmed  in  their  attachment 
to  them,  were  indebted  in  one  way  or  other  to  this  noble  woman. 
She  was  the  second  daughter  of  Louis  XII,  who  may  be  considered, 
on  many  accounts,  one  of  the  best  monarchs  France  has  ever  had ; 
who,  when  urged  to  renew  the  crusades  against  the  poor  Waldenses 
in  Dauphiny,  refused  to  do  it,  saying,  TJiey  are  better  Christians 
than  we  are.''  Renee  was  born  at  Blois,  A.  D.  1510.  Her  mother 
was  Anne  of  Brittany,  widow  of  Charles  VIII.  Scarcely  had  she 
reached  the  age  of  three  years  when  she  was  bereft  of  her  mother, 
and  at  five  she  lost  her  father.  She  then  had  to  depend  upon  the 
care  of  her  brother-in-law,  Francis  I,  who  ascended  the  throne  A.  D. 
1515.^  At  an  early  age  she  was  affianced  to  one  prince,  and  then 
another,  as  policy  dictated ;  first  to  Ferdinand  of  Austria,  then  to 
Charles  (afterwards  Charles  V,  emperor  of  Germany),  then  to  the 
king  of  England,  then  to  Joachim,  marquis  of  Brandenburg,  and, 
lastly,  to  Ercole,  or  Hercules,  whom,  as  we  have  stated,  she  mar- 
ried, A.  D.  1527. 

It  it  said  by  historians  that  personally  she  was  not  beautiful ;  but 
she  possessed  that  which  was  far  more  valuable — "a  strong  intellect, 
a  sound  judgment,  and  great  nobleness  of  soul,  united  with  much 
tenderness  of  heart,  and  a  remarkably  amiable  spirit."  In  her  youth 
she  manifested  a  striking  fondness  for  those  studies  which  are  elevat- 
ing in  their  character.  She  made  rapid  advancement  in  both  the 
exact  and  moral  sciences,  and  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages.  She  conversed  in  the  Italian  with  the 
same  elegance  and  purity  that  she  did  in  the  French.  Such  a  woman 
was  R  enee  of  France,  whom  God  raised  up  to  protect  for  a  season 
the  persecuted  Protestants  in  Italy ;  and  when  she  was  prevented  by 
her  enemies  from  assisting  the  prostrate  and  bleeding  cause  of  evan- 
gelical religion  in  that  country  she  was  permitted  to  return  to  her 
native  land,  and  there  offer  an  asylum  to  such  of  the  poor  persecuted 
Protestants  of  France  as  gathered  around  the  walls  of  the  castle  in 
which  she  spent  her  declining  years. 

This  excellent  woman  unfortunately  married  a  man  who  was  in 
every  respect  unworthy  of  her.  Ercole,  or  Hercules,  was  a  bigoted 
Roman  Catholic,  and  destitute  of  an  independent  spirit.  The  court 
of  Rome  had  inflicted  upon  his  father  indignities  and  injuries,  com- 
pelling him  to  wander  for  years  as  an  exile,  and  serve  in  foreign 
armies  as  a  soldier,  in  order  to  sustain  existence.  Before  he  could 
recover  the  estates  belonging  to  him  he  was  forced  to  ask  pardon  of 


MATTEO  GENTILIS  OF  ANCONA, 


251 


the  infamous  Alexander  VI,  and  to  marry  the  worthless  Liicretia 
Borgia,  his  daughter.  And  yet  this  son  had  neither  the  desire  nor 
the  ability  to  extricate  his  neck  from  the  yoke  which  his  house  had 
so  long  worn,  but  was  ever  ready  to  cringe  at  the  feet  of  the  pope. 
During  the  first  years  of  his  marriage  he  seemed  to  have  some 
affection  for  his  amiable  wife  ;  but  after  the  death  of  his  father  and 
his  own  accession  to  the  ducal  throne  he  manifested  a  different  dis- 
position toward  her.  He  complied  with  the  first  solicitation  from 
the  pope  and  emperor,  and  entered  into  a  league  with  them,  by 
which  he  bound  himself  to  remove  from  his  court  all  the  French  who 
were  suspected  of  heresy.  The  adoption  of  this  league,  A.  D.  1536, 
was  followed  by  the  retirement  of  Madame  de  Soubise  and  her  fam- 
ily, whose  departure  was  deeply  regretted  by  the  duchess.  Marot 
went  to  Venice,  but  soon  after  obtained  permission  to  return  to  his 
native  land.  Lyon  Jamet  was  allowed  to  remain  with  Renee,  proba- 
bly because  he  was  less  known  than  Marot,  and  she  appointed  him 
her  secretary  after  the  departure  of  his  friend.  Morata  returned  to 
Ferrara  A.  D.  1539,  and  was  readmitted  to  his  professorship  in  the 
university.  Concerning  the  movements  of  Hubert  Lanquet,  an 
accomplished  scholar,  and  one  of  the  first,  or  at  least  soundest,  poli- 
ticians of  his  age,  who  became  a  Protestant  while  residing  at  Ferrara, 
nothing  definite  has  been  recorded. 

Ancona  deserves  to  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Italian 
Reformation,  because  Matteo  Gentilis  and  his  two  accomplished  sons 
were  born  there.  The  father  was  compelled  to  leave  his  native 
country  on  account  of  his  Protestant  opinions,  and  settled  in  Carni- 
ola,  where  he  followed  his  profession  as  a  physician.  The  two  sons, 
Alberic  and  Scipio,  became  eminent  civilians.  The  former  went  to 
England,  and  was  made  professor  of  laws  at  Oxford.  His  brother 
held  the  same  situation  at  Altorf,  and,  in  addition  to  his  legal  knowl- 
edge, was  celebrated  for  his  poetical  talents  and  skill  in  Biblical 
criticism. 


2-52    .  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

Chapter  XV. 

THE  PROTESTANT  CAUSE  IN  MO  DEN  A, 

AS  Modena  was  under  the  government  of  the  house  of  Este  it 
is  probable  that  its  first  acquaintance  with  the  evangehcal  doc- 
trines was  owing  to  the  same  cause  which  introduced  them  into  Fer- 
rara.  Among  the  early  correspondents  of  Luther  were  several 
Modenese.  One  of  these  was  Giovanni  Francesco  Virgin io,  a  native 
of  Brescia,  and  author  of  a  paraphrase  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul  to  the 
Galatians  and  Hebrews,  printed  at  Lyons,  A.  D.  1565;  Sadolet  and 
three  other  members  of  the  sacred  college  were  citizens  of  Modena, 
as  were  also  Sigonio,  the  celebrated  antiquary ;  Castelvetro,  a  critic 
of  great  acuteness,  and  many  others  whose  names  often  appear  in  the 
history  of  Italian  literature.  This  city  also  possessed  one  of  those 
academies  which  originated  in  such  large  numbers  in  Italy  during  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  surpassed  the  old  and  well-endowed  seminaries 
of  science.  Its  founder  was  Giovanni  Grillenzone,  an  enlightened 
physician,  in  whose  house  it  assembled.  Those  who  attended  desired 
to  promote  their  mutual  improvement  by  conversation  and  the  read- 
ing of  papers  on  scientific  and  literary  subjects.  Afterwards  lectures 
were  introduced  and  became  so  famous,  especially  those  of  Franciscus 
Portus,  a  learned  Greek,  as  to  attract  young  men  from  all  parts  of 
Italy  to  Modena. 

At  an  early  period  it  was  believed  that  the  academy  was  under 
the  influence  of  Protestant  opinions.  Tiraboschi,  in  his  history  of 
Italian  literature,  states  that  the  proceedings  against  this  society  had 
their  origin  in  one  of  those  quarrels  in  which  the  literati  of  that  age 
were  often  involved  with  the  religious  orders,  and  in  the  resentment 
of  Annibale  Caro  against  Castelvetro,  a  member  of  the  academy,  who 
had  written  a  severe  criticism  on  one  of  his  poems.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that  this  opposition  rested  on  a  deeper  foundation.  Ac- 
cording to  the  ''Biblioteca  Modenese,"  another  work  of  Tiraboschi, 
which  contains  more  ample  details  supported  by  the  most  authentic 
documents,  the  priests  regarded  the  academy,  from  its  beginning,  as 
the  source  of  heresy  in  Modena,  while  the  academicians  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  express  their  contempt  of  the  priests,  and  especially  of  the 
monks,  on  account  of  their  ignorance  and  hypocrisy.  Grillenzone, 


THE  PRIESTS  AND  ACADEMICIANS.  253 

the  originator  of  the  academy,  in  a  letter  to  Sadolet,  accounts  for 
the  charges  made  against  him  by  the  monks,  in  these  words:  *'My 
nature  is  such  that  I  could  never  conceal  my  dipleasure  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  idle,  ignorant,  and  hypocritical."  It  is  not  strange  that 
intelligent  men  employed  these  terms  when  a  friar,  preaching  in  the 
cathedral  of  Modena  during  Lent,  A.  D.  1530,  committed  the  sacri- 
legious act  of  producing  and  reading  to  his  audience  a  pretended  let- 
ter from  Jesus  Christ,  drawn  up  in  the  style  of  a  papal  brief,  begin- 
ning with  "Jesus  Episcopus." 

Serafina,  a  canon  regular  of  St.  Augustine,  preached  in  the  cathe- 
dral church  in  December,  A.  D.  1537,  and  declared  to  his  audience 
that  the  Lutheran  errors  had  begun  to  spread  in  Modena,  and  in 
proof  of  his  statement  referred  to  a  heretical  book  which  he  had  ob- 
tained, spying  that  he  had  found  it  in  the  chamber  of  Lucrezia  Pica, 
widow  of  Count  Claudio  Rangone.  He,  along  with  the  inquisitor  of 
heretical  pravity  and  the  vicar  of  the  diocese,  examined  it,  and  then 
endeavored  to  ascertain  the  author  and  also  the  individual  who  had 
brought  it  into  the  city.  They  traced  it  without  much  difficulty  to 
Gadaldino,  a  printer  and  bookseller,  but  the  author  could  not  be  dis- 
covered. It  was  generally  believed  that  he  was  one  of  the  members 
of  the  academy,  several  of  whom  boldly  approved  the  book,  and 
pronounced  its  doctrine  both  orthodox  and  edifying.  It  was  pub- 
licly burnt  at  Rome,  and  every  copy  of  it  destroyed.  At  the  mar- 
riage of  a  daughter  of  Niccolo  Machelli,  which  soon  after  occurred, 
two  masked  persons  entered  the  residence  of  the  bride's  father,  who 
was  a  member  of  the  academy,  and,  in  the  place  of  entertainment, 
recited  a  lengthy  satire  on  the  preacher  Serafina.  At  the  same  time 
similar  pasquinades  were  placarded  on  the  pillars  of  the  cathedral,  the 
gate  of  the  Dominican  convent,  and  other  public  places  in  the  city. 
The  Countess  Lucrezia,  considering  herself  scandalized  by  the  event, 
persuaded  the  duke  to  have  two  persons  arrested,  both  tutors  to  two 
of  the  prominent  families  of  the  city,  and  thrown  into  prison,  as  the 
authors  of  this  insult  to  the  clergy.  They  were  soon  after  released, 
because  it  could  not  be  shown  that  any  individual  had  been  named 
as  the  object  of  the  satire. 

While  the  clergy  persevered  in  denouncing  the  new  doctrines,  the 
academicians  resorted  to  their  favorite  method  of  retaliation,  and 
often  when  annoyed  by  the  ignorant  harangues  to  which  they  were 
compelled  to  hsten,  they  would  arise  in  the  congregation,  criticise 
the  sermon,  and  expose  the  preacher  to  the  derision  of  the  audience. 
Fra  Serafina,  having  been  absent  for  some  time,  ventured  to  return, 


254 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


A.  D.  1539,  but  was  driven  from  the  pulpit  in  disgrace.  The  monks 
could  neither  arrest  the  progress  of  the  truth  among  the  people  nor 
prevent  it  from  entering  their  own  cloisters.  A  friar  named  Antonio- 
della  Catellina  preached  a  sermon  with  great  applause  during  the 
feast  of  Pentecost,  and  though  accused  of  heresy  did  not  retract,  but 
appeared  again  in  the  pulpit  and  defended  the  doctrine  which  he  had 
taught.  This  alarmed  the  clergy  and  called  forth  a  papal  rescript 
commanding  the  inquisitor  to  strictly  investigate  the  opinions  of  the 
religious  orders  established  in  the  city. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  public  mind  when  Paolo  Ricio  came  to 
Modena,  A.  D.  1540.  He  was  born  in  Sicily,  obtained  the  degree 
of  doctor  of  theology  at  Naples,  and  belonged  to  the  order  of  Minor 
Conventuals;  but  in  order  that  he  might  proclaim  the  Gospel  with 
greater  freedom,  he  abandoned  the  cowl  and  assumed  the  name  of 
Lisea  Fileno.  The  members  of  the  academy  cordially  welcomed  him, 
and  he  earnestly  labored  to  find  the  friends  of  th.e  Reformation  in  the 
city,  whom  he  persuaded  to  meet  for  worship  in  a  private  house. 
His  instructions  confirmed  them  in  the  true  faith,  and  attracted  others 
to  their  standard.  These  results  produced  a  great  sensation  in  Mo- 
dena ;  the  Bible  was  the  common  topic  of  conversation,  and  the  peo- 
ple freely  and  eagerly  discussed  the  questions  in  controversy  between 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  Protestants.  ''Persons  of  all 
classes,"  says  a  contemporary  popish  historian,  ''not  only  the  learned, 
but  also  the  illiterate,  and  even  women,  whenever  they  met,  in  the 
streets,  in  shops,  or  in  churches,  disputed  about  faith  and  the  doctrine 
of  Christ,  and  all  promiscuously  tortured  the  sacred  Scriptures,  quot- 
ing Paul,  Matthew,  John,  the  Apocalypse,  and  all  the  doctors  whose 
writings  they  never  saw." 

The  news  of  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  in  Italy  reached  Germany, 
and  moved  Bucer  to  write  a  letter  of  congratulation  and  advice  to  the 
disciples  at  Modena.  The  priests,  beholding  the  effects  of  this  relig- 
ious revolution,  complained  to  the  pope,  and  he  remonstrated  with 
the  duke.  Ricio,  foreseeing  the  danger,  had  departed  from  Modena, 
but  was  arrested  at  the  neighboring  village  of  Staggio,  and  taken  as 
a  prisoner  to  Ferrara.  There  he  made  a  public  recantation  of  his 
opinions  rather  than  be  sent  to  Rome,  where  he  expected  no  mercy. 
But  this  defection  could  not  prevent  the  seed  sown  by  him  from 
germinating,  because  it  had  already  taken  deep  root  The  duke  re- 
solved that  these  contentions  should  not  be  renewed,  and  therefore 
issued  orders  that  the  pulpit  should  not  be  occupied  by  any  one  with- 
out the  permission  of  the  vicar  of  the  diocese ;  but  so  great  was  the 


OCHINO  AT  MODENA— GIOVANNI  DI  POLITIANO.  255 


desire  of  the  people  to  hear  the  Gospel  preached  that  some  of  the 
clergy  violated  the  rule,  and  were  supported  by  the  local  magistrates, 
who  wrote  to  the  ducal  court  in  their  favor.  The  celebrated  Ochino, 
whose  career  we  shall  describe  in  the  proper  place,  visited  Modena, 
A.  D.  1540,  and  preached  in  the  cathedral  church  to  such  a  large 
audience  that,  according  to  the  testimony  of  one  who  was  present, 
''there  was  scarcely  room  to  stand."  The  academicians  urged  him 
to  remain  during  Lent,  promising  that  he  should  have  an  opportunity 
to  conduct  the  services,  as  the  preacher  who  had  been  engaged  for 
that  season  could  be  induced  to  yield  his  place  to  him;  but  Ochino 
declined.  At  this  time  his  defection  from  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
was  not  known,  but  the  priests  were  displeased  at  his  method  of 
preaching,  so  different  from  their  own,  and  at  the  applause  which  it 
elicited,  especially  from  their  adversaries  of  the  academy. 

One  of  the  most  obnoxious  of  these  was  Giovanni  di  Politiano, 
called  also  de '  Berettari.  In  his  youth  he  had  secured  the  esteem  of 
Cardinals  Bembo  and  Bibbiena  for  his  poetical  talent,  and  was  at  this 
period  a  tutor  to  Camillo,  a  son  of  the  distinguished  Francesco  Molza. 
As  he  was  in  priests'  orders  he  preached  in  the  house  of  his  patron, 
and  the  citizens  in  large  numbers  attended  the  service  after  the 
departure  of  Ricio.  A  spy  having  reported  that  he  presented  three 
erroneous  propositions  in  his  exposition  of  Paul's  Epistles,  Politiano 
was  accused  of  disloyalty  to  the  papal  Church.  One  of  these  prop- 
ositions was  that  prayers  in  an  unknown  tongue  were  not  acceptable 
to  God.  The  offender  waited  upon  the  inquisitors,  and  explained  his 
words ;  but  they  were  not  satisfied,  and  summoned  him  to  appear  for 
trial.  Declining  to  attend,  he  was  excommunicated  for  contumacy. 
He  immediately  appealed  to  the  pope,  and  through  the  influence  of 
Molza,  with  Cardinal  Farnese,  the  nephew  of  Paul  III,  the  inquisitor 
was  called  to  Rome.  After  a  delay  of  several  months  a  decision  was 
rendered  acquitting  Politiano,  or  Berettari,  who,  on  the  ist  of  Octo- 
ber, A.  D.  1 541,  returned,  along  with  his  pupil,  in  triumph  to  Mo- 
dena ;  but  his  enemies  were  vindictive,  and,  having  commenced  a  new 
process  against  him  at  Rome,  they  obtained  a  verdict  of  "guilty." 
He  was  then  sentenced  to  do  penance  privately  in  the  presence  of  a 
few  select  individuals. 

During  the  progress  of  these  events  Cardinal  Morone,  bishop  of 
Modena,  was  chiefly  absent  in  Germany  on  missions  from  the  pope. 
He  had  repeatedly  heard  of  the  spread  of  heresy  in  his  diocese,  and 
the  reports  made  him  the  more  uneasy,  because  he  was  aware  of  the 
corruptions  in  the  Church,  and  cherished  a  deep  regard  for  several 


256 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  the  Modenese,  who  were  accused.  In  a  letter  to  the  duke  of 
Ferrara,  dated  the  21st  of  November,  A.  D.  1541,  he  says:  *' Eight 
days  ago  I  came  to  Modena  to  make  residence  at  my  Church,  and 
to  endeavor  with  the  divine  assistance  to  do  all  in  my  power,  con- 
sistently with  charity,  to  remove  the  bad  fame  which  this  city  of  your 
excellency  has  incurred,  not  only  in  Italy,  but  abroad,  in  reference  to 
the  modern  novelties  of  opinion.  I  had  proceeded  so  far  in  this  affair, 
and  brought  it  to  some  issue,  when  I  received  an  order  from  his  holi- 
ness to  repair  to  Rome."  While  making  another  visit  to  his  diocese, 
he  writes  on  the  20th  of  May,  A.  D.  1542,  to  his  friend,  Cardinal  Con- 
tarini:  *'I  have  found  things  which  infinitely  distress  me,  and  while  I 
perceive  the  danger,  am  quite  at  a  loss  as  to  the  means  by  which  I 
can  extricate  myself  in  the  affairs  of  this  flock  which,  with  my  blood, 
I  would  willingly  secure  to  Christ  and  clear  from  public  infamy. 
Wherever  I  go,  and  from  all  quarters,  I  hear  that  the  city  is  become 
Lutheran.  Your  suspicions  are  not  without  foundation,  for  it  can 
not  be  denied  that  much  ignorance,  joined  with  great  audacity  and 
little  charity,  reigns  among  the  monks ;  but  against  the  other  side 
are  many  violent  suspicions  and  even  some  proofs,  which  I  mean  to 
verify,  with  the  view  of  adopting  the  remedies  which  God  may 
direct."  And,  on  the  30th  of  July,  he  writes  to  the  same  person: 
''Yesterday  a  minister  of  that  order  frankly  told  me  that  their 
preachers  would  no  longer  go  to  Modena  on  account  of  the  persecu- 
tion to  which  they  were  exposed  from  the  academy,  it  being  every- 
where spread  abroad  that  the  city  is  Lutheran." 


THE  REFORMATION  IN  CENTRAL  AND  SOUTHERN  ITALY. 
LORENCE,  the  capital  of  Tuscany,  became  greatly  distinguished 


-L  at  the  era  of  the  revival  of  letters.  No  other  Italian  city  con- 
tained so  many  enlightened  citizens  and  such  flourishing  academies, 
while  its  university  was  not  excelled  in  the  number  of  its  scholars 
and  the  encouragement  which  it  gave  to  every  branch  of  science  and 
liberal  art.  But  these  studies  did  not  promote  either  pure  religion  or 
genuine  liberty.  The  cultivation  of  the  fine  arts  in  the  ' '  Middle 
Ages,"  by  appealing  chiefly  to  the  senses,  was  intimately  associated 
with  superstition,  and  the  first  introduction  of  letters  into  Europe 


Chapter  XVI. 


258 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


contributed  in  many  cases  to  the  growth  of  extravagance  and  cor- 
ruption both  among  the  patrons  and  their  cHents  because  munificent 
gifts  for  their  support  were  recklessly  spent.  The  luxury  which 
prevailed  among  the  rich,  combined  with  the  ignorance  and  bigotry  * 
of  the  masses,  ever  under  the  influence  of  a  numerous  train  of  priests 
and  monks,  constituted  a  serious  barrier  to  the  progress  of  evangeli- 
cal truth  in  Florence.  Besides,  the  celebrated  family  of  the  Medici, 
after  expending  vast  sums  in  adorning  and  exalting  their  native  city, 
finished  by  overthrowing  its  liberties ;  and  so  true  is  the  maxim  "men 
will  praise  thee  when  thou  dost  well  to  thyself,"  that  their  ambition 
has  found  apologists  among  those  who  have  extolled  their  early 
patriotism.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years  Florence  had  considered 
herself  honored  by  the  elevation  of  two  of  her  sons  to  the  chair  of 
St.  Peter  under  the  respective  titles  of  Leo  X  and  Clement  VII,  and 
therefore  was  strongly  attached  to  the  Romish  See. 

In  view  of  all  these  obstacles  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the 
Reformation  would  encounter  the  most  powerful  resistance  in  that 
city,  yet  we  are  assured  that  many  of  its  citizens  had  accepted  the 
Protestant  doctrines  before  A.  D.  1525.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that 
the  Scriptures  were  translated  about  this  time  into  Italian  by  no  less 
than  three  natives  of  Florence — Brucioli,  Marmochini,  and  Teofilo. 
Antonio  Brucioli  has  been  already  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter 
of  this  work,  but  deserves  more  particular  notice  on  account  of  the 
invaluable  services  which  he  rendered  to  Italy  by  his  writings.  He 
was  born  about  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  in  the  early 
part  of  his  life  was  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Platonic  Academy 
in  his  native  city.  Ardently  attached  to  popular  liberty,  and  full  of 
youthful  zeal,  he  was  persuaded  to  embark  in  a  conspiracy  to  expel 
the  house  of  the  Medici  from  Florence ;  but  the  project  having  been 
discovered  he  was  compelled  to  fly.  After  spending  some  time  in 
Venice,  he  traveled  in  France  and  Germany.  The  five  years  of  his 
exile  infused  a  spirit  of  religious  liberty  into  his  soul  and  softened 
his  political  feelings.  Applying  himself  to  the  study  of  Hebrew  at 
Venice,  he  became  very  proficient,  and  afterwards  obtained  great  dis- 
tinction for  his  knowledge  of  that  language ;  and  while  in  Germany 
he  had  the  best  facilities  for  understanding  the  Scriptures. 

After  the  emperor,  Charles  V,  had  humbled  Pope  Clement  VII, 
and  the  authority  of  the  Medici  was  supended  in  Florence,  Brucioli 
returned  to  his  native  city,  A.  D.  1527;  but  his  recent  intercourse 
with  Lutherans  had  brought  upon  him  the  suspicion  of  heresy.  He 
talked  freely  concerning  the  clergy,  and  thereby  rendered  himself 


THE  WRITINGS  OF  BRUCIOLI. 


259 


still  more  unpopular.  His  friends  having  warned  him  to  be  more 
careful  ia  his  conversation,  he  replied,  "If  I  speak  truth  I  can  not 
speak  wrong."  The  Dominicans  of  St.  Marco  were  particularly  indig- 
nant at  his  censures,  and  one  of  them,  Fojano,  who  was  then  a 
popular  preacher  in  Florence,  denounced  him  from  the  pulpit  as  a 
heretic,  and,  alluding  to  the  meaning  of  his  name,  which,  in  Italian, 
signifies  tiuigs,  or  sJiavings  of  zvood,  exclaimed,  "Brucioli  is  fit  for 
nothing  but  to  be  burned."  Soon  after  he  was  cast  into  prison,  and, 
in  addition  to  the  charge  of  heresy,  was  accused  of  corresponding 
with  France.  An  examination  of  his  papers,  however,  revealed 
nothing  suspicious  or  prejudicial  to  Italy,  but  only  some  specimens 
of  a  translation  of  a  Bible,  and  a  cipher  which  he  had  employed  in 
writing  to  his  friend  Alamanno.  The  monks  demanded  the  infliction 
of  capital  punishment,  and  Brucioli,  by  the  boldness  of  his  defense, 
irritated  the  judge  before  whom  he  was  tried,  and,  no  doubt,  aggra- 
vated his  case ;  but,  through  the  influence  of  friends  his  sentence  was 
restricted  to  banishment  for  two  years. 

It  is  probable  that  Brucioli  never  entertained  thoughts  of  return- 
ing to  Florence,  but  in  dedicating  one  of  his  works  to  Cosmo  de 
Medici  he  addressed  him  in  a  respectful  manner  and  praised  the 
mild  character  of  his  administration.  Without  soliciting  any  personal 
favors  he  exhorted  him  to  encourage  the  reading  of  the  Bible  by  his 
people  as  the  best  means  of  making  devout  men  and  dutiful  subjects. 
For  his  own  safety  Brucioli  prudently  wrote  his  letters  and  dedica- 
tions without  dating  them  from  any  place ;  but  it  is  generally  believed 
that  he  retired  to  Venice  again,  and  there  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
life  engaged  in  literary  labors.  At  first  he  was  compelled  to  endure 
the  privations  of  an  exile,  but,  refusing  to  become  dependent  on  the 
bounty  of  a  rich  patron,  he  preferred  to  live  in  obscurity  and  to  sup- 
port himself  by  the  productions  of  his  pen.  For  some  years  he  was 
chiefly  employed  as  a  corrector  of  the  press,  which,  at  that  time,  was 
an  important  position.  At  length  he  and  his  brothers,  or,  as  some 
say,  his  cousins,  Francesco  and  Alessandro  Brucioli,  succeeded  in 
establishing  a  printing-office  of  their  own.  From  A.  D.  1530  to 
A.  D.  1556,  the  probable  year  of  his  death,  he  published  many  of 
his  own  works,  including  translations  of  the  classics,  but  his  Biblical 
labors  were  the  most  valuable.  A  specimen  of  his  hymns,  in  con- 
nection with  a  list  of  his  writings,  was  published  by  Schelhorn. 

In  addition  to  his  version  of  the  Scriptures,  already  mentioned, 
Brucioli  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  whole  Bible,  extending  to  seven 
volumes  in  folio,  a  work  of  great  value,  and  abounding  in  evangelical 

18 


26o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


views.  Father  Simon  admits  that  he  translated  from  the  original, 
and  not,  like  the  Roman  Catholics,  from  the  Vulgate,  but  says  that 
he,  having  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  committed  many 
errors  by  following  Pagnini.  This  charge  was  not  sustained  by  satis- 
factory proof,  but  was  one  of  those  indiscreet  statements  so  frequently 
and  hastily  uttered  by  this  ingenious  critic.  His  remark  that  Bruci- 
oli's  version  often  offends  against  the  purity  of  the  Italian  tongue 
and  abounds  Avith  Hebraisms,  is  more  correct;  but  such  a  fault  is 
inevitable  in  giving  a  literal  translation.  The  Roman  Catholics  have 
endeavored  to  detract  from  the  literary  fame  of  the  great  author, 
because  they  disliked  his  religious  opinions.  Some  of  their  writers 
were  cautious  in  their  commendations  of  his  talents  and  erudition. 
**He  was  well  acquainted,"  says  one  of  them,  ''with  Greek,  Hebrew, 
and  Latin,  and  endowed  by  nature  with  rare  talents;  but,  trusting  to 
his  genius,  he  plunged  into  grievous  errors,  which  are  scattered  over 
many  of  his  writings;  and  he  died  without  making  any  recantation." 
Another  writer,  Poccianti,  gives  a  similar  representation  of  his. 
character. 

The  Romish  authorities  not  only  placed  his  translations  of  the 
Bible  into  the  first  class  of  forbidden  books,  but  also  strictly  prohib- 
ited all  his  works  on  whatever  subject,  whether  "published  or  to 
be  published,"  together  with  all  the  books  which  were  issued  from 
his  press,  even  after  his  death.  Schelhorn,  a  foreign  writer,  who 
examined  Brucioli's  commentary  and  was  competent  to  pronounce 
a  correct  opinion,  declares  that  it  contains  numerous  and  decisive 
proofs  of  the  author's  attachment  to  evangelical  truth.  "Though 
Italy  be  the  fortress  and  strength  of  the  papal  empire,"  say  the 
Lucchees  refugees  at  Geneva,  "because  the  authority  of  the  pope 
is  most  firmly  established  over  the  people  of  that  country,  this 
could  not  prevent  the  light  from  penetrating  it  in  different  quarters; 
in  consequence  of  which  the  scales  fell  from  the  eyes  and  the  shackles 
from  the  hands  of  many  who  sat  in  darkness  and  captivity.  This 
was  effected  by  means  of  an  Italian  translation  of  the  Bible  by  Bru- 
cioli,  which  was  published  at  that  time,  and  which  it  was  not  judged 
prudent  to  stifle  in  its  birth  by  those  violent  measures  w^iich  were 
afterwards  employed  for  its  suppression."  If  the  influence  of  a  man's 
writings  is  estimated  in  the  bestowment  of  the  title  of  "reformer," 
surely  Brucioli  deserves  it. 

In  no  Italian  city  did  the  truths  of  the  Reformation  spread  more 
rapidly  or  more  extensively  than  in  Bologna,  which  in  the  sixteenth 
century  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  the  pope.    From  it  the  various 


MOLLWS  TRIAL  AND  ACQUITTAL. 


261 


pontiffs  issued  some  of  the  severest  of  their  edicts  against  heresy;  but 
this  did  not  prevent  the  hght,  which  was  shining  around,  from  pene- 
trating that  city.  Its  university  was  one  of  the  earhest  and  greatest 
schools  of  Europe,  and  its  members  enjoyed  extensive  privileges. 
They  were  accustomed  to  hear  the  essential  principles  of  liberty 
boldly  proclaimed  in  public  discussions  in  the  halls  of  learning.  The 
students,  therefore,  imbibed  liberal  sentiments,  and  the  new  opinions 
in  religion  were  rapidly  propagated  in  Bologna,  while  they  had  become 
unpopular  in  those  states  of  Italy  which  had  been  deprived  to  a 
great  extent  of  their  former  freedom.  The  principal  instrument, 
under  the  blessing  of  God,  of  promoting  the  Gospel  in  that  city,  was 
John  Mollio,  a  native  of  Montalcino,  in  the  territory  of  Sienna.  He 
had  belonged  to  the  order  of  Minorites  from  his  youth,  but  he  was 
more  industrious  than  the  most  of  his  brethren,  devoting  himself  to 
the  study  of  polite  literature  and  theology,  and  wasting  no  time  in 
superstition  or  idleness.  By  a  close  examination  of  the  Bible  and 
the  works  of  the  reformers  he  obtained  clear  views  of  evangelical 
truth,  and,  having  a  reputation  for  culture  and  piety,  possessed  great 
influence,  which,  as  a  professor  and  preacher,  he  exerted  in  favor  of 
reform.  After  acquiring  considerable  celebrity  in  the  universities  of 
Brescia,  Milan,  and  Pavia,  he  came  to  Bologna  about  A.  D.  1533. 
In  his  lectures  he  presented  certain  propositions  relating  to  justifica- 
tion by  faith,  and  other  questions  then  in  controversy,  and  was- 
opposed  by  Cornelio,  a  professor  of  metaphysics,  who,  being  discom- 
fited in  a  public  discussion  with  Mollio,  accused  him  of  heresy,  and 
caused  him  to  be  summoned  to  Rome.  He  defended  himself  with 
such  eloquence  and  ability  that  the  judges,  appointed  by  Paul  III  to 
try  the  cause,  were  compelled  to  acquit  him,  declaring  that  his  doc- 
trines were  true,  but  should  not  be  publicly  taught,  because  they 
might  at  that  time  create  prejudice  against  the  "Apostolical  See." 
The  papal  authorities  sent  him  back  to  Bologna,  and  admonished  him 
to  abstain  from  explaining  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  This  prohibition, 
however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  preaching  the  same  doctrine  as 
formerly,  which  was  received  by  his  hearers  with  increasing  inter- 
est. At  length  the  pope  commanded  him  to  be  removed  from!  the 
university. 

The  progress  which  the  Reformation  had  made  at  Bologna  is  indi- 
cated by  a  letter,  peculiar  in  its  style  and  matter,  which  some  of  the' 
inhabitants  of  that  city  addressed,  A.  D.  1533,  to  John  Planitz, 
embassador  from  the  elector  of  Saxony  to  Charles  V,  who  was  then 
in  Italy.    After  having  alluded  to  the  report  that  he  had  been  sent 


262 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


to  entreat  the  emperor  to  induce  the  pope  to  convene  a  general 
council  for  the  reformation  of  the  abuses  of  the  Church,  they  ex- 
pressed their  thanks  that  Germany  had  ''thrown  off  the  tyrannical 
yoke  of  Antichrist,"  and  now  demanded  a  council.  In  concluding 
their  earnest  letter  they  entreated  the  embassador  to  obtain  this 
most  desirable  and  necessary  assembly." 

The  number  of  persons  favorable  to  Protestantism  in  Bologna 
continued  to  increase  many  years  after  this  period.  Bucer,  in  a  letter 
written  A.  D.  1541,  congratulates  them  on  their  increasing  numbers 
and  knowledge;  and  Baldassare  Altieri,  A.  D.  1545,  informed  an 
acquaintance  in  Germany  that  a  nobleman  in  that  city  was  ready  to 
raise  six  thousand  soldiers  in  favor  of  the  evangelical  party  if  it  was 
found  necessary  to  make  war  against  the  pope.  The  -court  of  Rome 
adopted  a  measure  at  this  time  which  confirmed  the  letter  of  the 
Bolognese  Protestants  concerning  the  strong  and  almost  universal 
desire  for  ecclesiastical  reform  in  Italy.  Paul  III  would  not  convene 
a  general  council,  and  yet  he  could  not  evade  the  importunities  of 
those  who  demanded  it,  and  therefore  he  appointed,  A.  D.  1537, 
four  cardinals — Contarini,  Caraffa,  Sadolet,  and  Pole;  and  five  prel- 
ates— Fregoso,  Archbishop  of  Salerno  ;  Aleander,  of  Brindisi ;  Gibert, 
of  Verona;  Cortese,  Abbot  of  St.  George  of  Venice;  and  Badia, 
master  of  the  Sacred  Palace,  to  meet  at  Bologna,  and  charged  them,, 
after  due  deliberation,  to  suggest  to  him  the  best  method  of  reform- 
ing the  abuses  of  the  Church.  This  commission  included  some  of 
the  most  respectable  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  and  the  result  of  its 
meeting  was  some  wholesome  recommendations  to  the  pope.  They 
acknowledged  that  both  the  head  and  members  of  the  ecclesiastical 
body  ' '  labored  under  a  pestiferous  malady,  which  if  not  cured,  would 
prove  fatal."  Among  the  evils  which  demanded  a  speedy  remedy, 
they  named  the  admission  of  improper  persons  to  the  priesthood,  the 
sale  of  benefices,  the  disposition  of  them  by  testaments,  the  granting 
of  dispensations  and  exemptions,  and  the  union  of  bishoprics,  includ- 
ing ''the  incompatible  offices  of  cardinal  and  bishop." 

Addressing  the  pope  they  say:  "Some  of  your  predecessors  in 
the  pontifical  chair,  having  itching  ears,  have  heaped  to  themselves 
teachers  according  to  their  own  lusts,  who,  instead  of  instructing 
them  what  to  do,  were  expert  in  finding  out  reasons  to  justify  what 
they  wished  to  do,  and  encouraged  them  in  their  simoniacal  practices 
by  maintaining  their  right  to  dispose,  at  their  pleasure,  of  all  eccle- 
siastical property."  The  proposal  of  the  court  of  Rome  to  reform 
these  abuses  was  evidently  not  sincere.     Paul  III  approved  the 


THE  TRUTH  ENTERS  NAPLES. 


263 


"Advice"  and  ordered  it  to  be  printed;  but,  instead  of  obeying  its 
injunctions,  he  openly  violated  them  in  various  instances.  Even  the 
advisers  themselves  neglected  to  exemplify  their  own  rules.  The 
cardinals  retained  their  bishoprics;  Pole  did  not  remove  the  purple 
when  he  became  primate  of  all  England ;  and  Caraffa,  when  he  after- 
wards ascended  the  papal  throne  under  the  title  of  Paul  IV,  placed 
the  ''Advice"  which  he  had  given  to  his  predecessor  in  the  list  of 
prohibited  books.  This  document,  however,  was  not  overlooked  by 
the  Protestants,  a  copy  having  been  sent  to  Germany  and  published 
in  Latin  with  a  prefatory  epistle  by  Sturmius,  rector  of  the  Academy 
of  Strasburg.  It  was  also  issued  in  German  by  Luther,  accompanied 
with  satirical  remarks  from  his  pen,  accusing  the  cardinals  of  content- 
ing themselves  with  removing  the  small  twigs,  while  they  allowed 
the  trunk  of  corruption  to  remain  unmolested,  and,  like  the  Pharisees 
of  old,  strained  at  gnats  and  swallowed  camels.  To  present  this 
forcibly  to  his  readers  he  prefixed  to  the  book  an  engraving  repre- 
senting the  pope,  seated  on  a  high  throne,  surrounded  by  his  cardi- 
nals, who  were  all  busy  sweeping  the  room,  each  with  a  broom  made 
of  a  long  pole  with  a  fox's  tail  fastened  to  the  end.  Pallavicini  was 
displeased  with  this  measure  of  the  pope,  who,  by  ordering  a  refor- 
mation of  manners,  acknowledged  the  existence  of  corruptions  and 
countenanced  the  detracting  speeches  which  heretics  circulated  among 
the  vulgar. 

The  doctrines  of  the  glorious  Reformation  penetrated  even  the 
distant  provinces  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  or  the  southern  part  of  Italy, 
and  the  adjacent  island,  which  were  then  governed  by  separate  vice- 
roys, under  Charles  V,  the  emperor  of  Spain.  As  to  Calabria,  or 
the  southern  extremity  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  we  have  spoken 
already  of  a  colony  of  Vaudois,  or  Waldenses  from  the  valleys  of 
Piedmont,  as  having  existed  two  centuries  in  that  department  of  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  and  as  being  in  existence  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Reformation.  In  the  city  of  Naples  there  were  many  who 
early  embraced  evangelical  truth,  which  they  probably  first  received 
from  the  German  soldiers  of  Charles  V,  who,  after  the  sack  of  Rome, 
compelled  Lautrec,  the  French  general,  to  raise  the  siege  of  Naples, 
and  continued  to  garrison  that  city  for  some  time.  Determined  to 
destroy  the  seeds  which  had  been  sown  by  these  foreigners,  Charles  V 
issued  a  rigorous  edict,  A.  D.  1536,  commanding  Don  Pedro  de 
Toledo,  his  viceroy  at  Naples,  to  punish  all  who  were  infected  with 
heresy,  or  who  were  inclined  to  it. 

According  to  a  contemporary  Romisli  historian,  Caraccioli,  the 


PETER  MARTYR  VERMIGLL. 


265 


Germans  were  succeeded  by  an  individual  who  ''caused  a  far  greater 
slaughter  of  souls  than  all  the  thousands  of  heretical  soldiery."  This 
was  Juan  di  Valdez,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Valdesso,  a  dis- 
tinguished Spaniard,  who  had  been  forced  to  leave  the  court  of 
Charles  V,  and  his  native  land,  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel.  He 
accompanied  his  sovereign  into  Germany,  and,  having  been  knighted, 
was  sent  to  Naples,  where  he  acted  as  secretary  of  the  viceroy,  Don 
Pedro  de  Toledo.  His  character  was  admirably  adapted  to  promote 
the  Protestant  cause.  In  him  were  combined  learning,  refinement, 
gentleness,  politeness,  eloquence  in  conversation,  and  fervent  piety, 
and  he  soon  became  a  great  favorite  with  the  nobility,  and  all  the 
intelligent  men  who  at  a  certain  season  of  the  year  resorted  in  large 
numbers  to  the  Neapolitan  metropolis.  His  villa  stood  on  the  west- 
ern arm  of  the  Bay  of  Naples,  near  the  tomb  of  Virgil,  having  a 
magnificent  view  of  the  calm  sea  and  the  picturesque  island  of  Capri, 
with  the  opposite  shore,  on  which  Vesuvius,  with  its  crown  of  flame, 
kept  watch  over  the  cities  which  fourteen  hundred  years  before  it 
had  wrapped  in  a  winding-sheet  of  ashes  and  buried  in  a  tomb  of 
lava.  There  the  friends  of  Valdez  often  assembled  to  discuss  the 
articles  of  the  Protestant  creed  and  confirm  one  another  in  their 
adherence  to  the  Gospel. 

Among  these  were  Peter  Martyr  Vermigli,  as  he  is  commonly  called 
by  English  writers.  His  Italian  name  is  Pietro  Maiihr  Veiinigli,  and 
sometimes  is  designated  Petms  Martyr  Vemiiliiis,  to  distinguish  him 
from  Petrus  Martyr  Mediolanensis,  a  martyr  after  whom  he  is  named, 
in  consequence  of  a  vow  of  his  parents ;  and  also  to  distinguish  him 
from  an  enlightened  countryman  and  contemporary  of  his  own, 
Petrus  Martyr  Anglerms  (of  Anghiera),  "whose  epistles,"  says  Dr. 
M'Crie,  "are  known  to  the  learned  as  throwing  great  light  on  the  his- 
tory of  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century."  Vermigli  was 
born  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1500,  of  an  honorable  family,  and  received 
a  liberal  education.  In  his  youth  he  was  taught  Latin  by  his  mother; 
and  when  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he  entered,  in  opposition 
to  the  will  of  his  parents,  the  canons  regular  of  St.  Augustine,  and 
passed  his  novitiate  in  their  convent  at  Ficzoli,  which,  by  the  liberal- 
ity of  the  Medici,  contained  an  extensive  library.  He  was  then  sent 
to  the  University  of  Padua,  where  he  obtained  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  the  Greek  language  and  philosophy;  and  afterwards  visited  the 
most  celebrated  academies  of  Italy.  While  at  Vercelli  he  was  per- 
suaded by  Cusano,  his  intimate  friend,  to  interpret  Homer;  and  at 
Bologna  he  was  instructed  in  Hebrew  by  a  Jewish  physician,  named 


266 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Isaac.  The  Augustinians  having  appointed  him  one  of  their  public 
preachers,  he  became  noted  for  the  soHdity  and  eloquence  of  his 
sermons  in  their  churches  at  Rome,  Bologna,  Fermo,  Pisa,  Venice 
Mantua,  Bergamo,  and  Montferrat,  during  Lent,  and  on  other  great 
occasions.  The  members  of  his  order  were  favorably  impressed  with 
his  talents  and  labors,  and  he  was  unanimously  elected  abbot  of 
Spoleto.  Soon  after  he  was  appointed  provost  of  the  College  of  St. 
Pietro  ad  aram,  in  the  city  of  Naples,  a  position  of  dignity  and 
emolument.  This  occurred  about  A.  D.  1530,  when  he  was  in  the 
thirtieth  year  of  his  age. 

It  was  not  long  after  this,  when  he  had  bright  prospects  of  sure 
and  rapid  promotion  in  the  Romish  Church,  that  his  religious  senti- 
ments were  completely  changed.  From  his  youth,  as  he  himself 
declares,  he  was  deeply  interested  in  sacred  studies,  and,  having 
obtained  a  copy  of  the  Bible  in  the  convent  to  which  he  belonged, 
he  read  it  with  great  care,  and  not  without  profit  to  himself  and 
others.  The  treatises  of  Zwingle  on  "True  and  False  Religion"  and 
on  Providence,"  and  some  of  Bucer's  commentaries  on  Scripture, 
subsequently  came  into  his  hands,  and  the  perusal  of  them  made  a 
profound  impression  on  his  mind.  This  conviction  of  the  truth  was 
confirmed  and  deepened  by  the  conversation  of  Valdez,  Flaminio, 
and  others,  with  whom  he  became  acquainted  at  Naples.  In  the 
wilderness  of  Romanism  Peter  Martyr  was  parched  with  spiritual 
thirst,  because  he  could  not  find  the  "water  of  life"  to  refresh  his 
soul ;  but  Valdez  led  him  to  a  fountain,  whereat  he  drank,  and 
thirsted  no  more. 

Another  member  of  that  Protestant  band  was  Caserta,  a  Neapol- 
itan nobleman,  who  had  a  young  relative,  then  wholly  absorbed  in 
the  gayeties  and  splendors  of  Naples.  This  was  Galeazzo  Caraccioli, 
whom  Caserta  introduced  to  Valdez.  He  was  the  only  son  of  the 
marquis  of  Vico,  and  possessed  some  excellent  traits  of  character. 
After  his  conversion  to  the  truth  he  served  Christ  with  his  whole 
heart,  and,  when  the  tempest  of  persecution  dispersed  the  brilliant 
company  to  which  he  belonged,  he  abandoned  his  noble  palace,  his 
rich  patrimony,  his  affectionate  wife,  his  dear  children,  and  all  his 
honors,  clinging  to  the  cross,  and  repairing  to  Geneva,  where,  in  the 
words  of  Calvin,  "he  was  content  with  our  littleness,  and  lives  fru- 
gally, according  to  the  habits  of  the  commonality — neither  more  nor 
less  than  any  one  of  us." 

This  select  society  received  another  member,  A.  D.  1536.  Bernar- 
dino Ochino,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Ocello,  came  at  that  time 


BERNARDINO  OCHINO. 


267 


to  Naples  to  preach  the  Lent  sermons.  He  was  born,  A.  D.  1487, 
at  Sienna,  in  Tuscany,  of  poor  and  obscure  parents.  From  his  ear- 
Hest  years  he  was  deeply  moved  by  religious  impressions,  and, 
according  to  the  opinions  of  that  age,  devoted  himself  to  a  monastic 
life,  entering  the  convent  of  Franciscan  Observantines,  the  strictest 
of  all  the  orders  of  the  regular  clergy.  For  a  similar  reason  he  went 
from  them  to  the  Capuchin  brotherhood,  A.  D.  1534,  recently 
established  with  the  most  rigid  rules  of  holy  living.  In  the  work 
which  he  wrote  after  leaving  Italy  he  acknowledges  that  during  his 
monastic  retirement  he  escaped  many  vices  which  he  might  not 
have  avoided  in  his  intercourse  with  a  sinful  world,  and  that  even 
from  the  barren  and  unprofitable  studies  of  the  cloister  he  obtained 
some  knowledge  that  was  useful ;  but  he  confesses  his  complete 
failure  in  possessing  what  he  anticipated  when  he  chose  that  un- 
natural and  painful  mode  of  life,  with  its  voluntary  humility  and 
mortification.  Ochino  did  not  find  peace  of  mind  and  assurance  of 
salvation. 

"When  I  was  a  young  man,"  he  says,  "I  was  under  the  domin- 
fon  of  the  common  error  by  which  the  minds  of  all  who  live  under 
the  yoke  of  the  wicked  Antichrist  are  enthralled ;  so  that  I  believed 
that  we  were  to  be  saved  by  our  own  works  —  fastings,  prayers, 
abstinence,  watchings,  and  other  things  of  the  same  kind,  by  which 
we  were  to  make  satisfaction  for  our  sins,  and  purchase  heaven 
through  the  concurring  grace  of  God.  Wherefore,  being  anxious  to 
be  saved,  I  deliberated  with  myself  what  manner  of  life  I  should 
follow ;  and  believing  that  those  modes  of  religion  were  holy  which 
were  approved  by  the  Roman  Church,  which  I  regarded  as  infallible, 
and  judging  that  the  life  of  the  friars  of  St.  Francis,  called  de  obser- 
vantia,  was  above  all  others  severe,  austere,  and  rigid,  and  on  that 
account  more  perfect  and  conformable  to  the  life  of  Christ,  I  entered 
their  society.  Although  I  did  not  find  what  I  expected,  yet  no 
better  way  presenting  itself  to  my  blinded  judgment,  I  continued 
among  them  until  the  Capuchin  friars  made  their  appearance,  when, 
being  struck  with  the  still  greater  austerity  of  their  mode  of  living, 
I  assumed  their  habit,  in  spite  of  the  resistance  made  by  my  sensu- 
ality and  carnal  prudence. 

''Being  now  persuaded  that  I  had  found  what  I  was  seeking  I 
said  to  Christ,  '  Lord,  if  I  am  not  saved  now,  I  know  nothing  more 
that  I  can  do.'  In  the  course  of  my  meditations  I  was  often  per- 
plexed, and  felt  at  a  loss  to  reconcile  the  views  on  which  I  acted 
with  what  the  Scriptures  said  about  salvation  being  the  gift  of  God 


268 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


through  the  redemption  wrought  by  Christ ;  but  the  authority  of  the 
Church  silenced  these  scruples,  and  in  proportion  as  concern  for  my 
soul  became  more  intense  I  appHed  myself  with  greater  diligence 
and  'ardor  to  those  bodily  exercises  and  mortifications  which  were 
prescribed  by  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  and  by  the  rules  of  the 
order  to  which  I  had  submitted.  Still,  however,  I  remained  a  stran- 
ger to  true  peace  of  mind,  which  at  last  I  found  by  searching  the 
Scriptures  and  such  helps  for  understanding  them  as  I  had  access  to. 
I  now  came  to  be  satisfied  of  the  three  following  truths :  First,  that 
Christ,  by  his  obedience  and  death,  has  made  a  plenary  satisfaction 
and  merited  heaven  for  the  elect,  which  is  the  only  righteousness 
and  ground  of  salvation ;  secondly,  that  religious  vows  of  human 
invention  are  not  only  useless,  but  hurtful  and  wicked ;  and,  thirdly, 
that  the  Roman  Church,  though  calculated  to  fascinate  the  senses 
by  her  external  pomp  and  splendor,  is  unscriptural  and  abominable 
in  the  sight  of  God." 

In  Italy  it  was  customary  for  the  secular  clergy  to  perform  gen- 
eral duties,  but  not  to  preach,  as  this  devolved  exclusively  upon  the 
monks  and  friars.  Those  who  had  the  best  pulpit  talents  were 
selected  by  the  chapters  of  the  different  orders  to  visit  the  principal 
cities  and  preach  during  the  time  of  Lent,  which  was  almost  the 
only  season  of  the  year  in  which  the  people  enjoyed  religious  instruc- 
tion. Ochino  attained  the  highest  position  as  a  pulpit  orator.  He 
possessed  original  talents,  but  was  not  an  erudite  scholar.  The 
fervor  of  his  piety  and  the  sanctity  of  his  life  rendered  his  discourses 
very  impressive.  The  hearts  of  his  hearers  were  charmed  by  his 
extraordinary  eloquence,  which  was  accompanied  with  emotion  and 
unction.  His  external  appearance,  too,  after  he  had  passed  the  mid- 
dle period  of  life,  was  exceedingly  imposing.  A  snow-white  head,  and 
beard  of  the  same  color  flowing  down  to  his  girdle,  together  with  a 
pale  countenance,  made  his  aspect  venerable  and  impressive.  He 
never  rode  on  horseback  or  in  a  carriage,  but  always  traveled  on  foot, 
even  when  he  was  advanced  in  years.  Princes  and  bishops  wel- 
comed him  to  their  palaces  Avith  all  the  honors  due  to  one  of  superior 
rank,  and  when  he  departed  bestowed  upon  him  the  same  marks  of 
distinction ;  yet  he,  amid  all  the  elegance  and  luxury  that  often  sur- 
rounded him,  retained  the  austerity  and  simplicity  of  the  religious 
order  to  which  he  belonged.  The  intelligent  and  the  ignorant,  the 
nobility  and  the  commonalty,  equally  followed  him  and  admired  his 
eloquence.  "In  such  reputation  was  he  held,"  says  the  annalist 
of  the  Capuchins,  after  Ochino  had  brought  on  them  the  stigma  of 


OCHINO'S  ELOQUENCE.  269 

heresy,  "that  he  was  esteemed  incomparably  the  best  preacher  of 
Italy;  his  powers  of  elocution,  accompanied  with  the  most  admirable 
action,  giving  him  the  complete  command  of  his  audience,  and  the 
more  so  that  his  life  corresponded  to  his  doctrine."  Charles  V, 
when  in  Italy,  listened  with  delight  to  his  sermons,  and  said,  '  *  That  ♦ 
man  would  make  the  stones  weep!"  Sadolet  and  Bembo,  who  were 
better  judges  than  the  emperor,  pronounced  Ochino  the  greatest  of 
living  orators. 

By  his  discourses,  he  persuaded  the  inhabitants  of  Perugia  to  bury 
all  their  animosities  and  amicably  settle  their  lawsuits ;  and  in  Na- 
ples he  preached  to  such  a  large  audience,  and  with  such  popular 
eloquence,  that  he  collected  at  one  time  for  a  charitable  purpose  the 
almost  incredible  sum  of  five  thousand  crowns.  The  most  respect- 
able inhabitants  of  Venice,  A.  D.  1538,  employed  Cardinal  Bembo 
to  secure  the  services  of  the  eloquent  and  devout  Capuchin  for  the 
ensuing  Lent.  Bembo  addressed  a  letter  to  Vittoria  Colonna, 
marchioness  of  Pescaro,  urging  her  to  intercede  with  Ochino,  over 
whom  she  had  considerable  influence,  to  visit  Venice,  whose  inhab- 
itants, having  heard  of  his  fame,  were  intensely  eager  to  listen  to  his 
sermons.  He  accepted  the  invitation,  and,  on  his  arrival  at  the  sea- 
girt city,  received  a  perfect  ovation.  The  elegant  pen  of  Bembo 
describes,  in  a  letter  to  the  marchioness,  dated  from  Venice,  the  23d 
of  February,  A.  D.  1539,  the  nature  and  effects  of  Ochino's  preach- 
ing: "I  send  your  highness  the  extracts  of  our  very  reverend  Frate 
Bernardino,  to  whom  I  have  listened  during  the  small  part  of  this 
Lent,  which  is  over,  with  a  pleasure  which  I  can  not  sufficiently 
express.  Assuredly,  I  never  heard  so  edifying  and  holy  a  preacher, 
and  do  not  wonder  that  your  highness  esteems  him  as  you  do.  He 
discourses  very  differently  from  any  other  that  has  mounted  the  pulpit 
in  my  day,  and  in  a  more  Christian  manner;  bringing  forth  truths 
of  superior  excellence  and  usefulness,  and  enforcing  them  with  the 
most  affectionate  ardor.  He  pleases  every  body  above  measure,  and 
will  carry  the  hearts  of  all  with  him  when  he  leaves  this  place.  From 
the  whole  city  I  send  your  highness  immortal  thanks  for  the  favor 
you  have  done  us,  and  I  especially  Avill  ever  feel  obliged  to  you." 

In  another  letter  to  the  same  lady,  dated  the  15th  of  March, 
Bembo  says:  *'I  talk  with  your  highness  as  I  talked  this  morning 
with  the  reverend  father,  Frate  Bernardino,  to  whom  I  have  laid  open 
my  whole  heart  and  soul,  as  I  would  have  done  to  Jesus  Christ,  to 
whom  I  am  persuaded  he  is  acceptable  and  dear.  Never  have  I 
had  the  pleasure  to  speak  to  a  holier  man  than  he.    I  should  have 


V 


2/0 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


been  now  at  Padua,  both  on  account  of  a  business  which  has  engaged 
me  for  a  whole  year,  and  also  to  shun  the  applications  with  which  I 
am  incessantly  assailed  in  consequence  of  this  blessed  cardinalate ;  but 
I  was  unwilling  to  deprive  myself  of  the  opportunity  of  hearing  his 
most  excellent,  holy,  and  edifying  sermons."  On  the  14th  of  April 
he  writes:  **Our  Frate  Bernardino,  whom  I  desire  henceforth  to  call 
mine  as  well  as  yours,  is  at  present  adored  in  this  city.  There  is  not 
a  man  or  woman  who  does  not  extol  him  to  the  skies.  Oh,  what 
pleasure  !  Oh,  what  delight !  Oh,  what  joy  has  he  given  !  But  I 
reserve  his  praises  until  I  meet  your  highness,  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
supplicate  our  Lord  to  order  his  life  so  as  that  it  may  endure  longer 
to  the  honor  and  the  profit  of  men,  than  it  can  endure  according  to 
the  way  in  which  he  now  treats  himself."  Cardinal  Bembo  also  ad- 
dressed the  following  letter  to  the  parson  of  the  Church  of  the  Apos- 
tles, expressing  the  deep  interest  which  was  felt  in  Venice  for  Ochino : 
''I  pray  you  to  entreat  and  oblige  the  reverend  father,  Frate  Bernar- 
dino, to  eat  flesh,  not  for  the  gratification  and  benefit  of  his  body, 
about  which  he  is  indifferent,  but  for  the  comfort  of  our  souls,  that  he 
may  be  able  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  praise  of  our  blessed  Savior. 
For  he  can  not  continue  his  present  exercises,  nor  bear  up  under  them 
during  the  present  Lent,  unless  he  leave  off  the  diet  of  the  season, 
which,  as  experience  proves,  always  brings  on  him  a  catarrh."  While 
Bembo  extolled  the  character  of  Ochino  for  piety  and  eloquence,  he 
did  not  suspect  that  he  was  a  Protestant,  though  he  uttered  evan- 
gelical sentiments  ;  but  the  future  conduct  of  the  cardinal  indicates 
that  he  would  have  felt  and  spoken  very  differently  had  he  been 
informed  that  the  doctrine  to  which  he  had  listened  with  such  delight 
was  the  same  that  Luther  preached.  Names  exert  a  controlling 
influence,  often  exciting  prejudice  and  causing  men  to  reject  the 
truth.  How  unreliable  sometimes  are  the  warmest  feelings  which  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel  may  awaken,  but  which  afterwards  may  be 
chilled  by  the  atmosphere  of  bigotry. 

Ochino  was  unanimously  chosen  general  or  chief  director  of  the 
Capuchins  in  a  general  chapter  of  the  order,  held  at  Florence,  A.  D. 
1538  ;  and,  in  another  chapter,  which  convened  in  the  city  of  Naples, 
at  Whitsunside,  A.  D.  1541,  he,  notwithstanding  his  earnest  protest, 
was  re-elected  to  the  same  office.  The  change  in  his  religious  senti- 
ments had  occurred  before  he  had  obtained  such  extensive  popularity 
as  a  preacher,  or  was  the  recipient  of  these  honors.  His  hearers 
realized  that  his  sermons  were  different  in  their  letter  and  spirit  from 
those  he  had  once  preached,  but  they  could  not  assign  the  cause. 


OCHINO  A  PROTESTANT. 


271 


In  support  of  the  doctrines  which  he  advocated  he  appealed  directly 
to  the  Bible,  exhorting  the  people  to  rest  their  faith  on  the  infallible 
authority  of  the  Word  of  God,  and  to  build  th^ir  hopes  of  salvation 
on  the  obedience  and  death  of  Christ  alone.  His  great  prudence 
enabled  him  for  years  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  delight  of  its  friends 
and  without  giving  open  offense  to  its  enemies,  by  simply  proclaim- 
ing the  truth  and  not  attacking  corresponding  errors.  Believing  that 
he  should  regard  his  own  safety,  and  consulting  the  welfare  of  his 
hearers,  whose  minds  were  not  prepared  to  accept  all  the  Protestant 
doctrines,  he  refrained  from  exposing  the  superstitions  and  corrup- 
tions of  the  Romish  Church.  When  he  came  to  preach  at  Naples, 
the  penetrating  eye  of  Valdez  quickly  detected  the  Protestant  under 
the  ''patched  rocket  and  sharp-horned  cowl"  of  the  Capuchin,  and, 
having  gained  his  confidence,  he  introduced  him  to  the  private  meet- 
ings held  by  the  converts  to  the  Protestant  faith  in  that  city. 

The  preaching  of  Ochino  attracted  large  crowds  to  the  church  of 
St.  Giovanni  Maggiore ;  and  Jiis  accession  to  the  select  societ}'  which 
gathered  around  Valdez  greatly  increased  its  strength.  He  scattered 
the  seeds  of  divine  truth  among  the  common  people,  and  not  only 
these,  but  persons  of  all  ranks  were  delighted  with  his  discourses. 
Among  his  audience  might  be  seen  Giulia  de  Gonzaga,  widow  of  the 
duke  of  I^rajetto,  who  was  considered  the  most  beautiful  woman  in 
Italy,  and  what  was  still  higher  praise,  one  of  the  most  sincere  and 
humble  of  its  Christians.  And  there  was  Vittoria  Colonna,  mar- 
chioness of  Pescaro,  also  renowned  for  the  loveliness  of  her  person 
as  well  as  for  her  talents  and  virtues.  And  there  was  Pietro  Carne- 
secchi,  a  patrician  of  Florence,  and  a  former  secretary  of  Clement  VII, 
now  a  disciple  of  Christ,  and  afterwards  to  be  a  martyr  to  the  Gospel. 
These  were  some  of  the  illustrious  men  and  noble  women  that  con- 
stituted this  Protestant  propaganda  in  Naples.  It  seemed  that  in 
such  a  galaxy  of  rank,  oratory,  talent,  genius,  and  tact  there  were 
elements  of  power,  which  promised  brilliant  results  in  the  future, 
even  the  triumph,  in  due  time,  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy. 

The  ravages  which  the  Gothic  nations  had  inflicted,  and  the  still 
more  devastating  ravages  of  the  papacy,  were  about  to  be  repaired, 
and  the  ph}'sical  beauty  which  Italy  had  possessed  in  her  first  days, 
and  a  moral  beauty  greater  than  she  had  ever  known,  were  about  to 
be  restored  to  her.  The  flower  of  an  ancient  nation  Avas  assembling 
on  its  own  soil  to  engage  in  the  noble  work  of  developing,  for  the 
second  time,  those  mighty  energies  which  had  long  slumbered,  but 
were  not  dead,  in  the  bosom  of  a  race  that  had  given  arts  and  letters 


2/2 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


and  civilization  to  the  West.  This  phalanx  of  devoted  Protestant 
champions,  gathered  on  the  shore  of  Naples,  had  every  necessary  gift 
for  the  glorious  enterprise.  Though  small  in  numbers,  this  little 
host  was  great  in  names,  including  men  of  ancient  lineage,  of  great 
wealth,  of  noble  birth,  of  accomplished  scholarship,  of  popular  elo- 
quence, and  of  poetical  genius.  With  pride  they  could  appeal  to  a 
brilliant  past,  the  traditions  of  which  had  not  yet  perished,  and  the 
recollection  of  which  might  strengthen  them  in  the  effort  to  release 
themselves  from  the  yoke  of  the  present.  Viewed  from  a  human 
stand-point,  the  evangelical  movement  at  Naples  had  all  the  elements 
of  success;  but  history  has  often  repeated  the  lesson,  that  it  is  the 
truth  of  principles  and  not  the  grandeur  of  names  that  gives  assur- 
ance of  victory.  The  young  vine  planted  beneath  the  towers  of  the 
ancient  Parthenope,  and  which  was  shooting  forth  so  hopefully  in  the 
golden  air  of  that  classic  region,  was  destined  to  wither  and  die. 

By  the  blessing  of  God  on  the  labors  of  Martyr  and  Ochino  a 
reformed  Church  was  established  in  Naples,  including  persons  of  the 
first  rank  in  the  kingdom,  both  male  and  female.  Martyr  excelled 
as  much  in  judgment  and  learning  as  Ochino  did  in  popular  elo- 
quence; and,  in  their  efforts  to  disseminate  evangelical  truth,  they 
were  aided  by  Mollio,  formerly  mentioned,  who,  at  that  time,  was 
lecturer  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Lorenzo,  in  Naples.  While  Ochino 
employed  his  persuasive  powers  in  the  pulpit,  Martyr  and  Mollio 
read  lectures,  chiefly  on  Paul's  epistles,  which  were  attended  by  the 
monks  of  different  convents,  by  individuals  of  the  episcopal  order, 
and  by  many  of  the  nobility.  The  advocates  of  the  established  relig- 
ion, supported  by  the  authority  of  the  viceroy,  opposed  the  reform 
which  these  three  devoted  men  were  inaugurating;  but  the  latter,  by 
their  prudence,  aifd  the  encouragement  extended  to  them  by  promi- 
nent citizens,  maintained  their  position,  and  for  a  time  triumphed 
over  their  adversaries.  Justification  by  faith  in  Christ  was  a  favorite 
doctrine  of  Ochino,  and  his  printed  sermons  indicate  that  he  per- 
fectly understood  it,  because  his  explanations  of  it  are  characterized 
by  great  Scriptural  simplicity.  Purgatory,  penances,  and  papal  par- 
dons fell  before  the  preaching  of  this  doctrine,  as  Dagon  before  the 
ark  of  God. 

Ochino  and  his  colleagues  were  challenged  to  a  discussion  of  these 
points  by  an  Augustinian  monk  of  Trevigio,  who  desired  to  recom- 
mend himself  to  his  superiors ;  but,  possessing  only  ordinary  talent 
and  a  limited  knowledge  of  the  Bible,  he  was  discomfited  and  silenced 
by  the  champions  of  the  evangelical  cause.    The  Romish  Church  has 


OPPOSITION  TO  OCHINO—BONIFACIO—CARACCIOLI  273 

always  regarded  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  verses  of  the 
third  chapter  of  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  as  the  strongest 
passage  in  the  Bible  in  support  of  the  lucrative  doctrine  of  purgatory. 
Martyr  did  not  directly  attack  the  doctrine  ;  but,  taking  the  words  of 
Paul,  from  which  Romanists  have  been  accustomed  to  draw  their 
most  popular  arguments  in  its  favor,  he  gave  a  different  interpreta- 
tion of  them,  and  confirmed  it  by  reference  to  the  text  and  context, 
and  also  by  extracts  from  the  writings  of  the  most  judicious  and 
learned  among  the  Fathers.  This  view"  of  that  favorite  passage  caused 
considerable  speculation,  and,  as  the  monks  thought,  destroyed  one 
of  the  main  pillars  of  purgatory.  Alarmed  at  the  popularity  of  this 
heresy  among  the  people,  and  dreading  the  closing  up  of  the  most 
profitable  channel  of  their  income,  they  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  silence  the  daring  innovator.  By  their  own  representa- 
tions, and  through  the  influence  of  the  viceroy,  they  succeeded  in 
obtaining  an  order  which  interdicted  him  from  lecturing  and  preach- 
ing. Gonzago,  Cardinal  of  Mantua,  and  protector  of  his  order, 
favored  Martyr,  who  was  also  intimately  acquainted  with  Cardinals 
Contarini,  Pole,  Bembo,  and  Fregoso,  all  men  of  learning,  and  some 
of  them  the  friends  of  ecclesiastical  reform.  Depending  upon  their 
influence,  he  appealed  his  cause  to  Rome,  and  obtained  a  removal  of 
the  interdict.  In  addition  to  the  eminent  individuals  already  men- 
tioned as  having  embraced  the  Protestant  faith  in  Naples,  there  were 
two  who  merit  special  consideration.  One  of  them,  Bernardino  Boni- 
facio, marquis  of  Oria,  was  a  nobleman  equally  celebrated  for  his 
learning  and  his  piety,  who,  after  traveling  through  various  countries, 
settled  at  last  in  Nuremberg.  The  other  was  Antonio  Caraccioli,  a 
son  of  the  prince  of  Melphi,  and  who  was  usually  known  by  his 
father's  title.  This  Neapolitan  nobleman  secretly  accepted  the  truths 
of  the  Reformation,  but  did  not  openly  profess  them  until  after  his 
departure  from  Italy.  Having  gone  to  France,  he  was  appointed 
abbot  of  St.  Victor,  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Troyes,  in 
Champagne.  He  had  thoroughly  read  the  writings  of  the  reformers, 
especially  those  of  Calvin,  and  when  he  became  a  bishop,  A.  D. 
155 1,  he  boldly  and  eloquently  denounced  the  abuses  of  the  Romish 
Church.  His  sermons  attracted  multitudes,  who,  through  curiosity, 
flocked  to  hear  a  bishop  preach,  or  perhaps  by  love  to  the  truth. 
The  papal  authorities  soon  summoned  him  to  answer  for  his  conduct, 
and,  yielding  to  the  strong  pressure  against  him,  he  made  a  public 
recantation  in  his  own  cathedral,  thereby  dishonoring  himself  and  dis- 
appointing the  hopes  of  many. 


274 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


On  his  return  from  a  visit  to  Italy,  A.  D.  1557,  he  had  an  inter- 
view with  Cahnn  and  Beza,  at  Geneva,  which  rekindled  his  zeal  Cor 
the  reformed  faith.  He  was  at  the  conference  between  the  Catholics 
and  Protestants  at  Poissy,  A.  D.  1560,  and  after  its  adjournment 
returned  to  Troyes  in  company  with  his  countryman,  Peter  Martyr, 
to  whom  he  expressed  his  determination,  at  all  hazards,  to  proclaim 
and  abide  by  the  truth,  of  which  he  was  now  completely  convinced 
in  his  conscience.  He  demonstrated  his  sincerity  by  meeting  with 
the  Protestants  in  Troyes,  professing  his  faith,  and  even  stating  his 
doubts  as  to  the  validity  of  his  episcopal  orders.  Having  declared 
his  willingness  to  serve  them,  they  gave  him  a  call  to  the  pastoral 
office,  and  then  unanimously  selected  him  to  be  their  minister. 
He  was  pronounced  a  heretic  by  the  papal  clergy,  and  degraded 
from  the  position  he  had  occupied.  At  a  subsequent  period  the 
reformed  bishop  offended  his  new  friends  by  deserting  his  Church 
and  attaching  himself  to  the  court ;  but  he  did  not  cease  to  preach, 
and  persevered  in  the  Protestant  religion  until  the  close  of  his  life. 

The  death  of  Valdez  occurred  A.  D.  1540,  and  while  the  Church 
at  Naples  was  enjoying  peace,  and  daily  increasing  in  numbers,  it 
was  afflicted  by  the  loss  of  this  great  man,  to  whom  it  chiefly  owed 
its  existence.  He  was  also  deeply  lamented  by  many  distinguished 
individuals,  who  called  him  their  spiritual  father.  "I  wish  we  were 
again  at  Naples,"  says  Bonfadio,  in  a  letter  to  Carnesecchi.  But 
when  I  consider  the  matter  in  another  point  of  view,  to  what  pur- 
pose should  we  go  there  now,  when  Valdez  is  dead?.  His  death  is 
truly  a  great  loss  to  us,  and  to  the  world  ;  for  Valdez  was  one  of  the 
rarest  men  in  Europe,  as  the  writings  left  by  him  on  the  epistles  of 
St.  Paul  and  the  psalms  of  David  abundantly  demonstrate.  He  was 
beyond  all  doubt  a  most  accomplished  man  in  all  his  words,  actions, 
and  counsels.  Life  scarcely  supported  his  infirm  and  spare  body ; 
but  his  nobler  part  and  pure  intellect,  as  if  it  had  been  placed  with- 
out the  body,  was  wholly  occupied  with  the  contemplation  of  truth 
and  divine  things.  I  condole  with  Marco  Antonio  [Flaminio],  for, 
above  all  others,  he  greatly  loved  and  admired  him."  His  deep  piety 
and  purity  of  life  are  universally  admitted.  After  his  death,  the 
report  that  he  had  entertained  heterodox  sentiments  Avas  extensively 
circulated ;  but  it  rested  principally  on  the  circumstance  that  some  of 
his  intimate  friends  ultimately  inclined  to  the  Socinians.  The  tenets 
of  this  sect  are  not  found  in  his  writings,  though  they  contained  some 
other  opinions  which  are  either  untenable  or  unguardedly  expressed. 
Beza  declares  that  while  he  could  not  indorse  some  things  in  the 


THE  GOSPEL  IN  SICIL  Y—REFORMA  TION  IN  LUCCA.  275 


Divine  Considerations"  of  Valdez,  he  discovered  nothing  contrary 
to  the  regular  orthodox  standard. 

Not  only  were  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  received  in  the  capital, 
but  they  spread  also  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  even 
reached  Sicily,  which  was,  at  that  period,  an  appendage  to  the  crown 
of  Spain.  The  viceroys,  who  governed  that  island  under  Charles  V, 
being  engaged  in  defending  their  coasts  against  the  Turks,  had  not 
time  to  study  the  intrigues  of  Italian  policy ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
exhibited  a  mild  and  tolerant  spirit,  which  encouraged  those  who 
fled  from  persecution  on  the  Continent  to  seek  protection  from  them. 
Benedetti,  surnamed  Locarno,  from  the  place  of  his  birth,  a  minister 
of  great  sanctity,  having  obtained  the  favor  of  the  viceroy,  preached 
the  Gospel  under  his  patronage  to  crowded  audiences  in  Palermo, 
and  other  parts  of  that  island,  widely  scattering  the  seeds  of  divine 
truth.  An  abundant  harvest  was  soon  produced,  giving  to  the  in- 
quisitors ample  employment  in  extirpating  heresy.  For  many  years 
persons  accused  of  being  Lutherans  were  sacrificed  in  the  public 
and  private  autos-da-fe  celebrated  in  Sicily. 

Lucca,  the  capital  of  a  small  but  flourishing  republic  on  the  east 
coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Genoa,  enjoyed  the  honor  of  having  among  its 
inhabitants  a  greater  number  of  converts  to  the  Protestant  faith  than 
perhaps  any  other  city  in  Italy.  This  was  chiefly  the  result  of  Peter 
Martyr's  labors  in  that  place.  After  a  trial  of  several  years  he  dis- 
covered that  the  climate  of  Naples  was  injurious  to  his  health,  and, 
leaving  there  with  the  consent  of  his  superiors,  he  was  appointed 
visitor-general  of  the  Augustinians  in  Italy.  His  earnest  efforts  to 
introduce  reform  into  the  monasteries,  encouraged  by  Cardinal  Gon- 
zaga,  and  his  rigid  inspection  of  the  internal  condition  of  the  order, 
alarmed  the  monks,  who  determined  to  get  rid  of  their  troublesome- 
visitor.  This  was  accomplished  by  having  him  appointed  prior  of  St. 
Fridiano,  at  Lucca,  an  honorable  position  which  invested  him  with 
episcopal  powers.  There  was  an  ancient  feud  between  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Lucca  and  Florence,  and  the  enemies  of  Martyr  hoped  that, 
he,  as  a  Florentine,  would  be  unpopular  in  his  new  situation  ;  but  he- 
conducted  himself  so  prudently  that  he  was  as  much  esteemed  as  if 
he  had  been  a  native  of  Lucca.  He  devoted  himself  particularly  to- 
the  education  of  the  novices  in  the  priory,  whose  minds  he  desired 
to  imbue  with  the  love  of  sacred  literature.  Having  established  at 
private  college,  or  seminary,  he  employed  teachers  who  were  both, 
learned  men  and  lovers  of  divine  truth.  Paolo  Lacisio,  a  native  of 
Verona,  taught  the  Latin  language ;  Celso  Martinengho,  of  the  noble 

19 


2/6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


family  of  the  counts  of  that  name,  taught  Greek ;  and  Emanuel  Trem- 
ellio,  of  Ferrara,  who  afterwards  became  celebrated  as  an  Oriental 
scholar,  gave  instructions  in  Hebrew.  Martyr  himself  applied  the 
literary  knowledge  which  the  young  men  obtained  from  these  sources 
to  the  exposition  of  the  Bible,  by  reading  lectures  to  them  on  the 
New  Testament  and  the  Psalter,  which  were  attended  by  all  the  edu- 
cated men,  and  many  of  the  patricians  of  Lucca.  He  also  preached 
publicly  to  the  people,  confining  himself  to  the  Gospels  during  Ad- 
vent and  Lent,  according  to  the  usual  custom  of  the  monks ;  but 
selecting  his  subjects  from  the  Epistles  during  the  rest  of  the  year. 

As  the  result  of  these  labors  a  Church  was  organized  in  that  city, 
of  which  Martyr  became  pastor,  and  many,  including  individuals  of 
prominence,  embraced  the  reformed  faith,  and,  by  the  most  positive 
proofs,  manifested  genuine  piety  and  ardent  devotion  to  the  truth.  At 
that  time  Pope  Paul  HI  visited  Lucca,  accompanied  by  the  emperor, 
Charles  V,  who  was  then  in  Italy.  The  friends  of  Martyr  feared  that 
his  enemies,  taking  advantage  of  the  opportunity,  would  make  accu- 
sations against  him,  and  that  his  life  would  be  endangered;  but  he 
was  not  molested,  probably  because  they  considered  it  impolitic  to 
attack  a  teacher  of  his  reputation  and  authority.  His  popularity  with 
the  inhabitants  was  so  great  that  any  attempt  to  persecute  him  would 
have  been  premature  and  ineffectual.  About  the  same  time  he  was 
visited  by  Cardinal  Contarni,  who  passed  through  Lucca  on  his  return 
from  Germany,  where  he  had  been  in  the  character  of  a  papal  legate. 
They  conversed  confidentially  on  the  state  of  the  Church  and  on  the 
sentiments  of  the  German  reformers.  Besides  Peter  Martyr,  the 
evangelical  cause  at  Lucca  was  favored  with  the  presence  and  counsel 
of  Celio  Secundo  Curio,  who  taught  in  the  university,  having  been 
recommended  to  the  senators  by  the  duchess  of  Ferrara. 

There  were  many  converts  to  the  Gospel  at  Sienna,  through 
Ochino,  who,  as  we  have  already  stated,  was  a  native  of  that  city, 
which  he  often  visited  in  his  preaching  tours.  But  the  inhabitants 
were  mainly  indebted  to  Aonio  Paleario,  a  native  of  Veroli,  in  Cam- 
pagni  di  Roma,  for  the  knowledge  of  evangelical  truth.  He  was  first 
a  tutor  in  the  house  of  Belanti,  and  about  A.  D.  1534  was  nominated 
public  teacher  of  Greek  and  Latin  by  the  senate  of  Sienna,  where  he 
afterwards  read  lectures  on  Philosophy "  and  ''Belles-lettres."  His 
study  of  the  Bible  and  the  writings  of  the  German  reformers  imparted 
a  liberal  tone  to  his  lectures  on  ''Moral  Philosophy,"  which  were 
different  from  those  of  his  colleagues.  While  the  students  were  de- 
lighted with  his  advanced  ideas,  the  advocates  of  the  old  school  of 


THE  FEARLESS  REFORMER. 


277 


thought  were  offended.  Cardinal  Sadolet,  in  the  name  of  his  friends, 
warned  him  of  the  danger  of  yielding  to  novelties,  and  advised  him, 
in  view  of  the  times,  to  confine  himself  to  the  ''safer  task  of  clothing 
the  peripatetic  ideas  in  elegant  language."  The  liberal  mind  of 
Paleario,  strong  in  its  devotion  to  the  truth,  did  not  relish  this  pru- 
dential advice.  Regarding  it  his  duty  freely  and  even  severely  to 
censure  vain  pretenders  to  scholarship  and  piety,  he  did  not  hesitate 
to  perform  it.  This  irritated  that  class  of  men  who  scruple  at  no 
means  to  oppress  and  destroy  an  adversary,  and,  accordingly,  they 
adopted  the  popular  method  of  those  days,  and  accused  him  of  heresy. 
They  watched  his  private  conduct  and  circulated  to  his  prejudice 
expressions  uttered  unsuspectingly  in  private  conversation.  He  com- 
mitted an  offense  by  laughing  at  a  rich  priest,  who  was  seen  every 
morning  kneeling  at  the  shrine  of  a  saint,  but  who  refused  to  pay  his 
debts.  ''Cotta  asserts,"  says  Paleario  in  one  of  his  letters,  "that  if 
I  am  allowed  to  live  there  will  not  be  a  vestige  of  religion  left  in  the 
city.  Why?  Because,  being  asked  one  day  what  was  the  first 
ground  on  which  men  should  rest  their  salvation,  I  replied,  Christ; 
being  asked  what  was  the  second,  I  replied,  Christ;  and  being  asked 
what  was  the  third,  I  still  replied,  Christ." 

But  Paleario's  gravest  offense  in  the  estimation  of  his  enemies 
was  the  publication  of  his  book  on  the  "Benefit  of  the  Death  of 
Christ,"  concerning  which  he  made  the  following  statement  in  the 
defense  of  himself  before  the  senate  of  Sienna:  "There  are  some 
persons  so  sour,  so  morose,  so  censorious,  as  to  be  displeased  when 
we  give  the  highest  praise  to  the  author  and  God  of  our  salvation, 
Christ,  the  king  of  all  nations  and  people.  When  I  wrote  a  treatise 
this  very  year  in  the  Tuscan  language,  to  show  what  great  benefits 
accrue  to  mankind  from  his  death,  this  was  made  the  ground  of  a 
criminal  accusation  against  me.  Is  it  possible  to  utter  or  conceive 
any  thing  more  shameful  ?  I  had  said  that  since  he,  in  whom  the 
divinity  resided,  has  poured  out  his  life's  blood  so  lovingly  for  our 
salvation,  we  ought  not  to  doubt  of  the  good  will  of  heaven,  but 
might  promise  ourselves  the  greatest  tranquillity  and  peace.  I  had 
affirmed,  agreeably,  to  the  most  unquestionable  monuments  of  anti- 
quity, that  those  who  turn  with  their  souls  to  Christ  crucified  commit 
themselves  to  him  by  faith,  acquiesce  in  the  promises,  and  cleave 
with  assured  confidence  to  him,  are  delivered  from  all  evil  and  enjoy 
a  plenary  pardon  of  their  sins.  These  things  appeared  so  grievous, 
so  detestable,  so  execrable  to  the  twelve — I  can  not  call  them  men, 
but — inhuman  beasts,  that  they  judged  the  author  worthy  of  being 


2/8 


ITALY  STRUGGLIXG  IXTO  LIGHT. 


committed  to  the  flames.  If  I  must  undergo  this  punishment  for  the 
foresaid  testimony  (for  I  deem  it  a  testimony  rather  than  a  Hbel), 
then,  senators,  nothing  more  happy  can  befall  me.  In  such  a  time 
as  this  I  do  not  think  a  Christian  ought  to  die  in  his  bed.  I  am  not 
only  willing  to  be  accused,  to  be  dragged  to  prison,  to  be  scourged, 
to  be  hung  up  by  the  neck,  to  be  sewed  up  in  a  sack,  to  be  exposed 
to  wild  beasts,  let  me  be  roasted  before  a  fire,  provided  only  the 
truth  be  brought  to  light  by  such  a  death." 

Addressing  his  accuser,  Paleario  says:  ''You  accuse  me  of  being 
of  the  same  sentiments  with  the  Germans.  Good  God,  what  an  illib- 
eral charge!  Do  you  mean  to  bind  up  all  the  Germans  in  one  bundle? 
Are  they  all  bad?  Though  you  should  restrict  your  charge  to  their 
divines,  still  it  is  ridiculous.  Are  there  not  many  excellent  divines 
in  Germany?  But  your  accusation,  though  full  of  trifling,  has  never- 
theless a  sting  which,  as  proceeding  from  you,  is  charged  with  poison. 
By  Germans  you  mean  Ecolampade,  Erasmus,  IMelanchthon,  Luther, 
Pomeran,  Bucer,  and  others,  who  have  incurred  suspicion.  But  surely 
there  is  not  a  divine  among'  us  so  stupid  as  not  to  perceive  and  con- 
fess that  the  writings  of  these  men  contain  many  things  worthy  of 
the  highest  praise,  many  things  gravely,  accurately,  and  faithfully 
stated,  repeated  from  the  early  Fathers,  who  have  left  us  the  institutes, 
and  also  from  the  later  commentaries  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins  who, 
though  not  to  be  compared  with  those  pillars,  are  still  of  use  for 
interpretation.  '  But  do  not  you  approve  of  all  that  the  Germans 
have  done?'  This,  Otho,  is  like  the  rest  of  your  questions;  yet  I 
will  answer  it.  I  approve  of  some  things;  of  others  I  disapprove. 
To  pass  by  many  things,  I  praise  the  Germans  and  consider  them  as 
entitled  to  public  thanks  for  their  exertions  in  restoring  the  purity  of 
the  Latin  language,  which,  till  of  late,  was  oppressed  by  barbarism 
and  poverty  of  speech.  Formerly  sacred  studies  lay  neglected  in  the 
cells  of  idlers,  who  retired  from  the  world  to  enjoy  their  repose  (and 
yet,  amidst  their  snoring,  they  contrived  to  hear  what  we  said  in 
cities  and  villages) ;  now  these  studies  are,  in  a  great  measure,  revived 
in  Germany.  Chaldaic,  Greek,  and  Latin  libraries  are  erected;  books 
are  beautifully  printed,  and  honorable  stipends  are  assigned  to  divines. 
What  can  be  more  illustrious  than  these  things?  What  more  glori- 
ous? What  more  deserving  of  perpetual  praise?  Afterwards  arose 
civil  discords,  intestine  wars,  commotions,  seditions,  and  other  evils^ 
which,  for  the  sake  of  charity  and  brotherly  love  among  Christians,  I 
deplore.  Who  does  not  praise  the  former?  Who  is  not  displeased 
with  the  latter?" 


PALEARIO  IN  MILAN. 


In  this  eloquent  defense  of  Paleario,  boldness  and  candor  were 
tempered  by  prudence  and  address,  and  he  achieved  a  victory  over 
the  violence  and  intrigues  of  his  enemies.  He  was,  however,  com- 
pelled soon  after  to  leave  Sienna;  but  this  change  in  the  place  of  his 
residence  did  not  relieve  him  from  the  odium  which  he  had  incurred. 
From  Lucca  he  went  to  Milan  at  the  request  of  the  authorities  of 
that  city,  and  spent  seven  years  there  as  professor  of  eloquence, 
handsomely  supported  and  greatly  honored.  It  appears  from  his 
published  letters  that  he  enjoyed  the  friendship  and  correspondence 
of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  his  time,  both  in  the  religious 
and  literary  world.  Among  the  former  were  Cardinals  Sadolet, 
Bembo,  Pole,  Maffei,  Badia,  Filonardi,  Sfondrati,  and  among  the 
latter  Flaminio,  Riccio,  Alciati,  Vittorio,  Lampridio,  and  Buonamici. 
He  was,  indeed,  a  profound  scholar.  His  poem  on  the  immortality 
of  the  soul  elicited  the  highest  praise  from  the  learned,  and  his  admi- 
rable works,  Letter  on  the  Council  of  Trent,"  addressed  to  the 
reformers,  and  Testimony  and  Plea  against  the  Roman  Pontiffs," 
evince  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Bible  and  great  soundness  of 
judgment.  But  no  production  of  his  exerted  as  wide  an  influence  as 
the  book  which  was  published,  A.  D.  1543,  in  Italian,  under  the 
title,  //  Beneficio  di  CJiristo,  and  was  afterwards  translated  into  Span- 
ish and  French.  Vergerio  says  of  it:  ''Many  are  of  opinion  that 
there  is  scarcely  a  book  of  this  age,'  or  at  least  in  the  Italian  lan- 
guage, so  sweet,  so  pious,  so  simple,  so  well  fitted  to  instruct  the 
ignorant  and  weak,  especially  in  the  doctrine  of  justification.  I  will 
say  more:  Reginald  Pole,  the  British  cardinal,  and  the  intimate  friend 
of  Morone,  was  esteemed  the  author  of  that  book,  or  partly  so ;  at 
least  it  is  known  that  he,  with  Flaminio,  Priuli,  and  his  other  friends, 
defended'and  circulated  it." 

This  treatise  was  eminently  useful  in  diffusing  evangelical  doctrine 
in  Italy  upon  a  subject  of  vital  importance.  Forty  thousand  copies 
were  sold  in  six  years.  Cardinal  Morone  was  'imprisoned  and  Car- 
nesecchi  consigned  to  the  flames  for  their  active  efforts  in  circulating 
it.  There  is  evidence  to  show  that  it  was  translated  into  English 
and  read  in  Scotland.  This  and  other  works  of  Paleario,  no  doubt, 
largely  contributed  to  the  spread  of  the  reformed  opinions  in  Sienna, 
and  some  idea  of  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  there  may  be  formed 
from  the  number  of  individuals  who  subsequently  submitted  to  a  vol- 
untary exile  for  the  sake  of  the  truth,  among  whom  were  Lanctantio 
Ragnoni,  Mino  Celso,  and  the  Socini,  who  obtained  celebrity  by  giv- 
ing their  name  to  a  new  sect. 


28o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Chapter  XVII. 


THE  INQUISITION  AT  VENICE,  MOD  EN  A,  AND  FERRARA. 
HE  rapid  progress  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy  seriously  alarmed 


J-  the  court  of  Rome.  The  pope  and  his  counselors  had  been 
engrossed  by  foreign  politics,  and  believed  that  whatever  heresy  pre- 
vailed in  their  midst  could  at  any  time  be  easily  suppressed.  Many 
statements  of  the  growth  of  this  evil  had  been  made  to  them ;  but 
the  papal  authorities  either  regarded  them  as  exaggerated,  or  con- 
tented themselves  with  issuing  prohibitory  bulls  and  addressing  letters 
of  warning  to  the  bishops  of  suspected  places.  But  during  A.  D. 
1542  the  clergy,  and  particularly  the  friars,  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try complained  that  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  was  exposed  to  great 
danger  from  the  boldness  of  the  reformers,  the  increase  of  conventi- 
cles, and  the  lukewarmness  of  local  magistrates  in  enforcing  the 
mandates  of  bishops.  It  was  not  only  the  voice  of  the  inferior  priests 
and  monks  that  called  for  vengeance  upon  those  who  held  and  prop- 
agated Protestant  opinions,  but  some  occupying  high  positions 
breathed  out  threatenings  and  slaughter,"  and  attained  infamous 
notoriety  in  the  bloody  field  of  persecution.  Among  these  was 
Pietro  Caraffa,  a  prelate,  who  made  great  pretensions  to  sanctity, 
but  became  more  celebrated  by  his  ambition  and  violence  when  he 
afterwards  ascended  the  pontifical,  throne  under  the  name  of  Paul  IV. 
He  was  commonly  called  the  "  Theatine  Cardinal,"  because  he 
founded  a  religious  order  to  which  the  title  Tlieatine  was  given, 
Caraffa  being  at  that  time  bishop  of  Civita  di  Chieti,  a  city  in  Naples. 
In  his  youth  he  Avas  a  patron  of  learning ;  and  Erasmus,  in  dedicat- 
ing his  edition  of  the  works  of  Jerome  to  him,  extolled  him  in  a 
manner  wholly  unworthy  his  polished  pen  —  a  service  which  Caraffa 
requited  when  he  became  Pope  Paul  IV  by  placing  this  very  edition 
of  Jerome  and  the  other  works  of  Erasmus  in  the  Index  of  For- 
bidden Books."  The  record  in  that  work  is  as  follows:  "  Desiderius 
Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  with  all  his  commentaries,  annotations, 
scholia,  dialogues,  epistles,  critiques,  translations,  books,  and  manu- 
scripts ;  even  if  they  contain  nothing  at  all  against  religion,  or  con- 
cerning religion."  He  laid  before  the  Sacred  College  the  discoveries 
he  had  made  respecting  the  extent  to  which  heresy  prevailed  in  Na- 


OCHINO  IN  VENICE. 


pies  and  various  parts  of  Italy,  and  convinced  them  of  the  necessity 
of  adopting  the  speediest  and  most  vigorous  measures  for  its  exter- 
mination. 

The  Inquisition  resolved  to  proceed,  in  the  first  place,  against 
such  of  the  ecclesiastics  as  were  known  to  favor  the  Reformation. 
Among  these  Ochino  and  Martyr  were  the  most  distinguished ;  but 
as  they  were  very  popular,  and  had  not  yet  renounced  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith,  spies  were  employed  to  watch  their  movements  and 
report  their  words,  while  their  past  conduct  was  secretly  investigated 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  direct  evidence  of  their  heretical  opin- 
ions. Ochino  had  many  enemies  among  the  friars  of  the  Capuchin 
order,  to  which  he  belonged,  because  he,  as  their  superior,  had 
introduced  reforms  into  monastic  establishments.  His  sermons  had 
made  such  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  citizens  of  Venice  that 
they  united  in  an  application  to  the  pope  to  grant  them  an  opportu- 
nity of  hearing  him  a  second  time.  Accordingly,  the  cardinal  of 
Carpi,  who  was  protector  of  the  order  of  Capuchins,  was  directed  by 
the  pope  to  send  him  to  Venice  during  Lent,  A.  D.  1542,  with 
instructions  to  observe  his  conduct.  The  whole  city  rushed  to  hear 
their  favorite  preacher,  who  did  not  appear  to  use  greater  freedom 
on  that  occasion  than  he  had  on  the  former ;  but  he  was  soon  accused 
of  having  advanced  doctrines  not  in  harmony  with  the  teachings  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  particularly  on  the  subject  of  justifica- 
tion. When  summoned  before  the  papal  nuncio,  however,  he  de- 
fended himself  with  such  ability  that  his  accusers  could  not  find  a 
plausible  pretext  for  proceeding  against  him.  Perceiving  that  he  was 
closely  watched  by  spies,  he  was  more  careful  in  his  pulpit  expres- 
sions ;  but  having  heard  that  Julio  Terentiano,  a  convert  of  Valdez, 
with  whom  he  had  been  intimate  at  Naples,  was  thrown  into  prison, 
he  could  no  longer  remain  silent.  In  a  sermon  preached  to  the  sen- 
ators and  prominent  men  of  the  city  he  introduced  that  subject,  and 
exclaimed :  '  *  What  remains  for  us  to  do,  my  lords  ?  And  to  what 
purpose  do  we  fatigue  and  exhaust  ourselves,  if  those  men,  O  noble 
Venice,  queen  of  the  Adriatic,  —  if  those  men  who  preach  to  you 
the  truth  are  to  be  thrown  into  prison,  thrust  into  cells,  and  loaded 
with  chains  and  fetters?  What  place  will  be  left  to  us?  what  field 
will  remain  open  to  the  truth?  Oh,  that  we  had  but  liberty  to 
preach  the  truth  !  How  many  blind,  who  now  grope  their  way  in 
the  dark,  would  be  restored  to  light!" 

When  the  papal  nuncio  heard  that  Ochino  had  made  this  bold 
appeal  he  immediately  interdicted  him  from  preaching,  and  reported 


282 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  circumstance  to  the  pope.  But  the  Venetians,  by  their  impor- 
tunity, succeeded  in  having  the  interdict  removed  within  three  days, 
and  the  fearless  orator  again  appeared  in  the  pulpit. 

At  the  close  of  Lent  he  went  to  Verona,  and  called  together 
those  of  his  order  who  were  engaged  in  studies  preparatory  to  the 
work  of  the  ministry.  Desiring  to  increase  their  Biblical  knowledge, 
he  inaugurated  a  course  of  lectures  on  the  ''Epistles  of  Paul,"  but 
was  soon  summoned  to  appear  at  Rome,  to  answer  certain  charges 
based  upon  his  lectures,  and  made  by  the  nuncio  at  Venice.  Ochino 
started  for  Rome,  but  spent  a  short  time  at  Bologna,  where  he  had 
an  interview  with  Cardinal  Contarini,  who  was  then  on  his  death-bed, 
and  is  said  to  have  expressed  himself  as  agreeing  with  the  Protest- 
ants on  the  article  of  justification,  though  he  was  opposed  to  them 
on  the  other  points  of  controversy.  This  fact  has  been  denied  by 
Cardinal  Quirini,  Boverio,  and  Baccatello,  but  has  not  been  dis- 
proved. In  the  month  of  August  Ochino  went  to  Florence ;  and 
receiving  the  information  that  the  papal  court  had  resolved  to  take 
his  life  he  hastened  to  Ferrara,  and  being  assisted  in  his  flight  by 
the  Duchess  Renee,  escaped  from  Italy  and  reached  Geneva  in 
safety.  Armed  men  had  been  sent  to  arrest  him ;  but,  fortunately, 
he  had  eluded  them.  In  his  answer  to  Muzio,  which  is  reprinted  at 
the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  ''Prediche,"  he  has  himself  given 
an  account  of  his  departure  from  Italy,  and  the  reasons  of  it.  His 
countrymen,  in  proportion  as  they  admired  him,  were  amazed  at  his 
defection  and  flight.  Claudio  Tolomeo,  regarded  as  the  best  episto- 
lary writer  of  his  age,  says,  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  him, 
that  the  news  of  his  renunciation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  and 
his  acceptance  of  the  Lutheran  heresy  had  completely  stunned  him, 
and  seemed  utterly  incredible  and  untrue. 

Caraffa,  the  **Theatine  Cardinal"  and  friend  of  Ochino,  poured 
forth  his  lamentations  in  the  most  tragical  manner.  The  following 
quotation  is  a  specimen  of  that  mystical  devotion  which  at  this 
period  was  combined  with  a  spirit  of  bigotry  and  ambition  in  a  cer- 
tain class  of  papal  teachers:  "What  has  befallen  thee,  Bernardino? 
What  evil  spirit  has  seized  thee,  like  the  reprobate  king  of  Israel  of 
old  ?  My  father,  my  father !  the  chariot  and  the  charioteer  of  Israel ! 
whom  a  little  while  ago  we  with  admiration  beheld  ascending  to 
heaven  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  Elias,  must  we  now  bewail  thy 
descent  to  hell  with  the  chariots  and  horsemen  of  Pharaoh  ?  All  Italy 
flocked  to  thee;  they  hung  upon  thy  breast.  Thou  hast  betrayed 
the  land ;  thou  hast  slain  the  inhabitants.    O  doting  old  man,  who 


MARTYR  AND  THE  MONKS. 


283 


has  bev/itched  thee  to  feign  to  thyself  another  Christ  than  thou  wert 
taught  by  the  CathoHc  Church?  Ah,  Bernardino,  how  great  wert 
thou  in  the  eyes  of  all  men !  Oh,  how  beautiful  and  fair !  Thy 
coarse  but  sacred  cap  excelled  the  cardinal's  hat  and  the  pope's 
miter ;  thy  nakedness,  the  most  gorgeous  apparel ;  thy  bed  of  wat- 
tles, the  softest  and  most  delicious  couch ;  thy  deep  poverty,  the 
riches  of  the  world.  Thou  wert  the  herald  of  the  highest,  the 
trumpet  sounding  far  and  wide ;  thou  wert  full  of  wisdom,  and 
adorned  with  knowledge.  The  Lord  placed  thee  in  the  garden  of 
Eden,  in  his  holy  mount,  as  a  light  above  the  candlestick,  as  the  sun 
of  the  people,  as  a  pillar  in  his  temple,  as  a  watchman  in  his  vine- 
yard, as  a  shepherd  to  feed  his  flock.  Still  thy  eloquent  discourses 
sound  in  our  ears ;  still  we  see  thy  unshod  feet.  Where  now  are  all 
thy  magnificent  words  concerning  contempt  of  the  world  ?  Where 
thy  invectives  against  covetousness  ?  Thou  that  didst  teach  that  a 
man  should  not  steal,  dost  thou  steal?" 

Caraffa  proceeded  in  this  inflated  state,  which  Cardinal  Quirini  calls 
elegant  and  vehement,"  until  he  had  exhausted  all  the  metaphors 
in  the  ''flowers  of  the  saints."  Ochino  was  not  indifferent  to  the 
attacks  made  upon  him  by  such  writers  as  Girolamo  Muzio  and  Am- 
brogio  Catarino,  who  were  hired  to  refute  and  defame  him,  but 
addressed  an  apologetical  letter  to  the  magistrates  of  his  native  city 
of  Sienna  and  another  to  Tolomeo.  Besides  these,  he  published  a 
large  collection  of  his  sermons  and  various  polemical  treatises  against 
the  Church  of  Rome,  which  being  written  in  the  Italian  language, 
and  in  a  popular  style,  produced  a  great  effect  upon  his  countrymen. 
After  his  flight,  some  of  his  most  intimate  friends  were  arrested,  and 
a  strict  investigation  into  the  sentiments  of  his  religious  order  insti- 
tuted. Some  of  the  members  escaped,  and  others  saved  their  lives 
by  recanting  their  opinions.  The  apostasy  of  Ochino,  and  the  num- 
ber of  Capuchins  who  were  infected  with  heresy,  so  incensed  the 
pope,  that  he  proposed  at  one  time  to  suppress  the  whole  order. 

In  the  mean  time  Martyr,  finding  himself  in  danger,  prepared  to 
escape  also  to  Switzerland.  The  monks  of  the  Augustinian  order,  to 
which  he  belonged,  had  acted  as  spies  to  scrutinize  his  conduct,  and, 
because  he,  as  visitor-general,  had  endeavored  to  introduce  a  refor- 
mation of  manners  among  them,  they  became  his  bitter  enemies,  and 
were  the  most  prominent  in  accusing  him.  For  a  whole  year  they 
secretly  opposed  and  openly  slandered  him,  and  would  have  crushed 
him  if  he  had  not  received  protection  from  the  Lucchese.  For 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  feelings  of  the  citizens,  his  enemies 


284 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


obtained  an  order  from  Rome  to  arrest  Terentiano,  one  of  his  friends, 
who  was  confessor  to  the  Augustinian  convent,  but  rested  under  the 
suspicion  of  heresy.  Some  noblemen,  admiring  the  confessor's  piety, 
and  beheving  that  he  was  innocent,  forced  the  doors  of  his  prison 
and  hberated  him  ;  but,  having  fallen  and  broken  a  limb  in  his  flight, 
he  was  again  taken  and  carried  to  Rome  in  triumph.  This  successful 
movement  encouraged  them  to  make  a  formal  charge  against  Martyr 
before  the  papal  court.  Messengers  were  sent  to  the  different  con- 
vents, exhorting  the  monks  not  to  neglect  the  opportunity  of  recov- 
ering "their  ancient  liberty"  by  punishing  their  adversary.  A  gen- 
eral congregation  of  the  order  was  convened  at  Genoa,  and  he  was 
immediately  summoned  to  attend.  Convinced  of  the  fact  tliat  great 
prejudice  existed  against  him  and,  warned  by  his  friends  that  snares 
were  laid  for  his  life,  he  determined,  after  careful  deliberation,  to 
avoid  the  impending  danger  by  placing  himself  beyond  the  rage  and 
craft  of  his  enemies.  Giving  up  a  part  of  his  library  to  the  convent, 
over  which  he  had  presided,  and  committing  the  rest  to  Cristoforo 
Trenata,  a  nobleman  of  Lucca,  and  his  intimate  friend,  he  requested 
it  to  be  sent  after  him  to  Germany.  He  also  arranged  the  affairs  of 
the  institution,  and,  leaving  it  in  charge  of  his  vicar,  secretly  retired 
from  the  city  accompanied  by  Paolo  Lacisio,  Theodosio  Trebellio, 
and  Julio  Terentiano,  who  had  been  released  from  prison. 

After  his  arrival  at  Pisa,  Martyr  wrote  letters  to  Cardinal  Pole 
and  to  the  brethren  of  the  monastery  at  Lucca,  which  he  gave  to 
reliable  persons,  and  instructed  them  not  to  deliver  until  a  month 
after  his  departure.  \\\  these  he  described  the  errors  and  abuses 
of  the  papal  religion  generally,  and  particularly  of  the  monastic  life, 
which  he  could  not  any  longer  conscientiously  encourage.  As  addi- 
tional reasons  for  abandoning  it,  he  referred  to  the  odium  which  he 
had  incurred,  and  the  plots  formed  against  his  life.  Fearing  that  he 
j  might  be  accused  of  appropriating  even  the  smallest  part  of  the  con- 
vent property  to  his  private  use,  he  sent  back  the  ring  which  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  wear  as  the  badge  of  his  office.  At  Florence  he 
met  Ochino,  and,  after  arranging  their  respective  routes,  he,  along 
with  his  three  companions,  traveled  rapidly  and  cautiously  by  way 
of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Verona,  and  safely  reached  Zurich.  In  a 
short  time  they  were  invited  by  Bucer  to  visit  Strasburg,  where  they 
obtained  situations  as  professors  in  the  academy.  From  that  city 
Martyr  wrote  to  the  Reformed  Church  of  Lucca,  of  which  he  had 
been  pastor,  giving  his  reasons  for  leaving  his  native  land,  and  exhort- 
ing them  to  perseverance  in  the  service  of  God. 


THE  PROTESTANTS  OF  LUCCA. 


285 


After  the  discovery  of  Martyr's  flight,  the  papal  authorities 
ordered  an  examination  of  the  monastery  over  which  he  had  pre- 
sided, to  ascertain  the  extent  to  which  his  heretical  opinions  had 
corrupted  its  inmates.  Many  of  the  monks  were  imprisoned,  and, 
within  less  than  a  year,  eighteen  of  them  escaped  to  Switzerland. 
The  Protestant  Church  in  Lucca,  which  he  had  established,  though 


286 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


discouraged  by  the  loss  of  its  founder,  and  threatened  with  persecu- 
tion by  its  adversaries,  was  not  dispersed.  It  was  protected  by  some 
of  the  prominent  individuals  of  the  state,  continued  to  hold  its 
private  meetings,  enjoyed  the  instruction  of  regular  pastors,  and 
increased  both  in  knowledge  and  numbers.  Martyr,  in  a  letter  writ- 
ten to  them  more  than  twelve  years  after  his  departure  from  Lucca, 
and  subsequent  to  a  disastrous  change  in  their  situation,  says:  "Such 
progress  have  yoir  made  for  many  years  in  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ 
that  it  was  unnecessary  for  me  to  excite  you  by  my  ♦letters ;  and  all 
that  remained  for  me  to  do  was  to  make  honorable  mention  of  you 
every-where,  and  to  give  thanks  to  our  heavenly  Father  for  the  spir- 
itual blessings  with  which  he  had  crowned  you.  To  this  I  had  an 
additional  motive  from  reflecting  that  my  hand  was  honored  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  this,  good  work,  in  weakness  I  confess,  but  still, by 
the  grace  of  Christ,  to  your  no  small  profit.  My  joy  was  increased  by 
learning  that,  after  my  labors  among  you  were  over,  God  provided 
you  with  other  and  abler  teachers,  by  whose  prudent  care  and  salutary 
instructions  the  work  begun  in  you  was  advanced." 

One  of  the  teachers  to  whom  he  refers  was  Celio  Secundo  Curio, 
who  was  employed  in  the  university.  After  Martyr's  departure  he 
remained  at  Lucca  more  than  a  year,  officiating  as  a  religious  teacher 
among  the  Protestants,  and  holding  his  position  as  a  professor  in  the 
school.  Notwithstanding  the  clamor  of  the  priests  the  senate  pro- 
tected him  for  some  time,  but  the  pope  having  written  to  the  magis- 
trates of  that  city,  demanding  his  arrest  and  appearance  at  Rome  to 
answer  the  charges  which  had  been  brought  against  him  by  various 
parties,  his  friends,  finding  that  they  could  no  longer  protect  him, 
advised  him  to  make  his  escape  privately.  Accordingly  he  retired 
to  Ferrara,  whence  he  went  to  Zurich  and  Berne  with  letters  of 
recommendation  from  the  Duchess  Renee  to  the  magistrates  of 
those  cities.  Afterwards  he  went  to  Lausanne  and  resided  there. 
During  the  same  year,  he  returned  for  his  wife  and  children,  whom 
he  had  left  in  Italy,  and  while  there  made  a  narrow  escape,  which, 
though  well  authenticated,  invests  the  narrative  of  his  life  with  an  air 
of  romance.  From  the  time  he  entered  Italy  Curio's  route  was  dis- 
covered by  the  inquisitors,  who  were  scattered  over  the  country, 
and,  deeming  it  unsafe  to  visit  Lucca,  he  stopped  at  the  neighboring 
town  of  Pessa,  and  waited  for  his  family.  His  enemies  had  tracked 
him,  and  while  he  was  sitting  at  dinner  in  the  inn  a  captain  of  the 
papal  band,,  called  in  Italy  barisello,  suddenly  made  his  appearance, 
and  entering  the  room  commanded  him,  in  the  pope's  name,  to  yield 


THE  ''HOLY  office:' 


287 


himself  as  a  prisoner.  Curio,  abandoning-  all  hope  of  escape,  rose  to 
deliver  himself  up,  and  unconsciously  held  in  his  hand  the  knife  which 
he  had  used  in  carving  his  food.  When  the  bariscllo  beheld  an  ath- 
letic man  approaching  him  with  a  large  knife,  he  was  seized  with  a 
sudden  panic,  and  retreated  to  a  corner  of  the  room  trembling  like  a 
convict.  Curio,  who  had  great  presence  of  mind,  walked  deliberately 
out  of  the  door,  and,  passing  without  interruption  through  the  armed 
band,  who  were  awaiting  their  leader,  went  instantly  to  his  stable, 
mounted  a  horse,  and  made  good  his  flight. 

A  bull,  dated  the  ist  of  April,  A.  D.  1543,  was  issued  by  Paul 
III,  proclaiming  the  establishment,  at  Rome,  of  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Office."  By  this  edict  six  cardinals  were  invested  with 
the  title  and  rights  of  inquisitors-general  of  the  faith,  with  all  the 
necessar}^  authority  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps  to  try  all  cases  of 
heresy,  with  the  power  of  arresting  and  imprisoning  suspected  per- 
sons and  their  abettors,  of  whatever  estate,  rank,  or  order,  of  nomi- 
nating officers  under  them,  and  of  appointing  inferior  affiliated  tribu- 
nals of  equal  or  inferior  power,  in  all  places.  This  court  immediately 
commenced  operations  in  the  ecclesiastical  states,  and  during  the 
remainder  of  this  century  the  popes  made  great  efforts  to  extend  its 
power  over  other  parts  of  Italy.  The  strongest  resistance  to  it  was 
manifested  in  Venice,  whose  government  insisted  upon  the  condition 
that  a  certain  number  of  magistrates  and  lawyers  should  be  present 
at  the  examination  of  accused  persons,  and  that  a  definitive  sentence 
should  not  be  pronounced,  at  least,  in  the  case  of  the  laity,  without 
having  been  first  submitted  to  the  senate. 

In  Tuscany,  three  commissioners,  elected  by  the  congregation  at 
Rome,  along  with  the  local  inquisitor,  were  designated  as  the  judges 
of  all  causes  of  religion,  and  were  required  to  inform  the  duke  of  their 
sentence,  who  w^as  appointed  to  carry  it  into  execution.  The  popes 
found  less  opposition  in  the  other  states  and  cities  of  Italy.  These 
provisions,  which  the  authorities  of  Venice,  Tuscany,  and  other  places 
had  adopted,  should  have  satisfied  the  **Holy  Office,"  but,  in  addi- 
tion, it  continually  urged  the  local  governments  to  send  the  accused, 
especially  if  they  were  either  ecclesiastical  persons,  or  strangers,  to 
be  tried  by  the  Inquisition  at  Rome.  Even  the  senate  of  Venice, 
though  opposed  to  any  interference  Avith  its  authority,  yielded,  in 
some  instances,  to  such  requests.  As  soon  as  the  Inquisition,  thus 
remodeled,  was  erected  throughout  Italy,  those  who  expressed  senti- 
ments favorable  to  the  Reformation  were  persecuted,  and  fled  in  great 
numbers. 


288 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  pope,  having  taken  the  precaution  of  gaining  over  Ercole, 
duke  of  Ferrara,  secured  his  co-operation  in  persecuting  the  Protest- 
ants of  his  dominions,  many  of  whom  were  found  in  Modena.  It 
has  already  been  stated  that  there  was  a  strong  leaven  of  evangelical 
doctrine  in  the  academy  of  that  city,  which  Pope  Paul  III  and  his 
successors,  Pius  III,  Marcellus  II,  and  especially  Paul  IV,  labored 
for  years  to  extirpate.  As  Ercole  was  a  bigoted  Roman  Catholic, 
and  willing  to  be  the  merest  tool  of  the  pope,  the  members  of  the 
academy  and  others  in  Modena  were  exposed  to  great  danger.  Con- 
sultations relative  to  the  growth  of  heretical  opinions  in  that  city 
were  repeatedly  held  at  Rome  ;  and  Paul  III  would  have  severely 
censured  the  suspected  academicians  had  not  some  of  their  personal 
friends  in  the  conclave  interfered,  and  averted  the  papal  anathema. 
In  June,  A.  D.  1542,  it  was  proposed  in  the  Vatican  to  summon 
some  of  the  most  influential  persons  among  them  to  Rome  or  Bo- 
logna; but  Cardinal  Sadolet  suggested  that,  first  of  all,  a  friendly  let- 
ter should  be  addressed  to  them.  Accordingly,  he  wrote  in  the  most 
conciliatory  spirit  to  Ludovico  Castelvetro,  stating  what  had  occurred 
in  the  consistory,  and  urging  him  and  his  colleagues  to  give  assur- 
ances of  their  attachment  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  and  abstain 
from  every  practice  which  might  cast  suspicion  upon  them.  Castel- 
vetro and  his  companions,  Grillenzoni,  Portus,  and  Alessandro  Mil- 
ano,  answered  this  letter  to  the  satisfaction  of  Sadolet,  who  insisted, 
however,  that  they  should  write  to  the  pope  himself,  declaring  that 
they  were  faithful  sons  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  They  de- 
clined to  do  this,  and  thereby  incurred  anew  the  displeasure  of  the 
papal  hierarchy.  It  was  now  resolved  to  propose  or  submit  certain 
articles  of  faith  to  the  members  of  the  academy  for  their  acceptance 
or  rejection. 

The  report  of  this  created  a  great  sensation  in  Modena.  Portus, 
the  Greek  lecturer,  and  two  of  his  companions  left  the  city  on  dif- 
ferent pretexts,  and  those  who  remained  loudly  complained  of  the 
treatment  which  they  received,  declaring  that  if  the  proposed  measure 
should  be  carried  into  effect  freedom  of  investigation  would  be  at  an 
end.  They  likewise  insisted  that  no  honorable  man  would  consent 
to  think  or  write  under  such  restrictions,  and  might  as  well  sell  his 
books  and  renounce  the  study  of  the  Bible.  The  excitement  was 
so  intense  that  Cardinal  Morone,  who  was  deeply  concerned  for  the 
peace  of  his  see  and  the  honor  of  the  academy,  regretted  that  he  had 
sanctioned,  though  he  did  not  originate,  the  measure.  It  is  said  that 
he  wrote  to  the  pope,  praying  him  to  suspend  the  subscription  of 


CARDINAL  MO  RONE'S  POSITION. 


289 


the  formulary,  because  the  academicians  had  given  sufficient  pledges 
of  their  loyalty  to  the  Church,  and  simply  declined  to  subscribe, 
because  the  world  would  then  believe  that  they  had  been  justly  sus- 
pected of  heresy. 

But  the  court  of  Rome  was  determined  to  enforce  the  obnoxious 
measure.  Considerable  light  is  shed  upon  these  transactions  by  a 
document  preserved  in  the  ducal  archives  at  Ferrara,  which  contains 
the  secret  instructions  given  by  the  governor  of  Modena  to  his  chan- 
cellor, whom  he  sent,  on  the  2d  of  August,  A.  D.  1542,  to  consult 
with  Hercules  on  this  perplexing  affair.  It  states  that  the  academi- 
cians were  opposed  to  subscription,  and  that,  though  they  were  will- 
ing to  indorse  some  of  the  articles  of  the  formulary,  such  matters 
should  be  referred  to  the  determination  of  a  council.  This  document 
also  asserts  that  the  bishop  had  proceeded  in  the  matter  Avith  all  pos- 
sible haste,  and  acted  in  concert  with  the  governor,  whom  he  had 
reminded  that  through  the  severity  of  Cardinal  Cajetan,  the  papal 
legate  to  the  Lutherans,  a  small  spark  had  burst  into  a  conflagration 
which  continued  still  to  rage,  and  that  he  feared  lest  God,  for  the 
sins  of  the  world,  should  permit  so  many  men  of  genius,  spirit,  and 
subtlety  to  be  driven  to  despair,  and  thereby  enkindle  another  such 
flame  in  Italy.  In  this  same  document  it  is  also  stated  that  the  pope, 
believing  Morone's  administration  to  be  lacking  in  firmness,  had  em- 
ployed six  cardinals  in  Rome  to  manage  this  affair  at  Modena,  one  of 
whom  had  already  come  to  that  city  to  see  what  could  be  done  with 
the  heretics,  and  that  the  bishop,  being  offended  at  this  step,  declared 
his  intention  to  withdraw  from  the  whole  business,  but  was  persuaded 
by  the  governor  to  aid  in  accomodating  the  parties  and  in  receiving 
the  subscriptions. 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  1 542,  Cardinals  Sadolet  and  Cartese 
went  to  Modena  to  meet  the  bishop  of  that  city,  and  endeavor  to  effect 
a  reconciliation.  Through  the  exertions  of  these  commissioners  from 
the  pope  a  formulary  of  doctrines,  drawn  up  with  singular  moderation 
by  Contarini,  at  the  request  of  Morone,  was  reluctantly  subscribed 
by  the  suspected  academicians.  They  refused,  when  first  solicited, 
and  demanded  that  the  conservators  of  the  city  should  set  the  exam- 
ple. It  was  with  difficulty  that  three  of  them  were  induced  to  affix 
their  names;  and  to  encourage  them  still  more,  the  cardinals  con- 
sented to  add  their  own  signatures.  But  the  members  of  the  academy 
continued  to  demur,  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  efforts  of  Morone, 
the  negotiation  would  have  failed.  During  interviews  which  he  had 
with  them,  individually,  he  learned  their  objections,  and  he  had  list-  / 


290 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ened  with  special  candor  and  forbearance  to  the  scruples  of  Beretta'ri 
on  the  subject  of  the  mass,  and  collateral  topics.  Having  assembled 
them  together,  he  spoke  so  earnestly  and  affectionately,  that  they 
complied  with  his  request.  A  friendly  invitation  was  extended  to 
the  brethren  who  had  withdrawn,  and,  on  their  return,  the  whole 
body,  together  with  the  official  men  of  the  city,  accepted  the  formu- 
lary, to  the  great  joy  of  the  commissioners. 

This  arrangement,  so  eagerly  urged  by  one  party  and  so  reluc- 
tantly acceded  to  by  the  other,  did  not  produce  real  or  permanent 
peace.  The  members  of  the  academy  retained  their  former  senti- 
ments and  embraced  every  opportunity  of  humiliating  the  priests, 
whom  they  regarded  as  the  chief  instigators  of  the  late  proceedings 
against  their  body.  On  the  first  Sunday  of  Advent,  A.  D.  1543,  no 
sermon  was  preached  in  Modena,  because,  as  one  who  lived  in  the 
city  at  that  time  expresses  it  in  his  journal,  every  preacher,  how 
excellent  soever,  was  criticised  by  certain  literati,  and  none  would  come 
to  contest  with  them  on  their  own  ground."  In  the  following  year 
the  bishop  sent  a  minor-conventual  friar,  named  Bartolomeo  della 
Pergala,  whose  preaching  the  journalist  just  quoted  describes  in  the 
following  quaint  manner:  *'A11  the  members  of  the  academy  went  to 
hear  him,  to  the  number  of  more  than  twenty-five,  including  the  book- 
seller, Antonio,  who  first  introduced  the  prohibited  books  in  the  vulgar 
language,  which  were  afterwards  burnt  at  Rome  as  heretical.  The 
said  friar  did  not  preach  the  Gospel," — meaning  that  he  selected  his 
text  from  the  Epistles,  and  not  from  the  Gospels — "nor  did  he  make 
mention  of  any  saint,  male  or  female,  nor  of  any  doctor  of  the  Church, 
nor  of  Lent  or  fasting.  This  was  to  the  taste  of  the  academicians. 
Many  believed  that  they  would  go  to  paradise  in  their  stocking  soles ; 
for,  said  they,  Christ  has  paid  for  us."  The  bishop,  discovering  that 
he  had  sent  the  wrong  preacher,  ordered  the  arrest  of  Pergala,  who 
was  delivered  over  to  the  Inquisition.  This  tribunal  condemned  forty- 
six  propositions  in  his  doctrine,  and  commanded  him  to  retract  them 
publicly  in  the  church  in  which  he  had  preached.  He  complied  by 
retracting  in  a  formal  manner ;  but  immediately  after,  an  address  was  \ 
presented  to  him  signed  by  the  most  respectable  citizens,  and  testify- 
ing in  the  highest  terms  to  his  talents  and  character.  Pontremolo, 
another  monk  of  the  same  order,  who  preached  at  Modena  during 
the  same  year,  was  condemned  for  teaching  heretical  doctrines. 

The  persecution  against  the  academicians  was  renewed,  A.  D.  I545> 
and  a  strong  effort  made  to  seize  Filippo  Valentino,  a  young  man  of 
great  intellectual  precocity  and  versatile  genius.    Castelvetro  says 


PERSECUTION  RENE  WED  A  T  MODENA—  VALENTINO.     29 1 


that,  at  seven  years  of  age,  Valentino  composed  letters  in  a  style 
worthy  of  Cicero,  and  sonnets  and  canzoni  which  would  have  done 
honor  to  a  poet  of  mature  age.  He  could  repeat,  verbatim,  sermons 
or  lectures  which  he  had  heard  only  once ;  and  had  the  principal 
poets  in  Latin  and  Italian  by  heart.  Pellegrino  Erri,  or  Heri,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  academy,  was  insulted  by  some  of  his  colleagues,  and, 
having  resolved  to  inform  against  them,  he  went  to  the  Holy  Office  " 
at  Rome  and  accused  the  literati  of  Modena  of  disaffection  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church.  He  also  asserted  that  some  of  them  were 
actively  engaged  in  disseminating  heresy  in  private.  After  hearing 
this  statement,  the  pope  addressed  a  letter  to  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  in 
which  he  referred  to  the  information  communicated  by  Erri,  that  the 
Lutheran  heresy  was  daily  increasing  in  Modena,  and  that  Filippo 
Valentino  Avas  the  author  of  the  Protestant  movement.  He  declared 
that  such  a  condition  of  affairs  must  be  a  source  of  grief  to  a  person 
of  the  duke's  piety,  and,  therefore,  exhorted  him  to  arrest  Filippo 
without  delay,  examine  his  papers  and  books,  and  destroy  those 
which  contained  heretical  sentiments.  Erri,  having  been  appointed 
apostolical  commissiary,  returned  to  Modena  to  suppress  the  alarm- 
ing evil,  by  seizing  the  leader,  and  thus  more  effectually  reduce  his 
accomplices  to  submission.  With  an  armed  force,  which  he  obtained 
from  the  civil  authorities,  he  surrounded  the  residence  of  Filippo 
one  night;  but  the  latter  had  been  warned  and  escaped,  leaving 
behind  his  book  and  papers,  which  were  taken  by  the  Inquisition. 
On  the  following  morning  a  ducal  edict  was  issued,  prohibiting  all 
persons  from  having  heretical  books,  or  from  disputing  in  public  or 
private  on  any  religious  subject,  under  the  penalty,  for  the  first  of- 
fense, of  a  hundred  crowns  of  gold,  or  of  being  subjected  to  the  strap- 
pado if  unable  to  pay  that  sum  ;  for  the  second  offense,  two  thousand 
pounds,  or  banishment  from  the  state ;  and,  for  the  third  offense,, 
confiscation  of  goods,  or  death.  The  proclamation  of  this  severe 
edict  caused  great  consternation  in  the  city,  and  resulted  in  the  over- 
throw of  the  academy. 

The  duke,  however,  was  persuaded  to  relent,  and  permitted 
Filippo  to  return  to  Modena.  During  the  pontificates  of  Julius  III 
and  IMarcellus  II  the  Protestants  were  not  disturbed ;  but  when 
Paul  IV  commenced  his  reign  violent  measures  were  adopted. 
There  were  still  many  persons  in  the  city  who  were  deeply  attached 
to  the  evangelical  cause ;  and  accordingly  orders  were  sent  from 
Rome  that  a  secret  investigation  should  be  instituted  to  ascertain  the 

sentiments  of  some  of  the  prominent  citizens.    As  this  arrangement 

20 


292 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


was  made  without  the  knowledge  either  of  the  governor  or  of  Fos- 
carari,  who  was  now  bishop  of  Modena,  both  of  these  dignitaries 
were  offended  at  a  movement  which  appeared  to  them  unnecessary, 
and.  besides,  was  an  encroachment  upon  their  authority.  When  the 
duke  was  informed  of  the  proposed  scheme  he  endeavored,  through 
his  minister  at  Rome,  to  defeat  it,  and  thus  prevent  the  enkindhng 
of  a  fire  which  had  cost  so  much  to  be  extinguished ;  but  he  was 
compelled  to  yield  to  the  pope.  He  reluctantly  consented  to  the 
public  enforcement  of  the  order  on  the  6th  of  July,  A.  D.  1556, 
and  Castelvetro,  Filippo  Valentino,  his  cousin  Bonifacio,  at  that 
time  provost  of  the  cathedral  church,  and  Gadaldino,  the  printer  and 
and  bookseller,  were  summoned  to  appear  before  the  Inquisition  at 
Rome.  This  event  produced  great  excitement  in  Modena,  and  the 
conservators,  at  a  meeting  held  on  the  17th  of  July,  prepared  a 
strong  remonstrance  to  the  duke,  in  which  they  declared  that  it  was 
unusual  to  summon  laymen  to  Rome,  thereby  subjecting  them  to 
expense  and  inconvenience ;  and  that  the  charge  of  heresy  would 
tarnish  the  good  name  of  their  city,  which,  the  officials  asserted, 
was  then  noted  for  its  tranquillity.  The  address  also  stated  that  the 
revival  of  buried  suspicions  and  the  prosecution  of  individuals  upon 
vague  rumors  would  only  add  scandal  to  scandal ;  and  that  the  per- 
sons who  Avere  about  to  be  arraigned  before  the  court  of  Rome  were 
virtuous  men,  very  respectable,  and  universally  esteemed.  Why,  then, 
should  they  be  disgraced?  The  conservators  reminded  his  excellency 
of  a  fact,  known  to  himself,  that  there  were  many  men  who,  under  the 
pretense  of  defending  the  faith,  sought  to  gratify  their  personal  revenge ; 
and  that  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  the  prosecution  had  origi- 
nated in  prejudice  or  hatred.  The  duke  was  exhorted  to  remember  the 
past,  how  that  numerous  expedients  had  already  been  tried  without 
pacifying  the  authorities  at  Rome ;  how  that  the  whole  city  was 
compelled  by  the  cardinals  to  submit  to  the  test  of  subscription ;  and 
how  that  his  excellency  had  interposed  his  authority,  and  the  local 
inquisitors  had  been  diligent  in  their  labors.  What  could  they  dis- 
cover in  Rome  that  had  not  been  discovered  at  Modena? 

After  waiting  a  proper  time  for  an  answer,  the  conservators  ap- 
pointed one  of  their  number  to  visit  the  duke  and  urge  him  to  pro- 
tect the  interests  of  their  fellow-citizens.  The  governor  also  addressed 
a  letter  to  him  in  support  of  their  application.  The  duke  could  not 
resist  these  appeals,  and  therefore  requested  the  pope  either  to  sus- 
pend the  trial  or,  if  this  could  not  be  granted,  permit  it  to  take 
place  at  Modena.    Paul  IV  refused  both  of  these  requests.  The 


THE  TRIAL  OF  CASTELVETRO. 


293 


duke,  desiring  to  conciliate  the  stern  pontiff,  informed  him  in  an- 
other communication  that  he  had  imprisoned  the  bookseller,  Gadal- 
dino,  who,  on  account  of  decrepitude,  could  not  be  safely  conveyed 
to  Bologna ;  yet  he  should  be  sent  if  his  holiness  demanded  it.  The 
vice-legate  of  Bologna,  however,  soon  after  appeared  at  the  court  of 
Ferrara,  and  in  the  name  of  his  master  commanded  the  three  Modenese 
gentlemen  and  the  accused  bookseller  to  be  taken  to  Rome.  The 
duke  consented  to  send  the  provost,  Filippo  Valentino,  because, 
being  a  priest,  he  was  under  greater  obligations  than  his  companions 
to  obey  the  pope.  The  vice-legate  promised  that  the  trial  should  be 
so  conducted  that  the  prisoner  would  not  be  injured  in  his  person  or 
honor ;  but  the  promise  was  disregarded.  He  was  detained  a  whole 
year  in  prison,  and  then  compelled  to  make  public  recantation  of  the 
errors  imputed  to  him  in  the  church  of  Minerva  at  Rome,  and  after- 
wards to  repeat  the  ceremony  in  his  own  church  at  Modena,  on  the 
28th  of  May,  A.  D.  1558.  Although  more  than  eighty  years  of 
age,  Gadaldino,  the  poor  printer,  was  carried  to  Rome,  and  detained 
in  prison  for  a  still  longer  period  than  Filippo  had  spent  there.  The 
latter,  like  Castelvetro,  did  not  appear  before  the  Inquisition  at  the 
appointed  time,  and  both  were  excommunicated  for  contumacy. 
Orders  were  sent  to  the  bishop  that  he  should  cause  the  sentence  to 
be  intimated  at  Modena,  and  he  consulted  the  duke,  who,  indignant 
on  account  of  previous  treatment,  forbade  the  intimation. 

It  is  not  known  where  Filippo  Valentino  sought  refuge  from  the 
fury  of  the  relentless  pontiff ;  but  his  friend  Castelvetro  appears  to 
have  lived  secretly  in  Ferrara.  Pope  Paul  IV  and  Hercules  II,  duke 
of  Ferrara,  died  A.  D.  1559,  and  their  successors  were  respectively 
Pius  IV  and  Alfonso  II.  The  new  duke,  hoping  to  find  the  new 
pontiff  more  conciliatory,  applied  for  a  commission  to  try  the  cause 
of  Castelvetro  within  his  territories.  The  request  was  not  granted; 
and  Castelvetro,  having  received  assurances  of  protection  from  the 
duke  and  persons  belonging  to  the  papal  court,  was  induced  to  go 
to  Rome.  At  first  he  was  treated  with  great  courtesy,  and,  instead 
of  being  thrust  into  prison,  was  invited  to  reside  in  the  convent  of 
Santa  Maria  in  Via,  with  permission  to  receive  his  friends ;  but  after 
his  third  appearance  before  the  inquisitors  he  learned  that  they  had 
obtained  strong  evidence  against  him,  and,  fearing  that  they  would 
torture  him,  he  suddenly  left  Rome,  along  with  his  brother  Giamma- 
ria.  The  cardinals  of  the  congregation  published  their  final  sentence 
on  the  26th  of  November,  A.  D.  1560,  pronouncing  him  a  fugitive 
and  impenitent  heretic,  who  had  incurred  all  the  pains,  spiritual  and 


294 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


temporal,  decreed  against  such  criminals,  and  urging  every  person 
who  might  have  it  in  his  power  to  arrest  him  and  send  him  as  a 
prisoner  to  Rome.  He  was  publicly  burned  in  effigy,  and  earnest 
letters  were  written  to  the  duke  of  Ferrara  to  seize  the  fugitive 
brothers  and  confiscate  their  property.- 

One  of  the  principal  charges  against  Castelvetro  was  that  he  had 
translated  into  Italian  a  work  of  Melanchthon  on  the  "Authority  of 
the  Church  and  the  Fathers,"  a  copy  of  which,  said  to  be  in  his  own 
handwriting,  was  produced  on  his  trial.  The  charge  was  mentioned 
by  Pallavicini,  but  the  name  of  the  book  was  not  given.  Fontanini 
assumed  that  it  was  the  ''Common  Places"  of  Melanchthon  which 
led  Muratori  to  call  in  question  the  truth  of  the  whole  charge.  But, 
as  Dr.  M'Crie  declares,  "the  book  —  the  indentical  corpus  delicti, 
which  was  verified  before  the  Inquisition — has  since  been  discovered 
in  the  archives  of  St.  Angelo."  In  a  short  epistle  to  the  reader  the 
translator  states  that  he  had  added  a  few  notes,  chiefly  explanatory 
of  certain  Greek  words  used  in  "this  noble  little  work."  Tiraboschi 
expresses  the  opinion  that  the  style  of  this  book  corresponds  per- 
fectly with  that  of  the  undoubted  works  of  Castelvetro. 

Ferrara  was  regarded  by  the  Romish  hierarchy  as  the  nursery  of 
heresy  in  Italy,  and  therefore,  while  making  vigorous  efforts  to  crush 
the  reform  movement  in  Modena,  its  enemies  seemed  to  be  more 
determined  to  extirpate  it  in  the  city  of  Renee.  Paul  III  instructed 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities  there  to  be  diligent  in  investigating  the 
conduct  of  persons  of  every  rank  and  order  who  were  suspected  of 
entertaining  erroneous  sentiments.  The  usual  method  of  procedure 
was  urged — the  taking  of  depositions,  the  use  of  the  torture,  the 
definitive  sentence,  and  the  transmission  to  Rome  for  final  judgment. 
The  execution  of  this  edict  produced  great  distress,  which  was 
increased  by  the  adoption  of  new  but  dishonorable  expedients  for 
detecting  those  who  Avavered  in  their  attachment  to  the  Romish 
Church.  At  this  time,  A.  D.  1545,  commissioned  spies  were  sent 
forth  into  all  parts  of  Italy,  and,  having  been  supplied  with  recom- 
mendations, were  admitted  to  private  families,  insinuated  themselves 
into  the  company  and  the  confidence  of  all  classes,  and  then  con- 
veyed to  the  Vatican  the  information  thus  secretly  collected.  By 
assuming  a  variety  of  characters  they  could  associate  with  the  learned 
and  ignorant,  and  were  to  be  found  equally  in  courts  and  cloisters. 
By  this  means  many  excellent  persons  Avere  entrapped  in  Ferrara. 
These  pests  of  society  succeeded  in  alienating  the  mind  of  the  duke 
from  the  accomplished  Olympia  Morata,  who,  on  the  death  of  her 


PERSECUTIONS  UNDER  POPE  JULIUS  III  295 


father,  A.  D.  1548,  left  the  palace,  to  take  charge  of  her  widowed 
mother  and  the  younger  members  of  the  family.  The  court  treated 
her  in  a  harsh  and  ungrateful  manner;  and  she  would  have  passed 
through  a  severer  ordeal  had  not  a  German  student,  named  Andrew 
Grunthler,  who  was  preparing  himself  for  the  medical  profession, 
married  her,  and  carried  her  alon^  with  him  to  his  native  country. 

Paul  III  died  A.  D.  1550,  and  was  succeeded  by  Cardinal  De 
Monte,  under  the  title  of  Julius  III.  This  pontiff  was  indolent  and 
voluptuous,  but  personal  indulgence  did  not  entirely  divert  his  atten- 
tion from  current  events,  and  he  signed  without  any  remorse  the 
cruel  orders  dictated  by  those  whom  he  had  appointed  to  manage 
public  affairs.  In  the  same  year  of  his  elevation  to  the  papal  throne ' 
the  Protestant  Church  at  Ferrara  was  dispersed ;  many  were  cast  into 
prison,  and  one  of  their  preachers,  distinguished  for  piety,  was  put 
to  death.  Olympia  Morata  writes  to  Celio  Secundo  Curio  on  this 
subject:  ''We  did  not  come  here  with  the  intention  of  returning  to 
Italy;  for  you  are  not  ignorant  how  dangerous  it  is  to  profess  Chris- 
tianity in  that  country  where  Antichrist  has  his  throne.  I  hear  that 
the  rage  against  the  saints  is  at  present  so  violent  that  former  sever- 
ities were  but  child's  play  compared  with  those  which  are  practiced 
by  the  new  pope,  who  can  not,  like  his  predecessor,  be  moved  by 
entreaties  and  intercession."  And  in  another  letter  she  says:  "I 
learn,  from  letters  which  I  have  lately  received  out  of  Italy,  that  the 
Christians  are  treated  with  great  cruelty  at  Ferrara;  neither  high  nor 
low  are  spared;  some  are  imprisoned,  others  banished,  and  others 
obliged  to  save  their  lives  by  flight." 

While  the  Romish  authorities  were  successful  in  abolishing  the 
Protestant  Church  at  Ferrara,  they  were  not  entirely  satisfied  so  long 
as  a  prominent  member  of  the  ducal  family  refused  obedience  to 
their  authority.  The  clergy  were  aggravated  by  Renee's  opposition 
to  them,  because  her  high  rank  and  great  accomplishments  gave  her 
influence,  which  she  used  for  the  promotion  of  the  evangelical  move- 
ment. Not  having  the  power  to  subdue  her  firmness,  they  resolved 
to  humble  her  pride ;  but  she  did  not  waver.  Instead  of  concealing 
her  partiality  to  the  Protestant  doctrines,  she  openly  expressed  her 
disapproval  of  the  late  persecutions,  and  did  all  within  her  power  to 
protect  those  who  were  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the  Inquisition.  The 
pope,  therefore,  earnestly  and  repeatedly  remonstrated  with  her  hus- 
band concerning  the  corrupt  influences  that  were  perverting  the  minds 
of  his  children  and  servants,  and  the  pernicious  example  that  was 
presented  to  his  subjects.     He  also  reminded  the  duke  that  the  house 


296 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  Este,  which  had  been  so  long  celebrated  for  the  purity  of  its  faith 
and  its  devotion  to  the  Holy  See,  was  in  danger  of  being  stained 
with  heresy,  and  that,  if  he  did  not  speedily  suppress  the  evil,  he 
would  personally  incur  the  censures  of  the  Church  and  forfeit  the 
friendship  of  all  Catholic  princes.  These  remonstrances  moved  the 
duke,  and  led  him  to  importune  the  duchess  to  avert  the  displeasure 
of  the  pope  by  renouncing  the  Protestant  doctrines,  and  engaging  in 
the  rites  of  the  established  worship.  As  she  persistently  refused  to 
yield,  the  Inquisition  resolved  to  employ  foreign  influence.  It  is 
probable  that  the  duke  disliked  to  resort  to  extreme  measures,  and, 
accordingly,  permitted  the  pope  to  take  the  responsibility.  He  pro- 
cured the  assistance  of  the  king  of  France,  who  was  Renee's  nephew. 

The  French  monarch,  Henry  II,  sent  Oritz,  his  inquisitor,  to  the 
court  of  Ferrara.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  same  individual  of 
Avhom  we  read  g-t  an  earlier  period  of  the  history  of  France.  *  *  Notre 
IMaitre  Oris,"  the  inquisitor  of  the  faith,  was  appointed,  A.  D.  1534, 
to  search  for  heretics  in  Sancerre;  but  the  inhabitants,  discovering 
his  fondness  for  good  living,  treated  him  with  such  hospitality  that 
he  reported  them  to  be  an  excellent  class  of  people.  His  deputy, 
Rocheli,  on  his  return,  made  a  similar  statement  concerning  them. 
The  Lieutenant  Criminel  was  indignant  because  his  prey  had  escaped, 
and  declared  that  ''good  wine  would  at  any  time  make  all  these 
fellows  quiet."  But  "Notre  Maitre"  was  then  young,  and  had  not 
yet  tasted  blood.  When  appointed  to  visit  the  court  of  Ferrara,  he 
w^as  instructed  to  ascertain  to  what  extent  Renee  had  imbibed  error, 
and  then  to  request  a  personal  interview  with  her,  at  the  same  time 
stating  to  her  how  deeply  grieved  his  most  ''Christian  Majesty"  felt 
when  he  heard  that  "his  only  aunt,"  whom  he  had  always  loved  so 
tenderly  and  esteemed  so  highly,  had  embraced  these  detestable  and 
heretical  doctrines. 

Oritz  was  also  commanded,  should  gentle  means,  such  as  argu- 
ments and  remonstrances,  be  unsuccessful,  to  employ  severe  measures 
to  reduce  her  to  submission,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  he  was  to  preach 
a  series  of  discourses  on  those  principal  points,  concerning  which  she 
had  erred,  and  compel  her  and  all  the  family  to  attend  the  service, 
"whatever  refusal  or  objection  she  might  think  proper  to  make." 
If  all  these  efforts  should  fail  to  reclaim  her,  he  was  next  required  to 
entreat  the  duke  in  her  presence,  and,  in  his  majesty's  name,  to 
"sequester  her  from  all  society  and  conversation,"  that  she  might 
not  have  the  opportunity  of  contaminating  the  minds  of  others,  to 
remove  her  children  from  her  and  not  permit  any  of  the  family,  of 


1 


RENEE'S  CONSTANCY.  297 

whatever  nation  they  might  be,  who  were  accused  or  strongly  sus- 
pected of  heresy,  to  approach  her.  In  fact,  he  was  even  empowered 
to  bring  them  to  trial  and  to  pronounce  a  sentence  of  exemplary 
punishment  on  those  who  were  found  guilty,  the  duke  reserving  the 
right  to  indicate  such  a  mode  of  process  and  of  inflicting  punishment 
that  would  promote  justice  without  causing  scandal  or  disgracing  the 
duchess  and  her  dependents. 


Chapter  XVIII. 

PERSECUTION  TV  NORTHERN  ITALY. 

THE  daughter  of  Louis  XII  was  neither  to  be  persuaded  nor 
frightened  into  an  abandonment  of  what  she  conscientiously 
believed  to  be  the  truth.  Combined  with  her  fervent  piety  was  an 
independent  spirit  which  spurned  these  conditions.  When  she  refused 
to  violate  her  conscience  her  children  Avere  taken  away  from  her, 
charges  of  heresy  preferred  against  her  confidential  servants,  and  she 
herself  detained  as  a  prisoner  in  the  palace.  She  could  have  patiently 
endured  the  insolence  of  Oritz,  but  she  keenly  felt  the  upbraidings 
of  her  husband,  who,  disregarding  her  explanations,  commanded  her 
immediately  and  unconditionally  to  conform  herself  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  The  pope  subsequently  rewarded  the  duke  for  his 
zeal  by  depriving  his  grandson  of  the  dukedom  of  Ferrara,  and  adding 
it  to  the  possessions  of  the  Church.  The  duchess  bravely  submitted 
to  the  harsh  treatment  of  her  husband  for  some  time,  aggravated  as 
it  Avas  by  a  life  of  shameful  intrigues  and  criminality,  but  when  that 
truculent  pontiff,  Paul  IV^,  began  his  reign,  A.  D.  1555,  the  persecu- 
tion commenced  to  rage  with  greater  violence.  It  seems  that  Renee 
was  more  bitterly  assailed  than  ever,  and,  desiring  to  be  restored  to 
the  society  of  her  children,  she  at  last  was  induced  to  make  some 
unimportant  concessions.  Ercole,  or  Hercules  II,  duke  of  Ferrara, 
died  A.  D.  1558,  and,  notwithstanding  his  immoralities,  he  was  hon- 
ored by  Paul  IV  with  the  title  of  "Defender  of  the  Church."  After 
the  death  of  her  husband  Renee  returned  to  France,  where  her 
nephew,  Henry  II,  was  still  on  the  throne,  and  took  up  her  abode  in 
the  Castle  of  Montargis,  a  small  and  ancient  city  some  forty  miles 
south-east  of  Paris.  There  she  spent  the  remainder  of  her  life  and 
made  an  open  profession  of  the  Protestant  religion. 


298 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


During  the  sixteen  years  which  she  Hved  after  her  return  from 
Italy  Renee  devoted  all  her  energies  and  resources  to  the  relief  of 
the  poor,  persecuted  Protestants  of  her  native  land.  In  this  work  of 
benevolence  she  was  compelled,  of  course,  to  encounter  the  hatred 
of  the  fanatical  priest-party  of  the  kingdom,  at  the  head  of  which 
stood  the  Guises,  one  of  whom  was  the  husband  of  her  daughter, 
Anne.  Francis  II,  the  son  and  the  successor  on  the  throne  of 
Henry  II,  was  a  mere  youth  without  experience,  and  entirely  under 
the  control  of  a  bigoted  faction  when  he  commenced  the  persecution 
of  the  Protestants.  The  houses  of  those  whose  names  appeared  on 
the  lists  of  the  proscribed  were  pillaged  and  torn  down,  and  many 
persons  were  put  to  death.  The  prince  of  Conde,  a  distinguished 
Protestant,  was  cast  into  prison  at  Orleans,  and  his  sister-in-law,  the 
countess  of  Roye,  was  thrown  into  that  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye. 
Renee  hastened  to  Orleans  to  save  Conde.  She  met  the  duke  of 
Guise,  her  son-in-law,  and,  in  denouncing  his  perfidy,  boldly  said 
that,  '  *  if  she  had  been  there  she  would  have  prevented  what  had  been 
done ;  whoever  gave  the  king  such  advice  has  deceived  him ;  this 
wound  will  bleed  a  long  time  hereafter,  and  so  much  the  more  as  no 
one  has  ever  become  fond  of  shedding  the  blood  of  France  without 
finding  evil  in  so  doing." 

The  duke  of  Guise  subsequently  sent  an  armed  force  to  Montar- 
gis,  under  the  conduct  of  Jean  de  Souches-Malicorne,  to  arrest  the 
unfortunate  Protestants  who  were  being  protected  by  the  duchess 
Renee.  During  the  struggle  a  number  of  these  people  were  killed, 
their  houses  were  burned,  and  then  razed  to  the  ground.  The  duch- 
ess retired  to  the  castle,  into  which  all  fled  that  could.  De  Souches 
threatened  to  advance  his  cannon  and  demolish  the  fortress.  But  he 
received  this  bold  answer  from  the  courageous  Renee:  ''Consider 
well  what  you  do;  know  that  no  one  has  the  right  to  command  me 
but  the  king  himself ;  and  that,  if  you  come  hither,  I  will  be  the  first 
to  mount  the  breach,  where  I  shall  see  if  you  have  the  audacity  to 
kill  the  daughter  of  a  king  who  desires  only  to  protect  her  subjects, 
and  w^hose  death  heaven  and  earth  will  be  bound  to  avenge  upon  you 
and  all  your  line,  even  to  your  children  who  are  in  their  cradles." 
When  this  noble  answer  was  reported  to  the  duke  of  Guise,  he  ceased 
to  threaten  the  Protestants.  His  death,  by  the  hand  of  a  fanatical 
Protestant  named  Poltrot,  occurred  soon  after,  and  caused  Renee  the 
deepest  sorrow.  She  deplored  the  civil  war  which  the  Roman  Cath- 
olics, supported  by  the  government,  had  inaugurated  to  destroy  by 
force  the  new  religion. 


DUCHESS  RE  NEE. 


299 


The  only  crime  of  which  Protestants  were  guilty  was  their  belief 
in  a  religion  founded  on  the  Gospel,  which  inculcated  the  practice 
of  good  works  instead  of  vain  superstitions,  and  taught  men  to 
rely  for  salvation  upon  the  merit  of  a  once  crucified  but  now 
exalted  Savior.  The  Romish  Church  urged  the  necessity  of  pen- 
ances, pilgrimages,  and  other  human  inventions,  and  breathed  out 


DUCHESS  RENEE. 

" threatenings  and  slaughter"  against  all  who  believed  in  the  doc- 
trine of  salvation  by  faith,  and  trusted  in  the  merits  of  Christ  alone, 
without  the  mediation  of  priests  and  confessors.  Renee  had  ex- 
perienced the  power  of  divine  grace  in  her  own  heart,  and  labored 
to  bring  others  into  the  ways  of  righteousness  and  holiness,  which  she 
had  herself  found.  She  desired  this  religion  to  be  propagated  by 
reason  and  persuasion,  and  not  by  force.  But  the  voice  of  humanity 
was  not  likely  to  be  heard  in  those  days,  and  all  that  this  noble 
woman  could  do  was  to  labor  in  behalf  of  the  Protestant  cause,  and, 


\ 


300  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

as  far  as  her  influence  extended,  to  shield  the  pastors.  She  main- 
tained a  constant  correspondence  with  the  principal  men  among  them 
until  her  death,  which  occurred  at  Montargis,  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1575.  To  the  close  of  her  life  she  was  a  consistent  and  devoted 
Protestant,  and  by  her  opposition  to  Romanism  showed  that  she 
was  a  worthy  daughter  of  him  who  caused  to  be  inscribed  on  the 
medal  which  was  struck  on  the  occasion  of  the  council  of  Lyons — 
the  council  which  proclaimed  the  liberties  of  the  Galilean  Church — 
Destniain  Babylonem,''  or,     I  will  destroy  Babylon,'"  meaning  Rome. 

The  Protestants  of  France  to  this  day  revere  the  memory  of  this 
noble  princess,  who  was  an  ornament  to  the  religion  which  they  pro- 
fess. Renee  had  five  children :  two  sons,  Alfonso,  who  became  duke 
of  Ferrara,  celebrated  as  the  patron,  and  afterwards  the  enemy  of" 
Torquato  Tasso  ;  Louis,  Cardinal  d'Este  ;  and  three  daughters,  Anne, 
who  married  first,  Francis  of  Lorraine,  called  the  duke  of  Guise,  and 
afterwards  the  duke  of  Savoy ;  Lucretia,  duchess  of  Urbino,  and  the 
Princess  Elenora,  who  died  unmarried.  For  the  latter  poor  Tasso 
entertained  a  strong  affection,  which  has  been  considered  the  cause 
of  the  misfortunes  which  overshadowed  and  embittered  the  closing 
years  of  his  life.  The  eldest  daughter,  Anne  of  Este,  whose  integrity 
of  understanding  and  sensibility  of  heart  were  worthy  of  a  better  age," 
did  not,  like  her  mother,  openly  avow  her  attachrnent  to  the  Protestant 
cause,  but  she  exerted  all  her  influence  to  moderate  the  violence  of 
her  bigoted  husbands,  Francis,  duke  of  Guise,  and  James  of  Savoy, 
duke  of  Nemours,  who  were  two  of  the  most  ardent  Roman  Catho- 
lics in  France.  In  her  youth,  the  example  and  instructions  of  Olym- 
pia  Morata  were  of  inestimable  value  to  her.  She  was  the  only  one 
of  Renee's  children  that  resembled  her,  either  in  goodness  of  heart  or 
vigor  of  intellect.  Condorcet,  De  Thou,  Riccio,  Paleario,  Calcagnini, 
and  other  French  and  Italian  authors,  have  extolled  this  amiable  prin- 
cess. In  the  published  works  of  Olympia  Morata,  there  is  a  beauti- 
ful letter,  addressed  to  ''Annae  Estensi,  Principi  Guisianae." 

While  the  Romish  hierarchy  was  anxious  to  suppress  the  Refor- 
mation in  the  dominions  of  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  its  desire  to  extir- 
pate heresy  within  the  territories  of  the  Venetian  republic  was  not 
less  strong.  The  flight  of  Ochino  caused  a  searching  investigation  to 
be  made  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  sentiments  of  the  Capu- 
chins residing  in  that  part  of  Italy.  For  several  years  after  this  the 
pope  sent  letters  and  nuncios  to  the  senate,  urging  the  suppression 
of  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  which  had  been  embraced  by  many  promi- 
nent citizens,  especially  in  Vicenza.     At  that  time  Cardinal  Rodolfo 


THE  PROTESTANTS  OF  VICENZA  DISPERSED.  30I 


was  administrator  of  the  bishopric  of  Vicenza,  and  manifested  great 
zeal  in  opposing  the  Protestant  movement ;  but  the  local  magistrates 
would  not  permit  the  secular  power  to  be  employed  against  it.  It 
may  be  that  they  disliked  to  interfere,  or  perhaps  they  knew  that  the 
superiors,  who  publicly  issued  the  orders,  did  not  wish  them  to  be 
enforced.  When  the  pope  became  acquainted  with  the  situation  of 
affairs,  he  wrote  a  long  and  earnest  letter  to  the  senate,  first  compli- 
menting them  on  their  former  religious  zeal  and  devotion  to  the 
court  of  Rome,  and  then  informing  them  that  innovation  in  religion 
would  result  in  civil  dissensions  and  sedition  among  them,  as  it  had 
done  elsewhere.  In  this  letter,  written  A.  D.  1546,  Paul  III  com- 
plains that  the  podesta  and  capitano  of  Vicenza  had  disobeyed  the 
commands  so  often  given  to  them,  and  permitted  the  Lutheran 
heresy  to  be  openly  professed  before  their  masters  of  the  QEcumenical 
Council,  which  had  been  called  and  was  now  in  session  at  Trent, 
chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  this  evil.  The  pontiff,  there- 
fore, earnestly  exhorts  the  doge  and  senators  that  they  should  com- 
pel these  magistrates  to  seize  and  punish  the  heretics,  and  thus,  by 
assisting  the  vicars  of  the  diocese,  compensate  for  their  past  negli- 
gence. The  senate  complied  with  this  request,  and  promulgated 
orders  which  resulted  in  the  dispersion  of  the  Protestant  Church  at 
Vicenza,  A.  D.  1547. 

The  senate  adopted  similar  measures  throughout  their  dominions. 
An  edict  was  issued,  A.  D.  1548,  ordering  all  who  possessed  books 
which  contained  any  thing  contrary  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  to 
deliver  them  up  within  eight  days,  or  be  proceeded  against  as  heretics. 
This  was  followed  by  great  severities  against  the  Protestants,  not  only 
in  the  city  of  Venice  but  in  all  its  territories.  The  excellent  Altieri, 
who  was  one  of  the  most  steadfast  friends  of  the  truth  in  Venice, 
gives  affecting  accounts  in  his  letters  to  Bullinger  and  other  Protest- 
ants in  Switzerland  of  the  state  of  things  around  him.  He  writes: 
"The  persecution  here  increases  every  day.  Many  are  seized,  of 
whom  some  have  been  sent  to  the  galleys,  others  condemned  to  per- 
petual imprisonment,  and  some,  alas,  have  been  induced  by  fear 
of  punishment  to  recant.  Many  have  been  banished  along  with 
their  wives  and  children,  while  still  greater  numbers  have  fled  for 
their  lives.  Matters  are  brought  to  that  pass  that  I  begin  to  fear  for 
myself;  for, though  I  have  frequently  been  able  to  protect  others  in 
this  storm,  there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  the  same  hard  terms 
will  be  proposed  to  me ;  but  it  is  the  will  of  God  that  his  people  be 
tried  by  such  afflictions."    Altieri  continued  to  exert  his  influence 


302 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


with  unwearied  and  commendable  zeal  in  behalf  of  his  brethren,  pro- 
curing letters  favorable  to  them  from  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  other 
German  princes,  for  whom  he  acted  as  agent  with  the  Venetian 
republic.  He  also  visited  Switzerland  to  persuade  the  Protestant 
cantons  to  espouse  the  cause  of  his  persecuted  countrymen,  and 
when  on  his  homeward  journey  he  attended  an  assembly  of  the 
deputies  of  the  Grison  Confederation  at  Coire,  where  he  made  an 
earnest  plea  in  behalf  of  the  Venetian  Protestants. 

Altieri  was  successful  in  both  places  in  obtaining  letters  to  the 
senate  of  Venice,  imploring  lenient  treatment  of  the  Protestants ;  but 
he  was  much  disappointed  because  he  failed  to  procure  a  public  com- 
mission to  act  for  these  states.  If  his  expectations  in  this  matter  could 
have  been  realized,  he  would  have  possessed  greater  influence  with 
the  authorities  at  Venice.  It  may  be  that  the  civil  rulers  of  Switzer- 
land and  the  Grisons  had  sufficient  reasons  for  not  complying  with 
his  request ;  but,  after  reading  his  letters  to  Bullinger,  a  distinguished 
minister  of  Zurich,  we  sympathize  with  this  good  man  in  his  bitter 
disappointment  and  sad  repinings,  and  admire  his  rare  example  of 
disinterested  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christ  and  the  best  interests 
of  his  country  at  a  period  when  comparatively  few  either  knew  or 
cared  for  them.  In  a  letter  written  to  Bullinger  from  Coire  he  says: 
*'I  have  delivered  your  letter  and  that  of  Myconius  to  the  ministers 
of  this  Church ;  I  have  also  conversed  with  them  on  my  business, 
but  find  them  rather  lukewarm,  either  because  this  is  their  natural 
disposition,  or  because  they  think  the  matter  too  difficult  to  be 
obtained,  especially  after  your  friends  in  Switzerland  have  refused  it. 
They,  however,  give  me  some  hopes  of  success.  In  another  letter  to 
the  same  correspondent,  he  writes:  ''From  the  assembly  of  the 
Grison  states,  which  has  been  held  here,  I  have  only  been  able  to 
obtain  commendatory  letters ;  had  it  not  been  for  the  opposition 
made  by  some  enemies  of  religion,  I  would  have  also  obtained  a 
public  commission.  They  have  concluded  a  treaty  with  France;  the 
emperor's  embassador  was  present,  but  could  do  nothing." 

After  mentioning  the  discouragements  he  had  met  with  from 
those  of  whom  he  had  expected  better  things,  Altieri  exclaims: 
*'Thus  do  the  minds  of  men  now  cleave  to  the  world!  If  the  spirit 
of  the  Lord  had  not  long  ago  taken  possession  of  my  heart,  I  would 
have  followed  the  common  example,  and,  hiding  myself  in  some 
secret  corner,  attended  to  my  own  private  affairs  instead  of  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  cause  of  Christ.  But  God  forbid  that  I  should 
entertain  the  blasphemous  thought  of  desisting  to  labor  for  him,  who 


THE  BANISHMENT  OF  ALTIERL 


303 


never  ceased  to  labor  in  my  cause  until  he  had  endured  tlie  reproach 
of  the  cross.  Therefore,  I  return  to  Italy  ready,  as  before,  to 
encounter  whatever  may  befall  me,  and  willing  to  be  bound  for  the 
name  of  Christ."  Before  leaving-  the  Orisons  he  received  the  infor- 
mation that  the  persecution  was  daily  becoming  more  severe  at 
Venice.  "It  is  not,  therefore,  without  danger  that  I  return,"  says 
he,  in  another  letter,  **for  you  know  how  much  I  am  hated  by  the 
papists  and  wicked.  I  do  not  undertake  the  journey  rashly ;  God 
will  preserve  me  from  all  evil;  do  you  pray  for  me."  On  his  arrival 
at  Venice  he  discovered  that  his  enemies  had  arrayed  the  magistrates 
against  him,  and  he  was  commanded  either  to  renounce  the  Protest- 
ant faith  or  immediately  leave  the  territories  of  the  republic.  Without 
hesitation  he  chose  the  latter  alternative  ;  but,  not  despairing  of  the  ref- 
ormation of  his  native  land,  and  desiring  to  aid  his  persecuted  breth- 
ren, he  v/andered  with  his  wife  and  child  from  city  to  city — now  stay- 
ing a  short  time  at  Ferrara,  then  at  Bologna,  and  again  at  Florence. 

At  length,  when  he  could  no  longer  appear  in  public,  he  sought 
an  asylum  for  himself  and  his  family  in  a  retired  place  near  Brescia. 
Soon  after  his  banishment  from  Venice  he  wrote  to  Bullinger,  saying: 
''Take  the  following  particulars  concerning  my  return  to  Italy.  I 
am  well,  with  my  wife  and  little  child.  As  to  other  things,  all  the 
effect  of  my  commendatory  letters  was  an  offer  on  the  part  of  the 
senate  that  I  should  be  allowed  to  remain  in  safety  among  them, 
provided  I  would  yield  conformity  to  their  religion  —  that  is,  the 
Roman  ;  otherwise  it  behooved  me  to  withdraw  without  delay  from 
their  dominions.  Having  devoted  myself  to  Christ,  I  chose  exile 
rather  than  the  enjoyment  of  pleasant  Venice,  with  its  execrable 
religion.  I  departed  accordingly;  and  went  first  to  Ferrara,  and 
afterwards  to  Florence."  In  another  letter,  written  to  Bullinger 
from  his  place  of  retirement,  he  says:  ''Know  that  I  am  in  great 
trouble  and  danger  of  my  life,  nor  is  there  a  place  in  Italy  where  I 
can  be  safe  with  my  wife  and  boy.  My  fears  for  myself  increase 
daily ;  for  I  know  the  wicked  will  never  rest  till  they  have  swallowed 
me  up  alive.  I  entreat  a  share  in  your  prayers."  This  is  the  last 
intelligence  that  was  ever  heard  of  that  noble  man.  It  is  probable 
that  he  never  escaped  from  Italy;  and  his  fate  will  no  doubt  remain 
a  secret  until  the  mysteries  and  crimes  of  the  Romish  Inquisition 
shall  be  disclosed. 

If  the  Protestants  of  the  capital  received  such  treatment,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  magistrates  of  Venice  permitted  the  severest 
measures  to  be  employed  against  them  in  the  more  distant  provinces. 


304 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


Dreadful  scenes  of  suffering  were  witnessed  in  the  beautiful  peninsula 
of  Capo  d'Istria.  The  agents  of  the  papal  court  were  greatly  irri- 
tated by  the  more  than  suspected  defection  of  the  two  Vergerii,  of 
whom  we  have  already  spoken  as  the  bishops,  respectively,  of  Capo 
d'Istria  and  Pola.  The  Romish  inquisitor,  Annibale  Grisone,  was 
sent  into  these  dioceses,  A.  D.  1546,  and  by  his  activity  and  cruelty 
spread  alarm  and  distress  among  the  inhabitants.  The  papal  bull 
was  read  by  him  from  all  the  pulpits,  and  was,  as  usual,  full  of 
threatenings.  It  required  all,  under  the  pain  of  excommunication, 
to  inform  against  those  whom  they  suspected  of  heresy,  and  to  de- 
liver up  the  prohibited  books  which  might  be  in  their  possession. 
He  promised  to  forgive  the  penitent  when  they  confessed  and  sup- 
plicated mercy ;  but  those  who,  concealing  their  crimes,  should  be 
convicted  on  information,  would  be  consigned  to  the  flames.  Not 
content  with  public  denunciations,  he  visited  every  house  in  search 
of  heretical  books.  Whoever  confessed  that  they  had  read  the  New 
Testament  in  the  vulgar  tongue  were  commanded,  under  the  severest 
pains,  to  abstain  from  that  dangerous  practice  in  the  future.  The 
rich  were  allowed  to  perform  private  penance,  but  the  poor  were 
compelled  to  make  a  public  recantation.  At  first  only  a  few  persons 
of  weaker  minds  were  induced  to  inform  against  themselves  or  their 
acquaintances ;  but  at  last  every  one  feared  that  his  neighbor  would 
get  the  start  of  him,  and  a  reign  of  terror  was  inaugurated.  The 
wife  informed  against  her  husband,  the  son  against  his  father,  the 
client  against  his  patron.  Grisone,  taking  advantage  of  the  excited 
state  of  the  public  mind,  ascended  the  pulpit  in  the  cathedral  of 
Capo  dTstria  on  a  great  festive  day,  and,  after  celebrating  mass, 
addressed  the  crowd.  ''You  see,"  satd  he,  ''the  calamities  which 
have  befallen  you  for  some  years  past.  At  one  time  your  fields,  at 
another  your  olive-trees,  at  another  your  vines,  have  failed;  you 
have  been  afflicted  in  your  cattle,  and  in  the  whole  of  your  substance. 
To  what  are  all  these  evils  to  be  ascribed  ?  To  your  bishop,  and  the 
heretics  whom  he  protects ;  nor  can  you  expect  any  alleviation  of 
your  distress  until  they  are  punished.  Why  do  you  not  rise  up  and 
stone  them?"  This  harangue  so  inflamed  the  ignorant  and  alarmed 
multitude  that  Vergerio  was  compelled  to  conceal  himself. 

Amid  this  excitement  the  bishop  of  Pola  suddenly  died,  and 
many  believed  that  he  had  been  poisoned.  His  brother,  leaving  his 
diocese,  took  refuge  at  Mantua  with  his  patron,  Cardinal  Gonzaga, 
Avho  soon  dismissed  him  because  the  celebrated  Delia  Casa,  the  papal 
nuncio  at  Venice,  communicated  to  him  certain  facts  concerning  the 


VERGERIO. 


305 


bishop's  course.  Vergerio  then  visited  the  Council  of  Trent  for  the 
purpose  of  vindicating  himself,  or,  as  some  assert,  of  demanding  his 
seat  in  that  assembly.  The  pope  would  have  issued  an  order  for  his 
arrest,  but  he  feared  that  the  impression  might  be  made  upon  the 
minds  of  the  German  Protestants  that  the  council  was  not  free.  As 
he  professed  to  be  anxious  to  have  them  present,  he  deemed  it  prudent 
not  to  molest  Vergerio.  The  papal  legates,  desiring  to  remove  such 
a  dangerous  person  from  Trent,  resolved  to  change  the  summons 
which  ordered  him  to  appear  at  Rome,  and  remit  the  trial  of  the 
charges  brought  against  him  to  the  nuncio  and  patriarch  of  Venice. 
Vergerio  conducted  his  defense  with  such  ability  and  tact  that  the 
trial  was  protracted  for  two  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  was  pro- 
hibited from  returning  to  his  diocese.  Francesco  Spira,  a  lawyer  of 
Padua,  died  about  this  time  in  a  state  of  great  mental  anguish,  be- 
cause, dreading  the  terrors  pf  the  Inquisition,  he  had  recanted  the 
Protestant  faith.  Vergerio,  who  had  come  from  Venice  to  Padua, 
was  present  when  he  died,  and  united  with  some  other  learned  and 
pious  persons  in  endeavoring  to  comfort  the  miserable  penitent. 

Such  a  deep  and  solemn  impression  was  made  upon  the  mind  of 
Vergerio  by  this  death-bed  scene  that  he  determined  to  abandon  his 
bishopric  and  native  country,  and  to  select  a  place  of  refuge  where 
he  could  publicly  and  safel}^  profess  the  truth  which  he  had  embraced. 
"To  tell  the  truth,"  says  he,  felt  such  a  flame  in  my  breast  that 
I  could  scarcely  restrain  myself  at  times  from  going  to  the  chamber- 
door  of  the  legate  at  Venice  and  crying  out :  *  Here  I  am  ;  where 
are  your  prisons  and  your  fires?  Satisfy  your  utmost  desire  upon 
me;  burn  me  for  the  cause  of  Christ,  I  beseech  you,  since  I  have 
had  an  opportunity  of  comforting  the  miserable  Spira,  and  of  pub- 
lishing what  it  was  the  will  of  God  should  be  published.'  "  The  his- 
tory of  Spira  was  compiled  by  Vergerio,  with  the  assistance  of  letters 
from  Celio  Secundo  Curio  and  other  writers.  In  a  letter  to  Bullinger, 
dated  the  15th  of  August,  A.  D.  1549,  Calvin  refers  to  a  recent  let- 
ter which  he  received  from  Vergerio,  who  sent  him  the  history  of 
Spira,  saying  that  the  chief  cause  of  his  exile  from  Italy  was  this 
book,  and  requesting  him  to  write  a  preface  to  it.  Calvin  consented, 
and  the  work  was  printed  A.  D.  1550.  Two  years  previously  Ver- 
gerio, to  the  surprise  equally  of  those  whom  he  had  deserted  and  of 
those  whom  he  joined,  retired  into  the  Grisones. 

The  inquisitor  Grisone  was  succeeded  by  Tomasso  de  Santa  Stella, 
who,  after  annoying  the  inhabitants  by  his  outrageous  proceedings, 
endeavored  to  persuade  the  senate  of  Venice  to  place  garrisons  in 


3o6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


their  principal  cities,  under  the  pretext  that  Vergerio  intended  to 
invade  Istria.  The  latter  published  a  defense  of  his  conduct,  ad- 
dressed to  the  doge  and  senate,  and  containing  his  views  of  the 
secret  and  violent  methods  employed  by  the  persecutors  throughout 
Italy.  After  complaining  of  their  cruelties,  he  states  several  facts 
relative  to  their  conduct  in  the  Venetian  dominions.  "Nothing," 
says  he,  * '  can  be  more  shameful  than  what  this  pope  has  done.  He 
has  conferred  honors  and  rewards  on  such  of  your  prelates  as  are 
unprofitable  and  godless ;  but  the  bishop  of  Bergamo,  your  country- 
man of  the  house  of  Soranzo,  he  has  thrown  into  prison,  for  no 
other  reason  than  that  he  opposed  non-residence  and  superstition, 
and  testified  a  regard  for  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel.  What  is  it  to 
exercise  oppression  and  tyranny  over  you  if  this  is  not?  Is  it  pos- 
sible that  this  should  not  awaken  you?"  The  papal  agents,  having 
encroached  on  criminal  jurisdiction,  ^were  about  this  time  resisted  by 
the  senate,  which  manifested  a  disposition  to  check  their  violent  pro- 
ceedings. *'The  news  from  Italy  is,"  says  Vergerio,  **that  the 
senate  of  Venice  have  made  a  decree  that  no  papal  legate  nor  bishop 
nor  inquisitor  shall  proceed  against  any  subject  except  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  civil  magistrate,  and  that  the  pope,  enraged  at  this,  has 
fulminated  a  bull,  interdicting  under  the  heaviest  pains  any  secular 
prince  from  interposing  the  least  hinderance  to  trials  for  heresy.  It 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  Venetians  will  obey." 

The  court  of  Rome,  however,  by  its  perseverance  and  intrigues, 
finally  achieved  a  victory  over  patrician  jealousy.  The  Inquisition 
even  arrested  and  detained  foreigners  who  visited  the  republic  to 
transact  business.  Frederic  de  Salice,  who  had  been  sent  to  Venice 
from  the  republic  of  the  Grisons  to  demand  the  release  of  some  of  its 
subjects,  wrote,  A.  D.  1557,  the  following  account  of  matters  there: 
'*In  this  commonwealth,  and  in  general  throughout  Italy,  where 
the  pope  possesses  what  they  call  spiritual  jurisdiction,  the  faithful 
are  subjected  to  the  severest  inquisition.  Ample  authority  is  given 
to  the  inquisitors,  on  the  smallest  information,  to  seize  any  one  at 
their  pleasure,  to  put  him  to  the  torture,  and  (what  is  worse  than 
death)  to  send  him  to  Rome ;  which  was  not  wont  to  be  the  case 
until  the  time  of  the  reigning  pontiff.  I  am  detained  here  longer 
than  I  could  wish,  and  know  not  when  I  shall  be  able  to  extricate 
myself  from  this  labyrinth."  This  embassador  had  scarcely  returned 
home,  after  accomplishing  his  object,  when  another  of  his  coun- 
trymen, a  merchant,  was  cast  into  prison  by  the  Inquisition  at 
Vicenza. 


VENETIAN  PROTESTANTS  IMPRISONED. 


307 


Hercules  de  Salice,  late  governor  of  the  Grisons,  was  sent  to 
procure  his  release;  but  the  remonstrances  of  this  prominent  man, 
seconded  by  the  influence  of  the  French  embassador,  were  for  some 
time  disregarded  by  the  senate.  This  body  endeavored  to  evade  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  between  the  two  countries,  and  the  concessions 
which  they  had  made  during  the  preceding  year.  The  embassador 
from  the  Grisons,  having  secured  a  public  audience,  denounced  the 
intolerable  arrogance  of  the  papal  claims  with  such  boldness  and  elo- 
quence that,  though  the  elder  patricians  murmured,  a  majority  of  the 
senate  voted  for  an  immedate  discharge  of  the  prisoner.  Several  of 
the  senators  afterwards  thanked  Hercules  de  Salice  for  his  courage, 
which  enabled  him,  as  a  foreigner,  and  formerly  in  the  military  service 
of  Venice,  to  declare  what  would  have  cost  a  patrician  his  life.  The 
pope  rewarded  the  zeal  which  the  senate. of  Venice  had  manifested 
against  the  Lutheran  heresy  by  conferring  on  that  assembly,  A.  D. 
1559,  the  perpetual  right  of  electing  their  own  patriarch. 

Notwithstanding  all  that  was  done  to  suppress  the  Protestant 
religion  in  Venice,  there  continued  to  be  a  considerable  remnant  who 
faithfully  adhered  to  it.  Those  who  professed  this  faith  met  regu- 
larly in  a  private  house  for  the  worship  of  God,  and  called  a  minis- 
ter, A.  D.  1560,  to  organize  them  into  a  Church,  and  administer  to 
them  the  Lord's-supper.  The  papal  court,  by  means  of  its  spies, 
soon  ascertained  that  the  heretics  were  holding  meetings,  and  ordered 
the  attendants  to  be  arrested.  Those  who  failed  in  making  their  es- 
cape were  thrown  into  prison.  Many  fled  to  the  province  of.  Istria, 
and,  after  remaining  in  concealment  there  for  some  time,  twenty- 
three  of  them  purchased  a  vessel  to  transport  them  to  a  foreign 
country.  When  they  were  about  to  sail,  an  avaricious  foreigner,  who 
had  been  informed  of  their  project,  arraigned  three  of  them  before 
the  local  magistrates  to  secure  the  payment  of  a  debt,  which  he 
claimed  they  owed  him.  Failing  to  extort  money  from  them,  he 
accused  them  of  being  heretics,  who  had  fled  from  justice.  Accord- 
ingly they  were  arrested,  taken  to  Venice,  and  thrown  into  the  same 
prisons  with  their  brethren.  The  senate  had  refused  all  previous 
requests  for  the  infliction  of  capital  punishment  on  the  Protestants, 
though,  in  the  remoter  provinces,  the  local  magistrates,  in  some  in- 
stances, yielded  to  the  demand  of  the  inquisitors,  and  condemned 
some  to  death.  But  at  this  period  the  senators  obeyed  the  counsels 
of  the  Inquisition,  which  they  had  so  long  resisted,  and  the  reign  of 
cruelty  was  inaugurated,  disgracing,  during  its  continuance,  the  crim- 
inal jurisdiction  of  the  republic.     Drowning  was  the  mode  of  capital 

21 


308  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

punishment  adopted  by  the  Venetian  authorities,  either  because  it 
was  less  cruel  and  odious  than  that  of  burning,  or  because  it  was  in 
accordance  with  the  customs  of  Venice.  While  the  mitos-da-fe  of  the 
"Queen  of  the  Adriatic"  were  not  so  barbarous  as  those  of  Spain, 
yet  they  were  accompanied  with  a  terrible  silence  and  solitude,  which 
rendered  them  appalling.  The  prisoner  was  taken  from  his  cell  at 
the  hour  of  midnight,  and  placed  in  a  gondola,  as  the  small  and 
swiftly  gliding  boat  of  Venice  is  called,  with  no  other  attendants  but 
the  rowers,  and  a  priest  to  act  as  a  confessor.  After  being  rowed  out 
into  the  sea,  beyond  the  Two  Castles,  another  boat  approached,  and 
came  alongside  of  them.  The  prisoner  was  then  laid  on  a  plank 
whose  ends  rested  on  the  two  boats.  His  body  was  chained,  and  a 
heavy  stone  was  attached  to  his  feet.  A  signal  being  given,  the 
gondolas  separated,  and  the  victim  was  plunged  into  the  deep,  to  rise 
no  more  "till  the  sea  gives  up  her  dead." 

The  first  person  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  the  city  of  Venice, 
was  Julio  Guirlauda,  a  native  of  the  Trevisano.  When  set  on  the 
plank,  he  cheerfully  said,  "Farewell,"  to  the  captain,  and  sank  into 
the  deep,  calling  on  the  Lord  Jesus.  He  passed  away  on  the  19th 
of  October,  A.  D.  1562,  in  the  fortieth  year  of  his  age.  Antonio 
Ricetto,  of  Vicenza,  a  most  honorable  man,  was  the  next  martyr. 
After  he  had  been  convicted,  so  highly  was  he  esteemed  that  the 
senators  promised  to  restore  to  him,  not  only  his  liberty,  but  also  the 
whole  of  his  property,  part  of  which  had  been  sold,  and  the  rest 
promised  away,  provided  he  would  renounce  the  Protestant  faith. 
His  firmness  w^as  more  severely  tried  by  his  son,  a  boy  of  twelve 
years  of  age,  who,  when  admitted  into  the  prison,  fell  at  his  feet,  be- 
seeching him,  in  the  most  pathetic  manner,  to  accept  the  conditions 
of  deliverance  made  to  him,  and  not  leave  his  child  an  orphan. 
When  informed,  one  day  by  the  keeper  of  the  prison,  that  one  of  his 
companions  had  recanted,  he  merely  replied,  "What  is  that  to  me?" 
He  retained  his  courage  in  the  gondola  and  on  the  plank,  praying 
for  those  who  ignorantly  put  him  to  death,  and  commending  his 
soul  to  his  Savior.  His  death  occurred  on  the  15th  of  February, 
A.  D.  1566.  Francesco  Sega,  a  native  of  Rovigo,  composed  several 
religious  works  during  his  confinement,  for  the  comfort  of  his  fellow- 
prisoners,  part  of  \\'hich  was  preserved  after  his  death.  He  was 
drowned  on  the  25th  of  February,  A.  D.  1566.  Francesco  Spinula, 
a  native  of  Milan,  being  a  priest,  was  more  closely  questioned  than 
his  brethren.  He  was  arraigned  thrice  before  the  judges,  and  the 
papal  legate,  together  with  many  of  the  chief  clergy,  attended,  on 


FRA  BALDO  LUPETINO. 


309 


one  of  these  occasions.  They  threatened  him  with  a  fiery  death  ; 
but  he  openly  professed  the  Protestant  faith,  and  fearlessly  denounced 
the  usurpations  of  the  pope,  the  doctrine  of  purgatory,  and  the 
invocation  of  saints.  The  length  and  severity  of  his  confinement 
prostrated  him,  and,  taking  advantage  of  his  sickness,  his  enemies 
extorted  some  concessions  from  him  ;  but  when  he  recovered  he  im- 
mediately retracted  them.  He  was  then  formally  degraded  from  the 
priesthood,  and,  on  the  31st  of  January,  A.  D.  1567,  was  consigned 
to  a  watery  grave. 

But  the  most  distinguished  of  all  the  martyrs  of  Venice  was  the 
venerable  Fra  Baldo  Lupetino.  The  following  account  of  him  b\-  his 
nephew,  in  a  book  now  become  very  rare,  deserves  to  be  preserved 
entire:  "The  reverend  Baldus  Lupetinus  sprung  from  a  noble  and  an- 
cient family  was  a  learned  monk  and  provincial  of  the  order  to  which 
he  belonged.  After  having  long  preached  the  Word  of  God  in  both 
the  vulgar  languages  (the  Italian  and  Sclavonian)  in  many  cities,  and 
defended  it  by  public  disputation  in  several  places  of  celebrity,  with 
great  applause,  he  was  at  last  thrown  into  close  prison  at  Venice  by 
the  inquisitor  and  papal  legate.  In  this  condition  he  continued,  dur- 
ing nearly  twenty  years,  to  bear  an  undaunted  testimony  to  the  Gos- 
pel of  Christ;  so  that  his  bonds  and  doctrine  were  made  known,  not 
only  to  that  city,  but  to  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  even  to  Europe  at 
large,  by  w4iich  means  evangelical  truth  was  more  widely  spread. 
Tv/o  things  among  man}-  others,  may  be  mentioned  as  marks  of  the 
singular  providence  of  God  toward  this  person  during  his  imprison- 
ment. In  the  first  place,  the  princes  of  Germany  often  interceded 
for  his  liberation,  but  without  success.  And,  secondly,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  papal  legate,  the  inquisitor,  and  even  the  pope  himself, 
labored  with  all  their  might,  and  by  repeated  applications,  to  have 
him,  from  the  very  first,  committed  to  the  flames  as  a  noted  here- 
siarch.  This  was  refused  by  the  doge  and  senate,  who,  when  he  was 
at  last  condemned,  freed  him  from  the  punishment  of  fire  by  an 
express  decree.  It  was  the  will  of  God  that  he  should  bear  his  testi- 
mony to  the  truth  for  so  long  a  time  ;  and  that,  like  a  person  affixed 
to  a  cross,  he  should,  as  from  an  eminence,  proclaim  to  all  the  world 
the  restoration  of  Christianity  and  the  revelation  of  Antichrist.  At 
last,  this  pious  and  excellent  man,  whom  neither  threatenings  nor 
promises  could  move,  sealed  his  doctrine  by  an  undaunted  martyr- 
dom, and  exchanged  the  filth  and  protracted  tortures  of  a  prison  for 
a  watery  grave." 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  many  others  suffered  the  same 


^10 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


death  in  Venice,  of  whose  names  history  makes  no  mention.  Be- 
sides, many  died  in  prison,  or  of  diseases  contracted  during  a  tedious 
and  unhealthy  confinement.  Among  the  latter  was  Jeronimo  Galateo, 
whc'  manifested  his  devotion  to  the  true  faith  by  enduring  a  severe 
imprisonment  of  ten  years.  A  large  number  of  persecuted  Protest- 
ants escaped  to  other  lands.  It  would  seem  that  such  violent  meas- 
ures were  sufficient  to  extirpate  the  Protestants  in  Venice,  and  yet 
we  learn  that  they  had  secret  meetings  for  worship  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  distinct  from  those  which  the  embassadors  of  Protestant 
states  were  permitted  to  hold.  During  this  period,  the  same  cruelty 
which  the  Inquisition  practiced  in  the  Venetian  territories  was  vis- 
ited upon  all  who  were  suspected  of  heresy  throughout  Italy.  Its 
terrible  proceedings  in  the  interior  states,  whose  political  and  com- 
mercial relations  with  Protestant  countries  were  not  intimate,  can  be 
ascertained  only  from  incidental  references  and  collateral  circumstan- 
ces, since  the  papal  archives  are  not  open  to  investigation.  As  for 
Cremona,  the  Inquisition  was  worked  with  remarkable  energy  and 
success  in  that  city  and  its  territories.  The  same  thing  may  be  said 
of  Parma,  whose  duke  entered  into  a  treaty  with  that  violent  pontiff, 
Paul  IV,  by  which  he  surrendered  the  properties  and  lives  of  his 
subjects  to  the  Inquisition.  At  Faenza,  a  nobleman  of  distinguished 
virtues,  having  fallen  under  the  suspicion  of  favoring  the  Lutheran 
doctrine,  was  thrown  into  a  foul  prison,  confined  for  a  long  time,  and 
then  put  to  the  torture.  The  inquisitors,  not  being  able  to  extort 
from  him  what  they  hoped,  ordered  the  operation  to  be  repeated, 
during  which  the  prisoner  expired  in  their  hands.  The  report  of  this 
barbarous  deed  spread  through  the  city  and  excited  such  a  tumult 
that  the  house  of  the  Inquisition  was  attacked,  its  altars  and  images 
torn  down,  and  some  of  the  priests  trodden  to  death  by  the  enraged 
multitude. 


THE  FEARLESS  REFORMER.  3 1  j 


Chapter  XIX. 

THE  CRUELTIES  OF  THE  PAPAL  INQUISITION. 

THE  existence  of  a  flourishing  Protestant  Church  at  Locarno,  a 
small  city  on  Lake  Maggiore,  and  within  the  limits  of  Italy, 
but  under  the  government  of  the  cantons  of  Switzerland,  was  a  source 
of  regret  and  annoyance  to  the  pope.  Its  distance  from  Rome  did 
not  exempt  it  from  persecution ;  but,  as  it  included  persons  of  respect- 
ability and  wealth,  and  as  the  sovereignty  of  the  city  belonged  to  the 
Swiss  cantons,  some  of  which  were  Protestant,  and  all  of  them  jeal- 
ous of  their  authority,  the  papal  court  was  compelled  to  proceed 
cautiously  in  its  efforts  to  suppress  the-  heresy  there.  Since  the  dis- 
cussion formerly  mentioned,  which  occurred  A.  D.  1549,  the  Roman 
Catholics  employed  every  means  to  excite  prejudice  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  against  the  Protestants,  and  to  involve  them  in  a  quarrel 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  surrounding  districts  and  the  government 
of  Milan.  As  the  Protestants  were  but  a  small  minority,  it  was  not 
difficult  to  render  their  position  extremely  uncomfortable  through  the 
annoyance  which  they  suffered  from  their  Roman  Catholic  neighbors 
under  a  government  which  took  part  with  the  oppressor  against  the 
oppressed.  Several  years  of  these  intestine  troubles  and  persecutions 
passed  on,  during  which  the  excellent  Beccaria,  the  most  earnest 
advocate  of  the  evangelical  cause,  though  dismissed  from  prison,  was 
exposed  to  such  personal  danger  that  he  deemed  it  prudent,  by  the 
advice  of  his  friends,  to  banish  himself  and  retire  to  Chiavenna  in 
the  Orisons.  Taddeo  de  Dunis  was  another  Protestant  whose  talents 
and  zeal  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the  court  of  Rome.  His  fame 
as  a  physician  extended  into  the  adjacent  country,  and  many  desired 
to  avail  themselves  of  his  medical  advice.  Believing  that  he  should 
reside  in  a  more  central  locality,  he  moved  to  a  place  within  the 
territory  of  Milan.  When  his  old  antagonist,  the  priest  of  Lugano, 
ascertained  that  he  was  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Swiss  Confed- 
eracy, he  informed  the  inquisitor  at  Milan  that  the  leader  of  the 
heretics  was  in  Italy,  and  immediately  a  party  was  sent  to  intercept 
and  arrest  him  on  one  of  his  professional  journeys;  but,  being  warned 
of  his  danger,  he  retreated  hastily  to  the  mountains,  and  escaped. 
Conscious  of  his  innocence,  and  depending  upon  the  influence  of  the 


312 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


families  who  employed  him,  he  appeared  voluntarily  before  the  inquis- 
itor, and  was  fortunately  dismissed  on  condition  that  he  would  leave 
the  territory  of  Milan  and  confine  his  medical  practice  to  his  native 
district. 

During  four  years  the  Protestants  of  Locarno,  though  not  sub- 
jected to  open  violence,  were  outrageously  treated.  For  some  time 
they  had  not  employed  the  priests  to  confess  their  sick  and  bury 
their  dead  according  to  the  Romish  custom,  with  torches  and  the 
cross ;  and,  when  they  had  no  pastor  of  their  own,  they  brought  min- 
isters from  Chiavenna  to  baptize  their  children.  The  mercenary 
priesthood,  deprived  of  their  gains  by  the  increase  of  the  Protestants, 
denounced  them  as  dangerous  innovators,  whose  conduct  was  both 
unnatural  and  sacrilegious.  Determined  to  crush  them,  the  Romish 
clergy  circulated  the  base  report  that  the  Protestants  were  guilty  of 
the  most  licentious  practices  in  their  private  meetings.  The  ignorant 
and  superstitious  multitude  beheved  these  rumors,  and  even  some  of 
the  more  intelligent,  who  knew  their  falsity,  pretended  to  credit  them. 
In  the  mean  time  a  man  named  Walther,  a  native  of  the  popish 
canton  of  Uri,  who  was  at  that  time  town-clerk  of  Locarno,  and 
who,  some  years  after,  was  banished  for  holding  a  treasonable  con-e- 
spondence  with  the  duke  of  Alva,  governor  of  Milan,  concocted  a 
deep  plot.  He  forged  a  deed  purporting  that  the  senators,  citizens, 
and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  and  bailiwick  of  Locarno  had  bound 
themselves,  by  oath,  to  the  seven  papal  cantons,  that  they  would 
adhere  to  the  pope  and  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  until  the  meet- 
ing of  a  ''General  Council."  Having  dated  this  paper  several  years 
back,  he  sent  it  as  a  genuine  document  to  an  assembly  of  the  Seven 
Cantons,  held  in  March,  A.  D.  1554.  Without  any  investigation 
they  immediately  decreed  that  all  the  Locarnese  should,  in  accord- 
ance with  their  bond,  confess  to  the  priests  during  the  ensuing  Lent; 
that  they  should  give  their  names  to  the  superior  of  the  Church,  and 
that  the  rites  of  burial  should  be  denied  to  those  who  had  not 
received  the  mass  on  their  death-beds. 

When  this  decree  w^as  promulgated  at  Locarno,  the  Protestants 
were  astounded,  and  they  immediately  sent  a  commissioner  to  the 
Protestant  cantons  to  declare  the  utter  falsehood  of  the  allegation 
upon  which  the  decree  proceeded.  They  were  also  entreated,  as  pro- 
fessors of  the  same  faith,  and  as  their  joint  temporal  superiors,  to 
strive,  by  their  influence,  to  avert  the  ruin  which  threatened  two 
hundred  heads  of  families  who  had  always  been  faithful  in  their  alle- 
giance, and  who  had  never  been  accused,  except  concerning  the  law 


THE  POLICY  OF  THE  PAPAL  NUNCIO. 


of  their  God.  After  hearing  tliis  representation  the  deputies  of  the 
Protestant  cantons  assembled  at  Arau,  and  wrote  to  those  of  the 
popish  persuasion,  requesting  them  not  to  take  any  further  action  in 
the  Locarno  matter  until  the  meeting  of  the  next  diet  of  the  confed- 
eracy. They  were  also  requested  not  to  take  any  step  which  would 
infringe  the  rights  of  the  Protestant  cantons  in  that  territory.  The 
enemies  of  the  persecuted  Locarnese,  desiring  to  defeat  this  effort  in 
their  behalf,  actively  circulated  the  report  through  Switzerland  that 
they  were  not  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  Protestant  cantons, 
because  they  were  infected  with  Servetianism,  anabaptism,  and  other 
fanatical  opinions.  Being  apprised  of  this  by  their  commissioner, 
they  sent  to  Zurich  a  confession  of  their  faith,  in  which  they  avowed 
their  agreement  with  the  Reformed  Churches  concerning  the  Trinity, 
the  incarnation,  the  mediatory  work  of  Christ,  justification,  and  the 
sacraments.  This  statement  of  their  belief  silenced  the  slander  of 
their  opponents.  Two  "General  Diets"  for  the  discussion  of  this 
subject  assembled  A.  D.  1554,  and  they  unanimously  set  aside  the 
false  bond.  When  they  came  to  the  main  point,  howev'er,  the  Rom- 
ish party  insisted  that  it  should  be  decided  by  the  majority  of  votes 
in  the  diet,  contrary  to  the  rule  usually  observed  concerning  religious 
questions. 

But  the  court  of  Rome,  having  resolved  to  adopt  a  bolder  policy, 
sent  Riverda,  bishop  of  Terracina,  as  a  papal  nuncio  to  the  diet  of 
Switzerland,  to  excite  the  Romish  deputies  to  violent  measures,  Avhile 
those  of  the  Protestant  cantons  were  influenced,  partly  by  jealousy 
of  one  another,  and  partly  by  dread  of  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
confederacy.  Riverda  desired  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  decree 
compelling  the  Protestants  of  Locarno  to  abandon  that  city.  The 
district  including  it,  as  well  as  several  other  small  districts  in  its 
vicinity,  was  governed  by  the  Swiss  cantons,  which,  in  rotation,  sent 
a  prefect  or  governor  to  this  province,  who  held  his  office  for  two 
years.  As  the  Roman  Catholic  cantons  were  more  numerous  than 
the  Protestant — though  far  inferior  in  population,  education,  wealth, 
and  all  other  resources — the  vote  by  cantons  was  certain  to  be  unfa- 
vorable to  the  cause  of  the  Protestants  in  Locarno.  The  question  was 
referred  at  last  to  arbiters  chosen  from  the  two  mixed  cantons,  in 
which  the  two  parties  were  nearly  equally  divided.  Their  decision 
was  what  the  pope's  legate  desired;  namely,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Locarno,  who  were  free  from  crime,  should  either  embrace  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  or  leave  their  native  land,  taking  with  them  their 
families  and  property;  that  they  should  not  return  thither  nor  be  per- 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


mitted  to  settle  within  the  seven  CathoHc  cantons ;  and  that  those 
>  who  had  spoken  reproachfully  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  were  charge- 
able with  anabaptism  or  other  opinions  contrary  to  both  confessions, 
should  be  punished.  It  was  determined  also  that  this  sentence  should 
be  intimated  to  the  prefect  of  Locarno,  and  carried  into  effect  by 
deputies  sent  by  the  seven  Catholic  cantons  if  those  from  the  four 
Protestant  ones  refused  to  take  part  in  the  affair  or  absented  them- 
selves. The  deputies  of  Zurich  protested  against  this  decision, 
declaring  that,  while  they  would  abide  by  the  league  and  not  excite 
any  disturbance,  they  would  not  consent  to  have  this  sentence  inti- 
mated in  their  name,  and  still  less  to  assist  in  carrying  it  into  execu- 
tion. Their  constituents  afterwards  sanctioned  this  protest.  At  this 
time  Locarno  was  under  the  government  of  Isaiah  Reuchlin,  the 
prefect  appointed  by  the  canton  of  Zurich.  The  Roman  Catholics 
had  repeatedly  annoyed  him  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  but  this 
excellent  man  was  still  more  perplexed  when  he  was  informed  that 
the  diet  had  promulgated  a  decree  hostile  to  the  Protestants.  In 
this  emergency  he  was  relieved  by  instructions  from  home  to  adopt 
a  policy  in  accordance  wdth  the  protest  taken  by  the  deputies  of  his 
native  city. 

The  Roman  Catholic  cantons  desired  an  immediate  enforcement 
of  their  edict,  and,  fearing  that  something  would  occur  to  prevent  it, 
they  sent  their  deputies  across  the  Alps  in  the  depth  of  Winter.  On 
their  arrival  at  Locarno  they  assembled  the  people  and  addressed 
them  in  a  threatening  manner,  declaring  that  they  justly  deserved 
exemplary  punishment,  because  they  had  been  rebellious  and  intro- 
duced pernicious  innovations  into  the  true  religion,  besides  disturbing 
the  peace  and  almost  destroying  the  union  of  the  Helvetic  body. 
The  deputies  announced  to  them,  however,  that  the  diet  had  gener- 
ously pardoned  their  past  faults  and  had  enacted  a  law  for  the 
regulation  of  their  future  conduct.  The  decree  was  then  read  and 
immediately  ratified  by  the  subscriptions  of  the  municipal  authorities. 
As  the  inhabitants  were  divided  in  sentiment,  they  were  allowed 
another  day  in  which  to  prepare  an  answer.  On  the  following  morn- 
ing those  who  had  decided  to  adhere  to  the  papal  Church  appeared 
before  the  deputies,  and,  imploring  pardon  for  whatever  was  offensive 
in  their  past  conduct,  promised  entire  submission  and  conformity  to 
the  laws  for  the  future.  In  the  afternoon  the  Protestants,  marching 
in  regular  order,  two  men,  followed  by  their  wives,  walking  abreast, 
the  Avomen  carrying  their  infants  in  their  arms,  the  men  leading  their 
children,  and  those  highest  in  rank  taking  the  lead,  proceeded  to  the 


THE  PROTESTANTS  OF  LOCARNO  INVINCIBLE.  315 


council-room,  and  the  deputies,  instead  of  receiving  them  with  that 
respect  and  sympathy  to  which  their  appearance  and  prospects 
entitled  them,  treated  them  with  levity.  One  of  the  Protestants,  in 
the  name  of  his  brethren,  addressed  the  deputies,  stating  that,  as 
they  had  been  accused  of  believing  novel  doctrines  and  dangerous 
opinions,  he  humbly  desired  to  express  their  real  \  iews. 

The  speaker  then  made  a  full  statement  of  their  faith,  declaring 
it  to  be  the  same  as  that  prefigured  under  the  Old  Testament,  and 
more  clearly  revealed  by  Christ  and  his  apostles  ;  and,  that  after  care- 
fully searching  the  Bible,  with  prayer  for  the  illumination  of  the 
Hoh'  Spirit,  they  had  accepted  the  doctrine  summarih-  contained  in 
the  Apostle's  Creed,  and  rejected  all  human  traditions  contrar\'  to  the 
Word  of  God.  He  also  asserted  that  they  disclaimed  Xovatianism 
and  all  novel  opinions,  and  abhorred  every  thing  that  would  produce 
licentiousness  of  manners,  as  they  had  often  protested  to  the  seven 
papal  and  four  Protestant  cantons  ;  and  moreover,  that,  trusting  in 
the  Lord,  they  were  read}'  to  endure  any  suffering  rather  than  stir 
up  strife,  or  be  the  occasion  of  war  in  the  confederacy.  He  then 
referred  to  the  fact  that  they  had  alwa}-s  maintained  inviolate  their 
allegiance  to  the  confederate  cantons,  and  were  willing  to  shed  their 
blood  and  spend  their  treasure  in  their  defense.  In  conclusion,  he 
made  an  appeal,  in  behalf  of  his  fellow-Protestants,  to  the  merc\'  and 
generosity  of  the  lords  of  the  seven  cantons,  beseeching  them,  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  have  compassion  on  such  a  large  number 
of  persons,  including  delicate  females  and  helpless  infants,  who,  if 
driven  from  their  native  land,  would  suffer  great  privations.  He 
requested  the  deputies,  whatever  action  they  might  take,  to  insti- 
tute a  rigid  investigation  into  the  crimes  with  which  the  Protest- 
ants had  been  charged,  and  that,  if  any  of  them  were  found  guilty, 
they  should  be  punished  according  to  their  demerit,  with  the  utmost 
severit}'. 

The  deputies,  with  hearts  as  obdurate  as  the  Alps,  which  they 
had  recently  crossed,  replied  to  this  magnanimous  and  touching 
appeal,  saying:  "We  are  not  come  here  to  listen  to  )'our  faith. 
The  lords  of  the  seven  cantons  have,  by  the  deed  now  made  known 
to  you,  declared  what  their  religion  is,  and  they  will  not  suffer  it  to 
be  called  in  question  or  disputed.  Say,  in  one  word,  are  you  ready 
to  quit  your  faith  or  are  you  not?"  To  this  the  Protestants,  with  one 
voice,  replied:  "We  will  live  in  it,  we  will  die  in  it;"  while  the 
exclamations,  "We  will  never  renounce  it;"  "It  is  the  onh'  true 
faith;"   "It  is  the  only  holy  faith;"  "It  is  the  only  saving  faith," 


3i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


continued  for  a  considerable  time  to  resound  from  different  parts  of 
the  assembly,  like  the  reverberations  that  follow  the  loud  peal  in  a 
thunder-storm.  Before  leaving  the  room,  each  of  them  was  required 
to  give  his  or  her  name  to  the  clerk,  and  two  hundred  persons  imme- 
diately came  forward,  rejoicing  in  having  the  privilege  of  enrolling 
themselves  as  confessors  of  "the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus." 

The  deputies  having  sternly  refused  to  allow  the  Protestants 
to  remain  until  the  severity  of  Winter  was  over,  the  latter  made 
preparations  for  an  immediate  departure,  and  sent  Taddeo  de  Dunis 
before  them  to  request  an  asylum  from  the  magistrates  of  Zurich. 
But  greater  trials  awaited  them.  The  infamous  Riverda,  the  papal 
nuncio,  following  up  his  success  at  the  diet  of  Switzerland,  came  to 
Locarno  to  secure  a  literal  enforcement  of  the  decree.  At  a  meet- 
ing of  the  deputies,  he  thanked  them,  in  the  pope's  name,  for  their 
defense  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  and  urged  them  to  compel  the 
Grison  league  to  deliver  up  the  fugitive  preacher,  Beccaria,  that  he 
might  be  punished  for  the  daring  crime  of  corrupting  the  faith  of 
his  countrymen.  Riverda's  second  request  was,  that  the  Locarnese 
emigrants  should  not  be  permitted  to  take  with  them  their  children 
and  property,  but  that  the  former  should  be  retained  and  educated  in 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  the  latter  forfeited.  The  deputies 
readily  consented  to  the  first  proposition,  but  desired  to  be  excused 
from  officially  indorsing  the  second,  because  their  instructions  did  not 
warrant  such  extreme  measures.  They  urged  Riverda,  however,  to 
invest  the  priests  of  Locarno  with  authority  to  receive  such  Protest- 
ants as  might  be  persuaded  to  return  to  the  bosom  of  the  "Mother 
Church."  The  papal  nuncio  not  only  granted  this  power,  but  also 
offered  his  own  services  and  those  of  two  Dominican  doctors  of 
theology,  Avhom  he  had  brought  along  with  him  to  convince  the 
deluded  heretics.  The  faithful  followers  of  Christ,  though  compelled 
to  hear  the  unprofitable  harangues  of  monks,  and  to  hold  conferences 
with  Riverda,  submitted  to  the  arrangement  Avithout  opposition,  but 
not  a  single  convert  was  made  to  Romanism.  * 

There  were  three  prominent  ladies — Catarina  Rosalina,  Lucia  di 
Orello,  and  Barbara  di  Montalto,  all  devoted  Protestants,  whom  the 
papal  nuncio  earnestly  desired  to  bring  under  Romish  influence,  but 
in  his  controversy  with  them  his  arguments  were  promptly  and  effect- 
ually answered.  His  female  antagonists  so  fully  exposed  the  idolatry 
and  abuses  of  the  Romish  Church,  that  his  eminence  was  mortified 
and  irritated.  By  the  boldness  and  keenness  of  her  replies  and  the 
severity  of  her  retorts  Barbara  di  Montalto,  the  wife  of  the  principal 


NICOLAS,  THE  MARTYR. 


physician  of  the  place,  greatly  provoked  him  and  incurred  his  resent- 
ment. He  therefore  determined  to  have  her  arrested,  and  persuaded 
the  deputies  to  issue  an  order  charging  her  with  uttering  blasphe- 
mous sentiments  against  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.  The  house  of  her 
husband  had  been  built  as  a  place  of  defense  on  the  banks  of  Lake 
Maggiore,  during  the  violent  feuds  which  prevailed  between  the 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines,  and  in  it  was  a  concealed  door  which  required 
six  men  to  move  it.  At  the  place  where  it  opened  upon  the  water, 
a  boat  was  kept  in  waiting,  when  a  sudden  alarm  was  given,  to  con- 
vey the  inmates  of  the  house  to  a  safe  locality.  Her  husband  had 
an  alarming  dream  which  led  him  to  apprehend  danger,  not  to  his 
wife  indeed,  but  to  himself.  Hence,  on  that  night,  he  ordered  the 
servants  to  open  that  door.  At  an  early  hour  on  the  next  morning 
the  officers  entered  the  house,  and,  bursting  into  the  room  where  the 
lady  was  dressing  herself,  presented  a  warrant  from  the  deputies  to 
take  her  to  prison.  With  great  presence  of  mind  she  entreated 
them,  with  an  air  of  feminine  delicacy,  to  allow  her  to  retire  for  a 
moment  to  an  adjoining  apartment  for  the  purpose  of  putting  on 
some  article  of  clothing.  This  request  being  granted,  she  hastily 
descended  the  stairs,  and,  leaping  into  the  boat,  was  rowed  off  in 
safety  before  the  eyes  of  her  enemies,  who  were  asse'mbled  in  the 
court-room  to  receive  her. 

Riverda  and  the  deputies,  enraged  at  this  disappointment,  wreaked 
their  vengeance  upon  the  husband  of  the  lady,  whom  they  deprived 
of  all  his  property.  Not  satisfied  with  this  act  of  robbery,  they 
compelled  two  members  of  the  Reformed  Church  to  pay  large  sums 
of  money,  because  they  refused  to  have  their  children  baptized 
according  to  the  popish  ritual.  But  a  poor  tradesman,  named 
Nicolas,  suffered  the  severest  punishment.  In  conversing  with  some 
of  his  neighbors,  he  used  certain  expressions,  which  were  considered 
disrespectful  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  in  honor  of  whom  a  celebrated 
chapel  had  been  erected  and  called  Madonna  del  Sasso.  As  this 
sacred  shrine  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Locarno,  the  priests  of  that  city 
were  deeply  incensed  against  Nicolas,  and,  to  silence  their  clamors, 
the  prefect  Reuchlin  had  punished  his  imprudence  by  condemning 
him  to  an  imprisonment  of  sixteen  weeks.  He  was  brought  a  second 
time  to  trial,  and,  after  being  put  to  the  torture,  had  the  sentence  of 
death  passed  upon  him.  The  Roman  Catholic  citizens  interceded  in 
his  behalf,  but  the  deputies  were  unrelenting,  and  the  order  was 
executed. 

The  Protestants  had  selected  the  third  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1555, 


3i8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


as  the  da}^  of  their  departure  for  Switzerland  and,  though  they  loved 
their  native  city,  they  anticipated  with  joy  the  hour  which  would  wit- 
ness the  commencement  of  their  journey.  But  before  they  started 
the  priests  persuaded  the  government  of  Milan  to  issue  an  edict  pro- 
hibiting the  Locarnese  exiles  from  remaining  more  than  three  days 
within  the  Milanese  territory  under  pain  of  death,  and  imposing  a 
fine  on  those  who  should  afford  them  any  assistance  or  enter  into 
conversation  with  them  on  any  religious  subject.  As  they  could  not 
pass  through  the  territory  of  Milan  to  the  easiest  passage  across  the 
Alps,  they  were  compelled  to  take  a  north-eastern  route,  sailing  to 
the  northern  point  of  Lake  Maggiore,  thence  to  the  Helvetian  bal- 
liages  by  way  of  Bellinzone,  until  they  reached  Rogoreto,  a  town 
subject  to  the  Grison  league.  At  this  point  the  Alps  presented  an 
impassable  barrier  of  ice  and  snow,  compelling  them  to  take  up 
their  Winter- quarters  ;  and,  in  view  of  their  numbers,  their  sojourn 
among  strangers  was  necessarily  attended  with  many  inconveniences. 
After  remaining  there  two  months,  they  started,  the  May  thaw  hav- 
ing opened  a  passage  for  them,  and  soon  arrived  at  the  canton  of  the 
Grisons,  where  they  received  a  joyful  welcome  from  brethren  of  the 
same  faith.  Almost  the  half  of  their  number  accepted  the  invitation 
of  the  magistrates  to  become  permanent  citizens  of  that  mountainous 
but  to  them  happy  republic.  The  remainder,  amounting  to  one 
hundred  and  thirty  three,  went  forward  as  the  Summer  advanced  to 
Zurich,  whose  inhabitants  came  out  to  meet  them  at  their  approach, 
and  extended  such  a  kind  and  fraternal  welcome  that  the  hearts  of 
the  sad  and  weary  exiles  were  revived  and  consoled. 

If  a  plague  had  been  removed  from  the  city  the  inhabitants  of 
Locarno  could  not  have  been  more  rejoiced  than  they  were  at  the 
banishment  of  these  Protestant  families ;  but  their  exultation  was  of 
short  duration.  The  most  peaceable  and  industrious  of  their  citizens 
had  moved  away.  Trade  declined,  and  with  it  the  prosperity  of  the 
community.  During  the  succeeding  year  their  lands  were  laid  waste 
by  a  violent  tempest,  and  this  was  followed  by  a  destructive  pestilence. 
To  fill  up  the  cup  of  their  calamity  and  misery,  intestine  commotions 
and  feuds  arrayed  the  people  in  hostile  parties,  by  which  the  peace 
of  the  city  was  disturbed.  The  two  powerful  families  of  the  Buchi- 
achi  and  Rinaldi,  who  had  formed  a  league  against  the  Protestants, 
were  soon  striving  for  the  superiority  of  the  neighboring  village  of 
Brisago,  rendered  vacant  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Orelli,  and  to 
enforce  their  claims  these  competitors  raised  bands  of  armed  men, 
attacked  each  other,  and  committed  such  depredations  on  the  peace- 


THE  L  UCCHESE  PR  O  TESTA  NTS  IMPRISONED.  3 1 9 


able  citizens  that  the  Swiss  government  was  compelled  to  maintain, 
at  great  expense,  a  garrison  in  Locarno. 

While  the  fate  of  the  Locarnese  Protestants  was  hard,  yet  when 
compared  with  that  of  their  brethren  in  the  interior  of  Italy  it  was 
mild.  The  latter  had  no  friendly  power  to  protect  them  from  the 
vengeance  of  the  Inquisition,  and  no  convenient  asylum  to  which 
they  could  flee  when  their  own  governments  refused  to  shelter  them. 
As  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  retire  in  a  body  they  were  com- 
pelled to  fly  singly;  and  when  they  ventured  to  return,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  removing  their  families  or  recovering  their  property,  they 
were  often  seized  by  the  inquisitors  and  cast  into  the  same  prisons 
with  their  brethren  whom  they  had  left  behind.  It  is  not  strange 
that  so  many  recanted  when  we  consider  the  perils  and  hardships  to 
which  they  were  exposed  by  professing  the  truth.  Still  greater 
numbers  outwardly  favored  the  Romish  form  of  worship,  though 
they  inwardly  detested  it  as  superstitious  and  idolatrous,  because 
they  desired  either  to  avoid  or  allay  suspicion.  This  was  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  at  Lucca.  The  Protestants  in  that  republic  became 
secure,  and  commenced  to  boast  of  their  superior  courage  in  main- 
taining their  ground,  while  many  of  their  brethren  had  abandoned  it 
through  cowardice,  and  permitted  the  banner  of  truth,  which  had 
been  unfurled  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  to  fall  to  the  ground.  They 
disliked  to  leave  their  native  land  and  to  relinquish  their  possessions 
and  honors.  Trusting  in  their  numbers  and  influence,  they  appre- 
hended no  danger  from  the  open  opposition  of  the  Romish  Church ; 
but  had  they  known  how  actively  its  agents  had  for  many  years 
worked  secretly  in  their  private  meetings  they  would  have  been  less 
confident.  Their  bright  hopes,  which  had  been  inspired  by  self- 
confidence  and  false  security,  were  soon  to  be  dissipated.  Soon  after 
the  accession  of  Paul  IV  to  the  papal  throne  the  Lucchese  conventi- 
cle was  ordered  to  be  suppressed,  and  in  accordance  with  a  precon- 
certed plan  its  principal  members  were  in  one  day  cast  into  the 
dungeons  of  the  Inquisition.  At  the  sight  of  the  instruments  of 
torture  some,  who  had  been  the  most  courageous,  were  glad  to 
escape  from  the  dreadful  persecutions  of  the  papal  power  by  pre- 
tending to  accept  its  teachings.  They  could  scarcely  apologize  for 
the  flight  of  Peter  Martyr,  whose  example  they  had  refused  to  follow 
when  it  was  in  their  power,  but  now  he  reminds  them  of  their  own 
timidity,  expressing  his  sorrow  at  the  overthrow  of  a  Church  in 
which  he  was  deeply  interested,  and  at  the  sudden  recantation  and 
defection  of  so  many  persons  whom  he  had  warmly  praised. 


320 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


In  a  letter  which  Martyr  addressed  to  them  on  this  occasion  he 
says:  "How  can  1  refrain  from  lamentations  when  I  think  that  such 
a  pleasant  garden,  as  the  Reformed  Church  at  Lucca  presented  to 
the  view,  has  been  so  completely  laid  waste  by  the  cruel  tempest  as 
scarcely  to  retain  a  vestige  of  its  former  cultivation.  Those  who  did 
not  know  you  might  have  entertained  fears  that  you  would  not  be 
able  to  resist  the  storm ;  it  never  could  have  entered  into  my  mind  that 
you  would  fall  so  foully.  After  the  knowledge  you  had  of  the  fury 
of  Antichrist,  and  of  the  danger  which  hung  over  your  heads  when 
you  did  not  choose  to  retire,  by  availing  yourselves  of  what  some 
call  the  common  remedy  of  the  weak,  but  which  in  certain  circum- 
stances I  deem  a  wise  precaution,  your  friends  were  disposed  to  say, 
*  These  tried  and  brave  soldiers  of  Christ  will  not  fly,  because  they 
are  determined  by  their  martyrdom  and  blood  to  open  the  way  for 
the  progress  of  the  Gospel  in  their  native  country,  emulating  the 
noble  examples  which  are  given  every  day  by  their  brethren  in 
France,  Belgium,  and  England.'  Ah,  how  much  have  these  hopes 
been  disappointed !  What  matter  of  boasting  has  been  given  to  our 
antichristian  oppressors !  But  this  confounding  catastrophe  is  to  be 
deplored  with  tears  rather  than  words." 

These  severities  did  not  entirely  suppress  the  evangelical  reform  in 
Lucca,  but  they  caused  some  of  the  best  families  in  that  city  to  transfer 
themselves  and  their  wealth  to  Switzerland  and  France,  with  the  view 
of  exercising  freedom  of  opinion  and  action  in  religious  matters. 
Many  of  them  reached  Geneva,  A.  D.  1556,  where  their  descendants 
are  to  be  found  at  this  day,  including  the  Micheli,  Turretini,  Calen- 
drini,  Balbani,  Diodati,  Burlamacchi,  and  Minutoli,  some  of  whom 
have  attained  great  distinction  in  both  Church  and  state  in  that 
ancient  commonwealth.  The  authorities  of  Lucca  were  so  enraged 
at  their  departure  that  they  offered  a  reward  of  three  hundred  crowns 
to  any  person  who  would  kill  one  of  them  in  Italy,  France,  and 
Flanders !  The  council  of  Geneva  wrote  to  Lucca,  requesting  the 
authorities  to  revoke  this  barbarous  proclamation,  but  they  refused  to 
do  so.  The  only  effect  which  it  produced  was  to  keep  the  refugees 
in  a  state  of  constant  alarm  for  their  safety.  The  Romish  writers 
complained,  A.  D.  1562,  that  the  heretics  in  Lucca  maintained  a 
regular  correspondence  with  their  countrymen  in  foreign  countries, 
and  procured  Protestant  books  from  merchants  who  came  from  Lyons 
and  Geneva.  More  families  from  Lucca  arrived  at  Geneva  A.  D.  ISS^* 
and  in  the  following  year  the  authorities  of  Lucca  passed  a  severe 
ordinance,  prohibiting  all  intercourse  by  speech  or  letters  with  those 


I 

THE  REPLY  TO  SPINOLA.  *  321 


who  had  been  denounced  as  "rebels  for  the  cause  of  religion." 
Among  the  persons  named  in  this  ordinance  as  rebels  is  ''Messer 
Simoni  Somone,  Medico."  This  ingenious  but  versatile  man  resided 
at  Geneva,  Heidelberg,  Leipsic,  Prague,  and  Cracow ;  and  was  as 
unsettled  in  his  religious  creed  as  in  his  place  of  residence,  having 
been  successively  a  Calvinist,  Lutheran,  Arian,  Jesuit,  and  (if  we 
may  believe  his  countryman,  Squarcialupo)  atheist. 

The  refugees  from  Lucca  were  not  forgotten  in  the  land  of  their 
fathers,  as  will  appear  from  a  curious  circumstance  which  occurred 
more  than  one  hundred  years  after  the  first  exiles  reached  Geneva. 
Cardinal  Spinola,  then  bishop  of  Lucca,  addressed  a  letter,  A.  D. 
1679,  to  the  descendants  of  these  Lucchese  Protestants,  in  which  he 
expressed  his  paternal  solicitude  for  the  diocese  over  which  Inno- 
cent XI  had  placed  him.  He  stated  that  he  had  learned  with  sorrow 
that  during  the  dissensions  of  the  past  century  multitudes,  remarka- 
ble for  their  nobility  and  intelligence,  had  abandoned  a  city  in  which 
they  occupied  the  highest  offices,  and  had  gone  to  Geneva.  The 
bishop  further  declared  that  his  affection  for  the  descendants  of  these 
illustrious  men  would  not  permit  him  to  rest  until  he  had  invited 
them  to  return  to  the  bosom  of  the  "  Mother  Church;"  that  he  had 
ordered  a  public  supplication  in  their  behalf  throughout  the  whole 
of  his  diocese,  and  hoped  they  would  realize  how  glorious  and  how 
essential  to  their  safety  it  would  be  to  obey  God  by  returning  to  the 
only  sanctuary  of  truth.  After  reading  the  cardinal's  letter  the 
refugees  at  first  concluded  not  to  reply,  because  they  might  be  com- 
pelled by  convictions  of  duty  to  write  unpleasant  things  to  a  prelate 
who  had  complimented  their  ancestors  in  such  flattering  terms. 
There  were  other  considerations,  however,  that  made  it  necessary  for 
them  to  proclaim  to  the  world  their  real  sentiments.  They  had 
learned  that  at  this  time  the  Roman  Catholic  powers  were  united  in 
their  efforts  to  proselyte  Protestants,  that  reports  of  their  own  incon- 
stancy had  been  circulated  abroad,  and  that  Cardinal  Spinola  had 
actually  applied  to  the  pope  for  their  absolution.  In  view  of  these 
facts  the  refugees  sent  him  a  respectful  and  able  answer,  which  was 
written  by  the  pastors  Burlamacchi  and  Turretini,  worthy  grandsons 
of  those  noble  sires  who  had  forsaken  Italy  for  Christ.  After  giving 
a  sketch  of  the  progress  which  the  Protestant  religion  had  made  at 
Lucca  in  the  preceding  century,  they  examined  the  propositions 
contained  in  the  cardinal's  letter,  and  pronounced  them  inadmissible. 
In  closing  their  reply  to  him  they  made  an  earnest  and  affectionate 
appeal  to  their  "kinsmen  according  to  the  flesh,"  who  were  still 


322 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


grojMiig-  in  the  darkness  of  popish  Lucca.  When  the  cardinal  re- 
ceived this  answer  he  sent  one  copy  of  it  to  the  pope,  and  another 
to  the  "Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office,"  who  ordered  the  execu- 
tioners to  burn  all  the  copies  which  came  into  Italy. 

At  Mantua,  also,  the  inquisitors  boldly  prosecuted  their  mission 
of  extirpating  heresy.  The  severity  of  the  persecution  in  this  duchy 
is  indicated  by  two  facts.  Guglielmo,  the  reigning  duke,  A.  D.  1566, 
was  a  man  of  humane  feelings,  respecting  the  rights  of  his  subjects 
as  well  as  his  own  authority.  He  deeply  offended  the  pope  by  refus- 
ing to  send  to  Rome  for  trial  certain  persons  suspected  of  heresy. 
Full  of  indignation,  Pius  V  not  only  threatened  him  with  excommun- 
ication, but  war  also,  declaring  that  he  had  made  Mantua  a  ''nest 
of  heretics."  He  would  have  executed  his  threats  had  it  not  been 
for  the  interference  of  the  princes  of  Italy,  Avho  persuaded  him  to 
pardon  the  duke  on  his  submission.  Two  years  after,  the  chief  in- 
quisitor seized  a  friend  of  the  duke,  on  suspicion  of  heresy,  and  cast 
him  into  prison.  The  duke  commanded  him  to  be  released ;  but  the 
haughty  monk  refused,  saying  that  while  he  acknowledged  him  as  his 
temporal  lord,  yet,  in  the  present  case,  he  was  the  pope's  agent,  and 
his  power  was  paramount  to  that  of  any  secular  prince.  Some  days 
after  the  duke  sent  a  second  message,  urging  his  former  request, 
when  the  arrogant  inquisitor,  holding  out  the  keys  of  the  dungeon, 
insolently  informed  the  messengers  that  they  might  release  the  pris- 
oner at  their  peril. 

In  no  part  of  Italy  did  persecution  rage  more  violently  than  in 
the  duchy  of  Milan,  especially  after  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Philip, 
king  of  Spain.  Galeazzo  Trezio,  a  young  nobleman  of  Lodi,  had 
embraced  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation  from  Maynardi,  an  Au- 
gustinian  monk,  while  attending  the  university  of  Pavia,  and  was 
afterwards  confirmed  in  the  truth  by  the  instructions  of  Curio.  Find- 
ing him  guilty  of  heresy,  the  Inquisition,  A.  D.  155 1,  sentenced  him 
to  be  burned  alive,  a  punishment  which  he  endured  with  the  great- 
est fortitude.  But  the  persecution  became  more  cruel  and  dreadful 
when  the  duke  af  Alva  was  made  governor.  Two  persons  were  com- 
mitted alive  to  the  flames,  A.  D.  1558.  One  of  them,  a  monk,  was 
forced  by  an  attending  priest  into  a  sort  of  pulpit  placed  near  the 
stake,  in  order  that  he  might  make  his  recantation;  but,  instead  of 
doing  this,  he  used  the  opportunity  to  proclaim  the  Gospel  with 
boldness,  and,  while  thus  engaged  was  driven  into  the  fire  with  blows 
and  curses.  During  the  following  year  scarcely  a  week  passed  with- 
out some  one  being  compelled  to  suffer  as  a  heretic,  and  eleven  per- 


THE  REIGN  OF  TERROR  AT  FLORENCE. 


323 


sons  of  rank  were  thrown  into  prison,  A.  D.  1563,  because  they 
sympathized  with  the  reform  movement.  The  execution  of  a  young 
priest,  A.  D.  1569,  was  an  event  of  pecuh'ar  barbarity.  He  was 
condemned  to  be  hanged  and  dragged  to  the  gibbet,  to  suffer  that 
penalty,  at  a  horse's  tail.  The  last  part  of  the  sentence  was  dispensed 
with  at  the  earnest  intercession  of  his  friends ;  but,  after  being  half 
strangled,  he  was  cut  down,  and,  refusing  to  recant,  was  literally 
roasted  to  death,  and  his  body  thrown  to  the  dogs. 

The  spirit  of  persecution  early  manifested  itself  within  the  terri- 
tories of  Tuscany.  A  law  was  proclaimed  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1547, 
calling  upon  all  who  had  heretical  books,  particularly  those  of  Ochino 
and  Martyr,  to  deliver  them  up  within  fifteen  days,  under  a  penalty 
of  a  hundred  ducats  and  ten  years'  confinement  in  the  galleys.  The 
houses  of  those  who  were  suspected  of  having  them  were  searched 
at  the  expiration  of  the  fifteen  days,  and  the  publication  of  any  more 
prohibited  under  heavy  penalties.  After  the  establishment  of  the 
Inquisition  more  decisive  measures  were  adopted  by  the  "Commis- 
sioners of  the  Holy  Office,"  the  vicar  of  the  archbishop,  the  provost 
of  the  metropolitan  Church,  and  the  spadalingo,  or  director  of  the 
hospital  of  Sante  Maria  Nuova.  An  aiito-da-fe  was  celebrated  in  the 
city  of  Florence,  in  December,  A.  D.  1554,  in  which  twent}'-fi\-e 
persons  walked  in  procession  as  penitents,  among  whom  was  Bartol- 
ommeo  Panchiarichi,  a  wealthy  citizen,  and  former  embassador  to 
France.  They  wxre  clothed  in  caps  and  cloaks  painted  with  crosses 
and  devils,  and  were  publicly  reconciled  in  the  cathedral  church, 
while  the  heretical  books  found  in  their  possession  were  burned  in 
the  piazza. 

A  native  of  Piacenza,  who  visited  Florence,  A.  D.  1547,  dedi- 
cated to  the  duke  a  translation  of  Xenophon.  The  record,  which  ia 
still  preserved,  says  that  ''Ludovico  Domenichi,  a  learned  man  of 
about  thirty  years  of  age,  had  translated  the  Nicodemiana  of  Calvin 
from  Latin  into  Italian,  corrected  and  published  the  dishonest  book 
in  Florence,  not  at  Basle,  as  it  falsely  pretended,  on  which  account 
he  was  suspected  of  heresy,  though  he  strongly  denied  having  ever 
held  any  dangerous  opinions:  that  he  should  therefore  abjure  as  one 
violently  suspected,  having  a  copy  of  the  book  translated  by  him 
hung  from  his  neck,  and  be  afterwards  condemned  to  the  galleys  for 
ten  years,  less  or  more,  for  transgressing  the  laws  which  regulated 
the  press."  These  severities  were  increased  at  a  subsequent  period, 
when  Pius  V  altered  the  constitution  of  the  Inquisition  in  Tuscany, 

by  dispensing  with  the  commissaries,  of  the  state,  under  the  pretext 

22 


324 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


that  the  secrets  of  this  tribunal  should  not  be  divulged  to  a  number 
of  persons,  and  assigning  the  whole  work  to  one  inquisitor.  This 
change  was  considered  by  the  pontiff  more  simple,  convenient,  and 
satisfactory,  but  it  excited  terror  and  discontent  in  the  city. 

The  appointment  of  one  individual  to  conduct  trials  for  heresy  was 
simply  transferring  the  power  to  the  congregation  at  Rome,  and  this 
despotic  act,  together  with  the  facility  with  which  Cosmo  delivered 
up  to  the  pope  the  excellent  Carnesecchi,  whose  fate  will  hereafter  be 
recorded,  alarmed  the  people.  Many  fled,  and  others  were  sent  to 
Rome.  The  inquisitor  was  anxious  to  display  his  power,  and  render 
himself  popular  by  his  activity.  He  annoyed  the  inhabitants  inces- 
santly, by  interrogating  the  ignorant  on  the  deepest  mysteries  of 
religion,  and  then  accusing  them  of  heresy,  because  they  used  ex- 
pressions which  were  ambiguous.  A  remonstrance  against  the  con- 
duct of  the  inquisitor  was  sent  to  the  pope,  A.  D.  1567,  by  the 
regent,  who  insisted  that  the  archbishop  and  nuncio  should  also  be 
consulted  in  the  trials  of  heretics;  but  this  request  was  not  granted. 
The  pope,  however,  removed  the  inquisitor,  and  appointed  one  who 
was  less  ignorant  and  indiscreet.  The  result  of  this  proscriptive  pol- 
icy was  that  Florence,  so  long  renowned  for  its  literature,  its  science, 
and  its  refinement,  was  avoided  by  foreigners,  and  ceased  to  be  the 
resort  of  enlightened  men  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Visitors  from 
Germany  and  Switzerland  Avere  suspected  of  disseminating  heretical 
opinions  in  Italy,  and,  unless  they  had  good  testimonials,  were  ex- 
posed to  a  rigorous  examination  and  surveillance. 

These  proceedings  drove  many  persons  distinguished  for  their 
rank  and  talents  from  Tuscany  into  foreign  countries.  Among  these 
we  may  mention  Michael  Angelo  Florio,  a  popular  preacher  in  his 
own  country,  subsequently  pastor  of  a  Protestant  Church  among  the 
Grisons,  and  afterwards  at  London,  and  celebrated  as  the  author  of  a 
rare  and  curious  book,  including  a  life  of  the  unfortunate  and  accom- 
plished Lady  Jane  Grey ;  Nardi,  so  eminent  in  Italian  literature ; 
Pietro  Gelido,  a  native  of  Samminiato,  an  ecclesiastic  of  great  learn- 
ing, educated  at  the  court  of  Clement  VII,  and  finally  a  resident  of 
Florence.  He  had  served  the  duke  as  secretary  at  the  court  of 
France,  and  acted  as  his  agent  in  Venice  from  A.  D.  1552  to  A.  D. 
1562,  during  which  period  he  reflected  honor  both  on  his  prince  and 
the  republic  by  the  faithful  discharge  of  duty.  During  his  visits  to 
Ferrara  he  had  imbibed  the  Protestant  doctrines,  and  greatly  offended 
the  Romish  clergy,  not  only  by  the  intercourse  Avhich  he  held  with 
the  Germans,  but  also  by  the  protection  which  he  extended  to  those 


ANTONIO  ALBIZrO—THE  SOCCINI  OF  SIENNA. 


who  were  suspected  of  heresy.  This  opposition  induced  him  to  retire 
to  France,  and  to  take  up  his  abode  with  the  Duchess  Renee,  of 
Ferrara.  But  he  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  this  retirement.  A  spy 
of  his  former  master  falsel\-  accused  him  to  the  Florentines,  \\\\o 
surrounded  the  court  of  Catherine,  and  he  was  compelled  to  retreat 
to  Geneva,  where  he  united  with  the  Italian  congregation,  already 
organized  in  that  city.  From  that  place  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
Cosmo,  defending  his  own  conduct,  and  urging  the  duke  to  use  his 
influence  with  the  pope  to  convene  a  council  in  the  heart  of  Germany, 
and  to  attend  it  in  person.  The  example  of  Gelido  was  followed  at 
a  later  period  by  Antonio  Albizio,  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  no- 
blest families  in  Tuscany.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  academy  of 
Alterati,  at  Florence,  and  had  been  sent  by  the  Grand  Duke  as 
embassador  to  the  Emperor  ^laximilian  II  ;  but  having  become 
acquainted  with  the  truth  by  reading  the  Bible,  he  voluntarily  sacri- 
ficed his  honors  and  retired  to  Kempten,  in  Suabia,  where  he  divided 
his  time  between  devotional  exercises  and  literary  studies  until  his 
death,  A.  D.  1626.  His  friends  endeavored  to  win  him  back  to  the 
Romish  Church,  but  were  not  successful ;  and  his  process  was  going 
on  before  the  Inquisition  at  Rome  when  he  died. 

At  Sienna,  which  about  this  time  was  annexed  to  the  duchy  of 
Tuscany,  similar  proceedings  occurred.  During  a  number  of  years 
after  the  discover}^  of  the  defection  of  Ochino,  the  Soccini,  and  Pale- 
ario  from  the  Romish  faith,  the  inquisitors  alarmed  the  government 
by  circulating  reports  of  the  spread  of  heresy  in  the  city  and  territo- 
ries of  Sienna.  The  bishop  of  Bologna  was  sent,  A.  D.  1560,  to  con- 
duct a  process  against  Cornelio  Soccini,  who  was  accused  of  having 
adopted  the  peculiar  opinions  of  his  relation,  Fau.stus  Socinus.  All 
that  he  confessed  during  the  examination  was,  that  he  believed  eveiy 
thing  contained  in  the  Bible.  As  this  was  not  entirely  satisfactory, 
he  was,  with  the  consent  of  the  duke,  transferred  to  Rome.  The 
persecution  became  severer,  A.  D.  1567;  many  fled,  others  were  sub- 
jected to  trial  on  the  spot,  and  not  a  few  were  delivered  up  to  the 
"Holy  Office"  at  Rome. 

The  Spanish  government  endeavored  for  several  years  to  intro- 
duce the  Inquisition  as  it  existed  in  Spain  into  Naples,  but  was 
compelled  to  yield  to  the  repugnance  of  the  people,  apparently  sus- 
tained by  the  pope.  The  dissensions  which  characterized  the  discus- 
sion of  this  question  for  some  time  saved  the  Protestants  from  open 
persecution.  Lorenzo  Romano,  a  native  of  Sicily,  had,  at  a  former 
period  instilled  the  doctrine  of  Zwingle  into  the  minds  of  many  of 


326 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  inhabitants  of  Caserta,  a  town  lying  about  fifteen  miles  north  of 
Naples.  Having  visited  Germany,  where  he  was  more  fully  instructed 
in  the  truth,  he  returned  to  Italy  A.  D.  1549,  and  opened  a  class  in 
logic,  to  the  members  of  which  he  preached  the  Gospel.  The  Rom- 
ish clergy  were  informed  of  his  course,  and  proceeded  to  arraign  him 
before  the  Inquisition.  Romano,  not  possessing  the  firmness  of  a 
martyr,  was  alarmed  at  the  danger  which  threatened  him,  and  sought 
an  interview  the  Theatine  cardinal.     He  not  only  recanted  by 

confessing  his  own  errors,  but  also  betrayed  many  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  his  brethren  by  giving  the  names  of  all,  male  and 
female,  who  professed  the  Protestant  feith  both  in  the  capital  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  kingdom.  After  abjuring  his  opinions  publicly  in 
the  cathedral  churches  of  Naples  and  Caserta,  and  enduring  certain 
other  penances  at  Rome,  he  obtained  his  liberty.  Acting  upon 
Romano's  information,  the  pope  sent  inquisitors  to  find  the  heretics. 
Many  were  thrown  into  prison,  and  not  a  few  were  carried  to  Rome 
to  undergo  death  by  being  burned.  These  severities  continued 
several  years  and  produced  great  distress.  Two  noblemen,  Giovan 
Francesco  d'Alois,  of  Caserta,  and  Giovanni  Bernardino  di  Gargano, 
of  Aversa,  having  been  convicted  of  heresy,  Avere  beheaded  in  the 
market-place  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  March,  A.  D.  1564,  and  their 
bodies  consumed  to  ashes  in  the  sight  of  the  people. 

The  prosecutions  for  heresy,  and  the  dread  of  the  inhabitants  in 
anticipation  of  the  introduction  of  the  Inquisition,  seriously  affected 
the  interests  both  of  trade  and  literature.  In  the  city  of  Naples  whole 
streets  were  deserted  by  the  people.  The  academies  of  the  Sireni, 
Ardenti,  and  Incogniti,  which  had  been  recently  erected  for  the  cul- 
tivation of  poetry,  rhetoric,  and  astronomy,  were  closed  by  the  viceroy 
under  the  pretext  that  the  meii^bers  neglected  to  study  the  branches 
of  secular  learning,  and  devoted  their  attention  to  the  discussion  of 
the  Bible.  Besides  this  violence,  already  mentioned,  two  things  con- 
tributed to  the  overthrow  of  the  Protestant  cause  in  Naples.  The 
first  was  the  efforts  of  certain  adherents  of  Anabaptism  and  Arianism, 
who  entered  the  secret  meetings  of  the  Protestants  and  made  disciples 
to  their  peculiar  doctrines.  The  spirit  of  speculation  diverted  men's 
minds  from  the  simple  Gospel,  and  when  the  true  source  of  spiritual 
life  is  abandoned,  sooner  or  later,  even  the  form  of  religion  will  dis- 
appear. The  second  thing  which  assisted  in  the  ruin  of  the  reform 
movement  was  the  practice  indulged  by  some  of  attending  Romish 
worship,  partaking  of  mass  and  conducting  themselves  publicly  in 
every  respect  as  if  they  were  Roman  Catholics. 


COWARDLY  NEAPOLITAN  PROTESTANTS. 


327 


Some  writers  called  these  individuals  Valdesians,  because  they 
justified  their  conduct  by  appealing  to  the  example  of  Valdez,  and 
to  the  advice  which  he  gave  those  whom  he  had  instructed  in  the 
doctrine  of  justification,  but  whose  minds  were  yet  fettered  by  preju- 
dices in  favor  of  the  Romish  Church  and  the  ancient  ceremonies.  As 
the  persecution  increased  this  practice  became  more  general,  and  was 
not  only  offensive  to  those  conscientious  persons  who  shunned  Rom- 
ish worship  as  idolatrous,  but  gradually  eradicated  from  the  minds 
of  those  who  conformed  to  it  the  impressions  of  that  faith  which  they 
had  embraced,  and  prepared  them  to  abandon  it  on  the  slightest 
temptation.  The  course  pursued  by  this  class  destroyed  all  true 
decision  of  character,  all  courage  in  the  cause  and  service  of  Christ, 
and  all  proper  sensibility  of  conscience.  Even  many  of  these,  being 
suspected  of  believing  the  evangelical  doctrines,  were  arrested,  and  had 
to  purchase  their  lives  by  denying  their  convictions.  Others  had 
incurred  the  hatred  of  the  inquisitors  or  the  jealousy  of  informers, 
and  were  arrested  a  second  time  and  subjected  to  tortures  and  a  cruel 
death  as  relapsed  heretics.  To  avoid  these  persecutions,  or  actuated 
by  a  desire  to  enjoy  the  pure  worship  of  God,  many  of  the  Protest- 
ants started  to  make  their  homes  in  other  countries,  and,  while  some 
of  them  certainly  persevered  in  the  determination  to  abandon  forever 
their  native  land,  others,  it  is  said,  upon  reaching  the  Alps,  looked 
back  from  their  summits  to  take  a  last  view  of  their  beloved  Italy, 
and,  beholding  its  beauties,  and  recalling  the  friends  and  comforts 
they  were  forsaking,  burst  into  tears  and  had  not  the  courage  to  pro- 
ceed. -Like  Lot's  wife,  they  turned  back,  and  most  of  them,  soon 
after  their  return  to  Naples,  were  thrust  into  prison,  and,  having 
submitted  to  do  penance,  spent  the  remainder  of  their  lives,  shunned 
by  all  good  men,  and  rendered  miserable  by  a  feeling  of  remorse  and 
self-degradation. 

When  the  Protestant  cause  had  been  suppressed  in  the  capital, 
the  Neapolitan  government  allowed  the  inquisitors  to  roam  through 
the  country  like  wild  beasts  unrestrained,  and  to  devour  its  innocent 
citizens.  While  the  Romish  hierarchy  was  guilty  at  this  period  of 
many  barbarous  crimes,  none  was  more  atrocious  than  that  committed 
against  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  Waldenses.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  papal  authorities  were  determined  to  exceed  the  cruelties  which 
Simon  de  Montfort,  of  bloody  memory,  inflicted  during  the  Dark 
Ages  upon  the  ancestors  of  that  people  under  the  holy  banners  of 
the  Church.  As  we  have  already  stated,  this  Waldensian  colony  in 
Calabria  Citeriore  was  planted  in  the  fourteenth  century  by  emigrants 


328 


ITALY  STRUGGLIXG  INTO  LIGHT 


chiefly  from  the  Valley  of  Pragela,  in  Piedmont.  They  brought  with 
them  little  except  the  simple  piety  which  their  fathers  had  maintained 
from  the  primitive  ages  of  Christianity.  They  asked  for  lands  in 
Calabria  and  obtained  them  in  the  neighborhood  of  Consenza.  For 
two  hundred  years  they  cultivated  the  ground  in  peace  and  lived  on 
good  terms  with  their  Roman  Catholic  neighbors.  At  first  the  priest 
annoyed  them  because  they  neither  came  to  the  mass  nor  to  the 
confessional,  but  held  their  own  meetings  in  private  houses.  But 
the  proprietors  of  the  lands  upon  which  they  had  settled,  finding 
them  peaceable  and  industrious  tenants,  and  punctual  in  paying  their 
rents,  protected  them  from  molestation.  Even  the  priests  were  com- 
pelled to  admit  that  these  excellent  people  were  exemplary  in  render- 
ing the  tithes  and  in  meeting  all  the  other  claims  of  the  Church. 

In  the  course  of  time,  however,  they  lost  to  some  extent  the 
abhorrence  of  the  doctrines  and  services  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  which  their  fathers  entertained,  for,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Reformation  in  Germany  and  Switzerland,  they  were  in  the 
habit  of  attending  mass  in  the  Romish  churches.  Cut  off  from  inter- 
course with  their  brethren  of  the  same  faith,  and  destitute  of  the 
means  of  education  for  their  pastors,  this  simple  people,  though  not 
relinquishing  their  own  forms  of  worship,  gradually  conformed  to  the 
Romish  ceremonies,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  maintain  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  original  inhabitants.  As  they  had  few  schools,  and 
no  facilities  for  educating  their  pastors,  they  had  to  look  for  ministers 
of  the  Gospel  to  the  Churches  which  held  the  same  faith  in  the  val- 
leys of  Piedmont.  But  at  that  time  it  was  dangerous  for  Waldensian 
teachers  to  travel  from  their  homes  to  Calabria,  and  therefore  the 
Churches  of  that  community  were  frequently,  and  for  considerable 
periods,  very  poorly  supplied  with  pastors.  Indeed,  they  were  some- 
times entirely  destitute  of  spiritual  leaders. 

Having  heard  of  the  progress  of  a  religion  in  other  parts  of  Italy, 
strongly  resembling  that  of  their  fathers,  the  curiosity  of  the  Cala- 
brian  Waldenses  was  awakened,  and  they  eagerly  desired  to  become 
acquainted  with  it.  Feeling  the  need  of  more  ministers  of  the  Gos- 
pel, and  conscious  of  their  past  error  in  conforming  to  the  Romish 
worship,  they  applied  to  their  brethren  in  the  valleys  of  Pragela  and 
to  the  ministers  of  Geneva  to  procure  pastors  who  should  instruct 
them  more  fully  and  organize  their  Churches  on  a  Scriptural  basis. 
Their  application  was  not  in  vain.  Devoted  missionaries  came,  and 
by  diligent  preaching  and  catechising  revived  the  spirit  of  true  piety, 
and  promoted  the  knowledge  of  the  truth.,  not  only  among  the  Cala- 


PAPAL  DELEGA  TION  A  T  SANTO  SISTO. 


329 


brian  Waldcnses,  but  also  among  the  few  who  had  embraced  it  in  the 
neighboring  towns  in  the  province  of  Basihcata.  Great  success 
attended  their  efforts.  But  at  length  Rome  was  aroused,  like  a 
lioness  greedy  for  the  pre\'.  Her  emissaries,  the  iniquisitors,  while 
searching  for  victims  in  every  part  of  Italy,  did  not  pass  by  the  vil- 
lages occupied  by  these  inoffensive  people.  These  cruel  agents  of  the 
Vatican  had  already  tasted  blood,  and  were  accustomed  to  behold  the 
most  distressing  scenes.  When  the  Sacred  College  ascertained  that 
Protestant  ministers  had  been  sent  from  Geneva  to  the  Waldenses  in 
Calabria,  the  inquisitor-general  and  two  Dominican  monks,  Valerio 
Malvicino  and  Alfonso  Urbino,  were  appointed  to  reduce  the  her- 
etical Churches  to  the  obedience  of  the  Papal  See,  or  entirely  sup- 
press them.  This  delegation,  which  has  won  for  itself  an  imperish- 
able infam}^  started  with  alacrit}'  from  the  "Eternal  Cit}-"  on  the 
bloody  errand.  On  their  first  arrival  at  Santo  Sisto,  or  San  Sexto, 
the  monks  were  gentle  and  kind  in  their  manners.  Having  assem- 
bled the  inhabitants,  they  assured  them  that  no  harm  was  intended, 
if  they  would  only  dismiss  their  Lutheran  teachers  and  come  to  mass. 
After  disclaiming  any  design  to  injure  the  people,  these  representa- 
tiv^es  of  the  Inquisition  declared  that  the}'  were  sent  as  friends  to  warn 
them  against  false  prophets  who  had  led  them  awa}-  from  the  truth, 
and,  that  if  they  would  consent  to  listen  onl}-  to  those  who  were 
appointed  by  their  ordinary,  and  live  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  all  would  be  well,  but  that,  if  they  refused, 
they  would  be  in  danger  of  losing  then*  lives  and  property,  the  pun- 
ishment inflicted  upon  heretics. 

The  visiting  monks  then  appointed  a  time  for  the  celebration 
of  mass,  which  they  required  all  present  to  attend.  The  bell  was 
rung,  but  the  citizens,  instead  of  complying  with  the  injunction  by 
attending  the  service,  left  the  town  in  a  body,  and  retired  to  a  neigh- 
boring wood.  Such  was  the  result  of  the  first  movement  to  persuade 
the  Waldenses  of  San  Sexto,  one  of  the  two  chief  places  occupied 
by  tlTtit  people.  Concealing  their  chagrin,  the  monks  immediately 
went  to  La  Guardia,  the  other  prominent  Waldensian  town,  situated 
on  the  seashore,  and,  after  entering  it,  locked  the  gates  behind  them 
to  prevent  a  second  flight.  Assembling  the  inhabitants,  who  had  not 
yet  heard  of  the  proceedings  at  San  Sexto,  they  told  them  that  their 
brethren  there  had  renounced  their  erroneous  opinions  and  dutifully 
attended  mass,  at  the  same  time  exhorting  them  to  imitate  their  wise 
and  good  example  and  return  to  the  fold  of  the  Roman  shepherd. 
The  poor  people,  taken  unawares,  credited  the  report  of  the  monks, 


330 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


and,  intimidated  b}^  the  probable  consequences  of  refusal,  went  to  the 
Romish  church  and  partook  of  the  mass;  but  no  sooner  was  the 
ceremony  ended,  and  the  gates  of  the  town  opened,  than  they  learned 
the  deception  which  had  been  practiced  upon  them.  Indignant,  and 
also  ashamed  of  their  own  weakness,  they  resolved  instantly  to  leave 
the  place  with  their  wives  and  children  and  join  their  brethren,  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  woods — a  resolution  from  which  they  were 
with  difficulty  diverted  by  the  persuasion  and  promises  of  Salvator 
Spinello,  the  feudatory  superior  of  the  town. 

The  inquisitor-general,  Alexandrini,  now  made  request  for  two 
companies  of  men-at-arms  to  enable  him  to  execute  his  mission. 
The  soldiers  were  sent  to  him,  and  he  directed  them  to  the  woods, 
with  instructions  to  pursue  and  murder  the  inhabitants  of  San  Sexto. 
Tracking  them  like  beasts  of  prey  to  their  hiding-places  in  the  thick- 
ets and  the  caves  of  the  mountains,  they  fell  upon  them  with  cries  of 
Amazzi!  amazzi !  Murder  them!  murder  them!"  Many  of  them 
Avere  slain  on  the  spot ;  others,  who  escaped,  were  pursued  with 
blood-hounds  as  if  they  had  been  wild  beasts.  Some  of  these  fugi- 
tives scaled  the  craggy  summits  of  the  Apennines.  Having  secured 
themselves  among  the  rocks,  they  demanded  an  interview  with  the  cap- 
tain of  the  soldiers.  After  beseeching  him  to  have  compassion  on 
them,  their  wives,  and  children,  they  said  that  they  and  their  fathers 
had  inhabited  that  country  for  several  ages  without  any  complaint  con- 
cerning their  conduct ;  that  if  they  could  not  be  permitted  to  remain  in 
it  any  longer  without  renouncing  their  faith,  they  hoped  to  be  allowed 
the  privilege  of  retiring  to  som.e  other  country.  They  expressed  a 
willingness  to  go  by  sea  or  land  to  any  place  which  their  superiors 
might  select ;  promised  not  to  return ;  and  solemnly  declared  that 
they  would  take  no  more  with  them  than  what  was  necessary  for  their 
support  on  the  journey,  as  they  were  ready  to  sacrifice  their  prop- 
erty rather  than  violate  their  consciences  by  practicing  idolatry. 
I'hey  implored  him  to  withdraw  his  men,  to  spare  the  effusion  of 
blood,  and  not  compel  them  reluctantly  to  defend  themselves,  as,  in 
their  desperation,  they  might  resort  to  extreme  measures.  Instead 
of  listening  to  this  reasonable  offer,  and  reporting  it  to  his  superiors, 
the  captain  ordered  his  men  to  advance  by  a  defile,  and  when  they 
had  reached  a  certain  point,  the  Waldenses,  stationed  on  the  sum- 
mits, hurled  down  the  stones  upon  them,  killing  the  greater  part  and 
putting  the  rest  to  flight. 

Alexandrini,  the  inquisitor -general,  resolved  to  avenge  on  the 
whole  body  this  unpremeditated,  act  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 


THE  WALDENSES  EXTERMINATED. 


'few.  He  wrote  to  Naples,  stating  that  the  country  was  in  a  tumult, 
resulting  from  the  rebellion  of  the  Vaudois,  and  asking  for  more 
troops  to  suppress  it.  On  the  arrival  of  the  messenger,  the  viceroy 
dispatched  several  companies  of  soldiers  to  Calabria.  To  gratify  the 
pope,  and  to  see  that  the  bloody  work  was  effectually  done,  he 
accompanied  the  army  in  person.  Following  the  advice  of  the  inquis- 
itors, he  issued  a  proclamation  delivering  up  San  Sexto  to  fire  and 
sword,  which  compelled  the  inhabitants  to  remain  in  their  retreats. 
He  attempted  to  storm  them  while  they  were  strongly  inti'enched  in 
the  great  mountains,  whose  summits  of  splintered  rocks,  towering  high 
above  the  pine  forests  that  clothe  their  sides,  presented  to  the  fugi- 
tives an  almost  inaccessible  place  of  concealment.  The  Waldenses 
offered  to  emigrate,  but  the  viceroy  refused  to  accept  any  terms  but 
their  return  to  the  papal  Church.  They  replied  that  they  would 
rather  yield  their  lives  than  accept  peace  on  such  conditions.  The  vice- 
roy now  commanded  his  men  to  attack  them  ;  but,  as  they  advanced, 
a  shower  of  rocks  hurled  them  to  the  bottom  a  discomfited  mass,  in 
which  the  bruised,  the  maimed,  and  the  dying  were  confusedly  min 
gled  with  the  corpses  of  the  killed.  The  viceroy,  seeing  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  enterprise,  issued  a  proclamation  promising  a  free  par- 
don to  the  bannitti,  or  persons  proscribed  for  crimes,  who  formed  a 
numerous  class-  in  Naples,  who  might  be  willing  to  undertake  the 
task  of  scaling  the  mountains  and  attacking  the  stronghold  of  the 
Waldenses.  In  obedience  to  the  summons  a  mob  of  bandits,  out- 
laws, and  other  criminals  assembled  to  commence  the  war  of  exter- 
mination. They  were  acquainted  with  the  secret  paths  of  the  Apen- 
nines, and  tracked  the  fugitives  through  the  recesses  of  the  forest. 
Clambering  over  the  great  rocks,  these  assassins  rushed  from  every 
side  on  the  barricades  on  the  summit,  and  butchered  the  poor  Vau- 
dois. The  greater  part  of  them  were  slaughtered,  while  the  remain- 
der of  these  poor  wretched  people  took  refuge  in  the  caverns  of  the 
high  rocks,  where  many  of  them  died  of  hunger.  Thus  were  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Sexto  exterminated,  some  dying  by  the  sword, 
some  by  fire,  while  others  were  torn  by  blood-hounds  or  perished  by 
famine. 

But  worse  things,  if  possible,  remained  for  the  inhabitants  of  La 
Guardia.  While  the  desperadoes  of  the  Neapolitan  viceroy  were 
busy  in  the  mountains  butchering  the  flying  Vaudois  of  San  Sexto, 
the  inquisitor-general  and  his  monks  were  pursuing  their  work  of 
blood  at  La  Guardia.  The  military  force  at  their  command  not 
enabling  them  to  take  summary  measures  with  the  inhabitants,  they 


33-' 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


resorted  to  stratagem.  Pretending  to  be  displeased  with  the  severity 
of  mihtary  execution,  the  inquisitors  retired  to  some  distance  from 
the  place,  and  kindly  invited  the  people  to  come  out  and  hold  a  con- 
ference with  them.  Encouraged  by  the  report  which  they  had  heard, 
the  Vaudois  complied ;  but  no  sooner  had  they  made  their  appear- 
ance outside  the  gates  than  the  soldiers,  who  had  been  placed  in 
ambush,  seized,  according  to  Monastier's  statement,  sixteen  hundred 
persons.  Of  these,  seventy  were  sent  in  chains  to  the  neighboring 
village  of  Montalto,  and  tortured  by  the  orders  of  the  inquisitor, 
Panza,  to  induce  them  not  only  to  renounce  their  faith,  but  also  to 
accuse  themselves  and  their  brethren  of  practicing  shameful  crimes 
in  their  religious  assemblies. 

To  accomplish  this  some  of  them  were  compelled  to  endure  the 
most  dreadful  agonies,  but  no  such  confession  could  be  WTung  from 
them.  "  Stefano  Carlino,"  says  the  historian  M'Crie,  "  was  tortured 
until  his  bowels  gushed  out."  Another  prisoner,  named  Verminel, 
in  the  extremity  of  pain,  promised  to  attend  mass,  and  the  inquisitor, 
encouraged  at  this  evidence  of  reform,  thought  that  by  increasing 
the  violence  of  the  torture  he  could  extort  a  confession  of  the  charge 
which  he  was  anxious  to  fasten  upon  them.  The  exhausted  sufferer 
was  kept  during  eight  hours  on  the  horrid  instrument  called  tJie  hell; 
but  notwithstanding  this  prolonged  torture  he  persisted  in  denying 
the  atrocious  calumny.  Another  man,  named  Marzone,  was  stripped 
naked,  beaten  with  iron  rods,  dragged  through  the  streets,  and  then 
knocked  down  with  the  blows  of  torches.  One  of  his  sons,  a  mere 
boy,  having  refused  to  become  a  Romanist  and  embrace  the  crucifix, 
was  thrown  headlong,  by  order  of  the  inquisitors,  from  the  top  of  a 
tower.  Bernardino  Conte,  on  his  way  to  the  stake,  threw  away  a 
crucifix  which  the  executioner  had  forced  into  his  hands,  for  which 
act  Panza  remanded  him  to  prison  until  a  more  dreadful  mode  of 
punishment  should  be  devised.  He  was  conveyed  to  Cozenza,  where 
his  body  was  covered  with  pitch,  in  which  he  was  burned  to  death 
in  the  presence  of  a  vast  multitude  of  people.  A  priest,  named 
Anania,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  these  persecutions,  wrote 
an  account  of  it  in  Latin  verse.  The  treatment  of  the  women,  by 
order  of  the  brutal  inquisitor,  is  too  disgusting  to  be  described. 
Sixty  tender  females  were  put  to  the  torture,  the  greater  part  of 
whom  died  in  prison  in  consequence  of  their  wounds  remaining 
undressed.  When  Panza  returned  to  Naples  he  delivered  a  large 
number  of  Protestants  to  the  secular  arm  at  St.  Agata,  where  he 
excited  terror  in  the  hearts  of  the  people ;  for  whoever  attempted  to 


WHOLESALE  SLAUGHTER. 


333 


intercede  in  behalf  of  the  prisoners  was  immediately  put  to  the  tor- 
ture as  a  heretic. 

But  these  horrors  are  not  to  be  compared  with  the  barbarous  and 
bloody  tragedy  enacted  among  the  same  people  at  Monalto,  A.  D. 
1560,  under  the  government  of  the  marquis  di  Buccianici,  whose 
zeal  was  quickened,  it  is  said,  by  the  promise  of  a  cardinal's  hat  to 
his  brother,  if  he  would  clear  Calabria  of  heres}'.  It  was  witnessed 
by  a  servant  to  Ascanio  Caraccioli,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  and 
described  by  him  in  a  letter,  which  was  published  in  Italy  along  with 
other  accounts  of  the  horrible  transaction.  The  following  is  a  prin- 
cipal part  of  it,  as  quoted  by  ^M'Crie  :  "Most  Illustrious  Sir, — Having 
written  you  from  time  to  time  what  has  been  done  here  in  the  affair 
of  heresy,  I  have  now  to  inform  you  of  the  dreadful  justice  which 
began  to  be  executed  on  these  Lutherans  earh'  this  morning,  being  the 
nth  of  June.  And,  to  tell  you  the  truth,  I  can  compare  it  to  noth- 
ing but  the  slaughter  of  so  many  sheep.  They  were  all  shut  up  in 
one  house,  as  in  a  sheep-fold.  The  executioner  went,  and,  bringing 
out  one  of  them,  covered  his  face  with  a  napkin,  or  bciida,  as  we 
call  it,  led  him  out  to  a  field  near  the  house,  and  causing  him  to 
kneel  down,  cut  his  throat  with  a  knife.  Then,  taking  off  the  bloody 
napkin,  he  went  and  brought  out  another,  whom  he  put  to  death 
after  the  same  manner.  In  this  wa}^  the  whole  number,  amounting 
to  eighty-eight  men,  were  butchered.  I  leave  you  to  figure  to  your- 
self the  lamentable  spectacle,  for  I  can  scarce!}'  refrain  from  tears 
while  I  write  ;  nor  was  there  any  person  who,  after  witnessing  the 
execution  of  one,  could  stand  to  look  on  a  second.  The  meekness 
and  patience  with  which  they  went  to  martyrdom  and  death  are 
incredible.  Some  of  them  at  their  death  professed  themselves  of  the 
same  faith  with  us,  but  the  greater  part  died  in  their  cursed  obsti- 
nacy. All  the  old  men  met  their  death  with  cheerfulness,  but  the 
young  men  exhibited  symptoms  of  fear.  I  still  shudder  while  I 
think  of  the  executioner,  with  the  bloody  knife  in  his  teeth,  the 
dripping  napkin  in  his  hand,  and  his  arms  besmeared  with  gore, 
going  to  the  house,  and  taking  out  one  victim  after  another,  just  as 
the  butcher  does  the  sheep  which  he  means  to  kill. 

"According  to  others,  wagons  are  already  come  to  carr)^  away 
the  dead  bodies,  which  are  appointed  to  be  quartered  and  hung  up 
on  the  public  roads  from  one  end  of  Calabria  to  the  other.  Unless 
his  holiness  and  the  viceroy  of  Naples  command  the  marquis  di 
Buccianici,  the  governor  of  this  province,  to  stay  his  hand  and  leave 
off,  he  will  go  on  to  put  others  to  the  torture  and  multiply  the 


334 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


executions,  until  he  has  destroyed  the  whole.  Even  to-day  a  decree 
has  passed  that  a  hundred  grown-up  women  shall  be  put  to  the 
question,  and  afterwards  executed,  in  order  that  there  may  be  a  com- 
plete mixture,  and  we  may  be  able  to  say  in  well-sounding  language 
that  so  many  persons  were  punished,  partly  men  and  partly  women. 
This  is  all  I  have  to  say  of  this  act  of  justice.  It  is  now  eight 
o'clock,  and  I  shall  presently  hear  accounts  of  what  was  said  by 
these  obstinate  people  as  they  were  led  to  execution.  Some  have 
testified  such  obstinacy  and  stubbornness  as  to  refuse  to  look  on  a 
crucifix  or  confess  to  a  priest,  and  they  are  to  be  burnt  alive.  The 
heretics  taken  in  Calabria  amount  to  sixteen  hundred,  all  of  whom 
are  condemned;  but  only  eighty-eight  have  as  yet  been  put  to  death. 
This  people  came  originally  from  the  valley  of  Angrogna,  near  Savoy, 
and  in  Calabria  are  called  Ultramontani.  Four  other  places  in  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  are  inhabited  by  the  same  race,  but  I  do  not 
know  that  they  behave  ill ;  for  they  are  a  simple,  unlettered  people,' 
entirely  occupied  with  the  spade  and  plow%  and,  I  am  told,  show 
themselves  sufficiently  religious  at  the  hour  of  death." 

Should  the  reader  doubt  the  simple  statement  of  these  terrible 
atrocities  given  by  an  intelligent  servant,  let  him  take  the  following 
summary  account  of  them  by  a  Neapolitan  historian  of  that  age, 
who  is  not  likely  to  have  exaggerated  any  thing  that  relates  to  the 
treatment  of  these  poor  people:  ''Some  had  their  throats  cut, 
others  Vvcre  sawn  through  the  middle,  and  others  thrown  from  the 
top  of  a  high  cliff;  all  were  cruelly  but  deservedly  put  to  death. 
It  was  strange  to  hear  of  their  obstinacy ;  for,  while  the  father 
saw  his  son  put  to  death,  and  the  son  his  father,  they  not  only  ex-  , 
hibited  no  symptoms  of  grief,  but  said  joyfully  that  they  would  be 
angels  of  God — so  much  had  the  devil,  to  wdiom  they  had  given 
themselves  up  as  a  prey,  deceived  them."  The  remaining  portion 
of  the  history  of  the  W'aldensian  colony  in  Calabria  may  be  told  in 
a  few  words.  When  their  persecutors  were  satiated  with  blood  it 
was  not  difficult  to  dispose  of  the  rest  of  the  prisoners.  The  men 
were  sent  to  the  Spanish  galleys,  the  women  and  children  were  sold 
for  slaves ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  who  renounced  their 
faith,  this  whole  colony,  which  at  the  commencement  of  the  six- 
teenth century  comprised  a  population  of  four  thousand  souls,  was 
exterminated.  "Many  a  time  have  they  afflicted  me  from  my 
youth,"  may  the  race  of  the  Waldenses  say — ''many  a  time  have 
they  afflicted  me  from  my  }'outh.  i\Iy  blood — the  violence  done  to 
me  and  to  my  flesh — be  upon"  Rome! 


THE  ITALIAN  AND  THE  SPANISH  INQUISITION 


335 


Chapter  XX. 

ITALIAN  MARTYRS. 

WHILE  the  popes  were  actively  engaged  in  suppressing  the 
Protestant  movement  in  other  parts  of  Italy  they  were  not 
idle  in  the  territories  of  the  Church.  Some  writers  have  stated  that 
the  procedure  of  the  Inquisition  was  milder  in  Italy  than  in  Spain ; 
but  it  is  necessary  to  qualify  both  the  statement  of  the  fact  and  the 
reasons  by  which  it  is  usually  accounted  for.  One  of  the  reasons  is 
that  the  Italians,  including  the  popes,  have  always  consulted  their 
pecuniary  interests,  to  which  all  other  considerations  must  yield. 
The  second  reason,  Avhich  is  not  less  significant,  is,  that  the  popes, 
being  temporal  princes  in  the  States  of  the  Church,  had  no  occasion 
to  employ  the  Inquisition  to  undermine  the  rights  of  the  secular 
authorities  among  them,  as  in  other  countries.  This  is  unquestion- 
ably true,  and  it  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  court  of  Inquisition, 
long  after  its  operations  had  been  suspended  in  Italy,  continued  to 
be  warmly  supported  by  papal  influence  in  Spain.  But  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  fully  and  constantly  em- 
ployed, and  the  popes  were  enabled  to  accomplish  by  it  what  they 
as  secular  rulers  could  not  do.  The  principal  difference  between  the 
Italian  and  Spanish  Inquisitions  at  that  period  consisted  in  their 
policy  respecting  the  mode  of  punishment.  The  latter  endeavored 
to  inspire  terror  by  the  solemn  spectacle  of  a  public  act  of  justice, 
in  whish  the  scaffold  was  crowded  with  criminals.  The  former, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  remote  and  friendless  Calabrians,  avoided 
all  unnecessary  publicity  and  eclat.  Hence  the  mode  of  punishment 
usual  at  Venice  was  adopted  at  Rome,  as  in  the  case  of  Bartolommeo 
Fonzio.  In  other  instances  the  victims  were  brought  to  the  stake 
singly  or  in  small  numbers,  and  often  strangled  before  being  com- 
mitted to  the  flames.  The  report  of  the  autos-da-  fe  of  Seville  and 
Valladolid  was  immediately  spread  over  Europe ;  but  the  executions 
at  Rome  created  less  excitement  in  the  city,  because  they  were  less 
splendid  as  well  as  more  frequent,  and  the  rumor  of  them  died  away 
before  it  could  reach  the  ear  of  foreigners. 

Paul  III  cast  many  of  the  Protestants  into  the  prisons  of  Rome ; 
they  were  brought  forth  to  execution  by  Julius  III ;  and  Paul  IV 


33^ 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


followed  in  the  bloody  footsteps  of  his  predecessor,  ^^u^ring  the 
reign  of  the  latter  pontiff  the  Inquisition  spread  consternation  every- 
where, and  produced  the  very  evils  it  labored  to  remove.  Princes 
and  princesses,  clergy  and  laity,  bishops  and  friars,  entire  academies, 
the  sacred  college,  and  even  the  ''Holy  Office"  itself,  were  sus- 
pected of  heresy.  The  conclave  was  subjected  to  an  expurgatory 
process.  Cardinals  Morono  and  Pole,  with  Foscarari,  bishop  of  Mo- 
dena,  Luighi,  Priuli,  and  other  eminent  persons,  were  prosecuted  as 
heretics.  It  was  at  last  found  necessary  to  introduce  laymen  into 
the  Inquisition,  because  (to  use  the  words  of  a  contemporary  writer) 
"not  only  many  bishops  and  vicars  and  friars,  but  also  many  of  the 
inquisitors  themselves,  were  tainted  with  heresy."  The  personal 
fanaticism  and  jealousy  of  the  pontiff  caused  much  of  the  extrava- 
gance which  prevailed  at  this  time.  Such  was  the  "frenzied  zeal 
of  this  infallible  dotard  "  that  he  summoned  some  of  his  cardinals  to 
his  death-bed,  and  with  his  latest  breath  urged  them  to  sustain  the 
Inquisition.  If  his  life  had  been  spared  a  little  longer  the  poet's 
description  of  the  effects  of  superstition  would  have  been  realized, 
"and  one  capacious  curse  enveloped  all."  The  inhabitants  of  Rome 
were  irritated  by  his  violence,  extortion,  and  rapine,  and  when  the 
tidings  of  his  death  reached  them  they  gathered  in  tumultuous 
crowds,  burned  the  house  of  the  Inquisition  to  the  ground,  and  after 
liberating  all  the  prisoners,  and  breaking  down  the  statue  which 
Paul  III  had  erected  for  himself,  they  dragged  its  members  with 
ropes  through  the  streets  and  threw  them  into  the  Tiber. 

As  Paul  IV  was  naturally  of  a  mild  disposition,  he  would  not 
permit  the  violent  and  arbitrary  policy  of  his  predecessor  to  be  con- 
tinued ;  but,  being  unable  to  control  the  cardinal  who  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Inquisition,  he  was  powerless  to  prevent  the  massacres 
which  disgraced  his  pontificate  in  Calabria  and  various  parts  of  Italy. 
The  house  of  the  Inquisition  having  been  demolished  in  the  tumult, 
an  edifice  belonging  to  one  of  the  cardinals,  and  situated  beyond  the 
Tiber,  was  used  by  the  inquisitors,  and  cells  were  added  to  it  for  the 
reception  of  prisoners.  It  was  commonly  called  the  Lutheran  prison, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  built  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  "Circus  of 
Nero,"  in  which  so  many  Christians  w^ere  delivered  to  the  wild  beasts. 
Philip,  the  son  of  the  learned  Joachim  Camerarius,  and  Peter  Rieter 
de  Kornburg,  a  Bavarian  gentleman,  were  confined  in  this  prison  for 
two  months,  A.  D.  1565,  having  been  arrested,  when  visiting  Rome 
on  their  travels,  through  the  information  of  a  Jew,  who  mistook 
Rieter  for  another  German  with  whom  he  had  quarreled.    The  in- 


THE  CRUEL  REIGN  OF  PIUS  V. 


337 


former  acknowledged  his  mistake,  but  tlie  prisoners  were  still  detained 
as  heretics,  and  obtained  their  libert}'  only  through  the  interposition 
of  the  imperial  embassador,  accompanied  with  a  threat  from  the 
Protestant  princes,  that  the  agents  of  Rome  should  receive  the  same 
treatment  when  traveling  through  Germany.  Pompeio  di  Monti,  a 
Neapolitan  nobleman,  was  seized  by  the  familiars  of  the  Inquisition, 
as  he  was  crossincT  the  brido-e  of  St.  Ani^elo  on  horseback,  in  com- 
pany  with  his  relation,  Marcantonio  Colonna,  and  lodged  in  the  same 
apartment  with  Camerarius,  who  derived  from  his  conversation  great 
religious  consolation,  and  also  wise  counsel  to  a\-oid  the  snares  which 
the  inquisitors  generall}'  laid  for  their  prisoners.  The\'  shared  to- 
gether the  use  of  a  Latin  Bible  which  the  baron  had  procured  and 
kept  concealed  in -his  bed.  Camerarius  having  applied  for  a  Psalter 
to  assist  him  in  his  devotions,  the  noted  Jesuit,  Petrus  Canisius,  by 
whom  he  was  visited,  pressed  on  him  the  "Office  of  the  Holy  Virgin," 
as  more  conducive  to  edification  ;  and,  when  it  was  declined,  sent 
him  "Amadis  de  Gaul,"  and  Caesar's  "Commentaries."  During  the 
following  year  Di  Monti  was  sentenced  to  be  burned  alive;  but  in 
consideration  of  a  sum  of  seven  thousand  crowns  being  advanced  by 
his  friends  he  was  only  strangled,  and  his  body  afterwards  committed 
to  the  flames. 

Under  Pius  V,  who  ascended  the  papal  chair,  A.  D.  1566,  perse- 
cution raged  again  in  the  States  of  the  Church.  The  name  of  this 
infamous  pontiff  was  Michele  Ghisleri,  who  had  been  president  of  the 
Inquisition,  a  position  which  he  had  held  under  the  designation  of 
the  Alexandrian  cardinal  since  the  late  establishment  of  that  tribunal. 
The  cruelties  committed  during  the  two  preceding  pontificates  were 
in  no  small  degree  attributable  to  his  influence.  Persecution  in  its 
most  violent  forms  prevailed  in  Bologna,  where  "persons  of  all  ranks 
were  promiscuously  subjected  to  the  same  imprisonments  and  tortures 
and  death."  A  writer  of  that  period  sa}'s :  "Three  persons  have 
lately  been  burnt  alive  in  that  city,  and  two  brothers  of  the  noble 
family  of  Ercolani  seized  on  suspicion  of  heresy,  and  sent  bound  to 
Rome.  At  the  same  time  man}-  of  the  German  students  in  the  uni- 
versity were  imprisoned  or  obliged  to  fly.  The  following  description 
of  the  state  of  affairs  is  from  the  pen  of  one  who  resided,  A.  D. 
1568,  on  the  borders  of  Italy:  "At  Rome  some  are  every  da}'  burnt, 
hanged,  or  beheaded  :  all  the  prisons  and  places  of  confinement  are 
filled,  and  they  are  obliged  to  build  new  ones.  That  large  city  can 
not  furnish  gaols  for  the  numbers  of  pious  persons  who  are  contin- 
ually apprehended.     A  distinguished  person  named  Carnesecchi,  for- 


338 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


merly  embassador  to  the  duke  of  Tuscany,  has  been  committed  to 
the  flames.  Two  persons  of  still  greater  distinction,  Baron  Bernardo 
di  Angole  and  Count  di  Petigliano,  a  genuine  and  brave  Roman, 
are  in  prison.  After  long  resistance  they  were,  at  last,  induced  to 
recant,  on  a  promise  that  they  should  be  set  at  liberty.  But  what 
was  the  consequence  ?  The  one  was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of 
eighty  thousand  crowns  and  to  suffer  perpetual  imprisonment ;  and 
the  other  to  pay  one  thousand  crowns,  and  be  confined  for  life  in  the 
convent  of  the  Jesuits.  Thus  have  they,  by  a  dishonorable  defec- 
tion, purchased  a  life  worse  than  death."  The  following  anecdote  is 
related  by  the  same  writer,  and  shows  the  base  stratagems  which  the 
Roman  Inquisition  employed  to  get  hold  of  its  victims:  *'A  letter 
from  Genoa  to  Messere  Bonetti  states  that  a  rich  nobleman  at  Mo- 
dena,  in  the  duchy  of  Ferrara,  was  lately  informed  against  as  a  here- 
tic to  the  pope,  who  adopted  a  dishonorable  method  to  secure  his 
arrest.  The  nobleman  had  a  cousin  at  Rome,  who  was  sent  for  to 
the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  told,  '  Either  you  must  die,  or  write  to 
your  cousin  at  Modena,  desiring  him  to  meet  you  in  Bologna  at  a 
certain  hour,  as  if  you  wished  to  speak  to  him  on  important  business.' 
The  letter  was  dispatched,  and  the  nobleman,  having  ridden  in  haste 
to  Bologna,  was  seized  as  soon  as  he  had  dismounted  from  his  horse. 
His  friend  was  then  set  at  liberty.    This  is  dragon's  game." 

Speaking  of  the  rigor  of  the  Inquisition  in  Italy,  and  the  sudden- 
ness of  executions  at  this  period,  Muretus  said  to  De  Thou:  "We 
know  not  what  becomes  of  people  here:  I  am  terrified  every  morn- 
ing when  I  rise,  lest  I  should  be  told  that  such  and  such  a  one  is  no 
more;  and  if  it  should  be  so,  we  durst  not  say  a  word."  But  the 
despotism  of  the  popes  was  beginning  to  wane.  While  Pius  V  was 
brave,  he  was  sometimes  compelled  to  yield.  Galeas  de  San  Seve- 
rino,  count  of  Caiazzo,  a  favorite  of  Charles  IX  of  France,  and  an 
officer  of  high  rank  in  his  army,  having  visited  Italy  on  private  busi- 
ness, A.  D.  1568,  was  thrown  into  the  prison  of  the  Inquisition  at 
Rome,  because  he  was  suspected  of  being  a  Huguenot.  Charles 
immediately  sent  the  marquis  de  Pisano  to  demand  the  liberation  of 
the  count  as  a  French  subject.  The  pope  requested  time  for  delib- 
eration. After  repeated  delays,  the  marquis  demanded  the  release 
of  the  prisoner  within  eight  days ;  and,  that  time  having  elapsed,  he 
had  an  interview  with  the  pope,  and  told  him  that,  if  the  count  was 
not  delivered  to  him  next  day,  the  embassador  of  France  should  be 
instantly  recalled,  and  all  the  ordinary  intercourse  with  Rome  as  to 
ecclesiastical  benefices  in  the  kingdom  should  cease.     By  the  advice 


FA  VENTINO  FANNIO. 


339 


of  tlie  cardinals,  Pius  V  gave  him  up  very  reluctantly,  saying  that 
the  king-  had  sent  him  imbi'ia  cone,  or  drunken  fool.  De  Thou  re- 
ceived this  anecdote  from  the  marquis  himself.  It  was  this  same 
nobleman  who,  when  ordered  by  Sixtus  V  to  quit  his  territories 
within  eight  days,  replied,  "Your  territories  are  not  so  large,  but 
that  I  can  quit  them  within  twenty-four  hours." 

According  to  Scaliger,  a  man  named  Jacobini  was  the  first  Prot- 
estant martyr  in  Italy.  But  the  civilian  Cujas,  who  was  present  at 
his  execution,  denies  that  he  was  a  Protestant,  and  affirms  that  he 
only  differed  from  the  Romish  Church  in  some  things,  remarking  that 
in  those  days  they  burned  men  for  a  small  matter.  Others  assert 
that  Faventino  Fannio,  or  Fannio,  a  native  of  Faenza,  a  town  in  the 
States  of  the  Church,  was  the  first  who  suffered  death  for  the  Prot- 
estant faith  in  that  country.  But  this  is  not  an  essential  question. 
Whether  the  first  martyr  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  Faventino  Fannio, 
who  became  acquainted  with  the  truth  by  reading  the  Bible,  and 
other  religious  books,  in  his  native  tongue,  was  very  active  in  its 
propagation.  He  went  from  place  to  place,  in  the  province  of  Ro- 
magna,  instructing  in  each  a  few  persons  in  the  Gospel,  and  enjoining 
upon  them  to  communicate  to  others  the  knowledge  which  they  had 
acquired.  He  was  arrested  by  the  inquisitors  and  thrown  into  prison ; 
but  through  the  persuasions  of  his  friends  he  obtained  his  liberty  by 
recantation.  This  act  greatly  distressed  him,  and  when  he  had  re- 
covered from  his  despondency,  he  resolved  to  labor  more  zealously 
than  before  in  showing  his  countrymen  the  way  of  salvation.  Having 
attained  more  knowledge  of  the  grace  of  God,  and  greater  strength 
in  the  principles  of  the  Gospel,  he  was  successful  within  a  short  time 
of  disseminating  extensively  the  evangelical  doctrines. 

While  at  Bagnacavallo  he  was  arrested  a  second  time,  and  con- 
ducted in  chains  to  Ferrara.  He  could  not  now  be  moved  either  by 
threats  or  solicitations  to  deny  his  attachment  to  the  Protestant  cause. 
Olympia  Morata,  Lavinia  della  Rovere,  and  other  distinguished  per- 
sons visited  him  in  prison  and  were  greatly  edified  by  his  conversa- 
tion and  prayers.  To  the  lamentations  of  his  wife  and  sister,  Avho 
came  to  see  him,  he  replied,  Let  it  suffice  you,  that  for  your  sakes 
I  have  once  denied  my  Savior.  Had  I  then  had  the  knowledge 
which,  by  the  grace  of  God,  I  have  acquired  since  my  fall,  I  would 
not  have  yielded  to  your  entreaties.  Go  home  in  peace."  Of  Fan- 
nio's  imprisonment,  which  lasted  two  years,  it  may  be  said  that  it 
fell  out  to  the  furtherance  of  the  Gospel,  so  that  **his  bonds  in  Christ 
were  manifest  in  all  the  palace."    When  orders  were  issued  to  pre- 

23 


340 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


vent  strangers  from  having  access  to  him,  he  employed  himself  in 
teaching  his  fellow-prisoners,  including  several  persons  of  rank,  who 
were  confined  for  state  crimes.  His  piety,  combined  with  his  remark- 
able modesty  and  meekness,  so  deeply  impressed  them,  that  they 
acknowledged,  after  their  enlargement,  that  they  never  experienced 
true  happiness  and  liberty  until  they  came  within  the  walls  of  the 
prison.  Orders  were  then  given  to  place  him  in  solitary  confinement, 
where  he  spent  his  time  in  writing  religious  letters  and  essays,  which 
were  circulated  among  his  friends,  and  some  of  which  were  published 
after  his  death.  The  priests,  fearing  that  he  might  exert  a  pernicious 
influence  over  those  who  approached  him,  frequently  changed  his 
prison  and  his  keeper.  Pope  Julius  III  disregarded  every  interces- 
sion made  for  his  life,  and  ordered  him  to  be  executed,  A.  D.  1550. 
He  was  accordingly  brought  out  to  the  stake  at  an  early  hour  in  the 
morning,  to  prevent  the  people  from  witnessing  the  scene,  and,  being 
first  strangled,  was  burned. 

About  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner  did  Domenico  della 
Casa  Bianca  suffer  death.  He  was  a  native  of  Bassano  in  the  Vene- 
tian territories  and  became  acquainted  with  the  truth  in  Germany 
when  a  soldier  in  the  army  of  Charles  V.  With  the  zeal  of  a  young 
convert  he  returned  to  Italy  and  labored  to  promote  the  Gospel 
wherever  he  went.  After  a  successful  tour  to  Naples  and  other  places 
he  was  arrested,  thrown  into  prison  at  Piacenza,  and  refusing  to 
recant  received  the  crown  of  martyrdom  in  the  thirtieth  year  of 
his  age. 

Among  the  Italian  martyrs  and  reformers,  Mollio,  the  Bologna 
professor,  ranks  deservedly  high  for  his  talents  and  holy  life.  For 
several  years  after  the  flight  of  his  brethren  Ochino  and  Martyr, 
A.  D.  1542,  he  was  greatly  exposed  to  danger,  and  more  than  once 
was  seized,  thrust  into  prison,  from  which  he  had  always  providen- 
tially escaped.  But  soon  after  the  accession  of  Pope  Julius  III  MoUio 
was  eagerly  pursued,  and  being  arrested  at  Ravenna  was  conducted 
under  a  strong  guard  to  Rome  and  lodged  in  a  strait  prison.  During 
his  confinement  he  composed  a  commentary  on  Genesis  which  is 
praised  by  Rabus,  the  German  martyrologist.  A  public  assembly  of 
the  Inquisition  was  held  on  the  5th  of  September,  A.  D.  1553,  with 
great  ceremony,  which  was  attended  by  the  six  cardinals  and  their 
episcopal  assessors.  Before  this  dread  tribunal  a  number  of  prisoners 
were  made  to  appear  with  torches  in  their  hands,  all  of  whom  recanted 
and  performed  penance,  except  Mollio  and  a  native  of  Perugio, 
named  Tisserano.    When  the  articles  of  accusation  against  Mollio 


THE  ADDRESS  OF  MOLLIO. 


341 


were  read  he  was  permitted  to  speak.  He  defended  with  great  abil- 
ity the  doctrines  of  justification  by  faith,  the  merit  of  good  works, 
auricular  confession,  and  also  the  sacraments.  He  pronounced  the 
power  claimed  by  the  pope  and  his  clergy  to  be  usurped  and  contrary 
to  the  spirit  of  Christianity,  and  denounced  in  the  severest  terms 
their  avarice,  their  tyranny,  and  their  other  vices. 

**As  for  you,  cardinals  and  bishops,"  said  he  "if  I  were  satisfied 
that  you  had  justly  obtained  that  power  which  you  assume  to  your- 
selves and  that  you  had  risen  to  your  eminence  by  virtuous  deeds 
and  not  by  blind  ambition  and  the  arts  of  profligacy,  I  would  not 
say  a  word  to  you.  But  since  I  know  on  the  best  grounds  that  }'ou 
have  set  moderation  and  modesty  and  honor  and  virtue  at  defiance, 
I  am  constrained  to  treat  you  without  ceremony,  and  to  declare  that 
your  power  is  not  from  God  but  the  devil.  If  it  were  apostolical,  as 
you  would  make  the  poor  world  believe,  then  your  manner  of  life 
would  resemble  that  of  the  apostles. 

"But  when  I  perceive,"  continued  Mollio,  "the  filth  and  false- 
hood and  profaneness  with  which  it  is  overspread,  what  can  I  think  or 
say  of  your  Church  but  that  it  is  a  receptacle  of  thieves  and  a  den  of 
robbers  ?  What  is  your  doctrine  but  a  dream — a  lie  forged  by  hyp- 
ocrites? Your  very  countenances  proclaim  that  your  belly  is  your 
god.  Your  great  object  is  to  seize  and  amass  wealth  by  every  species 
of  injustice  and  cruelty.  You  thirst  without  ceasing  for  the  blood  of 
the  saints.  Can  you  be  the  successors  of  the  holy  apostles  and  vicars 
of  Jesus  Christ,  you  who  despise  Christ  and  his  Word,  you  who  act 
as  if  you  did  not  believe  that  there  is  a  God  in  heaven,  you  who 
persecute  to  the  death  his  faithful  ministers,  make  his  commandments 
of  no  effect  and  tyrannize  over  the  consciences  of  his  saints.  Where- 
fore I  appeal  from  your  sentence  and  summon  you  cruel  tyrants  and 
murderers  to  answer  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Christ  at  the  last 
day,  where  your  pompous  titles  and  gorgeous  trappings  will  not 
dazzle,  nor  your  guards  and  torturing  apparatus  terrify,  us.  And,  in 
testimony  of  this,  take  back  that  which  you  have  given  me." 

So  saying  he  threw  the  flaming  torch  which  he  held  in  his  hand 
on  the  ground  and  extinguished  it.  This  bold  and  fervid  address 
silenced  the  judges,  and,  at  the  same  time,  chained  them  to  their 
seats;  but  its  withering  invective,  which  at  first  appalled  them,  finally 
caused  the  inquisitors  to  gnash  upon  Mollio  with  their  teeth  like  the 
persecutors  of  the  first  Christian  martyr.  The  cardinals  immediately 
ordered  him  and  his  companions  to  be  executed,  and  they  were  con- 
veyed accordingly  to  the  Campo  del  Fior,  where  they  died  with  the 


342 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


most  pious  fortitude.  Zanchi,  in  writing  to  Bullinger,  says  of  this 
Mollio:  "I  will  relate  what  Mollio  di  Montalcino,  the  monk  who  was 
afterwards  burned  at  Rome  for  the  Gospel,  once  said  to  me  respect- 
ing- your  book,  De  Ongine  Envris.  As  I  had  not  read  or  seen  the 
work  at  that  time,  he  exhorted  me  to  purchase  it;  'and,'  said  he,  'if 
}'ou  have  not  money,  pluck  out  your  right  eye  to  enable  you  to  buy 
it,  and  read  it  with  the  left.'  By  the  favor  of  Providence  I  soon 
after  found  the  book,  without  losing  my  eye,  for  I  bought  it  for  a 
crown,  and  abridged  it  in  such  a  character  as  that  not  even  an  inquis- 
itor could  read  it;  and  in  such  a  form  that,  if  he  did  read  it,  he 
could  not  have  discovered  what  my  sentiments  were." 

Pomponio  Algieri,  a  native  of  Nola,  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
but,  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  a  student  at  the  University  of  Padua, 
was  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  all  the  Italian  martyrs.  His 
answers  when  examined  before  the  podesta,  or  the  chief  civil  magis- 
trate of  Padua,  were  remarkable  for  clear  views  of  truth,  and  form 
one  of  the  ablest  refutations  of  the  principal  articles  of  popery  that 
can  be  found.  As  a  result  his  fame  was  spread  through  Italy.  After 
his  examination  he  was  sent  bound  to  Venice,  and  the  senate,  from 
regard  to  his  learning  and  youth,  were  anxious  to  liberate  him ;  but 
as  he  utterly  refused  to  abandon  his  sentiments,  they  condemned  him 
to  the  galleys.  Yet  yielding  to  the  importunities  of  the  nuncio,  they 
afterwards  sent  him  to  Rome  as  an  acceptable  present  to  the  newly 
elected  Pope  Paul  IV,  who  sentenced  him  to  be  burned  alive  in  the 
twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  endured  the  dreadful  sufferings 
with  a  magnanimity  Avhich  terrified  the  cardinals  and  others  who 
beheld  the  cruel  scene.  While  he  was  in  prison  in  Venice  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  a  friend  describing  in  remarkable  language  the  abundant 
consolation  by  which  he  was  sustained  and  cheered.  The  autograph 
of  this  letter,  together  with  the  facts  respecting  the  writer,  were  com- 
municated by  Curio  to  the  historian  Henry  Pantaleon. 

Similar  constancy,  supported  by  similar  internal  peace  and  joy, 
was  displayed  by  Francesco  Gamba,  a  native  of  Como,  who,  having 
visited  Geneva,  became  acquainted  with  the  Protestants  there,  and  on 
one  occasion  had  partaken  of  the  Lord's-supper  with  them.  The 
news  of  this  fact  reached  home  before  him,  and  he  was  seized  on 
Lake  Como,  thrown  into  prison,  and  condemned  to  be  burned.  The 
imperial  embassador  and  some  of  the  Milanese  nobility,  by  their 
interposition,  prevented  his  execution  for  some  days,  and  during  the 
interval  his  integrity  was  assailed  by  the  sophistry  of  the  monks,  the 
entreaties  of  his  friends,  and  the  interest  taken  by  many  of  his  towns- 


GODFREDO  VARAGLIA. 


343 


men  of  the  Romish  faith  who  desired  to  save  him.  He  resisted  all 
these  efforts  to  convert  him  from  the  Protestant  religion,  and  when 
the  hour  for  his  execution  arrived  he  modestly  declined  the  last 
services  of  the  friars,  expressed  his  gratitude  to  those  who  labored  to 
deliver  him,  and  assured  the  judge  who  lamented  the  necessity  of 
enforcing  the  law,  that  he  forgave  him  and  prayed  God  to  do  the 
same.  His  tongue  was  perforated  to  prevent  him  from  addressing 
the  spectators.  After  kneeling  down  and  praying  he  arose  and  looked 
upon  the  vast  assembly,  composed  of  several  thousand  persons.  He 
recognized  a  particular  friend  in  the  crowd,  and  waved  his  right  hand 
to  him  as  the  appointed  signal  that  he  died  in  confidence  and  peace. 
Stretching  out  his  neck  to  the  executioner,  who  had  been  authorized 
to  favor  him  by  strangling  him,  he  calmly  met  death  on  the  2ist  of 
July,  A.  D.  1554,  and  his  body  was  committed  to  the  fire. 

Godfredo  Varaglia,  a  native  of  Piedmont,  was  a  distinguished 
preacher  of  the  Order  of  Capuchins.  Inheriting  from  his  ancestors  a 
bitter  feeling  against  the  Waldenses,  and  receiving  in  his  younger 
years  an  appointment  to  labor  as  a  missionary  among  them,  he  went 
into  the  * 'Valleys."  As  he  was  zealous  and  eloquent,  his  friends 
had  great  expectations  of  his  success ;  but  he  soon  became  a  convert 
to  the  Waldensian  doctrines,  and,  like  another  Paul,  began  to  preach 
the  faith  which  he  had  sought  to  destroy.  From  that  time  he  acted 
in  concert  with  Ochino,  who  belonged,  as  has  been  already  stated, 
to  the  same  order.  Not  long  after  the  flight  of  the  latter  from  Italy, 
Varaglia  and  twelve  others  were  arrested  and  sent  to  Rome.  The 
suspicions  against  them  being  slight,  or  their  friends  influential,  they 
were  permitted  to  abjure  their  heresy  in  general  terms,  and  were  also 
required  to  remain  in  the  capital  on  their  parole  for  five  years.  At 
the  end  of  that  period  Varaglia  was  persuaded  to  lay  aside  the  cowl 
and  enter  into  secular  orders.  A  dignitary  of  the  Church,  admiring 
his  talents,  became  a  personal  friend,  and  for  some  time  bestowed 
upon  him  a  pension.  Having  been  appointed  papal  legate  to  the 
king  of  France,  A.  D.  1556,  he  invited  Varaglia  to  accompany  him 
to  that  country.  But  his  conscience  would  not  permit  him  any  longer 
to  conceal  his  sentiments,  and  separating  from  the  legate  at  Lyons, 
he  went  to  Geneva,  where  he  accepted  an  appointment  to  preach  the 
Gospel  to  the  Waldenses  in  the  Valley  of  Angrogna.  After  labor- 
ing a  few  months  among  that  people  he  was  arrested,  conveyed  to 
Turin,  and  condemned  to  death,  which  he  endured  with  great  for- 
titude on  the  29th  of  March,  A.  D.  1558,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of 
his  age.    During  his  trial  the  judges  asked  him  who  his  companions 


344  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

were,  and  he  replied  that  he  had  recently  been  in  company  with 
twenty-four  preachers,  who  were  mostly  from  Geneva.  Varaglia  also 
declared  that  these  servants  of  Christ  had  so  many  followers  that  the 
inquisitors  would  not  find  wood  enough  to  burn  them.  The  papal 
nuncio,  Visconti,  wrote  to  Cardinal  Borromeo  (A.  D.  1563)  that  more 
than  the  half  of  the  Piedmontese  were  Huguenots. 

Another  illustrious  martyr  was  Ludovico  Paschali,  or  John  Louis 
Paschale,  a  native  of  Coni,  in  the  plain  of  Piedmont.  By  birth  he 
was  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  while  young  entered  the  army;  but  hav- 
ing acquired  a  taste  for  evangelical  doctrine  at  Nice  he  abandoned 
the  military  profession,  resolving  to  be  no  longer  a  "knight  of  the 
sword,"  but,  Hke  Loyola,  a  "knight  of  the  cross,"  yet  in  a  truer 
sense.  He  had  just  completed  his  theological  studies  at  Lausanne 
when  the  Waldenses  of  Calabria  applied  to  the  Italian  Church  at 
Geneva  for  preachers.  This  young  minister  was  designated  as  one 
eminently  qualified  for  the  perilous  but  honorable  position.  He  was 
betrothed  to  a  Piedmontese  lady,  Camilla  Guerina,  who  belonged  to 
a  Protestant  family.  "Alas!"  she  sorrowfully  exclaimed,  when  he 
intimated  to  her  his  departure  for  Calabria,  "so  near  to  Rome  and  so 
far  from  me."  She  consented,  and  they  separated,  never  to  meet 
again  on  earth.  Paschale,  accompanied  by  Stefano  Negrino,  started 
for  Calabria,  and,  on  their  arrival,  they  found  the  country  greatly  agi- 
tated. The  young  evangelist  preached  with  such  energy  and  power 
that  the  zeal  and  courage  of  the  Calabrian  flock  revived,  and  the  light 
formerly  concealed  under  a  bushel  now  appeared  to  all. 

The  marquis  of  Spinello  had  been  the  protector  of  the  colonists. 
He  ceded  lands  on  his  own  vast  and  fertile  estates  to  induce  the  Wal- 
denses to  build  cities  and  plant  vineyards,  and  he  soon  discovered 
that  it  was  a  profitable  investment.  Peace  and  prosperity  reigned 
throughout  Calabria ;  but  the  marquis  was  compelled  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion to  persecute  his  loyal  and  industrious  subjects.  He  summoned 
Paschale  and  his  flock  before  him,  and,  after  dismissing  the  latter 
with  a  sharp  reprimand,  threw  the  young  pastor  into  the  dungeons 
of  Foscalda.  Negrino  was  also  imprisoned  and  perished  with  hun- 
ger in  his  cell.  The  bishop  of  the  diocese  ordered  Paschale  to 
be  removed  to  the  prison  of  Cosenza,  where  he  was  confined  eight 
months.  The  pope's  attention  was  directed  to  the  case,  and  he  dele- 
gated the  infamous  Cardinal  Alexandrini,  inquisitor-general,  to  extir- 
pate heresy  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  By  his  order  Paschale  was 
taken  from  the  Castle  of  Cosenza  and  conveyed  to  Naples.  "On  the 
journey,"  says  Dr.  Wylie,  "he  was  subjected  to  terrible  sufferings. 


CONVERSATIONS  AND  LETTERS  OF  PASCHALE. 


Chained  to  a  gang  of  prisoners — the  handcuffs  so  tight  that  they 
entered  the  flesh — he  spent  nine  days  on  the  road,  sleeping  at  night 
on  the  bare  earth,  which  was  exchanged,  on  his  arrival  at  Naples,  for 
a  deep,  damp  dungeon,  the  stench  of  which  almost  suffocated  him." 
On  the  1 6th  of  ]\Iay,  A.  D.  1560,  he  Avas  conducted  in  chains  to 
Rome,  and  imprisoned  in  the  Torre  di  Nona,  where  he  was  thrust 
into  a  cell  as  offensive  as  that  in  Naples. 

His  brother  Bartolomeo,  who  had  come  from  Coni  with  letters 
of  recommendation  to  procure,  if  possible,  some  mitigation  of  his 
fate,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  first  intemew  which,  after 
great  difficulty,  he  obtained  with  him  at  Rome,  in  the  presence  of  a 
judge  of  the  Inquisition.  "It  was  quite  hideous  to  see  him,"  says 
he,  "with  his  bare  head  and  his  arms  and  hands  lacerated  by  the 
small  cords  with  which  he  was  bound,  like  one  about  to  be  led  to 
the  gibbet.  On  advancing  to  embrace  him  I  sank  to  the  ground. 
*  ]\Iy  brother,'  said  he,  'if  you  are  a  Christian,  why  do  you  distress 
yourself  thus?  Do  you  not  know  that  a  leaf  can  not  fall  to  the  earth 
without  the  will  of  God  ?  Comfort  yourself  in  Christ  Jesus,  for  the 
present  troubles  are  not  worthy  to  be  compared  with  the  glory  to 
come.'  'No  more  of  that  talk,'  exclaimed  the  inquisitor.  When 
we  were  about  to  part,  my  brother  begged  the  judge  to  remove  him 
to  a  less  horrid  prison.  'There  is  no  other  prison  for  you  than  this,  ' 
was  the  answer.  'At  least  show  me  a  little  pity  in  my  last  days,  and 
God  will  show  it  to  you.'  '  There  is  no  pity  for  such  obstinate  crim- 
inals as  you,'  replied  the  hardened  wretch.  A  Piedmontese  doctor, 
who  was  present,  joined  me  in  entreating  the  judge  to  grant  this  favor; 
but  he  remained  inflexible.  '  He  will  do  it  for  the  love  of  God,'  said 
my  brother,  in  a  melting  tone.  'All  the  other  prisons  are  full,'  re- 
plied the  judge,  evasively.  '  They  are  not  so  full  but  that  a  small 
corner  can  be  spared  for  me. '  '  You  would  infect  all  who  were  near 
you  by  your  smooth  speeches.'  '  I  will  speak  to  none  who  does  not 
speak  to  me.'  'Be  content;  you  can  not  have  another  place.'  'I 
must  then  have  patience,'  replied  my  brother,  meekly." 

Paschale  did  not  forget  his  flock  in  Calabria,  but  addressed  them 
a  letter  saying,  "  My  state  is  this:  I  feel  my  joy  increase  every  day, 
as  I  approach  nearer  to  the  hour  in  which  I  shall  be  offered  as  a 
sweet-smelling  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  my  faithful  Savior  ; 
yea,  so  inexpressible  is  my  joy  that  I  seem  to  myself  to  be  free  from 
captivity,  and  I  am  prepared  to  die  for  Christ,  not  only  once,  but 
ten  thousand  times,  if  it  were  possible  ;  nevertheless  I  persevere  in 
imploring  the  divine  assistance  by  prayer,  for  I  am  convinced  that 


346 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


man  is  a  miserable  creature  when  left  to  himself ;  and  not  upheld  and 
directed  by  God."  He  wrote  to  his  affianced  bride,  freely  expressing 
his  deep  affection  for  her,  which  grows,"  said  he,  "with  that  I  feel 
for  God."  A  short  time  before  his  death  he  said  to  his  brother:  "I 
give  thanks  to  my  God,  that,  in  the  midst  of  my  long-continued  and 
severe  affliction,  I  have  found  some  kind  friends ;  and  I  thank  you, 
my  dearest  brother,  for  the  tender  interest  you  have  taken  in  my 
welfare.  But  as  for  me,  God  has  bestowed  on  me  that  knowledge 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  which  assures  me  that  I  am  not  in  an  error, 
and  I  know  that  I  must  go  by  the  narrow  way  of  the  cross,  and  seal 
my  testimony  with  my  blood.  I  do  not  dread  death,  and  still  less 
the  loss  of  my  earthly  goods;  for  I  am  certain  of  eternal  life  and  a 
celestial  inheritance,  and  my  heart  is  united  to  my  Lord  and  Savior." 
When  his  brother  offered  him  half  his  fortune  if  only  he  would  recant 
and  save  his  life,  he  replied  :  **0h!  my  brother,  the  danger  in  which 
you  are  involved  gives  me  more  distress  than  all  I  suffer,  or  have  the 
prospect  of  suffering,  for  I  perceive  that  your  mind  is  so  addicted  to 
earthly  things  as  to  be  indifferent  to  heaven." 

Extensive  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  trial  of  Paschale, 
and  on  the  8th  of  September,  A.  D.  1560,  he  was  brought  out  of  his 
prison,  conducted  to  the  Convent  della  Minerva,  and  cited  before  the 
papal  tribunal.  He  confessed  Christ,  and  listened  to  the  sentence  of 
death  pronounced  upon  him  with  a  serenity  of  countenance  that  must 
have  surprised  his  judges.  On  the  following  day  Rome  presented  an 
animated  appearance.  The  ringing  of  the  bells  and  the  shouts  of  the 
multitude  indicated  some  unusual  event.  From  every  street  and 
piazza  eager  crowds  rushed  forth  and  increased  the  surging  stream  of 
humanity  which  rolled  across  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo  into  the  gates 
of  the  old  fortress.  In  the  center  of  the  court-yard  stood  an  em- 
blazoned chair,  in  which  was  seated  Pius  IV,  who  desired  to  behold 
the  martyrdom  of  Paschale.  Behind  the  pontiff  were  his  cardinals 
and  counselors,  arrayed  in  scarlet  robes,  and  other  dignitaries  in  mi- 
tres and  cowls,  ranged  in  circles  according  to  their  place  in  the  papal 
body.  Behind  the  ecclesiastics  sat  the  beauty  and  nobility  of  Rome, 
whose  waving  plumes  and  glittering  stars  made  the  assemblage  still 
more  imposing.  The  court  of  St.  Angelo  was  densely  crowded  with 
the  excited  populace,  who  impatiently  awaited  the  beginning  of  the 
tragedy.  Rising  above  the  sea  of  human  heads  appeared  a  scaffold, 
an  iron  stake,  and  a  bundle  of  fagots.  At  the  appointed  time  the 
gate  opened,  and  the  prisoner  entered  amid  a  storm  of  hissing  and 
execration."    Paschale  moved  forward  on  the  stone  floor  of  the  court, 


THE  MARTYRDOM. 


347 


and  at  each  step  the  clank  of  irons  could  be  heard,  indicating  how 
heavily  his  limbs  were  burdened  with  fetters.  Although  pale  and 
haggard  with  suffering,  his  young  face  was  irradiated  by  the  serene 
light  of  deep,  untroubled  peace."  Lifting  his  eyes,  he  surveyed  the 
vast  crowd,  and,  with  countenance  undismayed,  beheld  the  terrible 
apparatus  of  the  Inquisition  before  him. 

The  Christian  hero,  with  courage  stamped  on  his  brow,  calmly 
mounted  the  scaffold,  and  stood  beside  the  stake.  Forgetting  the 
Avearer  of  the  papal  tiara,  every  one  looked  eagerly  upon  the  humble 
victim  clad  in  the  sanbenito.  "  Good  people,"  exclaimed  the  martyr, 
amid  the  silence  which  then  reigned,  "I  am  come  here  to  die  for 
confessing  the  doctrine  of  my  divine  Master  and  Savior,  Jesus  Christ." 
Then  addressing  Pius  IV,  he  arraigned  him  as  the  "enemy  of  Christ, 
the  persecutor  of  his  people,  and  the  Antichrist  of  Scripture,"  and 
concluded  by  ''summoning  him  and  all  his  cardinals  to  answer  for 
their  cruelties  and  murders  before  the  throne  of  the  Lamb."  "At  his 
words,"  says  the  historian  Crespin,  "the  people  were  deeply  moved, 
and  the  pope  and  the  cardinals  gnashed  their  teeth."  The  signal  was 
then  given  by  the  inquisitors ;  the  executioners  seized  Paschale,  and, 
having  strangled  him,  they  kindled  the  fagots  whose  blazing  flames 
soon  reduced  his  body  to  ashes.  "  For  once,"  says  Dr.  Wylie,  "  the 
pope  had  performed  his  function.  With  his  key  of  fire,  wdiich  he 
may  truly  claim  to  carry,  he  had  opened  the  celestial  doors,  and  had 
sent  his  poor  prisoner  from  the  dark  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition  to 
dwell  in  the  palace  of  the  sky."  The  ashes  of  the  preacher-martyr 
were  collected  and  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  and  by  it  carried  to  the 
Mediterranean.  Even  the  marble  shaft  will  crumble  under  the  deso- 
lating hand  of  time,  and  the  grandest  monumental  pile  may  fall 
beneath  the  blows  of  violence  or  war,  but  the  tomb  of  the  far-sound- 
ing sea,  to  which  the  ashes  of  Paschale  were  committed  by  his  ene- 
mies, is  indeed  a  nobler  mausoleum  than  ever  Rome  raised  to  any  of 
her  pontiffs,  and  it  will  remain  through  all  the  ages  until  timfe  shall 
be  no  more. 

Perhaps  the  most  illustrious  of  all  the  Italian  martyrs,  for  natural 
talent  and  endowments,  for  noble  person  and  manners,  and  for  rich 
acquirements  and  liberal  accomplishments,  was  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  a 
native  of  Florence.  He  is  spoken  of  in  the  highest  terms  by  both 
Sadolet  and  Bembo,  and  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Medici.  His 
connection  with  this  powerful  family  gave  him  great  influence  with 
Pope  Clement  VII,  whose  secretary  and  protonotary  he  was  for  sev- 
eral years.    This  pontiff  also  bestowed  upon  him  two  abbacies,  one 


348 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


in  Naples  and  the  other  in  France,  and  it  was  commonly  said  ''that 
the  Church  was  governed  by  Carnesecchi  rather  than  by  Clement." 
The  latter  died,  A.  D.  1534,  after  a  reign  of  eleven  years,  and  the 
former,  having  lost  his  patron  and  friend,  traveled  through  the  different 
cities  of  Italy,  conversing  with  the  learned  and  greatly  enjoying  their 
society.  Besides  having  a  thorough  knowledge  of  Greek  and  Roman 
literature,  he  was  distinguished  for  his  eloquence  in  speaking  and 
elegance  in  writing.  At  Naples  he  became  acquainted  with  Valdez, 
and  from  him  imbibed  a  love  for  the  evangelical  doctrines,  which 
was  daily  augmented  by  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  meditation, 
and  intercourse  with  several  learned  men,  who  held  in  reality  some 
of  the  most  important  of  the  new  opinions ;  such,  for  instance,  as 
justification  by  faith.  During  the  better  days  of  Cardinal  Pole  he 
was  one  of  the  select  party  which  met  in  that  prelate's  house  in 
Viterbo  and  spent  the  time  in  religious  exercises.  When  his  friend 
Flaminio,  startled  at  the  thought  of  abandoning  the  Romish  Church, 
suddenly  ceased  his  inquiries,  Carnesecchi  displayed  great  mental 
courage  in  welcoming  truth,  despite  strong  prejudices.  After  the 
flight  of  Ochino  and  Martyr,  Carnesecchi  was  suspected  of  not  only 
favoring  heresy  and  its  abettors,  but  of  holding  it  himself  He  was 
summoned  to  Rome,  where  Cardinal  de  Burgos,  one  of  the  inquis- 
itors, was  ordered  to  investigate  the  charges  brought  against  him. 
Paul  III  was,  however,  his  warm  friend,  and  through  the  favor  of 
this  mild  pontiff  the  matter  was  accommodated.  But  Carnesecchi 
deemed  it  prudent  to  leave  Italy  for  a  season,  and  after  spending 
some  time  with  Margaret,  duchess  of  Savoy,  who  was  not  unfriendly 
to  the  reformed  doctrines,  he  went  to  France,  where  he  was  kindly 
and  honorably  received  by  the  new  monarch,  Henry  II,  and  his 
queen,  Catharine  de  Medicis.  He  returned  to  Italy,  A.  D.  1552, 
strongly  confirmed  in  his  opinions  by  his  intercourse  with  foreign 
Protestants,  and  took  up  his  residence  mainly  at  Padua,  within  the 
Venetian  territories.  On  the  25th  of  October,  A.  D.  1557,  or  about 
two  years  after  Paul  IV  began  to  reign,  a  criminal  process  was  com- 
menced against  Carnesecchi ;  but,  not  wishing  to  place  himself  at 
the  mercy  of  that  furious  pontiff,  he  refused  to  appear  within  the 
prescribed  term,  and  was  therefore  excommunicated  as  a  contuma- 
cious heretic.  Before  he  was  actually  delivered  over  to  the  secular 
power  to  be  punished  Giovanni  Angelo  de  Medici  ascended  the  papal 
throne  under  the  name  of  Pius  IV  (A.  D.  1560),  and,  being  a  mem- 
ber of  the  house  of  Medici,  and  a  friend  to  Carnesecchi,  he  removed 
the  sentence  of  excommunication,  without  exacting  a  recantation  of 


ARREST  AND  EXECUTION  OF  CARNESECCHI. 


any  of  his  opinions.  Galluzzi,  in  his  history  of  the  "Grand  Duchy  of 
Tuscany,"  says  that  Cosmo,  "by  means  of  letters  of  commendation, 
prorogations,  and  attestations  of  infirmity,"  succeeded  in  averting  the 
sentence  during  the  hfe  of  that  pontiff 

When  Pius  V  commenced  his  cruel  reign,  A.  D.  1566,  Carnesec- 
chi,  justly  fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  new  pope,  retired  to  Florence 


PIUS  V. 

to  seek  the  protection  of  Cosmo,  then  duke  of  Tuscany.  But  he 
was  betrayed  by  him,  and,  being  carried  to  Rome,  was  tried  before 
the  Inquisition  on  thirty -four  articles,  which  comprehended  all  the 
pecuHar  doctrines  of  the  Protestants  in  opposition  to  the  Romish 
Church.  The  articles  were  proved  by  witnesses  and  by  the  letters 
of  the  prisoner,  who,  after  defending  himself  for  some  time,  admitted 
the  truth  of  the  main  charges.  The  papal  historian,  Laderchius,  in 
his  "Annals,"  gathered  from  the  records  of  the  "Holy  Office," 
refers  to  the  firmness  and  constancy  of  the  accused  in  the  avowal  of 


350 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


his  sentiments.  On  the  i6th  of  August,  A.  D.  1567,  sentence  was 
pronounced  against  him,  and  on  the  21st  of  September  it  was  pub- 
Hcly  read  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  near  Minerva,  along  with  those 
of  other  heretics.  He  was  condemned  as  an  ''incorrigible  heretic, 
deprived  of  all  honors,  dignities,  and  benefices,  and  delivered  over 
to  the  secular  arm  ;  after  which  he  was  degraded,  and  clothed  with  a 
sanbenito  painted  with  flames  and  devils."  The  execution  of  the 
sentence  was  delayed  for  ten  days,  either  at  the  request  of  the  duke, 
or  because  it  was  hoped  that  the  prisoner  would  be  penitent  on  the 
scaffold.  Hence  a  Capuchin  of  Pistoia  was  incarcerated  along  with 
him,  with  the  view  of  inducing  him  to  recant,  but  his  efforts  were 
fruitless.  On  the  3d  of  October,  A.  D.  1567,  Carnesecchi  was 
brought  forth  for  punishment,  and,  being  beheaded,  his  body  was 
consumed  by  fire.  "His  fanaticism,"  says  Galuzzi,  ''sustained  him 
to  the  very  last  moment.  He  went  to  execution  as  to  a  triumph, 
and  appeared  with  new  linen  and  gloves,  as  his  inflamed  sanbenito  did 
not  admit  of  his  wearing  any  other  piece  of  apparel." 

One  of  the  greatest  ornaments  of  the  Italian  Reformation  was 
Aonio  Paleario,  or  Antonio  della  Paglia,  which  was  his  original 
name.  After  leaving  Sienna,  A.  D.  1543,  he  accepted  an  invitation 
from  the  senate  of  Lucca,  and  remained  there  ten  years,  teaching 
the  Latin  classics  and  acting  as  orator  to  the  republic  on  solemn 
occasions.  From  Lucca  he  went  to  Milan,  at  the  request  of  the 
authorities  of  that  city,  and  spent  seven  years  there  as  professor  of 
eloquence,  handsomely  supported  and  greatly  honored.  As  he  was 
suspected  of  heresy,  and  therefore  exposed  to  great  peril  he  resolved 
to  leave  Milan  and  go  to  Bologna;  but  he  fell  a  prey  to  the  violent 
persecution  which  broke  out  at  the  accession  of  Pius  V,  and  which 
was  fatal  to  so  many  learned  and  excellent  men  in  Italy.  He  was 
arrested  by  Frate  Angelo  de  Cremona,  the  inquisitor,  and  sent  to 
Rome,  where  he  was  closely  confined  for  three  years  in  the  Torre 
Nona.  The  principal  charges  against  him  were  four — namely:  that 
he  denied  purgatory;  disapproved  of  burying  the  dead  in  churches, 
preferring  the  ancient  Roman  method  of  sepulture  without  the  walls 
of  cities ;  ridiculed  the  monastic  life  ;  and  ascribed  justification  solely 
to  confidence  in  the  mercy  of  God,  who  will  for  Christ's  sake  forgive 
our  sins.  But  it  is  probable  that  his  intimacy  with  Ochino  and  other 
prominent  men  who  believed  the  Protestant  doctrines,  his  defense  of 
himself  before  the  senate  of  Sienna,  and,  above  all,  his  book  on  the 
"Benefit  of  Christ's  Death,"  had  much  weight  against  him  in  the 
deliberation  of  his  judges.    At  length  he  was  condemned  to  be  exe- 


THE  WRITINGS  OF  PALEARIO. 


cuted  on  a  gibbet  and  his  body  to  be  burned.  Before  leaving  his 
cell,  on  the  3d  of  July,  A.  D.  1570,  he  was  permitted  by  his  attend- 
ants to  write  two  letters,  one  to  his  wife,  the  other  to  his  two  sons, 
Lampridio  and  Fedro.  They  are  short,  but  affectionate,  indicating 
that  the  author  was  sustained  by  pious  fortitude  and  ready  to  meet 
his  fate.  He  died  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age,  strong  in  the 
Protestant  faith.  An  official  document  of  the  Dominicans,  but  which 
has  neither  names  nor  signatures,  affirms  that  Paleario  recanted.  The 
following  extract  from  the  Annals"  of  Laderchius  is  a  sufficient 
refutation  of  the  falsehood:  ''When  it  appeared  that  this  son  of 
Belial  was  obstinate  and  refractory,  and  could  by  no  means  be  recov- 
ered from  the  darkness  of  error  to  the  light  of  truth,  he  was  deserv- 
edly delivered  to  the  fire,  that  after  suffering  its  momentary  pains 
here  he  might  be  bound  in  everlasting  pains  hereafter." 

It  appears  from  Paleario's  published  letters  that  he  enjoyed  the 
friendship  and  correspondence  of  the  most  celebrated  men  of  his 
time,  both  in  the  Church  and  the  "Republic  of  Letters."  Among 
the  former  were  Cardinals  Sadolet,  Bembo,  Pole,  Maffei,  Filonardi, 
Sfondrati ;  and  among  the  latter  Flaminio,  Riccio,  Alciati,  Vittorio, 
Lampridio,  and  Buonamici.  His  poem  on  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  was  received  with  great  approbation  by  literary  men.  He  was, 
indeed,  a  profound  scholar,  and  his  orations  were  Ciceronian  in  spirit 
and  elegance  of  style.  His  "Letter  on  the  Council  of  Trent,"  ad- 
dressed to  the  reformers,  and  his  "Testimony  and  Plea  against  the 
Roman  Pontiffs,"  are  admirable  works,  and  evince  great  Biblical 
knowledge,  sound  faith,  and  fervent  zeal.  His  treatise  on  the  "Ben- 
efit of  Christ's  Death"  produced  considerable  excitement,  and  was 
eminently  useful  in  diffusing  evangelical  doctrine  in  Italy  upon  a 
subject  of  vital  importance.  Forty  thousand  copies  were  sold  in  six 
years.  It  is  said  that  Cardinal  Pole  had  a  share  in  writing,  and  that 
Flaminio  wrote  in  defense  of  it.  Activity  in  circulating  it  was  one 
of  the  charges  upon  which  Cardinal  Morone  was  imprisoned  and 
Carnesecchi  consigned  to  the  flames.  Paleario,  before  he  was  arrested, 
had  taken  care  to  place  his  writings  in  the  hands  of  friends  in  whom 
he  could  confide.  They  have  been  often  published  in  Protestant 
countries,  and  thus  have  escaped  the  mutilations  which  those  of  so 
many  other  Italian  Protestants  have  suffered. 

Several  other  excellent  men  were  put  to  death  about  the  same 
time,  among  whom  were  Julio  Zannetti  and  Bartolommeo  Bartoccio. 
The  latter  was  a  son  of  a  wealthy  citizen  of  Castello,  a  city  in  the 
duchy  of  Spoletto.    He  had  received  some  knowledge  of  the  new 


352 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


opinions  from  Fabrizio  Tommassi,  of  Gubbio,  an  educated  young 
man  who  was  his  companion  at  the  siege  of  Sienna,  A.  D.  1555. 
On  returning  home  he  earnestly  labored  to  propagate  the  truth,  and 
several  of  his  relatives  were  converted.  During  a  dangerous  sickness 
he  refused  the  services  of  the  family  confessor,  and  resisted  the  argu- 
ments of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  to  win  him  back  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith.  He  was,  therefore,  summoned  before  the  governor, 
Paolo  Vitelli ;  but,  though  physically  weak,  he  was  able  to  escape 
during  the  night  by  surmounting  the  wall  of  the  city.  He  fled  first 
to  Sienna,  and  afterwards  settled  in  Venice.  Having  no  means  of 
support,  and  his  father  disowning  him,  he  retired  to  Geneva,  where  he 
married  and  became  a  manufacturer  of  silk.  While  visiting  Genoa, 
A.  D.  1567,  on  business,  he  imprudently  gave  his  true  name  to  a 
merchant,  and  was  apprehended  by  the  Inquisition.  The  govern- 
ments of  Geneva  and  Berne  sent  an  envoy  to  the  republic  of  Genoa 
to  demand  his  liberation,  but  he  had  been  taken  to  Rome  upon  the 
requisition  of  the  pope.  After  an  imprisonment  of  nearly  two  years 
he  was  condemned  to  be  burned  alive.  With  a  firm  step  and  unal- 
tered countenance  he  went  to  the  place  of  execution,  and,  while  the 
flames  were  enveloping  his  body,  the  words  "  Vittoria!  vittoria! — vic- 
tory! victory!" — were  distinctly  heard  from  his  dying  lips. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  prisons  of  the 
Inquisition  in  Italy,  and  particularly  at  Rome,  were  filled  with  vic- 
tims, including  persons  of  noble  birth,  male  and  female,  men  of  let- 
ters, and  mechanics.  Some  recanted  and  did  penance,  others  were 
condemned  to  long  imprisonment,  and  some  to  worse  sufferings. 
Several  foreigners,  who  visited  Italy  on  business  or  for  pleasure,  were 
arrested  and  cruelly  treated.  Among  these  were  some  Englishmen, 
one  of  whom  was  Dr.  Thomas  Wilson,  afterwards  secretary  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  He  was  accused  of  heresy  and  thrown  into  prison  at  Rome, 
on  account  of  some  things  which  were  contained  in  his  books  on 
logic  and  rhetoric.  He  made  his  escape  in  consequence  of  his  prison 
doors  being  broken  open  during  the  tumult  which  occurred  at  the 
death  of  Paul  IV.  Another  prisoner,  who  fled  at  the  same  time,  was 
John  Craig,  a  Scotchman,  who  became  one  of  the  most  active  of  the 
fellow-laborers  of  John  Knox,  and  lived  to  draw  up  the  ''National 
Covenant,"  in  which  Scotland  solemnly  abjured  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith.  Dr.  Thomas  Reynolds  was  less  fortunate.  He  resided  for 
some  time  at  Naples,  and  being  accused  of  heresy  was  sent  by  the 
bishop  to  Rome,  along  with  three  Neapolitan  gentlemen,  who  were 
also  suspected.     Refusing  to  depose  against  his  fellow-prisoners,  he 


BEATRICE  CENCL  353 

was  subjected  to  the  torture  called  by  the  Italians  la  tratta  di  corda, 
and  by  the  Spaniards,  F astmpado ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  and 
similar  treatment,  he  died  in  prison  in  November,  A.  D.  1566.  Two 
persons  were  burned  alive  at  Rome,  A.  D.  1595,  one  a  native  of 
Silesia,  and  the  other  an  Englishman,  who  indiscreetly  snatched  the 
host  from  the  hand  of  the  priest  who  was  carrying  it  in  procession. 
Before  he  was  committed  to  the  flames  the  offending  hand  was  cut 
off,  and  the  sacrilegious  act  thereby  condemned. 

Clement  VIII,  who  ascended  the  papal  throne,  A.  D.  1572,  pos- 
sessed the  same  persecuting  spirit  which  characterized  his  immediate 
predecessors.  When  heretics  could  not  be  found  and  sacrificed  for 
the  glory  of  the  ''Mother  Church,"  this  pontiff  was  diligently  em- 
ployed in  filling  up  her  coffers.  Among  the  large  estates  which  he 
resolved  to  seize  were  those  of  the  Cenci.  Count  Francesco  Cenci 
was  the  head  of  the  family  (A.  D.  1585),  and  a  prominent  citizen 
of  Rome,  but  a  man  of  ungovernable  passions.  He  was  truly  a 
second  edition  of  Caesar  Borgia,  and  would  commit  any  crime  to 
accomplish  his  purpose.  He  poisoned  his  first  wife,  the  Princess 
Santa  Croce,  in  order  to  marry  the  beautiful  Lucrezia.  There  were 
four  sons  and  two  daughters,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  Beatrice, 
the  most  beautiful  girl  in  Rome  at  the  time.  The  father  was  so  cruel 
to  the  children  that  they  and  the  step-mother  petitioned  the  pope  to 
shield  them ;  but  he  refused,  and  commanded  them  to  obey  the  head 
of  the  family.  The  other  daughter.  Marguerite,  was  given  by  the 
pope  in  marriage  to  Signor  Gabreilli ;  and  it  is  believed  that  Christo- 
foro  and  Racco,  two  of  his  sons,  were  assassinated  at  the  instigation 
of  the  father. 

Lucrezia,  finding  that  her  husband  was  the  basest  of  men,  was 
unwilling  to  trust  the  beautiful  Beatrice  in  his  hands,  and  therefore 
petitioned  the  pope  to  give  her  in  marriage  to  Guerra,  a  young  noble- 
man who  was  deeply  attached  to  her.  The  count  intercepted  the 
petition  and  moved  his  entire  family  to  a  castle-fortress  in  the  soli- 
tudes of  the  Apennines.  His  cruel  treatment  was  resumed,  and  Bea- 
trice was  immured  and  tortured  in  a  dungeon,  where  her  shrieks  of 
terror  were  heard  by  the  family  and  servants,  who  could  afford  no 
relief.  The  step-mother  and  eldest  son  now  resolved  to  remove  the 
tyrant,  and  easily  secured  the  services  of  Olympio,  an  assassin,  and 
Marzio,  a  soldier,  to  carry  out  their  plan.  The  latter  desired  to 
avenge  the  murder  of  his  betrothed,  whom  the  count  had  endeavored 
to  ruin  before  he  put  her  to  death.  While  sleeping  one  night  in  his 
chamber  he  was  slain  by  these  hired  men.    The  family  were  arrested 


> 


354  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

as  accomplices,  and  tortured  by  repeated  applications  of  the  wheel, 
the  pulley,  and  the  rack  of  the  Inquisition.  Giacomo,  Bernardo,  and 
Lucrezia,  unable  to  endure  the  suffering,  confessed,  but  Beatrice 
refused  because,  while  aware  of  the  plot,  she  had  not  consented  to  it. 
Clement  gave  her  into  the  hands  of  the  cruel  Luciani,  who  applied  a 
variety  of  tortures.  The  beautiful  sufferer  swooned  after  makinsf 
the  dungeon  resound  with  her  shrieks ;  then  she  was  revived  with 
cordials  and  the  cruel  process  repeated.  The  tojitim  capillonim,  or 
the  twisting  of  the  hair  into  a  rope,  and  the  suspension  of  the  whole 
body  from  the  ceiling  by  it,  the  taxilla,  or  the  placing  of  heated 
blocks  of  wood  on  the  bare  feet,  and  other  fiendish  tortures  were' 
resorted  to.  The  promise  was  made  that  if  she  confessed  her  life 
v/ould  be  spared,  and  the  entire  family  released.  The  latter  begged 
her  to  yield  for  their  sake;  and  finally  she  exclaimed:  '*Be  it  as  you 
wish;  I  am  content  to  die  if  it  will  save  you." 

The  pope  was  informed  that  Beatrice  had  confessed,  and  as  this 
was  what  he  wanted  in  order  to  possess  their  estates,  he  violated  his 
promise,  and  ordered  the  whole  family  to  be  executed.  The  bodies, 
after  being  beheaded,  were  placed  on  biers  near  the  statue  of  St. 
Paul,  upon  which  four  torches  shed  their  light,  and  thousands  came 
to  strew  flowers  and  drop  tears  of  sympathy  while  beholding  the 
lovely  face  and  form  of  the  martyr-maiden.  In  the  Barberini  palace 
at  Rome  is  the  world-renowned  portrait  of  this  young  victim,  which 
is  said  to  have  been  painted  by  Guido  Reni,  while  she  was  in  prison. 
There  is  a  peculiarity  about  the  head-dress  which  is  rather  trying  to 
an  artist's  power  of  color;  consisting  of  heavy  folds  of  white  cloth 
wound  around  the  head,  from  which  a  few  locks  of  yellowish  brown 
hair  escape.  The  eyes  are  large,  soft,  and  lustrous,  and  have  a  deep 
expression  of  pensive  sorrow,  looking  as  if  they  had  wept  away  all 
their  power  of  tears.  The  lips  are  delicate,  full  of  sensibility,  but 
rigid  fi'om  intense  suffering.  The  outline  of  the  face  is  fine,  and  the 
features  regular.  Hillard  compares  her  to  a  lily  in  the  garden 
crushed  by  the  fall  of  an  aerolite ;  and  he  might  have  added,  that 
Clement,  like  another  Ahab,  took  possession  of  the  garden  or  the 
estates  of  the  Cenci,  leaving  the  palace,  which  yet  stands,  to  the 
descendants. 

While  the  Inquisition  was  engaged  in  destroying  heretics,  it  also 
adopted  rigorous  measures  to  suppress  and  annihilate  all  books  which 
savored  of  heresy.  Paul  IV  framed  a  catalogue,  A.  D.  1559,  and 
made  its  observance  universal.  This  Index  was  arranged  in  three 
divisions.     The  first  contained  the  names  of  the  authors  whose 


THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  PROTESTANT  BOOKS. 


355 


whole  works  were  interdicted.  The  second  embraced  the  names 
of  those  authors,  some  of  whose  whole  works  only  were  specified  and 
forbidden.  The  third  pointed  out  certain  anonymous  publications 
which  were  unlawful  to  be  read.  To  the  whole  was  added  a  list 
of  more  than  sixty  printers  whose  publications  were  all  condemned, 
no  matter  in  what  language  they  were  printed,  or  what  subjects 
they  treated.  This  was  the  origin  and  foundation  of  the  famous 
Index  ExpiLvgatoniis,  by  which  Rome  has  striven  to  reduce  the 
world  to  the  darkness  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  heretical  books 
were  doomed  to  the  flames,  and  severe  penalties  were  decreed 
against  those  who  should  neglect  to  give  them  up.  The  pro- 
mulgation of  this  barbarous  decree  awakened  a  feeling  of  conster- 
nation throughout  Italy,  especially  in  Tuscany,  whose  dukes  of  the 
celebrated  family  of  the  iMedici  had  been  proud  of  the  patronage 
which  they  had  afforded  to  literature  and  literary  men.  Cosmo,  who 
then  occupied  the  ducal  throne,  pleaded  for  some  restrictions  upon 
the  operation  of  the  decree,  in  order  to  prevent  the  devastation 
which  it  threatened.  Venice  temporized,  and  Alilan  and  Naples 
referred  the  matter  to  their  lord,  Philip  II,  who  was  then  in  Flanders. 
The  w^ork  of  destruction  proceeded  until  all  libraries,  public  and  pri- 
vate, felt  the  expurgating  process.  An  immense  number  of  books 
were  consumed,  and  the  trade  of  the  printers  and  booksellers  was 
ruined.  The  disastrous  effects  were  experienced  not  only  at  Venice, 
but  also  in  the  prominent  cities  of  surrounding  countries.  Prohib- 
ited books  were  buried  under  ground  or  walled  up  in  houses,  and  in 
tearing  down  old  houses  in  Italy  valuable  books,  condemned  by  the 
Index^  have  been  discovered. 


Chapter  XXI. 

ITALIAN  RULERS  AND  POETS. 

WHEN  we  study  the  history  of  the  suppression  and  ultimate 
destruction  of  the  Italian  Reformation  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury we  shall  discover  that  the  effective  cause  was  the  establishment, 
or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  tlie  reorganization,  of  the  Inquisition  in 
that  country.  It  appeared  at  the  opportune  moment  for  the  papacy. 
The  dawn  of  the  Protestant  day  shone  upon  the  very  throne  of  the 
Roman  pontiff     From  the  city  of  F'errara  in  the  north  where  Renee 

24 


356 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


sheltered  in  her  palace  the  disciples  of  the  Gospel  to  the  ancient  Par- 
thenope,  which  looks  down  from  its  fig  and  aloe  covered  heights  upon 
the  calm  waters  of  the  bay  of  Naples,  the  light  was  dispelling  the 
darkness  of  centuries.  Italy  had  become  celebrated  as  the  land  of 
the  Renaissance,  and  it  now  seemed  that  greater  distinction  would 
crown  it  as  the  land  of  Protestantism.  In  Florence,  Padua,  Bologna, 
Lucca,  Modena,  Rome,  and  other  cities  of  classic  fame,  some  of  the 
most  prominent  families  had  embraced  the  Gospel.  Men  of  rank  in 
the  state  and  of  eminence  in  the  Church,  noted  individuals  in  the 
republic  of  letters,  orators,  poets,  and  some  noble  ladies  as  distin- 
guished for  their  talents  as  for  their  birth,  were  not  ashamed  to  be 
enrolled  among  the  disciples  of  that  faith  which  the  Lutheran  princes 
had  confessed  at  Augsburg. 

An  effort  had  been  made  at  the  Ratisbon  Conference  in  January, 
A.  D.  1 541,  to  find  a  basis  of  conciliation  between  the  Protestant  and 
Roman  Catholic  Churches.  The  papal  authorities  at  Rom.e  had  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  attempted  reconcilement  of  the  two  creeds  by 
infusing  new  bl9od  into  the  College  of  Cardinals.  Caspar  Contarini, 
a  senator  of  Venice,  and  a  believer  in  some  of  the  Protestant  doc- 
trines, was  made  a  cardinal.  The  chair  of  the  doge  almost  w^ithin 
his  reach,  he  was  persuaded  to  come  to  Rome  and  consecrate  his  great 
talents  and  influence  to  the  doubtful  experiment  of  reforming  the 
papacy.  By  his  advice  several  ecclesiastics,  whose  sentiments  were 
similar  to  his  own  were  added  to  the  Sacred  College,  among  others 
Sadolet,  Gioberto  Caraffa,  and  Reginald  Pole.  The  deputies  to  the 
Ratisbon  Conference  having  returned  to  Rome,  and  reported  the  fail- 
ure of  all  the  efforts  to  frame  a  basis  of  agreement  between  the  two 
faiths,  the  pope,  alarmed  at  the  spread  of  Protestantism  in  Italy  and 
elsewhere,  exclaimed,  "What,  then,  is  to  be  done?"  Cardinal 
Caraffa  and  John  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  bishop  of  Burgos,  to  whom 
the  question  was  addressed,  immediately  answered,  "Re-establish  the 
Inquisition."  l^The  preceding  chapters  describe  the  terrible  results  of 
that  tribunal  in  the  peninsula;  but,  while  the  Italian  Reformation  had 
j  been  suppressed,  it  had  many  secret  friends  even  as  late  as  the  close 
(^of  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  prominent  events  in  the  civil  and  literary  history  of  Italy 
during  the  sixteenth  century  deserve  special  consideration.  When 
Lorenzo  de  Medici  died,  A.  D.  1492,  his  son,  Pietro,  succeeded  him 
in  the  government  of  Florence.  In  the  following  year  (A.  D.  1493), 
the  death  of  Pope  Innocent  VIII  occurred,  and  Roderigo  Borgia,  who 
bought  his  election  of  the  Sacred  College,  became  the  pontiff  under 


FRENCH  CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


357 


the  name  of  Alexander  VI.  He  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  but 
notoriously  corrupt,  constantly  seeking  to  advance  the  ambitious 
schemes  of  his  children,  of  whom  Caesar  and  Lucrczia  Borgia  are  the 
most  celebrated.  Pietro  de  Medici  formed  a  close  alhance  with  Fer- 
dinand of  Naples,  and  labored  to  defeat  the  plans  of  Ludovico  Sforza, 
duke  of  ^lilan,  and  the  pope.  Ludovico,  whose  nephew  Avas  the 
son-in-law  of  Ferdinand,  feared  that  the  Neapolitan  king  would  seek 
to  restore  the  dispossessed  duke  to  the  throne  of  Milan,  and  he  made 
an  offensiv^e  and  defensive  alliance  with  the  pope  and  the  Venetians. 
Distrusting  both  his  allies,  he  invited  Charles  VIII,  of  France,  to 
enter  Ital}^  and  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The 
French  monarch,  who  had  a  pretended  claim  to  the  crown  of  Naples, 
which  he  had  inherited  from  the  house  of  Anjou,  accepted  the  offer 
and  invaded  Italy  with  a  powerful  arm\'  in  August,  A.  D.  1494.  At 
Pavia  he  visited  the  dispossessed  duke  of  Milan,  who,  with  his  wife, 
was  kept  by  Ludovico  in  a  castle.  Soon  afterward  the  duke  died,  poi- 
soned, as  it  is  generally  believed,  by  his  uncle,  Ludovico,  who,  under 
the  protection  of  the  French,  assumed  the  title  of  Duke  of  Milan. 

Charles  secured  the  friendship  of  the  Florentines,  but  they  were 
indignant  because  Pietro  de  Medici  made  an  unfortunate  treaty  with 
him,  and  they  expelled  their  ruler  from  the  city,  to  which  he  never 
returned.  The  French  monarch  marched  to  Rome,  dictated  terms 
to  the  people,  received  the  homage  of  the  pope,  and  then  proceeded 
to  Naples,  where  he  was  cordially  welcomed,  the  young  king,  Alfonso, 
having  fled  to  Sicily.  But  Charles  afterwards  met  with  reverses,  his 
allies  abandoned  him,  and  he  retreated  from  Italy.  Louis  XII 
mounted  the  French  throne,  A.  D.  1499,  and  in  August  of  that  year 
entered  Italy,  captured  Milan,  and  drove  Ludovico  from  the  city. 
He  also  became  master  of  Genoa ;  but  the  people,  disliking  his  arbi- 
trary rule,  attempted  to  revolt,  A.  D.  1507,  but  were  compelled  to 
submit.  The  Genoese  republic,  like  the  Venetian,  avoided  entan- 
gling alliances  with  Italian  politics.  From  its  earliest  history  the 
government  was  conducted  entirely  by  the  nobles  in  their  own  inter- 
est; but  a  check  was  placed  upon  their  power,  A.  D.  1039,  t)y  the 
choice  of  a  doge.  During  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries 
Genoa  f  nd  Venice  were  engaged  in  hostilities.  The  war  which  was 
closed  by  the  treaty  of  Turin,  A.  D.  1381,  was  disastrous  to  both; 
but  Venice  recovered  and  became  as  powerful  as  ever,  yet  Genoa 
never  rallied.  The  republic  was  so  weakened  by  internal  dissensions 
that,  in  order  to  save  themselves  from  being  absorbed  by  Milan,  the 
Genoese  conferred  the  Signora  on  Charles  VI,  of  France,  A.  D.  1396. 


358 


ITALY  STRUG GLIXG  INTO  LIGHT 


After  a  series  of  battles  extending  through  a  period  of  fourteen 
years,  Louis  XII  gladly  consented  to  terms  of  peace,  A.  D.  15 13. 
He  was  removed  by  death  two  years  afterwards,  and  Francis  I  became 
his  successor.  The  latter  revived  the  French  claim  to  the  duchy  of 
]\Iilan  and  prepared  to  maintain  it.  Venice  and  Genoa  embraced  the 
French  cause,  but  the  pope,  the  Spanish  viceroy,  the  Florentines, 
and  the  Swiss  were  opposed  to  the  French  rule  in^Italy.  Ferdinand, 
of  Spain,  died  A.  D.  15 16,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson, 
Charles,  Archduke  of  Austria.  In  Italy  he  was  the  rival  of  the  king 
of  France,  and  the  natural  ally  of  the  pope,  and  consequently  a 
treaty  was  negotiated  between  them,  A.  D.  1521,  for  the  expulsion 
of  the  French.  The  latter  were  soon  driven  out  of  the  duchy  of 
iNIilan,  and  it  is  said  that  Leo  X  was  so  overcome  with  joy  at  the 
news  that  he  died.  Venice  now  abandoned  the  French  alliance  and 
joined  the  party  of  Charles ;  and  Genoa  was  captured  from  the  French 
b}'  the  imperial  army,  A.  D.  1522.  Thus  the  power  of  Spain  was 
supreme  throughout  Italy. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  A.  D.  1527,  the  army  of  Charles,  passing  by 
Florence,  came  to  Rome,  carried  it  by  storm,  and  compelled  Clem- 
ent VII  to  take  refuge  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo.  The  Florentines, 
taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  imperial  army,  drove  out  the 
Medici,  and,  placing  themselves  under  the  protection  of  France, 
restored  their  republican  form  of  government.  Genoa  also  threw  off 
the  Spanish  yoke,  and,  under  the  lead  of  Andrea  Doria,  declared  for 
the  French.  The  Genoese  fleet  assisted  that  of  France  in  blockading 
Naples,  and  the  city  must  have  fallen  had  not  Francis  I  seriously 
offended  the  Dorias  by  his  unjust  treatment.  Andrea  Doria  withdrew 
his  fleet,  and  Genoa  abandoned  the  French  alliance  and  went  over  to 
Charles,  Avhose  power  was  now  riveted  upon  Italy  more  firmly  than 
ever.  He  was  crowned  king  of  Italy  and  emperor  by  Pope  Clement, 
A.  D.  1530.  The  double  coronation  occurred  at  Bologna,  instead  of 
at  Milan  and  Rome.  He  was  absolute  in  Italy,  and  in  the  truest 
sense  king  of  that  country ;  but  becoming  weary  in  the  discharge  of 
official  duties  he  abdicated  the  throne  A.  D.  1555,  and  was  succeeded 
in  the  empire  by  his  brother,  Ferdinand. 

Thus,  during  the  sixteenth  century,  Italy  was  the  battle-field  of 
France  and  Spain,  and  her  republics  favored  the  one  or  the  other  of 
these  powerful  rivals  as  their  respective  interests  suggested.  The 
Roman  hierarchy  also  displayed  its  usual  sagacity  in  managing  its 
affairs,  the  reigning  pontiffs  consulting  the  welfare  of  their  relatives 
and  special  friends  in  every  act  of  diplomacy.    All  these  contend- 


LUDO  VICO  ARIOSTO. 


359 


ing  parties,  however,  were  unanimous  in  their  opposition  to  the 
Italian  Reformation,  and  succeeded  in  extinguishing  for  a  time  that 
Hght  which  reheved  while  it  shone  the  surrounding  papal  darkness. 
But  now  Italy  was  tranquil ;  all  her  states  either  belonged  to  or  were 
in  amity  and  alliance  with  Spain.  She  had  no  disturbances  to  dread ; 
her  ancient  spirit  declined,  and  she  sank  into  luxury,  occupied  in  the 
enjoyment  of  her  arts  and  natural  advantages.  The  name  of  Andrea 
Doria  is  a  bright  star  in  her  national  sky.  He  sought  neither  power 
nor  reward  for  himself,  and  was  never  elected  doge  of  Genoa,  though 
he  was  its  defender.  This  noble  patriot  died,  honored  and  lamented, 
A.  D.  1560,  in  the  ninety-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

The  history  of  Italian  art  and  literature  in  the  sixteenth  century 
rivals  the  ages  of  Pericles  and  Augustus  in  the  number  of  distin- 
guished names,  each  of  which  might  form  an  epoch.  Leo  X  was  the 
most  illustrious  of  a  series  of  papal  patrons,  bestowing  liberal  rewards 
not  only  on  authors,  but  also  on  the  celebrated  artists,  Raphael  and 
Michael  Angelo.  Cosmo  de  ]\Iedici  commanded  Varchi,  a  historian 
of  Florence,  to  WTite  a  faithful  narrative  of  that  republic,  so  that  the 
crimes,  by  which  his  own  family  attained  the  sovereignty,  might  not 
be  concealed.  From  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  A.  D.  1537,  until 
its  close — a  period  of  thirty-eight  years — he  encouraged  the  study 
and  practice  of  all  the  fine  arts;  and  under  his  son,  Francesco,  the 
learned  institutions  already  in  existence  were  advanced,  and  the 
academy,  Delia  Ciiisca,  was  founded.  The  court  of  the  Estes  in 
Ferrara  entertained  Ariosto  and  Tasso,  and  many  of  the  other  courts, 
great  and  small,  as  those  of  the  Gonzagas  in  Mantua,  of  the  dukes 
of  Urbino,  and  of  Emmanuel  Philibert  of  Savoy,  were  hospitable 
to  scholars  and  poets,  and  numerous  literary  academies  were 
instituted. 

Pre-eminent  among  the  poets  of  this  century  was  Ludovico  Ariosto, 
who  was  born  on  the  8th  of  September,  A.  D.  1474,  at  Reggio,  of 
which  place  his  father  was  the  governor.  He  was  a  man  of  the  world 
and  of  society,  possessed  wit  and  good  sense,  and  during  his  busy 
life  manifested  no  poetic  melancholy.  His  great  poem,  "Orlando 
Furioso,"  occupied  him  eleven  years.  It  consists  of  forty-six  cantos 
and  contains  more  than  thirty-eight  thousand  lines.  Ariosto  sang 
the  adventures  and  misfortunes  of  those  paladins  of  Charlemagne, 
who  fought  in  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles,  and  defended  Europe  against 
the  Moors.  Orlando,  the  hero,  becomes  mad  through  love  for  An- 
gelica, and  hence  the  title  of  the  poem.  The  loves  and  exploits  of 
Bradamante  and  Ruggiero,  imaginary  ancestors  of  the  house  of  Este, 


36o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


form  the  basis  of  this  romantic  epic,  and  hence  the  author  was  called 
the  Ferrarese  Homer.  The  courtesies  and  heroisms  of  knights,  the 
loves  of  ladies,  and  the  madness  of  Orlando,  give  occasion  for  most 
various  and  always  natural  pictures,  all  the  passions  being  delineated 
in  appropriate  colors,  so  that  Tasso  affirmed  the  excellence  of  Ariosto 
not  only  in  versatility  of  invention,  but  in  propriety  of  treatment. 
This  great  poem  abounds  in  striking  adventures,  and  shows  that  its 
composer  had  been  a  diligent  student  of  the  fabliaux  of  trouveres,  and 
the  lyrics  of  the  Provencal  poets.  Ariosto,  however,  is  allowed  to 
have  possessed  a  fertility  of  fancy  almost  unequaled,  and  a  rare  orig- 
inality. Many  of  his  similes  are  unsurpassed  in  simplicity  and  grace. 
Besides  his  masterpiece  he  wrote  satires  on  the  politics  and  the  rulers 
of  his  time,  and  his  Negromante  and  Zanotti  almost  entitle  him  to  be 
called  the  father  of  Italian  comedy.     He  died  A.  D.  1533. 

Bernardo  Tasso  was  the  author  of  the  Amadigi  and  other  esteemed 
poems ;  but  when  Torquato,  his  renowned  son,  began  to  write,  the 
father  recognized  in  him  a  superior.  The  latter  was  born  at  Sorrento, 
in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  A.  D.  1544,  and  derives  his  celebrity 
from  his  "Jerusalem  Delivered"  (Gcnisalemme  Liberata),  an  epic  poem 
of  great  merit.  In  its  form  he  strictly  followed  Virgil  and  Homer, 
and,  like  the  works  of  these  illustrious  authors,  his  production  has 
gained  the  palm  of  immortality.  It  imparts  to  the  classical  mythol- 
ogy the  marvels  of  enchantment  and  magic,  and  reflects  the  romantic 
spirit  of  the  times.  Its  superiority  has  caused  the  **Rinaldo"  and  the 
pastoral  drama  of  "Aminta"  to  fall  into  undeserved  neglect.  Some 
of  Tasso's  sonnets  also,  and  other  minor  pieces,  possess  a  rare  beauty; 
and  his  prose  letters  and  moral  dialogues  are  remarkable  for  their 
eloquence  and  philosophical  tone.  He  was  the  most  unhappy  of 
authors,  and  spent  a  life  of  great  and  varied  suffering.  His  mind 
was  always  seriously  impaired,  and  he  injured  his  health,  which  was 
naturally  delicate,  by  an  incessant  use  of  medicine.  Among  other 
calamities,  he  was  confined  by  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  who  had  been 
his  patron  until  he  committed  the  imprudent  act  of  embracing,  in 
the  midst  of  a  crowded  assembly,  the  Princess  Eleonora,  the  duke's 
sister,  with  whom  he  had  unfortunately  fallen  in  love.  For  this 
offense  he  was  consigned  to  a  hospital  for  a  long  time  under  the  pre- 
tense that  he  was  insane.  After  mourning  his  disappointment  in  a 
tedious  solitude,  rendered  more  afflictive  by  a  lingering  disease  and 
occasional  lunacy,  he  was  at  last  released.  His  merits  as  a  poet  now 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  nation,  and  just  as  he  was  on  the  point 
of  receiving  the  laurel  crown  from  Pope  Clement  VIII,  he  suddenly 


f 

Nice  OLA  MACCHIAVELLL  36 1 

expired,  A.  D.  1595,  and  that  which  was  to  have  been,  on  the  next 
day,  his  coronation,  proved  to  be  the  melancholy  procession  of  his 
funeral. 

Among  the  Italian  poets  of  less  distinction  were  Rucellai,  Valva- 
gone,  Trissino,  Speroni,  Anguillara,  Martelli,  Aretino,  Molza,  Casa, 
Bentivoglio,  Nelli,  Filicaia,  Andreini,  Guarini,  and  Alamanni.  Guarini 
was  the  author  of  a  pastoral  poem  which  was  considered  almost  equal 
in  merit  to  the  "Aminta  "  of  Tasso,  and  Alamanni  excelled  in  satire. 
The  most  eminent  poetess  of  the  century  was  Vittoria  Colonna, 
highly  applauded  by  Ariosto.  Berni  was  the  head  of  a  school  of 
burlesque  poetry,  called  from  him  the  Bernesca  rhyme.  The  best  of 
his  pieces,  the  "Orlando  Innamorato, "  possesses  grace,  elegance,  and 
originality.  At  this  period  the  Italians  developed  the  dramatic  art 
by  the  union  of  music  w^ith  poetry.  The  new  and  brilliant  invention 
of  the  opera  belongs  to  the  Florentines,  the  first  having  been  the 
"Daphne,"  the  words  of  which  were  by  Rinuccini,  and  the  music 
by  Peri,  and  which  was  represented,  A.  D.  1597.  According  to 
Muratori,  the  modern  opera  began  with  the  melodramas  \vhich  Ora- 
zio  Veccho,  of  Modena,  produced ;  and  this  new  style  became  so 
popular  in  Italy,  that  authors  and  musicians  immediately  devoted 
themselves  to  it,  and  it  was  soon  introduced  into  Germany  and 
France.  Pietro  Bembo,  who  died  A.  D.  1547,  restored  elegance  and 
correctness  to  the  native  language,  and  thus  revived  its  popularity 
among  the  learned.  Annibale  Caro,  wdio  w^as  born  A.  D.  1507,  and 
died  A.  D.  1566,  translated  many  of  the  classics  into  Italian,  and 
some  critics  regard  his  compositions  superior  in  style  even  to  those 
of  Petrarch.  His  versions  are  characterized  by  great  originality,  and 
it  has  been  said  that  Virgil  himself  w^ould  hesitate  whether  to  give 
the  palm  to  his  own  work  or  to  that  of  his  translator.  The  original 
writings  of  this  author  also  received  the  highest  commendation  for 
elegance. 

An  important  place  in  Italian  literature  is  held  by  political  writ- 
ers, foremost  among  whom  was  Niccola  Macchiavelli,  who  was  born, 
A.  D.  1469,  at  Florence.  His  father,  Bernardo,  was  a  lawyer,  w^ho 
traced  his  ancestry  to  Hugo,  marquis  of  Tuscany.  Niccola  received 
instruction  from  the  celebrated  scholar,  Marcello  Virgilio,  and  en- 
gaged in  public  affairs  at  an  early  age.  From  a  subordinate  post  in 
the  office  of  the  chancellor  of  Florence,  wdiich  he  held  at  the  critical 
period  of  the  republic,  which  succeeded  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici, 
A.  D.  1493,  he  was  promoted,  A.  D.  1498,  to  the  place  of  secretary 
of  the  'Ten,'  which,  in  the  Florentine  constitution  of  that  day,  may 


362 


ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


be  regarded  as  the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs.  His  duties  were  almost 
entirely  diplomatic  :  he  was  employed  in  a  great  variety  of  missions, 
the  instructions  and  correspondence  connected  with  which  may  almost 
be  said  to  contain  the  secret  political  history  of  Italy  during  his  time. 
The  culminating  point  of  his  reputation  as  a  diplomatist  was  his 
mission  to  the  great  master  of  treachery  and  dissimulation,  Csesar 
Borgia,  duke  of  Valentino,  A.  D.  1502,  of  which  an  account  is  pre- 
served in  fifty-two  letters,  written  during  the  course  of  the  negotia- 
tion, not  surpassed  in  dramatic  interest  by  any  series  of  state  papers 
which  ever  appeared  in  the  history  of  any  nation. 

In  the  complicated  external  relations  which  Italy  had  now  assumed 
Macchiavelli  is  found  in  communication  with  all  the  great  foreign 
powers,  as  he  had  hitherto  been  with  the  Italian  principalities.  He 
was  sent,  A.  D.  1507,  to  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  and  undertook  a 
mission  to  France,  A.  D.  15 10.  This  was  his  third  visit  to  that  coun- 
try in  a  diplomatic  capacity,  and  its  important  bearing  on  the  relation 
of  France  with  Italy  may  be  seen  by  comparing  the  League  of  Cam- 
bray  with  the  subsequent  alliance  for  the  expulsion  of  the  French 
out  of  Italy.  On  the  restoration  of  the  Medici,  A.  D.  15 12,  he  was 
involved  in  the  downfall  of  his  patron,  the  Gonfaloniere  Soderini,  and 
was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy,  A.  D.  15 13.  When  put  to 
the  torture  he  disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  the  alleged  conspiracy; 
and,  though  pardoned  in  virtue  of  the  amnesty  ordered  by  Leo  X, 
he  was  compelled  for  several  years  to  withdraw  from  public  life,  dur- 
ing which  period  he  devoted  himself  to  literature.  It  was  not  until 
the  death  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  A.  D.  15 19,  that  he  began  to  recover 
favor.  He  was  commissioned  in  that  year,  by  Leo  X,  to  draw  up  his 
report  on  a  reform  of  the  state  of  Florence,  and  he  resumed  his  old 
official  occupation  A.  D.  1 521,  being  employed  in  various  diplomiatic 
service  to  several  of  the  states  of  Italy.  On  his  return  to  Florence, 
in  May,  A.  D.  1527,  he  was  taken  ill,  and  having  trusted  to  his  own 
treatment  of  himself,  the  malady  assumed  a  very  formidable  charac- 
ter, and  in  the  end  proved  fatal,  on  the  22d  of  June,  A.  D.  1527, 
just  as  he  had  completed  his  fifty-eighth  year.  Some  difference  of 
opinion  has  existed  as  to  his  religious  belief,  and  as  to  his  sentiments 
during  his  last  hours ;  but  it  seems  certain  that  he  died  trusting  in 
the  promises  of  the  Gospel,  and  consoled  with  the  ordinary  ministra- 
tions of  his  Church.  He  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  in  the  church 
of  Santa  Croce,  at  Florence;  but  not  until  A.  D.  1787,  and  then 
through  the  munificence  of  a  foreigner,  the  Earl  Cowper,  was  a 
monument  raised  to  his  memory.  , 


MACCHIAVELLrS  LITERARY  WORKS. 


363 


The  literary  works  of  Macchiavelli  are  numerous,  consisting  of 
ten  volumes,  issued  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1783.  Besides  his  letters  and 
state  papers  of  the  highest  interest,  he  was  the  author  of  comedies, 
of  an  essay  on  the  Italian  language,  and  of  several  minor  composi- 
tions. His  historical  writings  comprise  a  discourse  on  Livy,  histories 
of  Florence,  extending  from  A.  D.  1215  to  A.  D.  1492,  with  a  frag- 
mentary continuation  to  A.  D.  1499;  a  history  of  the  affairs  of  Lucca, 
and  a  biography  of  Castruccio  Castracani,  which  was  not  completed. 
He  also  wrote  several  books  on  the  art  of  war,  which  have  been  much 
admired  by  the  learned  in  military  science.  But  the  great  source  of 
his  reputation  for  good,  or  for  evil,  is  the  celebrated  book,  De  Princi- 
patibiLSy  or,  as  it  has  since  been  called,  Del  Principe,  written,  A.  D. 
1 5 14,  and  published,  A.  D.  1532.  The  main  question  discussed  in 
this  famous  book  is,  "How  can  principalities  be  governed  and  main- 
tained?" In  resolving  this  question^^  various  cases  are  supposed,  for 
each  of  which  appropriate  rules,  principles,  and  suggestions  are  laid 
down,  and  all  are  illustrated  both  by  contemporary  examples  and 
by  a  wealth  of  historical  learning  which  it  is  difficult  to  overestimate. 
The  seventh  chapter,  in  which  he  details,  with  evident  admiration,  the 
system  of  Caesar  Borgia,  and  the  eighteenth,  in  which  he  discusses 
the  duty  of  princes  as  to  the  obligation  of  keeping  faith,  are  those 
which,  no  doubt,  have  contributed  to  make  the  name  of  the  author 
the  symbol  of  every  thing  that  is  odious. 

Conflicting  opinions,  however,  are  entertained  concerning  the 
design  of  the  Florentine  statesman  and  diplomatist  in  writing  "The 
Prince."  Some  maintain  the  position  that  the  researches  of  modern 
Italian  scholars,  and  a  better  consideration  of  the  political  state  of 
Italy  in  the  days  of  Macchiavelli,  have  at  length  vindicated  in  some 
measure  his  name,  and  placed  him  in  a  different  light.  The  advo- 
cates of  this  theory  assert  that  the  work  is  a  calm  and  forcible  exposi- 
tion of  the  means  by  which  tyranny  may  be  established  and  sustained; 
and  if  it  be  a  guide  to  princes  desiring  to  become  despotic,  it  also 
weakens  despotism  by  exposing  its  most  subtle  secrets.  These  de- 
fenders of  Macchiavelli  refer  to  the  fact  that  he  was  an  ardent  friend 
of  liberty,  and  that,  consequently,  //  Principe  was  intended  to  be  a 
satire  upon  absolutism,  thereby  promoting  the  cause  of  freedom. 
This  theory,  that  the  design  of  the  work  was  to  make  arbitrary  power 
odious  and  contemptible,  is  rejected  by  the  old  school  of  critics,  who 
declare  that  the  broad  scheme,  revealed  in  every  chapter,  though 
more  distinct  in  the  seventh  and  eighteenth,  ig  that,  for  the  establish- 
ment and  maintenance  of  authority,  all  means  may  be  resorted  to, 


3^4 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  that  the  worst  and  most  treacherous  acts  of  the  ruler,  however 
unlawful  in  themselves,  are  justified  by  the  wickedness  and  treachery 
of  the  governed.  Not  only  the  general  tone  of  the  book  is  referred 
to  as  a  proof  of  its  aim,  but  also  a  letter  written  A.  D.  15  13,  and  only 
discovered  in  1 8 10,  by  Macchiavelli  to  his  friend  Vettori,  from  which 
it  appears  that  the  author  wrote  "The  Prince"  to  gratify  the  Medici, 
for  whose  private  perusal  it  was  designed,  and  not  for  publication. 
Whichever  theory  is  accepted,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  this  profound 
and  philosophical  statesman  desired  the  liberation  of  Italy  from  foreign 
rule,  and  believing  that  strong  native  governments,  even  though 
absolute,  must  be  endured,  he  favored  that  of  the  Medici  for  Flor- 
ence, not  hesitating  to  advocate  the  use  of  all  means  for  its  security 
and  consolidation.  ''The  Prince"  called  forth  many  criticisms  and 
rejoinders,  the  most  remarkable  being  from  the  pen  of  Frederick  the 
Great,  A.  D.  1740.  This  man^yal  of  government  was  constantly  in 
the  hands  of  such  sovereigns  as  Charles  V  and  Sixtus  V,  and  the 
author  was  recognized  as  a  master  in  the  art  of  diplomacy.  During 
his  life  he  was  employed  in  twenty-three  foreign  embassies.  He  was 
also  a  dramatist,  and  excelled  as  a  writer,  his  style  being  marked 
by  simplicity,  strength,  thought,  and  a  rare  but  felicitous  use  of 
ornament. 

Among  other  political  writers  were  Botero  and  Giannotti ;  but 
nearer  to  Macchiavelli  in  merit  was  Paruta,  who  was  born  A.  D. 
1540,  and  died  A.  D.  1598.  Paolo  Giovio  wrote  in  Latin  a  partisan 
history  of  his  own  time,  and  general  histories  were  written  by  Giam- 
bullari  and  Adriani.  The  historians  of  Venice  were  Bembo,  Paruta, 
and  Contarini ;  of  Genoa  Giustiniani,  Bonfadio,  and  Foglietta ;  of  Fer- 
rara,  Ciuzio,  and  Falletti ;  of  Florence,  Nardi,  Varchi,  Nerh,  Segni, 
Capponi,  and  Scipione  Ammirato;  and  of  Naples,  Costanzo,  Porzio, 
and  Summonte.  Vasari  was  the  most  prominent  of  the  historians 
of  art,  and  recorded  the  lives  of  the  most  excellent  painters, 
sculptors,  and  architects  of  Italy. 


f 


DECLINE  OF  THE  VAUDOIS  CHURCH. 


365 


Chapter  XXII. 


SYNOD  IN  THE  WALDENSIAN  VALLEYS. 


HE  promise  made  to  the  Waldenses  by  the  duke  of  Savoy, 


J-  A.  D.  1489,  that  they  should  not  again  be  persecuted,  was,  no 
doubt,  sincere,  but  he  could  not  altogether  protect  them  from  the 
secret  plottings  of  the  priesthood,  though  he  had  the  power  to  pre- 
vent the  invasion  of  their  Valleys"  by  such  armies  as  that  which 
Cataneo  commanded.  While  unmolested  by  organized  bands  of  cru- 
saders, the}^  were  assailed  by  the  papal  missionary  and  inquisitor, 
who  proselyted  some  and  kidnaped  others.  Many  outwardly  con- 
formed to  the  Romish  Church  rather  than  be  annoyed  by  their 
enemies.  ]\Ionastier  says,  "In  order  to  be  shielded  from  all  inter- 
ruption in  their  journeys  on  business,  they  obtained  from  the  priests, 
who  were  settled  in  the  valleys,  certificates  or  testimonials  of  their 
being  papists."  Before  obtaining  this  credential  the  applicant  was 
required  to  show  that  he  had  attended  the  Romish  chapel,  practiced 
confession,  received  the  mass,  and  had  his  children  baptized  by  the 
priest.  It  is  said  that  to  atone  for  this  wicked  dissimulation  they 
muttered  to  themseh'es,  when  entering  the  Romish  temples,  ''Cave 
of  robbers,  may  God  confound  thee!"  While  professing  to  be  Ro- 
manists they  continued  to  attend  the  Waldensian  services,  and  to 
submit  to  the  censures  of  the  Vaudois  pastors.  It  was  evident  that 
both  the  members  who  practiced  such  deception  and  the  Church 
that  permitted  it  had  greatly  declined  in  piety.  The  old  vine, 
planted  in  apostolic  days,  and  so  long  covered  with  the  shadow  of 
the  mountains,  appeared  to  be  dying. 

But  He  who  had  planted  it  "looked  down  from  heaven  and 
visited  it."  The  Reformation  now  dawned  upon  Europe.  The  river 
of  the  "Water  of  Life,"  which  for  twelve  centuries  seemed  to  flow 
only  through  the  Alpine  valleys,  began  to  spread  through  Christen- 
dom, and  the  old  and  now  declining  Vaudois  Church  drank  anew  of 
the  celestial  stream  that  imparted  new  life  and  covered  the  branches 
of  this  ancient  vine  with  blossoms  and  fruit.  The  Reformation  had 
already  moved  most  of  the  countries  of  Europe  to  their  depths  before 
the  inhabitants  of  these  secluded  mountains  had  heard  of  the  won- 
derful event.   When  the  intelligence  reached  them, they  "were  as  men 


366 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


who  dreamed,"  and  became  anxious  to  have  a  confirmation  of  the 
glorious  news.  In  order  to  ascertain  to  what  extent  the  nations  of 
Europe  had  cast  off  the  yoke  of  Rome  the  Waldenses  selected  pastor 
Martin,  of  the  valley  of  Lucerna,  to  go  forth  on  an  investigating 
tour.  In  A.  D.  1526  he  returned  with  the  astonishing  information 
that  the  Irght  of  apostolic  Christianity  was  shining  on  Germany, 
Switzerland,  and  France,  and  that  multitudes  were  every  day  openly 
professing  the  same  doctrines  that  the  Waldenses  had  preached  from 
the  earliest  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  In  attestation  of  his  state- 
ment he  showed  books  that  he  had  brought  from  Germany,  contain- 
ing the  views  of  the  reformers. 

The  remnant  of  the  Vaudois  on  the  north  of  the  Alps  were  also 
surprised  and  gladdened  by  this  great  spiritual  revolution,  and  sent 
forth  men  to  collect  all  the  facts  concerning  it.  In  A.  D.  1530, 
George  Morel,  of  Merindol,  and  Pierre  Masson,  of  Burgundy,  were 
commissioned  by  the  Churches  of  Provence  and  Dauphine  to  visit 
the  reformers  of  Switzerland  and  Germany,  and  learn  what  they  could 
respecting  their  doctrine  and  manner  of  life.  These  deputies  assem- 
bled in  conference  with  the  members  of  the  Protestant  Churches  of 
Berne,  Morat,  and  Neuchatel,  and  also  held  interviews  with  Berthold 
Haller  and  William  Farel.  They  went  on  to  Basle,  and  presented  to 
OEcolampadius,  in  October,  A.  D.  1530,  a  document  in  Latin,  which 
contained  a  full  account  of  their  ecclesiastical  discipline,  doctrine, 
worship,  and  manners.  CEcolampadius  was  urged  to  express  his 
opinion,  favorable  or  otherwise,  relative  to  the  doctrine  and  order 
of  the  Vaudois  Church,  and  to  suggest  any  modifications  he  deemed 
necessary.  This  submission  of  the  elder  Church  to  the  younger  was 
a  beautiful  illustration  of  the  humility  that  characterized  the  Vaudois. 

The  reformer  of  Basle  experienced  unspeakable  joy  from  the  visit 
of  these  two  pastors  of  this  primitive  Church.  Their  testimony  was 
to  him  the  voice  of  the  ancient  and  apostolic  Church  addressing  the 
Christians  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  extending  to  them  a  cordial 
welcome  within  the  gates  of  the  City  of  God.  To  him  it  was  a 
miracle  that  this  ''little  flock  had  been  for  ages  in  the  fires,  but  was 
not  consumed."  This  was  encouraging  to  those  who  were  about  to 
suffer  persecutions  not  less  terrific.  "We  render  thanks,"  said 
OEcolampadius,  in  his  letter  of  the  13th  of  October,  A.  D.  1530,  to 
the  Churches  of  Provence,  "to  our  most  gracious  Father,  that  he 
has  called  you  into  such  marvelous  light  during  the  ages  in  which 
such  thick  darkness  has  covered  almost  the  whole  world  under  the 
empire  of  Antichrist.     We  love  you  as  brethren."    But  his  affection 


A  MEMORABLE  INTERVIEW. 


for  them  did  not  blind  him  to  their  spiritual  declension,  nor  deter 
him  from  giving  such  admonitions  as  he  regarded  necessary.  "As 
we  approve  of  many  things  among  you,"  he  wrote,  "so  there  are 
several  which  we  wish  to  see  amended.  We  are  informed  that  the 
fear  of  persecution  has  caused  you  to  dissemble  and  to  conceal  your 
faith,  .  .  .  There  is  no  concord  between  Christ  and  Belial.  You 
commune  with  unbelievers ;  you  take  part  in  their  abominable  masses, 
in  which  the  death  and  passion  of  Christ  are  blasphemed. 
I  know  your  weakness ;  but  it  becomes  those  who  have  been  re- 
deemed by  the  blood  of  Christ  to  be  more  courageous.  It  is  better 
for  us  to  die  than  to  be  overcome  by  temptation."  Thus  CEcolam- 
padius,  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  the  Reformation, 
repaid  the  Church  of  the  Alps  for  the  services  she  had  rendered  to 
the  world  in  former  ages.  By  this  sharp  but  brotherly  rebuke  he 
endeavored  to  restore  to  her  the  purity  and  glory  which  she  had  lost. 

The  deputies,  after  their  interview  with  CEcolampadius,  went  to 
Strasburg,  and  made  a  similar  statement  of  their  faith  to  Bucer, 
Capito,  and  other  reformers  of  that  city,  eliciting  similar  congratula- 
tions and  counsels.  The  Church  of  the  Reformation,  in  the  clear 
light  of  her  morning,  beheld  many  things  which  had  become  dim  in 
the  evening  of  the  Vaudois  Church,  and  the  former  gladly  imparted 
to  her  elder  sister  the  knowledge  obtained  from  wider  observation. 
If  the  Protestants  of  the  sixteenth  century  recognized  the  voice  of 
apostolic  Christianity  speaking  in  the  Waldenses,  the  latter  heard  the 
voice  of  the  Bible — or,  rather,  of  God  himself — speaking  in  the  re- 
formers, and  therefore  modestly  received  their  reproofs.  This  was, 
indeed,  an  illustration  of  the  Savior's  words,  "The  last  shall  be 
first." 

The  meeting  of  the  representatives  of  these  two  Churches  was 
truly  a  memorable  occasion.  Each  was  a  miracle  to  the  other.  The 
Church  of  the  sixteenth  century  beheld  with  wonder  the  preservation 
of  the  Vaudois  Church  for  ages  amid  the  fires  of  persecution  ;  and 
the  resurrection  of  the  former  was  a  yet  greater  mystery  to  the 
Church  of  the  first  century.  By  comparing  their  respective  creeds 
they  were  astonished  to  find  them  one.  When  blended,  the  tones 
of  both  instruments  made  perfect  harmony,  and  sent  forth  the  same 
Gospel  music.  In  tracing  the  streams  of  evidence,  to  ascertain  the 
sources  of  their  knowledge,  they  discovered  that  both  issued  from 
the  same  fountain — the  Word  of  God.  They  were  not  two  Churches,  * 
but  one,  the  elder  and  younger  members  of  the  same  glorious  fam- 
ily, the  children  of  the  same  Father.    As  Dr.  Wylie  eloquently 


368 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


remarks,  "What  a  magnificent  monument  of  the  true  antiquity  and 
genuine  cathoHcity  of  Protestantism!" 

Of  the  two  Provence  deputies  who  visited  the  reformers  of  Switz- 
land,  only  one  returned.  While  proceeding  homeward  they  came  to 
Dijon,  and  there,  from  some  cause  or  other,  Pierre  Masson  was  sus- 
pected, thrown  into  prison,  condemned,  and  finally  burned.  His 
fellow-deputy,  George  Morel,  was  not  disturbed,  but,  conveying  the 
answers  of  the  reformers,  especially  the  letters  of  CEcolampadius, 
continued  on  his  journey,  and  arrived  in  safety  in  Provence.  The 
documents  he  brought  were  fully  discussed,  their  contents  causing 
these  two  ancient  Churches  mingled  joy  and  sorrow — the  former, 
however,  being  in  the  ascendancy.  The  confessors  of  the  Alps  con- 
sidered themselves  alone  in  the  world ;  every  successive  century  be- 
held a  diminution  of  their  numbers,  and  the}'  were  becoming  less 
determined ;  their  ancient  enemy,  on  the  other  hand,  gradually 
extended  her  dominion  and  strengthened  her  power.  Indeed,  the 
Waldenses  imagined  that  soon  the  public  profession  of  the  Gospel 
would  cease.  They  were,  therefore,  astonished  to  hear  that  in  many 
lands  there  was  a  numerous  body  of  Christians,  distinguished  for 
their  knowledge,  faith,  and  courage.  The  news  that  at  that  moment 
a  new  army  of  Christian  soldiers  were  in  the  field  to  maintain  the 
old  battle  literally  astounded  them ;  but  the  intelligence  solved  a 
problem  belonging  to  the  past.  Their  fathers  had  shed  their  blood, 
and  not  until  now  were  its  fruits  visible.  Wliile  they  had  fought 
the  battles  of  truth,  the  honor  of  the  victory  was  reserved  for  those 
combatants  who  more  recently  appeared  upon  the  scene  of  action. 
The  Waldenses  painfully  realized  that  by  their  departure  from  the 
"old  paths"  they  had  forfeited  this  reward;  hence  the  regret  that 
mingled  with  their  joy. 

The  communications  which  their  deputies  brought  back  from  the 
Swiss  and  German  Reformers  were  carefully  considered,  and  especially 
the  reforms  which  were  urged  upon  them.  The  great  majority  of  the 
Vaudois  barbes  favored  the  adoption  of  the  measures  proposed  by  the 
Churches  of  the  Protestant  faith,  but  a  small  minority  opposed  it  be- 
cause they,  as  old  disciples,  would  not  permit  dictation  from  the 
new,  or  because  they  themselves  were  secretly  inclined  to  the  Romish 
superstitions.  They  again  sought  advice  from  the  Reformers,  and 
after  repeated  interviews  and  expressions  of  opinions,  it  was  finally 
decided  to  convene  a  synod  in  the  "Valleys,"  at  which  all  the  ques- 
tions between  the  two  churches  might  be  debated,  and  the  future 
relations  of  each  determined.    It  would  be  necessary  for  the  Church 


I 


CHAMFORANS. 


369 


of  the  Alps  to  show  that  great  and  radical  differences  in  doctrine  ex- 
isted between  herself  and  the  newly  organized  Church  before  she  could 
justify  herself  in  remaining  independent  of  it,  as  she  was  previous  to 
the  Reformation.  If  no  such  differences  existed,  she  dared  not  con- 
tinue apart  but  must  unite  with  the  others. 

It  was  resolved  that  the  approaching  synod  should  possess  a  truly 
oecumenical  character — a  general  assembly  of  all  the  children  of  the 
Protestant  faith.  A  cordial  invitation  was  extended,  and  was  gen- 
erally responded  to.  There  were  in  the  synod  representatives  of  all 
the  Waldensian  Churches  in  the  bosom  of  the  Alps.  The  Albigen- 
sian  communities  on  the  north  of  the  chain  and  the  Vaudois  Churches 
in  Calabria  sent  deputies  to  it.  The  Churches  of  French  Switzerland 
appointed  William  Farel  and  Anthony  Saunier  to  attend  it.  Dele- 
gates from  more  distant  lands,  such  as  Bohemia,  came  to  deliberate 
and  vote  in  this  famous  convention.  It  assembled  on  the  12th  of 
October,  A.  D.  1552,  two  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  which  marked  the  culmination  of  the  German  Reforma- 
tion, and  one  year  after  the  death  of  Zwingle  on  the  field  of  Cappel. 
In  France  the  Reformation  was  illustrating  the  power  of  its  faith  by 
the  heroic  deaths  of  its  children,  Calvin  had  already  enlisted  under 
the  Protestant  banner ;  and  the  princes  of  the  Schmalkald  league  were 
standing  at  bay  in  the  presence  of  Charles  V.  This  assembly  con- 
vened at  a  critical  yet  glorious  era  in  the  history  of  Protestantism.  It 
met  at  the  town  of  Chamforans,  in  the  heart  of  the  Valley  of  An- 
grogna,  which  occupied  a  strong  and  beautiful  position.  The  sum- 
mits of  Roccomaneot  and  La  Serre  stood  as  sentinels  before  it,  and 
the  approach  to  it  was  flanked  by  defiles,  wiiich  alternately  widen  and 
contract,  but  are  every-where  overhung  by  great  rocks  and  mighty 
chestnut  trees,  behind  and  above  which  rise  the  taller  peaks,  some 
of  them  snow-clad.  The  plateau  on  which  the  town  stood  is  located 
a  short  distance  beyond  La  Serre  and  overlooks  the  grassy  bottom 
of  the  valley,  which  is  watered  by  a  crystal  torrent,  and  dotted  with 
numerous  chalets.  This  extends  about  two  miles  beyond,  and  is 
then  shut  in  by  the  steep,  naked  precipices  of  the  Barricade,  which, 
stretching  from  side  to  side  of  Angrogna,  leaves  only  the  long  dark 
chasm  we  have  already  described  as  the  pathway  to  the  Pra  del  Tor, 
Avhose  majestic  mountains  here  burst  upon  the  vision  of  the  traveler, 
suggesting  the  idea  that  he  is  approaching  some  city  of  celestial  mag- 
nificence. The  town  of  Chamforans  has  long  since  passed  away,  its 
only  representative  at  this  day  being  a  solitary  farm-house. 

The  synod  was  in  session  six  consecutive  days.    The  assembled 


3/0 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


harhcs  and  elders  freely  discussed  the  various  points  raised  in  the 
documents  which  were  sent  to  them  by  the  Protestant  Churches,  and 
the  result  of  their  deliberations  was  embodied  in  a  "Short  Confession 
of  Faith,"  which  Monastier  says  "may  be  considered  as  a  supple- 
ment to  the  ancient  Confession  of  Faith  of  the  year  1120,  which  it 
does  not  contradict  in  any  point."  It  is  entitled,  says  Leger,  "A 
Brief  Confession  of  Faith  made  by  the  Pastors  and  Heads  of  Fami- 
lies of  the  Valleys  of  Piedmont;"  and  "is  preserved,"  he  adds, 
"with  other  documents  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge." It  consists  of  seventeen  articles,  the  chief  of  which  are  the 
moral  inability  of  man  ;  election  to  eternal  life ;  the  will  of  God,  as 
made  known  in  the  Bible,  the  only  rule  of  duty ;  and  the  doctrine  of 
two  sacraments  only,  baptism  and  the  Lord's-supper. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  synod,  the  primitive  spirit  of  the 
Waldenses  revived.  The  fear  of  persecution,  which  had  caused  them 
to  deny  their  faith,  was  now  removed,  and  they  began  to  confess  Christ 
publicly  instead  of  practicing  cowardly  concealments.  Henceforward 
they  were  never  seen  at  mass  or  in  the  popish  churches,  refusing  to 
recognize  the  priests  of  Rome  as  ministers  of  Christ,  and  under  no 
circumstances  would  they  receive  any  spiritual  benefit  or  service  at 
their  hands.  Jndeed,  the  lamp  of  truth,  which  had  almost  expired, 
commenced  to  burn  with  its  former  brightness,  and  the  radiance 
infused  a  new  life  into  the  Vaudois,  who,  without  delay,  entered  upon 
the  work  of  rebuilding  their  churches.  For  fifty  years  previous  there 
was  really  no  public  worship  in  their  "  Valleys."  The  inquisitor  had 
razed  their  churches,  and  they  feared  to  rebuild  them,  lest  another 
storm  of  violence  and  blood  should  sweep  them  away.  Often  they 
gathered  in  a  cave,  and  in  more  peaceful  times  converted  the  house 
of  their  barbe  or  of  some  of  their  chief  men  into  a  place  of  meeting. 
Then,  again,  when  the  weather  was  pleasant,  they  would  assemble  on 
the  mountain-side,  under  the  great  boughs  of  their  ancestral  trees. 
But  they  dared  not  rebuild  their  old  sanctuaries.  In  the  language  of 
of  the  ancient  Jews  they  could  exclaim,  "The  holy  and  beautiful 
house  in  which  our  fathers  praised  thee  is  burned  with  fire,  and  all 
our  pleasant  things  are  laid  waste."  The  counsels  and  fellowship  of 
their  Protestant  brethren  encouraged  them  to  erect  churches  and 
restore  the  worship  of  God.  At  Lorenzo,  close  to  the  place  where 
the  synod  met,  the  first  of  these  post-Reformation  edifices  was  built; 
others  speedily  followed  in  other  valleys;  pastors  were  multiplied; 
crowds  flocked  to  their  preaching,  and  many  came  from  the  plains  of 
Piedmont,  and  from  remote  parts  of  their  valleys. 


VISITORS  FROM  SWITZERLAND. 


Another  indication  that  a  vigorous  Hfe  was  animating  the  old 
Church  was  its  translation  of  the  Bible  into  the  French  language. 
The  s}'nod  adopted  a  resolution  to  translate  and  print  both  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  and,  as  the  work  was  entirely  performed  by  the 
Vaudois,  it  was  properly  regarded  as  their  gift  to  the  Churches  of 
the  Reformation.  It  was  truly  a  most  appropriate  and  noble  gift. 
They  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  reformers  that  Book  which  their 
fathers  had  received  from  the  early  Church,  and  preserved  with  their 
blood,  and  w^hich  their  barbes  had  industriously  transcribed  and  circu- 
lated. They,  by  this  generous  act,  honored  the  Protestants  of  Ger- 
many and  France  in  constituting  them,  along  with  themselves,  the 
custodians  of  this,  the  ark  of  the  world's  hopes.  Robert  Olivetan,  a 
near  relative  of  Calvin,  was  requested  to  undertake  the  translation  ;  and 
he  executed  it,  receiving  assistance,  as  many  believe,  from  his  great 
kinsman.  It  was  printed  in  folio,  in  black  letter,  at  Xeuchatel, 
A.  D.  1535,  by  Pierre  de  Wingle,  commonly  called  Picard.  The 
Waldenses  defrayed  the  entire  expense,  and  collected  for  this 
object  fifteen  hundred  crowns  of  gold,  a  large  sum  for  that  poor 
people.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  this  new  era  in  her  history, 
the  Vaudois  Church  proclaimed  that  the  Word  of  God  was  her  only 
foundation. 

As  we  have  previously  stated,  the  Churches  of  French  Switzer- 
land sent  Farel  and  Saunier  as  a  commission  to  the  synod.  Their 
zeal  and  courage  were  exhibited  in  making  such  a  pilgrimage  of  toil 
and  peril.  It  is  difficult  for  one  who  crosses  the  Alps  so  easily  at 
the  present  time  to  conceive  tlie  great  labor  and  danger  that  attended 
the  journey  then.  Fearing  pursuit,  the  deputies  could  not  travel  the 
ordinary  paths  across  the  mountains,  but  were  compelled  to  follow 
those  but  little  known,  which  often  led  by  the  edge  of  precipices  and 
abysses,  up  steep  and  dangerous  ascents,  and  across  fields  of  frozen 
snow.  They  were  exposed  to  death  from  the  blinding  drifts  and  tem- 
pests of  the  mountains,  enemies  more  to  be  dreaded  than  Romish  pur- 
suers. In  the  providence  of  God  they  were  preserved  and  reached 
the*"  Valleys  "  in  safety,  contributing  by  their  presence  and  advice  to 
the  dignity  and  influence  of  this,  the  first  great  ecclesiastical  assembly 
of  modern  times.  Three  years  thereafter  a  Vaudois,  Jean  Peyrel,  of 
Angrogna,  being  cast  into  prison,  deposed  on  his  trial  that  he  had 
"kept  guard  for  the  ministers  who  taught  the  good  law,  who  were 
assembled  in  the  town  of  Chamforans,  in  the  center  of  Angrogna; 
and  that,  amongst  others  present,  there  was  one  called  Farel,  who 
had  a  red  beard  and  a  beautiful  white  horse;  and  two  others  accom- 

25 


372 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


panied  him,  one  of  whom  had  a  horse  almost  black,  and  the  other 
was  very  tall  and  rather  lame." 

For  twenty-eight  years  the  Church  of  the  Alps  had  peace  and 
great  spiritual  prosperity.  In  all  her  ''Valleys"  sanctuaries  arose; 
and,  not  having  a  sufficient  number  of  pastors  and  teachers,  she 
enlisted  in  her  service  men  of  learning  and  zeal,  some  of  whom  were 
from  foreign  lands.  Her  faith  was  embraced  by  individuals  and  fam- 
ilies in  the  cities  on  the  plain  of  Piedmont;  and  her  worship  was 
attended  by  constantly  increasing  crowds.  In  fact,  this  venerable 
Church  had  a  second  youth.  George  Morel  states  in  his  Memoirs^ 
that,  at  this  time,  there  were  more  than  eight  hundred  thousand  per- 
sons of  the  religion  of  the  Vaudois.  He  includes,  of  course,  in  this 
estimate  the  Vaudois  in  the  ''Valleys,"  on  the  plain  of  Piedmont, 
in  Naples  and  Calabria,  in  the  south  of  France,  and  in  the  countries 
of  Germany.  This  ancient  body  of  believers  retrimmed  its  lamp, 
and  it  burned  with  a  brightness  that  justified  its  time-honored  motto: 
'JLA_light  shining  in  darkness."  The  darkness  was  not  then  so  dense 
as  it  had  been,  because  the  hours  of  morning  were  approaching.  The 
Vaudois  were  not"  the  only  source  of  light  to  Christendom  at  that 
period.  Their  Church  was  one  of  a  constellation  of  lights  which 
already  irradiated  the  skies  of  Europe  with  an  effulgence  which  no 
former  age  had  known. 


Chapter  XXIII. 

THE  WALDENSIAN  REMONSTRANCES. 

THE  king  of  France  made  a  demand  upon  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
Charles  III,  that  he  would  permit  him  to  march  an  army 
through  his  territories.  He  refused  to  comply;  but  Francis  I  deter- 
mined to  have  a  road  into  Italy.  Accordingly  he  took  possession  of 
Piedmont  by  force,  and  it,  together  with  the  Waldensian  Valleys-,  for 
twenty-three  years,  was  held  by  him.  The  Waldenses  found  the 
sway  of  Francis  I  more  tolerant  than  that  of  their  own  princes,  for, 
though  he  hated  heretics,  the  necessities  of  his  policy  often  compelled 
him  to  court  them,  and,  therefore,  while  he  was  burning  Lutherans 
in  Paris,  he  spared  them  in  the  "Valleys."  But  the  general  peace 
of  Chateau  Cambresis,  April  3,  A.  D.  1559,  restored  Piedmont,  with 
the  exception  of  Turin,  to  its  former  rulers  of  the  House  of  Savoy, 


V 


PERSECUTION  A  T  CARIGNANO.  373 

Charles  III  had  been  succeeded,  A.  D.  1553,  by  Emmanuel  Philibert. 
The  latter  was  a  prince  of  superior  talents  and  humane  disposition, 
and  the  Vaudois  cherished  the  hope  that  he  would  permit  them  to 
live  in  peace,  and  to  worship  as  their  fathers  had  done.  Their  expec- 
tations were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  Philibert  had  mar- 
ried a  sister  of  the  king  of  France,  Henry  II,  who  had  been  carefully 
instructed  in  the  Protestant  faith  by  her  illustrious  relations,  Margaret, 
Queen  of  Navarre,  and  Renee,  of  France,  daughter  of  Louis  XII. 
But  unfortunately  the  treaty,  which  restored  Emmanuel  Philibert  to 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  contained  a  clause  binding  the  contract- 
ing parties  to  extinguish  heresy. 

The  king,  moved  by  the  counsels  of  his  Protestant  queen,  had 
resolved  to  treat  his  subjects,  the  Vaudois,  humanely;  but  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  ruled  by  men  of  stronger  wills  and  more  determined 
purposes.  He  was  reminded  of  the  terms  of  the  agreement  in  the 
treaty  of  peace  by  the  inquisitors  of  his  kingdom,  the  nuncio  of  the 
pope,  and  the  embassadors  of  Spain  and  France,  who  united  in 
urging  upon  him  the  purgation  his  dominions.  The  unhappy 
monarch,  unable  to  resist  these  powerful  appeals,  issued  an  edict  on 
the  15th  of  February,  A.  D.  1560,  forbidding  his  subjects  hearing 
the  Protestant  preachers  in  the  valley  of  Lucerna  or  anywhere  else, 
under  a  penalty  of  a  fine  of  one  hundred  dollars  of  gold  for  the  first 
offense,  and  of  the  galleys  for  life  for  the  second.  This  proclamation 
had  reference  principally  to  the  Protestants  on  the  plain  of  Piedmont, 
who  in  crowds  visited  the  "Valleys"  to  attend  Protestant  services. 
In  a  short  time,  however,  a  severer  edict  followed,  commanding 
attendance  at  mass  under  penalty  of  death.  To  enforce  this  cruel 
decree  a  commission  was  given  to  a  prince  of  the  blood,  Philip  of 
Savoy,  count  de  Raconis,  and  with  him  were  associated  George  Costa, 
count  de  la  Trinita,  and  Thomas  Jacomel,  the  inquisitor-general, 
who  was  both  cruel  in  disposition  and  licentious  in  manners.  Coun- 
cilor Corbis  was  added  to  the  commission,  but,  after  beholding  a 
few  initial  scenes  of  barbarity  and  horror,  he  concluded  that  he  was 
not  qualified  for  such  bloody  work  and  accordingly  resigned. 

The  tempest  of  persecution  first  discharged  its  fury  upon  the  town 
called  Carignano,  which  sweetly  reposes  on  one  of  the  spurs  of  the 
Apennines,  about  twenty  miles  to  the  west  of  Turin.  It  contained 
many  Protestants,  some  of  whom  occupied  high  social  positions. 
The  wealthiest  were  selected  and  dragged  to  the  burning  pile  in  order 
to  terrify  the  rest.  The  result  was  satisfactory  to  the  Inquisition. 
The  professors  of  the  Protestant  faith  in  Carignano  were  scattered; 


I 


374 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


some  fled  to  Turin,  then  under  the  domination  of  France,  some  to 
other  places,  and  some,  alas!  frightened  by  the  tempest  in  front, 
turned  back  and  sought  refuge  in  the  darl>:ness  behind  them.  While 
they  desired  *'the  better  country,"  yet  they  could  not  enter  in  at  the 
cost  of  exile  and  death.  After  desolating  Carignano,  the  storm  of 
human  passion  advanced  across  the  plain  of  Piedmont  towards  those 
great  mountains,  which  were  the  ancient  fortress  of  the  truth,  leaving 
in  its  track  through  the  villages  and  country  communes,  terror,  pil- 
lage, and  blood.  It  moved  on  like  one  of  those  thunder-clouds 
which  the  traveler  on  the  Alps  may  often  behold  beneath  him,  trav- 
ersing the  same  plain,  and  shooting  its  lightnings  earthwards  as  it 
advances.  This  cloud  of  wrath  descended  upon  every  Vaudois  con- 
gregation until,  at  last,  it  reached  the  foot  of  the  Waldensian  Alps, 
at  the  entrance  of  the  "Valleys,"  within  whose  mighty  natural  bul- 
Avarks  crowds  of  fugitives  from  the  towns  and  villages  on  the  plains 
have  already  found  an  asylum.  Before  the  appearance  of  the  crusaders 
at  the  entrance  of  the  "Valleys,"  rumors  of  the  arrests,  confiscations, 
cruel  tortures,  and  horrible  deaths  which  had  befallen  the  Churches 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  came  to  the  Vaudois  in  the  Alps.  As 
a  calamity  was  impending  over  them,  the  pastors  and  prominent  lay- 
men assembled  to  deliberate  on  the  steps  to  be  taken.  After  fasting 
and  humbling  themselves  before  God  they  sought,  by  earnest  prayer, 
the  direction  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

These  noble  people  in  the  bosom  of  the  Alps  resolved  to  approach 
the  throne  of  their  prince,  and  by  humble  petition  and  remonstrance 
present  the  justice  of  their  cause.  Their  first  claim  was  to  be  heard 
before  being  condemned — a  right  always  granted  to  the  accused, 
however  criminal.  They  next  solemnly  denied  the  principal  charge 
made  against  them,  that  of  renouncing  the  true  faith  and  of  adopting 
doctrines  contrary  to  the  Bible  and  the  early  ages  of  the  Church. 
They  declared  that  their  faith  was  that  which  Christ  himself  had 
taught;  which  the  apostles,  following  their  Great  Master,  had 
preached ;  which  the  Fathers  had  vindicated  with  their  pens  and  the 
mart}'rs  with  their  blood,  and  Avhich  the  first  four  councils  had  rat- 
ified and  proclaimed  to  be  the  faith  of  the  Christian  world.  They 
appealed  to  the  Bible  and  all  antiquity  as  witnesses  to  the  fact  that 
they  had  not  abandoned  the  "old  paths,"  but,  from  father  to  son, 
had  continued  for  fifteen  centuries  to  walk  therein.  They  affirmed 
that  no  religious  novelties  lurked  in  their  mountains;  that  they  had 
not  bowed  the  knee  to  strange  gods ;  and  that,  if  they  were  heretics, 
so,  too,  were  the  first  four  councils,  and  so,  too,  the  apostles  them- 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  VAUDOIS  FAITH.  375 


selves.  If  they  had  erred,  they  beheved  that  they  were  in  the  com- 
pany of  the  confessors  and  martyrs  of  the  early  ages.  They  also 
expressed  a  willingness  to  appeal  their  cause  at  any  moment  to  a 
general  council,  provided  it  would  decide  the  question  by  the  Bible, 
which  was  the  only  infallible  standard.  If  on  this  evidence  they 
should  be  convicted  of  even  one  heresy,  they  declared  their  readiness 
to  surrender  it.  As  this  was  the  main  point  of  their  indictment,  they 
asked  what  more  they  could  promise.  Show  us,  they  said,  what  the 
errors  are  which  you  demand  us  to  renounce  under  the  penalty  of 
death,  and  we  will  comply  without  any  delay.  The  following  elo- 
quent statement  of  their  orthodoxy  appears  in  Leger's  account  of 
the  Vaudois  Church  at  that  time :  ' '  First,  we  do  protest  before  the 
Almighty  and  all-just  God,  before  whose  tribunal  we  must  all  one 
day  appear,  that  we  intend  to  live  and  die  in  the  holy  faith,  piety, 
and  religion  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  we  do  abhor  all 
heresies  that  have  been  and  are  condemned  by  the  Word  of  God. 
We  do  embrace  the  most  holy  doctrine  of  the  prophets  and  apostles, 
as  likewise  of  the  Nicene  and  Athanasian  creeds;  we  do  subscribe  to 
the  four  councils,  and  to  all  the  ancient  Fathers,  in  all  such  things 
as  are  not  repugnant  to  the  analogy  of  faith." 

The  Vaudois  in  their  remonstrance  also  assured  the  prince  that 
their  duty  to  God  did  not  weaken  their  allegiance  to  him.  Combin- 
ing loyalty  and  piety,  they  stood  before  his  throne  among  the  most 
faithful  and  devoted  of  his  subjects.  They  asked  him  when  the}^ 
had  ever  plotted  treason  or  opposed  lawful  authority?  They  informed 
him  that  the  more  they  feared  God  the  more  they  honored  him, 
their  earthly  king,  to  whom  belonged  their  services,  their  substance, 
and,  in  a  certain  sense,  their  life.  While  they  were  ready  to  employ 
all  these  in  defending  the  prerogative  of  their  sovereign,  yet  one 
thing  they  could  not  surrender — their  conscience.  Concerning  their 
Roman  Catholic  fellow-subjects  of  Piedmont,  they  appealed  to  the 
prince  whether  they  had  not  lived  peaceably  with  them.  They  de- 
sired to  know  whom  they  had  ever  injured,  robbed^  or  defrauded, 
and  whether  they  had  not  been  kind,  courteous,  and  honest.  If  their 
hills  had  been  as  fertile  as  the  naturally  richer  plains  at  their  feet, 
and,  if  their  mountain-homes  had  been  filled  with  an  abundance  of 
corn,  oil,  and  wine,  not  always  found  in  Piedmontese  dwellings,  they 
suggested  that  this,  owing  to  their  superior  industry,  frugality,  and 
skill  should  not  expose  them  to  persecution.  After  directing  the 
attention  of  the  prince  to  the  fact  that  no  marauding  expedition  had 
ever  descended  from  their  hills  to  take  the  goods  of  their  neighbors. 


376 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


or  to  inflict  retaliation  for  the  many  murders  and  robberies  which 
they  had  not  power  to  prevent,  they  asked  why  efforts  were  made 
to  exterminate  them,  as  if  they  were  a  horde  of  evil-doers  and  the 
terror  of  the  community  in  which  they  lived.  In  conclusion,  they 
desired  to  know  why  their  sovereign  should  unsheathe  the  sword 
against  those  who  had  never  disturbed  his  kingdom,  nor  plotted 
against  his  government,  but  who,  on  the  contrary,  had  ever  striven 
to  maintain  the  authority  of  his  law  and  the  honor  of  his  throne.  It 
is  certain,  most  serene  prince,"  said  they,  ''that  the  Word  of  God 
will  not  perish,  but  will  abide  forever.  If,  then,  our  religion  is  the 
pure  Word  of  God,  as  we  are  persuaded  it  is,  and  not  a  human 
invention,  no  human  power  will  be  able  to  abolish  it." 

There  never  was  a  mdre  solemn,  just,  and  respectful  remonstrance 
presented  to  any  throne.  They  were  about  to  suffer  a  great  wrong, 
yet  the  Vaudois  did  not  utter  an  angry  word  or  a  single  accusation 
against  their  enemies.  But  this  solemn  protest  and  triumphant  vin- 
dication accomplished  nothing  except  to  make  more  manifest  the 
gros5  injustice  and  flagrant  wrong  of  the  house  of  Savoy.  The  more 
completely  and  conclusively  the  Vaudois  vindicated  their  true  posi- 
tion the  more  the  Romish  Church  appeared  condemned ;  but  never- 
theless it  determined  the  more  resolutely  to  destroy  the  former.  The 
remonstrance,  which  was  addressed  to  "The  Serene  and  most  Mighty 
Prince,  Philibert  Emmanuel,  Duke  of  Savoy,  Prince  of  Piedmont,  our 
most  Gracious  Lord,"  was  accompanied  by  two  others,  one  to  the 
queen,  and  one  to  the  council.  The  one  to  the  queen  was  differently 
conceived  from  that  to  the  prince.  They  offered  no  apology  for  their 
faith,  because  the  queen  herself  accepted  it.  In  a  few  touching 
terms  they  alluded  to  the  sufferings  which  they  had  already  expe- 
rienced, and  to  the  yet  greater  that  were  impending.  This  was  suffi- 
cient, they  knew,  to  awaken  all  her  sympathies,  and  secure  her  as 
their  advocate  with  the  king,  after  the  example  of  Esther,  and  other 
noble  women  of  former  times,  who  did  not  use  their  lofty  station  to 
promote  their  own  happiness  and  honor,  but  to  protect  the  persecuted 
followers  of  the  truth.  In  their  address  to  the  queen,  the  Vaudois 
call  it  ''The  petition  of  her  poor  and  humble  subjects,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  valleys  of  Lucerna  and  Angrogna  and  Perosa  and  San  Mar- 
tino,  and  all  those  of  the  plain  who  call  purely  upon  the  name  of  the 
Lord  Jesus." 

The  remonstrance  presented  to  the  council  was  written  in  terms 
more  plain  and  direct,  yet  still  respectful.  The  counselors  of  the  king 
were  warned  against  extreme  measures,  and  notified  that  they  would 


THE  VAUDOIS  MESSENGER. 


377 


have  to  answer  for  every  drop  of  innocent  blood  they  should  spill,  be- 
ing reminded  of  the  fact  that  the  blood  of  Abel,  though  only  that  of 
one  man,  cried  with  a  voice  so  loud  that  God  heard  it  in  heaven,  and 
came  down  to  reckon  with  the  murderer.  If  this  be  true,  declared 
the  petitions,  how  much  mightier  would  be  the  cry  that  would  arise 
from  the  blood  of  a  whole  nation,  and  how  much  more  terrible  the 
vengeance  with  which  it  would  be  visited !  In  a  word,  they  stated 
to  the  council,  that  what  they  asked  was  not  an  unknown  privilege 
in  Piedmont,  nor  would  they  be  the  first  or  the  only  persons  who 
had  enjoyed  that  indulgence,  if  it  should  be  extended  to  them.  The 
Jew  and  the  Saracen  lived  unmolested  in  their  cities,  the  former 
building  his  synagogue,  and  the  latter  reading  his  Koran  without 
annoyance  or  restraint.  They  appealed  to  the  council  to  say  whether 
the  faith  of  the  Bible  should  be  placed  on  the  same  level  in  this 
respect  with  that  of  the  Crescent,  and  whether  the  descendants  of 
the  men  who  for  generations  had  been  the  subjects  of  the  house 
of  Savoy,  and  who  had  enriched  the  kingdom  with  their  virtues  and 
defended  it  with  their  blood,  should  be  treated  Avith  the  same  hu- 
manity that  was  shown  to  the  alien  and  the  unbeliever. 


Chapter  XXIV. 

THE  PAPAL  CRUSADE  IN  THE  VALLEYS. 

THE  confessors  of  the  Alps  resolved  to  send  these  petitions  with- 
out delay  to  the  proper  quarter,  and  to  wait  for  an  answer  with 
eyes  lifted  up  to  heaven  !  If  it  should  be  one  of  peace,  they  would 
hail  it  with  gratitude  to  God  and  to  their  prince.  If  the  answer 
should  be  otherwise,  they  were  prepared  to  accept  that  alternative, 
too,  and  yield  themselves  as  a  sacrifice  for  the  truth.  But  who  among 
them  would  undertake  this  dangerous  service  of  taking  the  remon- 
strance to  the  duke  ?  M.  Gilles,  pastor  of  Bricherasio,  a  devoted  and 
courageous  man,  volunteered  to  perform  the  duty.  Another  person 
accompanied  him;  but,  unwilling  to  endure  the  insults  he  met  with, 
he  abandoned  the  mission,  and  Gilles  pursued  his  journey  alone.  At 
that  time  the  duke  resided  at  Nice,  for  Turin,  his  capital,  was  still  in 
the  hands  of  the  French,  and  the  distance  between  the  localities  was 
great  enough  to  expose  the  Vaudois  messenger  to  many  perils.  He 
reached  Nice  in  safety,  however,  and,  after  many  difficulties  and 


378 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


delays,  had  an  interview  with  Queen  Margaret,  who  consented  to 
place  the  document,  of  which  he  was  the  bearer,  in  the  hands  of  her 
husband,  the  duke.  The  deputy  held  a  conversation  also  with  Philip 
of  Savoy,  the  duke's  brother,  and  one  of  the  commissioners  under 
the  ''Act  for  the  Purgation  of  the  'Valleys.'  "  He  received  the  Wal- 
densian  pastor  cordially,  and  no  doubt  sympathized  with  his  mission. 
In  a  short  time  he  became  disgusted  with  the  bloody  work  of  the 
Inquisition,  and  left  the  whole  enterprise  to  be  prosecuted  by  the 
cruel  and  bigoted  Count  La  Trinita,  his  fellow-commissioner,  with 
whom  he  had  been  unequally  yoked.  The  heart  of  the  queen  was  in 
the  "Valleys,"  and  she  did  not  hesitate  to  advocate  the  cause  of  the 
poor  Vaudois.  But  she  stood  alone  as  their  intercessor  with  the  duke, 
and  might  have  prevailed,  had  not  the  prelates,  the  king  of  Spain^ 
and  the  pope  drowned  her  voice  by  their  solicitations  and  threats. 

The  men  of  the  "Valleys"  impatiently  waited  for  a  decision  from 
the  court  at  Nice,  and  their  enemies,  athirst  for  plunder  and  blood, 
were  equally  anxious ;  but  for  three  months  neither  letter  nor  edict 
came.  The  agents  of  the  Inquisition,  unable  to  restrain  their  passions, 
commenced  the  work  of  persecution  on  their  own  account.  They  en- 
tertained no  doubt  concerning  their  sovereign's  purposes,  and  accord- 
ingly anticipated  them  by  inaugurating  a  reign  of  terror.  The  tocsin 
of  war  was  rung  out  from  the  monastery  of  Pinerolo,  Avhich  was  situa- 
ted on  the  frontier  of  the  "Valleys."  The  monks  of  this  establishment 
closely  watched  the  heretics  of  the  mountains,  as  vultures  fix  their 
eyes  upon  their  prey,  ever  ready  to  sweep  down  upon  hamlet  or  val- 
ley when  they  found  it  unguarded.  They  hired  a  troop  of  maraud- 
ers, whom  they  sent  forth  to  pillage,  and  this  band  returned  driving 
before  them  a  wretched  company  of  captives,  whom  they  had  dragged 
from  their  homes  and  vineyards  in  the  mountains.  They  imprisoned 
the  rich  until  they  paid  their  ransom  ;  but  the  poor  were  either  burned 
alive  or  sent  to  the  galleys.  Certain  popish  landlords  in  the  valley 
of  San  Martino  followed  the  example  of  the  monks.  The  villagers  of 
Rioclareto  were  attacked  on  the  2d  of  April,  A.  D,  1560,  before  day- 
break by  an  armed  band  under  the  direction  of  the  two  seigneurs  of 
Terrier.  Some  were  slaughtered,  and  the  rest  were  driven  out  with- 
out clothes  or  food,  to  perish  on  the  snow-clad  hills.  After  expelling 
them,  the  ruffians  took  possession  of  their  dwellings,  declaring  that 
not  one  should  enter  them,  unless  he  consented  to  attend  mass ;  but 
in  three  days  they  were  compelled  to  retire,  for  four  hundred  Prot- 
estants of  the  valley  of  Clusone,  hearing  of  the  outrage,  crossed  the 
mountains,  drove  out  the  invaders,  and  reinstated  their  brethren. 


A  MONK'S  SERMON. 


379 


Soon  after,  Philip  of  Savoy,  count  de  Raconis,  and  chief  com- 
missioner, appeared  in  the  "Valleys."  He  was  an  earnest  Roman 
Catholic,  but  a  humane  and  upright  man.  One  day  he  visited  the 
Protestant  church  of  Angrogna,  and  the  sermon  produced  such  a 
favorable  impression  upon  his  mind,  that  he  obtained  from  the  pastor 
an  outline  of  the  Vaudois  faith,  which  he  sent  to  Rome,  hoping  that 
the  pope  would  cease  to  persecute  a  creed  containing  so  little  heresy. 
But  the  reigning  pontiff,  Pius  IV,  thought  differently,  and  beheld 
mountains  of  error,  where  the  honest  count  de  Raconis  saw  only 
mole-hills.  The  latter  proposed  that  a  discussion  with  the  Walden- 
sian  pastors  should  be  held,  but  the  former  would  not  permit  it.  He 
condescended,  however,  to  absolve  ''from  their  past  crimes"  all  who 
were  willing  to  enter  the  Church  of  Rome.  This  action  of  the  pope, 
no  doubt,  discouraged  Philip  of  Savoy  ;  but  he  did  not  abandon  his 
idea  of  conciliation.  In  June,  A.  D.  1560,  he  visited  the  valley  of 
Lucerna  a  second  time,  accompanied  by  his  colleague.  La  Trinita, 
and,  assembling  the  pastors  and  heads  of  families,  he  informed  them 
that  the  persecution  would  cease  immediately,  provided  they  would 
consent  to  hear  the  preachers  he  had  brought  with  him — "The  Broth- 
ers of  the  Christian  Doctrine."  He  also  proposed  that  the  Walden- 
sian  ministers  should  be  silenced  while  his  were  discoursing.  The 
Vaudois  consented,  with  this  provision,  that  the  Romish  teachers 
should  preach  the  pure  Gospel  ;  but,  in  case  they  taught  human 
traditions,  the  agreement  should  be  considered  withdrawn.  In  a  few 
days  after,  the  trial  of  the  new  expositors  occurred.  The  ablest 
among  them  was  selected  and  sent  into  the  pulpit  to  address  the  Vau- 
dois congregation.  He  secured  their  attention  in  a  very  effectual 
manner,  which  is  described  by  Muston  in  his  "Israel  of  the  Alps:" 
"I  will  demonstrate  to  you,"  said  he,  "that  the  mass  is  found  in  the 
Scripture.  The  word  massaJi  signifies  'sent,'  does  it  not?"  "Not 
precisely,"  replied  his  hearers,  who  understood  Hebrew  better  than 
the  preacher.  "The  primitive  expression,"  continued  he,  ''Itc  niissa 
est  was  employed  to  dismiss  the  auditory,  was  it  not?"  "That  is 
quite  true,"  replied  his  hearers,  without  discerning  very  clearly  the 
relation  of  the  statement  to  the  argument.  "Well,  then  you  see, 
gentlemen,  that  the  mass  is  found  in  the  Holy  Scripture."  The  con- 
gregation could  not  determine  whether  he  was  conducting  a  discus- 
sion with  them,  or  simply  laughing  at  them. 

The  duke  of  Savoy,  enraged  at  the  obduracy  of  the  Waldenses, 
declared  war  against  them  in  October,  A.  D.  1560.  Early  in  that 
month  the  dreadful  rumor  reached  the  "Valleys"  that  he  was  pre- 


38o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


paring  to  exterminate  them.  The  report  was,  indeed,  too  true.  In 
levying  an  army,  the  duke  offered  a  free  pardon  to  all  ''outlaws, 
convicts,  and  vagabonds "  who  would  enroll  as  volunteers  to  fight 
against  the  Vaudois.  Soon  the  forces,  formidable  in  numbers,  and 
truly  terrible  in  character,  were  assembled,  and  the  total  destruction 
of  the  men  of  the  "Valleys"  seemed  inevitable.  The  pastors  and 
prominent  laymen  came  together  to  deliberate  on  the  measures  to  be 
adopted  at  this  fearful  crisis.  Trusting  in  God  alone  as  their  refuge, 
they  resolved  to  take  no  means  for  deliverance  which  might  be 
offensive  to  him  or  dishonorable  to  themselves.  The  pastors  were 
requested  to  exhort  every  one  to  call  upon  God  with  true  faith,  sin- 
cere repentance,  and  ardent  prayer.  No  defensive  measures  were 
recommended ;  but  each  family  was  urged  to  collect  their  provisions, 
clothes,  utensils,  and  herds,  and  be  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to 
convey  them,  together  with  all  infirm  persons,  to  their  strongholds 
in  the  mountains.  Meanwhile  the  duke's  army — if  such  a  horde  of 
Piedmontese  ruffians  could  be  so  called  —  came  nearer  every  day. 
On  the  31st  of  October  a  proclamation  was  posted  throughout  the 
valley  of  Angrogna,  calling  on  the  inhabitants  to  return  to  the  bosom 
of  the  "  Mother  Church,"  under  penalty  of  extermination  by  fire  and 
sword.  On  the  day  following,  the  ist  of  November,  the  papal  army 
appeared  at  Bubiana,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Pellice,  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Waldensian  valleys.  Scipio  Lentullus,  pastor  of  San  Giovanni, 
states  in  a  letter  published  by  Leger  that  the  host  numbered  four 
thousand  infantry  and  two  hundred  horse,  comprising,  besides  the 
desperadoes  that  formed  its  main  body,  a  few  veterans,  who  had  seen 
hard  service  in  the  wars  with  France. 

When  the  enemy  appeared  in  sight  the  Vaudois  humbled  them- 
selves-before  God  in  a  public  fast,  and  then  celebrated  together  the 
sacrament  of  the  Lord's-supper.  These  religious  services  imparted 
strength  to  their  souls,  and  prepared  them  to  execute  the  measures 
previously  resolved  on.  The  old  men  and  the  women  proceeded  to 
climb  the  mountains,  and  awakened  the  echoes  with  the  psalms  which 
they  sung  on  their  way  to  the  Pra  del  Tor,  within  whose  natural 
ramparts  of  rock  and  snow-crowned  peaks  they  sought  asylum.  The 
Vaudois  population  of  the  ''Valleys"  at  that  time  was  not  more  than 
eighteen  thousand,  and  their  armed  men  did  not  exceed  twelve  hun- 
dred, but  they  were  distributed  at  various  passes  and  barricades  to 
oppose  the  enemy,  who  was  now^  near. 

The  Piedmontese  army  commenced  to  move  on  the  2d  of  Novem- 
ber, crossed  the  Pellice,  and  proceeded  along  the  narrow  defile  that 


I 


PANIC  IN  LA  TRINITA'S  CAMP. 


381 


leads  up  to  the  "Valleys,"  the  heights  of  Bricherasio  on  the  right 
and  the  spurs  of  Monte  Friolante  on  the  left  standing  as  sentinels, 
while  the  lofty  masses  of  the  Vandalin  and  Castaluzzo  towered  in 
front.  The  Piedmontese  encamped  in  the  meadows  of  San  Giovanni, 
near  the  point  where  the  Val  di  Lucerna  and  the  Val  di  Angrogna 
divide,  the  former  expanding  into  a  noble  breadth  of  meadow  and 
vineyard,  running  on  between  magnificent  mountains,  with  their  rich 
clothing  of  pastures,  chestnut  groves,  and  chalets,  until  it  ends  in 
the  savage  pass  of  Mirabouc;  and  the  latter,  to  wind  and  climb  in  a 
grand  succession  of  precipice  and  gorge  and  grassy  dell,  until  it 
issues  in  the  funnel-shaped  valley,  around  which  the  ice -crowned 
mountains  stand  in  solemn  grandeur.  La  Trinita  first  entered  the 
Val  di  Angrogna,  taking  with  him  twelve  hundred  men,  the  wings 
of  his  army  deploying  over  its  neighboring  heights  of  La  Cotiere. 
His  soldiers  were  opposed  by  only  a  small  body  of  Vaudois,  some 
of  whom  were  armed  solely  with  the  sling  and  the  cross-bow.  The 
Vaudois  skirmished  with  the  foe,  at  the  same  time  retiring  to  the 
higher  grounds.  When  the  day  closed  neither  side  could  claim  a 
decided  advantage.  Both  armies,  wearied  with  skirmishing,  en- 
camped for  the  night — the  Vaudois  on  the  heights  of  Roccomaneot, 
and  the  Piedmontese,  with  their  camp-fires  lighted,  on  the  lower  hills 
of  La  Cotiere.  The  silence  of  the  evening  was  suddenly  startled  by 
a  derisive  shout  from  the  Piedmontese  host. 

Beholding  on  the  heights  above  them  the  bending  forms  of  the 
Waldensian  warriors,  who  on  their  knees  w^ere  supplicating  the  God 
of  battles,  their  adversaries  saluted  them  with  exclamations  of  con- 
tempt. Scarcely  had  these  insulting  sounds  died  away,  when  the 
sound  of  a  drum  was  heard  in  a  side  valley.  A  child  had  found  the 
instrument,  and  was  amusing  itself  with  it.  The  soldiers  of  La 
Trinita  saw,  in  imagination,  a  fresh  body  of  Waldensians  advancing 
from  the  defiles  to  rush  upon  them.  In  the  greatest  disorder  they 
seized  their  arms,  and  the  Vaudois,  beholding  the  movement  of  the 
enemy,  seized  theirs  also,  and  hastily  descended  the  hill  to  anticipate 
the  attack.  The  Piedmontese  were  panic-stricken,  and,  throwing 
away  their  arms,  fled  in  confusion,  pursued  by  the  Waldenses,  thus 
losing  in  half  an  hour  the  ground  it  had  cost  them  a  day's  fighting 
to  gain.  The  Vaudois  were  in  need  of  weapons,  and  gladly  availed 
themselves  of  those  which  the  fugitives  abandoned.  As  the  result 
of  the  day's  combat  La  Trinita  lost  sixty-seven  men,  and  the  Vaudois 
only  three.  On  the  left  of  La  Trinita  was  the  entrance  to  the  valley 
of  Lucerna,  covered  with  corn-fields  and  vineyards,  and,  with  its 


/ 


382 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


towns,  La  Torre,  Villaro,  Bobbio,  and  others,  forming  the  noblest 
of  the  Waldensian  valleys.  La  Trinita,  with  his  soldiers,  occupied 
this,  an  achievement  comparatively  easy,  as  nearly  all  the  inhabitants 
had  fled  to  the  Pra  del  Tor.  Those  who  remained  were  mostly  Ro- 
manists that  were  then  mixed  with  the  Waldensian  population,  and 
even  they  had  sent  their  wives  and  daughters  to  the  Pra  del  Tor,  in 
company  with  their  Vaudois  neighbors,  to  protect  them  from  the 
brutal  outrages  of  the  papal  army.  On  the  following  days  La  Trinita 
had  some  small  engagements  with  the  Vaudois,  in  all  of  Avhich  he 
was  repulsed  with  considerable  slaughter. 

The  papal  leader  now  began  to  appreciate  the  arduous  nature  of 
the  work  he  had  in  hand.  He  discovered  that  the  mountaineers 
were  courageous,  and  determined  to  die  rather  than  submit  their 
conscience  to  the  pope  and  their  families  to  the  passions  of  his  sol- 
diers. He  saw,  moreover,  that  they  were  a  simple  and  confiding 
people,  entirely  ignorant  of  the  ways  of  deception  and  intrigue.  La 
Trinita  was  delighted  to  find  these  qualities  in  them,  because  he  be- 
lieved that  they  might  be  used  to  accomplish  his  purposes.  He 
employed  men  as  cunning  and  degraded  as  himself — Jacomel,  the 
inquisitor,  and  Gastaud,  his  secretary,  who  pretended  to  be  a  Prot- 
estant. After  they  had  arranged  the  programme.  La  Trinita  assem- 
bled the  prominent  men  of  the  Waldenses,  and  repeated  to  them 
some  flattering  words  which  he  had  heard,  or  professed  to  have 
heard,  the  duke  and  duchess  make  use  of  towards  them.  He  then 
assured  them  that  he  was  engaged  in  a  distasteful  enterprise,  which 
he  would  gladly  abandon,  and  that  peace  could  be  easily  secured  if 
they,  as  reasonable  men,  would  only  make  a  few  small  concessions. 
This  suggestion  was  followed  by  a  proposition  that  they  should 
deposit  their  arms  in  the  house  of  one  of  their  syndics,  and  permit 
him,  for  form's  sake,  to  go  with  a  small  train  and  celebrate  mass  in 
the  church  of  St.  Laurenzo  in  Angrogna,  and  afterwards  visit  the 
Pra  del  Tor.  The  Waldenses  devoted  the  whole  night  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  count's  proposal,  and  accepted  it,  contrary  to  the 
opinion  of  their  pastors  and  some  of  their  laymen.  La  Trinita  had 
formed  a  correct  estimate  of  the  confiding  nature  of  the  Vaudois. 
Having  performed  mass  in  the  Protestant  church,  he  traversed  the 
gloomy  defiles  that  lead  up  to  the  famous  Pra,  whose  green  slopes, 
with  their  snowy  battlements,  he  was  so  anxious  to  behold,  though  it 
is  said  that  he  manifested  some  fear  when  he  passed  the  dark  pool  of 
Tompie,  with  its  memories  of  retribution.  After  safely  accomplishing 
these  feats  he  returned  to  complete  his  programme  of  deception. 


AFFECTING  INCIDENTS, 


383 


The  papal  general,  therefore,  resumed  the  efforts  which  he  had 
previously  made  to  establish  peace.  The  duke  had  now  approached 
nearer,  and  was  residing  at  Vercelli,  on  the  plain  of  Piedmont. 
La  Trinita  advised  the  Vaudois  to  send  deputies  thither,  and  also 
raise  a  sum  of  twenty  thousand  crowns,  which  would  strengthen 
their  supplication,  if  not  insure  its  success.  He  proposed,  on  the 
payment  of  the  money,  to  withdraw  his  forces  and  leave  them  to 
practice  their  religion  in  peace.  The  Waldenses,  not  expecting  such 
a  betrayal  of  confidence  as  subsequently  characterized  the  papal  gen- 
eral, made  concession  after  concession.  Having  previously  laid  down 
their  arms,  then  sent  deputies  to  the  duke,  and  next  bought  off  his 
soldiers  by  taxing  themselves,  they,  last  and  worst  of  all,  at  the 
demand  of  La  Trinita,  had  dismissed  their  pastors.  At  that  season 
of  the  year  a  journey  across  the  Col  Julien  was  a  perilous  undertak- 
ing, but  this  sorrowful  band  of  God's  faithful  servants  were  compelled 
to  perform  it.  Climbing  the  snowy  summits,  where  the  Winter  drifts 
were  continually  obliterating  the  track  and  piling  up  fresh  wreaths, 
and  pursuing  their  way  across  the  valleys  of  Prali  and  San  Martino 
and  over  the  ice-clad  mountains  beyond,  they  sought  refuge  among 
the  Protestants  in  the  French  valley  of  Pragelas.  The  more  direct 
road  through  the  valley  of  Perosa  was  closed  by  the  marauders  and 
assassins  that  infested  it,  and  especially  by  those  who  Avere  hired  by 
the  monks  of  Pinerolo,  and  consequently  the  banished  pastors  were 
forced  to  take  a  more  dangerous  and  difficult  route.  The  heartless 
count,  believing  that  he  now  had  the  poor  people  entirely  in  his 
power,  sent  his  soldiers  to  pillage  the  houses  abandoned  by  the 
Vaudois. 

The  few  inhabitants  remaining,  as  Avell  as  those  who  returned, 
supposing  hostilities  would  be  suspended  during  the  negotiations  for 
peace,  endeavored  to  escape  a  second  time,  and  to  seek  concealment 
in  the  woods  and  caves  of  the  higher  reaches  of  the  Valleys."  It 
is  impossible  correctly  to  describe  the  outrages  committed  by  the 
ruffians  who  had  possession  of  the  valley  of  Lucerna.  A  touching 
incident  has  been  recorded  by  the  historian  Gilles.  A  helpless  man, 
one  hundred  and  three  years  of  age,  was  placed  in  a  cave,  and  his 
granddaughter,  a  girl  of  seventeen,  was  left  to  take  care  of  him. 
The  papal  soldiers  discovered  his  hiding-place,  cruelly  murdered  the 
old  man  and  offered  outrage  to  his  granddaughter.  She  fled  from  the 
brutal  pursuit  of  the  soldiers,  leaped  over  a  precipice,  and  perished. 
In  another  instance,  one  of  La  Trinita's  soldiers  chased  an  old  man 
to  the  brink  of  a  precipice,  and  the  latter  being  compelled  to  choose 


384 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


death  either  by  his  own  act  or  by  the  sword  of  his  pursuer,  soon 
made  a  decision.  He  halted,  turned  his  face,  and  fell  upon  his  knees 
as  if  to  supplicate  for  his  life.  The  soldier  was  raising  his  sword 
to  strike  him  dead,  when  the  Vaudois,  clasping  him  tightly  round  the 
legs,  and  swaying  himself  backwards  with  all  his  might,  rolled  over 
the  precipice,  dragging  the  soldier  with  him  into  the  abyss. 

Part  of  the  money  promised  to  La  Trinita  by  the  Waldenses  had 
been  paid  to  him,  but  the  poor  people  were  under  the  necessity  of 
selling  their  herds  in  order  to  meet  their  obligation.  The  count  now 
withdrew  his  army  into  Winter-quarters  at  Cavour,  a  point  so  near 
the  Valleys"  that  he  could  re-enter  them  at  any  moment  by  a  few 
hours'  march.  He  destroyed  the  corn,  oil,  and  wine  which  he  could 
not  carry  away,  and  even  demolished  the  mills.  His  plan  was  to 
compel  the  Vaudois  to  either  submit  or  die  of  hunger  on  their  mount- 
ains. To  afflict  them  yet  more  grievously  he  placed  garrisons  at 
different  points  in  the  "Valleys,"  and,  in  the  most  tyrannical  manner, 
required  those  who  themselves  were  without  bread  to  provide  food 
for  his  soldiers.  These  ruffians  were  continually  prowling  about  in 
search  of  victims  on  whom  to  gratify  their  cruelty  and  their  lust. 
Whoever  was  dragged  into  their  den  experienced  unspeakable  suffer- 
ings— if  men,  excruciating  torture;  if  women,  revolting  outrage. 

The  Waldenses  patiently  endured  these  terrible  inflictions  in 
the  hope  that  the  deputies,  whom  they  had  sent  to  the  duke, 
would  return  with  an  honorable  peace.  At  last,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  six  weeks,  the  commissioners  reappeared  in  the  ''Val- 
leys;" but  their  sad  countenances,  even  before  they  had  spoken  a 
word,  indicated  that  their  mission  had  been  a  failure.  They  had 
been  sent  back  with  an  order  demanding  of  the  Vaudois  uncondi- 
tional submission  to  the  Roman  Catholic  authority  on  pain  of  exter- 
mination. At  that  moment  a  more  powerful  army  was  being  raised 
to  enforce,  to  the  fullest  extent,  that  order.  The  alternative  now 
presented  to  them  was  the  acceptance  of  the  mass  or  universal 
slaughter.  This  crisis  aroused  the  people.  Rather  than  thus  dis- 
grace Ijjeir  ancestors,  imperil  their  own  souls,  and  entail  a  heritage 
of  slavery  on  their  children  they  would,  if  necessary,  die  a  thousand 
times.  Their  despondency  was  gone ;  they  were  as  men  who  had 
awakened  from  heavy  sleep ;  their  martial  spirit  revived,  and  they 
found  their  arms.  Their  first  step  was  to  recall  their  pastors,  the 
next  to  rebuild  their  fallen  churches,  and  their  third  to  resume  pub- 
lic services  in.  them.  Daily  their  courage  increased,  and  once  more 
joy  illuminated  their  faces.    They  were  also  encouraged  by  letters 


THE  VAUDOIS  COVENANT. 


of  sympathy,  and  promises  of  assistance  from  their  fellow-Protestants 
of  Geneva,  Dauphine,  and  France.  Persecution  at  that  hour  impended 
over  the  two  latter  countries,  but  their  own  danger  made  them  all 
the  more  ready  to  help  their  brethren  of  the  "Valleys."  "There- 
upon," says  Muston,  the  historian,  "took  place  one  of  those  grand 
and  solemn  scenes,  which,  at  once  heroic  and  religious,  seem  rather 
adapted  for  an  epic  poem  than  for  grave  history." 

The  Waldenses  of  Lucerne  sent  deputies  across  the  mountains,  then 
covered  to  a  great  depth  with  snow,  to  propose  an  alliance  with  the 
Protestants  of  the  valley  of  Pragelas,  who  were  at  that  time  threatened 
by  their  sovereign,  Francis  I.  The  poor  persecuted  inhabitants  gladly 
accepted  the  proposition.  The  deputies  assembled  on  a  plateau  of 
snow,  facing  the  mountains  of  Sestri^res  and  the  chain  of  the  Guine- 
vert,  and  swore  to  stand  by  each  other  in  the  coming  struggle.  It  was 
also  agreed  that  this  oath  of  alliance  should  be  sworn  with  a  like  solem- 
nity in  the  Waldensian  valleys.  Thie  deputies  from  Pragelas  crossed 
the  Mount  Julien  and  arrived  at  Bobbio  on  the  21st  of  January, 
A.  D.  1 561.  They  came  at  a  singularly  opportune  moment.  On  the 
evening  before  a  ducal  proclamation  had  been  published  in  the  "Val- 
leys," commanding  the  Vaudois,  within  twenty- four  hours  to  attend 
mass,  or  suffer  the  consequences — "fire,  sword,  the  cord;  the  three 
arguments  of  Romanism,"  says  Muston.  This  fact  was  announced 
to  the  Pragelese  deputies  immediately  on  their  arrival ;  but,  instead 
of  being  discouraged,  they  proceeded  with  all  the  more  enthusiasm 
to  renew  their  oath.  Ascending  a  low  hill  behind  Bobbio,  the  depu- 
ties from  Pragelas,  and  those  from  Lucerne,  standing  erect  in  the 
midst  of  the  assembled  heads  of  families,  who  kneeled  around,  pro- 
nounced these  words : 

"In  the  name  of  the  Vaudois  Churches  of  the  Alps,  of  Dau- 
phine, and  of  Piedmont,  which  have  ever  been  united,  and  of  which 
we  are  the  representatives,  we  here  promise,  our  hands  on  our  Bible, 
and  in  the  presence  of  God,  that  all  our  valleys  shall  courageously 
sustain  each  other  in  matters  of  religion,  without  prejudice  to  the 
obedience  due  to  their  legitimate  superiors. .  We  promise  to  main- 
tain the  Bible,  whole  and  without  admixture,  according  to  the  usage 
of  the  true  apostolic  Church,  persevering  in  this  holy  religion, 
though  it  be  at  the  peril  of  our  life,  in  order  that  we  may  transmit 
it  to  our  children  intact  and  pure  as  we  received  it  from  our 'fathers. 
We  promise  aid  and  succor  to  our  persecuted  brothers,  not  regarding 
our  individual  interests,  but  the  common  cause ;  and  not  relying  upon 
man,  but  upon  God." 


386 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


This  event,  so  full  of  moral  sublimity,  occurred  in  a  locality  of 
physical  grandeur.  The  green  bosom  of  the  valley  was  calmly  spread 
out  immediately  beneath,  with  here  and  there  the  silvery  waters 


of  the  Pellice  gleaming  out  amid  vineyards  and  acacia  groves.  An 
array  of  majestic  mountains,  white  with  the  snows  of  Winter,  filled 
the  horizon  on  all  sides  except  one,  the  grand  peaks  of  the  Col  de 


THE  SIGNIFICANT  DECISION 


387 


Malurc  and  the  Col  de  la  Croix  being  conspicuous  among  them. 
They  seemed  to  be  silent  witnesses  of  the  oath  taken  by  a  heroic 
people,  pledging  themselves  to  die  rather  than  permit  their  hearths 
to  be  defiled  and  their  altars  to  be  profaned  by  idolatrous,  tyran- 
nical hordes.  Thus  grandly  did  the  Waldensians  open  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  campaigns  in  their  history.  On  the  following  morning, 
according  to  the  duke's  order,  they  would  be^  compelled  to  decide 
whether  to  attend  mass  or  accept  the  consequences  of  refusal.  The 
Romish  authorities  had  prepared  a  neighboring  church,  one  of  those 
which  had  been  taken  from  the  Vaudois,  and  it  was  now  ready  with 
altar  decked  and  tapers  lighted,  for  the  Protestants  to  hear  their  first 
mass.  Scarcely  had  the  day  dawned,  when  the  expected  penitents 
were  at  the  church  door.  Entering  the  building,  they  resolved  to 
show  the  duke  how  they  intended  to  read  recantation.  For  a  moment 
they  stood  and  surveyed  the  scene,  and,  beholding  the  strange  trans- 
formation their  church  had  undergone,  they  began  to  extinguish  the 
tapers,  demolish  the  images,  and  cast  out  into  the  street  the  rosary, 
crucifix,  and  all  the  other  paraphernalia  of  popish  worship.  Only  a 
few  minutes  were  required  to  perform  this  work  of  renovation.  The 
minister,  Humbert  Artus,  then  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  reading  out 
as  his  text,  Isaiah  xlv,  20 — ''Assemble  yourselves  and  come;  draw 
near  together  ye  that  are  escaped  of  the  nations ;  they  have  no 
knowledge  that  set  up  the  wood  of  their  graven  image,  and  pray 
unto  a  God  that  can  not  save" — preached  a  sermon  which  struck  the 
key-note  of  the  campaign  then  opening. 

Rushing  down  like  their  own  Winter  torrents  into  Lucerne,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  hamlets  and  chalets  in  the  mountains  re-enforced  the\ 
army  of  the  Vaudois,  which  advanced  toward  Villaro  to  purge  the 
temple  there.  While  on  their  march,  they  encountered  the  Piedmon- 
tese  garrison,  which  they  attacked  and  drove  back,  the  monks,  seign- 
eurs, and  magistrates,  who  had  come  to  receive  the  abjuration  of  the 
heretics,  accompanying  the  troops  in  their  ignominious  flight.  The 
whole  band  of  fugitives — soldiers,  priests,  and  judges — shut  themselves 
up  in  the  town  of  Villaro,  which  was  now  besieged  by  the  Vaudois. 
The  garrison  from  La  Torre  made  three  efforts  to  raise  the  siege,  but 
wxre  repulsed.  At  last,  on  the  tenth  day,  the  garrison  surrendered, 
and  their  lives  were  spared,  two  Waldensian  pastors  accompanying; 
them  to  La  Torre,  as  the  soldiers  expressed  greater  confidence  in 
them  than  any  other  escort.  When  La  Trinita  ascertained  that  his 
garrison  had  been  driven  out,  he  moved  his  army  from  Cavour  into^ 

the  ''Valleys,"  and  endeavored  again  to  sow  dissensions  among  the 

26 


388 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Vaudois,  by  entangling  them  in  negotiations  for  peace  ;  but  they  had 
now  learned  the  value  of  his  promises,  and,  disregarding  them,  im- 
proved every  hour  in  preparing  for  defense.  They  labored  with  the 
zeal  of  men  who  believed  that  their  cause  was  a  great  and  righteous  one, 
for  which  they  were  willing  to  sacrifice  every  thing.  They  erected 
barricades,  planted  ambushes,  and  appointed  signals  to  telegraph 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  from  post  to  post.  Every  house," 
says  Muston,  ''became  a  manufactory  of  pikes,  bullets,  and  other 
weapons."  They  selected  the  best  marksmen  that  could  be  found  in 
their  Valleys,"  and  organized  them  into  the  "Flying  Company," 
whose  duty  it  was  to  hasten  to  the  most  dangerous  point.  Two 
pastors  were  assigned  to  each  body  of  fighting  men  to  maintain  the 
morale  of  their  army,  and  conducted  public  worship  morning  and 
evening,  praying  with  the  soldiers  before  going  into  battle ;  and  at 
its  close,  when  the  Vaudois  were  chasing  the  enemy  down  their  great 
mountains  and  through  their  dark  gorges,  endeavoring  to  prevent  any 
unnecessary  effusion  of  blood. 

La  Trinita  was  convinced  that  the  subjugation  of  the  "Valleys," 
and  the  successful  termination  of  the  campaign,  depended  upon  the 
capture  of  the  Pra  del  Tor,  into  which  vast  natural  citadel  the  main 
body  of  the  Waldensian  people  was  now  gathered.  Thither  they 
had  transported  the  remnant  of  their  provisions  and  herds ;  there 
they  had  constructed  mills  and  baking-ovens;  there,  too,  their  coun- 
cil sat,  and  directed  the  whole  operations  of  the  defense.  If  a  blow 
could  be  struck  there,  the  Vaudois's  heart  would  be  crushed,  and 
that  which  the  Waldenses  regarded  as  their  impregnable  castle  would 
be  converted  into  their  tomb.  The  papal  general,  meanwhile,  re- 
solved to  defer  the  chastisement  of  the  other  valleys,  and  to  direct 
all  his  efforts  against  Angrogna.  On  the  4th  of  February,  A.  D. 
1561,  he  made  the  first  attempt  to  enter  it  with  his  army;  but,  after 
fighting  an  entire  day,  he  was  repulsed.  Three  days  subsequently 
he  made  another  effort  and  advanced  a  considerable  distance  into 
Angrogna,  burning  and  ravaging ;  but  this  partial  triumph  •  was  a 
costly  one,  and  the  ground  already  won  had  ultimately  to  be  aban- 
doned. The  severest  struggle  occurred  on  the  14th  of  February. 
La  Trinita  employed  all  his  strategy  to  capture  the  much  coveted 
Pra  del  Tor,  and  all  in  it,  and,  dividing  his  army  into  three  corps,  he 
advanced  against  it  from  three  points.  One  body  of  troops  marched 
along  the  gorges  of  the  Angrogna,  traversed  the  narrow  chasm  that 
leads  up  to  the  Pra,  and  attacked  it  on  the  south.  Another  body 
ascended  the  heights  from  Framol,  crossed  the  snowy  flanks  of  La 


THE  INVADERS  DISCOMEITED. 


389 


Vechera,  and  endeavored  to  force  an  entrance  on  the  east;  while  a 
third,  starting-  from  San  ^lartino,  climbed  the  lofty  summits  that  sur- 
round the  Pra  on  the  north,  and  descended  upon  it  from  that  quarter. 
The  papal  leader  confident!}-  expected  that  if  his  soldiers  failed  to 
force  an  entrance  at  one  point,  they  would  surely  succeed  at  another. 

As  no  scout  had  warned  them  of  approaching  danger,  the  W^al- 
denses  were  performing  their  morning  devotions  in  the  grand  sanc- 
tuary of  their  valley,  with  ice-crowned  peaks  for  its  towers.  Sud- 
denly they  heard  the  cries  of  fugitives,  and  the  sliouts  of  assailants, 
proceeding-  from  the  narrow  chasm  on  the  south,  and  also  beheld 
the  smoke  of  burning  hamlets.  Of  the  three  points  of  attack,  this 
was  the  easiest  to  be  defended,  and  six  brave  Waldensian  youths  has- 
tened down  the  valley  to  oppose  La  Trinita's  soldiers.  What  could 
six  do  against  an  arm}'?  The  answer  may  be  found  in  Deut.  xxxii, 
30:  "How  should  one  chase  a  thousand,  and  two  put  ten  thousand 
to  flight,  except  their  Rock  had  sold  them,  and  the  Lord  had  shut 
them  up?"  The  soldiers  were  approaching  b}'  a  long,  gloom}'  road, 
overhung  with  large  rocks,  and  so  narrow  that  onh'  two  men  can 
march  abreast.  The  mountain  rises  abrupth'  on  one  side,  and  far 
down  on  the  other  thunders  the  foaming  torrent,  and  a  ledge  in  the 
steep  face  of  the  cliff  running  here  in  the  darkness,  there  in  the  sun- 
shine, serves  as  a  pathwa}',  which  leads  to  what  is  called  the  gate  of 
the  Pra.  That  opening  is  formed  b}^  an  angle  of  the  mountain,  ^^'hich 
obtrudes  upon  the  narrow  ledge  on  the  one  side,  while  an  immense 
rock  rises  on  the  other,  rendering  the  point  of  ingress  into  the  Pra  still 
smaller.  Having  placed  a  mountain  on  the  right  and  a  }'awning  gulf 
on  the  left.  Nature  erected  the  only  gatewa}'  through  which  either 
friend  or  foe  can  be  admitted  to  the  Pra  del  Tor  on  the  south.  It 
was  here  that  the  six  Waldensian  warriors  took  their  stand,  immova- 
ble as  their  own  Alps.  According  to  the  historian  ]\Ionastier,  they 
not  only  checked  the  advance  of  the  enem}',  but  drove  them  back 
in  a  panic-stricken,  mass,  which  made  the  precipices  of  the  defile 
doubl}^  fatal.  They  would  have  received  aid,  had  not  danger  sud- 
den!}' appeared  in  another  direction.  Looking  to  the  heights  of  La 
Vechera,  they  beheld  an  armed  host  crossing  the  snow  and  entering 
the  valley  on  the  east.  Before  they  could  descend  the}^  were  met  by 
the  Waldenses,  who  dispersed  and  put  them  to  fliglit.  Thus  two  of 
La  Trinita's  attacking  parties  were  defeated. 

While  the  Waldenses  were  pursuing  the  discomfited  enem}'  on  La 
Vechera,  they  saw  yet  another  armed  troop,  which  had  climbed  the 
mountains  that  separate  the  Val  San  ]\Iartino  from  the  Pra  del  Tor 


390  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

on  the  north,  and  were  descending  upon  them.  The  alarm  was  im- 
mediately raised,  but  only  a  few  men  could  be  spared  to  resist  the 
invaders.  These  Waldensian  warriors  lay  in  ambush  at  the  mouth  of 
a  defile,  through  which  the  enemy  were  marching  down  into  the 
Pra.  The  latter,  emerging  from  the  narrow  pass,  and  beholding  the 
lovely  valley  beneath  them,  exclaimed,  ''Haste,  haste!  Angrogna  is 
ours."  The  Vaudois  rushed  upon  them,  sword  in  hand,  crying  out, 
**It  is  you  that  are  ours."  The  Piedmontese  soldiers,  trusting  to 
their  superior  numbers,  fought  desperately  ;  but  the  Waldenses,  in  a 
few  minutes,  hastened  from  other  points,  where  victory  had  crowned 
their  arms,  and  rendered  timely  aid  to  their  brethren.  The  invaders, 
attacked  on  all  sides,  turned  and  fled  up  the  slopes  they  had  just 
descended.  Many  were  slain  and  not  a  man  of  them  would  have 
recrossed  the  mountains  had  not  the  pastor  of  the  "Flying  Com- 
pany "  elevated  his  voice  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  entreated  the  pur- 
suers to  spare  the  lives  of  those  who  could  no  longer  resist. 

Among  the  slain  was  Charles  Truchet,  who  so  cruelly  ravaged 
the  commune  of  Rioclaret  a  few  months  before.  He  was  prostrated 
on  the  ground  by  a  stone  from  a  sling,  and  his  head  was  cut  off 
with  his  own  sword.  Another  celebrated  persecutor  of  the  Vaudois, 
named  Louis  de  Monteuil,  perished  in  the  same  conflict.  These 
repulses  so  enraged  Count  La  Trinita  that  he  attacked  the  almost 
defenseless  valley  of  Rora,  burning  its  little  town  and  driving  away 
its  population  of  eighty  families,  who  escaped  over  the  snows  of  the 
mountains  to  Villaro,  in  the  valley  of  Lucerne.  He  next  invaded  that 
valley  with  his  soldiers,  and  though,  at  the  time,  it  was  almost  de- 
populated, the  remaining  peasants  again  and  again  defeated  the  papal 
general,  compelled  him  to  retreat  to  his  old  quarters  at  Cavour,  and 
thus  afforded  him  the  opportunity  to  meditate  upon  his  misfortunes, 
and  devise  new  stratagems,  which  he  ardently  hoped  would  retrieve 
his  disgraces. 

La  Trinita  spent  a  month  in  re-enforcing  his^army,  now  greatly 
reduced  and  weakened  by  the  losses  it  had  sustained.  The  king  of 
France  sent  him  ten  companies  of  foot,  and  some  other  choice  sol- 
diers, while  Spain  contributed  a  regiment,  and  Piedmont  numerous 
volunteers,  comprising  many  of  the  nobility.  The  papal  army  had 
now  increased  from  four  thousand — its  original  number — to  seven 
thousand,  and  its  commander  felt  confident  that,  with  such  a  force, 
he  was  able  to  begin  a  third  campaign,  which  would  result  in  wiping 
out  the  disgrace  of  the  others,  and  in  eradicating  from  the  earth,  at 
once  and  forever,  the  great  scandal  of  the  Waldenses.  Regarding 


EXTINCTION  OF  LA  TRINITA'S  HOST. 


Angrogna  as  the  heart  and  bulwark  of  the  Valleys,  he  again  directed 
all  his  efforts  against  it.  It  was  Sunday,  the  17th  of  March,  A.  D. 
1 561.  The  Vaudois  had  assembled  in  the  Pra  del  Tor  on  the  morn- 
ing of  that  da)«^  soon  after  dawn,  to  unite  in  their  customary  public 
devotions.  The  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  were  beginning  to  brighten 
the  snowy  crown  of  the  mountains  around  them,  and  the  last  caden- 
ces of  their  morning  psalm  were  dying  away  on  the  grassy  slopes  of 
the  Pra,  when  the  sudden  announcement  was  made  that  the  enemy 
was  approaching  by  three  routes.  One  body  of  armed  men  appeared 
on  the  ridges  of  the  eastern  summits ;  another  was  marching  up  the 
chasm,  and,  in  a  few  minutes,  would  pour  itself  through  the  gateway, 
already  described,  into  the  Pra,  while  a  third  was  forcing  itself  over 
the  rocks  by  a  path  intermediate  between  the  two.  Instantly  the 
enemy  was  confronted  at  e\'er}'  point  of  approach.  The  line  of 
glittering  cuirassed  men,  who  were  defiling  through  the  narrow  gorge, 
was  repulsed  by  a  handful  of  Waldensians. 

At  the  other  two  points,  where  bastions  of  rock  and  earth  had 
been  erected,  severe  fighting  occurred,  and  the  dead  lay  thick  upon 
the  ground.  The  invaders  were  defeated  on  every  side,  and  some  of 
their  ablest  captains  were  among  the  slain.  It  is  said  that  so  great 
was  the  number  of  soldiers  killed  that,  when  Count  La  Trinita  beheld 
the  heaps  of  the  dead,  he  sat  down  and  wept.  The  Waldenses 
might  have  pursued  those  who  escaped,  and,  being  so  much  better 
acquainted  with  the  mountain-paths,  could  have  exterminated  them, 
leaving  not  one  of  all  that  host  to  convey  the  tidings  of  its  discom- 
fiture to  the  inhabitants  of  Piedmont.  The  Waldensian  pastors  had 
resolved  at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  that  they  would  use 
with  moderation  and  clemency  whatever  victories  the  "God  of 
battles"  might  be  pleased  to  give  them,  and  that  they  would  shed 
no  blood  unless  when  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  their  own  being 
shed.  Hence  they  restrained  their  victorious  warriors  and  were  satis- 
fied with  the  triumph  already  won.  As  in  former  contests,  the 
Piedmontese  lost  many  more  men  than  the  Vaudois,  so  much  so  that 
it  was  currently  said,  in  the  cities  of  Piedmont,  that  the  "God  was 
fighting  for  the  barbets." 

The  papal  commander,  more  deeply  humiliated  and  disgraced 
than  ever,  returned  to  his  old  quarters  with  the  remnant  of  his  army. 
He  no  doubt  regretted  that  he  had  ever  invaded  the  Waldensian 
territory,  because,  in  addition  to  his  own  ignominious  failure,  he  had 
sacrificed  many  of  the  nobles  of  Piedmont,  whose  bones  were  now 
bleaching  on  the  mountains  of  the  Vaudois.     But  he  was  slow  in 


392 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


learning-  the  proper  lesson  from  these  calamitous  events,  and  actually- 
entertained  the  design  of  returning  to  attack  that  fatal  valley  where 
he  had  lost  so  many  laurels  and  buried  so  many  soldiers.  Conceal- 
ing his  purpose,  he  waited  for  a  favorable  opportunity.  The  men  of 
the  "Valleys"  and  the  duke  of  Savoy  had  opened  negotiations  which 
were  proceeding  satisfactorily.  La  Trinita,  taking  advantage  of  this 
circumstance,  hastily  assembled  his  troops,  and,  on  the  night  of  the 
1 6th  of  April,  he  marched  them  against  the  Pra  del  Tor,  hoping  to 
enter  it  unopposed  and  give  the  Vaudois  "as  sheep  to  the  slaugh- 
ter." The  light  of  the  morning  was  beginning  to  shine  upon  the 
snowy  ranges  around  the  Pra  when  the  people,  who  had  just  con- 
cluded their  united  worship,  were  startled  by  unusual  sounds  issuing 
from  the  gorge  that  led  into  the  valley.  Six  brave  mountaineers 
immediately  rushed  to  the  gateway  that  opens  from  the  gorge.  They 
made  their  arrangements  and  calmly  waited  for  the  appearance  of 
the  enemy.  The  first  two  Vaudois,  holding  loaded  muskets,  knelt 
down.  The  second  two  stood  erect,  ready  to  fire  over  the  heads  of 
the  first  two.  The  third  two  undertook  the  loading  of  the  weapons 
as  they  were  discharged. 

The  long  file  of  La  Trinita's  advanced  two  abreast,  their  helmets 
and  cuirasses  glittering  in  the  light.  As  the  first  two  of  the  enemy 
turned  the  rock  they  were  shot  down  by  the  two  foremost  Vaudois. 
The  next  two  of  the  attacking  force  fell  in  like  manner  by  the  shot 
of  the  Vaudois  in  the  rear.  The  third  rank  of  the  enemy  met  the 
same  fate  and  was  laid  by  the  side  of  their  comrades.  The  pass  was 
filled  up  in  a  few  minutes  with  a  small  heap  of  dead  bodies,  which 
prevented  the  advance  of  the  accumulating  mass  of  Piedmontese  sol- 
diers in  the  chasm.  Li  the  meanwhile  other  Vaudois,  climbing  the 
mountain  that  overhangs  the  gorge  in  which  the  invading  host  was 
imprisoned,  and  tearing  up  the  great  stones  with  which  the  hill-side 
was  strewn,  rolled  them  down  upon  the  soldiers,  who,  checked  by 
the  wall  of  dead  in  front,  and  prevented  from  retreating  by  the  ever- 
accumulating  file  behind,  were  crushed  in  dozens  by  the  falling  rocks. 
A  panic,  dreadful  in  such  a  position,  ensued.  Leger  describes  the 
scene,  which  no  doubt  was  terrible.  Wedged  together  on  the  narrow 
ledge,  with  a  murderous  rain  of  stones  descending  upon  them,  they 
struggled  to  escape.  Jostling  one  another,  and  treading  each  other 
under  foot,  many  perished,  while  vast  numbers  fell  over  the  precipice 
and  were  dashed  on  the  rocks  or  drowned  in  the  torrent.  There 
were  some  at  the  entrance  of  the  valley  who  watched  the  result  of 
the  contest,  and  when  they  beheld  the  crystal  waters  of  the  Angrogna 


I 


"ARTICLES  OF  CAPITULATIONr  393 

begin  about  noon  to  change  into  blood,  they  exclaimed:  "Ah!  the 
Pra  del  Tor  has  been  taken.;  La  Trinita  has  triumphed;  there  flows 
the  blood  of  the  Vaudois."  Indeed,  it  is  said  that  the  papal  general, 
in  commencing  his  march  that  morning,  boasted  that,  by  the  middle 
of  the  day,  the  torrent  of  the  Angrogna  would  change  its  color;  and 
this  it  truly  did.  The  stream,  naturally  pellucid,  glides  along  at  the 
mouth  of  the  valley,  over  its  white  gravelly  bed;  but  now  it  appears 
different — deeply  dyed  from  recent  slaughter.  When  the  few  who 
succeeded  in  escaping  the  catastrophe  returned  to  relate  the  result 
of  that  day's  conflict,  it  was  then  ascertained  that  it  was  not  the 
blood  of  the  Vaudois,  but  that  of  their  ruthless  enemies,  which  dyed 
the  waters  of  the  Angrogna.  La  Trinita  withdrew  on  the  same  night 
with  his  army  to  return  no  more  to  the  ''Valleys." 

The  duke  of  Savoy  resolved  to  resume  negotiations  again  with 
the  Waldenses,  not  this  time  through  the  Count  La  Trinita,  but 
through  Philip  of  Savoy,  count  of  Raconis.  Finding  that  he  could 
not  conquer  the  men  of  the  "Valleys,"  the  duke  of  Savoy  did  not 
win  meritorious  distinction  in  making  peace  with  them.  The  matter 
was  speedily  brought  to  a  satisfactory  issue,  and  the  capitulation  was 
signed  on  the  5th  of  June,  A.  D.  1561.  Its  first  clause  granted  an 
indemnity  for  all  offenses  which  had  been  suffered — not  committed. 
Leger  gives  the  "Articles  of  Capitulation"  in  full,  and  we  learn  from 
them  that  the  Vaudois  were  permitted  to  erect  churches  in  their 
"Valleys,"  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three  of  their  towns,  to 
conduct  public  worship,  and,  in  short,  to  celebrate  all  the  offices  of 
their  religion.  All  the  "ancient  franchises,  immunities,  and  priv- 
ileges, whether  conceded  by  his  highness  or  by  his  highness's  pre- 
decessors," were  renewed,  provided  they  were  vouched  by  public 
documents.  Thus  closed  this  cruel  war  of  fifteen  months,  and  the 
Vaudois  attributed  the  favorable  terms  of  its  settlement  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  good  Duchess  Margaret.  The  pope,  however,  called  it 
a  "pernicious  example,"  which  he  feared  might  be  imitated  in  those 
days  when  the  love  of  many  to  the  Roman  See  was  "waxing  cold." 
It  was  highly  offensive  to  the  monks  and  prelates  of  Piedmont,  to 
whom  the  heretics  had  been  a  free  booty.  Nevertheless,  Duke  Em- 
manuel Philibert  faithfully  maintained  its  stipulations,  the  duchess 
being  by  his  side  to  counteract  any  pressure  in  the  opposite  direction. 
The  prevalence  of  peace  and  the  dawn  of  Summer  slowly  effaced  the 
deep  scars  which  persecution  had  left  on  the  "Valleys."  This  brave 
and  afflicted  people  were  greatly  consoled  and  strengthened  by  the 
sympathy  and  aid  extended  to  them  by  Protestants  abroad,  particu- 


394 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


larly  by  Calvin  and  the  Elector  Palatine,  the  latter  addressing  a 
spirited  letter  to  the  duke  on  behalf  of  his  persecuted  subjects. 

All  through  these  terrible  conflicts  the  Vaudois  exhibited  a  noble 
spirit  of  devotion,  indicating  their  unshaken  confidence  in  God. 
While  their  ''Valleys"  resounded  with  the  din  of  arms  they  were 
also  vocal  with  prayer  and  praise.  The  papal  soldiers  came  from 
carousing,  from  blaspheming,  from  murdering,  to  engage  in  battle ; 
the  Waldenses  rose  from  their  knees  to  unsheathe  the  sword  and 
wield  it  in  a  cause  which  they  firmly  believed  to  be  that  of  Him  to 
whom  they  had  bent  in  supplication.  When  their  little  army  went 
to  the  field  to  meet  the  enemy  their  barbes  always  accompanied  it,  to 
inspire  the  warriors  by  proper  exhortations  before  they  rushed  into 
battle,  and  to  moderate  their  vengeance,  which  in  the  hour  of  tri- 
umph might  become  so  fierce  that  it  would  diminish  the  gloiy  of 
their  victory.  When  their  soldiers  hastened  to  the  defile  or  to  the 
bastion  the  pastors  assembled  on  the  mountain's  slope  or  on  its 
summit,  and  there,  with  uplifted  hands,  supplicated  help  from  the 
''Lord  strong  and  mighty,  the  Lord  mighty  in  battle."  After  the 
conflict  had  ceased,  and  the  enemy  were  in  flight,  and  the  victors 
had  returned  from  chasing  them  from  the  "Valleys,"  the  gray-haired 
pastors,  the  lion-hearted  men  of  battle,  the  matrons,  the  maidens, 
the  striplings,  and  the  little  children  would  assemble  in  the  Pra  del 
Tor,  and  "while  the  setting  sun,"  as  Dr.  Wylie  eloquently  remarks, 
"was  kindling  into  glory  the  mountain-tops  of  their  once  more  ran- 
somed land,  they  would  raise  their  voices  together,  and  sing  the  old 
war-song  of  Judah  in  strains  so  heroic  that  the  great  rocks  around 
them  would  send  back  the  thunder  of  their  praise  in  louder  echoes 
than  those  of  the  battle  whose  triumphant  issue  they  were  celebrating." 


X  century,  and  closed  A.  D.  1605.  If  he  had  been  less  selfish 
during  his  reign  he  might  have  made  the  beautiful  domain  which  he 
ruled  one  of  the  most  desirable  regions  in  the  world.  The  ' '  States 
of  the  Church  "  were  rich  and  prosperous  when  they  came  into  the 
possession  of  the  pontiff ;  but  this  absolute  master  gradually  deprived 


Chapter  XXV. 


DISTINGUISHED  PONTIFFS— PROMINENT  SCHOLARS. 


Clement  VHI  extended  into  the  seventeenth 


PAUL  V  AND  VENICE. 


395 


the  people  of  every  liberty  or  right  they  had  ever  possessed.  Taxes 
were  levied  on  every  thing  from  which  a  revenue  could  be  derived, 
including  alum,  salt,  flour,  and  meat.  The  poor  were  crushed  be- 
neath the  heavy  burdens  laid  upon  them,  enterprise  was  destroyed, 
and  industry  discouraged.  In  this  part  of  Italy  personal  and  political 
liberty  were  unknown,  and  the  power  of  the  papal  government  ex- 
tended to  every  department  of  life,  severe  punishment  being  inflicted 
upon  any  who  deviated  from  the  exact  line  of  conduct  or  of  thought 
prescribed  by  the  court  of  Rome.  The  popes,  using  their  temporal 
power  for  purposes  of  gain,  oppressed  the  inhabitants  and  robbed 
them  of  their  earnings.  They  did  nothing  to  promote  education  ; 
and  idleness,  poverty,  and  vice  increased  with  fearful  rapidity. 

Indeed,  Clement  VIII  had  now  become  a  leading  Italian  prince, 
and  concerned  himself  more  about  his  temporal  than  his  spiritual 
possessions.  He  endeavored  to  extend  his  authority  over  the  Vene- 
tians, but  the  latter  defeated  him  in  his  efforts  to  subjugate  them. 
They  were  Roman  Catholics,  and  their  chief  ecclesiastical  dignitary, 
or  patriarch,  was  inferior  in  rank  to  the  pope  alone.  The  Venetians 
maintained  him  in  grqat  splendor,  but  resolutely  refused  to  allow  him 
to  interfere  with  their  political  affairs,  requiring  him  to  reside  first  at 
Aquileia,  and  subsequently  at  Grado.  After  the  Jesuits  became  a 
a  power  in  the  Church  a  systematic  warfare  was  inaugurated  against 
education  and  freedom  of  thought.  Venice  regarded  this  crusade 
against  knowledge  as  a  direct  blow  at  one  of  her  most  important 
industries,  which  was  not  only  an  object  of  pride  to  her,  but  also  a 
source  of  great  profit.  Since  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century 
Venice  had  been  noted  for  her  printing-presses.  Aldo  Manuzio 
issued  many  volumes  that  commanded  the  admiration  of  the  world, 
and  are  still  dear  to  the  antiquary.  The  court  of  Rome,  by  restrict- 
ing the  publication  of  books,  inflicted  a  serious  loss  upon  the  Venetian 
printers,  who  were  finally  compelled  to  leave  that  city  and  the  terri- 
tory of  the  republic  altogether. 

Leo  XI,  a  Medici,  followed  Clement  VIII,  but  only  lived  twenty- 
six  days  after  his  election.  He  was  succeeded,  on  the  i6th  of  May, 
A.  D.  1605,  by  Cardinal  Borghese,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Paul  V. 
Arrogance  and  ill-temper  were  his  distinguishing  characteristics :  and 
he  seemed  born  either  to  restore  the  lost  authority  of  Rome  or  to 
annihilate  the  power  which  it  still  retained  in  the  different  countries 
of  Europe.  The  imprudence  of  this  pontiff  nearly  alienated  the 
republic  of  Venice  from  the  Romish  communion.  The  dispute 
originated  in  two  decrees,  which  the  senate  of  Venice  had  recently 


39^ 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


enacted  for  preventing  the  unnecessary  erection  of  religious  houses, 
and  for  prohibiting  the  subjects  of  the  repubhc  from  appropriating 
their  property  to  rehgious  fraternities  without  the  sanction  of  the  sen- 
ate. The  latter  also  imprisoned  two  ecclesiastics,  who  were  accused  of 
enormous  crimes,  while  it  was  an  established  maxim  at  Rome  that 
ecclesiastical  persons  were  only  amenable  to  the  tribunal  of  the 
Church.  Paul  V,  by  his  nuncio  at  Venice,  vehemently  protested 
against  the  edicts  prohibiting  the  endowments  of  religious  houses ; 
and  at  the  same  time  he  demanded  that  the  prisoners  should  be  de- 
livered into  his  hands,  to  be  tried  for  their  crimes  by  ecclesiastical 
judges.  The  senate  having  refused  to  comply  with  these  demands, 
the  pope  laid  the  dominions  of  the  republic  under  an  interdict.  The 
Jesuits,  and  the  other  dignitaries  who  presumed  to  publish  the  bull 
of  excommunication  against  the  republic,  were  expelled  from  Venice. 
The  senate  ordered  that  any  priest  who  was  disloyal  to  the  state 
should  be  hanged.  The  Jesuits  offered  to  celebrate  the  ordinary 
services,  but  would  not  celebrate  the  mass.  This  compromise  was 
not  acceptable  to  either  side,  and  both  prepared  for  war.  Though 
the  republic  had  at  one  time  sustained  the  cause  of  Henry  IV  of 
France,  that  sovereign  would  not  assist  it  in  its  hour  of  need,  nor 
did  it  receive  any  aid  from  James  I  of  England,  who  had  expressed 
sympathy.  Henry  IV,  however,  acted  as  mediator,  and  the  difficulty 
was  adjusted.  The  pope  relinquished  much  of  his  pretensions,  the 
prisoners  were  delivered  up  to  the  French  embassador,  and  all  the 
exiled  ecclesiastics  were  permitted  to  return  to  Venice,  except  the 
Jesuits,  against  whom  the  senate  enacted  a  severe  decree. 

Paul  V  was  succeeded  by  Gregory  XV,  a  man  of  milder  disposi- 
tion ;  and  he  was  followed  by  Urban  VIII,  of  the  Barberini  family, 
A.  D.  1623.  The  latter  was  a  ripe  scholar  and  a  promoter  of  Htera- 
ture,  having  a  great  reputation  as  a  judicious  orator  and  an  elegant 
poet.  At  the  same  time  he  possessed  a  stern,  unrelenting  disposi- 
tion, and  was  an  inflexible  enemy  to  civil  and  religious  liberty.  He 
became  jealous  of  the  emperor's  encroachments  on  Italy,  and,  by 
arraying  the  French  and  the  Protestants  against  him  and  by  uniting 
with  the  league  which  commenced  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in  Europe, 
he  contributed  to  the  more  complete  establishment  of  Protestantism 
on  the  Continent.  It  was  under  Urban  that  the  Church  attacked  the 
doctrines  of  Galileo,  and  the  astronomer  was  condemned  to  the 
Inquisition  by  this  infallible  pontiff  Innocent  X,  the  successor  of 
Urban,  adopted  the  policy  of  his  predecessor.  He  was  both  ignorant 
and  licentious,  and  during  his  reign  accomplished  nothing  worthy 


INNOCENT  XII  AND  ALEXANDER  VIII. 


397 


of  record.  The  next  occupant  of  the  papal  throne  was  Cardinal 
Chigi,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Alexander  VII.  He  was  a  man  of 
morality  and  integrity ;  but  his  pontificate  was  not  distinguished  by 
any  events  of  special  importance.  His  Corsican  guards  insulted  the 
French  embassador  and  his  lady,  and  attacked  his  house.  Louis  XIV 
of  France  demanded  an  apology,  and  Alexander  was  compelled  to 
send  his  nephew  to  Paris  in  the  character  of  a  suppliant.  A  pillar 
was  erected  in  Rome  in  memory  of  the  monarch's  triumph  over  the 
head  of  the  Church.  To  him  succeeded,  A.  D.  1668,  Cardinal  Ros- 
pigliosi,  as  Clement  IX,  who,  though  he  shut  out  his  relatives  from 
office,  enriched  them  with  the  wealth  of  the  Church.  The  Rospig- 
liosi  palace  stands  as  a  monument  of  the  greatness  of  the  family. 
At  this  time  the  wealthy  houses  established  in  Rome  by  successive 
pontiffs  became  the  ruling  aristocracy  of  the  papal  states.  From 
henceforth  the  popes,  cardinals,  and  government  of  the  papacy  came 
through  them  chiefly,  and  they  became  the  outlet  of  the  riches  of  the 
Church.  After  the  death  of  Clement  IX  the  pontifical  chair  was 
occupied  by  Clement  X,  A.  D.  1669,  who  lived  only  a  few  months. 

Benedetto  Odescalchi  entered  Rome  as  a  warrior,  sword  and  pistol 
in  hand,  but  was  persuaded  by  one  of  the  cardinals  to  devote  him- 
self to  the  Church.  Accepting  the  advice,  he  was  soon  promoted 
from  priest  to  cardinal,  and  on  the  death  of  Clement  X  was  elected 
pope,  as  Innocent  XI.  He  was  a  man  of  uncommon  abilities,  and 
of  excellent  moral  character.  With  zeal  he  entered  on  his  duties, 
endeavoring  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  Church.  It  is  said  that  he 
secretly  aided  William  of  Orange  in  his  invasion  of  England  on 
account  of  his  animosity  to  Louis  XIV  of  France,  whose  vice  and 
pride  were  obnoxious  to  him.  He  was  in  many  respects  one  of  the 
most  popular  popes  that  ever  ascended  the  thron-e.  The  minister  of 
Innocent  became  his  successor,  under  the  title  of  Alexander  VIII, 
and  was  affable,  easy,  and  kind.  He  was  above  eighty  when  elected, 
and  lived  but  a  short  time.  His  successor.  Innocent  XII,  imitating 
the  example  of  Innocent  XI  and  Alexander  VIII,  opposed  the  posi- 
tion of  Louis  XIV  of  France,  who  claimed  the  revenues  of  a  vacant 
French  see  until  the  appointment  of  a  new  bishop.  Soon  after  his 
election,  A.  D.  1691,  Innocent  XII,  like  his  predecessors  of  the  same 
name,  strenuously  endeavored  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  papacy  in 
Rome.  The  pope  whose  reign  concluded  this  century  was  Clem- 
ent XI,  whose  learning  and  liberality  rendered  him  useful  to  the 
Church. 

During  the  seventeenth  century  literature  and  the  natural  sciences 


GALILEO— PALLA  VICLWI—SARPL  399 

flourished  in  Italy.  Scientific  academies  were  founded  in  Rome, 
Florence,  Bologna,  and  Naples.  The  Florentine  Accadania  del 
Ciniciito  embraced  the  most  illustrious  savants  of  that  age,  and  pub- 
lished important  accounts  of  its  researches.  Pre-eminent  among 
philosophers  was  Galileo,  who  was  born  A.  D.  1564.  He  invented 
the  telescope,  A.  D.  1609,  and,  in  the  following  year,  discovered  the 
moons  of  Jupiter,  the  belts  of  Saturn,  and  the  two  motions  of  the 
earth,  confirming,  and  even  going  beyond,  many  of  the  discoveries 
of  Copernicus.  He  was  brought  before  the  Inquisition,  where  he  was 
forced  to  recant  or  die.  For  sixteen  years  he  remained  silent,  when 
he  published,  A.  D.  1632,  his  "System  of  the  World,"  to  vindicate 
the  Copernican  theory.  He  was  again  summoned  before  the  Inqui- 
sition, and  again  recanted,  but  was  imprisoned  for  ten  years.  His 
two  daughters,  who  were  nuns,  attended  him,  and,  during  his  confine- 
ment, he  received  a  visit  from  Milton.  He  died,  A.  D.  1642,  and 
was  denied  burial  in  consecrated  ground;  but  the  Inquisition  could 
not  overthrow  the  truth  expressed  in  that  familiar  utterance  of  the 
philosopher,  E  piir  si  uniovc.''  The  world  indeed  moves  in  a 
higher  sense,  and  science  can  not  be  interdicted  by  the  papal  hier- 
archy. The  trial  and  imprisonment  of  Galileo  form  the  final  sc^ne 
in  the"  death  of  the  Itali-an  intellect.  The  most  noted  pupils  of  the 
great  astronomer  were  Viviani,  Torricelli,  and  Castelli,  and  among  the 
contemporary  physicists,  Borelli,  Malpighi,  Bellini,  and  Redi  were  the 
most  prominent.  The  most  distinguished  historians  were  Sarpi,  Da- 
vila,  Bentivoglio,  and  Pallavicini.  Fra  Paolo  Sarpi  was  an  eminent 
lawyer  and  theologian  of  Venice,  and  defended  that  republic  against 
the  encroachments  of  the  papacy. 


Chapter  XXVI. 

THE  FAMIXE—THE  PLAGUE— THE  MASSACRE. 

THE  inglorious  defeat  of  La  Trinita  by  the  Waldenses,  and  the 
treaty  of  peace  signed  at  Cavour  on  the  5th  of  June,  A.  D. 
1 561,  were  described  in  a  previous  chapter.  The  cloud  of  war  had 
indeed  disappeared,  but  numerous  and  affecting  memorials  of  the 
desolations  it  had  inflicted  remained  in  the  ''Valleys."  The  inhab- 
•itants,  descending  from  the  mountains,  exchanged  the  weapons  of 
war  for  the  pruning-knife  and  the  spade.    With  slow  and  feeble 


400 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


steps  the  aged  and  infirm  were  led  down  into  the  vales,  and  sat 
once  more  at  noon  or  at  eve  beneath  the  shadow  of  their  vines 
and  ancestral  chestnut-trees.  But,  as  they  beheld  those  scenes  lately 
so  fair  and  smiling,  now  scathed  and  ruined,  tears  of  sorrow  moist- 
ened their  eyes,  and  a  heavy  burden  of  despondency  rested  upon 
their  hearts.  The  rage  of  the  invading  enemy  was  indicated  in  the 
destruction  of  fruit-bearing  trees,  the  desolation  of  vineyards  and 
corn-fields,  and  the  burning  of  hamlets  and  villages.  The  beauty  of 
their  ''Valleys"  would  not  be  restored  until  the  hand  of  time  should 
efface  the  deep  scars  of  war.  Their  cup  of  grief  was  the  more  bitter 
Avhen  they  remembered  that  many  Avho  had  lived  under  the  same 
roof-tree  with  them,  and  united  morning  and  night  in  the  same 
psalm,  would,  alas,  return  no  more.  Their  distress  was  rendered  still 
greater  by  the  threatened  appearance  of  famine  in  their  "Valleys." 
Having  been  engaged  seven  months  in  incessant  fighting,  they  could 
not  cultivate  their  fields,  and,  as  they  had  exhausted  their  stock  of 
last  year's  provisions,  starvation  began  to  stare  them  in  the  face.  The 
season  of  sowing  had  already  passed  when  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
signed,  and  therefore  scarcely  any  thing  could  be  found  to  reap  in  the 
Autumn.  About  this  time  a  large  number  of  fugitives  from  Calabria 
arrived  in  the  ''Valleys,"  and  their  presence  was  a  further  aggrava- 
tion of  the  prevailing  destitution.  _  Naked  and  hungry,  they  came  to 
their  brethren  for  relief,  having  escaped  with  nothing  but  their  lives ; 
and  they  were  received  with  open  arms  by  the  Vaudois,  who,  though 
bordering  on  famine,  shared  with  them  the  little  they  had. 

The  story  of  the  suffering  Waldenses  reached  other  countries,  and 
aroused  the  sympathy  of  their  Protestant  brethren.  With  charac- 
teristic promptness  and  zeal  Calvin  led  in  the  movement  to  secure 
aid  for  them.  He  advised  them  to  send  deputies  to  present  their 
case  to  the  Protestant  Churches  abroad,  and,  as  the  result  of  this 
plan,  collections  were  made  for  them  in  Geneva,  France,  Switzerland, 
and  Germany.  The  first  subscriber  on  the  list  was  the  Elector  Pala- 
tine; then  followed  the  names  of  the  duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  the  can- 
ton of  Bern,  the  Church  at  Strasburg,  and  others.  The  Waldenses, 
however,  were  not  long  dependent  upon  the  charity  of  their  breth- 
ren. Seed-time  and  harvest  were  again  restored  to  their  "Valleys." 
On  the  sides  of  their  mountains,  and  by  the  banks  of  their  streams, 
smiling  chalets  began  to  rise,  and  the  evil  effects  of  La  Trinita's 
campaign  were  being  forgotten,  when  they  were  annoyed  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  Castocaro,  a  native  of  Tuscany,  to  be  deputy-governor 
of  their  "Valleys."    He  had  served  against  the  Vaudois  as  a  colonel 


THE  TREACHEROUS  CASTOCARO. 


401 


of  militia  under  La  Trinita,  was  taken  prisoner,  and,  after  honorable 
treatment,  was  at  length  generously  released.  Resolving  to  return 
evil  for  good,  he  sought  to  be  appointed  ruler  of  the  Waldenses, 
and,  being  acquainted  with  the  Duchess  Margaret,  their  protectress, 
he  ingratiated  himself  into  her  favor  by  professing  a  warm  affection 
for  the  men  of  the*' Valleys,"  and  secured  the  friendship  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Turin  by  pledging  himself  to  make  strenuous  efforts  to  con- 
vert his  prospective  subjects  to  Romanism. 

After  his  inauguration  as  governor  of  the  Waldensian  territory, 
he  forgot  his  professions  to  the  duchess,  to  whom  he  mainly  owed 
his  appointment,  and  commenced  faithfully  to  fulfill  the  promises  he 
had  made  to  the  archbishop.  He  began  by  restricting  the  liberties 
guaranteed  to  their  Churches  in  the  treaty  of  peace ;  he  then  ordered 
the  dismissal  of  certain  of  their  pastors,  and,  when  their  congrega- 
tions refused  to  comply,  he  fined  and  imprisoned  the  rebellious.  He 
'sent  false  reports  to  the  court  of  the  duke,  and  marched  a  body  of 
soldiers  into  the  country,  on  the  pretext  that  the  Waldenses  were 
preparing  to  resist  the  government.  He  built  the  fortress  of  Mira- 
bouc,  at  the  foot  of  the  Col  de  la  Croix,  in  the  narrow  gorge  that 
leads  from  Bobbio  to  France,  to  close  this  gate  of  exit  from  their  ter- 
ritory, and  overawe  the  valley  of  Lucerna.  Finally,  he  threatened 
to  renew  the  war,  unless  the  Waldenses  should  comply  with  his  de- 
mands. What  could  they  do  in  this  emergency  but  present  their 
complaints  and  remonstrances  to  the  duke  and  duchess  at  Turin? 
But,  alas,  Castrocaro  had  by  his  craft  and  malice  poisoned  their 
minds  against  the  Vaudois,  and  the  latter  would  soon  again  be  con-  ' 
fronted  with  the  old  alternative — the  mass  or  death. 

In  their  extremity  they  appealed  for  help  to  the  Protestant  princes 
of  Germany,  and  this  cry  from  the  Alps  found  a  responsive  echo 
from  the  German  plains.  The  sympathies  of  the  great  Protestant 
chiefs  of  the  Father  land,  especially  of  Frederic,  elector  palatine, 
were  aroused ;  and,  recognizing  these  humble  vine-dressers  and  poor, 
oppressed  herdsmen  as  his  brethren,  Frederic  espoused  their  cause 
with  ardor  and  warmth.  He  addressed  a  letter  to  the  duke,  which 
contains  a  noble  defense  of  the  rights  of  conscience  and  an  eloquent  ' 
plea  in  behalf  of  toleration.  Leger  published  the  letter  in  full,  but 
an  extract  is  sufficient  to  show  the  elevation  of  its  sentiments,  and 
the  catholicity  of  its  views:  "Let  your  highness  know  that  there  is 
a  God  in  heaven,  who  not  only  contemplates  the  actions,  but  also 
tries  the  hearts  and  reins  of  men,  and  from  whom  nothing  is  hid. 
Let  your  highness  take  care  not  voluntarily  to  make  war  upon  God, 


402  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

and  not  to  persecute  Christ  in  his  members.  .  .  .  Persecution, 
moreover,  will  never  advance  the  cause  it  pretends  to  defend.  The 
ashes  of  the  martyrs  are  the  seed  of  the  Christian  Church.  For  the 
Church  resembles  the  palm-tree,  whose  stem  only  shoots  up  the 
taller,  the  greater  the  weights  that  are  hung  upon  it.  Let  your  high- 
ness consider  that  the  Christian  religion  was  established  by  persuasion 
and  not  by  violence;  and,  as  it  is  certain  that  religion  is 'nothing  else 
than  a  firm  and  enlightened  persuasion  of  God  and  of  his  will,  as 
revealed  in  his  Word,  and  engraven  in  the  hearts  of  believers  by  his 
Holy  Spirit,  it  can  not,  when  once  rooted,  be  torn  away  by  tortures." 

Thus  the  Elector  Palatine  warned  the  duke  in  words  certainly 
remarkable,  when  we  remember  that  they  were  written  in  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  We  doubt  whether  a  better  expression  on 
the  subject  of  the  rights  of  conscience,  the  spirituality  of  religion,  and 
the  impolicy  as  well  as  the  criminality  of  persecution,  could  be  obtained 
in  our  own  liberal  age.  We  often  apologize  for  the  cruel  and  bloody' 
deeds  of  Spain  and  France,  on  the  ground  that  intolerance  and  igno- 
rance then  prevailed  in  those  lands.  But  six  years  before  the  St. 
Bartholomew  massacre  was  enacted  this  great  voice  had  been  raised 
in  Christendom  for  toleration.  It  is  not  definitely  known  what  effect 
this  letter  produced  upon  the  mind  of  the  duke,  but  afterwards  Cas- 
trocaro  restrained  his  violence,  though  he  still  continued  at  intervals 
to  terrify  the  poor  people  by  making  the  most  atrocious  threats  against 
them.  On  the  death  of  Emmanuel  Philibert,  A.  D.  1580,  the  villainy 
of  the  governor  was  more  fully  revealed.  The  young  duke,  Charles 
Emmanuel,  ordered  his  arrest;  but  its  execution  w^as  a  difficult  mat- 
ter, as  Castrocaro  had  entrenched  himself  in  the  castle  of  La  Torre, 
and  surrounded  himself  with  a  band  of  desperadoes,  to  which  he  had 
added,  for  his  yet  greater  defense,  a  pack  of  furious  blood-hounds  of 
unusual  size  and  strength.  He  was  betrayed  by  a  captain  of  his 
guard,  and,  as  he  had  maintained  himself  by  treachery,  it  is  signifi- 
cant that  by  treachery  he  was  at  length  taken.  Monastier  informs 
us  that  he  was  carried  to  Turin,  where  he  perished  in  prison. 

The  patient  Vaudois  had  been  afflicted  with  famine,  persecution, 
war,  all  three  sometimes  in  succession,  and  sometimes  together;  but 
now  they  were  visited  from  the  hand  of  God.  While  Europe  had 
been  in  combustion,  they,  shut  up  within  their  mountains,  enjoyed, 
for  some  years,  an  unusual  peace.  In  France,  Spain,  and  many 
parts  of  Italy  their  brethren  of  the  Reformed  Church  wxre  falling  on 
the  field,  perishing  by  massacre  or  dying  at  the  stake,  while  they 
had  been  remarkably  preserved  from  harm.     But  now  a  new  calam- 


THE  PLAGUE. 


403 


ity  carried  gloom  and  mourning  into  their  "Valleys."  On  the  morn- 
ing" of  the  23d  of  August,  A.  D.  1629,  a  cloud  of  unusual  blackness 
gathered  on  the  summit  of  the  Col  Julien,  and  suddenly  burst  in  a 
water-spout  or  deluge.  The  torrents  rolled  down  the  mountains  on 
both  sides  and  overflowed  the  villages  of  Bobbio  and  Prali,  situated 
the  one  in  the  southern  and  the  other  in  the  northern  valley.  i\Iany 
of  the  houses  were  swept  away  and  the  inhabitants  had  barely  time 
to  save  their  lives  by  flight.  An  icy  wind,  accompanied  by  a  dry 
cloud,  scathed  their  "Valleys"  in  September  of  the  same  year,  and 
destroyed  the  crop  of  the  chestnut  tree.  Then  followed  a  second 
deluge  of  rain,  which  completely  ruined  the  vintage.  As  these  calam- 
ities succeeded  a  year  of  partial  famine,  the  affliction  was  the  more 
grievous.  The  Vaudois  pastors  assembled  in  solemn  synod  to  hum- 
ble themselves  and  to  lift  up  their  voices  in  prayer  to  God.  "Little 
did  they  imagine,"  as  Dr.  Wyhe  remarks,  "that  at  that  moment  a 
still  heavier  calamity  hung  over  them,  and  that  this  was  the  last  time 
they  were  ever  to  meet  one  another  on  earth." 

In  the  French  army,  which,  under  Marshal  Schomberg,  suddenly 
occupied  the  "Valleys,"  A.  D.  1630,  were  many  volunteers  who  had 
made  their  escape  from  a  virulent,  contagious  disease,  then  raging  in 
France.  The  plague  manifested  itself  in  the  first  week  of  May,  in 
the  Valley  of  Perosa;  it  next  appeared  in  the  more  northern  Valley 
of  Martino;  and  then  soon  spread  throughout  all  the  "Valleys." 
Beneath  the  shadow  of  this  mysterious  and  terrible  scourge  the  pas- 
tors met  together  to  supplicate  the  Almighty,  and  adopt  practical 
measures  for  checking  the  ravages  of  the  fearful  visitant.  They  also 
engaged  in  the  benevolent  work  of  purchasing  medicine,  collecting 
provisions  for  the  poor,  visiting  the  sick,  consoling  the  dying,  and 
preaching  in  the  open  air  to  crowds,  solemn  and  eager  to  listen.  The 
weather  was  hot,  and  the  seeds  of  the  pestilence,  which  the  army 
had  brought  with  it,  rapidly  developed  themselves,  and  in  July  and 
August,  when  the  heat  was  excessiv^e,  the  malady  raged  yet  more 
furiously.  Four  of  the  pastors  died  in  the  month  of  July,  seven  in 
August,  and  in  September  another,  the  twelfth  was  mortally  stricken 
by  the  plague.  Only  three  pastors  now  remained,  and  it  was 
remarked  as  a  singular  circumstance  that  they  belonged  to  three 
several  valleys — Lucerna,  Martino,  and  Perosa.  These  three  surviv- 
ors assembled  on  the  heights  of  Angrogna  to  consult  with  the  dep- 
uties of  the  various  parishes  concerning  the  means  for  providing 
pastors.  As  the  result  of  the  conference,  they  wrote  to  Geneva  and 
Dauphine,  requesting  that  religious  teachers  might  be  sent  to  celebrate 

27 


404  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


worship,  so  that  the  venerable  ''Church  of  the  Valleys,"  which  had 
survived  so  many  calamities,  might  not  become  extinct.  The  histo- 
rian, Muston,  states  that  Antonio  Leger  was  recalled  from  Constan- 
tinople, where  he  had  been  tutor  for  many  years  in  the  family  of  the 
embassador  of  Holland. 

During  the  Winter  the  pestilence  subsided,  but  in  the  Spring, 
A.  D.  163 1,  it  revived  again  in  renewed  force.  Of  the  three  surviv- 
ing pastors  one  other  died,  leaving  thus  only  two — Pierre  Gilles,  of 
Lucerna,  and  Valerius  Gross,  of  Martino.  With  the  heats  of  Summer 
the  plague  increased  in  strength.  Armies  coming  and  going  in  the 
"Valleys"  were  attacked  by  this  silent  yet  invincible  enemy  and 
suffered  equally  with  the  inhabitants.  Horsemen  were  seized  with 
sudden  illness,  and  could  be  seen  falling  from  the  saddle  on  the  high- 
way. Soldiers  and  sutlers  were  stricken  down  in  by-paths,  where 
their  corpses  lay  infecting  the  air.  In  La  Torre  alone  fifty  families 
became  extinct.  The  most  moderate  estimate  of  the  number  cut  off 
by  the  pestilence  is  ten  thousand,  or  from  a  half  to  two-thirds  of  the 
entire  population  of  the  ''Valleys."  The  grapes  rotted  on  the  bough, 
the  corn  in  many  places  remained  uncut,  and  the  fruit  dropped  from 
the  tree.  Silence  reigned  in  towns  and  villages  where  the  sound  of 
industry  had  recently  been  heard.  Strangers,  who  had  come  to  find 
health  in  the  pure  mountain  air,  obtained  from  the  soil  nothing  but 
a  grave.  Parents  were  without  children,  and  children  were  without 
parents.  Patriarchs,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  gather  with  pride 
and  joy  their  numerous  grandchildren  round  them,  had  seen  them 
sicken  and  die  and  were  now  sad  and  lonely. 

The  venerable  pastor  Gilles  lost  his  four  elder  sons,  but  in  the 
providence  of  God  he  was  preserved,  though  continually  exposed  to 
the  malady  in  the  homes  of  the  stricken  and  at  the  bedsides  of  the 
dying.  He  was  no  doubt  spared  to  compile  the  monuments  of  his 
ancient  Church,  and  record  among  other  woes  that  which  had  just 
desolated  his  native  land,  and  "part  of  which  he  had  been."  Only 
two  of  the  Vaudois  pastors  now  remained,  and,  fearing  that  the  "old 
lamp"  might  go  out,  ministers  from  Geneva  and  other  places  hastened 
to  the  "Valleys."  Hitherto  the  services  of  the  Waldensian  Church 
had  been  conducted  in  the  Italian  language,  but  the  new  pastors 
could  speak  only  French,  and  hence  the  latter  tongue  was  used  in 
performing  religious  devotions.  The  Vaudois  soon  obtained  a  knowl- 
edge of  it,  their  own  ancient  language  being  a  dialect  between  the 
French  and  Italian.  They  introduced  another  change  at  this  time  by 
assimilating  their  ritual  to  that  of  Geneva;  and  made  a  further  inno- 


THE  DUCHESS  CHRISTINA. 


40s 


vation  by  dropping  the  primitive  and  affectionate  name  of  Barba  and 
substituting  the  modern-  title,  Monsieur  le  Ministre. 

After  the  departure  of  the  plague  the  Waldenses  began  to  reorgan- 
ize their  community.  Death  had  entered  every  house,  rent  asunder 
every  tie,  and  destroyed  nearly  every  family.  What  few  scattered 
inhabitants  remained  now  came  together  to  unite  heart  and  hand  in 
restoring  the  ruined  churches,  raising  up  the  fallen  habitations,  and 
creating  anew  family  and  home.  Other  events  of  an  encouraging 
character  occurred  at  this  time  which  revived  the  spirits  of  the  Vau- 
dois,  and  inspired  in  them  a  ray  of  hope  which  made  the  scene  of 
the  recent  terrible  catastrophe  appear  brighter.  A  treaty  of  peace 
between  the  French  monarch  and  the  duke  was  signed,  the  army 
then  withdrew,  and  the  dominion  of  the  House  of  Savoy  was  once 
more  extended  over  the  "Valleys."  Comparative  tranquillity  pre- 
vailed for  a  decade  and  a  half,  during  which  the  population  estab- 
hshed  itself  anew,  and  the  soil  was  brought  again  under  tillage.  But 
what  were  fifteen  years  of  peace  and  prosperity  amid  storms  so  awful? 
This  delightful  period  came  to  a  close  A.  D.  1650,  when  the  Vaudois 
entered  within  the  shadow  of  their  greatest  calamity.  Charles  Em- 
manuel II,  a  youth  of  fifteen,  and  a  prince  of  mild  and  humane 
disposition,  then  occupied  the  throne  of  Savoy.  His  mother,  the 
Duchess  Christina,  who  sprung  from  a  race  always  celebrated  for 
their  dissimulation,  their  cruelty,  and  their  bigoted  devotion  to 
Rome,  was  appointed  regent  of  the  kingdom  during  her  son's  minor-  n 
ity.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Henry  IV  and  Mary  de  Medic*,  and 
granddaughter  of  that  Catherine  de  Medici  whose  name  stands  so 
prominently  connected  with  a  tragedy  which  has  received,  as  it  de- 
served, the  execration  of  mankind — the  St.  Bartholomew  Massacre. 
The  granddaughter  inherited  the  gloomy  disposition  and  ferocious 
temper  of  the  grandmother.  The  young  prince,  Charles,  was  coun- 
seled and  ruled  by  her,  and  in  no  reign  did  the  tears  and  blood  of  the 
Waldenses  flow  so  profusely.  It  was  not  the  facile  spirit  of  the  House 
of  Savoy  that  enacted  those  scenes  of  carnage  which  make  humanity 
shudder,  but  they  were  the  result  of  a  policy  adopted  in  the  Vatican 
and  executed  by  the  cruel,  crafty,  blood-thirsty  agent  of  the  House 
of  Medici  and  regent  of  the  kingdom. 

The  premeditated  blow  did  not  descend  all  at  once,  but  a  series 
of  lesser  strokes — chicaneries,  machinations,  and  legal  robberies — pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  great  attack,  which  was  expected  to  terminate 
in  the  complete  and  final  extermination  of  the  Waldenses.  First  of 
all  appeared  the  monks.    The  plague  had  visited  the  "Valleys,"  and 


4o6 


/ 

ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


now  came  a  swarm  of  Capuchins,  who  were  regarded  by  the  Vaudois 
as  a  second  pestilence.  They  had  been  sent  to  convert  the  heretics, 
and,  confident  of  victory,  they  began  their  mission  by  challenging 
the  pastors  to  a  controversy.  After  a  few  trials,  however,  they  ascer- 
tained the  fact  that  the  heretics  were  not  easily  conquered  in  debate. 
Indeed,  these  shrewd  monks  endeavored  to  cover  their  weakness  by 
complaining  that  the  Vaudois  made  *  a  pope  of  their  Bible, '  and,  as 
this  was  a  book  which  the  Fathers  had  not  studied,  they,  their  suc- 
cessors, did  not  know  where  to  find  the  passages  that  they  felt  sure 
would  confute  the  advocates  of  error.  Finding  that  discussion  was 
an  ineffectual  method  of  silencing  heretics,  the  Capuchins  banished 
them,  the  accomplished  Antonine  Leger,  unde  of  the  historian,  being 
among  the  exiles.  Thus  were  the  people  deprived  of  their  spiritual 
leaders,  and  some  of  their  churches  were  closed.  They  were  prohib- 
ited, on  pain  of  confiscation  and  death,  from  purchasing,  or  even  cul- 
tivating lands  outside  their  own  narrow  territories,  which  to  them 
\A'ere  practically  a  prison,  since  an  order  had  been  issued  forbidding 
them  to  cross  the  frontier,  even  for  a  few  hours,  unless  on  fair-days. 

The  communes  of  Bobbio,  Villaro,  Angrogna,  and  Rora,  which 
were  wholly  Protestant,  were  commanded  to  sustain  each  a  mission, 
and  foreign  Protestants  were  interdicted  from  settling  in  the  ''Val- 
leys, under  pain  of  death,  and  a  fine  of  one  thousand  gold  crowns 
upon  the  communes  that  should  receive  them.  This  law  was  de- 
signed to  drive  out  the  pastors,  who,  since  the  pestilence,  were  mostly 
French  or  Swiss,  and  the  papal  authorities  confidently  hoped  that, 
in  a  few  years,  the  Vaudois  would  be  without  ministers.  The  billet- 
ing of  soldiers,  poor  harvests,  and  confiscations  had  reduced  the  peo- 
ple to  extreme  poverty,  and,  taking  advan-tage  of  their  condition, 
their  Romish  rulers  established  Monts  de  Piite  to  induce  them  to 
pawn  their  goods,  and,  when  they  had  pledged  all,  they  were  offered 
restitution  in  full,  on  condition  of  renouncing  their  faith.  Young 
m.aidens  were  promised  dowries  on  the  same  terms.  These  various 
arts  did  not  succeed,  only  some  dozen  Waldenses  being  added  to  the 
Pvoman  Catholic  Church.  The  agents  of  the  latter,  surprised  and 
disappointed  at  the  slow  progress  of  the  good  work  of  proselytizing, 
resolved  to  adopt  more  efficient  measures. 

The  ''Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith,"  established  by 
Pope  Gregory  XV,  A.  D.  1622,  had  already  spread  over  Italy  and 
France.  Its  object  was  originally  declared  in  words  simple  and  inno- 
cent: ''De  Propaganda  Fide  "  (for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith).  Since 
the  first  institution  of  the  society,  however,  its  title,  if  not  its  object, 


MARCHIONESS  DI  PIANEZA. 


407 


had  undergone  enlargement.  To  its  first  modest  designation  were 
added  the  significant  and  emphatic  words:  ''ct  Extirpandis  Hcerciicis' 
(and  the  Extirpation  of  Heretics).  The  membership  of  the  society 
rapidly  increased,  including  both  la}'men  and  priests.  All  ranks, 
from  the  noble  and  the  prelate  to  the  peasant  and  the  pauper,  has- 
tened to  unite  with  it,  the  inducement  being  a  plenary  indulgei-^ce  to 
all  who  should  engage  in  the  noble  enterprise,  so  unmistakably  indi- 
cated in  the  one  short  and  pithy  clause,  -'et  Extirpandis  Hcereticis.'' 
The  societies  in  the  smaller  towns  reported  to  the  metropolitan  cities, 
and  they  to  the  capital,  and  the  capitals  to  Rome,  where,  in  the 
words  of  Leger,  "sat  the  great  spider  that  held  the  threads  of  this 
might}'  web."  The  "Council  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith" 
was  established  at  Turin,  A.  D.  1650.  The  chief  councillors  of  state, 
the  great  lords  of  the  country,  and  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church 
enrolled  themselves  as  a  presiding  board. 

Societies  of  women  were  organized,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the 
Marchioness  di  Pianeza.  She  was  the  first  lady  at  court,  and,  not 
having  worn  "  the  white  rose  of  a  blameless  life,"  she  was  all  the 
more  zealous  in  this  cause,  in  the  hope  of  making  expiation  for  the  er- 
rors of  the  past.  She  labored  earnestly  to  promote  the  object  of  the 
society,  and  infused  her  resolute  spirit  into  all  under  her.  "The  lady 
propagandists,"  says  Leger,  "distributed  the  towns  into  districts,  and 
each  visited  the  district  assigned  to  her  twice  a  week,  suborning  sim- 
ple girls,  servant  maids,  and  young  children,  by  their  flattering  allure- 
ments and  fair  promises,  and  doing  evil  turns  to  such  as  would  not 
listen  to  them.  They  had  their  spies  every-where,  who,  among  other 
information,  ascertained  in  what  Protestant  families  disagreements 
existed,  and  hither  would  the  propagandists  repair,  stirring  up  dissen- 
sions, in  order  to  separate  the  husband  from  the  ^vife,  the  wife  from 
the  husband,  the  children  from  the  parents ;  promising  them,  and, 
indeed,  giving  them,  great  advantages  if  they  would  consent  to  at- 
tend mass.  Did  they  hear  of  a  tradesman  whose  business  was  falling 
off,  or  of  a  gentleman  who,  from  gambling  or  otherwise,  was  in  want 
of  money,  these  ladies  were  at  hand  with  their  Dabo  tibi  ( I  will  give 
thee),  on  condition  of  apostasy;  and  the  prisoner  was  in  like  manner 
relieved  from  his  dungeon,  who  would  give  himself  up  to  them.  To 
meet  the  very  heavy  expenses  of  this  proselytizing,  to  keep  the  ma- 
chinery at  work,  to  purchase  the  souls  that  sold  themselves  for  bread, 
regular  collections  were  made  in  the  chapels,  and  in  private  families, 
in  the  shops,  in  the  inns,  in  the  gambling  houses,  in  the  streets,  every- 
where, was  alms-begging  in  operation.    The  marchioness  of  Pianeza 


4o8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


herself,  great  lady  as  she  was,  used  every  second  or  third  day  to 
make  .a  circuit  in  search  of  subscriptions,  even  going  into  the  tav- 
erns for  that  purpose.  ...  If  any  person  of  condition,  who 
was  believed  able  to  contribute  a  coin,  chanced  to  arrive  at  any 
hotel  in  town,  these  ladies  did  not  fail  to  wait  upon  him,  purse  in 
hand,  and  solicit  a  donation.  When  persons  of  substance  known 
to  belong  to  the  religion  [  Reformed  ]  arrived  in  Turin,  they  did  not 
scruple  to  ask  money  of  them  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith,  and 
the  influence  of  the  marchioness,  or  fear  of  losing  their  errand  and 
ruining  their  affairs,  would  often  induce  such  to  comply." 

While  busy  in  the  prosecution  of  these  schemes,  the  marchioness 
di  Pianeza  was  prostrated  by  disease.  As  death  approached,  she 
experienced  great  remorse,  and,  desiring  to  make  some  atonement, 
she  summoned  her  lord  ( from  whom  she  had  been  parted  for  many 
years),  to  her  bedside,  and  charged  him,  as  he  valued  the  repose  of 
her  soul,  and  the  safety  of  his  own,  to  continue  the  good  work  on 
which  her  heart  had  been  so  much  set,  of  converting  the  Vaudois. 
For  the  purpose  of  stimulating  his  zeal,  she  bequeathed  him  a  sum 
of  money,  which,  however,  he  could  not  touch  until  he  had  fulfilled 
the  condition  on  which  it  was  granted.  The  marquis  accepted  the 
task  with  the  utmost  good  will.  As  a  bigot  and  soldier  he  could 
think  of  only  one  way  of  converting  the  Vaudois. 

The  storm  of  persecution  now  burst  upon  them.  Gastaldo  issued 
his  famous  order  on  the  25th  of  January,  A.  D.  1655,  commanding 
all  the  Vaudois  families  residing  in  the  commons  of  Lucerna,  Fenile, 
Bubiana,  Bricherasio,  San  Giovanni,  and  La  Torre — in  short,  the 
whole  of  that  rich  district  that  separates  their  capital  from  the  plain 
of  Piedmont — to  abandon  their  dwellings  within  three  days,  and  retire 
into  the  valleys  of  Bobbio,  Angrogna,  and  Rora.  The  penalty,  in 
case  of  refusal,  was  death.  Another  requirement  was,  that  they 
should  sell  their  lands  to  Romanists  within  twenty  days.  Those, 
however,  who  abjured  the  Protestant  faith  were  exempted  from  the 
decree.  It  was  the  depth  of  Winter,  and  that  season  in  the  Alps 
has  terrors  unknown  to  the  Winters  of  even  more  northern  regions. 
How  inhuman  and  barbarous,  therefore,  this  edict,  which  compelled 
young  children  and  old  men,  the  sick  and  the  bed-ridden,  the  blind 
and  the  lame,  to  undertake  a  journey  across  swollen  rivers,  through 
valleys  buried  in  snow,  and  over  mountains  covered  with  ice!  The 
Romish  Propaganda  at  Turin  appointed  the  time  of  departure,  know- 
ing that  the  Vaudois  must  inevitably  perish  with  cold  and  hunger. 
When  Christ  was  speaking  to  his  disciples  about  the  Roman  armies 


THE  SUFFERING  FUGITIVES. 


409 


gathering  around  Jerusalem,  he  said,  "Pray  ye  that  your  flight  be 
not  in  Winter."  But  how  much  more  terrible  was  the  experience  of 
these  modern  disciples.  Cold  were  the  icy  peaks  that  looked  down 
on  them  as  they  were  now  fording  the  torrents,  and  now  struggling 
up  the  mountain  tracks,  but  the  heart  of  the  persecutor  was  colder 
still.  They  were  offered  the  alternative  of  attending  mass ;  but  Leger, 
the  historian,  says  that  he  was  pastor  of  a  congregation  of  nearly  two 
thousand  persons,  and  that  not  one  of  them  accepted  the  alternative. 
"I  can  well  bear  them  this  testimony,"  he  observes,  **  seeing  I  was 
their  pastor  for  elev^en  years,  and  I  knew  every  one  of  them  by 
name ;  judge,  reader,  whether  I  had  not  cause  to  weep  for  joy  as  well 
as  for  sorrow,  when  I  saw  that  all  the  fury  of  these  wolves  was  not 
able  to  influence  one  of  these  lambs,  and  that  no  earthly  advantage 
could  shake  their  constancy.  And  when  I  marked  the  traces  of  the 
blood  on  the  snow  and  ice,  over  which  they  had  dragged  their  lac- 
erated limbs,  had  I  not  cause  to  bless  God  that  I  had  seen  accom- 
plished in  their  poor  bodies  what  remained  of  the  measure  of  the 
sufferings  of  Christ,  and  especially,  when  I  beheld  this  heavy  cross 
borne  by  them  with  a  fortitude  so  noble?" 

These  poor  exiles  were  welcomed  by  the  Vaudois  of  the  other 
valleys,  who  gladly  shared  witli  them  their  own  humble  and  scanty 
fare,  consisting  of  polenta  and  roasted  chestnuts,  with  the  milk 
and  butter  of  their  mountains.  Thus  laden,  their  table  was  jo)'fully 
spread  for  all  the  refugees.  The  enemies  of  this  persecuted  people 
were  filled  with  amazement  when  they  beheld  the  whole  community 
rise  up  as  one  man,  and  depart.  But  greater  woes  rapidly  followed 
this  initial  calamity.  The  deliberate  purpose  of  the  ''Propaganda" 
was  the  extirpation  of  the  entire  body  of  the  Vaudois,  though  only 
a  part  of  of  it  had  suffered  from  the  cruel  decree  of  Gastaldo.  The 
Waldensians,  who  had  retired  to  the  upper  valleys,  sent  respectful 
representations  to  the  court  of  Turin,  describing  their  piteous  con- 
dition in  such  pathetic  terms  that  it  seems  strange  how  even  that 
tribunal  could  refuse  their  supplications.  These  petitioners  besought 
the  fulfillment  of  treaties  in  which  the  honor  and  truth  of  the  house 
of  Savoy  were  pledged,  but  their  temperate  and  just  request  was  not 
granted.  The  ear  of  their  prince  had  been  poisoned  by  falsehood. 
They  were  denied  access  to  him,  and  their  remonstrances,  though 
accompanied  with  tears  and  groans,  were  wholly  unheeded  by  the 
"Propaganda."  The  Vaudois  were  put  off  with  equivocal  answers 
and  delusive  promises  until  the  fatal  17th  of  April  had  arrived,  when 
it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  dissemble  and  equivocate. 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


The  marquis  di  Pianeza,  on  the  17th  of  April,  A.  D.  1655,  de- 
parted secretly  at  midnight  from  Turin,  and  appeared  before  the 
''Valleys"  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand  men.  While 
he  was  on  the  road  to  La  Torre  the  Waldensian  deputies  were,  by 
appointment,  knocking  at  his  door  in  Turin.  Leaving  the  main  body 
of  his  army  encamped  on  the  plain,  the  marquis,  attended  by  about 
three  hundred  men,  appeared  under  the  walls  of  La  Torre,  at  eight 
o'clock  on  Saturday,  the  same  17th  of  April.  That  army,  secretly 
prepared,  was  composed  of  Piedmontese,  comprehending  a  large 
number  of  banditti,  who  were  promised  pardon  and  plunder  should 
they  behave  themselves  well.  Monastier  states  that  there  were  some 
companies  of  Bavarians,  six  regiments  of  French,  whose  thirst  for 
blood  the  Huguenot  wars  had  not  been  able  to  slake,  and  several 
companies  of  Irish  Romanists,  who,  banished  by  Cromwell,  arrived 
in  Piedmont  dripping  from  the  massacre  of  their  Protestant  fellow- 
subjects  in  their  native  land. 

The  Waldensians  had  hastily  constructed  a  barricade  at  the  en- 
trance of  La  Torre.  The  marquis  ordered  his  soldiers  to  storm  it ; 
but  the  besieged  made  such  a  strong  resistance  that,  after  three 
hours'  fighting,  the  enemy  discovered  that  he  had  made  no  advance. 
At  one  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning  Count  Amadeus  of  Lucerna, 
who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  locality,  made  a  flank  movement 
along,  the  banks  of  the  Pellice,  stole  silently  through  the  meadows 
and  orchards,  and,  advancing  from  the  opposite  quarter,  attacked  the 
Vaudois  in  the  rear.  Suddenly  turning,  and  facing  the  enemy,  they 
pierced  the  ranks  of  their  assailants  and  retreated  to  the  hills.  The 
Vaudois  had  lost  only  three  men  in  all  that  conflict.  It  was  now 
between  two  and  three  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning,  and,  though  the 
hour  was  early,  the  Romanists  repaired  in  a  body  to  the  church  in 
La  Torre  and  chanted  a  Te  Deum.  It  was  Palm  Sunday,  and  thus 
did  the  Romish  Church,  by  her  soldiers  celebrate  in  the  Waldensian 
valleys  that  great  festival  of  good-will  and  love. 

Having  previously  transported  their  families  to  the  mountains, 
the  Vaudois,  from  their  natural  fastnesses,  fearlessly  beheld  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  Their  sentinels  kept  watch  night  and  day 
along  the  frontier  heights,  closely  observing  Pianeza's  army  on  the 
plains  beneath.  They  saw  their  orchards  falling  by  the' axes,  and  their/ 
dwellings  being  consumed  by  the  torches  of  the  soldiers.  Along 
the  line  of  their  mountain  passes  and  forts  a  series  of  skirmishes 
occurred  on  Monday,  the  19th,  and  Tuesday,  the  20th.  The  Vaudois 
were  poorly  armed  and  vastly  outnumbered,  but  they  were  victorious 


PIANEZA'S  TREACHERY. 


411 


at  every  point.  The  popish  soldiers  retreated  in  great  disorder,  re- 
porting wondrous  tales  of  Vaudois  valor  and  heroism  to  their  com- 
rades on  the  plain,  and  infusing  incipient  panic  into  the  camp. 

Pianeza,  remembering  that  mighty  armies  had  previously  per- 
ished on  these  mountains,  became  disquieted,  and  was  haunted 
with  misgivings  regarding  the  result.  As  cowardice  and  guilt  are 
generally  associated,  he  naturally  employed  a  weapon  which  the 
Waldenses  have  never  been  able  to  use  as  effectively  as  the  sword. 
Before  daybreak  on  Wednesday,  the  21st,  Pianeza  announced,  by 
sound  of  trumpet  at  the  various  Vaudois  intrenchments,  that  he  was 
willing  to  receive  their  deputies  and  treat  for  peace.  Accordingly, 
delegates  were  sent  to  his  camp,  and  were  welcomed  at  headquarters 
with  the  utmost  urbanity,  and  sumptuously  entertained.  The  papal 
commander  expressed  his  deep  regret  that  his  soldiers  had  committed 
such  excesses,  contrary  to  his  orders.  He  declared  that  he  had 
come  into  their  valleys  only  in  pursuit  of  a  few  fugitives,  who  had 
disobeyed  Gastaldo's  order;  that  the  higher  communes  had  nothing 
to  fear;  and  that,  if  they  would  admit  a  single  regiment,  each  for  a 
few  days,  in  token  of  their  loyalty,  all  would  be  amicably  settled. 
The  crafty  leader  conquered  the  deputies,  and  despite  the  warnings 
of  the  more  sagacious,  especially  the  pastor  Leger,  the  Waldenses 
opened  the  passes  of  their  valleys  and  the  doors  of  their  dwellings 
to  the  soldiers  of  Pianeza. 

j  The  Waldenses,  alas!  had  received  under  their  roofs  the  murder- 
ers of  themselves  and  their  families.  The  first  two  days,  the  22d 
and  23d  of  April,  were  passed  in  comparative  peace,  the  soldiers 
eating  at  the  same  table,  sleeping  under  the  same  roof,  and  convers- 
ing freely  with  their  destined  victims.  During  this  interval  the 
necessary  preparations  were  made  for  the  tragedy  that  was  to  follow. 
The  towns,  the  villages,  the  cottages,  and  the  roads  throughout  the 
"Valleys"  were  now  occupied  by  the  enemy,  who  likewise  hung 
upon  the  heights.  The  two  great  passes  which  led  into  France — the 
one  over  the  snows  of  the  lofty  Col  Julien,  and  the  other  by  the 
valley  of  Queyras  into  Dauphine — were  held  by  Pianeza's  forces,  and 
escape  was  therefore  impossible  by  either  outlet.  No  one  could 
traverse  the  Col  Julien  at  this  season  and  live,  and  the  fortress  of 
Mirabouc,  that  guarded  the  narrow  gorge  which  led  into  the  valley 
of  Queyras,  the  enemy  had  been  careful  to  secure.  The  Vaudois 
were  inclosed  as  in  a  net — shut  in  as  in  a  prison. 

At  length  the  terrible  blow  fell  with  the  sudden  crash  of  the 
thunder-bolt.    According  to  Leger,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  these 


412 


ITALY  STRUGQLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


horrors,  the  signal  was  given  from  the  castle-hill  of  La  Torre,  at  four 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  24th  of  April,  A.  D.  1655. 
But  who  can  rehearse  the  fearful  tragedy  that  followed?  "It  is  Cain 
a  second  time,"  says  Monastier,  "shedding  the  blood  of  his  brother 
Abel."  Almost  instantly  a  thousand  assassins  commenced  the  work 
of  death,  and  th-e  valleys  of  Angrogna  and  Lucerna  beheld  a  scene 
of  dismay,  agony,  and  woe.  If  the  fiends  of  pandemonium  had 
come  forth  to  riot  in  crime  and  revel  in  blood,  they  could  not  have 
excelled  the  cruel  soldiers  of  the  Romish  "Propaganda."  The  vic- 
tims hastily  climbed  the  hills,  pursued  by  the  murderers ;  and  the 
torrents  rolling  down  the  mountain  -  side  soon  became  tinged  with 
blood,  indicating  that  the  butchery  was  progressing  on  the  heights. 
Clouds  of  dark  smoke,  relieved  by  gleams  of  lurid  light,  ascended 
from  the  vales ;  for  a  priest  and  monk  accompanied  each  party  of 
soldiers,  and  set  fire  to  the  houses  as  soon  as  the  inmates  had  been 
murdered.  The  most  heart-rending  cries  and  groans  echoed  and  re- 
echoed from  the  rocks  around,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  mountains 
had  taken  up  a  lamentation  for  the  slaughter  of  their  children. 
"Our  valley  of  Lucerna,"  exclaims  Leger,  "which  was  like  a 
Goshen,  was  now  converted  into  a  Mount  Etna,  darting  forth  cinders 
and  fire  and  flames.  The  earth  resembled  a  furnace,  and  the  air  was 
filled  with  a  darkness  like  that  of  Egypt,  which  might  be  felt,  from 
the  smoke  of  towns,  villages,  temples,  mansions,  granges,  and  build- 
ings, all  burning  in  the  flames  of  the  Vatican." 

The  soldiers,  not  satisfied  w-ith  the  sudden  infliction  of  death  by 
the  sword,  invented  new  modes  of  torture  and  death  ;  and  we  dare 
not  portray  in  plain  words  all  the  disgusting  and  horrible  deeds  of 
these  men,  whose  wickedness  can  never  be  known,  because  it  never 
can  be  all  told.  The  selection  of  a  few  instances  from  the  awful 
account  given  by  Leger  will  be  sufficient  to  show  how  human  beings 
may  be  transformed  into  fiends.  Little  children  were  torn  from  the 
arms  of  their  mothers,  clasped  by  their  tiny  feet,  and  their  heads 
dashed  against  the  rocks;  or  were  held  between  two  soldiers,  and 
their  quivering  limbs  torn  up  by  main  force.  Their  mangled  bodies 
were  then  thrown  on  the  highways  or  fields,  to  be  devoured  by 
beasts.  The  sick  and  the  aged  were  burned  alive  in  their  dwellings. 
The  hands,  arms,  and  legs  of  some  were  cut  off,  and  fire  applied  to 
the  severed  parts  to  staunch  the  bleeding  and  prolong  their  suffering. 
Some  of  them  were  flayed  alive ;  some  were  roasted  alive ;  some  dis- 
emboweled, or  tied  to  trees  in  their  own  orchards,  and  their  hearts 
cut  out.    Others  were  horribly  mutilated;  and  of  many  the  brains 


FIENDISH  TORTURERS. 


were  boiled  and  eaten  by  these  cannibals.  Some  were  fastened  down 
into  the  furrows  of  their  own  fields,  and  plowed  into  the  soil.  Some 
were  even  buried  alive.  Fathers  were  marched  to  death  with  the 
heads  of  their  sons  suspended  round  their  necks.  Parents  were  com- 
pelled to  look  on  while  their  children  were  first  outraged,  then  mas- 
sacred, before  being  themselves  permitted  to  die.  But  we  can  not 
proceed  farther  in  Leger's  shocking  narration.  The  abominable, 
monstrous,  and  vile  deeds  of  Pianeza's  soldiers  are  so  utterly  disgust- 
ing and  fiendish  that  they  can  not  be  transcribed.  The  heart  sickens 
and  the  brain  begins  to  swim.  '*My  hand  trembles,"  says  Leger, 
"so  that  I  can  scarce  hold  my  pen,  and  my  tears  mingle  in  torrents 
with  my  ink,  while  I  write  the  deeds  of  these  children  of  darkness — 
blacker  even  than  the  Prince  of  Darkness  himself." 

A  general  description,  however  appalling,  can  not  convey  so  cor- 
rect an  idea  of  the  terrible  character  of  this  persecution  as  would  the 
history  of  individual  cases ;  but  circumstances  will  not  permit  this. 
Could  we  describe  these  martyrs  one  by  one — could  we  portray  the  trag- 
ical fate  of  Peter  Simeon,  of  Angrogna;  the  barbarous  death  of  Magda- 
lene, wife  of  Peter  Pilon,  of  Villaro  ;  the  sad  story  of  Anne,  daughter 
of  John  Charbonier,  of  La  Torre,  whose  sufferings  can  not  be  ex- 
pressed by  words ;  the  cruel  martyrdom  of  Paul  Garnier,  of  Rora, 
whose  eyes  were  first  plucked  out,  who  next  of  all  endured  other  hor- 
rible indignities,  and,  last  of  all,  was  flayed  alive  and  his  skin  divided 
into  four  parts,  extended  on  the  window-gratings  of  the  four  principal 
houses  in  Lucerna — could  all  these  cases,  with  hundreds  of  others 
equally  atrocious,  be  narrated  in  detail,  the  recital  would  be  too  har- 
rowing, and  the  reader  of  the  bloody  story  would  turn  away  from  it. 
The  Waldenses  literally  suffered  all  the  things  of  which  the  apostle 
speaks,  as  endured  by  the  martyrs  of  old,  with  other  torments  not 
then  invented,  or  which  the  rage  of  even  a  Nero  shrank  from  inflict- 
ing: "They  were  stoned,  they  were  sawn  asunder,  were  tempted, 
were  slain  with  the  sword  ;  they  wandered  about  in  sheep-skins  and 
goat-skins;  being  destitute,  afflicted,  tormented  (of  whom  the  world 
was  not  worthy),  they  wandered  in  deserts  and  in  mountains,  and  in 
dens  and  caves  of  the  earth." 

These  cruelties  are  unparalleled  and  unique  in  the  history  of  at 
least  civilized  countries.  There  has  been  more  blood  shed  and  more 
life  sacrificed  in  other  tragedies,  but  in  none  were  the  actors  so  com- 
pletely dehumanized  and  the  forms  of  suffering  so  fearfully  disgusting 
and  so  unutterably  revolting.  The  "  Piedmontese  massacres, "  in  this 
respect,  stand  alone.    They  are  more  fiendish  than  all  the  atrocities  and 


414 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


murders  before  or  since,  and  Leger  may  still  advance  his  challenge  to 
"all  travellers  and  all  who  have  studied  the  history  of  ancient  and  mod- 
ern pagans,  whether  among  the  Chinese,  Tartars,  and  Turks,  they  ever 
witnessed  or  heard  tell  of  such  execrable  perfidies  and  barbarities." 
The  authors  of  these  deeds  believed  that  they  would  be  considered 
incredible  by  the  world  on  account  of  their  monstrous  cruelty,  and 
the}'  boldly  denied  them  even  before  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  was  well 
dry  in  the  "Valleys."  But  pastor  Leger  immediately  adopted  effect- 
ual means  to  demonstrate  the  falsehood  of  that  denial,  and  to  secure 
that  clear  and  convincing  proof  which  would  satisfy  thai  and  succeed- 
ing generations.  Soon  after  the  massacre  he  traveled  from  com- 
mune to  commune,  attended  by  notaries,  who  took  down  the  depo- 
sitions and  attestations  of  the  survivors  and  eye-witnesses  of  these 
deeds,  in  presence  of  the  council  and  consistory  of  the  place.  From 
the  evidence  of  these  witnesses  he  compiled  and  published  a  book, 
which  Dr.  Gilly,  of  England,  truly  characterized  as  one  of  the  most 
"dreadful"  in  existence.  Leger  gave  the  originals  of  these  deposi- 
tions to  Sir  Samuel  Morland,  who  placed  them,  together  with  other 
valuable  documents  pertaining  to  the  Waldenses,  in  the  library  of  the 
University  of  Cambridge. 

When  the  survivors  of  this  awful  massacre  beheld  their  brethren 
slain,  their  country  devastated,  and  their  Church  overthrown,  their 
hearts  were  filled  with  inexpressible  grief.  "Oh  that  my  head  were 
waters,"  exclaims  Leger,  "and  mine  eyes  a  fountain  of  tears,  that  I 
might  weep  day  and  night  for  the  slain  of  the  daughter  of  my  people ! 
Behold  and  see  if  there  be  any  sorrow  like  unto  my  sorrow."  "It 
was  then,"  he  adds,  "that  the  fugitives  who  had  been  snatched  as 
brands  from  the  burning,  could  address  God  in  the  words  of  the  sev- 
enty-ninth Psalm,  which  literally  as  emphatically  describes  their 
condition : 

"O  God,  the  heathen  are  come  into  thine  inheritance, 
Thy  holy  temple  have  they  defiled ;  ^ 
They  have  laid  Jerusalem  on  heaps, 
The  dead  bodies  of  thy  servants  have  they  given 
To  be  meat  unto  the  fowls  of  heaven, 
The  flesh  of  thy  saints  unto  the  beasts  of  the  earth." 

When  the  work  of  desolation  and  death  had  ceased,  Leger  assem- 
bled the  scattered  survivors  to  consult  with  them  relative  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  It  is  not  strange  that  some  advocated  a 
speedy  retirement  from  the  "Valleys;"  but  Leger  strongly  dissuaded 
them  against  the  thought  of  forsaking  their  ancient  inheritance.  He 


INTERPOSITION  OF  CROMWELL. 


415 


urged  them  to  rebuild  their  Zion  in  the  faith  that  the  God  of  their 
fathers  would  not  permit  the  "Church  of  the  Valleys"  to  be  finally- 
overthrown.  To  encourage  them  in  this  undertaking  he  presented  a 
statement  of  their  sufferings  and  demoralized  condition  to  their  breth- 
ren of  other  countries,  who,  he  was  sure,  would  hasten  to  their  help  at 
this  great  crisis.  These  counsels  prevailed.  "Our  tears  are  no  longer 
of  water,"  so  wrote  the  remant  of  the  slaughtered  Vaudois  to  the  Prot- 
estants of  Europe,  "  they  are  of  blood ;  they  do  not  merely  obscure  our 
sight,  they  choke  our  very  hearts.  Our  hands  tremble,  and  our  heads 
ache  by  the  many  blows  we  have  received.  We  can  not  frame  an 
epistle  answerable  to  the  intent  of  our  minds  and  the  strangeness  of 
our  desolations.  We  pray  you  to  excuse  us,  and  to  collect  amid  our 
groans  the  meaning  of  what  w^e  fain  would  utter."  This  touching 
introduction  was  followed  by  a  representation  of  their  state,  express- 
ing themselves  in  terms,  the  moderation  of  which  contrasts  strongly 
with  the  extent  of  their  wrongs.  When  the  news  of  the  massacre 
reached  Protestant  Europe  a  thrill  of  horror  was  felt  by  all  classes. 

In  no  country  did  the  tidings  awaken  a  deeper  sympathy  or  kindle 
a  stronger  indignation  than  in  England.  Cromwell,  who  was  then  at 
the  head  of  the  state,  proclaimed  a  fast,  ordered  a  collection  for  the 
sufferers,  and  wrote  to  all  the  Protestant  princes  and  to  the  king  of 
France,  to  enlist  their  sympathy  and  aid  in  behalf  of  the  Vaudois. 
Dr.  Wylie  states  that  the  sum  contributed  in  England  was  about  thirty- 
eight  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and  that  sixteen  thousand  pounds  of 
this  was  invested,  on  the  security  of  the  state,  to  pension  pastors, 
school-masters,  and  students  in  the  "Valleys."  This  latter  sum  was 
appropriated  by  Charles  II,  on  the  pretext  that  he  was  not  bound  to 
implement  the  engagements  of  a  usurper.  At  this  time  Milton  was 
the  protector's  Latin  secretary,  and  the  writing  of  these  letters  was  one 
of  the  noblest  as  well  as  the  most  sacred  of  the  tasks  ever  performed 
by  the  great  poet.  Indeed,  his  pen  was  not  more  gloriously  em- 
ployed in  writing  "Paradise  Lost."  Cromwell  was  so  deeply  inter- 
ested in  the  welfare  of  these  venerable  sufferers  for  conscience'  sake, 
that  he  sent  Sir  Samuel  Morland  with  a  letter  to  the  duke  of  Savoy, 
in  which  he  expressed  the  astonishment  and  sorrow  he  felt  at  the 
barbarities  which  had  been  committed.  Cromwell's  embassador  vis- 
ted  the  "Valleys"  on  his  way  to  Turin,  and  beheld  with  his  own 
eyes  the  terrible  spectacle  which  the  region  still  presented.  "If," 
said  he,  addressing  the  duke  of  Savoy,  "the  tyrants  of  all  times  and 
ages  were  alive  again  they  would  doubtless  be  ashamed  to  find  that 
nothing  barbarous  nor  inhuman,  in  comparison  of  these  deeds,  had 


4i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ever  been  invented  by  them.  In  the  mean  time,  the  angels  are 
stricken  with  horror;  men  are  dizzy  with  amazement;  heaven  itself 
appears  astonished  with  the  cries  of  the  dying,  and  the  very  earth  to 
blush  with  the  gore  of  so  many  innocent  persons."  The  scene  of  the 
slaughter  gave  force  to  his  eloquence  and  kindled  his  republican 
plainness  into  Puritan  fervor,  moving  him  to  exclaim,  "Avenge  not 
thyself,  O  God,  for  this  mighty  wickedness,  this  parricidal  slaughter. 
Let  thy  blood,  O  Christ,  wash  out  this  blood!" 

We  have  often  mentioned  the  Castelluzzo  in  our  history  of  the 
Waldenses,  and  their  numerous  martyrdoms.  It  is  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  "massacre  of  1655,"  and  inspired  the  muse  of  Mil- 
ton. It  stands  at  the  entrance  of  the  "Valleys,"  with  feathery 
woods  covering  its  feet,  and  around  its  middle  like  a  girdle  is  strewn 
a  mass  of  rock  and  debris,  which  countless  tempests  have  gathered 
there.  From  amidst  these  the  supreme  column  rises  up  like  a  pillar, 
and  seems  to  touch  the  white  cloud,  which  floats  past  in  mid-heaven. 
A  short  distance  below  the  crowning  rocks  of  summit  a  dark  spot  is 
visible  on  the  face  of  the  cliff.  At  first  sight  it  appears  to  be  the 
shadow  of  a  passing  cloud  upon  the  mountain,  but  a  closer  obsei-va- 
tion  shows  that  it  is  immovable,  and,  when  approached,  proves  to  be 
the  mouth  of  a  cave,  so  extensive  that  it  will  accommodate  several 
hundred  persons.  To  this  friendly  chamber  the  Waldensians  were 
accustomed  to  flee  when  Pandemonium  reigned  in  the  valleys  be- 
neath, glittering  with  steel,  red  with  crime,  and  resounding  with 
execrations  and  blasphemies.  During  the  great  massacre  of  1655 
many  of  the  Vaudois  secreted  themselves  in  this  cave;  but,  alas,  the 
persecutor  tracked  them  thither,  and,  dragging  them  forth  rolled  them 
down  the  dreadful  precipice. 

The  law  of  association,  that  indissolubly  links  atrocious  crimes 
with  the  spot  where  they  were  perpetrated,  has  written  the  * '  Mas- 
sacre of  1655  "  on  this  mountain,  w^hose  rocks  will  remain  as  eternal 
witnesses  of  that  bloody  tragedy.  As  Dr.  Wylie  eloquently  remarks, 
"there  is  not  another  such  martyr's  monument  in  the  whole  world." 
While  the  Castelluzzo  stands  the  cruel  slaughter  will  be  remembered, 
and  through  all  ages  it  will  continue  to  speak  in  terms  which  Milton, 
the  sublime  poet,  has  interpreted: 

1  "  Avenge,  O  Lord,  thy  slaughtered  saints,  whose  bones 

Lie  scattered  on  the  Alpine  mountains  cold ; 

Even  them  who  kept  thy  truth  so  pure  of  old, 
'     When  all  our  fathers  worshiped  stocks  and  stones, 

Forget  not ;  in  thy  book  record  their  groans 


ASCENT  OF  LA  COMBE. 


Who  were  thy  sheep,  and  in  their  ancient  fold 
Slain  by  the  bloody  Piedmontese,  that  roll'd 

Mother  with  infant  down  the  rocks.  Their  moans 
The  vales  redoubled  to  the  hills,  and  they 

To  heaven.  Their  martyr'd  blood  and  ashes  sow 
O'er  all  the  Italian  fields  where  still  doth  sway 

The  triple  tyrant ;  that  from  these  may  grow 
A  hundred-fold,  who,  having  learned  thy  way, 

Early  may  fly  the  Babylonian  woe." 


GTANA  VELL  0—  THE  MASS  A  ORE—  THE  EXIL  ES. 

HILE  the  revolting  events  described  in  the  preceding  chapter 


V  V  were  transpiring  in  the  valleys  of  Lucerna  and  Angrogna, 
tragic  scenes  were  also  being  enacted  in  the  valley  of  Rora.  This 
valley  is  situated  on  the  left  as  one  enters  La  Torre,  and  is  separated 
from  Lucerna  by  a  barrier  of  mountains.  It  has  two  entrances,  one 
by  a  side  ravine,  which  branches  off  about  two  miles  before  reaching 
La  Torre,  and  the  other  by  crossing  the  valley  of  Lucerna  and 
climbing  the  mountains.  The  latter  is  deserving  of  a  brief  descrip- 
tion. Starting  from  the  town  of  La  Torre  and  skirting  the  Castelluzzo 
on  the  right,  we  then,  by  turning  to  the  left,  find  ourselves  descend- 
ing into  the  valley,  with  its  bright  meadows  shaded  by  the  vine,  which 
extends  its  arms  in  classic  freedom  from  tree  to  tree.  By  passing 
over  the  torrent  of  the  Pellice  on  a  small  bridge  and  advancing  to  the 
foot  of  the  mountains  of  La  Combe — that  wall  in  the  valley  of 
Rora — we  are  ready  to  ascend  by  a  winding  path.  As  we  proceed 
upward  we  discover  that  pasturage  and  vineyard  disappear,  and  the 
chestnut  forest  surrounds  us;  climbing  higher  we  lose  sight  of  the 
chestnut,  and  see  only  the  pine;  and  soon  we  reach  that  elevation 
where  we  stand  amid  the  naked  ledges  of  the  mountain,  with  their 
gushing  rills  margined  by  moss  or  other  Alpine  herbage.  After  an 
ascent  of  two  hours  we  come  to  the  summit  of  the  pass,  and,  while 
resting  upon  this  pedestal,  some  four  thousand  feet  in  height,  we  can 
behold  the  grandeur  of  the  stupendous  amphitheater  of  Alps  around 
us.  How  profoundly  deep  the  valley  at  our  feet  from  which  we  have 
just  climbed  up!  The  Pellice  now  seems  like  a  thread  of  silver;  the 
meadow  like  a  patch  of  green  a  few  inches  square;  the  chestnut  tree 
seems  to  be  a  mere  dot,  scarcely  visible;  while  yonder  are  La  Torre 


Chapter  XXVII. 


41 8  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

and  the  white  Villaro,  so  tiny  in  appearance  that  they  look  as  if  they 
could  be  "packed  into  a  child's  toy-box." 

While  distant  objects  appear  smaller,  the  mountains  around  us 
seem  to  have  enlarged  their  bulk  and  increased  their  stature.  The 
summit  of  the  Castelluzzo  towers  high  above  us;  still  higher  rise  the 
rolling  masses  of  the  Vandalin,  the  lower  slopes  of  which  form  a  vast 
and  magnificent  hanging  garden,  excelling  those  which  once  ranked 
among  the  wonders  of  Babylon.  In  the  far  distance  a  tumultuous 
sea  of  mountains  charm  the  eye,  here  extending  upward  like  sharp 
needles,  there  stretching  away  in  long  serrated  ridges,  and  there 
rising  up  in  massy  peaks  of  naked  granite  wearing  the  glorious  shining 
garments  which  Winter  weaves  for  the  giants  of  the  Alps.  Beneath 
us  is  the  Valley  of  Rora,  a  cup  of  verdure  some  sixty  miles  in  cir- 
cumference, its  sides  and  bottom  variously  clothed  with  corn-field 
and  meadow,  with  vineyard  and  orchard,  with  the  walnut,  the  cherry, 
and  fruit-bearing  trees,  from  amid  which  numerous  brown  chalets 
cheerfully  look  forth.  The  great  mountains  sweep  around  the  valley 
like  a  wall,  and  among  them,  pre-eminent  in  glory  as  in  stature, 
stands  the  monarch  of  the  Cottian  Alps,  Monte  Viso. 

From  time  to  time  God  raised  up  among  the  Waldenses  mighty 
men  of  valor  to  deliver  his  people  as  he  did  among  the  ancient  Jews. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  of  these  Vaudois  was  Gianavello,  com- 
monly known  as  Captain  Joshua  Gianavello,  a  native  of  this  same 
Valley  of  Rora.  We  learn  from  historical  accounts  of  him  that  he 
possessed  all  the  qualities  of  a  great  military  leader — daring  in  cour- 
age, resolute  in  purpose,  fertile  in  resource,  and  self-possessed  in 
emergencies.  He  was  quick  to  resolve  and  prompt  to  execute, 
besides  having  the  faculty  of  skillful  combination,  which  is  so  essen- 
tial in  a  commander.  By  his  devotion  and  energy  he  succeeded  in 
mitigating,  to  some  extent,  the  horrors  of  the  ''Massacre  of  1655," 
and  his  heroism  ultimately  rolled  back  the  tide  of  that  great  calamity 
and  made  it  recoil  upon  its  authors.  On  the  morning  of  the  24th  of 
April,  A.  D.  1655 — the  same  day  that  Pianeza  stained  the  valleys 
of  Lucerna  and  Angrogna  with  innocent  blood — that  inhuman  leader 
sent  five  hundred  soldiers  to  the  Valley  of  Rora  to  murder  its  unsus- 
pecting and  unoffending  inhabitants.  These  soldiers  ascended  from 
the  valley  of  the  Pellice  until  they  had  gained  the  summit  of  the  pass, 
and  Avere  already  descending  on  the  town  of  Rora  stealthily  and 
swiftly,  as  a  herd  of  wolves  might  descend  upon  a  sheepfold,  or  as, 
says  Leger,  "A  brood  of  vultures  might  descend  upon  a  flock  of 
harmless  doves." 


GIANAVELLaS  VICTORY. 


419 


Gianavello,  who  had  been  expecting  for  some  weeks  an  attack, 
though  he  knew  not  when  or  where  it  would  be  made,  was  vigilant 
and  active.  He  saw  the  troops  and  at  once  understood  their  mission. 
Not  a  moment  could  be  lost  without  endangering  the  inhabitants  of 
Rora.  Unless  a  speedy  resistance  was  made  not  a  man  would  be 
spared  to  carry  the  tidings  of  their  extermination  to  the  next  com- 
mune. But  how  could  Gianavello  alone  overcome  an  army  of  five 
hundred  men?  Determined  to  make  a  desperate  effort,  he  hastened 
up  the  mountain  under  cover  of  the  rocks  and  trees,  and,  on  his  way, 
persuaded  six  peasants,  brave  like  himself,  to  join  him  in  repelling 
the  invaders.  The  heroic  little  band  marched  on  until  they  were 
near  the  troop,  then,  concealing  themselves  in  the  bushes,  they  lay 
in  ambush  by  the  side  of  the  path.  The  soldiers  came  on,  never 
suspecting  the  trap  into  which  they  were  marching.  Gianavello  fired 
with  such  precision  that  seven  of  the  troop  fell  dead.  Then  reload- 
ing their  pieces  and  adroitly  changing  their  ground  they  fired  again 
with  like  effect.  The  suddenness  of  the  attack,  and  the  invisibility 
of  the  enemy,  surprised  Pianeza's  soldiers,  whose  frightened  imagina- 
tions multiplied  tenfold  the  number  of  their  assailants.  Resolved  to 
seek  safety  in  flight  they  began  to  retreat;  but  Gianavello  and  his 
men,  springing  from  cover  to  cover  like  so  many  chamois,  followed 
them,  harassing  their  rear,  and  pouring  upon  them  a  deadly  volley 
of  bullets.  Fifty-four  of  the  invaders  were  found  dead  upon  the  field; 
and  thus  did  these  seven  peasants  chase  from  their  Valley  of  Rora. 
the  five  hundred  assassins  who  had  come  to  murder  its  peaceful 
inhabitants. 

On  that  same  afternoon  the  people  of  Rora,  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  fearful  massacre  which  was  at  that  very  moment  proceeding  in. 
the  valleys  of  their  brethren,  visited  the  marquis  di  Pianeza  and 
complained  of  the  attack,  but  he  pretended  to  be  ignorant  of  the 
whole  affair.  "Those  who  invaded  your  valley,"  said  he,  ''were  a 
set  of  banditti.  You  did  right  to  repel  them.  Go  back  to  your  fam- 
ilies and  fear  nothing.  I  pledge  my  word  and  honor  that  no  evil, 
shall  happen  to  you."  These  words  did  not  deceive  Gianavello,  who- 
remembered  the  maxim  enacted  by  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  so 
often  practiced  in  the  "Valleys:"  "No  faith  is  to  be  kept  with 
heretics."  He  knew  that  Pianeza  was  the  agent  of  the  "Council  of" 
Extirpation."  The  light  of  the  following  morning  had  scarcely 
dawned  when  the  hero-peasant  was  abroad,  scanning  with  eagle  eye 
the  mountain  paths  that  led  into  the  valley.    Soon  his  suspicions 

were  confirmed.    Six  hundred  men-at-arms,  who  were  selected  with 

28 


420 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


special  reference  to  this  difficult  enterprise,  were  seen  ascending  the 
mountain  Cassuleto,  to  do  what  their  comrades  of  the  previous  day 
had  failed  to  accomplish.  Gianavello  had  collected  a  little  host  of 
eighteen,  of  whom  twelve  were  armed  with  muskets  and  swords,  and 
six  with  only  the  sling.  He  divided  these  into  three  parties,  each 
consisting  of  four  musketeers  and  two  slingers,  and  stationed  them 
in  a  defile,  through  which  he  saw  the  invaders  must  pass.  As  soon 
as  the  van  of  the  enemy  had  entered  the  gorge  they  were  saluted 
with  a  shower  of  bullets  and  stones  from  invisible  hands.  Every 
bullet  and  stone  executed  its  mission  of  destruction.  The  first  dis- 
charge brought  doAvn  an  officer  and  twelve  men,  and  was  rapidly 
follovvxd  by  others  equally  fatal.  The  cry  was  raised,  "All  is  lost; 
save  yourselves!"  The  flight  was  precipitate,  for  every  rock  and 
bush  seemed  to  send  forth  deadly  missiles.  Thus  these  murderers 
were  driven  from  the  Valley  of  Rora,  and  the  Piedmontese  troop 
were  disgraced  by  a  second  ignominious  retreat. 

The  inhabitants  visited  Pianeza  a  second  time  and  complained  of 
the  treatment  they  had  received.  "Concealing,"  as  Leger  sa}'s,  "the 
ferocity  of  the  tiger  under  the  skin  of  the  fox,"  he  assured  the  dep- 
uties that  the  attack  had  been  the  result  of  a  misunderstanding,  that 
certain  accusations  had  been  brought  against  them,  the  falsity  of 
which  had  since  been  discovered,  and  now  the}-  might  return  to  their 
homes,  for  they  had  nothing  to  fear.  But  immediately  after  their 
departure  this  treacherous  leader  began  vigorously  to  prepare  for  a 
third  attack,  and  organized  a  battalion  of  from  eight  hundred  to  nine 
hundred  men.  This  host  made  a  rapid  march  next  morning  on  Rora, 
took  possession  of  all  the  avenues  leading  into  the  valle}',  and  chas- 
ing the  inhabitants  to  the  caves  of  Monte  Friolante,  first  plundered 
and  then  burned  their  dwellings.  Captain  Joshua  Gianavello,  in  com- 
mand of  his  little  troop,  beheld  the  enemy  approaching;  but  their 
overwhelming  numbers  deterred  him  from  attacking  them,  and  he 
waited  for  a  more  favorable  opportunity.  The  Piedmontese  soldiers 
were  retiring,  laden  with  their  booty,  and  driving  before  them  the 
cattle  of  the  peasants.  Gianavello,  kneeling  down  before  his  hero- 
band,  rendered  thanks  to  God,  who  had  twice  saved  his  people,  and 
prayed  that  the  hearts  and  arms  of  his  followers  might  be  strength- 
ened to  work  yet  another  deliverance.  He  then  attacked  the  spoilers, 
who,  in  their  consternation  fled  up  the  mountain,  leaving  their  plun- 
der behind  them,  and  endeavored  to  escape  into  the  valley  of  the 
Pellice,  but  when  they  reached  the  pass  and  began  to  descend  their 
flight  became  }'et  more  disastrous.    The  Vaudois  gathered  massive 


MASSACRE  BY  PIANEZA'S  ARMY. 


421 


stones  and  rolled  them  upon  the  retreating  soldiers,  at  the  same  time 
pouring  upon  them  a  shower  of  bullets.  These  missiles  did  deadly 
execution,  while  many  of  the  enemy  in  their  haste  fell  over  the  prec- 
ipices, and  the  few  who  survived  fled  to  Villaro. 

The  marquis  di  Pianeza  should  have  seen  the  finger  of  God  in 
these  events,  but  he  was  only  the  more  filled  with  rage  and  the  more 
determined  to  extirpate  every  heretic  from  the  Valley  of  Rora.  The 
historian,  Muston,  states  that  all  the  royal  troops  that  Pianeza  then 
commanded,  together  wdth  those  which  could  be  spared  from  the 
other  valleys,  were  assembled  and  made  preparations  to  surround  the 
small  commune  of  Rora.  This  was  now  the  fourth  attack  upon  that 
territory,  but  the  invaders  were  destined  once  more  to  recoil  before 
the  shock  of  its  heroic  defenders.  Some  eight  thousand  men  were 
ready  to  march,  but  a  certain  Captain  Mario,  who  made  himself 
prominent  in  the  massacre  at  Bobbio,  desiring  to  appropriate  the 
entire  glory  of  this  enterprise,  became  impatient  and  would  not  await 
the  movement  of  the  main  body  of  the  army.  He  marched  two 
hours  in  advance  with  three  companies  of  regular  troops,  few  of 
whom  ever  returned.  His  soldiers,  panic-stricken,  rushed  along  the 
narrow  path  and  crowded  their  ferocious  and  impulsive  leader  over 
the  edge  of  the  rock  into  the  stream.  He  was  seriously  wounded 
and  was  taken  to  Lucerna,  ^vhere  he  died  tw^o  da}*s  afterwards  in 
great  torment  of  body,  and  yet  greater  torment  of  mind.  One  of  the 
three  companies  in  this  fatal  expedition  was  composed  of  Irish  who 
had  been  banished  by  Cromwell,  and  who  met  in  this  distant  land 
the  death  they  had  inflicted  on  others  in  their  own. 

This  series  of  strange  events,  in  which  Pianeza  was  a  prominent 
actor,  was  now  coming  to  a  close,  and  that  military  leader  became 
infuriated  because  he  had  been  defeated  by  herdsmen  and  thereby 
disgraced.  Many  of  his  bravest  soldiers  had  been  sacrificed.  Victor 
Amadeus  once  observed  that  **the  skin  of  every  Vaudois  cost  him 
fifteen  of  his  best  Italian  soldiers."  While  some  hundreds  of  the 
best  soldiers  of  Pianeza  were  slain  not  one  of  the  little  troop  of  Gian- 
avello,  dead  or  alive,  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  The  papal  com- 
mander, however,  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war  more  vigorously  and 
with  a  much  larger  army.  He  collected  ten  thousand  men  and 
attacked  Rora  on  three  sides  at  once.  While  Gianavello  was  bravely 
resisting  the  first  troop  of  three  thousand  on  the  summit  of  the  pass 
that  gives  entrance  from  the  valley  of  the  Pellice,  a  division  of  six 
thousand  had  entered  by  the  ravine  at  the  foot  of  the  valley,  and  a 
third  of  one  thousand  had  crossed  the  mountains  that  divide  Bagnolo 


422 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


from  Rora.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  horrors  that  followed  the 
entrance  of  these  assassins.  They  had  no  compassion  upon  those  of 
tender  years,  and  no  reverence  for  the  gray  hairs  of  the  venerable 
sire.  Neither  age  nor  sex  were  respected,  and  happy  were  they  who 
suffered  instant  death  and  thus  escaped  fearful  indignities  and  tor-. 
tures.  The  few  spared  from  the  sword  were  carried  away  as  captives, 
and  among  these  were  the  wife  and  the  three  daughters  of  Gianavello. 
The  patriot-hero  had  nothing  more  to  contend  for  in  the  Valley  of 
Rora.  The  light  of  his  hearth  was  extinguished,  his  village  was  a 
heap  of  smoking  ruins,  his  fathers  and  brethren  had  fallen  by  the 
sword ;  but  these  accumulated  calamities  did  not  intimidate  him,  and 
he  marched  his  brave  troop  over  the  mountains  to  the  frontier  of  his 
country,  there  to  take  advantage  of  whatever  opportunities  Providence 
might  yet  open  to  him  of  defending  the  ancient  liberties  and  the 
glorious  faith  of  his  people. 

Pianeza,  having  resolved  to  make  a  final  desperate  effort  to  crush 
the  hero  of  Rora,  first  wrote  to  him  as  follows:  exhort  you  for 
the  last  time  to  renounce  your  heresy.  This  is  the  only  hope  of  your 
obtaining  the  pardon  of  your  prince,  and  of  saving  the  life  of  your 
wife  and  daughters,  now  my  prisoners,  and  whom,  if  you  continue 
obstinate,  I  will  burn  alive.  As  for  yourself,  my  soldiers  shall  no 
longer  pursue  you ;  but  I  shall  set  such  a  price  upon  your  head  as 
that  were  you  Beelzebub  himself,  you  shall  infallibly  be  taken  ;  and 
be  assured  that  if  you  fall  alive  into  my  hands,  there  are  no  torments 
with  which  I  will  not  punish  your  rebellion."  To  these  ferocious 
threats,  Gianavello  magnanimously  and  promptly  replied:  ''There 
are  no  torments  so  terrible,  no  death  so  barbarous  that  I  would  not 
choose  rather  than  deny  my  Savior.  Your  threats  can  not  cause  me 
to  renounce  my  faith ;  they  but  fortify  me  in  it.  Should  the  marquis 
di  Pianeza  cause  my  wife  and  daughters  to  pass  through  the  fire,  it 
can  but  consume  their  mortal  bodies ;  their  souls  I  commend  to  God, 
trusting  that  he  will  have  mercy  on  them,  and  on  mine  should  it 
please  him  that  I  fall  into  the  marquis's  hands."  If  Pianeza  did  not 
appreciate  the  fact  that  this  was  the  most  mortifying  defeat  he 
had  yet  sustained  in  his  contest  with  Gianavello,  he  must  have  real- 
ized that  a  crusade  against  the  Alps  themselves  would  be  as  successful 
as  a  war  against  a  cause  Avhich  could  infuse  such  a  spirit  into  its 
champions.  Gianavello's  reply,  observes  Leger,  ' '  certified  him  as  a 
chosen  instrument  in  the  hands  of  God  for  the  recovery  of  his  coun- 
try, seemingly  lost." 

The  heroic  peasant  had  rescued  from  the  wreck  of  his  family  his 


THE  BRAVE  VAUDOIS. 


423 


infant  son,  whose  safety,  first  of  all,  he  desired  now  to  secure.  He 
therefore  placed  him  on  his  shoulders,  and,  crossing  the  frozen  Alps 
which  separate  the  valley  of  Lucerna  from  France,  he  intrusted  him 
to  the  care  of  a  relative  resident  at  Qucyras,  in  the  valleys  of  the 
French  Protestants.  With  the  child  he  carrried  thither  the  tidings  of 
the  awful  massacre  of  his  people.  A  feeling  of  intense  indignation 
every- where  prevailed,  and  many  brave  spirits  like  Gianavello  were 
willing  to  enlist  under  his  banner.  Having  greatly  recruited  his  lit- 
tle band,  he  repassed  the  Alps  in  a  few  weeks  to  begin  his  second 
and  more  successful  campaign.  When  he  arrived  in  the  Valleys," 
he  was  re-enforced  by  Giaheri,  under  whom  a  troop  had  been  assem- 
bling to  avenge  the  massacre  of  their  brethren.  In  Giaheri,  Captain 
Gianavello  had  found  a  companion  worthy  of  himself  and  worthy  of 
the  cause  which  he  was  now  defending.  Of  this  heroic  man  Leger  has 
recorded  that,  "though  he  possessed  the  courage  of  a  lion,  he  was 
as  humble  as  a  lamb,  always  giving  to  God  the  glory  of  his  victories ; 
well  versed  in  Scripture,  and  understanding  controversy,  and  of  great 
natural  talent."  The  Vaudois  race  had  been  nearly  exterminated  by 
the  massacre,  so  that  these  two  leaders  could  only  collect  five  hundred 
men.  The  opposing  army  at  this  time  in  their  "Valleys"  was  com- 
posed of  between  fifteen  and  twenty  thousand  trained  soldiers.  The 
faith  of  these  two  men  in  the  God  of  battles  must  have  been  strong, 
else  they  would  not  have  ventured  with  such  a  handful  of  peasants 
against  such  odds.  They  believed  that  God  would  not  permit  his 
cause  to  perish  or  the  lamp  of  the  "Valleys"  to  be  extinguished, 
and,  though  few  in  numbers,  they  knew  that  God  was  able,  by  their 
humble  instrumentality,  to  save  their  country  and  Church.  With  a 
faith  resting  upon  such  a  basis,  these  two  Christian  warriors  un- 
sheathed the  sword,  and  so  valiantly  did  they  wield  it  that  soon  that 
sword  became  the  terror  of  the  Piedmontese  armies.  The  ancient 
promise  was  fulfilled,  "The  people  that  do  know  their  God  shall  be 
strong  and  do  exploits." 

To  describe  in  detail  all  the  prodigies  of  valor  performed  by  this 
brave  little  host  w^uld  be  a  difficult  task ;  but  the  record  would  be 
a  thrilling  volume.  "  I  had  always  considered  the  Vaudois  to  be 
men,"  said  Descombies,  who  had  joined  them,  "but  I  found  them 
lions."  They  assaulted  the  enemy  with  a  fury  that  nothing  could 
resist,  and  the  Piedmontese  troops  were  driven  from  post  to  post, 
from  village  to  village,  until  they  were  soon  expelled  from  the  upper 
valleys.  The  war  now  passed  down  into  the  plain  of  Piedmont, 
where  it  was  prosecuted  with  the  same  heroism  and  the  same  success. 


424 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  Vaudois  besieged  and  took  several  towns,  and  fought  nnany  pitched 
battles,  achieving  a  victory  in  nearly  every  contest,  though  opposed 
by  more  than  ten  times  their  number.  Their  triumphs  could  hardly 
be  credited  were  they  not  recorded  by  historians  of  unimpeacha- 
ble veracity,  and  the  accuracy  of  whose  statements  was  attested  by 
eye-witnesses.  At  the  close  of  a  day's  fighting,  as  many  as  four- 
teen hundred  Piedmontese  soldiers  were  often  found  slain  on  the 
field  of  battle,  while  not  more  than  six  or  seven  of  the  Waldenses 
had  fallen.  Such  victories  seemed  to  be  miraculous,  and  were  so 
regarded,  not  only  by  the  Vaudois  themselves,  but  even  by  their  foes, 
who  could  not  refrain  from  expressing  their  conviction  ''that  surely 
God  was  on  the  side  of  the  barbets. "  While  the  Vaudois  were  thus 
bravely  maintaining  their  cause  by  arms,  and  inflicting  the  chastise- 
ment of  war  on  those  from  whom  its  miseries  had  come,  tidings  of 
their  sufferings  and  oppressions  were  being  conveyed  to  all  the  Prot- 
estant states  of  Europe.  The  reports  wakened  a  feeling  of  horror, 
and  the  cruelty  of  the  government  of  Savoy  was  universally  and 
loudly  condemned.  It  was  generally  acknowledged  that  such  a 
recital  of  woe  they  had  never  before  heard,  but  the  Protestant  states 
did  not  content  themselves  by  simply  condemning  these  deeds.  Be- 
lieving that  it  was  their  imperative  duty  to  interpose  in  behalf  of  this 
poor  and  greatly  oppressed  people,  they  adopted  prompt  and  active 
measures.  Prominent  among  those  nations  which  achieved  imperish- 
able honor  was  England,  then  under  the  protectorate  of  Cromwell. 
As  we  have  already  said,  a  Latin  letter,  composed  by  IMilton,  was 
sent  by  the  protector  to  the  duke  of  Savoy.  In  addition,  Cromwell 
wrote  to  Louis  of  France,  soliciting  his  mediation  with  the  duke  in 
behalf  of  the  Vaudois.  The  letter  is  interesting  because  it  expresses 
the  truly  catholic  and  noble  sentiments  of  England : 
"Most  Serene  and  Potent  King, — 

.  "After  a  most  barbarous  slaughter  of  persons  of 
both  sexes  and  of  all  ages  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded,  or  rather 
secret  acts  of  hostility  were  committed  the  more  securely  under  the 
name  of  a  pacification.  The  conditions  of  the  treaty  were  determined 
in  your  town  of  Pinerolo :  hard  conditions  enough,  but  such  as  these 
poor  people  would  gladly  have  agreed  to,  after  the  horrible  outrages 
to  which  they  had  been  exposed,  provided  that  they  had  been  faith- 
fully observed.  But  they  were  not  observed;  the  meaning  of  the 
Ireaty  is  evaded  and  violated,  by  putting  a  false  interpretation  upon 
some  of  the  articles,  and  by  straining  others.  Many  of  the  com- 
plainants have  been  deprived  of  their  patrimonies,  and  many  have 


CROMWELL S  LETTER. 


425 


been  forbidden  the  exercise  of  their  reh'gion.  New  payments  have 
been  exacted,  and  a  new  fort  has  been  built  to  keep  them  in  check, 
from  whence  a  disorderly  soldiery  make  frequent  sallies  and  plunder 
or  murder  all  they  meet.  In  addition  to  these  things,  fresh  levies  of 
troops  are  clandestinely  preparing  to  march  against  them  ;  and  those 
among  them  who  profess  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  have  been 
advised  to  retire  in  time ;  so  that  every  thing  threatens  the  speedy 
destruction  of  such  as  escaped  the  former  massacre.  I  do  therefore 
beseech  and  conjure  your  majesty  not  to  suffer  such  enormities,  and 
not  to  permit  ( I  will  not  say  any  prince,  for  surely  such  barbarity 
never  could  enter  into  the  heart  of  a  prince,  much  less  of  one  of  the 
duke's  tender  age,  or  into  the  mind  of  his  mother)  those  accursed 
murderers  to  indulge  in  such  savage  ferocity,  who,  while  they  profess 
to  be  the  servants  and  followers  of  Christ,  Avho  came  into  the  world 
to  save  sinners,  do  blaspheme  his  name,  and  transgress  his  mild  pre- 
cepts by  the  slaughter  of  innocent  men.  Oh,  that  your  majesty, 
who  has  the  power,  and  who  ought  to  be  inclined  to  use  it,  may 
deliver  so  many  supplicants  from  the  hands  of  murderers,  who  are 
already  drunk  with  blood  and  thirst  for  it  again,  and  who  take  pleas- 
ure in  throwing  the  odium  of  their  cruelty  upon  princes  !  I  implore 
your  majesty  not  to  suffer  the  borders  of  your  kingdom  to  be  pol- 
luted by  such  monstrous  wickedness.  Remember  that  this  very  race 
of  people  threw  themselves  upon  the  protection  of  your  grandfather. 
King  Henry  IV,  who  was  most  friendly  disposed  towards  the  Protest- 
ants when  the  duke  of  Lesdiguieres  passed  victoriously  through  their 
country,  as  affording  the  most  convenient  passage  into  Italy,  at  the 
time  he  pursued  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  his  retreat  across  the  Alps. 
The  act  or  instrument  of  that  submission  is  still  extant  among  the 
public  records  of  your  kingdom,  in  which  it  is  provided  that  the 
Vaudois  shall  not  be  transferred  to  any  other  government,  but  upon 
the  same  condition  that  they  were  received  under  the  protection  of 
your  invincible  grandfather.  As  supplicants  of  his  grandson,  they 
now  implore  the  fulfillment  of  this  compact. 

Given  at  our  Court  at  Westminster,  this  26th  of  May,  1658." 
The  French  king  undertook  the  mediation  as  requested  by  the 
Protestant  princes,  but  hurried  it  to  a  conclusion  before  the  embassa- 
dors from  the  Protestant  states  had  arrived.  The  delegates  from  the 
Protestant  cantons  of  Switzerland  were  present,  but  were  not  permit- 
ted to  participate  in  the  deliberations.  The  Grand  Monarch  managed 
the  whole  affair,  and  on  the  i8th  of  August,  A.  D,  1655,  a  treaty  of 


426 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


peace  was  concluded;  but  it  was  unjust  to  the  Waldenses.  They  were 
deprived  of  their  ancient  possessions  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Pellice, 
lying  toward  the  plain  of  Piedmont.  Within  the  new  boundary  they 
were  guaranteed  liberty  of  worship  ;  an  amnesty  was  granted  for  all 
offenses  committed  during  the  war ;  captives  were  to  be  restored 
when  claimed ;  and  they  were  to  be  exempt  from  all  imposts  for  five 
years,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  so  impoverished  as  not  to  •  be 
able  to  pay  any  thing. 

When  the  treaty  was  published,  two  clauses  in  it  astonished  the 
Protestant  world.  In  the  preamble  the  Vaudois  were  called  rebels, 
whom  it  had  pleased  their  prince  graciously  to  receive  back  into 
favor ;  and  there  was  an  article  in  the  body  of  the  deed,  which  no  one 
remembered  to  have  been  mentioned  during  the  negotiations,  empow- 
ering the  French  to  construct  a  fort  above  La  Torre.  This  indicated 
the  determination  of  the  enemy  to  renew  the  war.  By  this  treaty 
the  Protestant  states  were  deceived,  their  embassadors  were  outwit- 
ted, and  the  poor  Waldenses  were  left  as  much  as  ever  in  power  of 
the  duke  of  Savoy  and  the  * '  Council  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Faith  and  the  Extirpation  of  Heretics." 

After  the  great  "massacre  of  1665"  the  Waldenses  enjoyed  com- 
parative peace  for  thirty  years,  though  their  enemies  annoyed  them 
in  innumerable  ways.  Many  of  their  prominent  men  were  sent  into 
exile,  and  Captain  Gianavello  and  Pastor  Leger  had  sentence  of  death 
passed  upon  them.  The  former  retired  to  Geneva  and  the  latter  be- 
came pastor  of  a  congregation  at  Leyden.  But  the  storm  of  perse- 
cution again  burst  upon  the  ''Valleys."  Louis  XIV  of  France  had 
revoked  the  ''Edict  of  Nantes,"  and  afterwards  requested  the  duke  of 
Savoy  to  exterminate  the  Waldenses.  The  young  and  humane  Vic- 
tor Amadeus  refused  to  do  so ;  but  the  French  monarch,  in  his  third 
message  to  him,  threatened  to  send  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand 
men  to  purge  the  "Valleys,"  which  he  would  add  to  his  dominions. 
Amadeus  yielded;  an  edict  was  promulgated  on  the  31st  of  January, 
A.  D.  1686,  demanding  of  the  Vaudois  an  immediate  acceptance  of 
the  Romish  faith,  or  death.  An  army  of  between  fifteen  and  twenty 
thousand  French  and  Piedmontese  soldiers  invaded  the  "Valleys," 
and  more  than  three  thousand  Vaudois  were  massacred.  The  remain- 
der of  the  nation  were  imprisoned  in  the  various  fortresses  of  Pied- 
mont. "When  they  entered  these  dungeons,"  says  Henri  Arnaud, 
"they  counted  fourteen  thousand  healthy  mountaineers;  but  when 
at  the  intercession  of  the  Swiss  deputies,  their  prisons  were  opened, 
three  thousand  skeletons  only  crawled  out."    In  December,  A.  D. 


THE  PA  TRIO  TIC  FEELING. 


427 


1686,  they  were  liberated ;  but  a  cruel  edict  compelled  them  to  start 
immediately  across  the  snowy  Alps.  Sick,  hungry,  and  poorly  clad, 
the  exiles  commenced  their  weary  march,  and  after  three  weeks  of 
untold  hardship  and  suffering,  reached  Geneva  on  Christmas.  Many 
perished  on  the  way  ;  but  the  survivors  received  a  hospitable  wel- 
come from  their  Swiss  brethren.  A  deputation  of  prominent  citizens, 
headed  by  the  patriarch  Gianavello,  who  still  lived,  went  out  to  the 
frontier  and  escorted  them  to  the  city. 


Chapter  XXVIII. 

THE  RETURN  OF  THE  IVALDENSES. 

A BRIGHTER  day  now  dawned  upon  the  Waldenses.  We  have 
seen  three  thousand  of  them  in  exile  entering  the  gates  of 
Geneva,  the  feeble  remnant  of  a  population  of  from  fourteen  to  six- 
teen thousand.  All  could  not  be  accommodated  in  one  city,  and 
therefore  arrangements  Avere  made  for  distributing  them  among  the 
reformed  cantons.  A  short  time  before,  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  had  thrown  thousands  of  French  Protestants  upon  the 
hospitality  of  the  Swiss,  and  the  arrival  of  the  Waldensian  refugees 
made  yet  heavier  demands  on  the  public  and  private  charity  of  the 
Swiss  cantons.  Protestant  Helvetia,  however,  responded  with  equal 
cordiality  in  the  case  of  the  Vaudois  as  they  did  in  that  of  the 
French,  and  perhaps  even  more  so,  in  view  of  their  greater  destitu- 
tion. Nor  were  the  expatriated  Waldenses  ungrateful.  *  *  Next  to 
God,  whose  tender  mercies  have  preserved  us  from  being  entirely 
consumed,"  said  they  to  their  kind  benefactors,  "we  are  indebted  to 
you  alone  for  life  and  liberty." 

Several  of  the  German  princes  opened  their  states  to  the  exiles; 
but  their  great  enemy,  Louis  XIV,  exerted  such  a  powerful  influence 
in  these  parts  that  they  could  not  reside  in  peace.  His  emissaries 
were  constantly  watching  them  and  tampering  with  their  patrons. 
While  being  moved  about  from  place  to  place  they  began  anx- 
iously to  discuss  the  question  of  their  permanent  settlement  in  the 
future.  Among  the  projects  that  were  suggested  was  that  of  con- 
veying them  across  the  sea  in  the  ships  of  Holland,  and  planting 
them  at  the  Cape.  Their  hearts  were  filled  with  intolerable  anguish 
when  they  thought  of  the  possibility  of  never  again  beholding  their 


428 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


native  land,  which  was  dearer  to  them  in  exile  than  when  they  dwelt 
in  it.  After  three  years  of  banishment  from  it  they  began  to  ask 
themselves  the  question  whether  they  were  not  able  to  reassemble 
their  scattered  colonies,  return  to  their  valleys,  and  rekindle  their 
ancient  lamp  in  them.  As  they  wandered  by  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  or  traversed  the  German  plains,  they  delighted  to  feast  their 
imaginations  on  their  far-off  homes.  A  picture  of  the  past  rose  be- 
fore them  —  the  chestnuts  shading  their  former  abodes,  the  vines 
bending  gracefully  over  their  portal,  and  the  green  meadow  spread- 
ing out  in  front,  rendered  perpetually  bright  by  the  crystal  stream 
whose  murmur  sweetly  blended  with  the  evening  psalm.  Whenever 
they  knelt  to  pray,  their  faces  were  turned  towards  their  grand 
mountains,  where  slept  their  martyred  fathers.  The  duke  of  Savoy 
had  made  several  efforts  to  introduce  into  their  territory  a  mongrel 
race,  partly  Irish  and  partly  Piedmontese ;  but  the  land,  as  if  un- 
friendly to  the  strangers,  refused  to  be  productive.  The  spies  whom 
the  Vaudois  had  sent  to  examine  its  condition  reported  that  its  fields 
were  uncultivated,  its  vines  unpruned ;  its  ruins  had  not  been  re- 
paired, and  it  was  almost  as  desolate  as  on  the  day  when  its  sons 
had  been  banished  from  it.  It  appeared  to  them  that  the  land  was 
waiting  their  return. 

At  length  they  could  no  longer  repress  the  yearning  of  their 
hearts.  The  loth  of  June,  A.  D.  1688,  was  the  day  appointed  for 
commencing  their  expedition.  Leaving  their  various  cantonments  in 
Switzerland,  and  taking  b}'-roads,  they  traveled  through  the  country 
by  night  and  assembled  at  Bex,  a  small  town  in  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  the  territory  of  Bern.  The  senates  of  Zurich,  Bern,  and 
Geneva  received  intelligence  of  their  secret  march,  and,  foreseeing 
that  the  departure  of  the  exiles  would  compromise  them  with  the 
popish  powers,  their  excellencies  adopted  measures  to  prevent  it.  A 
boat  containing  arms  for  their  use  was  seized  on  the  lake  of  Geneva. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  valleys,  in  concert  with  the  Savoyards,  at  the 
first  alarm  seized  the  bridge  of  St.  Maurice,  the  key  of  the  Rhone 
valley,  and  stopped  the  expedition.  To  extinguish  all  hope  of  their 
return  to  the  valleys  they  were  distributed  anew  over  Germany;  but 
scarcely  had  this  second  dispersion  occurred  when  war  broke  out. 
The  palatinate  was  overrun  by  the  French  troops,  and  the  Vaudois 
who  had  settled  there,  dreading,  not  without  reason,  the  soldiers  of 
Louis  XIV,  retired  before  them  and  started  for  Switzerland.  The 
condition  of  these  poor  exiles,  tossed  from  country  to  country  by 
political  storms,  excited  the  compassion  of  the  Protestant  cantons, 


HENRI  ARNAUD. 


429 


and  they  settled  them  again  in  their  former  allotments.  In  the  mean 
time  important  events  were  occurring  in  the  nations  around  them, 
and  the  expatriated  Waldenses,  with  uplifted  hearts,  waited  the 
result.  They  saw  their  protector,  William  of  Orange,  mount  the 
throne  of  England.  They  beheld  their  powerful  enemy,  Louis  XIV, 
attacked  at  once  by  the  emperor  and  humiliated  by  the  Dutch. 
They  saw  their  own  prince,  Victor  Amadeus,  withdraw  his  soldiers 
from  Savoy  because  he  needed  them  to  defend  Piedmont.  It  ap- 
peared to  the  Waldenses  that  an  invisible  hand  was  opening  up  their 
path  to  return  to  their  native  land. 

These  indications  encouraged  them  to  prepare  a  second  time  for 
their  departure.  They  selected  as  their  place  of  rendezvous  a  wood 
on  the  northern  shore  of  the  Leman,  near  the  town  of  Noyon.  For 
days  before  they  came  in  scattered  bands  from  various  directions, 
converging  by  stealthy  marches  on  the  point  designated.  On  the 
decisive  evening,  the  i6th  of  August,  A.  D.  1689,  a  general  muster 
occurred  under  cover  of  the  friendly  wood  of  Prangius.  After  com- 
mending their  enterprise  to  God  in  solemn  prayer,  they  embarked 
on  the  lake,  and  crossed  by  starlight.  These  means  of  transporta- 
tion were  fortunately  provided  by  a  circumstance  which  threatened  at 
first  to  defeat  their  plan,  but  which  in  the  end  greatly  facilitated  it. 
Many  people  had  been  drawn  by  curiosity  to  this  part  of  the  lake, 
and  the  boats  which  conveyed  these  sight-seers  became  the  means 
of  escape  to  the  Vaudois. 

In  this  emergency,  as  in  others  which  arose  in  the  past,  a  distin- 
guished man  was  raised  up  to  lead  them,  Henri  Arnaud,  who  was 
born  at  La  Tour,  in  Piedmont,  A.  D.  1641.  His  early  history  is 
obscure  ;  but  it  is  said  that  he  at  first  served  as  a  pastor,  until  the 
troubles  of  his  nation  compelled  him  to  leave  the  valleys.  Will- 
iam III  of  England  gave  him  a  colonel's  commission,  and  he  acquired 
great  distinction  as  a  military  commander,  at  the  head  of  twelve 
hundred  Vaudois,  under  Marlborough.  He  was  a  man  of  decided 
piety,  ardent  patriotism,  and  of  great  decision  and  courage,  combin- 
ing in  a  remarkable  manner  the  qualities  of  the  pastor  and  the  sol- 
dier. It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  his  soldiers  listened  more  rev- 
erentially to  his  occasional  exhortations  from  the  pulpit  or  to  the 
orders  he  gave  them  on  the  field  of  battle.  These  eight  hundred 
Vaudois,  after  their  arrival  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake,  bowed 
before  God  in  prayer,  and  began  their  march  through  a  country  con- 
taining numerous  enemies.  The  lofty  snow -clad  mountains  over 
which  they  were  to  fight  their  way  rose  before  them,  but  Arnaud 


430 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


was  not  discouraged.  Arranging  his  little  company  into  three  divi- 
sions— an  advanced  guard,  a  center,  and  a  rear -guard — he  traversed 
the  valley  of  the  Arve  to  Sallenches,  and  seized  the  chief  men  as 
hostages.  Just  as  the  soldiers  of  Arnaud  emerged  from  its  dangerous 
passes  the  inhabitants  of  Sallenches  had  completed  their  preparations 
for  resisting  them.  Occasional  skirmishes  occurred  during  their 
march ;  but  as  a  general  thing  they  encountered  slight  opposition, 
for  the  terror  of  God  seemed  to  have  fallen  upon  the  people  of  Savoy. 

The  Vaudois  continued  to  advance,  and  climbed  the  Haut  Luce 
Alp,  which  was  so  named  by  the  author  of  the  ''Rentree,"  from 
the  village  at  its  foot,  but  which,  without  doubt,  says  Monastier,  is 
the  Col  Joli,  seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  forty  feet  high,  or  the 
Col  de  la  Fenetre,  or  Portetta,  as  it  was  named  to  M.  Brockedon,  who 
has  visited  these  countries  and  traveled  the  same  road  as  the  Vaudois. 
They  next  crossed  Bon  Homme,  the  neighboring  Alp  to  Mont 
Blanc,  sometimes  sinking  to  their  middle  in  snow,  and  then  subjected 
to  both  toil  and  danger  by  treacherous  glaciers  and  steep  precipices. 
To  add  to  their  discomfort  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  and  thoroughly 
saturated  them.  Their  provisions  were  growing  scanty;  but  the 
shepherds  of  the  mountains  recruited  their  supplies  with  bread  and 
cheese,  and  at  night  welcomed  them  to  their  huts.  At  every  stage 
the  Vaudois  renewed  their  hostages;  sometimes  they  ''caged" — to 
use  their  own  phrase  —  a  Capuchin  monk,  and  at  other  times  an 
influential  landlord ;  but  all  were  kindly  treated.  After  crossing  the 
Bon  Homme,  which  divides  the  basin  of  the  Arve  from  that  of  the 
Iser,  they  descended,  on  Wednesday,  the  fifth  day  of  their  march, 
into  the  valley  of  the  latter  stream,  where  they  anticipated  oppo- 
sition, as  the  numerous  population  of  that  region  was  known  to  be 
well-armed  and  decidedly  hostile;  but  they  did  not  disturb  the  Vau- 
dois. The  latter  marched  forward,  traversing  Mount  Iserna,  and 
also  the  yet  more  formidable  Mount  Cenis,  and  finally  descended 
into  the  valley  of  the  Dora. 

On  Saturday,  the  24th  of  August,  they  encountered  a  considera- 
ble body  of  regular  soldiers  in  that  valley.  At  first  they  met  a 
peasant,  of  whom  they  inquired  whether  they  could  have  provisions 
by  purchasing  them.  "  Come  on  this  way,"  said  the  man,  in  a  tone 
which  seemed  to  indicate  that  he  w^as  elated ;  ' '  you  will  find  all  that 
you  want;  they  are  preparing  an  excellent  supper  for  you."  Fol- 
lowing him  into  the  defile  of  Salabertrand,  where  the  Col  d'Albin 
closes  in  upon  the  stream  of  the  Dora,  they  found  themselves  sud- 
denly ushered  into  the  presence  of  a  French  army,  whose  camp- 


THE  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE. 


fires — for  night  had  come — ilkimined  the  opposite  slope  far  and  wide. 
It  was  impossible  for  the  Vaudois  to  retreat.  The  French  were  two 
thousand  five  hundred  strong,  flanked  by  the  garrison  of  exiles,  and 
supported  by  a  miscellaneous  crowd  of  armed  followers.  The  Vau- 
dois advanced  in  the  dark  to  the  bridge  which  crossed  the  Dora,  on 
the  opposite  banks  of  which  the  French  were  encamped.  To  the 
challenge,  "Who  goes  there?"  the  Vaudois  answered,  "Friends." 
The  instant  reply  shouted  out  was,  "Kill!  kill!"  followed  by  a  tre- 
mendous fire,  which  was  kept  up  for  about  fifteen  minutes.  It  did 
no  harm,  however,  for  Arnaud  commanded  his  soldiers  to  fall  flat 
on  their  faces  and  permit  the  deadly  shower  to  pass  over  them.  But 
now  a  division  of  the  French  appeared  in  the  rear  of  the  Vaudois, 
thus  placing  them  between  two  fires.  Some  one  in  Arnaud's  army, 
seeing  that  all  must  be  risked,  shouted  out,  "Courage!  the  bridge 
is  won."  At  these  words  the  Vaudois  started  to  their  feet,  rushed 
across  the  bridge  sword  in  hand,  and,  clearing  it,  they  threw  them- 
selves with  the  impetuosity  of  a  whirlwind  upon  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments.  Confounded  by  the  suddenness  of  the  attack,  the 
French  could  only  use  the  butt -ends  of  their  muskets  to  defend 
themselves.  The  fighting  lasted  two  hours,  and  ended  in  the  total 
rout  of  the  French.  Their  leader,  the  marquis  de  Larr,  after  a  fruit- 
less attempt  to  rally  his  soldiers,  fled  wounded  to  Briancon,  exclaim- 
ing, "Is  it  possible  I  have  lost  the  battle  and  my  honor?" 

In  a  short  time  after  the  battle  the  moon  rose,  and  revealed  the 
field  of  conflict  to  the  victors.  On  it,  stretched  out  in  death,  lay  six 
hundred  French  soldiers,  besides  officers ;  while  arms,  military  stores, 
and  provisions  were  strewn  promiscuously  among  the  dead.  Thus 
had  been  suddenly  opened  an  armory  and  magazines  to  men  who 
greatly  needed  both  weapons  and  food.  Having  amply  replenished 
themselves,  they  collected  into  a  heap  what  they  could  not  carry 
away,  and  burned  it.  The  explosion  of  the  gunpowder,  the  sound- 
ing of  the  trumpets,  and  the  shouting  of  the  captains,  who,  throwing 
their  caps  in  the  air,  exclaimed,  "Thanks  be  to  the  Lord  of  hosts, 
who  hath  given  us  the  victory!"  awakened  the  silence  of  the  valleys 
and  reverberated  from  mountain  to  mountain. 

This  great  victory  cost  the  Waldenses  only  fifteen  killed  and 
twelve  wounded.  They  were  very  much  fatigued;  but,  fearing  to 
halt  on  the  battle-field,  they  aroused  those  who  had  already  sunk  into 
sleep,  and  commenced  to  climb  the  lofty  Mont  Sci.  The  day  was 
breaking  as  they  gained  the  summit.  It  was  the  Lord's-day,  and 
Henri  Arnaud,  halting  until  all  should  assemble,  pointed  out  to 


V 


432 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


them,  just  as  the}-  were  becoming  visible  in  the  morning  hght,  the 
mountain-tops  of  their  own  land.  No  sight  was  ever  more  welcome 
to  their  longing  eyes.  Bathed  in  the  radiance  of  the  rising  sun,  it 
seemed  to  them,  as  one  snowy  peak  began  to  burn  after  another, 
that  the  mountains  were  kindling  into  joy  at  the  return  of  their 
long -absent  sons.  This  army  of  soldiers  resolved  itself  into  a  con- 
gregation of  worshipers,  and  the  summit  of  Mont  Sci  became  their 
church.  Kneeling  on  the  mountain-top,  the  battle-field  below  them, 
and  the  solemn  and  sacred  peaks"  of  the  Col  du  Pis,  the  Col  la 
Vachera,  and  the  glorious  Monte  Viso  looking  down  upon  them  in 
reverent  silence,  they  humbled  themselves  before  the  Almighty,  con- 
fessing their  sins,  and  giving  thanks  for  their  many  deliverances. 
From  this  assembly  of  warrior- worshipers,  gathered  under  the  dome- 
like vault  that  rose  over  them,  the  offering  of  sincere  and  devout 
thanksgiving  ascended  to  God. 

This  heroic  band,  invigorated  by  the  services  of  the  Sabbath, 
and  encouraged  by  their  recent  victory,  rapidly  descended  to  the 
valley  of  Clusone,  which  is  about  two  miles  in  width,  and  is  watered 
by  the  broad,  clear  Germagasca.  Before  they  could  enter  San  Mar- 
tino,  one  of  the  grandest  of  their  "Valleys,"  they  were  compelled 
to  pass  through  a  narrow  defile  which  was  guarded  by  a  detachment 
of  Piedmontese  soldiers,  but  the  latter  fled  at  the  approach  of  the 
Vaudois.  These  brave  mountaineers  rushed  through  the  open  gate, 
and,  on  the  twelfth  day  after  departing  from  the  shores  of  Leman, 
stood  once  more  within  the  limits  of  their  inheritance.  They  dis- 
covered, when  they  reached  Balsiglia,  in  the  western  extremity  of  San 
Martino,  that  fatigue,  desertion,  and  battle  had  reduced  their  num- 
bers from  eight  hundred  to  seven  hundred. 

The  Vaudois  spent  the  first  Sabbath  after  their  arrival  at  the 
village  of  Prali,  where  they  found  the  only  sanctuary  that  remained 
standing  in  the  "Valleys."  They  resolved  to  restore  their  ancient 
and  Scriptural  worship,  and  made  a  good  beginning  by  purging  the 
church  of  its  popish  ornaments.  As  the  edifice  was  too  small  to 
contain  all,  a  portion  of  the  valiant  army  stood  without,  while  Henri 
Arnaud,  the  soldier-pastor,  mounted  a  table  which  was  placed  in  the 
porch,  and  preached  to  them.  They  commenced  their  worship  by 
chanting  the  seventy-fourth  Psalm:  **0  God,  why  hast  thou  cast  us 
off  forever?  Why  doth  thine  anger  smoke  against  the  sheep  of  thy 
pasture?"  etc.  The  text  selected  for  the  occasion  was  the  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-ninth  Psalm,  and  Arnaud  reviewed  the  wonderful 
history  of  the  Vaudois,  at  the  same  time  urging  his  people  to  emu- 


THE  SER  VICE  A  T  PR  A  LI. 


433 


late  the  glorious  achievements  of  their  fathers.  The  service  was 
closed  by  these  seven  hundred  warriors  chanting  in  magnificent 
chorus  the  Psalm  from  which  their  leader  had  preached  ;  and  while 


engaged  in  these  devotional  exercises  they  no  doubt  recalled  the  fact 
that  the  village  of  Prali  had  been  the  scene  of  a  revolting  outrage  at 
the  time  of  their  exodus.    The  pastor  of  the  church  at  that  place, 


434 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


M.  Leidet,  a  deeply  pious  man,  had  been  discovered  by  the  soldiers 
while  he  was  praying  under  a  rock,  and,  after  being  dragged  forth,  he 
was  first  tortured,  then  mutilated,  and  finally  executed,  his  last  words 
being  those  of  the  sainted  Stephen,  ''Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit!" 
For  more  than  three  years  the  enemies  of  the  Gospel  had  prevented 
the  preaching  of  the  truth  in  Prali,  and  it  seemed  appropriate  that 
the  Vaudois  should  recommence  Protestant  worship  in  the  sanctuary 
of  the  martyr  Leidet. 


Chapter  XXIX. 

THE  WALDENSES  RE-ESTABLISHED  IN  THEIR  VALLEYS. 

WHILE  the  Vaudois  had  entered  the  land  they  had  not  yet 
obtained  control  of  it ;  and  what  could  they,  a  mere  handful, 
accomplish  in  a  contest  with  the  large  and  well-appointed  Piedmon- 
tese  army,  aided  by  the  French?  Their  great  leader,  however,  was  a 
man  of  wonderful  courage,  and  with  this  was  combined  a  strong 
faith.  They  believed  that  the  cloud"  which  had  directed  their 
steps  over  the  lofty  mountains,  with  their  snows  and  abysses,  would 
cover  their  camp  and  lead  them  to  victory  on  the  battle-field.  Hav- 
ing succeeded,  after  a  marvelous  journey,  in  reaching  their  native 
land,  they  were  confident  that  they  would  be  able  to  possess  it. 
With  these  inspiring  hopes  to  sustain  them,  the  brave  seven  hundred 
commenced  the  arduous  task  before  them. 

As  they  climbed  the  Col  Julien,  which  separates  Prali  from  Lu- 
cerna,  the  fertile  and  central  valley  of  the  Waldenses,  and  came  near 
the  summit  of  the  pass,  the  Piedmontese  soldiers,  who  had  been  sta- 
tioned there  shouted  out,  ' '  Come  on,  ye  barbets ;  we  guard  the  pass, 
and  there  are  three  thousand  of  us!"  They  did  come  on,  and  in  a 
few  moments  forced  the  intrenchments,  and  put  to  flight  the  gar- 
rison. The  Vaudois  found  in  the  evacuated  camp  a  store  of  ammu- 
nition and  provisions,  which  to  them  was  a  very  seasonable  booty. 
They  descended  rapidly  the  slopes  and  precipices  of  the  mountain 
and  surprised  the  town  of  Bobbio,  which  nestles  at  its  foot.  Driv- 
ing out  the  popish  inhabitants,  they  entered  their  ancient  dwellings 
and  resolved  to  rest  a  short  time  after  the  march  and  conflict  of  the 
previous  days.  Here  they  spent  their  second  Sabbath,  the  congre- 
gation celebrating  public  worship  and  ''chanting  their  psalm  to 


THE  WALDENSES  AT  VILLA RO. 


435 


the  clash  of  arms."  On  the  following  day  they  went  to  the 
"Rock  of  Sibaud,"  where  their  fathers  had  pledged  their  faith  to 
God  and  to  one  another,  and  there,  on  the  same  sacred  spot  they 
renewed  their  ancient  oath,  swearing  with  uplifted  hand  to  abide 
steadfastly  in  the  profession  of  tlie  Gospel,  to  stand  by  one  another, 
and  never  lay  down  their  arms  till  they  had  re-established  themselves 
and  their  brethren  in  those  "Valleys,"  wdiich  they  believed  had  as 
really  been  given  to  them  by  the  God  of  heaven  as  Palestine  had 
been  to  the  Jews. 

Marching  to  Villaro,  which  is  situated  half-way  between  Bobbio 
at  the  head  and  La  Torre  at  the  entrance  of  the  valley,  they  stormed 
it,  and  taking  possession  expelled  the  new  inhabitants.  But  the 
Vaudois  could  not  advance  further  in  their  career  of  conquest,  but 
were  compelled  by  a  strong  re  -  enforcement  of  regular  troops  to 
abandon  Villaro  the  next  day,  and  fall  back  on  Bobbio.  This  pat- 
riot army  was  now  divided  into  two  bands,  and  for  many  weeks 
were  under  the  necessity  of  w^aging  a  sort  of  guerrilla  war  on  the 
mountains.  Desiring  to  exterminate  this  little  company  of  warriors, 
France  on  the  one  side  and  Piedmont  on  the  other  continued  to 
pour  in  soldiers.  The  Vaudois  not  only  w^on  marvelous  victories  in 
their  daily  skirmishes,  but  also  endured  great  privations  and  hard- 
ships. While  they  w^ere  constantly  conquering,  their  ranks  were  rap- 
idly thinning.  Even  if  a  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  while 
only  one  Waldensian  fell,  the  former  could  recruit  their  numbers,  but 
the  latter  could  not.  Besides,  they  had  now  neither  ammunition  nor 
provisions  except  what  they  had  captured  from  their  enemies ;  and  to 
increase  their  perplexities,  Winter  was  near,  and  soon  their  mount- 
ains would  be  buried  beneath  the  snow,  leaving  them  without  food 
and  shelter.  They  held  a  council  of  war,  and  finally  resolved  to 
march  to  the  valley  of  Martino  and  intrench  themselves  on  La 
Balsiglia. 

As  this  w^as  the  last  heroic  stand  of  the  returned  exiles,  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  natural  strength  and  grandeur  of  the  Balsiglia  may  be 
interesting.  It  is  situated  at  the  w^estern  extremity  of  San  Martino, 
extending  five  miles  in  length  and  about  two  in  wadth,  having  as  its 
floor  the  richest  meadow-land,  and  for  walls  mountains  superbly  deco- 
rated with  terraces,  abundantly  covered  with  flower  and  fruitage,  and 
its  summit  ramparted  with  dark  peaks  and  splintered  cliffs.  It  is 
closed  at  its  western  extremity  by  the  naked  face  of  a  perpendicular 
mountain,  down  which  the  Germagnasca  dashes  like  a  flood  of  silver. 

The  bosom  of  the  valley  is  clothed  with  meadow^s  and  woods,  through 

29 


436  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

which  the  torrent  runs,  forming  a  seam  both  broad  and  white,  its  bed 
being-  strewn  with  many  rocks,  that  give  it  the  appearance  of  a  con- 
tinuous river  of  foam.  The  mountains,  which  constitute  the  walls  of 
this  valley,  are  exceedingly  picturesque.  Advancing  up  it  the  trav- 
eler beholds  on  the  right  a  succession  of  terraced  vineyards  rising 
up,  finely  diversified  with  corn-fields  and  massy  knolls  of  rock 
crowned  with  cottages  or  hamlets,  which  look  out  amid  their  rich  em- 
bowerings  of  chestnut  and  apple-tree.  Leaving  this  fruit-bearing  zone, 
and  ascending  higher,  we  find  the  grassy  uplands,  the  resort  of  herds- 
men, and  above  these  tower  the  rocky  ridges  that  rise  in  wavy  and 
serrated  lines  and  run  off  to  the  higher  summits,  which  recede  into 
the  clouds.  The  mountain-wall  on  the  left  is  more  precipitous,  but 
equally  rich  in  its  clothing.  A  carpeting  of  delicious  sward  envelops 
its  foot,  while  the  bright  sunlight  shines  here  and  there  upon  it 
through  the  overarching  branches  of  trees,  vast  in  circumference. 
Higher  up,  fields  of  maize  and  forests  of  chestnut  present  them- 
selves to  view,  and  higher  still  is  seen  the  rock-loving  birch  with 
its  silvery  stem  and  graceful  tresses.  A  bristling  line  of  firs  runs 
along  the  splintered  rocks  on  the  summit,  "forming  a  mighty  cJiev- 
aux-dc-frise.''  Toward  the  head  of  the  valley,  near  the  vast  per- 
pendicular cliff  already  mentioned,  which  shuts  it  in  on  the  west, 
is  seen  a  glorious  assemblage  of  mountains.  "One  mighty  cone 
uplifts  itself  above  and  behind  another  mighty,  till  the  last  and  high- 
est buries  its  top  in  the  rolling  masses  of  cloud,  which  are  seen 
usually  hanging  like  a  canopy  above  this  part  of  the  valley.  These 
noble  aiguilles,  four  in  number,  rise  feathery  with  firs,  and  remind 
one  of  the  fretted  pinnacles  of  some  colossal  cathedral.  This  is  La 
Balsiglia. " 

Henri  Arnaud,  with  his  patriot  warriors,  pitched  his  camp  on  the 
terraces  of  this  mountain  amid  the  dark  tempests  of  Winter,  and  the 
yet  darker  tempests  of  a  furious  and  armed  bigotry.  The  Balsiglia, 
as  if  proudly  conscious  of  having  once  been  the  resting-place  of  the 
Vaudois  ark,  shoots  its  gigantic  pyramids  towards  heaven.  ]\Ian, 
with  all  his  skill,  could  not  erect  a  castle  so  mighty  and  grand  ;  it 
had  for  its  builder  the  almighty  Architect  himself.  Behind  the  Bal- 
siglia, on  the  west,  stands  the  lofty  Col  du  Pis,  which  rarely  permits 
the  spectator  to  behold  his  full  stature,  for  his  dark  sides  run  up  and 
bury  themselves  in  the  clouds.  Face  to  face  with  the  Col  du  Pis, 
stands  on  the  other  side  of  the  valley  the  yet  loftier  Mont  Guinevert, 
with  most  commonly  a  veil  of  cloud  around  him,  as  if  he  too  were 
unwilling  to  allow  the  visitor  to  gaze  upon  his  stately  proportions. 


THE  GIANT  ALPS. 


A17 


Thus  do  these  two  Alps,  hke  twin  giants,  guard  this  valley,  famous 
in  the  wars  of  conscience  and  liberty.  With  his  army,  now,  alas, 
reduced  to  four  hundred  persons,  Henri  Arnaud  encamped  on  the 
lower  terrace  of  this  p\-ramidal  mountain,  the  Balsiglia.  When  seen 
from  the  level  of  the  valley,  the  peak  appears  to  terminate  in  a  point, 
but  on  ascending  the  top  expands  into  a  grassy  plateau.  Its  sides, 
like  those  of  an  escarped  fortress,  could  not  be  scaled  ;  and  the  only 
avenue  of  approach  was  by  the  bed  of  the  torrent.  The  skill  of 
Arnaud  enabled  him  to  add  the  defenses  of  art  to  the  natural  strength 
of  the  Vaudois  position.  The}-  erected  huts  as  temporary  barracks  ; 
the\-  dug  out  some  four-score  cellars  in  the  rock  to  hold  provisions; 
the}'  constructed  covered  ways  and  inclosed  themselves  within  earthen 
walls  and  ditches.  Three  springs,  that  gushed  out  of  the  rock,  sup- 
plied them  with  water.  By  building  intrenchments  on  each  of  the 
three  peaks  that  rose  above  them  the}*  could,  if  the  first  was  taken, 
ascend  to  the  second,  and  so  on.  A  sentinel  was  placed  on  the  loft- 
iest summit  of  the  Balsiglia,  which  commanded  a  view  of  the  entire 
valle}-,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 

After  three  days  had  elapsed,  four  battalions  of  the  French  army 
arrived  and  surrounded  the  Balsiglia  on  every  side.  On,  the  29th  of 
October  the  Vaudois  position  was  attacked,  but  the  enem}-  were 
repulsed  with  great  slaughter  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man  to  the 
defenders.  The  snows  of  earl}-  Winter  having  commenced  40  fall, 
the  French  general  resolved  to  defer  the  capture  of  the  Balsiglia  until 
Spring.  He  first  destroyed  all  the  corn  which  the  Vaudois  had  col- 
lected and  stored  in  their  villages,  and  then  began  his  retreat  from 
San  Martino.  In  a  laconic  manner  he  bade  farewell  to  the  A\'alden- 
ses,  and  requested  them  to  be  patient  until  Easter,  when  he  would 
again  visit  them.  During  the  Winter  of  A.  D.  1689-90,  the  Vaudois 
remained  in  their  mountain  fortress,  not  only  enjoying  the  rest  which 
the}'  needed  after  the  marches,  battles,  and  sieges  of  the  previous 
months,  but  also  preparing  for  the  promised  return  of  the  French. 
Wherever  Henri  Arnaud  encamped  there  he  erected  his  altar,  and  if 
from  that  mountain-top  the  shout  of  battle  pealed  forth,  from  it 
ascended  also  morning  and  night  the  psalm  and  the  prayer.  Besides 
the  daily  devotions  he  preached  a  sermon  on  each  Thursda}'  and 
Sunday,  and  at  stated  times  administered  the  Lord's-supper.  Proper 
care  was  taken  to  prevent  the  commissariat  from  being  exhausted. 
Foraging  parties  brought  in  wine,  chestnuts,  apples,  and  other  fruits, 
which  the  Autumn  now  far  advanced  had  ripened.  An  incursion 
was  made  by  a  strong  detachment  into  the  French  valleys  of  Pragelas 


438 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  Ouoyras,  and  returned  with  salt,  butter,  some  hundred  head  of 
sheep,  and  a  few  oxen.  The  enemy  before  departing  had  destroyed 
their  stock  of  grain,  and  as  the  fields  were  long^  since  reaped,  the 
Waldcnses  despaired  of  being  able  to  repair  their  loss. 

In  this  emergency  they  found  relief  in  an  unexpected  quarter. 
The  snow  that  year  began  to  fall  earlier  than  usual  and  covered  up 
the  ripened  corn,  which  the  popish  inhabitants  had  not  time  to  cut 
when  the  approach  of  the  Vaudois  compelled  them  to  flee.  This 

I  ample  magazine  of  grain  remained  unknown  to  the  Waldenses  for 
some  time,  and  was  discovered  when  they  needed  it  most.  From 
this  store-house  the  garrison  obtained  supplies  which  had  been  pro- 
vided in  such  a  marvelous  way  as  to  convince  them  that  He  who 
feeds  the  fowls  of  the  air  was  caring  for  them.  They  had  bread  to 
last  them  during  the  entire  Winter.  Little  did  the  popish  peasantry 
dream,  when  they  sowed  the  seed  in  the  Spring,  that  the  Vadois  hands 
would  reap  the  harvest.  To  Vaudois  eyes  corn  had  been  provided 
almost  as  miraculously  as  was  the  manna  for  the  Israelites,  but  how 
could  they  grind  it  into  meal?  There  is  a  little  mill  on  the  stream 
of  the  Germagnasca  and  almost  at  the  foot  of  the  Balsiglia.  The 
owner,  M.  Tron-Poulat,  three  years  before,  when  going  forth  into 
exile  with  his  brethren,  threw  the  millstone  into  the  river;  "for," 
said  he,  "it  may  yet  be  needed."  The  necessity  now  existed,  search 
was  made,  the  stone  was  found,  drawn  out  of  the  stream,  and  again 
put  to  work  in  the  mill.  At  the  entrance  of  the  valley  there  was 
another  and  more  distant  mill,  to  which  the  garrison  had  recourse 
when  the  enemy  occupied  the  immediate  precincts  of  the  Balsiglia 
and  the  nearer  mill  was  not  available.  "Both  mills,"  says  Dr.  Wylie, 
"exist  to  this  day;  their  roofs  of  brown  slate  may  be  seen  by  the 

I  visitor  peering  up  through  the  luxuriant  foliage  of  the  valley,  the 
wheel,  motionless  it  may  be,  and  the  torrent  which  turned  it  shooting 
idly  past  in  a  volley  of  spray." 

The  army  of  France  and  Piedmont  reappeared  in  the  Spring  and 
completely  invested  the  Balsiglia.  The  celebrated  De  Catinat,  lieu- 
tenant-general of  the  armies  of  France,  commanded  the  combined 
force,  which  amounted  to  twenty-two  thousand  in  all — ten  thousand 
French  and  twelve  thousand  Piedmontese.  The  "four  hundred" 
Waldenses  from  their  camp  of  rock  beheld  the  valley  beneath  them 
glittering  with  steel  by  day  and  shining  with  camp-fires  by  night, 
De  Catinat  confidently  believed  that  he  could  capture  the  place  by  a 
single  day's  fighting,  and,  desiring  to  celebrate  the  victory  which  he 
regarded  as  already  won,  he  ordered  four  hundred  ropes  to  be  sent 


CA  TINA  T  DEFEA  TED. 


439 


along  with  the  army  in  order  to  hang  at  once  the  four  hundred  Wal- 
dcnses.  He  had  also  commanded  the  inhabitants  of  Pinerolo  to 
prepare  feux  de  joie  to  grace. his  return  from  tlie  campaign.  The 
headquarters  of  the  French  were  at  Great  Passet,  so  called  in  contra- 
distinction to  Little  Passet,  situated  a  mile  lower  in  the  valley.  Great 
Passet  has  some  thirty  roofs,  and  is  situated  on  an  immense  ledge  of 
rock  which  runs  out  from  the  foot  of  Mont  Guinevert,  some  eight 
hundred  feet  above  the  stream,  and  right  opposite  Balsiglia.  The 
ruts  worn  by  the  cannon  and  baggage  wagons  of  the  French  army 
are  still  visible  on  the  flanks  of  this  rocky  ledge.  These  marks  are 
unquestionably  the  memorials  of  the  siege,  for  no  other  wheeled 
vehicles  ever  were  in  these  mountains. 

Having  reconnoitered,  Catinat,  on  the  ist  of  May,  A.  D.  1690, 
ordered  the  assault  to  be  made  on  that  side  of  the  Balsiglia  which 
alone  offers  any  chance  of  success.  At  every  other  point  a  wall  of 
rock  rises  up,  but  at  this  a  stream  trickles  down  from  the  mountains 
and  makes  a  gradual  slope.  But  Henri  Arnaud  had  taken  care  to 
fortify  this  point  with  strong  palisades.  Five  hundred  picked  men, 
supported  by  seven  thousand  musketeers,  advanced  to  storm  the 
fortress.  Rushing  forward  w^ith  ardor,  they  threw  themselves  upon 
the  palisades,  which  the\-  could  not  tear  down,  formed  as  they  were 
of  great  trunks  fastened  by  mighty  bowlders.  The  Vaudois  were 
massed  behind  the  defense,  the  younger  men  loading  the  muskets 
and  the  veterans  taking  steady  aim.  At  every  volley  the  besiegers 
fell  in  dozens.  When  the  Waldenses  saw  that  the  assailants  were 
beginning  to  waver,  they,  with  sword  in  hand,  made  a  fierce  sally, 
and  cut  in  pieces  those  whom  the  musket  had  spared.  A  few  score 
only  of  the  five  hundred  picked  soldiers  lived  to  reach  the  main  body 
of  the  army  which  from  the  valley  beheld  their  total  rout.  It  may 
appear  incredible,  but  the  statement  is  true  that  not  a  Vaudois  was 
killed  or  wounded,  not  one  of  them  was  touched  by  a  bullet.  The 
fire-works  which  Catinat  was  anxious  to  have  ready  for  the  celebra- 
tion of  his  victory  were  not  needed  that  night,  and  the  men  of  Pine- 
rolo were  disappointed. 

The  French  were  now  convinced  that  the  fortress  could  not  be 
reduced  by  other  means,  and  accordingly  brought  up  their  cannon. 
The  preparations  being  complete,  the  last  and  grand  assault  was  made 
on  the  14th  of  May.  An  immense  knoll  extends  across  the  ravine, 
in  which  the  recent  conflict  occurred,  and  is  on  an  equal  level  with 
the  point  where  the  Waldenses  had  constructed  their  lower  in  trench- 
men  ts.    To  this  rock  the  cannon  were  hoisted  up  to  play  upon  the 


440 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  LNTO  LIGHT. 


fortress.  Never  before  had  the  rocks  of  San  Martino  been  shaken 
by  the  sound  of  artillery.  It  was  the  morning  of  Whit-Sunday,  "and 
the  Waldenses  were  preparing  to  celebrate  the  Lord's-supper  when 
they  heard  the  first  boom  from  the  enemy's  battery.  The  cannon- 
ading continued  all  day,  its  terrible  noises  re-echoing  from  rock  to 
rock,  and  rolling  upwards  to  the  summits  of  the  Col  du  Pis  and  the 
]\Iont  Guinevert,  being  still  further  heightened  by  the  thousands  of 
musketeers  who  were  stationed  all  around  the  Balsiglia.  When  night 
came  the  ramparts  of  the  Waldenses  were  in  ruins  and  it  was  evident 
that  the  defense  could  not  be  maintained  any  longer.  What  was 
now  to  be  done?  For  the  moment  the  cannonading  had  ceased,  but 
the  attack  w^ould  certainly  be  renewed  at  dawn. 

The  Vaudois  had  been  frequently  threatened  with  utter  destruc- 
tion, but  never  before  did  it  appear  to  impend  so  inevitably  over 
them.  To  remain  where  they  were  was  certain  death,  yet  no  way 
of  escape  opened  to  them.  The  unscalable  precipices  of  the  Col  du 
Pis  rose  behind  them,  and  the  valley  swarming  with  their  foes  was 
beneath  them.  If  they  should  wait  until  the  morning  dawned  it 
would  be  impossible  to  pass  the  enemy  without  being  seen,  and  the 
night  was  rendered  almost  as  bright  as  day  by  the  numerous  camp- 
fires  which  burned  beneath  them.  But  the  hour  of  their  extremity 
was  the  time  of  God's  opportunity.  Often  before  there  seemed  to  be 
a  special  divine  interposition  in  their  behalf,  but  perhaps  it  was 
never  so  strikingly  displayed  as  now.  The  Vaudois  looked  in  every 
direction  to  find  some  way  of  escape  from  the  net  which  inclosed 
them,  but  in  vain.  Suddenly  the  mist  began  to  gather  on  the  sum- 
mits of  the  mountains  around  them.  They  immediately  recognized 
the  old  mantle  that  covered  their  fathers  in  the  hour  of  peril.  It 
crept  lower  and  yet  lower  on  the  great  mountains.  Now  it  touched 
the  supreme  peak  of  the  Balsiglia.  Will  it  mock  their  hopes  ?  Will 
it  only  touch  and  not  cover  their  military  camp?  The  Vaudois 
behold  it  still  rolling  downward  until  its  white  fleecy  billows  cover 
the  war-battered  fortress.  The  handful  of  heroic  defenders  are  now 
within  its  sheltering  folds.  As  yet  they  dared  not  attempt  escape 
because  the  watch-fires  burned  brightly  in  the  valley.  But  in  a  few 
minutes  more  the  mist  in  its  downward  course  reached  the  enemy's 
camp,  and  all  was  dark.  A  Tartarean  gloom  filled  the  gorge  of  San 
Martino.  While  the  garrison  stood  mute,  pondering  what  the  next 
moment  would  develop.  Captain  Poulat,  a  native  of  that  region, 
broke  the  silence  by  commanding  them  to  be  of  good  courage,  for 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  paths  and  would  conduct  them  in  safety 


OVERTURES  OF  PEACE. 


441 


past  the  French  and  Piedmontcse  Hncs  by  a  track  known  only  to 
himself.  Crawling  on  tlicir  hand  and  knees  and  passing  close  to 
the  French  sentinels,  yet  concealed  from  them  by  the  mist,  they 
descended  frightful  precipices  and  escaped.  "He  who  has  not  seen 
such  paths,"  says  Arnaud  in  his  ''Raitree  Glonaisc,''  "can  not  conceive 
the  danger  of  them,  and  will  be  inclined  to  consider  my  account  of 
the  march  mere  fiction.  But  it  is  strictly  tn>e,  and  I  must  add  the 
place  is  so  frightful  that  even  some  of  the  Vaudois  themselves  were 
terror-struck  when  the}'  saw,  by  daylight,  the  nature  of  the  spot  they 
had  passed  in  the  dark."  When  the  da)'  appeared  every  e\-e  in  the 
plain  below  was  directed  toward  the  Balsiglia.  On  that  day  the  four 
hundred  ropes  which  Catinat  had  brought  with  him  were  to  be  put 
in  requisition,  and  the  fcux  de  joie,  so  long  prepared,  were  to  be 
lighted  in  Pinerolo. 

To  the  amazement  of  the  enemy  the  Vaudois  had  escaped,  and 
could  be  seen  climbing  the  snowy  sides  of  the  distant  mountains,  far 
beyond  the  reach  of  their  would-be  captors.  Well  plight  they  sing  : 
"Our  soul  is  escaped  as  a  bird  out  of  the  snare  of  the  fowler:  the 
snare  is  broken  and  we  are  escaped."  During  several  da}\s  they 
wandered  from  hill  to  hill,  or  concealed  themselves  in  the  wood,  suf- 
fering great  privations  and  encountering  numerous  perils.  At  last 
they  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Pra  del  Tor.  \Micn  the\'  arri\-ed  at 
this  celebrated  and  hallowed  spot,  they  were  astonished  and  delighted 
to  find  deputies  from  their  prince,  the  duke  of  Savo}',  with  overtures 
of  peace.  The  \"audois  were  as  men  that  dream.  An  overture  of 
peace  I  It  seemed  incredible.  \Miat  did  it  mean?  A  coalition, 
including  German}-,  Great  Britain,  Holland,  and  Spain,  had  been 
formed  to  check  the  ambition  of  France,  and  three  da}'s  had  been 
given  to  Victor  Amadeus  to  decide  what  course  he  would  pursue. 
He  resolved  to  break  with  Louis  XIV  and  unite  with  the  "Leaguers." 
In  such  a  contest,  to  whom  could  he  so  well  commit  the  ke}'s  of  the 
Alps  as  to  his  trust}'  Vaudois?  Hence  the  o\-ertures  that  met  them 
in  the  Pra  del  Tor.  Ever  willing  to  rally  around  the  throne  of  their 
prince,  they  accepted  the  terms  of  peace.  Their  towns  and  lands 
were  restored ;  their  churches  were  reopened  for  Protestant  worship  ; 
their  brethren,  still  in  prison  at  Turin,  were  liberated,  and  the  colo- 
nists of  their  countrymen  had  passports  to  return  to  their  homes. 
Thus,  after  a  gloomy  interval  of  three  years  and  a  half,  the  valleys 
were  again  peopled  with  their  ancient  race,  and  resounded  with  their 
ancient  songs. 


442 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Chapter  XXX. 


FOREIGN  RULE  IN  ITALY— PROMINENT  POPES  AND  WRITERS. 


URING  nearly  the  whole  of  the  eighteenth  century  Italy  was 


-Ly  the  battle-ground  of  Europe.  Many  of  the  most  prominent 
questions  of  the  period  were  fought  out  on  its  soil,  and  its  territory 
was  divided  at  pleasure  by  foreign  sovereigns,  who  never  regarded  or 
consulted  the  wishes  of  the  Italian  people  as  to  these  arrangements. 
The  war  of  the  Spanish  succession  had  a  most  important  bearing 
upon  the  destinies  of  Italy,  which  was  the  scene  of  a  part  of  it.  By 
the  peace  of  Utrecht,  A.  D.  17 13,  the  Emperor  Charles  VI  received 
Milan,  Naples,  and  Sardinia.  The  duke  of  Mantua,  having  been  the 
ally  of  France  in  this  war,  was  deprived  of  his  duchy.  The  duke 
of  Savoy,  for  his  assistance  to  the  house  of  Austria,  was  given  the 
island  of  Sicily,  with  the  title  of  king,  and  in  the  same  year  was 
crowned  at  Palermo.  Thus  Italy  passed  from  under  the  power  of 
Spain  into  the  hands  of  Austria;. a  change  for  the  better,  though  the 
Austrian  rule  proved  to  be  very  oppressive.  Savoy  also  received 
Montferrat,  Alessandria,  and  some  towns  in  Lombardy,  and  was 
recognized  by  the  treaty  as  an  independent  power,  or  in  other  words, 
was  relieved  of  all  its  former  obligations  to  the  empire. 

Philip  V,  of  Spain,  was  not  satisfied  with  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  was  determined  to  regain  a  footing  in  Italy  at 
the  earliest  opportunity.  On  the  death  of  his  wife,  who  was  the 
daughter  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  he  married  EHzabeth  Farnese,  the 
heiress  of  the  duke  of  Parma.  This  marriage  made  him  the  lawful 
heir  to  that  duchy,  and  to  Piacenza,  and  also  gave  him  a  claim  to 
the  succession  to  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany,  the  reigning  duke  of 
which  was  childless,  as  the  queen  of  Spain  claimed  to  be  descended 
from  a  daughter  of  Duke  Cosmo  II.  This  marriage  greatly  displeased 
the  Emperor  Charles  VI,  who  was  himself  a  candidate  for  the  suc- 
cession to  the  duchy  of  Tuscany.  Philip  was  not  yet  satisfied  with 
what  he  had  done,  but,  in  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  seized  the  island  of  Sardinia,  which  was  held  by  the  Aus- 
trians,  and  prepared  to  send  an  army  into  Sicily.  England,  France, 
Holland,  and  the  emperor  made  a  league  known  as  the  Quadruple 
Alliance,  and  an  English  fleet  under  Admiral  Byng  was  dispatched 
to  the  Mediterranean  in  the  Summer  of  1718.    Byng  annihilated  the 


AMADEUS  II. 


443 


Spanish  fleet  in  a  battle  off  Cape  Passaro,  and  Spain  was  compelled 
to  relinquish  Sardinia.  The  king  of  Sicily  was  believed  to  have 
favored  the  course  of  Philip,  and  was  obliged  to  surrender  his  island 
kingdom  to  Austria,  which  gave  him  in  exchange  for  it  the  barren 
and  rocky  island  of  Sardinia.  The  emperor  by  this  transfer  became 
king  of  the  two  Sicilies,  as  he  was  already  king  of  Naples.  The 
duke  of  Savoy  was  thus  cut  off  from  participation  in  the  disputes 
between  Austria  and  Spain,  and  was  able  to  give  his  whole  attention 
to  the  development  of  his  kingdom.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Victor 
Amadeus  was  to  deprive  the  Jesuits  of  their  control  of  public  educa- 
tion, as  the  power  they  enjoyed  in  consequenc  of  this  control  had 
made  them  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of  the  state.  This  action  was 
very  popular,  and  did  much  to  strengthen  the  national  feeling  in 
the  new  kingdom. 

The  conduct  of  Victor  Amadeus  II  toward  the  Waldenses  is  dis- 
creditable to  his  name  and  reign.  These  unfortunate  people,  in  the 
wonderful  providence  of  God,  were  saved  from  extermination  by  the 
rupture  which  occurred  between  Savoy  and  France,  A.  D.  1701.  The 
duke  seemed  to  feel  that  he  had  done  wrong  in  his  former  severe 
treatment  of  them,  and  was  disposed  to  do  all  that  he  could  to  assure 
them  of  his  good  will.  They  were  now  restored  to  their  native  val- 
leys, and  cheerfully  went  to  work  to  cultivate  their  little  farms,  and 
endeavored  in  the  joys  of  the  present  to  forget  the  sorrows  of  the 
past.  And  no  sooner  did  the  duke  of  Savoy  ask  their  assistance  in 
the  long  war  which  he  was  compelled  to  carry  on  against  the  French 
than  they  promptly  rendered  it.  Such  were  their  bravery  and  fidelity, 
that  not  only  did  they  often  gain  the  applause  of  their  native  prince, 
Victor  Amadeus  II,  but  also  that  of  Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy,  who 
entered  Lombardy  in  May,  A.  D.  1701,  with  a  powerful  force,  raised 
the  siege  of  Turin,  and  drove  the  French  under  Marshal  Catinat 
from  the  region  between  the  Adige  and  the  Adda.  This  war,  which 
secured  the  safety  of  the  Waldenses,  was  prosecuted  with  great  vigor. 
Marshal  Villeroi  succeeded  Catinat,  but  was  defeated  by  Eugene  at 
Chiari  and  Cremona,  and  the  year  closed  disastrously  to  the  French. 
The  French  and  Spanish  forces  were  commanded  for  a  few  months, 
A.  D.  1702,  by  Philip  V,  but  no  decisive  battles  were  fought  in 
Piedmont.  In  August,  A.  D.  1705,  the  French  under  the  duke  of 
Vendome  defeated  Prince  Eugene  at  Cassano.  In  April,  A.  D.  1706, 
Eugene  gained  a  victory  of  the  French  at  Calcinato,  and  was  prepar- 
ing to  follow  up  this  success  by  driving  them  out  of  Turin,  when  he 
was  ordered  to  join  the  allied  forces  in  Flanders.     In  the  Autumn  of 


444 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  same  year,  Turin  was  invested  by  the  French,  under  the  duke  of 
Orleans,  nephew  of  the  king  of  France,  and  Marshal  Marsin.  The 
duke  of  Savoy  fled,  and  was  compelled  to  seek  refuge  among  the 
Waldenscs  in  the  Valley  of  Rora ;  but,  receiving  information  that 
Prince  P^ugene  was  returning  from  Flanders,  he  went  forth  with  some 
troops  to  meet  him,  and  after  uniting  their  forces,  both  advanced  to 
the  relief  of  Turin.  On  the  7th  of  September,  A.  D.  1706,  the 
French  intrenchments  were  stormed,  and  the  besieging  army  scat- 
tered toward  the  Alps  in  utter  confusion,  with  the  loss  of  their  camp 
and  their  whole  train  of  siege  artillery.  Lombardy  w^as  at  once  occu- 
pied b}'  the  victors,  and  Charles  VII  was  proclaimed  at  Milan.  The 
French  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  whole  of  Northern  Italy,  and  a 
small  force  of  allies  under  IMarshal  Daun  conquered  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  and  proclaimed  Charles  III,  the  Austrian  archduke,  king  of 
the  two  Sicilies. 

After  the  valuable  services  rendered  by  the  Waldenses  to  Prince 
Eugene  and  Victor  Amadeus  in  these  conflicts,  which  ended  with 
the  peace  of  Utrecht,  on  the  nth  of  April,  A.  D.  171 3,  these,  brave 
sons  of  the  Alps  no  doubt  expected  to  enjoy  tranquillity  at  least  dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  the  reign  of  the  duke  of  Savoy.  But  these 
poor,  oppressed  subjects  soon  realized  that  it  was  impossible  for 
any  of  the  weak  and  bigoted  house  of  Savoy  to  be  merciful  to  Prot- 
estants. Victor  Amadeus,  two  years  before  his  abdication,  which 
occurred  A.  D.  1730,  caused  the  governor  of  Pignerol  to  receive  the 
oath  of  allegiance  from  the  Waldenses,  and  promised  them  security 
in  their  possessions.  And  yet  at  the  same  time  he  diminished  their 
territory  by  taking  from  them  the  Valley  of  Pragela,  and  issued  an 
order  that  all  who  had  not  been  born  in  the  "Valleys"  should  aban- 
don them  forever.  Hence  about  three  thousand  Protestant  French 
and  Swiss  who  had  been  living  among  the  Waldenses,  some  of  them 
nearly  forty  years,  were  compelled  to  retire  to  Switzerland,  and  after- 
wards to  Germany,  where  they  organized  a  synod  which  embraced 
fifteen  Churches.  When  they  started  on  their  journey  the  duke  had 
given  them  an  order  on  the  commissariat  for  bread  ;  but  a  courier 
overtook  the  miserable  fugitives  on  Mont  Cenis,  and  under  the  pre- 
tense that  something  was  wrong  in  the  form  of  the  order,  obtained 
it,  and  carried  it  back  to  Turin,  leaving  them  to  make  their  way  as 
best  they  could,  through  Savoy  to  Switzerland,  without  bread.  This 
unjust  decree  of  banishment  was  an  evident  infraction  of  the  treaty 
made,  A.  D.  1704,  between  the  king  of  Sardinia  and  Queen  Anne 
of  England,  stipulating  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Valley  of  Pragela, 


SPANISH  PO  WER  IN  SOUTHERN  ITAL  V. 


445 


in  particular,  should  be  left  in  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 
Victor  Amadeus  undoubtedly  entertained  kind  feelings  toward  his 
Waldensian  subjects.  He  had  not  forgotten  how  nobly  they  de- 
fended him  when  he  was  a  refugee,  and  he  remembered  the  silver 
goblet  which,  on  his  departure,  he  presented,  as  a  token  of  his  grati- 
tude to  the  family  of  Durand  Canton,  by  whom  he  had  been  hospit- 
ably received.  In  his  subsequent  severe  treatment  of  his  faithful 
subjects  he  acted  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  which  he  feared  to  disobey. 

After  abdicating  in  favor  of  his  son,  Charles  Emmanuel  III,  the 
father  became  dissatisfied,  and  immediately  tried  to  recover  the  power 
he  had  surrendered  ;  but  he  failed,  and  was  imprisoned  in  the  castle 
of  Rivoli,  where  he  died,  A.  D.  1732.  The  new  ruler  of  Sardinia 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  Louis  XV,  of  France,  and  Philip  V,  of 
Spain,  to  drive  the  Austrians  out  of  Italy.  The  Farnese  family  hav- 
ing become  extinct,  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  were  given, 
A.  D.  1 73 1,  to  the  Spanish  prince,  Charles.  Don  Carlos,  the  son  of 
Philip  V,  was  to  receive  the  two  Sicilies,  and  the  duchies  named 
above  and  the  duchy  of  Milan  were  to  go  to  Sardinia.  Charles  Em- 
manuel III  soon  overran  all  of  Milan  but  Mantua.  Spain  having 
been  deprived  of  all  her  Italian  possessions  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht, 
Philip  V  resolved  to  recover  some  of  the  lost  territory,  and,  there- 
fore, during  the  war  of  the  Polish  succession,  he  seized  Naples  and 
Sicily  where  the  Austrian  rule  was  detested,  and  conferred  them  upon 
Don  Carlos,  who  became  king  as  Charles  III,  and  with  whom  began 
the  reign  of  the  Spanish  Bourbons  at  Naples.  The  war  of  the  allies 
against  Austria  commenced  in  October,  A.  D.  1733,  and  was  closed 
by  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  in  November,  A.  D.  1738.  The  interests 
of  the  king  of  Sardinia  were  entirely  sacrificed  by  his  allies.  Don 
Carlos  was  acknowledged  king  of  the  two  Sicilies,  and  abandoned  his 
claims  upon  the  duchies.  The  Medici  family  had  become  extinct, 
A,  D.  1737,  and  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany  was  bestowed  upon 
Francis  Stephen  of  Lorraine,  the  husband  of  Maria  Theresa,  the  Aus- 
trian empress,  and  the  daughter  and  heiress  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
VI ;  and  the  duchy  of  Parma  was  given  up  to  the  emperor,  who  was 
allowed  to  retain  Milan  and  Mantua.  The  king  of  Sardinia,  cheated 
at  every  point,  received  Novara  and  Tortona,  which  were  cut  off  from 
the  duchy  of  Milan. 

The  war  of  the  Austrian  succession  overturned  all  these  arransre- 
ments,  and  made  Italy  the  scene  of  a  terrible  and  destructive  con- 
flict.   The  object  of  the  war  was  to  exclude  Maria  Theresa  from  the 


446 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


succession  to  the  dominions  of  her  father,  the  Emperor  Charles 
Both  parties  sought  the  alhance  of  the  king  of  Sardinia,  whose  action 
would  control  that  of  Lombardy.  He  at  first  embraced  the  cause 
of  the  allies,  but  after  the  war  began  abandoned  them  and  supported 
Maria  Theresa,  whose  rights  were  gallantly  upheld  by  her  Hun- 
garian subjects.  The  king  was  anxious  to  add  the  republic  of  Genoa 
to  his  possessions,  as  he  desired  a  seaport;  and  the  Genoese,  in 
alarm,  gave  the  French  and  Spanish  forces  a  free  passage  through 
their  territory  into  the  dominions  of  Sardinia.  These  forces  defeated 
the  Sardinian  army,  A.  D.  1745,  and  occupied  the  duchy  of  Milan. 
In  the  same  year  Francis  of  Lorraine,  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany, 
and  the  husband  of  Maria  Theresa,  Avas  elected  emperor,  and  the  war 
was  ended  in  Germany.  Thus  relieved  at  home,  the  empress  queen 
sent  an  army  to  the  assistance  of  Sardinia.  The  combined  armies  of 
Austria  and  Sardinia  defeated  the  French  and  Spaniards  in  the  severe 
battle  of  Piacenza,  A.  D.  1746,  and  the  Austrians  marched  to  Genoa, 
which  surrendered  at  the  first  demand,  and  occupied  the  city.  The 
tyranny  of  the  invaders  drove  the  Genoese  into  a  revolt  on  the  5th 
of  December,  and  the  Austrians  retreating  from  the  city  withdrew 
beyond  the  Apennines.  The  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  signed  in 
October,  A.  D.  1748,  ended  the  war. 

By  this  treaty  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  were  erected  into  a 
separate  state,  and  given  to  Don  Philip,  the  son  of  the  king  of  Spain, 
and  the  brother  of  the  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  The  republic  of 
Genoa  and  the  duchy  of  Modena  and  its  dependencies  were  placed 
under  the  protection  of  France,  to  which  power  Genoa  ceded  the 
island  of  Corsica.  During  the  life-time  of  the  Emperor  Francis  I  his 
grand  duchy  of  Tuscany  Avas  almost  a  province  of  Austria.  It  was 
given,  A.  D.  1765,  by  the  emperor  to  his  third  son,  Peter  Leopold, 
and  became  independent  once  more.  Leopold  reigned  with  despotic 
power,  but  he  was  a  wise  ruler  and  a  benefactor  to  his  people.  He 
reformed  the  evils  which  had  grown  up  around  the  administra- 
tion of  justice,  brought  the  clergy  under  the  control  of  the  state, 
diminished  the  number  of  monks,  and  abolished  the  "Inquisition" 
in  his  dominions.  He  drained  the  unhealthy  valley  of  the  Chiana 
and  converted  it  into  a  fertile  region,  and  was  engaged  in  draining 
the  Maremma  when,  on  the  20th  of  September,  A.  D.  1790,  he  was 
elected  emperor  of  Austria.  He  appointed  his  second  son,  Ferdi- 
nand, his  successor  in  Tuscany. 

From  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  the  period  of  the  French 
invasion  Italy  was  at  peace.     Charles  Emmanuel  III,  of  Sardinia, 


VARIOUS  POPES. 


447 


employed  this  interval  in  advancing  the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom. 
He  ruled  with  despotic  power,  and  kept  the  Church  and  the  Jesuits 
down  with  a  firm  hand.  He  did  this,  not  because  these  powers  were 
enemies  of  the  freedom  of  Italy,  but  because  they  were  rivals  to  him 
in  his  own  dominions.  While  he  encouraged  agriculture,  and  did 
something  for  the  cause  of  education,  his  reign  was  destructive  of  the 
liberties  of  his  people,  who  had  little  cause  to  regret  his  death, 
which  occurred,  A.  D.  1 773.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Victor 
Amadeus  HI,  who  formed  a  close  alliance  with  France,  and  intro- 
duced into  his  kingdom  the  Bourbon  plan  of  tyranny. 

While  the  prominent  Roman  Catholic  nations — Austria,  Spain, 
and  France — were  struggling  in  Italy  for  political  supremacy,  they  had 
not  time  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  Papal  See.  Hence,  during 
the  eighteenth  centur}-  the  flames  of  persecution  were  measurably 
extinguished,  and  the  spirit  of  toleration  prevailed  to  a  considerable 
extent.  There  were  some  persecutions,  but,  as  a  general  rule,  people 
were  permitted  to  enjoy  the  liberty  of  thinking  and  acting  for  them- 
selves. Clement  XI  succeeded  to  the  papal  throne,  A.  D.  1700,  and 
is  chiefly  remarkable  for  having  published  the  famous  bull  which, 
from  its  initial  letters,  is  entitled  Unigenitus.  It  was  issued  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  Jansenists,  and  defined  and  settled  the  articles  of  the 
Romish  faith.  This  pontiff  favored  Louis  XIV  and  the  Jesuits  in 
their  persecutions  of  the  Jansenists.  Innocent  XIII  followed  Clem- 
ent, but  his  reign  was  not  marked  by  any  distinguished  event.  Bene- 
dict XIII,  who  succeeded  Innocent,  was  a  man  of  eminent  piety, 
and,  besides,  possessed  the  qualities  of  liberalit}^  frugality,  and  indus- 
try. He  once  entertained  the  thought  of  uniting  all  Christendom, 
Catholic,  Greek,  ,and  Protestant,  in  one  communion,  but  the  times 
were  not  favorable.  For  the  purpose  of  reforming  the  errors  of  the 
Church  he  assembled  the  famous  council  which  met  in  the  palace 
of  the  Lateran,  A.  D.  1725,  the  acts  and  decrees  of  which  were 
made  public,  but  proved  utterly  ineffectual  to  the  ends  which  were 
proposed  from  them.  Benedict  XIII  died,  A.  D.  1730,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Clement  XII,  who  reigned  during  the  next  decade.  His 
pontificate  was  marked  by  the  introduction  of  state  lotteries  and  low 
finances.  He  was  followed  by  Benedict  XIV,  a  pious,  scholarly,  and 
judicious  man,  who  exhibited  wisdom  and  prudence  in  managing 
the  difficult  questions  that  arose  during  his  administration.  In  his 
reign  the  Jesuits  were  threatened  in  Portugal,  and  the  Jansenists 
obtained  more  power. 

Clement  XIII,  who  ascended  the  pontifical  throne  on  the  6th  of 


448  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

July,  A.  D.  1758,  was  a  Venetian  by  birth  and  an  ascetic  in  religion. 
He  was  a  bigot  to  every  petty  ceremony,  and  his  spirit  and  manner 
belonged  to  the  twelfth  instead  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Indeed, 
the  celebrated  Ganganelli  seems  to  have  perfectly  characterized  his 
two  predecessors  in  a  few  words  when  he  said,  '  *  Benedict  had  writ- 
ten and  Clement  had  prayed  much."  The  latter  exhibited  the  haugh- 
tiness of  the  Venetian  character  in  the  dispute  in  which  he  involved 
himself  on  account  of  the  Jesuits  with  all  the  branches  of  the  house 
of  Bourbon,  who  threatened  to  withdraw  their  dominions  from  the 
spiritual  jurisdiction  of  Rome.  He  endeavored  to  restore  the  papacy 
to  its  former  greatness,  but  sank  it  lower  than  he  found  it,  leaving 
the  papal  dignity  in  a  critical  situation,  from  which  all  the  prudence 
and  moderation  of  his  successor  could  scarcely  emancipate  it. 

Laurenzo  Ganganelli,  the  son  of  a  physician  at  St.  Archangelo, 
and  the  only  regular  in  the  Sacred  College  at  the  time  of  his  election 
(being  of  the  order  of  Minor  Conventuals),  was  chosen  on  the  19th 
of  May,  A.  D.  1769,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Clement  XIV.  After 
completing  his  studies,  he  had  obtained  the  regency  of  his  college, 
and  was  afterward  promoted  to  the  office  of  consulter  to  the  "  Holy 
Office."  This  employment,  which  included  that  of  pope's  minister  in 
all  inquisitorial  concerns,  made  him  prominent.  He  was  studious, 
learned,  of  pure  morals,  and  of  genuine  piety.  His  elevation  to  the 
papal  throne  was,  no  doubt,  the  result  of  a  concentrated  effort  made 
by  the  "forcing  courts,"  as  the  courts  of  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Na- 
ples were  termed  from  their  always  taking  an  active  part  in  the  elec- 
tion of  a  pope.  The  indecision  of  Clement  XIII  concerning  the 
suppression  of  the  Jesuits  had  been  very  offensive  to  them,  and  they 
resolved  to  secure  the  election  of  an  ecclesiastic  who  would  execute 
their  will.  He  became  very  popular  by  diminishing  several  taxes, 
which  were  oppressive  to  the  poor,  and  manifested  his  liberality  and 
taste  by  enriching  the  Clementine  museum.  He  was  modest  and 
unaffected,  and  practiced  extreme  temperance.  Finding  his  cham- 
ber in  the  Vatican  hung  with  crimson  damask,  he  ordered  it  to  be 
removed,  and  observed  that  bare  walls  were  sufficient  for  a  plain 
monk.  No  other  occupant  of  the  papal  chair  ever  exhibited  so 
much  humility,  as  he  performed  every  office  about  his  person  as  long 
as  he  was  able  rather  than  incommode  his  attendants.  He  adopted 
frugal  regulations  in  his  domestic  economy,  and  distributed  the  sav- 
ings among  the  necessitous  poor,  in  the  relieving  of  whom  he 
indulged  himself  as  a  favorite  amusement. 

/  Clement  endeavored  with  honest  but  mistaken  zeal  to  reform  the 


THE  JESUITS  SUPPRESSED. 


449 


Jesuitical  order,  but  after  several  years  of  fruitless  effort  he  aban- 
doned the  undertaking.  On  the  21st  of  July,  A.  D.  1773,  he  issued 
the  famous  bull,  Doiniinis  ac  Rcdanptor  Noster,'"  by  which  he 
dissolved  and  forever  annihilated  the  order  as  a  corporate  body  at  a 
moment  when  it  counted  according  to  Duller's  "History  of  the 
Jesuits,"  twenty-two  thousand  members.  The  bull  justified  itself  by 
a  long  and  formidable  list  of  charges  against  the  society.  Had  this 
accusation  proceeded  from  a  Protestant  pen  it  might  have  been  regarded 
as  not  free  from  exaggerations,  but  coming  from  the  papal  chair  it 
must  be  accepted  as  sober  truth.  It  charged  the  Jesuits  with  raising 
various  insurrections  and  rebellions,  with  plotting  against  bishops, 
undermining  the  regular  monastic  orders,  and  invading  pious  founda- 
tions and  corporations  of  every  kind,  not  only  in  Europe,  but  also  in 
America  and  Asia,  to  the  danger  of  souls  and  the  astonishment  of 
all  nations.  It  accused  them  of  engaging  in  trade,  and  that  instead 
of  seeking  to  convert  the  heathen  they  had  shown  themselves  intent 
only  on  gathering  gold  and  silver  and  precious  jewels.  The  bull  also 
declares  that  the  Jesuits  had  interpolated  pagan  rites  and  manners 
with  Christian  beliefs  and  worship,  set  aside  the  ordinances  of  the 
Church,  and  substituted  opinions  which  the  apostolic  chair  had  pro- 
nounced fiindampitally  erroneous  and  evidently  subvej'sive  of  good  morals. 
Clement  further  stated  that  tumults,  disturbances,  and  violent  com- 
motions had  followed  them  in  all  countries ;  that  they  had  broken 
the  peace  of  the  Church,  and  so  incurably  that  the  pontificates 
of  his  predecessors,  Urban  VIII,  Clements  IX,  X,  XI,  and  XII, 
Alexanders  VII  and  VIII,  Innocents  X,  XI,  XII,  and  XIII,  and 
Benedict  XIV,  had  been  passed  in  abortive  efforts  to  re-establish  the 
harmony  and  discord  which  they  had  destroyed. 

After  this  severe  arraignment  of  the  Jesuitical  order,  the  bull 
affirmed  that  the  peace  of  the  Church  would  never  be  restored  while 
the  institution  existed,  and  the  necessity  of  the  papal  decree  was 
therefore  apparent.  It  dispossessed  the  Jesuits  "of  every  office, 
service,  and  administration;"  took  away  from  them  "their  houses, 
schools,  hospitals,  estates;"  withdrew  all  "their  statutes,  usages,  de- 
crees, customs,  and  ordinances  ;"  and  pronounced  all  the  power  of 
the  General  Provincial  Visitors,  and  every  other  head  of  the  same 
order,  whether  spiritual  or  secular,  "to  be  forever  annulled  and  sup- 
pressed." "The  present  ordinance,"  said  the  bull,  in  conclusion, 
"shall  remain  in  full  force  and  operation  from  henceforth  and  forever." 

When  Clement  XIV  laid  down  his  pen,  after  signing  his  name  to 
the  bull,  he  said  to  his  friends  around  him  that  he  had  signed  his 


\ 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


death-warrant — "  Sotto  scriviamo  la  nostra  morte."  He  was  at  that 
time  in  robust  health,  and  his  vigorous  constitution  and  temperate 
habits  promised  a  long  life.  But  now  dark  rumors  began  to  be 
whispered  in  Italy  that  the  pontiff  would  die  soon.  In  April  of  the 
following  year  he  began  to  decline  without  any  apparent  cause,  his 
illness  increased,  no  medicine  was  of  any  avail,  and,  after  lingering 
in  torture  for  months,  he  died  on  the  22d  of  September,  A.  D.  1774. 
"Several  days  before  his  death,"  says  Caraccioli,  ''his  bones  were 
exfoliated,  and  withered  like  a  tree,  which,  attacked  at  its  roots, 
withers  away  and  throws  off  his  bark.  The  scientific  men  who  were 
called  in  to  embalm  the  body  found  the  features  livid,  the  lips  black, 
the  abdomen  inflated,  the  limbs  emaciated  and  covered  with  violet 
spots.  The  size  of  the  heart  was  diminished  and  all  his  muscles 
were  shrunk  up,  and  his  spine  was  decomposed.  They  filled  the 
body  with  perfumed  and  aromatic  substances,  but  nothing  could  dis- 
pel the  mephitic  effluvia."  It  was  generally  believed  that  Clement 
had  been  made  to  drink  the  "Aqua  Tofana, "  a  spring  in  Perugia 
more  famous  than  healthful ;  but,  no  matter  how  administered,  poison 
served  the  purpose  of  the  Jesuits,  whose  unforgiving  pride  and  deadly 
vengeance  demanded  the  payment  of  this  fearful  penalty. 

Clement's  successor  was  Pius  VI,  who  ascended  tl^e  papal  throne 
on  the  15th  of  February,  A.  D.  1775.  He  Avas  a  man  of  fine  ap- 
pearance, of  elegant  manner,  and  of  a  respectable  private  character. 
Like  Leo  X,  he  was  pleasant  and  cheerful,  and  fond  of  magnificence, 
art,  and  splendor.  He  was  strongly  attached  to  the  Romish  faith, 
delighted  to  perform  the  various  offices  and  ceremonies  of  religion, 
and  labored  diligently  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  papal  Church. 
Sad  events  and  humiliation  awaited  him,  and  he  was  destined  to  be- 
hold the  decline  of  that  system  which  had  ruled  the  most  powerful 
nations. 

During  the  eighteenth  century,  art,  science,  and  literature  made 
some  advancement  in  Italy.  When,  near  the  beginning  of  the  cent- 
ury, the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession  raged  in  the  Peninsula,  under 
the  scepter  of  the  young  Don  Carlos,  and  afterwards  of  Ferdi- 
nand III,  literature  and  the  sciences  were  cultivated  with  renewed 
vigor.  Naples  produced  Giannone,  distinguished  in  the  department 
of  history,  Capasso  in  literature,  Cirillo  in  medicine,  Mazocchi  in 
archaeology,  Genovesi  in  political  economy,  one  Gagliani  in  archi- 
tecture, and  another  in  domestic  economy  and  philology.  Filangieri 
rivaled  Montesquieu  in  the  philosophy  of  legislation  ;  Pagano  wrote 
on  the  criminal  law ;  Poli  distinguished  himself  in  the  positive  sci- 


DISTINGUISHED  AUTHORS. 


ences ;  Maffei  and  Calsabigi  devoted  themselves  to  poetry.  The 
university  of  Bologna  was  now  in  its  splendor,  its  academy  of  sci- 
ences taking  the  name  of  "The  Institute."  Marsigli,  Stratico, 
Cesarotti,  Foscarini,  the  brothers  Gozzi,  Morelli,  Maffei,  Pompei, 
Lorenzi,  Mazzuchelli,  and  Serassi  made  the  city  of  Venice  illustrious; 
but  political  jealousy  prevented  the  culture  of  the  economical  and 
legislative  sciences  there,  which  under  Beccaria  and  others  were  mak- 
ing great  progress  in  other  parts  of  Italy. 

In  Tuscany  the  famous  French  encyclopaedia  was  republished. 
In  the  cities  of  Lombardy  flourished  Scopoli,  Fontana,  Frank,  Tissot, 
Spallanzani,  Bertola,  Villa,  Natali,  Volta,  Scarpa,  Tamburini,  Parini, 
Beccaria,  Verri,  Landriani,  Agnesi,  Carli,  and  others,  devoted  to 
literature,  art,  science,  and  the  development  of  political  and  ethical 
principles.  Bodoni  raised  the  art  of  typography  to  an  admirable 
elegance.  Prominent  among  the  patrons  of  literature  was  Victor 
Amadeus  II  of  Savoy.  The  Italian  drama  had  as  yet  attained  to 
excellence  only  in  the  opera,  and  lacked  superior  tragedies  and  com- 
edies. The  "  ]\Ierope  "  of  Maffei  was  the  best  tragedy  produced  in 
the  early  part  of  the  century.  A  greater  influence,  however,  was 
exerted  upon  his  age  and  upon  literature  by  Alfieri.  This  celebrated 
poet  was  born  ^ in  Piedmont,  A.  D.  1749.  Of  patrician  birth,  after 
eight  3'ears  of  "  ineducation, "  as 
he  styles  it,  with  an  absolutely 
''anti-geometric"  head,  that  could 
not  comprehend  the  fourth  prop- 
osition in  Euclid  at  the  age  of 
twenty-seven,  without  ever  having 
read  a  tragedy,  without  having 
acquired  even  his  own  native  lan- 
guage, he  resolves  to  be  a  tragic 
poet.  He  becomes  a  child  again, 
plunging,  "  Curtius-like,"  into  the 
abysses  of  grammar  ;  studies  Ital- 
ian and  Latin;  doffs  the  cothur- 
nus; and  then  goes  to  Florence 
to  accustom  himself  *'to  speak, 
hear,  think,  and  dream  in  beautiful  Tuscan."  There  he  met  the 
countess  of  Albany,  who  became  henceforth  his  inspiration ;  and 
then,  having  watched  over  him  during  his  last  illness,  in  1803  erected 
his  mausoleum.  Alfieri  was  truly  the  head  of  an  important  school 
of  tragedy.     He  was  hostile  alike  to  the  operatic  lightness  of  the 

30 


VITTORIO  ALFIERI. 


452 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Italian  drama  and  to  the  formal  and  complicated  intrigues  of  the 
French,  but  went  to  an  opposite  extreme,  demanding  in  tragedy  both 
the  utmost  intensity  of  passion  and  the  utmost  simplicity  of  treat- 
ment. He  was  the  poet  of  energetic  action  and  profound  thought  and 
feeling,  as  Metastasio  was  of  love.  Indeed,  Alfieri  bears  the  same 
relation  to  Italian  tragedy  that  Tasso  does  to  the  Italian  epic,  or 
Goldoni  to  Italian  comedy.  He  Avas  at  the  same  time  its  founder 
and  its  most  brilliant  illustrator.  An  ardent  lover  of  liberty  and  a 
pronounced  republican,  he  wrote  an  ode  on  "Free  America,"  and 
dedicated  his  "Brutus"  to  Washington.  The  writer,  while  visiting 
the  church  of  Santa  Croce  at  Florence,  beheld  Alfieri's  monument, 
wrought  by  Canova,  and  was  not  surprised  at  what  may  appear  to 
be  an  extravagant  description  of  it  by  one  who  called  it  "the  tomb 
of  Sophocles,  sculptured  by  Phidias."  Though  not  a  Shakespeare, 
the  tragic  poet  of  Florence  deserves  a  high  rank  in  Italian  literature, 
and  Italy  is  not  inappropriately  represented  by  the  artist  as  a  weep- 
ing mourner  at  his  tomb. 

A  reformation  in  the  Italian  comedy  w^as  effected  by  Goldoni,  the 
only  genuine  comic  poet  that  Italy  can  boast.  The  most  illustrious 
historians  were  Muratori,  Maffei,  Denina,  Mazzucchelli,  Tiraboschi, 
and  Lanzi.  The  writings  of  Muratori  and  Tiraboschi  still  maintain 
their  reputation,  both  for  erudition  and  criticism.  In  archaeology, 
the  names  of  Fabretti,  Gori,  Mazzocchi,  Martorelli,  Passeri,  and 
Carli  were  distinguished.  Vico  founded  the  new  science  of  the  phi- 
losophy of  history,  and  Parini  excelled  in  satirical  poetry. 


Chapter  XXXL  ; 

THE  FRENCH  CAMPAIGN  IN  ITAL  V. 

THE  outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution  did  not  immediately 
affect  Italy,  although  it  seemed  to  threaten  the  despotisms 
of  that  country  with  ruin.  The  French  republic  was  established 
A.  D,  1792,  and  Savoy  and  Nice  were  seized  and  made  parts  of  the 
French  territory.  Under  a  new  government  France  made  peace, 
A.  D.  1795,  with  all  the  states  of  Europe  that  had  been  opposing 
her,  save  England,  Austria,  and  Sardinia.  The  Archduke  Charles 
of  Austria  having  repulsed  the  armies  of  the  republic,  the  French 
directory  resolved  to  attack  that  power  through  Italy,  which  was 


BONAPARTE'S  VICTORIES. 


455 


destined  to  become  the  principal  theater  of  the  war,  and  three  armies 
were  accordingly  organized  for  the  campaign  of  1796.  Two  of  these 
were  designed  for  service  in  Germany,  under  Generals  ]\Ioreau  and 
Jourdan;  the  third  was  to  operate  in  Italy  under  General  Bonaparte, 
who  had  already  given  proof  of  his  great  genius  as  a  soldier.  He 
was  a  native  of  the  island  of  Corsica,  and  of  Italian  descent,  and 
since  his  victory  over  the  secti6ns  he  had  been  promoted  to  the 
command  of  the  arm\'  of  the  interior.  On  the  23d  of  February, 
A.  D.  1796,  when  only  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  he  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  arm}'  of  Ital}-,  and  reached  the  headquarters 
at  Xice  on  the  27th  of  [March. 

The  army  of  Italy  numbered  about  thirty-five  thousand  men,  and 
was  in  a  wretched  state  of  discipline,  and  in  want  of  clothing  and 
provisions.  Opposed  to  it  was  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  splendid 
Austrian  and  Piedmontese  troops.  Bonaparte  soon  infused  into  his 
own  wretched  force  his  own  enthusiastic  energy,  and  electrified  his 
men  with  the  promise  of  victor}-  and  wealth  in  Ital}\  He  then  be- 
gan a  forward  movement  upon  Genoa,  his  plan  being  to  interpose 
his  arm}^  between  the  imperialists  and  Piedmontese,  and  prevent  their 
union.  Onh*  a  few  weeks  before  his  troops  were  a  band  of  malcon- 
tents, but  now  they  followed  him  with  enthusiasm.  'Napoleon's  plan 
was  completel}-  successful.  The  Austrians  fell  back  toward  ]\Iilan, 
and  the  Piedmontese  toward  Turin.  A  detachment  of  the  Austrians 
was  defeated  at  ^lontenotte;  and  Bonaparte,  pursuing  the  Piedmon- 
tese arm}^,  captured  the  fortified  town  of  Cherasco,  and  entireh'  cut 
off  the  Sardinians  from  the  imperialists.  He  then  compelled  the 
king  of  Sardinia  to  accept  a  humiliating  armistice,  and  forced  him  to 
cede  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France,  to  expel  all  French  emigrants,  even 
his  own  daughters,  Avho  were  the  wives  of  the  brothers  of  Louis  XVI, 
from  his  dominions,  and  to  place  Alexandria,  Tortona,  and  the  other 
chief  fortresses  of  his  kingdom  in  the  hands  of  the  French  as  suret}' 
for  his  neutralit}'  until  the  conclusion  of  a  general  peace. 

After  concluding  this  armistice  Bonaparte  marched  at  once  against 
the  Austrians,  and  defeated  them  in  the  desperate  battle  of  Lodi,  on 
the  loth  of  ^la}-,  driving  them  back  to  the  Mincio.  Milan  was  un- 
covered by  this  retrefit,  and  was  occupied  b}^  the  French,  amid  the 
rejoicings  of  the  people,  on  the  15th  of  ]\Ia}\  The  French  directory 
were  astonished  at  these  rapid  successes,  and  alarmed  at  the  boldness 
of  the  young  general  in  venturing  to  treat  independently  with  the 
Piedmontese  king.  Desiring  to  restrain  him,  they  proposed  to  divide 
the  command  in  Ital}'  between  him  and  General  Kellerman ;  but 


454 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Bonaparte  would  not  consent  to  the  arrangement,  and  offered  his 
resignation  to  the  directory.  His  brilhant  successes  in  Italy  had 
rendered  him  so  popular  at  home  that  the  directory  did  not  dare  to 
accept  his  resignation,  and  left  him  without  interference.  From  his 
headquarters  at  Milan  Bonaparte  dictated  peace  to  the  minor  princes 
of  Italy,  and  compelled  them  to  purchase  it  upon  his  own  condi- 
tions. Mone}',  materials  of  war,  and  works  of  art  Avere  demanded 
from  them,  and  sent  to  ?aris  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  republic  and 
adorn  the  French  capital. 

After  allowing  his  army  twelve  days  of  rest  at  Milan  Bonaparte 
advanced  to  ]\Iantua,  and  laid  siege  to  that  strong  fortress.  It  was 
the  chief  Austrian  stronghold  in  Italy,  and  the  key  to  all  further 
operations  in  that  country.  An  Austrian  army  was  dispatched  to  its 
relief  under  ^Marshal  Wurmser,  one  of  the  most  trusted  generals  of 
the  empire.  While  it  w^as  on  the  march,  Bonaparte  left  a  strong 
detachment  to  continue  the  blockade  of  Mantua,  and  by  a  rapid 
movement  overran  the  States  of  the  Church  with  the  rest  of  his  army, 
and  dictated  an  armistice  with  the  Papal  See.  Pope  Pius  VI  was 
compelled  to  pay  to  France  the  sum  of  twenty-one  millions  of  francs, 
together  with  one  hundred  valuable  pictures  and  other  works  of  art, 
and  to  allow  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Ancona  to  be  garrisoned  by  the 
French.  The  grand  duke  of  Tuscany  was  compelled  to  receive  a 
French  garrison  at  Leghorn,  in  order  to  prevent  the  English  from 
trading  with  that  port.  Marshal  Wurmser,  at  the  head  of  seventy 
thousand  men,  twice  entered  Italy  from  the  Tyrol  to  relieve  Mantua. 
He  was  no  match  for  his  youthful  opponent,  and  was  defeated  at 
Brescia,  Castiglione,  Roveredo,  and  Bassano.  Finding  that  he  was 
unable  to  hold  the  field,  Wurmser,  on  the  19th  of  September,  retired 
wdth  the  remainder  of  his  army  within  the  walls  of  Mantua,  which 
fortress  w^as  well-provisioned  and  capable  of  enduring  a  long  siege. 

The  defeat  of  Moreau  and  Jourdan  in  Germany,  and  their  retreat 
across  the  Rhine  into  France,  left  the  army  in  Italy  to  bear  the  full 
weight  of  the  Austrian  power,  and  a  third  Austrian  army,  sixty 
thousand  strong,  w^as  assembled  under  Marshal  Alvinzi  for  the  pur- 
pose of  driving  Bonaparte  out  of  Italy.  The  French  were  far  inferior 
in  strength  to  the  Austrians,  and  Alvinzi  believed  he  w^ould  have  an 
easy  victory.  In  the  first  part  of  the  campaign  the  Austrians  were 
successful,  and  the  French  army  became  disheartened,  but  Bonaparte, 
by  a  series  of  bold  and  rapid  movements,  soon  changed  the  condi- 
tions of  affairs.  On  the  14th  of  November  he  attacked  Alvinzi  at 
Areola,  and  in  a  three  days'  battle  drove  him  back  upon  Montebello, 


THE  VENETIAN  REPUBLIC  OVERTHROWN. 


455 


and  re-entered  Verona  in  triumph.  Alvinzi  was  re-enforced,  and  early 
in  January,  A.  D.  1797,  appeared  on  the  Adige  with  an  army  of 
sixty  thousand  men.  On  the  14th  of  January  he  was  utterly  routed 
at  Rivoli.  The  French  were  greatly  inferior  in  force  to  the  Austrians, 
and  the  victory  was  therefore  due  to  the  superior  genius  of  Bona- 
parte. It  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of  Mantua  by  Wurmser  on 
the  2d  of  February,  by  which  the  French  received  twenty  thousand 
prisoners  of  war. 

Bonaparte  now  invaded  the  papal  territories  and  rapidly  overran 
them.  He  was  ordered  by  the  French  directory  to  destroy  the  papal 
government,  but  on  his  own  responsibility  disregarded  these  instruc- 
tions, and  concluded  with  the  helpless  pontiff  the  treaty  of  Tolentino 
on  the  19th  of  February,  by  which  Pius  VI  ceded  to  France  the 
legations  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  the  Romagna  and  Avignon  and 
its  territory  in  France,  and  paid  a  second  contribution  of  fifteen 
millions  of  francs  and  a  number  of  the  choicest  art  treasures  of  Rome. 
Thus  far  the  brilliant  success  of  Bonaparte  had  won  for  France  a 
third  of  the  papal  states  and  Savoy  and  Nice;  had  detached  the  king 
of  Sardinia,  and  the  states  of  northern  and  central  Italy  from  the 
coalition  against  France,  and  had  laid  Genoa  and  Venice  under  heavy 
contributions.  The  expenses  of  the  campaign  had  not  only  been 
defrayed  by  the  conquered  territory,  but  Bonaparte  had  been  able  to 
remit  thirty  millions  of  francs  to  the  directory.  The  officers  and 
men  of  the  conquering  army  had  grown  rich  from  the  spoils  of  war. 
Piedmont  and  Lombardy  had  been,  conquered,  and  four  Austrian 
armies  had  been  defeated  or  captured.  It  was  the  most  brilliant 
campaign  that  had  been  conducted  by  the  French  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war.  The  Italians  believed  at  first  that  the  French 
had  come  to  deliver  them  from  their  old  tyrants,  and  they  every- 
where rose  against  their  rulers  and  drove  out  the  monks  and  priests. 
They  soon  found,  however,  that  the  French  were  not  so  disinterested, 
and  that  they  intended  to  rule  the  Peninsula.  A  growing  enmity  to 
the  French  was  now  developed  in  all  parts  of  Italy,  and  hostilities 
soon  broke  out  between  the  Italians  and  the  French.  At  Verona 
the  garrison  left  by  Napoleon  was  massacred  by  the  people,  and 
violent  outbreaks  occurred  at  Bergamo  and  other  places.  Bonaparte 
at  once  marched  into  the  Venetian  territory,  having  first  declared 
war  against  the  republic.  The  city  of  Venice  was  occupied  by  a 
French  division;  the  Venetian  republic  was  overthrown;  the  ''Council 
of  Ten"  abolished,  and  a  democratic  government  organized.  The 
French  levied  a  fine  of  six  millions  of  francs  upon  the  republic,  occu- 


456 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


pied  its  territory  with  garrisons,  and  carried  off  to  Paris  a  large 
number  of  works  of  art,  manuscripts,  etc.  The  Venetians  surren- 
dered the  government  without  a  struggle,  and  thus  perished  the 
ancient  commonwealth  of  Venice.  But  w^hile  deprived  of  the  priv- 
ileges of  a  republic,  the  people  were  delivered  from  many  abuses 
that  had  afflicted  them. 

On  the  17th  of  October,  A.  D.  1797,  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio 
was  concluded  between  France  and  Austria.  By  its  terms  Lom- 
bardy,  Parma,  and  Modena,  the  papal  states  of  Bologna,  Ferrara, 
and  the  Romagna  and  the  Venetian  territory,  as  far  as  the  Adige, 
were  organized  into  an  independent  state  called  the  ''Cisalpine  Re- 
public." Venice  and  all  her  dependencies  in  the  Adriatic  were  given 
to  Austria,  who  occupied  them  with  her  troops  in  the  early  part  of 
the  year  1798.  Napoleon  also  created  the  "Ligurian  Repubhc," 
with  Genoa  for  its  capital;  the  "  Cispadane  Republic,"  with  its  cap- 
ital at  Bologna;  and  the  "Tiberine  Republic,"  whose  capital  was 
Rome.  Naples  was  captured  by  the  French  A.  D.  1798,  and  made 
the  capital  of  the  " Parthenopaean  Republic."  A  second  coalition 
had  been  formed  against  France  by  Russia,  Turkey,  Great  Britain, 
Austria,  and  the  Two  Sicilies.  The  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  before 
the  treaties  were  signed  between  these  powers,  advanced  upon  Rome 
Avith  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men;  but  the  French  repulsed  this 
force,  pursued  King  Ferdinand  IV  into  the  Neapolitan  territories  and 
compelled  him  to  take  refuge  in  Sicily. 

As  Napoleon  had  declined  to  obey  the  instructions  of  the  French 
directory  respecting  the  papal  government.  General  Berthier  was  sent 
on  a  special  mission  to  Rome.  He  found  the  people  thoroughly  dis- 
contented, and  they  received  him  as  a  deliverer.  After  proclaiming 
the  restoration  of  the  republic,  he  made  Pope  Pius  VI  a  prisoner  and 
stripped  him  of  all  his  property.  The  unfortunate  pontiff  was  con- 
veyed to  the  convent  of  Sienna,  and  subsequently  removed  to  France, 
where,  after  being  detained  in  captivity,  he  died  in  the  eighty-second 
year  of  his  age.  In  the  Summer  of  1799  the  French  army  pillaged 
Rome,  and  the  efforts  of  the  people  to  protect  their  property  were 
unavailing.  Berthier,  who  had  promised  to  respect  the  private  pos- 
sessions of  the  citizens,  was  disgusted  with  the  course  of  the  direc- 
tory and  the  conduct  of  his  own  army,  and  demanded  to  be  recalled. 

In  the  mean  time  France,  having  lost  her  hold  upon  Italy,  was 
alarmed  at  the  situation.  A  powerful  Russian  army  under  the  famous 
Marshal  Suwarof  had  entered  the  Peninsula  and  formed  a  junction 
with  the  Austrians  under  General  Kray.    This  force  successively 


THE  FRENCH  DEFEA  T  IN  ITAL  V. 


457 


defeated  the  French  army  under  General  Sherer  at  Verona  and 
Magnano.  Sherer  was  succeeded  by  Moreau,  who  was  defeated  by 
Suwarof  at  Cassano.  The  ahies  then  occupied  Milan,  and  Moreau 
would  have  been  crushed  had  not  the  Austian  government  ordered 
Suwarof  to  lay  siege  to  Mantua,  Peschiera,  and  other  places  that 
were  considered  essential  to  the  preservation  of^the  territory  already 
won.  Profiting  by  this  delay,  Moreau  took  position  at  Coni,  where 
he  could  communicate  with  Genoa  and  with  France.  Re-enforcements 
were  hastening  to  him,  but  desiring  to  distinguish  himself  by  some 
decisive  act  before  their  arrival,  Moreau  left  his  position  and  attacked 
Suwarof  near  the  Trebia  and  was  utterly  routed.  This  defeat  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  loss  of  Piedmont.  The  allies  occupied  Turin,  Pignerol, 
Susa,  arid  other  important  points,  and  the  Cossacks  of  Suwarof's 
army  passed  the  Alps  and  invaded  Dauphine.  Joubert  was  sent 
to  supersede  Moreau,  but  was  defeated  and  slain  in  the  bloody  and 
decisive  battle  of  Novi  on  the  15  th  of  August,  1799.  A  combined 
force  of  Russians,  Turl^s,  and  Neapolitans  advanced  upon  Rome, 
which  was  surrendered  by  the  French  on  the  27th  of  September. 
Later  in  the  same  year  the  city  of  Naples  was  taken  by  the  army  of 
Ferdinand  IV  and  the  English  fleet  under  Lord  Nelson.  After  a 
short  existence  the  " Parthenopaean  Republic"  was  overthrown,  and 
the  government  of  Ferdinand  IV  re-established  by  Cardinal  Ruffo, 
the  leading  patriots  having  surrendered  the  castle  on  condition  that 
they  should  be  allowed  to  go  to  France.  The  capitulation  was  broken 
by  Lord  Nelson,  and  the  liberals  who  had  already  embarked  on  ship- 
board, and  who  numbered  many  of  the  best  and  most  learned  men 
in  Naples,  were  all  executed.  By  these  reverses  all  of  central  and 
southern  Italy  were  lost  to  the  French,  who  had  already  been  driven 
from  northern  Italy. 


f^krt  lY. 


PAPAL  DARKNESS  DISAPPEARING. 

CENTURY  XIX. 

FIRST  DECADE,  1800-1810. 

Chapter  I. 

ITALY  UNDER  FRENCH  RULE. 


HE  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century  found  Italy  still  the  battle- 


^  field  of  hostile  nations.  Indeed,  all  Europe  was  convulsed  by 
the  French  Revolution,  and  the  thrones  of  monarchy  seemed  to  be 
rocking.  The  idea  of  liberty,  practically  illustrated  in  America,  had 
deeply  stirred  the  people  of  France,  and,  though  they  allowed  free- 
dom to  wander  unrestrained  into  the  most  extravagant  and  fearful 
license,  yet  the  principle  itself  had  not  ceased  to  agitate  European 
society.  The  contest  in  Italy  had  been  really  between  republican 
France  and  despotic  powers,  and  the  Italians  themselves,  while  in 
the  midst  of  constant  wars  and  subject  to  foreign  invaders,  were  not 
altogether  without  compensations.  On  the  whole,  the  period  of 
French  rule  in  the  Peninsula  was  one  of  order  and  of  observ^ance  of 
law,  and  something  was  done  for  the  material  and  intellectual  devel- 
opment of  the  country.  V^ut,  more  than  all,  the  hope  of  national 
unity  then  arose  in  the  Italian  mind.  Natives  of  different  parts  of 
the  Peninsula  were  thrown  together  in  the  armies  of  Napoleon,  and 
from  this  companionship  derived  a  feeling  of  brotherhood  which 
tyranny  could  not  crush.  Even  the  papacy  proved  powerless  to 
resist  the  popular  tide,  and  Pius  VII,  who  began  to  reign  on  the 
14th  of  March,  1800,  was  destined  to  greater  humiliation  than  his 
predecessor. 

Austria  still  continuing  hostile.  Napoleon  resolved  to  take  the 
field  against  her.  In  April,  1800,  the  Austrian  army  in  Italy  under 
Baron  Melas  attacked  the  French  under  Generals  Soult  and  Massena, 


THE  NEGOTIATIONS. 


459 


and  drove  them  back  to  G'enoa,  while  another  French  division  under 
General  Suchet  was  forced  to  retreat  upon  Borghette.  Melas  sent  a 
large  body  of  troops  to  besiege  Genoa,  while,  with  the  remainder  of 
his  army,  he  followed  Suchet,  intending  to  force  him  back  and  to 
invade  France  by  way  of  Provence.  Napoleon  now  executed  a  brill- 
iant and  daring  plan  to  expel  the  Austrians  from  Italy.  He  proposed 
to  cross  the  Alps  of  Switzerland  with  his  army  and  plant  it  in  Italy 
in  the  rear  of  the  Austrians.  He  began  his  march  from  Geneva  with 
a  force  of  thirty-five  thousand  men.  The  French  engineers  had 
examined  the  pass  of  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  and  had  reported  that 
it  was  barely  possible  to  cross  the  mountain.  Napoleon  at  once  gave 
orders  to  make  the  attempt.  The  cannon  were  dismounted,  placed 
in  the  hollow  trunks  of  trees,  and  were  dragged  over  the  frozen 
paths  by  the  troops.  By  the  most  indefatigable  exertions  the  mount- 
ain was  passed,  and  on  the  i6th  of  May,  1800,  the  adv^anced  guard 
of  the  French  army,  under  Lannes,  entered  Piedmont.  Another 
division,  under  General  j\Ionce}%  crossed  Mont  St.  Gothard;  and  a 
third,  under  General  Thuneau,  passed  over  Mont  Cenis.  These 
divisions  were  reunited  in  Lombardy,  and  on  the  2d  of  June  Napo- 
leon occupied  Milan  without  opposition.  The  passage  of  the  Alps 
by  the  French  army  has  always  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  feats  in  military  history. 

In  the  mean  time  IMassena,  who  had  held  Genoa  for  sixty  days,  and 
had  defeated  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  to  capture  it,  was  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  capitulating,  and  on  the  5th  of  June  evacuated  the 
place  with  the  remainder  of  his  force.  The  exultation  of  the  Aus- 
trians was  suddenly  checked  by  the  startling  news  of  the  passage  of 
the  Alps  by  the  French,  and  their  presence  in  Milan.  Napoleon 
was  between  the  Austrians  and  their  base  of  operations,  and  they 
must  fight  to  recover  their  communications  with  their  own  country. 
Melas  hastily  fell  back  to  Alessandria,  and  concentrated  his  forces 
there.  Napoleon  took  position  in  the  great  plain  of  Marengo,  where, 
on  the  14th  of  June,  the  decisive  battle  of  the  campaign  was  fought. 
The  Austrians  were  successful  in  the  morning ;  but  the  arrival  of 
Desaix  with  a  fresh  corps,  in  the  afternoon,  enabled  Napoleon  to 
renew  the  battle,  and  the  Austrians  were  defeated  and  driven  in  con- 
fusion across  the  Bormida.  Each  army  lost  about  seven  thousand 
men  killed.  The  heroic  Desaix  was  mortally  wounded.  Their  defeat 
left  the  Austrians  in  such  a  critical  condition  that  Melas  was  com- 
pelled to  enter  intp  negotiations  with  the  first  consul.  An  agreement 
was  signed  by  which  the  Austrian  army  withdrew  beyond  the  Min- 


460 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


cio,  and  twelve  fortresses,  including  Milan,  Turin,  Genoa,  Piacenza, 
and  Alessandria,  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  By  his  single 
victory  Napoleon  gained  all  the  territory  he  had  won  in  his  earlier 
campaigns,  and  which  had  been  lost  by  his  absence  from  Italy. 
Austria  was  deprived  of  all  that  she  had  obtained  in  the  northern  part 
of  the  Peninsula.  A  suspension  of  hostilities  was  agreed  upon  until 
the  Austrian  commander  could  receive  definite  instructions  from 
Vienna  as  to  a  treaty  of  peace;  and  Napoleon  returned  to  Paris, 
where  he  was  received  with  an  ovation. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  1801,  the  peace  of  Luneville,  which 
confirmed  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  was  signed,  by  which  the 
duke  of  Parma  obtained  Tuscany  under  the  designation  of  the  Etru- 
rian Kingdom ;  Lombardy  and  Parma  fell  to  France,  and  Venice  to 
Austria.  In  1802  the  Cisalpine  was  changed  into  the  Italian  Repub- 
lic, its  constitution  revised,  and  Napoleon  made  president.  Piedmont 
was  formally  annexed  to  the  French  dominions  in  September  of  the 
same  year,  and  about  the  same  time  the  duchies  of  Parma,  Piacenza, 
and  Guastalla  were  seized  and  placed  under  a  French  administration. 
In  1805,  when  the  military  regime  was  completed  in  France,  and 
Bonaparte  had  become  its  emperor,  the  same  kind  of  monarchy  was 
forced  upon  Italy,  and  he  was  crowned  king  of  the  latter  country  in 
the  cathedral  of  Milan,  on  the  26th  of  May,  the  ancient  iron  crown  of 
Lombardy  being  used  on  that  occasion.  The  emperor  appointed  his 
stepson,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  his  representative  in  Italy,  with  the 
title  of  viceroy.  On  the  30th  of  June  the  Genoese  territory  was 
organized  as  three  French  departments,  and  formally  incorporated 
with  France.  Guastalla  was  annexed  to  the  new  Italian  kingdom, 
and  Piambino  and  Lucca  were  given  in  fief  to  Napoleon's  sister, 
Elisa,  who  had  married  Paschal  Bacciochi.  By  the  peace  of  Pres- 
burg,  signed  on  the  26th  of  December,  1805,  Venice,  Istria,  and 
Dalmatia  were  added  to  the  Italian  kingdom,  the  area  of  which  then 
comprised  thirty-five  thousand  and  four  hundred  square  miles,  with  a 
population  of  five  million  six  hundred  and  fifty-seven  thousand. 
Naples  had  entered  into  a  treaty  of  neutrality  with  France;  but 
under  the  influence  of  Queen  Caroline,  a  sister  of  the  unfortunate 
Marie  Antoinette,  it  had  taken  sides  wdth  the  allies.  Napoleon  at 
once  proclaimed  that  "the  house  of  Bourbon  had  ceased  to  reigr> 
in  Naples,"  and  in  February,  1806,  sent  a  powerful  army  under 
Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Marshal  Massena  into  the  Neapolitan  territory. 
The  royal  family  fled  to  Sicily;  Naples  was  occupied  by  the  I^rench, 
and  the  emperor  conferred  the  Neapolitan  crown  upon  his  eldest 


CAMILLO  CAVOUR, 


brother,  Joseph  Bonaparte.  The  latter  was  annoyed  by  Ferdinand, 
who  made  repeated  efforts  to  regain  his  throne ;  but  the  insurrection 
was  suppressed  by  the  French  troops. 

In  1808  Joseph  Bonaparte  exchanged  his  position  as  king  of  the 
two  Sicihes  for  the  throne  of  Spain,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother-in-law,  General  ]\Iurat,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  marshals  of 
the  empire.  In  the  same  year  the  Etrurian  kingdom  and  the  Papal 
States  were  added  to  France ;  but  Istria  and  Dalmatia  were  sepa- 
rated from  Italy,  and  united  to  the  new  Illyrian  kingdom,  while  a 
portion  of  the  Tyrol  was  assigned  to  Italy.  The  last  effort  of  Aus- 
tria to  crush  the  French  in  the  Italian  Peninsula  having  been  frus- 
trated in  a  series  of  battles  extending  from  the  19th  to  the  23d  ofi 
April,  1809,  the  supremacy  of  Xapoleon  remained  undisturbed  untiv 
his  power  was  broken  b}'  the  Russian  campaign,  and  the  successful 
rising  of  Germany. 


SECOND  DECADE,  1810-1820. 


Chapter  IL 

BIRTH  OF  CAVOUR— ITALY  OPPRESSED  — GARI BALDI 

THE  year  18 10  will  ever  be  regarded  by  the  true  Italian  pa- 
triot as  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  history  of  his  coun- 
tr\'.  No  startling  political  or  military  event  occurred,  and  Xapoleon 
continued  to  be  undisputed  ruler  of  the  whole  Peninsula.  But  the 
birth  of  one  who  was  destined  to  be  the  deliv^erer  of  Italy  rendered 
that  }'ear  almost  sacred.  If  the  22d  of  February,  1732,  is  a  day  to 
be  revered  by  Americans,  the  ist  of  August,  18 10,  deserves  like 
commemoration  by  the  Italians.  The  parents  of  Camillo  Bensi  di 
Cavour  resided  at  Turin,  where  this,  their  second  son,  was  born. 
His  father,  the  Marquis  ]\Iichael  Benso  di  Cavour,  belonged  to  one 
of  the  most  ancient  and  noble  families  of  Piedmont,  and  was  for 
many  years,  during  the  reign  of  Carlo  Alberto,  mayor  of  the  city  in 
w4iich  he  lived.  The  infant  son  and  future  statesman  was  held  at 
the  baptismal  font  by  the  Princess  Pauline  Borghese,  sister  of  Napo- 
leon I,  and  the  Abbe  Frezet,  author  of  a  history  of  the  house  of 
Savoy,  was  his  first  instructor. 

The  social  center  at  Turin  was  united,  though  varied,  and  in  this 


462 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


wholesome  and  strengthening  atmosphere  Camillo  Cavour  was  reared. 
He  was  a  robust  child,  sparkling  with  vivacity,  enjoying  his  own 
life  and  imparting  happiness  to  all  around  him.  In  18 1 5,  when  the 
tragic  warfare  which  swept  away  the  French  empire  had  made  Pied- 
mont independent,  he  was  only  five  years  of  age.  In  that  same  year, 
on  the  1 8th  of  June,  the  star  of  Napoleon  set  on  the  bloody  field 
of  Waterloo  to  rise  no  more,  while  that  of  Cavour,  which  was  des- 
tined to  guide  Italy  through  its  dark  night  to  the  haven  of  national 
unity  and  safety  was  just  rising  above  the  horizon.  Indeed,  the  reign 
of  Napoleon  was  virtually  ended  in  the  Peninsula  in  1 8 14.  On  the 
nth  of  January,  Murat,  king  of  Naples,  abandoned  Napoleon,  uni- 
ted his  forces  with  those  of  Austria,  and  assisted  in  expelling  the 
French  army  from  Italy,  which  was  accomplished  on  the  23d  of 
April,  18 14.  While  Cavour,  in  the  innocence  of  childhood,  spent 
happy  hours  under  the  parental  roof,  his  native  land  was  about  to 
pass  under  the  despotic  rule  of  Austria. 

After  the  abdication  of  the  French  emperor,  Eugene  Beauharnais, 
who  had  been  viceroy  of  Milan,  withdrew,  and  the  states  of  Italy 
returned  to  the  government  of  their  former  rulers,  with  the  exception 
of  Venice,  which  remained  subject  to  Austria.  On  the  return  of 
Bonaparte  from  Elba,  in  18 15,  Murat  took  up  arms,  advanced  north- 
w^ard  and  entered  Bologna.  Driven  thence,  he  was  soon  afterward 
defeated  near  Tolentino,  and  his  power  completely  destroyed.  The 
Austrian  general,  Nugent,  entered  the  capital,  and  Murat  fled  to 
France,  while  his  wife  and  family  found  refuge  in  Austria.  Ferdi- 
nand returned  from  Sicily  to  Naples,  and  maintained  with  few  changes 
the  Code  Napoleon  and  other  institutions  introduced  by  the  French. 
Murat  made  a  feeble  attempt  to  recover  his  kingdom,  and  having  col- 
lected a  small  body  of  troops  in  Corsica,  landed  at  Pezzo,  in  Calabria, 
where  he  was  taken  prisoner,  tried  by  a  military  tribunal,  and  shot. 

To  restore  the  political  system  of  Europe,  which  had  been  so 
completely  subverted,  a  General  Congress  met  at  Vienna,  on  the  ist 
of  November,  18 14.  Six  of  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe  were 
present,  and  also  many  princes,  embassadors,  and  ministers.  This 
congress  decreed  a  new  territorial  arrangement  of  Italy.  The  king 
of  Sardinia  received  back  all  his  dominions  according  to  the  bounda- 
ries existing  in  1792,  with  some  few  changes  in  the  frontier.  To 
these  were  added  Genoa  and  the  territory  belonging  to  it  when  a 
republic.  The  emperor  of  Austria  received  the  newly  elected  king- 
dom of  Venetian  Lombardy,  in  which  were  included  the  districts  of 
the  Valteline,  Bormio,  and  Chiavenna,  with  parts  of  the  Grisons. 


AUSTRIA  RULES  ITALY. 


463 


The  valley  of  the  Po  was  fixed  upon  as  the  boundary  between  the 
popedom  and  Parma.  The  house  of  Hapsbur^^  again  received  the 
sov^ereignty  which  it  once  exercised  over  Modena,  Reggio,  Miran- 
dola,  i\Iassa,  and  Carrara.  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  fell  to  the 
Empress  Maria  Louisa,  wife  of  Napoleon.  The  first-named  was 
given  to  her  as  a  sovereignty  for  her  life,  after  which  it  was  to  fall 
to  the  duchess  of  Lucca  and  her  heirs,  who  were  to  give  up  a  terri- 
tory in  Bohemia  to  the  duke  of  Reichstadt,  the  son  of  Napoleon  and 
i\Iaria  Louisa.  Prince  Ferdinand  received  Tuscany  and  the  district 
of  Piombina,  with  the  title  of  Grand  Duke.  He  also  obtained  the 
sovereignty  of  the  isle  of  Elba,  on  condition  of  reserving  in  that 
island  the  rights  of  Prince  Buoncompagni  Ludovisi.  To  the  Lifanta 
Maria  Louisa,  the  Bourbon  princess,  was  assigned  Lucca,  as  a  sover- 
eign dukedom,  with  a  }'early  pension  of  five  hundred  thousand  francs 
till  the  decease  of  the  Empress  ]\Iaria  Louisa.  The  pope  was  fully 
reinstated  in  all  his  dominions,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  small 
portions  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Po;  but  Austria  reserved  the  right 
of  recruiting  in  Ferrara  and  Comacchio.  Ferdinand  of  Naples  was 
again  acknowledged  as  king  of  both  Sicilies.  Malta,  Gozzo,  and 
Comino  remained  in  the  hands  of  England,  and  the  republic  of  San 
IMarino  and  the  prince  of  Monaco  were  guaranteed  in  the  enjoyment 
of  their  ancient  rights. 

Thus,  at  the  end  of  tv.-enty  years  of  war,  Italy  was  deprived  of 
the  ancient  liberties  of  some  of  its  provinces,  and  saw  the  Aus- 
trian rule  more  firmly  established  and  extended  in  others.  But 
this  was  not  the  worst  feature.  Her  rulers,  who  before  the  French 
Revolution  had  commenced  civil  and  religious  reforms,  returned  with 
an  obstinate  aversion  to  any  change.  All  that  the  country  had 
gained  was  the  abolition  of  the  remnants  of  feudal  rights  and  privi- 
leges, the  division  of  feudal  domains,  and  the  extensive  lands  wrested 
from  the  suppressed  monasteries,  and  the  introduction  of  the  Code 
Napoleon  into  most  of  its  states.  Tiie  restoration  of  the  old  govern- 
ments, however,  was  not  followed  by  the  return  of  tranquillity,  still 
less  of  contentment,  among  the  Italians. 

Vienna  could  not  allay  the  spirit  of  national  independence  which 
was  astir  among  the  people.  It  was  first  awakened  by  a  few  poets 
of  the  last  twenty  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  was  fostered 
by  the  allied  powers  themselves,  whose  interests  were  promoted  by 
the  overthrow  of  the  French  rule  in  Italy.  The  Archduke  John  of 
Austria  in  1809,  Lord  William  Bentinck  in  18 14  at  Genoa,  and  General 
Nugent  in  18 15,  had  all  promised  independence  to  the  Italians,  and 


464 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


excited  them  to  arise  in  the  name  of  their  country's  freedom  and 
defend  their  own  rights  and  their  own  Hberties.  Whbn  Murat 
marched  into  Upper  Italy,  in  181 5,  he  appealed  to  the  spirit  of  na- 
tion.al  independence,  and  even  proclaimed  that  the  freedom  of  Italy  was 
the  object  of  his  expedition.  It  became  then  the  favorite  theme 
of  the  national  literature,  and  was  strengthened  by  the  arrangements 
of  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  By  the  extension  of  the  Austrian  power 
in  the  peninsula  all  the  Italian  sovereigns  became  virtually  so  many 
liege  lords  of  the  empire.  The  cabinet  at  Vienna  dictated  their 
polic}',  and  not  one  of  them  dared  to  think  or  act  for  himself.  Thus 
Ferdinand,  when  leaving  Sicily  in  Ma}',  181 5,  addressed  a  proclama- 
tion to  the  Neapolitans,  in  which  he  promised  to  be  the  depositary 
of  such  laws  as  should  be  decreed  by  a  constitution ;  but,  in  June 
of  the  same  year,  by  a  secret  treaty,  signed  at  Vienna,  he  engaged 
himself  not  to  introduce  into  his  states  any  principles  of  government 
irreconcilable  with  those  adopted  by  Austria  in  her  Italian  provinces  ; 
and  accordingly,  in  1816,  he  '^\\\.^dc  facto ^-^w  end  to  the  Sicilian  con- 
stitution of  1812.  An  intense  feeling  of  hostility  to  Austria  now 
prevailed,  and  a  deep  conviction  that  there  could  not  be  an}'  real  im- 
provement in  the  state  of  the  Peninsula  until  national  independence 
had  been  obtained,  had  taken  possession  of  the  Italian  mind. 

The  Italian  sovereigns,  on  returning  to  their  respective  states, 
neither  restored  the  ancient  order  of  things  nor  adapted  their  new 
policy  to  the  fresh  wants  and  altered  conditions  of  societ}^  In  com- 
pliance with  the  dictates  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  the}^  undid  not  only 
what  had  been  done  under  French  rule,  but  also  their  own  previous 
reforms.  By  an  agreement  with  the  pope,  the  Jesuits  were  restored 
every-where ;  many  of  the  suppressed  monasteries  were  re-established, 
and  the  mortmain  laws  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  repealed. 
The  taxes  upon  land  were  increased,  and  exports  and  imports 
checked  by  means  of  high  duties.  The  s}^stem  of  passports  was 
made  much  more  stringent,,  and  permission  to  leave  one's  native 
town,  even  for  a  few  days,  often  denied.  Elementary  education  was 
narrowed  in  its  limits,  and  thrown  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
clergy ;  its  highest  branches  were  discountenanced  and  lowered  by 
the  expulsion  from  the  universities  of  some  of  the  ablest  professors, 
supposed  to  entertain  liberal  views.  Private  lecturing  or  teaching 
was  not  allowed  without  a  previous  license  from  the  ordinary  and 
police  agent.  The  freedom  of  the  press  was  fettered  more  than  it 
had  ever  been  before,  and  every  work,  before  being  published,  w^as 
subjected  to  a  rigorous  scrutin}^     Public  functionaries  were  changed 


DESPOTIC  MEASURES. 


465 


1 

1 


PIUS  VII. 


without  any  regard  to  justice,  but  merely  because  they  had  served 
under  the  former  government.  All  who  had  distinguished  themselves 
in  the  time  of  Napoleon,  or  who  were  of  a  liberal  turn  of  mind,  were 
openly  persecuted  or  ostracized,  and  their  movements  and  words 
suspected,  watched,  and  reported. 


466 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


In  addition  to  all  this,  in  the  papal  states  ecclesiastics  returned  to 
fill  all  civil  offices,  and  the  Code  Napoleon  was  withdrawn  from  those 
provinces  which  had  formed  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  Hence, 
there  arose  general  discontent  among  the  people,  and  thousands  of 
otherwise  quiet  persons,  either  in  the  hope  of  finding  redress  or  pro- 
tection, or  only  out  of  a  feeling  of  revenge,  united  with  secret  political 
societies,  which  had  been  formed  during  French  rule  for  the  purpose 
of  emancipating  the  Peninsula.  Many  officers  of  the  army  were  con- 
'nected  with  them,  who,  at  the  time  of  the  restoration,  either  lost 
their  position  or  failed  to  be  regularly  promoted.  This  vast  combi- 
nation, supported  by  the  general  sympathies  of  the  people,  wanted 
but  a  small  impulse  to  break  out  into  open  rebellion  ;  and  it  was  in 
vain  that  the  government  of  Naples  endeavored  to  oppose  the  popu- 
lar movement  by  organizing  a  secret  society  called  the  Calderari. 
Thus  the  great  evil  of  oath-bound  political  associations  was  sanc- 
tioned by  the  royal  party. 

When  Clement  XIV  suppressed  the  Jesuits,  A.  D.  1773,  he 
decreed  the  abolition  of  the  society  ''forever,"  but  it  neither  ceased 
to  exist  nor  to  act.  Its  leaders  pointed  to  the  awful  tempest  of  the 
French  Revolution  and  to  the  fallen  thrones  and  desecrated  altars  as 
the  expression  of  God's  anger  at  the  suppression  of  their  holy 
order,  and  demanded  of  Pius  VII  its  restoration.  Scarcely  had  the 
latter  returned  to  the  Vatican  when  he  issued  a  bull,  dated  the  7th 
of  August,  A.  D.  1 8 14,  restoring  the  order  and  appointing  Thad- 
deus  Borzodzowsky  its  general  or  chief.  It  is  said  that  this  step  was 
taken  with  the  full  approval  of  the  allied  powers,  who  wished  to 
reward  the  Jesuits  for  the  zeal  which  they  manifested  towards  the 
cause  of  the  Bourbons. 

From  18 1 5  to  1820  Italy  was  not  disturbed  by  any  violent 
commotions,  though  the  people  were  restless  under  the  oppressive 
rule  of  their  princes,  who  \\<^re  Austria's  agents.  In  18 19  young 
Cavour,  the  coming  Italian  statesman,  Avas  a  student  in  the  Military 
Academy  of  Turin,  the  school  of  the  noble  Piedmontese  youth,  and 
by  his  superior  ability  soon  obtained  the  position  of  page  in  the 
household  of  the  prince  di  Carignano,  the  future  Charles  Albert.  But 
tl:e  proud  spirit  of  the  future  diplomatist  chafed  under  the  "pack- 
saddle,"  as  he  styled  it,  of  his  livery,  so  that  the  king  soon  released 
him  from  a  service  that  was  uncongenial  to  his  sturdy  and  robust 
disposition. 

At  this  time  another  youth,  who  was  destined  to  play  an  important 
part  in  the  deliverance  of  his  country  from  foreign  rule,  was  attend- 


GARIBALDI  A  SAILOR. 


467 


ing  school  at  Genoa.  Guiseppe  Garibaldi  was  born  at  Nice  on  the 
4th  of  July,  1807.  His  father  was  a  sailor,  and,  after  educating 
his  son  in  the  common  branches,  trained  him  to  the  life  of  a  seaman 
in  a  vessel  with  himself.  Garibaldi,  in  writing  of  his  boyhood,  refers 
to  a  simple  incident  which  made  a  deep  impression  upon  his  mind. 
Having  caught  a  grasshopper,  he  carried  it  into  the  house ;  but, 
handling  it  too  roughly  he  broke  its  leg.  After  reflecting  on  the 
injury  he  had  done  the  harmless  insect,  he  was  so  much  affected  with 
grief  that  he  retired  to  his  chamber  and  wept  bitterly  for  several 
hours.  This  tenderness  of  heart  in  the  child  characterized  him  when 
he  became  a  man.  On  another  occasion  he  rescued  a  poor  woman 
who  had  fallen  into  a  deep  ditch  filled  with  water,  and  he  declares 
that  in  saving  her  life  he  experienced  the  highest  pleasure.  It 
appears,  therefore,  that  in  early  years,  though  fearless  of  danger,  he 
was  easily  moved  by  the  sight  of  suffering. 

The  instructors  of  Garibaldi,  Padre  Gianone  and  Signor  Arena, 
are  mentioned  by  him  in  terms  of  grateful  praise.  He  expresses 
regret  that  he  was  more  inclined  to  play  than  to  study.  In  view  of 
the  proximity  of  Nice  to  France,  the  Italian  language  was  not  gen- 
erally spoken  in  that  city,  and  besides  the  government  neglected  to 
provide  proper  education  for  the  people.  Garibaldi  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  Padre  Gianone  for  instructing  him  in  his  own 
native  dialect.  His  brother  in  America  encouraged  him  in  the  effort,, 
and  also  persuaded  him  to  read  Roman  and  Italian  history,  in  which 
he  became  deeply  interested.  While  at  school  in  Genoa  he  grew 
weary  of  study,  and  especially  of  confinement  at  the  desk,  and  there- 
fore resolved  to  undertake  an  adventure  by  sea  and  seek  his  fortune. 
With  several  companions  he  entered  a  boat,  taking  with  him  some 
provisions  and  fishing  tackle,  and  sailed  for  the  Levant.  But  Avhen 
the  young  voyagers  reached  Monaco  they  were  overtaken  by  a  ''cor- 
sair," commanded  by  Garibaldi's  father,  and  taken  back  to  their 
homes.  Garibaldi  was  exceedingly  mortified  by  the  failure  of  the 
enterprise,  but  it  was  the  beginning  of  an  adventurous  career  un- 
equaled  in  heroism  and  daring. 

In  a  short  time  he  commenced  the  life  of  a  sailor  on  board  the^ 
vessel  Costanza.  *'How  every  thing  is  embellished,"  he  says,  in 
referring  to  this  event,  "by  the  feelings  of  youth,  and  how  beautiful 
appeared  to  my  ardent  eyes  the  bark  in  which  I  was  to  navigate  the- 
Mediterranean  when  I  stepped  on  board  for  the  first  time !  Her- 
lofty  sides,  her  slender  masts,  rising  so  gracefully  and  so  high  above, 
and  the  bust  of  'Our  Lady,'  which  adorned  the  bow,  all  remain  as 

31 


468 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


distinctly  painted  on  my  memory  at  the  present  day  as  on  the  happy 
hour  when  I  became  one  of  her  crew.  How  gracefully  moved  the 
sailors,  who  were  fine  young  men  from  San  Remi,  and  true  speci- 
mens of  intrepid  Ligurians !  With  what  pleasure  I  ventured  into  the 
forecastle  to  listen  to  the  popular  songs  sung  by  harmonious  choirs ! 
They  sang  of  love  until  I  was  transported ;  and  they  endeavored  to 
excite  themselves  to  patriotism  by  singing  of  Italy !  But  who  in 
those  days  had  ever  taught  them  how  to  be  patriotic  and  Italian  ? 
Who,  indeed,  had  then  ever  said  on  those  shores  to  those  young  men 
that  there  was  such  a  thing  as  Italy,  or  that  they  had  a  country 
to  be  ameliorated  or  redeemed?" 

The  second  voyage  of  Garibaldi  was  made  to  Rome  in  a  vessel 
belonging  to  his  father.  ''Rome,"  he  exclaimed,  **once  the  capital 
of  the  world,  now  the  capital  of  a  sect !  The  Rome  which  I  had 
painted  in  my  imagination  no  longer  existed.  The  future  Rome, 
rising  to  regenerate  the  nation,  has  now  long  been  a  dominant  idea  in 
my  mind,  and  inspired  me  with  hope  and  energy.  Thoughts  spring- 
ing from  the  past,  in  short,  have  had  a  prevailing  influence  on  me 
during  my  life.  Rome,  which  I  had  before  admired  and  thought  of 
frequently,  I  ever  since  have  loved.  It  has  been  dear  to  me  beyond 
all  things.  I  not  only  admired  her  for  her  former  power,  and  the 
•remains  of  antiquity,  but  even  the  smallest  thing  connected  with  her 
-was  precious  to  me.  Even  in  exile  these  feelings  were  constantly 
cherished  in  my  heart,  and  often,  very  often  have  I  prayed  to  the 
Almighty  to  permit  me  to  see  that  city  once  more.  I  regarded  Rome 
as  the  center  of  Italy,  for  the  union  of  which  I  ardently  longed." 

Garibaldi  made  several  voyages  with  his  father,  and  afterwards  one 
with  Captain  Gervino  to  Caglieri,  and  during  the  return  passage,  in  a 
fearful  storm,  on  the  ocean,  he  beheld  the  capsizing  of  a  Spanish  boat, 
and  the  drowning  of  the  crew.  It  was  impossible  to  render  them  any 
assistance,  and  the  Italian  sailors  shed,  tears  over  the  sad  fate  of  the 
unfortunate  men.  This  experience  on  the  ocean  accustomed  Gari- 
baldi to  hardship  and  danger,  and,  at  the  same  time,  awakened  those 
tender  emotions  in  his  heart,  which,  in  subsequent  years,  manifested 
themselves  in  the  darkest  hours  of  his  life.  During  one  of  his  voy- 
ages he  visited  Constantinople,  where  he  was  taken  sick,  and,  after  his 
recovery,  being  in  straitened  circumstances,  he  taught  in  a  private 
family.    In  a  short  time,  however,  he  resumed  the  nautical  life. 


CHARLES  FELIX. 


469 


THIRD  DECADE,  1820-1830. 

Chapter  III. 

JOSEPH  MAZZINI  AND  THE  CARBON ARL 

AMONG  the  secret  political  societies  that  existed  in  Italy,  seek- 
ing to  overthrow  Austrian  tyranny  and  to  establish  a  republican 
form  of  government,  was  the  Carbonari.  It  was  strong  in  France, 
and  had  been  introduced  into  Italy,  where,  in  1820,  its  membership 
embraced  thousands.  The  order  was  very  powerful  in  Naples,  and, 
in  1820,  under  its  guidance,  the  Neapolitans  rose  in  insurrection 
against  King  Ferdinand,  and  demanded  that  the  absolute  rule  of  that 
king  should  give  way  to  a  constitutional  monarchy.  Ferdinand  was 
taken  at  a  disadvantage  and  granted  them  a  constitution,  which  he 
intended  to  revoke  at  the  first  favorable  opportunity.  A  few  months 
later  the  emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria,  and  the  kings  of  Prussia, 
Sardinia,  and  Naples  met  at  Laybach,  in  Austria,  and  agreed  to 
crush  out  the  Neapolitan  movement  for  constitutional  freedom  as 
dangerous  to  the  cause  of  absolutism. 

In  1 82 1  a  force  of  sixty  thousand  Austrians  entered  the  Neapoli- 
tan territories,  and,  with  their  aid,  King  Ferdinand  revoked  the  con- 
stitution, restored  the  absolute  monarchy,  and  put  down  the  resistance 
of  his  people.  He  celebrated  his  victory  by  treating  the  liberal 
leaders  with  great  cruelty.  In  the  same  year  a  similar  insurrection 
broke  out  in  Piedmont,  or  the  Sardinian  kingdom,  and  the  people 
demanded  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel  I  a  constitution.  Rather  than 
grant  this  Victor  Emmanuel  abdicated  his  crown  in  favor  of  his 
brother,  Charles  Felix,  who  was  at  that  time  absent  in  Modena. 
Until  the  new  king  could  reach  Turin  his  cousin,  Charles  Albert, 
prince  of  Carignano,  was  made  regent.  The  latter  was  the  heir  to 
the  throne,  as  the  new  king  had  no  children.  For  some  reason  he 
complied  with  the  demands  of  the  liberals,  but  immediately  upon  his 
i  arrival  at  Turin  Charles  Felix  set  aside  the  resrent's  concessions  and 
compelled  the  submission  of  his  people  by  threatening  to  call  in  the 
Austrians  to  assist  him  in  maintaining  his  power.  Any  thing  was 
better  than  an  Austrian  intervention,  and,  for  a  while,  the  liberals 


470 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


were  forced  to  submit.  The  Jesuits  and  the  Austrian  party  endeav- 
ored to  induce  Charles  FeHx  to  name  as  his  heir  Francis,  duke  of 
iNIodena,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Victor  Emmanuel  I ;  but 
the  king-  remained  faithful  to  his  cousin,  Charles  Albert.  Duke 
Francis  began  to  intrigue  with  the  liberals,  and  gave  them  to  under- 
stand that,  if  they  would  declare  him  king  of  Italy,  he  would  adopt 
their  principles,  head  their  party,  and  unite  Italy  in  a  constitutional 
monarch.     For  some  time  they  believed  him  sincere. 

One  Sunday  in  1821,  soon  after  the  Piedmontese  insurrection  had 
been  crushed,  partly  by  Austria,  partly  by  treachery,  and  partly 
through  the  weakness  of  its  leaders,  Joseph  jMazzini,  then  a  boy  of 
twelve  years,  accompanied  by  his  mother,  and  an  old  friend  of  the 
family  named  Andrew  Gambini,  walked  in  the  Strada  Niiova  of 
Genoa.  It  was  in  April,  and  the  revolutionists,  seeking  safety  by 
sea,  had  flocked  to  that  city,  and  finding  themselves  distressed  for 
means  they  went  about  asking  aid  to  enable  them  to  cross  into  Spain, 
where  the  revolution  was  yet  triumphant.  The  greater  number  of 
them  were  crowded  in  5.  Pier  d' Arena,  awaiting  a  chance  to  embark ; 
but  not  a  few  had  contrived  to  enter  the  city  one  by  one.  Young 
]\Iazzini,»  who  was  born  in  Genoa  in  1809,  was  the  son  of  a  prominent 
physician,  and  had  been  unconsciously  educated  in  the  worship  of 
equality  by  the  democratic  principles  of  his  parents,  "whose  bearing," 
he  says,  "towards  high  or  low  was  ever  the  same."  Disregarding 
the  position  of  the  individual,  they  estimated  him  by  the  standard  of 
character.  ]\Iazzini  declares  that  his  own  natural  aspirations  towards 
liberty  were  fostered  by  constantly  hearing  his  father  and  mother, 
and  Andrew  Gambini,  the  friend  already  mentioned,  speak  of  the 
recent  republican  era  in  France,  by  the  study  of  the  works  of  Livy 
and  Tacitus,  which  his  Latin  master  had  given  him  to  translate,  and 
by  "certain  old  French  newspapers"  which  he  discovered  half  con- 
cealed behind  his  father's  medical  books.  Among  these  last  Avere 
some  numbers  of  the  CJironique  du  Mois,  a  Girondist  publication 
belonging  to  the  first  period  of  the  French  Revolution. 

While  Mazzini,  his  mother,  and  Gambini  were  proceeding  along 
the  street  above  named,  they  were  stopped  and  addressed  by  a  tall 
black-bearded  man,  with  a  severe  and  energetic  countenance,  and  a 
fiery  glance  that  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  young  patriot  in 
the  party.  Holding  out  a  white  handkerchief  towards  them,  the 
stranger  merely  said:  "For  the  refugees  of  Italy."  A  contribution 
was  made  and  he  passed  on  to  solicit  from  others.  This  man  was 
Rini,  a  captain  in  the  National  Guard,  which  had  been  instituted  at 


MAZZIXrS  WRITINGS. 


the  commencement  of  the  revolution.  He  accompanied  the  fleeing 
repubHcans  as  collector,  and  finally  perished  for  the  cause  of  liberty 
in  Spain.  "The  idea  of  an  existing  wrong  in  my  own  country, 
against  which  it  was  a  duty  to  struggle,  and  the  thought  that  I,  too, 
must  bear  my  part  in  that  struggle,"  says  IMazzini,  ''flashed  before  my 
mind  on  that  day  for  the  first  time,  never  again  to  leave  me.  The 
remembrance  of  those  refugees,  many  of  whom  became  my  friends 
in  after  life,  pursued  me  wherever  I  went  b}'  da}-,  and  mingled  with 
my  dreams  by  night.  I  would  have  given,  I  know  not  what,  to 
follow  them.  I  began  collecting  names  and  facts,  and  studied,  as  best 
I  might,  the  records  of  that  heroic  struggle,  seeking  to  fathom  the 
causes  of  its  failure.-" 

IMazzini  associated  with  the  refugees,  easily  detecting  them  either 
by  their  general  appearance,  by  some  peculiarity  of  dress,  by  their 
warlike  air  or  by  the  signs  of  a  deep  and  silent  sorrow  on  their  faces. 
The  Genoese  were  deeply  moved,  and  some  of  the  boldest  had  pro- 
posed to  Santarosa  and  Ansaldi,  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection,  to 
concentrate  in  and  take  possession  of  the  city,  thus  organizing  a  new 
resistance;  but  Genoa  was  found  to  be  deprived  of  all  means  of  suc- 
cessful defense;  the  fortresses  were  without  artillery,  and  the  leaders 
had  rejected  the  proposition,  telling  them  to  preserve  themselves  for 
a  better  fate.  The  sympathy  of  young  IMazzini  was  profoundh' 
excited,  and  the  desire  to  deliver  his  country  from  foreign  oppression 
became  an  absorbing  passion.  When  at  school,  surrounded  by  nois}*, 
tumultuous  students,  he  was  silent  and  somber,  and  appeared  like 
one  suddenly  grown  old.  He  even  resolved  to  dress  always  in  black, 
fancying  himself  in  mourning  for  Italy,  and  his  mind  was  so  much 
burdened  that  his  mother  feared  he  would  commit  suicide. 

This  first  tempest  of  feeling,  however,  passed  away,  and  by 
degrees  a  calmer  state  of  mind  was  enjoyed  by  the  young  patriot. 
His  friendship  for  the  Rufifinis — an  interesting  famih* — had  a  tendency 
to  soothe  his  troubled  spirit,  and  afford  relief  to  the  inward  passion 
that  consumed  him.  He  conversed  with  them  of  literature,  of  the 
intellectual  resurrection  of  Itah*,  and  upon  philosophico-religious 
questions;  but  that  which  brought  peace  to  his  mind  was  the  propo- 
sition to  form  associations  for  the  purpose  of  smuggling  books  pro- 
hibited by  the  police.  This  opening,  though  on  a  small  scale, 
encouraged  Mazzini,  who  soon  drew  around  him  a  little  circle  of 
chosen  friends,  whom  he  designated  as  "a  group  of  Pleiads,  and  a 
salvation  to  my  tormented  spirit."  Toward  the  end  of  1826  he  wrote 
his  first  literary  article,     DclV Amor  Patrio  di  Dant^,''  and  boldly 


472  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

sent  it  to  the  ''Antologia,'*  of  Florence,  but  it  was  not  published; 
subsequently,  however,  it  was  inserted  in  the  S7ibalpino,''  by  N. 
Tommasseo.  For  several  years  Mazzini  had  studied  the  writings  of 
Dante,  and  he  venerated  him  not  only  as  a  poet,  but  as  the  father  of 
the  Itatian  nation.  In  1827  the  literary  war  between  the  classicist 
and  romantic  schools  was  raging  fiercely.  It  was  a  war  between  the 
supporters  of  a  literary  despotism,  dating  its  origin  and  authority 
two  thousand  years  back,  and  those  who  sought  to  emancipate 
themselves  from  its  tyranny  in  the  name  of  their  own  individual 
inspiration.  Mazzini  and  the  young  men  who  followed  him  belonged 
to  the  latter  school.  The  literati  of  that  period  were  neither  citizens 
nor  patriots,  and  were  completely  governed  by  the  false  French  doc- 
trine of  art  for  art's  sake.  But  Tommasseo  and  Montani,  in  the 
fruitful  and  fostering  school  of  criticism,  taught  in  their  **Antologia," 
declared  that  without  a  country  and  without  liberty  no  vital  art  could 
be  produced.  The  writings  of  Count  Alessandro  Manzoni  presented 
similar  views.  The  patriotic  heart  of  this  great  author  earnestly 
desired  the  freedom  of  Italy,  and  noble  sentiments  breathing  that 
spirit  occasionally  transpire  in  the  choruses  of  his  tragedies  and  other 
passages  of  his  works,  though  restrained  by  his  devotion  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  gentleness  of  his  nature.  Mazzini 
declares  that  the  ideas  awakened  in  him  in  1 821  still  burned  in  his 
soul  in  1827,  and  moved  him  to  renounce  the  career  of  literature  for 
the  more  direct  path  of  political  action. 

At  that  time  a  small  journal  called  the  Indicatore  Genovese  was 
published  in  Genoa  by  one  Ponthenier,  who  was  also  the  editor. 
It  contained  mercantile  advertisements,  and  Mazzini  persuaded  the 
proprietor  to  admit  notices  of  books  he  had  for  sale,  embracing  a 
brief  description  of  each.  This  was  the  commencement  of  his  career 
as  a  critic.  By  degrees  the  advertisements  swelled  into  articles,  but 
the  government,  which  slumbered  like  the  country,  either  did  not 
heed  or  did  not  observe  them,  and  the  Indicatore  gradually  became 
a  literary  journal.  These  articles,  which  were  collected  and  published 
at  Lugano  many  years  afterwards  under  the  title  of  ''Scritti  Letterari 
d'un  Italiano  Vivente,"  show  how  Mazzini  and  his  few  friends  under- 
stood the  question  of  ''Romanticism"  or  progressive  literature.  The 
controversy  now  assumed  a  political  aspect,  and  though  it  was  only 
a  miniature  warfare,  resembling  a  skirmish  between  the  riflemen  of 
the  two  camps,  yet  it  was  the  first  step  towards  national  indepen- 
dence. Mazzini,  believing  that  the  latter  could  only  be  securedliy 
the  freedom  of  the  press,  desired  to  arouse  the  youth  of  the  country 


INDICA  TORE  LIVORNESE.  473 


and  infuse  a  new  spirit  into  the  hidden,  latent  life,  fermenting  deep 
down  in  the  heart  of  Italy.  He  knew  that  the  effort  to  unite  these 
elements — literary  and  political  independence — would  be  resisted  by 
both  foreign  and  domestic  tyranny.  (At  last  the  government  observed 
Mazzini's  writings  and  became  incensed,  and  when  he,  flushed  with 
success,  announced  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  his  intention  to  enlarge 
his  journal,  a  governmental  veto  suddenly  extinguished  it. 

These  few  articles,  full  of  vigor  and  daring,  gave  Mazzini  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  fame  in  his  native  city,  and  he  made  the  acquaintance 
of  the  writers  of  the  **Antologia"  of  Florence,  men  who  were  Ital- 
ians at  heart,  though  the  majority  of  them  were  timid.  He  won 
their  friendship  by  writing  a  reproof  to  Carlo  Botta,  who  by  his 
productions  had  fascinated  the  young  men ;  and  he  published  two 
articles  on  Guerrazzi's  drama,  the  "  Bianchi  e  Neri,"  which  led  to  a 
correspondence  between  him  and  that  celebrated  man.  Guerrazzi 
had  already  written  not  only  that  drama,  but  the  "  Battaglia  di 
Benevento  ;"  yet  so  great  Avas  the  distance  between  the  provinces  in 
those  days  that  Mazzini  had  not  heard  of  him  until  he  accidentally 
met  with  the  "  Bianchi  e  Neri."  He  replied  to  a  letter  written  to 
him  by  the  author,  and  this  was  the  commencement  of  an  enthusi- 
astic and  fraternal  correspondence  between  these  patriots. 

,  When  the  Sardinian  government  suppressed  the  hidicatore  Ge/i- 
ovese  they  suggested  the  idea  of  continuing  the  publication  in  Leg- 
horn under  the  title  of  the  Indicatore  Livomese.  Guerrazzi,  Carlo 
Bini.  and  Mazzini  were  the  chief  contributors  to  this  second  journal, 
in  which  the  political  purposes  of  the  writers  were  more  openly 
revealed — almost,  indeed,  without  disguise.  They  wrote  of  Foscolo, 
who,  apart  from  his  other  merits,  is  deserving  of  the  reverence  of 
the  Italians,  because  he  was  the  first,  both  in  word  and  deed,  to 
restore  literature  to  its  true  patriotic  mission  in  the  person  of  the 
writer.  They  wrote  of  **The  Exile,"  a  poem  by  Pietro  Giannone, 
then  himself  in  exile — a  man  of  incorruptible  fidelity,  and  an  ardent 
lover  of  freedom.  They  also  wrote  of  Giovanni  Berchet,  the  author 
of  magnificent  poems,  full  of  patriotism,  and  whose  works  were  de- 
graded and  lost,  in  1848,  among  the  patricians  and  the  courtiers  of 
royalty  in  Milan. 

i^The  hidicniore  Livomese  became  so  bold  by  the  end  of  the  year 
that  even  the  slumbering  Tuscan  government  ordered  the  pub- 
lishers to  discontinue  it,  and  they  obeyed  the  official  order;  but  the 
two  journals  had  aroused  a  certain  number  of  young  men,  who,  in 
1829,  were  collected  together  and  ready  for  action.    They  were  con- 


474 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


vinced  that  the  various  governments  in  Italy  were  deliberately- 
opposed  to  progress  and  hostile  to  liberty.  "In  the  midst  of  all  this 
literary  warfare,"  says  Mazzini,  **I  never  forgot  my  own  purpose, 
and  I  continued  to  look  around  me  to  discover  men  capable  of 
attempting  an  enterprise.  Whispers  were  rife  amongst  us  of  a 
revival  of  Carbonarism.  I  watched,  questioned,  and  searched  on 
every  side,  until  at  last  a  friend  of  mine — a  certain  Torre — confessed 
to  me  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  sect,  or,  as  it  was  called  in  those 
days,  the  order,  and  offered  me  initiation.  I  accepted.  While  stu- 
dying the  events  of  1820  and  1821  I  had  learned  much  of  Carbonar- 
ism, and  I  did  not  much  admire  the  complex  symbolism,  the  hier- 
archical mysteries,  nor  the  political  faith — or,  rather,  the  absence  of 
political  faith — I  discovered  in  that  institution.  But  I  was  at  that 
time  unable  to  attempt  to  form  any  association  of  my  own ;  and  in 
the  Carbonari  I  found  a  body  of  men  in  whom — however  inferior  to 
the  idea  they  represented — thought  and  action,  faith  and  works,  were 
identical.  Here  were  men  who,  defying  alike  excommunication  and 
capital  punishment,  had  the  persistent  energy  ever  to  persevere,  and 
to  weave  a  fresh  web  each  time  the  old  one  was  broken.  And  this 
was  enough  to  induce  me  to  join  my  name  and  my  labors  to  theirs." 

Mazzini  has  given  an  interesting  account  of  his  initiation  into  the 
Carbonari.  He  was  conducted  one  evening  to  the  highest  story  of  a 
certain  house,  where  he  met  a  man  named  Riamondo  Doria,  half 
Corsican,  half  Spaniard,  who  was  already  advanced  in  years,  and  had 
a  forbidding  countenance.  The  candidate  was  solemnly  informed 
that  he  would  be  spared  the  usual  symbolical  rites,  ceremonies,  and 
ordeals,  because  numerous  meetings  could  not  be  held  while  the 
government  was  so  vigilant.  Doria  asked  him  whether  he  was  ready 
to  act,  and  to  obey  the  instructions  that  would  be  imparted  to  him 
from  time  to  time,  and  even  to  sacrifice  himself,  if  necessary,  for  the 
good  of  the  order.  Mazzini  responded  in  the  affirmative ;  and, 
kneeling  down  at  the  request  of  Doria,  who  unsheathed  a  dagger, 
proceeded  to  repeat  the  formula  of  oath  administered  to  the  initiate 
of  the  first  or  lowest  rank.  He  then  received  from  Doria  two  or 
three  signs  by  which  to  recognize  the  brethren,  and  was  declared  a 
Caiiionaro.  Mazzini  was  not  fully  satisfied,  and  interrogated  the 
friend  who  had  accompanied  him  to  and  from  the  place  of  meeting, 
concerning  the  organization — its  aim,  its  members,  and  its  work;  but 
in  vain.  He  was  told  to  be  silent,  to  obey,  and  to  slowly  deserve 
and  receive  confidence.  His  friend  congratulated  him  on  the  fact 
that  in  view  of  circumstances  he  had  not  been  required  to  pass 


FEATURES  OF  CARBONARISM. 


475 


through  the  usual  trying  ordeals,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  have 
done  if  he  had  been,  as  in  the  case  of  others,  in  that  part  of  the 
ceremony  where  the  candidate  must  fire  off  a  pistol  in  his  own  ear, 
which  had  been  previously  loaded  before  his  eyes.  Mazzini  replied 
that  he  would  have  refused  obedience  to  such  a  demand,  ' '  telling 
the  initiators,"  he  remarks,  in  his  characteristic  manner,  "that  either 
there  was  some  valve  in  the  interior  of  the  pistol  into  which  the 
bullet  fell — in  which  case  the  affair  was  a  farce,  and  unworthy  of 
both  of  us — or  the  bullet  had  really  remained  in  the  stock ;  and  in 
that  case  it  struck  me  as  somewhat  absurd  to  call  upon  a  man  to 
fight  for  his  country,  and  make  it  his  first  duty  to  blow  out  the  few 
brains  God  had  vouchsafed  to  him."  The  more  IMazzini  reflected 
upon  the  oath  which  had  been  administered  to  him,  the  more  he 
realized  that  it  was  a  mere  formula  of  obedience,  saying  nothing  con- 
cerning the  aim  to  be  reached.  He  remembered  that  his  initiator  had 
not  referred  to  federalism  or  unity,  republic  or  monarchy.  War  to 
the  government,  and  nothing  more  was  proposed. 

The  contribution  required  from  each  member  of  the  Carbonari  was 
twenty  francs  at  the  time  of  initiation,  besides  a  monthly  subscrip- 
tion of  five  francs.  Mazzini  regarded  this  a  heavy  tax  for  a  student 
like  him  to  pay;  but  he  cheerfully  made  the  sacrifice  for  the  good 
of  his  country.  He  denounced  the  selfishness  of  those  who  wasted 
large  sums  of  money  in  procuring  comforts  or  enjoyments,  which  to 
a  great  extent  were  more  imaginary  than  real,  and  imperiled  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  even  the  very  life  of  their  own  souls  and  those 
of  their  fellow-men,  rather  than  "unloosen  the  strings  of  their  purse." 
After  directing  attention  to  the  noble  example  of  the  early  Chris- 
tians, who  cast  all  their  possessions  at  the  feet  of  the  apostles  for 
the  benefit  of  the  poorer  brethren,  merely  reserving  for  themselves 
the  bare  necessaries  of  existence,  Mazzini,  addressing  those  who 
should  have  been  willing  "to  coin  their  very  blood  to  create  a  coun- 
try or  found  true  liberty,"  said:  "Amongst  us  it  is  a  gigantic,  a 
Utopian  enterprise  to  find,  among  twenty-five  millions  of  men  who 
all  prate  of  libert}%  one  million  ready  to  bestow  a  single  franc  each 
day  for  the  emancipation  of  Venetia.  The  first  had  faith ;  we  have 
only  opinions." 

Soon  after  his  first  connection  with  the  order  the  Genoese  patriot 
was  initiated  into  the  second  rank,  with  power  to  affiliate  others;  and 
among  the  Carbonari  with  whom  he  became  acquainted  was  Passano, 
a  high  dignitary  of  the  brotherhood,  who  had  formerly  been  the 
French  consul  at  Ancona.    He  is  described  as  an  old  man,  full  of  life 


476  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


MAZZTNI. 


and  energy,  but  more  concerned  in  petty  intrigues  and  low  political 
artifices  than  in  manly  efforts  to  secure  the  object  of  the  order.  As 
yet  Mazzini  was  completely  ignorant  of  the  programme,  and  was  even 
disposed  to  think  that  nothing  would  be  done,  because  the  Carbonari 
generally  spoke  of  Italy  as  a  nation  inheriting  no  power  to  act,  being 
a  kind  of  secondary  appendix  to  Europe.  They  called  themselves 
cosmopolitans,  a  term  which  Mazzini  said  was  acceptable  to  him, 
provided  it  meant  liberty  for  all  men.  At  that  time  the  struggle 
between  the  French  opposition  and  Charles  X  was  at  its  height,  both 
in  and  out  of  the  chamber,  and  the  popular  names  constantly  men- 
tioned among  the  Carbonari  were  Guizot,  Berthe,  Lafayette,  and  the 
*  Haut  Vente"  at  Paris.  The  lever  of  republicanism,  that  is  des- 
tined to  move  Europe  and  lift  it  out  of  the  rubbish  of  decayed 


DORM'S  THREAT. 


A77 


thrones  needs  a  fulcrum,  and,  while  many  of  the, Carbonari  in  1829 
looked  for  it  in  Paris,  Mazzini  sought  it  in  Italy. 

Having  been  commissioned  to  write  in  French  a  declaration  in 
favor  of  the  liberty  of  Spain,  Mazzini  set  forth  the  illegality  and  also 
the  disastrous  effects  of  the  Bourbon  intervention  of  1823.  After 
performing  this  duty  he  occupied  himself  in  affiliating  other  students, 
believing  that  the  time  would  soon  come  when  the  young  men  would 
be  sufficiently  strong  in  numbers  to  form  a  compact  nucleus  among 
themselves  and  infuse  some  new  life  into  the  Carbonari.  He  also 
continued  his  skirmishes  against  those  whom  he  called  the  ''mon- 
archists of  literature,"  and  wrote  the  article  Upon  a  European 
Literature,"  which,  after  long  discussions  and  much  correspondence, 
was  inserted  in  the  "Antologia"  of  Florence.  At  length  the  Car- 
bonari leaders  were  aroused  to  a  slight  degree  of  activity  by  the  evi- 
dent approach  of  the  political  tempest  in  France,  and  Mazzini  was 
appointed  to  visit  Tuscany  and  establish  the  order  there.  He  dis- 
liked to  undertake  this  mission,  not  only  because  it  would  separate 
him  from  his  home,  but  also  on  account  of  financial  inability.  After 
long  hesitation,  however,  he  decided  to  go,  and,  stating  to  the  family 
that  he  would  be  absent  a  few  days  visiting  a  student  at  Arenzano, 
he  obtained  a  small  sum  of  money  upon  various  pretexts  from  his 
mother,  and  prepared  to  depart.  The  day  before  he  started  an  inci- 
dent occurred  which  did  not  give  him  an  exalted  opinion  of  Carbo- 
narism.  Having  been  ordered  to  go  to  the  Ponte  della  Mercanzia  at 
midnight  he  obeyed,  and  met  several  young  men  there  whom  he  had 
enrolled,  and  who,  like  himself,  were  ignorant' of  the  object  of  the 
convocation.  After  waiting  a  long  time,  they  beheld  Doria  ap- 
proaching, accompanied  by  two  strangers,  whose  faces,  up  to  the 
eyes,  were  covered  by  their  cloaks.  The  hearts  of  the  young  men 
bounded  within  them  at  the  thought  and  hope  of  action. 

Having  arranged  Ihem  in  a  circle,  Doria  commenced  a  discourse, 
directed  at  Mazzini,  in  which  he  referred  to  the  culpable  conduct  of 
certain  inexpert  and  imprudent  young  men  who  had  criticised  the 
order,  and  pointing  to  the  two  cloaked  individuals,  who  were  as  mute 
as  specters,  he  said  that  they  were  about  to  start  on  the  morrow  for 
Bologna  in  order  to  stab  a  Carbojiaro  there  for  having  spoken  against 
the  chiefs.  Doria,  in  conclusion,  declared  that  the  order  was  deter- 
mined to  crush  rebels  as  soon  as  they  were  discovered.  Mazzini 
knew  that  he  was  an  offender,  because  he  had  uttered  complaints 
which  some  zealous  member  reported  at  headquarters.  But  Doria's 
stupid  threat  sent  a  thrill  of  indignation  and  anger  through  him,  and 


478 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


he  notified  the  leaders  that  he  would  not  go  to  Tuscany,  at  the  same 
time  informing  them  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  crush  him.  Some  of 
his  friends,  however,  admonished  him,  when  he  became  calmer,  not 
to  sacrifice  the  cause  of  his  country  to  his  own  offended  individuality, 
and,  after  carefully  considering  the  matter,  he  resolved  to  obey.  He 
went  to  Leghorn  and  there  established  a  Vente,  enrolling  several  Tus- 
cans and  some  of  other  provinces.  Among  the  initiated  were  Camillo 
d'Adda,  a  Lombard,  a  pupil  of  Romagnosi,  who  had  just  left  an 
Austrian  prison,  and  Marliani,  who  died,  some  years  later,  defending 
Bologna  from  the  Austrians.  Mazzini  intrusted  all  the  remaining 
duties  growing  out  of  his  mission  to  Carlo  Bini,  who  was  "a  young 
man  of  pure  and  noble  soul,  which  he  had  preserved  uncontaminated 
throughout  a  life  passed  amid  the  rude  and  quarrelsome  populani  of 
Venezia,  a  quarter  of  Leghorn  so-called."  He  possessed  great  intel- 
lectual power,  which  revealed  itself  only  occasionally,  because  his 
mind,  confined  to  mercantile  pursuits,  was  still  further  hindered  in  its 
development  by  a  profound  skepticism,  which,  though  not  extending 
to  matters  of  principle,  included  the  men  and  events  of  his  own  day. 
He  was  a  man  of  ' '  extraordinary  moral  rectitude,  and  an  immense 
capacity  of  sacrifice — all  the  more  meritorious  in  one  without  faith  or 
hope  in  its  results." 

Bini,  as  well  as  Mazzini,  laughed  at  all  the  forms  and  symbolism 
of  Carbonarisuty  but  both  believed  in  the  great  importance  of  organi- 
zation, in  some  shape  or  other,  for  action.  They  traveled  together  to 
Montepulciano,  where  Guerrazzi  was  then  confined  for  the  offense  of 
having  recited  a  few  solemn  pages  in  praise  of  a  brave  Italian  soldier, 
Cosimo  Delfante.  Mazzini  in  his  account  of  the  interview,  which  he 
had  with  Guerrazzi,  states  that  the  latter  was  then  writing  the  ''Assedio 
di  Firenze, "  the  introductory  chapters  of  which  he  read  to  his  two 
visitors,  the  blood,  in  the  mean  time,  rushing  to  his  face  and  causing 
him  to  bathe  his  head  in  order  to  calm  himself.  During  the  conver- 
sation the  historical  and  philosophical  lectures  of  Guizot  and  Cousin, 
then  coming  from  the  French  press,  were  discussed. 


THE  WALDENSES  ASSISTED. 


479 


Third  Decade,  Continued,  1820-1830. 

Chapter  IV. 

THE  WALDENSES— COL.  BECKWITH—THE  PAPACY. 

IN  1823  an  important  step  was  taken  toward  the  advancement  of 
education  in  the  Valleys"  of  Piedmont.  After  the  long  storm 
of  war,  which  had  spread  its  devastations  over  Europe  for  more  than 
twenty  years,  had  passed  away,  and  general  peace  was  restored  upon 
the  final  overthrow  of  Napoleon,  English  Christians,  in  their  visits  to 
the  Continent,  began  to  make  their  way  to  Italy,  and  some  of  them 
turned  aside  to  see  what  had  become  of  the  "Church  in  the  wilder- 
ness," which  they  found  unconsumed,  like  the  bush  which  Moses  be- 
held in  the  midst  of  the  flames  in  Mount  Horeb.  Among  those  who 
visited  the  Waldenses  at  that  time  were  the  Rev.  W.  Stephen  Gilly, 
Prebendary  of  Durham,  Rev.  Mr.  Sims,  and  Sir  Hugh  Duke  Acland. 
Dr.  Gilly  in  particular,  by  a  work,  entitled  ''Waldensian  Researches," 
which  he  published  in  1823,  created  a  great  interest  in  behalf  of  this 
body  of  primitive  Christians.  Several  books  on  the  same  subject  also 
appeared  on  the  Continent,  and  deeply  moved  the  hearts  of  philan- 
thropists in  Holland,  Germany,  and  Switzerland.  In  consequence 
of  the  obscurity  in  which  the  Waldenses  had  remained  for  many 
years,  great  ignorance  concerning  them  prevailed,  and  even  Sharon 
Turner  in  his  "History  of  England,"  located  them  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Leman,  confounding  the  "Valleys"  of  the  Vaudois  with  the 
Canton  de  Vaud. 

When  the  condition  of  the  Waldenses — their  poverty,  the  insuffi- 
cient number  and  support  of  their  pastors,  and  the.  want  of  a  college, 
hospital,  primary  schools,  etc.  —  became  known  large  sums  were 
raised  in  the  course  of  five  or  six  years  for  their  aid.  Rev.  Mr. 
Sims  obtained  a  considerable  amount  for  the  establishment  of  girls' 
schools,  and,  in  1827,  Dr.  Gilly  and  other  friends  succeeded  in  induc- 
ing the  British  government  to  restore  the  stipend,  which  had  been 
long  paid,  with  some  serious  interruptions,  for  the  support  of  thir- 
teen Waldensian  pastors.  Over  sixteen  thousand  pounds  was  sent  by 
Oliver  Cromwell,  A.  D.  165 5-A.  D.  1658,  to  assist  the  Vaudois, 
after  the  horrible  persecution  to  which  they  had  just  been  subjected. 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


This  sum  was  designed  by  him  to  be  a  fund  for  the  future  assistance 
of  the  Vaudois;  but  Charles  II  shamefully  spent  it  for  his  private 
gratification.  To  replace  this  in  part,  and  to  efface  the  national  dis- 
grace, Queen  Mary,  wife  of  William  III,  gave,  during  her  life,  an 
annual  pension  of  four  hundred  and  twenty-five  pounds ;  but  it  was 
discontinued  upon  her  death.  Finally,  it  was  again  sent  by  order  of 
Queen  Anne,  and,  at  the  instance  of  Archbishop  Sharpe,  was  increased 
to  five  hundred  pounds.  This  sum,  under  the  name  of  royal  bounty, 
was  regularly  issued  from  the  British  exchequer  every  year  until 
1797.  From  that  time  it  was  discontinued  for  a  period  of  thirty  years, 
partly  because  the  '"Valleys"  were  in  the  possession  of  France,  dur- 
ing the  former  part  of  that  period,  and  partly  because  the  subject 
seemed  to  be  overlooked  by  those  in  power  as  well  as  by  others, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few,  who  were  unable  to  induce  the  govern- 
ment to  restore  the  annuity.  When  it  was  renewed  in  1827  the  sum 
was  reduced  to  two  hundred  and  seventy-seven  pounds  sterling,  which 
amounted  to  a  little  more  than  twenty-one  pounds,  or  one  hundred 
dollars,  for  each  of  the  thirteen  pastors.  To  their  great  credit,  how- 
ever, they  refused  to  accept  more  than  sixty  dollars  each,  and  devoted 
the  remaining  sum  to  the  support  of  two  more  pastors,  and  the  assis- 
tance of  disabled  ministers  and  widows  of  ministers. 

Before  the  year  1830  twenty  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  had 
been  received  for  the  Waldenses  from  France,  Switzerland,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  and  some  German  states,  and  this  amount  was  appropriated 
to  buy  the  grounds,  erect,  and  furnish  a  hospital  at  La  Tour  and  a 
dispensary  at  Pomaret,  with  the  exception  of  eight  thousand  francs, 
which  were  funded.  In  England  the  sum  of  seven  thousand  three 
hundred  and  two  pounds  sterling  had  been  raised,  of  which  the  inter- 
est was  appropriated  as  follows:  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  to  the 
hospital  and  dispensary,  twenty  pounds  to  the  education  of  young  men 
for  the  ministry,  and  forty  pounds  to  the  support  of  four  girls'  schools 
of  industry.  The  money  raised  in  Holland  and  Prussia  was  invested 
in  the  public  funds,  and  the  interest,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds,  was  sent  to  the  Vaudois.  Indeed,  this  wonderful  peo- 
ple have  extensively  shared  the  sympathy  of  their  fellow-Protestants 
of  every  land  for  a  long  period.  From  first  to  last,  probably  not 
less  than  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  have  been  collected 
in  Great  Britain  alone,  to  sustain  these  children  of  the  ''Valleys," 
and  at  least  fifty  thousand  pounds  have  been  donated  by  the  other 
Protestant  countries  of  Europe  and  the  United  States  of  America. 
It  is  but*  fitting  that  Protestant  Christendom  should  thus  testify  a 


COL.  BECKWITH. 


sense  of  its  obligation  to  this  ancient  people,  who  maintained  the 
purity  of  the  Gospel  when  all  others  had  bowed  their  necks  to  the 
papal  Antichrist. 

But  the  best  friend  and  most  efficient  worker  in  behalf  of  the 
Waldenses  at  that  time  was  Col.  John  Charles  Beckwith,  whose 
career  is  invested  with  a  romance  not  unlike  that  which  belongs  to 
the  life  of  Ignatius  Loyola.  He  was  born  in  England  in  the  Sum- 
mer of  1790,  and  entered  the  British  army  in  his  fifteenth  year, 
serving  in  Hanover,  in  1805,  and  subsequently  in  Sweden,  Portugal, 
and  Spain.  During  the  Peninsular  campaigns  of  the  duke  of  Wel- 
lington young  Beckwith  was  on  the  staff  of  that  great  general,  and 
was  in  almost  every  considerable  action  without  receiving  a  wound; 
but  in  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  on  the  i8th  of  June,  18 15,  his  left 
leg  was  carried  away  by  a  cannon  ball.  Having  been  rendered  unfit 
for  military  service  in  the  field,  he  retired  on  half-pay,  his  name, 
however,  retaining  its  place  on  the  army  list.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
eight  he  was  promoted  to  the  grade  of  colonel.  Released  from  active 
service,  he  spent  his  time,  for  years,  partly  with  his  mother  and  sis- 
ters in  England  and  partly  in  foreign  travel.  During  the  Winter  of 
1819-20  he  was  in  the  United  States,  and,  as  a  gay  British  officer, 
with  a  wooden  leg,  attracted  considerable  attention.  At  that  period 
of  his  life  he  was  not  a  religious  man,  and,  though  born  and  brought 
up  in  the  Established  Church  of  England,  had  not  experienced  the 
power  of  saving  grace.  He  returned  to  England,  and,  being  a  favo- 
rite with  the  duke  of  Wellington,  was  often  invited  to  Apsley  House. 
One  day  in  1827,  while  there,  an  incident  occurred  which  influenced 
his  entire  subsequent  career.  The  duke  being  particularly  engaged 
at  the  time  of  his  call,  he  was  shown  into  the  library  to  wait  until 
he  should  be  at  leisure.  To  while  away  the  time,  he  took  from  the 
shelves  a  book,  and  began  to  read  it.  It  was  Dr.  Gilly's  * '  Walden- 
sian  Researches,"  published  in  1823.  He  had  perused  but  a  few 
pages  when  he  was  summoned  to  the  duke's  room ;  but  the  volume, 
as  far  as  read,  had  made  such  an  impression  upon  him  that  he  pur- 
chased a  copy  of  it,  and  collected  whatever  else  he  could  find  relat- 
ing to  these  poor  mountaineers.  He  felt  himself  drawn  irresistibly 
to  a  people  with  whose  wonderful  history  he  had  become  acquainted 
for  the  first  time.    From  that  hour  his  life  was  consecrated  to  them. 

In  1827  Colonel  Beckwith,  desiring  to  know  more  concerning  the 
Waldenses,  visited  Piedmont ;  but  remained  only  three  or  four  days. 
The  next  year  he  spent  three  months  in  the  Valleys,"  and  after- 
wards six  months,  until  finally  he  made  his  permanent  h'ome  there. 


482  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 

He  exerted  himself  for  the  improvement  of  the  people,  and  con- 
tributed largely  of  his  own  means  to  aid  them.  The  Waldenses 
desired  to  give  their  children  the  best  education  which  their  extreme 
poverty  permitted ;  but  it  was  difficult  for  them  to  procure  bocks, 
and  besides,  for  several  centuries,  they  had  not,  in  the  fires  of  perse- 
cution, any  opportunity  to  build  up  a  good  educational  system. 
Colonel  Beckwith  found  very  few  schools,  and  therefore  incited  the 
inhabitants  to  rebuild  their  school-houses.  But,  while  education  was 
much  neglected  among  them,  their  religious  condition  was  good. 
They  had  suffered  very  much  in  their  morals  for  years  from  the  per- 
nicious influence  of  the  French  troops  that  so  often  traversed  their 
Valleys"  in  the  time  of  Napoleon,  as  well  as  from  the  bad  habits 
which  their  own  conscripts  in  many  cases  brought  back  from  the 
armies  of  that  modern  Alexander.  But  the  visit  of  that  wonderful 
man,  Felix  Neff,  to  the  "Valleys,"  about  the  year  1823,  produced 
glorious  moral  results,  and  that  purity  of  life  which  so  greatly  distin- 
guished their  ancestors  had  to  a  good  degree  returned  at  the  period 
of  Colonel  Beckwith's  settlement  among  them. 

When  this  noble  philanthropist  visited  Italy  he  found  the  people 
in  mental  and  moral  darkness.  The  Romish  Church  was  corrupt, 
and  its  leaders  tyrannical.  On  the  20th  of  August,  1823,  Pope 
Pius  VII,  whom  Napoleon  called  a  fanatic, "  passed  away  from 
earth,  in  the  eighty-third  year  of  his  age.  He  had  excommunicated 
the  liberals,  restored  the  Jesuits,  brought  back  to  life  the  bull.  In 
ccena  Domini,  re-established  the  Inquisition  and  the  torture,  and  la- 
bored to  suppress  the  national  aspirations  of  the  Italian  people.  The 
conclave  which  assembled  after  his  death  was  filled  with  cardinals 
created  by  Consalvi,  with  two  exceptions — La  Sommaglia  and  that 
famous  Cardinal  Ruffo,  who  had  commanded  the  bands  of  the  Santa 
Fede,  at  Naples.  The  forty-nine  cardinals  of  the  conclave  were  all 
old  men,  the  younger  part  being  composed  of  cardinals  from  fifty  to 
fifty-nine  years  of  age! 

Cavalchini,  Dandini,  and  Severoli  were  mentioned,  and  their  qual- 
ifications discussed ;  but  no  decision  was  reached  until  September  29, 
1823,  when  the  wall  of  the  balcony  of  the  Vatican  fell,  and  Cardinal 
Ruffo,  presenting  himself  before  the  people  with  a  red  cap  on  his 
head,  cried  out,  Avith  a  loud  voice,  "  Annuntio  vobis  gaudium  mag- 
num, papam  habemus."  Cardinal  de  la  Genga  was  proclaimed  pontiff, 
under  the  title  of  Leo  XII.  **The  devil!  a  lion!"  exclaimed  the 
people  in  their  turn:  ''Abbiamo  dunque  un  papa  bestia  "  (we  have, 
then,  for  a  pope  a  beast)  !    He  had  followed  the  career  of  diplomacy 


THE  ITALIAN  REVOLUTION, 


483 


at  Paris,  ^Munich,  and  elsewhere,  and  had  a  hand  in  all  the  intrigues 
which  the  courts  of  Europe  had  in  secret  plotted  against  Napoleon. 
He  had  acquired,  at  the  courts  and  salons  of  Europe,  aristocratic  and 
elegant  tastes,  and  enlarged  views  in  matters  of  social  life,  but  at  the 
same  time  had  also  acquired  the  habit  of  feigning,  dissembling,  and 
mistrusting.  He  despised  the  people  and  the  ideas  which  obtained 
in  the  world  since  1789,  and  would  have  made  an  excellent  pope  for 
the  Middle  Ages.  He  hated  liberty,  science,  and  progress,  renewed 
the  bulls  against  the  Carbonaii,  and  persecuted  the  liberals  in  every- 
way. His  secretary  of  state,  Cardinal  de  la  Sommaglia,  having  died, 
Leo  XII  appointed  as  his  successor  the  Cardinal-deacon  Tommaso 
Bernetti  de  Fermo,  who  was  descended  from  a  plebeian  family,  but 
as  a  prelate  passed  successively  from  cJiierico  di  camei'a  to  minister  of 
war,  and  finally  to  governor  of  Rome.  Leo  XII  died  February  10, 
1829,  and  was  succeeded,  March  31st  of  the  same  year,  by  Pius  VIII, 
who  issued,  on  the  14th  of  the  following  May,  a  general  edict  of  the 
*'Holy  Office,"  and  the  work  of  the  Inquisition  continued. 


FOURTH  DECADE,  1830-1840. 


Chapter  V. 

THE  ITALIAN  REVOLUTION—''  YOUNG  ITALY.'' 

THE  period  of  Italian  history  extending  from  1830  to  1840  was 
one  of  agitation  and  revolution.  In  the  beginning  of  the  decade 
the  political  state  of  the  country  appeared  tranquil  to  a  superficial 
observer ;  but  a  strong  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  pervaded  the  public 
mind.  The  French  revolution  of  1830  profoundly  stirred  the  Italian 
people,  and  aroused  the  hope  that  their  deliverance  from  the  Aus- 
trians,  the  priests,  and  the  princes  w^as  at  hand.  The  news  from 
Paris  was  eagerly  sought,  and  multitudes  surrounded  the  post-offices, 
while  young  men,  standing  on  the  benches  in  front  of  the  cafes,  read 
the  newspapers  aloud  to  the  bystanders.  The  echo  of  the  cannon  fired 
on  the  2d  of  February,  183 1,  against  the  dwelling  of  Ciro  Menotti, 
in  Modena,  gave  the  signal  for  the  insurrection.  On  the  4th  of  the 
month  Bologna  rose;  and  on  the  5th  Modena,  recovering  from  the 
first  surprise,  drove  out  the  duke  and  his  supporters.    Imola,  Faenza, 

32 


484 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Forli,  Cesena,  and  Ravenna  shook  off  their  rulers.  On  the  7th  of 
February  Ferrara  defeated  the  Austrians,  and  compelled  them  to 
retire.  Pesaro,  Fossombrone,  Fano,  and  Urbino  emancipated  them- 
selves on  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  and  on  the  13th  the  movement 
was  triumphant  in  Parma,  Macerata,  Camerino,  Ascoli,  Perugia, 
Terni,  Narni.  and  other  cities.  Ancona,  where  at  the  outset  Colonel 
Sutterman  showed  a  disposition  to  resist,  yielded  to  a  few  companies 
of  soldiers  and  national  guards,  led  by  Sercognani.  "Thus,  by  the 
25th  of  February,"  says  Mazzini,  "nearly  two  millions  and  a  half 
of  Italians  had  embraced  the  national  cause,  and  were  ready,  not 
only  for  defensive,  but  for  offensive  war  for  the  emancipation  of  their 
fellow-countrymen. " 

During  the  first  days  of  the  insurrection  the  youth  of  Bologna 
had  endeavored  to  invade  Tuscany,  and  they  of  IModena  and  Reggio 
to  reach  Massa,  and  later  the  national  guards  demanded  to  be  led 
through  Furlo  into  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The  Italian  tricolored 
cockade  was  adopted  every-where,  in  spite  of  the  entreaties  of  Orioli 
and  others  who  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  government.  The 
instinct  of  the  multitude  was  for  national  independence;  but  the  lead- 
ers feared  to  make  a  declaration  of  principles.  They  sought  the 
favor  of  kings,  and  prostrated  the  popular  movement  at  the  feet  of 
diplomacy.  The  revolution,  from  the  very  nature  of  its  elements, 
and  the  special  position  of  the  provinces,  was  necessarily  republican, 
and  the  sympathy  of  existing  governments  was  therefore  impossible. 
Instead  of  trusting  the  people  the  leaders  watched  the  actions  of 
France  and  Austria ;  and  this  weakness  and  hesitation  awakened  a 
feeling  of  distrust  in  the  insurgent  states,  and  spread  discouragement 
over  the  other  provinces  of  Italy. 

The  principle  of  non-intervention  had  been  explicitly  and  solemnly 
proclaimed  by  the  French  government.  Before  the  insurrection  oc- 
curred a  memorial  had  been  drawn  up  by  various  influential  Italians 
to  inquire  of  the  French  embassador  (Latour  Marbourg)  what  would 
be  the  conduct  of  France  in  case  an  Italian  revolution  should  pro- 
voke the  armed  intervention  of  Austria,  and  the  embassador  had 
written  with  his  own  hand  that  France  would  support  the  revolution, 
provided  the  new  government  should  not  assume  an  anarchical  form, 
and  should  recognize  the  order  of  things  generally  adopted  in  Eu- 
rope. Marbourg  afterwards  denied  this  note ;  but  the  fact  that  it 
was  sent  to  the  "provisional  government"  during  the  first  days  of 
the  movement  was  stated  by  Francesco  Orioli,  one  of  the  members 
who  read  it.    On  the  ist  of  December,  1830,  the  president  of  the 


THE  REVOLUTION  STA  TIONARY. 


485 


Chamber  of  Deputies,  Lafitte,  had  spoken  the  following  words : 
"France  will  not  allow  any  violation  of  the  principle  of  non-inter- 
vention. .  .  .  The  Holy  Alliance  made  it  a  fundamental  prin- 
ciple to  suffocate  popular  libert}-  wheresoever  it  should  raise  its 
standard ;  the  new  principle  proclaimed  by  France  is  that  of  allowing 
the  unimpeded  development  of  liberty  wheresoever  it  may  spontane- 
ously arise."  On  the  15th  of  Januar}'  Guizot  had  declared:  "The 
principle  of  non-intervention  is  identical  with  the  principle  of  the 
peoples;"  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs  had  said:  "The  Holy  Alliance  was  founded  on  the 
principle  of  intervention  for  the  overthrow  of  the  independence  of  all 
secondary  states ;  the  opposite  principle,  consecrated  by  us,  and  which 
we  intend  to  see  respected,  assures  liberty  and  independence  to  all." 
On  the  28th  of  the  month  the  same  things  were  repeated  by  the  duke 
of  Dalmatia,  and,  on  the  29th,  by  Sebastiani. 

As  war  with  Austria  was  inevitable,  republican  leaders  like  ]\Iaz- 
zini  urged  the  people  to  prepare  for  hostilities ;  but  the  provisional 
government  of  the  insurgent  provinces  chose  to  adopt  the  hypothesis 
that  Austria  would  not  invade,  thus  allow^ing  the  insurrection  suffi- 
cient time  to  implant  itself  firmly  in  the  heart  of  Italy.  It  is  strange 
that  such  an  idea  could  be  entertained  a  moment,  as  Austria  would 
never  consent  to  the  establishment  of  a  free  government  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  her  Lombardo- Venetian  possessions.  The  authorities  of  Parma 
and  Modena  exhibited  their  want  of  courage  by  declaring  that  the 
people  were  compelled  to  form  a  new  government  because  the  princes 
had  abandoned  their  states  without  establishing  any,  while  the  gov- 
ernment of  Bologna  defended  its  organization  on  the  ground  that 
Monsignor  Clarelli,  the  pro-legate,  had  announced  his  determination 
of  entirely  renouncing  the  administration  of  political  affairs,  and  that, 
therefore,  something  must  be  done  to  prevent  anarchy.  Even  when 
the  revolution  was  a  success,  and  they  held  the  reins  in  their  own 
hands,  the  leaders,  instead  of  using  bolder  language  to  give  the 
movement  greater  internal  security,  endeavored  to  deduce  the  right 
of  Bologna  to  liberty  from  the  local  tradition  of  a  compact  signed 
A.  D.  1447  between  Bologna  and  Pope  Nicholas  V  ;  and  a  long, 
pedantic,  ignoble  piece  of  wTiting,  dated  the  25th  of  February,  1831, 
was  published  by  the  president,  Vicini,  commenting,  attorney-fashion, 
upon  that  tradition.  In  Parma  the  feadership  of  the  national  guard 
was  offered  to  a  certain  Fedeli ;  but  he  refused  to  accept  it  without 
permission  from  the  duchess.  The  government  allowed  him  to  re- 
quest that  permission,  and  was  repaid  for  its  folly  by  his  forming  a 


486 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


retrograde  conspiracy.  At  a  later  period,  and  when  their  finances  were 
ahnost  exliaiisted,  they  passed  a  decree  ordering  that  the  payment  of 
the  salaries  of  the  employes  of  the  banished  court  should  be  continued. 

During  the  fermentation  produced  by  the  rising  of  Central  Italy, 
in  Naples,  in  Piedmont,  and  on  every  side,  while  all  were  anxiously 
awaiting  inspiration  from  the  central  focus  wherein  the  insurrection 
had  been  first  kindled,  the  decree  of  the  nth  of  February  coldly 
announced  that  Bologna  "did  not  intend  to  interrupt  her  friendly  re- 
lations with  other  states,  nor  to  permit  the  smallest  violation  of  their 
territories;  hoping  that  in  return  no  intervention  to  her  disadvantage 
would  take  place,  as  she  had  no  intention  of  being  drawn  into  action 
unless  in  self-defense."  By  this  act  the  center  of  the  republican 
movement  abdicated  all  initiative,  and  separated  her  cause  from  the 
cause  of  Italy.  Thus  the  leaders  at  Bologna,  trusting  solely  in  the 
promises  of  foreign  governments,  gave  up  all  idea  not  only  of  offense 
but  of  defense.  The  plan  of  organizing  a  militia  was  rejected.  The 
fortifications  of  Ancona  were  not  rebuilt.  The  suggestions  of  Zucchi, 
w^ho,  on  his  arrival  in  Bologna,  ordered  the  formation  of  six  regiments 
of  infantry  and  tw^o  of  cavalry,  were  opposed.  The  idea  repeatedly 
suggested  by  Sercognani,  of  a  decisive  enterprise  upon  Rome,  where 
s}'mptoms  of  insurrection  had  manifested  themselves  on  the  I2th  of 
February,  was  repulsed.  Neither  the  minister,  Armandi,  nor  any  of 
the  others  seemed  capable  of  comprehending  the  power  and  signifi- 
cance of  an  Italian  banner  floating  from  the  capitol.  Fear  was  visible 
in  every  decree,  and,  says  Mazzini,  **Not  a  single  act  was  passed, 
therefore,  asserting  the  sovereignty  and  right  of  the  nation;  none  to 
call  the  people  to  arms;  none  to  organize  the  elections;  none  to  incite 
or  encourage  the  neighboring  provinces  of  Italy  to  rise." 

The  murmurs  of  the  Italian  youth  w^ere  quieted  by  repeated  prom- 
ises, which  were  never  fulfilled,  and  the  stern  voice  of  the  press  was 
silenced  by  the  edict  of  the  I2th  of  February,  "decreeing  a  penalty 
of  fine  or  imprisonment  to  the  sellers  of  any  writings  likely  to  injure 
the  existing  peaceful  and  friendly  relations  with  foreign  governments." 
And,  as  an  inevitable  consequence  of  its  policy,  the  "Provisional 
Government"  was  abandoned  and  betrayed  by  all.  The  French 
government  did  not  even  deign  a  reply  to  Count  Bianchetti,  who 
was  sent  to  Florence  to  interrogate  the  embassadors  of  France  and 
Austria,  whilst  it  continued  to  maintain  a  friendly  correspondence 
with  the  court  of  Rome.  Count  St.  Aulaire,  the  envoy  of  France 
to  Rome,  avoided  the  route  of  Bologna  and  all  contact  with  its  pro- 
visional government.    Austria  added  insult  to  outrage  by  declaring 


AUSTRIA  VICTORIOUS, 


487 


her  intentions  to  invade  Parma  and  Modena,  and  promising  to  respect 
Bologna  if  she  behaved  well.  The  invasion  of  Parma,  Modena,  and 
Reggio  soon  followed,  and  on  the  6th  of  March,  183 1,  the  provis- 
ional government  declared,  ''The  affairs  of  the  Modenese  are  no 
concern  of  ours;  non-intervention  is  a  law  for  us  as  well  as  for  our 
neighbors;  and  none  of  us  have  any  business  to  mix  ourselves  up 
with  the  affairs  of  the  states  on  our  frontiers."  They  also  ordered 
that  all  ''foreigners  presenting  themselves  on  their  frontier  should 
be  disarmed  and  sent  back;"  and  seven  hundred  Modenese  foreign- 
ers, headed  by  Zucchi,  were  compelled  to  pass  through  Bologna  as 
prisoners.  ^ 

After  the  Austrians  had  occupied  Ferrara  they  next  took  posses- 
sion of  Bologna,  presenting  themselves  at  the  gates  on  the  20th  of 
March.  The  government,  after  giving  orders  that  the  National  Guard 
should  preserve  the  public  peace,  retired  to  Ancona,  where,  on  the 
25th  of  March, — two  days  after  they  had  abdicated  all  power  by  the 
election  of  a  Triumvirate — they  capitulated  to  Cardinal  Benvenuti, 
praying  for  an  amnesty.  The  request  was  signed  by  all  the  members 
of  the  government  except  Carlo  Pepoli,  who  was  absent.  The  con- 
ditions of  the  capitulation  were  violated,  as  was  to  be  expected,  and 
it  was  annulled  on  the  5  th  of  April  by  the  pope.  On  the  14th  and 
30th  of  the  same  month  edicts  were  issued  condemning  the  leaders, 
accomplices,  and  approvers.  Louis  Philippe,  imitating  the  example 
of  many  crowned  heads,  insulted  the  fallen  by  announcing  to  the 
Chamber,  in  his  speech  of  the  23d  of  June,  that  he  had  obtained 
from  the  pope  a  complete  amnesty  for  the  insurgents.  In  the  mean 
time  the  neutrality  of  the  seas  was  violated  by  the  capture  of  the 
vessel  which  was  conveying  Zucchi  and  about  seventy  others  into 
exile,  and  conducting  them  as  prisoners  to  Venice. 

Thus  Parma,  Modena,  Ferrara,  Bologna,  and  other  revolted  prov- 
inces quietly  submitted  to  Austria.  While  these  stirring  events  were 
transpiring,  Mazzini  was  a  prisoner  in  the  fortress  of  Savona,  on  the 
Western  Riviera.  The  French  Revolution  of  July,  1830,  aroused 
him  and  the  other  young  men  belonging  to  the  Carbonari,  and  they 
proceeded  to  cast  bullets  and  to  make  all  preparations  for  the  conflict, 
which  they  believed  to  be  certain  and  decisive.  Soon  after  the  three 
days  of  Paris,  Mazzini  received  an  order  to  go  at  a  certain  hour  to 
the  "Lion  Rouge,"  a  hotel  then  existing  in  the  Salita  S.  Siro,  where 
he  would  find  a  certain  Major  Cottin,  either  of  Nice  or  Savoy,  who 
was  already  initia,ted  into  the  first  rank  of  the  Carbonari,  and  desired 
to  be  affiliated  in  the  second.    As  the  young  men  of  the  order  were 


488  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

regarded  by  the  leaders  as  mere  machines,  Mazzini  was  compelled  to 
accept  the  commission,  not  ev^en  daring  to  ask  why  he  was  selected 
rather  than  some  member  personally  known  to  the  major.  Before 
going  to  the  hotel  he  had  a  presentiment  that  he  might  be  arrested, 
and  therefore  devised  a  method  by  which  he  could  secretly  corre- 
spond with  the  Rufifinis,  who  were  intimate  with  his  mother,  through 
.the  medium  of  the  family  letters  in  case  of  imprisonment.  This 
precaution  proved  wise.  On  the  appointed  day  Mazzini  went  to  the 
"Lion  Rouge,"  asked  for  Cottin,  and,  after  making  himself  known 
b}-  the  usual  signs  to  show  that  he  was  a  brother,  or,  as  it  was  then 
called,  a  cousin  of  the  order,  he  stated  to  him  the  object  of  his  ,visit. 
He  Avas  invited  by  Cottin  into  his  bedroom,  and  the  latter,  having 
knelt  down,  the  former,  drawing  a  sword  from  his  stick,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  prescribed  form,  was  just  beginning  to  make  the  can- 
didate repeat  the  usual  oath  when  a  small  window,  cut  in  the  wall 
by  the  side  of  the  bed,  suddenly  opened,  and  an  unknown  face 
presented  itself,  looked  sharply  at  Mazzini,  and  disappeared.  Cottin 
requested  him  to  proceed  with  the  ceremony  and  not  be  alarmed,  as 
the  strange  visitor  was  only  a  confidential  servant.  When  the  initi- 
ation was  completed,  the  major  declared  that  he  would  start  in  a  few 
da}'s  for  Nice,  where  he  could  accomplish  something  among  the  mil- 
itary, and,  professing  to  have  a  treacherous  memory,  he  asked  Mazzini 
to  give  him  a  formula  of  initiation  in  writing.  The  latter  refused, 
saying  that  he  was  not  permitted  to  write  it,  but  that  he  might  dic- 
tate it  to  any  member.  Cottin  wrote  what  was  thus  imparted,  and 
then  retired.  He  was  a  small  man,  without  any  uniform,  spoke 
French,  and  had  a  forbidding  eye. 

Mazzini  was  dissatisfied  with  this  individual,  and  fears  of  betrayal 
disturbed  him.  He  was  not  altogether  surprised,  therefore,  when 
arrested  by  the  police  a  few  days  later,  but  he  congratulated  himself 
that  the  Sbirri,  who  seized  him,  did  not  closely  search  his  person. 
At  that  time  he  had  articles  enough  with  him  to  secure  three  con- 
demnations: rifle  bullets,  a  letter  in  cipher  from  Bini,  a  history  of 
the  three  days  of  July,  printed  on  tricolored  paper,  the  formula  of 
the  oath  for  the  second  rank  of  Cai'bonari,  and  a  sword-stick.  He 
was  taken  by  the  officers  when  in  the  act  of  leaving  the  family  resi- 
dence, which  was  subjected  to  a  close  examination  without  leading 
to  dangerous  discoveries.  Mazzini,  who  succeeded  in  getting  rid  of 
every  thing  about  his  person,  refers  to  the  inefficiency  of  the  police 
by  saying  that  "they  had  all  the  inclination,  but  not  sufficient 
capacity  for  tyranny."    The  commissioner,  Pratolongo,  was  in  doubt 


THE  IMPRISONED  PATRIOTS. 


489 


concerning  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  the  prisoner,  and 
sent  again  for  orders;  but,  in  the  mean  time,  Mazzini  was  taken  to 
the  barracks  of  the  carbineers  in  Piazza  Sarzano,  where  he  was 
examined  by  an  old  commissioner,  who  accused  him  of  initiating  a 
certain  IMajor  Cottin  into  the  second  rank  of  Carbonansm,  giving  the 
very  hour  and  day. 

The  prisoner  remained  in  the  barracks  for  some  days,  exposed  to 
the  witticisms  and  sneers  of  the  carbineers  —  the  most  Hterary  of 
whom  presented  him  to  the  others  as  a  new  edition  of  "Jacopo 
Ortis" — and  contriving  to  correspond  with  his  friends  through  the 
help  of  a  small  pencil  concealed  in  the  food,  which  had  been  sent  to 
him  from  home.  He  wrote  upon  his  linen,  and  thus  his  mother, 
who  washed  it,  heard  from  him.  The  sentences  in  their  letters  were 
so  constructed  that  every  alternate  word  furnished  the  key  to  the 
sentiment  which  they  concealed.  Through  this  channel  Mazzini 
learned  that  Passano,  Torre,  IMorelli,  Doria,  and  others  had  been 
arrested ;  but  none  of  those  whom  he  had  initiated  into  the  Carbonari. 
One  night  he  was  taken  by  two  carbineers  to  the  fortress  of  Savona, 
on  the  Western  Riviera.  Before  leaving  the  barracks,  however,  he 
obtained  the  privilege,  after  considerable  persistence,  of  writing  to 
his  mother;  and  to  his  delight,  when  thrust  out  of  the  sedan  chair 
into  the  carriage  which  was  waiting  on  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  he 
heard  the  voice  of  his  father  exhorting  him  to  be  of  good  cheer.  At 
the  same  time  his  ardent  friend,  Agostino  Ruffino,  who  stood  near 
the  conveyance,  saluted  him  ;  but  without  delay  the  prisoner  was 
hurried  away  to  the  prison  of  St.  Andrea,  in  front  of  which  the 
carbineers  halted,  and  from  whence  they  brought  Passano.  He  was 
placed  in  the  carriage  with  IMazzini,  who  not  only  recognized  him, 
but  also  one  of  the  armed  guards  by  his  side,  who  was  the  unknown 
spy  of  the  ''Lion  Rouge." 

The  two  patriots  were  separated  in  the  fortress  of  Savona,  Maz- 
zini occupying  a  cell  in  the  highest  part,  from  which  he  beheld  the 
sea.  "The  sea  and  sky,"  he  wrote,  "two  symbols  of  the  Infinite, 
and,  except  the  Alps,  the  sublimest  things  in  nature,  were  before  me 
whenever  I  approached  my  little  grated  window."  This  view,  and 
the  voices  of  the  fisherman,  which  the  wind  often  wafted  to  him, 
greatly  comforted  the  prisoner.  During  the  first  month  he  had  no 
books,  but  fortunately  for  him  a  new  governor,  Cavalier  Fontana, 
soon  replaced  De  Mari,  a  tyrannical  old  man,  and  he  obtained  "a 
Bible,  a  Tacitus,  and  a  Byron."  During  these  months  of  imprison- 
ment he  conceived  the  plan  of  the  association  of  "Young  Italy" 


490 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


(Da  Giovina  Italia).  He  was  convinced  that  Carbonansin  had  no 
vitaHty,  and  declared  tliat,  instead  of  wasting  time  in  the  endeavor  to 
"galvanize  a  corpse,"  he  would  expend  his  energy  in  estabhshing  a 
living  organization. 

A  committee  of  senators  at  Turin  investigated  the  charges  against 
Mazzini ;  and,  as  Major  Cottin  had  stipulated  when  he  consented  to 
play  the  part  of  informer  (^''  Agente  Pjvvocatore"),  that  he  was  not  to 
appear  at  the  trial,  the  only  witness  was  the  carabineer,  who  had  seen 
the  accused  in  his  room  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  The  expla- 
nations of  Mazzini,  however,  counterbalanced  the  evidence  against 
him,  and  he  was  acquitted  by  the  senate.  Venanson,  the  governor 
of  Genoa,  who  was  detested  by  the  people,  felt  indignant  at  the 
result  of  the  trial,  and  fearing  that  the  liberated  patriot  would 
render  to  him  "evil  for  evil,"  determined  to  prevent  his  return 
to  his  native  city.  Hence,  Carlo  Felice  was  importuned  by  the  vin- 
dictive governor  to  prohibit  Mazzini  from  residing  in  Genoa,  Turin, 
or  any  other  large  city,  or  even  any  part  of  the  Ligurian  coast. 
The  king,  disregarding  individual  rights,  the  sentence  of  the  judges, 
and  the  anguish  of  parental  hearts,  yielded  to  the  demand  of  Venan- 
son, and  informed  the  young  republican  hero  that  he  could  either 
select  a  place  of  residence  in  such  interior  towns  as  Asti,  Acqui,  or 
Casales,  or  be  sent  into  exile  for  an  indefinite  period,  the  duration  of 
which  must  depend  upon  the  royal  pleasure  and  his  own  conduct. 
He  was  not  allowed  to  see  any  but  his  nearest  relations,  and,  accord- 
ingly, his  father  went  to  Savona  to  escort  him  home.  His  fellow- 
prisoner,  Passano,  being  a  Corsican  by  birth,  and  having  served  as 
French  consul  at  Ancona,  had  been  released  some  time  before  this, 
because  the  monarchical  governments  in  Italy  at  that  period,  while 
hating  France  in  their  hearts,  desired  to  propitiate  her  in  every  way. 

The  insurrection  in  the  center  of  Italy  had  broken  out  a  short 
time  before  the  liberation  of  Mazzini,  and  the  latter,  while  in 
Genoa,  learned  that  the  Italian  exiles  were  crowding  to  the  fron- 
tier, encouraged  both  by  assistance  given  and  the  inducements  pre- 
sented by  the  new  government  of  France.  He  resolved  to  leave  the 
country  rather  than  remain  in  the  smaller  towns  of  Piedmont  and  be 
under  the  constant  surveillance  of  the  police.  After  parting  from  his 
family,  and  proceeding  through  Savoy,  he  passed  over  Mont  Cenis  to 
Geneva,  where  he  met  Sismondi,  the  historian  of  the  Italian  Repub- 
lics, whom  he  describes  as  "amiable,  singularly  modest,  simple,  and 
affable  in  his  manner,  and  Italian  at  heart."  Both  he  and  his  wife 
(Jessie  Macintosh,  a  Scotch  lady)  kindly  received  the  exile,  and 


SISMONDI. 


questioned  him  as  to  the  state  of  things  in  Italy.  Sismondi  made 
inquiries  concerning  Manzoni,  whose  romance  he  admired  above  all 
his  other  works,  and  the  few  other  writers  whose  works  indicated  the 
revival  of  intellectual  life  among  the  Italians.  The  historian  deplored 
the  tendency  he  observed  in  the  people  of  Italy  to  follow  the  doc- 
trines of  the  eighteenth  century;  but  explained  it  by  the  necessities 
of  a  state  of  struggle.  He  was  not  as  liberal  as  Mazzini  had  ex- 
pected, evidently  accepting  the  teachings  of  Cousin,  Guizot,  and 
Villemain,  the  leaders  of  the  doctiinaire  school,  and  had  become 
imbued  with  federalism,  which  he  preached  as  the  ideal  of  political 
organization  to  the  many  Italian  exiles  who  surrounded  him,  and 
drew  their  ideas  and  inspiration  from  his  lips.  It  was  apparent  that 
none  of  them  dreamed  of  the  possibility  or  even  the  desirability  of 
Italian  unity. 

Sismondi  introduced  Mazzini  to  Pellegrino  Rossi  at  the  "Lit- 
erary Club,"  and  the  latter  directed  the  attention  of  the  young  pa- 
triot to  a  Lombard  exile  seated  in  the  corner  close  to  him,  who 
seemed  to  be  listening  only  to  his  words.  This  stranger  or  spy, 
Giacomo  Ciani,  condemned  to  death  by  Austria  in  1821,  then 
approached  Mazzini  and  said  to  him  in  a  whisper,  that  if  he  was 
desirous  of  action  he  should  go  to  Lyons  and  make  himself  known 
to  the  Italians  at  the  Caff^  della  Fcnice.''  Without  delay  he  pro- 
ceeded to  that  city,  and  found  many  exiles,  the  greater  number  of 
whom  were  military  men,  and  some  of  whom  he  had  seen  wandering 
in  the  streets  of  Genoa  ten  years  before,  with  all  the  bitterness  of  dis- 
appointment in  their  looks.  Among  these  were  Borso  de  Carminati, 
an  officer  of  considerable  promise.  Carlo  Bianco,  Voarino,  Tedeschi, 
Pisani,  Fecchini,  and  General  Regis,  all  of  them  Piedmontese  and 
republicans.  They  had  flocked  to  Lyons  to  join  in  an  invasion  of  Sa- 
voy, then  being  organized  by  a  special  committee.  The  expedition 
already  numbered  two  thousand  Italians  and  many  French  workmen. 
They  had  an  abundance  of  money,  for  nobles,  princes,  and  men  of  all 
shades  of  opinion,  belonging  to  the  wealthier  classes,  had  been  in- 
duced to  support  the  movement,  because  the  French  government  was 
supposed  to  be  favorable  to  it.  The  exiles  made  their  preparations 
publicly ;  the  Italian  tricolored  flag  was  entwined  with  that  of  France 
in  the  Caffe  della  Faiice  the  depots  of  arms  were  known ;  and  the 
committee  was  in  communication  with  the  prefect  of  Lyons. 

The  French  government,  however,  soon  changed  its  position,  and 
there  appeared  a  severe  proclamation  against  the  Italian  enterprise, 
dated  from  the  office  of  the  prefect,  commanding  the  exiles  to  dis- 


492 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


band,  and  threatening  to  punish,  with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  criminal 
law,  any  persons  who  should  venture  to  compromise  France  wdth 
other  governments  by  violating  the  frontiers  of  friendly  powers. 
found  the  committee,"  says  Mazzini,  "completely  crushed  and  over- 
whelmed. The  banners  had  all  disappeared,  and  a  great  number  of 
arms  had  been  sequestrated.  Old  General  Regis  was  in  tears,  and 
the  other  exiles  were  cursing  both  the  betrayal  and  betrayer — the 
sterile  vengeance  reserved  for  those  who,  in  their  country's  cause, 
put  their  trust  in  others  rather  than  in  themselves."  The  French 
authorities  not  only  arrested  the  advance  guard  of  the  expedition 
which,  embracing  many  Frenchmen,  had  been  sent  out  toward  Savoy, 
but  also  seized  a  large  number  of  exiles,  conveyed  them  handcuffed 
to  Calais,  whence  they  were  embarked  for  England.  In  the  midst 
of  the  confusion  of  imprisonment,  flights,  threats,  and  despair,  Borso 
informed  IMazzini  that  he  and  a  few  other  republicans  intended  start- 
ing that  night  for  Corsica,  thence  to  carry  arms  and  assistance  to  the 
insurgents  in  the  center  of  Italy.  Among  the  refugees  in  the  dili- 
gence to  Marseilles  were  Borso,  Mazzini,  Bianco,  Voarino,  Tedeschi, 
and  Zuppo,  a  Neapolitan.  Proceeding  from  Marseilles  to  Toulon, 
they  went  on  board  a  merchant  vessel  of  Naples,  and  after  a  very 
stormy  voyage  reached  Bastia.  Mazzini,  who  was  delighted  to  stand 
upon  Italian  soil  again,  found  the  island  "truly  Italian,  not  only  in 
climate,  scenery,  and  language,  but  in  generous  patriotism."  He 
made  a  short  tour  over  the  central  part  of  Corsica,  in  company  with 
Antonio  Benci,  one  of  the  Tuscan  contributors  to  the  "Antologia," 
who  had  fled  from  threatened  persecution  to  the  island,  and  he  found 
tha  people  hostile  to  France  and  in  sympathy  with  the  insurrection 
then  progressing  in  Italy.  These  rough  but  worthy  mountaineers 
were  armed,  and  expressed  a  desire  to  follow  Mazzini  and  his  com- 
panions as  leaders  to  assist  the  insurgents  in  the  Romagna.  Neapoli- 
tan exiles  first  introduced  Carbonafism  into  Corsica,  and  it  soon  be- 
came a  ruling  power  throughout  the  island.  A  venerated  leader  among 
them  Avas  Galotti,  who  was  given  up  to  the  tyrant  of  Naples  by  Charles 
X,  of  France,  but  who  escaped  to  Corsica,  where  La  Cecilia  and 
several  other  refugees  from  Southern  Italy  had  sought  protection. 

Mazzini  learned  from  these  individuals  the  plan  that  was  to  be 
pursued,  which  was  simply  to  cross  to  the  Continent,  and  invade  the 
center  of  Italy  at  the  head  of  two  or  three  thousand  Corsicans,  who 
were  already  armed  and  organized.  But  money  was  wanting  to  hire 
vessels  and  to  support  the  families  of  the  poorer  islanders ;  and, 
though  solemnly  promised  by  a  friend  of  the  patriotic  priest,  Bonardi, 


I 


CHARLES  FELIX  AND  MAZZINL 


493 


one  of  the  disciples  of  Buonarroti,  the  needed  funds  never  arrived. 
In  consequence  of  these  delays  the  expedition  did  not  sail,  but  sud- 
denly collapsed,  when  the  news  arrived  that  Austrian  intervention 
had  restored  the  insurgent  provinces  to  their  former  masters.  Hav- 
ing exhausted  his  means,  Mazzini  left  Corsica  in  March,  1831,  and 
returned  to  INIarseilles,  where  his  uncle,  in  his  parents'  name,  had 
urged  him  to  come.  There  he  resumed  his  design  of  founding  the 
association  of  Young  Italy."  The  exiles  of  Modena,  Parma, 
and  the  Romagna  flocked  into  Marseilles  to  the  number  of  upwards 
of  a  thousand.  During  that  year  Mazzini  became  acquainted  with 
Nicola  Fabrizzi,  Celeste  Menotti,  Gustavo  Modena,  L.  A.  Melegari, 
and  other  young,  ardent  patriots.  He  mentions  in  his  writings 
Giuditta  Sidoli,  "a  woman  of  rare  purity  of  principle  and  firmness 
of  mind,"  adding  to  this  special  tribute  a  general  eulogy  in  these 
words :  ' '  They  were  all  linked  with  me  in  the  holiest  of  all  friend- 
ships, a  friendship  sanctified  by  unity  of  virtuous  aim,  and  which, 
with  some  among  them — Xicola  Fabrizzi,  for  instance — ripened  into 
an  affection,  which  has  endured  to  the  present  day;  with  others,  as 
in  the  case  of  Lamberti,  it  was  only  interrupted  by  death.  Towards 
none  of  them  was  it  ever  betrayed  by  me.  I  sketched  forth  the 
design  and  the  rules  of  the  association  of  'Young  Italy,'  and  sent 
word  of  my  purpose  to  my  friends  in  Genoa." 

In  April,  1831,  Charles  Felix  died,  and  his  cousin  Charles  Albert 
ascended  the  Sardinian  throne.  He  was  inclined  to  pursue  a  liberal 
policy  toward  his  people,  and  was  even  willing  to  grant  them  the 
same  constitution  he  had  given  them  as  regent;  but  feared  that  such 
a  step  would  involve  him  in  a  war  with  Austria,  for  which  he  did  not 
believe  his  kingdom  was  prepared.  Mazzini  resolved  to  address  a 
letter  to  the  new  sovereign.  Before  printing  it,  he  read  it  to  Gug- 
lielmo  Libri,  an  eminent  man  of  science,  who  praised  it ;  but  opposed 
its  publication  on  the  ground  that  the  perpetual  banishment  of  the 
author  would  result  from  it.  Disregarding  this  advice,  Mazzini  issued 
the  letter,  and  sent  a  few  copies  from  Marseilles  to  Italy,  to  such 
individuals  as  he  knew  by  name  in  the  various  cities  of  the  Sardinian 
states.  Three  or  four  clandestine  reprints  of  it  were  soon  made,  and 
thus  it  quickly  spread  in  all  directions.  Charles  Albert  received  a 
cop}'  and  read  it,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  a  circular  was  sent  by  the 
government  to  the  authorities  at  all  the  frontiers,  instructing  them  to 
arrest  and  imprison  Mazzini  should  he  attempt  to  return  to  Italy. 
In  this  letter  the  king,  was  reminded  of  the  enthusiastic  hopes  awak- 
ened in  the  minds  of  the  Italians  by  the  accession  of  a  prince  who 


494 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


had  been  a  Carbonaiv  in  1821.  His  attention  was  then  called  to  the 
universal  dissatisfaction,  and  the  hatred  of  Austria,  existing  in  all 
the  states  of  Italy,  and  the  possibility  of  uniting  them  in  the  grand 
struggle  for  Italian  independence,  and  he  was  exhorted  to  seek  a 
"crown  brighter  and  nobler  than  that  of  Piedmont — a  crown  that 
only  awaits  a  man  bold  enough  to  conceive  the  idea  of  wearing  it, 
resolute  and  determined  enough  to  consecrate  himself  wholly  to  the 
realization  of  that  idea,  and  virtuous  enough  not  to  dim  its  splendor 
with  ignoble  tyranny." 

The  association  of  "Young  Italy,"  founded  by  Mazzini,  adopted 
as  a  symbol  a  sprig  of  cypress,  in  memory  of  those  who  had  died  in 
defense  of  its  principles.  Its  motto,  Ora  e  Sempre,  "  Now  and  For- 
ever,"  indicated  the  determination  of  its  members  to  persevere  in  their 
enterprise.  Its  banner,  "composed  of  the  three  Italian  colors,  white, 
red,  and  green,  bore  on  the  one  side  the  words  Liberty,  Equality, 
Humanity  ;  and  on  the  other.  Unity  and  Independence.  The  first 
indicated  the  international  mission  of  Italy ;  the  second,  the  national. 
Committees  were  rapidly  constituted  in  the  principal  cities  of  Tus- 
cany. In  Genoa,  the  brothers  Rufifini,  Campanella,  Benza,  and  a  few 
other  young  men,  diligently  labored  to  promote  the  interests  of  the 
association.  Mazzini,  Lamberti,  Usiglio,  Lustrini,  G.  B.  Ruffini,  and 
five  or  six  others,  mostly  Modenese,  worked  day  and  night  at  Mar- 
seilles, writing  articles  and  letters,  seeing  travelers,  and  affiliating 
Italian  sailors.  They  smuggled  their  documents  into  Italy  in  pack- 
ages, barrels,  and  other  merchandise,  being  assisted  by  French  re- 
publicans and  sailors  of  the  Italian  merchant  navy.  Among  these 
friends  were  Lerici,  and  Ambrogio  Giacopello.  The  association  rap- 
idly spread  from  Genoa  along  the  two  Riviere,  and  even  extended  to 
the  Neapolitan  frontier.  Clandestine  presses  were  established  in 
various  parts  of  Italy  to  reproduce  the  writings  of  these  radical 
republicans,  and  the  supply  was  not  equal  to  the  demand.  Unable 
to  prevent  the  circulation  of  these  papers  in  Italy,  the  authorities 
there  resolved  to  silence  the  authors,  and,  accordingly,  France  was 
requested  to  banish  them  from  her  territory.  The  order  was  issued 
in  August,  1832;  but  Mazzini  concealed  himself,  and  conveyed  the 
impression  that  he  had  departed.  He  continued  the  publication  of 
the  republican  journal.  Young  Italy,  employing  French  compositors, 
and  secretly  circulating  the  copies  when  printed.  "And  then  began 
for  me,"  says  Mazzini,  in  1861,  "the  Hfe  I  have  led  for  twenty 
years  out  of  thirty — a  life  of  voluntary  imprisonment  within  the  four 
walls  of  a  little  room." 


ARREST  AND  PUNISHMENT. 


495 


By  the  middle  of  1833  the  organization  of  the  "Young-  Italy" 
had  become  very  powerful,  especially  in  Lombardy,  the  Genoese 
territory,  Tuscany,  and  the  States  of  the  Church.  The  Tuscan  center 
of  the  association  was  Leghorn,  where  Guerrazzi,  Bini,  and  Enrico 
Mayer  were  exceedingly  active.  The  branches  of  the  associations  in 
Pisa,  Sienna,  Lucca,  and  Florence  were  guided  by  them.  Enrico 
Mayer  went  to  Rome,  where  he  was  imprisoned  upon  suspicion ;  but 
was  soon  released,  and,  proceeding  to  Marseilles,  consulted  with 
Mazzini.  Among  the  zealous  members  of  the  association,  in  various 
cities  of  Italy,  were  Professor  Paulo  Corsini,  Montanelli,  Francesco, 
Cempini,  Franchini,  Enrico  Montucci,  Carlo  Matteuci,  Carlo  Fenzi, 
and  Mafifei.  In  Naples,  Carlo  Poerio,  Bellini,  Leopardi,  and  their 
friends  had  an  independent  organization,  but  animated  by  the  same 
spirit  that  burned  in  "Young  Italy."  There  was  a  committee  in 
Rome,  and  another  in  Umbria,  of  which  Guardabassi  was  chief.  In 
Genoa,  not  only  the  youth,  but  the  commercial  class,  and  even  many 
of  the  nobility,  united  with  the  new  movement;  among  others,  the 
brothers  Mari,  the  Marquis  Roveredo,  the  two  Cambiasi,  and  Lorenzo 
Pareto,  afterwards  minister.  In  Piedmont  the  work  proceeded  more 
slowly ;  but  even  there  many  branches  of  the  association  had  been 
organized,  and  among  the  active  followers  were  the  advocate  Azario, 
Allegra,  Sciandra,  Romnaldro  Cantara,  Ranco,  Moia,  Barberis,  Vo- 
chiero,  Parola,  Massino,  d  '  Ivrea,  and  Stara. 

Mazzini,  believing  that  Sardinia  was  the  most  favorable  locality  in 
Italy  for  exciting  a  revolt  against  Austrian  rule,  resolved  to  occupy  the 
two  strategic  points — Alessandria  and  Genoa,  Avhere  the  association 
was  most  numerous  and  powerful ;  but  the  government,  suspecting 
that  incendiary  documents  were  being  circulated,  was  successful  in 
discovering  some  of  the  publications  of  "Young  Italy."  All  who 
had  them  in  their  possession  were  imprisoned,  and  were  threatened 
with  death  if  they  refused  to  give  the  names  of  their  accomplices. 
Some  complied  with  this  demand,  and  others  confessed  their  own 
guilt  without  betraying  their  companions.  The  prisons  were  filled 
with  the  suspected,  and  their  friends  were  also  arrested.  Many  of 
the  prisoners  were  treated  in  the  most  cruel  manner,  and  every 
species  of  torture  tried  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  a  confession  from 
them.  A  large  number  yielded ;  others  remained  firm  and  were  exe- 
cuted. Jacopo  Ruffini  tore  a  nail  from  the  door  of  his  prison,  and, 
opening  a  vein  in  his  neck,  passed  away  from  earth.  He  was  a 
school-mate  of  Mazzini,  who  said  that  he  was  "a  youth  of  the  sweetest 
nature,  the  purest  and  most  constant  affections,"  he  had  ever  known. 


496 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Some  who  were  present  declare  that  the  trial  of  the  prisoners  was  a 
mockery,  being  conducted  hastily,  without  any  regard  to  legal  forms. 
During  the  months  of  May  and  June,  1833,  ten  or  twelve  subordi- 
nate officers  of  the  army  suffered  the  penalty  of  death. 

After  the  disastrous  and  tragic  failure  of  "Young  Italy,"  Mazzini 
retired  to  Geneva,  in  Switzerland,  and  organized  another  movement, 
which  he  called  "Young  Europe,"  his  purpose  being  to  unite  the 
cause  of  Italy  with  that  of  the  other  oppressed  nations,  and  raise  the 
banner  of  European  fraternity  upon  the  Alps.  He  was  assisted  by 
several  military  men,  among  whom  were  Carlo  Bianco,  then  residing 
at  Nyon,  and  Gentilini  Scovazzi.  At  the  hotel  where  Mazzini  made 
his  headquarters  were  Agostini  Rufifini,  of  Genoa ;  Giambattista 
Rufifini,  of  Modena  ;  Celeste  Menotti,  Nicola  Fabrizzi,  Angelo  Usilio, 
Giuseppi  Lamberti,  Gustavo  Modena,  Paolo  Pallia,  and  others.  The 
new  enterprise  also  received  aid  from  Giacomo  Ciani,  Gaspare  Bel- 
credi,  and  Gaspare  Rosales,  and  the  command  of  it  was  given  to 
General  Ramorino,  a  native  of  Savoy,  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
Polish  insurrection.  Mazzini  was  not  favorable  to  his  appointment, 
but  submitted  to  the  wishes  of  others. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1834,  the  expedition  started  for  St. 
Julien,  for  the  purpose  of  invading  Savoy.  The  government  of 
Geneva,  however,  seized  the  boats  and  arrested  all  suspected  parties ; 
but  the  population  of  the  city  arose  in  defense  of  the  prisoners,  and 
they  were  released.  As  they  proceeded  onward,  the  news  of  their 
coming  reached  St.  Julien,  and  the  Piedmontese  leaders,  seeing  the 
impossibility  of  defending  the  place,  had  abandoned  it.  Ramorino, 
whose  heart  was  really  not  in  the  movement,  did  not  take  advantage 
of  the  situation  ;  but  divided  his  forces.  In  the  mean  time,  Mazzini 
was  taken  sick,  and  became  delirious  with  fever.  Ramorino,  on  ascer- 
taining this  fact,  disbanded  his  troops,  and  thus  ended  the  campaign. 
Many  of  the  exiles  were  arrested  and  sent  to  England  or  America; 
but  Mazzini,  the  two  Ruffinis,  and  Melegari  succeeded  in  escaping 
from  Geneva,  and  after  remaining  for  some  time  concealed  in  Lau- 
sanne, finally  settled  at  Berne.  While  at  Lausanne,  Mazzini  published 
a  small  pamphlet  under  the  title,  ''lis  sont  Partis,''  treating  of  the 
persecutions  of  these  two  hundred  exiles.  Toward  the  end  of  1834, 
he  founded  the  association  called  "  Young  Switzerland,"  and  in  June, 
1835,  commenced  the  publication  of  La  Jeune  Suisse,  a  bi-weekly 
journal.  In  1836,  he  and  his  companions  were  exiled  from  Switzer- 
land by  the  diet,  and,  in  January,  1837,  went  to  London. 


DR.  BAIRD'S  OBSERVATIONS. 


497 


Fourth  Decade,  Continued,  1830-1840. 


Chapter  VI. 

TJI£  WALDENSES— GREGORY  XVI— GARIBALDI. 

IN  addition  to  the  large  sum  contributed  in  England,  previous  to 
1830,  for  the  support  of  benevolent  work  among  the  Waldenses, 
Dr.  Gilly  received  five  thousand  pounds  from  friends  in  that  country 
to  establish  a  college  in  the  Valleys."  To  choose  the  site,  and  take 
the  requisite  measures  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  great  object, 
he  made  a  second  visit  to  Piedmont  in  1831.  Returning  home  the 
same  year,  he  published  a  second  volume  of  his  * '  Waldensian  Re- 
searches,"  in  which  he  gave  the  results  of  his  observations  at  that 
time.  This  book,  like  the  first,  awakened  a  deep  interest  in  behalf 
of  the  Vaudois. 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  1837,  the  Rev.  Robert  Baird,  D.  D., 
a  prominent  American  clergyman  and  active  philanthropist,  visited 
the  region  inhabited  by  the  Waldenses.  He  had  been  sent  to  Paris 
by  the  "French  Evangelical  Association"  of  the  United  States  to 
promote  the  interests  of  Protestant  Christianity  in  France,  and,  also, 
as  far  as  possible,  in  other  countries  on  the  Continent.  Dr.  Baird 
had  brought  letters  from  Rome  and  Naples  to  Count  Walbourg 
Truchsess,  then  the  embassador  of  Prussia  at  the  court  of  Turin,  and 
through  him  became  acquainted  with  the  Rev.  A.  Bert,  chaplain  of 
the  Protestant  embassies  at  that  city.  The  latter  accompanied  Dr. 
Baird  to  the  residence  of  his  brother-in-law,  Rev.  Jean  Pierre  Bon- 
jour,  whose  parish  of  St.  Jean  was  about  thirty  miles  from  Turin. 
Col.  Beckwith  was  a  guest  of  the  family,  and  Dr.  Baird  records  the 
delightful  interview  he  enjoyed  with  the  inmates.  Madame  Bonjour, 
an  estimable  and  pious  lady,  had  died  a  few  months  previous,  leaving 
the  bereaved  husband  sad  and  desolate.  She  was  a  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Bert,  who,  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  moderator  of  the 
Waldensian  Synod.  Col.  Beckwith  and  Dr.  Baird  visited,  on  foot, 
La  Tour,  and  other  interesting  places  in  the  "Valleys."  The  lat- 
ter, in  his  work  entitled  "Protestantism  in  Italy,"  refers  to  the  favor- 
able impression  made  upon  his  mind  by  the  simple,  honest,  and 
Christian  appearance  and  demeanor  of  the  inhabitants.    Without  an 


498 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


exception,  he  received  kind  salutations  from  men,  women,  and  even 
children,  among  the  Waldensian  population;  but  the  Romanists  sel- 
dom returned  any  thing  more  than  a  sullen  look  to  his  civil  greeting 
of  Bon  jour,  or  Bon  soir,  as  the  case  might  be.  As  an  evidence  of  the 
industry  of  the  Waldenses,  the  same  writer  states  that  the  few  beg- 
gars he  saw  in  the  "Valleys"  were  invariably  Roman  Catholics,  who 
came  there  from  the  country  around. 

"Nor  were  we  able  soon,"  says  Dr.  Baird,  "to  divest  ourselves 
of  the  emotions  of  the  preceding  night.  We  felt  that  we  were  in  a 
land  where,  if  every  rock  and  every  ancient  tree  and  every  ancient 
house  had  a  tongue,  it  could  tell  a  tale  such  as  none  could  hear 
unmoved.  And  never  did  we  so  fully  see  and  feel  the  beauty  and 
the  force  of  the  remark  of  the  Roman  orator:  'We  are  moved,  I 
know  not  how,  by  the  very  places  where  remain  the  footsteps  of 
those  whom  we  either  love  or  admire.  Even  our  Athens  itself  does 
not  so  delight  me  with  its  magnificent  works,  and  its  exquisite  arts 
of  the  ancients,  as  by  the  remembrance  of  her  great  men,  and  the 
spots  where  each  dwelt,  sat,  and  disputed;  I  contemplate  with  eager- 
ness even  their  very  sepulchers.'  .  .  .  There  is  hardly  a  spot  on 
or  near  which  an  intelligent  Waldensian  pastor  or  laic  even  will  not  be 
able  to  relate  to  you  some  thrilling  occurrence  having  taken  place." 

While  among  the  Waldenses,  Dr.  Baird  observed  their  mode  of 
worship.  The  regent  or  teacher  of  the  chief  parish  school,  which  is 
always  held  in  the  village  where  the  church  of  the  parish  stands, 
commences  the  service  by  reading  two  or  three  chapters  from  Oster- 
vald's  French  Bible,  and  also  the  practical  observations  at  the  end  of 
each  in  the  old  folio  edition  of  that  excellent  translation.  After  half 
an  hour  has  been  spent  in  that  way,  and  when  the  people  are  well 
assembled,  the  pastor  ascends  the  pulpit  and  commences  with  a  short 
invocation  of  the  divine  blessing,  according  to  the  words  of  the  lit- 
urgy used  in  the  Waldensian  Churches.  He  then  invites  the  people 
to  listen  attentively  to  the  Ten  Commandments  and  the  summary 
thereof  given  by  Christ.  The  next  exercise  is  the  "confession  of 
sins,"  which  is  the  same  that  is  found  in  the  liturgies  of  the  French 
and  Swiss  Churches.  After  the  singing  of  a  psalm,  in  which  the 
whole  congregation  unite,  a  prayer  of  some  length,  either  extempo- 
raneous or  taken  from  the  liturgy,  is  offered  up.  Then  comes  the 
sermon,  which  is  followed  by  the  singing  of  a  psalm  or  hymn.  The 
concluding  prayer,  to  which  are  appended  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  is  selected  from  the  liturgy,  and  is  composed  of 
petitions  in  behalf  of  their  own  Church,  their  poor  and  afflicted,  the 


f 

WALDENSIAN  ORTHODOXY.  499 

Church  universal,  the  king  and  royal  family,  and  others  in  authority. 
The  service  is  closed  with  the  singing  of  a  few  verses  of  a  psalm  or 
hymn,  and  the  Aaronic  benediction.  When  the  rite  of  baptism  is  to 
be  performed  it  immediately  follows  the  sermon.  The  minister,  after 
a  special  prayer  for  the  occasion,  and  an  address  to  the  parents  or 
those  who  present  the  child,  descends  from  the  pulpit,  places  his 
hands  together,  into  which  some  one  pours  water  from  a  vial  or 
small  bottle,  which  he  in  turn  pours  upon  the  child,  pronouncing  at 
the  same  time  its  name  and  repeating  the  words  of  the  institution : 
"I  baptize  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost."  When  the  Lord's-supper  is  to  be  celebrated  it  likewise  fol- 
lows the  sermon  in  the  forenoon,  and,  like  the  ordinance  of  baptism, 
is  administered  almost  in  the  same  form  which  the  Presbyterian 
Churches  every-where  observe. 

Dr.  Baird,  in  examining  the  historical  records  of  the  Waldenses, 
was  impressed  with  the  fact  that  the  "Church  of  the  Valleys"  had 
in  all  ages  maintained  the  true  faith.  At  their  synod,  which  met  at 
Angr'ogna  in  September,  A.  D.  1535,  the  pastors  or  barhes  adopted 
seventeen  propositions  which  are  eminenth*  Protestant.  Their  pres- 
ent "Confession  of  Faith"  was  made  A.  D.  1655,  when  they  ad- 
dressed their  famous  appeal  to  the  Protestant  Churches  of  Germany, 
Switzerland,  England,  the  United  Provinces,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
Poland,  Bohemia,  and  other  countries,  in  which  they  affirmed  that 
their  religious  views  were  the  same  as  those  held  b\"  those  orthodox 
bodies.  The  document,  which  contains  the  belief  of  the  W^aldensian 
Church,  consists  of  thirty-three  articles,  and  was  drawn  up  with  great 
ability  by  Leger  and  others,  who  passed  through  dreadful  trials  rather 
than  deny  the  evangelical  doctrines  which  they  had  embraced.  In 
1837  Dr.  Baird  found  the  Waldensian  ministers  true  to  their  orthodox 
standards,  and,  instead  of  sending  their  students  to  the  academy  of 
Geneva,  where  rationalism  reigned,  they  placed  those  who  desired  to 
study  in  that  city  in  the  new  theological  school,  then  under  the  pres- 
idenc\-  of  the  distinguished  Merle  d'Aubigne. 

The  benevolent  work  of  Colonel  Beckwith  among  the  Waldenses 
excited  the  admiration  of  Dr.  Baird,  who  beheld  its  glorious  results. 
The  noble  English  philanthropist  was  engaged  in  promoting  the  edu- 
cation of  the  youth  by  the  establishment  of  village  and  hamlet  schools 
throughout  the  "Valleys."  He  had  already  established  about  ninety, 
and  hoped  to  increase  the  number  to  one  hundred  and  fifty,  which 
would  secure  the  opportunity  of  gaining  a  good  common  education 
in  the  French  language,  which  all  spoke,  to  every  child  and  youth 

33 


500 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


among  the  twenty-two  thousand  Waldensian  people.  At  that  time 
the  fruits  of  the  charitable  efforts  of  Dr.  Gilly  and  other  English 
Christians  were  visible  in  the  three  or  four  female  schools  at  as  many 
different  places  in  the  "Valleys."  and  also  in  the  large  and  commo- 
dious college  edifice,  then  in  course  of  erection.  Colonel  Beckwith's 
labors  in  behalf  of  the  Waldenses  were  appreciated,  and  no  one  was 
ever  so  highly  esteemed  by  them.  His  portrait,  lithographed  at 
Paris,  was  almost  the  only  ornament  to  be  seen  in  many  of  their 
cottages.  On  one  of  the  school-houses  in  the  parish  of  St.  Jean  was 
this  inscription :  ' '  Whoever  passes  this  way  let  Jiini  bless  tJie  riame  of 
Colonel  Beckwith.''  The  affection  of  these  hardy  mountaineers  for 
this  humble  and  unostentatious  Christian  foreigner  was  deep  and  sin- 
cere. While  English  philanthropists,  like  Beckwith  and  Gilly,  were 
laboring  to  educate  the  Waldenses,  comparatively  little  was  done  by 
the  Italian  authorities  to  elevate  the  masses  throughout  the  Peninsula. 
The  condition  of  the  country  was  truly  lamentable.  On  the  2d  of 
February,  183 1,  three  millions  of  Italians  had  a  new  master,  whose 
name  was  Gregory  XVI.  Austria  designated  the  man  she  wished  to 
succeed  Pius  VIII  in  the  papal  chair,  and  the  sacred  college  obeyed 
by  selecting  Cardinal  Mauro  Capellari.  He  was  a  monk  of  the  Cam- 
adules  and  ignorant  of  public  affairs.  The  political  situation  was  not 
promising  when  he  commenced  his  reign,  and,  filled  with  alarm,  he 
threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  Cardinal  Bernetti.  The  Roman  people 
suffered  innumerable  evils.  Three  millions  of  citizens  were  enfeoffed 
to  some  thousands  of  priests  or  persons  under  the  mask  of  ecclesias- 
tical garments,  who  absorbed  for  themselves  alone  fifty-five  millions 
of  dollars.  All  the  honors,  all  the  offices,  the  whole  of  the  author- 
ity and  nine-tenths  of  the  property  of  the  state  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  clergy.  The  supporters  of  this  class  were  a  band  of  assassins 
called  sanfedistes,  six  thousand  Swiss,  and  a  few  regiments  of  national 
soldiers,  despised,  in  rags,  and  badly  disciplined.  Besides  this  there 
was  no  commerce  and  no  industry.  The  smugglers  organized  like 
a  regular  government, with  its  bankers,  its  depots,  its  chiefs,  its  army, 
its  correspondents,  its  docks,  stronger  than  the  legal  government, 
more  beloved,  always  ready  to  give  battle  to  the  clerical  agents  and 
feared  by  the  latter  when  they  were  not  accomplices. 

Agriculture  was  neglected,  statistics  were  not  given,  and  no  effort 
made  to  sustain  a  regular  and  normal  administration.  Insupportable 
taxes  badly  laid  and  distributed  were  charged  almost  entirely  upon 
laymen,  and  excited  discontent,  especially  in  the  Marches  and  Umbria. 
Innumerable  obstacles  were  opposed  to  the  development  of  the  pub- 


POPE  GREGORY  XVI. 


501 


lie  wealth,  particular!}'  on  account  of  the  repulsion  which  the  priests 
had  for  railroads,  and  on  account  of  the  preservation  of  the  property 
in  mortmain  and  the  conversion  of  large  personal  properties  into  real 
estate  by  a  legal  fiction.  There  existed  no  codes  and  no  equality 
before  the  law,  but  the  clergy  enjoyed  numerous  privileges  and 
immunities.  The  administration  of  justice  was  intricate,  slow,  and 
uncertain,  and  the  priests  were  the  controlling  spirits.  The  people 
groaned  beneath  a  public  debt  of  eight}^  millions  of  crowns,  of  which 
Pope  Gregory  XVI  alone  was  responsible  for  twenty-seven  millions, 
which  he  had  extravagantly  spent.  There  was  an  enormous  deficit 
every  year,  but  no  account  of  the  administration  of  the  public  finan- 
ces was  rendered  and  no  budget  agreed  upon.  The  darkest  feature 
of  Gregory's  reign,  however,  was  the  want  of  a  general  system  of 
instruction,  and  the  Jesuits  directed  the  whole  course  of  private 
education. 

The  pontificate  of  Gregory  X\"I  was  not  marked  b}'  any  great 
events.  The  prince  de  Metternich  disliked  Cardinal  Bernetti,  and 
urged  the  pope  to  dismiss  him.  In  1S36  he  was  forced  to  resign, 
and  Cardinal  Lambruschini  became  the  papal  prime  minister  or  secre- 
tary of  state.  Like  Gregory  XVI,  he  was  also  a  monk.  He  was 
tall  in  stature,  haughty  in  manner,  and  well  adapted  to  shine  in  diplo- 
matic circles.  He  understood  men,  business,  and  the  proprieties  of 
life;  he  was  not  a  stranger  to  the  intrigues  of  the  court  of  Europe; 
he  was  initiated  into  the  principles  of  the  *'Holy  Alliance,"  and  gave 
to  them  the  consecration  of  the  papacy.  Legitimacy  was  his  national 
religion,  and  France  his  dclenda  CartJiago  est.  In  choosing  this  secre- 
tar}'  of  state,  Gregory  XVI  believed  that  he  was  ridding  himself  of 
a  master,  but  he  soon  found  himself  in  the  hands  of  a  tyrant. 

While  Italy  was  thus  crushed,  and  the  hour  of  her  deliverance 
appeared  to  be  far  in  the  future,  the  men  who  were  destined  to  be 
her  liberators  were  then  in  comparative  obscurity.  Cavour  cultivated 
his  farm,  Gavazzi  occupied  a  professor's  chair,  and  Garibaldi  was  a 
sailor.  The  latter  at  this  period  (1832)  became  deeply  interested  in 
the  welfare  of  his  country.  Being  an  ardent  lover  of  Italy  from 
my  childhood,"  he  says,  **I  felt  a  strong  desire  to  become  initiated 
in  the  m}'steries  of  her  restoration,  and  I  sought  every-where  for 
books  and  writings  which  might  enlighten  me  on  the  subject,  and  for 
persons  animated  with  feelings  corresponding  with  my  own.  On  a 
voyage  which  I  made  to  Tagangog,  in  Russia,  with  a  young  Ligurian, 
I  was  first  made  acquainted  with  a  few  things  connected  with  the 
intentions  and  plans  of  the  Italian  patriots."    As  the  result  of  his 


502 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


entire  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Italy  he  was  proscribed,  and  on  the 
5th  of  February,  1834,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  passed  out 
of  the  gate  of  Linterna,  at  Genoa,  in  the  disguise  of  a  peasant.  A 
few  days  afterwards  he  saw  his  name  for  the  first  time  in  a  newspaper 
containing  his  death  sentence. 

Proceeding  to  Marseilles,  Garibaldi  remained  there  several  months, 
and  then  made  another  voyage  to  the  Black  Sea.  He  resolved  to 
visit  the  Italian  colony  in  South  America,  and  accordingly  sailed  for 
Rio  Janeiro.  In  that  city  he  met  Rosetti,  with  whom  he  engaged  in 
business.  From  Zambeccari,  a  prisoner  sent  from  Rio  Grande,  Gar- 
ibaldi learned  that  the  Italians  there  had  declared  for  independence. 
With  a  few  companions  he  sailed  in  a  small  vessel,  which  he  named 
TJie  Mazziniy  and  thus  commenced  that  remarkable  military  career 
of  thirteen  years'  duration  in  South  America,  which  for  daring,  brav- 
ery, and  hardships  has  few  parallels  in  history.  While  fighting  for 
the  "Republic  of  Rio  Grande"  he  was  conquered  by  the  beautiful 
Anna,  who  became  the  partner  of  his  sorrows  and  joys,  and  was  truly 
the  inspiration  of  his  life. 


FIFTH  DECADE,  1840-1850. 


Chapter  VII. 

MAZZINI  IN  EXILE— THE  BANDIERAS. 

DURING  the  former  part  of  this  decade  Italy  enjoyed  compara- 
tive exemption  from  political  commotion.  Mazzini  w^as  in 
England,  struggling  with  poverty,  and  only  able  to  support  himself 
by  the  aid  of  literature.  He  made  some  acquaintances,  and  became 
a  contributor  to  several  reviews,  receiving  a  small  compensation, 
wdiich,  with  the  help  of  his  own  modest  allowance,  enabled  him  to 
meet  his  daily  expenses.  Either  by  choosing  Italian  subjects,  or  by 
frequent  allusions  to  Italian  matters,  he  directed  the  attention  of  the 
English  people  to  the  national  question  in  his  beloved  country. 
Though  some  of  his  ideas  appeared  impracticable,  and  even  danger- 
ous to  many  English  minds,  yet  the  sincerity  of  his  convictions, 
demonstrated  by  his  life,  gained  him  the  friendship  of  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  best  residents.     "Nor  shall  I  ever  forget  while  I  live," 


FOSCOLO'S  "dante:' 


503 


he  wrote,  "nor  ever  pronounce  without  a  throb  of  gratitude,  the  name 
of  the  land  wherein  I  now  write,  which  became  to  me  ahuost  as  a 
second  country,  and  in  which  I  found  the  lasting  consolation  of  affec- 
tion in  a  life  embittered  by  delusions  and  destitute  of  all  joy."  He 
expressed  his  warmest  thanks  to  many  kind  families,  whose  ministries 
of  benevolence  almost  made  him  forget  at  times  that  he  was  an  exile. 

Mazzini  had  long  cherished  the  desire  of  extending  the  fame  of 
Ugo  Foscolo,  a  writer,  in  his  opinion,  who,  with  the  single  exception 
of  Alfieri,  had  contributed  more  than  any  other  to  that  manly  vigor 
which  Italian  literature  had  manifested  during  the  preceding  sixty 
years.  He  declared  that,  while  the  majority  of  authors  in  Italy 
wrote  in  the  name  of  princes,  patrons,  or  academies,  Foscolo  taught 
a  higher  and  nobler  view^  of  art,  and  inculcated  devotion  to  the  great 
idea  of  patriotism.  Mazzini,  after  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
literary  men  of  England,  and  feeling  a  new  stimulus  from  the  articles 
which  he  had  written  upon  the  intellectual  movement  in  his  native 
land,  resolved  to  collect  the  literary  productions  of  the  great  author. 
The  latter,  while  in  exile,  had  commenced  many  works,  which  were 
only  partially  completed,  and  others,  owing  to  the  poverty  and  isola- 
tion in  which  he  lived,  had  been  lost.  After  a  long  and  almost 
fruitless  search  Mazzini  found — besides  several  letters  to  Edgar  Ta}'- 
lor — all  that  Foscolo  had  finished  of  his  work  upon  the  great  poem 
of  Dante,  and  the  proof-sheets  of  about  two-thirds  of  the  "Lettera 
Apologetica, "  at  that  time  quite  unknown  in  Italy.  The  discovery 
of  the  latter  manuscript  filled  ]\Iazzini  with  real  joy.  The  pages, 
without  any  title,  and  without  the  author's  name,  had  been  thrown 
aside  with  several  torn  papers,  destined  to  be  destroyed,  in  a  room 
at  the  house  of  Pickering,  a  London  publisher. 

The  Genoese  patriot,  when  he  found  these  important  papers,  ex- 
pressed surprise  that  not  one  among  the  many  Italians  residing  in 
London  or  visiting  it  for  amusement  had  ever  sought  for  them,  and 
that  the  honor  of  restoring  them  to  Italy,  at  least  eleven  years  after 
Foscolo's  death,  should  have  been  left  to  another  exile  in  poverty. 
If  diligent  effort  had  been  made  earlier  all  of  these  valuable  writings 
might  probably  have  been  saved  ;  and  Mazzini  asserted  that  this  neg- 
lect is  "one  among  many  proofs  of  the  indifference  and  ingratitude 
which  are  the  common  vices  of  enslaved  peoples."  The  publisher, 
who  had  formerly  despised  these  works  because  ignorant  of  their 
value,  became  exacting  when  he  saw  the  eagerness  of  the  discoverer, 
and  refused  to  part  with  them  unless  the  latter  would  also  purchase 
the  work  on  the  text  of  Dante,  for  which  he  demanded  four  hundred 


504 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


pounds.  ^lazzini,  to  use  his  own  expression,  could  not  at  that 
time  have  answered  for  four  hundred  pence,"  and  therefore  wrote  to 
Ouirina  IMagiotti,  "an  exceptional  woman  and  exceptional  friend," 
asking-  help  to  redeem  these  relics  of  one  whom  she  had  loved  and 
esteemed  beyond  all  others.  This  lady  responded  favorably  to  the 
appeal ;  but  the  bookseller  still  persisted  in  not  selling  the  one  w^ork 
without  the  other,  and  she  regretted  her  inability  to  purchase  both. 
After  many  useless  attempts,  Mazzini  succeeded  at  last  in  persuading 
Pietro  Rolandi,  an  Italian  publisher  settled  in  London,  to  pay  the 
sum  demanded  and  assume  the  expenses  of  the  edition.  It  was 
strange  that  a  man  prudent  and  timid,  both  from  necessity  and 
habit,"  should  be  induced  to  undertake  such  a  literary  enterprise. 
Though  **at  heart  more  tender  of  his  country's  glory  than  book- 
sellers generally  are,"  and  united  to  ]\Iazzini  by  strong  friendship, 
yet  the  latter  was  astonished  at  his  influence  over  Rolandi. 

In  a  short  time  afterwards  the  very  pages  which  were  needed  to 
complete  the  book  were  found  in  a  trunk  full  of  papers  belonging  to 
Foscolo,  and  saved  from  dispersion  by  the  Canon  Riego — the  only 
man  who  watched  by  the  bedside  of  the  exile  during  his  last  illness — 
which  subsequently  came  into  the  possession  of  Enrico  Mayer  and 
other  friends  at  Leghorn,  but  had  never  been  examined.  The  dis- 
covery of  these  last  fragments  awakened  an  energy  in  all  of  them, 
v\hich  resulted  in  giving  to  Italy,  first,  the  volume  of  the  political 
writings  of  Foscolo,  which  Mazzini  published  at  Lugano,  and  then 
the  Florentine  edition,  directed  with  "  I'intelletto  d'amore, "  by  Or- 
landini.  Believing  that  a  biography  of  the  distinguished  author 
should  be  written,  Mazzini  commenced  the  pleasant  task,  but  was 
prevented  by  adverse  circumstances  and  many  cares  from  completing 
it.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  Nicolini  w^as  the  most  competent 
to  do  it ;  but  the  latter  subsequently  died,  and  his  own  life  is  still 
unwritten.  Owing  to  stress  of  poverty  and  illness  Foscolo  had  only 
completed  the  first  part  of  his  undertaking,  "L' Inferno  ;"  and  Maz- 
zini, finding  that  the  publisher,  Pickering,  would  sell  all  or  none, 
determined  to  complete  the  "Purgatory"  and  "Paradise." 

In  the  Summer  of  1844  Mazzini,  discovering  that  his  correspond- 
ence had  been  tampered  with  in  London,  placed  the  evidence  which 
he  had  accumulated  in  the  hands  of  a  member  of  parliament,  and 
petitioned  the  House  for  an  inquiry  into  the  matter.  The  accusation 
produced  great  excitement,  and,  the  London  Times  having  cast  re- 
flections upon  the  Italian  patriot,  Mr.  Thomas  Carlyle  pubhshed  in 
that  paper  a  letter  defending  his  character.    The  following  extract 


THE  BAND/ERAS. 


indicates  its  spirit:  "I  have  had  the  honor  to  know  M.  Mazzini  for 
a  series  of  years ;  and,  whatever  I  may  think  of  his  practical  insight 
and  skill  in  worldly  affairs,  I  can  with  great  freedom  testify  to  all 
men  that  he,  if  ever  I  have  seen  one  such,  is  a  man  of  genius  and 
virtue,  a  man  of  sterling  veracity,  humanity,  and  nobleness  of  mind, 
one  of  those  rare  men,  numerable,  unfortunately,  but  as  units  in  this 
world,  who  are  worthy  to  be  called  martyr-souls ;  who  in  silence, 
piously  in  their  daily  life,  understand  and  practice  what  is  meant  by 
that."  Many  of  the  letters  addressed  to  Mazzini,  and  which  when 
opened  were  found  to  contain  some  views  relative  to  the  proposed 
expedition  of  the  brothers  Bandiera,  were  copied  and  sent  to  the 
governments  of  Naples  and  Austria. 

The  brothers  Bandiera,  who  corresponded  with  Mazzini  at  that 
time,  were  born  at  Venice.  They  were  the  sons  of  Baron  B^diera, 
rear-admiral  of  the  Austrian  navy,  so  unfavorably  known  to  Italy  for 
having  violated  the  articles  of  the  capitulation  of  Ancona  in  1831, 
and  captured  the  insurgents  on  their  way  to  France  by  sea.  From 
their  earliest  years  the  brothers  had  dreamed  of  the  national  unity  of 
Italy;  and  long  before  they  were  able  to  obtain  any  contact  with 
Italian  exiles,  or  the  republican  leaders  in  the  center  of  the  Peninsula, 
they  had  themselves  endeavored  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  their  idea.  Toward  the  close  of  1842  Attilio,  the  elder  of 
the  two  brothers,  wrote  to  Mazzini  under  an  assumed  name,  express- 
ing his  esteem  and  love  for  him  ' '  as  chief  of  those  who  represent  in 
our  generation  the  national  opposition  to  the  tyranny  and  consequent 
infamy  that  now  contaminates  Italy."  In  the  letter  he  refers  to 
Mazzini  as  the  founder  of  the  secret  society  called  ''Young  Italy," 
and  also  as  the  editor  of  a  journal  bearing  the  same  title,  but  declares 
that  he  had  not,  until  a  few  days  previous,  seen  any  of  that  patriot's 
works.  Attilio  further  states  that  the  first  and  second  numbers  of 
the  "  Apostolato  Popolare  "  were  doubly  welcome  to  him,  because 
to  the  gratification  he  received  in  finding  his  own  political  principles 
shared  by  a  man  like  Mazzini  was  added  the  satisfaction  of  discover- 
ing a  means,  however  indirect,  of  forwarding  a  letter  to  him,  after  a 
year's  earnest  effort  to  learn  his  address.  The  bearer  of  the  letter 
to  London  was  Domenico  Moro,  a  native  of  Venice,  and  lieutenant 
of  the  Adria.  Attilio  and  his  brother  Emilio  worked  secretly,  care- 
fully preparing  their  expedition;  but  about  the  1st  of  March,  1843, 
they  learned  that  a  certain  Micciarelli  had  betrayed  their  plans. 
Attilio  resolved  to  escape,  and  before  starting  sent  word  of  his  inten- 
tion to  Emilio,  then  at  Venice.    The  latter  sou<j1it  refu^-e  in  Corfu, 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  wrote  to  Mazzini,  on  the  2 2d  of  April,  that  the  Archduke 
Rainicri,  vice-regent  of  the  Lombardo-Venetian  provinces,  had  sent 
an  agent  to  his  mother,  promising  that  if  she  could  persuade  her  son 
to  return  to  Venice  a  pardon  would  be  secured  for  him.  The  devoted 
mother  visited  him,  and  endeavored  to  move  him  by  entreaties,  and 
even  tears,  but  he  decided  to  remain. 

The  Austrian  government  now  declared  the  brothers  Bandiera 
guilty  of  high  treason  "for  having  joined  the  sect  of  'Young  Italy,"' 
and  they  Avere  cited  to  appear  within  the  space  of  ninety  days  before 
the  imperial  tribunals  at  Venice.  They  replied,  through  the  medium 
of  the  public  journals,  that  they  gloried  in  what  the  authorities  called 
''high  treason,"  and,  as  death  was  certain,  they  preferred  to  meet  it 
in  any  shape  rather  than  under  the  infamous  banner  of  Austria.  At 
this  time  Domenico  Moro,  then  only  twenty-two  years  of  age,  volun- 
tarily became  an  exile  by  uniting  with  the  brave  brothers.  He  is 
represented  as  having  a  fine  personal  appearance  and  a  truly  angelic 
disposition.  Attilio,  after  visiting  Syra,  Malta,  and  other  places, 
went  to  Corfu  on  the  8th  of  May,  1843,  and  in  a  letter  written  to 
Mazzini  a  few  days  subsequently,  stated  that  their  band  proposed  to 
enter  Calabria,  and  that  he  and  Emilio  had  sold  at  ruinous  prices 
the  few  things  which  they  had  brought  with  them,  receiving  only 
five  hundred  francs.  As  they  needed  at  least  three  thousand,  Attilio 
wrote-  to  Nicola  Fabrizi  for  that  amount,  which  Mazzini  had  depos- 
ited in  his  hands  for  the  use  of  the  Bandieras.  Instead  of  complying 
with  the  request,  Fabrizi  endeavored  to  persuade  them  to  defer  their 
expedition  until  a  powerful  force  could  be  organized,  and  in  this 
effort  he  was  seconded  by  Mazzini.  The  latter  received  a  letter  from 
Attilio,  on  the  21st  of  May,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  attempt 
they  had  intended  to  make  during  that  month  was  rendered  impossi- 
ble for  the  want  of  money.  "Do  not  imagine,  however,"  he  wrote, 
"that  poverty  can  alter  us  in  any  way.  .  .  .  Whatever  our 
fate,  we  hope  to  leave  the  young  generation  an  example  of  undying 
perseverance. " 

Meanwhile  the  general  discontent  increased,  and  the  popular 
excitement,  which  seemed  to  subside  in  1843  manifested  itself  in  a 
still  more  threatening  manner  in  1844,  extending  from  the  center  to 
the  south  of  the  Peninsula.  An  armed  ^niciite  occurred  at  Cosenza, 
which,  though  soon  put  down,  produced  much  agitation,  and  awak- 
ened a  strong  desire  for  action.  Sicily,  burdened  so  long  by  misgov- 
ernment  and  extortion,  was  anxious  to  revolt ;  but  certain  parties 
advocated  delay,  and  the  brave  Sicilians  were  restrained.  While 


THE  MARTYRS  OF  COSENZA. 


507 


letters  were  passing  between  Fabrizi  at  Malta  and  the  brothers  Ban- 
diera  at  Corfu,  relativ^e  to  the  enterprise  already  mentioned,  Ricciotti, 
a  friend  of  IMazzini  since  1831,  departed  from  London  and,  early  in 
June,  joined  the  Bandieras.  He  was  born  in  1800,  at  Frosinone,  in 
the  papal  states,  and,  when  onh'  eighteen  years  of  age,  the  national 
Italian  idea  had  taken  such  full  possession  of  his  mind  that  he  swore 
to  devote  his  life  to  its  realization.  In  1835,  seeing  no  present  prob- 
ability of  redemption  for  Ital}',  he  resolved  to  acquire  military  expe- 
rience in  Spain,  saying  in  a  letter  to  his  children,  "I  shall  once  more 
combat  in  the  cause  of  libert}',  and,  should  fortune  fa\'or  me,  I  may 
yet  live  to  put  the  knowledge  I  acquire  to  profit  for  my  country." 

On  the  night  of  the  12th  of  June,  the  Bandieras,  Ricciotti,  and 
twenty  others  started  for  Calabria,  and  soon  arrived  there  in  safety. 
But  a  force  five  times  greater  than  theirs  was  sent  to  capture  them, 
and,  though  they  fought  bravely,  the  insurgents  were  compelled  to 
surrender.  The  prisoners  were  dragged  before  a  military  commission, 
and  nine  of  them,  including  the  Bandieras,  Domenico  Moro,  and 
Nicola  Ricciotti  were  condemned  to  be  shot.  One  who  was  present 
at  their  execution,  on  the  25th  of  Jul}',  1844,  at  Cosenza,  speaks  of 
them  as  saints,  calm  and  intrepid,  like  the  martyrs  of  the  first  ages 
of  Christianity.  On  the  morning  of  their  execution  they  were  found 
asleep,  but  rising  from  their  humble  beds  they  arranged  their  toilet 
carefully,  as  if  they  were  about  to  accomplish  an  act  of  religious 
solemnity.  They  gentl)'  repulsed  a  priest  who  approached  them,  and 
said  to  him,  that  having  endeavored  * '  to  practice  the  law  of  the  Gos- 
pel, and  to  propagate  it  even  at  the  cost  of  their  blood  among  those 
emancipated  by  Jesus,  they  hoped  more  from  their  own  good  inten- 
tions than  his  words."  "Reserve  them,"  added  one  of  the  prison- 
ers, ''for  your  oppressed  brethren,  and  teach  them  to  be  what  the 
cross  has  made  them,  free  and  equal."  The}^  Avalked  to  the  place 
of  execution  conversing  together  without  agitation,  without  ostenta- 
tion. ''Spare  the  face,"  said  they  to  the  soldiers,  "it  was  made  in 
the  image  of  God.     Vive  F Italia  T    This  was  their  last  cry  on  earth. 

"The  martyrs  of  Cosenza,"  says  ]\Iazzini,  "have  taught  us  that 
man  is  bound  to  live  and  die  for  the  faith  that  is  in  him  ;  they  have 
proved  to  the  world  that  Italians  know  how  to  die ;  they  have  strength- 
ened in  Europe  the  conviction  that  Italy  is  destined  to  exist.  The 
faith,  for  which  such  men  seek  death  as  eagerly  as  the  lover  seeks  his 
betrothed,  is  neither  the  frenzy  of  culpable  agitators  nor  the  dream 
of  deluded  men  ;  it  is  the  germ  of  a  religion,  a  providential  decree. 
And  from  the  fire  of  pattiotism  that  emanates  from  their  sepulcher, 


508  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

the  angel  of  Italy  will  one  day  kindle  the  torch  with  which  Rome, 
not  as  the  false  prophets  tell  us,  the  Rome  of  the  popes,  the  great- 
ness of  which  is  extinguished  forever,  but  the  Rom^  of  the  people, 
shall,  for  the  third  time,  illumine  the  path  of  progress  to  *be  fol- 
lowed by  all  humanity." 


Fifth  Decade,  Continued,  1840-1850. 

Chapter  VIII. 

CAMILLO  CAVOUR—THE  CRISIS  IN  ITALY. 

CAMILLO  CAVOUR,  whether  w^andering  over  his  farm  in  the 
district  of  Vercelli  or  enlivening  with  his  sparkling  conversa- 
tion the  salon  of  his  aunt,  the  duchess  of  Clermont-Tonnere  at  Turin, 
or  discussing  European  affairs  with  the  learned  circles  in  Geneva,  was 
closely  observing  the  progress  of  events  in  his  own  country.  While 
visiting  London  and  Paris  he  studied  the  institutions  of  England  and 
France,  and  derived  from  them  valuable  lessons.  His  models  of 
statesmen  were  Pitt,  Canning,  and  Robert  Peel,  and  it  Avas  thus  at 
the  moment  when  the  period  of  reforms  opened  for  Italy,  that  *'the 
^obscure  citizen  of  Piedmont"  found  himself  armed  for  public  life. 
At  the  close  of  1847  he  established  a  journal,  TJie  Risoj'giinicnto,  to 
promote  and  regulate  the  national  movement  which  Charles  Albert 
had  stimulated  by  his  concessions. 

One  day,  early  in  1848,  Genoa,  that  center  of  keen  and  bitter 
passions,  was  the  scene  of  tumult,  resulting  from  the  excited  state 
of  the  public  mind.  A  deputation  had  been  sent  to  Turin  to  de- 
mand from  King  Charles  Albert  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  and  the 
institution  of  a  national  guard.  The  liberal  section  at  Turin  favored 
the  request  of  the  Genoese  deputation.  Cavour  instantly  perceived 
that  such  a  radical  policy  would  not  secure  the  proposed  reforms, 
because  the  adoption  of  rigorous  measures  against  th6  Jesuits  might 
wound  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  king,  and  the  establishment 
of  a  national  guard  w^ould  only  provoke  trouble  and  sedition  so  long 
as  a  legal  representation  of  the  w^hole  people  was  wanting.  Hence,  he 
resolved  to  claim  a  constitution,  and  thus  directly  accomplish,  without 
discord,  w^hat  was  demanded  in  the  Genoese  petition.    While  Ca- 


THE  REVOLUTION  OF  1848. 


509 


vour's  plan  was  more  daring,  it  was  also  more  politic,  because  it 
would  flatter  the  pride  and  secret  ambition  of  the  prince,  whom  the 
constitution  would  elect  the  chief  of  Liberal  Italy.  It  was  a  curious 
circumstance  that  those  who  most  warmly  opposed  Cavour,  and 
refused  to  follow  his  suggestions,  were  extreme  liberals,  men  of  the 
democratic  party,  Valerio  and  Sineo,  who  were  suspicious  of  his 
leaning  to  English  institutions,  and  ironically  called  him  *'My  Lord 
Camillo."  From  that  time  arose  the  question  between  the  constitu- 
tional policy  and  revolutionary  policy. 

Soon  after  this  every  thing  was  strangely  changed,  and  there  was 
no  question  of  the  constitution  wrested  from  the  vacillations  of 
Charles  Albert.  The  revolution  of  the  24th  of  February  had  recently 
burst  forth,  every-where  kindling  incendiary  fires  in  Italy  and  in  Ger- 
many— at  Vienna  as  well  as  at  Berlin.  As  already  stated,  Sicily  was 
in  a  state  of  insurrection ;  Milan  had  expelled  the  Germans  at  the 
close  of  a  five  days'  struggle ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  Venice  was 
securing  her  own  freedom.  The  Austrian  dominion,  weakened  in  the 
heart  of  the  empire  by  the  Viennese  revolution,  had  barely  a  hold 
even  in  its  fortresses  of  the  Adige.  During  the  progress  of  these 
events  impassioned  appeals  were  heard  in  Turin.  Cavour  was  among 
the  first  to  utter  the  decisive  word.  (J^n  the  breaking  out  of  the 
revolution  in  Lombardy  he  already  saw,  with  prophetic  eye,  the 
grand  and  noble  edifice  of  Italian  unity  rising  under  the  constitutional 
scepter  of  the  house  of  Savoy;  and,  on  the  23d  of  March,  1848,  he 
addressed  a  bold  and  stirring  appeal  to  the  Piedmontese  government, 
which  sounded  out  amidst  the  storm  like  the  blast  of  a  bugle. 

"The  supreme  hour  for  the  Savoyard  monarchy  has  struck,"  he 
wrote,  "the  hour  for  bold  deliberations,  the  hour  upon  which  de- 
pends the  fate  of  empires  and  the  destinies  of  nations.  In  view 
of  the  startling  events  occurring  in  Lombardy  and  Vienna  hesita- 
tion, doubt,  delay  are  no  longer  possible;  they  would  prove  the  most 
disastrous  of  policies.  Men  of  cool  judgment,  accustomed  to  listen 
much  more  to  the  dictates  of  reason  than  the  impulses  of  passion, 
after  having  pondered  well  our  every  word,  we  are  in  duty  bound  to 
declare  there  is  no  alternative  for  the  nation,  for  the  government,  for 
the  king,  but  war — war  without  hesitation  and  without  delay."  The 
result  justified  the  declaration  of  Cavour;  for,  shortly  after.  Carlo 
Alberto  formally  declared  war  against  Austria. 

V  On  the  1st  of  May^848,  the  Sub- Alpine  parliament  was  convoked 

for  the  first  time.  Cavour,  who  was  elected  as  the  representative 
of  the  first  electoral  college  of  Turin,  delivered  his  maiden  speech  on 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  4th  of  July  following,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  proposed  union 
of  Lombardy  with  Piedmont.  '*We  must  not  forget,"  he  exclaimed, 
**that,  while  we  are  talking  and  debating,  our  brethren  are  fighting, 
and  that  they  have  the  same  rights  that  w^e  have  in  the  formation  of 
of  the  Constitutional  Assembly,  which  is  to  decide  the  destinies 
of  Italy."  On  the  announcement  of  the  defeat  of  Custozza,  Cavour 
hastened  to  enroll  himself  as  a  volunteer ;  but  the  armistice  of  Milan 
prevented  his  departure  for  the  theater  of  war.  He  accordingly 
resumed  his  seat  in  parliament,  where  he  ably  defended  the  Perrone- 
Pinelli  ministry,  which,  having  accepted  the  mediation  of  England 
and  France  in  obtaining  an  honorable  peace  from  Austria,  w^as 
fiercely  assailed  by  the  opposition,  who  were  impelled  by  their  prin- 
ciples to  wish  a  continuation  of  the  war. 

The  sudden  and,  perhaps,  inevitable  crisis  which  arose  in  Italy  in 
March,  1848,  was  not  then  fully  understood;  but  it  was,  nevertheless, 
the  most  perilous  of  trials,  and  has  since  been  a  lesson  to  a  whole 
generation.  Men  lilce  Cavour,  though  opposed  to  a  rash  policy,  did 
not  deem  it  their  duty  to  draw  back.  Circumstances  seemed,  no 
doubt,  at  first  to  warrant  audacity,  and  fortune  apparently  smiled  on 
Italy.  The  army  of  Radetsky  had  been  driven  back  from  Milan  and 
from  Lombardy,  and  compelled  to  shut  itself  up  in  Verona,  in  the  midst 
of  a  circle  of  fire,  and  had  evidently  reached  its  last  defense,  because, 
being  almost  deserted  by  Vienna,  it  could  not  maintain  the  Austrian 
dominion  beyond  the  Alps.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Piedmontese 
army,  crossing  the  Ticino  under  the  command  of  Charles  Albert, 
could  have  soon  occupied  the  lines  of  the  Mincio  and  the  Adige.  For 
four  months  it  fought  bravely,  and  a  day  came,  that  of  the  taking  of 
Peschiera  and  the  victory  at  Goito,  when  the  cause  of  Italian  inde- 
pendence seemed  almost  won.  "It  was,  in  reality,"  says  De  Ma- 
zade,  "a  grand  undertaking,  badly  begun,  and  rendered  complex  by 
inexperience  of  every  sort,  as  well  as  by  every  passion  and  every 
illusion  which  could  lead  it  to  a  fatal  termination."  One  of  the  dan- 
gers that  threatened  it  was  external  circumstances.  (  The  war  of  1848, 
which  broke  out  thus  unexpectedly,  and  with  so  little  preparation, 
was  intiiTiately  connected  with  a  wide -set  revolutionary  situation, 
with  a  European  convulsion.  Hence,  to  a  certain  extent,  every 
thing  beyond  the  Alps  depended  upon  what  occurred  in  Europe — ■ 
upon  the  reactions  which  might  and  which  inevitably  must  ensue. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  campaign,  the  chances  of  success 
were  no  doubt  real,  but  they  diminished  in  proportion  as  events 
developed. 


CONDITION  OF  EUROPE.  5 1 1 

After  the  days  of  June,  France  was  completely  absorbed  in  her 
own  internal  affairs.  She  had  thought  of  intervention  when  she 
gathered  together  the  army  of  the  Alps ;  but  finally  concluded  to  act 
as  a  mediator,  though  she  adopted  an  evasive  and  lingering  policy. 
England,  an  ally  in  this  mediation,  desired  agitations  to  cease,  be- 
cause they  threatened  the  peace  of  Europe,  established  in  181 5. 
Revolutionary  Germany,  while  expressing  her  disinclination  in  par- 
liament, at  Frankfort,  also  openly  pointed  to  the  fortresses  of  the 
Adige  as  being  the  outworks  of  her  natural  frontiers.  Austria, 
though  convulsed  for  a  moment,  had  time  to  consider  the  situation, 
and,  by  the  assistance  of  her  generals  at  Prague  and  at  Vienna  to  re- 
cover herself;  and  from  the  heart  of  the  empire  the  poets  sent  forth 
to  Radetsky,  to  that  ancient  warrior  of  Italy,  the  sympathetic  war- 
cry,  "Austria  is  in  your  camp!"  Every  thing  had  changed  in  a  few 
months,  so  that,  before  the  Autumn  of  1848,  Piedmont,  driven  back 
from  the  IMincio  to  the  Ticino,  was  compelled  to  submit  to  the 
humiliating  armistice  of  the  1 6th  of  August,  and,  without  any  sup- 
port, resisted  a  strengthened  and  victorious  Austria.  There  was  no 
hope  of  assistance  from  Europe,  and  no  inducement  to  recommence 
hostilities  with  an  army  disorganized  by  defeat,  and  already  powerless 
to  restrain  the  passions  that  urged  it  to  renew  the  conflict.  The 
raging  of  these  violent  passions  beneath  the  surface  in  Italy  hastened 
the  overthrow  of  the  national  cause.  While  the  army  was  bravely 
fighting  at  Pasrengo,  Goito,  Curtatone,  and  Vicenza,  a  combination 
of  circumstances  seemed  to  conspire  against  her.  The  princes,  full 
of  misgivings  and  alarm,  refused  their  alliance ;  the  pope,  by  the 
Encyclical  of  the  29th  of  April,  disavowed  the  war  of  independence; 
and  King  Ferdinand,  of  Naples,  was  engaging  on  the  15th  of  I\Iay 
in  a  victorious  battle  of  internal  repression,  which  ultimately  made 
the  Neapolitan  policy  one  of  extreme  reactionary  measures. 

Not  only  the  ministry,  but  the  monarchy  itself,  was  in  imminent 
peril.  The  star  of  democracy  was  now  in  the  ascendant.  INIazzini 
had  proclaimed  the  advent  of  the  universal  republic.  Pius  IX,  who 
had  precipitated  a  revolution  he  did  not  wish,  and  could  not  control, 
was  conspiring  at  Gaeta  against  the  new-born  liberties  of  the  people  ; 
Austria,  supported  by  Germany  and  Russia,  triumphant  and  defiant, 
with  on& hundred  thousand  soldiers  in  Lombardy ;  France  declining  aid, 
and  England  counseling  delay.  In  a  word,  the  Piedmontese  govern- 
ment, without  a  friend  or  ally  abroad,  and  with  an  unpopular  ministry 
at  home,  was  compelled  to  advance  against  this  powerful  opposition. 

Cavour  defended  the  administration  so  earnestly  and  boldly  that 


512 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


a  storm  of  popular  abuse  soon  descended  upon  him.  He  had  com- 
menced his  career  in  parhament  distrusted  by  the  aristocratic  party,  to 
Avhom  he  was  related  by  ties  of  birth  and  friendship,  on  account  of  his 
liberal  proclivities,  while  he  was  repudiated  by  the  democrats,  on 
account  of  his  moderation.  Seated  upon  the  benches  of  the  right 
center,  he  opposed  every  motion  proceeding  from  the  extreme  right 
or  left,  looking  to  reaction  on  the  one  hand,  or  revolution  on  the 
other.  He  thus  became  a  target  for  the  sharp-shooters  of  both  the 
political  parties.  He  was  characterized  as  a  lukewarm  friend  of  Ital- 
ian independence  and  unity,  concealing  his  despotic  tendencies  under 
a  liberal  mask.  He  Avas  accused  of  being  a  blind  admirer  of  Eng- 
land, and  in  derision  of  his  so-called  Ajigloiiiania,  was  called  "Lord 
Camillo,"  or,  Milord  Risorgiinento.''  While  the  utterances  of  the  ora- 
tors of  the  opposition  were  greeted  with  general  and  prolonged  ap- 
plause, amidst  shouts  of  "Bravo!  Bene!"  the  voice  of  Cavour  was 
oftentimes  drowned  by  the  interruptions  of  the  opposition,  and  the 
hisses  of  the  galleries,  which  found  an  echo  outside  the  chamber,  in 
the  calumnies  of  the  press,  and  the  jeers  of  the  populace.  On  one 
occasion,  when  the  storm  was  at  its  height,  he  resolutely  opposed 
the  tide  of  turbulent  passions,  and  exclaimed,  "Whoever  interrupts 
me  does  not  insult  me,  but  the  Chamber,  and  the  insult  I  divide  with 
all  of  my  colleagues." 

The  reverses  of  the  Piedmontese  army  became  the  signal  for  an 
extensive  and  disastrous  anarchy,  which  manifested  itself  successively 
at  Milan,  in  scenes  which  imperiled  the  life  of  Charles  Albert ;  at 
Rome,  in  the  murder  of  Rossi,  the  flight  of  the  pope,  and  the  proc- 
lamation of  Mazzini's  republic ;  at  Florence,  in  the  flight  of  the  grand 
duke.  While  Piedmont  was  protected  "  by  solid  traditions,  by  a 
national  dynasty,  and  by  the  'statuto, '  or  royal  decree,  recently  pro- 
mulgated," it  did  not  escape  the  universal  contagion  of  strife  and 
anarchy.  The  democratic  party  of  the  Ratazzis,  the  Valerios,  the 
Ravinas,  the  Brofferias,  did  not  have  a  majority  in  the  newly  opened 
parliament;  yet  it  was  powerful  enough  to  perplex  the  military  and 
political  action  of  the  government  by  its  inconsistent  propositions 
and  its  incoherent  declamations,  supported  by  the  clubs  and  an 
intemperate  press.  At  Turin  that  party  represented  the  advocates 
of  popular  insurrections  and  the  wildest  of  combinations ;  it  was  the 
ally  of  all  the  agitators  of  Italy,  the  accomplice  of  a  turbulent  dem- 
ocracy whose  motto  was  "war  to  the  knife." 

In  this  feverish  and  dramatic  manner  public  life  was  inaugurated 
in  Piedmont,  and  Cavour,  undismayed  in  the  midst  of  these  disturb- 


CAVOUR'S  POLICY.  513 

ances,  fought  in  the  front  ranks,  both  as  deputy  from  Turin  to  par- 
liament, and  in  his  capacity  of  editor  of  The  Risorgiinicnto.  He  was 
a  patriot  and  a  constitutionahst  before  the  "statuto,"  and  before 
the  war,  and  during  the  struggle  he  was  opposed  to  revolutionary 
measures,  showing  himself  to  be  the  most  liberal  and  reasonable  of 
men.  Some  desired  to  bribe  the  union  of  Lombardy  and  of  Pied- 
mont with  the  simulacrum  of  a  constituent  assembh^;  but  he  strenu- 
ously opposed  it,and  urged  the  necessity  for  immediate  amalgamation. 
To  those  who  advocated  the  establishment  of  a  sliding  scale  of  taxa- 
tion, he  replied,  with  the  discernment  of  an  experienced  financier,  a 
political  economist,  and  a  man  of  business.  Some  were  ever  talking 
of  recommencing  hostilities  with  a  disorganized  army,  and  depending 
upon  the  assistance  of  England  and  of  France;  but  he  advised  differ- 
ently, and  exhibited  the  sagacity  of  a  politician  who  understood  the 
affairs  of  Europe.  Cavour  did  not  fear  the  conflict;  but,  in  the  midst 
of  warring  factions,  resolutely  stood  by  the  government.  He  main- 
tained a  wonderful  composure  of  mind,  even  when  the  wild  tempest 
of  conflicting  passions  was  at  its  height.  At  first  he  was  not  distin- 
guished as  an  orator  ;  but  had  that  self-possession  and  imperturbable 
coolness  which  made  him  master  of  the  situation.  Frank,  simple, 
and  moderate,  he  was  eager  to  encounter  those  who  believed  only  in 
"revolutionary  means,"  without  taking  nature,  reality,  and  expe- 
rience into  account. 

Cavour,  in  accordance  with  his  political  creed,  that  revolutions,  to 
be  permanent,  must  be  in  harmony  with  natural  laws,  assailed  these 
Utopian  reformers  with  his  merciless  common  sense  and  irony,  and 
accused  them  of  being  independent  of  every  law  whatever,  whether 
human  or  divine.  Equally  bold  and  daring  as  these  ultra-revolution- 
ists, he  had  a  more  profound  respect  for  humanity,  and  a  greater  faith 
in  the  triumph  of  principles.  While  he  was  not  satisfied  with  any 
thing  less  than  the  possible,  he  never  aimed  at  the  impracticable. 
He  resolutely  advanced  in  the  path  of  progress,  and  was  not  one  of 
those  timid  reformers  **who  are  always  waiting  until  the  people 
become  mature  before  conceding  to  them  the  very  institutions  which 
are  precisely  adapted  to  mature  them."  Nor  did  he  belong  to  that 
impracticable  school  of  politicians  who  affect  to  believe  that  a  legis- 
lative act  can  create  value  ;  that  a  law  of  political  econom}-  can  be 
annulled  by  a  parliamentary  majority,  or  a  permanent  revolution  be 
achieved  by  a  proclamation  or  a  coup  d'etat.  Referring  to  the 
French  revolutionists,  in  The  Risorgiinicnto  of  the  i6th  of  November, 
1848,  Cavour  directly  attacked  the  shibboleth  of  the  extreme  party, 


514 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


thus  characterized  their  insane  policy,  and  with  singular  precision 
prophesies  its  final  result : 

"This  iniquitous  and  ignorant  faction  finds  itself  confronted  by 
science,  affection,  the  individual,  the  family — every  fundamental  law 
of  human  society.  .  .  .  What  does  it  signify?  It  has  implicit 
faith  in  revolutionary  measures,  is  certain  of  victory,  and  enacts  the 
24th  of  June.  French  blood  flows  in  torrents.  France,  upon  the 
brink  of  an  abyss,  arouses  herself,  and  hastens  to  suppress  the  fool- 
hardy attempt.  What  has  been  the  result?  We  were  looking  for  a 
democratic  and  social  republic ;  Ave  were  in  possession  of  the  germs 
of  many  ideas  which,  if  developed  by  peaceful  and  ordinary  means, 
Avould  probably  have  resulted  in  some  new  advance  in  political  sci- 
ence ;  and,  instead,  we  have  Paris  under  martial  law ;  in  Piedmont,  a 
dubious  and  dilatory  intervention ;  at  Naples,  a  shameful  intimacy 
between  the  French  envoy  and  the  Bourbon  tyrant.  .  .  .  What 
is  it  which  has  always  wrecked  the  finest  and  justest  of  revolutions? 
The  mania  for  revolutionary  means ;  the  men  who  have  attenlpted  to 
emancipate  themselves  from  ordinary  laws;  .  .  .  the  French 
Constituent  Assembly  creating  the  assignats  in  contempt  of  nature 
and  economic  laws:  revohitionary  means,  productive  of  discredit  and 
of  ruin  !  The  Convention  attempting  to  smother  in  blood  the  resist- 
ance to  its  ambitious  project;  revolutionary  means  producing  the 
Directory,  the  Consulate,  and  the  Empire;  Napoleon  bending  all  to 
his  caprice,  imagining  '  that  one  can  with  a  like  facility  conquer  at 
the  bridge  of  Lodi  and  wipe  out  a  law  of  nature;'  revolutionary  means, 
leading  to  Waterloo  and  St.  Helena!  the  sectarians  of  June  striving 
to  impose  the  democratic  and  social  republic  by  fire  and  sword; 
revolutionary  mea?is,  producing  the  siege  of  Paris,  and  reaction  every- 
Avhere.  Wait  but  a  little  longer,  and  you  will  see  the  last  consequence 
of  your  revolutionary  means — Louis  Napoleon  on  the  throne." 

In  the  elections  for  January,  1849,  Cavour  was  not  returned  to 
parliament.  No  longer  a  deputy  he  was  still  a  journalist.  He  waged 
war  all  the  same  upon  the  extremists  of  both  parties,  but  especially 
upon  the  ultra-republicans,  whose  only  idea  of  democracy  seemed 
embodied  in  the  violence  and  excesses  of  the  French  revolution. 
But  neither  Cavour,  nor  his  friends  in  parliament  nor  of  the  press, 
could,  situated  as  they  were,  in  the  center  of  a  circle  of  criticism  and 
opposition,  improvise  moderate  views  that  should  yet  have  strength  to 
prevail.  The  movement  that  was  hurrying  Italy  away,  and  re-echoed 
through  Turin,  swept  off  with  it  successively  the  first  constitutional 
ministry  of  Count  Balbo,  Count  Casati's  ministry  of  compromise, 


GIOBERTPS  PLAN. 


the  armistice  ministry  of  Alfieri,  Revel,  Pinelli,  rushing  into  one 
of  headlong  measures,  revolutionary  plots,  and  war  at  any  price.  In 
the  latter  days  of  1848,  Vincenzo  Gioberti,  a  man  raised  to  power 
through  popularity,  seemed,  for  a  moment  only,  called  to  arrest 
events,  or  to  stamp  them  with  a  new  character.  He  endeavored  to 
do  so,  and,  in  making  the  effort,  he  soon  began  to  appreciate  the 
energetic  assistance  of  Cavour,  who  had  previously  defended  to  the 
utmost  the  ministry  of  Counts  Revel  and  Pinelli,  against  him. 

Gioberti  felt  the  danger  of  a  revolutionary  policy,  and  believed 
that,  without  renouncing  the  idea  of  national  independence,  he  could 
secure  it  by  a  different  method  ;  and  before  attacking  Austria  Pied- 
mont had  another  part  to  play,  that  of  bringing  the  grand  duke  to 
Florence  and  the  pope  to  Rome,  and  every-where  re-establish  a  con- 
stitutional government — in  a  word,  to  direct  the  Italian  movement. 
By  pursuing  this  course  Piedmont  would  deprive  Austria  of  one 
excuse  for  intervening  in  Peninsular  affairs,  at  the  same  time  concil- 
iating and  strengthening  the  restored  princes ;  she  would  regain  the 
sympathy  of  Europe,  which,  almost  exhausted  by  constant  agitation 
and  excitement,  seemed  ready  to  forsake  her,  and  when  her  work  was 
completed  she  would  find  herself  in  a  better  position  either  to  nego- 
tiate with  the  concourse  of  mediating  powers  or  again  to  take  up  arms. 

Every  thing  appeared  to  be  in  readiness  for  the  consummation 
of  the  plan.  It  was  approved  by  England  and  France ;  and  General 
Alfonso  La  Marmora  was  approaching  with  a  Piedmontese  division 
from  Tuscany.  It  was  unfortunate  for  Gioberti  that  he  came  into 
power  with  such  men  as  Ratazzi,  Buffa,  Sineo,  and  Tecchio,  and, 
besides,  he  committed  a  great  error  in  dissolving  the  first  Piedmontese 
parliament  when  it  had  hardly  been  established,  and  in  permitting  a 
new  and  thoroughly  democratic  chamber  to  be  elected  under  the 
auspices  of  his  name.  He  regarded  himself  a  leader  when  he  had 
ceased  to  be  any  thing.  At  last  he  was  left  alone  with  his  project 
of  intervention,  forsaken  by  a  chamber  to  which  ten  elections  had 
returned  him,  betrayed  in  his  own  cabinet  by  certain  of  his  own  col- 
leagues, and  vainly  supported  by  Cavour,  who  had  now  to  defend 
him  against  his  recent  friends.  His  defeat  was  the  victory  of  the 
democratic  ministers,  opposed  to  intervention  in  central  Italy,  de- 
siring the  failure  of  the  armistice  and  all  negotiations,  and  anxious 
for  immediate  war.  The  overthrow  of  Gioberti  was  the  resumption 
of  the  old  policy  of  extremes,  with  an  army  still  inefficiently  reor- 
ganized and  irritated  by  party  insults,  with  a  king  overwhelmed  with 
bitterness, 

34 


5i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


'  Charles  Albert,  placed  midway  between  intricate  complications  at 
home  and  a  new  war  of  independence,  preferred  to  throw  himself  on 
the  Austrian  sword,  heading  a  country  whose  only  cry  was,  Let  us 
make  an  end  of  it."  One  year  after  first  crossing  the  Ticino,  and 
the  hopeful  departure  for  the  campaign  in  Lombardy,  Piedmont 
found  herself  again  driven  to  the  combat,  to  play  the  highest  of 
stakes.  The  policy  of  "revolutionary  means,"  to  use  Cavour's  own 
words,  had  been  tried,  and  it  resulted  as  he  had  predicted.  On  the 
24th  of  March,  1849,  it  ended  in  the  catastrophe  of  Novara,  where 
Charles  Albert  staked  his  crown  with  an  all  but  desperate  heroism, 
and  for  a  time  the  last  chance  was  wrecked  for  Piedmont  and  Italy. 
The  defeat  of  Novara  was  soon  followed  by  an  armistice,  which 
handed  over  a  portion  of  the  country  to  foreign  occupation.  The 
Austrians,  encamped  on  the  Sesia,  had  power  to  place  a  garrison  in 
Alessandria,  and  they  held  Piedmont  between  the  two  threats  of  an 
absolute  invasion  or  a  treaty  of  peace  in  which  they  would  dictate 
the  terms.  The  Piedmontese  could  no  longer  make  any  steady  re- 
sistance. The  army  had  fought  bravely  at  Mortara  and  at  Novara, 
under  the  eyes  of  Charles  Albert,  and  always  stood  firm  in  the  hot- 
test of  the  battle.  Many  of  the  generals  and  other  officers  had 
fallen  before  the  enemy.  As  it  was  chiefly  composed  of  recruits, 
who  felt  that  it  had  been  compelled  to  pay  the  price  of  blood  for 
the  madness  of  political  agitators,  the  army  was  entirely  demoralized. 
A  general  panic  ensued,  and  the  officers  could  not  control  their  men. 

At  Turin  the  clubs  resounded  with  denunciations,  and  there  nat- 
urally arose  a  cry  of  treason.  Popular  feeling  wavered  between 
discouragement  and  exasperation,  and  found  expression  in  passionate 
rhetoric.  In  the  Chambers  Brofferio  prepared  a  decree  of  general 
insurrection,  and  the  formation  in  the  assembly  of  a  committee  of 
public  safety.  In  parhament  motions  rapidly  followed  one  another; 
one  ingeniously  declaring  the  armistice  to  be  ''unconstitutional,"  and 
the  "  statuto  "  in  peril;  another  threatening  to  indict  the  government 
if  it  opened  the  gates  of  Alessandria  to  the  Austrians ;  a  third  seri- 
ously proposed  an  inquiry  into  the  situation  and  as  to  means  for 
pursuing  the  war.  All  this  as  though  the  enemy  were  not  at  hand 
and  ready  to  draw  the  sword  of  certain  victory  when  defied. 

But  the  agitation  at  Turin  was  slight  compared  with  that'  in 
other  cities.  When  the  news  of  the  disaster  at  Novara  first  reached 
the  populous  and  fiery  city  of  Genoa,  the  town  of  Mazzini,  the 
contagion  of  discontent  rapidly  spread,  passing  from  agitation  to 
insurrection,  and  thence  to  a  real  revolution.    Either  the  army  had 


THE  TWO  POLICIES, 


betrayed  its  chiefs  or  it  had  been  betrayed  by  them.  The  ''statute" 
had  been  violated.  Turin  was  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Austrians, 
and  Genoa  herself  was  to  be  held  as  a  hostai^e  of  war.  By  the  cir- 
culation of  these  reports  the  agitators  inflamed  tlie  public  mind  and 
gave  the  signal  for  civil  war.  The  garrison  was  chiefly  composed  of 
reserves,  poorly  commanded,  and  was  compelled  to  retire  after  a 
humiliating  surrender  to  the  rioters,  Who  thus  remained  masters  of 
the  town — the  arms,  artillery,  forts,  and  defenses  of  the  most  impor- 
tant place  in  the  kingdom.  The  excited  populace  massacred  a  few 
unfortunate  persons,  among  whom  were  a  major  of  carbineers  and 
the  military  commandant  of  the  city,  and  detained  as  hostages  the 
general  and  his  family.  The  Genoese  revolutionists,  headed  by  an 
old  emigre,  the  veteran  Avezzana,  constituted  itself  an  association 
of  public  safety — the  provisional  government  of  Liguria.  It  refused 
to  recognize  the  armistice,  it  separated  itself  from  Piedmont,  and  it 
humiliated  the  army  by  arraying  itself  against  the  regular  authorities. 
Indeed,  what  occurred  as  early  as  1849  at  Genoa  was  an  anticipatory 
sketch  of  the  commune  in  Paris  in  1871. 

These  disturbances  could  only  add  to  the  misery  of  the  masses, 
draw  on  Piedmont  a  still  heavier  invasion,  and  place  the  government 
in  a  more  embarrassing  situation.  The  defeat  at  Novara,  the  disor- 
ganized army,  the  threatened  ruin  of  the  army,  agitations  at  Turin, 
civil  war  at  Genoa,  uncertainty  every-where;  such  were  the  events 
immediately  preceding  the  abdication  of  Charles  Albert.  When  the 
young  prince  who  was  destined  by  his  birth  to  wear  the  crown  of 
Savoy — Victor  Emmanuel — re-entered  Turin  in  the  last  days  of 
March,  1849,  he  occupied  a  critical'position.  Every  thing  depended 
upon  his  first  acts.  Two  policies  were  open  to  him.  He  could  lay 
aside  the  "statuto"  and  the  recently  inaugiu'ated  liberal  regime,  again 
become  possessor  of  the  blue  flag  of  Savoy,  and  recover  the  past  by 
shutting  himself  up  w^ithin  his  frontiers,  and  no  longer  directing  his 
attention  beyond  the  Ticino  towards  Italy.  By  the  adoption  of  this 
policy  at  that  decisive  moment  of  European  reaction  and  national 
confusion  he  certainly  would  have  obtained  an  easier  peace,  and  he 
would  in  his  embarrassment  have  had  the  support  of  Austria.  There 
were  not  wanting  powerful  influences  which  inclined  him  to  this  reso- 
lution, and  had  he  yielded  to  these  external  solicitations  he  would 
perhaps  have  obtained  a  certain  momentary  security,  but  it  would 
have  placed  him  in  the  modest  condition  of  a  subject  of  Austria, 
another  duke  of  Modena,  or  a  second  grand  duke  of  Tuscany.  Vic- 
tor Emmanuel  could  also  have  manfully  resigned  himself  to  his  unfor- 


5  l8  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT,  , 

tunate  surroundings  and  have  endured  the  disastrous  results  of  war 
without  sacrificing  the  "statuto"  or  the  tricolored  flag,  the  only  two 
surviving  representatives,  the  only  two  symbols  of  Piedmontese  inde- 
pendence, and  of  Italian  hopes  that  were  left. 


VICTOR  EMMANUEL. 


The  soldierly  and  princely  Victor  Emmanuel  did  not  long  hesitate 
between  these  divergent  policies,  but  accepted  the  part  of  a  liberal 
and  national  king.  The  sincerity  of  his  intentions  was  shown  in  a 
significant  manner  by  his  elevating  to  the  post  of  prime  minister,  him 
who  might  be  termed  the  Knight  of  Italy,  Massimo  d'Azeglio,  still 


/ 

TERMS  OF  PEACE. 


lame  of  a  wound  he  had  received  at  Vicenza.  The  fote  of  Italy  was 
decided  by  this  important  step.  "This  made  of  that  dark  day  of 
Novara  not  only  an  anniversary  of  mourning  for  the  bloody  termina- 
tion to  the  inconsecutive  attempts  of  1848,"  says  De  Mazade,  "but 
made  it  also  the  somber  yet  absolute  starting-point  of  a  new  epoch." 
By  the  preservation  of  the  tricolored  Italian  flag  and  the  maintenance 
of  the  "  statuto  "  the  future  of  Italy  was  saved.  "It  is  a  long  work 
to  recommence,"  said  D'Azeglio,  "but  we  will  recommence  it." 
And  on  the  other  hand  Cavour  wrote  about  the  same  time  to  Sal- 
vagnoli :  "As  long  as  liberty  exists  in  one  corner  of  the  Peninsula  we 
must  not  despair  of  the  future.  As  long  as  Piedmont  can  protect  its 
institutions  from  despotism  and  anarchy  there  will  be  a  means  of 
working  successfully  at  the  regeneration  of  the  country." 

Depending  alone  upon  the  "statuto,"  Massimo  d'Azeglio  entered 
into  office  after  Novara,  associating  with  himself  moderate  and  patri- 
otic men  —  Count  Siccardi,  Paleocapa,  the  Venetian,  the  banker, 
Nigra,  and  General  Alfonso  La  Marmora,  who  had  lately  won  the 
gratitude  of  the  nation  by  suppressing  with  equal  judgment  and 
promptitude  the  factious  Genoese.  This  great  service  was  not  easily 
performed,  because  among  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome  were  the 
irritation  and  confusion  of  parties,  parliamentar}^  blunders  resulting 
from  inexperience,  and  all  possible  internal  and  external  difficulties.. 
D'Azeglio  saw  that  peace  must  be  secured,  and,  in  submitting  to  it 
and  negotiating  for  it  as  the  chief  necessity,  he  set  an  example  of" 
resigned  patriotism  and  real  self-denial.  It  was  evident  that  this 
peace  must  be  a  hard  one,  taking  Piedmont  back  to  the  treaties  of 
181 5,  and  inflicting  a  war  indemnity  of  seventy-five  millions  of  francs, 
a  heavy  Aveight  on  the  budget  of  the  country.  While  to  some  extent 
it  was  humiliating,  yet,  being  a  necessity,  national  honor  was  willing, 
to  endure  it.  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  there  Avere  parties  who 
desired  to  bargain  with  that  necessity,  and,  though  scarcely  to  be 
credited,  refused  to  co-operate,  at  the  risk  of  sacrificing  every  thing. 
The  go\ernment  on  two  occasions  was  compelled  to  dissolve  the 
house,  and,  on  the  last  of  these  two,  the  king  himself  deemed  it 
necessary  to  make  a  direct  appeal  to  the  common  sense  of  the  coun- 
try by  the  proclamation  of  Moncalieri,  which,  under  the  cloak  of  a 
coup  d'etat,  was  nevertheless  a  deed  of  far-sighted  liberalism.  "Do 
not  these  gentlemen  perceive,"  said  D'Azeglio,  sadly,  "that  the 
ministry  has  already  enough  to  do  in  upholding  the  constitution,  and 
that  after  us,  the  Croats?'' 

But  this  was  not  the  onl\'  task  to  be  performed.    While  Piedmont 


520 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


boldly  stood  by  constitutional  government,  reaction  was  triumphant 
in  all  parts  of  Europe.  Piedmontese  liberty  seemed  an  anomaly  and 
a  danger  when  contrasted  with  the  absolutist  restorations  which  were 
occurring  around  it  in  Italy,  at  Rome,  at  Florence,  and  at  Milan. 
Austria  called  Turin  an  incendiary  focus."  The  emperor  of  Russia 
declined  any  intercourse  with  the  new  king  of  Sardinia.  Even  in 
France  the  Conservative  party,  which  had  lately  reinstated  the  pope 
at  Rome,  regarded  this  transalpine  constitutional  regime  as  an  impor- 
tunate and  troublesome  brawler,  because  it  pretended  to  accomplish 
reforms  both  civil  and  religious.  Piedmont  was  compelled,  as  it  were, 
in  the  midst  of  opposition  from  every  side,  to  wrest  virtually,  day 
by  day,  from  Austria  and  from  domestic  factions  as  well  as  foreign 
suspicions,  that  ^'statuto"  which  constituted  the  basis  upon  which 
the  national  edifice  could  alone  stand.  Revolutions  and  revolution- 
ists had  almost  wrecked  the  temple  of  freedom,  but  a  sagacious 
prince  like  Victor  Emmanuel  and  his  wise  supporters  believed  that 
the  *'statuto"  would  be  a  means  of  reconstruction  if  aided  by  a 
constitutional  monarchy. 

As  we  have  already  stated,  the  elections  for  January,  1849,  which 
had  overthrown  Gioberti,  also  defeated  Cavour.  He  was  excluded 
from  parliament  as  a  reactionary  or  codino,  being  defeated  by  the 
extremists,  who  brought  forward  to  oppose  him  an  obscure  nonen- 
tity" of  the  name  of  Pansoya — a  Barodet  of  the  period — who  derived 
his  celebrity  of  one  day  from  that  strange  adventure.  But  at  the  elec- 
tions, which  followed  soon  after  the  disaster  at  Novara,  Cavour  was 
returned  to  the  house,  never  again  to  leave  it;  and  in  this  new  posi- 
tion his  authority  rapidly  increased,  warranted  and  confirmed  by  his 
clear-sighted  wisdom,  his  patriotic  spirit,  and  a  superiority  that  was 
recognized  in  matters  of  public  and  financial  economy. 


ALESSANDRO  GAVAZZL 


521 


Fifth  Decade  Continued,  1840-1850. 

Chapter  IX. 

ALESSANDRO  GAVAZZI—PIUS  IX—GIOBERTI. 

AMONG  the  eloquent  champions  of  Italian  independence,  unity, 
and  evangelization  who  appeared  upon  the  scene  at  this  mem- 
orable period  was  Alessandro  Gavazzi.  He  was  born  in  1809 
Bologna,  and  was  the  second  of  twenty  children.  His  father  was  a 
barrister  and  a  judge,  and  many  of  his  ancestors  were  among  the 
most  eminent  magistrates  of  his  native  city.  In  1825  he  embraced 
the  monastic  life  and  entered  the  order  of  the  Barnabites,  and,  in 
1829,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty,  he  was  appointed  professor  of  rhet- 
oric in  no  less  a  city  than  Naples.  He  exhibited  great  talents  and 
was  regarded  as  precocious  in  his  physical  and  intellectual  develop- 
ments. Thence  he  was  sent  to  Livorno  or  Leghorn.  In  both  places 
he  was  not  only  admired  as  a  man  of  genius,  but  beloved  as  a  dear 
friend.  He  desired,  however,  to  instruct  his  fellow-creatures  in  a 
larger  sphere,  and  accordingly  abandoned  the  chair  for  the  pulpit. 
In  a  short  time  the  principal  towns  of  Italy  resounded  with  his  bold 
and  impressive  eloquence,  and  his  name  became  familiar  to  all. 
Wherever  he  preached  the  churches  were  crowded  to  excess,  and  he 
was  soon  recognized  as  the  cherished  apostle  of  the  religion  of  Christ. 
In  a  country  where  only  the  religion  of  men  was  found,  such  a  man 
produced  a  sensation,  and  was  "a  burning  and  a  shining  light"  in  that 
night  of  papal  darkness.  He  did  not  preach  the  superstitious  prac- 
tices of  Rome,  but  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel;  and,  above  all,  he 
illustrated  them  by  the  example  of  a  pure,  simple,  and  moral  life. 
The  Jesuits  never  forgave  him  for  his  fearless  proclamation  of  the 
truth,  and  the  priests  opposed  him  because  he  advocated  a  morality 
which  they  did  not  practice. 

When  the  infamous  Gregory  XVI  died  (June  i,  1846),  Gavazzi 
had  been  for  twelve  months  in  a  sort  of  confinement  in  the  Convent 
of  Noviziato,  at  the  small  town,  St.  Severino,  in  the  march  of  Ancona. 
After  the  accession  of  Pope  Pius  IX,  Gavazzi  was  released,  and  imme- 
diately resumed  his  preaching.  His  friend  and  fellow  exile,  G.  B. 
Nicolini,  in  writing  of  this  change  in  the  pontificate,  says:  *'The 


522 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


pontiff,  Pio  Nono — alas!  why  should  I  be  obliged  to  revert  to  that 
brief  period  of  illusion,  to  that  moment  when  the  heart  of  my  noble 
country  beat  anew  and  drew  inspiration  from  the  tombs  of  the  Camilli 
and  the  Scipios,  sanctified  as  we  thought  by  the  blessing  of  the 
Vatican?  Why  did  those  bright  dreams  vanish  so  soon?  Why  were 
we  recalled  from  prison  and  exile,  and  presented  with  the  cup  of 
liberty,  only  to  have  it  withdrawn  from  our  lips  almost  before  we 
had  tasted  its  sweets?  Oh,  bitter,  bitter  delusion!  Oh,  stolid  folly 
to  rely  on  a  pope  for  freedom  and  independence!" 

After  having  been  in  exile  sixteen  years,  Nicolini  returned  in  the 
middle  of  November  to  Senigallia,  where  his  family  resided.  He  was 
met  by  many  old  and  dear  friends,  and,  after  the  first  greetings  were 
over,  all  of  them,  without  an  exception,  asked  him:  ''Wert  thou 
here  to  hear  Gavazzi?"  or  ''Hast  thou  heard  Gavazzi?"  and  similar 
questions.  Gavazzi  had  preached  a  day  or  two  before,  and  his  ser- 
mon, more  or  less  richly  framed,  hung  out  of  nearly  every  shop,  no 
matter  whether  great  or  small.  It  was  inscribed  to  Joseph,  the  pope's 
brother.  Nicolini  was  not  then  personally  acquainted  with  Gavazzi, 
and,  desiring  to  meet  him,  he  hastened  to  Count  Joseph  to  find  the 
eloquent  preacher,  but  he  had  gone  away.  The  count,  who  had 
been  a  prisoner  and  an  exile,  and  who  was  certainly  the  less  mischiev- 
ous of  the  Mastai,  declared  that  he  entertained  the  greatest  hopes 
from  the  truly  liberal  and  Christian  principles  of  Gavazzi.  These 
incidents,  to  some  extent,  indicated  the  popularity  of  the  Barnabite 
monk.  But  his  popularity  did  not  result  entirely  from  his  eloquence. 
He  proclaimed  the  truth,  and  that  is  more  powerful  than  eloquence. 
The  Italians  themselves  were  astonished  at  the  new  phenomenon — a 
priest  and  monk  exposing  the  iniquities  of  priests  and  monks.  The 
hearts  of  his  auditors  palpitated  with  holy  delight  when  he  demon- 
strated that  the  religion  of  Christ  was  not  the  religion  of  blood-thirsty 
and  cruel  tyrants  or  the  support  of  the  oppressor,  but  was  a  religion 
of  love  and  of  brotherhood,  and  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed. 

The  following  extract  from  Nicolini's  writings  is  no  doubt  a  true 
reflection  of  the  patriotic  Italian  mind  at  that  time:  "And  believe 
me,  if  you  want  to  introduce  reformation  into  Italy,  you  must  first 
persuade  the  Itahans  that  the  religion  of  the  Gospel  has  nothing, 
absolutely  nothing,  to  do  with  the  religion  of  the  priests.  If  you  do 
not  succeed  in  this,  you  may  give  up  all  hope,  not  only  of  introduc- 
ing reforms,  but  even  of  counteracting  the  spirit  of  atheism  which  is 
widely  spread  among  the  Italian  youth.  Ah,  yes !  so  it  is.  Why 
should  I  deny  it?    I  have  no  motive  to  deceive  you.    The  priests 


N ICO  LIN  I  ON  ROMANISM. 


have  made  of  the  warm-hearted  Itahans  almost  a  nation  of  atheists. 
What  wonder!  Can  you  not  conceive  it?  Have  they  not  made  our 
reh'gion  the  cause  of  all  our  miseries?  Do  we  not  owe  to  the  ambi- 
tion of  the  popes  the  decay  of  our  glory,  the  loss  of  our  independ- 
ence? Have  they  not  perverted  and  turned  to  their  own  account  the 
most  sacred  doctrines  of  the  Gospel?  The  sign  of  our  redemption, 
has  it  not  been  changed  into  the  ax  of  the  executioner?  Are  we 
not  condemned  to  death,  not  in  the  name  of  the  law,  but  in  the 
name  of  Christ,  the  judges  placing  their  hands  on  a  crucifix?  Does 
not  that  priest,  who  says  that  an  hour  before  he  had  in  his  hand,  and 
now  keeps  in  his  bosom,  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  does  he 
not,  I  say,  sign  our  death-warrant,  and  return  immediately  after  to 
take  in  the  same  hand,  covered  with  our  blood,  the  body  of  Christ? 
And  are  }'0u  surprised  that  the  ardent  and  superficially  informed 
youth  of  Italy,  identifying  the"  religion  of  Christ  with  that  of  the 
pope,  should  become  atheists?  Let  us  then  try  to  sweep  away  those 
priests  and  their  corrupted  religion ;  let  us  throw  down  the  last  frag- 
ment of  the  old  house,  and  then  we  shall  be  able  to  build  a  new 
one."  By  such  declarations,  in  which  he  exposed  the  corruption  and 
tyrann\-  of  Rome,  Nicolini  expressed  the  prevailing  sentiment  in 
Italy  relative  to  the  priesthood. 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  Pope  Pius  IX,  in  1846,  Gavazzi 
removed  to  Rome,  drawn  thither  by  sympathy  with  the  reformatory 
spirit  of  the  new  pontiff.  The  latter  had  heard  of  the  popularity  of 
the  preacher,  and,  as  he  was  strongly  recommended  to  him  by  his 
brothers,  Gavazzi  was  admitted  to  an  audience  on  the  second  day 
of  his  arrival.  The  reception  was  at  first  rather  cool,  and  the  coun- 
tenance of  the  pope  serious.  He  had  bfeen  informed  of  the  wonder- 
ful effect  of  Gavazzi's  sermon  at  Senigallia,  which  aroused  so  much 
enthusiasm  that  even  the  sanctity  of  the  Church  could  not  restrain  it, 
and  several  times  the  people  expressed  their  feelings  in  plaudits,  to 
the  great  scandal  of  the  cardinal-archbishop,  who  was  officiating. 
This  fact  had  been  communicated  to  the  pope,  who,  being  ver\^ 
strict  in  the  performance  of  religious  ceremonies,  was  displeased,  and 
thus  addressed  the  preacher :  ' '  So,  Father  Gavazzi !  they  have  been 
applauding  you  in  the  church?"  and  he  was  probably  proceeding  to 
reprove  him,  when  the  sharp-witted  monk  answered:  "Not  me,  holy 
father,  but  to  your  holiness's  name."  Pius  smiled  graciously,  and 
changed  the  conversation  immediately.  Indeed,  he  was  always  desir- 
ous of  obtaining  applause  and  flattery,  and  it  is  said  that,  on  one 
occasion,  when  he  had  been  received  coolly  by  the  populace  of  Rome, 


524 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


because  he  had  refused  to  grant  a  popular  request,  he  went  home 
and,  Hke  Peter,  "wept  bitterly." 

Rome,  at  that  time,  was  regarded  by  the  liberal  party  as  the  hope 
of  Italy,  and  Pius  IX  as  the  redeemer  of  their  country.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  describe  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Italians  for  the  pope,  and 
those  only  who  resided  in  the  city  at  that  period  can  have  an  ade- 
quate conception  of  it.  People  of  every  class  rejoiced,  because  they 
considered  him  the  defeTider  of  their  sacred  rights.  All  advocated 
reform  except  the  Jesuits  and  their  partisans,  who  were  enraged  at 
the  new  order  of  things,  and  even  formed  a  conspiracy  against  the 
life  of  the  pope.  The  vigilance  and  energy  of  the  Romans  defeated 
the  parricidal  project,  and,  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  citizens, 
Gavazzi  was  called  to  preach  a  sermon  of  thanksgiving  to  God  for 
having  delivered  the  country  from  the  hands  of  the  conspirators. 
On  this  occasion  he  fully  expressed  the  thoughts  which  burned 
within  his  breast.  He  exposed  the  enormities  of  the  past  reign ;  he 
painted  in  vivid  colors  the  butcheries  which  had  stained  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Gregory  XVI  with  blood  ;  and  he  demanded  a  reform  of  the 
many  abuses  which  made  the  religion  of  Christ  a  religion  of  oppres- 
sion and  tyranny.  \How  cruelly  disappointed  must  Gavazzi  have  been 
when,  instead  of  receiving  the  thanks  of  the  pope  for  his  apostolic 
zeal  and  unsparing  severity  in  speaking  the  truth,  he  was  forbidden 
again  to  preach.  That  eloquent  and  powerful  voice,  which  revealed  the 
secrets  of  the  priests'  iniquities,  was  silenced,  and  Gavazzi,  believing 
in  his  heart  that  perhaps  his  zeal  had  led  him  to  utter  indiscreet  lan- 
guage, obeyed  the  order  and  was  silent.  On  one  occasion  only  he 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  again  to  preach.  Some  of  the  pa- 
triotic Italians  were  assembled  on  the  22d  of  January,  1848,  in  the 
University  Church  at  Rome,  holding  a  memorial  service  in  honor 
of  their  brethren,  who  had  been  slaughtered  by  the  Croats  at  Milan 
and  at  Mantua.  The  edifice  was  full  to  suffocation,  and  the  cere- 
mony deeply  impressive  and  affecting.  There  were  present  all  the 
studious  youths  and  many  of  the  noble  and  illustrious  citizens,  attired 
in  deep  mourning,  and  A\jearing  branches  of  cypress  on  the  breasts 
of  their  coats.  In  devout  and  profound  silence  the  audience  listened 
to  the  solemn  chants  with  which  the  church  echoed,  when  suddenly  a 
unanimous  cry  was  heard  from  the  assembled  multitude  for  Gavazzi, 
who  was  present,  to  ascend  the  pulpit.  He  was  so  wonderfully 
inspired  by  the  commemorative  services  that  he  could  not  refuse  the 
call,  and  immediately  entered  the  sacred  desk.  ''But  how  can  I 
describe,"  says  Nicolini,  "the  different  strong  sensations  which  his 


GA  VAZZI  IMPRISONED. 


powerful  voice,  at  times  pathetic  and  commemorative,  and  at  times 
severe  and  imprecatory,  excited  in  our  breasts?  We  were  almost  in 
a  state  of  delirium.    I  never  heard  Gavazzi  more  eloquent." 

But  Pius  IX  was  determined  to  punish  him,  even  though  he  had 
denounced  Haynau  and  Radetsky,  the  authors  of  these  butcheries, 
and  pronounced  a  eulogy  upon  the  brave  Italians ;  and  he  was,  there- 
fore, sent  to  the  penitentiary  at  La  Polveriera.  Rome  was  in  a  tumult 
and  many  proposed  to  release  Gavazzi  by  force,  but  the  more  cau- 
tious advised  sending  a  deputation  to  the  pope.  Father  Ventura, 
celebrated,  first  for  his  exertions  in  favor  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
and  afterwards  his  apostasy  from  that  sacred  cause,  and  Prince  Gae- 
tani,  the  first  layman  who  entered  the  council  of  the  pope,  were  sent 
to  the  latter  to  express  the  wishes  of  the  Romans  that  Gavazzi 
should  be  released.  After  some  observations  the  pope  promised  that 
next  morning  he  should  be  set  free.  The  embassadors  departed 
highly  pleased,  and  the  people  who  had  assembled  to  hear  the 
answer  raised  a  tremendous  shout  of  applause  for  Pius  IX.  What 
was  their  astonishment  when  next  morning  it  was  known  that  during 
the  night  Gavazzi  had  been  transferred  to  the  Capuchin  monastery 
of  Gensona.  These  friars  were  suspected  of  liberalism  by  the  court 
of  Rome,  and  not  a  few  of  them  were  once  to  be  found  among  the 
Carbonari.  They  received  Gavazzi  so  kindly  and  treated  him  so  \vell, 
that  Pius  IX,  after  his  return  from  Gaeta,  sent  them  into  distant  prov- 
inces by  way  of  punishment. 

^  Wlien  first  the  news  spread  through  Rome  of  the  confinement  of 
the  eloquent  preacher  all  the  city  went  to  the  convent  which  was 
his  ordinary  residence  to  give  in  their  names ;  but  he  was  not  there, 
and  Nicolini,  in  re-entering  his  own  dwelling,  on  his  return  from  the 
pious  pilgrimage,  was  dragged  to  prison  by  the  order  of  the  pope. 
Gavazzi  had  spoken  the  truth  and  Nicolini  had  written  a  pamphlet 
against  the  Jesuits.  The  latter  was  the  first  man  imprisoned  by  Pio 
Nono  for  a  political  offense.  The  arrest  of  these  two  patriots  pro- 
duced great  excitement,  but  the  pope  would  not  yield  to  popular  sen- 
timent. The  cardinals  who  were  the  least  inclined  to  liberal  reforms 
returned  to  court.  Savelli  took  the  place  of  Morandi  as  governor 
of  Rome,  and  the  entire  policy  of  Pius  IX  changed.  The  proceed- 
ing against  the  retrograde  conspirators  was  abandoned,  and  Rome 
presented  a  sad  and  mournful  aspect,  ^^ut  the  liberal  movement 
could  not  be  arrested  by  any  man,  however  great.  The  execrated 
king  of  Naples,  urged  by  the  king  of  Piedmont  and  the  pope  to 
grant  some  reforms  to  keep  his  people  quiet,  unwilling  to  consent 


526 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  unable  to  resist,  played  them  a  Jesuitical  trick  by  giving  them  a 
"constitution."  This  still  further  aroused  the  Romans,  and  their 
excited  minds  became  more  inflamed  as  the  news  came  in  rapid  suc- 
cession— of  the  outbreak  at  Vienna — of  the  noble  and  unanimous 
insurrection  of  the  heroic  people  of  Milan,  where  some  hundreds  of 
unarmed  citizens  had  fought  during  five  days  against  fourteen  thou- 
sand Austrians,  protected  by  a  strong  citadel  and  by  hundreds  of  can- 
non, and  had  expelled  them  from  their  town.  The  Austrians,  driven 
from  Milan,  Venice,  Padua,  and  other  places,  tremblingly  retired  into 
their  strongholds  of  Verona,  Mantua,  Peschiera,  etc. 

When  the  news  of  these  stirring  events  reached  Rome,  the  feel- 
ing of  indignation  was  so  intense  that  no  power  on  earth  could  have 
moderated  it.  From  every  part  of  Italy  a  cry  arose — "a  cry,"  says 
Nicolini,  ''universal,  irrepressible,  powerful  as  the  voice  of  God, 
calling  for  arms,  that  our  sanguinary  oppressors  might  be  expelled 
from  the  Italian  soil.  The  long-cherished  hopes  of  independence 
assumed  the  shape  of  reality,  and  from  Etna  to  the  summit  of  the 
Alps  a  long  and  uninterrupted  shout  was  heard,  of  'Away  with  the 
strangers  !'  "  Pius  the  Ninth  w^ould  have  prevented  the  Italians  from 
rushing  to  arms;  but  neither  he  nor  any  other  man  could  have 
damped  their  spirits.  Ten  thousand  National  Guards  took  up  arms, 
and,  accompanied  by  twenty  thousand  citizens,  went  to  the  Quirinal, 
and  demanded  to  be  sent  to  the  plains  of  Lombardy  to  drive  out 
the  Austrians.  To  this  excited  multitude  Gavazzi,  who  had  been  set 
at  liberty,  preached  from  the  middle  of  the  Coliseum.  It  was  an  im- 
posing scene.  The  powerful  orator,  surrounded  with  the  ruins  of  one 
of  Rome's  grandest  monuments,  addressed  the  "sons  of  Vesuvius," 
and  denounced  the  butcheries  of  their  brethren.  The  multitude 
seemed  to  be  infuriated,  and,  together  with  the  speaker,  swore  to  die 
for  their  country.  But  the  brave  Gavazzi,  remembering  even  then 
that  he  was  a  monk,  selected  for  his  standard  the  typical  form  of  the 
cross,  and  wore  it  on  his  breast  in  the  thickest  of  the  fray.  Before 
two  days  had  passed  the  crusade  commenced,  and  the  enthusiasm 
was  indescribable.  From  Prince  Ruspoliosi,  who  marched  as  a  sim- 
ple commoner,  to  the  lowest  shoemaker,  the  army  contained  all 
classes  of  society.  "For  the  sake  of  human  nature,"  says  Nicolini, 
"I  will  believe  that  even  Mastai  forgot,  for  a  moment,  that  he  was 
pope,  and  felt  that  he  was  an  Italian !  He  blessed  his  country. 
'Great  God,'  said  he,  'bless  this  Italy!'  Oh,  thou  Mastai!  either 
hypocrite  or  renegade,  what  hast  thou  done  with  those  patriots  whom 
thou  then  blessedst?"    In  answer  to  this  question,  propounded  in 


O  VA  TION  TO  GA  VAZZL 


527 


185 1,  Ninolini  said:  "Alas!  most  of  these  generous  men  are  either 
now  wandering  in  exile  or  pining  in  prison."  The  Barnabite  monk 
was  appointed  chaplain-in-chief  of  the  army  ;  and  the  pope  afterward 
received  him,  addressed  him  in  the  kindest  manner,  and  gave  him 
religious  instructions  for  his  new  mission. 

The  army  marched  onward,  preceded  by  Gavazzi,  as  ''the  aveng- 
ing angel,"  who  exclaimed  :  "  We  are  blessed  by  Pius,  and  God  sends 
us :  God  who  has  stretched  forth  his  hands  to  save  the  elect  people 
from  the  bondage  of  slavery  condemned  by  his  holy  Gospel !"  These 
words,  in  the  mouth  of  such  a  man,  produced  a  wonderful  effect ; 
and  his  march  through  the  Roman  states  and  Tuscany  was  a  perfect  ^ 
ovation,  ^^he  Italians  manifest  their  feelings  with  all  the  warm  and 
poetic  passion  of  their  southern  clime,  and  hence  it  was  not  strange 
that,  in  many  places,  the  horses  were  unharnessed  from  Gavazzi's 
carriage,  and  that  noble  youths  dragged  his  conveyance  in  triumph 
into  the  towns.  Often  troops  of  damsels,  arrayed  in  robes  of  white, 
preceded  the  coach,  strewing  flowers  on  his  way,  and  singing  national 
songs  as  did  the  Hebrew  maidens  of  old  before  King  David.  If  the 
patriotic  monk  had  been  a  man  of  motives  less  pure,  ambition  might 
have  led  him  astray  ;  but  he  was  not  selfish.  He  made  every  thing 
subservient  to  his  country's  cause,  and  desired  nothing  but  the  mod- 
est position  of  a  chaplain. 

When  the  army,  in  its  triumphant,  uninterrupted  march,  reached 
Bologna,  orders  were  sent  from  Rome,  commanding  it  to  return. 
]\Iastai,  forgetting  that  he  was  an  Italian,  was  animated  by  the  spirit 
of  the  papacy,  and  sanctioned  the  proposal  of  the  "butcher  of  Na- 
ples, the  jailer  of  Poerio,"  to  recall  the  troops  he  had  been  compelled 
to  send  for  the  deliverance  of  his  country.  The  soldiers  were  greatly 
perplexed,  not  knowing  whether  to  disobey  the  king,  and  have  their 
mothers,  their  wives,  and  their  children  imprisoned  or  murdered,  or  to 
disregard  the  call  of  their  country.  The  larger  part  were  for  the  king ; 
but  Gavazzi  was  not  intimidated.  Standing  in  the  midst  of  this  armed 
and  excited  multitude,  he  poured  forth  a  strain  of  the  most  impas- 
sioned eloquence,  imploring  them  to  be  faithful  to  their  country. 
His  courage  rose  with  the  occasion,  his  form  seemed  to  dilate,  and  his 
eyes  flashed  with  unusual  fire.  Though  that  powerful  voice  seemed 
to  move  the  listening  crowd,  yet  only  a  few  noble  patriots  adhered 
to  the  cause  of  the  speaker.  The  remainder  of  the  troops,  or  the 
contingent  sent  from  Naples,  were  but  lazzaroni,  clad  in  the  soldier 
garb",  who  uttered  imprecations  against  the  fearless  preacher,  and 
would  have  put  him  to  death  if  he  had  not  displayed  firmness  and 


528 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


remarkable  courage.  .  The  Neapolitan  army  went  back  to  Naples  to 
butcher  their  brethren,  and  to  immure  in  dungeons  the  noblest  of 
the  citizens.  It  seemed  to  be  ordained  that  Italy  had  yet  to  pass 
through  bitter  trials  of  blood  and  misery  before  she  could  be  free. 
* 'Perhaps,"  says  Nicolini,  '*we  were  not  yet  worthy  of  the  blessing 
of  liberty!  Pej-Jiaps  God,  in  his  infinite  wisdom^  prevented  Italy  from 
being  liberated  at  the  Jiands  of  the  pope,  in  order  that  that  abJiorred  insti- 
tution, the  popedom,  inigJit  be  swept  fvm  the  face  of  the  earth,  ivitJiout 
leaving  beJiind  it  a  single  regret.'' 

Resolving  to  deliver  their  country  or  to  die,  the  patriotic  army 
marched  onward  to  Padua.  In  the  cathedral  of  that  city,  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  of  the  many  magnificent  churches  of  Italy,  Gavazzi, 
that  second  Peter  the  Hermit,  again  raised  his  eloquent  voice  in 
prayer  to  God  to  bless  the  holy  cause  of  national  regeneration.  True 
to  his  apostolic  mission,  he  never  spoke  without  appealing  to  the 
religious  feelings  of  his  auditors,  and  inculcating  the  duty  of  always 
following  the  sublime  dictates  of  the  Gospel.  From  Padua  the  army 
marched  on  to  Venice,  and  received  an  enthusiastic  welcome.  There 
the  presence  of  Gavazzi  created  an  intense  excitement,  and  he  Avas 
waited  on  by  Manin,  Tomasseo,  and  the  other  members  of  the  Vene- 
tian government,  and  requested  to  address  the  people  on  the  Place 
of  St.  Mark — the  piazza  of  S.  Marco — that  noble  monument  of  past 
glories,  that  masterpiece  of  Itahan  genius !  The  Place  of  St.  Marco, 
the  theater,  Italians  of  all  states,  the  auditors,  Gavazzi,  the  orator ! — 
theater,  auditors,  and  orator,  worthy  of  one  another,  and  forming  a 
spectacle  of  rare  and  engrossing  interest!  Every  stone  of  the  sur- 
rounding palace  spoke  of  former  glory,  and  the  "Lion  of  St.  Mark," 
long  the  dread  of  the  infidel  and  the  barbarian,  on  his  marble  column, 
seemed  to  revive  and  shake  his  noble  mane.  ^It^s  easy  to  conceive 
how  Gavazzi  reveled  in  great  and  glorious  images  and  illustrations, 
suggested  by  the  objects  which  surrounded  him  on  every  side.  The 
emotion  was  so  strong  that  tears  fell  from  almost  every  eye.  Gavazzi 
urged  the  active  men  to  advance  against  the  enemy;  and  he  asked  the 
feeble  and  the  aged  to  give  their  offerings  towards  the  expenses  of  the 
war.  Hundreds  of  young  Venetians,  yielding  to  the  powerful  effects 
of  eloquence,  and  moved  by  the  love  of  liberty,  pressed  forward,  eager 
to  shed  their  blood  for  their  country.    It  was  a  sublime  spectacle. 

\  At  the  same  time  thousands  of  the  people  of  both  sexes  and  of 
all  ages  at  once  poured  the  contents  of  their  purses  on  the  platform. 
Those  who  had  no  money  gave  any  thing  of  value  they  had  upon 
them.    Nobody  went  away  without  making  an  offering.    No  woman 


GA  VAZZI'S  BRA  VER  V. 


529 


took  away  with  her  all  the  jewels  she  had  on  when  she  left  home. 
Many  divested  themselves  of  every  ornament,  thinking  their  charms 
sufficiently  adorned  that  day  with  the  inestimable  gem,  the  love  of 
father-land !  The  more  joyful  were  those  who  had  the  more  to  give. 
The  smile  of  satisfaction  was  on  the  countenance  of  every  one,  ex- 
cept a  poor  girl,  who  was  sad  and  depressed  because  she  had  nothing 
to  give.  \^Su.ddenly  clasping  her  hands,  with  a  cry  of  exultation,  she 
ran  frantically  away,  cut  off  her  beautiful,  black  tresses,  and,  all 
radiant  with  joy,  brought  the  price  to  lay  upon  the  altar  of  her  coun- 
try. Five  thousand  pounds,  besides  precious  things,  were  the  results- 
of  Gavazzi's  appeal.  From  that  moment  commenced  a  series  of 
sacrifices  on  the  part  of  the  Venetians,  which  almost  surpasses  con- 
ception, and  which  availed  Venice  nothing,  but  the  glo£y  of  being 
the  last  bulwark  of  Italian  independeiice. 

Meanwhile  the  Austrian  forces  had  gathered  courage,  and  were 
pouring  down  on  the  Venetian  territory.  The  Roman  troops  met 
them  at  Cornuda,  and  a  severe  battle  was  fought  at  some  distance 
from  Treviso.  Throughout  all  the  horrors  of  the  war  Gavazzi  never 
deserted  his  post,  and  in  each  fierce  encounter  he  and  tliaFholy  mar- 
tyr, Bassi,  were  always  to  be  seen  among  the  foremost,  exhorting 
and  encouraging  the  men  before  the  fight,  and,  after  it,  giving  every 
kind  of  consolation  to  those  who  had  been  sufferers.  Nicolini  has 
recorded  the  fact  that  four  of  Gavazzi's  brothers  were  in  the  Roman 
army,  and  that  while  the  battle  near  Treviso  was  progressing  Gavazzi 
himself,  unmindful  of  the  shower  of  bullets  and  grape-shot  which  fell 
upon  the  brave  troops,  went  through  the  midst  of  it,  supporting  on 
his  bosom  a  w^ounded  man.  Charles,  his  eldest  brother,  trembled  for 
his  safety,  and  cried  out:  Alessandro,  Alessandro,  do  not  expose 
yourself.  Go  behind  that  tree!"  The  fearless  apostle  stirred  not 
from  the  spot.  The  Roman  forces  were  compelled  to  retreat ;  but 
Gavazzi  did  not  move  until  he  had  seen  the  wounded  man  safe  in 
a  wagon. 

Treviso  and  Vicenza,  after  performing  prodigies  of  valor,  were 
forced  to  capitulate.  Though  brave  and  ready  to  die  for  their  native 
land,  inexperienced  men,  collected  from  the  benches  of  universities, 
from  the  forum,  and  from  the  gilded  palaces  of  the  city,  could  not 
contend  against  an  old  and  disciplined  army.  Charles  Albert  was 
betrayed  by  his  staff,  who  were  either  ignorant  of,  or  adverse  to,  the 
Italian  movement.  The  hopes  of  the  patriots  began  to  darken,  and 
their  faith  in  the  nation's  regeneration  to  diminish.  The  warm-hearted 
Gavazzi,  however,  did  not  despair.    After  the  capitulation  of  Vicenza, 


530 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


he  went  from  town  to  town,  from  Florence  to  Milan,  to  endeavor  to 
revive  the  fire  of  patriotism  wherever  it  seemed  to  be  dying  out. 
But  misfortune  followed  misfortune.  The  Piedmontese  army  was 
routed  and  Milan  surrendered  by  a  very  inglorious  capitulation. 
With  the  fall  of  the  latter  the  fate  of  Italy  was  decided.  \Vainly 
the  brave  Garibaldi,  with  his  gallant  band,  made  heroic  efforts  to 
renew  the  war  in  the  advantageous  position  of  the  Alps ;  but,  desti- 
tute of  all  resources,  he  was  compelled  to  yield.  Italy  was  again 
trodden  by  its  merciless  tyrants.  All  Milan  fled  from  the  infuriated 
Radetsky,  whose  revengeful  anger  even  burst  upon  women,  many  of 
whom  Avere  publicly  whipped  for  the  crime  of  preferring  their  coun- 
trymen to  the  Austrians.  Gavazzi  formed  one  of  the  large  body  of 
emigrants,  and  departed  for  Genoa,  where  he  spent  some  days  in 
sorrow.  The  prospects  of  Italy  were  so  dark  that  even  his  dauntless 
heart  became  discouraged. 

But  while  the  patriot  was  lamenting  the  fate  of  his  beloved  coun- 
try the  priest  was  called  to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  holy 
ministry.  Bologna,  his  native  town,  was  the  theater  of  many  acts 
of  ferocious  barbarity.  It  is  a  common  belief  that  the  priests  insti- 
gated some  ruffians  to  commit  murders,  that  the  blame  might  be 
cast  upon  the  liberal  party.  However  it  was,  the  spirit  of  blood  had 
entered  men's  hearts,  and  Bologna  was  a  scene  of  death  and  desola- 
tion. All  the  means  adopted  to  calm  the  excited  passions  that  pre- 
vailed having  failed,  as  a  last  resource  the  citizens  of  Bologna  sent 
for  ''Father  Gavazzi,"  who  accepted  the  perilous  task,  rejoicing  in 
the  noble  enterprise  that  was  laid  before  him.  Leaving  Genoa,  he 
proceeded  to  Livorno,  whose  inhabitants  received  the  apostle  of  lib- 
erty with  wild  enthusiasm,  and  desired  him  to  remain  a  long  time  in 
their  city ;  but  the  noble  hero,  having  alwaj's  before  him  his  ' '  bleed- 
ing Bologna,"  was  anxious  to  hasten  his  departure.  Now  a  question 
arose  with  him  whether  he  should  or  should  not  pass  through  Flor- 
ence. The  Florentines  longed  to  hear  his  powerful  voice,  and  derive 
from  it  some  comfort  to  the  glorious  but  mournful  remembrance  of 
Curtadona.  But  the  government,  and  especially  the  grand  duke, 
Leopold  of  Hapsburg,  the  gens  d'annes  of  Guicciardini,  had  no  desire 
that  the  eloquent  voice  of  such  a  man  should  be  heard  in  the  same 
place  where  once  preached  Savonarola ;  so  that,  repenting  of  having 
granted  him  permission  to  pass  through  his  capital,  he  sent  troops 
of  gens  d' amies  and  dragoons  to  arrest  him  on  the  way.  It  was  truly 
a  ludicrous  sight  to  see  such  an  army  of  sbirri  sent,  brandishing  their 
arms,  to  arrest  a  poor,  unarmed  monk.     He  was  seized,  put  into  a 


PIUS  IX. 


532 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


coach,  and  escorted  by  gais  d'annes  to  the  Tuscan  frontier.  But  this 
breach  of  faith  nearly  cost  the  hypocritical  grand  duke  his  throne. 
The  Livornese  revolted,  the  Florentines  followed  their  example;  and 
Leopold,  compelled  to  fly,  did  not  return  to  Florence  but  through 
the  treason  of  Guerrazzi,  and  after  four  months'  exile. 

At  Bologna,  however,  Gavazzi  found  ample  compensation  for  the 
insult  he  had  suffered.  He  entered  the  city  as  an  angel  of  peace, 
with  an  olive-branch  in  his  hand,  and  addressed  the  multitude  col- 
lected on  the  public  place.  * '  Am  I  among  assassins,  or  among 
Italians?"  exclaimed  he  to  the  crowd.  An  outburst  of  applause  told 
him  that  the  assassins  w^ould  disappear  and  the  Italians  remain. 
After  that  day  Bologna  was  the  quietest  of  all  the  Italian  cities. 
As  a  recompense  for  his  noble  and  courageous  conduct  he  was 
again  arrested,  and  sent,  a  prisoner,  to  be  immured  in  the  inquis- 
itorial dungeon  of  Corneto.  He  had  denounced  the  wrath  of 
God  not  only  on  the  assassins,  but  also  on  the  betrayers  of  their 
country.  He  disarmed  the  ruffians,  but  frightened  the  priests. 
Pius  IX  ordered  him  to  a  dungeon ;  but  before  he  Avas  thrown  into 
it,  on  passing  through  Viterbo,  the  people  of  that  town  rose,  .dis- 
persed the  gens  d' arincs  who  guarded  him,  and  gave  Gavazzi 
his  liberty. 

At  this  period  a  new  era  opened  for  Italy.  Deceived  by  princes, 
the  people  resolved  to  fight  for  liberty,  and  the  progress  of  events 
rapidly  brought  them  to  the  decisive  hour.  When  Cardinal  Mastai 
Feretti  ascended  the  papal  throne,  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1846,  and 
began  his  reign  by  reversing  the  policy  of  Gregory  XVI,  his  unpop- 
ular predecessor,  the  Italians  were  both  surprised  and  delighted. 
Pius  IX  inaugurated  a  series  of  moderately  liberal  reforms,  and  was 
hailed  as  the  political  savior  of  his  country.  He  was  to  be  a  consti- 
tutional pope,  and  his  first  acts  revived  the  drooping  hearts  of  the 
people.  All  those  Avho  had  been  imprisoned  for  violating  the  civil 
law  were  liberated,  and  received  a  full  amnesty.  The  citizens  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  were  granted  liberty  of  speech  and  the  right  to 
petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances.  The  convents  and  monasteries 
were  made  subject  to  a  rigid  inspection,  and  other  innovations  were 
made.  The  Gregojiani,  or  admirers  of  the  previous  pope,  were  in- 
dignant at  these  radical  changes;  the  extreme  republicans  were  angry 
because  Pius  IX  had  become  the  most  popular  man  in  Italy ;  but  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  papal  states  were  enthusiastic  in 
their  support  of  the  new  regime.  In  the  Autumn  of  1846  and  the 
Spring  of  1847  many  disturbances  occurred  in  the  streets  of  Rome, 


DANIEL  MANIN. 


533 


and,  the  papal  troops  and  the  municipal  police  being  unable  to  pre- 
serve peace,  the  liberal  party  demanded  of  Pius  IX  the  formation  of 
a  national  guard.  This  was  done,  not  only  in  Rome,  but  in  all  the 
papal  states;  and  the  Austrian  government,  wishing  to  punish  the 
pope'  for  yielding  to  the  popular  demand,  sent  a  strong  force  of 
Croats  into  his  territory.  Ferrara  was  occupied,  in  spite  of  tlie  pro- 
tests of  the  papal  legate.  The  success  of  the  Roman  movement 
encouraged  the  other  Italian  states  to  compel  their  rulers  to  grant 
them  constitutions.  In  January,  1848,  an  insurrection  occurred  at 
Palermo,  and  the  Sicilians  made  the  duke  of  Genoa  king,  resisting 
for  more  than  a  year  the  efforts  of  Ferdinand  V  of  Naples  to  subdue 
them.  They  lost  confidence  in  the  latter  because,  after  having  given 
them  a  liberal  constitution,  he  soon  violated  it.  Hence  their  deter- 
mined opposition  to  him. 

All  the  Italian  princes  looked  to  Austria  for  aid  to  suppress  these  ^ 
popular  movements ;  but  Charles  Albert,  king  of  Sardinia,  became 
the  champion  of  the  national  cause,  and  declared  his  intention  to 
resist  any  further  invasion  of  the  papal  territory  by  Austrian  troops. 
The  French  revolution  of  1848  aroused  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
and  even  conservative  Austria  was  shaken.  Her  Hungarian  subjects 
openly  revolted,  and  rose  in  arms  to  win  back  their  national  inde- 
pendence. The  Italians  immediately  took  advantage  of  this  rebellion, 
and  also  endeavored  to  throw  off  the  Austrian  yoke.  On  the  i8th 
of  March,  1848,  the  Milanese  attacked  the  Hungarian  garrison  under 
Marshal  Radetsky,  and,  after  a  five  days'  struggle,  drove  it  from  the 
city.  Vicenza,  Padua,  Brescia,  Bergamo,  and  other  places,  united 
Avith  Milan  in  opposition  to  the  Austrian  army,  and  Radetsky,  the 
commander,  was  compelled  to  relinquish  Lombardy  and  fall  back  on 
Verona.  On  the  22d  of  IMarch  Venice  drove  out  her  Austrian  gar- 
rison under  Count  Zichy ;  the  republic  of  Venice,  or  St.  Mark,  was 
proclaimed  on  the  23d,  and  Manin  and  Tommasseo  w^ere  placed  at 
the  head  of  affairs.  The  first -named  patriot  and  statesman,  Daniel 
Manin,  was  born  in  Venice  in  1804.  He  was  the  son  of  an  eminent 
Jewish  lawyer,  and  prepared  himself  for  the  same  profession,  grad- 
uating at  the  University  of  Padua  in  1821.  He  married  in  1825,  and 
led  a  quiet,  domestic  life  at  Mestre,  near  Venice,  engaged  in  histor- 
ical and  legal  studies  and  w^ritings ;  and  commencing  practice  at  the 
bar  about  1830,  he  gained  a  high  reputation  as  a  jurist  and  orator. 
He  early  became  known  as  the  champion  of  the  national  cause, 
though  not  involved  in  any  of  the  secret  societies,  and  aiming  to 
combat  Austria  rather  with  legal  weapons  than  by  conspiracies.  On 


534 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


several  important  political  trials  he  acted  as  counsel  for  the  defense, 
M'hich  brought  him  into  collision  with  the  government. 

After  the  accession  of  Pius  IX  to  the  Holy  See  Manin  and 
Tommassco  became  the  leaders  of  the  reform  movement  in  Venice. 
In  1847  ^lanin  exerted  himself  to  make  Austria  give  practical  effect 
to  the  laws  which  she  had  nominally  granted  to  Venice.  He  asked 
for  a  separate  government  of  Venice  and  Lombardy,  a  revision  of 
the  codes,  an  annual  budget,  and  freedom  of  religion  and  of  the 
press.  But  his  hopes  of  obtaining  pacific  concessions  from  the  house 
of  Hapsburg  were  destroyed  by  Radetsky's  massacres  in  Milan  on 
the  9th  of  January,  1848.  On  the  i8th  of  January  he  and  his  col- 
league protested  against  these  outrages,  and  were  imprisoned.  The 
French  revolution,  of  the  24th  of  February,  1848,  found  ]\Ianin  still 
in  prison,  and,  as  he  was  detained  illegally,  he  refused  to  be  set  free 
by  the  populace  on  the  17th  of  i\Iarch,  and  would  only  leave  his  place 
of  detention  on  a  decision  of  the  courts.  The  revolution  advanced 
in  the  mean  time  with  rapid  strides,  and  by  the  surrender  of  Count 
Zichy  Venice  became  free.  The  people  prepared  to  form  an  inde- 
pendent, permanent,  republic  in  confederation  with  the  Italian  states; 
but  as  the  king  of  Sardinia  had  already  declared  war  against  Austria, 
and  was  adopting  a  policy  which  promised  to  liberate  the  whole 
country,  the  Venetian  assembly,  which  met  on  the  3d  of  June, 
agreed  to  the  fusion  with  Piedmont  and  Lombardy,  so  as  to  form  a 
united  kingdom  of  Northern  Italy.  Manin  tendered  his  resignation, 
but  resumed  power  after  the  defeat  of  the  Sardinians  at  Custozza,  on 
the  25th  of  July.  Previous  to  this  disastrous  event  Charles  Albert 
had  been  victorious  during  a  four  months'  campaign,  gallantly  fight- 
ing at  Pastrengo,  Goito,  Curtatone,  and  Vicenza,  and  rejoiced  at  the 
annexation  of  Lombardy  and  Venice  to  Sardinia,  which  was  accom- 
plished in  June  and  July,  1848.  Radetsky,  having  been  re-enforced, 
attacked  the  army  of  Charles  Albert  at  Custozza,  and  inflicted  upon 
it  such  a  crushing  defeat  that  it  fell  back  behind  the  Ticino.  The 
Austrians  recovered  IMilan,  and  proclaimed  Lombardy  under  martial 
law,  which  they  enforced  with  great  cruelty. 

This  rapid  review  of  events  from  the  election  of  Pius  IX  to  the 
promulgation  of  his  encyclical  on  the  29th  of  April,  1848,  indicates 
how  strongly  the  national  feeling  ruled  the  Italians,  leading  them  to 
victory  and  toward  independence.  A  few  more  steps  had  yet  to  be 
taken  before  the  long-oppressed  people  would  rise  against  their  mas- 
ters. The  Austrian  victory  at  Custozza  was  exasperating ;  but  this 
bitter  feeling  was  intensified  when  Pius  IX  and  the  king  of  the  Two 


VINCENZO  GIOBERTI. 


535 


Sicilies,  fearing-  a  war  with  Austria,  deserted  the  popular  cause.  In 
his  encyclical  of  the  29th  of  April  the  pope  declared  that  his  troops 
had  taken  part  in  the  war  against  Austria  without  his  consent. 
Ferdinand  V  deprived  his  people  of  the  liberties  he  had  granted 
them,  and  crushed  out  their  resistance  by  a  brutal  massacre  in  the 
streets  of  Naples  on  the  15th  of  May.  Pius  IX  was  the  first  to  de- 
sert the  cause  of  Jtal}- — or,  rather,  he  had  thrown  away  the  mask 
of  h3'pocrisy  which  he  had  worn  in  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate. 
After  disowning  the  war  of  independence  and  blessing  the  Austrians, 
whom  he  called  his "  cherished  sons,"  he  recalled  the  gallant  legions 
which  had  so  courageously  defended  Venice.  A  liberal  ministry  was 
dismissed,  and  a  reactionary  one,  with  Rossi  at  its  head,  was  chosen. 
It  was  by  order  of  that  ministry  that  Gavazzi  was  again  arrested  and 
sent  to  Rome. 

The  enc}'clical  of  the  pope  destroyed  the  moderate  party,  and  he 
was  therefore  compelled  to  fight  the  extreme  republicans.  At  this 
time  Vincenzo  Gioberti  occupied  a  prominent  position  in  the  conflict. 
This  distinguished  Italian  philosopher  was  born  in  Turin  on  the  5th  of 
April,  1 801.  He  studied  at  the  University  of  Turin,  and,  in  1825, 
was  ordained  priest.  Becoming  professor  of  theology  in  his  native 
city,  he  spent  several  years  in  scholastic  retirement.  He  inspired  his 
pupils  with  the  twin  motives  of  patriotism  and  religion.  On  the 
accession  of  Charles  Albert  he  was  appointed  court  chaplain,  but 
resigned  the  office  in  1833.  This  step  and  the  liberal  tone  of  his 
university  lectures  made  him  suspected  as  an  accomplice  of  the 
revolutionary  schemes  of  "Young  Italy,"  and  he  was  suddenly 
arrested.  No  direct  connection  with  the  republican  societies  was 
proved,  but  he  was  sentenced  to  four  years's  imprisonment  and  to 
banishment.  The  first  year  of  his  exile  he  spent  in  Paris,  for  the 
l^urpose  of  pursuing  his  studies  in  philosophy.  He  then  went  to 
Brussels,  where  he  occupied  for  eleven  years  the  humble  position  of 
teacher  in  a  private  school.  He  resumed  his  interrupted  studies, 
and  in  1838  and  1840  produced  his  philosophical  works — his  Intro- 
duction to  the  Study  of  Philosophy"  being  famous.  The  mastery  dis- 
played at  once  of  the  highest  problems  of  theology,  philosophy,  and 
history  gave  him  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  profoundest 
thinkers  of  the  age,  while  his  learned  expositions  and  hostile  criti- 
cisms of  the  principal  modern  philosophical  systems,  his  brilliant  and 
novel  subjection  of  science  to  revelation,  and  of  all  the  culture  of  life 
to  religion,  caused  him  to  be  immediately  recognized  as  one  of  the 
ablest  advocates  of  the  Roman  Catholic  philosophy.     It  was  rather 


536 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


by  the  remarkably  original  form  of  its  statements  than  by  the  novelty 
of  its  ideas  that  the  Intro diizione  exerted  its  influence,  and  caused 
Gioberti  to  be  hailed  as  the  reconstructor  of  modern  philosophy. 

This  work  was  quoted  with  applause  in  the  charges  of  French  and 
Italian  bishops,  and,  though  assailed  by  a  portion  of  the  Roman 
Catl-Lolic  press,  was  examined,  judged,  and  commended  by  Pope 
Gregory  XVL  Eloquent,  passionate,  and  full  of  bold  and  felicitous 
digressions,  it  contains  more  pages  on  literature,  art,  and  especially 
politics,  than  on* the  philosophical  theory  which  it  introduces.  In  his 
work,  ''Del  BcUo,''  published  in  1841,  he  applies  his  philosophy  to 
aesthetics.  The  first  treatise  of  Gioberti  that  made  him  popularly 
known  was  the  Del  Primato  Momle  e  Civile  Degli  Italiani,''  issued  in 
1843,  whose  object  was  to  restore  in  Italy,  not  only  the  philosophy  of 
the  Christian  Fathers,  but  the  Guelf  policy  of  the  papacy.  Italy,  he 
maintains,  is  the  sacerdotal  nation  of  Roman  Catholic  Europe,  being 
elected  by  Providence  to  guard  the  second  dispensation,  as  Israel  was 
to  guard  the  first.  He  affirms  that  the  priesthood  has  attempted  to 
retain  the  people  in  tutelage  beyond  the  proper  time,  after  it  has 
lost  its  former  moral  and  intellectual  authority  over  them.  Hence, 
a  fatal  schism  exists  between  the  ecclesiastical  and  temporal  orders, 
between  spiritual  and  secular  culture,  which  is  the  source  of  all  the 
evils  that  afflict  modern  society.  He  proposes  a  voluntary  cession 
by  the  priesthood  of  a  dominion,  which  has  become  incompatible 
with  modern  civilization,  and  a  thorough  alliance  of  sacerdotal  and 
lay  culture.  He  calls  upon  the  Italians  and  the  Italian  clergy  to 
inaugurate  this  new  civilization,  urging  the  latter  to  put  themselves 
at  the  head  of  social  movements,  and  to  be  the  champions,  and  not 
the  enemies  of  the  demands  of  the  age  for  free  institutions.  He 
claims  for  the  pope  an  arbitratorship  in  the  affairs  of  the  European 
nations,  founded  on  his  spiritual  authority.  The  plan  which  he  pro- 
posed for  immediate  Italian  politics  was  a  confederacy  of  the  states ; 
the  introduction  of  reforms ;  a  religious  head,  the  pope ;  a  military 
head,  the  king  of  Sardinia ;  a  capital,  Rome ;  a  citadel,  Turin  ;  and, 
above  all,  a  sentiment  of  nationality  in  the  Italian  princes.  From  the 
publication  of  the  Priinato''  Gioberti  was  regarded  as  the  leader 
of  the  moderate  liberal  party.  Few  works  have  been  received  with 
greater  enthusiasm,  or  have  wrought  a  greater  influence  upon  the  > 
public  opinion  of  a  nation.  It  was,  however,  distrusted  by  the 
Jesuits,  to  whom  Gioberti  replied  in  the  ''  ProlegomenV  of  the  second 
edition  (1845).         1^4^  he  removed  to  Paris. 

The  accession  of  Pius  IX,  who  had  studied  with  favor  the  writings 


GIOBERTI  RETURNS  TO  ITALY. 


537 


of  the  exiled  philosopher,  and  the  liberal  measures  that  he  granted, 
at  the  same  time  that  constitutional  principles  were  proclaimed  by 
the  court  of  Turin,  promised  to  Gioberti  the  speedy  realization  of  his 
ideal.  At  the  revolution  of  1848  he  returned  to  Italy  after  an  ab- 
sence of  fifteen  \'ears,  and  was  welcomed  with  a  triumph  at  Turin, 
the  city  being  illuminated  in  his  honor  several  nights  in  succession. 
Opposed  alike  to  foreign  dominion  and  to  a  general  republic,  his 
scheme  was  a  union  of  the  states,  under  the  supremacy  of  the 
house  of  Savoy,  and  he  visited  the  principal  cities  of  the  Peninsula, 
haranguing  the  troops,  the  universities,  and  the  populace  in  favor  of 
his  views,  and  was  every- where  received  with  enthusiasm.  INIazzini, 
the  head  of  "Young  Italy,"  was,  however,  his  rival  in  popularity  and 
influence,  and  his  bitter  opponent,  and  the  discord  between  these 
leaders  soon  extended  to  the  princes,  some  of  whom  withdrew  the 
forces  which  they  had  sent  to  aid  Sardinia  against  Austria.  After  an 
exile  of  seventeen  years  ]\Iazzini  had  also  returned  to  Italy,  in  the 
early  part  of  1848.  He  and  Gioberti  mutually  reproached  each  other 
with  being  the  greater  enemy  to  Italy  than  even  Austria.  The  latter, 
elected  to  the  Piedmontese  parliament,  which  assembled  on  the  8th 
of  May,  1848,  by  both  Genoa  and  Turin,  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  constitutionalist  royal  party  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and 
was  appointed  its  president  by  acclamation.  In  July  he  entered  the 
Casati  ministry,  and,  for  a  moment,  thought  he  saw  a  triumph  of  his 
hopes  in  the  vote  by  which  the  Lombardo-Venetian  provinces  were 
annexed  to  Sardinia.  The  military  reverses  experienced  by  Charles 
Albert  quickly  dissipated  the  illusion,  and  the  ministry  gave  place  to 
that  of  Revel,  which  accepted  an  armistice  that  resembled  an  aban- 
donment of  the  war  of  independence,  and  therefore  was  at  once 
unpopular.  Gioberti  united  with  his  opponents  of  the  extreme  demo- 
cratic party  in  efforts  to  overthrow  Revel's  ministry,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  resumed  his  idea  of  a  political  league,  and  became  president  of 
the  society  for  an  Italian  confederation,  representatives  of  which,  from 
all  parts  of  Italy,  assembled  in  Turin  on  the  loth  of  October,  1848. 

Then  followed  the  uprising  in  Rome  and  the  assassination  of 
Count  Rossi,  the  papal  minister.  The  palace  of  the  Quirinal,  in 
which  Pius  IX  had  taken  refuge,  was  attacked  and  carried  by  storm 
by  the  citizens.  The  pope  escaped  in  the  disguise  of  a  priest  on  the 
24th  of  November,  and  fled  to  Gaeta,  in  the  Neapolitan  territory. 
*'He  ran  away,"  says  Nicolini,  "hoping  that  Rome  would  fall  into 
anarchy,  and  so  excite  the  indignation  of  Europe — speculating,  in 
so  doing,  on  the  calamities  to  which  he  exposed  his  people.  And 


538 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  LNTO  LIGHT. 


this  man  you  call  a  God  on  earth,  the  vicegerent  of  Christ !  Away, 
away  with  you,  impious  blasphemer.  He  ran  away  and  threw  him- 
self into  the  arms  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  that  assassin  stained  with 
the  blood  of  his  own  subjects."  After  the  flight  of  Pius  IX  two 
deputations  were  sent  to  Gaeta  to  request  him,  in  the  name  of  the 
assembly,  and  in  the  name  of  the  people,  to  return  and  resume 
the  reins  of  government ;  but  they  were  repulsed.  The  pope  had 
appointed  a  commission  to  govern  in  his  name ;  but  the  persons 
designated  for  the  office  refused  to  act. 

In  Venice  the  republican  banner  of  St.  Mark  still  waved  in  de- 
fiance of  the  besieging  Austrian  army.  Manin  was  again  at  the  head 
of  affairs,  and  the  Neapolitan  general,  Pepe,  was  intrusted  with  the 
military  command.  Order  prevailed  in  the  city,  and  the  Venetians 
were  united  in  their  efforts  to  resist  the  Austrian  forces  at  any  cost. 


Chapter  X. 

THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  OVERTHROWN— GARIBALDI— ANTONELLI. 


HEN  General  Garibaldi  heard  the  news  of  the  Italian  revolu- 


V  V  tion  he  resolved  to  leave  Montevideo,  South  America,  for  his 
native  land,  and,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  countrymen,  he  sailed 
in  April,  1848.  In  that  brave  band  was  Colonel  Anzani,  one  of  the 
most  intimate  friends  of  Garibaldi.  He  was  consumptive,  but  hopes 
were  entertained  that  the  genial  climate  of  his  loved  Italy  would  at 
least  prolong  his  days.  The  sight  of  its  shores,  however,  awakened 
emotions  too  strong  for  his  frail  body,  and,  while  the  vessel  was 
approaching  the  city  of  Nice,  where  Garibaldi  was  born,  his  devoted 
friend  passed  away.  The  heroic  leader,  though  almost  crushed  by 
this  bereavement,  hastened  to  the  field  of  battle  in  Lombardy,  and 
offered  his  services  to  King  Charles  Albert,  Avho  received  him  coolly. 
A  few  days  after  the  king  was  defeated,  and  signed  an  armistice  with 
the  Austrians ;  but,  as  Garibaldi  was  not  included  in  it,  he  refused 
to  lay  down  his  arms.  Pursued  by  the  Austrians,  he  fought  several 
skirmishes  at  Como,  Varese,  Laveno,  and  other  places ;  but  his 
troops  being  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  disbanded,  and  he  retired 


Fifth  Decade,  Continued,  1840-1850. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 


539 


into  Switzerland;  and,  after  much  suffering-,  finally  made  good  his 
retreat  across  the  Po  into  the  papal  states,  in  October,  1848. 

General  Zucchi,  the  papal  minister  of  war,  at  that  time  happened 
to  be  at  Bologna,  and  wrote  to  Count  Rossi,  secretary  of  state  under 
Pius  IX,  that  he  had  ordered  two  Swiss  regiments,  which  were  at 
the  service  of  the  pope,  to  march  against  Garibaldi,  who  was  then  at 
Ravenna,  and  to  throw  him  and  his  followers  into  the  sea — meaning, 
probably,  to  compel  them  to  embark.  But  before  this  order  was 
executed  the  pope  had  fled  from  Rome,  and  the  popular  government 
which  undertook  to  govern  the  state  enrolled  Garibaldi  and  his  fol- 
lowers, and  gave  him  a  commission  to  increase  his  band  and  protect 
the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  Roman  state  against  the  king  of  Na- 
ples, A  short  time  afterwards  the  elections  for  the  Roman  Constit- 
uent Assembly  occurred,  and  Garibaldi  w^as  elected  at  Macerata,  and 
went  to  Rome  to  take  his  seat  in  the  assembly  at  its  opening,  on  the 
6th  of  Februar}^,  1849.  After  that  day  Garibaldi  put  himself  again 
at  the  head  of  his  troops  on  the  boundaries  of  Naples,  and  returned 
with  them  to  Rome  when  the  French  had  landed  at  Civita  Vecchia. 

After  the  flight  of  Pius  IX  to  Gaeta  Rome  was  absolutely  with- 
out a  government.  The  Chambers  appointed  a  ''Provisional  Gov- 
ernment," and  declared  themselves  dissolved.  For  two  months  the 
administration  of  public  affairs  was  conducted  by  this  temporary 
organization ;  but  it  was  incapable  of  prolonging  a  situation  so  full  of 
danger,  and  yielding  to  the  earnest  solicitations  addressed  to  it  from 
all  parts  of  the  states,  it  convoked  the  people  in  the  primary  assem- 
blies, and  appealed  to  the  universal  suffi-age  of  the  inhabitants  for  the- 
election  of  a  Constituent  Assembly.  CHie  ap.p£al  w^as  responded  to. 
By  the  votes  of  three  hundred  and  forty-three  thousand  adult  male- 
persons,  out  of  a  total  population  of  two  million  eight  hundred  thou- 
sand souls,  a  Constituent  Assembly,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and', 
fifty  members,  was  invested  with  the  task  of  government.  The  as- 
sembly, at  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  Feburary,  after 
an  uninterrupted  session  of  fifteen  hours,  passed  that  remarkable  decree 
which  declared  the  abolition  of  the  secular  papacy,  and  proclaimed 
that  portion  of  Italy,  wdiich  liad  hitherto  been  the  patrimony  of  the 
popes,  a  free  and  independent  republic.  The  article  abolishing  the- 
secular  papacy  was  passed  with  only  five  dissenting  voices,  and  that 
constituting  the  republic  only  eleven  dissenting  voices,  out  of" 

one  hundred  and  forty-four  present.  On  the  loth  of  February  the- 
Constituent  Assembly  appointed  an  executive  committee  of  three- 
citizens,  through  the  medium  of  whom  the  government  might  be 


540 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


carried  on  until  such  time  as  the  constitution  of  the  repubHc  should 
be  fully  matured.  The  citizens  appointed  to  this  office,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  votes,  were  Messieurs  Armellini,  Saliceti.  and  Montecchi. 
Ministers  of  the  different  departments  of  the  public  service  were  at 
the  same  time  appointed.  For  a  period  of  seven  weeks,  or  from 
the  loth  of  February  to  the  30th  of  March,  the  government  of  the 
republic  was  carried  on  in  conjunction  with  the  Constituent  Assembly. 

The  time  approached  when  all  eyes  were  to  be  opened  to  the  real 
designs  of  the  French.  A  crisis  was  near,  when  all  the  charitable 
hopes  of  the  sincerity  of  their  amicable  professions  were  to  be  dis- 
pelled. Rome  was  to  be  attacked  by  a  foreign  army  for  the  first  time 
since  the  days  of  Charles  V,  in  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  and 
for  the  second  time  since  that  of  the  Northern  invasions.  In  looking- 
back  for  preceding  events  of  the  same  kind,  the  mind  had  but  a  sin- 
gle step  more  to  make — the  attempt  by  the  Gauls.  How  different 
the  state  of  the  world  since  those  times !  How  different  the  condi- 
tion of  the  city ;  the  mode  and  means  of  warfare ;  the  principals 
engaged ;  the  effect  to  be  anticipated  on  the  world  !  Never  before 
had  the  city  of  Rome  been  voluntarily  deserted  by  a  pope,  and 
brought  to  a  state  of  order  and  tranquillity  by  a  mere  declaration  of 
a  republic,  and  become  practically  and  truly  a  Protestant  city.  Never 
had  she  been,  in  the  judgment  of  the  world,  more  certain  to  be  over- 
awed by  a  powerful  host,  and  more  unable  to  resist.  Deeply  inter- 
esting must  have  been  the  situation  of  many  a  family. 

The  negotiations,  which  had  been  carried  on  with  the  triumvirate 
by  M.  Lesseps,  the  French  agent,  had  resulted  in  nothing  but  the 
manifest  exposure  of  the  double  dealing  of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  a 
display  of  the  integrity,  ability,  and  patriotism  of  the  Romans. 
There  was  a  mixed  multitude  within  the  walls ;  but  most  of  them 
belonging  to  the  city,  or  other  parts  of  the  Roman  states,  and  many 
of  them  soldiers  who  had  been  engaged  in  one  or  more  battles  in 
other  parts  of  Italy.  The  whole  number  of  Polanders  and  other  for- 
eigners was  trifling.  Volunteers  had  been  hourly  arriving  for  several 
weeks;  some  in  regular  corps  or  companies,  others  in  small  bands, 
and  some  alone.  Colonel  Manara  had  entered  the  city  at  the  head 
of  his  legion  of  Lombards,  raised  and  paid  out  of  his  princely  for- 
tune, all  which,  with  his  services  and  his  life,  he  gave,  an  offering  to 
his  country. 

The  following  extract  from  the  Roman  Monitore,  the  official  jour- 
nal, shows  the  character  and  strength  of  the  Roman  army.  After 
denying  in  such  terms,  and  by  such  arguments  as  were  unanswerable, 


THE  I^OJ/AiV  AJ^MV. 


541 


the  calumnious  charges  against  the  character  and  origin  of  the  de- 
fenders of  Rome,  the  Moiiitore  thus  enumerated  the  troops  in  the 
city:  "The  army  of  the  repubhc  being  ten  regiments  of  infantry, 
and  two  of  cavah-\- — all  of  tJicni  from  the  Roman  states;  the  ]\Iedici 
legion  of  three  hundred  Tuscans  ;  the  foreign  legion  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men — French  and  Poles ;  the  Italian  legion  of  Garibaldi, 
about  two  thousand,  all  except  three  hundred  belonging  to  the  Ro- 
man states;  and,  finaUy,  several  battalions  of  the  IMilitar}^  Guard 
Mobile,  some  of  Rome,  some  of  the  provinces.  .  .  .  The  pre- 
tended foreign  banditti,  then,  who  oppress  the  Roman  people,  amount 
to  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  fift}-men  in  a  cit\-  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  and  with  fourteen  thousand  national  guards. 
These  are  the  men,  too,  who,  for  a  month,  have  repelled  thirty  thou- 
sand French  troops,  not  onh'  from  the  cit}',  but  from  the  country- 
seats  around  it,  and  defended  a  circuit  of  forty  miles.  The  most  sol- 
emn denial  that  can  be  given  to  the  accumulated  falsehoods  of  our 
enemies  is  to  say  to  all  the  people  of  Europe,  '  Look  and  judge ! 
Assaulted  by  four  armies  at  once,  in  the  rushing  ruin  of  Italian  mis- 
fortunes, the  Roman  Republic  raised  her  sacred  standard  on  the 
towers  of  the  capitol,  and  guards  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty.'" 

From  the  29th  of  April,  1849,  '^^"^^  commander-in-chief  of  the  arms 
of  the  republic.  General  Avezzana,  who  was  also  the  minister  of 
war,  was  fully  informed  of  the  enemy's  approach  by  the  numerous 
scouting  parties  whose  reports  were  confirmed  by  a  French  prisoner, 
who  the  same  day  fell  into  an  ambush  of  our  advance  posts.  Day 
dawned  upon  Rome,  on  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  April,  and 
revealed  a  scene  which  no  human  foresight  could  have  anticipated  a 
few  weeks  before,  and  which  human  ingenuity  could  scarcely  have 
imagined,  even  in  its  principal  features.  The  whole  city  was  in  sol- 
emn expectation  of  the  arrival  of  a  large  French  force,  which  was 
known  to  be  on  a  march  from  Civita  Vecchia,  and  near  enough  to 
arrive  at  the  walls  in  a  few  hours.  Arrangements  had  been  made, 
and  publicly  announced,  to  apprise  the  inhabitants  of  their  first  ap- 
pearance in  sight,  by  the  striking  of  bells.  Preparations  for  defense 
had  been  made,  and  were  still  making,  by  the  erection  of  works  in 
various  places  in  the  squares  and  streets  to  oppose  the  French,  if 
they  should  enter  the  walls  ;  while  the  troops  were  prepared  to  fight 
them  from  the  walls,  and  the  ground  outside.  The  elevated  buildings 
and  positions  were  crowded  by  spectators,  some  of  them  foreigners 
of  different  classes,  and  from  different  countries.  The  French  had 
pretended  to  come  as  friends  and  protectors;  but  persisted  in  advanc- 


542 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ing,  even  after  being  assured  by  the  Romans  that  they  neither  needed 
nor  desired  their  assistance.  The  French,  then,  assuming  a  tone  of 
disdain,  had  plainly  expressed  their  belief  that  the  Romans  would  not. 
fight.  The  world  was  w^aiting  with  anxiety  the  result  of  that  day's 
movements;  and  probably  very  few  men  believed  that  the  French 
would'  meet  with  any  great  obstacle.  They  expected  to  dine  that 
day  in  Rome,  and  to  remain  masters  of  it  as  long  as  they  pleased. 

Perhaps  no  news  has  ever  been  more  unexpected  than  that  which 
was  that  day  sent  from  Rome  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  that  the 
Romans  had  fought  the  French  gallantly  w^ith  far  inferior  forces,  for 
several  hours,  and  driven  them  twelve  miles  back  toward  Civita  Vec- 
chia.  Such,  however,  was  the  surprising  truth,  and,  had  not  the 
triumvirate  peremptorily  ordered  Garibaldi  to  pursue  them  no  farther, 
he  would  have  continued  to  press  them  with  the  resolution  which  he 
had  formed  of  driving  them  into  the  sea.  Among  the  spectators, 
who  wrote  accounts  of  what  occurred  that  day,  were  several  intelli- 
gent men  of  different  nations,  who  described  the  defense  as  conducted 
with  superior  skill,  and  performed  wdth  the  greatest  vigor  and  valor 
by  the  Roman  officers  and  soldiers.  Interesting  letters  from  some  of 
these  witnesses  may  be  found  in  the  newspapers  of  different  countries 
published  soon  after,  and  many  concurrent  accounts  in  various  other 
publications,  particularly  Italia  del  Popolo,  a  monthly  magazine  pub- 
lished by  the  exile  patriots. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  April,  the  telegraph  which  gave 
notice  of  the  advance  of  the  enemy's  forces  announced,  at  nine  o'clock, 
that  they  Avere  within  five  miles  of  Rome,  and  the  minister  of  war 
sent  a  captain  of  the  general  staff  to  the  cupola  of  St.  Peter's",  to 
remain  there  until  the  firing  should  commence,  to  observe  all  the 
movements  of  the  French,  and  discover  their  numbers  and  intentions. 
In  the  mean  time,  all  measures  were  taken  to  repel  the  aggression 
with  such  desperate  energy  as  is  inspired  by  the  holiness  of  right 
and  the  justice  of  the  cause.  According  to  the  historical  record  of 
the  contest,  all  access  into  the  city  was  prevented  by  strong  and 
numerous  barricades  at  all  the  gates,  and  in  all  the  principal  streets, 
especially  on  the  right  side  of  the  Tiber;  the  bastions  rising  above, 
crowned  with  cannon,  were  prepared  to  fire  upon  the  enemy,  and  the 
young  Roman  army,  impatient  with  Avarlike  ardor,  placed  at  the  dif- 
ferent points  wdiere  the  attack  was  expected,  was  disposed  in  the 
following  order:  The  first  brigade,  commanded  by  General  Gari- 
baldi, and  composed  of  the  first  Italian  legion,  the  battalion  of  the 
university,  the  battalion  of  the  reduced,  the  legion  of  exiles,  and  the 


I 


544 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


mobilized  Finanzieri,  occupied,  outside  of  the  walls,  the  whole  line 
from  the  Portese  gate  to  the  gate  of  San  Pancrazio ;  the  second  brig- 
ade, composed  of  two  battalions  of  the  mobilized  civic  troops,  and 
the  first  light,  commanded  by  Col.  Masi,  occupied  the  wall  of  the 
gates  Cavalleggieri,  Vatican,  and  Angelica;  and,  finally,  the  third 
brigade,  commanded  by  Col.  Savini,  and  composed  of  the  first  and 
second  regiments  of  mounted  dragoons,  formed  the  reserve  in  Piazza 
Navona.  The  fourth  brigade,  consisting  of  the  first  and  second  regi- 
ments of  the  line,  commanded  by  Col.  Galletti,  w^as  in  reserve  in  the 
Chiesa  Nuova  and  Piazza  Cesarini,  with  all  the  field  cannon,  which 
was  not  in  position.  General  Giuseppe  Galletti,  commander  of  Car- 
bineers, and  Major  Manara,  with  the  Lombard  battalion,  forming 
separate  corps,  were  held  ready  to  proceed  wherever  necessity  might 
require. 

It  was  evident  that  the  French  army,  which  was  composed  of 
eight  thousand  men  with  two  squadrons  of  cavalry  and  twelve  field- 
pieces,  divided  in  two  columns,  intended  to  make  a  double  and 
simultaneous  attack  at  the  gates  Cavalleggieri  and  Angelica.  In  fact, 
about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  proceeding  by  Villa  Pamfili, 
they  occupied  two  houses,  from  which  they  commenced  an  active  fire 
of  musketry  and  artillery  against  the  Cavalleggieri  gate.  The  valiant 
General  Garibaldi  moved  from  the  gate  of  San  Pancrazio  to  attack 
them  in  flank  with  all  his  troops  and  the  university  battalion,  and 
there  commenced  a  murderous  and  obstinate  battle,  in  which  a  hun- 
dred deeds  of  personal  bravery  proved  that  the  modern  Italians  are 
prepared  to  imitate  the  ancient  glories  of  their  fathers.  The  French 
made  a  determined  resistance  to  the  attack  of  Garibaldi,  and  even 
repulsed  their  assailants,  favored  by  their  superior  numbers  and  by 
their  artillery,  wdiich  they  fired  briskly.  But,  being  re-enforced  by 
the  Legion  of  Exiles,  the  reduced  battalion,  the  Roman  Legion,  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Galletti,  and  two  companies  of  the  first  regiment 
of  the  line,  charging  simultaneously  with  the  bayonet,  they  compelled 
the  French  to  retire  precipitately,  leaving  in  the  hands  of  the  Romans 
about  three  hundred  prisoners,  among  wdiom  were  six  officers,  with 
the  commander  of  a  battalion,  and  a  great  number  of  killed. 

While  they  Vv^ere  fighting  thus  at  San  Pancrazio  other  attacks  were 
made  on  the  gardens  of  the  Vatican,  and  along  the  entire  line  from 
the  Cavalleggieri  gate  to  that  of  Santa  Marta,  where  the  enemy 
endeavored  with  all  their  power  to  silence  the  artillery  of  the  Romans, 
and  where  they  made  two  furious  assaults,  but  were  bravely  repulsed 
by  the  Masi  Brigade  and  the  Mobilized  Civic,  assisted  in  good  time 


THE  ROMANS  VICTORIOUS. 


545 


by  the  brave  and  ardent  Carbineers.  At  all  those  points  the  Roman 
troops  sustained  the  attacks  of  the  French  with  admirable  firmness 
and  coolness,  and,  by  fighting  with  the  bravery  of  veteran  soldiers, 
compelled  them  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat.  In  the  reports  of  that 
encounter  it  is  said  that  the  National  Artillery  deserve  special  com- 
memoration, being  commanded  by  Colonel  Calandrelli,  who  lost  two 
distinguished  officers,  besides  wounded.  The  Civic  Artillery,  who 
rivaled  the  former  in  zeal  and  ardor,  also  received  honorable  mention. 

Thus  repulsed  on  the  whole  line,  the  French  retired  first  to  Brav- 
ella,  three  miles  from  the  city,  whence,  after  a  short  halt,  they  con- 
tinued their  retreat  towards  Castel  di  Guido.  This  battle,  which 
wonderfully  consolidated  the  foundation  of  the  Italian  Republic, 
lasted  about  seven  hours,  beginning  at  ten  in  the  morning  and  end- 
ing at  three  in  the  afternoon,  without  including,  as  a  part  of  the 
contest,  the  little  skirmishes  which  were  continued  until  evening 
between  the  opposing  forces.  According  to  facts  collected  and  the 
statements  made  by  the  prisoners,  it  appears  that  the  French  lost 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  men,  including  killed,  wounded,  and  pris- 
oners, while  the  loss  of  the  Italians  was  only  fifty  killed,  besides  two 
hundred  wounded,  among  whom  were  many  officers,  subaltern  and 
superior.  The  Italians  fought  like  heroes,  showing  that,  when  the 
love  of  country  is  living  and  strong,  the  sacrifice  of  life  is  sweet.  No 
more  expressive  eulogium  on  the  valor  of  these  brave  men,  officers, 
soldiers,  and  people  can  be  found  than  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter,  written  by  General  Garibaldi,  to  the  minister  of  war: 

**A11  the  corps  which  have  fought  this  day  are  extremely  well- 
deserving  of  the  country.  A  detachment  of  the  line,  the  first  Roman 
Legion,  the  University  Battalion,  the  Arcioni  Legion,  the  Battalion 
of  the  Reduced,  and  the  first  Italian  Legion,  have  been  rivals.  The 
chief  officers  and  the  soldiers  of  those  corps  have  merited  the  grat- 
itude of  Italy  and  the  title  of  valiant  men.  Many  arms,  drums,  and 
other  articles  of  war  have  remained  in  our  power." 

In  the  reports  of  the  scenes  that  followed  the  battles,  the  services 
of  the  sanitary  officers  of  the  ambulances,  who  were  diligent  in  col- 
lecting the  wounded  on  the  field  of  conflict,  are  highly  commended. 
The  ladies  in  the  hospital  also  performed  the  noblest  ministries  of 
charity,  and  it  is  said  that  many  of  the  French  declared,  before  dying, 
that  they  departed  from  the  world  with  remorse  for  having  fought 
against  brother-republicans,  while  those  who  were  saved  denounced 
their  government  ai)d  repeated  as  often  as  their  countrymen  were 
made  prisoners,  ''Viva  la  Repiiblica  RomanaT 


546 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


The  people  regarded,  with  sentiments  of  profound  gratitude,  the 
brave  Itahan  general,  Avezzana.  He  was  impelled  by  an  intense 
love  of  country  to  provide  for  every  exigency  that  arose  in  the 
discharge  of  his  onerous  duties.  With  a  tenacity,  alacrity,  and  per- 
severance which  would  have  been  remarkable  in  a  young  man,  he 
devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  From  the  first  approach  of 
the  enemy,  followed  by  a  portion  of  his  staff  (for  many  other  officers 
belonging  to  it  were  appointed  to  the  gates  to  direct  the  corps  which 
defended  them),  General  Avezzana  visited  in  succession  the  places 
attacked,  and  by  his  voice  and  his  example  excited  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  people  to  the  highest  degree. 

In  this  aggressive  movement  France  was  sacrificed  by  a  govern- 
ment which  was  the  enemy  of  the  true  interests  of  their  country, 
and  her  people  were  placed  in  a  humiliating  position.  She  suffered 
immense  losses,  more  moral  than  material,  being  deprived  of  all 
political  influence,  and  having  no  claim  upon  Italian  sympathy.  The 
sons  of  Italy,  convinced  of  the  justice  of  their  cause,  had  conquered 
the  most  warlike  soldiers,  and  they  were  confident,  therefore,  of  their 
ability  to  contest  with  glory  and  success  against  all  the  enemies  of 
the  republic  and  of  Italy. 

Carlo  Rusconi  gives  the  following  account  of  the  battle  of  April 
30th:  "General  Oudinot,  who,  with  eight  thousand  men  and  twelve 
field-pieces  wished  to  raze  Rome  to  the  ground,  ordered  a  simultane- 
ous attack  on  Porta  Cavalleggieri  and  Porta  Angelica,  and  occupied 
two  houses  of  Villa  Pamfili,  from  which  he  opened  an  active  fire  of 
musketry  and  artiller}-.  He  presented  himself  against  General  Gar- 
ibaldi, one  of  those  men  who  serve  as  types  in  the  creations  of  art. 
Beautiful  in  person,  simple  in  habits,  frugal  in  living,  courageous  as 
the  heroes  celebrated  in  chivalry,  he  exerted  a  fascination  on  all  who 
surrounded  him.  He  had  a  thousand  men  about  him  who  would 
have  allowed  themselves  to  be  killed  a  thousand  times  at  his  slightest 
command.  Concise  in  manner,  sparing  of  words,  terrible  in  wrath, 
you  would  have  said  that  Byron  must  have  had  this  extraordinary 
man  before  his  eyes  when  he  delineated  his  immortal  Conrad ;  Gar- 
ibaldi, who  was  not  in  his  element  except  when  balls  were  whistling 
round  his  head,  moved  against  the  French,  attacked  them  in  flank, 
and,  supported  by  Colonel  Galletti,  discomfited  them  after  many 
hours'  fighting.  Garibaldi,  having  seen  that  the  engagement  with 
musketry  proceeded  too  slowly,  and  impatient  at  that  mode  of  fight- 
ing, made  a  charge  on  the  French  with  the  bayonet  in  the  most 
destructive  manner,  and  which  secured  him  the  victory.  Finding 


A  SPIRITED  PROCLAMATION. 


547 


that  that  method  turned  out  well  he  ne\'er  abandoned  it  in  tlie  suc- 
cessive conflicts;  and  this  explains  the  great  number  of  killed  in  that 
obstinate  war." 

A  spirited  proclamation  was  issued  to  the  people  of  Rome  by 
their  representatives  the  day  after  the  first  battle : 

"People,  yesterday  commenced  the  entrance  of  the  French  into 
Rome.  They  entered  by  the  Port  San  Pancrazio  as  prisoners.  To 
us,  people  of  Rome,  this  does  not  cause  much  surprise ;  but  it  ma)' 
excite  a  curious  sensation  in  Paris.    That  also  will  be  well. 

"People,  the  attack  will  be  renewed.  Let  us  do  as  we  did  yes- 
terday, and  especially  do  not  be  alarmed  if  a  few  batteries  should  be 
silenced  by  their  cannonade.  Reports  of  cannon  startle  the  ears  and 
somewhat  shake  the  houses,  but,  in  fact,  when  they  do  not  reach 
united  masses  of  people,  they  destroy  but  ver}^  few  victims. 

"We  request  good  shopkeepers  to  keep  at  their  business  con- 
stantly; that  will  have  a  good  influence  and  be  very  convenient  at 
the  same  time.  To-day  we  have  need  to  fortify  Pincio  (the  Pincian 
]\Iount) ;  be  there  early  in  goodly  numbers,  and  let  us  labor 
together." 

The  "Committee  of  the  Barricades,"  or  the  "Representatives  of 
the  People,"  ]\Iessrs.  E.  Carnesuchi,  V.  Cattabeni,  and  V.  Caldesi 
issued  a  proclamation,  May  2d,  two  days  after  the  battle: 

"People!  General  Oudinot  promised  to  pay  all,  and  all  in  cash. 
Well,  let  him  pay  if  he  can  for  the  tapestries  of  Raffaele,  shot 
through  with  French  bullets  ;  let  him  pay  for  the  losses — no,  not  the 
losses,  but  the  insult  cast  on  Michael  Angelo.  Napoleon  at  least 
carried  to  Paris  our  masterpieces,  and  in  a  certain  Avay  Italian  genius 
received  the  admiration  of  the  foreigner  as  a  recompense  for  the 
conquest.  Not  so  to-day.  The  French  government  invade  our  ter- 
ritory, and  carry  their  singular  predilection  for  Rome  so  far  as  to 
wish  to  destroy  her  rather  than  have  her  exposed  to  the  impatience 
of  the  terrible  (general)  Zucchi  and  the  threats  of  Radetsky  and 
Gioberti,  who  are  both  at  several  weeks'  distance  from  the  Tiber. 
General  Oudinot  is  more  hasty  than  our  enemies.  The  republic  is 
grateful  to  him.  Do  you  know  why?  Because,  while  the  imperialists 
occupy  Alessuandria  without  a  blow  struck  by  Charles  Albert,  it  is  a 
great  Italian  glory  that  the  people's  Rome  honorably  repels  the  repub- 
licans of  France,  whom  a  black  government  sends  against  us  after 
calumniating  us  as  robbers  and  assassins.  And  the  popes?  Let  us 
preserve  in  memory  of  them  the  cannon-balls  which  solemnly  cele- 
brated the  anniversary  of  the  pontifical   encyclic.     Enough !  Of 

36 


548  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

kingdoms  and  triple  kings  let  us  talk  no  more.  Let  us  now  think 
of  the  barricades.  Let  us  think  of  our  honor,  which  we  must  fully 
vindicate.  Rome,  like  Scaevola,  has  still  her  arm  on  the  burning 
torch,  and  has  sworn  an  oath.  The  three  hundred  of  Scaevola  routed 
Porsenna.    The  history  of  Rome  is  not  yet  finished." 

On  the  same  day  the  following  proclamation  was  published  by 
the  triumvirate,  announcing  the  approach  of  the  numerous  army  of 
the  king  of  Naples.  Five  days  later  (May  9th)  they  announced  the 
arriv^  of  the  Spanish  army  of  five  thousand  men  on  the  coast.  Both 
those  armies  had  been  raised  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  the  pope,  as 
well  as  that  of  France,  which  had  just  been  so  manfully  driven  from 
the  walls  of  Rome: 

"  Rome,  May  2,  1849. 

"Romans!  A  corps  of  the  Neapolitan  army,  having  covered  the 
frontier,  threatens  to  move  against  Rome. 

"Their  intent  is  to  restore  the  pope  as  absolute  master  in  tem- 
poral affairs.  Their  arms  are  persecution,  ferocity,  and  pillage. 
Among  their  files  lurks  their  king,  to  whom  Europe  has  decreed  the 
name  of  the  bo^nbardcr  of  his  own  stibjects ;  and  around  him  stand 
most  inexorable  of  the  conspirators  of  Gaeta. 

"Romans!  We  have  conquered  the  first  assailants;  we  will  con- 
quer the  second.  The  blood  of  the  best  Neapolitans,  the  blood  of 
our  brothers  of  Sicily,  lies  on  the  head  of  the  traitor -king.  God, 
who  blinds  the  wicked  and  strengthens  the  defenders  of  right,  chooses 
you,  O  Romans,  for  avengers.  Let  the  will  of  the  country,  and  of 
God,  be  done ! 

"In  the  name  of  the  rights  which  belong  to  every  country,  the 
name  of  the  duties  which  belong  to  Rome  in  regard  to  Italy  and 
Europe ;  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  mothers,  who  will  bless  the 
defenders  of  their  children;  in  the  name  of  our  liberty,  our  honor, 
and  our  conscience;  in  the  name  of  God  and  the  people,  —  let  us 
resist,  soldiers  and  people,  capital  and  province.  Let  Rome  be  as 
inviolable  as  eternal  justice.  We  have  learned  that  to  conquer  it  is 
enough  not  to  fear  death." 

The  retreat  of  the  French  army  back  to  the  sea -shore,  and  the 
armistice  which  occurred  after  the  first  battle  of  April  30th,  afforded 
a  remarkably  convenient  opportunity  to  attend  to  the  king  of  Naples 
and  his  army,  which  amounted  to  about  twenty  thousand  men.  The 
following  is  a  description  of  their  position,  and  the  marching  of  the 
Roman  army  against  them,  translated  from  the  beginning  of  the  re- 
port of  General  Roselli,   then  commander-in-chief.     The  report 


GENERAL  ROSELLF S  REPORT. 


549 


includes  the  time  from  his  leaving  Rome,  IMay  i6th,  until  the  occu- 
pation of  Velletri,  Alay  20,  1849: 

"The  Neapolitan  army  occupied  the  position  of  Albano,  Velletri, 
and  Palestrina,  and  had  their  line  of  operations  directed  against  Rome. 

"The  army  of  the  republic  left  Rome  to  attack  the  enemy  on 
the  1 6th  and  17th,  and  maneuvered  to  turn  their  flanks  and  cut  off 
their  communications  with  the  Neapolitan  state.  The  point  of  di- 
rection of  the  army  was  ]\Ionte  Fortino,  whence  it  might  menace  all 
the  enemy's  communications.  The  Neapolitans  had  no  other  way 
but  to  retreat  or  come  out  and  attack  us  in  the  positions  we  had 
chosen.  The  army  was  composed  of  five  brigades,  and  one  of  cav- 
alry, with  twelve  pieces  of  cannon.  The  first  brigade,  with  a  squad- 
ron of  lancers  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  commenced  the  march. 
I  left  Rome  at  five  o'clock  P.  M.,  and  took  the  direction  of  Zagarola, 
by  the  road  of  Campanelle,  to  expose  the  right  flank  as  httle  as 
possible.  The  march  was  very  rapid  ;  we  reached  Zagarola  at  ten, 
before  noon.  The  vanguard  passed  the  town  rapid!}',  and  encamped 
on  the  hills  which  defend  the  roads  of  Palestrina  and  Albano.  Ac- 
cording to  instructions,  the  next  day  it  was  intended  to  attack  Pales- 
trina, and  then  march  on  Velletri ;  but  we  learned  from  our  patrols 
the  information  that  the  enemy  were  no  longer  in  Palestrina,  having 
concentrated  their  forces  in  Velletri.  It  was  then  immediately  de- 
cided to  occupy  Monte  Fortino.  The  order  had  been  given  to  put 
the  army  in  movement  before  daylight ;  but  from  misunderstanding 
and  insufficiency  of  the  means  of  transport,  the  arrival  of  provisions 
having  been  delayed,  our  brave  soldiers  were  compelled  to  lose  pre- 
cious time,"  etc. 

The  report  of  the  commander-in-chief  is  deficient  in  details  ;  but 
General  Garibaldi,  when  visiting  New  York  in  1850,  gave  to  his 
friend  and  admirer,  Air.  Theodore  Dwight,  a  full  account  of  the 
battle,  and  from  it  we  learn  that  the  vanguard,  led  by  Garibaldi,  had 
all  the  fighting  to  do ;  and  that  the  main  body  of  the  Roman  army, 
under  Roselli,  did  not  arrive  until  the  result  was  really  secured.  The 
common  opinion  was  therefore  confirmed,  that  the  two  remarkable  vic- 
tories of  Palestrina  and  Velletri  were  attributable  to  Garibaldi.  "  My 
first  object,"  said  he,  "was  to  turn  the  enemy's  flank;  for  I  thought 
that  if  the  king  of  Naples  once  heard  that  I  was  in  his  rear  he  would 
be  frightened,  and  so  it  proved."  It  appears  from  his  notes  of  the 
engagements  that  the  Neapolitans  occupied  the  strong  positions  of 
Tusculum  Mountains,  with  their  headquarters  at  Velletri  and  their 
advanced  guard  at  Albano.    Their  extreme  left  was  at  Castel  Gon- 


550  '         ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


dolfo,  and  their  extreme  right  a  small  village.  The  battle  of  Pales- 
trina  was  about  ten  da}-s  before  that  of  Velletri.  The  troops  present 
at  the  former  were,  a  hundred  cavalry,  under  Colonel  Massina ;  three 
hundred  Bersaglieri,  under  Colonel  IManara ;  two  hundred  Finanzieri, 
of  the  Nationals ;  two  hundred  students,  mobilized ;  and  the  Italian 
legion  of  one  thousand — in  all,  about  eighteen  hundred  men. 

Garibaldi  was  sent  out  to  harass  and  observe  the  Neapolitans  with 
his  division,  and  was  at  Palestrina  when  seven  thousand  of  the  enemy 
were  sent  against  him  with  the  intention  of  attacking  him.  Between 
the  Tusculum  Mount  and  Palestrina  is  a  valley,  in  one  of  the  projec- 
tions of  the  Apennines,  in  an  amphitheater.  When  Garibaldi  per- 
ceived that  the  enemy  had  arrived  at  Valmontone,  he  sent  a  detach- 
ment to  observe  them.  But  it  was  repulsed,  Avith  the  videttes,  and 
retired  upon  the  corps.  When  the  Neapolitans  reached  Palestrina, 
Garibaldi  prepared  to  defend  himself.  The  enemy  advanced  by  two 
roads  against  Palestrina,  when  Garibaldi  prepared  two  companies  to 
protect  the  returning  soldiers  or  to  harass  the  enemy  if  occasion 
should  offer,  while  he  remained  in  the  center  with  a  reserve.  The 
Neapolitans  extended  in  line  and  attacked,  but  were  repulsed  on  the 
left  and  the  center.  The  two  companies  on  the  right  were  driven 
back,  when  Garibaldi,  being  victorious  in  other  parts,  proceeded  with 
the  reserve  to  the  right,  and  the  rout  of  the  enemy  was  then  com- 
pleted. A  strong  body  of  royal  Swiss  troops,  in  the  pay  of  Bomba, 
was  present.  The  republicans  being  destitute  of  cavalry,  and  night 
being  at  hand,  the  wrecks  of  Bomba's  troops  were  saved.  From 
Palestrina  Garibaldi  returned  to  Rome. 

A  few  days  after  he  departed  from  that  city  with  the  Roman 
army  and  was  in  the  vanguard,  having  under  his  orders  the  First 
Italian  Legion  of  eleven  hundred  men;  the  third  of  the  line  eight 
hundred,  fifty  cavalry,  and  two  light  guns.  At  Valmontone  he 
received  advices  that  the  Neapolitans  v\'ere  sending  back  their  bag- 
gage and  heavy  artillery,  and  he  therefore  concluded  that  they  were 
retreating,  and  pressed  forward,  sending  notice  to  the  principal  corps. 
At  Monte  Fortino  he  received  more  positive  information  and  contin- 
ued to  advance  with  haste.  About  eight  o'clock,  A.  M.  he  was  in 
sight  of  Velletri,  which  was  on  the  road,  and  two  miles  distant.  He 
then  discovered  the  enemy's  cavalry  in  echelloJi,  on  the  Appian  Way, 
to  protect  the  retreat  of  their  army,  for  which  they  were  preparing. 
The  main  body  of  the  Neapolitan  army  was  then  at  Velletri,  and  as 
soon  as  Garibaldi's  corps  was  discovered  by  them  the  Neapolitans 
moved  to  attack  it. 


THE  NEAPOLITANS'  DEFEAT. 


He  drew  up  the  third  of  the  hue  in  ccJicllon  by  companies  near 
the  road,  which  was  among  hills  cox'ered  with  vineyards  to  protect 
his  retreat  in  case  of  necessity,  and  to  act  as  a  reserve  in  case  the 
enemy  should  attack.  He  placed  the  First  Italian  Legion  on  both 
sides  of  the  road,  in  the  best  position  he  could,  and  thus  awaited  the 
assault  of  the  enemy,  leaving  two  companies  in  column  in  the  road 
itself.  The  cavalry  and  artillery  he  placed  in  positions  adapted  to  be 
most  serviceable.  The  enemy  attacked,  but  all  their  attempts  were 
fruitless.  They  had  many  killed,  and  were  finally  compelled  to  shut 
themselves  up  in  the  city  on  the  defensive.  Garibaldi's  corps  alone 
was  too  weak  to  prevent  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  which  was  finally 
effected  by  night. 

The  principal  corps  of  the  Roman  army,  of  seven  thousand  men 
under  Roselli,  arrived  late  and  tired  with  their  march.  An  attempt, 
however,  was  made  to  attack  the  city  in  front  by  charging  at  the 
head  of  the  First  Roman  Legion  with  the  battalion  of  artillery  placed 
in  a  good  position  upon  the  road.  The  Neapolitans  sustained  the 
positions  of  the  city,  in  which  they  remained  the  rest  of  the  day. 
The  republicans  took  positions  in  order  to  renew  the  attack  the  next 
day ;  but  in  the  morning  the  Neapohtans  retreated  and  disappeared 
from  Velletri. 

These  bold  and  succes'sful  operations,  so  briefly  described,  were 
of  the  highest  importance  in  their  results,  both  by  driving  back  the 
enemy,  by  encouraging  the  republicans,  and  by  adding  to  their  repu- 
tation. The  rout  of  the  Neapolitans  was  so  decisive  that  they  gave 
no  further  annoyance,  and  never  appeared  again  during  the  war.  As 
for  the  poor  Spanish  army,  which  had  landed  on  the  coast  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  call  of  the  unfortunate  pope,  they  did  nothing  but  issue  a 
few  bombastic  proclamations,  and  kept  themselves  out  of  harm's  way. 

The  French,  in  the  mean  time,  were  preparing  to  take  decisive 
measures  against  Rome.  The  wounded,  whom  they  had  left  behind 
them  on  the  30th  of  April,  had  been  tenderly  nursed  by  the  Roman  \ 
ladies,  who  had  volunteered  to  attend  at  the  hospitals,  and  three  or 
four  hundred  prisoners,  had  been  harangued  in  the  Corso  by  the 
commander-in-chief,  addressed  as  brother-republicans  in  the  name  of 
the  government  and  people,  and  dismissed  without  exchange  or 
parole,  with  open  gates,  to  return  to  Civita  Vecchia.  On  their  arrival 
there,  however,  full  of  their  praises  of  the  noble  Romans,  they  were 
immediately  shipped  for  France  for  fear  of  their  influence  among  the 
troops.  The  French  army  soon  moved  in  great  force  for  Rome  with 
heavy  artillery  and  all  preparations  for  a  siege.    But  their  first  step 


552 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


was  to  violate  the  amnesty  by  suddenly  attacking  the  outposts  the 
niglit  before  the  time  limited  by  the  armistice,  and  while  they  were 
almost  unprotected. 

In  the  Monitoj'e  Romano,  of  June  8,  1849,  General  Garibaldi  pub- 
lished an  account  of  the  conflict  with  the  French  at  Villas  Corsini 
and  Vascello  on  the  third  of  the  month,  and  from  his  report  we  learn, 
first  of  all,  the  topography  of  the  locality.  On  leaving  the  Bastion 
the  ground  on  the  right  rises  a  little  in  the  direction  of  the  Villa 
Vascello;  and  on  the  left  forms,  by  a  gentle  descent,  a  small  valley, 
which  leads  towards  the  spot  where  the  French  were  encamped. 
From  the  gate  of  San  Pancrazio  a  street  leads  directly  to  the  Vascello, 
a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  paces,  and  then  divides.  The 
principal  branch  descends  on  the  right  along  the  garden  of  the  Villa 
Corsini,  surrounded  by  high  walls,  and  goes  on  to  join  the  great  road 
to  Civita  Vecchia.  Another,  flanked  by  hedges,  leads  directly  to  the 
Villa  Corsini,  which  is  three  hundred  paces  in  front  of  the  Villa 
Vascello.  And  the  third  road  turns  to  the  left  and  is  prolonged, 
like  the  first,  by  the  wall  of  the  garden  of  the  Villa  Corsini.  The 
Villa  Vascello  is  a  large  and  massive  fabric  of  three  stories,  sur- 
rounded by  gardens  and  walls.  In  front  of  the  villa,  at  a  distance 
of  fifty  paces,  is  a  small  house,  from  which  firing  may  be  made  against 
the  windows  of  the  Villa  Corsini.  On  the  left  road,  about  one  hun- 
dred paces  beyond  the  point  of  separation  of  the  streets,  are  two 
small  houses,  one  behind  the  garden  of  Villa  Corsini,  the  other 
twenty  paces  before,  on  the  left  of  the  street. 

The  Villa  Corsini,  situated  on  the  highest  part  of  the  ground, 
commands  all  the  neighborhood.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  garden  and 
high  wall.  The  position  of  the  villa  is  very  strong,  and  more  so 
because,  wishing  to  attack  it  without  showing  any  preparation  of 
approach  beforehand,  it  is  necessary,  while  passing  the  Concello, 
which  is  at  the  foot  of  the  garden,  to  bear  the  concentrated  fire  which 
the  enemy,  defended  and  covered  by  the  hedges  and  vases,  or  within 
the  villa  itself,  make  upon  that  point  at  which  the  garden  walls  meet 
at  an  acute  angle.  The  ground  is  also  very  descending,  and,  besides, 
the  Villa  Corsini  is  very  favorable  to  a  body  of  troops  occupying  it, 
because,  declining  and  covered  with  groves  and  crossed  by  deep 
streets,  they  can  concentrate  their  reserves  in  security  from  the  fire 
of  the  Romans  when  the  cannon  compel  them  to  abandon  the  house. 

The  first  attack  made  by  the  Italian  Legion  was  against  the  posi- 
tions Corsini  and  Quattro  Ventri,  Avhich  had  been  abandoned  by  the 
Roman  troops,  because  surprised,  betrayed,  and  overpowered  by  the 


f 


A  SEVERE  ENGAGEMENT.  553 

great  number  of  the  enemy.  The  attack  was  made  with  the  bayonet 
without  firing  a  single  shot;  the  Legion  sustained  for  about  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  the  whole  weight  of  the  enemy  ;  and  Colonels 
Daverio  and  Massina  and  Commandant  Peralta  were  killed,  and  most 
of  the  officers  wounded.  The  Manara  Bersaglieri  arrived  at  that  mo- 
ment, and,  throwing  themselves  into  the  garden,  vigorously  attacked 
the  French  even  under  the  walls  of  the  villa.  Here  fell  Captain 
Dandolo  and  many  soldiers,  and  many  officers  and  soldiers  were 
wounded.  But  the  houses  on  the  left  were  captured  by  the  Romans. 
The  French  had  ceased  their  progressive  work,  and  the  Vascello, 
strongly  occupied,  poured  on  them  a  fire  of  grape-shot.  The  brave 
Roman  artillerymen  very  soon  disturbed  the  enemy  in  the  Villa  Corsini. 

The  French  Tiraglieurs  were  driven  from  the  garden  and  hedges 
by  the  Manara  Bersaglieri  advancing  from  the  Casini  on  the  left,  and 
by  the  Italian  Legion  from  the  Vascello.  A  very  warm  fire  was  kept 
up  by  both  parties.'  The  French,  however,  were  no  more  able, 
though  re-enforced  by  two  pieces  of  artillery,  to  take  from  the  Roman 
troops  the  position  held  with  so  much  valor.  The  artillery  fired 
upon  the  Villa  Corsini  so  vigorously  that  the  French  were  compelled 
to  retreat  after  setting  it  on  fire ;  while  the  cannon  in  the  right  Bas- 
tion and  Bersaglieri,  thrown  forward  of  the  Vascello,  attacked  with 
great  ardor  the  opposing  forces,  who  were  in  the  Casino  Quattro  Ven- 
tri,  and  who  occupied  numerous  small  adjacent  houses,  from  which 
they  made  a  very  heavy  but  useless  fire.  Two  companies  of  the 
Manara  Bersaglieri  were  then  sent  towards  the  French  camp  on  the 
left  to  annoy  the  enemy  hidden  among  the  vines.  A  very  severe 
conflict  continued  all  day,  always  to  the  advantage  of  the  Roman 
troops,  who  (the  Manara  Bersaglieri  and  Italian  Legion)  were  able, 
even  a  second  time,  to  charge  the  French  beyond  the  Villa  Corsini. 

Towards  evening  several  companies  of  the  third  regiment  of  the 
line  were  sent  to  re-enforce  the  Romans  in  the  Vascello,  and  the 
Medici  Legion  was  sent  to  relieve  the  Manara  Bersaglieri  in  the 
Casini  on  the  left.  The  Villa  Corsini  and  the  Casino  Quattro  Ventri 
were  reduced  almost  to  dust,  the  cannon  being  remarkably  well 
directed  under  the  supervision  of  the  brave  Lieutenant-colonel  Ludo- 
vico  Calendrelli.  The  French  were  defeated  at  every  point,  the  Ma- 
nara Bersaglieri  and  the  Italian  Legion  again  and  again  charging  them 
breast  to  breast.  The  first  company  of  Manara  Bersaglieri  threw 
itself  into  the  Villa  Girand  and  made  many  French  prisoners.  The 
Italian  Legion  several  times  advanced  up  to  Villa  Valentini.  At 
evening  the  Medici  Legion  vigorously  charged  the  enemy  among  the 


554 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


vinc}'ards  on  the  left.  "The  night  came,"  Bays  General  Garibaldi, 
"leaving  to  us  the  field  of  battle,  the  enemy  admiring  our  valor,  and 
our  troops  desirous  of  renewing  the  battle  which  had  been  so  cour- 
ageously fought  the  first  day.  This  they  did  on  the  following  morn- 
ing. All  the  officers,  and  especially  the  superior  and  subaltern 
officers,  wdiom  I  wish  to  distinguish,  are  these  here  recorded,  because 
martyrs  and  dying  as  brave  men :  Colonels  Massina,  Daverio,  and 
Ramorino ;  Adjutant-major  Peralta ;  Lieutenants  Bonnet,  Cavalleri, 
and  Grassi ;  Captains  Dandolo  and  David,  Lieutenant  Scarani,  Colonel 
Poline,  Lieutenants  Larete  and  Gazzaniga." 

On  the  night  of  the  25th  of  June  the  French  made  an  attack  to 
dislodge  the  Roman  troops  from  the  Casino,  outside  the  Gate  San 
Pancrazio,  but  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  The  following  official 
report  of  that  action,  from  General  Garibaldi  to  Roselli,  the  general- 
in-chief,  appeared  in  the  MoJiitore  Romano  of  June  26th: 

"Citizen  General-in-Chief, — One  hour  after  midnight  the  enemy 
tried  a  second  attack  and  assaulted  our  right  flank,  breaking  in 
towards  the  Vascello,  which  is  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Medici,  and  on  the  left  side  of  the  Casetta,  which  is  under 
the  command  of  Major  Cenni.  With  lively  pleasure  I  communicate 
to  you  how  heroically  our  troops  sustained  themselves  and  powerfully 
repulsed  them.  The  very  deep  mist  wiiich  involved  every  thing  ren- 
dered the  conflict  the  more  interesting.  Our  soldiers  gave  proofs  of 
their  diligence  and  love  for  the  cause.  Many  dead,  who  still  lie 
unburied  on  the  enemy's  ground,  bear  them  witness.  And  the  high- 
est encomium  is  due  in  general  to  the  detachments  Medici  and  Melara, 
and  to  the  Manara  Bersaglieri  on  the  right  wing,  and  on  the  left  to 
Major  Cenni,  of  the  staff  of  the  division  ;  and,  of  the  Arcioni  Le- 
gion, to  Captains  Joanny,  Baily,  and  Romagnori ;  First  Lieutenant 
Carlotti ;  Second  Lieutenant  Belloughi,  and  to  all  the  soldiers  of  that 
corps.  Of  the  Regiment  of  the  Union,  Captain  Colombani  and 
Lieutenant  Dezzi  distinguished  themselves.  The  soldiers  are  the 
same  as  those  who  so  lately  defended  the  Casetta,  near  the  Vascello. 
And  the  detachment  of  the  line  should  not  be  forgotten,  commanded 
by  Sub-Lieutenant  Ferrandi  of  the  third  regiment,  who  showed 
themselves  openly  and  intrepid  under  fire.  When  the  firing  had 
ceased,  in  consequence  of  the  repulse  of  the  enemy,  there  was  an 
almost  perfect  silence,  interrupted  only  by  a  few  exchanges  of  shot, 
chiefly  harmless.  Nothing  important  occurred  before  daybreak,  and 
things  still  remain  as  yesterday.    Salutation  and  brotherhood ! 

"General  Headquarters,  Morning  of  June  26, 


THE  FALL  OF  ROME. 


555 


The  same  number  of  the  Monitore  Romario  contains  the  following 
extract  from  the  Paris  Constitutio7icl,  stating  the  reason  why  General 
Oudinot  had  not  entered  Rome:  **It  is  wrong  to  believe  that  Rome 
can  be,  in  a  few  days,  rescued  from  the  state  of  defense  in  which  it 
has  been  placed  by  the  foirigncrs  ivJio  occupy  it.  Even  if  the  possi- 
bility of  success  in  an  attack  by  main  force  were  demonstrated  with 
the  use  of  all  the  means  authorized  by  war,  other  considerations 
should  prescribe  the  greatest  circumspection  to  our  general-in-chief. 
In  reality,  the  order  to  attack,  which  was  sent  to  General  Oudinot, 
contains  an  express  recommendation  to  adopt  the  most  complete 
measures  to  avoid  the  exposure  of  the  monuments  of  the  city,  which 
are  now  placed  under  the  safeguard  of  France.  Considerations  of 
humanity  are  no  less  in  the  plans  of  our  generals  who,  in  no  case, 
will  confound  the  Roman  population  with  the  bands  of  adventurers 
who  ruin  and  oppress  it.  For  all  these  reasons  the  besieging  forces 
will  confine  themselves  to  the  attack  of  exterior  works,  and  of 
positions  from  which  the  city  and  the  monuments  can  not  receive 
any  injury." 

The  editors  of  the  Monitore  Romano,  after  stating  that  other  jour- 
nals of  the  French  government  contained  a  similar  explanation,  pub- 
lished this  reply:  ''This,  it  can  not  be  denied,  is  an  ingenious  expe- 
dient to  justify  the  slowness  of  the  brilliant  successes  of  Oudinot  under 
the  walls  of  Rome.  It  is  not  a  posthumous  expedient,  but  a  witty 
one  invented  after  the  act.  The  general  had  first  to  think  how  to  let 
his  bomb-shells  by  hundreds  fall,  not  upon  the  foreigners  who  defend 
Rome,  but  upon  the  heads  of  the  harmless  population  whom  he  has 
come  to  protect.  He  must  think  first  how  to  ruin  the  edifices  of  Raf- 
faelle,  the  Aurora  of  Guido,  the  temple  of  Fortuna  Virilis,  and,  only 
yesterday,  the  most  beautiful  fresco  of  Poussin  in  the  palace  Cos- 
taguli,  now  irreparably  lost,  because  it  has  never  been  copied  or 
engraved.  But  this  does  not  prevent  the  Roman  monuments  from 
being  placed  n^ider  the  safeguard  of  the  French  arms  !  This  did  not 
prevent  them  from  having  within  their  scope  the  defense  of  the 
liberty  of  the  people,  oppressed  b}^  foreigners !  Hypocrites  and 
wretches]  you  do  not  possess  even  the  brutal  frankness  of  Austria!" 

On  the  30th  of  June  Rome  was  captured  by  the  French,  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  terrible  scenes  were 
enacted.  The  bombardment,  which  continued  three  hours,  was  so 
incessant  and  destructive  that  it  seemed  about  to  bury  the  whole  city 
in  ruins.  The  inhabitants  were  all  in  the  streets.  Here  was  seen  a 
tender  mother,  with  her  little  ones  in  her  arms,  running  first 'in  one 


556 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


direction  and  then  in  another,  to  find  a  safe  retreat ;  and  there  another 
making  her  own  breast  a  shield  for  her  children  ;  while  boys  were 
often  seen  trying  to  carry  on  their  shoulders  the  corpses  of  their 
beloveci  fathers.  Every-where  could  be  heard  the  voices  of  sorrow- 
ing women  lamenting,  not  for  themselves,  but  for  the  loss  of  those 
more  dear.  A  few  aged  and  gray-headed  persons  kneeled  on  the 
steps  of  churches,  praying  to  the  Lord  to  give  the  heartless  pontiff  a 
different  mind  ;  while  the  more  rqsolute  ran  to  where  the  danger  was 
greatest,  among  the  falling  bomb-shells.  Shepherds  drove  away 
their  flocks  to  find  some  secure  place  ;  and,  as  if  the  animals  them- 
selves shared  the  feelings  of  men,  the  air  was  filled  with  their  mourn- 
ful cries.  An  eye-witness  of  these  thrilling  incidents  says:  **In 
one  spot  in  the  Piazza  di  Venezia  (the  square  of  Venice)  a  shell  burst, 
and  killed  three  persons.  A  woman  was  crossing  the  bridge  of  Six- 
tus,  when  a  large  cannon  shot  took  off  her  head.  While  standing 
within  a  few  steps  of  the  Colonna  Square  I  saw,  in  a  short  time,  two 
convoys  pass,  carrying  a  great  number  of,  wounded  persons  to  the 
hospital  of  San  Giacomo ;  and  immediately  afterwards  several  others 
arrived  with  biers  and  litters,  on  the  same  melancholy  errand.  Wher- 
ever I  went  within,  I  heard  long  and  painful  lamentations  from  unfor- 
tunate sufferers,  whose  limbs  had  been  cut  or  torn  by  the  swords  or 
balls  of  the  enemy.  But  amidst  all  I  heard  not  a  single  exclamation 
against  the  new  government,  though  a  thousand  against  the  unbri- 
dled vengeance  of  the  pontiff,  who  had  condemned  his  children  to 
such  cruel  torments." 

Fires  broke  out  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  and  the  courageous 
Roman  firemen  ran  to  extinguish  them  as  soon  as  possible.  ' '  Has- 
ten," said  a  bystander  to  an  old  man  of  the  common  people,  who 
seemed  resolved  to  remain  in  the  Piazza  Navona ;  "hasten,  I  pray 
you,  in  the  name  of  God!"  "Let  me  stay,"  he  replied;  "what  is 
there  for  me  to  do  in  this  world  ?  Yesterday  the  French  hung  my 
son,  who  was  in  the  battalion  of  the  university ;  and  this  night  my 
daughter,  the  only  creature  left  to  me,  went  to  get  water  to  quench 
my  thirst,  when  she  was  struck  to  the  ground  by  a  shot."  The  dis- 
consolate father  sobbed  while  he  spoke,  but,  in  a  moment,  became 
silent  and  motionless.  The  man  who  had  been  conversing  with  him, 
thinking  that  he  might  restore  him,  took  him  by  the  hand  ;  but  he 
breathed  only  a  few  seconds,  and  then  died.  The  young  student 
was  found  in  a  villa  outside  the  city  walls,  hung  to  a  beam,  and 
the  old  man's  statement  was  confirmed.  A  few  days  before  the 
French  had  thrown  out  of  the  windows  of  the  house  occupied  by 


GARIBALDTS  LAST  REPORT. 


557 


them  several  other  young  men  of  the  university  who  had  fallen  into 
their  hands. 

As  the  further  defense  of  the  city  ^\•as  impossible,  without  expos- 
ing it  to  destruction,  the  Romans  resolved  to  abandon  the  struggle. 
The  French  were  within  the  walls,  and  could  not  be  dislodged. 
They  were,  indeed,  so  strong  that  the  Romans  were  compelled  at 
least  to  leave  their  line,  and  retire  to  the  other  side  of  the  Tiber, 
which  General  A\'ezzana  and  Garibaldi  proposed  to  defend  obsti- 
natel}\  But  the  inhabitants  feared  that  this  movement  would  result 
in  the  speedy  ruin  of  their  houses  b}-  the  French  cannon  and  shells, 
and,  after  consulting  with  the  assembly,  the  decision  was  reached, 
that  all  resistance  should  cease.  Garibaldi  now  perceived  that  his 
work  was  done  in  the  capital ;  and,  with  feelings  which  we  may  in 
some  degree  realize,  he  was  determined  not  to  witness  the  disgrace 
brought  upon  his  noble  cause,  nor  to  leave  his  gallant  companions  to 
be  disarmed  and  remain  useless  to  the  country.  He  felt  confident 
that  many  of  them  would  follow  wherever  he  would  lead,  and  at  that 
time,  more  than  at  any  other,  he  was  moved  by  an  impulse  to  lead 
where  only  courageous  men  would  follow.  He  thought  of  the  city  of 
Venice,  then  besieged  by  the  Austrians,  by  sea  and  land,  and  in- 
dulged the  flattering  hope  of  being  able  to  reach  her  and  assist  her 
brave  defenders.  Although  a  wide  extent  of  country  intervened,  and 
the  enemy  could  send  a  far  superior  force  to  oppose  him,  yet  he  was 
not  discouraged,  and  resolved  to  go. 

The  following  official  report  of  General  Garibaldi  was  the  last  that 
he  issued  in  Rome,  and  therefore  is  of  historic  interest: 

"General  Headquarters,  San  Pietro  in  Montorio, 

July  /,  1849.  i 

"Yesterday  was  a  day  fruitful  in  deeds  of  arms:  losses  and  ad- 
vantages. Yesterday  Italy  counted  new  mart\'rs.  Colonel  Manara 
leaves  a  void  in  the  republican  files  difficult  to  be  supplied.  Young, 
of  surprising  merit  and  valor,  he  was  struck  by  an  enemy's  ball, 
while  courageously  defending  the  Villa  Spada  against  an  enemy  very 
superior.  America  yesterday  gave,  with  the  blood  of  a  valiant  son, 
Andrea  Aghiar,  a  pledge  of  the  love  of  liberal  men  of  all  countries 
for  our  fair  and  unfortunate  Italy.  Lieutenant-colonel  Medici  distin- 
guished himself  by  skill  and  courage,  in  the  defense  of  the  first  bastion 
on  the  right  of  the  gate  of  San  Pancrazio,  and  of  the  position  Savo- 
relli.  He  was  distinguished  in  the  company  of  the  brave  Colonel 
Ghilardi,  commandant  of  that  line.  The  Medici  legion  and  the  first 
of  the  line  fought  like  lions.    They  several  times  repelled  assaults 


558 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


in  the  breach,  and  paid  with  the  precious  h'fe  of  many  young  men, 
the  hope  of  the  country,  the  sacred  debt  of  all.  Part  of  the  Manara 
legion  fought  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  with  their  accustomed  cour- 
age, in  union  witli  the  companies  of  the  regiment  IMassi.  The  Ital- 
ian legion,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Manara,  showed  itself 
worth}'  of  its  fame  in  the  defense  of  the  Villa  Spada.  The  Third  of 
the  Line,  in  defending  the  positions  which  were  confided  to  it,  cov- 
ered itself  with  glory." 

The  Constituent  Roman  Assembly,  in  their  session  of  July  ist, 
adopted,  with  unanimity,  and  viva  voce,  the  Constitution  of  the  Re- 
public. By  this  act  it  fulfilled  the  essential  part  of  its  high  mission ; 
and  it  also  decreed,  on  motion  of  the  Deputy  Agostini,  that  the  law 
be  engraved  on  two  marble  tables  and  placed  in  the  capitol,  as  an 
eternal  monument  of  the  unanimous  will  of  the  people,  legitimately 
represented  by  their  deputies.  The  Monitore  Romano  of  July  2d,  in  its 
comments,  said :  ' '  Woe  to  him  who  shall  touch  those  tables  of  the 
new  civil  and  political  compact  which  the  Roman  people  form  with 
themselves  before  God,  in  the  view  of  all  civilized  nations  !  This  com- 
pact has  been  sealed  with  the  blood  of  martyrs,  with  the  blood  of  all 
those  who,  following  the  voice  of  their  hearts,  hastened  to  Rome,  as 
to  the  ancient  mother,  to  defend  the  honor  and  liberty  of  Italy,  and  to 
lay  the  first  stone  of  her  future  and  inevitable  independence.  What- 
ever may  be  the  present  results  of  measures  which  foreign  supremacy 
is  preparing,  the  assembly,  the  people,  the  national  guard,  and  the 
Roman  army  have  the  consciousness  of  having  fulfilled  their  duty." 

Before  dissolving  the  solemn  session,  the  assembly  decreed  a 
funeral  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter,  to  all  the  heroes  who  sacrificed 
their  lives  for  the  country,  and  for  the  republic,  under  the  walls  of 
Rome.  As  to  the  wounded,  as  no  less  worthy  of  honor,  and  in  need 
of  care,  the  assembly  voted  a  hospital,  and  appropriatetl  for  the  pur- 
pose one  of  the  national  palaces.  Finally,  that  nothing  might  be 
wanting  to  complete  the  harmony  which  always  prevailed  among  the 
people  in  that  conflict,  and  also  reigned  in  the  Constituent  Assembly, 
the  latter  passed  the  following  resolution  of  thanks  to  those  citizens 
who,  in  the  last  moments  of  the  republic,  bravely  fought  to  save  it : 
"The  Constituent  Assembly,  in  the  name  of  God  and  the  people, 
decrees:  The  triumvirs  Armellini,  Mazzini,  and  Saffi  have  deserved 
w^ell  of  the  country."  This  was  signed  by  Allocaletti,  President,  and 
also  by  San  targes,  Cocchi,  Zambianchi,  and  Pinnacchi,  on  the  ist 
of  July. 

On  the  same  day  the  triumvirs,  Giuseppe  Mazzini,  Carlo  Armel-  / 


TRIBUTES  OF  RESPECT. 


559 


lini,  and  Aurelio  Saffi,issued  the  following  proclamation:  "Romans! 
The  triumvirate  is  voluntarily  dissolved.  The  Constituent  Assembly 
will  communicate  to  you  the  names  of  our  successors.  The  assembly, 
deeply  affected,  after  the  act  of  yesterday  performed  by  the  enemy, 
with  a  desire  to  deliver  Rome  from  extreme  dangers,  and  to  prevent 
the  fruitless  sacrifice  of  any  more  lives  for  the  defense,  have  decreed 
the  cessation  of  hostilities.  The  men  who  were  in  the  right  during 
the  contest  could  not  well  continue  to  govern  in  the  new  times  which 
are  preparing.  The  mandate  sent  to  them  has  ceased  de  facto,  and 
they  hasten  to  resign  it  to  the  hands  of  the  assembly. 

"Romans!  Brothers!  you  have  written  a  page  which  will  remain 
in  history  a  proof  of  the  power  and  energy  which  slept  in  you,  and 
of  your  future  deeds,  of  which  no  force  can  deprive  you.  .  .  .  As- 
sembled under  the  republican  banner,  you  have  redeemed  the  honor 
of  the  common  country,  elsewhere  contaminated  by  deeds  of  evil 
men  and  overthrown  by  monarchical  impotency.  Your  triumvirs, 
becoming  simple  citizens  among  you,  carr}'  with  them  the  highest 
comfort  in  their  consciousness  of  pure  intentions,  and  the  honor  of 
having  their  names  associated  \vith  your  bravest  deeds. 

"A  cloud  is  rising  to-day  over  your  prospects  and  you.  It  is  the 
cloud  of  an  hour.  Remain  firm  in  the  consciousness  of  your  re.cti- 
tude  and  with  the  faith  in  which  many  armed  apostles  among  you 
have  died.  God,  who  has  treasured  up  their  blood,  is  surely  for 
you.  God  wills  that  Rome  shall  be  great ;  and  she  will  be.  Yours 
is  not  a  defeat ;  it  is  a  victory  of  the  martyrs  to  whom  the  tomb  is 
the  passage  to  heaven.    .     .    .     Viva  la  Rcpiiblica  Roniana!'' 

Another  tribute  to  the  bravery  of  the  republican  troops  was  paid 
by  General  Avezzana:  "  Romans!  The  last  word  of  the  minister  of 
war  is  a  mark  of  admiration  of  your  valor,  and  an  urgent  request  to 
you  to  persevere  in  the  sacred  enterprise  of  the  redemption  of  Italy. 
Your  mart}-rs  died  with  this  name  upon  their  lips.  Difficulties  of 
your  condition  —  adversity  of  destiny,  diplomatic  snares,  deceitful 
words — let  them  never  arrest  you.  The  legacy  of  the  valiant  who 
have  fallen  for  you  on  the  walls  of  the  Eternal  City  is  holy  and 
inviolate.  They  have  reopened  Roman  history.  Do  you  continue 
its  fame." 

While  the  republican  government  was  in  possession  of  Rome  the 
edifice  of  the  Inquisition,  called  "Sant'  Ufizio, "  (the  Holy  Office) 
was  opened  to  public  view,  and  unexpected  secrets  and  horrors  re- 
vealed to  the  world.  It  had  been  closed  for  three  hundred  years ; 
but  now  w^as  freejy  entered  and  examined  by  thousands  of  the  peo- 


56o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


pie.  De  Boni  has  written  the  most  complete  account  of  it,  and  the 
perusal  of  it  should  convince  those  intelligent  Americans  who  profess 
to  believe  that  such  an  abominable  institution  never  existed  in  Rome 
or  elsewhere.  The  Roman  republicans  not  only  exposed  the  secrets 
of  this  infamous  den,  but  they  decreed  its  abolishment  and  the  erec- 
tion of  a  monument  to  its  bloody  deeds,  after  they  had  established 
on  the  ruins  of  popery  a  system  of  freedom,  on  the  principles  of 
Christianity,  for  which  they  deserve  the  high  honor  which  history 
must  inevitably  award  to  them. 

The  sentiment  of  the  Roman  people  in  that  crisis  was  reflected 
by  the  newspapers,  which  possess,  and  must  ever  retain,  a  peculiar 
interest.  The  following  striking  passage  is  from  the  Monitore  Romano: 
"We  have  said  it,  and  we  repeat  it,  and  we  will  repeat  it  always: 
The  republic  arose  in  Rome  by  universal  suffrage ;  rose  on  the  ruins 
of  the  throne  of  the  popes,  which  the  cry  of  all  Europe,  the  male- 
dictions of  all  civilized  nations,  and  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel  had 
crumbled  into  dust.  To-day,  when  on  that  throne,  stigmatized  by 
civilization,  flows  the  blood  of  so  many  victims,  who  will  dare  to  raise 
it  again?  A  mountain  of  corpses  shuts  up  to  the  pontiff  the  way 
to  that  throne ;  and  to  ascend  it  again,  the  white  stole  of  the  priest 
must  be  dyed  with  human  blood  !  Can  the  pope,  like  the  tyrant,  sit 
upon  a  seat  of  bayonets  ?  But  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  France,  it  is 
not  in  the  power  of  Europe  conspiring,  to  restore  the  pope  to  the 
minds  of  citizens,  after  the  enormous  events  which  have  occurred. 
The  scepter  of  the  pope  is  morally  broken  forever." 

Before  his  departure  from  Rome  Garibaldi  collected  his  troops, 
and  addressed  them  in  his  Spartan  speech,  which  has  been  so  much 
admired  ;  then,  proceeding  out  of  the  gates,  followed  by  a  consider- 
able portion  of  his  soldiers,  he  took  his  course  across  the  Campagna, 
his  wife  accompanying  him  on  horseback,  notwithstanding  all  his 
affectionate  remonstrances.  He  had  resolved  to  make  a  desperate 
effort  rather  than  submit  to  the  enemy ;  and  his  retreat  from  Rome 
to  the  little  port  of  Cesenatico,  on  the  Adriatic,  while  pursued  by  an 
Austrian  and  a  French  army,  was  characterized  by  wonderful  bold- 
ness, skill,  and  judgment.  His  route  lay  through  Forli  and  Canta- 
lupo  to  Terni ;  then  declined  to  the  left  to  Todi,  Capretto,  and  Orvi- 
eto,  where  the  French  troops  showed  themselves ;  then  on  to  the 
frontier  of  Tuscany — after  which  they  passed  Arezzo,  and,  crossing  a 
mountain,  reached  Cisterna ;  then,  passing  on  to  Borgo,  Santangelo 
in  Vado,  and  Montefeltro,  he  arrived  at  San  Marino  near  the  close 
of  July,  and  left  there  on  the  night  of  the  31st  for  Cesenatico, 


GARIBALDI  AND  ANNA.  561 

where  they  embarked  in  several  boats  and  sailed  for  Venice.  Sev- 
eral of  these  were  captured  or  sunk,  and  others  driven  to  the  shore, 
among  which  last  was  that  which  contained  Garibaldi,  his  wife,  Bassi, 
Cicerouacchio,  and  his  two  sons. 

Garibaldi,  in  a  noble  tribute  to  his  wife,  refers  to  their  perilous 
retreat.  "I  determined  to  try  my  fortune  out  of  Rome,"  he  sa)'S, 
"when  the  venerated  city  was  forced  to  succumb  to  the  arms  of 
Louis  Napoleon,  who  had  become  its  conqueror.  Anna  wished  to 
share  the  dangers  of  the  enterprise.  I  objected ;  but  vain  were  all 
remonstrances !  Her  feeble  health  she  treated  as  nothing.  Had  I, 
then,  no  longer  any  desire  to  have  her  with  me,  and  endeavored  to 
leave  her  behind  me  under  various  pretexts?  She  asked  me  whether 
I  doubted  her  courage.  Had  I  not  had  proofs  enough  ?  Oh,  that 
delightful  life  in  camp!  The  magnificent  cavalcade!  And  the  com- 
bats— they  were  delightful  to  her.  And  as  for  fatigue,  privations, 
and  mishaps,  w^iat  are  they  to  one  whose  happiness  is  in  the  heart? 
Anna !  You  were  identified  in  feeling  with  Italy,  and  happy  in  the 
hope  of  the  redemption  of  the  people.  She  did  not  go  armed ;  she 
was  not  spotted  with  blood;  but  her  intrepid  countenance  would  an- 
imate and  put  to  blush  even  a  coward.  And  truly,  under  the  walls 
of  Rome,  and  beyond  them,  brave  men  had  fallen,  and  many  lay 
mutilated  on  the  bed  of  grief  and  despair  in  the  hospitals,  or  weeping 
at  home  over  the  failure  of  our  exertions. 

"The  right  of  the  noble  column  of  Velletri  was  degraded  by  in- 
truders ;  and  the  few  good  men  were  discouraged  by  the  vandalism 
of  dissension  and  the  cowardice  of  some.  The  imposing  presence  of 
the  American  amazon  did  not  avail  at  San  Angelo  in  Vado  and  San 
Marino  to  stop  the  fugitives.  The  word  "cowards,"  uttered  by  her 
in  contempt,  was  borne  away  by  the  wind,  and  no  longer  wounded 
the  ears  of  men  who  had  lost  their  spirit.  Ah!  I  must  recall  the 
glorious  fields  of  San  Antonio,  to  forget  the  disgrace  of  San  Marino. 
Yet  we  happened  to  have  in  our  front  an  enemy  more  timid  than 
ourselves. 

"But,  Anna!  aland  of  slavery  contains  your  precious  remains. 
Italy  will  make  your  grave  free ;  but  what  can  restore  to  your  chil- 
dren their  incomparable  mother  ?  At  San  Marino  she  had  symptoms 
of  a  dangerous  disease,  and  I  insisted  that  she  should  remain  there. 
But  all  in  vain !  The  increasing  dangers  did  not  diminish  her  resolu- 
tion to  go.  At  Cisnatico,  where  we  labored  all  night  to  effect  the 
departure  of  the  boats  designed  to  transport  the  troops  to  Venice, 
Anna,  seated  on  a  rock,  sadly  contemplated  our  wearisome  toil.  She 


552 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


embarked  ;  and  the  time  spent  on  board  was  one  of  continual  suffer- 
ing. She  landed,  exhausted,  on  the  beach  of  Mesola,  and  was 
hard!}'  able  to  walk.  In  vain  she  flattered  herself  that  the  land 
would  restore  her  to  health.  The  land  !  It  had  nothing  to  give 
her  but  a  grave. 

"But,  Italy,  thou  hast  the  ashes  of  Dante,  the  most  celebrated 
of  Italians.  Receive  the  bones  of  the  American  amazon,  the  martyr 
of  Italian  liberty,  and  place  them  near  the  ashes  of  your  great  men, 
and  under  their  protection.  And  you  will  take  part  in  the  pious 
deed,  all  you  Italians  Avho  ever  knew  her.  Every  friend  of  our 
country  will  bless  her  and  the  orphan  children.  And  they  and  I  will 
implore  the  benediction  of  God  upon  you,  and  the  remembrance,  not 
only  of  Italy,  but  of  the  New  World,  their  birthplace  and  her  own. 
Soil  of  generous  men,  press  lightly  on  the  grave  of  the  brave  daughter 
of  America.  And,  O  God,  Protector  of  the  Innocent,  preserve  the 
children  of  the  martyr  and  the  proscript !  And  my  sons,  wdien  you 
are  asked.  Where  are  your  parents?  say,  AVe  are  orphans  for  Italy. 
Yet  ever  love  Italy;  for  she  is  unhappy  indeed." 

After  the  death  of  his  beloved  wife,  Avho  was  buried  in  a  secret 
grave,  known  only  to  himself.  Garibaldi  alone  remained  alive  of  the 
brave  individuals  who  had  been  driven  ashore  by  the  Austrian  squad- 
ron near  the  mouth  of  the  River  Po.  The  Roman  tribune,  with  his 
two  sons,  retreated  to  the  neighboring  marshes,  and  all  of  them  were 
probably  murdered  by  the  Austrians.  The  escape  of  Garibaldi  him- 
self seems  almost  miraculous.  He  succeeded  in  crossing  Italy  in  the 
midst  of  watchful  enemies,  and  reached  Genoa  in  safety,  but  was 
soon  compelled  to  leave  Piedmont.  The  king  of  Sardinia  offered 
him  the  choice  between  prison  and  exile ;  and,  preferring  the  latter, 
Garibaldi  sailed  for  Tunis,  but  through  the  intrigues  of  the  French 
consul  that  Algerian  city  refused  to  receive  him.  He  then  proceeded 
to  America,  and  spent  several  months  in  New  York  and  vicinity, 
recruiting  his  health,  wdiich  his  long  and  extraordinary  series  of  labors, 
privations,  and  sufferings  had  rendered  feeble.  He  also  engaged  in 
humble  daily  labor  for  his  subsistence,  w^orking  for  the  most  of  the 
time  in  the  candle  manufactory  of  his  countryman  and  friend,  Signor 
Meucci,  on  Staten  Island.  He  declined  the  honors  of  a  public 
reception  in  New  York,  and  earnestly  advised  his  fellow-exiles  to 
reject  all  offers  of  pecuniary  aid  from  others  while  they  were  able  to 
earn  their  own  living  by  any  kind  of  labor,  however  severe  or  humble. 
Garibaldi  subsequently  made  several  voyages  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  as 
commander  of  merchant-vessels;  and,  desiring  to  be  near  his  native 


HUGH  BASSI. 


563 


land,  he  departed  from  America  and  returned  to  the  island  of  Mad- 
dalina,  which  lies  off  the  coast  of  Italy  and  adjacent  to  the  islet 
of  Caprera. 

Among  the  martyrs  of  Italy  who  sacrificed  their  lives  in  behalf 
of  the  republic  of  Rome,  in  1849,  Garibaldi  mentions  in  the  highest 
terms  of  praise  the  names  of  Luigi  Carniglia,  Antonio  Elio,  and 
Hugh  or  Ugo  Bassi.  The  latter  was  born  in  the  same  town,  Avas 
of  the  same  age,  and  of  the  same  monastic  order  as  Gavazzi.  He 
was  a  poet,  a  painter,  and  a  musician,  and  excelled  in  each  of  these 
departments  of  genius ;  but  his  greatest  merit  was  as  a  preacher. 
As  a  devoted  religious  counselor  he  was  found  in  the  repubhcan 
army,  exposing  himself  to  danger,  and  twice  receiving  wounds.  On 
one  occasion  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  French,  who  afterwards 
released  him.  This  patriotic  priest  accompanied  Garibaldi  in  his 
battles  and  on  his  celebrated  retreat  after  the  fall  of  Rome.  He  left 
San  Marino  in  company  with  his  leader,  embarked  in  the  same  boat 
with  him  on  the  Adriatic,  and  was  one  of  the  few  of  those  who 
escaped  the  Austrian  squadron  by  landing  on  the  Italian  shore ;  but 
he  was  soon  -after  captured  by  the  Austrian  troops,  taken  to  Bologna, 
and  sentenced  by  a  military  tribunal  to  be  shot,  on  a  false  accusation 
of  having  borne  arms  against  the  emperor.  The  canon  law  prohib- 
ited the  execution  of  a  priest,  and  in  order  to  avoid  the  infringement 
of  this  statute  the  Inquisition  deprived  him  of  the  dignity  of  the 
priesthood,  in  accordance  with  one  of  their  rules,  by  skinning  the 
palms,  forefingers,  and  thumbs  of  both  hands.  Pretending  to  have 
thus  divested  him  of  his  sacred  character,  his  enemies  delivered  him 
him  over  as  a  layman  to  the  ferocious  hordes  of  Corzkowski,  who 
made  short  work  with  him.  **The  scene,"  says  Nicolini,  "was  most 
touching  and  affecting.  He  walked  composedly  to  the  side  of  his 
grave.  He  raised  his  beautiful  black  eyes  to  heaven  and  exclaimed : 
*  I  die  without  remorse ;  I  die  for  my  God  and  my  countr}\  Viva 
Gesu  !  viva  1 '  It — '  Six  homicidal  bullets  prevented  his  uttering 
the  whole  name  of  his  beloved  Italy,  and  he  went  to  finish  it  in  the 
bosom  of  Christ." 

While  Rome  had  surrendered  to  the  French,  and  Austria  had  the 
control  of  the  northern  part  of  Italy,  the  brave  Venetians  remained 
independent.  General  Haynau,  who  operated  against  their  city,  in 
vain  summoned  the  president,  Daniel  Manin,  to  surrender;  he  also 
scorned  to  entertain  the  overtures  for  negotiation  made  by  Radetsky 
in  the  beginning  of  May,  1849,  notwithstanding  the  critical  condition 
of  the  city.    After  a  severe  bombardment  Fort  Malagkera,  one  of 

37 


564 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


the  forts  outside  of  Venice,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Austrians  on 
the  26th  of  May;  but  Manin,  encouraged  by  the  victories  of  the 
Hungarians  over  their  common  enemies,  still  held  out,  though  the 
inhabitants  were  exposed  to  the  incessant  fire  of  the  Austrians  and 
to  the  pangs  of  famine  and  distress,  while  the  cholera  raged  in  the 
city.  It  was  not  until  Venice  was  completely  surrounded  by  the 
enemy,  its  provisions  entirely  exhausted,  and  the  news  of  Gorgey's 
surrender  had  arrived,  that  Manin  consented  to  negotiate.  On  the 
23d  of  August  he  agreed  to  a  capitulation,  after  having  secured  favor- 
able terms,  which  granted  an  amnesty  to  all  that  had  taken  part  in 
the  conflict  except  forty  of  the  most  conspicuous  defenders  of  the 
city,  including,  of  course,  himself,  who  were  compelled  to  withdraw 
before  the  entrance  of  Radetsky,  on  the  30th  of  August.  Manin 
thus  had  the  honor  of  continuing  the  contest  long  after  it  had  ceased 
in  other  parts  of  Italy,  while  his  administrative  genius  and  unselfish 
wisdom  received  universal  admiration. 

After  the  arrival  of  Pius  IX,  at  Gaeta,  on  the  southern  frontiers, 
in  the  latter  part  of  November,  1848,  he  inaugurated  a  rival  govern- 
ment. His  secretary  of  state,  Giacomo  Antonelli,  was  the  controll- 
ing power  in  the  papal  administration.  This  distinguished  leader 
was  born  on  the  2d  of  April,  1806,  and  began  his  brilliant  career 
under  Pope  Gregory  XVI,  who  observed  his  extraordinary  admin- 
istrative talents,  and  successively  promoted  him  to  the  prelacy,  the 
magistracy,  the  office  of  delegate  to  Ovieto,  Viterbo,  and  IMacerato, 
and  that  of  Minister  of  Finance.  Upon  the  elevation  of  Pius  IX,  in 
1846,  Antonelli  was  promoted  to  a  still  higher  position.  He  was  a 
layman,  having  ''distinguished  himself  so  well,"  said  the  witty  M. 
About,  "that  he  escaped  by  divine  aid,  the  sacrament  of  orders. 
He  has  never  said  mass;  he  has  confessed  to  no  one;  I  will  not  affirm 
he  has  confessed  himself"  It  is  not  necessary  to  receive  priestly 
tonsure  in  order  to  become  a  Roman  cardinal.  This  is  required  of 
the  representatives  of  the  fifty  principal  churches  in  the  * '  Eternal 
City"  called  "Cardinal  Priests."  Besides  these  nominal  chief  eccle- 
siastics there  are  six  "Cardinal  Bishops"  w^ho  derive  their  titles  from 
the  six  inferior  bishops  of  the  former  States  of  the  Church.  The 
remaining  fourteen  seats  can  be  occupied,  if  need  be,  by  laymen  or 
by  persons  who  have  received  only  the  first  stages  of  priestly  ordi- 
nation. They  are  called  "Cardinal  Deacons,"  deriving  their  titles 
from  the  fourteen  rioni,  or  wards  of  the  city.  Antonelli  belonged  to 
this  last  class.  He  might  have  sought  and  obtained  holy  orders,  but 
he  possessed  no  abilities  of  a  theological  or  religious  kind.  Hence 


GIACOMO  ANTONELLL  565 

the  sacerdotal  office  was  not  desirable  to  him.  After  being  assigned 
a  place  in  the  consistory  on  the  12th  of  June,  1847,  barely  a  year 
after  the  elevation  of  Pius  IX  to  the  papal  throne,  Antonelli,  from 
conviction  or  from  policy,  adapted  himself  to  the  liberal  sentiments 
then  prevailing  in  the  Vatican  and  throughout  the  country. 


ANTONELLI. 


Shrewd,  affable,  energetic,  it  was  not  long  before  Antonelli  had 
made  himself  almost  absolute.  In  another  year  he  had  become 
prime  minister,  and  no  one  took  a  more  important  part  than  he  in 
the  stirring  events  of  1848-9.  This  crisis  tried  his  diplomatic  skill. 
Yielding  to  the  popular  will  the  papal  government  made  a  progress- 
ive step  and  then  halted.  It  seemed  as  if  the  position  of  the  papacy 
would  hasten  the  downfall  of  monarchy  every-where.  Antonelli  was 
alarmed  at  the  situation,  and  the  court  of  Rome  felt  the  uneasiness 


566 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


that  pervaded  the  royal  courts  of  the  Continent.  The  assassination 
of  Count  Rossi,  the  demand  of  the  hberals  and  the  flight  of  the 
pope  to  Gaeta  made  the  situation  still  more  precarious,  but  Antonelli 
began  to  prepare  for  the  restoration  of  Pius  IX,  not  by  the  free 
suffrages  of  his  former  subjects,  but  by  the  bayonets  of  foreign  troops. 
The  Austrians,  against  whose  occupation  of  Ferrara  a  few  brief 
months  before  he  had  protested,  were  now  invited  to  become  instru- 
ments in  the  work  with  the  French,  Spaniards,  and  Neapolitans. 
Louis  Napoleon  heard  and  answered  the  summons,  and  at  his  com- 
mand the  French  Republic  sent  its  army  to  suppress  its  sister  Roman 
Republic.  He  established  a  regime  which  consecrated  tyranny  as 
a  fundamental  principle.  "All  classes  of  society,"  said  About,  in 
1859,  **hate  him  equally.  Concini  was  not  more  detested.  He  is 
the  only  man  about  whom  all  the  people  are  agreed." 


SIXTH  DECADE,  1850-1860. 


Chapter  XL 

THE  POLITICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  gAJ^JZM: 

THE  ministry  of  D'Azeglio  and  his  policy  of  national  renovation 
were  earnestly  supported  by  Cavour,  who  became  the  leader  of 
the  Right  Center  while  Rjittazzi  was  acknowledged  to  be  the  champion 
of  the  Left.  These  two  parliamentary  chiefs  who,  together  with 
D'Azeglio,  occupied  such  a  prominent  position  in  Italian  politics 
when  constitutional  government  was  on  its  trial,  were  dissimilar  in 
their  personal  characteristics,  but  they  were  subsequently  attracted 
toward  each  other,  as  it  were,  by  the  ''affinity  of  contraries,"  though 
at  first  differing  in  their  political  principles.  Rattazzi  was  an  accom- 
plished orator,  richly  endowed  with  all  those  qualities  which  constitute 
an  able  advocate.  Cavour  was  a  ready  debater  of  great  skill,  and 
possessing  those  rarer  abilities  which  proclaim  the  profound  states- 
man. Rattazzi,  whether  as  the  strong  ally  of  the  administration  or 
the  able  exponent  of  the  opposition,  seldom  exhibited  the  construc- 
tive genius  of  Cavour  in  originating  a  policy,  while  the  latter  was 
never  contented  unless  he  was  at  the  head  of  affairs,  devising  plans 
for  a  campaign  or  organizing  a  victory.    Indeed,  he  was  too  self- 


TIVO  STA  TESMEN. 


567 


reliant  and  independent  to  occupy  a  subordinate  place  in  the  cabinet, 
and  disliked  to  share  power  and  responsibility  with  others.  "Self- 
conscious  and  imperious,  he  demanded  instruments,  not  advisers; 
machinery,  not  motive  power;  subalterns,  not  peers."  While  both 
were  equally  bold  and  resolute  in  the  face  of  difficulties  or  danger, 
Cavour  displayed  the  greater  tact  and  sagacity  in  avoiding  the  latter 
and  overcoming  the  former.  The  many  aspects  of  a  question  were 
seen  as  quickly  and  as  clearly  by  Rattazzi  as  they  were  by  Cavour, 
but  the  latter  examined  it  more  closely,  and,  challenging  it  at  every 
point,  studied  its  various  relations,  calculated  its  bearings,  estimated 
its  disturbing  forces,  and  projected  its  orbit. 

Possessing  a  mathematical  mind,  Cavour  naturally  submitted  every 
question,  whether  political  or  moral,  to  the  severest  test,  as  he  would 
if  considering  the  arc  of  a  circle  or  the  segment  of  a  sphere.  Rattazzi 
was  gifted  with  forensic  powers,  and,  after  selecting  his  position, 
endeavored  to  fortify  it  with  the  strongest  arguments.  With  judicial 
precision  Cavour  canvassed  the  whole  range  of  possibilities  surround- 
ing a  question,  and  then,  by  an  act  of  induction,  arrived  at  a  conclu- 
sion. "The  intellectual  process  of  the  one  involved  an  analysis  which 
only  contemplated  a  subordinate  synthesis ;  that  of  the  other  a  broad 
and  comprehensive  synthesis,  which  implied  every  possible  analysis." 
Rattazzi  was  probably  a  better  judge  of  men  as  individuals,  but  no 
one  could  excel  Cavour  in  the  art  of  utilizing  them  as  forces.  He 
regarded  them,  however,  as  something  more  than  mere  instruments, 
and,  after  finding  in  each  man's  individuality  what  he  could  use  to 
make  his  specialty  a  success,  he  appropriated  it  without  seeming  tO' 
interfere  with  the  man's  independence.  In  fine,  Rattazzi  ruled  his. 
party  by  the  power  of  his  eloquence,  as  his  style  was  flowing  and  his 
diction  elegant  to  a  remarkable  degree.  Cavour,  though  his  utterance 
was  difficult  and  his  elocution  painful,  controlled  the  chambers  by- 
"the  simple  force  of  his  genius." 

In  the  reaction  which  followed  the  revolution  of  1848,  whem 
Europe  was  passing  into  the  shadow  of  a  liberal  eclipse,  Cavour  was 
more  resolute  than  ever  in  accomplishing  his  work  of  reform.  In« 
times  of  revolution  he  was  a  conservative;  but,  in  the  days  of  reac- 
tion, he  became  a  radical.  After  separating  himself  from  the  Right 
he  inclined  more  and  more  to  the  Left,  though  the  party  of  which  he- 
was  now  the  chief  was  small  and  apparently  without  any  hope  of 
success.  Yet  by  skillful  management  he  made  that  "little  phalanx"' 
influential,  and  became,  in  fact,  the  leader  of  the  parliamentary  major- 
ity.   He  was  the  same  frank  and  simple  defender  of  the  constitution 


568 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


before  the  crisis  as  after  it.  The  boasting  of  impotent  revolutionists 
excited  his  contempt  and  antipathy,  and,  unmoved  by  their  threats, 
he  earnestly  supported  the  government  more  especially  in  the  critical 
days,  which  immediately  succeeded  the  overthrow  at  Novara  until 
peace  was  definitely  settled,  which  was  only  in  January,  1850.  In 
the  mean  time  Cavour  still  remained  a  bold  and  active  liberal,  indors- 
ing and  accepting  the  "  statuto "  with  all  its  conditions,  guarantees, 
and  consequences.  In  sustaining  the  ministry  he  often  stimulated 
and  advanced  beyond  it,  and,  by  degrees,  became  the  chief — the 
leader,  if  not  of  the  conservative  majority,  with  which  he  kept  pace — 
at  least  of  the  liberal  fraction  of  that  majority.  He  did  not  favor  a 
conservative  policy,  because  he  was  naturally  a  partisan  of  immobil- 
ity; but  he  w^ished  to  show  that,  when  exigencies  demanded  power 
and  action,  the  moderate  parliamentary  leader,  like  himself,  possessed 
the  statesmanship  to  meet  the  crisis.  In  order  that  he  might  demon- 
strate this,  opportunities  were  afforded  him, as  they  naturally  presented 
themselves  in  connection  with  a  policy  and  a  constitutional  system 
which  constantly  bring  parties  into  collision. 

The  abolition  of  "privileged  jurisdictions  and  ecclesiastical  immu- 
nities in  the  administration  of  justice"  was  evidently  one  of  the  sim- 
plest results  of  this  system.  It  was  natural  that  Count  Balbo  and 
Count  Revel,  who  were  friends  of  the  ministry,  and  the  most  con- 
servative and  the  most  religious  of  the  men  on  the  Right,  should  not 
doubt  the  principle,  but  they  did  ask  that  negotiations  should  be 
made  first  with  the  pope.  Such  negotiations  had  been  carried  on  in 
vain  for  two  years,  and  any  further  delay  would  only  weaken  the  new 
institutions,  and  create  the  impression  that  in  a  liberal  state  there 
could  be  two  laws,  two  jurisdictions,  and  two  powers.  While  there 
were  many  other  questions  of  civil  reforms  and  ecclesiastical  organ- 
izations which  infallibly  arise  from  a  constitutional  regime,  yet  the  min- 
istry, under  the  circumstances,  hesitated  to  advance  so  far,  and  in  its 
modesty  only  proposed  the  abolition  of  ecclesiastical  privileges,  of  that 
which  was  called  the  foro.  Count  Siccardi,  the  minister  of  justice, 
introduced  such  a  bill,  which  was  advocated  by  all  the  sincere  Lib- 
erals, contested  by  some  of  the  ministerial  Right,  and  bitterly  opposed 
by  the  members  of  the  reaction. 

•Cavour,  among  others,  had  urged  the  ministry  to  present  the  bill, 
and  therefore  embraced  the  opportunity  of  indorsing  it.  In  discuss- 
ing the  matter  he  boldly  favored  the  resumption  of  a  "  true  constitu- 
tional policy,"  by  claiming  the  civil  rights  of  society  in  the  face 
of  the  privileges  of  the  Church.    He  combated  those  who  were 


CAVOUI^S  POLICY. 


569 


always  opposed  to  reforms — sometimes  because  the  national  mind 
was  agitated,  at  others  because  it  was  tranquil.  After  directing  the 
attention  of  his  hearers  to  English  statesmen,  who  understood  how 
to  change  the  tide  of  every  revolution  by  the  use  of  opportune  meas- 
ures, Cavour  added:  "When  reforms  are  effected  in  good  time,  far 
from  weakening  authority,  they  strengthen  it,  rendering  the  revo- 
lutionary spirit  powerless.  I  would  say,  therefore,  to  statesmen : 
Frankly  follow  the  examples  of  the  duke  of  Wellington,  Earl  Grey, 
and  Sir  Robert  Peel,  .  .  .  follow  broadly  the  road  of  reforms, 
without  fear  of  their  being  inopportune.  Do  not  think  that  it  will 
weaken  the  cause  of  the  constitutional  throne,  for  it  will,  on  the  con- 
trary, strengthen  it  and  will  strike  such  deep  roots  into  our  soil  that, 
should  revolution  spring  up  around  us,  not  only  will  it  have  power  to 
dominate  revolution,  but  it  will  gather  about  it  all  the  live  forces  of 
Italy,  and  conduct  the  7iatioti  to  the  destinies  aivaiting  her. ' ' 

This  speech  in  favor  of  ecclesiastical  reform  was  delivered  in 
March,  1850,  and  marks  the  turning-point  in  Cavour's  political  his- 
tory, so  far,  at  least,  as  it  regards  his  popularity.  Henceforth  his 
name  was  to  become  a  tower  of  strength.  Reform  became  his  watch- 
word— Church  reform,  financial  reform,  postal  reform,  reform  in  the 
revenue  service,  in  the  civil  service.  He  favored  "administrative 
decentralization,  so  far  as  consistent  with  political  unity,  the  abolition 
of  the  military  commandants,  and  the  complete  emancipation  of  the 
state  from  the  trammels  of  the  Church."  In  this  speech  Cavour 
revealed  his  innermost  thought,  manifestly  proceeding  beyond  the 
limits  of  a  special  question,  and  profoundly  impressing  the  public 
mind  with  the  fact  that  he  was  not  only  the  author  of  a  policy,  but 
the  very  man  created  to  conduct  it. 

The  cruelly  embarrassed  condition  of  Piedmontese  finance  aftorded 
Cavour  another  opportunity  of  showing  his  ability  as  a  statesman. 
It  was  not  one  of  those  questions  which  excite  every  passion  of  the 
soul  and  appeal  to  the  most  tender  emotions,  but  the  stern,  prac- 
tical fact  of  a  deficit  of  six  millions  per  annum.  He  faithfully  sup- 
ported the  government,  and  exposed  the  puerile  charges  and  chimer- 
ical schemes  that  were  brought  against  it,  and  yet,  in  criticising  its 
financial  policy,  he  caused  it  to  feel  "the  prick  of  the  spur."  First, 
reviewing  the  economical  position,  like  a  man  who  was  perfectl}'  famil- 
iar with  the  facts,  then  considering  them  with  clearness  and  confidence, 
he  said,  at  the  end  of  the  list :  "Be  careful ;  if,  in  the  next  session,  the 
ministry  does  not  bring  forward  a  financial  scheme  by  which  to  restore 
the  balance  with  a  reformed  custom-house  tariff,  and  the  system  of  tax- 


570  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


ation  which  the  country  needs,  I  shall  deeply  regret  it ;  we  shall,  my 
friends  and  I,  be  compelled  to  abandon  it.  .  .  .  Although  the 
condition  of  our  country  is  serious,  it  is  by  no  means  desperate ;  we 
only  need  a  little  strength  of  will  and  courage  to  make  it  accede  to 
the  necessary  taxation.  .  .  .  Let  us  hear  no  more  of  party 
agitations ;  the  union  between  the  king  and  the  nation  is  sufficiently 
close  and  well  established,  there  is  nothing  to  fear  from  extreme  revo- 
lutionary or  reactionary  parties.  I  do  not  fear  the  spread  of  either 
one  or  the  other.  .  .  .  Proceed,  therefore,  banish  alarms ;  you 
will  have  the  support  of  parliament  and  of  the  country,  even  in  the 
most  distressing  portion  of  our  task — the  re-establishment  of  the 
balance  of  expenditure  and  income." 

The  great  ability,  decision  of  mind,  and  prompt  activity  exhib- 
ited by  Cavour  in  political  and  financial  matters  were  now  fully  recog- 
nized, and  people  discerned  in  him  the  earnest  man  and  the  wise 
minister,  who  is  ripe  for  work  and  anxious  to  restore  lost  time. 
Hence,  when  Santa  Rosa,  the  minister  of  commerce,  died  unexpect- 
edly in  October,  1850,  the  name  of  Cavour  instantly  suggested  itself 
Indeed,  every  thing  seemed  to  concur  in  designating  him  as  the 
proper  successor  of  the  deceased  official  at  a  time  when  surrounding 
circumstances  were  somewhat  unpleasant.  By  order  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Turin,  Mgr.  Fransoni  harshly  refused  the  last  sacraments 
of  the  Church  to  the  unfortunate  Santa  Rosa,  who,  though  a  pro- 
foundly religious  man,  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Jesuits,  be- 
cause he  had  taken  part  in  the  introduction,  as  well  as  the  vote,  of  the 
law  of  the  foro.  How  sad  the  spectacle  of  a  man,  on  his  deathbed, 
begging  for  the  prayers  of  the  priest,  and,  at  the  same  time,  refusing 
to  utter  a  recantation  which  he  considered  would  dishonor  his  name. 

Public  opinion  was  profoundly  moved  at  Turin,  and  naturally  turned 
toward  Cavour,  who  had  been  the  intimate  friend  of  Santa  Rosa,  and 
who,  more  than  any  other,  had  contributed  to  the  sifccess  of  the  law 
of  the  foro.  D' Azeglio  himself  was  delighted  with  the  proposition  to 
introduce  into  his  cabinet  such  an  ''able  and  vigorous  athlete,"  and 
when  he  went  to  Victor  Emmanuel  to  suggest  his  appointment,  the 
king,  without  exhibiting  any  more  surprise  than  the  rest,  replied  with 
his  usual  sagacity,  will  accept  him;  but  wait  a  little,  and  he  will 
rob  you  of  all  your  portfolios."  Cavour  had  made  no  conditions, 
neither  concerning  men  nor  things,  but  simply  repeated  his  old  say- 
ing of  the  Villa  Bolongaro :  ''We  will  do  something."  He  recog- 
nized the  fact  that  a  cabinet  minister  would  have  what  power  he  is 
capable  of  exercising.    His  acceptance  of  the  portfolio  marked  a 


VARIOUS  REFORMS. 


new  era  in  Italian  affairs.  It  was  truly  a  fortunate  circumstance  that 
a  country  so  completely  conquered  and  humiliated  should  find,  in  the 
moment  of  its  greatest  need,  a  noble  prince,  inspired  with  patriotism, 
who,  aided  by  devoted  men,  resolved  to  perpetuate  constitutional  lib- 
erty. In  view  of  the  almost  irreparable  disaster  that  had  recently 
prostrated  the  nation,  its  restoration  was  a  complicated  and  difficult 
work,  that  could  not  be  performed  in  a  single  day  or  by  a  single 
blow,  but  was  destined  to  be  accomplished  after  peculiar  and  severe 
struggles.  It  had  two  prominent  phases,  the  first  of  which  was  the 
ministry  of  D'Azeglio,  which  Cavour  entered  in  October,  1850.  Oc- 
curring soon  after  the  defeat  of  Novara,  this  event  truly  terminated 
the  period  of  national  disgrace  and  ruin,  and  inaugurated  that  of 
reform.  The  new  ministry,  accepting  peace  as  a  necessity,  devoted 
its  energies  to  the  task  of  strengthening  liberal  institutions. 

D'Azeglio  was  a  man  of  great  moderation,  affable  disposition,  and 
commanding  dignity,  and  these  qualities  were  of  advantage  to  him  in 
his  efforts  to  conciliate  the  European  powers.  While  he  was  labor- 
ing to  remove  external  distrust,  and  re-establish  the  diplomatic  posi- 
tion of  Piedmont,  Count  Siccardi  endeavored  to  secure  ecclesiastical 
reforms.  General  Alfonso  La  Marmora,  minister  of  war,  having 
restored  peace  at  Genoa,  proceeded  to  reconstruct  an  army  which 
had  been  demoralized  by  defeat.  He  inaugurated  a  new  system  of 
military  instruction,  and  changed  military  institutions,  especially 
reconstructing  officers'  corps,  by  opening  the  ranks  of  the  regular 
army  to  most  of  the  other  Italian  provinces  who  had  fought  with  the 
Piedmontese  during  the  war.  He  inspired  all  with  the  same  patriotic 
spirit,  saying,  *  *  I  trust  that  from  whatever  province  they  may  come, 
the  officers  are  fully  penetrated  with  the  national  sentiment,  which 
makes  all  Italians  equally  devoted  sons  of  the  same  great  country — 
Italy!"  La  Marmora  did  not  hesitate  to  make  himself  responsible 
before  the  Chambers  by  pushing  on  the  fortifications  of  Casale, 
which  ten  years  later  (in  1859)  were  to  arrest  the  Austrian  invasion. 

In  185 1,  on  the  retirement  of  Nigra,  Cavour  assumed  the  port- 
folio of  finance,  in  addition  to  that  of  agriculture  and  commerce. 
He  was  admirably  fitted  for  both  these  positions,  having  a  profound 
knowledge  of  political  economy,  which  rendered  him  an  authority  in 
financial  questions.  He  immediately  commenced  the  difficult  task 
of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  treasury,  favored  the  abolition  of 
discriminating  duties,  and  concluded  commercial  treaties  with  Swit- 
zerland, Belgium,  Denmark,  France,  and  England,  on  the  basis  of 
free  trade,  which,  as  Bianchi  remarks,  ''were  so  many  decisive  bat- 


572 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ties  against  Austria,  gained  on  the  field  of  diplomacy."  In  this  gen- 
eral work  of  national  renovation,  Cavour,  as  minister  of  commerce 
and  finance,  rendered  important  assistance  by  emancipating  com- 
merce, and  establishing  combinations  of  imposts.  In  securing  these 
economic  reforms,  he  displayed  an  inexhaustible  fertility  of  resource 
and  untiring  activity,  which  soon  gave  him  a  great  influence  in 
parliament. 

Piedmont  entered  afresh  upon  the  path  of  national  progress;  but, 
in  advancing,  it  met  with  two  obstacles,  which  D'  Mazade  calls  "one 
matter  of  general  policy,  and  another  of  parliamentary  conduct."  It 
would  seem  that  the  question  of  ''general  policy"  had  been  decided; 
but  it  continued  to  present  itself  at  every  step  and  in  every  form, 
under  conditions  in  which  every  thing  had  been  modified.  At  the 
formation  of  D  'Azeglio's  new  ministry  Cavour,  as  we  have  stated 
previously,  was  striving  to  uphold,  despite  the  repulse  at  Novara, 
the  flag  of  the  "statuto,"  and  the  liberal  cause  of  the  nation;  but, 
knowing  that  a  warlike  and  revolutionary  opposition  Avas  dangerous, 
he  was  compelled  to  dissolve  a  chamber.  A  second  dissolution  of 
the  parliament,  however,  was  necessary,  through  the  intervention  of 
the  king,  before  he  could  obtain  from  the  country  a  parliamentary 
assembly  with  which  he  might  harmoniously  work.  There  was  in 
this  new  ministry  a  very  large  majority,  composed  of  all  shades  of 
conservatism^  while  the  Left  represented  a  minority  too  small  to  be 
feared.  This  conservative  chamber  gave  Piedmont  peace  and  good 
order,  and  saved  her  from  ruin. 

An  entirely  new  condition  of  affairs  followed  the  acceptance  and 
conclusion  of  peace.  The  internal  state  of  the  country  was  again 
considered  a  question  of  primary  importance,  and  there  was  a  visible 
modification  and  transformation  of  parties.  Such  men  as  Pinelli, 
Boncompagni,  and  Castelli,  representing  a  fraction  of  the  majority, 
and  constituting  a  liberal  conservative  center,  did  not  hesitate  to  sus- 
tain the  ministry  in  its  efforts  to  secure  a  wise  reform.  Balbo,  Count 
Revel,  and  Colonel  Menabrea,  of  the  extreme  Right,  and  a  few  depu- 
ties from  Savoy,  manifested  some  opposition.  This  party,  though 
strongly  and  sincerely  constitutional,  and  not  desirous  to  separate 
itself  from  the  government,  was,  nevertheless,  in  fact,  stationary  or 
reactionary,  favoring  the  "statuto,"  but  not  its  results,  and  often  em- 
barrassed the  government  while  supporting  it. 

When  the  law  of  the  forv  was  presented  by  the  ministry,  Count 
Balbo  and  his  friends  opposed  it.  When  reforms  in  political  econ- 
omy were  being  accomplished  by  Cavour,  and  he  was  negotiating 


PARTIES  IN  PARLIAMENT, 


573 


with  France,  England,  and  Belgium  for  a  treaty  of  commerce,  Count 
Revel  and  the  conservativ^e  protectionists  arrayed  themselves  against 
his  measures.  While  Colonel  Menabrea,  at  that  time  a  young  and 
brilliant  officer  of  engineers,  and  an  eloquent  speaker,  did  not  exactly 
assume  a  hostile  attitude,  he  occupied  a  position  somewhat  similar  to 
that  of  a  clerical  and  conservative  dissenter.  He  had  abandoned  the 
post  of  first  secretary  of  foreign  affairs  when  the  question  of  ecclesi- 
astical privileges  was  first  introduced.  Mean  time,  in  the  opposite 
camp,  a  movement  in  the  opposite  direction  was  transpiring.  The 
extreme  Left — composed  of  such  men  as  the  Tecchios,  the  Sineos,  and 
the  Brofferios — was  deeply  excited,  and  as  usual,  passionate  declama- 
tions resounded  there.  But  already  a  small  party  was  detaching 
itself  from  this  democratic  combination,  constituting,  as  it  were,  a  Left 
Center,  with  Rattazzi,  Lauza,  Cadorna,  and  Buffa.  This  Left  Center 
gradually  approached  nearer  to  the  government,  and  even  sometimes 
supported  ministerial  reforms  by  its  votes,  though  often  its  tactics 
seemed  to  be  hostile. 

The  condition  of  parliament  presented  a  singular  aspect.  On  the 
one  hand  the  ministry,  having  a  majority,  secured  peace ;  but  a  part 
of  it  either  resisted  or  became  indifferent  whenever  the  government 
adopted  a  national  and  liberal  policy ;  on  the  other,  the  cabinet  en- 
countered opposition,  which  originated  chiefly  in  1 848  and  1849;  t>ut 
even  this  was  yielding  to  "the  sobering  influence  of  events."  Yet 
these  former  adversaries  might  either  become  useful  allies  or  danger- 
ous opponents.  Hence  the  situation  was  exciting,  uncertain,  critical. 
It  was  evident  that  some  positive  step  must  be  taken.  If  the  Right 
should  dictate  the  policy  of  the  government,  there  was  danger  of  its 
drifting  toward  reaction,  which  would  one  day  affect  the  system  of 
religious  reforms,  and  probably  also  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and 
electoral  law.  A  persistent  adherence  to  the  policy  that  had  been 
inaugurated  involved  the  necessity  of  obtaining,  by  other  alliances 
and  other  support,  enough  strength  to  make  up  for  defections  in  the 
right.  The  ministry  appreciated  the  situation ;  but  the  question  be- 
came complicated  by  the  differences  of  the  temperament  in  D  'Aze- 
glio  and  Cavour,  who  were  both  at  the  same  time  friends  and  com- 
petitors in  the  government. 

These  two  men  held  exactly  the  same  opinions  relative  to  the 
adoption  of  a  liberal  policy  by  Piedmont ;  but  D  'Azeglio,  for  diplo- 
matic reasons,  as  well  as  from  personal  characteristics,  hesitated  before 
precipitating  an  avowed  conflict  with  the  right.  He  had  been  ele- 
vated to  the  ministry  because  of  devotion  to  the  services  of  his  coun- 


574 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


try  rather  than  from  taste  or  ambition  on  his  part,  and  while  in 
power  he  remained  the  same  generous  and  pohte  gentleman,  saga- 
cious and  amiable  ;  brave  in  the  midst  of  dangers  ;  somewhat  deficient 
in  energy  in  overcoming  the  difficulties  of  daily  life,  and  easily 
fatigued  by  business.  Cavour  had  the  activity  and  perseverance  of 
a  public  man  who  had  a  passion  for  business  matters,  and  not  only 
foresaw  coming  troubles,  but  immediately  commenced  to  counteract 
or  to  overcome  them.  He  deeply  and  painfully  felt  .reluctant  to  sep- 
arate from  the  ''friends  of  childhood,"  as  he  called  them.  On  one 
occasion,  in  an  animated  discussion,  he  was  opposed  by  some  old 
friends,  and,  though  manifesting  considerable  emotion,  resolutely  ex- 
claimed, ''Yes,  gentlemen,  I  know  that  in  entering  on  political  life, 
in  time  of  such  difficulties  as  these,  one  must  be  prepared  for  the 
greatest  deceptions.  I  am  prepared  for  it.  Should  I  be  compelled 
to  give  up  all  the  friends  of  my  childhood ;  if  I  should  have  to  see  my 
most  intimate  acquaintances  transformed  into  my  bitterest  enemies,  I 
would  not  fail  in  my  duty.  I  will  never  abandon  the  principles  of 
liberty,  to  which  I  have  avowed  allegiance."  If  the  cause  of  national 
reform  could  only  succeed  by  arraying  his  best  friends  against  him, 
Cavour  was  willing  to  endure  even  that.  "  I  have  been  accused,"  he 
says  later,  ' '  of  having  separated  from  old  friends ;  the  accusation  is 
unfounded.  I  have  not  left  them,  but  they  have  left  me.  I  did  every 
thing  to  retain  them  and  to  persuade  them;  it  is  they  who  have 
refused  to  follow  me.  Ought  I,  then,  to  have  stood  alone,  rejecting 
the  co-operation  of  those  who  were  disposed  to  follow  me?" 

Those  who  exhibited  any  disposition  to  follow  him  belonged  to 
the  Left  Center,  chiefly  represented  by  Rattazzi.  Cavour  well  remem- 
bered the  course  pursued  by  the  Left  Center  in  the  parliamentary 
affairs  of  1848  and  1849;  ^^^^  fought  them  then,  and  still  more 
recently,  and  he  resolved  to  do  so,  when  necessary,  to  the  end.  He 
would  not,  however,  permit  the  recollections  of  former  conflicts 
to  prevent  an  alliance  by  which  the  government  might  be  emanci- 
pated and  the  condition  of  parliament  strengthened.  He  proposed, 
therefore,  the  formation  of  a  party  composed  of  men  of  extreme 
opinions,  and  representing  all  shades  of  liberalism.  Although  these 
new  allies  were  not  harmonious,  yet  he  was  confident  that  he  could 
control  them.  "It  was  all  deducible,"  says  D'Mazade,  "  to  a  ques- 
tion of  apropos  ;  and  Cavour,  by  a  marvel  of  dexterity,  chose  for  the 
more  decisive  affirmation  of  that  evolution  of  liberal  policy  meditated 
by  him  exactly  the  moment  when  Piedmont  was  compelled  to  '  reef 
sail,'  and  pay  an  apparent  tribute  to  the  reactionary  spirit." 


CAVOUR  ABANDONS  THE  CONSERVATIVES. 


575 


While  D'Azeglio  presided  over  the  cabinet  Cavour,  by  his  pecul- 
iar tact  and  ability,  was  already  in  reality  prime  minister.  A  crisis 
suddenly  arose  which  demanded  the  exercise  of  great  prudence.  It 
was  when  the  coup  d'etat  of  December  2,  185  i,  burst  upon  France, 
and  whose  echo  resounded  like  the  death  knell  of  liberty  in  Piedmont. 
A  new  Napoleon  seemed  to  confront  Europe,  and  the  smaller  coun- 
tries, like  Piedmont  and  Belgium,  were  uneasy,  because  they  sheltered 
the  refugees  from  Paris,  and  tolerated  the  freedom  and  independence 
of  the  press.  Indeed,  the  repressive  policy  of  Louis  Napoleon  in 
France  was  a  menace  to  constitutional  liberty  wherever  it  existed, 
and  also  an  encouragement  to  the  absolutist  and  reactionary  parties. 
Piedmont  especially  occupied  an  embarrassing  position,  the  situation 
in  France  being  full  of  peril,  and  Austria  waiting  to  take  every  advan- 
tage of  her,  and  besides,  her  trouble  and  vexation  were  likely  to  be 
increased  by  the  imprudence  of  the  press  or  refugees. 

The  cabinet  at  Turin  appreciated  the  difficulties  and  delicacies  of 
the  situation,  and  as  early  as  January  7,  1852,  it  hastened  to  justify 
itself  to  the  French  government  by  proposing  a  law  on  the  press,  by 
which  offenses  against  foreign  princes  were  to  be  transferred  to  the 
ordinary  tribunals,  and  not  to  be  tried  by  jury.  The  Piedmontese 
cabinet  was  compelled  to  accept  what  it  could  not  avoid,  and 
D'Azeglio  thus  ingeniously  stated  the  case:  Suppose  we  had  to 
traverse  one  of  those  regions  where  wild  beasts  abound,  and  pass 
close  to  a  den  where  a  lion  was  sleeping,  and  that  one  of  our  guides 
told  us,  *  Do  not  speak — make  no  noise,  lest  you  should  awaken 
him  ;'  and  if  one  of  us  were  to  begin  to  sing  I  imagine  we  should 
all  combine  to  shut  his  mouth.  ...  Or  again,  if  notwithstand- 
ing all  possible  precaution  and  prudence  the  lion  awakes  and  springs 
upon  us,  then,  if  we  are  men  we  must  fight."  By  this  striking 
apologue  D'Azeglio  expressed  the  necessity  of  prudence ;  but  the 
great  work  of  adjusting  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  devolved  upon 
Cavour,  who  boldly  opposed  the  reactionists,  labored  to  establish  the 
integrity  of  Piedmontese  policy,  and  preserve  inviolate  the  institu- 
tions of  the  country.  He  proposed  to  accomplish  this  by  uniting  the 
liberal  elements  in  parliament. 

The  conservative  party,  with  a  view  of  inaugurating  the  oppressive 
policy  which  Napoleon  had  adopted  in  France,  urged  the  absolute 
necessity  of  modifying  the  electoral  laws  and  greatly  restricting  the 
liberty  of  the  press.  The  discussion  concerning  the  latter,  which 
occurred  in  the  early  part  of  1852,  will  be  memorable  in  the  political 
career  of  Cavour,  as  marking  his  complete  separation  from  the  con- 


576 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


servative  party  and  his  coalition  with  the  Left  Center,  or  hberal  pro- 
gressives. In  his  celebrated  speech  on  the  liberty  of  the  press  he 
declared  that,  though  it  was  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems  of 
modern  legislation,  still  there  was  no  other  effectual  remedy  for  its 
abuse  than  public  opinion  or  the  press  itself.  Cavour  was  criticised 
and  censured  for  his  course  on  this  occasion,  being  stigmatized  as  a 
renegade,  who  had  falsified  his  past  record  and  become  the  champion 
of  a  policy  not  his  own. 

Colonel  Menabrea,  the  representative  of  conservatism,  was  alarmed, 
and  more  earnestly  advocated  a  greater  restriction  of  the  liberty  of 
the  press.  Ratazzi,  on  the  other  hand,  defended  liberalism,  and 
promised  to  support  the  ministry,  provided  it  maintained  a  law  which 
he  regarded  as  temporarily  needful.  Cavour  was  prominent  in  this 
parliamentary  combat,  speaking  in  favor  of  the  law,  exposing  the 
whole  policy  of  the  government  with  remarkable  precision  and  ability, 
accepting  offers  of  aid  from  the  chiefs  of  the  Left  Center,  and  consid- 
ering Colonel  Menabrea's  speech  as  the  declaration  of  a  rupture. 
The  struggle  between  these  leaders  was  sharp,  and  in  the  melee  the 
strongest  passions  were  exhibited.  The  efforts  of  peace-makers  to 
render  the  contest  less  bitter  were  not  entirely  successful.  The  Right 
proposed  a  divorce,  followed  by  a  new  marriage — a  connubio,  as  Revel 
called  it,  in  referring  to  the  events  of  1848  for  an  argument  against 
the  new  alliance.  This  sudden  change  surprised  all ;  and  even 
Colonel  Menabrea  was  astonished  at  the  excitement  he  had  pro- 
duced, remarking,  with  some  sadness:  *'The  minister  of  finance 
wants  to  set  sail  in  the  direction  of  a  new  parliamentary  coast,  and 
land  on  another  shore.  He  has  a  right  to  act  as  he  pleases,  but  I 
shall  not  go  with  him."  Cavour's  reply  was:  '*It  is  not  true  that 
the  ministry  has  directed  its  helm  towards  other  shores.  It  has  made 
no  movement  of  the  sort ;  but  wishes  to  go  in  the  direction  of  the 
prow,  instead  of  in  the  direction  of  the  stern."  These  explanations 
resulted  in  greater  divisions,  and  the  question  of  the  law  of  the 
press,  though  to  some  extent  insignificant,  became  the  pretext  for  a 
decisive  battle,  that  had  had  been  skillfully  planned,  and  was  bravely 
fought  out  in  parliament. 

A  few  members  of  the  cabinet  complained  of  Cavour's  daring 
maneuver  because  he  was  pledging  the  ministry  to  do  more  than  it 
was  inclined  to  perform  ;  and  D'Azeglio  himself  did  his  utmost  to 
moderate  the  conflict,  and  explain  the  words  of  his  impetuous  col- 
league. But  the  blow  had  been  struck,  and  was  resounding  through 
parliament  and  through  the  country.    Cavour  was  now  the  recog- 


RESIGN  A  TION  OF  CA  VOUR. 


577 


nized  leader  of  liberal  opinions,  having  been  compelled,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  abandon  the  conservative  party,  with  its  reactionary  tenden- 
cies, because  it  either  could  not  or  would  not  advance  in  the  path  of 
reform  which  he  had  marked  out  for  himself,  When  his  former  friends 
and  allies  refused  to  support  his  measures,  he  turned  to  the  liberals, 
believing  that  a  multiplicity  of  expedients  is  not  inconsistent  with 
unity  of  purpose.  His  course,  therefore,  was  not  a  surrender  of 
principles,  but  simply  a  change  of  political  base.  He  became  the 
representative,  not  of  a  new  policy,  but  of  a  new  and  more  active 
and  decisive  phase  of  Piedmontese  policy  that  rendered  the  coiimibio 
more  pronounced.  The  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  having 
suddenly  died,  the  minister  of  finance  immediately  supported  the 
candidature  of  Rattazzi  for  that  position,  and  he  was  elected.  This 
event,  however,  produced  a  ministerial  crisis  in  I\Iay,  1852,  which 
seemed  to  delay  the  hour  of  Cavour's  complete  supremacy,  but 
which,  after  all,  hastened  the  inevitable  result.  These  sudden  changes 
alarmed  D'Azeglio,  and  he  thought  his  formidable  colleague,  the 
"dear  inventor  of  the  commbio,'"  as  he  loved  to  call  him,  was  rather 
too  fast,  and  might  by  his  extreme  course  prejudice  the  outside 
world  against  the  government. 

Cavour,  by  this  constitutional  coup  d'etat,'"  became  master  of  the 
political  situation,  and,  having  the  prestige  of  an  ever- increasing 
authority,  he  retired  for  a  time,  leaving  the  reigns  in  the  hands  of 
D'Azeglio.  After  the  resignation  of  the  ministry  a  reconstruction 
of  it  occurred,  concerning  which  Cavour  wrote  to  his  friend  Salvag- 
noli,  in  Florence:  "It  was  in  my  opinion  not  only  useful  but  indis- 
pensable that  a  liberal  party  should  be  firmly  constituted. 
After  having  at  first  been  convinced  of  such  a  necessity  D'Azeglio 
has  not  accepted  all  the  consequences,  and  he  provoked  a  crisis, 
which  could  only  result  in  my  retirement  or  his  removal  from  power. 
External  policy  required  that  I  should  be  the  sacrifice.  I  think 
D'Azeglio  would  willingly  have  abdicated,  but  I  did  my  utmost  to 
dissuade  him  ;  he  stayed,  and  we  have  not  ceased  to  be  friends,  pri- 
vately and  politically.  It  will  next  be  his  turn  to  retire,  and  then 
we  can  constitute  an  openly  liberal  cabinet.  In  the  mean  time,  I 
take  advantage  of  my  new  liberty  for  a  journey  to  France  and 
England." 

Cavour  did  not  visit  these  countries  simply  for  recreation,  but  to 
interview  their  statesmen,  and  prepare  the  way  for  his  own  combina- 
tions by  removing  the  prejudices  existing  there  against  liberal  Pied- 
mont.   In  France,  England,  and  Scotland  he  was  received  with  flat- 


5.78 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


tering-  marks  of  consideration,  not  only  at  court,  but  by  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the  time.  Well  might  they  honor  a  statesman 
who  **had  achiev^ed,"  says  Dr.  Spencer,  '*a  bloodless  revolution  in 
favor  of  constitutional  liberty,  which  the  tiers  etat  and  the  guillotine 
have  never  been  able  to  acquire  permanently  for  France,  or  Magna 
CJiarta  and  the  block  for  England,  and  which  was  secured  only  after 
centuries  of  bloody  conflict  between  royal  prerogative  and  popular 
rights."  At  the  time  of  Cavour's  visit  to  England  Lord  Malmesbury 
was  at  the  head  of  the  foreign  office,  and  he  openly  expressed  his 
hope  that  an  amicable  settlement  would  soon  be  made  between 
Cavour  and  the  party  he  had  labored  so  hard  to  unite.  The  most 
cordial  reception,  however,  was  extended  to  him  in  Paris,  where  he 
had  arranged  to  meet  Rattazzi.  By  his  air  of  easy  superiority  he 
won  the  esteem  of  the  prince-president.  Napoleon,  and  also  renewed 
acquaintance  among  some  old  friends  of  the  parliamentary  world, 
one  of  whom,  M.  Thiers,  said  to  him,  "Be  patient;  if  after  they 
have  given  you  snakes  for  breakfast  they  give  you  snakes  again  for 
dinner  do  not  be  disgusted."  During  this  visit  Cavour  made  many 
new  friends,  and  had  an  excellent  opportunity  of  observing  the  posi- 
tion of  affairs  which  he  might  one  day  have  to  manipulate. 

While  in  London  and  in  Paris  he  closely  watched  the  progress  of 
events  in  Piedmont,  and  when  informed  of  the  unsettled  condition 
of  the  ministry  there  he  wrote  to  his  friends:  Instead  of  combating 
D'Azeglio  we  should  lend  him  a  frank  support ;  but  we  can  not  sac- 
rifice our  good  name  to  him.  .  .  .  As  soon  as  I  return  we  will  con- 
sult together ;  we  will  see  La  Marmora,  and  speak  bluntly  to  him. 
It  is  time  for  all  this  to  be  settled.  If  D'Azeglio  wishes  to  remain 
in  power  let  him  say  so,  and  he  will  have  in  us  sincere  allies.  Should 
he  be  tired  of  it  let  him  no  longer  render  the  problem  of  government 
insoluble  by  his  continual  vacillations."  The  fact  is,  that  D'Azeglio 
was  oppressed  by  the  weight  of  government ;  while  abroad,  as  at 
home,  Cavour  was  weighing  upon  the  ministry.  If  his  presence  in 
the  government  had  been  a  disturbing  element  his  absence  was  a 
still  greater  embarrassment.  If  the  ministry  could  not  live  with  him 
neither  could  it  do  without  him. 

On  his  return  to  Turin  in  September,  1852,  Cavour  was  called  by 
the  king  to  form  a  new  ministry  that  would  come  to  terms  with  the 
**Holy  See."  He  frankly  declared  that  he  could  not  and  would  not 
become  the  interpreter  of  a  policy  of  subserviency  to  the  pope,  but 
subsequently  accepted  the  charge  without  conditions.  Thus,  after 
having  passed  through  a  severe  conflict,  he  was  crowned  conqueror. 


CA  VOUR  AS  PRESIDENT. 


579 


Sixth  Decade  Continued,  1850-1860. 


Chapter  XII. 


THE  POLICY  OF  C A  VOUR. 


AVOUR  became  president  of  the  council  and  minister  of  finance 


November  4,  1852,  and  his  victorious  return  to  pubhc  hfe  after 
a  retirement  of  a  few  months  marked  an  important  epoch  in  the 
history  of  Italy.  D'Azeglio  yielded  his  position  to  his  brilliant  rival 
without  exhibiting  an}'  resentment,  and  wrote:  "I  had  accepted  the 
helm  at  a  time  when  it  was  pointed  out  to  me  that  better  than  any 
other  man  I  could  direct  it  for  the  country's  best  advantage.  .  .  . 
Now,  that  the  ship  has  refitted,  let  the  winds  fill  her  sails.  I  surren- 
der my  quarter-deck  to  another.  He,  whom  you  know,  is  possessed 
of  a  diabolical  activity,  fitted  for  the  work,  both  in  mind  and  body, 
and  it  gives  him  so  much  pleasure!"  Cavour  accepted  the  responsi- 
ble trust ;  but  he  understood  the  ship  of  state  because  he  had  helped 
to  construct  it.  As  a  liberal  conservative  he  had  been  creating, 
through  a  series  of  changes,  and  b}-  means  of  alliances  with  the 
"moderates  of  all  parties,"  a  parliamentary  position  which  directed 
Piedmont  and  Italy  into  the  track  of  new  destinies. 

When  D'Azeglio's  ministry,  which  had  so  patriotically  managed 
public  affairs  immediately  after  Novara,  was  passing  away,  a  final 
effort,  which  Victor  Emmanuel  did  not  discountenance,  was  made  by 
Count  Balbo  to  reconstitute  a  purely  conservative  cabinet,  or,  in  other 
words,  a  ministry  of  reconciliation  with  Rome.  Victor  Emmanuel 
had  consulted  Cavour  concerning  the  matter,  and  both  resolved  that 
Balbo  should  make  the  experiment.  He  exhausted  all  forms  of  ne- 
gotiations and  overtures,  but  completely  failed,  having  been  refused^ 
by  his  own  friends,  beginning  with  Revel,  Avho  did  not  consider  him- 
self able  to  overcome  the  current  of  opinion.  Cavour's  resumption 
of  office,  after  Balbo's  failure,  was  all  the  more  significant ;  it  settled 
the  way  between  the  two  systems  which  for  about  three  years  had 
been  perpetually  at  conflict  in  Turin. 

The  new  president  of  the  council  having  entered  parliament  un- 
der conditions  arranged  by  himself,  he  proceeded  to  broaden  and 


58o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


strengthen  them.  He  resolved  not  to  be  checked  by  resistance  from 
the  Right,  or  the  clerical  party,  and  at  the  same  time  he  had  no  inten- 
tion of  suddenly  disturbing  political  equilibrium,  and  separating  himself 
from  his  friends,  the  moderate  liberals.  He  was  careful  not  to  "break 
the  chain,"  as  he  called  it;  and,  above  all,  he  was  determined  to 
secure  the  support  of  the  principal  members  of  D'Azeglio's  cabinet, 
Avhose  colleague  he  had  been.  "Without  La  Marmora,"  he  would 
often  repeat,  "I  could  not  be  minister."  According  to  his  view.  La 
Marmora  represented  military  reorganization,  just  as  Paleocapa  (an 
engineer  of  the  greatest  eminence)  represented  that  of  progress  in 
material  works,  and  Boncompagni  that  of  Avise  reforms  in  religious 
matters.  The  new  ministers  of  foreign  affairs  and  of  the  interior, 
General  Dabormida  and  Count  Ponza  di  San  ]\Iartino,  firmly  held  to 
the  same  traditions.  The  government  was  still  controlled  by  the  Right 
Center,  and  was  now  directed  by  a  leader  who  retained  simply  the 


the  country  strikingly  sanctioned  this  idea  by  the  immense  ministerial 
majority  returned  to  the  Chamber  in  the  elections.  From  this  time 
Cavour  might  truly  say  that  he  had  "raised  a  barrier  sufficiently 
high  for  the  reaction  to  be  unable  to  reach  above  it."  Besides  the 
confidence  of  the  king,  he  had  a  ministry  and  a  majority,  in  fact,  an 
entire  parliamentary  platform  constructed  by  himself,  and  upon  which 


financial  department  for  him- 
self, but  was  •  competent  to 
manage  any  ministry. 


RATTAZZI. 


After  the  consolidation 
of  the  cabinet  at  the  end  of 
several  months  a  final  alli- 
ance was  made  with  the  Left 
Center  by  the  elevation  of 
Rattazzi  to  the  ministry  of 
justice.  Instead  of  being 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Left 
Center  Cavour  absorbed  or 
annexed  it,  and  it  showed 
wisdom  in  permitting  itself 
to  be  annexed,  since  it  was 
promoting  the  success  of  a 
new  idea  by  uniting  the 
whole  liberal  party  under 
the  ablest  of  leaders.  Before 
the  expiration  of  one  year 


PIEDMONT'S  FINANCIAL  CONDITION 


he  could  securely  stand  in  the  realization  of  his  plans,  and  in  the 
dev^elopment  of  his  policy.  The  latter  was  truly  the  creation  of 
Cavour's  genius — his  original  work,  but  was  not  probably  the  pro- 
duct of  his  own  imagination.  It  came  to  him  as  the  gift  of  circum- 
stances. Others  no  doubt  had  thought  of  it,  but  it  was  he  who  had 
shaped  it  and  brought  it  within  practical  limits.  He  breathed  into  it 
his  bold  yet  prudent  spirit,  converting  into  a  reality  that  saying  of 
a  conquered  but  not  despairing  nation:  "We  will  begin  again!" 

Cavour  was  one  of  the  first  to  perceive  the  results  of  this  great 
truth,  which  he  summed  up  oil  one  occasion  by  saying:  **It  is  impos- 
sible for  the  government  to  have  an  Italian  or  national  policy  out- 
wardly without  being  inwardly  reforming  and  liberal;  just  as  it  would 
be  impossible  for  us  to  be  inwardly  liberal  without  being  national 
and  Italian  in  our  external  relations."  He  knew  that  Piedmont  occu- 
pied an  embarrassing  position  after  her  overthrow,  and  was  constantly 
and  jealously  watched  by  Austria.  It  was  evident  to  him  that  she 
must,  within  her  small  limits,  exhibit  all  the  activity,  energ}^  and 
wisdom  of  a  great  country  if  she  desired  to  accomplish  her  designs. 
''Piedmont,"  he  continued,  "must  begin  by  raising  herself,  by  re- 
establishing in  Europe  as  well  as  in  Italy  a  position  and  a  credit 
equal  to  her  ambition.  Hence  there  must  be  a  policy  unswerving 
in  its  aim,  but  flexible  and  various  as  to  the  means  employed 
embracing  the  exchequer,  military  reorganization,  diplomacy,  and 
religious  affairs." 

In  prosecuting  the  work  of  national  reform  Cavour  caused  matured 
plans  to  gradually  unfold  and  become  results.  A  vigorous  impulse 
was  imparted  to  every  thing,  but  economic  and  financial  matters  first 
claimed  attention.  Like  all  conquered  countries.  Piedmont  had  to 
pay  for  defeat.  It  was  oppressed  with  the  burden  of  two  disastrous 
campaigns  which,  with  the  Austrian  indemnity,  cost  it  very  nearly 
three  hundred  millions  of  francs.  Thus  the  public  debt,  which  before 
1848  amounted  to  no  more  that  five  millions  per  annum  (i^20o,ooo), 
was  rapidly  increased  to  more  than  thirty  millions.  The  budget  of 
its  expenses,  only  eighty  millions  before  the  war,  was  above  one 
hundred  and  seventy-eight  millions  in  1848,  two  hundred  and  sixteen 
in  1849,  o^"^^  hundred  and  eighty-nine  in  1850,  and  finally  it  remained 
fixed  at  between  one  hundred  and  thirty  and  one  hundred  and  forty 
millions.  From  the  very  beginning,  then,  the  expenses  of  the  country 
had  doubled,  and  Cavour  was  now  confronted  by  a  public  debt  six 
times  as  large  as  before.  When  we  remember  that  this  was  the 
financial  condition  of  Piedmont  twenty-seven  years  ago,  when  its 


582 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


population  was  less  than  five  millions  of  souls  and  its  resources  still 
undeveloped,  these  figures  represent  a  weight  almost  as  heavy  as 
that  which  has  been  laid  upon  France  under  still  more  tragic  cir- 
cumstances. 

*  There  were  two  systems  that  could  be  tried,  and  how  often  do 
they  present  themselves  as  rivals.  One  scheme  was  to  practice  the 
strictest  and  most  scrupulous  economy,  reserving  a  modest  balance 
by  reducing  expenses,  diminishing  the  deficit,  and  increasing  only 
the  most  necessary  taxes.  But  by  adopting  this  method  the  army 
would  be  made  smaller,  the  most  useful  public  improvements  would 
be  abandoned,  or,  at  least,  indefinitely  postponed,  and  the  country 
would  lose  its  influence.  This  plan  was  prudent  in  its  general  pro- 
visions, but  it  was  not  far-reaching.  The  most  rigid  economy  would 
not  remove  the  burden  unless  the  nation  could  receive  some  compen- 
sation or  be  assisted  in  the  development  of  its  vitality.  It  must  have 
help  to  support  a  weight  which  would  inevitably  become  heavier. 
While  Cavour  had  other  plans,  he  finally  settled  upon  one  which 
inaugurated  a  new  financial  system  in  constitutional  and  liberal  Pied- 
mont, two  hundred  millions  for  the  railways  of  Genoa  and  the  Lago 
Maggiore,  Novara,  Susa,  and  Savoy,  in  works  of  every  description. 
He  favored  the  spirit  of  enterprise  and  association,  and  accordingly 
labored  to  develop  interior  communications.  He  was  ambitious  to 
realize  in  "little  Piedmont"  the  great  idea  of  commercial  freedom, 
and,  after  inaugurating  it  by  a  custom-house  reform,  he  further  estab- 
lished it  by  treaties  of  commerce  with  France,  England,  Belgium, 
and  Switzerland.  Indeed,  Cavour,  instead  of  adopting  the  methods 
of  a  prejudiced,  dogmatical  free  trader,  carried  out  a  gradual  and 
practical  reform  which  circumstances  required,  and  which  would  be 
profitable  to  consumers  through  the  diminution  of  tariffs.  To  further 
promote  the  national  welfare  he  encouraged  maritime  commerce, 
stimulated  the  internal  industry  of  the  country  by  foreign  competition, 
and  supported  it  by  the  decrease  of  taxes  on  raw  material,  while  it 
opened  the  way  for  the  exportation  of  national  productions. 

To  increase  expenses  instead  of  retrenching,  and  to  contract  new 
debts  by  levying  new  taxes,  was  assuredly  a  bold  and  perhaps  rash 
step,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  this  proposed  tariff  reform 
Avas  to  immediately  follow  the  postal  reform.  A  reduction  of  the 
salt-tax  and  a  deficit  in  the  budget  rendered  the  situation  still  more 
precarious.  But  this  complicated  and  difficult  work  did  not  intim- 
idate Cavour,  who  exhibited  undiminished  confidence  in  liberalism 
and  the  marvels  it  can  work,"  to  use  his  own  expression.     He  was 


PIEDMONT'S  ISOLATION. 


583 


fully  persuaded  that  these  particular  expenditures  would  exert  an 
invigorating  influence,  and  consequently  he  was  willing  to  be  crit- 
icized, but  did  not  hesitate  to  defend  his  policy  against  all  attacks. 
By  a  clear  demonstration  he  plainly  showed  that  an  appropriation  of 
one  or  two  millions  of  francs  for  the  improvement  of  the  ports  would 
bring  in  not  less  than  five  hundred  thousand  francs  per  annum,  and 
also  that  the  expenditure  of  ten  millions  of  francs  in  piercing  the 
Luckmanier  would  increase  the  commerce  of  Genoa  by  a  third,  per- 
haps by  one-half  He  urged  the  importance  of  taking  shares  and 
securing  an  interest  in  the  railway  of  Savoy,  because  thereby  fifty 
millions  of  francs  would  be  circulated  in  a  province  that  was  in 
pressing  need  of  capital.  "In  order  to  realize  our  programme,"  said 
Cavour,  "and  profitably  cultivate  the  country's  resources,  it  was 
necessary  to  give  a  powerful  impulse  to  works  of  public  utility,  to 
work  our  railways  with  all  possible  circumspection,  while  we  gave 
encouragement  to  other  enterprises.  ...  In  order  that  the  posi- 
tion which  for  so  many  centuries  the  monarchy  of  Savoy  has  main- 
tained should  not  be  suffered  to  decline,  it  was  necessary  to  reorganize 
and  fortify  our  army.  .  .  .  This  scheme  made  it  necessary  for 
us  to  raise  new  loans,  or  rather  to  contract  larger  loans  than  they 
would  need  to  have  been  if  we  acted  on  the  system  of  modesty  and 
economy.  It  consequently  became  necessary  fo  increase  the  tax- 
ation; but  that  could  not  be  done,  nor  could  the  resources  of  the 
country  be  developed  without  undertaking  the  reform  of  our  economic 
system  on  a  large  scale." 

The  introduction  of  this  commercial  and  financial  reform  as  a 
matter  of  diplomacy  indicated  that  Cavour  designed  to  accomplish 
something  more  than  the  development  of  the  country's  resources. 
Piedmont  had  remained  in  isolation  since  its  misfortunes,  and  its 
great  statesman  desired  therefore  to  bring  it  into  closer  contact  with 
the  prominent  western  nations,  with  England  and  with  France.  Com- 
merce and  finance,  according  to  his  plan,  constituted  a  bond  of  united 
interests  which  might  grow  into  one  of  policy  and  of  ideas.  Austria 
was  not  deceived  in  regard  to  the  programme.  Before  his  death 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  the  Austrian  prime  minister,  "with  faintly 
masked  ill-humor,"  remarked,  "Piedmont  intends  with  its  commer- 
cial policy  to  purchase  the  support  of  England  for  Italy!"  While 
this  statement  was  not  absolutely  true,  yet  Cavour  no  doubt  felt 
confident  that,  by  remaining  constitutional  and  by  combining  com- 
mercial with  the  other  liberties,  Piedmont  would  rapidly  gain  public 
sympathy  in   England,   which   would  give   it  additional  strength. 


584 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


"England,"  he  said  to  an  intimate  friend,  "is  no  longer  the  cham- 
pion of  absolutism  on  the  Continent,  and  an  English  minister  would 
find  it  difficult  to  take  part  with  Austria  in  the  oppression  of  Italy." 

Cavour  denied  that  he  was  influenced  by  a  "hidden  pohcy  "  in 
advocating  commercial  intercourse  with  England,  declared  that  he  sac- 
rificed no  principle,  and  was  simply  actuated  by  a  desire  to  benefit  the 
country.  He  did  not,  however,  conceal  his  intention  of  contracting  a 
friendship  with  France  under  the  veil  of  a  commercial  treaty.  While 
that  treaty  was  not  satisfactory  in  ev^ery  point,  he  resolved  to  accept  it, 
even  though  he  should  be  compelled  to  make  some  concessions  to 
the  French  system  of  protection,  as  he  believed  that  Piedmont  would 
gain  a  political  rather  than  an  economical  advantage  by  that  course. 
"The  horizon  is  still  dark  around  us,"  he  said,  "and  our  institutions 
are  not  as  yet  protected  from  all  danger.  Something,  perhaps,  may 
chance  to  make  us  desire  at  least  the  moral  support  of  France. 
Let  me  say,  frankly,  in  the  face  of  impending  possibilities,  I  think 
it  prudent,  conformable  with  the  interests  of  the  country,  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  France.  W e  have  not  neglected  matters  of  economy, 
but  merely  left  them  in  the  background.  Views  of  policy  have 
caused  us  to  accept  a  treaty  which  will  strengthen  a  good  and 
cordial  understanding  between  us  and  France."  And  Cavour,  in 
still  more  striking  words,  that,  spoken  in  185 1,  seem  almost  pro- 
phetic, further  said:  "Is  it  not  possible  that  complications  may  arise 
in  which  all  surrounding  nations  may  be  concerned  in  two  great 
questions,  the  Eastern  and  Western  ?  Were  this  to  happen,  should 
we  not  do  well  to  be  on  good  terms  with  France?"  Thus  every 
thing  concurred  under  the  wise  and  liberal  management  of  one 
who  understood  how  to  use  commerce,  finance,  and  diplomacy  in 
placing  Piedmont  on  l)er  feet  again. 

What  Cavour  accomplished  by  his  financial  and  commercial  sys- 
tem he  not  only  attempted  but  effected  in  a  higher  moral  sphere  by 
his  rclii;ious  policy.  The  problem  to  be  solved  by  him  was  intricate 
and  difficult.  The  ecclesiastical  situation  had  to  be  reconciled  with 
the  principles  of  the  statuto,''  and  the  liberal  and  national  policy 
of  Piedmont  maintained  in  its  civil  relations  with  the  Church  and  the 
court  of  Rome.  The  discussion  of  every  new  feature  of  this  prob- 
lem naturally  and  almost  constantly  kept  it  before  the  country. 
The  decrees  of  the  laws  for  the  abolition  of  ecclesiastical  privi- 
leges, that  of  civil  marriages,  the  law  for  the  reorganization  of 
Church  property,  and  the  suppression  of  certain  monastic  orders, 
were  each  the  occasion  of  strife,  which  became  more  bitter  with  every 


PAPAL  ROME  HOSTILE. 


585 


new  project.  The  remonstrances  of  Rome  increased  the  clerical 
agitation,  against  which  was  arrayed  the  anti-clerical  agitation.  In  par- 
liament the  left  accused  the  government  of  not  adx^ancing  with  suf- 
ficient determination  and  energy  in  religious  matters  ;  while  the  right 
complained  that  no  negotiations  were  entered  into  with  the  "Holy  See," 
and  that  the  good  pleasure  of  Rome  was  not  consulted. 

Cavour  handled  these  delicate  and  difficult  questions  in  a  manner 
which  indicated  that  his  mind  was  full  of  decision,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  entirely  free  from  prejudice.  His  elevation  to  power  was  the 
signal  for  an  unrelenting  and  uncompromising  war  on  the  part  of 
Rome.  The  clerical  party,  as  we  have  already  stated,  was  exasper- 
ated by  the  recent  legislation  regarding  civil  marriage,  and  still  more 
embittered  by  the  subsequent  suppression  of  the  convents  and  the 
taxation  of  the  Church  property.  Papal  Rome  employed  all  its 
supernatural  machinery — absolution,  excommunication,  purgatory, 
and  plenary  indulgence — "to  which  end  its  spiritual  brokers  had 
obtained  an  unlimited  credit  upon  the  heavenly  exchequer,  with 
a  view  of  operating  more  successfully  upon  the  political  stock 
exchange."  A  war  of  deadly  hostility  was  waged  against  the  gov- 
ernment, and  the  contest  raged  not  only  upon  the  floor  of  parliament 
but  in  salon  and  cafe,  at  the  court  and  on  the  public  square,  aro^und 
the  confessionals  and  in  front  of  the  very  altars.  It  invaded  the  royal 
household  and  cast  a  deeper  shadow  over  the  sacred  precincts  of 
domestic  sorrow.  The  recent  bereavements  of  the  king  were  inter- 
preted as  providential  warnings  should  he  still  cofitinue  to  sanction 
this  ungodly  crusade  against  the  "  Holy  Church. "  Victor  Emmanuel, 
still  desiring  to  avoid  an  open  rupture  Avith  Pope  Pius  IX,  was  over- 
come w  ith  grief,  and,  wishing  to  obey  the  d}'ing  injunction  of  a  ven- 
erated mother,  determined  to  m.ake  one  more  effort  for  a  reconciliation 
with  the  ' '  Holy  See but  the  inevitable  non possiumis  would  not  permit 
it.  Shortly  after  he  subordinated  the  affection  of  a  son  and  the  loy- 
alty of  a  Roman  Catholic  to  the  sterner  duties  of  a  sovereign  by 
recalling  Cavour,  who  in  the  meantime  had  resigned,  and  by  granting 
him  full  liberty  to  enforce  the  policy  and  consummate  the  reforms 
which  the  clerical  party  so  strenuously  resisted. 

At  first  Cavour  no  doubt  believed  that  he  could  make  an  amica- 
ble arrangement  with  the  Vatican;  but  he  very  soon  discovered  that 
it  was  impossible,  especially  since  the  religious  reaction  which  was 
spreading  in  Italy  as  well  as  in  Europe  generally,  only  hardened  the 
court  of  Rome  in  its  demands  and  its  refusals.  Besides,  in  a  short 
time,  he  saw  the  pontificate  involved  in  dangerous  fellowship  with  the 


586 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


enemy  beyond  the  Alps  by  the  Austrian  Concordat.  Indeed,  he  had 
not  any  faith  in  securing  favorable  terms  from  Rome  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  such  reforms  as  Piedmont  earnestly  desired,  and,  as  for  him- 
self, he  had  ceased  making  any  effort  in  that  direction.  "If  we  put 
ourselves  in  direct  relations  with  Rome,"  he  said,  writing  to  an  inti- 
mate friend,  "we  completely  ruin  the  political  edifice  we  have  so 
laboriously  erected.  If  we  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  the  pope 
it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  retain  our  influence  in  Italy.  Let  us 
not  go  too  far,  but  neither  let  us  suffer  ourselves  to  retreat  even  one 
step.  You  know  that  I  am  not  a  priest-hater,  that  I  am  disposed 
towards  conciliation,  and  would  willingly  give  the  Church  greater 
liberty  than  she  now  enjoys ;  you  know  that  I  should  be  disposed  to 
give  up  the  exequaturs,  the  exclusive  management  of  the  universi- 
ties, etc.;  but  under  present  circumstances  I  am  persuaded  that  all 
attempts  at  concord  would  be  to  our  disadvantage."  In  the  heat  of 
action  he  uttered  a  similar  sentiment:  "We  have  to  fight  Austria 
at  Venice  and  at  Milan,  and  also  at  Bologna  and  at  Rome." 

Cavour  regarded  the  question  of  ecclesiastical  reforms — the  rela- 
tions of  Piedmont  with  the  Church  and  with  Rome — not  only  one  of 
interior  order,  but  of  national  importance,  constituting,  in  fact,  one 
element  of  the  Italian  situation.  Any  effort  to  solve  that  problem  by 
stratagem  or  compromise  would  only  result  in  endless  weariness, 
waste  of  time,  and  disappointment.  Cavour  proposed  but  one 
solution,  liberty  and  complete  independence  of  civil  and  religious 
authority ;  a  grand  yet  simple  idea,  which  was  soon  to  resolve  itself 
into  these  few  emphatic  Avords:  "A  Liberal  Church  in  a  Liberal 
State!"  He  who  elevated  that  standard  in  a  small  corner  of  Italy 
**was  neither  a  theorist,"  says  D'Mazade,  "nor  a  revolutionist  yield- 
ing, at  the  risk  of  overthrowing  interests,  beliefs,  and  traditions,  to  a 
fanciful  love  of  novelty  ;  neither  was  it  the  work  of  a  puzzled  tacti- 
cian, trying  to  conceal  a  parliamentary  campaign  against  clericalism 
under  the  cloak  of  an  epigram.  Cavour  neither  had  the  passion  of  a 
leader  of  a  faction,  the  subtlety  of  a  casuist,  nor  the  flippancy  of  a 
thoughtless  innovator."  He  believed  that  the  political  freedom  of 
Piedmont,  and,  indeed,  of  all  Italy,  could  be  secured  by  the  accept- 
ance of  a  liberty  without  subterfuges,  and  which  recognized  the  com- 
plete spiritual  independence  of  the  Church. 

"Oh,  that  man,"  said  Archbishop  Darboy — the  same  who  later  fell 
a  victim  to  the  Commune — when  at  Rome,  ' '  that  man  indeed  was  of  a 
rare  sort;  he  had  not  the  slightest  sentiment  of  hatred  in  his  heart." 
This  was  a  true  statement.    Neither  hatred  nor  vulgar  animosity 


CHURCH  AND  STATE. 


587 


actuated  him  in  advocating  liberalism.  The  great  Piedmontcsc  as- 
serted that  he  was  not  a  "priest  hater,"  and  it  was  this  which  gave 
to  his  religious  policy  its  originality  and  superiority.  He  defended 
the  Church  when  she  remained  in  her  legitimate  sphere,  and  he  did 
not  refuse  her  liberty  when  she  claimed  social  independence.  He 
acknowledged  her  to  be  the  entire  mistress  of  her  own  ground,  but 
at  the  same  time  he  was  determined  to  carr}'  out  the  reforms  that  he 
had  inaugurated,  and  in  which  he  saw  the  development  of  the 
''stattitor 

To  the  request  of  some  members  of  the  Left,  Brofferio  and  As- 
proni,  that  the  state  should  super\-ise  the  education  in  the  seminaries, 
he  em.phatically  replied:  "  If  I  had  to  give  an  opinion  as  a  citizen, 
and  not  as  a  minister,  I  should  say  that  the  government  ought  not  to 
interfere  in  the  teaching  of  theolog}',  which  is  solely  the  province  of 
the  bishops  to  watch  over.  Bishops  should  not  have  to  do  the  work 
of  members  of  parliament,  nor  deputies  that  of  bishops.  We  are  at 
liberty  to  believe  or  not  to  believe,  and  to  select  whom  we  choose 
for  our  spiritual  advisers.  If  we  are  dissatisfied  with  the  moral  teach- 
ing of  the  seminaries,  we  will  choose  our  confessors  from  among 
theologians  who  have  attended  the  school  of  Asproni."  And  he 
added,  more  seriously:  "How  can  the  clergy  become  converted  to 
our  institutions,  and  how  will  they  love  them  if,  after  having,  not 
unreasonably,  withdrawn  some  of  the  privileges  which  they  enjoyed 
under  the  old  regime,  and  just  as  we  are  about  to  deprive  them  of 
the  few  that  remain,  we  should  say  to  them  :  '  We  reform,  according 
to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  equality,  all  those  points  of  legislation 
which  formerly  were  favorable  to  you  ;  but  as  to  your  independence 
and  your  liberty,  we  wish  to  preserve  those  traditions  of  the  past 
which  we  call,  so  far  as  they  are  opposed  to  you,  the  glorious  heri- 
tage of  our  fathers  !'  .  .  .  The  best  way  of  increasing  the  polit- 
ical influence  of  the  clergy  is  to  give  them  an  exceptional  position, 
persecute  and  even  subject  them  to  petty  vexations." 

Cavour  was  not  ignorant  of  the  nature  of  clericalism  when  united 
with  politics,  because,  having  been  compelled  to  combat  it  frequently, 
he  had  a  good  opportunity  of  observing  its  theocratic  and  dangerous 
tendency.  He  avoided,  however,  any  thing  like  retaliation  in  meeting 
these  aggressions,  and  continued  moderate  even  in  the  reforms  for 
which  he  was  so  bitterly  denounced.  This  is  evident  from  the  policy 
he  inaugurated.  The  law  for  the  suppression  of  certain  monastic 
orders  caused  the  greatest  excitement,  and  was  by  many  considered 
proscriptive;  but,  while  depriving  the  mendicant  and  a  few  other 


588 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


orders  of  civil  status,  it  did  not  affect  the  rights  of  reh'gious  associa- 
tions. It  sanctioned  the  teaching  and  nursing  orders,  especially 
that  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  Avhich  Cavour  earnestly  defended 
against  the  attacks  of  the  left,  declaring  that  nothing  should  induce 
him  to  favor  a  law  suppressing  charitable  orders.  "I  would  quit  the 
ministry  ten  times,"  he  said,  "rather  than  bind  myself  to  an  act' that 
would  in  my  opinion  be  immensely  prejudicial  to  our  country  in  the 
eyes  of  civilized  Europe."  Concerning  the  possessions  of  the  Church, 
the  law  simply  proposed  to  create  a  special  fund,  which  was  to  be 
endowed  with  the  revenues  of  the  suppressed  orders,  and  dedicated 
entirely  to  the  clergy. 

This  measure  relative  to  Church  property  Avas  one  of  the  funda- 
mental ideas  of^Cavour's  policy.  He  had  always  been  opposed  to 
what  was  called  "the  incavieration  of  ecclesiastical  property,"  or  the 
transformation  of  the  Church  into  a  corps  which  received  salary  from 
the  state,  and  the  reason  he  gave  for  this  opposition  was  that  the 
measure  would  create  the  worst  form  of  despotism — the  administrative 
despotism.  "I  have,"  said  he,  "the  misfortune  or  the  good  luck — 
which  you  will — to  be  minister  where  a  certain  degree  of  centraliza- 
tion reigns,  and  where  the  government  has  quite  enough  in  its  hands. 
I  declare  to  }'ou,  that  if  you  add  this  one  of  which  you  speak  to  the 
powers  of  government  you  will  give  what  will  be  threatening  to  lib- 
erty." Such  a  reason  was  a  strange  one  to  come  from  a  minister; 
but  the  chief  motive  that  influenced  him  was  one  of  "high  policy." 

The  real  ground  of  Cavour's  opposition  was  that  the  spirit  of 
caste  would  be  extended  and  intensified  by  the  expropriation  of  the 
clergy.  "  It  has  been,"  he  said,  "carried  out  on  a  very  large  scale 
in  some  European  countries.  In  France,  before  the  Revolution,  the 
clergy  was,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  as  rich  as  that  of  Spain.  It  was 
totally  stripped,  and  was  not  allowed  to  retain  a  vestige  of  its  old 
possessions.  \Miat  ensued  ?  I  have  great  respect  for  the  French 
clergy,  and  I  admit  that  it  is  more  moral  and  also  more  zealous  than 
it  used  to  be  ;  but  no  one  can  deny  that  it  is  also  less  national  and 
less  liberal  than  was  the  clergy  of  the  old  regime.  For  that  was  ani- 
mated by  a  spirit  of  independence  with  regard  to  Rome,  and  a  certain 
degree  of  attachment  to  national  views ;  it  had  the  instincts  of  liberty. 
Now  things  are  different ;  all  facts  go  to  prove  that  the  modern 
French  clergy  is  infinitely  more  Ultramontane  than  our  national 
clergy.  It  will  be  said :  *  But  there  is  another  course  that  could  be 
pursued:  let  us  leave  the  followers  of  the  faith  to  remunerate  their 
own  clergy.'    Do  you  know  what  would  be  the  consequence  of  this? 


CA  VO  UR  'S  LIBERALISM.  5  89 

A  double  amount  of  zeal,  fanaticism,  and  Ultramontanism.  Such  a 
system  exists  in  Ireland.  There  the  clergy  is  unsalaried  ;  its  means 
of  existence  consist  of  charity  and  the  voluntary  contributions  of  the 
faithful.  That  clergy  is  both  more  fanatical  and  less  liberal  than  the 
clergy  of  France." 

On  this  question  Cavour's  views  coincided  with  those  of  De 
Tocqueville.  He  refused  to  sanction  ecclesiastical  expropriations,  or  to 
employ  any  such  means  for  the  balancing  of  his  budget.  He  believed 
that  the  secularization  of  civil  society  by  legitimate  and  progressive 
methods  would  produce  religious  reform  sooner  than  by  hostile  legis- 
lation. Indeed,  Cavour  was  both  a  great  liberal  and  a  great  politi- 
cian. He  resolved  that  revolutionary  passions  should  not  influence 
these  important  religious  questions,  and  he  was  anxious  to  preserve 
the  liberal  movement  from  the  suspicion  of  interested  motives.  On 
one  occasion  he  frankly  declared  to  Sig.  Depretis,  who  had  conversed 
with  him  on  the  subject,  Avhy  he  did  not  wish  to  cause  divisions  in 
the  public  mind.  "  It  is,"  said  he,  "in  order  that  the  nation  may  be 
unanimous,  if  an  opportunity  should  present  itself,  of  regaining  our 
lost  position  by  an  energetic  effort."  He  was  desirous  neither  to 
divide  public  opinion  nor  to  compromise  the  good  name  of  the  coun- 
try by  unnecessary  acts  of  persecution,  and  consequently  he  firmly 
opposed  the  proposition  to  subject  all  students,  including  those  at 
the  seminaries,  to  military  service.  "Your  proposition,"  he  de- 
clared, "will  be  regarded  throughout  the  country  as  a  revolutionary 
act.  ...  In  the  present  state  of  things  I  should  consider  as  a 
great  evil  any  act  that  could,  even  externally,  present  the  appear- 
ance of  a  revolutionary  measure."  It  was  not  difficult  for  him  to 
despise  party  excitement  and  remain  moderate,  because  he  was  one 
of  those  rare  politicians  who,  without  yielding  to  trifling  prejudices, 
followed  out  the  realization  of  a  lofty  scheme.  Cavour  possessed  a 
genius  both  practical  and  tolerant,  and  instead  of  wounding  the  feel- 
ings of  the  clergy  by  unnecessary  words,  he  endeavored  to  captivate 
them  by  persuading  them  to  accept  the  reforms  which  he  required 
of  them.  He  was  successful  in  securing  the  good  will  of  these 
ecclesiastics.  The  head  of  a  religious  order  from  Rome  visited  him, 
and  expressed  his  astonishment  at  the  cordial  reception  he  met  with. 
Cavour  afterwards  remarked  with  a  smile:  "On  leaving  my  house 
that  brother  has  gone  to  the  bishop's  palace,  where  he  will  certainly 
not  have  had  such  a  reception  as  I  gave  him.  He  will  compare  the 
two,  return  to  Rome,  tell  his  story,  and,  if  he  is  honest,  he  will  say 
that  I  am  not  the  persecuting  minister  and  diabolical  person  which  at 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Rome  they  imagine  me  to  be."  His  kindness  Avas  genuine,  and  not 
assumed  for  the  sake  of  poHcy,  and  he  distributed  ahns  sponta- 
neously, and  without  display  or  ostentation,  to  any  of  the  poorer 
clergy  who  asked  them  of  him.  Often  in  the  morning,  wdien  some 
priests  were  waiting  for  their  slender  pittance,  which  he  and  one  of 
his  fellow-workers  were  preparing,  Cavour  would  almost  empty  his 
own  private  purse  rather  than  take  anything  from  the  impoverished 
treasury  of  the  state,  at  the  same  time  rubbing  his  hands,  and 
cheerfully  remarking:  "Ah,  if  the  gentlemen  of  the  Left  could  see 
us  at  what  we  are  doing!" 

Cavour's  mind,  in  its  very  basis,  was  broad  and  liberal,  yet  not 
skeptical.  He  never  became  a  scoffing  freethinker  and  ridiculed  the 
faith  in  which  he  had  been  educated.  A  curious  illustration  of  this 
occurred  seven  years  before  his  death,  but  remained  unknown  for  a 
long  time.  When  the  contest  about  conventual  laws  was  raging,  and 
a  fatal  epidemic  was  prevailing  in  Turin,  he  had  taken  precautions, 
should  he  too  be  stricken,  against  the  painful  scenes  which  had  trans- 
pired at  the  death  of  Count  Santa  Rosa.  He  desired  to  obtain  the 
assurance  of  his  religious  instructor  that  he  should  receive  the  minis- 
trations of  the  Church  in  his  dying  hour;  and,  accordingly,  one 
morning  he  quietly  ordered  and  prearranged  every  thing  with  Fra 
Giacomo,  the  parish  priest  of  the  Madonna  dei  Angeli,  whom  he 
made  the  confidant  of  his  charities.  At  the  conclusion  of  their  inter- 
view Ratazzi,  the  recently  instituted  minister  of  the  interior,  chanced 
to  come  in,  and  Cavour,  after  having  courteously  accompanied  the 
priest  to  the  door,  turned  to  his  colleague  and  simply  remarked, 
''We  have  arranged  every  thing  together  in  case  any  misfortune 
should  befall  me."  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  seven  years  afterwards, 
faithful  to  his  promise  in  1854,  Fra  Giacomo  hastened  to  the  death- 
bed of  the  Piedmontese  minister,  then  prime  minister  of  Italy.  In 
conducting  the  religious  campaign,  which  with  the  exchequer  and 
diplomacy  expressed  his  policy,  Cavour  exhibited  boldness,  shrewd- 
ness, simplicity,  and  activity.  Difficulties,  internal  and  external, 
confronted  him  daily ;  but  he  carried  out  his  policy  in  the  face  of 
the  most  bitter  opposition. 

In  the  early  part  of  1853,  almost  immediately  after  he  had  become 
president  of  the  council,  the  relations  of  Piedmont  with  Austria  sus- 
tained the  first  shock.  The  latter  country  concluded  to  take  advan- 
tage of  a  recent  Mazzinian  uprising  at  Milan,  and  accordingly  struck 
a  blow  at  the  Lombard  emigres  at  Turin,  sequestrating  the  property 
of  the  Casati,  the  Arese,  the  Arconati,  the  Torelli,  and  many  others. 


MALCONTENTS  DENOUNCE  CAVOUR. 


Piedmont  promptly  suppressed  the  Milanese  outburst;  and  then  pro- 
tested against  Austria's  measure  of  spoliation,  which  oppressed  men 
who  not  only  were  manifestly  innocent  of  any  offense,  but  who  had 
become  naturalized  Piedmontese,  and  of  whom  some  were  members 
of  parliament.  The  only  effect  produced  by  this  protest  was  a  cold- 
ness which  resulted  in  a  reciprocal  recall  of  embassadors.  Thus  an 
incident  occurring  in  less  than  four  years  after  the  conclusion  of 
peace  revived  the  national  question.  Cavour  did  not  regret  that 
Austria  had  to  bear  the  responsibility  of  this  bitter  provocation,  and 
in  his  heart  he  rejoiced  that  she  was  condemned  alike  by  France 
and  England.  "Austria,"  he  said,  ''has  managed  to  set  public 
opinion  and  all  the  governments  of  Europe  against  her.  In  trying  to 
damage  us  she  has  done  us  service;  we  will  take  advantage  of  it." 
Although  the  rupture  between  Piedmont  and  Austria  was  not  com- 
plete, yet  the  situation  was  delicate,  and  even  precarious,  causing 
general  anxiety.  The  reactionists  in  Piedmont  and  in  Europe  did 
not  hesitate  to  use  this  opportunity  to  denounce  the  cabinet,  and  to 
ascribe  the  difficulties  of  the  hour  to  the  impatient  and  improvident 
policy  of  Cavour,  which  inspired  revolutionary  agitation.  But 
greater  trials  were  at  hand  in  the  interior,  and  affairs  there  were 
every  moment  becoming  more  serious  and  painful. 

In  adopting  the  new  system  of  taxation,  securing  the  financial 
reforms,  and  establishing  the  commercial  treaties,  there  were  naturally 
a  clashing  of  various  interests,  and  even  temporary  panics.  To  in- 
crease the  wide-spread  uneasiness  there  were  also  bad  harvests,  and 
diseases  smiting  the  silk-worms  and  the  vines.  If  bread  advanced 
in  price  Cavour  and  his  reforms  were  blamed.  Every  unfavorable 
circumstance  was  magnified  by  certain  parties  or  factions,  who 
harangued  the  crowd,  accusing  the  ministry  of  starving  the  people 
and  depriving  them  of  their  rights.  On  the  evening  of  October  18, 
1853,  in  the  peaceful  city  of  Turin,  an  excited  crowd  or  mob,  con- 
sisting for  the  most  part  of  laborers  and  mechanics,  and  crying, 
"  Death  to  him  !"  assailed  his  residence  with  a  shower  of  stones,  demol- 
ishing the  windows,  and  threatening  its  inmates  with  personal  violence. 
This  skirmish,  however,  was  not  a  true  index  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  substantial  class  in  Turin,  who  repudiated  this  act  of  the  populace 
in  a  most  emphatic  manner,  while  letters  and  addresses  of  sympathy 
and  confidence  poured  in  from  every  quarter.  The  following  day 
Cavour,  accompanied  by  La  Marmora,  walked  through  the  streets 
on  his  usual  way  to  the  ministry  of  finance,  and  was  every -where 
kindly  greeted. 


592 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  reactionary  papers  in  Savoy,  by  comparing  the  old  and  new 
rate  of  taxes,  endeavored  to  excite  the  prejudices  of  the  populace 
and  produce  discontent.  Cavour  was  publicly  accused  of  crushing 
the  laborer  and  the  artisan  with  imposts,  that  he  might  prosecute 
his  Utopias  about  Italy."  The  municipal  council  of  Chambery, 
which  was  entirely  controlled  by  the  reactionary  party,  almost 
reached  the  point  of  refusal  to  pay  the  levy.  The  national  guard 
declined  to  be  present  at  the  rejoicings  in  honor  of  the  "statuto." 
A  Savoyard  wrote  to  Cavour:  *'If  you  are  obstinate,  we  are  doubly 
so;  it  is  not  in  Savoy  that  heads  are  weather-cocks."  The  excitement 
was  rendered  still  greater  by  the  attack  that  was  made  upon  Cavour's 
religious  policy.  While  parliament  was  agitated  by  warm  discussions 
the  country  at  large  was  equally  convulsed.  Threats  were  made 
against  the  government  because  it  was  leading  Piedmont  "to  schism, 
anarchy,  and  destruction."  The  enforcement  of  the  law  for  the 
suppression  of  certain  convents  provoked  painful  scenes  of  resistance. 
Famines  and  epidemics  were  declared  to  be  messengers  of  wrath 
from  Heaven  to  punish  the  nation  for  the  enactment  of  sacrilegious 
laws.  This  statement  was  rendered  more  significant  by  the  myste- 
rious providence  which  in  the  space  of  a  few  days  removed  by  death 
three  members  of  the  royal  family — the  queen's  mother,  the  queen, 
and  the  duke  of  Genoa.  Even  those  who  were  immediately  about 
the  person  of  the  king  at  the  court  seemed  to  regard  these  sudden 
occasions  for  mourning  as  warnings  from  Heaven. 

While  Cavour  remained  firm  in  this  dark  hour,  yet  he  was  often 
anxious.  "Policy  is  becoming  more  and  more  perplexing,"  he 
wrote  to  his  friends  at  Geneva;  "we  have  to  contend  against  famine, 
new  taxes,  priests,  and  reactionists.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  I  do  not 
relinquish  hope."  Another  day  he  wrote  thus  from  Leri,  where  he 
had  gone  to  enjoy  a  few  moments  needful  rest:  "After  a  desperate 
struggle,  in  parliament,  in  the  salons,  at  the  court,  as  well  as  in  the 
streets,  to  which  are  added  a  number  of  lamentable  circumstances,  I 
found  I  had  reached  the  end  of  my  intellectual  resources,  and  I  have 
come  here  to  restore  them  by  a  few  days'  rest.  Thanks  to  my  nat- 
ural elasticity  of  fiber,  I  shall  shortly  be  able  to  resume  the  weight 
of  affairs.  Before  the  week  is  out  I  hope  to  be  back  to  my  post, 
where  difficulties  await  me,  giving  rise  to  a  political  situation  likely 
to  become  more  and  more  strained."  Any  other  prime  minister, 
of  less  "elasticity  of  fiber,"  would  have  succumbed  in  a  struggle 
like  this  one,  whose  intricacies  and  vicissitudes  made  it  laborious 
and  unceasing. 


PUBLIC  WORKS. 


593 


This  policy,  though  stoutly  resisted  by  its  enemies,  continued  to 
receive  strength,  manifesting  its  power  in  primary  result,  and  in  a 
few  years  yielding  fruit.  On  every  side  progress  was  discernible.  La 
Marmora,  by  his  energy,  perseverance,  and  method,  and  by  the  aid 
of  a  minister  of  finance  who  willingly  furnished  the  necessary  money, 
had  already  succeeded  in  reorganizing  the  military  institutions,  and 
gathering  an  army  which,  though  small,  Avas  nevertheless  able  to 
sustain  with  dignity  the  standard  of  Italy.  This  new  management  in 
economic  matters  was  not  sterile,  but  produced  good  results.  The 
spirit  of  liberty  had  infused  new  life  into  the  nation,  and  activity  was 
apparent  in  every  form  of  industry  and  commercial  enterprise.  The 
works  of  public  usefulness,  when  completed,  were  a  source  of  wealth. 
At  the  beginning  of  1854  the  Genoese  railroad  was  finished  and 
opened,  cutting  its  way  through  the  Apennines  to  that  gulf  of  the 
MediterfTTnean  where  Cavour  was  proud  to  have  arrived  on  the  first 
locomotive.  Thus  Piedmont  gradually  acquired  an  honorable  name 
in  Europe,  exhibiting  remarkable  progress  for  a  small  country,  being 
full  of  life,  and  quick  to  resist  her  enemies.  In  France  and  England 
she  attracted  attention,  and  won  sympathy  by  her  right  use  of  con- 
stitutional freedom. 

It  was  also  evident  that  Cavour  himself  was  rising  in  public  es- 
teem. He  displayed  such  great  ability  in  the  management  of  strug- 
gles, out  of  which  he  always  came  .the  stronger,  that  those  around 
him  felt  a  growing  interest  and  confidence  in  him.  \Miile  engaged 
in  all  these  affairs,  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  momentous  enterprise 
before  him,  but  appreciated  its  serious  character,  as  the  following 
extract  from  a  private  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  IMadame  de  Cir- 
court,  in  1854,  will  indicate: 

"Circumstances  have  led  Piedmont  to  take  a  clear  and  positive 
position  in  Italy.  I  know  that  it  is  not  without  danger,  and  I  feel 
all  the  responsibility  that  it  imposes  on  me  ;  but  honor  and  duty  have 
laid  the  burden  on  us.  Since  Providence  has  so  willed  it  that  Pied- 
mont should  alone  be  free  and  independent  in  Italy,  it  is  the  duty  of 
Piedmont  to  use  that  liberty  and  independence  in  pleading  the  cause 
of  our  unfortunate  Peninsula  before  Europe.  We  Avill  not  shrink 
from  that  perilous  task  ;  the  king  and  the  country  are  determined  to 
accomplish  it  to  the  uttermost.  INIay  be  your  friends,  the  doctrinaires 
and  the  liberals,  who  deplore  the  loss  of  liberty  in  France  after  they 
have  helped  to  stifle  it  in  Italy,  will  consider  our  policy  absurd  and 
romantic.  I  am  resigned  to  their  censures,  feeling  certain  that  gener- 
ous hearts  like  yours  will  sympathize  with  our  efforts  to  recall  to  life 


594 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


a  nation  for  centuries  buried  in  a  frightful  tomb.  If  I  should  fail, 
you  will  not  refuse  to  give  me  a  corner  among  the  eminent  van- 
quished who  fly  to  group  themselves  about  you.  .  .  .  Take  this 
confession  as  the  avowal  that  my  whole  life  is  consecrated  to  one 
object — that  of  the  emancipation  of  my  country." 


HEN  Cavour,  as  early  as  185 1,  advocated  a  treaty  of  com- 


V  V  merce,  as  a  diplomatic  advantage,  he  was  ridiculed  by  some ; 
but  time  vindicated  his  position.  The  Russian  war  with  England  and 
France  was  now  at  hand,  and  might  involve  the  interests  of  all  coun- 
tries, and  divide  ''into  two  camps  the  East  and  the  West."  From 
the  first  Cavour  watched  the  great  conflict  with  an  attentive  eye, 
and  was  confident  that  it  would  be  extended.  In  the  Spring  of  1854, 
when  the  armies  of  France  and  England  were  advancing  toward 
the  Black  Sea,  he,  in  the  company  of  Count  Lisio,  was  spending  an 
evening  at  the  house  of  his  favorite  niece,  the  Countess  Alfieri,  in 
whose  society  he  loved  to  seek  repose.  He  stood  silent  and  thought- 
ful in  the  salon,  when  she  rallied  him  by  inquiring,  "Well,  uncle, 
are  we  going  to  the  Crimea?"  He  simply  smiled,  and  said,  "Who 
knows?"  Then  again,  as  if  reading  his  thoughts,  she  would  suddenly 
ask  such  a  question  as  this,  "Why  should  you  not  send  ten  thou- 
sand men?"  to  which  he  eagerly  replied,  "Ah,  if  every  one  thought 
that,  it  would  already  be  done."  This  intelligent  woman,  who  well 
understood  her  uncle,  finally  asked  him:  "Well,  are  we  ready  to 
start?"  and  he  replied,  with  his  usual  smile,  "Who  knows?  England 
is  solicitous  to  conclude  a  treaty  which  would  give  our  soldiers  an 
opportunity  of  wiping  out  the  defeat  of  Novara.  But  what  would 
you?  All  my  cabinet  is  hostile  to  this  expedition.  Rattazzi  himself, 
and  my  best  friend.  La  Marmora,  speak  of  relinquishing  the  enter- 
prise;  but  the  king  is  for  me,  and  we  two  will  prevail." 

Cavour  was  heartily  in  favor  of  uniting  with  the  Western  alliance, 
which  was  thrown  open  by  the  Anglo-French  treaty  of  alliance  of 


Sixth  Decade,  Continued,  1850-1860. 


Chapter  XIII. 


OPENING  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DRAMA  IN  ITALY. 


OPPOSITION  A  T  TURIN. 


595 


April  lo,  1854,  and  had  the  decision  rested  only  with  him,  he  would 
have  been  among  the  first  to  take  the  step.  Piedmont  had  not  been 
in  direct  relations  with  Russia  since  1848,  and  therefore  felt  free  to 
consult  her  own  interests.  The  Emperor  Nicholas  desired  to  please 
Austria,  and  no  doubt  entertained  hostile  feelings  toward  the  liberal 
government  of  Turin.  He  even  returned  no  answer  to  the  first  offi- 
cial notifications  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel.  There  was  nothing, 
therefore,  to  restrain  Piedmont's  liberty  of  action  and  sympathy  for 
the  Western  cause  ;  but  Cavour  was  not  alone.  After  first  persuad- 
ing the  king  to  sanction  the  scheme,  he  proceeded  to  win  over  his 
colleagues,  nearly  all  stubborn  men;  next  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  Dabormida,  then  Rattazzi,  then  parliament,  and,  finally,  pub- 
lic opinion. 

The  first  announcement  of  this  project  in  Turin  produced  con- 
siderable excitement,  and  was  condemned  on  every  side.  It  was 
asserted  that  the  country  would  not  derive  any  benefit  from  such  a 
far-off  enterprise  ;  that  little  Piedmont  could  not  occupy  an  honorable 
place  beside  the  two  greatest  powers  of  Europe,  and  that  the  modest 
Sardinian  contingent  would  appear  contemptible  among  the  armies  of 
France  and  of  England.  The  question  was  asked,  whether  it  was  wise 
to  impose  new  sacrifices  on  the  country  for  a  ruinous  piece  of  folly 
at  a  time  when  it  was  so  difficult  to  meet  the  deficit  of  the  budget? 
While  Cavour  was  aware  of  this  strong  opposition,  and  could  not  be 
entirely  independent  of  it,  yet  he  had  no  idea  of  abandoning  his  pur- 
pose. When  an  opportunity  of  obliterating  the  disgrace  of  Novara 
presented  itself,  he  was  determined  to  avail  himself  of  it,  especiall}^ 
when  Piedmont  could  exhibit  the  skill  of  the  new  Sardinian  army,, 
and  also  obtain  both  moral  and  diplomatic  credit  by  securing  the  sup- 
port of  England  and  France.  He  concentrated  all  his  energies  im 
the  effort  to  make  his  scheme  popular  and  in  gaining  alHes.  At  one 
time  he  felt  that  another  might  be  more  successful  in  the  work  thani 
he  could  be,  and  accordingly  proposed  to  Massimo  d'Azeglio,  that 
he  should  take  his  place  as  president  of  the  council,  while  he  served; 
under  his  orders,  or  even,  if  necessary,  abandoned  the  ministry. 
"Do  what  you  think  best,"  he  wrote;  "I  will  support  you  through- 
and  through,  provided  you  make  the  alliance."  This  offer  was. 
promptly  declined  by  D  'Azeglio,  who  promised  the  fullest  aid  to  a. 
policy  whose  greatness  he  appreciated,  but  which  he  could  not  carry- 
out  as  successfully  as  he  who  had  conceived  it. 

Although  perplexed  on  every  side,  Cavour  was  watching  Austria 
at  the  time  when  the  news  reached  Turin  that  the  Viennese  cabinet 

39 


596 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


had  signed  the  treaty  of  December  2,  1854,  with  England  and  France. 
He  perceived  that  the  position  of  Austria  was  equivocal,  and  that 
Piedmont  must  take  a  bold  stand.  If  Austria's  scheme  was  to  have 
her  assistance  purchased  at  Paris  and  in  London,  by  pledging  her 
Italian  possessions,  it  would  be  necessary  for  Piedmont  to  counteract 
it  by  an  immediate  alliance  with  the  West ;  but  if  Austria  intended 
to  be  neutral — and  this  the  penetrating  eye  of  Cavour  foresaw — the 
cabinet  of  Turin  would  obviously  gain  a  great  advantage  by  a 
prompt  and  resolute  movement.  Or,  if  some  unexpected  event 
should  cause  Austria  to  espouse  the  claims  of  Russia,  then  Piedmont 
would  have  every  thing  in  her  own  hands,  and  the  Italian  question 
w^ould  be  speedily  solved.  In  any  case,  hesitation  was  impossible, 
and  in  the  critical  moment  Cavour  received  encouragement  from  one 
who  ever  remained  his  warm,  devoted  friend,  Sir  James  Hudson,  the 
English  representative  at  Turin,  to  whom  an  order  had  just  been  sent, 
by  his  government,  proposing,  in  conjunction  with  the  minister  of 
France,  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Piedmont. 

There  were  difficulties,  however,  to  contend  with  in  fixing  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty.  The  cabinet  of  London  seem  to  have  taken 
it  for  granted  that  the  Sardinian  government  would  be  satisfied  by 
sending  a  contingent  for  an  auxiliary  corps  in  the  pay  of  England; 
but  neither  Cavour,  who  was  determined  to  maintain  the  independ- 
ence of  his  policy,  nor  La  Marmora,  who  felt  a  commendable  pride 
in  the  small  expeditionary  corps,  of  which  he  was  to  be  the  leader, 
would  ever  consent  to  sanction  such  an  arrangement.  They  refused 
to  allow  Piedmont  to  occupy  any  other  position  than  that  of  one  ally 
negotiating  with  another,  desiring  to  defray  its  own  expenses,  and  to 
preserve  the  "dignity  and  disinterestedness  of  its  co-operation,"  thus 
maintaining  equal  rights.  Nothing  was  asked  of  the  British  cabinet 
but  the  facilitation  of  a  loan.  It  was  evident  that  some  kind  of 
guarantee,  or  at  least  some  visible  expression  of  sympathy,  would 
have  been  very  acceptable  to  the  ministry  of  Turin.  If  England  and 
France  would  have  pledged  themselves  to  secure  at  Vienna  the  abol- 
ition of  the  decree  sequestrating  the  Lombard  estates.  Piedmont 
could  have  entered  into  the  alliance  with  more  confidence ;  but  neither 
of  these  contracting  parties  would  agree  to  this  proposition  of  the 
Sardinian  government.  This  question  might  have  become  serious  had 
it  not  been  fortunately  removed  out  of  the  way  by  prominent  Lombard 
emigres,  who,  desiring  the  success  of  the  negotiation,  implored  Ca- 
vour not  to  trouble  himself  about  them.  General  Dabormida  refused 
at  the  eleventh  hour  to  yield  the  point  of  the  guarantee,  and  hence 


THE  TREA  TV  OF  ALLIANCE. 


597 


Cavour  was  compelled  himself  to  assume  control  of  the  foreign  affairs, 
in  order  to  sign  without  conditions.  In  this  treaty,  concluded  Janu- 
ary lO,  1855,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  Sardinian  government  should 
dispatch  and  maintain  a  corps  of  fifteen  thousand  men  in  the  Crimea 
during  the  continuation  of  the  war.  Cavour  saw  it  was  not  beyond 
the  range  of  probabilities  that,  if  Italian  soldiers  should  discount 
French  and  English  blood  before  the  fortifications  of  Sebastopol,  the 
solemn  obligation  at  no  distant  day  would  be  canceled  in  similar  coin 
upon  the  fertile  plains  of  Lombardy.  In  fact,  he  adroitly  introduced 
into  the  treaty  a  secret  stipulation  to  this  effect.  It  was,  indeed,  a 
bold,  almost  desperate,  stroke  of  policy.  ^'C'est  tin  coup  de  pistolet,'' 
exclaimed  an  Austrian  diplomat,  *  *  a  bout  poi^aiit  mix  oreilles  de 
V  Autriche.'' 

\  This  treaty,  uniting  Piedmont  to  France  and  England,  was  not 
only  "a  pistol  fired  in  the  ear  of  Austria,"  as  Count  von  Usedom 
significantly  called  it,  but  also  the  occasion  of  another  parliamentary 
battle.  The  Piedmontese  intervention  was  regarded  by  the  right  as 
"a  totally  unnecessary  adventure,"  which  would  lead  to  ruinous  results 
by  wasting  the  public  money  and  by  placing  the  army  in  a  subordi- 
nate position.  Besides,  that  which  Cavour  had  labored  so  hard  to 
accomplish  was  termed  '*an  act  of  weakness,  the  enforced  pen- 
alty of  the  revolutionary  policy  of  the  cabinet."  These  opponents 
claimed  that  his  change  to  liberalism  and  his  alliance  with  the  left 
center,  or  party  of  action,  had  led  him  into  extremes.  They 
declared  that  France  and  England,  in  sending  their  armies  to  check 
Muscovite  ambition  in  the  East,  were  not  willing  to  incur  the  risk 
of  complications  in  Italy,  and  had,  therefore,  insisted  on  binding 
Piedmont  as  a  precautionary  measure. 

The  situation  in  the  camp  of  the  left  was  still  more  extraordi- 
nary and  critical.  Some  of  the  speakers  sneeringly  referred  to  the 
entry  of  Piedmont  into  that  ''European  concert,"  in  which  Austria 
was  to  be  one  of  the  principal  "performers,"  and  denounced  a  treaty 
with  the  Western  powers  as  a  base  desertion  of  the  national  cause. 
"The  alliance,"  said  Brofiferio,  "is  economically  chargeable  with  rash- 
ness ;  militarily,  it  is  a  piece  of  folly ;  and,  politically,  it  is  a  wicked 
act."  Again  he  exclaimed,  with  more  than  his  usual  fervor:  "  If  I 
should  allow  free  scope  to  the  impulse  of  my  feelings,  my  voice 
would  sound  out  a  grand  lament.  The  sacrifice  of  liberty,  be 
assured,  will  be  the  consequence  of  victory,  whichever  side  it  may 
favor.  May  God  forefend  the  fatal  augury !  But  if  you  consent  to 
this  treaty  the  prostration  of  Piedmont  and  the  ruin  of  Italy  will  be 


598 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


an  accomplished  fact."  The  most  determined  opposition  came  from 
the  ranks  of  the  democratic  party,  who  imagined  they  saw  in  this 
ill-starred  expedition  the  overthrow  of  constitutional  government  in 
Piedmont,  and  an  insurmountable  barrier  to  Italian  unity  and  inde- 
pendence. Some  of  the  extreme  liberals  went  so  far  as  to  induce 
a  few  misled  subaltern  officers  to  prepare  a  protest,  in  which  it  was 
stated  that  "no  government  had  a  right  to  dispose  of  Italian  soldiers 
to  fight  in  anti-national  war;"  and  it  went  on  to  say:  "Let  us  rise 
and  swear  that  we  will  only  consent  to  fight  for  the  unity  of  Italy 
and  for  those  people  who  aspire  to  defend  their  nationality."  The 
more  moderate  complained  that  no  provision  had  been  made  under 
certain  contingencies  for  an  armed  neutrality,  which  could  seize  its 
favorable  opportunity  in  the  midst  of  the  complications  with  which 
Europe  was  threatened.  The  general  feeling  in  parliament  was,  no 
doubt,  expressed  by  Deviry,  who,  in  an  address,  said:  "Gentlemen, 
the  responsibility  which  we  are  going  to  incur  at  the  moment  when 
we  shall  cast  our  ballots  into  the  urn  is  immense,  is  terrible ;  for 
upon  that  vote  will  depend,  it  may  be,  the  future  of  our  country." 

These  political  prophets  predicted  that  Cavour's  policy  would 
involve  Piedmont  in  danger  and  ruin,  but  in  it  he  foresaw  the  only 
hope  of  his  country's  safety  and  salvation.  It  seemed  that  neither 
side  in  parliament  perceived  that  Italy  might  be  advanced  by  still 
another  means.  Cavour  permitted  them  to  ventilate  their  opinions, 
and,  after  listening  to  them  patientl)^  he  presented  to  them  his  policy 
in  a  speech  which  was  animated  with  the  breath  of  a  new  life.  He 
explained  to  them  how  that  neutrality  would  be  a  dangerous  retreat 
into  the  background,  and  that  Piedmont  was  more  interested  than 
any  other  nation  in  checking  the  progress  of  Russia  toward  the 
Mediterranean.  Coming  directly  to  the  difficult  point  of  the  matter, 
he  asked  whether  the  alliance  would  be  favorable  or  injurious  to 
Italy.    This  was  the  real  question. 

"We  have  joined  the  alliance,"  said  he,  "without  relinquishing 
our  exterior  sympathies  any  more  than  our  interior  principles.  We 
have  not  hidden  our  anxiety  for  the  future  of  Ital}%  or  our  desire  to 
see  its  condition  ameliorated.  But  how,  I  shall  be  asked,  can  the 
treaty  serve  the  cause  of  Italy?  It  will  serve  it  in  the  only  way  pos- 
sible, in  the  actual  situation  of  Europe.  The  experience  of  these 
last  years,  as  well  as  that  of  centuries,  shows  how  little  Italy  has 
benefited  by  conspiracies,  plots,  revolutions,  and  futile  excitements. 
Far  from  bettering  her  condition,  they  have  been  among  the  greatest 
evils  which  have  befallen  this  beautiful  portion  of  Europe,  and  that 


A  GREAT  RESPONSIBILITY. 


S99 


not  only  on  account  of  the  innumerable  misfortunes  to  individuals 
resulting-  from  them,  but  because  these  perpetual  schemings,  these 
insurrections  and  uprisings  have  resulted  in  a  diminution  of  the 
esteem  and  s}-mpathy  which  other  nations  might  have  entertained  for 
Itah\  .  .  .  And  now  the  first  of  conditions  for  the  good  of  the 
Peninsula  is  the  restitution  of  her  good  name.  ...  To  effect 
this  two  things  are  necessary:  First,  we  must  prove  to  Europe  that 
Italy  has  sufficient  civil  sagacity  to  govern  herself  liberally,  and  that 
she  is  in  a  position  to  give  herself  the  most  perfect  form  of  govern- 
ment ;  secondly,  we  must  show  that  our  military  valor  is  still  what  it 
was  in  the  time  of  our  ancestors.  In  the  last  seven  years  you  have 
done  much  for  Italy.  You  have  proved  to  Europe  that  the  Italians 
can  govern  themselves  sagaciously.  .  .  .  But  you  must  do  more. 
Our  country  must  give  evidence  that  her  children  can  fight  cour- 
ageously on  the  field.  Believe  this,  that  the  glory  our  soldiers  will 
know  how  to  achieve  on  the  Eastern  coasts  will  do  more  for  the  future 
of  Italy  than  all  the  noisy  talking  in  the  world." 

While  speaking  thus,  and  fascinating  the  Chambers  with  the 
patriotism  of  his  ideas,  Cavour  realized  that  he  was  pla}'ing  a  formi- 
dable game.  After  signing-  the  treaty  he  wrote  immediately  to  a 
friend,  saying:  "I  have  undertaken  a  terrible  responsibility,  but 
come  what  may,  my  conscience  tells  me  that  I  have  fulfilled  a 
sacred  duty!"  From  that  day  of  April,  1855,  when  La  Marmora 
and  his  fifteen  thousand  Piedmontese  soldiers  were  advancing  toward 
the  Crimea,  Cavour  was  burdened  with  anxiety,  resulting  from  a 
consciousness  that  he  was  personally  responsible.  He  was  deeply 
moved  when  the  news  came  that  the  Piedmontese  army,  on  its  arrival, 
had  been  attacked  by  cholera — an  enemy  more  to  be  dreaded  than 
the  Russians.  The  epidemic  produced  the  most  fatal  effects  in  the 
Piedmontese  camp.  During  the  Summer  deaths  occurred  in  rapid 
succession,  and  the  record  in  Turin  embraced  Major  Cassinis,  Victor 
de  Saint-]\Iarsan,  and  a  Casati — all  falling  victims  in  the  flower  of  their 
youth.  General  x\lexander  La  Marmora,  brother  to  the  commander- 
in-chief,  also  surrendered  his  life  to  the  great  enemy. 

Those  prophets  of  evil  who  had  endeavored  to  prevent  the  send- 
ing of  the  expedition  more  than  ever  denounced  what  they  called  a 
"mad  enterprise,"  and  the  real  situation  of  affairs  was  exaggerated 
by  public  rumors.  Cavour  anxiously  watched  the  progress  of  events, 
and  writing  to  La  ]Marmora,  said :  ' '  We  often  meet  together,  and 
we  always  speak  of  you.  Our  thoughts  and  our  best  wishes  are  with 
you  in  that  glorious,  but  hazardous,  campaign  to  which  your  devotion 


6oo 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


to  your  country  has  led  you."  While  he  never  had  any  doubt  con- 
cerning the  result,  yet  he  was  troubled  with  anxious  apprehensions, 
and  the  hours  to  him  passed  slowly.  When  sitting  one  Sunday  under 
the  trees  at  Santena,  whither  he  had  gone  with  Sir  James  Hudson, 
Rattazzi,  Minghetti,  and  Massari,  he  thus  expressed  his  feelings:  "I 
knew  it  when  I  advised  the  king  and  the  country  to  venture  upon  this 
great  enterprise ;  I  was  sure  that  we  should  meet  with  many  heavy 
obstacles,  and  be  sorely  tried  ;  but  this  battle  with  disease  fills  me 
with  alarm ;  it  is  an  evil  complication.  Let  us  not  be  discouraged, 
however ;  now  that  we  have  thrown  ourselves  headlong  into  the 
fight,  it  is  useless  to  look  back.  I  know  that,  when  dying,  Rosmini 
expressed  a  presentiment  that  the  Western  powers  would  conquer. 
I  hope  so ;  and  I,  too,  believe  it.  Never  mind,  we  are  but  under 
a  cloud." 

It  was  evident  to  those  who  were  around  Cavour  ancf  heard  him 
that  a  conflict,  both  patriotic  and  dramatic,  was  raging  within  him. 
He  had  the  anxiety  of  a  serious  man,  but  his  confidence  in  the  suc- 
cess of  his  policy  was  unshaken.  The  decisive  moment  in  his  career 
had  arrived  when  every  thing  depended  on  the  success  or  failure 
of  one  event.  He  had  played  with  fortune,  and  the  result  would  be 
either  humiliation  and  disgrace  or  exaltation  and  honor.  If  he  had 
failed,  many  would  have  called  him  an  adventurer,  but  he  did  not 
manifest  such  a  spirit  in  his  efforts.  He  succeeded  because  he  de- 
served success,  and  knew  how  to  combine  judgment  with  boldness  in 
his  schemes.  At  the  time  when  victory  seemed  the  most  remote  to 
him  he  was  on  the  eve  of  triumph,  and  would  soon  be  permitted 
to  behold  his  policy  coming  out  of  the  fiery  ordeal  and  ready  to  be 
crowned  with  success. 

On  the  day  following  the  battle  of  August  i6,  1855,  he  received 
this  simple  message:  "This  morning  the  Russians,  with  fifty  thou- 
sand men,  attacked  the  lines  of  the  Tchernaya.  Our  pass- word  was, 
'King  and  country.'  This  evening  you  will  know  by  telegram 
whether  the  Piedmontese  were  worthy  to  fight  beside  the  French  and 
the  English.  We  have  two  hundred  dead.  The  French  dispatches 
will  tell  you  the  rest."  This  good  report  relieved  Piedmont  of  its 
heavy  burden  of  fears,  and  filled  the  heart  of  Cavour  with  zealous, 
patriotic  pride.  He  gladly  welcomed  the  news  of  La  Marmora's 
success  and  rejoiced  as  if  it  were  his  own.  The  brilHant  conduct  of 
that  brave  leader  and  of  his  troops  not  only  justified  the  treaty,  but 
it  also  justified  the  president  of  the  council  in  the  eyes  of  all  those 
who  had  accused  him  of  neglecting  to  settle  the  position  of  the  Pied- 


GENERAL  LA  MARMORA. 


601 


montese  general  in  the  midst  of  the  alHed  forces.  Cavour  had 
employed  all  the  means  within  his  power,  and  had  exhibited  great 
judgment  in  the  most  delicate  situation.  He  was  confident  that  if 
the  arm}-  proved  true  to  itself  and  worthy  of  its  country,  its  com- 
mander would  naturally  be  elevated  to  the  position  which  he  had 
won,  and  which  no  one  would  think  of  refusing  him.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  defeat  or  disgrace  had  befallen  the  Piedmontese  troops,  all 
diplomatic  stipulations  would  be  in  vain.  Cavour  had  reposed  confi- 
dence in  La  ]\Iarmora  and  his  army,  and  was  now^  delighted  to  find 
that  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  Piedmontese  troops  presented  a  fine 
appearance  and  made  a  noble  record  in  the  great  conflict.  They 
showed  themselves  worthy  to  fight  side  by  side  with  the  allies  before 
Sevastopol,  and  they  seemed  to  instinctively  feel  that  they  were  there 
as  the  representatives  of  a  great  idea.  On  one  occasion  a  poor  sol- 
dier was  struggling  with  deep  mud  in  the  trenches,  and  a  }-oung 
officer,  desiring  to  encourage  him,  cheerfully  remarked:  "Never 
mind,  it  is  with  this  mud  that  Italy  is  to  be  made."  Besides  his 
military  qualifications,  La  Marmora  had  a  spirit  of  command  which 
gave  him  rank  with  the  generals  of  the  allied  armies  in  the  Crimea, 
just  as  a  little  later  he  took  a  prominent  place  in  a  council  of  war 
assembled  in  Paris.  Lord  Clarendon  declared  that  he  possessed  the 
qualities  "of  a  soldier,  a  gentleman,  and  a  statesman."  His  skill  as 
a  leader,  and  the  bravery  of  his  men  on  the  Tchernaya,  secured  the 
military  result  which  formed  a  part  of  the  scheme  of  Piedmontese 
intervention. 

As  some  of  the  fruits  of  the  Italian  campaign  in  the  Crimea  the 
Sardinian  troops  under  La  Marmora  added  new  luster  to  laurels 
already  won  upon  many  a  bloody  field,  the  cabinet  of  Turin  gained 
political  consideration  among  the  other  cabinets  of  Europe,  Austria 
was  effectually  checkmated,  and  England  and  France  became  the 
assured  allies  of  Piedmont.  IMeanwhile,  to  draw  still  closer  the  ties 
of  amity  and  friendship  with  the  courts  of  St.  James  and  the  Tuiler- 
ies,  Victor  Emmanuel,  accompanied  by  Cavour,  visited  Paris  and 
London  in  the  latter  part  of  1855.  The  cordial  welcome  extended 
to  them  indicated  how  far  Piedmont  had  advanced  in  a  short  time. 
Once  it  was  regarded  as  an  obscure  and  insignificant  state,  concealed  ' 
at  the  foot  of  the  Alps  from  public  attention  and  almost  forgotten; 
but  now  it  was  coming  into  notice,  and  other  nations  were  Talking 
about  it.  Victor  Emmanuel  Avas  every-where  honored  as  the  sover- 
eign of  a  small  kingdom  which  had  boldly  taken  a  great  and  impor- 
tant step,  and  was  gaining  a  firm  footing  on  the  European  platform. 


602 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


He  soon  became  very  popular  in  Paris,  and  in  London  the  highest 
'    respect  was  paid  to  him  not  only  because  he  was  a  Crimean  ally, 
but  also  because  he  was  a  constitutional  king — the  legal  prince  who 
had  made  Piedmont  into  "a  small  England  in  Italy." 

Victor  Emmanuel  was  also  accompanied  in  his  travels  by  D'Azeg- 
Ho,  to  whom  Cavour  had  assigned  a  special  mission.    "His  presence 


house  of  Madame  de  Circourt,  where  he  often  met  the  representatives 
of  the  defeated  parties. 

"From  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  two  hours  after  midnight," 
he  wrote,  am  always  about;  I  have  never  led  so  unquiet  a  life 
or  one  so  useless;  patience,  however.  .  .  .  The  king  is  in  good 
health  and  in  the  best  of  tempers.  To-day  there  is  a  grand  review, 
to-morrow  a  ball  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  Thursday  we  leave.  I 
send  Cibrario  the  programme  of  our  stay  in  England;  it  is  not  an 
amusing  one.  When  I  shall  reckon  up  my  various  rights  to  a  retiring 
pension  I  hope  that  the  present  trip  will  be  counted  as  a  cam- 
paign. ...  I  have  seen  Thiers;  he  approves  of  the  war,  but  he 
would  now  desire  peace.  He  despairs  of  his  party,  and  almost  des- 
pairs of  parliamentary  rule.  Cousin  has  become  a  fusionist.  .  .  . 
I  chanced  to  meet  with  Montelambert,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
small  amount  of  sympathy  existing  betw^een  us,  we  shook  hands.  I 


d'azeglio. 


is  necessary,"  he  said  cheer- 
fully, **to  prove  to  Europe 
that  we  are  not  infected 
with  revolutionary  leprosy." 
D'Azeglio  carried  out  his 
part  of  the  programme  with 
a  delicacy  and  affability  that 
made  him  a  host  of  friends. 
Cavour  himself,  who  was 
naturally  one  of  the  party, 
had  his  share  in  the  rejoic- 
ings and  ovations  of  the 
occasion.  He  was  once 
more  in  Paris,  which  he  had 
not  visited  since  1852;  but 
he  now  entered  it  as  a  ne- 
gotiator for  the  French  alli- 
ance. After  consulting  with 
the  chief  men  of  the  day  at 
the  Tuileries  he  went  to  the 


THE  SITUATION  IN  EUROPE. 


603 


have  also  seen  the  Nuncio,  and  told  him  that  we  should  wish  for  an 
agreement  on  the  same  basis  as  the  French  s}'stem;  he  pretended 
not  to  understand  me." 

Cavour  became  acquainted  with  every  branch  of  Parisian  society, 
and  he  often  expressed  regret  that  he  could  not  escape  the  confusion 
and  anxiety  of  official  visits  and  attend  places  of  amusement.  In  all 
these  diversions,  however,  he  embraced  every  opportunit}'  of  discuss- 
ing Italian  affairs  and  proposing  some  practicable  remedies  for  amel- 
iorating the  unhappy  condition  of  Italy.  This  one  essential  point 
engrossed  his  thoughts.  After  a  lengthy  interview  between  him  and 
Napoleon  III  at  the  Tuileries,  the  latter  closed  the  conversation  by 
asking  a  question  that  was  pregnant  with  interest  for  Cavour,  ''Que 
pent  on  f aire  pour  ritalieT'  It  was  the  first  time  that  he  had  ever 
heard  those  words,  ''What  can  be  done  for  Italy?"  and  though  per- 
haps only  lightly  spoken  as  a  mere  formal  expression  of  courtesy  and 
sympath}%  they  made  a  deep  impression  upon  his  m.ind  on  that  day 
in  December,  1855.  If  the  visit  of  \^ictor  Emmanuel  to  London  and 
Paris  should  produce  no  immediate  results,  Cavour  felt  that  it  was 
the  sign  of  a  new  era  for  Piedmont,  and  a  prologue  or  preparation 
for  the  more  important  moral  \'ictory  that  he  was  about  to  secure  at 
the  approaching  congress  of  Paris,  by  means  of  the  general  negoti- 
ations which  were  for  a  time  to  restore  peace  to  Europe. 

After  the  fall  of  Sevastopol  on  the  8th  of  September,  1855,  which 
was  in  reality  the  termination  of  the  Crimean  campaign,  the  situation 
of  affairs  was  serious.  Previous  to  that  time  the  war  had  been  cir- 
cumscribed in  the  East,  but  now  it  was  difficult  to  determine  whether 
it  would  be  rekindled  in  a  still  more  violent  form,  where  it  would 
begin  and  what  new  direction  it  would  take.  There  was  a  conflict  of 
interests,  and  whether  warlike  or  pacific  measures  would  be  adopted 
was  a  question  not  easily  determined.  To  pay  for  her  defeat  Russia 
seemed  willing  to  make  concessions  in  the  East.  England  was  the 
least  anxious  to  lay  down  her  arms,  but  she  could  not  do  any  thing 
without  France,  and  France,  disposed  to  favor  peace,  appeared  to 
be  the  mediator.  As  Austria  had  not  engaged  her  army  she  felt 
herself  compelled  to  take  some  decisive  step,  and  therefore,  like 
France,  advocated  a  settlement.  The  final  result  was  an  armistice 
with  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 

Believing  that  intervention  and  diplomacy  were  onl}'  a  delusion, 
Cavour  was  at  heart  opposed  to  an  armistice,  and,  beside,  the  Italian 
cause  would  be  greatly  promoted  b}"  a  continuation  of  the  war.  Pie 
resolved,  however,  to  make  the  best  use  of  the  situation,  whatever  it 


6o4 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


might  be  ;  and  when  the  European  congress  was  appointed  at  Paris 
he  prepared  himself  for  the  work  of  negotiation  which  was  about  to 
commence.  At  Turin  there  was  considerable  perplexity  concerning 
the  selection  of  a  suitable  agent,  and  D'Azeglio  was  mentioned  as 
the  probable  plenipotentiary.  Indeed,  the  public  mind  was  some- 
what alarmed  by  the  difficulties  that  must  certainly  arise  from  this 
new  diplomatic  crisis.  It  soon  became  evident  that  Cavour  was  the 
only  man  who  could  successfully  manage  a  matter  which  he  had  been 
chiefly  instrumental  in  promoting  and  directing.  He  was  accordingly 
appointed  chief  Sardinian  plenipotentiary  to  Paris,  and,  after  hesitat- 
ing, concluded  to  accept  the  trust.  From  the  moment  of  his  arrival 
there  he  had  to  settle  important  questions.  part  was  Pied- 

mont to  play?"  "What  was  to  be  her  position  in  the  congress?" 
Nothing  had  as  yet  been  decided.  Cavour  resolved  to  do  for 
diplomacy  what  he  had  done  for  La  Marmora  in  the  Crimean  war, 
and  accordingly  said:  ''When  the  king's  government  signed  a  treaty 
of  alliance  with  England  and  France  it  did  not  think  fit  positively  or 
particularl}^  to  state  the  position  to  be  assigned  to  Sardinia  in  the 
congress.  The  government  was  convinced  that  with  nations,  as  with 
individuals,  influence  and  public  esteem  depend  on  conduct  and  rep- 
utation more  than  on  diplomatic  stipulations." 

In  Paris  Cavour  depended  upon  his  natural  resources,  as  he  had 
relied  on  the  Piedmontese  general  in  the  Crimea,  and  he  was  not 
deceived.  In  the  opening  session  of  the  Congress  he  insisted  that 
Piedmont  should  be  placed  upon  an  equal  footing  with  the  great 
powers  in  the  deliberations,  while  Austria  vainly  endeavored  to  per- 
suade France  and  England  that  Piedmont  could  take  part  in  the  war, 
and  not  have  a  right  to  be  represented  in  the  congress,  because  she 
was  only  a  state  of  the  second  order,  and  an  intruder  in  European 
affairs.  iThe  objection  of  Austria  was  overruled,  and  neither  France, 
England,  nor  Russia  would  consent  to  the  humiliating  exclusion  of 
Sardinia.  The  "acquired  status"  of  the  latter  was  acknowledged; 
and  thus  Cavour  achieved  a  victory  in  the  very  beginning.  Although 
entering  the  congress  on  the  same  level  as  the  representatives  of  the 
greatest  powers,  he  occupied  a  delicate  and  difficult  position,  because 
his  right  to  a  place  there  was  contested,  and  he  soon  expected  to 
introduce  something  more  objectionable  than  himself — the  Italian 
question.  The  admission  of  Piedmont  caused  Count  Buol,  the  Aus- 
trian plenipotentiary,  to  say  that  he  would  now  have  "a  web  to 
unravel."  Cavour  was  elevated  for  the  first  time  to  the  highest 
political  position  in  Europe,  and  brought  face  to  face  with  the  grav- 


A  USTRIA  IN  THE  CONGRESS.  605 

est  questions ;  yet  he  was  able  to  mount  with  the  occasion.  Whether 
as  arbitrator  of  war  or  of  peace,  he  proved  himself  equal,  without  any 
apparent  effort,  to  every  thing  required  of  him.  He  was  courteous 
to  all,  possessed  great  shrewdness,  displayed  remarkable  patience, 
and  was  perfect  master  of  himself.  At  the  first  few  meetings  of  the 
congress  he  preferred  to  keep  in  the  background,  speaking  only  oc- 
casionally. When  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  express  an  opinion 
on  the  matters  under  discussion — the  free  navigation  of  the  Danube, 
or  the  neutralization  of  the  Black  Sea — he  stated  his  views  concisely 
and  clearly,  always  advocating  the  liberal  side.  He  very  soon  won 
golden  opinions  from  his  colleagues,  who  were  astonished  at  the 
variety,  justice,  and  depth  of  his  mind.  Finding  himself  in  an 
assembly  where  conflicting  interests,  antagonistic  policies,  and  bitter 
jealousies  met,  Cavour  had  no  difficulty  in  marking  out  a  clear  course, 
and  in  taking  advantage  of  the  affinities  and  antipathies  in  different 
natures,  always  avoiding  any  thing  that  might  have  a  tendency  to 
separate  himself  from  France  and  England. 

As  conditions  had  already  been  imposed  upon  Russia,  and  peace 
seemed  almost  inevitable,  Cavour  was  unwilling  to  wound  her  pride 
and  feelings  by  making  additional  demands;  and  the  more  Austria 
was  tenacious  in  insisting  the  more  lenient  he  became.  Austria  had 
not  sacrificed  a  man,  and  yet  she  assumed  in  the  congress  a  rigid  and 
inflexible  position  against  Russia,  while  Piedmont,  which  had  bravely 
sent  her  soldiers  to  the  Crimea,  maintained  a  perfect  moderation  in 
the  common  victory  of  the  allies.  This  singular  contrast,  together 
with  the  striking  difference  in  the  attitude  of  the  representatives  of 
these  two  countries,  was  observed  by  the  Russian  plenipotentiaries. 
Count  Orloff  felt  grateful  to  Cavour,  with  whom  he  had  a  friendly 
understanding.  One  day  the  question  of  the  neutralization  of  the 
Black  Sea  was  introduced,  and  during  the  discussion  Count  Orloff 
turned  to  Cavour  and  said,  loud  enough  to  be  heard,  ''Count  Buol 
speaks  as  though  Austria  had  taken  Sevastopol!"  On  another  occa- 
sion, when  Count  Buol  was  insisting  on  the  subject  of  a  small  cession 
of  territory — which  by  a  "diplomatic  euphemism"  would  be  termed 
a  "rectification  of  frontiers"  —  in  Bessarabia,  Count  Orloff  said  to 
Cavour,  in  a  significant  tone,  "Austria's  plenipotentiary  does  not 
know  how  much  blood  or  how  many  tears  this  rectification  of  fron- 
tiers will  cost  his  country."  Of  course,  the  Piedmontese  diplomate 
made  no  effort  to  soften  the  resentment  of  Russia  towards  Austria. 

While  the  congress  was  considering  the  question  of  the  East  and 
the  Black  Sea  Cavour,  by  his  frank  and  affable  manners,  had  established 


606  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

his  position  and  acquired  real  authority,  and  before  the  expiration 
of  a  month  his  superior  abihties  were  acknowledged  by  all.  He  per- 
formed his  part  in  the  official  negotiations  which  culminated  in  the 
treaty  of  peace  of  March  30,  1856;  but  besides  this  he  had  a  special 
work  to  accomplish.  He  had  interviews  with  the  emperor  at  the 
Tuileries,  with  Lord  Clarendon,  Lord  Cowley,  and  the  representa- 
tives of  Russia.  Some  promised  him  support  and  others  co-opera- 
tion, or  at  least  a  "benevolent  neutrality."  Indeed,  Cavour  was 
.  anxious  to  have  the  Italian  question  brought  before  the  congress ; 
but- as  it  had  no  official  existence  it  could  not  be  presented  under  a 
regular  diplomatic  form.  There  was  no  one  authorized  to  represent 
the  "principle  of  nationalities,"  and  therefore  the  Italian  question 
was  not  discussed.  If  the  plenipotentiary  of  Victor  Emmanuel  had 
complained  that  the  "yoke  of  the  foreigner"  rested  heavily  upon  his 
country  Austria  would  have  had  the  right  at  once  of  protesting  against 
the  discussion  of  such  a  matter  in  a  congress  assembled  to  consider 
the  Eastern  question.  There,  indeed,  was  the  difficulty ;  but  it  was 
not  insurmountable.  The  situation  in  Italy  was  a  permanent  viola- 
tion of  the  treaties  established  by  diplomacy  as  the  basis  of  European 
tranquillity.  The  fact  that  a  French  army  occupied  Rome  indicated 
that  the  papal  government  was  not  able  to  support  itself.  The  le- 
gations had  been  held  by  the  Austrians  ever  since  1849,  ^^"'^  Bologna 
still  remained  in  their  hands.  While  the  Austrian  dominion  existed 
in  Lombardy  as  a  legal  government  it  was  extended  by  an  abuse  of 
treaties  to  the  duchies  of  Modena  and  of  Parma,  as  well  as  to 
Tuscany.  The  king  of  Naples  could  only  maintain  his  position  by 
acts  of  extreme  arbitrary  power.  This  condition  of  affairs  produced 
confusion  and  violence,  which  resulted  in  revolutionary  intrigues,  and 
even  menaced  Piedmont.  At  this  point  the  Italian  question  was 
vulnerable,  and  might  be  brought  under  the  notice  of  diplomacy, 
Cavour  recognized  this,  and  from  the  moment  of  his  arrival  in  Paris 
he  labored  indefatigably  to  have  the  matter  discussed  in  the  congress. 

To  the  question  which  Napoleon  III  had  asked  him,  "What  can 
be  done  for  Italy?"  the  Piedmontese  minister  replied  by  preparing, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Lord  Clarendon  and  Count  Walewski,  the  En- 
glish and  French  plenipotentiaries,  a  memorandum  similar  to  the  one 
addressed  to  Napoleon  III  two  months  before.  In  addition  to  this 
statement,  which  was  remarkably  vigorous  and  lucid,  he  sent,  on  the 
27th  of  March — a  few  days  before  the  signing  of  peace  —  a  note  to 
his  allies,  France  and  England,  presenting  Italy  in  a  new  aspect. 
Desiring  to  make  a  start,  he  submitted  plans  for  the  Roman  states — 


A  MEMORABLE  SESSION. 


607 


at  least  for  the  legations — and,  though  impracticable,  they  were  a 
step  in  the  right  direction.  The  farther  the  congress  advanced  on 
the  road  to  peace  the  more  earnest  Cavour  became,  fearing  that  the 
opportunity  which  had  cost  him  so  much  might  escape  him.  But  he 
succeeded  in  arousing  Napoleon  III  and  fascinating  Lord  Clarendon, 
and,  to  strengthen  his  position,  obtained  from  Count  Orloff  assurances 
of  at  least  a  ''favorable  neutrality"  on  the  part  of  Russia.  On  the 
8th  of  April  the  emperor,  convinced  by  Cavour  that  the  time  had 
arrived  for  introducing  the  Italian  question  into  the  conference,  com- 
missioned Count  Walewski  to  take  the  initiative,  which  he  accord- 
ingly did.  Thus,  eight  days  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  the 
powder  which  Cavour  had  gathered  was  ignited,  and  a  sudden  explo- 
sion occurred  which  startled  Austria,  and  compelled  her  to  hear  for 
the  first  time  the  announcement  that  after  Russia  she  might  have  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  next  war. 

The  session  of  that  day  had  its  curious  features,  and  was  memo- 
rable from  the  results  which  flowed  from  it.  Count  Walewski,  the 
French  plenipotentiary,  invoked  the  aid  of  every  ''diplomatic  euphe- 
mism," taking  advantage  also  of  the  congress  to  provoke  "an  inter- 
change of  ideas  on  different  subjects  which  were  waiting  to  be  settled, 
and  which  it  would  be  well  to  take  into  consideration  in  order  to 
prevent  fresh  complications."  He  mixed  all  the  questions  together — 
the  occupation  of  the  legations  by  the  Austrians,  the  occupation  of 
Rome  b\'  the  French  troops,  the  situation  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
the  excesses  of  the  Belgian  journals,  and  the  anarchy  of  Greece.  It 
was  not  difficult  to  perceive  the  real  question,  but  Austria  was  the 
last  to  appreciate  it.  Count  Buol  immediately  denied  the  compe- 
tency of  the  congress,  and  declined  all  discussion  on  Italian  affairs. 
He  protested,  temporized,  and,  as  a  final  expedient,  declared  that  in 
the  absence  of  instructions  he  had  no  power  to  consider  so  delicate 
a  question.  He  made  no  explanation  and  gave  no  opinion  what- 
ever, resolving  to  maintain  an  attitude  that  would  prevent  the  possi- 
bility of  a  practical  solution.  Perceiving  whence  the  blow  came,  he 
could,  to  a  certain  extent,  officially  evade  it,  but  he  could  not  any 
longer  restrain  an  outburst  in  the  congress.  In  the  height  of  the 
stormy  discussion  of  that  memorable  session,  of  w^hich  the  protocol, 
subsequently  issued,  furnishes  a  very  imperfect  and  emasculated 
account,  Lord  Clarendon,  thoroughly  aroused  by  the  defiant  attitude 
of  the  Austrian  envoys,  exclaimed  with  great  vehemence  and  warmth : 
"If  your  intention  is  really  to  make  no  promises,  to  give  no  pledges, 
to  enter  into  no  engagements  with  regard  to  Italy,  it  will  be  to  throw 


6o8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


down  the  gauntlet  to  liberal  Europe,  that  at  no  distant  day  may 
take  it  up.  This  question  will  then  be  decided  by  the  most  energetic 
and  vigorous  measures.  It  is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  our 
forces  are  exhausted." 

Count  Walewski  spoke  in  severe  terms  concerning  the  interior 
government  of  the  king  of  Naples,  and  he  admitted  that  the  situation 
of  Rome  and  the  Roman  states  being  under  foreign  rule,  was  "ab- 
normal." Lord  Clarendon  was  still  more  caustic  in  his  remarks  rela- 
tive to  the  king  of  Naples,  and  boldly  declared  that  the  pontifical  gov- 
ernment was  the  worst  of  all  governments.  He  also  referred  to  the 
frightful  condition  of  the  Romagna,  which  was  between  a  stage  of 
siege  and  one  of  brigandage,  and  added,  that  the  only  remedy  for 
these  evils  was  "secularization,  liberal  reforms,  and  an  administration 
conformable  to  the  spirit  of  the  age."  Cavour  could  afford  to 
remain  silent  while  others  were  ably  playing  his  game,  but  when  his 
time  to  speak  came  he  corroborated  all  that  had  been  said  and 
claimed  that  still  more  must  be  done.  He  demonstrated  that  the 
"abnormal"  was  not  only  the  situation  of  the  pontifical  states  and 
of  Naples,  but  of  the  whole  Peninsula;  and  that  Austria,  by  extending 
her  dominion  from  the  Ticino  to  Venice,  by  encamping  at  Ferrara  and 
Bologna,  and  by  her  control  of  Piacenza  and  her  garrison  at  Parma, 
destroyed  the  political  equilibrium  of  Italy,  and  was  a  source  of  per- 
manent danger  to  Sardinia.  "The  Sardinian  plenipotentiaries,"  he 
said,  as  he  faced  Count  Buol,  "therefore  think  it  their  duty  to  call 
the  attention  of  Europe  to  a  state  of  things  so  abnormal ;  that  which 
results  from  the  indefinite  occupation  of  a  great  portion  of  Italy  by 
Austrian  troops." 

A  few  days  later,  on  the  i6th  of  April,  Cavour  addressed  a  com- 
munication to  France  and  England,  in  wJiich  he  reiterated  the  senti- 
ments that  he  had  uttered  in  the  congress,  declaring  that  Piedmont 
would  not  submit  much  longer  to  foreign  oppression,  and  that  unless 
something  was  done  she,  like  the  other  Italian  states,  would  be  com- 
pelled to  choose  either  the  despotic  rule  of  Austria  or  war.  "Inter- 
nally troubled,"  he  proceeded  to  say,  "by  the  action  of  revolutionary 
passions  instigated  around  her  by  a  system  of  violent  compression 
and  by  foreign  occupation,  menaced  with  a  still  greater  extension  of 
Austrian  power,  the  king  of  Sardinia  may  from  one  moment  to 
another  be  compelled  by  an  inevitable  necessity  to  adopt  extreme 
measures,  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  the  consequences."  In 
these  words  the  real  situation  was  described  by  an  earnest  man,  who 
•was  burning  to  champion  his  policy  before  all  Europe.    It  seemed 


CAVOUR  AND  CLARENDON. 


609 


that  only  an  "empty  protocol"  would  be  the  result  of  his  efforts,  but 
even  this  momentary  triumph  indicated  the  gravity  of  the  Italian 
question.  Cavour,  no  doubt,  expected  something  better  than  a  pro- 
tocol, and  the  disappointment  disturbed  his  mental  balance.  He 
manifested  considerable  impatience,  and  sometimes  during  these  "hot 
moods"  acted  strangely,  but  he  could  quickly  control  himself.  Con- 
scious of  these  peculiar  tides  of  feeling,  he  refers  to  them  in  a  hur- 
ried letter  written  to  Turin,  explaining  all  that  he  was  doing  or 
attempting.  "I  trust,"  he  says,  "that  after  reading  this  you  will  not 
imagine  that  I  have  brain  fever,  or  that  I  have  fallen  into  a  state  of 
delirium  ;  on  the  contrar}',  the  condition  of  m}'  intellectual  health  is 
excellent.  I  have  never  felt  more  calm ;  I  have  even  obtained  a 
great  reputation  for  moderation.  Clarendon  has  often  told  me  that 
Prince  Napoleon  accused  me  of  being  wanting  in  energ}',  and  even 
Walewski  praises  my  behavior ;  I  am  really  persuaded,  however,  that 
boldness  might  not  be  unattended  with  success."  Cavour  had  accom- 
plished all  that  was  possible  at  that  time,  but  thought  he  had  not 
done  enough.     Hence  his  mental  agitation. 

During  a  part  of  April,  1856,  he  revolved  in  his  mind  various 
plans,  not  even  hesitating  to  favor  an  immediate  war  Avith  Austria, 
because  he  believed  that  he  would  be  supported  by  France  and 
England.  The  character  of  his  secret  diplomacy  is  revealed  chiefly 
in  two  letters  written  immediateh'  after  the  congress.  "Yesterday 
morning,"  he  sa}'s  in  one  of  his  letters,  "I  had  the  following  conver- 
sation with  Lord  Clarendon  :  '  Viy  lord,  that  which  took  place  at  the 
congress  proves  two  things:  i.  That  Austria  is  determined  to  persist 
in  its  system  of  oppression  and  violence  towards  Itah'.  2.  That 
diplomatic  efforts  are  quite  inefficient  to  modify  that  system.  The 
results  to  Piedmont  are  extremely  injurious.  What  with  party  irri- 
tation on  the  one  hand,  and  the  arrogance  of  Austria  on  the  other, 
there  are  but  two  courses  open  to  us,  either  to  become  reconciled 
with  Austria  and  the  pope,  or  to  make  preparations  for  the  declara- 
tion of  war  with  Austria  at  no  distant  period.  If  the  first  alterna- 
tive is  the  better,  I  ought,  on  my  return  to  Turin,  to  advise  the  king 
to  call  to  power  the  friends  of  Austria  and  the  pope.  If  the  second 
is  preferable,  we  shall  not  fear,  our  friends  and  I,  to  prepare  ourselves 
for  a  terrible  war — for  war  to  the  death  I'  Here  I  stopped,  and 
Lord  Clarendon,  without  expressing  either  surprise  or  disappro- 
bation, then  said :  *  I  think  you  are  right ;  your  position  is  grow- 
ing critical.  I  can  imagine  that  an  outburst  may  become  inevitable; 
only  the  time  to  speak  it  openly  has  not  yet  come.'    I  replied:  'I 


6io 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


have  given  }'ou  evidence  of  my  moderation  and  prudence  ;  I  think 
that  in  policy  one  should  be  excessively  reserved  as  to  speech  and 
exceedingly  decided  as  to  deeds.  There  are  positions  in  which  less 
danger  will  be  found  in  an  excess  of  audacity  than  in  one  of  pru- 
hence.  \\'ith  La  Marmora  for  our  commander-in-chief,  I  am  per- 
suaded that  we  are  fit  to  begin  a  war,  and  if  it  should  last  long,  you 
will  be  forced  to  come  to  our  assistance.'  Lord  Clarendon  eagerly 
replied  :  '  Oh,  certainly,  if  you  should  be  in  trouble  you  can  rely  on 
us  ;  you  will  see  how  energetically  we  shall  hurry  to  your  aid.'  "  As 
Lord  Clarendon  was  naturally  a  reserved  man,  Cavour  believed  that 
his  words  indicated  the  Avillingness  of  England  to  assist  in  a  war  for 
the  freedom  of  Italy;  but  their  real  meaning,  as  the  sequel  showed, 
was  exaggerated  by  the  Piedmontese  minister. 

Li  another  letter,  written  about  the  same  time,  Cavour  describes  a 
visit  he  made  to  the  emperor,  and  also  refers  to  the  relations  existing 
between  the  Sardinian  and  the  Austrian  plenipotentiaries.  "I  have 
seen  the  emperor,"  he  says,  "and  I  said  much  the  same  thing  to 
him  as  I  had  said  to  Clarendon,  only  putting  it  a  little  more  mildly. 
He  listened  courteously,  and  added,  that  he  hoped  to  bring  Austria 
to  a  better  view  of  things.  He  told  me  that,  on  the  occasion  of  last 
Saturda)''s  dinner,  he  had  said  to  Count  Buol  that  he  deeply  regretted 
to  find  himself  in  positive  contradiction  to  the  emperor  of  Austria  on 
the  Italian  question  ;  upon  which  Count  Buol  immediately  Avent  to 
Walewski  to  tell  him  that  Austria's  greatest  wish  was  to  comply  with 
the  emperor's  wishes  in  every  respect ;  that  France  was  her  only  ally; 
and  that  it  was,  therefore,  imperative  that  she  should  follow  the  same 
policy.  The  emperor  appeared  pleased  with  this  mark  of  friendship, 
and  he  reiterated  that  he  would  take  advantage  of  it  to  obtain  con- 
cessions from  Austria.  I  showed  myself  incredulous.  I  insisted  on 
the  necessity  for  adopting  a  decided  attitude,  and  I  told  him  that  to 
begin  with  I  had  prepared  a  protest  which  I  would  hand  to  Walewski 
the  following  day.  The  emperor  hesitated  long  and  finally  said : 
*  Go  to  London,  come  to  a  clear  understanding  with  Palmerston, 
then  come  and  see  me.'  The  emperor  must  have  spoken  to  Buol, 
for  he  came  to  me  with  a  thousand  protestations  about  Austria's 
good  feeling  toward  us,  her  desire  to  live  peaceably  with  us,  and  to 
respect  our  institutions,  etc.,  etc.,  and  more  humbug  of  the  sort.  I 
replied  that  he  had  not  given  much  evidence  of  such  a  wish  when  at 
Paris,  and  that  I  was  leaving  with  a  conviction  that  the  understand- 
ing between  us  was  worse  instead  of  better.  The  conversation  was  a 
long  and  animated  one,  but  always  in  a  tone  of  urbanity  and  court- 


GAINS  OF  PIEDMONT. 


6ii 


esy.  ...  At  parting  he  shook  my  hand,  saying:  'Allow  me 
to  hope  that  even  politically  we  shall  not  always  be  adversaries.'  I 
conclude  from  these  words  that  Buol  is  somewhat  uneasy  at  the  exhi- 
bition of  opinions  in  our  favor,  and  possibly,  also,  at  what  the  em- 
peror may  have  said  to  him.  .  .  .  Orloff  made  a  thousand  prot- 
estations of  friendship ;  he  agreed  with  me  that  the  condition  of 
Ital}'  was  insupportable.  .  .  .  Even  the  Prussian  speaks  ill  of 
Austria.  After  all,  if  we  have  not  gained  any  thing  practically  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world,  our  victory  is  complete." 

Cavour  soon  realized  that  his  favorite  idea  of  a  coming  war  was 
not  popular  in  Paris,  and  he  did  not  anticipate  any  encouragement 
from  that  visit  to  London,  which  the  emperor  advised  him  to  make. 
He  was  warmly  received  by  the  queen  and  the  prince  consort, 
accepted  an  invitation  to  be  present  at  a  naval  review,  and  heard 
protestations  of  s}'mpathy  from  Tories  as  well  as  Whigs  for  the  Pied- 
montese  constitutional  government;  but,  beyond  a  manifestation  of 
general  interest,  the  English  were  somewhat  indifferent  concerning 
the  national  question.  He  saw  but  little  of  Palmerston,  and  did  not 
have  in  London  a  renewal  of  such  an  interview  as  he  had  in  Paris 
with  Lord  Clarendon.  The  steady,  penetrating  mind  of  Cavour  soon 
appreciated  the  situation,  and  though  he  had  been  prematurely 
dreaming  of  kindling  the  flames  of  war,  immediately  after  a  recent 
peace,  the  illusion  was  only  momentary.  While  he  could  not  obtain 
all  that  he  desired,  he  felt  nevertheless  that  something  real  and  prac- 
tical had  been  gained.  The  arms  of  Piedmont  had  been  united  with 
those  of  the  greatest  nations  on  earth,  and  she  obliterated  the  painful 
record  of  her  defeat  at  Novara  by  the  bravery  of  her  soldiers  on 
hotly  contested  battle-fields,  presenting  the  spectacle  of  what  one  of 
the  French  generals,  Bosquet,  called  "a  jewel  of  an  army."  She 
had  been  permitted  to  take  her  seat  round  the  green  table  of  a  con- 
gress beside  France,  England,  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia.  She 
had  made  herself  one  of  the  European  powers,  and  demonstrated 
that  the  importance  of  a  country  is  measured  rather  by  its  ability 
and  valor  than  by  extent  of  territory.  She  had  acquired  the  right  to 
discuss  questions  previously  forbidden,  to  speak  in  behalf  of  all  Italy, 
and,  indeed,  to  make  herself  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  entire  country. 
What  more  could  Cavour  wish? 

When  he  returned  to  Turin  after  the  congress,  he  met  with  the 
same  opposition  which  had  assailed  him  before  the  Crimean  campaign ; 
but,  while  his  enemies  endeavored  again  to  annoy  him  by  asking 
what  he  had  gained,  he  pointed  to  the  results  of  his  bold,  consec- 

40 


6l2 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


utive  policy  and  quietly  replied:  "We  have  not  reached  any  very 
definite  object,  it  is  true;  but  we  have  secured  two  things:  In  the 
first  place,  the  anomalous  and  unhappy  situation  of  Italy  has  been 
laid  before  Europe,  not  by  demagogues  or  hot-headed  revolutionists, 
nor  again  by  excited  journalists,  but  by  the  representatives  of  the 
highest  powers  of  Europe;  by  statesmen  who  govern  the  greatest 
nations,  and  who  are  accustomed  to  take  council  of  reason  rather 
than  emotion.  In  the  second  place,  these  very  powers  have  declared 
that  it  was  not  only  in  the  interest  of  Italy,  but  in  that  of  Europe, 
that  the  ills  of  Italy  should  be  remedied.  I  can  not  believe  that  a 
judgment  passed  and  a  counsel  given  by  such  powers  as  those  of 
France  and  England  can  be  barren  of  good  results.  The  principles 
which  have  guided  us  in  these  last  years  have  enabled  us  to  make  a 
great  advance.  For  the  first  time  in  the  whole  course  of  our  history 
the  Italian  question  has  been  broached  and  discussed  in  a  European 
congress;  not  as  formerly  at  Laybach  and  Verona,  with  a  view  to 
aggravate  the  evils  Italy  had  to  bear,  and  put  new  chains  about  her 
neck ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  with  the  openly  avowed  object  of  finding 
some  remedy  for  her  oppressed  condition,  and  to  exhibit  the  sym- 
pathies of  great  nations  towards  her.  The  congress  is  ended,  and 
now  the  cause  of  Italy  is  brought  before  the  tribunal  of  public  opin- 
ion. The  action  may  be  long  and  the  shiftings  many. 
We  await  the  issue  of  it  with  an  entire  confidence."  Thus  spoke 
Cavour  before  the  Chamber  at  Turin;  and  parliament  almost  unani- 
mously approved  the  course  pursued  by  the  Sadinian  envoys  through- 
out the  conference.  All  the  Italian  provinces  sent  in  congratulatory 
addresses,  and  statues,  busts,  and  medals  were  raised  by  public 
subscription  in  honor  of  the  man  whose  name  was  henceforth  to 
become  synonymous  with  Italian  unity  and  independence.  He  was 
every-where  recognized  as  the  representative  of  a  revived  and 
strengthened  Piedmont,  and  Italians  hailed  him  as  the  hope  of  Italy. 

But  Cavour's  work  was  not  yet  completed.  During  the  two  or 
three  years  following  the  congress  of  1856  he  labored  to  destroy 
Austria's  influence,  to  maintain  the  liberal  ascendancy  of  Piedmont, 
to  rally  Italian  patriotic  sentiment  around  the  banner  of  Victor  Em- 
manuel without  committing  himself  with  the  different  governments, 
to  obtain  allies  by  any  means,  to  create  sympathy,  and  to  prepare 
for  war  under  cover  of  peace.  It  was  difficult  to  pursue  all  these 
objects  in  the  midst  of  conflicting  parties,  but  Cavour  was  equal  to 
the  task,  being,  as  Manzoni  once  said  of  him,  "every  inch  a  states- 
man, with  all  a  statesman's  prudence  and  even  imprudence."  He 


DEATH  OF  MANIN. 


6>3 


was  deeply  interested  in  the  material  advancement  of  Piedmont,  and 
resolved  to  improve  its  fortifications.  Notwithstanding-  the  heavy 
drain  upon  the  national  exchequer,  he  created  a  great  marine  hospital 
at  Spezzia,  fortified  Alessandria,  and  urged  on  the  boring  of  the  Alont 
Cenis  tunnel.  He  believed  that  the  latter  enterprise  would  be  of  incal- 
culable commercial  advantage  to  Piedmont.  One  day,  on  the  Piazza 
d'Armiy  of  Turin,  pointing  in  the  direction  of  the  Alps,  he  observed 
to  his  friends:  *'If  Louis  XIV  said  the  Pyrenees  would  be  no  more, 
I  hope  some  day  to  say  with  more  truth  that  the  Alps  are  no  more." 

While  promoting  the  material  interests  of  the  country,  Cavour, 
at  the  same  time,  continued  to  strengthen  his  policy.  He  received 
some  moral  support  from  the  national  society  formed  at  this  period 
by  Giuseppe  La  Farina,  a  Sicilian  emigrant,  who  proposed  to  liberate 
Italy  by  less  violent  means  than  those  adopted  by  Mazzini.  The 
latter  was  at  Genoa  in  1857,  superintending  the  popular  outbreak 
there.  The  insurrection  also  extended  to  Leghorn  and  Naples,  but 
there  was  a  division  in  the  republican  ranks.  Manin  and  other 
leaders  were  opposed  to  the  movement  and  the  result  was  failure. 
Cavour  was  not  in  sympathy  with  Mazzini's  methods,  and  hence  his 
indorsement  of  La  Farina's  society.  When  in  Paris,  at  the  congress 
of  1856,  the  Piedmontese  minister  had  an  interview  with  Manin,  who, 
during  an  exile  of  seven  'years,  had  been  supporting  his  family  by 
giving  lessons  in  Italian.  He  still  advocated  independence  and 
national  unity  for  Italy,  and  occasionally  expressed  his  views  in  the 
Presse  Steele  and  Estafette,  newspapers  of  Paris,  in  the  Times  and 
Daily  News,  of  London,  and  in  the  Diritto,  of  Turin.  He  was  broken 
by  family  affliction,  having  lost  by  death  his  wife,  and  then  an 
accomplished  daughter,  who  was  in  his  eyes  the  pathetic  image  of 
his  beloved  Venice.  These  bereavements,  together  with  a  malady 
which  had  long  impaired  his  health,  hastened  him  on  to  the  close  of 
life.  Cavour  found  him  no  less  devoted  to  Italian  independence  than 
in  the  past,  but  he  accepted  the  Paris  negotiations  and  expressed  his 
willingness  to  favor  any  policy  that  would  lead  to  national  freedom 
and  unity,  and  especially  to  a  republic.  The  great  statesman  of 
Venice  died  on  the  226.  of  September,  1857,  and  was  buried  at 
Montmartre.  The  French  government  did  not  interfere  with  the 
publicity  of  the  funeral,  which  was  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of 
people,  including  many  strangers  from  Paris. 

The  public  mind  was  deeply  moved  by  the  attempts  of  misguided 
individuals  to  assassinate  crowned  heads.  A  powder  magazine  and 
vessels  of  war  were  exploded  at  Naples,  and  a  soldier  named  Agesilas 


6i4 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Milano  sought  to  take  the  Hfe  of  the  king.  It  is  true  that  the  des- 
potic acts  of  that  monarch  had  been  so  rigorous  that  France  and 
England,  in  1856,  engaged  in  a  diplomatic  intervention  to  restrain 
him,  yet  few  of  his  subjects  favored  violent  means  to  secure  relief. 
The  national  policy  of  Cavour  was  seriously  embarrassed  by  the  effort 
of  Felice  Orsini,  an  Italian,  to  assassinate  the  emperor  and  empress 
of  France  as  they  entered  the  Opera  House  in  Paris  on  the  evening 
of  January  14,  1858.  The  papal  nuncio  had  not  hesitated  to  tell 
Napoleon  that  these  were  the  fruits  of  the  revolutionary  passions 
fostered  by  Count  Cavour."  The  embassador  of  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  had  immediately  asked  whether  the  time  had  not  yet  come 
in  which  to  "establish  between  France  a  mutual  understanding,  in 
order  to  constrain  Piedmont  to  leave  off  protecting  the  machinations 
of  the  refugees  and  the  license  of  the  press."  Soon  after  Orsini's 
rash  attempt  Victor  Emmanuel  sent  General  della  Rocca  to  congrat- 
ulate the  emperor  on  his  escape,  and  also,  perhaps,  to  appease  him. 
Soon  afterwards  the  king  wrote  a  confidential  letter  to  Napoleon,  and 
the  latter  in  reply  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  attitude  of  Pied- 
mont. The  emperor's  anger  was  gradually  disappearing,  and  he  even 
admitted  that  if  there  were  any  conspirators  it  was  not  Piedmont, 
but  the  hazardous  situation  of  Italy,  to  blame.  At  the  Tuileries  it 
had  come  to  be  repeated  that,  "So  long  as  there  should  be  Austrians 
in  Italy  there  would  be  attempts  of  assassination  in  Paris ;  that  Count 
Cavour  was  in  the  right  and  ought  to  be  seconded." 

Napoleon  desired  that  the  Italians  should  understand  his  views  of 
the  situation,  and  he  actually  sent  the  letters  which  Orsini  had  writ- 
ten to  him  from  his  prison  to  Count  Villamarina,  with  orders  to  send 
them  to  Turin.  They  were  published  in  the  Monitem^  at  Paris,  and 
the  following  extract  indicates  their  contents:  "Let  your  majesty  call 
to  mind  that  the  Italians,  among  whom  was  my  father,  shed  their 
blood  freely  and  joyfully  for  Napoleon  the  Great,  that  they  continued 
faithful  to  him  until  his  downfall.  Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
peace  of  Europe  and  that  of  your  majesty  will  remain  a  mere  chimera 
as  long  as  Italy  is  not  free.  If  your  majesty  will  but  deliver  my 
country  the  benedictions  of  twenty-five  millions  of  men  will  resound 
from  generation  to  generation."  Orsini  was  executed,  and  his  letters 
appeared  in  the  official  gazette  of  Turin.  Then  followed  a  strange 
diplomatic  scene — the  meeting  of  Napoleon  and  Cavour  at  Plombi^res 
on  the  20th  of  July,  1858.  An  alliance  was  agreed  upon,  embracing 
a  war  with  Austria,  the  formation  of  an  Italian  kingdom  of  eleven 
millions  of  souls,  and  the  cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France. 


THE  EVENTS  OF  A  DECADE. 


615 


Sixth  Decade,  Continued,  1850-1860. 


Chapter  XIV. 

ITALY  BEFORE  AND  AFTER  THE  PEACE  OF  VILLAFRANCA. 
JITH  the  beginning  of  the  year  1859         national  drama  of 


V  V  Italy  was  hastening  to  its  crisis.  In  the  early  part  of  1849, 
on  the  23d  of  ]\Iarch,  Piedmont,  conquered  and  humiliated,  fell  on 
the  battle-field  of  Novara,  holding  in  her  hand  only  a  torn  flag  and 
a  broken  sword.  She  was  destitute  of  allies,  and  the  comparatively 
few  friends  she  had  were  more  inclined  to  blame  her  rashness  than  to 
sympathize  with  her  in  her  misfortune  or  to  render  her  assistance. 
Austria  had  been  successful  through  her  powerful  armies ;  and  the 
triumph  of  the  reactionary  party  in  the  Sardinian  parliament  was 
secured  by  magnifying  the  dangers  of  disorderly  revolutions.  For  a 
considerable  length  of  time  the  prospect  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps 
was  gloomy;  but  in  the  first  days  of  1859  Italian  situation  had 
changed.  The  attention  of  Europe  was  again  directed  towards  Pied- 
mont, and  the  Italian  question  was  the  absorbing  topic  both  in  dip- 
lomatic and  popular  circles. 

The  policy  inaugurated  at  Turin  ten  years  previous,  and  vigor- 
ously pursued,  had  guided  Piedmont  from  Novara  to  the  Crimean 
War ;  from  the  Congress  at  Paris  to  the  negotiations  of  Plombieres. 
Austria  had  been  isolated  within  her  contested  dominions ;  a  united 
Italian  sentiment  rallied  around  a  national  monarchy ;  the  question 
of  independence  had  been  separated  from  that  of  revolution ;  and  the 
foreign  ministers  had  been  awakened  to  a  realization  of  Italy's  situa- 
tion. These  were  some  of  the  results  of  this  ten  years'  policy,  which 
a  remarkable  combination  of  circumstances  made  successful.  There 
were  displayed  wisdom  in  its  inception  and  courage  in  its  prosecu- 
tion, and  when  the  proper  time  arrived  friends  came  forward  to  be 
the  supporters  of  one  of  the  most  difficult  enterprises.  Napoleon  and 
Cavour,  though  different  in  position,  character,  and  mind,  supple- 
mented each  the  other.  The  resemblance  between  them  was  slight, 
and  they  stand  before  us  on  the  historic  page  in  vivid  and  strange 
contrast  with  each  other.  They  came  into  collision  more  than  once, 
and  yet  they  mutually  attracted  each  other,  because  each  felt  that  the 
other  was  necessary  to  him. 


6i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Cavour  regarded  Napoleon  III  as  a  powerful  and  perhaps  danger- 
ous ally,  the  ruler  of  one  of  the  most  prominent  European  countries, 
and  the  head  of  an  army  still  considered  invincible.  Napoleon  III 
found  in  Cavour  the  model  foreign  minister,  and  the  instrument  of  his 
peculiar  views  concerning  Italy;  "the  man  best  calculated,"  says  De 
IMazade,  **to  sweep  him  on,  to  oppose  him,  if  necessary,  and  ease 
him  of  the  burden  of  his  irresoluteness  by  putting  pressure  upon  him, 
in  offering  him,  in  a  variety  of  Avays,  the  occasion  of  deciding,  and 
acting  upon  his  decision."  ItJs  said  that  during  the  interview  at 
Plombieres  the  emperor,  then  believing  that  he  had  unlimited  power, 
remarked  to  Cavour:  "Do  you  know  that  there  are  but  three  men 
in  Europe:  we  two,  and  a  third  I  will  not  name?"  No  one  knew 
what  person  was  meant  by  the  "third  ;"  but  the  other  two  met  in  the 
little  town  of  Vosges,  and  the  result  was  a  coincidence  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1859 — scene  at  the  Tuileries  on  the  1st  of  January,  and 
the  thrilling  speech  of  Victor  Emmanuel  in  the  parliament  at  Turin, 
on  the  lOth  of  the  same  month.  The  king,  at  the  opening  of  the 
chambers,  said:  "Our  horizon  is  not  at  all  clear.  Our  country,  small 
indeed  territorially,  has  yet  become  influential  in  Europe,  through  the 
greatness  of  the  ideas  it  represents  and  the  sympathies  it  inspires. 
This  situation  is  by  no  means  without  its  dangers ;  for  while  we 
would  respect  treaties,  we  can  not  remain  insensible  to  the  cry  of 
anguish  which  reaches  us  from  so  many  parts  of  Italy."  Victor 
Emmanuel  would  not  have  spoken  with  such  boldness  unless  he  had 
received  definite  promises  from  Napoleon  III,  and  the  latter  no  doubt 
had  known  and  approved  of  it  beforehand.  It  was  a  part  of  his  tac- 
tics that  his  ally  should  say  what  he  would  not,  or  could  not,  as  yet 
say  himself.  Cavour  understood  the  meaning  of  the  words  carelessly 
spoken  by  the  emperor  to  M.  de  Hubner,  and  on  hearing  them  he 
remarked  with  a  smile:  "The  emperor  means  to  go  ahead,  it  appears." 

In  a  few  days  subsequently  the  public  mind  was  startled  by 
another  incident  of  great  political  significance.  It  was  known  almost 
simultaneously  that  Prince  Napoleon,  accompanied  by  General  Niel, 
had  left  Paris  for  Turin,  and  that  the  marriage  of  a  Bonaparte  with 
the  Princess  Clotilde  of  Savoy  was  accomplished.  Before  the  30th 
of  January  all  was  settled  at  Turin,  where  the  excited  populace  dis- 
cussed this  union  of  the  dynasties  and  interpreted  it  as  the  promise 
of  events  at  hand.  The  personal  and  implied  understanding  which 
had  previously  existed  between  the  emperor  and  the  king  assumed  a 
more  distinct  form,  diplomatically,  after  the  i8th  of  January,  and 
became  a  regular  alliance  in  anticipation  of  an  attack  on  the  part  of 


THE  ARCHDUKE  MAXIMHIAN. 


617 


Austria.  On  the  morrow  of  the  marriage  of  Prince  Napoleon  and 
the  Princess  Ciotilde  there  appeared  suddenly  in  Paris  a  startling 
pamphlet,  "Napoleon  III  and  Italy,"  known  to  be  inspired  by  the 
emperor.  It  contained  a  whole  programme  of  Italian  reorganization, 
by  national  federation,  without  foreign  interference. 

How  rapidly  consecutive  events  crowded  each  other,  and  how 
marked  the  changes  within  a  short  period !  The  speech  of  Victor 
Emmanuel  was  a  supplement  to  the  words  spoken  by  Napoleon  III 
to  Baron  Hubner,  and  these  two  public  acts  were  crowned  by  the 
family  alliance,  and  by  the  imperial  manifesto,  which  brought  the 
problem  of  the  destinies  of  Italy  before  Europe,  as  though  the 
treaties  of  18 15  were  not  in  existence.  The  crisis  reached  its  culmi- 
nation in  a  few  days;  but  nothing  was  decided,  and  it  was  uncertain 
whether  the  knot  would  have  to  be  finally  cut  by  the  sword  or  untied 
by  diplomacy.  Indeed,  all  Europe  was  deeply  agitated  during  the 
Winter  of  1859,  '^^^  result  of  the  struggle  between  the  pacific 
and  warlike  elements.  The  situation  was  truly  singular;  a  conflict 
seemed  inevitable,  and  yet  the  real  question  of  the  hour  remained 
obscure.  Diplomacy  did  not  know  how  to  take  hold  of  this  Italian 
problem,  and  it  was  evident  that,  from  various  considerations,  the 
difficulties  could  be  adjusted  only  by  an  appeal  to  force.  Even  Ca- 
vour,  who  alone  of  all  the  actors  in  the  great  drama  fully  realized 
how  much  Italy  had  at  stake,  spent  nearly  four  months  of  this 
curious  phase  in  Italian  history  without  apparentl}'  accomplishing  any 
thing  for  the  national  movement.  At  one  time  he  would  pursue  a 
course  that  promised  satisfactory  results ;  at  another,  he  seemed  to 
yield  to  the  projects  of  negotiations  coming  from  every  direction  ;  and 
these  perplexities  caused  him  to  advance  more  slowly  than  usual. 

If  Austria  had  taken  the  initiative  and  manifested  a  conciliatory 
spirit  she  might  easily  have  divested  the  question  of  its  difficulties 
and  confused  her  enemies.  She  seemed  once  disposed  to  adopt  a 
policy  of  reconciliation,  and,  accordingly,  in  the  year  1858,  the  Arch- 
duke Maximilian  was  sent  .by  the  cabinet  at  Vienna  as  viceroy  to 
Lombardy  on  a  mission  of  peace.  This  ill-fated  prince,  doomed  to 
the  sad  Mexican  tragedy,  arrived  at  Venice  and  Milan  full  of  liberal 
views  and  designs.  He  had  much  in  his  favor — youth,  amiability, 
and  dignity.  For  his  support  he  had  Austria,  and  for  wise  counsel 
he  had  the  prudent  Leopold,  of  Belgium,  whose  daughter  he  had  just 
married — thus  securing,  also,  through  this  king  the  best  wishes  of 
England.  Maximilian  entered  upon  his  work  earnestly,  and  perhaps 
hopefully.     During  an  excursion  on  the  Lago  ]Maggiore,  and  in  a  con- 


6i8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


versation  with  the  Prussian  minister  at  Turin,  Count  Brassier  de 
Saint  Simon,  he  spoke  of  Cavour  in  the  warmest  terms.  '*  I  greatly 
admire  Count  Cavour,"  he  said,  "but  as  the  business  in  contempla- 
tion is  a  policy  of  progress,  I  shall  not  let  him  outstrip  me."  Cavour, 
always  vigilant  and  profiting  by  every  circumstance,  watched  this 
movement  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian,  and  subsequently  he  ac- 
knowledged that  it  might  have  defeated  all  his  plans. 

Austria  could  have  been  magnanimous,  because  her  territorial 
possessions  and  military  power  were  so  great  that  she  could  make 
concessions  without  being  considered  dishonorable.  By  conforming 
to  a  liberal  policy  she  might  have  weakened  the  national  Italian  senti- 
ment, and  by  an  administration  less  rigid  she  would  have  convinced 
Europe  of  her  generosity  toward  Italy.  Maximilian  himself  might 
have  ruled  the  disputed  territory  with  mildness.  How  different  then 
might  events  have  been  from  the  war  of  1859  war  of  1866, 

and  all  that  since  occurred — not  forgetting  Mexico!  If  Austria  had 
not  succeeded  in  this  policy,  it  was  at  least  worth  an  experiment;  but 
she  became  alarmed  too  soon,  and  discovering  certain  indications  of  a 
public  crisis,  she  fell  back  on  her  "traditions  of  immobility  and  repres- 
sion." This  was  not  the  first  time  that  she  had  taken  the  wrong  step, 
which  in  every  case  led  to  heavy  losses.  She  not  only  canceled  the 
mission  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian,  but  also  exaggerated  her  mili- 
tary rule  in  all  her  Italian  possessions.  Before  January  i,  1859, 
had  already  commenced  her  preparations  for  war,  and  on  the  morrow 
of  this  date  she  sent  army  corps  after  army  corps  into  Italy,  organiz- 
ing her  forces  as  on  the  eve  of  a  campaign,  and  even  taking  a  posi- 
tion on  the  Ticino,  in  the  face  of  Piedmont.  Some  of  her  officers 
permitted  their  belligerent  dispositions  to  lead  them  into  imprudent 
actions  of  a  serious  character,  and  at  their  banquet  tables  in  Milan 
they  talked  confidently  of  a  speedy  departure  for  Turin,  which  they 
declared  was  to  be  the  first  stage  of  a  march  on  Paris. 

Austria  seemed  blind  to  the  fact  that  her  haste  and  feverish  man- 
ner exposed  her  from  day  to  day  to  a  fit  of  rashness  by  the  excess 
of  her  military  display  and  of  her  expenditure.  Those  who  were 
endeavoring  to  secure  peace  were  disarmed  in  advance  by  her  posi- 
tion, and  she  was  unconsciously  playing  the  game  of  her  enemies. 
At  any  rate  she  had  given  Piedmont  a  pretext  for  war,  and  the  latter 
country  resolved  to  profit  by  it.  The  fortresses  of  Alessandria  and 
Casale  were  made  ready,  and  the  regiments  scattered  on  both  sides 
of  the  Alps  were  brought  together.  The  parliament  voted  a  loan 
of  two  millions  sterling  because  it  was  rendered  necessary  by  the 


ENGLISH  NEGOTIA  TIONS. 


619 


provocation  of  Austria;"  and  thus  the  two  powers  were  ah-eady 
face  to  face,  opposing  armament  to  armament,  and  demonstration  to 
demonstration.  The  vexed  question  of  peace  or  w^ar  was  about  to 
be  solved.  The  wish  was  strongly  for  peace,  and  diplomacy  endeav- 
ored to  preserve  it ;  but  what  could  be  done  in  such  a  state  of  affairs  ? 
All  these  incidents  had  inflamed  public  sentiment,  w^hich  was  on  the 
verge  of  explosion. 

England,  represented  by  the  Tory  ministry  of  Lord  Derby  and 
Lord  Malmesbury,  was  more  anxious  for  peace  than  the  other 
powders.  All  Europe  was  divided,  and  England  herself,  who  was 
expected  to  take  the  lead  in  the  discussion  and  negotiations,  was 
deeply  perplexed.  She  w-as  unhappily  in  an  embarrassing  position, 
desiring  to  maintain  her  traditional  Continental  policy,  which  held 
her  to  the  treaties  of  1815  and  Austria,  and  yet  sympathizing  with 
the  cause  of  freedom  in  Piedmont  and  Italy.  The  growing  intimacy 
of  France  with  Turin  made  England  uneasy,  and  she  was  anxious 
about  her  commercial  interests.  In  order  to  secure  peace  she  wished 
to  remove  that  which  menaced  it,  and  therefore  endeavored  to  con- 
ciliate all  the  parties  concerned — Austria,  France,  and  Piedmont;  but 
she  failed  to  observe  that  her  urgent  requests  of  each  imperiled  her 
chances  of  success  with  them  all. 

When  England  appealed  to  Vienna  Count  Buol  Schauenstein, 
minister  of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  replied,  impatiently:  **You 
are  mistaken.  It  is  not  here  that  you  should  come  with  your  en- 
treaties and  your  counsels :  go  to  Paris  and  Turin,  and  speak  your 
mind  out  plainly  there.  Let  the  Emperor  Napoleon  learn  that  if  his 
army  crosses  the  Alps  England  will  not  look  on  quietly;  let  the 
king  of  Piedmont  know  that  England  sanctions  no  plundering  of  the 
Austrian  possessions  in  Italy.  If  the  queen's  ministers  hold  a  reso- 
lute language  we  shall  have  no  war.  Italy  is  not  in  want  of  recon- 
struction ;  let  them  cease  to  stir  her  up,  and  we  shall  hear  no  more  of  it. " 

The  English  cabinet  then  consulted  the  authorities'  at  Turin,  and 
was  advised  if  it  desired  peace  to  apply  to  Vienna,  whose  dominion 
in  Italy  w^as  the  source  of  existing  difficulties  because  it  menaced 
constitutional  liberty  in  Piedmont,  and  constantly  excited  revolution- 
ary passions.  Besides,  it  was  claimed  that,  even  admitting  Austria 
to  be  on  the  legal  ground  of  181 5  in  her  control  of  Milan,  she  was 
not  so  in  her  occupation  of  Bologna  and  Ancona  for  a  perid  of  ten 
years,  reducing  the  central  duchies  to  a  condition  of  vassalage,  and 
converting  Piacenza  into  an  imperial  fortress  on  the  frontier  of 
Piedmont. 


620 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


England,  in  her  peaceful  mission,  was  encouraged  by  the  emperor 
of  France,  who  disavowed  the  very  idea  of  an  aggressive  policy,  and 
assumed  the  position  of  a  judicious  adviser  and  friend,  declaring  that 
she  endeavored  to  interest  Russia  and  Germany  in  her  cause  by  ex- 
tending the  war  and  opening  the  conflict  on  the  Rhine  as  well  as  on 
the  Po;  but  she  was  not  successful.  A  warlike  feeling  had  made  her 
reckless,  and,  wishing  to  bring  the  matter  to  a  definite  point,  she 
resolved  without  further  delay  to  send  an  ultimatum  direct  to  Turin, 
summoning  Piedmont  to  disarm,  and  allowing  her  three  days  to  con- 
sider the  question.  This  step  delighted  Cavour,  and  his  only  regret 
was  that  Austria  did  not  proceed  further. 

On  tlie  19th  of  April  the  ultimatum  was  ready  to  be  launched  at 
him  from  Vienna,  but  Cavour  could  not  know  it.  On  the  20th, 
however,  the  first  indications  of  the  coming  coup  de  theatre  were 
apparent  to  him.  He  was  in  the  Chamber  of  deputies,  at  the  Carig- 
nano  Palace,  on  the  23d  of  April,  when  a  word  hastily  written  by 
one  of  his  intimate  friends  informed  him  of  the  arrival  of  Baron 
Kellersperg,  bearer  of  a  communication  from  Count  Buol.  At  half- 
past  five  o'clock  on  the  same  afternoon,  while  at  the  ministry  of  for- 
eign affairs,  Cavour  received  from  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  envoy 
this  communication,  which  commanded  Piedmont  to  disarm.  Three 
days  later,  at  the  same  hour,  he  delivered  the  reply  of  the  Piedmon- 
tese  government  to  Baron  Kellersperg,  whose  hand  he  courteously 
pressed  when  he  assured  him  of  the  happiness  he  would  have  to 
meet  him  again  "under  more  favorable  auspices."  He  immedi- 
ately gave  his  final  orders  to  Colonel  Govone,  who  was  appointed 
to  accompany  the  Austrian  officer  to  the  frontier,  and  then,  address- 
ing himself  to  some  friends  who  witnessed  the  scene,  he  exclaimed, 
with  a  friendly  familiarity,  and  in  a  natural  tone  peculiar  to  him, 
*'It's  done;  Alea  facta  est!  we  have  made  some  history — and  now 
to  dinner." 

Austria,  no  doubt,  felt  that  she  had  been  compelled  to  adopt  ex- 
treme measures  by  the  pressure  of  circumstances.  This  vexed  Italian 
question  annoyed  and  threatened  her  on  every  side,  and  she  desired 
to  defend  herself  by  having  it  decided  vi  et  annis.  It  was  her  mis- 
fortune, however,  to  provoke  actual  war,  alienating  Europe,  chilling 
England,  and  strengthening  Piedmont,  whose  cabinet  instantly  re- 
ceived this  message  from  Paris,  ''The  fullest  aid  from  France." 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  April  the  first  French  columns 
descended  from  the  Alps  and  debouched  in  the  Piazza  Castello  of 
Turin,  in  the  midst  of  an  excited  population.    Cavour  was  standing 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS. 


621 


on  the  balcony  of  the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs  with  other  distin- 
guished persons,  French  and  ItaHan,  and  also  Sir  James  Hudson,  the 
English  minister.  The  brave  Italian  statesman,  who  had  worked  ten 
years  and  had  gone  to  the  Crimea  and  to  Plombi^res  to  hasten  this 
"crucial  hour,"  beheld  in  this  thrilling  spectacle  the  triumphant 
march  of  his  policy.  A  few  days  later  Napoleon  III,  who  personally 
commanded  the  main  body  of  the  French  army,  which  had  sailed 
from  Marseilles,  disembarked  at  Genoa,  and  when  he  met  Cavour 
said  to  him,  *'You  ought  to  be  satisfied;  your  aims  are  being  real- 
ized." In  one  sense  war  was  a  blessing  to  Cavour,  because  he  was 
delivered  from  the  anxieties  and  uncertainties  of  a  long  diplomatic 
imbroglio ;  but  another  aspect  now  presented  itself  Instead  of  talking 
about  it,  he  must  engage  in  the  conflict  of  arms,  thus  emerging  from 
a  ten  years'  dream  into  a  living  reality.  This  change  was  simply 
laying  down  one  burden  and  taking  up  another.  The  position  of 
Cavour  was  not  one  of  ease,  especially  in  the  earlier  period  of  the 
war,  when  the  enemy  might  have  appeared  at  any  time  before  Turin. 
Indeed,  if  the  Austrians  had  been  more  aggressive  they  might  have 
defeated  the  combinations  of  their  adversaries  before  Piedmont  and 
France  could  have  united  their  armies. 

When  the  formal  demand  of  Austria  that  the  Sardinian  army 
should  be  reduced  to  a  peace  footing  was  refused,  the  Austrian 
troops  immediately  crossed  the  Ticino  and  entered  the  Piedmontese 
territory.  If  they  had  taken  adx^antage  of  their  superior  numbers, 
and  marched  boldly  on  Turin,  Piedmont  and  her  allies  would  have 
met  with  a  disaster  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  conflict.  But  Aus- 
tria, having  committed  an  error  of  diplomatic  rashness,  added  to  it 
the  greater  blunder  of  military  delay.  Marshal  Canrobert  fortunately 
succeeded  in  deceiving  and  intimidating  the  Austrians  by  throwing 
out,  on  the  29th  of  April,  his  first  French  lines  to  Casale.  Cavour 
was  prepared  for  the  worst,  neither  hesitating  to  defend  Turin  to  the 
last,  nor,  if  necessary,  to  inundate  the  Lomellina  for  the  purpose  of 
arresting  the  progress  of  the-  enemy.  Having  challenged  this  war, 
he  bravely  met  its  risks  and  difficulties. 

During  these  perilous  and  anxious  days  his  labors  were  herculean. 
Remaining  alone  at  Turin,  while  the  king  and  General  La  Marmora 
went  to  the  camp,  he  was  at  the  same  time  president  of  the  council, 
minister  for  foreign  affairs,  minister  of  the  interior,  minister  of  ma- 
rine, and  minister  of  war.  He  was  truly  every  thing,  and  equal  to 
all  his  arduous  duties.  Having  resolved  to  stand  in  the  center  of 
these  weighty  responsibilities  he  was  pressed  on  every  side,  and  even 


622 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


transferred  his  bed,  for  which  he  seemed  to  have  but  Httle  use,  to 
the  war -office.  The  battle-field  in  which  he  constantly  fought  was 
his  bureaus,  and  there  he  exhibited  remarkable  energy  and  tact,  pro- 
tracting his  labors  far  into  the  night,  hurrying  from  one  department 
to  another  in  his  dressing-gown,  dictating  dispatches,  transmitting 
orders,  overseeing  the  equipment  of  the  volunteers,  directing  the 
operations  on  the  field,  and  at  the  same  time  conducting  a  volumi^ 
nous  correspondence.  He  stimulated  the  dilatory,  encouraged  the 
despondent,  and  inflamed  the  lukewarm  with  a  portion  of  his  own 
fire  and  patriotism. 

Nothing  could  intimidate  or  perplex  him.  On  a  certain  day  in 
the  month  of  May  the  French  army  was  reduced  to  extremities;  but 
Cavour  solved  the  problem  in  twenty-four  hours.  The  Piedmontese 
government  had  entered  into  a  special  contract  to  provide  food  for 
the  French  army  up  to  a  given  date.  The  day  arrived,  and  the 
French  military  administration  was  seriously  embarrassed  in  view  of 
the  morrow.  This  intelligence  surprised  and  annoyed  the  emperor, 
who  was  in  camp  at  Alessandria,  and  he  sent  Cavaliere  Nigra,  whom 
he  kept  near  him,  to  Turin.  Cavour  was  vexed  at  the  bad  manage- 
ment, and  hastened  to  amend  it.  The  mayors  of  all  the  communes 
within  reach  of  the  lines  of  railroad  were  immediately  ordered  to 
obtain  all  the  meal  they  could  find,  heat  the  bakeries,  and  make  as 
much  bread  on  the  spot  as  they  could,  without  a  moment's  delay, 
and  then  transport  it  to  the  nearest  stations.  The  result  was  that 
next  morning  there  was  more  provision  at  Alessandria  than  was 
needed !  This  is  one  case  among  many  illustrating  the  activity  and 
promptness  of  Cavour  in  civil  and  military  affairs. 

"Courage,  my  friends,"  he  exclaims,  "and  we  will  give  to  Italy 
the  regeneration  dreamed  of  by  Gioberti."  Republicans  turned  their 
backs  upon  Mazzini,  and,  rallying  under  the  leadership  of  Daniel 
Manin,  replied,  "Regenerate  Italy,  and  we  are  with  you."  The 
Societa  Nazionale  inscribed  upon  its  banners,  "Independence,  Unifi- 
cation, and  the  House  of  Savoy."  The  flower  of  the  Italian  youth 
flocked  around  the  standard  of  Garibaldi,  where  it  floated  from  the 
crest  of  the  Apennines,  asking  for  nothing  more  than  the  privilege 
of  fighting  and  dying  for  Italy;  while  thirty  thousand  volunteers, 
with  swords  half- drawn,  impatiently  awaited  the  signal  to  launch 
themselves  upon  the  legions  of  Austria,  whose  arms  were  glittering 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Ticino.  While  Napoleon  III  espoused  the 
cause  of  Sardinia  he  was  careful  to  state  his  reasons,  so  that  the  oth^r 
powers  might  understand  the  position  of  France.    Hence,  before 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MONTEBELLO.  623 

leaving  Paris,  he  issued  a  proclamation  containing  these  words : 
"Austria  has  brought  things  to  such  a  pass  that  sJie  must  loi'd  it  up 
to  the  Alps,  or  else  Italy  must  be  free  up  to  the  Adriatic ;  for  in  that 
country  every  nook  of  earth  holding  independence  is  a  danger  to  the 
power  of  Austria.  .  .  .  The  aim  of  this  warJ  is  to  restore  Italy 
to  herself,  not  that  she  should  change  masters ;  and  we  shall  have  on 
our  frontiers  a  friendly  power,  owing  their  liberty  to  us."  The  em- 
peror added,  also:  **We  do  not  enter  Italy  to  foment  disorder,  nor 
to  shatter  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Father,  whom  we  have  replaced 
on  his  throne,  but  to  relieve  it  of  a  foreign  burden  weighing  upon 
the  whole  Peninsula." 

The  first  battle  of  the  campaign  was  fought  at  Montebello,  a 
small  village  in  Sardinia,  on  the  road  which  passes  from  Alessandria 
and  Voghera  through  Casteggio  to  Piacenza,  about  five  miles  south 
of  the  Po,  and  one  mile  west  of  Casteggio.  The  allies,  whose  head- 
quarters during  the  month  of  May  were  at  Alessandria,  endeavored 
prior  to  crossing  the  Mincio  at  Turbigo  and  Buffalora  to  create  the 
impression  that  they  intended  to  attack  by  Pavia  and  Piacenza,  and 
with  this  view  concentrated  a  large  part  of  their  force  in  that  direc- 
tion. The  Austrian  commander.  Count  Gyulai,  deceived  by  their 
movements,  accordingly  ordered  General  Stadion  to  cross  the  Po 
below  Pavia  with  twenty  thousand  men,  and  march  along  the  south 
bank  of  the  river,  in  order  to  make  a  reconnoissance  in  force. 
About  eleven  oclock  two  brigades  of  his  detachment,  under  General 
Urban,  reached  Casteggio,  which  they  found  occupied  by  a  regiment 
of  Sardinians  and  five  hundred  men  of  General  Forey's  division,  be- 
longing to  the  corps  of  Paraguay  d'  Hilliers.  These  were  soon  over- 
powered and  driven  back  through  Montebello  and  Ginestrello  toward 
Voghera ;  but^  re-enforced  by  the  arrival  of  successive  detachments 
from  Voghera,  they  rallied  and  obliged  the  Austrians  to  fall  back 
upon  Montebello.  Here  a  final  stand  was  made.  General  Urban, 
by  his  rapid  advance,  had  deprived  himself  of  the  assistance  of  most 
of  the  remainder  of  Stadioh's  force,  while  the  French  continued  to 
receive  accessions  —  train  after  train  arriving  by  railway,  discharging 
its  hundreds,  and  hastening  back  for  more.  General  Forey,  bringing 
up  his  left  to  the  north  of  the  village,  opened  there  an  effective  fire 
of  artillery,  while  his  right  wing  was  engaged  in  a  hot  hand-to-hand 
conflict  on  the  south.  The  Austrian  brigades  of  Bils  and  the  prince 
of  Hesse  at  last  came  up  ;  but  the  allies  continued  to  maintain  a  su- 
periority, and  about  dusk  the  Austrians  retreated.  They  were  not 
pursued.    Their  loss,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  was  officially 


624  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

stated  as  twelve  hundred  and  ninety-one,  and  that  of  the  alHes  as 
eight  hundred  and  fifty.  The  Austrians,  according  to  French  ac- 
counts, had  thirteen  thousand  men  in  action,  while  the  allies  had 
seven  thousand.  Both  sides  claimed  the  advantage  of  the  battle. 
The  result  of  the  five  hours'  struggle  was  that  the  Austrians  learned 
the  strength  of  their  adversaries,  while  the  allies  confirmed  Count 
Gyulai  in  the  belief  that  they  were  about  to  march  toward  Pavia. 

This  victory  of  the  allies  on  the  20th  of  May  was  followed  by 
another  at  Palestro  on  the  30th  and  31st  of  the  same  month.  But  on 
the  4th  of  June,  1859,  the  Austrians  met  with  a  more  disastrous  de- 
feat at  Magenta,  a  town  of  Lombardy,  situated  about  five  miles  from 
the  east  or  left  bank  of  the  Ticino,  and  fifteen  miles  west  of  Milan, 
with  which  city  it  is  connected  by  railroad.  It  is  also  the  first  stage 
on  the  road  from  Novara  to  Milan,  being  nearly  equidistant  from  the 
two  places,  and  has  about  six  thousand  inhabitants.  Before  the 
decisive  battle  of  Magenta  occurred,  the  opposing  forces  fought  at 
different  places.  The  French,  wishing  to  deceive  the  Austrians, 
marched  from  Alessandria  eastward  in  the  direction  of  Piacenza,  and, 
on  the  31st  of  May,  suddenly  crossed  the  Po  at  Casale,  and,  while  the 
Sardinians  menaced  the  enemy's  position  at  Mortara,  m.idway  be- 
tween the  Po  and  Ticino,  the  French  moved  toward  the  north,  occu- 
pied Novara,  and  threw  three  bridges  across  the  Ticino  at  Turbigo, 
about  eight  miles  above  Magenta.  The  Austrian  troops  thereupon 
withdrew  across  the  river  into  the  Lombard  territory,  and  fortified 
the  bridge  of  Buffalora,  over  which  passes  the  road  from  Novara 
through  Magenta  to  Milan  ;  but  on  the  2d  of  June  they  were  com- 
pelled to  retire  before  a  French  corps  under  General  Espinasse,  after 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  destroy  the  bridge.  On  the  4th  of  June 
M'Mahon's  corps,  followed  by  a  division  of  the  imperial  guard,  and 
a  division  of  the  Sardinian  army,  having  crossed  at  Turbigo,  marched 
along  the  left  bank  toward  Magenta,  while  the  emperor  in  person  ad- 
vanced with  the  grenadier  division  of  the  imperial  guard  to  occupy  the 
bridge  of  Buffalora,  leaving  orders  for  Canrobert  to  follow.  The  lattei 
was  delayed,  but  the  grenadiers  began  the  contest  unassisted,  at  noon, 
and,  after  two  hours'  desperate  fighting,  captured  the  position,  and 
took  possession  of  the  heights  on  the  canal,  in  the  face  of  an  Aus- 
trian force,  estimated  by  the  French  at  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
thousand. 

The  Austrian  commander.  Count  Gyulai,  at  once  dispatched  Baron 
Reischach  to  retake  the  bridge ;  but  after  a  conflict  of  two  hours 
more,  in  which  it  was  seven  times  taken  and  lost,  the  arrival  of  Can- 


FRANCO-PIEDMONTESE  VICTORY. 


625 


robert,  Regnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  Neil,  and  Vinoy  turned  the 
scale  in  favor  of  the  French,  though  not  until  great  loss  had  been 
suffered  on  both  sides.  The  third  Austrian  army  corps  was  ordered 
up  from  Abbiate  Grasso  on  the  south,  and  assailed  the  French  flank 
with  much  spirit,  but  was  finally  compelled  to  fall  back  upon  Ro- 
becco.  In  the  mean  time  M'Mahon's  advance  from  Turbigo  had 
been  several  times  checked  by  the  enemy,  who,  on  e\acuating  Buffa- 
lora,  concentrated  the  principal  part  of  their  force  between  him  and 
Magenta.  A  large  detachment  attempted  to  separate  the  divisions 
of  La  Motterouge  and  Espinasse,  but  was  finally  driven  back  by  the 
voltigeurs  of  the  guard  under  General  Canou,  wdiile  the  forty-fifth 
regiment  of  the  line  made  a  heroic  and  successful  attack  upon  a 
farm-house,  defended  by  two  Hungarian  regiments,  and  General 
Auger  planted  a  battery  of  forty  guns  on  the  railway,  from  which  he 
poured  a  tremendous  fire  upon  the  Austrians  in  flank.  On  reaching 
the  town  of  Magenta  ]\r]\Iahon  found  it  occupied  by  seven  thou- 
sand of  the  enemy  under  Clam-Gallas,  and  the  second  army  corps 
under  Prince  Liechtenstein.  The  combat  here  was  terrible.  Both 
sides  felt  Magenta  to  be  the  key  of  the  position,  and  the  attack  and 
defense  were  conducted  with  equal  bravery  and  determination.  The 
French  took  it  house  by  house,  losing,  by  their  own  account,  fifteen 
hundred  men,  but  making  five  thousand  prisoners  and  placing  ten 
thousand  Austrians  Jiors  du  combat.  At  half-past  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening  Gyulai  ordered  a  general  retreat,  leaving  four  guns  in  posses- 
sion of  the  French.  His  official  report  gave  his  own  loss  at  nine 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirteen,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 
and  that  of  the  enemy  at  six  thousand  killed  and  wounded.  The 
French  accounts  acknowledge  a  loss  of  four  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  fifty-seven,  and  estimate  that  of  Gyulai  at  twenty  thousand, 
including  seven  thousand  prisoners.  The  French  generals,  Espinasse 
and  Clerc,  were  among  the  killed.  The  immediate  results  of  the 
battle  were  the  evacuation  of  Milan  by  the  Austrians  and  its  occupa- 
tion by  the  allies.  General  M'Mahon  was  mainly  instrumental  in 
securing  this  victory,  and  the  emperor  conferred  upon  him  the  titles 
of  marshal  of  France  and  duke  of  Magenta. 

On  the  8th  of  June  Victor  Emmanuel  and  Napoleon  HI  entered 
Milan  in  triumph.  The  latter  addressed  serious  words  to  the  Italians, 
saying:  "Providence  sometimes  favors  a  people  by  giving  them  the 
opportunity  to  spring  to  life  at  a  blow ;  but  it  is  on  the  condition  that 
they  shall  know  how  to  profit  by  it.  Profit,  then,  by  the  good  for- 
tune offered  to  you  !    Unite  in  a  common  aim,  the  deliverance  of 


626 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


your  country.  Give  yourselves  military  organization.  Fly  to  the 
banner  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  who  has  so  nobly  shown  you  the  path 
of  honor;  .  .  .  and,  animated  by  the  sacred  fire  of  patriotism, 
be  but  soldiers  to-day,  to-morrow  you  will  be  citizens  of  a  great 
country."  These  prophetic  words  were  soon  fulfilled.  In  the  last 
days  of  April,  at  the  opening  of  the  war,  Tuscany,  Modena,  and 
Parma  rose  in  revolt,  and  their  dukes  fled  to  the  Austrian  territory. 
Victor  Emmanuel  was  proclaimed  dictator  of  Tuscany.  He  declined 
the  title,  but  took  command  of  the  Tuscan  army,  which  was  united 
with  his  own  forces.  Towards  the  middle  of  June,  1859,  the  Aus- 
trians,  anxious  to  have  all  their  troops  on  the  Adige,  hastily  aban- 
doned the  papal  territory,  Ancona  and  Bologna,  which  they  had 
occupied  for  ten  years,  and  the  Romagna  immediately  and  sponta- 
neously joined  the  movement. 

Thus,  without  a  struggle,  ''a  half-emancipated  Italy,"  follow- 
ing in  the  track  of  the  armies,  looked  toward  Piedmont.  Cavour 
regarded  this  as  the  most  delicate  question  connected  with  the 
war,  and  he  therefore  closely  watched  it — marking  day  by  day 
the  successive  steps  in  the  work  of  liberation.  He  deeply  sympa- 
thized with  it,  and  desired  to  direct  it  to  the  best  advantage,  because 
it  was  one  of  the  sources  of  his  strength.  He  had  sent  Count  Pal- 
lieri  to  Parma,  the  devoted  and  ardent  Farini  to  Modena,  and  the 
sagacious  Boncompagni  to  Florence.  The  position  at  Bologna  was  a 
difficult  one,  and  Cavour  reserved  for  it  Massimo  d'Azeglio,  whose 
lofty  mind  and  noted  loyalty  gave  to  his  name  an  authority  which 
was  calculated  to  exact  obedience.  These  provinces  had  thrown  off 
the  Austrian  yoke,  and  the  men  whom  Cavour  sent  to  govern  them 
received  these  instructions:  Repression  in  the  cause  of  order,  ac- 
tivity on  behalf  of  the  war;  what  remains  leave  to  the  future."  He 
wrote  to  Signor  Vigliani,  a  Piedmontese  magistrate  of  a  liberal  and 
conciliatory  disposition,  whom  he  had  appointed  governor  of  Milan, 
"We  are  not  in  1848;  we  permit  of  no  discussion.  Take  no  notice 
of  the  excitement  of  those  who  surround  you.  The  smallest  act  of 
weakness  wrecks  the  government." 

The  lieutenants  of  Cavour  were  every-where,  even  in  the  camp 
of  Garibaldi,  whither  he  had  sent  a  young  Lombard,  Emilio  Vis- 
conti-Venosta — who  has  since  been  minister  of  foreign  affairs — who 
there  served  as  royal  commissioner  with  the  Chasseur  of  the  Alps, 
with  whom  he  made  the  campaign.  While  adhering  as  much  as  pos- 
sible to  the  imperial  programme,  Cavour  directed  the  whole  Italian 
movement,   military  and  diplomatic.    But  serious  difficulties  con- 


THE  OPPOSING  FORCES. 


627 


fronted  the  allies.  In  approaching  the  Mincio  and  the  Adige,  the 
French  and  Picdmontese  armies,  besides  skirmishing,  were  compelled 
to  engage  in  the  heavier  work  of  conducting  sieges  and  carrying  for- 
midable positions.  In  a  short  time  the  impregnable  Quadrilateral 
would  frown  upon  them.  The  situation  was  rendered  more  compli- 
cated, however,  by  European  diplomacy,  which  appeared  disposed  to 
interfere,  Prussia,  without  exhibiting  any  hostility,  seemed  incHned 
to  take  a  more  active  part.  The  provinces  of  the  pope  were  dis- 
turbed by  these  successive  Italian  movements,  and  the  animosities 
and  suspicions  that  were  excited  against  what  was  called  ''Piedmon- 
tese  ambition"  were  felt  in  Paris,  and  all  these  circumstances  had 
their  effect  upon  Napoleon  III,  whom  they  soon  reached  at  head- 
quarters in  the  heart  of  Lombardy.  The  policy  that  could  not  pre- 
vent the  war  now  endeavored  to  limit  and  stop  it  as  much  as  possible 
by  arousing  the  doubts  and  fears  of  the  emperor,  who,  already  past 
fifty  years  of  age,  experienced  the  fatigue  resulting  from  the  oppress- 
ive heat  of  a  torrid  season. 

But  the  culminating  point  was  about  to  be  reached  in  the  bloody 
and  decisive  battle  of  Solferino.  After  their  defeat  at  Magenta,  the 
Austrians,  unwilling  to  risk  a  defense  of  the  lines  of  the  Adda  and 
Oglio  rivers  continued  their  retreat  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Po, 
within  the  quadrangle  of  the  fortresses  of  Peschiera,  Verona,  Mantua, 
and  Legnano.  Gyulai  had  been  deposed  in  consequence  of  the  de- 
feat of  Magenta,  and  General  Count  Schlick  was  his  successor.  The 
allies  kept  the  northerly  road,  and  crossed  the  Adda  and  the  Oglio 
without  opposition.  On  the  22d  of  June  both  armies  were  so  nearly 
face  to  face  that  a  conflict  seemed  inevitable.  The  allies  were  en- 
camped between  the  Chiese  and  the  Mincio,  occupying  Lenato,  Cas- 
tigliona,  and  Montechiara,  and  having  their  left  wing  resting  on  the 
high  ground  near  Brescia  and  the  southern  end  of  the  Lake  of  Garda. 
At  their  extreme  left  was  General  Garibaldi,  who,  with  the  Cacciatori 
delli  Alpi,  a  body  of  volunteers,  after  a  most  daring  and  brilliant 
series  of  maneuvers  round  the  extreme  northern  frontiers  of  Lom- 
bardy, had  come  down  on  the  Lake  of  Garda.  The  Austrian  forces 
were  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Mincio,  resting  with  their  right  on 
Peschiera  and  Verona,  and  with  their  left  wing  on  Mantua. 

On  the  23d  of  June  the  Austrians  poured  out  their  numbers 
from  IMantua,  Verona,  and  Peschiera,  and,  led  by  their  young  em- 
peror, Francis  Joseph,  who  had  assumed  the  command-in-chief,  in  the 
course  of  the  evening  crossed  the  Mincio  at  four  different  places, 
confident  of  defeating  the  allies,  and  driving  them  beyond  the  Chiese. 

41 


628 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


On  the  24th  of  June,  1859,  ^^'^^  the  bloodiest  battles  on  record 
occurred.  The  Austrians  began  the  attack  at  daylight,  and  by  ten 
o'clock  the  whole  of  the  two  armies  had  come  into  collision.  There 
were  four  French  corps  engaged,  under  Marshals  Baraguay  d'  Hil- 
liers,  MacMahon,  Canrobert,  and  Niel;  and  four  divisions  of  the 
Sardinian  army,  under  the  command  of  Victor  Emmanuel.  The  bat- 
tle lasted  fifteen  hours,  and  extended  along  a  line  of  nearly  eighteen 
miles,  from  the  neighborhood  of  Brescia  down  toward  Mantua.  The 
right  wing  of  the  Austrians  occupied  Pozzolengo,  where  they  met  the 
Sardinians ;  their  center  was  at  Caviana  and  Solferino,  while  their  left 
wing  marched  on  Guidinolo  and  Castel  Goffredo,  and  for  a  time  suc- 
ceeded in  repulsing  the  French. 

The  day  was  decided  by  a  concentrated  attack  made  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  by  the  French  emperor  on  Solferino,  a  vil- 
lage in  the  province  of  Lombardy,  twenty  miles  south-east  of  Brescia, 
having  a  commanding  position,  which  the  Austrians  had  fortified. 
After  several  hours  of  desperate  fighting,  the  place  was  carried  by 
the  French,  who,  thereby  breaking  the  Austrian  center,  moved  large 
masses  against  their  left  wing,  which,  having  pushed  on  almost  to 
the  Chiese,  was  in  danger  of  being  surrounded  and  cut  out.  Late  in 
the  evening,  the  young  emperor  of  Austria,  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
saw  that  the  day  was  irretrievably  lost,  and  gave  the  order  for  the 
retreat  beyond  the  Mincio,  which  was  accomplished  under  the  pro- 
tection of  a  violent  storm. 

Few  battles  in  modern  history  have  been  marked  with  more 
slaughter  and  horror.  More  than  three  hundred  thousand  human 
beings  were  engaged  in  this  terrible  combat,  and  at  night  thirty-five 
thousand  of  them  at  least  were  dead  or  dying.  The  French,  ac- 
cording to  their  own  statement,  had  twelve  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  twenty  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  Sardinians,  five  thousand 
five  hundred  and  twenty-five.  The  Austrian  loss,  which  w^as  put 
by  them  at  eleven  thousand,  two  hundred  and  thirteen,  is  generally 
asserted  to  have  exceeded  eighteen  thousand.  Numerous  prisoners, 
thirteen  pieces  of  cannon,  two  flags,  and  large  quantities  of  arms  and 
ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  allies  ;  and  Napoleon  III  slept 
at  Solferino,  in  the  very  same  apartment  which  Francis  Joseph  had 
occupied  the  previous  night.  After  the  battle  of  Solferino,  the  com- 
mand-in-chief of  the  Austrians  was  given  to  Baron  Hess,  who  offered 
no  opposition  to  the  passage  of  the  Mincio  by  the  allies.  On  the  ist 
of  July  the  latter  received  a  re-enforcement  of  thirty-five  thousand 
men,  brought  by  Prince  Napoleon  through  Florence  and  Modena. 


AN  ARMISTICE  PROPOSED. 


629 


While  the  Sardinians  were  investing  Peschiera,  a  French  division 
was  at  Goito  to  watch  :\Iantua  ;  Garibaldi's  Cacciatori  dcUi  Alpi,  sup- 
ported by  General  Cialdini's  division,  were  moving  to  close  up  the 


valley  of  the  Adige ;  and  the  emperor,  with  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  was  approaching  Verona,  the  startling  news  was  received  that 
Napoleon  III  had  sent  General  Fleury,  on  the  evening  of  the  7th  of 
July,  to  the  Austrian  camp  at  Verona,  to  propose  an  armistice,  and 


630  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

that  commissioners  had  been  actually  appointed  to  agree  upon  its 
terms.  Events  presented  a  more  pacific  appearance.  "Indeed,  the 
glorious  and  bloody  battle  of  Solferino,"  says  D'Mazade,  "  was  but  the 
final  coup  dc  soldi,  which,  so  to  say,  ripened  the  situation."  It  seemed 
doubtful  to  the  emperor  whether  the  Austrians  could  be  driven  from 
the  famous  "Quadrilateral,"  and  the  frightful  carnage  he  had  already 
witnessed  made  him  less  disposed  to  continue  the  war.  "I  have  lost 
ten  thousand  men,"  he  said  on  a  certain  day,  soon  after  the  conflict, 
and  the  tone  of  his  voice  indicated  the  intensity  of  his  feeling.  He 
received  from  Paris  the  news  of  the  threatening  attitude  of  Prussia, 
and  feared  that  she  might,  as  the  ally  of  Austria,  appear  on  the  scene. 

All  these  considerations  profoundly  moved  the  mind  of  Napoleon 
III,  and  he  found  himself  face  to  face  with  a  serious  embarrassment. 
He  had  entered  into  the  war  with  a  sincere  determination  to  deliver 
all  Italy  from  the  Austrian  yoke ;  but  the  participation  of  Prussia  in 
the  conflict  as  the  enemy  of  France  would  compel  him  to  make  extra- 
ordinary efforts  to  protect  his  eastern  frontier,  and  would  oblige  him 
to  leave  Italy  at  the  mercy  of  Austria,  which  was  more  than  a  match 
for  her.  Other  powers  might  be  drawn  into  the  struggle,  and  there 
was  a  very  decided  probability  that,  in  a  general  European  war,  Italy 
might  lose  all  that  had  been  won.  It  appeared  best  to  Napoleon, 
therefore,  as  the  disinterested  friend  of  Italy,  to  bring  the  Avar  to  a 
close,  and  to  rest  satisfied  with  what  had  been  gained.  Accordingly 
the  two  emperors  met  at  Villafranca,  on  the  road  to  Verona,  and 
there,  on  the  iith  of  July,  signed  a  treaty  of  peace,  the  basis  of 
which  was  thus  vaguely  announced : 

"Italian  confederation  under  the  honorary  presidency  of  the 
pope.  I.  The  emperor  of  Austria  cedes  his  rights  to  Lombardy 
to  the  emperor  of  the  French,  who  transfers  them  to  the  king  of 
Sardinia.  2.  The  emperor  of  Austria  preserves  Venice;  but  she 
will  form  an  integral  part  of  the  Italian  confederation.  3.  General 
amnesty. " 

These  preliminaries  included  several  details.  Austria  surrendered 
to  France  all  of  Lombardy,  except  the  fortresses  of  Mantua  and 
Peschiera,  and  this  territory  was  ceded  to  Sardinia,  which  had  to  pay 
for  the  conquest  forty-two  million  dollars.  Venetia,  though  remain- 
ing "under  the  crown  of  the  emperor  of  Austria,"  was  allowed  the 
privilege  of  becoming  a  member  of  the  proposed  federal  league. 
One  of  the  worst  features  of  the  arrangement,  and  one  that  subjected 
the  French  emperor  to  considerable  adverse  criticism,  was  the  pro- 
vision that  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany   and  the  duke  of  Modena 


THE  GRIEF  OF  CAVOUR. 


631 


were  to  return  to  their  states.  The  question  concerning-  Parma  was 
not  decided.  Peace  having-  been  made  on  these  conditions,  the 
French  army  withdrew  from  Italy,  and  Napoleon  III  really  believed 
that  he  had  performed  a  great  act  in  the  presence  of  Europe.  To 
secure  peace,  he  had  been  compelled,  as  he  stated,  to  "cut  off  from 
his  programme  the  territory  stretching  between  the  Mincio  and  the 
Adige. "  While  he  disappointed  Italy  by  halting  midway  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  plans  projected  in  the  alliance  of  Plombieres,  yet  he 
deprived  France,  temporarily,  we  admit,  of  benefits  that  could  have 
been  obtained  on  her  side  of  the  Alps.  But  the  peace  thus  con- 
cluded was  precarious,  leaving  man}'  problems  unsolved,  and  satis- 
fying neither  Itah*  nor  France. 

The  emperor  had  conceived  and  executed  his  plan  without  consult- 
ing his  ally,  the  king  of  Sardinia.  The  latter,  a  short  time  previous, 
had  summoned  Cavour  to  the  Mincio  for  the  special  purpose  of 
tranquillizing  Napoleon  III,  who  was  disturbed  by  certain  events 
taking  place  in  the  legations.  Thinking  that  he  had  been  successful, 
the  great  diplomatist  returned  from  the  army  deeply  impressed  by 
the  spectacle  of  Solferino's  bloody  field,  but  never  suspecting  an 
armistice.  On  the  6th  of  Juh'  he  had  written  to  ]\Iarquis  Sauli, 
Sardinian  embassador  to  St.  Petersburg,  who  had  mentioned  the  pos- 
sibility of  a  mediation:  "A  mediation  at  present  could  bring  nothing 
but  bad  consequences.  Austrian  influence  must  entirely  disappear 
from  Italy  before  we  can  have  a  solid  and  durable  peace."  Cavour 
had  been  occasionally  troubled  by  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  the 
situation,  but  he  never  anticipated  a  coup  dc  tJudtre  such  as  actually 
burst  upon  him.  The  idea  of  direct  negotiations  between  the  bellig- 
erents had  not  entered  his  mind,  and  yet  at  that  very  moment  the 
emperor  had  decided  to  ask  for  an  armistice. 

On  the  8th  of  July  Cavour  received  a  dispatch  at  Turin  from 
General  La  Marmora  announcing  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  La 
Marmora  confessed  that  no  one  knew  "how  or  by  whom  the  armis- 
tice had  been  proposed."  -  He  started  immediately  for  the  camp,  and 
when  he  reached  the  headquarters  of  Victor  Emmanuel  at  Pozzolengo 
he  found  a  peace,  not  yet  fully  established,  but  containing  provisions 
which  destro}'ed  his  hopes  and  defeated  his  policy.  The  details  of 
it  were  communicated  to  him  only  on  the  nth  of  July  by  Victor 
Emmanuel,  who  came  from  the  imperial  camp  at  Valeggio,  bearing 
the  deed  which  he  signed  with  this  formula  or  singular  reserve:  "As 
far  as  I  am  concerned."  The  scene  was  truly  dramatic.  He  threw  off 
his  uniform,  and,  with  a  serious  face,  sat  down  in  his  usual  soldierly 


632 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


attitude,  and  commanded  one  of  the  four  persons  present  to  read 
the  preUminaries  aloud.  When  Cavour  heard  the  contents  of  the 
documents  he  exhibited  a  violent  passion,  and  became  so  intemper- 
ate that  Victor  Emmanuel,  unable  to  calm  him,  intrusted  him  to  La 
IMarmora.  After  all,  Cavour  was  convinced  that  the  king  had  done 
only  what  he  was  compelled  to  do.  The  question  presented  to  him 
for  decision  was  whether  he  should  alone  prosecute  an  unequal  war 
or  accept  a  peace  which  rescued  Lombardy,  though  leaving  some 
points  unsettled.  He  did  not  hesitate  nor  could  he  have  done  so 
under  the  circumstances,  and  in  submitting  to  what  he  could  not 
avoid  he  exhibited  some  finesse,  manifesting  his  grief  but  concealing 
his  resentment. 

Cavour  himself,  though  indignant,  would  not  have  advised  the 
king  to  pursue  a  different  course.  As  for  him,  he  disclaimed  the 
responsibility  of  the  peace  and  refused  to  hold  power,  thereby  sanc- 
tioning a  cruel  deception.  "I  saw  him  on  his  return  from  Villa- 
franca, "  says  his  private  secretary,  "pale,  care-worn,  broken  down, 
and  grown  several  years  older  in  the  space  of  three  days."  When 
things  had  become  settled  he  resolved  to  retire  from  the  cabinet, 
believing  that  to  remain  would  be  inconsistent  with  his  honor  and 
his  policy.  Overcome  with  chagrin  and  grief  he  handed  his  resigna- 
tion to  the  king  and  hastened  to  his  villa  at  Leri.  When  he  passed 
through  Milan  many  persons,  and  among  them  the  governor,  Vigli- 
ani,  were  at  the  station  impatient  to  see  him,  but  his  exhausted 
nature  was  in  the  embrace  of  a  deep  sleep.  He  was  weary,  and  his 
friends  would  not  aAvaken  him.  It  was  the  first  time  that  he  had 
truly  slept  during  that  sorrowful  excursion  to  the  camp. 

While  on  the  Mincio  Cavour  had  not  seen  the  emperor,  and  the 
latter  was  not  anxious  to  have  an  interview  with  him.  A  meeting  at 
Valeggio  would  have  been  different  from  that  of  Plombieres.  Some 
days  later  Napoleon  HI,  when  returning  to  France,  passed  through 
Turin,  and  while  there  expressed  a  desire  to  meet  Cavour.  These 
two  great  men  had  a  pleasant  interview,  and  the  Piedmontese  states- 
man became  more  reconciled  to  the  situation.  In  the  evening  he 
went  to  the  palace,  and  on  the  way  said  to  a  friend  who  accompanied 
him  through  the  most  deserted  streets  of  the  city:  "I  have  been 
invited  to  a  court-dinner,  but  I  refused.  I  am  not  in  a  state  of  mind 
to  accept  invitations.  To  think  that  I  had  done  so  much  for  the 
union  of  the  Italians,  and  that  to-day  all  may  be  compromised.  I 
shall  be  reproached  for  not  having  consented  to  sign  the  peace.  I  was 
unable  absolutely,  and  I  can  not  sign  it." 


CAVOUR  RETURNS  TO  TURIN.  633 

Cavour  was  determined  to  seclude  himself  in  the  mountains  of 
Switzerland,  leaving  La  Marmora  to  form  a  ministry  with  Rattazzi 
and  General  Dabormida.  On  the  22d  of  July  he  addressed  a  letter 
to  Madame  de  Circourt,  stating  that  he  would  gladly  accept  her 
hospitality  if  she  did  not  reside  at  Paris,  and  confessing  that  he  pre- 
ferred some  retired  spot.  The  heart  of  the  great  statesman  was 
almost  crushed  with  disappointment,  and  the  same  deep  and  poignant 
feeling  was  shared  by  every  patriotic  Italian  citizen.  But  when  the 
first  outburst  was  over  they  calmly  surveyed  the  situation,  and  dis- 
covered that  it  was  not  hopeless.  Napoleon  III,  before  leaving  the 
Mincio,  had  uttered  these  strange  words  in  the  presence  of  Victor 
Emmanuel:  "Now  we  shall  see  what  the  Italians  can  do  unaided." 
Toward  the  close  of  1859  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Central 
Italy  to  Piedmont  had  assumed  a  prominence  which  surprised  even 
Cavour.  Deputations  visited  Victor  Emmanuel  Avith  offers  of  the 
crown  of  Italy,  but  while  promising  to  defend  their  rights  he  could 
not  yet  take  the  title  of  their  sovereign.  The  people  of  Central  Italy 
were  firm,  and  the  provinces  by  their  assemblies  decreed  the  deposi- 
tion of  their  princes  and  proclaimed  in  favor  of  annexation. 

Napoleon  III,  by  a  double  coup  de  theatre,  astonished  Europe  andi 
speedily  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  In  a  letter  written  on  the- 
31st  of  December,  1859,  he  proposed  to  the  pope  to  place  the  legar 
tions  under  the  viceregency  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  and  by  the  publi- 
cation of  a  pamphlet,  "The  Pope  and  the  Congress,"  he  contrived"! 
to  render  a  congress  for  the  adjustment  of  Italian  affairs  impossible.. 
Cavour  was  called  back  to  Turin,  and  he  reappeared  on  the  scene  as 
the  only  man  who  could  meet  the  crisis  and  lead  Piedmont  and  Italy 
on  the  road  together.  He  was  consulted  on  all  sides  and  became 
the  center  of  the  general  activity,  though  not  in  power,  cordial  with, 
every  one,  counseling  prudence  or  boldness  as  the  occasion  required. 
His  return  to  Turin  and  the  emperor's  change  of  policy  indicated, 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era. 


/ 


^34 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


SEVENTH  DECADE,  1860-1870. 

Chapter  XV. 

THE  ANNEXATIONS—THE  REVOLUTION  IN  SICILY, 

/^N  the  20th  of  January,  i860,  Cavour  again  took  up  the  reins 
of  power.  His  great  mission  was  only  interrupted,  not  aban- 
doned. One  of  his  first  acts  on  his  return  to  the  helm  was  to  counsel 
Victor  Emmanuel,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Russia  and 
Prussia,  and  the  reluctance  of  France  to  favor  the  annexation  of 
Tuscany  and  Emilia.  On  the  nth  of  March  the  voting  in  the  cen- 
tral provinces  occurred,  and  on  the  i8th  a  decree  established  the 
result  by  pronouncing  the  annexation  to  be  confirmed.  It  was  a 
bold  and  daring  movement,  but  it  inaugurated  a  new  era  in  Italy. 
It  struck  a  key-note  to  Cavour's  subsequent  policy — the  annexation 
-  of  provinces  by  means  of  popular  suffrage.  It  was  the  first  decided 
step  in  favor  of  Italian  unity.  To  Victor  Emmanuel  was  intrusted 
the  sword  of  Castruccio  Castracane,  the  Ghibelline  leader,  Avho  had 
left  it  as  a  legacy  to  whoever  should  become  the  liberator  of  his 
country,  and  the  'king  of  Sardinia  was  virtually  proclaimed  from 
henceforth  king  of  Italy  ''by  the  grace  of  God  and  the  will  of  the 
people." 

Cavour  knew  that  the  annexation  of  Central  Italy  meant  the 
cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice,  though  nothing  had  been  said  on  the 
subject  since  the  peace  of  Villafranca.  His  merit  was  to  perceive  a 
necessity  and  frankly  accept  it,  and  accordingly  he  wrote  to  Count 
Pepoli,  saying:  "The  knot  of  this  question  appears  to  me  to  be  no 
longer  in  the  Romagna  and  Tuscany,  but  in  Savoy.  Although  I 
have  not  received  any  communication  on  the  subject  from  Paris,  I 
have  seen  that  we  were  on  the  wrong  road  and  I  have  taken  another 
direction."  The  idea  of  the  sacrifice  of  Savoy  had  in  reality  been 
part  of  Cavour's  programme  on  his  resumption  of  power.  It  was 
soon  to  bear  the  title  of  "an  incident  of  his  policy."  In  the  Winter 
of  i860  Baron  de  Talleyrand,  the  French  representative  at  the  court 
of  King  Victor  Emmanuel,  received  a  dispatch  from  Paris  charging 
him  to  announce  to  Cavour  the  wishes  of  France  concerning  Savoy, 
and  the  recall  of  the  French  army  from  Lombardy.     This  official 


CAVOUR  FAVORS  THE  CESS/ON. 


635 


communication  stated  that  while  France  did  not  counsel  the  annex- 
ation of  Central  Italy,  yet,  regarding  it  as  accomplished,  would  not 
offer  any  opposition,  but  simply  asked  the  price  which  had  been  prom- 
ised, so  that  the  imperial  forces  could  be  recalled  from  Lombardy. 

The  plcbiscituDi  in  Tuscany  and  Emilia  was  a  triumph  over  the  last 
hesitations  of  Napoleon  III ;  but  it  placed  upon  Cavour  the  most 
solemn  responsibility  of  his  public  life.  On  the  announcement  of  the 
annexation  of  these  provinces,  on  the  i8th  of  ]\Iarch,  the  French 
emperor  peremptorily  demanded  the  cession  of  Nice  and  Savoy  to 
his  kingdom.  Italy  was  not  yet  recognized  in  the  great  family  of 
nations.  Austria  was  strongly  intrenched  on  the  ]\Iincio  and  the  Po, 
Prussia  and  Russia  were  not  friendly  to  the  Italian  kingdom,  and 
nothing  was  to  be  hoped  for  from  England  more  than  English  neu- 
trality. Besides,  a  Bourbon  army  threatened  it  in  the  rear.  To  have 
refused  to  France,  its  only  remaining  ally  at  that  time,  the  territory 
of  Nice  and  Savoy  would  have  been  madness  and  ruin.  Still  Cavour 
hesitated.  "For  charity's  sake,  sign  the  treaty,"  wrote  Bixio,  *'if 
you  do  not  wish  to  lose  all  sympathy  of  France  for  Italy."  For 
once  Cavour  was  unmanned.  In  common  with  D'Azeglio,  he  said 
adieu  to  Savoy  painfully ;  but  it  was  not  a  matter  of  sentiment  with 
him.  He  resolved  to  perform  a  duty  required  by  his  polic\%  by 
cutting  the  ''knot  of  the  question,"  as  he  called  it.  Cavour  walked 
up  and  down  his  cabinet  thoughtfully  and  gravely,  not  on  this  occa- 
sion rubbing  his  hands  as  he  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  treaty. 
He  then  affixed  his  signature  to  the  deed  in  silence,  and  in  so  doing 
experienced  the  bitterness  of  death ;  but  in  a  moment  after,  recover- 
ing his  habitual  sprightliness,  he  went  up  to  Baron  de  Talle}'rand, 
and  said  to  him,  with  a  significant  smile,  ''Now  we  have  you  for 
accomplices!" 

Thus  on  the  24th  of  ]\Iarch,  i860,  the  ill-starred  treaty  was  signed 
and  sealed.  Feeling  that  the  cession  was  a  supreme  necessity,  Cavour 
met  it  by  rising  to  the  heroic  sublime  of  personal  sacrifice  and  self- 
abnegation.  Having  consecrated  himself  upon  his  country's  altar, 
he  made  no  reservation  of  his  fame  or  popularity.  It  was  in  such  a 
perilous  crisis  as  this  that  he  exclaimed,  amidst  the  silence  and  soli- 
tude of  his  chamber,  "Perish  my  name,  perish  my  fame — only  let  Italy 
live!"  One  evening  during  the  height  of  the  political  excitement, 
referring  to  the  treaty  in  a  conversation  with  his  confidential  secre- 
tary, he  said:  "If  the  king  were  to  nominate  me  duke  of  Leri,  as 
the  Austrian  journals  predict,  I  would  not  exchange  for  that  title  my 
name  of  Count  of  Cavour.     I  have  quattrini  sufficient  for  m\-  \\ants, 


636 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


although  I  am  not  as  rich  as  is  generally  believed,  and  will  never  be 
so  popular  as  after  the  battle  of  Magenta  and  on  the  eve  of  that  of 
Solferino.  ...  I  have  the  ambition  to  serve  Italy.  For  her  I 
cheerfully  risk  my  fame  and  my  popularity.  If  I  had  aimed  at  noth- 
ing less  than  private  advantage,  instead  of  persuading  Italy  and 
Europe  to  consent  to  the  cession  of  Nice  and  Savoy,  I  would  resign, 
and,  satisfied  with  a  glory  cheaply  acquired,  I  would  retire  to  Leri, 
and  leave  the  country  to  be  rent  in  twain  in  this  dangerous  polit- 
ical crisis." 

On  the  25th  of  March  the  election  lists  were  opened  for  the 
chambers  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  new  kingdom ;  so  that  it  was  no 
longer  before  the  Piedmontese  parliament,  but  before  the  first  national 
Italian  parliament,  that  the  question  was  to  be  laid  which  embodied 
for  the  moment  the  policy  of  Cavour.  The  head  of  the  cabinet,  in 
April,  1859,  ^fter  a  parliamentary  session  that  had  voted  full  powers 
on  the  eve  of  the  war,  said,  "  I  have  left  the  last  Piedmontese  cham- 
ber— the  next  will  be  that  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy."  One  year  only 
had  passed  away,  and  Cavour's  prediction  had  been  fulfilled.  He  felt 
confident  that  an  assembly  which  owed  its  life  to  him  would  not 
refuse  to  support  his  policy.  This  new  body  was  composed  of  the 
dite  of  Italy,  and  in  its  spirit  represented  to  a  remarkable  degree  the 
national  liberalism  which  for  ten  years  had  carried  through  Piedmon- 
tese measures.  Hence  Cavour  had  a  strong  governing  force  to  sus- 
tain him  when  he  asked  for  an  indorsement  of  the  treaty  ceding 
Savoy  and  Nice.  The  discussion,  however,  which  was  unrestricted, 
developed  every  form  of  opposition,  and  presented  many  curious 
features,  even  the  most  eccentric.  Guerrazzi,  the  former  Tuscan 
chief,  prodigal  in  sarcasms,  threatened  Cavour  with  the  fate  of  Clar- 
endon, condemned  to  exile  for  having  ceded  Dunkirk  to  France;  but 
the  opposition  containing  the  greatest  elements  of  danger  were  cen- 
tered in  a  man  in.  whom  Cavour  found  an  adversary  both  impas- 
sioned and  self-contained,  all  but  an  enemy — Rattazzi.  The  latter 
had  evidently  been  deeply  mortified  by  his  fall  in  the  last  ministerial 
crisis,  and  the  elevation  of  Cavour  awakened  in  him  an  implacable 
animosity.  It  is  said  that  all  personal  intercourse  had  ceased  be- 
tween these  two  men,  notwithstanding  their  former  intimacy  ard 
parliamentary  alliances. 

In  his  speech  Rattazzi  impeached  the  policy  of  Cavour,  denounc- 
ing in  bitter  terms  the  treaty  ceding  Savoy,  and  particularly  Nice, 
and  calling  the  whole  affair — the  principle,  the  proceedings,  the  nego- 
tiations— unfortunate "  and  ''miserable."    He  declared  that  the 


CAVOURS  REPLY. 


637 


Italian  provinces  could  have  been  united  without  yielding  to  a  power- 
ful ally,  as  the  emperor,  no  doubt,  would  have  finally  consented  to 
the  annexations  ;  but  now  Savoy,  an  important  conservative  factor  in 
a  national  crisis,  had  been  given  up,  and  Nice,  an  Italian  city,  was 
lost.  The  Italian  programme  had  been  abandoned,  and  a  policy  of 
territorial  barter  had  taken  the  place  of  the  policy  of  nationality. 
Rattazzi  still  further  affirmed  that  the  price  of  the  annexation  had 
been  paid  without  even  a  guarantee  in  exchange.  This  shrewd  tac- 
tician, under  an  appearance  of  moderation,  refrained  from  personal 
attacks,  and  did  not,  like  Guerrazzi,  speak  of  Clarendon,  ''severe  to 
the  king,  scornful  of  parliament,  and  believing  in  his  pride  that  there 
would  be  no  check  to  his  authority;"  he  did  not  hurl  such  angry 
taunts  at  Cavour,  though  he  sarcastically  alluded  to  the  latter's  retire- 
ment in  Jul}'  as  "an  excellent  method  of  escape  from  a  dilemma,  no 
doubt,  but  of  small  use  in  solving  the  difficulties." 

The  president  of  the  council,  believing  that  these  sharp,  though 
polished,  shafts  were  aimed  at  him,  proceeded  to  justify  his  honor 
and  the  character  of  his  policy  before  the  Italian  parliament,  now  for 
the  first  time  assembled  at  Turin.  The  struggle  was  not  equal,  be- 
cause facts  sustained  Cavour ;  and  he  promptly  seized  the  advantage, 
to  the  confusion  of  his  adversaries.  He  replied  to  Guerrazzi,  and  said 
that  if  Lord  Clarendon  could  have  defended  his  conduct  by  pointing 
to  several  millions  of  Englishmen  delivered  by  him  from  a  foreign 
yoke,  and  several  counties  added  to  the  English  dominions,  the  par- 
liament would,  probably,  have  been  more  merciful,  and  perhaps 
Charles  II  would  not  have  been  so  ungrateful  towards  the  most 
faithful  of  his  sei*vants.  "Since  the  honorable  deputy,  Guerrazzi," 
remarked  Cavour,  "has  thought  proper  to  give  me  an  historical 
lesson,  he  should  have  given  it  complete.  After  telling  us  what 
Lord  Clarendon  did,  he  should  have  told  us  Avho  were  his  enemies, 
what  sort  of  men  his  accusers,  who  shared  the  spoil  they  had  torn 
from  him.  He  should  have  told  us  that  these  enemies  formed  the 
famous  coterie  of  men  possessed  of  no  antecedents  in  common,  no 
community  of  principles,  no  ideas,  and  who  were  actuated  by  noth- 
ing but  the  most  impudent  egotism ;  men  fallen  away  from  ever}- 
party,  professing  all  opinions  —  Puritans,  Presbyterians,  Anglican 
Churchmen,  and  papists,  each  in  turn ;  to-day  republicans,  royalists 
to-morrow ;  demagogues  in  the  street,  courtiers  in  the  palace ;  rad- 
icals in  parliament,  reactionists  in  the  councils  of  the  king — men,  in 
short,  whose  coming  together  produced  the  ministry  stigmatized  in 
history  as  that  of  the  Cabal.    So  much  being  said,"  Cavour  added, 


638 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


**I  leave  it  to  the  chamber  and  to  the  country  to  consider  what  may 
be  thought  of  the  present  case."  The  assembly,  electrified  by  this 
grand  fulmination,  broke  forth  in  loud  and  long  acclamations. 

The  great  diplomatist  denied  the  accusation  of  the  sarcastic  Guer- 
razzi  that  he  had  sold  cities,  and  he  repelled  the  insinuation  of 
Rattazzi  that  he  had  abandoned  the  national  programme.  He  plainly 
and  honestly  stated  to  the  chamber  the  real  cause  of  the  cession  of 
Savoy,  saying,  "The  true  ground  for  it  is,  that  the  treaty  is  an  inte- 
gral part  of  our  policy,  the  logical  and  inevitable  consequences  of  a 
past  policy,  and  an  absolute  necessity  for  the  carrying  on  of  this 
policy  in  the  future."  In  his  speech  Cavour  declared  that  the  French 
people  believed  that  the  provinces  of  Savoy  and  Nice  naturally 
belonged  to  them,  and  hence  their  cession  was  indispensable  to  keep 
France  in  friendly  relations  with  Italy.  The  latter,  he  affirmed,  had 
been  aided  by  the  former,  and  it- would  be  ungrateful  and  unjust  to 
refuse  reasonable  demands.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  address,  which 
captivated  the  assembly,  Cavour  gained  the  vote  for  the  treaty  by  a 
majority  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-nine;  only  thirty-three  protested 
against  it,  and  twenty-three  members  obeyed  the  signal  to  abstain 
from  voting  given  by  Rattazzi. 

Before  the  meeting  of  parliament,  and  in  the  interval  of  these 
exciting  discussions,  Cavour  had  taken  time  to  visit  some  of  the  pro- 
vinces. He  had  gone  with  Victor  Emmanuel  to  Milan  during  the 
Winter  fetes,  where  he  met  the  venerable  Manzoni,  who  reminded 
him  of  the  conversation  that  had  taken  place  one  day  in  1850  in  the 
house  of  Rosmini,  at  Bolongaro.  He  had  desired  to  see  some  of  the 
cities  of  Lombardy — Cremona,  Brescia,  Bergamo, — and  every-where 
he  had  received  ovations  of  all  kinds.  Shortly  after  the  annexation, 
still  accompanied  by  the  king,  he  had  also  gone  to  Tuscany  and  the 
Romagna,  and  for  the  first  time  beheld  those  provinces.  As  yet  he 
had  not  known  Florence  or  any  of  those  delightful  Tuscan  country 
sides.  While  at  Pisa,  one  morning  he  awoke  at  break  of  day  in  the 
silence  of  the  still  slumbering  city,  and  taking  Signor  Artom  with 
him,  visited  the  Campo  Santo.  After  remaining  speechless  a  moment 
he  exclaimed:  "How  pleasant  it  would  be  to  repose  here!"  Signor 
Artom  informed  him  that  he  would  find  himself  on  holy  ground,  for 
that  this  earth  they  trod  upon  had  been  brought  from  Palestine  in 
the  period  of  the  Crusades.  Cavour  answered  gayly:  "Are  you  sure 
they  will  not  one  day  canonize  me?" 

Italy  had  scarcely  become  tranquil  when  a  new  campaign  was 
preparing  across  the  Mediterranean,  and  already  Cavour's  eyes  were 


639 


A  NEW  CAMPAIGN. 


on  Sicilian  and  Neapolitan  waters.  At  length  the  drama  suddenly- 
opened,  and  while  on  the  5th  of  May,  i860,  the  parliament  in  Turin 
was  discussing  the  cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice,  Garibaldi,  followed  by 


CATHEDRAL  AND  LEANING  TOWER  OF  TISA. 

his  companions-in-arms,  the  "thousand"  sailed  from  the  Villa 
Quarto,"  near  Genoa,  to  cross  the  Mediterranean,  with  the  intention 
of  raising  Sicily,  Naples,  and  still  more,  perhaps,  to  the  echoing  cry 


640 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  "Italy  and  Victor  Emmanuel!"  The  history  of  Garibaldi's  expe- 
dition reads  like  a  legend.  Leaving  the  gulf  of  Genoa  at  night  in  his 
pair  of  vessels,  the  Picmonte  and  Lonibardo,  he  swept  through  the 
Neapolitan  cruisers,  landing  at  Marsala  on  the  17th  of  May,  and 
"conquering  kingdoms  at  a  gallop."  Garibaldi  had  gone  with  an 
angry  heart,  easily  won  over  to  the  Sicilian  insurrection  by  resent- 
ment at  the  cession  of  Nice,  and  on  starting  he  had  let  fly  a  barbed 
arrow  at  Cavour  in  a  letter,  in  which  he  said  to  Victor  Emmanuel : 
"I  know  that  I  embark  on  a  perilous  enterprise.  If  we  fail,  I  trust 
that  Italy  and  liberal  Europe  will  not  forget  that  it  was  undertaken 
from  motives  pure  of  all  egotism  and  entirely  patriotic.  If  we  achieve 
it,  I  shall  be  proud  to  add  to  your  majesty's  crown  a  new  and  per- 
haps more  brilliant  jewel,  aliuays  on  the  condition  tJiat  your  majesty  will 
stand  opposed  to  councilors  who  ivoidd  cede  this  province  to  the  fonigner, 
as  has  been  done  zvith  the  city  of  my  birtJi.'' 

Cavour  had  not  encouraged  the  expedition  of  Garibaldi  because, 
without  doubting  his  sincerity,  he  dreaded  his  rashness;  but  when 
the  enterprise  was  inaugurated,  he  resolved  to  obtain  from  it  richer 
fruits  than  those  he  had  been  gathering.  During  the  previous  year, 
on  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand  and  the  accession  of  young  Francis 
II,  son  of  a  princess  of  Savoy,  Cavour  had  seized  the  occasion  to 
send  Count  Salmour  on  a  mission  of  peace  to  Naples.  It  was  an 
offer  of  amity  and  support  to  an  administration  in  its  infancy.  Early 
in  i860  the  cabinet  of  Turin  had  renewed  the  attempt  by  sending 
Count  Villamarina,  formerly  embassador  at  Paris,  to  Naples,  with 
instructions  to  bring  about  an  understanding,  if  possible.  Both  Avith 
Rome  and  Naples  Cavour  would  gladly  have  had  dealings  and 
arrangements;  but  those  governments  of  the  south  were  too  much 
influenced  by  their  prejudices  and  passions  to  accept  wise  counsel. 
The  fanatical  "fire-eaters"  at  Rome  declared  that  they  would  recon- 
quer the  Romagna,  and  an  army,  composed  of  all  classes  of  papists, 
was  organized  and  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Lamoriciere. 
At  Naples  the  unfortunate  Francis  II  disregarded  the  advice  of 
"revolutionary  Piedmont"  and  the  admonitions  of  France  and  Eng- 
land. These  southern  courts  were  under  the  control  of  Austria,  and 
by  their  blindness  in  rejecting  reasonable  offers  unconsciously  aided 
the  cause  of  Italian  unity. 

Fearing  that  Northern  Italy  might  at  any  moment  be  placed 
between  the  Austrians  encamped  on  the  Mincio,  commanding  the 
Po,  and  Lamoriciere  leading  an  army  from  the  south,  Cavour  allowed 
Garibaldi  to  go  forth  and  "bear  the  spark  to  the  fiery  elements  of 


DEFEA  T  OF  FRANCIS  II. 


641 


the  south."  Naples  had  declined  his  offers  of  conciliation,  and  he 
had  heard  of  the  march  of  a  Neapolitan  corps  in  the  Abruzzi. 
Hence,  without  having  advised  it,  he  did  not  prevent  the  expedition 
of  Garibaldi,  but  even  protected  it.  His  agent,  Persano,  obtained 
supplies  and  covered  the  passage  of  new  convoys  of  volunteers  under 
Medici  and  Cozenz.  Cavour,  while  encouraging  the  popular  chief, 
beloved  of  Itah',  was  careful  not  to  compromise  his  position  before 
Europe  by  too  open  a  support.  "Hence  came  a  policy,"  says  De 
Mazade,  "mixed  up  of  audacity  and  stratagem,  perfectly  unfathom- 
able, the  natural  issue  of  a  complicated  situation." 

Garibaldi  reached  Palermo  on  the  27th  of  ]\Iay,  and,  though 
opposed  by  a  Bourbon  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men,  he  soon 
made  himself  master  of  Sicily.  After  establishing  a  provisional  gov- 
ernment he  passed  the  Straits  of  ]\Iessina  on  the  21st  of  August,  and 
was  at  Naples  on  the  7th  of  September.  Truly  many  exciting  events 
had  occurred  in  Sicily  in  the  short  space  of  six  months.  The  des- 
potic acts  of  Francis  H  having  enraged  the  people,  they  rose  in  revolt 
at  Palermo,  ]\Iessina,  and  Catania  in  the  month  of  ]\larch,  hoping  to 
be  successful  like  their  brethren  of  the  Peninsula.  The  Sardinian 
government,  to  which  the\'  looked  for  assistance,  did  not  deem  it 
prudent  to  interfere;  but  Garibaldi's  sudden  appearance  at  ^Marsala, 
proclaiming  himself  "  Dictator  of  Sicily  in  the  name  of  Victor  Emma- 
nuel of  Italy,"  and  the  defeat  of  the  troops  of  King  Francis  at  I\Iel- 
azzo,  inspired  the  Sicilians  with  wonderful  enthusiasm.  Such  a  rapid 
conquest  surprised  every  one  except  Garibaldi  himself,  and  the  aston- 
ished populations  even  declared  that  it  was  miraculous.  While  the 
latter  welcomed  the  conquering  hero  as  their  deliverer,  Francis  II 
was  alarmed,  and  appealed  to  Victor  Emmanuel  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
invasion  of  his  kingdom;  but  the  Sardinian  king,  who  had  secretly 
connived  at  the  expedition,  stated  that  he  was  not  responsible  for 
the  attack  upon  the  king  of  Naples.  A  little  later,  fearing  the  tenden- 
cies of  Garibaldi's  republican  sympathies,  Victor  Emmanuel  ordered 
him  to  take  no  steps  against  Naples  until  the  people  of  Sicily  should 
decide  by  their  votes  whether  they  would  become  a  part  of  the  Sar- 
dinian kingdom.  Garibaldi  refused  to  obey  this  order,  and,  on  the 
night  of  the  20th  of  August,  crossed  his  force  from  Sicily  to  the 
main-land  at  Spartivento.  Pushing  on  he  defeated  the  Neapolitan 
troops  at  Reggio  and  San  Giovanni,  and  moved  forward  towards 
the  capital. 

The  success  of  this  little  army  was  remarkable,  and  the  history 
of  its  progress  seems  fabulous.    Setting  out  with  a  mere  handful  of 


642  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

men,  denounced  as  a  filibuster,  his  expedition  branded  as  piracy,  and 
his  troops  as  bandits,  in  the  course  of  only  four  months  Garibaldi 
had  routed  and  dispersed  a  large  and  well  appointed  army  of  regular 
troops,  overthrown  a  proud  and  haughty,  if  not  powerful,  dynasty, 
and  been  proclaimed  by  acclamation  dictator  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
**Two  Sicilies."  His  enthusiastic  volunteers,  barefooted  and  in  rags, 
in  want  of  provisions,  in  want  of  transportation,  without  tents,  with- 
out even  cartridge-boxes,  other  than  their  caps,  seem  unmindful 
of  hunger  or  thirst  or  repose.  Urged  forward  by  an  irresistible  im- 
pylse  as  they  shout,  "On  to  Naples!"  the  intrepid  band  gathers 
strength  as  it  advances,  until  one  man  becomes  a  score,  a  battalion,  a 
brigade.  The  disorganized  Neapolitan  troops  exchange  the  blue 
waistcoat  for  the  red  shirt,  shake  hands  with  the  volunteers  as  they 
pass,  and  shout  with  the  rest,  ''Long  live  Garibaldi!"  As  their 
idolized  commander  pushes  forward  far  in  advance  of  his  troops, 
who  no  longer  advance  in  regular  columns,  but  precipitate  them- 
selves in  disorganized  masses,  multitudes  remain  standing  entire  days 
and  nights  with  a  hope  of  seeing  him  pass.  Those  who  were  so  fortu- 
nate as  to  have  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  popular  idol  were  regarded 
as  persons  of  mark.  Any  one  to  whom  he  had  spoken  became  an 
object  of  curiosity,  and  whatever  he  touched  was  at  once  transformed 
into  a  relic. 

Francis  II  fled  from  Naples  to  Gaeta  in  a  Spanish  man-of-war, 
and,  on  the  7th  of  September,  i860,  Garibaldi,  accompanied  by  only 
seven  officials,  entered  the  city  in  a  hired  hack,  passing  directly  under 
the  guns  of  the  fortifications,  though  manned  by  soldiers  of  Francis 
II,  who  so  far  forgot  their  duty  to  their  royal  master  as  to  present 
arms.  The  capital  suddenly  became  delirious  with  excitement.  All 
Naples  was  at  the  windows  or  in  the  streets.  As  the  living  tides 
surged  along  the  crowded  thoroughfares  or  debouched  into  the  pub- 
lic squares,  all  distinctions  were  alike  forgotten.  The  citizens  were 
beside  themselves  for  joy.  They  laughed  and  wept,  they  shouted 
and  embraced,  amidst  enthusiastic  cries  of  "Long  live  Italian  unity!" 
Had  the  blood  of  St.  Januarius  suddenly  liquefied  in  special  recogni- 
tion of  the  auspicious  event,  the  excitement  could  not  have  been 
greater  than  it  was.  As  for  Garibaldi,  he  inaugurated  a  provisional 
government;  with  his  usual  impetuosity,  he  launched  one  proclama- 
tion after  another,  expelling  the  Jesuits,  confiscating  the  goods  of  the 
clergy,  establishing  juries,  and  abolishing  lotteries.  The  conquering 
hero  did  not  hesitate  to  undertake  any  thing,  however  impracticable  or 
visionary,  and  even  proposed,  after  the  reduction  of  Capua  and  Gaeta, 


CAVOUltS  OPPORTUNITY. 


643 


to  march  upon  Rome,  then  Hbcrate  Umbria  and  the  Marches,  and 
with  the  battle-cry  of  "  Itahan  Unity  and  Victor  Emmanuel!"  to 
advance  from  victory  to  victory,  until  he  should  unfurl  the  tricolor 
from  the  standards  of  St.  Mark,  and  proclaim  Victor  Emmanuel  king 
of  Italy  from  the  summit  of  the  Quirinal.  But  his  rapid  arid  suc- 
cessful advance  was  suddenly  arrested  before  the  stronghold  of  Capua 
and  Gaeta,  where  Francis  II,  with  the  remnant  of  his  arm\',  defended 
himself  with  great  spirit  and  obstinacy.  The  volunteers,  who  had 
achieved  such  brilliant  victories  on  the  march,  were  hardly  prepared 
to  conduct  the  operations  of  a  siege.  Then,  too,  there  were  evident 
signs  of  reaction.  The  popular  enthusiasm  began  to  ebb.  The  roy- 
alists, recovering  from  their  panic,  commenced  to  rally,  while  the 
besieged  Bourbon  army,  emboldened  by  partial  successes,  attempted 
to  break  through  the  enemy's  lines  with  a  view  of  marching  upon 
Naples.    Affairs  had  evidently  reached  a  crisis. 

Garibaldi's  extremity  was  Cavour's  opportunity.  While  the  illus- 
trious captain  had  been  winning  success  upon  the  field  of  battle  the 
prime  minister  had  been  rendering  equally  effective  sei-vice  upon  the 
field  of  diplomacy.  He  had  succeeded  in  preventing  foreign  inter- 
vention until  he  could  present  to  Europe  a  fait  accompli.  He  resolved 
to  secure  and  consolidate  the  results  of  the  revolution  in  the  interests 
of  Italian  unity  b}'  substituting  a  regular  for  a  provisional  form  of 
government.  He  accordingly  advised  Victor  Emmanuel  to  push  for- 
ward the  Italian  troops  across  the  papal  frontier  with  a  view  of  co- 
operating with  the  army  before  Capua.  It  was  a  bold,  hazardous 
movement.  France  showed  her  disapproval  by  recalling  her  minister 
from  Turin ;  Russia  did  likewise ;  while  Prussia  remonstrated  in  the 
most  energetic  terms.  Cavour,  as  usual,  succeeded  in  pacifying 
diplomacy  with  a  memorandum,  while  the  battle  of  Castelfldardo,  the 
liberation  of  Umbria  and  the  ^Marches,  and  the  capitulation  of  An- 
cona  hastened  the  decisive  event.  On  the  26th  of  October,  i860, 
the  troops  of  Victor  Emmanuel  formed  a  junction  with  those  of 
Garibaldi  before  Capua,  a  victory  followed,  and  the  Bourbon  rule  in 
Naples  ended. 

42 


644 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XVI. 

CAVOUR  AND  THE  UNITY  OF  ITALY. 

AT  the  commencement  of  the  year  1861  Italy  was  in  a  transition 
state.  Tuscany,  Modena,  Parma,  Umbria,  and  the  Marches, 
Avhich  had,  after  the  war  of  1859,  sought  to  annex  themselves  to  Sar- 
dinia, resolved,  by  solemn  vote,  in  popular  suffrage  to  consummate 
the  annexation,  and,  in  accordance  with  the  royal  order  issued  on 
the  3d  of  January,  they  elected' deputies  to  the  Sardinian  parliament, 
which  Avas  to  assemble  on  the  1 8th  of  February  at  Turin.  On  the 
1st  of  January  the  king  of  Sardinia  sent  forth  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Italy,  recommending  prudence,  patience,  and,  above  all, 
harmony.  The  election  of  deputies  ordered  resulted  in  a  triumph 
of  the  liberal  party,  in  opposition  to  the  clergy,  who,  except  in  the 
old  kingdom  of  Sardinia,  had  reviled  and  resisted  the  annexation 
and  the  measures  which  would  be  likely  to  follow  it. 

The  speech  of  the  king  at  the  opening  of  parliament  on  the  i8th 
of  February  was  well  adapted  to  promote  harmony  and  judicious 
action.  *'To  your  wisdom,"  he  said  to  the  deputies,  "I  commit  the 
concerns  of  a  free  and  almost  wholly  united  Italy."  After  enumer- 
ating the  claims  of  England  and  France  to  their  grateful  remem- 
brance, he  added :  ' '  In  the  consciousness  of  its  power,  the  kingdom 
of  Italy  can  follow  the  counsels  of  prudence.  I  have  hitherto  raised 
my  voice  for  acts  of  daring  and  even  rashness ;  but  it  is  as  wise  to 
wait  at  the  proper  moment  as  to  dare  at  the  present  moment.  De- 
voted to  liberty,  I  have  risked  for  her  my  life  and  my  crown,  but  no 
one  has  a  right  to  put  at  hazard  the  existence  and  the  destinies  of  a 
nation."  Count  Cavour  sustained  the  pacific  policy  of  the  king  in 
the  parliament,  and  asked  that  the  title  of  "King  of  Italy"  should 
be  conferred  on  Victor  Emmanuel,  that  thus  the  unity  of  Italy  might 
be  consecrated  in  the  royal  person.  The  law  enacting  this  as  the  royal 
title  passed  the  senate  on  the  26th  of  February,  by  a  vote  of  one  hun- 
dred and  t\Venty-six  yeas  and  two  nays,  and  the  chamber  of  deputies 
unanimously,  on  the  nth  of  March.  On  the  same  day  the  king  as- 
sumed the  title,  which  was  recognized  by  England  on  the  30th  of 


THE  ROMAN  QUESTION. 


645 


MarclT,  and  subsequently  by  Switzerland,  Greece,  Denmark,  Portu- 
gal, and  the  United  States.  The  recognition  of  France  was  given  on* 
the  lOth  of  June.     Austria  protested  against  it,  but  without  effect. 

The  Roman  question  was  of  course  the  most  absorbing  one  with 
the  Italian  parliament,  and  it  was  involved  in  great  difficulties.  Since 
1848  the  Roman  government  had  chiefly  been  maintained  by  the  over- 
awing force  of  Austrians  in  the  legations  and  the  French  army  in  the 
capital.  The  defeats  of  the  Austrians  by  the  French  and  Sardinians 
at  Magenta  and  Melagnano,  in  the  Summer  of  1859,  were  immediately 
followed  by  the  evacuation  of  the  States  of  the  Church  by  the  Aus- 
trian garrisons.  Upon  this,  several  of  these  states  at  once  revolted 
from  the  pope,  and  proclaimed  Victor  Emmanuel  king,  or  dictator. 
As  was  stated  in  a  previous  chapter,  the  efforts  of  the  papal  army  to 
reduce  these  states  to  their  former  condition  of  obedience  were  unsuc- 
cessful. But  Pius  IX,  though  deprived  of  nearly  all  his  territory,  was 
as  defiant  as  ever,  and  vehemently  exclaimed  as  usual,  "AW  possu- 
mtis!''  Hence  the  Italian  parliament  of  1861  was  confronted  with  the 
complex  Roman  question,  which  affected  every  thing,  from  the  very 
constitution  of  Italian  unity  by  the  choice  of  a  capital,  to  the  beliefs, 
interests,  and  traditions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  world  through  the 
temporal  power ;  and  by  the  prolonged  presence  of  a  French  garri- 
son at  Rome,  it  affected  the  most  intimate  relations  with  France. 
It  was  at  once  a  national  and  universal,  a  religious  and  diplomatic, 
question  ;  and  it  is  here  that  Count  Cavour  displayed,  indeed,  the 
powers  of  a  mind  marvelously  clear  and  penetrating,  showing  himself 
a  master  in  the  art  of  contriving  and  combining,  absolutely  free  from 
vulgar  prejudice,  and  pursuing,  by  the  aid  of  liberalism,  the  solution 
of  an  apparently  insoluble  problem. 

During  the  preceding  twenty  years  this  question  had  thrust  itself 
before  him,  and  when  he  was  only  the  representative  of  ' '  little  Pied- 
mont" he  could  not  fully  meet  it  face  to  face ;  but  now,  as  minister  of 
united  Italy,  he  did  not  shrink  from  it.  He  believed  that  the  settlement 
of  it  would  result  in  the  complete  transformation  of  the  political  con- 
ditions of  the  papacy.  He  had  one  advantage,  which  belonged  to  his 
open  and  liberal  mind,  and  it  had  often  come  to  his  assistance  in  all 
these  delicate  religious  affairs,  and  that  was  the  absence  of  any  ani- 
mosity or  prejudice  as  regards  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  At  the 
same  time  he  looked  upon  the  temporal  power  as  incompatible  with 
Italian  nationality,  and  even  as  detrimental  to  religion.  He  spoke  of 
it  publicly  and  temperately,  like  one  having  a  great  problem  to  solve 
and  no  sectarian  passions  to  appease.    Looking  abroad  from  the 


646 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


height  of  a  lofty  poHc}%  he  accepted  whatever  was  in  harmony  with 
the  object  he  had  in  view,  and  was  even  anxious  to  offer  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  the  fullest  compensation  in  liberty  and  independence 
for  its  lost  temporal  power.  One  day,  about  this  period,  he  wrote 
to  a  confidential  friend:  "There  are  to  my  mind  two  methods:  the 
one  above  board,  the  other  secret.  The  first  would  be  resolutely  to 
submit  the  matter  to  the  public  judgment:  for  instance,  if  I  or  an- 
other member  of  the  cabinet,  or  the  king  himself,  were  officially  to 
declare,  either  in  public  speech  or  before  parliament,  the  views  of  the 
government  in  relation  to  religious  affairs.  The  second  would  be  to 
dispatch  a  secret  agent  to  Rome,  whose  presence  would  be  unknown 
to  our  adversaries,  and  Antonelli  among  them  :  this  agent  to  have  the 
fullest  confidence  of  the  government,  in  a  manner  to  impress  the 
belief  that  he  is  the  bearer,  and  may  be  the  receiver,  of  serious 
proposals."  Cavour  had  employed  both  these  methods  alternately, 
sometimes  simultaneously,  as  a  man  who  joined  to  a  purely  logical 
mind  the  rarest  flexibility  in  practical  issues. 

In  the  sharpest  of  these  struggles  and  crises  Cavour  had  com- 
municated secretly  with  Rome.  Early  in  i860  the  king's  private 
chaplain,  Abbate  Stellardi,  was  sent  to  the  pope  with  the  mission  to 
propose  a  Vicariate,  stretching  to  Umbria  and  the  Marches,  as  w-ell  as 
over  the  legations.  Pius  IX  listened  suavely,  even  with  some  mani- 
festation of  emotion,  and  went  so  far  as  to  discuss  certain  points,  but 
finally  ended  by  refusing  his  consent.  When  the  Marches  w^ere  be- 
ing annexed,  or  shortly  afterward,  Cavour,  instead  of  widening  the 
breach,  did  his  utmost  to  moderate  the  wrath  of  Rome.  He  gave 
orders  for  the  unconditional  release  of  the  prisoners,  and  wrote,  to- 
wards the  end  of  October,  to  Dr.  Pantaleoni,  a  friend  of  his,  estab- 
lished in  Rome:  "I  send  a  person  to  Rome  deputed  to  yield  up  the 
captured  gens  d' amies.  The  same  person  is  commissioned  to  inquire 
whether  the  Holy  Father  begins  to  perceive  the  necessity  of  coming 
to  an  understanding  wath  us,  which  the  Roman  court  will  do  w^ell  to 
do,  and  by  which  its  spiritual  independence  will  be  far  better  assured 
than  by  foreign  arms."  The  same  idea  had  struck  Dr.  Pantaleoni, 
and  of  this  came  a  secret  negotiation,  continuing  up  to  the  close  of 
i860  and  the  first  weeks  of  1861,  Father  Passaglia  speedily  becom- 
ing associated  with  it. 

There  were  other  concurrent  negotiations;  but  that  conducted  by 
Dr.  Pantaleoni  was  the  main  one.  Cavour  did  not  conceal  any  thing 
from  the  French  emperor,  who  had  his  own  projects;  but  ended  by 
entering  into  the  mysterious  business  on  hand,  whose  aim  was  to 


FATHER  PASSAGLTA, 


647 


sweep  away  quietly  the  temporal  power.  The  pope  was  to  remain 
sovereign,  with  all  a  sovereign's  prerogatives,  rights,  inviolability,  and 
honors,  retaining  a  large  patrimony  in  real  estate  in  the  kingdom, 
and  absolute  ownership  of  the  Vatican,  and  other  palaces  and  resi- 
dences. The  Church  was  to  be  completely  free  and  independent  in 
its  spiritual  ministry.  The  state  renounced  all  rights  of  intervention 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Church.  It  was  the  notable  treaty  of  peace  long 
dreamed  of  by  Cavour,  and  summed  up  in  his  famous  phrase:  "A 
free  Church  in  a  free  state."  If  the  court  of  Rome  was  not  serious 
in  this  negotiation,  it  certainly  at  one  time  regarded  it  with  some 
favor.  Father  Passaglia  was  the  most  active  intermediary  between 
Rome  and  Turin,  and  Cardinal  Santucci  accepted  the  office  of  nego- 
tiator. One  and  the  other  had  interviews  with  the  pope,  who  listened 
to  them,  insomuch  that  Cavour  one  day  received  the  following  dispatch 
at  Turin:  ''Cardinal  Santucci  has  thought  fit  to  tell  the  pope  every 
thing;  he  has  spoken  to  him  of  the  certain  loss  of  the  temporal  power, 
and  the  friendly  propositions  that  have  been  made.  The  Holy  Father 
has  shown  himself  resigned.  Antonelli  has  been  summoned;  he 
began  with  a  lively  opposition,  then  became  equally  resigned,  and 
requested  the  pope  to  absolve  him  and  Santucci  from  the  oath,  that 
they  might  treat  of  the  possible  surrender  of  the  temporal  posses- 
sions. They  are  to  see  Passaglia,  and  the  latter  asks  me,  on  their 
behalf,  for  some  one  to  be  indicated  here,  or  sent  from  Turin,  to 
negotiate.    It  is  desired  that  the  person  selected  be  not  a  lawyer." 

The  news  was  immediately  telegraphed  to  the  emperor  of  France, 
who,  though  anxious  for  success,  seemed  to  have  little  hope  of  it. 
Cavour,  perceiving  this  open  door,  believed  that  it  was  only  a  step  to 
the  altar  of  compromise  within,  and  he  accordingly  redoubled  his 
efforts.  /After  designating  the  negotiators  that  had  been  asked  of 
him  he  wrote  to  Father  Passaglia,  saying,  * '  I  entertain  the  belief 
that  before  next  Easter  you  will  be  able  to  send  me  the  olive-branch, 
symbol  of  peace  between  the  Church  and  the  state  —  between  the 
papacy  and  the  Italians."  But  a  sudden  change  occurred,  and  at 
the  moment  when  the  first  step  to  a  negotiation  seemed  to  be  made 
the  question  assumed  an  entirely  different  aspect.  It  was  evident 
that  Cardinel  Antonelli  had  either  pretended  to  yield  for  the  pur- 
pose of  controlling  the  designs  of  his  enemies,  and  of  finding  the 
means  to  combat  them,  or  else  that  his  hope  of  evading  the  necessity 
had  revived,  and  he  thought  he  saw  symptoms  of  coming  events 
in  Europe,  signs  of  a  possible  intervention  of  the  Catholic  powers. 
The  pope,  who  appeared  to  be  half  inclined  to  reconciliation,  was 


648 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


held  back  by  his  wily  adviser,  and  the  latter  went  so  far  as  to  give 
orders  to  Dr.  Pantaleoni  to  leave  the  Roman  states  within  twenty-four 
hours  !  The  enemies  of  peace,  by  their  intrigues,  had  achieved  a 
victory  for  the  time,  and  every  thing  was  in  suspense.  Cavour  had 
not  succeeded  by  the  "secret  means;"  he  had  the  "public  means" 
to  try — the  parliament;  and  he  found  occasion  in  March,  1861,  in  an 
interpellation  addressed  to  him  on  the  affairs  of  Rome.  This  oppor- 
tune interpellation  was  for  him  but  another  manner  of  taking  up  and 
continuing  the  negotiation  in  the  light  of  day,  in  the  face  of  Italian 
and  universal  opinion,  and  frankly  avowing  to  its  full  extent  and  in 
its  grandeur  the  policy  whose  realization  he  had  never  ceased  to 
prosecute. 

Cavour  had  said  in  parliament,  "The  star  now  directing  us  is 
\^  this,  that  the  'Eternal  City,'  upon  which  twenty- five  centuries  have 
cast  glory  of  all  kinds,  should  become  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of 
Italy."  What  he  had  already  said  he  confirmed  with  more  precision 
and  breadth  in  March,  1861.  He  was  not  led  astray  by  imagination 
and  artistic  enthusiasm,  but  confessed  that  the  plain,  straight  streets 
of  his  native  town  were  more  attractive  to  him  than  all  the  monu- 
ments of  Rome.  He  loved  Turin,  and  it  was  with  regret  that  he 
thought  of  sacrificing  it,  even  exclaiming,  "Ah,  if  only  Italy  could 
have  two  capital  cities :  one  for  Sundays,  the  other  for  the  days  of 
the  week!"  He  made  this  resolution  entirely  on  political  grpunds, 
because  the  name  and  majesty  of  Rome  alone  could  dominate  the 
rivalries  of  Italian  cities,  and  so  put  the  definite  stamp  on  unity;  and 
he  believed  that  it  was  a  prime  necessity  to  inform  Europe  that 
Rome  was  regarded  by  the  whole  nation  as  vitally  the  capital  of  the 
country.  "No  city  but  Rome,"  he  declared,  "can  be  the  capital 
of  Italy;  but*  here  we  come  upon  the  perplexities  of  the  problem. 
We  must  go  to  Rome,  but  on  two  conditions :  that  we  are  acting  in 
concert  wdth  France,  and  that  the  great  body  of  Catholics  in  Italy 
and  elsewhere  do  not  see  in  the  reunion  of  Rome  with  Italy  the 
source  of  the  subjection  of  the  Church.  In  other  words,  we  go  to 
Rome,  but  not  to  restrict  the  independence  of  the  sovereign  pontiff — 
not  to  bring  spiritual  things  under  the  yoke  of  civil  authority." 

The  plan  which  Cavour  proposed  was  unquestionably  a  difficult 
one  to  execute,  but  not  an  impossibility  as  regarded  France.  Cavour 
said,  plainly:  "It  would  be  madness,  in  the  present  state  of  Europe, 
to  think  of  going  to  Rome  in  spite  of  France.  .  .  .  We  owe 
France  a  great  debt  of  gratitude ;  but  there  is  a  graver  motive  for 
being  in  harmony  with  her.    When,  in  1859,  we  called  France  to 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  POPE. 


649 


our  aid,  the  emperor  did  not  conceal  from  us  the  engagements  by 
which  he  was  bound  to  the  court  of  Rome.  We  accepted  his  assist- 
ance without  protesting-  against  the  particular  obligations  he  had  im- 
posed on  himself ;  and  now,  that  we  have  won  so  much  from  this 
alliance,  we  can  not  protest  against  the  engagements  to  which  up  to 
a  certain  point  we  have  consented."  Cavour  believed  that  there  was 
but  one  way  of  disengaging  France,  and  quieting  with  her  the  whole 
Catholic  world,  and  that  was  by  giving  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
what  a  pretended  temporal  power  —  painfully  sustained  for  twenty 
years  by  foreign  arms,  incapable  of  supporting  itself  or  regenerating 
itself  by  reforms — could  not  give  it.  This  was  by  establishing  the 
dignity  with  the  independence  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  and  of  the 
Church,  by  the  separation  of  the  two  powers,  a  large  application  of 
the  principle  of  liberty  in  relation  to  civil  and  to  religious  society. 
"It  is  clear,"  Cavour  continued  to  say,  ''that  if  this  separation  were 
distinctly  and  irrevocably  accomplished,  if  the  independence  of  the 
Church  were  thus  established,  the  independence  of  the  pope  would 
be  much  more  securely  based  than  it  is  to-day.  His  authority 
would  be  more  efficacious,  being  no  longer  bound  by  concordats  and 
all  those  bonds  and  treaties  which  have  been  and  must  remain  indis- 
pensable so  long  as  the  pope  is  a  temporal  sovereign.  The  authority 
of  the  pope,  far  from  diminishing,  will  be  greatly  extended  in  the 
spiritual  sphere,  which  is  his  own.  .  .  .  Whether  or  not  an  un- 
derstanding with  the  pope  precedes  our  entrance  into  the  *  Eternal 
City,'  Italy  will  no  sooner  have  declared  the  fall  of  the  temporal 
power  than  she  will  separate  Church  and  state,  and  establish  the 
liberty  of  the  Church  on  the  broadest  foundations." 

Cavour  sincerely  believed  what  he  said,  and  he  was  confident  that 
what  he  asked  was  in  the  interests  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  as 
well  as  in  the  interests  of  Italy.  One  day  when  his  intimate  friend, 
Signor  Artoni,  was  expressing  his  doubts  and  fears,  he  exclaimed, 
with  his  usual  vivacity:  "I  have  more  faith  than  you  in  the  effects 
of  liberty.  Do  you  not  see  that  the  time  has  come  to  settle  the 
question  of  the  temporal  power,  which  has  ever  been  the  stumbling- 
block  in  the  way  of  Italian  nationality,  and  that  the  only  way  to 
settle  it  is  to  reassure  the  Catholic  world  as  to  what  Italy  will  do 
with  the  papacy?  Injustice  is  done  to  Catholicism  when  it  is  urged 
that  it  is  incompatible  with  liberty.  On  the  contrary,  my  conviction 
is  that  as  soon  as  the  Church  shall  have  tasted  liberty  she  will  feel 
herself  renewed  in  youth  by  that  wholesome  and  fortifying  regimen. 
When  Europe  shall  have  been  convinced  that  we  are  not  striving 


650  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

against  Catholicism  she  will  find  it  natural  and  fitting  that  the  Italian 
rather  than  any  other  flag  should  float  over  Rome.  The  enterprise 
is  not  easy,  but  it  is  worth  being  attempted." 

Cavour  viewed  Catholicism  in  a  purely  spiritual  light  when  he 
denied  that  it  was  incompatible  with  liberty."  He  was  a  liberal 
Roman  Catholic,  and  desired  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  Church 
in  its  religious  operations;  but  the  secular,  political  policy  of  the 
papacy  was  condemned  by  him,  not  only  because  it  was  hostile  to 
Italian  unity,  but  also  because  it  was  the  enemy  of  liberty  every- 
where. He  sought  to  overthrow  the  temporal  and  preserve  the 
spiritual  power  of  the  Church.  More  than  any  other  man,  he  was 
made  to  attempt  it.  He  had  not  yet  succeeded,  it  is  true ;  but  after 
disentangling  a  revived  Italy  from  her  disorders  and  divisions  he  had 
marked  on  the  horizon  a  final  aim,  while  shaping  the  road  to  reach 
it.  *'He  himself,"  says  De  Mazade,  "had  touched  the  supreme 
point  in  human  destiny,  when  a  man  made  pow^erful  by  freedom,  be- 
girt by  a  solid  popularity,  though  still  with  struggles  before  him,  can 
only  be  stopped  by  death  surprising  him  in  harness,  and  in  the  hour 
of  victory." 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XVII. 

CAVOUR' S  POLICY  VICTORIOUS— THE  STATESMAN'S  DEATH. 

WHILE  the  Roman  question  continued  to  be  a  disturbing  ele- 
ment in  Italian  affairs,  yet  it  was  only  a  part  of  the  difficulties 
which  the  new  situation  developed.  The  more  serious  and  immediate 
complication  w^as  in  those  southern  provinces  suddenly  annexed  to 
the  north.  The  Bourbon  standard,  fixed  on  the  rock  of  Gaeta  uatil 
the  13th  of  February,  1861,  represented  but  a  vanquished  cause,  and 
therefore  this  military  protest,  being  without  response  or  hope,  did 
not  cause  the  Italian  government  any  uneasiness.  The  moral  condi- 
tion of  that  southern  region,  which  was  passing  through  a  kind  of 
stormy  transition,  was  a  source  of  discord  and  danger.  The  annexa- 
tion of  Lombardy,  Tuscany,  the  Romagna,  or  Parma,  was  a  safe 
measure ;  but  the  extremity  of  Italy,  at  that  time,  constituted  an 
entire  kingdom,  separated  from  the  north  by  manners,  customs,  and 


CA  VOUR'S  HERCULEAN  LABORS. 


651 


traditions,  and  contained  a  rebellious,  ungovernable  population.  The 
passionate,  exuberant  Neapolitans  had  been  so  long  oppressed  and 
kept  in  ignorance  and  degradation  by  the  grinding  tyranny  and 
demoralizing  influence  of  ""the  Bourbon  kings,  that  they  seemed  hardly 
fitted  to  appreciate  the  liberties  they  had  gained.  Every  element  of 
anarch}^  remained,  and  excited  in  part  by  the  emissaries  of  Francis 
II,  whose  residence  at  Rome  gave  him  ample  opportunities  for  such 
intrigues,  disorders,  and  tumults,  soon  burst  out.  In  this  revolution- 
ary interregnum  each  party,  abusing  the  privileges  of  an  unbounded 
liberty,  naturally  took  advantage  of  the  fanaticism,  the  passions, 
and  rebellious  instincts  of  an  impressible  population,  easily  arrayed 
against  laws,  taxes,  and  the  whole  new  order  of  things.  The  de- 
fenders of  the  fallen  regivie  organized  a  veritable  system  of  brigandage, 
and  covered  it  with  a  political  cloak.  In  vain  the  cabinet  of  Turin 
endeavored  to  bring  order  out  of  this  chaos  by  sending  a  succession 
of  lieutenants — first  Farini,  then  the  prince  of  Carignano,  with  Cava- 
liere  Nigra ;  next  Signor  Ponza  di  San  ]\Iartino ;  but  these  Pied- 
montese  representatives,  who  succeeded  one  another  at  Naples,  con- 
fessed their  inabilit}^  to  manage  these  provinces,  which,  though  not 
really  hostile  to  the  government,  were  undisciplined  and  turbulent. 
Indeed,  the  late  NeapoHtan  kingdom  threatened  to  become  another 
Ireland,  so  that  Cavour  was  brought  face  to  face  with  every  external 
and  internal  complication  of  an  unfinished  work. 

The  great  statesman  was  not  )'et  satisfied  with  his  conquest,  and 
therefore  could  not  rest.  He  had  simultaneously  to  adjust  the  rela- 
tions of  a  new  Italy  with  Europe,  to  fix  his  policy  in  Venice  and 
Rome,  to  continue  to  pacif}'  the  southern  provinces,  assimilate  the 
legislation  and  administration  of  all  these  different  provinces,  reor- 
ganize the  army  of  the  new  kingdom,  and  unite  six  or  seven  budgets 
into  one,  which,  from  the  very  first,  presented  a  deficit  of  five  hun- 
dred millions  of  francs  !  With  all  his  natural  vitality  and  vigor  to 
sustain  him.  he  sometimes  yielded  to  despondency,  and  asked  him- 
self whether  he  could  perform  the  herculean  work  on  which  he  was 
bestowing  his  energies  and  his  life  ;  but  banishing  these  apprehen- 
sions, he  soon  took  courage  again.  He  was  assailed  by  many  and 
serious  difficulties — divisions,  personal  resentments,  things,  and  men  ; 
often  men  in  the  highest  position  opposed  him,  and  he  was  bitterly 
denounced  because  he  would  not  consent  either  to  a  dictatorship  to 
simplify  the  work  of  unification,  or  a  state  of  siege  to  quiet  Naples. 
Against  all  these  hostile  influences,  which  arose  from  the  many  ques- 
tions of  organization  that  he  directed  and  settled,  he  braced  himself, 


652 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and,  though  the  trials  yet  in  store  for  him  might  be  severe,  yet  he 
hoped  to  succeed  through  discussion.  His  strength  was  in  the  parha- 
ment  and  in  the  confidence  of  the  people,  in  his  immense  influence 
on  the  popular  mind,  and  in  the  support  of  the  liberals.  His  weak- 
ness consisted  in  a  situation  still  unsettled  and  undecided.  Some 
sudden  outburst  of  fanaticism,  or  the  daring  of  some  popular  leader 
might  wreck  his  policy  by  rushing  headlong  into  a  rash  adventure  in 
the  direction  of  Rome  or  Venice. 

In  the  Spring  of  i86i,  one  of  those  stormy  Springs  of  that  period, 
which,  to  use  Lord  Palmerston's  expression,  "came  in  like  lions,"  a 
pretext  was  given  for  the  reviv^al  of  the  unhappy  struggle  which  had 
occurred  between  Cavour  and  Garibaldi  in  October,  i860.  The  ques- 
tion that  precipitated  the  conflict  was  the  dissolution  or  the  reorgan- 
ization of  the  army  of  the  south  ;  that  is  to  say,  of  those  volunteers 
who  had  gone  through  the  campaigns  of  Sicily  and  Naples  with  Gari- 
baldi. General  Fanti,  the  minister  of  war,  did  not  consider  such  an 
irregular  military  force  a  safe  thing  in  a  time  of  high  national  enthu- 
siasm, and  therefore  would  not  have  it  in  the  interests  of  the 
army ;  while  Cavour  would  not  consent  to  retain  it,  because  he 
deemed  it  inimical  to  the  interests  of  diplomacy.  Great  consideration 
was  shown  to  the  officers,  and  men  like  Nino  Bixio,  Cozenz,  and 
Medici,  who  proved  worthy  of  their  rank,  were  made  generals,  and 
many  others  were  offered  prominent  positions  in  the  national  army, 
Although  the  principle  of  volunteer  service  was  maintained,  yet  the 
southern  army  w^as  virtually  disbanded.  The  action  of  the  minister 
of  war,  who,  in  the  execution  of  these  delicate  matters,  did  not  dis- 
play the  highest  wisdom,  awakened  the  indignation  of  Garibaldi. 

Cavour,  however,  was  held  responsible,  and,  though  desiring  to 
avoid  a  conflict,  he  saw  that  it  was  inevitable,  having  been  but  inef- 
ficiently settled  in  the  previous  October,  and  therefore  liable  at  any 
moment  to  kindle  again  with  all  its  fury,  and  with  all  its  dangers  like- 
wise. The  prospect  of  its  renewal  troubled  Cavour,  but  he  accepted 
it  with  as  little  animosity  as  weakness.  After  the  failure  of  his  plans 
with  regard  to  Rome  and  Venice,  Garibaldi  retired  to  his  island  of 
Caprera,  disappointed  but  not  dismayed.  He  had  arranged  to  meet 
his  companions  the  following  Spring,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  from 
the  depth  of  his  retreat,  which  he  had  not  even  left  to  attend 
the  meeting  of  parliament  at  Turin,  he  continued  to  arouse  his 
countrymen  by  sending  forth  stirring  appeals.  He  defended  the 
southern  army  and  the  volunteers,  and  advocated  a  general  arming 
of  the  people.    To  a  deputation  of  Milanese  workmen,  who  pre- 


THE  GOVERNMENT  ASSAILED. 


653 


sented  an  address  to  him  at  Caprera,  he  said,  among  other  things : 
"For'the  holy  redemption  of  this  land  I  rely  on  the  rough  hands  of 
men  of  my  stamp  rather  than  on  the  lying  promises  of  false  politi- 
cimis.  Notwithstanding  the  sad  effects  of  a  vassal  policy  unworthy 
of  the  country,  and  notivitJistandijig  all  that  the  crowd  of  lackeys  uphold- 
ing this  monstrous  and  anti-national  policy  may  say,  Italy  must  stand  ; 
she  must  live."  While  this  popular  soldier  and  idol  of  the  people 
permitted  his  impetuous  patriotism  sometimes  to  lead  him  to  utter 
intemperate,  and  perhaps  imprudent,  expressions,  yet  there  were 
extenuating  circumstances.  Garibaldi  was  the  exponent  of  the  popu- 
lar feeling  which,  at  that  time,  almost  unanimously  demanded  the 
speedy  completion  of  Italian  unity  by  the  annexation  of  Rome  and 
Venice.  It  was  also  natural  that  he  should  feel  indignant  when  the 
army  which  he  had  created,  and  with  which  he  had  become  the  con- 
queror of  the  Two  Sicilies,  was  disbanded  at  the  very  moment  when 
it  was  needed  to  achieve  other  victories.  Believing  that  the  policy 
of  Cavour  was  too  conservative,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  condemn  it, 
and  yet  at  heart  he  felt  confident  that  its  author  was  a  sincere  patriot, 
though  timid. 

Shortly  after  the  interview  with  the  deputation  from  Milan,  Gari- 
baldi, in  accepting  the  presidency  of  the  Association  of  Italian 
Unity,"  delivered  another  speech,  and  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  for- 
tify themselves  against  '  *  that  cowardly  fear  which  those  seek  to  inspire 
who  have  dragged  Italian  honor  in  the  dust."  These  fiery  declama- 
tions produced  intense  excitement  throughout  the  country,  and  in  the 
southern  part  particularly  stirred  up  the  passions  of  the  people. 
With  one  blow  he  struck  the  king,  the  army,  and  the  parliament  of 
which  he  was  himself  a  member,  reproving  them  for  what  he  regarded 
as  their  subserviency  to  France.  Accustomed  to  use  the  most  forci- 
ble, and  at  times  even  violent,  language,  perhaps  he  did  not  calculate 
the  effect  of  his  words;  but,  as  might  be  expected,  they  created  a 
profound  sensation  at  Turin  and  in  the  chambers.  The  government 
was  offended,  and  the  deputtes  declared  that  the  parliament,  for  the 
honor  of  liberal  institutions,  should  protect  its  good  name,  and  main- 
tain its  dignity  though  it  should  strike  the  popular  hero.  Some  of 
his  enemies  denounced  his  course  as  an  outrage,  and  insisted  that  he 
should  not  have  impunity  in  abuse.  Thus  this  singular  conflict  began 
to  assume  serious  proportions;  but  the  question  was,  Who  shall  take 
the  initiative?  The  government,  in  its  official  character,  hesitated; 
the  president  of  the  council  disliked  to  acknowledge  that  these  offen- 
sive words,  intended  mainly  for  him,  demanded  from  him  a  reply ; 


654 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  if  an  obscure  or  unpopular  deputy  had  attempted  to  assail  Gari- 
baldi the  movement  against  him  would  have  been  led  astray  or 
failed  in  its  object.  At  length  the  government  party  found  a  cham- 
pion in  the  person  of  Baron  Bettino  Ricasoli,  who  had  labored  ear- 
nestly and  decisively  in  the  cause  of  national  unity,  and  possessed  an 
independence  both  of  station  and  character  which  qualified,  to  some 
extent,  to  measure  swords  with  Garibaldi,  with  whom  he  had  intimate 
relations  during  the  interregnum  in  Central  Italy. 

The  former  dictator  of  Florence  had  recently  arrived  at  Turin, 
and  on  his  first  appearance  in  the  chamber  his  proud  and  grave 
aspect,  the  natural  dignity  and  severity  of  his  manner  and  person, 
made  a  deep  impression,  inspiring  mingled  feelings  of  curiosity  and 
respect.  Like  many  others,  the  Florentine  baron  had  been  wounded 
by'  Garibaldi's  violent  utterances.  He  proposed  to  ask  the  govern- 
ment for  explanations  on  the  measures  it  had  taken,  or  was  about  to 
take,  with  regard  to  the  southern  army  and  the  development  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  nation.  But  before  proceeding  to  the  consider- 
ation of  these  measures  he  resolved  to  attack  Garibaldi^s  course,  and 
accordingly,  on  the  loth  of  April,  1861,  in  the  midst  of  an  excited 
assembly,  he  rose  to  his  feet,  all  being  instantly  hushed  about  him. 
In  spontaneously  undertaking  to  defend  the  government  Ricasoli  felt 
the  gravity  of  the  position  he  had  assumed  while  the  chamber  waited 
Avith  anxiety  for  his  debut,  not  knowing  any  thing  about  him  as  a 
public  speaker,  but  simply  as  the  dictator  at  Florence.  With  a  clear 
vibrating  voice  and  an  imperious  tone  which  gathered  fire  as  it  Avent, 
he  uttered  the  following  words:  "A  calumny  has  been  circulated 
abroad  concerning  one  of  the  members  of  the  assembly.  Expressions 
hostile  to  the  majority  in  parliament  have  been  attributed  to  General 
Garibaldi.  They  can  not  have  been  uttered  by  him.  I  know  him, 
and  I  shook  his  hand  when  he  was  about  to  take  command  of  the 
central  army.  We  were  then  animated  by  the  same  sentiments — we 
Avere  both  equally  devoted  to  the  king.  We  both  swore  that  Ave 
Avould  do  our  duty.  I  have  done  mine.  .  .  .  Who  is  it,  then, 
that  could  proudly  claim  for  himself  the  exclusive  privilege  of  devo- 
tion and  patriotism,  and  exalt  himself  above  his  fellows?  One  head 
only  has  the  right  to  be  higher  than  any  other  among  us — that  of 
the  king.  Before  him  we  must  all  bend,  and  any  other  attitude 
Avould  be  that  of  a  rebel.  .  .  .  Victor  Emmanuel  has  made  our 
nation.  .  .  .  Italy's  liberator  being  the  king,  and  all  Italians 
having  marched  to  liberty  under  the  command  of  a  chief  so  magnan- 
imous, one  citizen  is  not  above  another.     He  Avho  has  had  the  good 


THE  ELOQUENT  FLORENTINE.  655 

fortune  to  do  his  duty  more  generously  in  a  wider  field  of  action  or 
in  a  manner  more  profitable  to  his  country,  and  who  has  perfectly 
fulfilled  it,  a  greater  duty  still  lies  before  him,  and  it  is  to  thank  God 
for  allowing  him  the  inestimable  privilege  which  is  granted  to  so  few, 
of  being  able  to  say:  'I  have  served  my  country  well,  I  have  abso- 
lutely done  my  duty.'"  The  whole  assembly  was  moved  by  these 
words,  emphasized  by  the  impressive  bearing  and  vibrating  delivery 
of  the  speaker,  and  at  times  his  thrilling  sentences  called  forth  enthu- 
siastic acclamations. 

Cavour  had  never  before  heard  his  austere  Florentine  ally  and 
rival  speak,  and  had  not  always  found  it  easy  to  deal  with  him  in  the 
affairs  of  Central  Italy,  and  he  listened  rather  curiously  at  first;  but 
he  soon  began  to  share  the  universal  excitement,  and  in  leaving  the 
house  he  said  to  a  friend:  "To-day  I  have  understood  and  felt  the 
nature  of  true  eloquence."  Others  have  declared  that  he  said: 
"Were  I  to  die  to-morrow  my  successor  is  found."  The  government 
was  highly  pleased  with  this  vindication  of  royalty,  parliament,  and 
the  dignity  of  the  nation,  and  Ricasoli  himself  felt  that  he  had  simply 
discharged  a  conscientious  and  patriotic  duty;  but  he  certainly  did 
not  express  the  sentiment  of  the  Italian  people  in  intimating  that 
Garibaldi  was  a  rebel.  Ricasoli  denounced  the  intemperate  language 
of  the  brave  general,  and  yet  did  not  restrain  himself  The  hero  of 
the  Two  Sicilies  could  not  decline  the  challenge,  but  hastened  to 
Turin,  and  immediately  published  a  letter  disavowing  all  intentions  of 
censures  either  towards  the  king  or  the  national  representatives.  A 
collision  in  parliament  was  now  unavoidable,  and  the  presence  of 
Garibaldi  made  the  scene  still  more  dramatic.  For  more  than  a  week 
Turin  had  been  filling  up  with  volunteers,  who  hurried  thither  to 
escort  and  support  their  leader.  Some  feared  a  conflict  between  the 
citizens  of  that  sturdy  Piedmontese  city,  faithful  to  its  king  and  the 
followers  of  the  conqueror  of  Naples;  but  this  was  not  probable  when 
all  were  striving  to  secure  the  unity  of  their  beloved  Italy. 

On  the  day  appointed — the  i8th  of  April,  1861, — the  sitting  was 
opened  with  an  unusual  solemnity.  The  diplomatic  corps  had  wished 
to  be  present,  and  even  the  tribunes  bent  under  the  weight  of  an 
excited  crowd.  A  few  moments  elapsed,  and  then  Garibaldi  appeared 
in  his  singular  costume — the  legendary  red  shirt  and  South  American 
poncho.  As  he  entered  the  galleries  burst  forth  in  shouts  of  wel- 
come, but  the  chambers  remained  immovable  and  cold.  When  the 
excitement  had  subsided  Baron  Ricasoli,  taking  up  the  thread  of  his 
former  subject,  questioned  the  government  as  to  the  southern  army, 


656  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 

and  the  military  reorganization  of  the  nation.  The  minister  of  war, 
General  Fanti,  in  his  reply,  gave  a  detailed  statement  of  the  measures 
he  had  adopted  and  had  found  necessary.  He  stated  that  he  had 
done  all  he  could  do  for  the  officers  and  volunteers  of  Garibaldi's 
army,  which  he  claimed  was  an  institution  born  of  the  circumstances 
of  the  time,  and  that  he  could  not  have  pursued  a  different  course 
without  introducing  into  the  regular  army  a  disastrous  spirit  of  rivalry 
or  wounding  military  feelings  and  interests. 

At  this  point  Garibaldi  arose  and  proceeded  to  address  the 
assembly.  In  the  beginning  he  seemed  to  be  embarrassed  on  this 
new  stage,  entangling  himself  in  laborious  phrases;  but  he  soon  dis- 
pensed with  circumlocution  and  went  straight  to  the  question  at  issue. 
In  reply  to  the  charge  of  antagonism  to  the  government,  made  by 
Ricasoli,  he  said:  "I  have  not  given  any  occasion  iox  dualisvi.  It  is 
true  that  plans  of  reconciliation  have  been  proposed  to  me ;  but  these 
have  only  been  in  words.  Italy  knows  me  to  be  a  man  of  deeds, 
and  deeds  have  always  been  in  opposition  to  words.  .  .  .  When- 
ever dualism  could  have  damaged  the  cause  of  my  country  I  have 
bowed  and  shall  always  bow.  .  .  .  But  I  leave  it  to  the  con- 
sciences of  the  Italian  representatives  here  present  to  state  whether 
I  can  give  my  hand  to  one  who  has  made  me  a  stranger  in  Italy." 
The  scene  now  became  animated,  and  the  assembly  was  disturbed 
by  loud  interruptions,  when  Garibaldi,  returning  to  the  subject  of 
the  southern  army,  which  he  stated  was  "the  principal  object  of  his 
presence  in  the  chamber,"  added  with  growing  excitement:  "Having 
to  speak  of  this  army,  I  should,  above  all,  relate  its  glorious  deeds. 
The  wonders  it  achieved  have  been  darkened  only  when  the  cold 
and  inimical  hand  of  the  ministry  has  made  its  evil  influence  felt. 
When,  through  love  of  peace  and  horror  of  a  fratricidal  war,  pro- 
voked by  that  same  ministry — "  At  these  words,  before  the  sentence 
was  complete,  the  tempest  burst  out  and  protestations  were  shouted 
on  every  side;  the  real  struggle  had  come  at  last. 

Cavour,  who  was  seated  among  the  ministers,  could  scarcely 
restrain  himself,  and,  full  of  indignation,  at  length  exclaimed:  "Such 
insults  as  these  are  not  permitted ;  we  can  not  suffer  them ;  see  that 
proper  respect  is  paid  to  the  government  and  representatives  of  the 
nation.  We  demand  a  call  to  order."  Rattazzi,  the  president,  sadly 
perplexed  and  almost  extinguished  in  this  storm,  requested  Garibaldi 
to  express  his  opinions  in  a  form  less  offensive.  Cavour  cried  out: 
"He  has  said  that  we  provoked  a  fratricidal  war;  this  is  far  more  than 
an  expression  of  an  opinion."    "Yes,  a  fratricidal  war!"  Garibaldi 


CA  VOUR'S  REJOINDER. 


6S7 


vehemently  replied.  The  assembly  was  now  convulsed  with  an  ex- 
traordinary agitation.  The  deputies  loudly  shouted  for  a  call  to  order, 
while  the  friends  of  Garibaldi,  who  crowded  the  galleries,  made  the 
Chambers  resound  with  frantic  applause.  Violent  invectives  and  abu- 
sive challenges  crossed  each  other  in  rapid  succession,  and  the  confu- 
sion became  so  great  that  the  president  was  compelled  to  adjourn  the 
sitting  until  order  could  be  restored.  After  some  minutes  the  debate 
was  resumed,  and  Nino  Bixio,  one  of  the  band  of  heroes  of  Sicily 
and  the  Volturno,  delivered  an  address  in  which  he  endeavored  to 
palliate  the  violent  language  of  his  ancient  chief  by  invoking  a  patri- 
otic return  to  reconciliation.  Count  Cavour, "  he  hastened  to  say, 
"has  undoubtedly  a  generous  heart.  The  earlier  part  of  this  day's 
session  should  be  forgotten.  It  is  a  misfortune  that  it  has  happened. 
Let  us  banish  it  from  our  minds." 

Cavour,  though  he  had  been  wounded  by  Garibaldi's  words,  and 
experienced  emotions  he  was  unable  to  repress,  controlled  himself 
sufficiently  to  reply  to  Bixio's  request  that  the  insult  should  be  over- 
looked, and  to  enter  into  an  explanation.  "It  is  not,"  he  replied, 
immediately,  "that  I  flatter  myself  with  the  hope  of  seeing  the 
friendly  feeling  spring  up  again  which  the  honorable  member,  Bixio, 
has  just  entreated  us  to  entertain.  I  know  there  is  one  deed  which 
has  put  a  gulf  between  General  Garibaldi  and  me.  I  thought  to  ac- 
complish a  painful  duty — the  most  painful  I  have  ever  known — in 
urging  upon  the  king  and  parliament  the  approval  of  the  cession  of 
Nice  and  Savoy  to  France.  Through  the  pain  it  caused  me  I  can 
realize  that  which  General  Garibaldi  must  now  feel  on  the  subject, 
and  if  he  is  unable  to  forgive  me  for  that  deed  I  can  not  hold  it  to 
be  a  reproach  to  him."  Garibaldi  in  his  turn  became  more  calm, 
expressing  a  desire  that,  according  to  him,  would  have  a  tendency  to 
moderate  their  dissensions.  He  said:  "Although  my  sentiments 
towards  Count  Cavour  are  those  of  an  adversary,  I  have  never 
doubted  that  he  also  is  the  friend  of  Italy.  My  wish  would  be  that 
the  honorable  count  should  make  use  of  his  powerful  influence  to 
cause  the  law  which  I  propose  for  the  national  armament  to  be 
adopted  ;  namely,  to  dispatch  the  forces  remaining  of  the  southern 
army  to  a  point  wherein  they  might  serve  Italy  by  combating  a  reac- 
tion daily  growing  more  threatening.    This  is  my  desire." 

Cavour  was  ready  to  do  all  he  could  to  relax  a  situation  of  ex- 
treme tension  and  to  promote  reconciliation.  After  the  first  moment 
of  indignant  feeling  had  passed  away  he  quickly  recovered  his  cool- 
ness, and  calmly  surveyed  the  field.     He  feared  that  these  rashly 


658 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


kindled  conflicts  might  descend  from  parliament  to  the  country,  and 
produce  civil  war,  to  the  destruction  of  the  dawning  unity.  Hence 
no  effort  was  too  strong  for  him,  and  no  sacrifice  too  great.  He 
was  even  willing  to  forget  personal  injuries,  and  to  make  concessions 
in  particulars.  There  was  but  one  thing — the  essential  one,  it  is 
true — that  he  positively  refused,  because  in  it  he  saw  another  danger, 
the  external  danger.  He  would  at  no  price,  while  appearing  to  sub- 
mit to  Garibaldi's  desire,  favor  a  sort  of  active  organization  of  volun- 
teer corps,  in  the  positive  acceptation  of  the  word,  believing  that 
such  a  measure  would  have  the  appearance  of  preparation  for  an 
offensive  war,  and  might  ruin  all  his  labor  of  diplomacy,  of  which  he 
alone  had  the  secret.  '*We  decline  to  do,"  he  said,  resolutely, 
"what  would  be  a  real  provocation,  because  we  do  not  think  our- 
selves bound  to  follow  a  provocative  policy."  Believing  this  to  be 
the  question  at  issue,  Cavour  fought  with  consummate  skill  for  three 
days,  not  to  win  over  the  Chamber,  because  that  body  was  already 
in  sympathy  with  his  schemes,  but  to  obtain  a  clear  and  decisive 
consideration,  so  that  the  vote  might  be  inteUigently  given. 

Cavour,  rising  high  above  the  sense  of  a  personal  conflict,  addressed 
the  Chamber,  declaring  that  the  ministry  had  so  often  proclaimed  to 
Italy,  and  also  to  the  whole  of  Europe,  the  policy  of  the  government, 
that  they  must  be  familiar  with  it.  He  reaffirmed  the  opinion  that 
the  Italian  question  would  not  be  settled  until  the  independence  of  the 
Peninsula  was  thoroughly  established,  and  the  relations  of  Rome  and 
Venice  satisfactorily  arranged;  but  he  opposed  any  adjustment  of  the 
Roman  question  which  involved  hostility  or  discord  with  France. 
He  stated  that  while  the  present  condition  of  Venetia  was  incompat- 
ible with  a  durable  peace,  yet  European  interests,  and  the  counsels 
of  friendly  governments  and  powers  which  had  aided  Italy  in  critical 
times,  should  be  considered.  A  general  war  could  easily  be  precip- 
itated ;  but  Cavour  expressed  his  belief  that  such  a  policy  at  that 
time  would  be  dangerous.  At  the  close  of  this  address  the  vote  for 
an  order  of  the  day,  proposed  by  Baron  Ricasoli,  was  accepted  by 
the  government.  Thus  ended  a  conflict  which  began  in  a  wild  tumult 
and  uproar,  and  might  have  culminated  in  a  serious  crisis  had  not 
wiser  counsels  prevailed.  After  the  drama  had  quietly  closed  it  was 
followed  by  an  epilogue  due  to  the  diplomacy  of  Victor  Emmanuel, 
who  used  all  his  influence  to  secure  a  personal  reconciliation  between 
Cavour  and  Garibaldi.  He  succeeded  in  arranging  a  meeting  be- 
tween them  in  one  of  the  private  apartments  of  the  palace.  A  few 
days  later  Cavour  wrote  as  follows  to  Count  Vimercati,  at  Paris: 


CAVOUR'S  ARDUOUS  LABORS. 


659 


*'M}'  interview  with  Garibaldi  was  courteous,  though  not  warm;  we 
both  kept  within  the  hmits  of  reserv^e.  I  acquainted  him,  however, 
with  the  hne  of  conduct  which  the  government  intends  to  follow,  as 
regards  Austria  as  well  as  France,  assuring  him  that  on  these  points 
no  compromise  is  possible.  He  declared  his  readiness  to  accept  the 
programme,  and  to  be  w^illing  to  engage  himself  not  to  act  contrary 
to  the  views  of  government.  He  only  asked  me  to  do  something 
for  the  army  of  the  South.  I  gave  him  no  promise;  but  I  told  him 
I  would  seek  a  means  to  provide,  as  well  as  might  be  done,  for  die 
future  of  his  officers.  We  parted,  if  not  good  friends,  at  least  with- 
out an}^  irritation." 

This  note,  written  on  the  27th  of  April,  1861,  describes  the  last 
interview  between  these  great  men.  Garibaldi  disappeared  to  return 
to  his  Mediterranean  island,  and  Cavour  resumed  the  herculean 
labors  which  were  rapidly  undermining  his  physical  constitution. 
During  his  contest  with  Garibaldi  he  seemed  to  be  full  of  vigor,  and 
exhibited  a  sort  of  new  brilliancy  that  indicated  a  generous  maturity. 
As  his  work  became  greater  and  more  complicated  his  resources  of 
strength  and  activity  appeared  the  more  inexhaustible.  But  the 
strongest  and  most  robust  constitution  could  not  endure  the  strain  to 
which  Cavour  was  subjected.  In  winning  his  last  and  decisive  vic- 
tory over  Garibaldi  he  had  received  a  heavy  blow,  the  storm  of  ex- 
citement having  told  seriously  upon  his  nervous  system.  Excess  of 
work  of  every  kind  could  hardly  be  other  than  murderous  to  his 
health.  At  one  and  the  same  time  he  was  engaged  in  establishing 
the  relations  of  Italy  with  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Portugal ;  he  Was 
in  the  heat  of  negotiations  with  the  emperor  of  the  French  on  the 
subject  of  Rome ;  he  was  minutely  observing  the  troubled  affairs  of 
Naples ;  he  was  regulating  the  finances  and  attending  to  the  navy 
of  the  new  kingdom  ;  and  every  day  he  was  in  parliament,  taking 
his  part  in  every  discussion.  It  was  not  necessary  for  him  to  strug- 
gle for  a  majority;  but,  having  it,  the  responsibility  of  directing  it 
and  preventing  the  adoption  of  imprudent  measures  rested  upon  him. 
On  the  29th  of  May  he  w^as  in  parliament,  earnestly  discussing  a 
project  that  was  to  be  turned  into  a  sort  of  manifestation  in  favor  of 
the  republicans  fighting  at  Rome  in  1849,  ^^^^^  ^^7  ^^'^^ 

more  excited  and  impatient  than  usual.  That  evening,  on  returning 
home,  he  seemed  weary  and  gloomy.  "I  am  exhausted,"  said  he; 
''but  I  must  go  on  working,  for  the  country  needs  me.  Perhaps 
this  Summer  I  may  be  able  to  take  some  rest  in  Switzerland."  That 
same  night  he  was  seized  with  violent  indisposition,  and  grave  symp- 

43 


66o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


toms  began  to  be  manifested.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  to  be  con- 
quered by  early  care  and  bleeding — the  habitual  remedy  at  Turin — 
and  even  Cavour  thought  himself  all  right.  On  the  31st  of  May  he 
was  again  able  to  assemble  about  him  his  colleagues  of  the  ministry. 
He  worked  with  Nigra  and  Artom,  but  at  length  was  compelled  to 
yield.  After  the  1st  of  June  the  remedies  ceased  to  be  effectual,  and 
all  hope  vanished.  The  2d  of  June  had  been  appointed  by  the  govern- 
ment as  the  national  fete-day,  in  commemoration  of  the  achievement 
of  Italian  unity;  but,  amidst  the  public  rejoicings  from  one  end  of 
the  Peninsula  to  the  other,  Cavour  was  attacked  by  his  final  illness. 

As  the  news  of  his  dangerous  sickness  spread  through  the  capital 
the  residence  of  the  prime  minister  was  besieged  by  a  silent,  anxious, 
and  sympathizing  crowd  that  thronged  the  court,  the  vestibule,  and 
even  the  grand  staircase,  until  long  after  the  hour  of  midnight,  while 
the  telegraph  was  busy  in  transmitting  the  medical  bulletins  of  the 
illustrious  sufferer  to  the  various  sovereigns  and  cabinets  of  Europe. 
In  this  last  struggle  between  life  and  death  Cavour  passed  from  fits 
of  delirium  to  lucid  moments,  during  which  all  that  had  been  occu- 
pying him  came  to  his  mind.  As  in  health  and  activity,  so  in  the 
closing  hours  of  life,  the  welfare  of  his  beloved  Italy  was  ever  upper- 
most in  his  thoughts.  In  his  paroxysms  of  delirium  he  discussed  ques- 
tions of  state  policy  and  from  time  to  time  called  for  his  private  sec- 
retary, with  a  view  of  dictating  dispatches.  To  his  physician  he 
said:  "Cure  me  promptly;  I  have  Italy  on  my  shoulders,  and  time 
is  precious."  With  his  niece,  the  Marchioness  Alfieri,  always  atten- 
tive at  his  pillow,  and  with  his  friends,  Farini  and  Castelli,  'he  spoke 
of  all  he  had  yet  to  do,  of  the  loan  of  five  hundred  millions  which 
was  impending,  of  the  recognition  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy  byFrance, 
a  letter  expected  from  Count  Vimercati  in  Paris,  and  of  the  navy  it 
was  necessary  to  create.  He  was  anxious  about  Naples,  and  spoke 
of  it  urgently. 

''Northern  Italy  is  established,"  he  said.  "There  are  no  longer 
Lombards  nor  Piedmontese,  Tuscans  nor  Romans.  We  are  all  Ital-  " 
ians ;  but  there  are  still  Neapolitans.  Oh!  there  is  much  corruption 
in  their  country.  Poor  people !  it  is  not  their  fault,  they  have  been 
so  ill-governed!  .  .  .  We  must  impress  the  country  morally: 
but  it  is  not  by  abusing  the  Neapolitans  that  they  will  be  brought  to 
reason.  .  .  .  Above  all,  there  must  be  no  state  of  siege,  none  of 
the  measures  of  absolutist  governments.  Any  one  can  govern  with 
a  state  of  siege.  I  will  govern  them  with  liberty,  and  I  will  show 
what  ten  years  of  liberty  can  do  for  these  fine  countries.  Twenty 


FRA  GIACOMO  SUMMONED. 


years  hence  they  will  be  the  richest  provinces  in  Italy.  No,  have  no 
state  of  siege;  that  is  my  advice  to  you."  Victor  Emmanuel 
wished  to  visit  his  illustrious  minister,  and  standing  by  his  bedside 
affectionately  pressed  his  hand.  Cavour,  recognizing  him,  exclaimed  : 
"Oh,  your  majesty,  I  have  many  things  to  communicate  to  you, 
many  papers  to  lay  before  you,  but  am  too  ill,  it  will  be  impossible 
for  me  to  come  and  see  you  ;  but  I  will  send  you  Farini  to-morrow, 
he  will  give  you  all  particulars.  Has  your  majesty  received  no  letter 
from  Paris?  The  emperor  is  friendly  to  us  now."  Sometimes  Ca- 
vour complained  of  confusion  in  his  brain,  imagining  that  there  was 
the  seat  of  his  malady;  he  felt  that  the  power  of  thinking  was  rap- 
idly leaving  him. 

After  taking  leave  of  his  friends  and  domestics,  he  requested  that 
the  priest  of  the  Madonna  dei  Angeli,  the  Fra  Giacomo,  with  whom 
he  had  seven  years  previously  made  every  arrangement,  should  be 
sent  for ;  and  accordingly,  at  the  sumrnons  of  the  Marchioness  Alfieri, 
the  priest  hastened  to  the  death-bed  of  the  great  man,  and  spent  half 
an  hour  alone  with  him.  After  the  padre's  departure,  Cavour  called 
for  Farini,  and  said  to  him:  "My  niece  has  summoned  Fra  Giacomo; 
I  must  prepare  for  the  great  passage  into  eternity ;  I  have  confessed 
and  been  absolved.  I  desire  that  it  be  known,  that  the  good  people 
of  Turin  should  know  that  I  died  the  death  of  a  good  Christian. 
I  am  without  anxiety;  I  know  that  I  have  injured  no  man."  That 
same  day  the  "good  people  of  Turin,"  who  were  anxiously  watching 
the  course  of  the  illness,  tearfully  followed  the  priest,  who  carried 
the  viaticum  to  the  dying  statesman.  The  priest  himself,  it  is  said, 
comforted  a  relative  of  the  count,  by  reminding  her  that  "no  man  in 
this  world  had  known  better  how  to  succor  and  pardon  than  that 
one."  After  administering  extreme  unction  Fra  Giacomo  recited  at 
the  bedside  of  the  illustrious  citizen  the  prayer  for  the  dying,  when 
Cavour,  pressing  his  hand,  significantly  whispered:  Frate,  frate. 
libera  chiesa  in  libera  stato.''  It  was  almost  in  pronouncing  these  words 
that,  at  a  quarter  before  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of 
June,  1 86 1,  Count  Camillo  Cavour  "rendered  to  his  God  one  of  the 
noblest  souls  that  ever  animated  a  mortal  being."  He  passed  away  in 
the  fifty-first  year  of  his  age,  a  victim  of  overwork  and  untiring  devo- 
tion to  his  country.  He  seemed  to  have  been  struck  down  in  the 
heat  of  action,  as  on  a  battle-field  on  the  morning  after  a  victory, 
which  had  been  secured  by  the  moderation  and  the  greatness  of  his 
intelligence.  Massari  states  that  "he  whd  did  not  see  Turin  that 
day  knows  not  what  is  meant  by  the  grief  of  a  people."    The  town 


662 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


was  filled  with  mourning.  The  tribunes  of  the  chambers  and  the 
standard  on  the  palace  were  veiled  with  crape. 

The  sorrow  occasioned  by  his  death  was  universal  throughout 
Europe,  and  in  his  own  beloved  Italy  the  grief  of  the  people  was 
intense  beyond  expression.  His  funeral  occurred  with  more  than 
regal  pomp.  In  spite  of  the  rain,  which  fell  in  torrents,  as  if  the 
very  elements  were  in  sympathy  with  the  mournful  event,  an  im- 
mense concourse  of  people,  with  every  manifestation  of  sincere  and 
profound  sorrow,  thronged  the  sidewalks  or  followed  in  the  proces- 
sion. In  all  the  large  cities  business  was  entirely  suspended.  Even 
his  political  enemies  recognized  his  death  as  a  national  loss,  while  the 
friends  of  Garibaldi,  burying  their  resentments  in  his  newly  opened 
sepulcher  at  Santena,  followed  silently  and  respectfully  in  the  wake 
of  his  funeral  car.  He  died  early,  but  he  lived  long  enough  to  wit- 
ness the  assured  triumph  of  the  policy  to  which  he  had  dedicated  his 
life  and  consecrated  his  genius.  What  he  failed  to  accomplish  him- 
self, with  singular  prevision  he  clearly  foreshadowed  in  his  speeches. 
Among  the  latest  of  these  delivered  in  parliament  was  the  celebrated 
one  upon  the  Roman  question,  which  at  that  time  was  invested  with 
peculiar  interest.  Referring  to  Rome  as  the  capital  of  Italy,  he  said : 
"Our  destiny,  gentlemen — I  declare  it  openly — is  to  make  the  ' Eternal 
City,'  upon  which  twenty-five  centuries  have  accumulated  every  spe- 
cies of  renown,  the  splendid  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  But  per- 
haps this  Avill  not  satisfy  the  honorable  interpellant  who  has  asked 
by  what  means  we  are  to  attain  this  desirable  end.  I  would  reply: 
If  you  will  first  inform  me  as  to  what  will  be  the  condition  of  Italy 
and  Europe  within  the  next  six  months  I  will  respond  ;  but  if  you 
can  not  furnish  me  with  the  data,  I  fear  that  neither  I  nor  any  one 
of  the  mathematicians  of  diplomacy  will  be  successful  in  finding  the 
unknown  quantity  you  seek." 

He,  however,  indicated  some  of  the  more  rational  means  to  be 
employed  in  the  solution  of  this  difficult  question — as  the  establish- 
ment of  a  compact  and  powerful  government  at  home,  the  modifica- 
tion of  public  opinion  abroad,  and  the  growing  conviction  in  modern 
society  that  liberty  is  eminently  favorable  to  the  development  of  true 
religious  sentiment.  He  predicted  that  the  time  would  soon  come 
when  ''the  large  majority  of  sincere  and  intelligent  Catholics  will 
recognize  the  fact,  that  the  august  pontiff,  who  represents  the  head 
of  the  Catholic  religion,  would  be  able  to  exercise  in  a  manner  much 
more  free  and  independent  his  spiritual  functions  guarded  by  the 
love  and  respect  of  twenty-two  millions  of  Italians  than  defended  by 


CAVOURS  CHARACTER  AND  POLICY. 


66s 


twenty-five  thousand  bayonets"  of  mercenaries  and  foreigners.  He 
subsequently  added:  ''The  moral  world  is  subjected  to  laws  analo- 
gous to  those  of  the  physical  world.  The  attraction  is  in  proportion 
to  the  mass ;  and,  by  as  much  as  Italy  becomes  more  strong  and 
compact,  by  so  much  will  the  attraction  which  she  exercises  upon 
Venice  (and  Rome)  become  the  more  powerful  and  irresistible." 

The  friends  and  enemies  of  the  departed  statesman  alike  regarded 
his  death  as  a  national  calamity,  and  even  the  great  men  of  other 
countries  pronounced  glowing  eulogies  upon  his  character.  In  the 
English  House  of  Commons.  Palmerston,  following  Brougham  in  the 
Lords,  and  Milnes,  said :  ' '  The  name  of  Count  Cavour  will  live  forever, 
embalmed  as  it  were  with  gratitude  and  admiration  in  the  memory  of 
the  human  race.  And  when  I  speak  of  Count  Cavour  I  do  not 
simply  mean  to  praise  him  for  those  administrative  acts  which  have 
most  astonished  the  world;  that  is  to  say,  for  the  unity  of  his  country. 
He  has  done  many  other  things  that  make  him  no  less  great.  The 
foundation  of  the  constitutional  government  in  which  Italy  now 
rejoices  was  laid  by  him;  it  is  he  who  managed  all  the  affairs  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  secured  inestimable  benefits  to  those  who  are  living 
and  to  all  who  will  live  after  us."  The  sudden  death  •  of  Cavour 
awakened  a  deep  and  sincere  feeling  of  sorrow  in  France,  and,  with- 
out doubt,  hastened  the  recognition  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Italy  by 
the  French  government.  "Italy  a  nation,"  says  De  Mazade,  "is  the 
legacy  of  Cavour.  The  fruit  of  a  policy  starting  from  an  idea  of 
independence  and  patriotism,  and  embracing  internal  order,  econom- 
ical interests,  religious  affairs,  and  diplomacy,  developing  and  enlarg- 
ing itself  daily,  by  the  help  of  the  most  astonishing  mixture  of  dex- 
terity and  daring,  justice  and  high-mindedness,  practical  good  sense 
and  unbaffied  energy  in  contrivance." 

In  reviewing  the  character  of  the  illustrious  Italian  statesman,  and 
in  studying  his  policy,  we  are  reminded  of  the  remark  of  one  of  his 
distinguished  contemporaries,  who  said  that  Cavour  possessed  the  two 
most  essential  qualities  of  a  great  diplomatist — "prudence  and  impru- 
dence." He  was  generally  cautious,  but  when  a  bold  movement  A^•as 
necessary  to  turn  the  trembling  scale  in  his  favor  he  did  not  hesitate 
to  inaugurate  it.  In  mediaeval  Italy,  under  the  shadow  of  the  Roman 
hierarchy,  he  advocated  the  largest  liberty  and  became  the  champion 
of  free  trade,  free  press,  free  speech,  free  schools,  and  a  free  Church 
in  a  free  state.  "All  the  world,"  he  exclaimed,  "knows  how  to 
govern  by  martial  law;  I  would  govern  by  means  of  liberty."  He 
persistently  refused  to  restrict  the  freedom  of  the  press,  though  no 


664  LYSTR UG GLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

one  suffered  more  from  its  unbridled  license  than  he.  And  yet, 
notwithstanding  his  liberal  tendencies,  he  was  always  in  favor  of  a 
monarchical  rather  than  a  republican  form  of  government  for  Italy  as 
better  adapted  to  the  temper  of  her  people,  and  more  in  accordance 
with  the  genius  of  her  institutions.  He  often  repeated  that  "the 
form  of  republic  best  adapted  to  the  customs  and  needs  of  modern 
Europe  has  still  to  be  discovered.  It  presupposes  in  any  case  the 
accomplishment  already  of  that  great  task  of  popular  education  which 
will  be  the  work  of  our  century." 

Cavour  was  rich  and  of  a  noble  lineage,  but  he  attached  very 
little  importance  to  birth  and  position,  rarely  wore  decorations,  and 
did  not  highly  esteem  those  who  delighted  in  the  "pomp  of  ribbons." 
In  speaking  of  the  gravitating  tendencies  of  modern  society,  he  pre- 
dicted that  within  fifty  years  there  would  not  be  a  knightly  order  in 
Europe.  Still  he  believed  that  an  aristocracy  might  be  useful  to 
Italy,  and  ''noblesse  oblige'''  was  one  of  his  favorite  mottoes.  He 
was  generous  and  conciliatory  in  his  bearing  toward  all  parties,  and 
promptly  recognized  the  good  qualities  of  his  opponents.  His  adver- 
saries of  to-day  became  his  allies  to-morrow.  He  was  ever  ready  to 
extend  a  friendly  hand  to  any  one,  irrespective  of  party  antecedents, 
who  was  willing  to  co-operate  with  him  in  achieving  Italian  unity  and 
independence.  Like  Macchiavelli,  he  acted  upon  the  principle  that 
the  rules  of  morality  which  ought  to  govern  the  intercourse  of  indi- 
viduals are  not  binding  upon  societies  or  applicable  to  international 
relations.  Hence  the  dangerous  maxim  that  "the  end  justifies  the 
means"  is  painfully  conspicuous  in  his  creed  as  a  diplomatist. 

"In  his  personal  appearance,"  says  Dr.  O.  M.  Spencer,  "Cavour 
was  of  medium  stature,  with  a  tendency  to  corpulency,  quick  and 
energetic  in  his  movements,  \vith  a  forehead  broad,  high,  and  spa- 
cious;'his  eyes  partially  closed  by  w^eakness,  and  further  concealed 
by  spectacles;  his  mouth  not  well  formed  and  somewhat  voluptuous, 
over  which  played  an  ironical  smile,  the  joint  offspring  of  mirth  and 
disdain.  Nevertheless,  the  tout  ense^nble  t)f  his  countenance  was 
expressive  of  benignity."  * 


GRAND  MISSION  FIELD. 


665 


Seventh  Decade  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XVIII. 

WALDENSIAN  MISSIONS  IN  ITAL  Y. 

WHILE  the  period  from  i860  to  1870  will  ever  be  recognized  as 
an  important  one  in  the  history  of  Italy's  progress  toward 
national  unity  and  independence,  it  will  also  be  regarded  as  a  decade 
of  religious  awakening.  The  battle  of  Solferino  made  an  opening  in 
the  ramparts  of  despotism  and  superstition,  and  through  it  the  Bible 
entered  Italy.  Before  the  sound  of  the  cannon  had  died  away  "the 
sword  of  the  Spirit"  was  unsheathed  in  the  midst  of  the  nation  and 
was  smiting  "the  man  of  sin."  The  colporteur,  with  the  sacred 
volume  in  his  hand,  seemed  like  a  prophet  come  down  from  heaven, 
or  rather  come  up  from  the  sepulcher,  to  reveal  truths  long  concealed 
from  the  eyes  of  the  sons  of  Italy.  The  Waldenses,  who  had  worn 
the  crown  of  martyrdom  for  many  ages,  were  now  honored  by  the 
God  of  their  fathers,  with  a  grand  mission — the  spreading  of  the 
Gospel  throughout  the  entire  land. 

Startling  events  followed  one  another  in  rapid  succession  during 
the  year  1859,  enlarged  the  mission  field  of  the  Waldenses, 

Scarcely  was  the  blood  of  the  three  great  battles — Montebello, 
Magenta,  and  Solferino — dry  before  Austrian  Lombardy,  Tuscany, 
Modena,  Parma,  and  a  large  part  of  the  pontifical  dominions  had 
annexed  themselves  to  Piedmont.  In  i860,  during  the  brilliant  cam- 
paign of  Garibaldi  in  Sicily  and  Naples,  the  sword  of  the  hero  routed 
armies,  put  kings  to  flight,  and  added  Southern  Italy  to  the  magnifi- 
cent dominion  of  Victor  Emmanuel.  The  Peninsula  was  subject  to 
one  constitution,  which  granted  toleration  to  the  Waldensian  Church, 
thus  giving  to  her,  as  a  field  of  labor,  the  whole  of  Italy  from  the 
Alps  to  Etna.  The  cannon  which  vastly  extended  the  area  of  con- 
stitutional liberty  also  made  a  wider  field  of  action  for  the  Gospel; 
and  the  Waldensian  Church,  looking  down  from  her  native  mountains 
and  beholding  the  country  thrown  open  to  Protestant  effort,  ventured 
down  from  her  abode  of  ages,  though  she  had  reasons  to  doubt  that 
uncertain  political  sky  in  which  the  clouds  had  so  often  returned 
after  the  rain. 


666 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


At  its  meeting  in  May,  i860,  the  Vaudois  synod  resolved  to 
establish  its  college  in  Florence.  In  the  following  Autumn  two  pro- 
fessors, M.  M.  Revel  and  Geymonet,  with  their  families  and  eight 
students,  departed  from  La  Tour  in  the  "Valleys"  and  settled  in  the 
capital  of  Tuscany.  From  the  glens  of  the  Cottian  Alps  to  the  city 
of  Cosmo  was  "not  a  step,  but  a  stride."  Truly  it  was  a  significant 
event  when  the  Church  of  eighteen  centuries  and  of  thirty  persecu- 
tions planted  herself  on  the  banks  of  the  Arno.  Through  the  liberal- 
ity of  a  few  Christian  friends  the  Pallazzo  Salviati,  a  magnificent 
structure,  and  the  former  residence  of  an  archbishop  of  Florence, 
became  the  headquarters  of  the  Waldensian  school.  Indeed,  under 
its  spacious  roof  the  Waldenses  found  room  for  all  the  agencies  of 
their  mission.  They  converted  one  part  of  the  venerable  building 
into  a  college  with  its  class-rooms;  they  formed  another  part  into  an 
elegant  sanctuary,  capable  of  containing  from  three  to  four  hundred 
hearers.  They  selected  another  portion  as  dwelling-places  for  the 
professors;  a  fourth  they  destined  for  schools,  and  a  fifth  for  the 
Claudian  printing-press,  which  was  now  brought  from  Turin  and  set 
to  work  in  the  old  literary  capital  of  Italy.  The  purchase  money  of 
the  building  was  four  thousand  pounds,  and  the  alterations  and 
repairs  cost  two  thousand  more.  This  measure,  which  gave  a  mate- 
rial foothold  to  the  work  of  evangelization  in  Florence,  was  mainly 
carried  through  by  Dr.  Stuart,  of  the  Scotch  Church. 

When  the  Waldenses  descended  from  their  mountains  they  sought 
not  to  occupy  prominent  places,  but  to  perform  a  great  and  difficult 
work,  which  they  were  willing  to  accept  with  all  its  responsibilities. 
They  felt  that  their  mission  was  to  evangelize  the  whole  field  from 
Mount  Blanc  to  Mount  Etna.  In  the  early  part  of  i860  they  organ- 
ized a  mission  station  in  Leghorn.  This  city,  until  eclipsed  by  the 
growing  prosperity  of  Genoa,  was  the  chief  seaport  of  Italy.  It  is 
truly  a  race  of  mosaics  and  creeds,  and  under  the  wise  and  liberal 
policy  of  Cosmo  I  and  Ferdinand  I,  grand  dukes  of  the  Medici 
family,  was  noted  for  religious  toleration  and  unfettered  commerce. 
In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  it  was  a  general  city  of 
refuge  to  the  persecuted  and  oppressed  of  all  climes.  Here  fled  the 
Jews  in  great  numbers,  chased  from  every  part  of  the  Spanish  empire 
by  the  pitiless  bigotry  of  its  counsels.  In  i860  they  formed  about  a 
fourth  of  the  population,  and  comprised  more  than  a  fourth  part  of 
its  intelligence  and  activity.  To  this  city  also  came  many  famiHes 
from  France,  driven  out  by  religious  persecutions  or  civil  wars. 
Many  inhabitants  of  Corsica,  impatient  of  the  Genoese  yoke,  took 


THE  JESUITS  ALARMED. 


667 


refuge  in  Leghorn.  At  the  time  when  the  Waldenses  visited  it  to 
preach  the  pure  Gospel  it  contained  an  Enghsh  church,  a  Scotch 
Presbyterian  chapel,  a  Greek  temple,  a  Turkish  mosque,  and  a  Jew- 
ish synagogue,  and  the  addition  of  another  to  its  alread}-  numerous 
"rites"  should  have  been  an  easy  matter.  Yet  it  was  in  the  free 
city  of  Leghorn  that  the  most  violent  opposition  was  offered  to  the 
establishment  of  a  Waldensian  mission  station.  A  young  evangeHst 
was  sent  there,  and  he  began  to  hold  small  meetings  in  a  private 
apartment.  When  this  fact  became  known  the  owner  of  the  house 
was  deprived  of  his  situation  and  his  wife,  a  dressmaker,  of  her 
customers.  After  great  difficulty  a  hall,  which  could  contain  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  persons,  was  rented.  The  opposition  became  more 
violent,  and  the  audience  more  numerous.  Night  after  night  hun- 
dreds went  away  because  they  could  not  obtain  admission.  The 
proprietor  of  the  hall  was  coaxed,  threatened,  and  tempted  in  every 
way  to  cancel  his  agreement,  but  he  refused.  The  Society  of  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul,  the  new  form  which  the  Jesuits  had  assumed,  had 
previously  established  a  branch  in  Leghorn ;  hence  the  excitement  of 
the  public  mind,  the  disturbances  of  the  peace,  and  the  deeds  of 
violence  which  followed. 

The  Waldensian  evangelist  was  resolved  to  have  a  place  for  wor- 
ship which  he  could  control,  and  accordingly  leased  a  piece  of  ground, 
upon  which  he  built  a  wooden  shed  that  could  be  used  as  a  church 
until  a  stone  fabric  should  be  erected.  The  Protestant  cause  had 
now  obtained  a  foothold  in  Leghorn,  and  its  enemies  raged  still  more 
fiercely.  The  Jesuits  went  from  house  to  house  arousing  the  faithful 
children  of  the  "Mother  Church,"  and  urging  them  to  expel  the 
plague  of  heresy  from  their  city.  Bitter  complaints  and  foul  calum- 
nies were  fulminated  from  the  papal  press,  and  even  the  slumbering 
pulpits  awoke  and  began  to  thunder  against  Protestantism.  Friars, 
celebrated  for  their  learning  and  eloquence,  were  brought  from  a 
distance  and  hired,  like  Balaam,  to  curse  this  new  people  from  the 
heretical  regions  of  England  and  the  Cottian  Alps.  But,  in  the  midst 
of  this  storm  of  excitement  and  clamor,  man}'  were  silently  investi- 
gating the  doctrines  of  this  sect,  every-where  spoken  against.  The 
Protestant  tracts  and  pamphlets,  which  had  been  scattered  among 
the  people,  had  produced  a  good  effect,  as  the  increasing  attendance 
at  the  wooden  shed  testified. 

Ribet,  the  young  evangelist,  was  a  man  of  remarkable  zeal,  un- 
daunted courage,  and  keen  intelligence.  He  was  not  in  the  least 
intimidated  by  this  opposition,  but  went  to  the  cathedral  and  list- 


668  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

ened  to  the  philippics  which  the  priests  uttered  against  Protestant- 
ism. On  the  next  evening  he  rephed,  in  the  presence  of  a  large  / 
audience  assembled  in  his  own  church.  This  method  of  conducting 
the  war  was  not  agreeable  to  the  priests,  and  they  determined  to 
employ  other  weapons.  Ribet  was  warned  by  several  persons,  who 
had  learned  of  the  plot,  that  sixty  men  had  united  in  a  conspiracy 
to  take  his  life  by  stabbing  him  in  the  dark,  and  throwing  his  body 
into  the  nearest  ditch.  While  it  may  have  been  a  ruse  designed  to 
alarm  the  evangelist  and  induce  him  to  leave  the  city,  the  report  was 
believed,  and  henceforward  a  select  number  of  his  hearers  escorted 
him  home  every  evening,  and  were  not  satisfied  until  they  saw  him 
safe  in  his  own  dwelling.  But  now  the  matter  was  carried  from  the 
street  corners  to  the  higher  tribunal  of  the  government  offices.  Be- 
neath these  noisy  discussions  there  was  an  important  principle.  The 
question  at  issue  was  whether  the  law  or  the  priest  should  rule  the 
country.  The  law  said,  ''Protestantism  must  be  tolerated."  The 
priest  said,  ''It  must  be  suppressed."  A  regular  application  had 
been  sent  to  Turin  for  the  government  sanction  to  the  opening  of 
the  new  Waldensian  church,  and  it  was  now  to  be  decided  which 
was  the  supreme  power  in  Italy,  the  constitution  or  the  papacy. 
Cavour  was  then  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  and,  though  not  a  Prot- 
estant, he  felt  that  Protestantism  must  be  tolerated  as  a  logical 
necessity  of  liberty.  He  therefore  sent  down  an  order  to  the  offi- 
cials at  Leghorn  for  the  opening  of  the  Waldensian  temple;  but  un- 
fortunately the  administrators  of  the  law  were  against  the  law,  and 
the  order  from  Turin  remained  a  dead  letter.  Cavour  was  requested 
to  send  another,  which  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  same  author- 
ities; but  it  was  treated  with  the  same  contempt  as  the  former.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  constitution  could  not  make  effectual  its  article 
which  guaranteed  toleration.  A  third  time  Cavour  was  asked  to 
protect  the  Protestants  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  and  after 
some  delay  and  many  difficulties,  a  third  order  was  dispatched,  this 
time  not  to  the  Leghorn  officials,  but  to  Dr.  Revel  of  the  Wal- 
densian college  at  Florence,  and  the  result  was  that  the  new  church 
at  Leghorn  was  opened  in  June,  1861. 

le  details  of  this  conflict  are  given,  not  Only  because  they  show 
the  true  state  of  the  public  mind  at  that  period,  but  also  because 
issues  were  involved  which  concerned  the  entire  Italian  nation.  Tol- 
eration had  been  inserted  in  the  national  code,  but  not  as  yet  in  the 
opinion  and  practice  of  the  people.  The  firmness  of  Cavour  made 
this  a  test-case  in  the  working  of  the  constitution,  proclaiming,  as 


CAVOUR'S  ACTION— DR.  REVELS  LETTER. 


669 


it  did,  that  that  instrument  was  able  to  confer  the  reh'gious  Hberty 
which  it  promised.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  the  signing  of  the 
third  order  which  estabhshed  rehgious  freedom  in  Leghorn,  and 
prospectively  throughout  Italy,  was  among  the  last  acts  of  that  great 
man  and  minister.  He  had  devoted  his  life  to  the  grand  work  of 
securing  the  unity  and  independence  of  his  country,  and  now,  at  the 
close  of  his  earthly  career,  he  is  permitted  to  practically  enforce  the 
policy  expressed  in  those  favorite  words,  uttered  by  him  so  often 
during  his  public  life,  and  breathed  to  his  spiritual  guide  in  the 
d}'ing  hour:  ''Libera  cJiiesa  in  libeiv  stato.''  By  the  official  recogni- 
tion of  the  little  Waldensian  chapel  in  Leghorn  he  opened  the  door 
of  the  ''free  state"  for  the  admission  of  the  "free  Church." 

In  a  letter,  written  b}'  Dr.  Revel  of  Florence  to  a  clerg}-man  in 
America,  on  the  4th  of  November  i860,  encouraging  statements 
relative  to  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  are  found.  "As  we  have 
already,"  he  says,  "in  Central  and  Northern  Italy  more  than  forty 
colporteurs,  and  as  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  is  now  open 
to  free  intercourse,  and  by  consequence  to  the  free  circulation  and 
preaching  of  the  Word  cif  God,  I  have  thought  that  I  would  look 
after  one  or  two  colporteurs,  and  send  them  to  Sicily,  where  some 
friends,  who  are  under  the  banner  of  Garibaldi,  write  us  that  much 
could  be  done  as  well  in  the  military  hospitals  as  in  the  midst  of  the 
population.  But,  as  I  have  said,  it  would  be  necessary  for  me  to 
find  some  one  already  accustomed  to  the  business.  I  have  at  length 
found  two  colporteurs,  who  have  labored  in  Lombardy  and  the 
duchies,  and  whose  engagements  with  a  German  committee  of  Elber- 
feld  terminate  with  the  month  of  October.  These  colporteurs  are  the 
two  brethren,  Joseph  and  John  Cereghini,  two  cousins  belonging  to 
those  remarkable  families  of  the  Cereghini  of  Favale,  a  small  com- 
mune in  the  mountains  at  the  foot  of  the  Apennines,  about  fifteen 
or  twent}'  miles  from  Genoa.  They  were  led  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  pure  Gospel  ten  years  since,  and  have  given  the  best  proofs  of 
fidelity  in  the  service  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  midst  of  many  trials.  I 
have  great  confidence  that  they  will  discharge  their  duty  well,  and 
that  God  will  bless  their  labors.  They  set  out  for  Palermo,  where  a 
friend  recommends  them  to  persons  of  his  acquaintance.  They  are 
furnished  with  necessary  books,  and  there  is  already  a  Bible  depos- 
itory in  Sicily.  They  have  desired  to  go  both  together,  and  we  find 
that  this  is  better,  especially  in  a  distant  country,  and  one  that  is  not 
very  well  known.  If  you  would  be  willing  to  bear  the  expenses  of 
one,  I  hope  to  find  readily  the  means  of  paying  the  other." 


670 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


On  the  6th  of  November,  i860,  Dr.  Revel,  in  a  letter  to 
Rev.  A.  E.  Campbell,  D.  D.,  Secretary  of  the  ''American  and  For- 
eign Christian  Union  "  at  New  York,  gives  some  interesting  facts  con- 
cerning the  evangelization  of  the  Peninsula.  "You  know,"  he  says, 
"that  we  have  added  to  our  old  stations  for  Italian  evangelization — 
to-wit:  those  of  Pignerol,  Turin,  Casale,  Alexandria,  Genoa,  Favale, 
Courmayeur  and  Aosta — the  stations  of  Milan,  Pisa,  Leghorn,  and 
Florence.  We  are  now  hoping  to  send  a  minister  to  Bologna  and 
one  to  Naples,  where  they  have  written  us  that  a  Waldensian  min- 
ister is  a  great  desideratum.  The  reports  which  we  receive  from 
our  evangelists  are  exceedingly  interesting,  and  full  of  encouraging 
facts.  To  mention  only  one  station,  that  of  Courm.ayeur  and  Aosta, 
the  evangelist  tells  us  that  he  has  in  the  former  place  an  audience 
which  reaches  fifty,  and  in  the  latter  a  congregation  which  sometimes 
amounts  to  one  hundred  and  fifty.  He  reminds  us  that  Calvin  made 
his  appearance  at  Aosta  in  1536,  and  wrought  such  a  religious  move- 
ment that  the  Reformation  came  within  a  hair's  breadth  of  being  es- 
tablished in  the  whole  province.  An  order  of  death  arriving  from 
Turin  compelled  Calvin  to  flee,  and  ruined  for  a  long  time  the  evan- 
gelical cause.  Calvin  had  only  five  minutes  to  save  himself.  There 
are  inscriptions  and  a  monument  in  the  city  of  Aosta,  which  are 
destined  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  his  flight.  It  is  this  which 
explains  the  custom  of  the  clergy  of  striking  the  noon  bell  at  eleven 
o'clock,  this  being  the  hour  at  which  Calvin  fled.  They  inflicted  the 
severest  cruelties  on  the  adherents  of  the  Reformation.  Some  they 
burnt  alive  on  the  public  square ;  as  for  instance,  Nicholas  Sartorius. 
The  greater  part,  terrified,  returned  to  Romanism.  Only  three  fam- 
ilies remained  steadfast,  and  they  continued  to  exist  to  within  forty 
years  ago.  Two  of  them  bore  the  name  of  Bruno,  and  the  name  of 
the  other  was  Savoie.  They  are  now  extinct  except  one  of  the  Bru- 
nos,  whose  son  attends  our  meetings.  Our  evangelist  says  that 
he  has  often  heard  the  piety  and  steadfastness  of  the  aged  Savoie 
spoken  of  in  the  highest  terms  of  praise.  He  was  blind  ;  but  he  did 
not  fear,  forty  years  ago,  to  assemble  his  friends  at  his  house  to 
explain  to  them  the  Word  of  God,  and  to  pray  and  encourage  the 
faith  of  his  brethren.  Five  priests  labored  to  convert  him  in  his 
last  moments.  But  this  was  in  vain.  He  continued  steadfast  to 
the  end,  confounding  the  priests,  and  received  here  below  from  men, 
as  a  reward  for  his  steadfastness,  a  burial  in  the  place  appropriated 
to  suicides  and  the  vilest  felons." 

The  wonderful  opening  in  Italy  in  i860  for  the  spread  of  the 


DR.  APCLINTOCK'S  LETTER. 


671 


pure  Gospel  attracted  the  attention  of  philanthropists  and  Christian 
workers  every-where.  Among  these  was  the  Rev.  John  M'Clintock, 
D.  D.,  a  learned  and  eloquent  minister  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  and  at  that  time  the  pastor  of  the  American  chapel  at  Paris 
belonging  to  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union."  In  a 
letter  written  at  Paris  on  the  6th  of  November,  i860,  he  says:  "The 
direct  effect  of  the  vast  political  changes  that  have  taken  place  in 
Ital}^  is  to  open  that  country  to  Protestant  agencies.  If  there  was  a 
field  calling  for  immediate  and  energetic  labor  on  the  part  of  the 
Protestant  Church  that  field  is  Italy;  and  the  time  is  to-day.  Every 
month  that  passes  now  without  improvement  is  equal  to  a  year  of 
ordinar}^  time.  I  trust  that  the  American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union  will  throw  itself  boldly  into  this  work,  trusting  that  American 
Christians  will  sustain  them  in  grand  enterprises  for  the  planting  of 
earnest,  practical  Protestantism  in  the  chief  cities .  of  Central  and 
Southern  Italy.  But  besides  the  direct  effect  of  political  changes 
there  is  a  great  controversy  waging  in  the  bosom  of  the  Church 
itself  on  the  question  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope.  The 
bishops  and  great  functionaries  of  the  Church  affirm  that  the  tem- 
poral sovereignty  is  necessary  to  the  independence  of  the  pope ;  the 
Italian  people,  on  the  other  hand,  demand  the  city  of  Rome  and  the 
'  patrimony  of  St.  Peter '  as  part  of  the  territory  of  the  new  '  king- 
dom of  Italy.'  Liberal  Roman  Catholics  all  over  Europe  sympathize 
with  the  Italian  people;  and  there  are  many,  both  of  the  clergy  and 
laity,  who  believe  that  the  Roman  Church  itself  will  be  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  abolition  of  papal  sovereignty.  This  doctrine  is 
energetically  maintained  in  the  Observateiir  Catholique,  a  journal  in 
the  interest  of  Gallicanism,  edited  by  the  Abbe  Guettee,  and  pub- 
lished twice  a  month.  It  deals  vigorous  blows,  not  only  against  the 
temporal  power  of  the  pope,  but  also  against  the  new  doctrine  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  and  against  the  Ultramontane  theories 
generally.  This  journal  must  find  a  good  many  persons  in  the 
Roman  Church  to  sympathize  with  its  views,  as  it  has  managed  to 
live  for  five  years,  and  appears  now  to  be  more  vital  and  active  than 
ever  before." 

Dr.  M'Clintock,  in  another  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  "Amer- 
ican and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  written  on  the  loth  of  Decem- 
ber, i860,  refers  to  the  instrumentality  that  was  being  employed  for 
the  regeneration  of  the  Italian  people.  "The  evangelization  of 
Italy,"  he  says,  "is  now,  perhaps,  the  greatest  and  most  pressing 
question  for  Protestantism.    Italy  is  no  longer  the  land  of  the  past 


6/2 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


or  of  the  dead.  Grand  as  her  history  has  been,  none  of  its  pages 
are  nobler  than  the  latest.  Instead  of  the  decrepitude  of  age,  which 
the  ^^t)rld  has  supposed  to  be  her  condition,  she  is  showing  the 
power,  the  vitality,  the  energy  of  youth.  The  Waldensian  Church 
seems  to  have  been  preserved  and  disciplined  by  Providence  in  order  to 
its  preparation  for  the  great  part  which  it  now  seems  destined  to  play 
in  the  work  of  introducing  and  establishing  the  Gospel  in  Northern 
and  Central  Italy.  The  question  of  its  adaptation  to  this  task  is  dis- 
cussed with  great  judgment  in  the  Chretien  Evangelique  of  Lausanne, 
for  November.  I  beg  to  submit  to  your  readers  a  few  of  the  points 
of  this  discussion.  A  French  Protestant  journal  some  time  since 
made  the  remark  that  the  Waldensian  Church  can  not  do  the  evan- 
gelizing work  no\v  called  for  in  Italy  for  the  reason  that,  'in  spite  of 
their  Italian  patriotism,  they  have  neither  the  blood,  the  character, 
nor  the  habits  of  Italians.'  This  charge  is  answered  by  Pastor 
Meille,  of  Turin,  who,  while  admitting  that  the  Waldenses  are  not, 
indeed,  siicJi  Italians  as  the  inhabitants  of  Naples,  Rome,  or  even  Tus- 
cany, shows  that  they  are  the  Italians  of  the  mountains ;  and  in  point 
of  patriotism  and  love  of  country  have  through  many  ages  shown  no 
inferiority  to  the  people  of  the  plains.  As  for  habits  and  manners, 
Pastor  Meille  thanks  God  that  the  Waldenses  are  7iot  to  be  identified 
with  the  southern  masses  trained  up  in  Romanism ;  but,  instead  of 
finding  in  this  a  disqualification,  he  sees  in  it  the  strongest  reason 
why  they  should  be  employed  in'  rescuing  their  less  fortunate  breth- 
ren from  the  degradation  into  which  ages  of  superstition  have  re- 
duced them.  He  concludes  by  expressing  the  belief,  in  which  I 
think  most  American  Christians  will  agree  with  him,  that  the 
*  Church  of  the  Waldenses,  as  an  Italian  Church,  is  destined  for  this 
work,  both  by  right  and  by  duty;  and  that  she  would  show  herself 
unfaithful  to  her  mission  if  she  did  not  place  herself  at  the  head  of 
the  movement.' 

"Let  the  post  of  honor,  of  duty,  and  of  trial  be  granted  to  this 
long-suffering,  persecuted,  but  faithful  Church  of  Christ.  Instead  of 
disputing  her  light  to  this  post,  let  us  hold  up  her  hands,  and  give 
her  all  the  moral  and  material  support  in  our  power.  And  what  we 
do  let  us  do  quickly !  The  time,  is  now  more  favorable  for  Christian 
effort  in  Italy  than  it  has  been  for  centuries.  But  who  knows  how 
long  this  bright  day  may  last  ?  Let  us  use  it,  at  least,  for  the  sowing 
of  seed.  Whatever  may  happen  in  the  political  world,  the  seed  will 
not  be  wasted ;  God  w\\\  take  care  of  it,  and  it  may  germinate  in  the 
darkness,  if  not  in  the  sunshine.     A  writer  in  the  same  journal 


THE  ITALIANS  CLASSIFIED. 


673 


classifies  the  Italians  with  reference  to  their  susceptibility  of  religious 
impressions  as  follows :  The  upper  and  more  cultivated  classes  are  so 
preoccupied  with  the  great  political  questions  of  the  time  that  they 
are  for  the  present  almost  inaccessible  to  appeals  on  the  side  of  per- 
sonal religion.  They  see  that  the  papacy  stands  in  the  way  of  Italian 
liberty  and  unity,  and  they  are  therefore  learning  to  hate  the  papacy. 
But  they  are  not  learning  to  love  Christ.  The  reaction  from  Rome, 
for  the  present  at  least,  and  during  the  *  storm  and  pressure  period  of 
politics '  amid  the  birth-throes  of  the  new  Italian  empire,  is  likely  to 
carry  them  into  the  domain  of  indifference,  if  not  of  infidelity.  In 
the  opposite  extreme  are  the  very  poor,  the  lowest  classes  of  the 
Italian  peasants.  Their  ignorance  and  superstition  are  very  great.  A 
low  and  sensual  type  of  religion  satisfies  them,  and  it  is  very  difficult 
to  awaken  their  minds  to  hear  or  think  of  any  thing  better.  Between 
these  extremes  there  is  a  middle  class,  consisting  to  a  large  extent 
of  mechanics  and  working-men  in  the  towns  and  cities.  They  are 
better  informed  than  the  country  people,  and  therefore  less  submis- 
sive to  the  commands  of  the  priests,  and  less  superstitious.  They 
read,  talk  politics,  and  are  profoundly  interested  in  the  Italian  move- 
ment. And  the  same  activity  of  mind  which  makes  them  eager  for 
newspapers  inclines  them  to  listen  to  colporteurs,  to  receive,  buy, 
and  read  Bibles  and  Testaments.  It  is  among  this  class,  to  all  ap- 
pearances, that  the  foundations  of  the  new  Protestant  Church  of  Italy 
are  to  be  laid.  And  among  this  class  the  intelligent,  sober,  diligent 
Waldensian  evangelists  and  colporteurs  have  found  a  hearty  welcome. 
Their  'success,'  to  cite  the  language  of  one  of  their  own  number, 
*  if  not  brilliant,  has  certainly  been  thus  far  highly  encouraging.' 

''What  has  been  done  in  Piedmont  in  the  last  ten  years  certainly 
augurs  well  for  the  rest  of  Italy,  now  that  it  is  open  to  the  zealous 
men  who  have  labored  so  faithfully  in  the  North.  But  the  field  is 
vast,  and  the  laborers  are  few.  The  feeble  Church  of  Piedmont  can 
not  do  this  work  alone.  There  is  room  in  Italy  for  the  activity  of 
every  Christian  Church  in  England  and  America;  and  the  Waldenses, 
instead  of  repelling  foreign  aid,  welcome  it — even  implore  it.  The 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  is  doin'g  a  noble  work  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  Word  of  God  in  Italy  by  the  agency  of  twenty-four 
colporteurs.  The  Edinburgh  Bible  Society  employs  eight.  The 
American  Bible  Society,  wisely  acting  through  the  Geneva  Commit- 
tee, employs  ten.  The  Waldensian  Church  is  scattering  its  evan- 
gelists and  colporteurs,  both  on  the  main-land  and  in  Sicily.  Con- 
sidering that  it  was  safer  to  offer  Bibles  and  to  preach  evangelical 


J 


674 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


religion  in  Turkey  two  years  ago  than  in  Central  and  Southern  Italy, 
we  ma}-  well  exclaim,  in  view  of  the  present  state  of  things,  *  What 
hath  God  wrought!'  I  trust  that  the  American  a:n'd  Foreign  Chris- 
tian Union  will  find  many  ears  open  to  listen  to  its  appeals  for  aid 
in  this  crisis  of  Italian  evangelization." 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Waldensian  mission  in  Leg- 
horn a  student,  of  the  name  of  Gregori,  having  written  a  religious 
tract,  was  indicted  for  attacking  the  religion  of  the  state,  and  brought 
to  Lucca  for  trial.  He  was  acquitted,  and  on  the  same  evening 
thirty  citizens  of  the  town  waited  upon  him,  and  prayed  him  to  re- 
main there  and  instruct  them.  Services  were  held  in  a  hall;  but  the 
landlord,  fearing  the  bigoted  populace,  turned  the  evangelist  and  his 
flock  into  the  street.  A  house  was  offered  for  sale,  and  they  resolved 
to  buy  it.  The  bargain  w^as  concluded,  the  title-deeds  were  signed — 
when,  to  their  surprise  and  joy,  they  discovered  that  the  house  which 
they  had  purchased  was  the  identical  building  in  which  their  fathers 
three  centuries  ago  had  w^orshiped  God.  They  had  obtained  one  of 
the  old  temples  of  the  Reformation. 

This  church  was  opened  several  months  afterwards,  and  the  little 
handful  of  Protestants  had  a  place,  despite  the  intrigues  of  the  monks 
and  the  subserviency  of  the  landlords,  where  they  could  regularly 
assemble  for  worship.  The  first  service  was  largely  attended  because 
the  priests,  desiring  to  ridicule  the  occasion,  had  announced  that, 
according  to  custom,  the  evangelici  would  sacrifice  an  ox  in  honor  of 
the  devil.  The  result  w^as  that  the  country  people  in  great  numbers 
flocked  to  town,  anxious  to  behold  the  wonderful  scene.  They 
waited  until  the  close  of  the  service,  expecting  every  moment  that 
the  animal  would  be  led  forth  and  slain ;  but  no  such  event  occurring, 
the  spectators  retired  in  disappointment  and  disgust,  denouncing  in 
the  strongest  terms  those  who  had  deceived  them. 

Thus,  after  three  centuries  of  darkness,  the  light  of  the  Gospel 
returned  to  Lucca.  The  first  ray  shone  upon  it  in  the  sixteenth  cent- 
ury, when  Peter  Martyr  proclaimed  the  truths  of  the  Reformation 
there  and  organized  a  Church.  In  no  other  city  did  so  many  distin- 
guished families  embrace  the  Protestant  cause.  Driven  into  exile, 
these  illustrious  men  carried  with  them  to  Geneva  the  light  which 
their  native  town  did  not  appreciate,  and  while  the  city  of  their 
adoption  was  radiant  with  the  glory  of  evangelical  truth  a  deeper 
gloom  enveloped  Lucca.  But  in  1862  a  spark  from  the  altar  of  the 
Waldensian  Church  fell  upon  it,  and,  fanned  by  opposition,  became 
a  religious  flame.    But  three  hundred  years  did  not  remove  the  big- 


THE  GOSPEL  IN  MILAN. 


675 


otry  and  poverty  of  the  inhabitants.  The  Waldensian  evangehst 
found  in  its  population  of  less  than  thirty  thousand  a  priest  for  every 
thirty -three  inhabitants,  and  also  twenty  convents.  He,  no  doubt, 
saw  the  Volto  Santo,  of  which  the  Lucchese  are  proud,  a  crucifix 
which  they  affirm  Nicodemus  attempted  to  paint,  but,  not  having 
sufficient  skill,  an  angel,  it  is  said,  snatched  the  pencil  from  his  hand 
and  completed  the  work !  The  superstitious  residents  of  the  city 
boast  of  a  standing  miracle  in  the  river,  w^hich  once  flowed  near 
Lucca,  but  is  now  about  two  miles  distant  from  it.  They  claim  that 
St.  Fredian  diverted  the  stream  from  its  course  to  prevent  the  inun- 
dation of  the  city.  INIacchiavelli,  in  his  "History  of  the  Florentine 
Republic,"  states  that  the  bed  of  the  Serchio  was  changed,  not  by 
the  saint,  but  by  the  spades  of  the  Lucchese,  who,  hearing  that  the 
Florentines,  with  whom  they  were  then  at  war,  had  contrived  to  dam 
up  the  Serchio  and  drown  Lucca  in  its  own  river,  hastily  dug  a  new 
and  more  distant  bed  for  its  waters. 

The  Waldenses  did  not  have  any  serious  opposition  to  the  work 
of  evangelization  in  Milan.  Indeed,  the  capital  of  Lombardy  has 
always  been  more  progressive  religiously,  intellectually,  and  politi- 
cally than  any  other  city  in  Italy.  The  famous  edict  of  Constantine 
the  Great,  which  closed  the  era  of  primitive  persecutions,  and  ex- 
tended toleration  to  Christianity  throughout  the  Roman  Empire,  was 
issued  from  Milan,  A.  D.  313.  Here  lived  St.  Ambrose,  one  of  the 
most  renowned  fathers  of  the  early  Church,  and  a  man  of  deep  piety 
and  great  courage.  By  his  religious  influence  he  maintained  the  pu- 
rity and  independence  of  the  Church  of  Milan,  and  made  his  metro- 
politan see,  of  which  he  was  archbishop  for  more  than  twenty-two 
years,  paramount  in  the  councils  of  Christendom.  He  died  A.  D. 
397;  but  his  earnest,  devout  spirit  long  survived  him,  and  several 
of  his  hymns  are  still  sung  in  the  churches  of  Milan. 

The  character  of  the  people  of  Lombardy  must  have  been  differ- 
ent from,  and  perhaps  superior  to,  that  of  the  other  races  that  have 
inhabited  Italy  from  age  to  age.  If  climate  and  scenery  have  a  con- 
trolling influence  upon  men,  it  is  not  difficult  to  explain  why  the 
Milanese  have  al\va}'s  desired  civil,  religious,  and  intellectual  free- 
dom. The  city  is  surrounded  by  a  vast  plain,  majestically  guarded 
on  one  side  by  the  snowy  Alps,  and  on  the  other  by  the  blue  Apen- 
nines. In  every  direction  fadeless  verdure  and  inexhaustible  fertility 
can  be  seen.  The  writer  climbed  the  central  tower  of  the  Duomo, 
and  beheld  that  lovely  plain — worthy  to  have  been  the  site  of  Para- 
dise— extending  from  the  snow-clad  Ortler-Spitz,  which  rises  like  a 

44 


6/6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


dome  in  the  east,  to  the  shining  pyramid  of  Monte  Viso  on  the  bor- 
der of  the  Waldensian  land,  at  least  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  the 
westward.  It  is  impossible  to  look  upon  the  enchanting  scene  with- 
out feeling  that  no  other  garden  on  earth  can  be  more  lovely.  Rau- 
mer,  the  historian,  says:  "Milan  stands  in  a  sea  of  green  trees,  as 
Venice  stands  in  a  sea  of  green  waters."  For  miles  around,  the  land- 
scape is  a  mosaic  of  ruddy  grape  and  golden  grain,  of  sycamore  and 
mulberry  woods,  in  which  are  half-concealed  white  villas  and  old  his- 
toric towns.  Through  this  measureless  expanse  flow  noble  rivers, 
which  the  suns  of  Summer  release  from  their  prison  of  Alpine  ice  to 
water  the  plain,  and  to  be  the  "Gihon"  and  the  "Hiddekel"  that 
adorn  this  modern  Eden  ;  while  the  mountains  which  defend  it  on  the^ 
north,  pure  and  white  as  alabaster,  and  almost  touching  the  heavens 
in  their  loftiness,  seem,  says  the  eloquent  Dr.  Wylie,  "to  be  the 
gates  and  towers  set  up  by  the  great  Architect  of  all  to  inclose"  what 
was  lovely  enough  to  have  been  "the  seat  of  primeval  innocence." 
The  rugged  scenery  of  the  Alps  and  the  invigorating  air  which  cir- 
culates on  the  plain  at  their  feet  impart  to  the  Milanese  that  activity 
and  independence  of  character  for  which  they  have  alwa}'s  been 
celebrated. 

While  the  proximity  of  the  Alps  has  been  a  source  of  material 
benefit  to  the  people  of  Milan,  it  has,  without  doubt,  conferred  upon 
them  moral  blessings.  In  the  Alpine  valleys  of  Piedmont  the  Wal- 
denses  have  preserved  the  pure  faith  of  the  Gospel  since  the  apos- 
tolic days,  and  they  also  endeavored  to  propagate  it  among  their 
neighbors.  The  leaven  of  truth  manifested  itself  among  the  Milanese 
at  a  very  remote  period,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the  Waldenses 
on  their  borders  secretly  deposited  it  there.  Hence,  Milan  was  in  a 
favorable  state  for  the  reception  of  the  Reformation  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  under  the  labors  of  the  distinguished  Celio  Secundo 
Curio  the  Protestant  cause  rapidly  advanced  in  that  city.  When  the 
Inquisition  subsequently  began  its  bloody  work  there,  martyrs  were 
not  wanting  who  could  endure  the  most  terrible  sufferings,  and  then 
die  in  the  triumphs  of  that  faith  which  they  refused  to  abjure.  For 
many  a  dreary  century  the  night  of  idolatry  covered  the  capital  of 
Lombardy ;  but  the  darkness  of  priestly  tyranny  is  being  dispelled. 
Its  glorious  past  will  be  followed  by  a  yet  more  glorious  future.  It 
was  the  first  of  all  the  cities  of  Italy  to  raise  its  voice  in  behalf  of  a 
religious  reformation.  One  of  its  journals,  in  the  Summer  of  i86i, 
discussed  the  question  in  a  series  of  able-spirited  articles,  in  which 
the  doctrines  of  the  papal  Church  were  boldly  impugned,  and  a 


THE  BIBLE  IN  AOSTA. 


677 


reform  of  her  faith  as  well  as  a  reconstruction  of  her  government 
demanded. 

After  the  planting  of  a  mission  in  Milan  by  the  Waldenses  in 
;  1859,  the  truth  spread  rapidly,  and  entered  the  towns  and  villages  on 
the  plain  around.  Intra,  Como,  Monza,  Varese,  Caravaggio,  Ber- 
gamo, Brescia,  Cremona,  Parma,  Guastalla,  Modena,  Pavia,  Bologna, 
and  Ferrara  were  visited  by  evangelists,  and  Northern  Italy  heard 
the  pure  Gospel  for  the  first  time  since  the  suppression  of  Italian 
reformation.  The  Protestant  religion  also  penetrated  the  remote 
Valley  of  Aosta,  a  continuous  winding  path  of  beauty  and  grandeur, 
which  extends  from  the  plain  of  Piedmont  to  the  glaciers  of  Mont 
Blanc.  The  oldest  mission  station  in  the  valley  is  Courmayeur,  at 
the  foot  of  Mont  Blanc.  A  minister  of  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland, 
in  search  of  health,  visited  it  in  1856,  and  by  his  efforts  a  religious 
interest  was  first  awakened  among  the  people.  In  the  midst  of  oppo- 
osition,  a  little  Church  has  grown  up,  and  there,  on  the  verge  of  the 
eternal  snow,  these  faithful  disciples  maintain  family  worship  in  their 
humble  cottages,  and,  by  the  distribution  of  Bibles  and  other  evan- 
gelistic agencies,  endeavor  to  win  the  simple  mountaineers  around 
them  to  the  Protestant  faith.  Another  station  is  the  town  of  Aosta, 
and,  though  its  population  is  not  much  over  one  thousand,  it  had 
forty  priests  at  the  time  when  the  Waldensian  colporteur  first  visited 
it  in  1 86 1.  It  is  said  that  during  the  three  ensuing  years  these  nat- 
urally indolent  teachers  actually  preached  more  sermons  than  during 
the  previous  thirty.  They  discussed  but  one  topic,  and  that  was 
Protestantism,  and  their  whole  afm  seemed  to  be  the  warning  of 
their  flocks  against  the  dangers  of  heresy.  Fearing  that  their  hear- 
ers might  be  tempted  from  the  "old  paths,"  these  papal  shepherds 
occasionally  burned  Bibles  in  the  public  square.  It  is  not  strange 
that  they  were  alarmed  when  fifteen  hundred  copies  of  the  Word  of 
God  were  sold  in  Aosta  in  186 1.  In  the  same  year  the  attendance 
at  the  Protestant  service  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  per- 
sons ;  but  the  audience  was  diminished  by  the  troubles  resulting  from 
the  burial  of  the  colporteur  Doro,  who  was  thrown  into  a  grave  at 
night  where  only  criminals  are  interred.  Soon  after  the  congregation 
numbered  eighty  persons,  and  in  the  surrounding  villages  the  evan- 
gelists found  many  present  to  hear  the  Word.  The  third  station  in 
the  Valley  of  Aosta  is  Montestrutto,  and  around  it  several  smaller 
stations  are  clustered. 

There  are  many  spots  in  Italy  where  the  sixteenth  century  sowed 
and  the  nineteenth  reaps.    Among  these  is  Aosta,  where  John  Calvin 


678 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


resided  for  some  time.  When  he  departed,  he  left  behind  him  a  few 
disciples  of  the  Reformation.  The  footprints  of  the  great  reformer 
were  not  entirely  obliterated  at  the  end  of  three  centuries,  for  when 
the  evangelical  movement  entered  the  Valley  of  Aosta  one  or  two 
Protestant  families  were  found  there  who  had  in  their  possession  some 
-heir-looms  of  the  Reformation  in  the  shape  of  works  which  had 
escaped  the  keen  eyes  of  the  inquisitors  of  Rome.  These  links  that 
connect  the  past  and  present  are  full  of  thrilling  interest  because 
they  are  striking  illustrations  of  the  providence  of  God.  The  ear- 
nest, faithful  servant  of  Christ  should  be  encouraged  to  persevere  in 
the  work  of  sowing  the  good  seed.  These  fruits  of  the  Reformation 
show  that  the  seed  will  not  perish,  and,  though  it  may  remain  below 
the  surface  one,  two,  or  even  three  hundred  years,  it  will  finally 
spring  up.  Every  particle  of  it  will  rise  again  in  the  coming  glorious 
harvest  of  the  earth ;  and  all  who  have  sowed  from  Paul  to  Augus- 
tine, and  from  Augustine  to  our  own  day,  shall  reap  together  in  joy. 
The  battles  of  the  past  in  Italy,  which  were  fought  to  promote  civil 
and  religious  liberty,  and  the  blood  of  martyrs,  which  the  earth 
drank  up,  were  the  seed  whose  fruitage  is  now  beginning  to  appear. 

The  island  of  Elba,  in  the  Tuscan  Archipelago,  celebrated  as  the 
spot  where  the  conqueror  of  Europe  resided  a  short  time  before  his  last 
great  struggle,  was  first  visited  by  an  evangelist  in  1861.  As  early  as 
1855  some  sailors  from  the  town  of  Rio  carried  a  freight  of  charcoal 
in  their  speranzella  to  Nice,  where  they  became  acquainted  with  M. 
Say,  a  Waldensian  evangelist,  and  Francesco  Madiai.  When  they 
departed,  the  captain  of  the  vessel  was  presented  with  a  Bible  by 
Madiai,  which  he  carried  with  him  to  his  home  in  the  island  of  Elba. 
This  Bible  first  converted  the  captain,  and  then  several  of  his  neigh- 
bors ;  and  soon  a  small  company  of  believers  gathered  around  the 
sacred  volume,  which  was  to  them  a  pastor.  They  were  persecuted, 
but  their  numbers  increased.  In  1861,  when  the  country  became 
free,  Dr.  Stuart,  of  Leghorn,  sent  them  an  evangelist.  The  priests 
and  monks  excited  the  passions  of  the  people,  declaring  that  the 
devil  had  invaded  the  island,  and  that,  unless  expelled,  terrible  judg- 
ments would  befall  the  inhabitants.  When  the  evangelist  appeared 
on  the  street  he  was  pointed  at,  insulted,  frequently  stoned,  and  if  he 
crossed  the  threshold  of  a  dwelling  the  holy  water  of  the  Church 
was  brought  to  wash  out  the  pollution.  The  little  flock  endured 
every  species  of  persecution  short  of  death;  and  by  their  firm  attach- 
ment to  the  Gospel,  their  courageous,  patient,  and  loving  spirit,  and 
their  simplicity  and  dignity  of  manner,  they  finally  disarmed  the  op- 


THE  BIBLE  IN  NAPLES. 


679 


position  which  the  priests  had  raised,  and,  without  the  interference 
of  the  civil  authorities,  secured  protection  from  their  fellow-citizens. 

The  territory  extending  from  Ravenna  to  the  southern  extremity 
of  Italy  was,  previous  to  1859,  under  the  dominion  of  the  pope  and 
the  king  of  Naples.  It  was  a  region  of  thick  darkness,  wheie  igno- 
rance and  superstition  prevailed.  In  the  early  part  of  1 86 1  the  people 
of  Naples  manifested  a  great  desire  for  the  Word  of  God,  and  pur- 
chased many  copies  of  it  from  the  colporteurs.  The  sword  of  Gari- 
baldi had  recently  brought  to  them  political  liberty;  but  only  the 
"Sword  of  the  Spirit"  could  deliver  them  from  spiritual  bondage. 
In  the  Strado  Toledo,  the  most  crowded  street  in  that  city,  a  lad  sat 
behind  a  "stand,"  that  resembled  a  "tray,"  filled  with  Italian  Bibles 
and  Testaments,  and  called  out,  in  a  broad  Neapolitan  accent  that 
arrested  the  attention  of  all,  "II  Libro  !  II  Libro  !" — The  Book!  The 
Book  !  The  clerg}-,  of  course,  were  opposed  to  the  unrestricted  cir- 
culation of  the  Bible.  To  many  of  them  it  was  almost  an  unknown 
book,  and  therefore  they  naturally  believed  that  it  was  dangerous  for 
the  masses.  The  only  Bible  in  the  Italian  language  that  the  priests 
of  Central  and  Lower  Italy,  and  particularly  what  was  called  the 
"Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,"  had  seen  previous  to  the  Summer 
of  i860  was  Martini's  version,  with  notes,  in  several  large  volumes, 
which  could  be  found  in  the  book-stores.  There  were  a  few  priests, 
however,  who  seemed  to  be  delighted  with  the  distribution  of  the 
Bible  and  religious  tracts.  A  printer  in  Naples,  having  obtained  a 
copy  of  the  famous  "Letter  of  Dr.  Desanctis  to  Pius  IX,"  was  so 
pleased  with  it  that  he  issued  it  in  the  form  of  a  broad-sheet  tract, 
and  posted  a  large  number  on  the  corners  of  the  streets.  It  was 
eagerly  read  by  the  people,  who  openl}-  indorsed  its  sentiments.  On 
one  occasion  a  colporteur  from  Tuscany  was  touched  on  the  shoulder 
by  a  priest,  who  came  up  behind  him  as  he  stood  in  the  crowd  read- 
ing this  remarkable  document.  "Buy  it,  buy  it,"  said  the  priest, 
"and  keep  it  as  long  as  you  live,  for  it  is  the  truth."  Sometimes  a 
Garibaldian  soldier,  as  he  passed  along  the  street  and  heard  a  bigoted 
priest  denouncing  a  colporteur  or  Bible-vender  for  selling  the  Word 
of  God,  would  express  by  his  words  and  looks  great  displeasure  at 
such  conduct,  and  frighten  away  the  "son  of  the  Church,"  for  the 
amusement  of  the  bystanders. 

Another  indication  of  the  progress  of  reform  at  Naples  was  the  . 
organization  of  a  committee  of  priests  under  the  appellation  of  the 
"Union  of  the  Ecclesiastics  of  Southern  Italy."    Their  programme 
comprised:  First.  The  creation  of  an  ecclesiastico- political  journal, 


680 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


aiming  solely  to  instruct  the  people,  and  to  propound  and  formulate 
projects  of  reforms  in  discipline.  Secofid.  A  uniform  system  of 
preaching,  with  a  view  to  attain  the  double  political  and  religious 
end,  the  extinction  of  hypocrisy  and  superstition,  with  national  unity 
under  Victor  Emmanuel.  Third.  Gratuitous  instruction  in  religious 
and  political  duties,  for  all  classes.  Fotuih.  Assistance  for  the  sick 
in  the  hospitals,  and  a  method  of  assisting  and  succoring  prisoners. 
Gavazzi,  who  had  been  preaching  in  the  city  for  some  time,  addressd 
this  association  of  liberal  priests,  and  in  his  speech  attacked  the 
spiritual  as  well  as  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope.  An  uproar  Avas 
threatened  if  he  should  be  permitted  to  preach  any  more  in  the 
cathedral,  and  his  friends,  desiring  to  avoid  a  disturbance,  advised 
the  ex-Barnabite  monk  to  desist  for  a  short  time. 

In  an  interesting  letter  written  by  Dr.  Revel,  of  Florence,  on  the 
22d  of  January,  1861,  and  addressed  to  Dr.  Baird,  corresponding 
secretary  of  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  the 
statement  was  made  that  all  the  stations  of  the  Waldenses  in  Tuscany 
were  in  a  hopeful  condition.  A  minister  who  had  been  recently  sent 
to  Pisa  reported  an  attendance  of  sixty  regular  hearers,  and  the 
organization  of  an  elementary  school.  He  was  assisted  by  a  young 
Tuscan  teacher,  who  went  through  his  preparatory  course  in  the 
normal  school  at  La  Tour.  The  special  meetings  that  were  opened 
for  the  young  people  were  productive  of  good  ;  and  the  Sabbath- 
school  was  a  blessing  to  the  children,  and  also  to  the  parents.  The 
congregation  at  Florence  rapidly  increased,  varying  from  eighty  to 
one  hundred  and  twenty,  and  including  about  sixty  communicants. 
The  school  for  boys,  and  the  one  for  girls,  containing  thirty -five 
scholars,  the  Sabbath-school,  and  the  Christian  Union  for  the  young 
gradually  advanced,  and  the  theological  students  by  their  punctuality 
and  industry  rendered  themselves  useful. 

Dr.  Revel,  while  communicating  these  facts  to  Dr.  Baird,  thanked 
him  for  an  appropriation  to  support  colporteurs  and  students  of  the- 
ology, saying:  am  under  special  obligations  to  you  for  all  the 
efforts  you  feel  yourself  called  to  make  in  order  to  excite  the  active 
and  the  generous  sympathy  of  the  friends  of  the  Gospel  in  the 
United  States  in  favor  of  this  work  of  Italian  evangelization,  so  won- 
derfully prepared  by  the  Lord,  contrary  to  all  human  foresight.  I 
hope  that  the  friends  of  the  Lord  in  the  British  Isles  and  the  United 
States  will  succeed  in  combining  their  efforts  with  ours,  so  as  to 
accomplish  a  work  whose  foundation  shall  be  clear,  sure,  and  Biblical, 
and  shall  have  a  future.     For,  if  the  Lord  permit  us  to-day  to  labor 


AN  EARNEST  COLPORTEUR. 


with  a  great  degree  of  Hberty  and  in  comparative  peace  in  the  extension 
of  his  kingdom  in  this  Peninsula,  to-morrow,  perhaps,  the  storms  will 
descend  on  us,  and  if  the  spiritual  edifice  has  not  been  founded  on  a 
rock,  and  built  of  incombustible  materials,  the  fire  of  affliction  will 
destroy  the  whole  superstructure."  The  same  writer,  who  was  chair- 
man of  the  Waldensian  Missionary  Committee,  stated  that  in  the 
Summer  of  1861  eleven  ministers,  eleven  male  and  female  teachers, 
and  four  evangelists,  not  ordained,  were  employed  in  the  missionary 
work.  Besides  these  there  were  a  dozen  colporteurs,  who  received 
as  compensation  eighty  francs  each  per  month,  which  amounted  to 
twelve  hundred  francs  each  per  annum,  or  two  hundred  and  forty 
dollars.  Dr.  Revel  estimated  the  number  of  colporteurs  then  at 
work  in  Italy  at  about  forty,  and  also  declared  that  the  Waldensirn 
Churches  could  furnish  many  capable  men  to  sell  and  distribute 
Bibles  and  religious  tracts,  and  that  the  synod  had  at  various  central 
points,  such  as  Turin,  Leghorn,  Perugia,  Milan,  Bologna,  Naples, 
and  Palermo,  ministers  and  other  laborers,  who  could  superintend 
and  direct  them. 

One  of  these  colporteurs  visited  the  mountains  and  valleys  of 
Piedmont  with  his  permit  to  sell,  delivered  by  the  intendent  of  Pigne- 
rol.  With  a  pack  of  books  on  his  back,  he  went  from  place  to 
place,  and  when  his  stock  was  reduced,  he  came  to  Turin  and  re- 
plenished it  at  the  central  depot,  or  Evangelical  Libi'aiy.  From 
thence  he  passed  to  Alexandria,  Placentia,  Reggio,  and  Bologna ; 
then  crossing  the  Apennines,  he  arrived  at  Florence,  where  he  re- 
mained several  days,  selling  in  the  city  and  its  environs ;  and  fill- 
ing his  pack,  he  pursued  his  journey  through  Arezzo,  Perugia, 
Foligno,  Spoleto,  Monte  Calvo,  Sora,  Iserna,  Capua,  and  other 
places  until  he  came  to  Naples.  In  the  latter  city  he  made  another 
halt,  again  supplying  himself  at  the  depot  recently  established  there, 
and  resumed  his  Bible-pilgrimage  through  Salerno,  Policastro,  .Co- 
zenza,  Monte  Leone,  and  Reggio.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to 
Messina,  where  he  made  ''good  sales,  and  then  visited  Palermo, 
where  a  depository  had  been  established.  He  subsequently  made 
a  tour  through  Trapani,  ^Marsala,  Girgenti,  Noto,  Catania,  and  Mes- 
sina, having  traversed  the  Italian  peninsula  from  one  extremity  to  an- 
other, selling  the  Book  which  the  Romish  priests  opposed  with  fury, 
without  having  been  molested  in  one  place,  and  every  where  protected 
by  the  civil  authorities. 

The  death  of  Count  Cavour  on  the  6th  of  June,  1861,  was 
deeply  felt  and  deplored  by  the  Protestants  of  Italy.    The  monthly 


682 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


journal  called,  La  Bnona  Novella,  published  at  Turin,  and,  in  a  sense, 
the  organ  of  the  Waldensian  Churches,  appeared  in  mourning,  on  the 
15th  of  June,  and  contained  a  brief  editorial  notice  of  the  great 
statesman,  showing  his  claims  to  the  regard  and  gratitude  of  the 
Italian  Protestants.  The  latter,  however,  were  encouraged  by  the 
appointment  of  Baron  Ricasoli  to  succeed  Cavour  as  prime  minister 
of  Victor  Emmanuel,  because  they  believed  that  he  would  maintain 
the  existing  liberal  policy  toward  them.  Another  recent  event  of 
importance  was  the  meeting  of  the  Waldensian  Synod  at  La  Tour. 
Besides  the  regular  members,  comprising  ordained  ministers,  whether 
pastors,  professors,  or  missionaries,  and  two  elders  from  each  of 
their  fifteen  Churches  in  the  "Valleys,"  there  were  present  the 
Rev.  Messrs  Stuart  and  Young  from  Leghorn,  Murdoch  from  Nice, 
M'Dougal  from  Florence,  Viaux  of  Genoa,  and  delegates  from  Chris- 
tian bodies  in  the  Canton  de  Vaud,  France,  and  England.  Among 
the  persons  present  was  the  noble  and  venerable  General  Beckwith. 
The  services  continued  several  hours  each  day,  and  were  extremely 
interesting.  Full  reports  were  read  relating  to  the  interior  condition 
of  the  Churches  as  well  as  the  work  of  evangelization  and  colportage 
in  Italy.  The  receipts  of  the  Table,  or  committee  ad  interim  of 
the  synod  for  salaries  of  pastors,  professors,  schools,  hospital,  or- 
phan asylum,  etc.,  were  140^ 335  fi'ancs,  or  nearly  twenty-eight 
thousand  dollars,  and  the  payments  were  134,757  fi'ancs,  or  nearly 
twenty-six  thousand  eight  hundred  dollars.  The  receipts  of  the 
Commission  of  Evangelization,  of  which  Dr.  Revel  was  chairman, 
were  83,457  fi'ancs,  or  sixteen  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  and 
the  payments  79,692  francs,  or  fifteen  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars.  This  comprised  the  receipts  and  expenditures  for  col- 
portage, as  well  as  the  employment  of  missionaries.  The  donations 
for  mission  work  exclusively  were  52,642  francs,  or  about  ten  thou- 
sand five  hundred  dollars,  the  larger  portion  of  which  came  from 
Christians  in  Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  Germany,  Switzerland, 
Holland,  and  Sweden. 

In  the  Summer  of  1861  Gavazzi  visited  England  to  interest 
British  Christians  in  the  good  cause  of  Italian  evangelization.  At 
a  conversazione,  or  familiar  meeting  of  friends  in  the  drawing-rooms 
of  the  Dowager  Countess  of  Ducie,  he  spoke  of  the  state  of  religion 
in  Italy  from  a  threefold  point  of  view: — i.  As  affecting  and  affected 
by  the  government;  2.  In  relation  to  the  people;  3.  In  reference  to 
the  work  of  evangelization,  then  progressing.  He  cherished  the  most 
hopeful  expectations  as  to  the  tendencies  and  policy  of  the  new  gov- 


GA  VAZZrS  STA  TEMENTS. 


683 


ernment.  Indeed,  with  Ricasoli  he  had  even  greater  hopes  than 
with  Cavour,  because  the  former  was  reputed  among  the  Tuscans  to 
be  himself  a  Christian  man.  He  described  the  extraordinary  eager- 
ness to  hear  the  Gospel  which  prevailed  among  the  people.  But 
though  for  the  most  part  only  nominally  Romanists,  it  must  not 
be  therefore  concluded,  he  said,  that  they  would  readily  embrace 
the  truth,  or  openly  disconnect  themselves  from  the  papacy.  He 
dwelt  on  the  difficulties  arising  from  popular  prejudices  and  antip- 
athies to  certain  names,  such  as  "Protestant,"  and  illustrated  in 
his  characteristic  style  the  mode  in  ^^■hich  these  difficulties  could 
alone  be  met.  He  next  gave  details  with  regard  to  preaching  and 
Bible  circulation  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  and  urged  in  the  conclu- 
sion, that  the  most  pressing  want  of  the  moment  was  more  evan- 
gelizers  to  enter  on  the  field,  so  "white  unto  the  harvest."  He 
stated  that  one  of  his  principal  objects  in  coming  to  England  was  to 
obtain  means  for  the  purpose  of  training  up  such  men,  and  he  there- 
fore earnestly  appealed  for  the  aid  and  co-operation  of  British  Chris- 
tians. He  declared  that,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  a  Church  would 
soon  be  established  in  Italy,  which  would,  he  trusted,  become  truly 
national — having  for  its  basis  justification  by  faith  without  the  deeds 
of  the  law.  It  would  recognize  the  necessit}'  of  a  regular  ministry, 
with  a  confession  of  faith — articles,  doctrines,  and  discipline,  and,  with 
a  view  to  uniformity,  a  liturgy,  not  however,  compulsory,  but  volun- 
tary. A  liturgy  would  be  required  for  baptisms,  the  Lord's-supper, 
etc.  This  constitutional  organization  of  their  Church  was  essential 
in  order  to  present  to  the  government  some  kind  of  regularity. 
Nowhere  had  the  papac}'  so  weak  a  hold  on  the  affections  of  the 
people  as  in  Italy,  and  if  Rome  could  be  gained  for  the  Gospel  it 
would  be  more  easy  to  evangelize  all  Europe  from  Rome  than  from 
any  other  spot.  After  appealing  to  the  ladies  present  to  aid  his 
cause  by  forming  the  nucleus  of  a  "Central  Ladies'  Committee," 
the  eloquent  Italian  closed  his  address  by  asking  all  present  to 
remember  his  fellow-laborers  and  himself  in  prayer.  He  hoped  the 
time  might  come  when  they  could  say,  "Italy  is  evangelized,  and 
we  have  ourselves  contributed  to  such  a  blessed  work." 


684 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Seventh  Decade  Continued,  1860-1870. 

Chapter  XIX. 

italian  missions  of  the  '^american  and  foreign  christian 

union:' 

IN  April,  1 861,  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  "American  and 
Foreign  Christian  Union  "  issued  an  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  evan- 
,gelization  of  Italy,  signed  by  Thomas  De  Witt,  Esq.,  President,  and 
Rev.  Robert  Baird,  D.  D,,  Corresponding  Secretary.  In  this  docij- 
ment,  which  was  published  in  the  Christian  World,  the  organ  of  the 
society,  the  Board  declared  its  purpose  to  establish  a  mission  in  that 
country,  and,  having  appointed  Rev.  E.  Edwin  Hall,  of  Guilford, 
Conn.,  who  had  spent  three  years  as  their  chaplain  at  Rome,  to  be 
their  missionary  in  Italy,  they  asked  for  financial  help  to  send  him 
to  the  field  as  soon  as  possible.  The  city  of  Florence  was  designated 
as  the  center  of  the  proposed  mission,  and  among  the  duties  assigned 
to  Mr.  Hall  was  that  of  promoting  the  spiritual  interests  of  his  own 
countrymen,  who  in  large  numbers  visit  that  city  every  year,  and 
make  a  longer  or  shorter  sojourn  there.  It  was  stated  that  the  most 
important  of  his  labors  would  be  to  direct  and  superintend  the  soci- 
ety's work  in  Italy,  embracing  the  appointment  of  colporteurs,  evan- 
gelists, and  ordained  ministers  as  missionaries  in  that  country.  He 
was  also  expected  to  do  something  toward  the  education  of  pious 
Italian  youths  for  the  ministry,  for  which  Florence  furnished  great 
facilities,  since  the  Waldenses  had  removed  their  theological  seminary, 
with  its  professors  and  students,  to  that  city. 

in  addition  to  the  work  of  the  living  missionary,  the  Board  pro- 
posed to  employ  the  press  as  a  means  of  disseminating  the  truth  by 
the  publication  of  books  and  tracts,  and  also  occasional  papers  or 
periodicals,  made  properly  attractive  and  instructive  for  the  youth  as 
well  as  the  adult  classes.  The  Board  expressed  a  desire  to  organize 
an  "Evangelization  Committee"  at  Florence,  composed  of  Italian, 
American,  and  English  brethren,  of  which  Mr.  Hall  would  be  secre- 
tary as  well  as  a  member.  They  also  hoped  that  Drs.  Revel  and 
Geymonat,  the  professors  in  the  Waldensian  Theological  Seminary  at 
Florence,  would  consent  to  be  members  of  the  committee.  The 


THE  MISSION  IN  ELBA. 


685 


latter  would  be  authorized  to  receive  the  funds  for  the  missions,  select 
and  employ  the  missionaries,  and  transmit  to  the  society  full  details 
and  reports  of  their  labors — their  successes  as  well  as  their  trials — in 
order  that  its  friends  and  supporters  might  know  what  was  done  with 
their  money,  given  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  Christ  in  that  country. 

This  appeal  "to  those  who  desire  and  pray  for  the  salvation  of 
Italy"  closes  with  these  earnest  sentences:  **But  what  need  is  there 
of  words  ?  Dear  friends,  is  it  not  clear  that  now  is  the  time  to  work 
in  Italy?  The  door  is  now  open  to  spread  the  Scriptures  in  all  Italy 
(including  the  islands  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Malta,  Elba),  with 
the  exception  of  Venetia,  and  the  small  part  of  the  Patrimony  of  St. 
Peter,  over  which  the  pope  still  bears  rule.  The  Word  of  God  may 
now  be  given  to  twenty-three  millions  of  people  in  Italy.  This  has 
been  so  far  the  first  time  in  twelve  centuries  within  the  last  six 
months.  Who  shall  take  hold  of  this  work  if  our  American  Churches 
do  not?  Have  we  not  a  right  to  do  it?  Are  we  not  able  to  do  it? 
If  we  are  not,  who  are  more  able?  Are  our  brethren  of  England, 
who  are  responsible  for  more  than  two  hundred  millions  of  the  human 
race  that  are  now  under  her  sw^ay?  Are  our  French  and  Swiss  breth- 
ren, with  all  their  burdens?  Certainly  not.  It  is  we  that  ought  to 
bear  a  great  part  in  this  work." 

The  Rev.  E.  Edwin  Hall  sailed  from  New  York  with  his  family 
on  the  27th  of  April,  1861,  and  on  the  14th  of  June  announced  to  the 
Board  his  safe  arrival  in  Florence.  He  stated  that  he  had  engaged 
two  excellent  Bible  readers  from  the  "Valleys  of  Piedmont" — the 
home  of  the  Waldenses — whom  Drs.  Revel  and  Geymonat  strongly 
recommended  for  both  Bible-readers  and  Bible-distributers.  The 
recent  arrival  of  two  young  ex-priests,  intelligent  and  promising,  was 
also  reported,  and  the  hope  expressed  that,  after  receiving  suitable 
instruction  in  the  "theological  seminary,"  they  would  be  valuable 
laborers  in  the  evangelical  cause.  A  few  months  later  Mr.  Hall 
employed,  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Revel,  a  colporteur  and  Bible- 
reader,  who  was  a  member'  of  the  Waldensian  Church,  to  labor  in 
several  villages  between  Aosta  and  Turin.  Another  excellent  worker, 
M.  Peccenini,  was  sent  into  Elba,  the  beautiful  and  populous  island 
off  the  coast  of  Italy,  so  well  known  as  the  home  of  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte for  a  year.  As  the  way  had  been  prepared  by  another  colpor- 
teur, M.  Peccenini  commenced  his  labors  with  much  encouragement 
at  Portoferraio,  one  of  the  principal  towns  of  the  island.  Soon  he 
had  a  congregation  of  two  hundred  deeply  interested  hearers.  From 
two  other  places  he  received  pressing  invitations  to  come  and  preach 


686 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


to  them.  The  priests  prevailed  on  the  governor  to  forbid  his  preach- 
ing; but,  nothing  daunted,  the  missionary  instantly  resolved  to  appeal 
to  Baron  Ricasoli,  the  prime  minister  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  under 
whose  dominion  the  island  was  then  placed.  A  petition,  signed  in  a 
few  hours  by  sixty  persons,  including  thirty  heads  of  families,  and 
asking  that  the  governor  should  not  only  be  forbidden  to  hinder 
his  preaching,  but  required  to  protect  the  missionary  in  his  work, 
was  forwarded  to  Ricasoli,  who  soon  granted  the  request  of  the 
petitioners. 

In  a  report,  made  by  Mr.  Hall  on  the  i6th  of  November,  he 
refers  to  the  growth  of  the  mission  in  the  island  of  Elba,  and  states 
that  the  room  then  rented  for  public  services  was  too  small.  Two 
buildings  in  Portoferraio,  the  property  of  a  widow  who  was  favorable 
to  the  evangelical  cause,  were  offered  for  sale,  either  one  of  which 
\vas  suitable  for  the  meetings.  One  of  the  members  visited  Mr.  Hall 
at  Florence  to  urge  the  purchase.  On  the  9th  of  December,  M. 
Daniel  Lantaret,  the  colporteur,  stationed  at  Verres,  in  the  valley  of 
Aosta,  sent  an  encouraging  statement  of  his  work.  He  held  Sabbath 
services  in  three  villages — Verres,  Viarena,  and  Chatillon — and  dur- 
ing the  week  visited  different  places,  entering  the  homes  of  the  people 
and  engaging  in  religious  exercises  whenever  permitted.  In  that 
region  many  professed  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  RtDman  Church,  and 
said  to  M.  Lantaret  that  they  expected  at  no  distant  day  to  hear 
the  Gospel  preached  in  the  temples  where  now  the  mass  w^as  cele- 
brated. Some  of  these  persons,  especially  at  Mount  Jovet,  belonged 
to  the  influential  class.  The  number  of  those  who  regularly  attended 
Protestant  services  was  not  large,  but  they  were  active  and  faithful. 
One  of  them,  the  father  of  five  children,  whose  necessities  demanded 
his  constant  care,  found  time  to  devote  hours,  and  sometimes  a  day, 
to  those  who  lived  in  the  little  hamlet  in  the  mountains,  reading  and 
explaining  the  Word  of  God,  which  he  had  read  with  so  much  profit 
to  his  own  soul. 

When  Mr.  Hall  reached  Florence,  in  the  Summer  of  1861,  he 
found  less  religious  intolerance  than  had  prevailed  during  the  past 
decade.  Ten  years  before  (August  17,  185 1),  Francesco  Madai,  two 
other  Florentines,  and  an  English  gentleman  were  arrested  and 
thrown  into  prison  on  the  charge  of  reading  the  Bible.  The  police 
searched  the  house  of  Madai  on  the  Sabbath,  and  captured  two  Bibles 
and  these  four  heretics.  The  Englishman  was  released  at  the  end  of 
twenty-four  hours  through  the  efforts  of  the  British  legation,  the 
two  Florentines  were  banished,  but  Madai  was  detained  in  his  gloomy 


FRANCESCO  AND  ROSA  MADIAL 


687 


cell.  On  the  27th  of  August  his  wife,  Rosa,  a  poor,  sickly  woman, 
was  also  imprisoned  in  the  Bargello,  and  separated  from  her  husband. 
The  lawyers  feared  to  defend  them,  but  finally  one  noble,  talented 
young  man  called  Maggiorani,  volunteered  to  plead  their  cause.  The 
trial,  however,  was  delayed  until  the  5th  of  June,  1852,  and,  after 
two  days,  a  decision  was  pronounced  by  the  judges,  sentencing 
Francesco  Madiai  to  four  years  and  eight  months'  solitary  confinement 
and  hard  labor  in  the  prison  at  Volterra,  and  Rosa  three  years  and 
ten  months  of  the  same  in  the  dreadful  Ergastola  at  Lucca.  At  the 
close  of  the  sentence  the  husband  and  wife  shook  hands,  smiled  on 
each  other,  embraced,  and  in  a  few  moments  disappeared  amidst  the 
bayonets  of  their  guards. 

It  is  an  interesting  historical  fact  that  the  American  and  Foreign  ! 
Christian  Union,"  which  sent  its  missionary,  Mr.  Hall,  to  Florence  in 
1 86 1,  first  issued  the  call  for  a  public  meeting  of  the  "friends  of  relig- 
ious liberty"  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to  express  sympathy  with  the 
* '  Madiai "  family  and  others  imprisoned  in  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany, 
and  to  devise  measures  for  their  relief.  Not  until  the  highest  judicial 
authorities  of  Tuscany  had  refused  to  release  the  prisoners  did  the 
Protestant  world  interfere.  Maggiorani  appealed  the  case  to  the 
supreme  court;  but  the  judges,  violating  the  true  interpretation  of 
the  ''Leopoldine  Laws,"  confirmed  the  sentence  of  the  first  court. 
Peter  Leopold  (or  Leopold  I)  who  was  grand  duke  of  Tuscany  from 
A.  D.  1765  to  A.  D.  1790  secured  remarkable  reforms  in  the  civil 
and  criminal  administration  of  justice.  "In  his  new  code,"  says 
Spaulding,  "the  criminal  section  was  especially  bold,  inasmuch  as  it 
swept  away  at  once  torture,  confiscation,  secret  trial,  and  even  the 
punishment  of  death.  .  .  .  All  privileged  jurisdictions  were  de- 
stroyed, and  the  public  courts  fortified  in  their  independence.  .  .  . 
Leopold's  ecclesiastical  reforms  were  equally  daring,  and  gave  deep 
offense  to  the  papal  government." 

The  learned  Maggiorani  demonstrated  that  the  general  tenor  of 
the  "  Leopoldine  Laws"  was  to  confer  on  the  Tuscans  personal  and 
ecclesiastical  freedom  of  action,  and  to  render  public  all  the  proceed- 
ings of  government.  He  also,  in  reply  to  Bicchierai,  the  public 
minister,  showed  from  the  Avritings  of  Nani,  Poggi,  Cremani,  Ne- 
groni, and  other  celebrated  Italian  expounders  of  the  penal  code, 
that  impiety,  to  be  considered  as  a  civil  crime,  must  be  committed  in 
public.  But  the  Tuscan  judges  were  only  interpreters  of  the  will 
and  wishes  of  the  grand  duke,  and  the  prisoners  were  not  released. 
Their  situation  excited  the  sympathy  of  all  Protestant  nations.  In 


688 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


England,  Scotland,  and  elsewhere  meetings  were  held  ;  and  a  depu- 
tation of  distinguished  men,  representing  the  Protestants  of  England, 
France,  Germany,  Holland,  and  Switzerland,  proceeded  to  Florence 
in  the  latter  part  of  October,  1852.  They  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
duke  of  Casigliano,  the  Tuscan  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  stating 
the  object  of  their  mission,  and  requesting  the  privilege  of  an  inter- 
view with  the  grand  duke  ;  but  permission  w^as  not  granted. 

The  meeting  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  January  7,  1853,  was 
an  imposing  demonstration,  and  among  the  resolutions  adopted  w^as 
l3ne  asking  the  president  of  the  United  states  to  intercede  in  behalf 
of  the  imprisoned  Tuscans.  The  king  of  Prussia  and  the  queen  of 
England  also  sent  private  letters  to  the  grand  duke,  imploring  him  to 
liberate  the  sufferers.  At  length,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1853,  they  were 
released  and  sent  to  Leghorn,  where  Francesco  and  Rosa  met  after 
their  long  separation.  They  were  not  allowed  to  remain  in  Italy,  but 
were  immediately  placed  on  a  French  steamer,  which  conve)^ed  them 
to  Marseilles.  Thus  terminated  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and 
thrilling  cases  involving  religious  liberty  which  this  century  has  pro- 
duced, and  the  full  history  of  it,  published  by  the  "American  and 
Foreign  Christian  Union,"  reveals  the  hostile  spirit  of  the  papacy  to 


Chapter  XX. 

THK  ITALIAN  C ABIN  ET— GARIBALDI— PROTEST  ANT  WORK, 
kN  the  2d  of  March,  1862,  Victor  Emmanuel,  who,  to  his  sub- 


Rattazzi,  sent  a  communication  to  Baron  Ricasoli,  which  led  him  to 
convene  his  cabinet  and  submit  to  them  the  propriety  of  resigning 
office.  The  motion  to  resign  w-as  unanimously  carried,  Cordova 
being  the  loudest  in  his  consent,  and  the  portfolios  tendered  to  the 
king  the  same  day,  though  at  first  declined,  were  afterwards  accepted. 
On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  March,  when  the  ministers  waited  upon 
the  king  to  surrender  in  person  the  seals  of  office,  they  found  Cor- 
dova closeted  with  the  monarch,  and  arranging  for  his  retention  in 
the  cabinet.    Rattazzi  fulfilled  his  promise  to  Garibaldi  by  appointing 


the  Bible. 


Seventh  Decade  Continued,  1860-1870. 


completely  under  the  influence  of 


RA  TTAZZrS  ADMINISTRA  TION. 


689 


Persano  and  Dcspretis,  professed  friends  of  Garibaldi,  to  positions  in 
his  cabinet,  and  subsequently  selected  other  of  his  friends  to  be  pre- 
fects in  Sicily  and  Naples.  Of  the  other  members  of  the  cabinet, 
three  belonged  to  the  French  party,  and  two  were  of  the  old  Pied- 
montese  aristocracy.  On  the  7th  of  March  Rattazzi,  having  com- 
pleted his  cabinet,  announced  to  the  parliament  **that  the  principles 
of  his  government  would  be  a  largely  conciliatory  spirit  to  all  true 
Italians  without  regard  to  personal  differences,  the  removing  of  all 
dualism  between  government  and  nation,  a  policy  of  non  -  isolation 
from  foreign  powers,  economical  management  of  the  finances,  and  a 
cordial  alliance  w^ith  France,  whereby  that  completion  of  Italy  would 
be  best  achieved,  which,  as  the  wish  of  every  patriot,  was  naturally 
the  cherished  wish  of  the  ministers." 

It  was  inevitable  that  a  cabinet  constituted  from  such  discordant 
materials,  and  hampered  by  pledges  to  parties  so  diametrically  op- 
posed to  each  other,  would  very  soon  fall  into  difficulties.  Indeed, 
the  Rattazzi  administration  would  not  have  been  continued  tlvough 
the  first  month  of  its  existence  had  not  the  patriotic  majority  in  the 
parliament  been  induced  by  a  strong  sense  of  duty  to  sustain  the 
appointees  of  the  king.  Baron  Ricasoli  withdrew  into  the  country, 
and  his  friends,  not  wishing  to  embarrass  Victor  Emmanuel,  voted 
down  as  inopportune  a  motion  of  direct  censure,  offered  only  twelve 
days  after  the  cabinet  was  announced.  Rattazzi  soon  found  himself 
compelled  to  intimate  to  Cordova  and  Mancini,  two  of  the  members 
of  the  cabinet,  the  necessity  of  their  resigning,  and  to  supply  their 
places  with  men  more  acceptable  to  the  parliament. 

Garibaldi  had  previously  sought  to  hasten  the  redemption  of  Italy 
from  Austrian  and  papal  rule  by  an  appeal  to  the  Hungarians  to  rise 
against  their  old  oppressors,  and  had,  after  considerable  forbearance 
on  the  part  of  Ricasoli,  been  warned  that,  if  an  expedition  which  he 
had  planned  to  attack  Austria  through  Hungary  were  not  given  up, 
the  government  would  be  compelled  to  arrest  it  by  force.  The  ex- 
dictator  had  submitted  reluctantly,  and  Avith  a  feeling  of  hostility, 
which  Rattazzi  had  carefully  stimulated.  On  the  12th  of  April  par- 
liament was  adjourned  to  the  3d  of  June,  and  soon  after  the  king 
and  the  premier  visited  Naples,  accompanied  by  Garibaldi,  who,  with 
their  apparent  approval,  was  already  organizing  his  schemes  and  en- 
listing his  bands  of  volunteers.  In  Lombardy,  during  the  month  of 
May,  he  had  gathered  a  considerable  body  of  riflemen,  and  made 
some  feints  of  attacking  the  Tyrol.  Probably  at  the  instigation  of 
the  French  emperor,  Rattazzi,  between  the  12th  and  15th  of  May, 


690 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ordered  the  arrest  of  several  of  Garibaldi's  confidential  officers  and  a 
large  number  of  the  men  he  had  enlisted,  and  committed  them  to 
prison,  sequestering  their  arms,  all  the  while  professing  the  greatest 
regard  and  respect  for  Garibaldi  himself,  who,  he  affected  to  believe, 
was  not  cognizant  of  their  doings.  Garibaldi,  furious  at  this  unex- 
pected act,  avowed  his  responsibility  for  their  conduct,  denounced 
the  arrest,  and  demanded  their  release,  but  could  get  no  reply  from 
the  government. 

On  the  1 6th  of  May  a  collision  occurred  at  Brescia  between  a 
mob,  who  endeavored  to  set  the  arrested  force  free,  and  the  soldiers, 
in  which  several  persons  were  killed.  The  government  soon  after  pub- 
lished a  circular,  declaring  in  direct  contradiction  to  his  own  assevera- 
tions that  they  had  good  grounds  for  believing  that  Garibaldi  had 
not  participated  in  the  enterprises  for  which  these  men  had  been 
arrested,  and  that  his  name  had  been  improperly  used.  Meantime 
the  crafty  minister  had  persuaded  Garibaldi  to  return  to  Caprera, 
and  an  the  reassembling  of  parliament  took  to  himself  great  credit 
for  having  suppressed  an  insurrection,  which  threatened  the  public 
peace,  reading  a  professed  letter  from  Garibaldi,  to  sustain  his  posi- 
tion. He  was  destined,  however,  to  receive  from  Crispi,  a  deputy, 
who  was  a  friend  of  Garibaldi,  a  castigation,  which  would  have 
driven  any  other  man  to  tendej'  his  resignation. 

Garibaldi,  meantime,  was  projecting  new  schemes  and  was  still 
deceived  by  the  promises  and  maneuvers  of  the  wily  premier. 
He  had  gone  to  Palermo,  and  in  the  presence  and  with  the  sanction 
of  the  prefects  whom  Rattazzi  had  appointed,  presented  his  plan 
for  an  expedition  to  attack  Rome  from  Sicily.  He  aroused  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  Sicilians  by  his  proclamations,  and,  co-operating 
with  Mazzini,  commenced  organizing  a  small  army  of  invasion, 
believing  that  the  measure  had  the  full  sympathy  of  the  govern- 
ment, which,  indeed,  had  furnished  it  with  means  and  arms.  Napo- 
leon HI  began  to  protest,  and  Garibaldi  and  Mazzini  denounced  the 
emperor  without  stint.  Thus  passed  the  month  of  July,  without 
remonstrance  from  the  Italian  government.  At  length,  on  the 
3d  of  August,  Victor  Emmanuel  issued  a  proclamation  to  the 
Italian  people,  w^arning  them  to  take  no  part  in  any  such  enterprise 
as  was  proposed,  as  it  would  be  regarded  as  revolt  and  civil  war, 
and  pledging  himself  to  secure  for  them  eventually  the  possession 
of  Rome.  This  proclamation  under  Rattazzi's  secret  explanations 
Garibaldi  regarded  as  a  ruse,  and  Avent  on  with  his  preparations. 
The  emperor  sent  war  vessels  to  blockade  the  Sicilian  coast  to  pre- 


GARIBALDI  WOUNDED. 


691 


vent  his  passage  to  the  main-land,  and  Rattazzi  finally  sent  General 
Cugia  with  orders  to  prevent  the  ex-dictator  from  marching  toward 
Rome,  but  not  to  interfere  with  him  if  he  wished  to  go  anywhere 
else.  Garibaldi,  meantime,  had  moved  forward  to  Catania,  on  the 
i8th  of  August,  adopting  as  his  watchword,  "Rome  or  Death!" 
On  the  24th  and  25th  of  the  same  month  he  succeeded  in  crossing 
the  strait  near  Cape  Spartivento,  having  had  a  slight  skirmish  with 
some  Italian  troops,  in  which  he  lost  a  few  prisoners. 

Garibaldi  had  at  the  time  of  crossing  a  force  of  about  twenty- 
three  hundred  men;  and  five  hundred,  whom  he  had  left  at  Catania, 
were  taken  prisoners  on  the  26th  of  August.  It  was  not  a  part  of 
his  purpose  to  come  into  conflict  with  Italian  troops,-  and  he  accord- 
ingly passed,  by  mountain  routes,  from  Mileto  and  Reggio  toward 
Aspromonte,  encountering  on  the  27th  of  the  month  a  small  force 
under  General  Cialdini,  and  losing  forty-two  of  his  men  as  prisoners. 
On  the  29th  he  occupied  a  strong  position  at  Aspromonte,  where  he 
was  attacked  by  Colonel  Pallavicini.  He  directed  his  men  not  to  fire 
at  Pallavicini's  troops;  but  the  royal  commander  was  not  so  forbear- 
ing, and  twelve  of  Garibaldi's  men  were  killed,  and  two  hundred 
wounded,  among  whom  were  Garibaldi  himself  and  his  son  Menotti. 
Two  thousand  prisoners  were  taken  and  conveyed  to  Spezzia.  Gari- 
baldi requested  to  be  put  on  board  an  English  ship:  but  Rattazzi 
refused  to  grant  this,  and  he  was  kept  as  a  prisoner.  His  wounds 
were  painful,  and  one  of  them  (a  ball  in  the  foot)  was  considered 
dangerous.  The  knowledge  of  his  being  wounded  and  taken  pris- 
oner produced  great  excitement  throughout  Europe.  An  eminent 
English  surgeon  was  sent  to  Spezzia  to  attend  him,  and  his  expenses 
were  defrayed  by  a  public  subscription.  After  some  months  of 
suffering  the  ball  was  extracted.  The  Italian  government  found 
itself  greatly  embarrassed  with  the  prisoners  thus  taken.  The  brave 
chief,  who  had  given  Victor  Emmanuel  the  kingdom  of  the  Sicilies, 
was  not  treated  as  a  common  prisoner,  even  though  taken  in  arms 
against  his  king ;  nor  was  it  to  be  believed  that  he  was  at  heart 
disloyal  to  that  king;  he  was  rather  the  dupe  of  the  prime  minister, 
and  had  believed  himself  really  doing  the  king  service.  From  all  / 
quarters  came  an  appeal  for  an  amnesty  for  him  and  his  followers. 
At  the  wedding  of  Princess  Pia,  the  second  daughter  of  Victor 
Emmanuel,  and  Louis  I,  young  king  of  Portugal,  on  the  27th  of 
September,  both  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  and  Prince  Napoleon 
and  the  Princess  Clotilde,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  king,  added  their 
prayers  for  the  amnesty,  which  was  granted  on  the  5th  of  October. 

45 


692 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


The  arrest  of  Garibaldi's  expedition  intensified  rather  than  checked 
the  feehng  of  the  whole  Itahan  nation  that  Rome  must  become  their 
capital.  This  feeling  found  expression  in  the  circular  of  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  Signor  Durando,  to  the  representatives  of  Italy  at 
foreign  courts,  on  the  loth  of  September,  in  which  he  said  that  Gar- 
ibaldi's watchword  ("Rome  or  Death!")  was  but  the  declaration  of 
a  national  necessity,  more  imperious  now  than  ever.  It  found  a  still 
stronger  expression  at  the  reassembling  of  the  parliament,  when  the 
chamber  of  deputies  adopted  an  address  to  the  king,  in  which,  after 
thanking  him  for  the  amnesty  decreed  to  Garibaldi  and  his  fol- 
lowers, they  proceeded  to  say,  ''the  time  for  action,  for  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Rome  is  delayed ;  for  the  present  we  will  strengthen  our 
finances  by  an  active  industry;  we  will  increase  our  army  to  400,000 
men,  and  then,  sire,  with  you  at  its  head,  we  shall  see  who  will  with- 
hold Rome  from  us!" 

The  Rattazzi  cabinet  fell  in  November,  at  the  reassembling  of  par- 
liament, under  the  withering  scorn  of  a  nation's  representatives,  hav- 
ing sunk  so  low  in  reputation  that  no  respectable  minority  could  be 
found  to  support  it.  The  premier,  in  his  intense  desire  for  a  pro- 
longation of  his  power,  even  for  a  few  weeks,  begged  the  king  to 
prorogue  the  parliament,  so  that  a  new  ministry  might  not  be  con- 
firmed ;  but  Victor  Emmanuel,  to  his  credit,  firmly  refused.  The 
new  cabinet  consisted  of  Signor  Farini,  premier;  Peruzzi,  minister  of 
the  interior;  Mughelti,  minister  of  finance;  Amari,  minister  of  pub- 
lic instruction ;  and  Manna,  minister  of  commerce.  This  was  a  cabi- 
net of  great  ability  and  high  character.  The  political  condition 
of  the  country,  however,  excited  deep  anxiety,  and  financial  affairs 
particularly  awakened  apprehension  of  trouble — the  expenses  in  time 
'of  peace  exceeding  receipts  from  all  sources  by  a  very  large  amount. 
The  parliament,  from  the  commencement  of  the  session,  was  occu- 
pied only  in  hearing  charges  against  the  ministry.  Rattazzi  himself 
was  compelled  to  acknowledge  that,  after  ail  his  cringing  to  the 
French,  the  policy  of  the  emperor  was  hostile  to  Italian  unity.  The 
late  circular  of  the  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs  discouraged  the 
progressive  party  in  Italy,  and  inspired  the  court  of  Rome  with  a 
stronger  hope  than  it  had  entertained  for  many  years.  Indeed,  after 
this  assurance  of  French  protection,  the  pope  threatened  the  most 
extraordinary  measures  against  a  vast  body  of  the  priesthood  which 
expressed  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  Victor  Emmanuel. 

While  the  papacy  resisted  every  effort  for  the  annexation  of 
Rome,  it  could  not  prevent  the  spread  of  liberal  ideas.    During  the 


THE  MISSION  AT  PORTOFERRAIO. 


693 


year  1862  the  evangelical  press  was  very  active  in  Italy.  Many 
works,  some  small  and  some  of  considerable  size,  were  published, 
such  as  "Amico  di  Casa,"  a  popular  almanac;  "Historic  Improba- 
bility of  Peter's  Voyage  to  Rome;"  Dr.  D'Aubigne's  "History  of  the 
Reformation  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,"  and  others.  Professor  Gey- 
monat  prepared  a  "  History  of  the  Waldenses,"  so  that  the  Italians 
might  understand  the  true  history  and  character  of  that  people,  and 
also  the  faith  which  they  had  held  since  their  origin  in  remote  ages. 
At  Naples  the  friends  of  the  Gospel  were  active  in  bringing  forth 
controversial  treatises  on  the  errors  and  superstitions  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  Dr.  Desanctis  edited  a  publication  in  the  form  of 
a  weekly  dialogue,  which  had  an  extensive  circulation ;  and  Rev.  Mr. 
M'Kay,  a  Scotch  minister  at  Genoa,  issued  an  illustrated  periodical 
called  Lethire  di  Faniiglia,'"  or  "Family  Readings,"  which  exerted 
a  salutary  influence.  And  still  further,  to  advance  the  good  work,  an 
association  was  formed  in  the  early  part  of  January  at  Florence,  under 
the  name  of  "The  Italian  Evangelical  Publication  Society."  The 
semi-monthly  periodical  Buona  Novella,''  hitherto  published  at  Tu- 
rin, w^as  transferred  to  Florence,  and  edited  by  Signor  Tito  Chiesi,  a 
lawyer,  and  Professor  Geymonat. 

Rev.  E.  E.  Hall,  the  agent  and  missionary  of  the  "American 
and  Foreign  Christian  Union"  at  Florence,  reported  that,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1862,  two  laborers  under  his  direction  were  employed  in  that 
city,  visiting  from  house  to  house,  and  selling  every  day  some  relig- 
ious tracts  and  Testaments.  Rooms  were  hired  both  at  Verres  in 
Piedmont  and  Portoferraio  in  the  island  of  Elba,  and  furnished  with 
plain  cheap  chairs  and  tables.  The  Bible  reader  at  Verres  met  with 
some  opposition  in  his  field.  He  was  twice  attacked  in  returning 
from  his  evening  meetings  by  "lewd  fellows  of  the  baser  sort,"  who 
seriously  wounded  him  with  stones  thrown  in  the  dark.  After  de- 
scribing the  assault  made  upon  him,  he  stated  that  he  loved  "to 
think  that  the  wounds  on  his  limbs  were  in  a  better  state  than  the 
wounds  on  the  consciences 'of  his  enemies,"  and  hoped  "that  the 
Good  Samaritan,  with  oil  and  wine,  will  visit  them  with  spiritual  heal- 
ing." This  persecution  indicated  that  the  Gospel  was  advancing. 
The  work  at  Portoferraio  was  very  prosperous,  both  the  evangelist 
and  colporteur  writing  encouraging  letters,  and  declaring  that  the 
preaching  service  was  profitable,  though  the  number  of  attendants 
had  been  diminished  by  local  causes.  The  colporteur  being  well 
known  and  popular,  had  ready  access  to  the  people,  and  sold  many 
Bibles  and  other  religious  books.     He  preached  and  exhorted  daily 


I 


694 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


in  the  public  square,  in  the  shops  and  coffee-houses,  and  every-where 
found  hearers  and  occasionally  made  converts  from  Romanism. 


^-^  The  evangelist  at  Portoferraio,  Melchiore  Peccenini,  on  the  i8th 
of  January  wrote  an  interesting  letter  to  Mr.  Hall,  in  which  he 
referred  to  the  decreased  attendance  at  public  worship,  attributing  it 
partly  to  the  pleasures  of  the  Carnival,  and  partly  to  the  action 
of  Count  Guicciardini,  general  director  of  the  salt  works,  who  threat- 
ened to  dismiss  his  workmen  if  they  continued  to  attend  the  evangel- 
ical meetings.  The  arch-priest  who  had  in  his  hands  the  "pious  lega- 
cies "  or  the  dowry  fund  for  poor  young  girls,  declared  that  he  would 
withhold  this  from  any  who  were  seen  conversing  only  once  with  Prot- 
estants. He  also  influenced  other  employers  so  that  they  refused  to 
hire  any  except  Roman  Catholics.  All  these  causes  operating  simul- 
taneously apparently  retarded  the  progress  of  the  Gospel ;  but  M. 
Peccenini,  asserted  that  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  population  in  their 
hearts  rejected  the  Romish  creed  ;  and  though,  from  certain  consid- 
erations, they  absented  themselves  from  public  worship,  yet  they 
expressed  their  belief  in  evangelical  truth  and  defended  it  in  the 
squares,  coffee-houses,  and  other  places.  Many  said  that  when  Rome 
was  captured  by  the  Italian  government,  and  all  power  to  injure 
taken  from  the  priests  and  *'codinis,"  they  would  openly  renounce  the 
Roman  Church.  From  Capolivere,  Longone,  and  Rio  Marina  favor- 
able news  was  received  indicating  the  steady  growth  of  the  Protestant 
cause,  and  in  the  latter  town  a  believer,  named  Quottrini,  promised, 
if  a  church  should  be  opened  there,  a  small  contribution  from  him- 
self and  others,  as  they  were  i^ot  able  to  make  large  donations.  The 
enemies  of  the  truth  at  Portoferraio  confiscated  a  little  tract  enti- 
tled Btion  Capo  a' anno,'"  and  published  by  M.  Peccenini;  but  he 
printed  others  at  night,  and  sent  them  all  over  the  island,  the  people 
gladly  receiving  them  and  demanding  more.  ' '  As  long  as  the  Ro- 
man question  is  undecided,"  said  the  evangelist,  "these  abuses  of 
power  will  exist.  Let  us  pray  that  the  downfall  of  Rome  may  soon 
come.  In  divers  ways  all  our  affairs  suffer  greatly  from  it.[' 
'  y  Tl^-Wesleyan  Methodist  mission  in  Italy  made  some  advance- 
meiit  during  the  year  1862.  Rev.  H.  J.  Piggot  had  been  assisted  by 
Rev.  Richard  Green  ;  but  the  failure  of  the  latter's  health  compelled 
him  to  return  to  England.  Benedetto  Lipolo,  an  Italian  evangelist, 
labored  at  Ivrea,  and  fifty  persons  regularly  attended  his  ministry 
there.  A  revival  occurred  at  Baijo,  and  more  than  a  hundred  people 
were  attracted  to  the  meetings.  In  other  villages  the  work  of  refor- 
mation was  commenced,  and  not  without  encouraging  indications. 


DEA  TH  OF  BECKWITH. 


695 


/  The  "Italian  Church"  also  made  considerable  progress,  having 
two  or  three  chapels  in  Florence,  one  at  Genoa,  one  at  Turin,  one 
in  Pisa,  and  in  other  places.  Count  Guicciardini  visited  the  various 
stations,  and  reported  that  religious  services  of  some  kind  were 
maintained  in  twenty-five  cities  and  villages.  The  largest  number  of 
communicants  was  found  in  Florence,  the  membership  there  amount- 
ing to  over  three  hundred  and  fifty;  and  in  Milan  at  least  seven 
hundred  persons  were  accustomed  to  meet  for  conference  and  prayer- 
meeting.  Conversions  occurred  among  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
in  Pavia,  two  evangelists  gathered  an  interesting  congregation  in 
Bologna;  while  the  laborers  in  Brescia,  Novara,  Pisa,  and  other  local- 
ities were  successful  in  their  efforts  to  build  up  the  cause  of  Christ. 
Signor  Mazzarella  and  Dr.  Desanctis  gave  their  united  ministrations 
to  the  Church  in  Genoa.  The  former  was  once  a  Neapolitan  lawyer, 
and  embraced  the  true  religion  of  Christ  at  Turin,  when  in  exile  in 
that  city  some  years  previously.  In  1862  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Italian  parliament,  and  had  been  professor  in  the  University  of  Bo- 
logna. He  and  Dr.  Desanctis  opened  a  theological  school  in  Genoa, 
to  qualify  in  as  short  a  period  as  possible  evangelists  to  meet  the 
constantly  increasing  calls  for  such  laborers  in  all  parts  of  Italy. 

The  death  of  Major-general  John  Charles  Beckwith,  the  brave 
English  officer  and  philanthropist,  which  occurred  at  La  Tour,  Pied- 
mont, on  the  19th  of  July,  1862,  was  a  sad  event  to  the  Waldenses. 
His  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  temporal  and  spiritual  welfare  of  these 
people  have  already  been  described,  and  his  intimate  friends  believe 
that  he  expended  from  his  private  resources  not  less  than  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars.  He  did  not  possess  a  fortune ;  but  his  salary  as  a 
colonel  of  the  British  army  was  handsome,  and  his  mode  of  living 
simple  and  inexpensive.  In  1846,  encouraged  by  the  liberal  policy 
of  Charles  Albert,  he  determined  to  attempt  the  nationalization  of 
the  Waldensian  Church.  The  Vaudois  had  since  A.  D.  1620  spoken 
French,  and  used  it  in  their  schools  and  religious  services.  He  re- 
solved to  introduce  the  Italian  language  into  both  school  and  pulpit ; 
and  for  this  purpose  sent  six  young  pastors  to  Florence  to  acquire 
the  pure  Tuscan  dialect.  This  accomplished,  they  taught  the  teachers 
of  the  schools  in  the  ''Valleys,"  and  in  about  two  years  the  people 
became  sufficiently  conversant  with  the  language  to  use  it  in  their 
religious  services.  In  1848  permission  was  given  to  erect  a  Walden- 
sian church  or  chapel  at  Turin,  and  Colonel  Beckwith  raised  the 
amount  necessary  to  build  a  large,  convenient,  and  attractive  edifice 
on  the  Viale  de  Rei,  himself  donating  the  liberal  sum  of  six  thousand 


696 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


dollars.  In  1850  he  became  by  regular  promotion  a  major-general 
in  the  British  army,  and  soon  after  sold  his  commission  for  a  large 
sum  of  money,  which  he  carefully  invested. 


General  Beckwith  made  Turin  his  Winter  residence,  though  his 
Summers  were  spent  in  the  Valleys,"  visiting  his  schools,  and 
acting  as  the  father  of  the  people.  In  one  Waldensian  family  at 
La  Tour  he  passed  a  large  portion  of  his  time  very  agreeably,  and 


BRIGANDAGE. 


697 


became  deeply  interested  in  a  little  girl,  who  often  sat  on  his  knee, 
and  shared  much  in  his  affections/  Having  made  a  provision  in  his 
will  in  her  behalf,  he  deemed  it  proper  to  communicate  the  fact  to 
her  parents,  who  were  both  surprised  and  troubled,  fearing  that  the 
matter  would  excite  discontent,  if  not  envy,  among  their  poor  neigh- 
bors and  friends.  The  noble  and  venerable  philanthropist  soon 
removed  the  difficulty  by  marrying  the  object  of  his  tender  regard, 
who  had  become  a  young  lady. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 

Chapter  XXI. 

THE  BRIGAXDS—THE  LIBERAL  PRIESTS— MISSIONS. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  year  1863  brigandage  in  the  Neapolitan 
provinces  was  still  ver}-  active.  A  committee  appointed  by  the 
chamber  of  deputies  for  examining  the  subject  traversed  the  dis- 
affected localities,  offering  full  pardon  to  all  the  insurgents  who  would 
submit.  At  the  end  of  February  a  detachment  of  sixteen  soldiers 
was  surprised  b\'  sixty  men  of  the  band  of  Chiavoni  and  completely 
exterminated.  The  democratic  deputies  (the  "Left")  of  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  proposed  the  formation  of  corps  of  volunteers  to  disperse 
the  brigands;  but  this  plan,  combated  by  the  ministry,  was  not 
adopted  by  the  Chamber.  The  presence  of  General  La  ^Marmora  in 
the  infested  districts  in  April  Avas  followed  by  good  results.  The 
insurgents  were  driven  from  the  mountains  of  Castellamare,  Sorrento, 
and  Amalfi,  and  about  two  hundred  were  captured.  But  in  June  the 
devastations  by  the  brigands  began  anew  on  a  large  scale.  The 
province  of  Benevento,  in  particular,  became  the  headquarters  of  the 
gangs  of  Chiavoni  and  Caruso.  This  time  the  French  troops  in  the 
papal  states  in  favor  of  the  Italian  government,  and  many  of  the  brig- 
ands were  seized  "at  Rome,  Civita  Vecchia,  and  other  places  of  the 
papal  states,  and  either  imprisoned  or  handed  over  to  the  Italian 
authorities.  On  the  lOth  of  July  the  prefect  of  Genoa,  Gualterio, 
seized  five  insurgent  chiefs  on  board  the  French  vessel  Aiuiis]  but 
this  act  the  Italian  government  soon  disavowed  as  a  violation  of  a 
convention  concluded  between  the  two  countries  in  1862,  and  the 


698 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


five  prisoners  were  conducted  to  France.  Subsequently,  however, 
on  the  lOth  of  September,  upon  a  demand  made  by  Italy  for  their 
extradition,  the  brigands  were  surrendered  by  France. 

The  report  of  the  committee  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the 
Brigandage  in  the  Neapolitan  Provinces"  charged  the  papal  govern- 
ment with  giving  the  greatest  possible  support  to  the  insurgents. 
It  declared  that  the  brigands  "consist  of  foreign  adventurers,  or  of 
bad  characters  and  men  in  the  lowest  state  of  misery,  who  have  come 
from  the  Neapolitan  provinces,"  and  that  the  papal  police  have  no 
eyes  to  see  these  preparations  for  war,  and  allow  them  to  be  carried 
out  tranquilly  without  offering  the  least  opposition  ;  that  these  brig- 
ands, after  being  defeated  by  the  government  troops  "have  always 
been  at  full  liberty  to  recover  and  reorganize  themselves  by  re- 
crossing  into  the  Roman  territory;  that  the  papal  government  "as- 
sists them  with  arms  and  money,  and,  in  order  not  to  be  discovered, 
it  employs  every  species  of  artifice." 

On  one  occasion,  for  example,  it  supplied  several  hundreds  of 
military  great-coats,  and,  in  order  to  carry  out  its  purpose,  the  min- 
ister of  war  advertised  them  for  sale  at  public  auction.  A  French 
priest  made  his  appearance  at  the  auction  as  the  mock  purchaser. 
No  sooner  had  he  obtained  them  than  he  consigned  them  punctually 
to  the  brigands  for  whom  they  were  destined.  The  Bourbon  com- 
mittee of  Alatri,  Frosinone,  Ceccano,  Velletria,  and  Pratica  were 
unceasingly  engaged  in  the  work  of  assisting  these  desperadoes.  In 
the  Bourbon  committee  of  Frosinone  there  were  of  persons  connected 
with  the  papal  government  a  judge,  a  chancellor  of  the  episcopal 
court,  two  canons,  and  a  curate.  In  that  of  Ceccano  there  was  a 
person  of  Cardinal  Antonelli's  own  household ;  in  that  of  Alatri 
there  were  several  canons ;  in  that  of  Pratica  there  was  an  arch- 
priest  who  sometimes  accompanied  the  brigands  on  their  raids.  At 
the  abbey  of  the  order  of  the  Passionists  in  Ceccano  there  resided  a 
papal  gens  d'arme  in  active  service  and  two  gens  d'armes  living  on 
their  pensions,  who  acted  as  the  regular  guides  to  the  robbers. 

In  a  volume  entitled  a  "  Historico-political  Account  of  the  Brigand- 
age on  the  Pontifical  Frontier  from  i860  to  1863,"  it  is  clearly  shown 
that  the  plan  of  the  brigandage  was  devised  at  Rome,  and  that  the  op- 
erations were  directed  from  that  city.  The  writer  was  Count  Saint 
Jorios,  who  was  head  of  the  staff  of  the  general-in-chief  on  the  station ; 
and  as  the  whole  correspondence  between  the  French  and  Italian 
commanders  and  the  pontifical  authorities  passed  through  his  hands, 
he  had  the  very  best  opportunities  of  knowing  the  facts  which  he 


TESTIMONY  OF  COUNT  SAINT  JORIOS.  699 

presented.  "The  brigands  are  publicly  enlisted  at  Rome,"  said  Saint 
Jorios,  **by  the  druggist  Vanozzi  in  the  Campo  de'  Fiori,  and  by  a 
certain  Piccirilli,  ex-sergeant  in  the  former  Bourbonic  army,  and  cap- 
tain in  the  band  of  Chiavoni ;  by  the  Abate  Ricci,  and  the  priest 
Gonella,  formerly  sacristan  of  Santa  Restituta,  in  Sora,  who  was 
named  a  colonel  by  Francis  II,  and  put  at  the  head  of  a  band  of 
brigands ;  and  by  many  others,  whose  names  it  is  not  so  easy  to  dis- 
cover. These  brigands  are  collected  and  publicly  formed  into  bands 
in  the  piazza  Montanara,  at  Rome,  and  are  afterwards  distributed 
under  their  several  captains,  by  whom  they  are  paid,  clothed,  and 
accompanied  to  the  frontier.  The  above-named  Piccirilli  and  Pietro 
Rondelli  of  Pescolisodo  and  Bernardo  Mancini  of  Campoli  are  the 
ordinary  conductors  of  these  small  detachments  of  brigands  to  the 
frontier." 

Count  Saint  Jorios  also  declared  that  arrangements  similar  to  those 
in  Rome  were  made  at  Ceprano,  Frosinone,  and  Villetri,  and  other 
places  in  the  papal  states,  for  equipping,  lodging,  and  paying  as  many 
brigands  as  could  be  raised,  and  sending  them  off  to  the  mountains  for 
the  purpose  of  laying  waste  the  frontier.  A  department  of  the  Com- 
munal Hospital,  at  Ceprano,  was  also  converted  into  a  barrack,  and 
occupied  by  twelve  soldiers  of  the  papal  cavalry  and  fifty  brigands. 
In  many  localities  buildings  belonging  to  the  Romish  Church  were 
freely  placed  at  the  service  of  the  robbers.  Numerous  convents  in 
the  Neapolitan  territory  were  stored  with  arms,  ammunition,  and  pro- 
visions, and  became  simply  centers  of  brigandage.  On  the  26th  of 
February,  1862,  as  many  as  two  thousand  of  these  outlaws  left  Rome 
in  a  body,  and  proceeded  to  the  frontier,  of  course  separating  into 
small  parties  before  crossing.  Priests  were  also  taken  fighting  in 
their  ranks,  and  in  some  of  the  churches  a  service  was  instituted, 
termed  the  "Brigand's  Mass,"  and  for  expedition's  sake,  those  for 
whom  it  was  intended  were  permitted  to  enter  the  church  on  horse- 
back. The  brigands  were  often  found  decorated  with  the  medal 
of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  The  leader  of  one  of  these  infa- 
mous bands,  Pasquale  Romano,  who  had  held  the  district  of  Gioia 
in  terror,  was  slain  on  the  5th  of  January,  1863.  On  his  body  and 
in  his  portfolio  were  found  papers,  "the  importance  of  which,"  said 
the  report  of  the  commission  to  the  Italian  parliament,  "it  would  be 
impossible  to  overestimate."  Among  others,  the  copy  of  the  "oath" 
taken  by  the  brigands,  with  their  names  subscribed,  was  discovered. 
The  oath  consisted  of  six  clauses,  of  which  the  second  was  as  fol- 
lows: "We  promise  and  swear  always  to  defend  with  our  blood, 


700 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


God,  the  supreme  pontiff,  Pius  IX,  and  Francis  II,  king  of  the  Two 
SiciHes,  and  the  commander  of  our  column,  whose  orders  we  shall 
obey,  as  God  may  aid  and  assist  us  ever  to  fight  against  the  rebels 
of  holy  Church." 

Not  less  significant  were  the  confessions  of  a  brigand  leader,  Pas- 
quale  Forgione,  on  the  23d  of  February,  1863,  before  a  committee 
appointed  to  examine  him.  His  admissions  showed  that  the  oath 
was  no  mere  form ;  that  the  brigands  acted  thoroughly  in  its  spirit, 
and  that  they  regarded  their  worst  crimes  as  sanctified  by  the  cause 
in  which  they  are  done.  When  asked  why  he  should  inflict  such 
ravages  on  an  unoffending  community,  Pasquale  Forgione  replied, 
*'We  fight  for  the  faith."  The  committee  then  inquired,  **What  do 
you  mean  by  the  faith?"  The  brigand  responded,  ''The  holy  faith 
of  our  religion."  The  committee  asked  this  question,  "But  does 
not  our  religion  execrate  the  robberies,  burnings,  murders,  cruelties, 
and  all  the  impious  and  barbarous  deeds  which  you  and  your  com- 
panions have  committed?"  Forgione  answered,  "We  have  fought  for 
the  faith,  and  have  been  blessed  by  the  pope ;  and  if  we  had  not  lost 
the  paper  which  came  from  Rome,  we  should  have  been  able  to  con- 
vince you  that  we  have  combated  for  the  faith."  The  committee 
asked,  "What  paper  was  that?"  The  reply  was,  "It  was  a  stamped 
paper  which  came  from  Rome."  "What  did  that  paper  contain?" 
inquired  the  committee.  The  brigand  replied,  "It  said  that  he  who 
combated  for  the  holy  cause  of  the  pope  and  of  Francis  II  committed 
no  sin."  Forgione  was  asked  one  more  question,  "Do  you  recollect 
what  else  that  paper  contained?"  He  answered,  "It  said  that  the 
real  brigands  are  the  Piedmontese,  who  have  taken  away  the  king- 
dom from  Francis  II,  and  are  excommunicated;  but  we  are  blessed 
of  the  pope." 

When  the  operations  against  the  brigands  were  first  commenced, 
the  French  were  in  the  habit  of  sending  those  they  captured  across 
the  frontier,  and  delivering  them  up  to  the  papal  troops,  but  soon 
every  one  of  them  was  equipped  anew  and  sent  back.  Sometimes 
the  brigands,  being  hard  pressed,  came  down  to  Ceprano  and  has- 
tened to  Rome  on  the  train,  where  comfortable  lodgings  awaited 
them.  The  notorious  Crocco,  who  had  committed  untold  robberies 
and  murders,  avoided  capture  by  repairing  with  five  Spanish  followers 
to  the  papal  frontier,  where  he  demanded  to  be  taken  to  Rome. 
Instead  of  being  sent  in  chains  as  a  malefactor,  he  was  furnished 
Avith  a  railroad  ticket,  and  journeyed  openly,  with  every  sign  of 
wealth  about  his  person.     He  wore  a  gold  watch,  a  massive  gold 


THE  BRIGAND  CHIEFS  SUBMIT. 


701 


chain  traversed  his  breast,  precious  jewels  sparkled  on  his  fingers, 
and  a  profusion  of  military  medals  decorated  his  person.  At  Rome 
this  worthy  supporter  of  the  throne  and  the  altar  was  received  with 
marked  attention.  These  few  of  the  hundreds  of  facts  that  could  be 
produced  show  that  the  papal  government  sanctioiied  this  wholesale 
system  of  robbery  and  murder.  Indeed,  the  pope  and  his  ministers, 
in  order  to  restore  the  dynasty  of  the  ex-king  of  Naples,  enlisted 
brigands,  furnished  them  with  arms  and  pay,  and  sent  them  forth 
with  the  Church's  blessing  to  spread  rapine  and  slaughter  over  the 
Neapolitan  provinces.  Hence  the  committee  of  investigation  ap- 
pointed by  the  chamber  of  deputies  placed  the  responsibility  upon 
the  authorities  at  Rome,  where  it  belonged.  In  their  report  the  mem- 
bers of  the  commission  stated  that  the  war  against  brigandage  from 
the  1st  of  ]\Iay,  1861,  to  the  end  of  ]\Iarch,  1863,  caused  the  loss  of 
twenty-one  officers  and  two  hundred  and  eighty-six  soldiers  of  the 
Italian  army,  "a  painful  sacrifice,"  as  the  report  observes,  "when 
the  character  of  the  victims  is  compared  with  that  of  the  murderers." 
As  to  the  brigands  the  number  of  killed,  arrested,  and  voluntarily 
surrendered,  exceeded  seven  thousand. 

On  the  8th  of  September,  1863,  the  brigand  chiefs,  Crocco, 
Minco,  Nanco,  Carusa,  and  Fortora,  presented  themselves  at  Kionero 
to  the  commandant  of  the  Italian  troops,  requesting  a  safe -conduct 
for  two  hundred  and  fifty  other  brigands,  who  had  promised  to  give 
in  their  submission  to  the  government.  The  chiefs  left  Kionero  for 
Lagopesole  with  cries  of  "Viva  Victor  Emmanuel!"  and  displaying 
the  national  flag.  On  the  22d  of  December  the  Ch.amber  of  Deputies 
adopted  a  motion,  by  one  hundred  and  fifty -nine  against  fifty -one 
votes,  to  the  effect  that  the  law  for  the  suppression  of  brigandage 
should  be  postponed  to  the  end  of  February,  1864.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  the  Official  Gazette  of  Turin  published  a  decree  pronouncing 
the  postponement  of  the  law  to  the  time  indicated  by  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies.  The  royal  mandate  proclaiming  an  amnesty  had  been 
previously  issued.  It  annulled  the  penal  punishments  awarded  in 
the  Neapolitan  provinces  for  all  crimes  excepting  those  connected 
with  brigandage  and  ordinary  offenses  against  the  press  laws,  and  all 
persons  who  had  evaded  the  conscription,  or  acted  in  contravention 
of  the  laws  relating  to  the  national  guard.  The  report  preceding  the 
decree  stated  that  the  enthusiastic  reception  and  other  manifestations 
which  the  king  met  with  during  a  recent  journey  proved  how  deeply 
the  desire  for  the  unity  of  Italy  was  rooted  in  the  mind  of  the  pop- 
ulation.   Having  nothing  more  to  fear  from  the  efforts  of  enemies, 


702 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


the  ministers  declared  that  it  was  their  duty  to  second  the  generous 
idea  conceived  in  the  heart  of  the  king. 

Some  measures  which  the  government  adopted  in  Sicily  in  order 
to  prevent  disturbances  and  carry  out  the  conscription  laws  induced 
Garibaldi  and  several  other  deputies  of  the  *'Left"to  send  in  their 
resignation  on  the  2ist  of  December.  Garibaldi,  in  the  following 
letter,  written  at  Caprera,  explained  his  reasons  for  taking  this  step : 
"To  my  constituents  at  Naples:  When  I  saw  two  hundred  and 
twenty-nine  deputies  of  thb  Italian  parliament  confirm  by  their  votes 
the  sale  of  the  Italian  soil  I  had  the  presentiment  that  I  should  not 
remain  long  in  the  assembly  of  those  men  who  blindly  tore  asunder 
the  limbs  of  the  country  which  they  were  called  to  reconstitute. 
However,  the  counsels  of  friends,  the  hope  of  reparatory  events, 
and  an  unshaken  sent;iment  of  devotion  toward  my  constituents,  kept 
me  at  the  post.  But  now,  when  I  see  succeeding  to  the  sale  of  Nice 
the  shame  of  Sicily,  which  I  should  be  proud  to  call  my  second 
country  by  adoption,  I  feel  myself,  electors,  compelled  to  restore  to 
you  a  commission  which  enchains  my  conscience,  and  makes  me 
indirectly  the  accomplice  of  the  faults  of  others.  It  is  not  only  the 
affection  which  I  owe  to  Sicily,  the  courageous  initiator  of  so  many 
revolutions,  but  the  thought  that  they  have  wounded  in  her  the  right 
and  honor  in  compromising  the  safety  of  all  Italy,  which  has  led  me 
to  take  this  resolution.  There  is,  however,  nothing  in  this  which 
will  prevent  me  from  finding  myself  with  the  people  in  arms  on  the 
road  to  Rome  and  Venice.  Adieu."  The  majority  of  the  **Left," 
however,  preferred  not  to  abandon  their  posts,  but  to  remain  in  the 
Chamber;  and  a  manifesto  explaining  the  motives  which  determined 
their  course  of  action  received  twenty-nine  signatures. 

The  Italian  government  in  1863  was  not  any  more  successful  in 
its  efforts  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  with  the  court  of  Rome 
than  it  had  been  in  previous  years.  In  order  to  avoid  as  much  as 
possible  any  conflicts  with  the  Church,  a  circular,  issued  on  the  25th 
of  March,  recognized  the  right  of  clergymen  to  omit  the  name  of  the 
sovereign  from  public  prayers,  provided  they  did  pot  substitute  for  it 
those  of  the  former  rulers.  The  government  also  declared  itself 
against  a  motion  made  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  the  liberal 
priest,  Father  Passaglia,  to  require  all  priests  to  take  an  oath  of 
loyalty  to  the  king  and  the  constitution.  In  opposition  to  this  mo- 
tion the  government  advocated  liberty  of  conscience  and  the  principle 
of  "a  free  Church  in  a  free  state,"  and  the  Chambers  concurred  in 
the  views  of  the  government.    But,  notwithstanding  all  the  precau- 


MUTUAL  AID  SOCIETIES. 


703 


tions  to  mitigate  it,  the  contest  between  the  civil  and  rch'gious  power 
became  more  and  more  exciting.  The  despotic  authority  of  arch- 
bishops and  bishops  over  the  inferior  clergy  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  was  used  very  extensively  to  prevent  any  expression  of 
patriotic  sentiment  or  sympathy  with  the  government  of  Italy  on  the 
part  of  the  priesthood.  Many  priests  who  openly  approved  the 
course  of  the  government  were  suspended  from  official  acts,  and  as  a 
consequence  their  ordinary  means  of  support  withdrawn.  Many 
others  were  restrained  from  manifesting  any  sympathy  with  the  polit- 
ical sentiments  of  the  people  generally  through  fear  of  being  deposed 
and  condemned  to  beg  for  a  living. 

As  a  means  of  protection  from  this  episcopal  despotism  the  more 
liberal  members  of  the  clergy  in  all  parts  of  Italy  organized  societies 
for  mutual  aid.  A  monthly  payment  was  required  from  every  mem- 
ber; and  in  case  of  suspension  by  the  archbishop  or  bishop,  for  any 
other  causes  than  offenses  against  morality,  the  suspended  member 
received  a  monthly  allowance  from  the  common  fund.  These  soci- 
eties proved  to  be  very  useful,  and  gave  the  means  of  subsistence  to 
many  whom  arbitrary  suspension  had  exposed  to  absolute  want. 
The  bishops  evinced  their  hostility  to  all  who  were  connected  with 
these  mutual  aid  societies  by  refusing  to  promote  them  or  appoint 
them  to  any  vacancies  whatsoever.  The  pope,  probably  taking  cour- 
age from  the  apparently  reactionary  course  of  Louis  Napoleon, 
ordered  the  bishops  to  suspend  and  starve  the  nine  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  forty-three  Italian  priests  who  signed  the  Passaglia  peti- 
tion for  the  abandonment  of  the  temporal  power.  In  obedience  to 
the  mandate  the  archbishop  of  Florence  suspended  from  their  sacred 
functions  all  who  refused  to  yield  absolute  submission  to  the  court 
of  Rome.  These  priests  appealed  to  the  government  for  protection 
and  redress.  Rattazzi,  when  prime  minister  of  Italy,  did  not  inter- 
fere with  the  bishops  because  he  was  the  tool  of  France ;  but  when 
Farini  became  prime  minister  he  would  not  permit  them  to  be  op- 
pressed, and  consequently  the  archbishop  of  Florence  was  prosecuted 
by  the  crown  lawyer  for  deposing  the  liberal  clergy  of  his  diocese. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1863,  the  presiding  judge  of  the  court  in 
Florence  notified  the  archbishop  that  by  a  decree  of  the  council  of 
state  one  month  would  be  allowed  him  in  which  to  defend  himself 
against  the  charge  of  abuse  of  power  in  suspending  so  many  priests 
for  political  reasons.  At  first  he  would  not  condescend  to  answer 
the  call  of  the  king's  attorney,  but  finally  concluded  to  do  so.  The 
minister  of  worshij^  directed  the  proper  officers  to  restore  the  sus- 


704 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


pended  priests  immediately  to  their  administrative  rights,  their  rev- 
enues, inckrding  all  arrears,  and  their  benefices,  and  hereafter  to 
execute  no  decree  of  suspension  without  first  being  provided  with 
the  royal  cxcquahir.  This  important  step  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment was  designed  to  prevent  the  bishops  from  depriving  the  inferior 
clergy  of  their  stipends  for  merely  political  or  civil  reasons.  To  the 
surprise  of  all  liberal  men  the  state  council,  before  whom  the  case  of  the 
archbishop  was  tried,  acquitted  him.  In  other  words,  the  ministry  and 
crown  lawyer  of  Victor  Emmanuel  were  for  progress  and  liberty,  but 
his  state  council  favored  the  pope  and  despotism.  The  latter  tribunal 
had  come  down  from  the  days  of  Jesuit  rule  in  Sardinia  unreformed, 
and  it  seemed  strange  that  the  king  did  not  make  it  conform  to  the 
new  constitution,  as  he  did  with  the  old  laws  in  the  courts  of  Tuscany. 
In  this  conflict  Francesco  Liverani,  the  ex-chaplain  of  the  pope,  and 
twenty  years  a  member  of  the  papal  court,  and  Carlo  Passaglia,  the 
pope's  popular  champion  of  the  "Immaculate  Conception,"  repre- 
sented the  liberal  Roman  Catholics ;  and  public  sentiment  was  still 
more  intensified  by  the  revelations  of  Gennarelli,  who  published  in 
two  volumes  the  epistles  in  the  private  archives  of  the  ex -grand 
duke  of  Tuscany.  In  them  Pius  IX,  Antonelli,  emperors,  princes, 
archbishops,  statesmen,  priests,  and  confessors  were  shown  up  to 
the  world  in  extracts  from  confidential  letters,  in  which  they  speak 
their  desires,  intentions,  and  plans  freely.  These  publications  were 
opportune ;  for  they  exposed  the  arts,  concessions,  and  fawnings  by 
which  the  papacy  obtained  foreign  aid  in  extinguishing  every  ray  of 
light  and  liberty  in  Italy. 

The  annual  meeting  of  the  Waldensian  synod  in  May,  1863, 
was  one  of  deep  interest.  There  was  a  very  full  representation  of 
the  Vaudois  Churches,  and  also  delegates  from  ecclesiastical  bodies 
in  England,  Scotland,  France,  Switzerland,  and  America.  The 
"Committee  of  Evangelization"  reported  that  there  were,  outside 
the  "Valleys,"  twenty  stations,  in  which  thirty-nine  laborers  were 
employed,  embracing  sixteen  ministers,  seven  evangelists,  and  sixteen 
teachers.  At  least  twenty  of  these  earnest  and  efficient  workers  were 
supported  by  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  Signor 
Peccenini,  who  was  transferred  in  October,  1862,  from  Portoferraio  to 
Naples,  received  encouragement  from  the  increasing  congregations 
which  assembled  twice  every  week  in  the  hall  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas. 
Four  schools  were  organized,  consisting  of  one  for  religious  instruc- 
tion ;  one  of  catechumens,  with  eighty-six  attendants,  including  an 
evening  school  of  fifty  adults ;  a  Sabbath-school  of  forty  small  chil- 


THE  WALDENSIAN  AND  WESLEYAN  MISSIONS.  705 


dren  ;  and  a  day-school,  which  numbered  about  forty  pupils.  Signori 
Appia,  Cresi,  and  Buscarli  also  opened  schools  in  various  parts  of 
the  city,  in  which  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  boys  and 
girls  were  instructed  in  reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  geography,  the 
evangelical  catechism,  and  singing.  In  the  beautiful  island  of  Elba, 
at  Florence,  Perugia,  Bologna,  Modena,  Reggio,  Genoa,  Brescia, 
Milan,  Favale,  Pavia,  Turin,  and  other  places,  flourishing  congrega- 
tions and  schools  were  established. 

In  1863  Milan  was  selected  as  the  center  of  operations  for  the 
English  Wesleyan  mission  in  Italy,  and  Revs.  H.  J.  Piggott,  Thomas 
W.  S.  Jones,  and  Benedetto  Lipolo  were  the  stationed  ministers.  A 
girls'  boarding-school  and  a  book-depot  were  opened,  and  Signor 
Bosio  preached  regularly  in  the  school-room.  The  mission  which 
Mr.  Piggott  had  organized  the  previous  year  at  Parma  continued  to 
prosper.  The  ordinary  congregation  numbered  more  than  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  persons ;  and  often  twice  as  many  assembled  to  hear 
the  evangelist,  while  hundreds  stood  in  the  streets,  unable  to  gain 
admission.  In  the  villages  on  the  shores  of  Lago  Maggiore  and 
Lakes  Lugano  and  Como  the  Gospel  was  proclaimed,  and  some 
abandoned  the  Romish  system. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXIL  ♦ 

THE  ROMAN  QUESTION— THE  IT  All  AN  PRESS. 

IN  the  beginning  of  1864  Garibaldi  issued  an  address  to  the 
Italian  nation,  announcing  the  formation  of  a  committee  to 
promote  the  unity  of  the  country;  but  his  manifesto,  which  was 
published  on  the  1 8th  of  January  in  one  of  the  democratic  papers 
of  Turin,  was  not  responded  to  as  cordially  as  he  expected.  He 
was  a  candidate  at  the  elections  held  at  the  close  of  the  month,  but 
was  defeated  at  Palermo  by  Signor  Robanda.  The  moderate  party 
was  generally  successful,  but  the  progressives  were  greatly  strength- 
ened by  Garibaldi's  visit  to  England  in  April,  where  he  was  received 
with  immense  enthusiasm.  The  minister  of  the  interior,  in  reply 
to  speeches  from  several  members  of  the  opposition,  stated  that 
it  was  not  for  the  government  to  declare  its  intentions  respecting 


7o6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


General  Garibaldi  and  his  party,  but  that  it  was,  above  all, 
necessary  to  know  how  they  would  act.  The  same  speaker  also 
expressed  the  hope  that,  after  Garibaldi's  ovation  in  London,  and 
the  eulogy  pronounced  by  him  on  English  institutions,  and  the 
respect  paid  by  the  English  nation  to  the  queen  and  the  laws, 
no  one,  apart  from  the  king  and  the  government,  would  speak  in 
the  name  of  the  country  or  pursue  a  policy  differing  from  that  of 
the  government  and  in  opposition  to  the  constitution. 

During  the  year  the  relations  between  the  Italian  government 
and  parliament  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  pope  and  Italian  bishops 
on  the  other,  remained  unchanged.  The  government  often  expressed 
a  desire  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  Pius  IX,  but  it  was  not 
willing  to  abandon  the  plan  of  Italian  unity  to  satisfy  the  pontiff. 
In  February  the  minister  of  justice  presented  to  parliament  two 
bills,  one  for  the  suppression  of  all  religious  corporations,  and  the 
other  for  the  suppression  of  ecclesiastical  tithes.  By  the  former,  not 
only  all  convents,  but  all  chapters  of  collegiate  churches,  and  all 
ecclesiastical  benefices  were  suppressed.  Nuns  were  allowed  to  live 
in  their  convents,  but  when  their  number  in  any  one  establish- 
ment was  reduced  to  six,  they  were  transferred  to  another.  Monks 
received  a  life  interest  varying  between  three  and  six  hundred  francs. 
According  to  the  "  Opinione'''  of  Turin  the  total  income  of  all  the 
ecclesiastical  property  falling  within  this  law  amounted  in  1864  to 
over  seventy-six  millions  of  francs.  These  new  decrees  were 
denounced  by  the  clerical  party,  and  intensified  the  bitter  feeling 
between  the  pope  and  the  government. 

In  September,  1864,  the  ministry  was  reconstructed  as  follows: 
president  of  the  council  of  ministers  and  minister  of  the  exterior.  Gen- 
eral Alphonse  Ferrero  de  la  Marmora ;  minister  of  the  interior.  Dr. 
John  Lanza;  minister  of  worship  and  justice,  Vacca;  minister  of  war. 
General  Aug.  L.  Count  Pettiti  Bagloani  di  Proreto ;  minister  of 
finances,  Quintino  Sella ;  minister  of  public  instruction.  Baron 
Joseph  Natoli ;  minister  of  public  works,  Peter  Jacini ;  minister 
of  commerce  and  agriculture,  Torelli.  ^ignor  Natoli,  the  new  min- 
ister of  public  instruction,  by  a  decree  shut  up  all  the  ecclesiastical 
schools  as  the  bishops  refused  to  submit  to  the  common  law,  which 
23rovided  that  the  government  inspectors  should  watch  the  system 
of  education  followed  in  the  colleges,  no  matter  whether  they  have 
been  founded  by  the  state  or  are  private  institutions.  The  minister, 
also,  decreed  that  the  schools  of  the  seminaries  should  henceforth 
be  subjected  to  the  established  regulations. 


THE  CAPITAL  OF  ITALY. 


707 


On  the  15th  of  September  a  convention,  which  had  a  great 
influence  on  the  politics  of  Europe,  was  conchided  between  France 
and  Italy.  The  text  of  the  agreement,  as  published  by  the  official 
gazette  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  is  as  follows : 

Article,  i.  Italy  engages  not  to  attack  the  present  territory  of  the 
Holy  Father,  and  to  prevent,  even  by  force,  every  attack  upon  the 
said  territory  coming  from  without. 

Art.  2.  France  will  withdraw  her  troops  from  the  pontifical 
states  gradually,  and  in  proportion  as  the  army  of  the  Holy  Father 
shall  be  organized.  The  evacuation  shall  nevertheless  be  accom- 
plished within  the  space  of  two  years. 

Art.  3.  The  Italian  government  engages  to  raise  no  protest 
against  the  organization  of  a  papal  army,  even  if  composed  of  for- 
eign Catholic  volunteers,  sufficing  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  Father  and  tranquillity  as  well  in  the  interior  as  upon  the 
frontier  of  his  states,  provided  that  this  force  should  not  degenerate 
into  a  means  of  attack  against  the  Italian  government. 

Art.  4.  Italy  declares  herself  ready  to  enter  into  an  arrange- 
ment to  take  under  her  charge  a  proportionate  part  of  the  debt  of 
the  former  States  of  the  Church. 

As  a  corollary  to  this  document,  it  was  agreed  also  that  the 
capital  of  Italy  should  be  removed  from  Turin  to  Florence.  It 
soon  became  apparent  that  the  two  governments  had  not  fully 
determined  what  policy  should  be  pursued  in  case  the  people  of 
Rome  should  rise  against  the  papal  government  and  demand  annex- 
ation to  Italy.  A  long  diplomatic  correspondence  followed  on  this 
subject.  On  the  30th  of -October  the  French  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  M.  Drouyn  de  L'Huys,  addressed  a  note  to  the  Italian 
minister  at  Turin,  in  which  he  explains  the  obligations,  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  French  cabinet,  the  recent  convention  regarding  Rome 
imposes  upon  King  Victor  Emmanuel.  The  Italian  government  is 
to  be  restricted  from  employing,  among  other  "violent  means," 
against  the  pope  **the  maneuvers  of  revolutionary  agents  upon 
the  pontifical  territory,  as  well  as  all  agitation  tending  to  produce 
insurrectionary  movements;"  and  the  "moral  means"  are  to  "con- 
sist solely  in  the  forces  of  civilization  and  progress,"  while  the  only 
"aspirations"  to  be  considered  legitimate  by  the  court  of  Turin  are 
to  be  "those  whose  object  is  the  reconciliation  of  Italy  with  the 
papacy."  The  transfer  of  the  Italian  capital  from  Turin  to  Florence 
is  to  be  "a  serious  pledge  given  to  France;"  and  to  suppress  this 
pledge  would  be  to  destroy  the  contract."    Finally,    "the  event 

46 


708  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

of  a  revolution  breaking  out  spontaneously  at  Rome,  is  not  foreseen 
by  the  convention;"  and  France  reserves  her  liberty  of  action  for 
this  eventuality,"  while  the  Italian  cabinet  is  to  follow  the  policy 
of  Count  Cavour,  who  "declared  that  Rome  could  only  be  united  to 
Italy  and  become  the  capital  with  the  consent  of  France." 

On  the  7th  of  November  General  La  Marmora  addressed  a  note 
to  Chevalier  di  Nigra,  Italian  embassador  at  Paris,  in  consequence  of 
the  publication  of  the  dispatches  of  M.  Drouyn  de  L'Huys  in  the 
Monttetir.  General  La  Marmora  stated  that  the  present  ministry 
accepted  the  convention  of  the  15th  of  September  because  its  clear 
and  precise  text  could  not  give  rise  to  any  doubt,  and  because  they 
thought  that,  taken  literally,  it  was  advantageous  to  Italy.  As 
the  convention  provided  by  positive  assurances  for  the  relations 
and  exigencies  of  the  papacy  with  regard  to  France  and  the  Roman 
Catholic  world,  he  declared  that  the  Italian  government  repelled  the 
thought  of  ever  resorting  to  secret  dealings,  which  it  regretted  to 
have  seen  mentioned  by  M.  Drouyn  de  L'Huys.  It  had  entire  con- 
fidence in  the  influence  of  civilization  and  progress  in  the  removal  of 
difficulties ;  and  while  both  powers  might  have  their  own  opinions 
concerning  the  consequences  of  this  act,  it  did  not  believe  that  they 
could  legitimately  make  it  the  subject  of  practical  discussion.  Italy 
insisted  upon  a  strict  execution  of  the  treaty,  and  would  not  violate 
it  to  secure  even  the  triumph  of  a  cherished  policy.  The  king's 
government,  whatever  might  be  its  aspirations,  independently  of  the 
question  at  issue,  would  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  convention, 
believing  that  the  aspirations  of  a  people  belong  to  its  national  con- 
science, and  therefore  can  not  form  the  subject  of  an  international 
discussion.  General  La  Marmora  also  affirmed  in  this  note  that  the 
government  had  always  desired  a  reconciliation  between  Italy  and  the 
papacy,  and  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  convention  would 
contribute  to  such  a  result;  but  since  M.  Drouyn  de  L'Huys 
had  taken  the  initiative  in  suggesting  the  possibility  of  a  spon- 
taneous revolution  in  Rome,  and  of  the  fall  of  the  temporal  power, 
Italy  would  reserve,  as  France  did,  her  liberty  of  action  for  such  a 
case. 

On  the  one  hand,  the  convention  was  severely  denounced  by  the 
Roman  Catholic  party,  which  saw  in  it  a  new  danger  for  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  pope;  and  on  the  other,  it  was  condemned  by 
the  progressive  party,  headed  by  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi,  which 
regarded  it  as  a  cowardly  submission  to  French  dictation,  and  as 
abandonment,  at  least  for  the  present,  of  the  fondest  hope  of  the 


RTCASOLI  ON  THE  CONVENTION. 


709 


Italian  nation.  Garibaldi  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  his  friend,  Gen- 
eral Avezzana,  who  declared  himself  as  emphatically  as  possible 
against  the  convention,  wrote  from  Caprera,  October  loth,  1864,  as 
follows:  *'My  Dear  Avezzana.  Like  you,  I  deplore  the  massacre 
(uccidio)  of  the  brave  people  of  Turin.  Like  you  I  grieve  (lamento) 
to  see  our  country  so  badly  and  so  shamefully  (vergognosamente) 
governed.  From  the  state  of  things  generally,  I  think  I  need  not 
for  the  moment  quit  Caprera." 

But  the  great  majority  of  the  Italian  statesmen  and  a  majority  of 
both  houses  of  the  Italian  parliament  heartily  indorsed  the  conven- 
tion. Baron  Ricasoli,  former  prime  minister  of  Italy,  and  undoubt- 
edly one  of  the  greatest  of  Italian  statesmen,  thus  expressed  his 
views  about  it: 

"I  regard  in  that  covention  rather  what  it  does  not  say  than 
what  it  does  sa}'.  The  retreat  of  the  French  from  Rome  within  a 
prescribed  term,  and  the  principle  of  non-intervention  proclaimed  by 
that  fact,  are  of  themselves  no  slight  matter;  but  events  will  prove 
that  what  at  present  remains  unseen  will  be  of  still  more  importance. 
Besides,  what  have  we  to  gain  without  the  convention  ?  And  at  this 
day,  what  do  we  lose  with  it  ?  The  condition  of  the  transfer  of  the 
capital  from  Turin  to  Florence  has  taken  the  effect  on  me  of  a  thun- 
der-bolt from  a  clear  sky.  But  who  could  fail  to  see,  on  a  second 
view,  the  innumerable  effects  which  will  flow  from  it?  These  effects, 
I  think,  will  all  be  in  favor  of  our  constitution.  The  difficulties  of 
obtaining  possession  of  Rome  have  not  been  augmented  by  the  con- 
vention. It  is  eventually  certain  that  the  Italians  will  count  amongst 
their  finest  jewels,  the  noblest  and  greatest  of  all,  the  city  of  Rome. 
When  will  this  come  to  pass  ?  I  know  not ;  but  that  this  will  come  to 
pass  I  know.  We  are  in  effect  taking  Rome  daily.  .  I  will  say  more, 
daily  Rome  is  coming  to  us  of  herself.  The  convention,  instead  of 
opposing,  aids  this  movement.  Let  not  the  Italians  throw  up  this 
great  game,  and  the  result  will  not  fail.  It  will  be  such  as  religion 
and  civilization  unite  in  claiming." 

The  announcement  of  the  convention  produced  considerable  dis- 
satisfaction in  Turin,  which  culminated  in  formidable  riots ;  and  the 
foreign  friends  of  Italy  distrusted  it,  because  they  believed  that  its 
real  meaning  was  the  renunciation  of  Rome  as  the  capital  of  the 
Peninsula.  The  convention  was  also  warmly  discussed  in  the  Italian 
parliament,  which  was  reopened  on  the  24th  of  October.  Generals 
La  Marmora  and  Cialdini  delivered  very  impressive  speeches  in  favor 
of  the  project.    Both  declared  that  with  this  convention  Italy  would 


7IO 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


go  forward  toward  a  solution  of  the  Roman  question,  prudently  and 
slowly,  yet  without  intermission.  With  regard  to  Venetia,  General 
La  Marmora  expressed  the  hope  that  some  solution  might  yet  be- 
come possible,  and  that  the  mind  of  the  emperor  of  Austria  might 
be  brought  to  new  conclusions  relative  to  this  subject. 

On  the  19th  of  November,  1864,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  adopted 
the  bill  for  the  transfer  of  the  capital  to  Florence  by  a  vote  of  three 
hundred  and  seventeen  to  seventy;  and,  on  the  9th  of  December,  the 
bill  was  passed  in  the  senate  by  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  to  forty- 
seven.  On  the  nth  of  December,  it  was  sanctioned  by  the  king, 
and  the  royal  indorsement,  in  the  following  words,  appeared  in  the 
official  gazette : 

''The  Senate  and  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  having  approved,  we 
have  sanctioned  and  hereby  publish  as  follows : 

•'Article  I.  The  capital  of  the  kingdom  shall  be  transferred  to 
Florence  within  six  months  of  the  date  of  this  present  law. 

"Art.  II.  To  meet  the  costs  of  the  transfer,  a  credit  is  opened 
in  the  extraordinary  portion  of  the  house  budget,  and  under  a  special 
head  of  seven  million  francs,  divided  as  follows :  two  millions  in  the 
budget  of  1864,  and  five  millions  in  the  budget  of  1865. 

"The  ministers  of  the  interior,  of  finance,  and  of  public  works 
are  especially  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  present  law.  We 
order  that  these  presents,  furnished  with  the  seal  of  state,  shall  be 
inserted  in  the  official  collection  of  laws  and  decrees  of  the  kingdom 
of  Italy,  and  ordain  that  all  persons  shall  observe  and  cause  them  to 
be  observed  as  a  law  of  the  state." 

This  document  was  signed  by  Victor  Emmanuel,  and  counter- 
signed by  all  the  ministers. 

Both  the  government  and  the  majority  of  the  national  party 
seemed  to  be  fully  determined  that,  during  the  two  years  yet  remain- 
ing of  the  occupancy  of  Rome  by  the  French  troops,  no  effort  to 
interfere  with  the  papal  power  should  receive  the  least  countenance 
from  them,  as  both  were  convinced  that  a  rupture  of  friendly  rela- 
tions with  France  would  produce  disastrous  consequences.  The 
government  found  it  very  difficult  to  prevent  the  sympathy  of  the 
Italians  with  Venetia  from  rushing  them  into  a  new  war  against  Aus- 
tria. In  October,  1864,  insurrectionary  movements  broke  out  in 
Venetia;  but  the  government  regarded  them  as  utterly  hopeless  and 
useless,  costing  Italy  men  and  money  without  the  least  chance  of  suc- 
cess. The  Diritto,  of  Turin,  was  seized  by  the  government  for  pub- 
Hshing  a  proclamation  of  Signor  Carioli  calling  upon  the  people  to 


THE  WAR  OF  IDEAS. 


711 


support  the  insurrection  in  Venetia.  On  the  i6th  of  November,  the 
troops  of  the  Itahan  government  had  a  severe  engagement  with  a  band 
of  insurgents,  or,  as  they  were  called  in  the  reports  from  Italy,  with 
the  Garibaldians,  at  Bagolino,  in  Northern  Lombardy,  in  which  both 
sides  lost  many  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  but  which  terminated  in  a 
capture  of  a  part  and  a  dispersion  of  the  rest  of  the  insurgents. 

The  Austrian  government  issued  a  proclamation  on  the  15th  of 
November,  declaring  martial  law  in  eighteen  districts  of  the  provinces 
of  Friuli  and  Treviso.  Sentinels  and  patrols  were  ordered  to  fire 
upon  assemblages  after  the  first  summons  to  disperse.  The  penalty 
of  death  was  remitted  to  all  those  who  voluntarily  surrendered  them- 
selves, or  who  were  given  up  by  the  populace.  These  measures  re- 
sulted in  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection. 

While  the  year  1864  did  not  witness  many  remarkable  events  in 
the  political  affairs  of  Italy,  yet  it  was  a  period  of  agitation  and  con- 
flict. The  war  of  ideas  raged  throughout  the  Peninsula,  from  north 
to  south,  from  east  to  west,  in  the  parliamentary  debates,  in  the  col- 
umns of  the  daily  press,  in  the  discussions  on  the  piazza,  in  the  con- 
versations of  every  household,  and  in  the  thoughts  of  every  heart. 
We  may  take  the  press  as  one  of  the  most  reliable  exponents  of  the 
political,  social,  and  religious  condition  of  the  country  at  that  time. 
The  skirmishes  which  occurred  every  day  in  its  columns  indicated 
the  existence  of  two  Italics — the  one  that  was  passing  away,  and  the 
other  that  was  rising.  The  growth  of  the  press  itself  was  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  progress  of  liberal  ideas.  After  the  enfranchisement 
of  the  pen  in  Italy  by  the  revolution  of  i'§48  and  the  sword  of  Na- 
poleon in  1859,  papers  of  various  kinds  were  started,  and,  in  1864, 
every  party  had  its  literary  organ.  The  Ultramontanes,  being  more 
expert  at  fingering  their  rosary  than  the  compositor's  stick,  were  the 
last  to  come  into  the  field.  Necessity  compelled  them  to  take  this 
advanced  step,  and  they  resolved  to  be  in  the  front  ranks,  having 
commenced  the  publication  of  seven  journals  in  Florence  alone, 
in  the  Summer  of  1864. 

The  rapidity  with  which  newspapers  sprang  up  in  every  part  of 
the  country  was  marvelous.  There  was  not  a  city,  and  scarcely  a 
third-rate  town,  which  did  not  have  its  daily  journal,  more  frequently 
two,  and,  in  some  cases,  as  Turin,  Florence,  and  Naples,  almost  a 
dozen.  The  Italians  made  the  press  of  England  their  model.  They 
conducted  their  discussions  with  increasing  intelligence  and  excellent 
temper,  though  often  enlivening  them  with  raillery,  or  spicing  them 
with  bitter  sarcasm.    The  political  situation  was  the  great  topic  dis- 


712 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


cussed  by  them,  and  the  priesthood  the  principal  class  assailed 
by  them;  not  that  they  desired  to  attack  the  doctrines  of  the 
clergy,  but  to  criticize  their  inconsistent  lives,  or,  as  in  many  cases, 
their  political  opinions.  Both  parties,  lay  and  clerical,  appealed  to 
the  Bible  in  their  daily  controversies,  and  thus  a  book,  which  had 
almost  passed  into  oblivion  in  Italy,  emerged,  as  it  were,  from  its 
sepulcher ;  and  some  of  its  readers  turned  away  from  the  morning 
newspaper  to  the  colporteur's  depot. 

//  Temporale,  Giomale  Politico- Moi^ale,  published  in  Florence,  vig- 
orously assaulted  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope  almost  every  day, 
and  the  emissaries  of  the  hierarchy,  not  wishing  to  have  its  errors 
publicly  exposed,  replied  to  the  logic  of  this  fearless  paper  by  occa- 
sionally throwing  a  bomb-shell  into  its  office  window.  In  the  number 
issued  on  the  24th  of  June,  1864,  we  find  this  address  to  the  codini 
and  legitimisti :  ''You  have  raised  your  voices  to  the  utmost  pitch  in 
condemnation  of  the  wickedness  of  the  age ;  you  have  rent  the  very 
heavens  with  your  protestations  against  the  violation  of  divine  right ; 
and,  in  proof  thereof,  you  appeal  to  the  thirteenth  chapter  of  Paul's 
epistle  to  the  Romans,  where  it  is  said,  'The  powers  that  be  are 
ordained  of  God.'  Benissiino.  Constitutional  kings  and  republican 
presidents,  being  powers  regularly  constituted,  are  powers  ordained 
of  God.  In  France  it  is  Napoleon  III  who  is  to  be  obeyed ;  in  the 
United  States  of  America  it  is  President  Lincoln  who  is  to  be  obeyed  ; 
and  in  Italy  it  is  your  duty  to  submit  yourselves  to  the  law  of  Victor 
Emmanuel  as  the  power  ordained  of  God.  Signor  Fanatico  Legiti- 
mist©, you  have  pronounced  against  yourself.  Monsignor  Prete,  you 
know  how  to  quote  the  letter  of  the  Bible ;  its  consequences  you  can 
not  divine,  and  into  its  profounder  meaning  you  are  unable  to  enter." 

This  article  provoked  a  sharp  reply,  and  the  journalist  was  re- 
proved for  his  presumption  in  interpreting  the  Bible.  He  was  asked 
why  he,  a  layman,  should  endeavor  to  explain  its  true  meaning,  when 
this  power  belonged  to  those  only  upon  whom  it  was  conferred  by 
the  Church.  The  Jesuitical  writer  advised  the  heretical  editor  to 
throw  away  a  book  w4iich  he  did  not  understand,  and  which  he  might 
wrest  to  his  own  destruction.  To  this  suggestion  the  journalist  re- 
sponded by  asking  the  priest  why  his  Church  had  a  territory,  an 
army,  a  crown,  embassadors,  and  tax-gatherers,  when  Christ  said, 
"  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world ;"  and  why  the  pope  seats  himself 
in  the  Praetorian  camp  surrounded  by  his  guards,  and  beholds  his 
troops  defile  past?  Christ's  servants  did  not  fight,  but  the  papal  sol- 
diers went  forth  to  slay  men,  though,  "it  must  be  confessed,"  says 


\ 


LIBERAL  WRITERS  AND  THE  PRIESTS. 


II  Tempoi-alc  of  the  19th  of  July,  1864,  "that,  of  late,  they  have 
won  no  laurels,  save  such  as  they  have  gained  over  the  unarmed  Ro- 
mans." The  editor  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  papal  kingdom 
was  decidedly  of  this  world,  that  its  charter  would  show  that  it  was 
not  established  by  Christ,  but  by  Pepin. 

The  priests  were  greatly  excited  by  these  articles  in  the  free  press, 
and  endeavored  to  silence  the  objectors  by  urging  the  old  argument 
that  the  temporal  power  is  necessary  to  the  independence  of  the 
spiritual  office.  "What  an  admission,"  exclaimed  the  liberal  writers; 
"then  are  the  present  race  of  popes  and  bishops  but  cowards.  Why 
can  not  }'ou  fulfill  \'our  mission  unless  you  have  a  park  of  artillery 
behind  }'ou  ?  Why  are  you  courageous  only  when  }'ou  speak  from 
the  midst  of  bayonets  ?  The  first  pastors  went  forth  to  proclaim  the 
Gospel  in  the  face  of  axes  and  stakes.  Why  should  you,  their  suc- 
cessors, shirk  duty  to  save  your  dainty  limbs  ?  Did  Christ  say  to  the 
first  evangelists,  *  I  send  you  forth  as  sheep  among  woh'es  ;  but  fear 
not,  I  appoint  unto  each  of  }'ou  twelve  battalions  of  infantry  and  six 
squadrons  of  cavalry  as  a  bod}--guard :  be  strong  and  of  a  good 
courage  ?'  Were  the  prophet  of  Mecca  to  look  up,  how  astonished 
he  would  be  to  find  the  sword  which  he  had  thought  was  laid  by, 
with  his  ashes  in  the  tomb,  drawn  from  its  scabbard  by  the  Church, 
and  as  vigorously  wielded  by  her  priests  as  it  ever  was  by  his  Sara- 
cens. 'Verily,'  would  Mahomet  say,  addressing  the  pontiff,  *I  recog- 
nize in  you  a  worth)-  successor,  and  I  hereby  duh'  enfeoff  }-ou  in  the 
chair  in  which  you  sit ;  and  no  one  has  a  better  right  to  do  so  than 
myself  seeing  that  chair  belonged  to  me  and  not  to  Peter.'  " 

These  independent  writers  in  the  free  press  also  addressed  the 
cardinals,  congratulating  them  on  their  greatly  improved  position 
since  the  days  of  Peter  the  fisherman  and  Paul  the  tent -maker. 
These  modern  princes  of  the  papal  Church  were  reminded  of  the  fact 
that  when  the  latter  apostle  visited  Rome  he  was  not  seated  in  a 
"gilded  chariot,  drawn  by  coal-black  steeds,"  like  those  brilliant 
equipages  in  which  their  erninences  display  themselves  on  the  Pincian, 
or  dash  at  thundering  speed  along  the  Corso.  When  Paul  terminated 
his  long  and  tedious  journey  on  the  Appian  W^ay,  and  reached  the 
"Eternal  City,"  he  was  no  doubt  "foot-sore  and  travel-soiled,"  and 
not  in  a  condition  to  be  introduced  at  court,  or  to  be  presented  even 
in  the  palace  of  a  senator.  He  could  truly  exclaim,  in  the  midst  of 
the  grandeur  of  the  pagan  metropolis,  "Not  many  wise  men  after 
the  flesh,  not  many  mighty,  not  many  noble  are  called  ;"  but  in  the 
same  city,  under  papal  rule,  the  servants  of  Christ  assume  the  titles 


714 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


of  nobility,  exercise  civil  authority,  and  amass  almost  unlimited 
riches.  Becoming  bolder  in  their  attacks,  these  advocates  of  a  'Tree 
Church  in  a  free  state"  proceeded  further,  by  saying  that  if  Peter 
ever  visited  Rome,  in  his  fisherman's  coat  and  with  his  Galilean 
accent,  and  signed  all  his  edicts  with  the  fisherman's  ring,  he  must 
have  been  a  greater  potentate  than  the  emperor.  Did  the  latter 
abdicate  in  his  favor?  or  was  he  sleeping,  or  on  a  journey,  while  Peter 
was  acting  as  a  sovereign  at  Rome?  After  discussing  the  question, 
and  showing  that  contemporaneous  history  is  silent  about  it,  these 
writers  declared  that  Peter's  visit  to  the  "Eternal  City"  should  be 
placed  "in  the  same  category  with  Aristolfo's  journey  to  the  moon." 

The  priests  denounced  these  wricked  sarcasms,  not  hesitating  to 
call  them  "horrible  blasphemies,"  and  solemnly  consigned  their 
authors  to  the  regions  occupied  by  Korah,  Dathan,  Abiram,  and 
similar  individuals.  These  papal  shepherds  not  only  interpreted  the 
Bible  to  confirm  their  position,  but  also  interpreted  the  providences 
of  God  when  an  opportunity  occurred.  When  the  Avife,  brother,  and 
other  relations  of  Victor  Emmanuel  died,  the  priests  declared  that 
the  constitutional  views  of  the  king  had  brought  upon  him  the  judg- 
ments of  God.  The  death  of  Cavour  was  also  regarded  by  them  as 
a  visible  manifestation  of  the  divine  displeasure.  A  melodramatic 
incident  at  Fontainebleau  was  not  overlooked  by  these  interpreters 
of  passing  events.  The  emperor  of  the  French  accidentally  fell  into 
the  lake  in  the  palace  grounds,  and,  after  a  thorough  soaking,  was 
rescued.  It  was  said  that  this  was  a  warning  from  God  to  Louis 
Napoleon  that  if  he  did  not  adopt  a  different  policy  toward  the 
papacy  a  greater  calamity  would  befall  him.  "Transformations," 
said  Signor  Margotto,  in  the  papal  organ,  //  Solito  Dito,  *  *  such  as 
that  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  are  not  confined  to  Old  Testament  times. 
Louis  Philippe  fled  from  France  in  a  little  fiacre,  and  his  successor 
may  be  obliged  to  leave  it  in  even  a  more  humble  guise.  The  first 
Napoleon  was  constrained  to  sign  his  abdication  in  the  same  palace 
of  Fontainebleau  where  he  had  kept  the  pope  prisoner,  and  com- 
pelled him  to  abdicate.  Napoleon  III  has  in  the  same  palace  signed 
decrees  which  are  not  worthy  of  a  Christian  emperor  and  a  loyal 
son  of  the  Church,  much  less  a  canon  of  the  Lateran  ;  and  the  Most 
High  has  given  him  a  warning  that  if  he  does  not  use  his  empire  for 
his  glory  and  the  good  of  Catholicism  he  may  yet  terminate  his 
career  of  success  and  power  at  the  bottom  of  a  miry  pond." 

The  lay  journalists,  in  commenting  on  this  article,  pronounced  its 
logic  excellent  and  ingenious,  but  claimed  that  it  could  be  applied  to 


THE  RADICAL  AND  CLERICAL  PRESS. 


priests  as  well  as  to  kings.  As  an  illustration,  //  Temporale,  in  its 
issue  of  the  4th  of  July,  1864,  referred  to  an  accident  which  occurred 
shortly  before  that  at  Fontainebleau.  The  pope  had  visited  the  con- 
vent of  St.  Agnes,  at  Rome.  A  great  crowd  was  present,  and,  the 
rafters  being  somewhat  decayed,  the  floor  suddenly  gave  way,  pre- 
cipitating the  whole  assemblage  into  the  apartment  below,  with  the 
exception  of  the  pope  and  one  or  two  others,  whose  chairs,  fortu- 
nately, were  placed  on  a  portion  of  the  flooring  that  remained  firm. 
Beneath  was  a  confused  mass  of  monks  and  nuns,  groaning  and 
struggling,  and  covered  with  dust  and  broken  timbers,  while  the  pope 
and  his  companions  sat  in  their  safe  niche,  "like  stone  saints  in  a 
cathedral  wall,"  and  looked  down  compassionately  in  the  gulf  below. 
"Now,"  said  //  Temporale,  "let  us  put  in  practice  the  lesson  in 
logic  read  to  us  by  Signor  Margotto.  A  manifest  monition  does 
Christ  tender  to  you,  his  vicar.  When  you  w^ere  a  fugitive  at  Gaeta 
the  French  restored  you  to  your  diocese.  You  entered  Rome  over 
the  bodies  of  your  slaughtered  flock;  you  mounted  to  your  throne 
on  steps  covered  with  blood ;  but  now  God  tells  you  that  if  you  do 
not  repent  of  your  wickedness,  lay  down  the  temporal  power,  and 
use  your  office  for  his  glory,  a  worse  thing  will  befall  you  than  hap- 
pened to  the  poor  nuns  of  St.  Agnes." 

These  extracts  from  the  radi-cal  and  the  clerical  press  indicate  the  \ 
nature  of  the  conflict  which  raged  in  Italy  in  1864.  The  discussions  I 
were  not  ecclesiastical,  as  involving  the  priesthood,  or  any  doctrine 
or  practice  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  but  simply  as  to  the 
temporal  power  of  the  pope.  Italy  had  not  at  that  time  the  high- 
class  magazines  devoted  to  religion,  literature,  and  science,  but  she 
had  numerous  low-priced  papers,  which  circulated  among  the  masses, 
and  educated  them  in  the  principles  of  political  freedom.  The  public 
mind  was  deeply  agitated  by  these  controversies,  and  conflicts  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  codini  priests  frequently  occurred. 
Eleven  of  them  were  arrested  for  treasonable  language  spoken  and 
printed  in  a  call  at  Carassai  for  contributions  of  money  to  the  pope. 
They  were  tried  in  Turin,  and  each  one  condemned  to  ten  days'  im- 
prisonment and  one  hundred  francs'  fine.  For  a  long  time  a  serious 
disagreement  had  existed  between  Mgr.  Caccia,  of  Milan,  who  filled 
the  office  of  archbishop  of  Lombardy,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
municipal  authorities  on  the  other.  After  months  of  annoyance  and 
forbearance  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  and  people  of  Milan,  a 
petition,  signed  by  many  notabilities  of  the  city,  was  sent  to  Turin, 
asking  the  interposition  of  the  government  for  their  relief.  Mgr. 


7i6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Caccia  was  called  to  Turin,  and,  after  making  fair  promises  of  con- 
ciliation and  loyalty,  was  permitted  to  return  to  Milan.  His  first 
acts,  however,  were  in  violation  of  his  promises,  and  in  defiance  of 
the  wishes  of  the  government  and  people.  Soon  after  the  prime 
minister  sent  again  for  the  monseigneur,  who,  according  to  the  report 
in  a  Milan  paper,  "obstinately  refused  to  go  to  Turin  to  give  any 
explanation  of  his  conduct."  He  arrived,  however,  the  next  day, 
under  a  military  escort  acting  by  order  of  the  prime  minister,  and 
found  a  home  in  the  convent  of  the  Barnabites,  where  he  had  abun- 
dant time  for  reflection.  These  events  seemed  to  be  preliminary  to 
the  entire  destruction  of  the  great  hierarchy,  which,  like  a  millstone, 
hung  about  the  neck  of  Italy  for  centuries. 

In  the  north  of  Italy,  in  the  early  part  of  1864,  many  violent 
demonstrations  were  made  by  the  priests,  who  were  alarmed  at  the 
progress  of  liberal  ideas.  Four  young  men,  who  went  from  Milan 
to  Monza,  were  suddenly  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  men  and 
Avomen  of  the  lower  class,  who  cried  out,  ''Death  to  the  Protest- 
ants!" These  young  men  were  taken  for  Protestants,  though  they 
were  not  in  reality.  Three  of  them  escaped;  the  other  fell  into 
the  hands  of  these  fanatics,  and  his  life  was  saved  only  by  the 
intervention  of  some  citizens.  The  civil  authorities  inquired  into 
the  reason  of  this  fury  of  the  people  against  the  Protestants,  and 
found  that  a  priest  had  been  preaching  against  Avhat  he  called 
heretical  doctrines,  at  the  same  time  urging  the  people  to  unite  and 
compel  the  authorities  to  suppress  an  evangelical  school  in  their 
community.  The  sub -prefect  of  Monza,  justly  excited  by  this  at- 
tempt against  liberty  of  worship,  guaranteed  by  the  constitution, 
entered  a  complaint  against  the  priest,  in  order  that  he  should  be 
prosecuted  under  certain  articles  of  the  penal  code.  A  colporteur, 
selling  Bibles  on  the  public  place,  was  surrounded  by  some  people,  ^ 
who  bought  several  Bibles,  and  then  with  matches  attempted  to  burn 
them.  Others  reproached  them  for  these  acts  of  violence,  when 
they  became  still  more  excited,  and  overturned  the  table  of  the  col- 
porteur, and  tore  in  pieces  all  his  Bibles.  The  police  interposed, 
and  arrested  one  of  the  guilty  party,  who  confessed  that  a  priest  had 
furnished  the  money  and  excited  them  to  these  acts  of  violence, 
promising  that  they  should  gain  paradise  !  A  Turin  paper,  speaking 
of  these  acts  of  violence,  said:  "Wherever  these  acts  occur  there  is 
always  found  behind  the  curtain  the  hand  of  a  provoking  priest. 
But  the  civil  authority  will  energetically  protect  the  liberty  of  wor- 
ship threatened  by  these  odious  demonstrations.    The  Italian  soil  is  a 


THREE  RELIGIOUS  PARTIES. 


717 


free  soil,  and  the  first  conquest  of  liberty  is  liberty  of  conscience." 
As  an  illustration  of  the  disregard  of  the  Italian  government  of  the 
spiritual  power  of  the  papacy,  there  were  in  the  Summer  of  1864 
fift\--six  bishops  and  priests  on  trial  before  the  courts  for  attempting 
to  serve  the  pope  without  due  attention  to  the  rights  of  the  people. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXIII. 

RELIGIOUS  PARTIES  IX  ITALY— THE  PAOLO TTL 

IX  1864  Italy  contained  three  parties,  divided  by  the  religious 
question,  and  each  distinct  from  the  other.  The  first  consisted 
of  those  who  viewed  Church  reform  from  an  exterior  and  political 
stand-point.  The  flag  around  which  they  rallied  had  upon  it  Cavour's 
maxim,  "A  free  Church  in  a  free  state."  Their  whole  purpose  was 
simply  to  separate  the  ecclesiastical  from  the  ci\"il  jurisdiction.  The 
papacy  was  asked  to  surrender  its  privileges  and  exemptions  only  so 
far  as  these  gave  it  the  right  or  pretext  to  interfere  in  civil  affairs  ; 
and  the  state,  in  return,  pledged  itself  to  guarantee  to  the  Church 
the  absolute  and  independent  exercise  of  her  own  authority.  This 
party  did  not  propose  to  accomplish  any  change  within  the  Church, 
neither  in  doctrine  nor  discipline,  and  e\'en  declared  that  the  Church 
must  be  guarded  from  the  desecrating  touch  of  innovation.  They 
insisted  that  she  must  be  separated  from  the  state,  so  that  the  spirit- 
ual could  be  emancipated  from  its  vile  subjection  to  the  temporal. 
This  change,  the}'  affirmed,  would  complete  the  liberty  of  both  pow- 
ers, and  bring  to  them  a  new  era  of  prosperit}'. 

The  second  party  was  composed  of  those  who  looked  at  Church 
reform  from  an  inner  and  ecclesiastical  point  of  observation.  They 
coincided  with  the  first  on  the  question  of  demanding  of  the  pope 
the  surrender  of  the  temporal  power,  believing  that  this  step  was 
essential  to  the  progress  of  the  Church.  Their  theory  was  that  if 
she  could  be  removed  from  the  engrossing  influence  of  politics,  and 
delivered  from  the  agitation  of  ^earthly  passions,  her  former  dignity 
and  purity  would  be  restored,  and  instantly  her  faithful  children 
would  respect  and  love  her  as  in  the  past.     As  to  ulterior  reforms, 


7i8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


they  proposed  a  certain  kind  of  separation  between  the  ecclesiastical 
and  temporal  authorities,  and  a  reformation  to  some  extent  in  the 
discipline  of  the  Church.  But  they  contended  that  the  pope  must 
remain  the  spiritual  head  of  Christendom,  though  they  declared  that 
his  power  should  be  more  nominal  and  diffusive.  This  party  did  not 
favor  the  continuance  of  all  jurisdiction  and  rule  in  the  hands  of  the 
pope;  but,  on  the  contrary,  believed  that  the  "Church," — or,  more 
properly  speaking,  a  "Council," — should  be  made  the  supreme  judge 
in  ecclesiastical  matters.  They  opposed,  however,  any  reformation  in 
the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  or  any  interference  with  the  "dogmas," 
which  had  flowed  from  the  fount  of  infallible  authority,  and  must  go 
down  to  the  latest  age  of  the  world  undisturbed  and  unpolluted. 
While  advocating  more  latitude  in  "opinions,"  they  claimed  that  the 
clergy  alone  had  the  inalienable  prerogative  to  judge  of  truth,  and 
that  the  indisputable  duty  of  the  people  was  to  believe  and  obey. 
It  appears,  therefore,  that  this  party  made  a  compendious  classifica- 
tion of  all  rights  and  all  duties  on  both  sides,  leaving  the  one  "still 
in  possession  of  irresponsible  infallibility,"  and  preaching  to  the  other 
"the  doctrine  of  unquestioning  submission." 

Although  strenuously  opposing  any  change  in  the  "authority" 
and  the  "faith"  of  the  Church,  this  second  party  admitted  that  many 
abuses  had  crept  into  the  administration  of  her  discipline,  which  they 
desired  to  correct.  They  accused  the  bishops  and  higher  digni- 
taries of  robbing  the  lower  clergy  of  their  rights,  and  of  oppressing 
them  in  various  ways.  These  fortunate  prelates  monopolized  nearly 
all  the  revenues  and  power  of  the  Church,  and  hence  the  redistribution 
of  both  was  loudly  demanded  by  the  parochial  clergy.  The  latter 
also  asked  for  the  restoration  of  the  rights  and  liberties,  of  which 
they  had  been  despoiled,  with  the  additional  benefits  of  a  more  ade- 
quate income,  a  participation  in  the  government  of  the  Church, 
and  the  privilege  of  marrying.  These  reformers,  who  were  mostly 
priests,  predicted  that  such  a  policy  would  make  a  purer  clergy,  a 
more  vigorous  Church,  and  a  deeper  impression  upon  the  world. 

The  third  party  called  therriselves  the  Evangelici,  or  the  Evan- 
gelical Church  of  Italy.  They  believed  that  the  "pagan  usages," 
the  "scholastic  dogmas,"  and  the  "idolatrous  ceremonies"  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  were  the  fatal  heritage  of  the  past  to  Italy, 
and,  therefore,  they  desired  to  inaugurate  a  reform  in  doctrine,  in  wor- 
ship, and  in  discipline,  and  thus  annihilate  the  antagonism,  of  which 
the  Italians  were  conscious,  between  Romanism  and  civilization.  They 
proposed  to  abolish  the  papal  system  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  replace 


THE  ITALIANS  DESIRING  REFORM. 


719 


it  with  the  pure  CathoHc  faith  of  the  first  age.  By  this  method 
alone,  they  claimed,  could  there  be  at  once  a  complete  and  perman- 
ent reconciliation  between  religion  and  progress,  Christianity  and 
civilization. 

In  1864  the  more  thoughtful  of  the  Italian  people  were  anxiously 
discussing  the  important  question  as  to  which  of  these  parties  could 
solve  the  problem  of  the  nation's  deliverance.  It  was  not  a  matter 
of  mere  speculation,  but,  as  they  believed,  one  which  involved  the 
life  or  death  of  their  country.  The  papacy  continued  firm  and 
defiant,  creating  a  still  more  bitter  antagonism  between  the  religious 
faith  of  the  nation  and  its  political  and  social  progress.  The  longer 
the  Italians  pondered  over  this  problem  the  more  inextricable  it 
became;  but  they  resolved  to  persevere  in  their  efforts,  because  to 
abandon  their  purpose  would  be  the  giving  up  of  a  grand  oppor- 
tunity and  welcoming  national  ruin.  "Behind  us,"  once  exclaimed 
the  minister  La  IMarmora,  "is  the  abyss."  They  could  not  retreat 
without  throwing  away  all  that  they  had  already  achieved.  Hence 
the}-  must  advance,  and  look  to  one  of  the  three  parties,  then  in  the 
field,  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the  hour  by  establishing  order  and 
consolidating  their  liberties. 

Previous  to  i860  the  Italians  were  entirely  occupied  in  discuss- 
ing the  political  question,  and  desired  only  the  statiito.  When  this 
was  granted,  a  speedy  adjustment  of  their  difficulties  followed,  and 
the  most  sanguine  among  them  were  surprised  at  the  glorious  vic- 
tory so  suddenly  won.  But  they  discovered  soon  after  that  their 
liberties  were  still  incomplete,  and  that  their  country  was  a  house 
divided  against  itself.  They  wondered  why  the  fires  of  revolution 
smoldered  beneath  them,  and  why  the  sword  of  Avar  was  yet  sus- 
pended over  their  heads.  At  length,  the  truth  flashed  upon  their 
minds  that  a  mightier  obstacle  than  the  political  question  obstructed 
their  path.  They  almost  unanimously  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  papal  Church  was  the  great  hinderance.  Although  artfully 
disguising  its  true  character  under  a  spiritual  aspect,  nevertheless 
it  made  its  power  effectually  felt.  The  Italians  then  naturally  wished 
to  k-now  why  there  should  be  antagonism  between  religion  and  pro- 
gress, and  whether  this  hostility  was  attributable  to  the  inherent 
nature  of  religion,  or  was  simply  the  outgrowth  of  a  vicious  ecclesias- 
tical system. 

The  newspapers  and  other  publications  of  that  period  reveal  the 
actual  state  of  public  sentiment  regarding  the  various  expedients 
which  had  been  proposed  for  the  solution  of  Italy's  grand  problem — 


720 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


the  removal  of  this  antagonism,  and  the  reconciHation  of  the  national 
Church  with  civilization.  In  the  months  of  June  and  July,  1864, 
La  Pcrscvamiza  of  Milan  contained  able  discussions  of  this  great 
question.  The  writer  first  reviewed  the  position  of  the  party  who 
have  for  their  motto,  "A  free  Church  in  a  free  state."  He  asked 
whether  the  state  could  consistently  permit  the  Church  to  define  the 
limits  of  her  own  powers.  If  so,  then  it  must  abandon  its  functions, 
and  return  to  the  dark  ages.  The  state,  he  argued,  must  itself  define 
its  limits.  It  finds  that  it  has  certain  interests  and  rights  in  matters 
not  exclusively  secular,  as  Church  property,  religious  corporations, 
the  power  of  bishops,  and  the  parochial  clergy,  universities  and 
schools,  baptismal  registers,  marriages,  and  burials.  These  rights, 
he  asserted,  belong  to  the  state,  and  it  should,  by  its  own  laws, 
maintain  them,  and  even  recover  them  by  force,  if  they  happen  to 
be  taken  from  it.  The  state  can  only  be  called  free  as  regards  the 
Church  when  all  these  rights  have  been  restored  to  it.  But  the 
Church  denies  the  power  of  the  state  to  abolish  the  religious  orders, 
to  appropriate  ecclesiastical  domains,  to  enact  civil  marriage,  to 
frame  a  national  system  of  education,  and  to  do  other  things,  which, 
at  that  time,  this  writer  declared,  it  was  actually  doing.  The  state 
understood  liberty  to  mean  one  thing  and  the  Church  construed 
it  to  mean  another.  How  then,  he  asked,  can  we  determine  which 
of  the  two  liberties  are  referred  to  in  the  motto,  "A  free  Church  in 
a  free  state?"  The  two  are  contrary,  because  if  the  state  is  free 
the  Church  is  bound,  and  vice  versa.  In  this  article,  entitled,  La 
Qiiestione  Religiose  in  Italia,  the  author,  Aristide  Gabelli,  touched 
the  whole  difficulty  of  the  question,  and,  in  closing  his  argument 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  formula,  ^'A  free  Church  in"  a  free 
state,"  would  remain  a  dead  letter  unless  the  Church  herself  should 
undergo  an  essential  change. 

In  his  eloquent  brocJmre,  La  Chiesa  Romana  e  V Italia,  or  "The 
Roman  Church  and  Italy,"  F.  De  Boni,  presented  similar  views. 
''Incredible  to  be  told,"  said  he,  "we  sport  with  the  honor,  the 
life,  the  future  of  our  country  under  the  formula,  *  A  free  Church 
in  a  free  state.'  It  is  repeated  on  every  occasion,  but  each  takes 
it  in  his  own  sense.  .  .  .  It  is  vaunted  as  a  maxim  in  which 
lies  wrapped  up  in  the  salvation  of  the  country.  This  is  not 
quite  so  evident.  One  of  the  two  must  contain  the  other,  or 
there  must  be  an  absolute  separation  between  them.  The  Church 
must  conquer  the  state,  or  the  state  must  make  the  Church  com- 
pletely subordinate,  or  state  and  Church  must  live  in  a  complete 


FILIPPO  PERFETTPS  VIEWS. 


721 


divorce,  ana  flow  in  channels  as  far  apart  as  those  of  two  rivers, 
which  empty  themselves  into  different  oceans."  After  enlarging  on 
the  dogmas,  and  the  methods  she  adopts  to  compel  belief  of  these, 
he  declared  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  had  brought  miseries  on 
Italy,  "enough  to  make  the  stones  cry  out,"  and  closed  by  saying, 
"After  all  this,  it  is  necessary  to  repeat,  that  the  maxim,  'A  free 
Church  in  a  free  state,'  is  for  Italy  an  impossibility.  The  phrase  is 
simply  equivalent  to  this  other,  '  A  Church  free  to  attack  the  free 
state.'  " 

The  second  party  occupied  an  intermediate  position,  advocating 
a  separation  between  Church  and  state,  and  a  scheme  of  ecclesias- 
tical reform  which  was  truly  a  limited  one.  They  were  regarded 
as  innovators  by  the  Church,  and  despised  by  tlie  laity,  who  con- 
sidered them  behind  the  age.  While  proposing  to  abate  a  few  of 
the  grosser  scandals  of  the  papacy,  they  did  not  seek  to  remove  the 
cause  of  these  evils.  At  one  time  they  would  denounce  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  pope,  and  create  the  impression  that  they  were 
with  the  evangelicals;  at  another,  they  w^ould  defend  the  spiritual 
papacy,  and  talk  like  Ultramontanes.  Their  position  Avas  neither 
consistent  nor  logical,  because  if  the  Church  be  infallible,  as  they 
maintained,  then  they  advanced  too  far ;  but,  if  she  be  not  infallible, 
which  they  practically  conceded  w^hen  they  said  that  she  had  become 
tyrannical  in  government  and  corrupt  in  practice,  then  they  did  not 
proceed  far  enough.  The  idea  prevailed  in  England  and  America 
that  a  large  party  among  the  priests,  favorable  to  enlightened  scrip- 
tural reform,  existed  in  Italy  at  that  time ;  but  such  was  not  the  case. 
Their  views  were  misunderstood,  and  they  received  credit  for  more 
liberal  sentiments  than  they  really  entertained. 

Filippo  Perfetti,  formerly  secretary  of  Cardinal  Marini,  librarian 
of  the  University  of  Rome,  and,  in  1864,  professor  of  Italian  litera- 
ture in  the  University  of  Perugia,  was  a  prominent  representative  of 
this  class.  He  was  considered  one  of  the  most  advanced  of  the 
ecclesiastical  reformers  of  Italy,  and,  better  still,  a  true  disciple  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  "Papal  Rome,"  he  declared  in  his  Delle 
Nuovi  Condizioni  del  Papato,  or  "New  Conditions  of  the  Papacy," 
"is  a  more  abnormal  fact,  and,  by  consequence,  a  more  impious 
fact  than  Islam."  Again  he  said,  "The  throne  of  the  pope  will 
fall  to-day  or  to-morrow ;  the  sooner  the  better,  the  better  for  the 
good  of  Italy  and  the  character  of  the  papacy."  "The  people," 
he  continued,  "have  not  been  able  to  see  what  a  jewel  the  Gospel 
is,  because  it  was  set  in  a  metal  too  base,  the  same  of  which  their 


722 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


i 


chains  were  made."  In  a  more  recent  work,  //  Clero  e  la  Societa, 
ossia  dclla  Refonna  dclla  CJiicsa,  or  "The  Clergy  and  Society,"  he 
asserted  that  the  priests  had  ceased  to  make  converts,  and  thus 
related  his  own  experience:  have  asked  of  all  those  Christians  to 
whom  that  which  is  seen  and  felt  was  but  a  shadow — those  Chris- 
tians, who  felt  in  the  life  that  decays,  the  inner  life  that  endures — the 
way  by  which  they  were  brought  to  Jesus  Christ  and  to  peace. 
Some  have  indicated  to  me  the  Bible,  some  have  spoken  to  me  of 
the  traditions  contained  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  some  have 
pointed  me  to  the  heaven  above,  some  have  answered  like  the 
mystic  in  his  simplicity.  Via  cmcis,  via  liicis,  but  hardly  one  has 
pointed  me  to  the  priest." 

It  would  seem  that  a  man  like  Perfetti  must  be  antagonistic  to 
the  pope,  repudiating  forever  the  authority  of  Peter's  chair,  and 
laboring  heart  and  hand  to  erect  in  his  native  Italy  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent Church,  having  no  head  but  Christ,  and  recognizing  no 
infallible  standard  but  the  Bible.  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  neither 
this  leader  nor  any  of  his  followers  contributed  their  influence  toward 
the  erection  of  this  glorious  temple,  but  simply  endeavored  to  remove 
one  or  two  clumsy  buttresses  from  the  old  edifice,  though  desiring  to 
preserve  the  edifice  itself.  Perfetti  and  his  party  bowed  humbly  be- 
fore the  spiritual  throne  of  the  pontiff.  "The  pope,"  says  Perfetti, 
in  the  work  already  referred  to,  "is  not  a  subject  of  the  king  of 
Italy,  or  of  any  king  or  emperor.  The  pope  has  an  office  which  has 
been  committed  to  him  by  God,  and  which  is  not  derived  from  man." 
"The  pope  is  free  and  independent,  not  by  the  laws  of  the  state,  or 
in  virtue  of  any  convention,  but  by  recognition  of  his  own  divine 
right."  After  making  these  statements  he  declared  that  "no  political 
government  can  circumscribe  or  intervene  in  the  action  of  the  pope, 
or  control  his  relations  with  the  Catholic  world."  He  next  proceeded 
to  weigh  Protestantism  and  Catholicism  in  his  balance,  and  decided 
that  the  latter  was  immensely  superior  to  the  former.  "On  that 
account,"  he  asserted  —  that  is,  on  account  of  its  subjectivity  — 
"Protestantism  is  inferior,  immeasurably  inferior,  to  Catholicism. 
Protestantism  can  not  absorb  Catholicism  because  it  is  not  organic ; 
Catholicism,  being  divinely  organic,  is  able  to  absorb  Protestantism, 
which  in  its  essence  is  too  spiritual  and  mystical.  Catholicism  is  the 
man  and  the  Church — the  man  in  the  Church  and  the  Church  in  the 
man ;  that  is  to  say,  the  man  in  union  to  Christ  and  in  communion 
with  the  saints,  and  Christ  manifested  in  him." 

Such  were  the  views  of  these  Neo-Catholics,  who  endeavored  to 


THE  PAOLOTTL 


occupy  a  middle-ground  on  the  question  at  issue  between  the  Church 
and  the  state.  The  result  was  that  they  were  exposed  to  a  cross- 
fire— the  Church  which  they  had  abandoned  attacking  them,  and  the 
state  but  feebly  defending  them.  They  did  not  have  that  clearness 
of  view,  that  comprehensiveness  of  breadth,  and  that  energy  and 
boldness  of  action  which  were  essential  to  awaken  the  sympathy 
and  command  the  confidence  of  the  nation.  The  more  enlightened 
Italians  could  not,  therefore,  depend  upon  this  party  to  solve  their 
problem,  not  knowing  whether  the  new  Catholicism  would  be  less 
antagonistic  to  civilization  than  the  old.  De  Boni,  in  his  work,  "The 
Inquisition,  or  the  Calabrian  Waldenses,"  no  doubt  expressed  the 
popular  feeling  when  he  said:  "We  must  adapt  our  arms  to  the 
character  and  strength  of  the  enemy.  The  Church  has  confiscated 
Italy  in  the  name  of  God,  chaining  our  country  to  her  own  altars ; 
and  we  shall  not  be  able  to  break  either  the  country's  chains  or  our 
own  without  overturning  those  altars,  Avhich  are  based  on  the  cupid- 
ity of  a  caste  and  the  ignorance  of  the  people.  .  .  .  The  Church 
of  Rome  is  immortal  rebellion,  pitching  her  tent,  in  God's  name,  in 
Italy;  and  it  is  impossible  to  escape  the  dilemma:  Italy,  or  the 
Church  must  perish." 

While  these  three  parties  favored  a  reformation,  more  or  less,  in  ■ 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  there  was  another  in  Italy  which  resisted 
all  progress.  The  Paolotti,  or  the  Jesuits,  made  their  presence 
every-where  felt,  though  the  sound  of  their  footsteps  was  not  heard. 
The  word  "Jesuit"  had  filled  Italy  and  the  rest  of  Europe  with 
terror  because  it  represented  a  malignant  power,  surrounded  with 
impenetrable  darkness,  "hearing  with  its  ear,"  says  Dr.  Wylie,  "all 
that  was  said,  and  seeing  with  its  eye  all  that  was  done."  As  an 
army  which  meditated  a  night  attack  would  not  light  signal-fires  and 
beat  drums,  so  the  Jesuits,  in  order  to  accomplish  certain  results  in 
Italy,  discarded  their  odious  name,  and  adopted  one  not  so  suggestive 
of  their  dark  record.  Hence  they  desired  to  be  known  as  Paolotti — 
in  other  words,  the  members  of  the  order  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul. 
"The  order  of  Jesus  and  the  order  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,"  said  a 
Turinese  journal  in  1864,  "have  come  out  of  two  separate  eggs,  but 
one  mother  has  sat  on  both — the  Roman  curia."  "In  every  Pao- 
lotto,"  observed  another,  "we  behold  a  Jesuit.  The  wolf  has  lost 
his  skin;  he  has  not  lost  his  teeth  or  dropped  his  visor." 

Although  differing  in  name,  the  Jesuits  and  the  Paolotti  were 
essentially  the  same  in  their  moral  principles  and  pohtical  aims.  The 
maxim  of  both  was  that  "the  end  justifies  the  means," — a  code  not 

47 


724 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


only  concise,  but  also  convenient,  raising  no  troublesome  questions 
about  the  violation  of  oaths,  and  finding  no  sins  in  acts  of  perjury  or 
deeds  of  blood.  According  to  their  creed  the  Church  was  the  one 
society  for  which  all  others  existed,  and  to  promote  her  welfare  was 
ever  the  paramount  consideration.  Hence,  whatever  means  were 
employed  for  this  purpose  were  sanctified,  crimes  even  becoming 
virtues,  and  the  worst  classes  of  men  being  transformed  into  public 
benefactors.  Such  were  the  ethics  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  newspapers 
of  Turin  and  Florence  in  1864  asserted  that  such  were  the  ethics  of 
the  Paolotti.  They  possessed  the  same  spirit  of  intolerance,  and 
seized  every  opportunity  to  rectify  whatever  they  regarded  as  errone- 
ous in  the  opinions  or  institutions  of  the  age.  Their  growth  in  Italy 
was  remarkably  rapid.  They  sprang  up,  we  might  say,  in  a  night, 
like  the  prophet's  gourd,  and  their  portentous  shadow  soon  darkened 
the  whole  Peninsula  from  the  snows  of  the  Alps  to  the  fires  of  ^tna. 
Just  as  the  Jesuits  were  called  into  existence  by  the  Reformation,  so 
the  awakening  in  Italy  brought  the  Paolotti  upon  the  scene.  Their 
work  was  to  extinguish  every  spark  of  mental  freedom  and  spiritual 
light  that  shone  in  Italy,  and  to  lead  the  nation,  once  more  blindfold 
and  fettered,  to  the  foot  of  the  pope's  throne  and  the  shrine  of  the 
Madonna.  To  accomplish  their  purpose,  they  first  resolved  to  over- 
throw the  statuto,  and  then  restore  the  Bourbon. 

It  seems  almost  marvelous  that  such  a  vast  confederation  should 
come  into  existence  in  so  short  a  time.  According  to  reliable  ac- 
counts, the  numerous  membership  and  perfect  organization  of  the 
Paolotti  were  the  creation  of  a  few  short  years.  After  all,  it  was 
not  very  difficult  to  extemporize  such  a  society  when  the  materials 
for  its  construction  were  so  plenty  in  Italy.  The  diplomacy  of 
Cavour  and  the  sword  of  Garibaldi  had  made  a  united  kingdom;  but 
they  could  not  create  a  united  sentiment  in  the  Peninsula.  The  old 
parties,  with  all  their  ignorance  and  prejudices,  remained,  and  could 
not  be  banished  from  the  country  as  easily  as  the  dynasties.  There 
were,  first  of  all,  the  old  and  well-known  parties  of  the  Codini  and 
Sanfedisti,  composed  of  the  prominent  Roman  Catholic  families,  who 
were  conservative  from  wealth,  and  still  more  from  tradition  and 
aristocratic  connection.  They  were  still  warm  friends  of  the  fallen 
dynasties,  which  misfortune  had  rendered  more  sacred  than  ever  to 
them.  Then  there  were  the  employes  of  the  former  governments, 
many  of  whom,  while  living  upon  the  bounty  of  the  present,  reserved 
their  best  wishes,  and  when  an  opportunity  occurred  their  best  efforts, 
for  the  old.    The  next  class  consisted  of  the  pensioners  of  the  priest- 


/ 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  PAOLOTTL 


hood,  who  were  numerous,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  decay  of 
agriculture  and  the  ruin  of  trade.  Finally,  there  were  the  fanatics, 
who  were  strong  in  number  and  revolutionary  in  spirit.  When  the 
new  constitution  was  suddenly  launched  upon  the  political  sea  com- 
posed of  so  many  diverse  elements,  it  produced  great  commotion, 
shocking  prejudices,  and  producing  a  conflict  of  interests.  In  this 
state  of  society,  when  old  ties  were  being  dissevered,  and  enemies, 
secret  and  open,  were  appearing  on  every  side,  faction  was  strong, 
and,  like  the  fabled  warrior,  had  only  to  stamp  v.'ith  its  foot,  and  an 
army  rose  from  the  ground. 

Each  club  of  the  Paolotti  was  under  the  direction  of  a  president 
and  a  secretary.  The  communal  clubs  reported  to  the  provincial 
centers,  and  the  latter  reported  to  Rome,  where  the  head  of  these 
confederated  societies  resided  and  directed  all.  They  professed  to  do 
religious  work  exclusively,  bestowing  alms  on  the  poor,  and  admin- 
istering consolation  to  the  sick.  To  teach  the  young  the  wholesome 
lessons  of  the  Dottrina  Christiana,  and  to  comfort  the  dying  with  the 
last  rites  of  the  Church,  were  special  duties  which  they  seldom  neg- 
lected. Belonging  to  every  rank  of  life  from  the  noble  to  the  beggar, 
practicing  every  trade  and  profession,  advocating  every  shade  of  pol- 
itics, and  wearing  every  disguise,  they  understood  how  to  open  every 
closed  door  and  to  enter  the  most  secret  places.  They  even  insinu- 
ated themselves  into  the  bureaus  of  government,  and  while  eating  the 
bread  of  the  state  were  plotting  for  its  overthrow.  The  workshops 
and  working-men's  clubs  swarmed  with  them  ;  but  their  greatest  de- 
sire was  to  be  tutors  and  school-masters,  so  that  they  could  control 
the  rising  generation. 

"In  Leghorn,"  says  //  Temporale  of  the  1 2th  of  July,  1864,  ''this 
sect  has  insinuated  itself  in  great  numbers  into  every  place.  We  do 
not  speak  of  the  offices  of  government,  where  they  may  be  seen 
lounging  in  their  easy-chairs,  reading  the  Annoiiia  and  the  Campanile; 
but  in  every  establishment  of  public  instruction,  in  every  orphanage, 
in  every  institution  of  charity,  and  even  in  the  associations  of  the 
operatives,  in  the  municipal  offices,  and  in  the  communal  council 
itself,  they  have  their  agents,  acting  upon  the  immoral  maxim  that 
*the  end  justifies  the  means,'  supporting  every  wickedness,  and  by 
every  base  means  attempting  to  enlist  members  and  acquire  power." 
In  the  same  paper,  of  the  12th  of  May,  1864,  we  find  a  speech  de- 
livered by  Signor  Siccoli  in  parliament  a  few  days  previous.  "This 
society  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,"  said  he,  "enjoys  the  sympathy  of 
the  rich  families,  who  abundantly  aid  them  with  money.    In  Tuscany 


726 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


the  infant -asylums  are  under  their  charge.  They  make  it  their 
business  to  train  servants,  merchants,  school-masters  ;  and  hardly  has 
a  vacancy  taken  place  before  the  society  has  found  a  suitable  mem- 
ber of  its  own  to  fill  it.  By  these  means,  a  Paolotto  was  made  pres- 
ident of  the  bank  of  Tuscany;  a  Paolotto  was  made  secretary  of  the 
chamber  of  commerce  at  Florence ;  a  Paolotto  was  named  for  em- 
ployment in  the  secretaryship  of  the  public  accounts.  We  have  Pa- 
olotti,"  said  Signor  Siccoli,  in  conclusion,  "in  this  Chamber." 

In  its  issue  of  the  4th  of  September,  1864,  the  Avissatore  Alessan- 
drino  said:  **The  Paolotto  is  found  in  the  court,  in  the  ministry,  in 
the  parliament ;  the  Paolotto  is  found  in  the  prefecture,  on  the  tribu- 
nals, in  the  courts  of  appeal,  in  the  dogga,  in  the  barracks,  in  the 
navy,  in  the  schools,  in  the  lyceums,  in  the  administration  of  the  sav- 
ings'-bank,  the  lottery,  and  the  hospitals.  The  Paolotto  is  found  in 
the  democratic  club,  in  the  operative  association ;  in  short,  he  is 
every-where.  This  race  of  chameleon  Jesuits  conspire  in  secret,  and 
sow  by  the  deadly  talk  of  their  mouths  the  seeds  of  a  clerical  and 
Bourbonic  reaction.  Do  you  demand  a  proof?  Wherever  reaction 
has  taken  place  in  Italy,  there  first  has  come  the  Paolotto.  This 
powerful  body,  with  its  numerous  affiliated  branches,  is  spread  not 
only  over  all  Italy  but  over  all  Europe." 

"This  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing,"  said  Domenico  Bomba  di  Roma, 
"is  committing  great  ravages  on  the  coast  of  Liguria.  The  order 
of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  has  two  associations  in  Genoa,  whose  opera- 
tions ramify  through  affiliated  clubs  over  the  whole  seaboard  on  both 
sides  of  the  city.  The  traveler  who  visits  the  Riviera  on  the  working 
days  is  struck  with  admiration  at  the  rising  trade  and  teeming  popula- 
tions of  the  numerous  towns  which  line  the  shore ;  but  let  him  revisit 
these  places  on  a  festa,  and  he  will  be  still  more  struck  with  dismay  at 
the  superstition  of  the  people,  as  gross  as  any  he  may  have  witnessed  in 
the  far  south  among  the  lazzaroni  on  the  shores  of  the  bay  of  Naples. 
And  yet  the  population  of  the  Riviera  have  been  now  twelve  years 
under  a  free  constitution."  The  writer  ascribed  the  low  state  of  the 
people  in  moral  enlightenment  to  the  influence  of  the  Paolotti,  and 
complained  that  while  the  government  fettered  other  societies,  it  gave 
unrestricted  liberty  of  action  to  an  "association  which  tramples  on 
every  law,  abuses  every  privilege  of  human  intercourse,  whether  of 
the  family  or  of  friendship,  and  forms  one  of  the  mightiest  existing 
obstacles  to  the  stability  and  independence  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy." 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  there  was  a  sacerdotal  army  in  Italy  as 
well  as  a  royal  one,  and  perhaps  the  former  was  larger  than  the 


THE  BIBLE  IN  NORTHERN  ITAL  Y. 


727 


latter,  but  its  muster-roll  was  not  within  reach  of  the  public,  and 
consequently  its  numbers  could  only  be  approximated.  The  soldiers 
were  admirably  drilled,  and  were  ready  for  the  great  conflict  which 
seemed  to  be  rapidly  approaching. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXIV. 

FROTESTANT  MISSIONS  ADVANCING. 

WHILE  the  first  and  second  parties  described  in  a  previous 
chapter  were  striving  to  secure  their  favorite  reforms,  and  the 
Paolotti  were  resisting  both,  the  third  or  evangelical  party  endeav- 
ored to  preach  the  doctrines  of  a  pure  Christianity,  believing  that 
God's  truth,  diffused  among  the  masses,  would  finally  regenerate 
Italy,  politically  and  religiously.  This  important  work  was  greatly 
accelerated  during  the  year  1864,  through  the  agency  of  the  Wal- 
denses,  aided  by  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union."  The 
latter  society,  in  the  beginning  of  1864,  sent  Rev.  \V.  Clark  to 
Northern  Italy  to  superintend  its  missions  there.  Its  organ,  the 
Christian  IVorld,  in  referring  to  his  departure  for  that  field,  expressed 
itself  hopefully  concerning  the  new  center  of  missionary  effort  at 
Milan.  Although  Northern  Italy  was  more  enlightened  and  more 
forward  in  asserting  political  freedom  than  the  central  or  southern 
part,  yet  she  did  not  accept  the  Bible  and  the  evangelist  as  cordially 
as  might  have  been  expected.  The  people,  both  high  and  low,  de- 
sired liberty  but,  influenced  by  Gioberti's  teaching,  they  strangely 
hoped  for  deliverance  at  the  hands  of  the  pope.  The  Upper  Cham- 
ber at  Turin  had  been  ruled  by  a  bigoted  aristocracy,  who  clung  to 
the  idea  of  a  reconciliation  between  Pius  IX  and  King  Victor  Em- 
manuel. Both  in  Piedmont  and  Lombardy,  all  classes,  except  the 
Waldensians,  were  reluctant  to  cast  off  the  pope  and  take  the  Bible, 
which  is  the  acknowledged  antagonist  of  the  papacy.  Even  in  Central 
Italy  the  Bible  had  a  more  extensive  circulation  than  in  Piedmont. 

But  by  the  operation  of  certain  potent  influences  a  great  change 
had  come  over  Northern  Italy,  which  rendered  it  a  promising  field 
for  Protestant  effort.    The  whole  of  that  fertile  region,  extending 


728 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


from  the  bay  of  Genoa  to  the  confines  of  the  Venetian  territory,  in- 
chiding,  perhaps,  nearly  half  the  great  basin  of  the  Po  and  the 
Adige,  and  likewise  the  long  valley  of  Aosta,  stretched  out  their 
hands  for  the  Bible.  Prayer-meetings  multiplied,  and  were  fully 
attended,  and  even  preachers  were  called  for  with  increasing  earnest- 
ness. This  revolution  in  public  sentiment  was  in  part  caused  by  the 
pope's  persistent  ''no7i  posswmis'*  reply  to  every  proposal  favorable 
to  liberty.  This  reply — "it  is  impossible" — to  all  petitions  for  the 
inalienable  rights  of  humanity,  wearied  and  digusted  those  who 
meant  to  hold  both  liberty  and  papacy,  and  showed  them  that  the 
union  of  the  two  was  indeed  ''impossible.''  Then  they  commenced 
to  study  the  Bible,  and,  abandoning  the  pope,  accepted  the  senti- 
ments, practices,  and  men  sanctioned  by  God's  Word.  This  auspi- 
cious indication  was  further  noticed  by  the  CJiristian  World,  which 
said:  Surely  the  time  of  commencing  our  new  enterprise  is  most 
opportune.  May  we  not  hope  that  Mr.  Clark,  establishing  his  female 
seminary,  preaching  himself  in  Italian,  and  organizing  a  corps  of 
native  colporteurs  and  evangelists,  will  be  the  instrument  in  God's 
hand  of  great  usefulness,  not  only  to  Northern  Italy,  but  also  to  por- 
tions of  Austria,  now  also  open  to  the  truth  of  God  ?  Will  not  our 
readers  accompany  this  new  undertaking  with  special  supplications  to 
God  for  his  richest  blessings  upon  it?" 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Milan  Mr.  Clark  reported  that  he  was 
greatly  encouraged  with  the  prospect  of  doing  good.  He  was  in- 
formed by  a  Bible-woman  that  she  was  kindly  received  in  all  parts 
of  the  city  by  the  people,  who  gladly  hstened  to  the  reading  of  the 
Word.  In  his  letter  to  Dr.  Campbell,  secretary  of  the  ''American 
and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  he  said:  "Would  that  I  could  make 
known  to  you  and  your  committee  fully  my  own  view  of  the  impor- 
tance of  aiding  just  now  the  work  of  evangelization  in  this  great  cen- 
tral city  of  Italy.  Day  by  day  I  am  impressed  more  and  more  with 
the  conviction  that  now  the  opportunity  is  afforded  if  Christians 
abroad  desire  to  help  onward  the  work  of  religious  reform  in  this 
land.  Providence  has  throwni  the  door  wide  open,  the  Church  may 
now  apply  her  power  to  effect  great  results.  As  this  city,  with  its 
population  of  tw^o  hundred  and  thirty  thousand,  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal centers  of  Italian  freedom,  and  the  strongest  bulwark  of  this 
land  against  Austrian  despotism,  so  it  has  become  the  most  impor- 
tant center  of  evangelization.  In  no  other  city  in  Italy  is  there  so 
large  a  number  who  listen  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  on  the 
Sabbath,  and  in  no  other  city  has  evangelical  labor  been  so  abun- 


REV.  MR.  CLARK S  LETTER. 


dantly  blessed.  Five  places,  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  have 
already  been  opened  for  public  worship,  and  the  sixth  is  greatly 
needed.  Most  of  these  are  crowded  with  eager  and  attentive  lis- 
teners to  the  truth,  and  often  many  go  away  for  want  of  room. 
These  places  of  meeting  are  obtained  with  great  difficulty,  owing  to 
the  opposition  of  the  priests,  and  when  obtained  it  is  necessary  to 
convert  four  or  five  rooms  into  one  by  partially  removing  the  inter- 
vening walls.  In  consequence  of  this  they  are,  after  all,  quite  incon- 
venient, many  not  being  able  to  see  the  speaker,  or  understand  well 
his  words.  On  account  of  these  places  being  so  humble  and  plain, 
many  of  the  higher  classes  are  deterred  from  coming ;  yet  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Word  is  attended  with  great  power,  and  its  influence 
widely  felt  through  the  city. 

"The  preachers  are  not  men  distinguished  for  learning,  or  power 
of  eloquence,  but  they  are  men  who  have  felt  the  power  of  the  truth 
in  their  hearts,  and  hence  can  preach  to  the  hearts  of  others.  But 
on  account  of  the  increasing  eagerness  on  the  part  of  the  people  of 
this  city  to  hear  the  truth,  the  work  of  these  preachers  has  become 
exceedingly  onerous.  Three  or  four  times  on  the  Sabbath,  and 
nearly  every  evening  during  the  week  they  are  required  to  give  in- 
struction to  the  people.  A  work  so  arduous  they  can  not  long  per- 
form, and  already  one  of  the  most  popular  native  preachers  is  begin- 
ning seriously  to  fail  in  health.  The  instrumentality  here  in  the 
work  of  evangelization  is  wholly  inadequate  to  the  work  to  be  per- 
formed. If  multiplied  tenfold  it  would  hardly  be  sufficient  to  meet 
the  demand.  But  feeble  as  it  is,  we  are  continually  astonished  at  the 
results  which  follow.  The  light  is  spreading  from  this  center  into  all 
the  densely  populated  region  around.  The  cities  and  towns  on  the 
east  and  west,  on  the  north  and  south,  are  all  receiving  the  truth, 
and  asking  for  evangelical  teachers.  Every-where  the  preacher  fin<is 
those  who  gladly  listen  to  his  words.  If  there  were  men  to  go  forth 
in  great  numbers  preaching  Christ  it  would  seem  all  Italy  might  easily 
be  reformed  and  led  to  efnbrace  the  religion  of  the  Gospel.  And 
here  is  the  great  want:  Christians  abroad  must  help  create  here  in 
Italy  a  native  agency ;  raise  up  and  qualify  a  host  of  young  men  and 
women,  who  will  become  the  evangelizers  of  the  country.  Nothing 
to  my  mind  is  moVe  evident  than  the  fact  that  the  duty  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  in  America  and  England  lies  here;  that  is,  in  applying 
her  power,  aid,  sympathy,  and  prayers  to  accomplish  this  work.  It 
can  be  done.  The  material  is  here  that  can  be  worked  into  an 
agency  that  will  overthrow  superstition  and  set  up  the  kingdom  of 


730 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Christ  through  the  whole  extent .  of  this  beautiful  land.  May  the 
Church  awake  to  her  mission  in  Italy  and  nobly  perform  it." 

In  the  early  part  of  1864  Rev.  Theodore  Meyer,  a  Protestant 
minister,  residing  at  Ancona,  had  a  novel  and  interesting  experience 
in  a  monastery.  The  superior  of  one  of  these  institutions  had  ex- 
pressed to  a  friend  of  Mr.  Meyer  his  desire  to  see  an  evangelical 
preacher.  Knowing  that  Mr.  Meyer  was  about  to  visit  the  southern 
part  of  Italy,  this  friend  informed  the  superior  when  the  evangelist 
would  reach  the  depot  nearest  the  monastery.  The  monk  was  there 
with  a  donkey  to  convey  the  visitor  to  the  building,  which  was 
two  hours  distant  among  the  mountains.  He  entreated  Mr.  Meyer 
to  go  with  him,  declaring  that  for  years  he  had  prayed  the  Lord  to 
bring  him  in  connection  with  a  Gospel  minister.  The  evangelist 
consented,  and  spent  two  days  there,  preaching  the  first  evening 
from  a  window  to  some  members  of  the  monastery,  and  a  company  of 
laymen  from  the  neigborhood,  who  hearing  of  his  arrival  had  come 
to  serenade  him  with  music.  His  text  was  John  viii,  32,  "If  the 
Son,  therefore,  shall  make  you  free,  ye  shall  be  free  indeed."  The 
sentiment  of  this  text,  illustrated  and  enforced,  struck  the  right 
chord.  The  people  cried,  ''Long  live  the  Gospel!  "  and  the  superior 
clasped  the  preacher  in  his  arms,  while  tears  of  joy  streamed  down 
his  cheeks. 

To  the  regret  of  Mr.  Meyer,  the  people  went  to  the  house  of  the 
principal  priest  in  the  district,  and  cried  not  only,  ''Long  live  the  Gos- 
pel!" but  added,  "Down  with  the  pope — down  with  superstition!" 
On  account  of  this  demonstration,  the  evangelist  declined  a  serenade 
which  they  wished  to  give  the  second  night.  During  his  visit  he 
was  almost  constantly  engaged  in  conversation  with  those  who  desired 
to  know  more  about  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  especially  with  the 
superior,  who  dated  his  conversion  from  that  time.  The  latter,  after 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  Meyer  at  his  home,  addressed  him  the  following 
letter. 

"  Dearest  Brother  in  Jesus  Christ — many,  many  thanks  to  you  that 
you  have  been  so  kind  to  honor  this  monastery  with  your  presence, 
and  have  thus  become  as  it  were,  the  first  apostle  into  these  regions. 
Not  many  days  will  elapse,  and  the  people  of  Abruzzi,  freed  from  their 
superstitions,  will  publicly  confess  Jesus  in  the  light  of  the  Gospel ; 
and  then  your  name  will  be  blessed  by  the  people,  and  your  memory 
dear  to  them  like  that  of  Paul.  ...  I  hate  and  abominate  the 
abject  falshoods  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  are  an  insult  to  human 
reason  and  an  offense  to  God.    I  have  always  shuddered  in  my 


THE  SUPERIORS  LETTER. 


heart  on  account  of  these  impostures ;  I  have  always  made  conscious 
of  them  my  students,  and  spoke  of  them  to  all  those  persons  of 
education  with  whom  I  came  into  contact.  I  have  done  so  amidst 
unspeakable  persecutions.  But  now  I  have  got  faith  publicly  to 
confess  Jesus  and  his  infallible  doctrine,  and  neither  hunger,  nor 
nakedness,  nor  thirst,  nor  sword,  nor  life,  nor  death  shall  separate 
me  from  the  evangelical  Church,  in  which  is  Jesus  our  only  Savior. 
What  do  I  care  about  the  persecutions  which  the  Roman  priests  are 
preparing  and  raising  against  me?  They  have  already  conspired 
against  me,  and  think  of  burning  me  alive,  solely  because  I  have 
received  you,  who  are  a  minister  of  our  Jesus,  who  is  humble,  and 
meek,  and  lowly  in  heart.  Not  w^ishing  to  grieve  you,  I  will  not 
speak  of  the  terrible  vexations  which  I  have  to  suffer. 

"Besides  other  cruelties,  they  have  now  ordered  me  to  leave  the 
monastery.  Yes,  I  shall  leave  it,  and  shall  walk,  begging  from 
door  to  door,  till  our  gracious  Lord  brings  me  into  your  arms,  being 
sure  that  the  same  Lord  who  made  you  the  means  of  my  conversion 
will  also  indicate  to  }'ou  some  way  in  which  I  may  gain  a  livelihood. 
I  see  very  well  that  I  have  lost  my  social  position  and  all  the  advan- 
tages flowing  from  it.  But  what  matters  it?  I  have  instead  found 
Christ  and  his  precious  faith,  which  are  much  better  than  all  the 
treasures  of  the  world.  Without  regret,  yea,  full  of  spiritual  joy,  I 
shall  leave  the  monastery,  not  taking  any  thing  with  me  but  the  pov- 
erty of  the  cross.  The  providence  which  clothes  the  lilies  and  pro- 
vides food  for  the  birds  will  take  care  of  me  also  !  Poor  and  lonely, 
but  full  of  faith  and  with  Jesus  in  my  heart,  I  shall  come  to  you.  The 
Lord,  who  has  used  you  as  the  instrument  for  my  conversion  to  the 
holy  law  of  the  Gospel,  will  also  through  you  open  up  to  me  some 
way  for  gaining  a  livelihood.  Meanwhile  I  close,  thanking  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  for  the  grace  he  has  shown  to  me  in  revealing  himself 
to  me  in  his  Gospel,  and  enabling  me  to  confess  him  publicly.  I 
am  sure  that  by  my  example  many  will  be  induced  to  join  the  evan- 
gelical Church.  There  are  here  many  seeds  promising  abundant 
fruit.  ...  I  shall  stay  here  a  few  days  more  and  then  I  shall 
at  once  come  to  you.  You  need  not  write  to  me,  as  your  letters  will 
not  find  me.     All  your  brethren  here  greet  you  especially." 

Rev.  E.  E.  Hall,  of  Florence,  in  a  letter  written  on  the  15th  of 
January,  1864,  referred  to  the  death  of  Mr.  T.  Meek,  a  young  man, 
who  attended  lectures  at  the  Theological  Seminary  in  that  city,  and 
who,  though  not  permitted  to  preach  the  Gospel  himself,  exerted  a 
great  influence  on  one  who  expected  soon  to  enter  the  field  as  a 


732 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


minister  of  Christ.  He  recognized  Mr.  Meek  as  instrumental  in 
awakening  that  love  of  truth  in  his  heart  which  is  so  necessary  in 
one  called  to  preach  the  Gospel.  Hence  it  could  be  said  of  the 
\'Oung-  man,  that  being  dead  he  yet  speaketh. 

Mr.  Hall  received  encouraging  accounts  from  the  various  laborers 
employed  by  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  stating 
that  God's  blessing  attended  the  efforts  made  to  give  the  light  and 
knowledge  of  salvation  to  those  who  sit  in  darkness  and  in  the 
region  and  shadow  of  death.  The  refusal  of  a  monk  publicly  to 
discuss  some  religious  questions  with  one  of  the  colporteurs  directed 
the  attention  of  many  persons  to  the  Bible,  and  almost  every  day 
some  one  requested  instruction.  Many  expressed  surprise  that  a 
simple  colporteur  and  Bible  reader  should  have  such  a  knowledge  of 
the  Word  of  God  as  to  be  prepared  for  a  discussion  with  a  monk, 
who  was  learned  in  Roman  theology.  The  humble  servant  of  Christ 
informed  them  that  the  wisdom  of  God — not  human  wisdom — con- 
quers error,  and  that  the  Lord  can  use  weak  instrumentalities  to 
beat  down  the  strongholds  of  Satan. 

Another  colporteur  had  an  interesting  conversation  with  a  Roman 
Catholic  priest,  who  was  convinced  of  the  errors  of  the  Church  of 
Rome  and  of  the  infallible  truths  of  the  Gospel,  but,  while  he  hoped 
that  the  people  of  Italy  would  soon  awake  to  the  necessity  of  a 
reformation,  he  hesitated,  perhaps  on  account  of  age  and  poverty, 
openly  to  embrace  the  Protestant  cause.  In  a  certain  family  the 
liusband  obeyed  the  teachings  of  the  priests,  but  the  wife  was 
inclined  to  be  a  Protestant.  This  disagreement  threatened  to  pro- 
duce a  final  separation,  but  the  husband,  having  been  induced  to 
attend  the  meetings  of  the  colporteur,  was  soon  converted,  and 
immediately  all  discord  disappeared  from  his  household,  in  which  the 
peace  of  the  Lord  subsequently  reigned.  The  minister  at  Como 
reported  that  the  meetings  there  were  well  attended,  and  that  the 
audience  was  generally  composed  of  workmen,  who  in  the  stations  of 
evangelization  are  the  first  to  be  reached  by  the  truth.  In  their  hum- 
ble, and  often  difficult,  position  they  deeply  feel  the  need  of  spiritual 
consolations,  which  the  Gospel  alone  can  give.  Hence  at  Como  they 
opened  their  hearts  to  the  Word  which  imparts  strength  for  the  trials 
of  life.  Meetings  were  held  regularly  on  Sunday,  Monday,  Tues- 
day, and  Wednesday  evenings.  On  Thursday  the  evangelist  visited 
Argagno,  a  little  village  some  hours  from  Como,  w^here  about  twenty 
Protestants  assembled  for  worship,  some  from  neighboring  places 
often  uniting  with  them.     Returning  to  Como,  the  evangelist  held 


THE  SCHOOL  AT  MILAN. 


733 


a  meeting  on  Friday  evening,  and  on  Saturday  evening  he  gave  a 
familiar  exposition  of  the  Bible,  interspersed  with  sacred  music,  to  a 
class  of  thirty  or  forty  young  people.  This  programme  indicates 
how  earnestly  the  work  of  evangelization  was  prosecuted  in  Italy  at 
that  time. 

Mr,  Clark,  writing  on  the  ist  of  February,  refers  to  the  girls' 
school  in  Milan,  which  was  connected  with  the  "Free  Italian  Church," 
and  had  been  under  the  care  of  Mrs.  De  Sanctis,  of  Genoa.  This  lady 
addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Clark,  stating  that  the  school  depended  en- 
tirely upon  voluntary  contributions,  and  that,  in  view  of  the  great 
inconvenience  which  attended  this  irregular  mode  of  support,  she  was 
anxious  to  have  it  placed  upon  a  more  certain  and  permanent  basis. 
She  earnestly  requested  I\Ir.  Clark  to  make  better  provision  for  it, 
and  he  urged  the  mission  committee  at  New  York  to  become  respon- 
sible for  its  support,  inasmuch  as  the  "  American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union"  desired  to  commence  the  work  of  female  education  in  North- 
ern Italy.  He  declared  that  female  Christian  teachers  were  greatly 
needed  there,  and  that  while  the  one  then  in  charge  was  faithful  and 
efficient,  yet  an  American  lady  of  energy  and  piety  w^ould  make  the 
school  a  real  evangelizing  agency  by  training  the  Italian  females  to 
become  teachers.  Mr.  Clark  also  stated  that  among  the  causes  which 
had  operated  against  it  were  the  want  of  constant  superintendence,  as 
Mrs.  De  Sanctis  resided  in  Genoa,  its  connection  with  the  boys'  school, 
and  its  unfavorable  location  ;  but  he  expressed  the  belief  that  with 
liberal  aid  and  good  supervision  it  could  be  made  larger  and  of  a 
higher  grade.  He  estimated  the  cost  for  the  first  year,  to  secure  the 
necessary  changes,  pay  the  teacher,  rent  the  room,  and  provide  for 
contingencies,  at  the  small  sum  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

In  urging  the  committee  to  accept  the  school,  Mr.  Clark  prom- 
ised to  obtain  aid  from  various  individuals  in  Milan,  and  mentioned 
the  important  consideration  that  such  a  course  would  give  the  society 
a  great  advantage  in  that  city.  The  field  was  comparatively  unoccu- 
pied, but  would  not  remain  thus  very  long,  because  its  promising 
character  would  attract  other  agencies,  and  these  might  not  har- 
monize with  those  already  at  work.  He  deprecated  the  introduction 
of  new  sectarian  movements,  which  would  produce  jealousies  and  di- 
visions, but  advocated  '  *  a  working  agency  energetically  sustained  by 
Christians  abroad."  While  conceding  that  important  assistance  had 
been  rendered  by  various  societies  and  individual  Christians,  yet  he 
asserted  that  no  one  society  or  association  had  taken  hold  of  the 
work  in  Italy  as  vigorously  as  the  case  demanded.     After  stating  that 


'734 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


no  more  inviting  field  than  Lombardy  could  be  offered  to  the  Chris- 
tians of  America  through  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union,"  Mr.  Clark  said:  "If  the  Christians  in  America  will  now 
come  forward  to  aid  the  Waldensian  and  Free  Evangelical  agencies, 
now  so  well  at  work,  a  greater  blessing  than  can  be  told  will  be  con- 
ferred upon  this  land.  .  .  .  These  two  agencies  are  sufficient  in 
number,  and  any  new  foreign  sectarian  instrumentality  introduced 
would  be  most  unfortunate.  Then  let  all  the  sympathy  and  aid  pos- 
sible be  given  to  these  two,  and  it  is  just  now  they  greatly  need  all 
that  can  be  given.  The  work  of  evangelization  they  have  before 
them  is  immense,  and  they  loudly  call  for  help." 

In  March,  1864,  a  favorable  report  was  received  from  Sienna. 
After  months  of  prudent  preliminary  labor,  a  place  of  religious  wor- 
ship had  been  recently  opened  in  that  city  under  the  direction  of 
Rev.  W.  G.  Moorehead,  who  had  charge  of  that  field.  Two  faithful 
men,  Signor  De  del  Bono,  an  evangelist,  and  his  companion,  a  col- 
porteur, for  more  than  two  months  visited  the  people  to  become 
acquainted  with  them,  and  to  win  their  confidence.  This  personal 
effort  proved  a  most  important  preparation  for  the  more  public 
preaching  of  the  Gospel.  At  length,  after  many  discouragements,  a 
suitable  room  for  public  services  was  secured,  and  those  who,  by 
means  of  private  conversations  had  become  interested  in  the  Gospel, 
•were  ready  for  a  more  open  manifestation  of  their  interest,  and  at 
once  connected  themselves  with  the  assemblies  for  religious  worship. 
From  the  beginning  the  place  of  meeting  was  filled  to  its  utmost  ca- 
pacity, and  if  a  room  capable  of  holding  a  thousand  persons  could 
have  been  obtained  it  would  undoubtedly  have  been  filled.  While 
the  opening  of  evangelical  meetings  attracts  a  variety  of  characters, 
many  of  whom  cease  to  attend  when  their  curiosity  has  been  satisfied, 
yet  the  interest  at  Sienna  continued  to  increase.  The  w^ork  Avas  com- 
menced with  pra}-er,  and  a  weekly  prayer-meeting  was  maintained 
with  special  reference  to  the  success  of  the  Gospel  in  that  city. 

Sienna  is  somewhat  celebrated  for  its  university  and  high-schools. 
Its  inhabitants,  being  generally  intelligent  and  more  thoroughly  re- 
ligious than  those  in  other  parts  of  Tuscany,  were  more  likely  to 
remain  steadfast  in  the  faith  of  the  Gospel  after  embracing  it.  The 
priests  and  some  others  were  deeply  excited  on  account  of  the  evan- 
gelical services.  Some  threatening  messages  were  sent  to  those  in 
charge,  but  they  did  not  anticipate  any  serious  interference,  because 
the  laws  protected  them.  The  government  allowed  a  large  degree 
of  religious  liberty ;  so  that  the  bloody  violence  of  other  ages  and  the 


CAS  ALE  AND  LIVORNO. 


735 


prisons  of  the  late  grand  duke  were  no  more  to  be  feared.  More 
than  three  hundred  and  twenty  years  had  passed  away  since  Ochino 
preached  at  Sienna,  and  became  the  instrument  in  the  conversion  of 
many  souls.  Paleario,  another  eloquent  preacher,  and  one  of  the 
most  eminent  of  the  Italian  reformers,  proclaimed  the  doctrine  of  jus- 
tification by  faith  in  the  same  city  with  great  success.  Having  pub- 
lished at  Venice,  A.  D.  1543,  his  book  on  the  Benefits  of  the 
Death  of  Christ,"  he  was  accused  of  heresy,  and  compelled  to  leave 
Sienna.  But  these  old  methods  of  opposing  the  progress  of  the 
Gospel  were  not  tolerated  by  Victor  Emmanuel,  who  maintained  sub- 
stantial freedom  of  thought  and  speech  in  Italy.  As  former  efforts 
to  establish  an  evangelical  service  in  Sienna  had  been  unsuccessful, 
the  aspect  of  things  in  the  Spring  of  1864  was  highly  encouraging. 
During  four  months  the  efficient  and  faithful  colporteur  sold  a  large 
number  of  Bibles,  Testaments,  and  religious  books,  though  there  had 
been  other  colporteurs  there  more  or  less  of  the  time  for  three  years. 

The  evangelist  at  Casale  informed  Mr.  Hall  that  he  was  still 
laboring  to  revive  the  work  which  had  been  abandoned  two  years 
previous.  A  small  number  had  remained  faithful,  and  continued  to 
meet  for  reading  the  Scriptures  and  mutual  edification.  By  the 
efforts  of  the  evangelist  the  number  was  gradually  increasing,  and 
there  were  indications  that  a  prosperous  and  permanent  mission  could 
be  established  in  that  city.  The  evangelist  was  encouraged  by  invi- 
tations to  preach  the  Gospel  in  two  neighboring  places.  There  were 
some  persons  in  Vercelli  who  had  been  reading  the  Bible,  and  de- 
sired a  Protestant  minister  to  instruct  them.  At  Livorno  there  was 
a  Christian  brother,  around  whom  ten  or  twelve  persons  had  gathered 
to  receive  the  bread  of  life.  The  evangelist  resolved  to  visit  both 
places  every  week,  and  also  continue  his  work  at  Casale.  In  the 
valley  of  Aosta  meetings  were  held  in  four  or  five  places,  and  the 
regular  laborer  there  preached  to  about  sixty  persons,  besides  super- 
intending a  school  of  twelve  children.  The  field  was  a  difficult  one 
to  cultivate,  but  many  professed  to  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  serv- 
ices.. The  report  of  religious  progress  in  the  island  of  Elba  was 
gratifying.  The  Church,  consisting  of  three  stations,  had  an  increase 
during  the  preceding  year  of  forty-nine  members  and  twenty  catechu- 
mens ;  and  the  schools  were  attended  by  fifty-four  children,  who 
also  received  instruction  on  Sabbath  mornings.  The  minister  per- 
formed two  marriages,  baptized  six  infants,  and  attended  two  funeral 
services.  He  reported  that  the  temple  at  Rio,  which  was  com- 
menced in  May,  1863,  would  soon  be  opened,  and  also  that  he  had 


736 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


secured  two  cemeteries,  one  at  Longone  and  the  other  at  Rio.  The 
capacity  and  simplicity  of  the  new  place  of  worship  at  Portoferraio 
were  favorably  mentioned,  and  the  Christian  benevolence  of  the  con- 
gregation highly  commended.  After  subscribing  more  than  twelve 
hundred  francs  for  their  temple,  the  people  contributed  largely  and 
cheerfully  to  the  expenses  of  worship,  to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  and 
to  the  expense  of  printing  some  tracts  in  defense  of  the  truth.  The 
children  also  made  an  offering  of  their  little  savings,  amounting  to 
thirteen  francs,  and  desired  it  to  be  used  by  Mr.  Revel  at  Florence 
for  the  Sabbath-school  paper  and  for  Italian  evangelization. 

On  the  30th  of  April  Mr.  Hall  received  some  additional  facts 
from  the  island  of  Elba,  indicating  still  more  significantly  the  pros- 
perous condition  of  the  mission  there.  New  faces  were  visible  in  the 
new  temple  every  Sabbath,  and  the  meetings  on  Thursday  evening 
particularly  were  well  attended,  many  women,  under  one  pretext  or 
another,  escaping  from  their  houses  and  coming  with  their  heads  cov- 
ered to  hear  the  Word  of  God,  and  to  sing  his  praises.  In  connec- 
tion with  this  Church  at  Rio  Marina  there  was  a  Sabbath-school  of 
thirty  children  and  a  day-school  of  thirty-four.  After  repeated  appli- 
cations to  the  authorities,  and  aftef  renewed  promises  by  them  to 
arrange  a  cemetery  for  the  Protestants,  the  latter  resolved  to  construct 
it  themselves,  looking  to  the  municipality  for  the  small  pecuniary  aid 
promised.  The  members  of  the  Church  and  generous  friends,  for- 
getting the  sacrifices  they  had  made  for  their  house  of  worship,  at 
once  subscribed  more  than  three  hundred  francs  for  the  cemetery. 
The  loth  of  April  was  an  interesting  day  in  the  new  church  at  Por- 
toferraio. Six  persons,  four  women  and  two  men,  were  received  as 
members,  and  there  were  thirty  communicants  at  the  celebration  of 
the  Lord's-supper.  The  place  of  worship  was  crowded  with  friends 
who  manifested  a  deep  interest  in  the  services.  The  school  formerly 
had  twenty-two  children,  lost  some  through  the  intrigues  of  the 
priests,  but,  having  an  excellent,  zealous  Christian  teacher,  it  was 
destined  to  prosper.  At  Campo,  a  new  missionary  locality,  some 
earnest  friends  of  the  truth  had  been  found,  and  many  religious  books 
distributed  among  the  people.  The  inhabitants  of  Longone  were 
rejoicing  in  the  establishment  of  an  evangelical  school  among  them, 
and  the  civil  authorities  had  also  nearly  completed  a  cemetery  for  the 
non-Catholic  population. 

In  the  early  part  of  April  a  petition  was  sent  from  Grosse  to  Mr. 
Hall  at  Florence,  asking  for  an  evangelical  pastor.  It  was  signed  by 
fifty-two  persons,  among  whom  were  many  proprietors  and  men  of 


GROSSETO,  COMOy  AOSTA. 


717 


influence,  and  one  of  the  parish  priests  favored  and  approved  the 
movement.  The  petitioners  declared  that  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  by  a  Protestant  minister  would  be  a  blessing  to  them  and  to 
their  community.  In  response  to  this  call  a  laborer  was  sent,  a 
place  of  worship  rented,  and  regular  religious  services  established. 
The  people  appeared  to  be  well-disposed,  and  there  were  no  indica- 
tions of  serious  opposition  or  persecution.  The  inhabitants  also  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  have  a  school  organized  there.  Grosseto  is  near 
the  Mediterranean  Sea,  on  the  railroad  between  Leghorn  and  Civita 
Vecchia,  and  had  at  that  time  a  population  of  three  or  four  thou- 
sand. From  Como  good  reports  continued  to  be  received.  The 
influence  of  the  mission  was  felt  in  the  neighboring  villages.  In  spite 
of  many  discouraging  obstacles,  the  meetings  in  Como  were  attended 
by  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  persons,  and  often  the  place  of  wor- 
ship would  not  accommodate  the  audience.  "We  can  only  express 
our  gratitude,"  said  the  minister  in  charge,  "for  the  many  reasons 
we  have  for  encouragement,  both  here  and  in  the  Valley  of  Intelvi, 
where  the  two  congregations  of  Argegno  and  San  Fedele  are  increas- 
ing, and  developing  an  earnest  Christian  spirit.  We  count  among 
our  friends  in  this  valley,  besides  a  number  of  employes  of  the  gov- 
ernment, the  syndic  of  Dizzasio,  who  exerts  a  very  good  influence 
in  that  region.  I  hope  we  may  soon  establish  a  congregation  in  this 
village,  and  for  this  purpose  I  go  there  every  week."  Even  from 
the  Valle\-  of  Aosta  the  intelligence  was  cheering.  On  the  first  Sab- 
bath of  April  the  members  from  different  localities  assembled  to- 
gether for  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's-supper  —  about  twenty  at 
Carema  and  thirty  at  Baia.  A  meeting  held  at  Bourg  by  the  evan- 
gelist was  attended  by  over  twenty-five  persons. 


738  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 

Chapter  XXV. 

EVANGELICAL  WORK  IN  ITALY. 

IN  a  letter  of  the  24th  of  January,  1865,  Mr.  Clark,  of  Milan, 
reported  that  the  people  of  Sondrio,  in  the  Valtellina,  desired 
the  appointment  of  an  evangelist  and  the  opening  of  a  chapel  in  that 
city.  The  Valtellina  is  one  of  the  richest  and  most  charming  valleys 
in  Europe,  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  in  Northern  Italy,  and 
leading  from  the  Lake  Como  to  the  Tyrol.  It  almost  unites  the 
products  of  Sicily  with  those  of  the  North,  combining  the  severe 
beauties  of  the  Alps  with  the  mild  sky  of  Italy.  The  snowy  Bernina 
separates  it  from  the  Swiss  Engadina  on  the  north,  and  in  its  varied 
climate  are  found  the  chestnut,  the  almond,  the  fig,  olive,  and  mul- 
berry ;  and  the  ValtelHna  grapes  in  ancient  times  were  so  sweet  that 
it  is  recorded  that  the  Emperor  Augustus  had  them  brought  to 
Rome  for  his  table.  The  people  of  this  lovely  valley,  always  noted 
for  their  intelligence,  at  an  early  period  manifested  a  remarkable  in- 
terest in  the  Gospel.  Indeed,  during  the  persecutions  of  the  Italian 
Protestants  in  the  sixteenth  century  many  from  the  central  and  the 
southern  parts  of  the  Peninsula  sought  refuge  in  the  Valtellina ;  and 
afterwards,  A.  D.  1620,  scores  of  families  —  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren— were  massacred  for  their  attachment  to  a  pure  Christianity. 
"Carlo  Borromeo,  the  saint,"  said  Mr.  Clark,  "who  now  lies  a  hid- 
eous corpse  in  a  crystal  coffin  in  the  vault  of  the  beautiful  cathedral 
at  Milan,  was  the  chief  cause  of  this  butchery.  Sondrio  is  the  largest 
city  of  this  charming  valley ;  and  here  are  found  many  families  who 
are  continually  entreating  our  colporteur  to  urge  me  to  come  to  their 
I  help,  and  they  have  waited  so  long  their  last  message  was:  'Are 
we  forgotten  ?  are  we  abandoned  ?  We  have  called  so  long,  and  no 
help  has  come;  we  are  almost  discouraged.'" 

After  referring  to  this  state  of  painful  suspense  in  many  parts  of 
Northern  Italy,  Mr.  Clark  declared  that  a  great  increase  of  effort  and 
expenditure  was  absolutely  demanded  to  furnish  evangelists  and  open 
places  of  worship.  He  also  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  colpor- 
teur must  give  place  to  a  stronger  and  more  permanent  agency,  and 


CATHEDRAL  AT  MILAN. 


740 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


that  if  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  dollars  could  be  expended  in  the 
next  twelve  months  untold  blessings  would  be  conferred  upon  Italy 
for  generations  to  come.  An  intelligent  Italian  professor  said  to 
him:  "If  America  and  England  would  give  Italy  their  religion,  and 
make  her  a  living  nation  in  Europe,  it  must  be  done  and  it  can  be 
done  now;  and  if  not  done  a  jiark  and  fearful  conflict  is  before  us. 
All  moral  and  religious  elements  in  society  are  \o  be  terribly  shaken, 
if  not  altogether  swept  away,  by  infidelity.  We  beseech  you,  give 
Italy  the  Gospel  immediately."  Other  intelligent  and  serious-minded 
Italians  stated  that  the  people  w^ere  being  forced  by  the  pope  and  his 
encyclicals  to  despise  and  reject  the  papacyj,  and  that  if  a  true  spirit- 
ual faith  was  not  soon  given  them  they  would  reject  all  religion. 

The  efforts  of  the  colporteurs  to  circulate  the  Bible  and  other 
religious  books  were  generally  successful,  though  in  Lugano  and 
Belinzona,  towns  in  Canton  Tessin,  severe  opposition  was  encoun- 
tered. At  the  time  of  the  great  annual  fair,  which  continued  for 
many  days,  and  always  brought  together  a  great  crowd  of  people 
from  the,  country  around,  an  evangelist  and  his  brother,  a  colporteur, 
placed  their  Bibles  and  tracts  upon  a  table  in  the  public  square  of 
Lugano,  in  common  with  all  other  articles  exposed  for  sale.  So 
many  Bibles  and  religious  books,  however,  were  bought  by  the 
people  that  the  priests  became  enraged,  and  day  after  day  besieged 
the  authorities,  demanding  that  the  sale  of  such  pernicious  books 
should  be  stopped.  At  first  their  protests  were  in  vain  ;  but  finally, 
by  bribes  and  entreaties,  they  persuaded  two  members  of  the  mu- 
nicipality to  send  an  order  of  prohibition.  The  evangelist  and  col- 
porteur quietly  removed  their  table,  protesting,  however,  and  appeal- 
ing at  once  to  the  grand  council  of  state,  then  in  session.  Two  of 
the  principal  lawyers  of  the  city  volunteered  to  present  and,  if  nec- 
essary, advocate  their  cause.  The  trial  at  once  occurred,  and  resulted 
in  the  censure  of  the  two  members  of  the  municipality,  who  gave  no 
other  reason  for  their  prohibitory  order  than  that  the  priests  opposed 
the  sale  of  the  books  because  they  were  injurious  to  their  Church. 
The  evangelist  said  to  the  council  that  he  was  ever  ready  to  yield  to 
the  laws,  but  not  to  the  priests.  After  an  examination,  which  excited 
great  public  interest,  the  governor  of  the  council  not  only  gave  the 
evangelist  and  colporteur  liberty  to  sell  during  the  fair,  as  before, 
but  publicly  ordered  the  police  to  protect  them.  He  also  took 
occasion  to  issue  by  his  secretary  a  public  order,  causing  it  to  be 
published  in  the  principal  journal  of  the  city,  granting  permission  to 
these  Protestant  laborers  to  sell  their  books  freely  in  every  part  of 


THE  MISSION  IN  CARRARA. 


the  canton.  The  evangeh'st  was  cordially  welcoinccl  in  Lugano,  even 
by  many  families  of  influence,  among  which  he  did  an  excellent 
work.  Not  having  a  hall  for  public  services,  he  visited  the  people 
in  the  cit\'  and  in  the  region  around,  holding  private  meetings  as 
opportunity  offered. 

The  colporteur  had  almost  precisely  the  same  experience  in  Be- 
linzona  as  he  had  in  Lugano.  A  table  was  hired  from  the  cafe,  and 
placed  in  the  public  square  of  the  town.  The  priests  informed  the 
vice-mayor  that  Bibles  were  displayed  on  the  table,  and  he  immedi- 
ately sent  the  police  to  prohibit  their  sale.  The  colporteur  resisted, 
declaring  that  he  had  the  law  on  his  side.  A  crowd  assembled,  and 
soon  became  tumultuous,  half  being  in  his  favor  and  half  against 
him.  The  vice-mayor  also  appeared,  with  three  large,  fat  priests  as 
his  body-guard,  and  was  greatly  enraged  that  his  orders  had  not  been 
obeyed.  Tjie  colporteur  in  the  mean  time,  however,  had  appealed 
to  the  mayor,  whom  he  knew  to  be  friendly,  and  the  latter  sent  an 
order  not  onh^  permitting  him  to  sell  as  long  as  he  pleased,  but  also 
that  he  should  be  protected  in  so  doing.  The  vice-mayor,  who  was  a 
mere  tool  of  the  priests,  was  exceedingly  angry,  and  at  once  began 
to  denounce  the  colporteur  in  vile  and  abusive  language.  While 
thus  doing  he  turned  suddenly  to  leave,  but,  making  a  wrong  step, 
he  fell  with  his  face  violently  striking  the  pavement.  His  nose  was 
broken,  and  when  he  rose  his  face  was  covered  with  blood.  Thus 
rebuked,  he  and  the  priests  left  the  field,  humbled  and  vanquished. 

On  the  23d  of  January,  1865,  Rev.  W.  G.  Moorehead  wrote  that 
his  little  Church  at  Carrara  was  in  a  flourishing  condition,  the  meet- 
ings being  well  attended,  and  composed  of  some  Roman  Catholics 
and  "  indifferents, "  besides  those  who  were  interested  in  evangelical 
religion.  A  small  Sabbath-school  had  been  organized  three  weeks 
previous,  and  was  held  in  a  side  room  of  the  chapel.  On  the  first 
Sabbath  nine  children  and  two  men  were  present;  on  the  second, 
fifteen  children  and  four  men  ;  and  on  the  third,  nineteen  children 
and  eight  men.  Mr.  Moorehead  had  charge  of  the  school,  and  his 
wife,  though  she  had  been  in  Italy  only  six  weeks,  and  had  but  a 
limited  knowledge  of  the  language,  assisted  in  the  instruction  of  an 
interesting  class  of  poor,  ragged,  ignorant  children,  who  could  not 
read.  The  scholars  were  anno}'ed  by  urchins  of  their  own  age,  who, 
no  doubt  sent  by  the  priests  for  that  special  purpose,  laughed  and 
hooted  at  them,  often  gathering  around  the  door  of  the  school- 
room and  shouting,  '  *  Protestanti  scomunicati  "  (excommunicated 
Protestants),  etc.    The  Italians  are  exceedingly  sensitive  of  the  name 


742 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


Protestant;  and  on  this  account  do  not  call  themselves  by  that  name, 
but  always  by  the  appellation  of  "  Evangelici. "  They  have  been 
educated  from  infancy  to  regard  the  name  Protestant  as  synonymous 
with  Satan.  Hence  some  of  the  children  keenly  felt  the  taunts  of 
their  bigoted  companions,  but  did  not  leave. 

Mr.  Moorehead  also  held  evangelical  meetings  at  Torano,  a  small 
village  near  Carrara ;  and  on  Wednesday  evenings  and  Sabbath  after- 
noons the  room  was  crowded  with  a  deeply  interested  audience, 
sometimes  every  nook  and  corner  being  filled  to  overflowing,  and 
many  standing  closely  around  the  little  stand  erected  for  the  speaker. 
The  people  manifested  their  anxiety  to  hear  the  truth  by  hiring  the 
room  themselves,  and  fitting  it  up  at  their  own  expense  with  seats 
and  lights,  a  very  unusual  circumstance  in  the  work  of  evangelization 
in  Italy.  Another  encouraging  feature  of  the  mission  was  the  pres- 
ence of  many  women  at  the  meetings,  who  listened  to  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  with  wonderful  interest.  Generally  speaking,  the 
women  are  the  last,  except  the  priests,  whom  evangelical  truth 
reaches  in  Italy;  but  in  Torano  nearly  one -third  of  the  audience 
were  women.  The  people  there  asked  for  schools,  daily  and  Sab- 
bath, for  the  organization  of  a  Church,  and  for  the  circulation  of 
Bibles  and  other  religious  literature.  ]\Ir.  Moorehead,  after  speaking 
of  his  encouragements,  closed  his  letter  by  saying:  "May  the  Lord, 
who  hath  in  his  mysterious  providence  led  us  to  this  place,  bless 
and  multiply  more  and  more  his  own  work.  We  ask  your  prayers, 
for  ourselves,  for  our  brother  and  fellow-laborer,  Signor  Perazzi,  and 
for  our  work." 

In  the  Summer  of  1865  the  evangelist  at  Como,  in  his  report  to 
the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  stated  that  eighty 
persons  composed  the  congregation,  of  whom  fort}-seven  were  com- 
municants. Ten  children  attended  the  day-school,  thirt}'  the  evening, 
and  all  were  members  of  the  Sabbath-school.  This  important  agency 
strengthened  and  established  the  work  of  evangelization  by  instruct- 
ing the  young  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel,  and  thus  preparing 
them  to  become  at  some  future  day  faithful  witnesses  for  the  truth. 
In  the  Val  d'Intelvi  there  w^ere  between  fifty  and  sixty  who  called 
themselves  evangelical,  and  twenty-eight  of  these  w^ere  communicants. 
At  St.  Fedele  the  Sabbath -school  had  fifteen  scholars;  but  these 
statistics  do  not  truly  indicate  the  real  strength  of  evangelical  religion 
at  that  time.  The  Divine  Word  had  penetrated  the  hearts  of  multi- 
tudes ;  and  the  good  seed,  under  the  quickening  influence  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  Avas  growing,  though  not  many  persons  openly  identified 


IMPORTANT  MISSION  FIELD. 


743 


themselves  with  the  Protestant  movement.  Besides  the  evangeHst 
of  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  the  Geneva  Com- 
mittee also  sustained  an  ev^igelist  and  a  colporteur  in  Como,  who 
not  only  conducted  the  regular  services  of  preaching  to  a  congrega- 
tion of  one  hundred  and  forty  jDersons  in  the  city,  but  also  visited 
several  towns  and  villages  near  the  lake,  where  many  were  inclined 
to  accept  the  Gospel  and  follow  its  simple  teachings.  Thus,  after 
two  years  of  more  or  less  regular  evangelistic  effort,  the  two  congre- 
gations in  Como  had  made  substantial  progress. 

In  all  that  region  around  the  lake,  as  well  as  in  most  parts  of 
Lombardy,  the  common  people  gladly  received  the  Gospel,  and 
there  appeared  to  be  less  indifference  and  skepticism  in  that  portion 
of  Italy  than  in  Florence  and  elsewhere  in  Tuscany.  The  selfishness 
of  the  priests,  and  the  worldliness  and  unbelief  of  the  laity  caused 
some  of  the  more  intelligent  and  moral  of  the  community  to 
renounce  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  An  incident  published  in 
a  political  journal  issued  in  March,  1865,  indicates  the  prevailing 
spirit  of  the  priesthood.  A  woman  in  Cagliari,  the  mother  of  two 
little  children,  poor  and  dependent  on  charity  for  the  necessaries  of 
life,  was  called  upon  to  mourn  the  death  of  one  of  her  boys  after  a 
short  illness.  She  sent  for  the  parish  priest  to  bury  him,  but  this 
so-called  Christian  minister  absolutely  refused  to  do  so  unless  the 
poor  mother  should  first  give  him  a  dollar  and  a  half.  She  told  him 
that  it  was  impossible  for  her  to  pay  this  amount,  and  entreated 
him  to  bury  her  dead  child.  He  would  not  do  it,  and  she  was  com- 
pelled to  solicit  from  friends  and  strangers,  in  small  contributions, 
the  amount  demanded.  After  receiving  it,  the  priest  performed  the 
usual  funeral  rites.  A  few  days  subsequently  the  other  child  died, 
and  the  mother  went  again  to  the  priest  beseeching  him  to  conduct 
the  customary  service,  saying  that  she  was  not  able  to  give  him 
the  regular  fee.  "If  you  do  not  pay  me,"  he  exclaimed,  "I  will 
not  bury  your  son."  She  begged  him  for  pity's  sake  to  grant  her 
request,  and,  in*  reply  to' his  demand  for  money,  said:  "Oh,  sir,  I 
can  not;  I  have  but  one  dollar,  which  alone  remains  to  save  me  from 
starving,  is  not  that  enough  for  you?  Is  not  one  dollar  enough?  do 
you  demand  more  of  me  ?  To  her  continual  pleading  and  weeping, 
he  said  at  last,  "Bring  me  the  dollar;  as  you  are  so  poor,  I  will 
bury  your  child  for  one  dollar."  The  editor  of  the  paper,  in  com- 
menting on  this  incident,  remarked:  "We  could  wish  not  to  beheve 
this  fact ;  and  for  the  honor  of  human  nature  we  wish  it  had  not 
occurred.    O  priests!  why  do  you  pretend  to  preach  the  Gospel? 


744 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


why  do  you  pretend  to  teach  charity?  You  are  unworthy  of  the 
name  of  priests,  which  you  usurp.  You  are  hars  and  hypocrites; 
you  are  the  shame  and  disgrace  of  humanity." 

Considerable  excitement  was  produced  in  the  cities  and  towns  of 
Italy  by  the  visits  of  an  eccentric  priest,  Don  Ambrogio,  who  exer- 
cised the  functions  of  a  preacher  and  colporteur  at  one  and  the  same 
time.  This  extraordinary  man  continued  to  preach  and  suffer  impris- 
onment by  turns.  He  moved  about  from  place  to  place,  and 
harangued  the  multitude,  who  flocked  around  him,  drawn  by  his 
eloquence,  from  market  places  and  from  the  steps  of  cathedrals  and 
churches.  In  Milan  he  preached  to  the  people  from  the  door 
of  the  cathedral  and  intended  to  leave  the  city.  A  rumor  was, 
however,  circulated  that  he  would  speak  again.  A  great  crowd 
collected,  and  he  was  entreated  to  deliver  an  address,  though  unpre- 
pared. While  he  was  speaking,  the  roar  of  cannon  at  a  distant 
review  was  heard,  and  he  could  not  refrain  from  uttering  a  word 
or  two  about  liberating  Rome.  He  was  immediately  arrested  and 
imprisoned.  At  Ivrea  the  people  were  so  charmed  that  they  lifted 
him  on  their  shoulders  and  set  him  down  in  the  pulpit  of  the  parish 
church,  from  whence,  at  their  earnest  solicitation,  he  preached  a 
thrilling  discourse.  The  priests  sued  for  fifteen  hundred  francs  and 
a  long  imprisonment,  but  the  court  granted  only  fifty  francs  and 
three  days  of  confinement.  The  priests  appealed.  The  higher  court 
reversed  the  sentence,  and  they  not  only  lost  the  small  sum,  but 
had  all  the  costs  to  pay.  At  Varsena,  on  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  he 
entered  the  church,  and  placed  himself  opposite  the  priest,  who 
through  fear,  dared  not  go  on  with  his  tirade  against  Protestantism. 
Ambrogio  then  invited  the  congregation  outside,  and  preached  to 
to  them  from  the  parapet  of  the  church. 

The  colporteurs  that  every-where  followed  him  made  large  sales, 
as  he  called  upon  every  one  to  read  and  study  the  Bible.  The 
priests  dreaded  him,  for  he  constantly  cried  out,  "Don't  give  your 
money  to  the  priests,  but  to  the  poor,  for  Christ,  by  his  death,  has 
brought  us  the  pardon  of  our  sins."  The  writings  of  Ambrogio 
were  numerous,  and  had  an  extensive  circulation.  One  of  these 
half-penny  fly-sheets  had  a  drawing  of  himself,  or  of  the  Free  Italian 
Church,  represented  by  a  female  with  the  Bible  in  one  hand,  and 
the  cross  in  the  other,  at  the  top  of  the  page.  One  series  was 
entitled  "Plagues  of  Italy" — the-  first  mentioned  being  the  pope- 
king — the  second,  the  monks  and  nuns,  the  celibacy  of  the  priests — 
the   fourth,    the    retrograde    upper   clergy.     Another   series  con- 


GA  VAZZT  IN  MILAN. 


745 


sisted  of  hand-bill  dialogues  between  a  priest  of  the  Italian  Church 
and  a  priest  of  the  Papal  Church.  Then  followed  in  order  the 
headings,  "  160,000  Priests  too  Many,"  "The  Brigand  Priests," 
Purgatory,  Confession,  etc."  Each  one  closed  with  an  appropriate 
prayer,  and  so  large  was  the  sale  of  these  series  that  the  citizens 
could  be  seen  reading  them  as  they  walked  along  the  streets.  While 
these  documents  attacked  in  a  fearless  manner  the  errors  of  popery, 
they  did  not  in  the  least  countenance  skepticism,  but  were  sound  in 
their  reference  to  the  Bible  as  the  only  rule  of  faith,  and  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  as  the  only  Head  of  the  Church,  and  his  atoning  sacri- 
fice as  the  only  ground  of  hope  for  sinners.  The  aged  father  of 
Ambrogio,  with  the  promise  of  great  reward,  v/as  sent  to  bring  him 
back  to  Romanism.  He  stood  the  test,  but  acknowledged  that  it  was 
the  severest  ordeal  through  which  he  had  ever  passed. 

In  May,  1865,  Gavazzi  visited  Milan,  and  preached  every  evening 
to  very  large  audiences,  multitudes  being  unable  to  gain  admission 
to  the  hall.  He  de- 
livered two  sermons 
on  the  Bible,  one 
showing  that  it  alone 
revealed  the  way  of 
salvation,  the  other, 
that  while  it  was  the 
oldest  book  in  the 
world,  it  contained 
no  principles  op- 
posed to  modern 
science,  but  in  ex- 
act accordance  with 
it.  This  eloquent 
advocate  of  the  truth 
also  addressed  a 
lengthy  letter  to  Dr. 
De  Sanctis  on  the 
subject  of  a  union  of 
the  Churches,  deeply 
regretting  the  divisions  existing  among  the  Christians  of  Italy.  He 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  cause  of  these  unhappy  strifes  could 
not  be  found  among  the  Italians  themselves,  but  among  the  foreign 
agencies  that  had  been  introduced  into  the  country.  All  intelligent 
and  religiously  inclined  Italians,  he  affirmed,  had  almost  precisely  the 


GAVAZZI. 


746 


ITALY  STRUGGLIXG  INTO  LIGHT. 


same  views  and  wishes  with  regard  to  the  evangeHzation  of  their 
native  land.  All  felt  its  necessity,  all  desired  it,  and  nearly  all  enter- 
tained remarkably  clear  and  harmonious  opinions  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  this  great  work  might  be  accomplished,  but  they  firmly  believed 
that  the  introduction  of  any  foreign  religious  system  or  denomina- 
tion into  Italy  would  retard  the  progress  of  the  Gospel. 

An  American  clergyman,  after  a  residence  of  nearly  two  years 
in  Milan  and  a  careful  study  of  religious  reform  in  Italy,  communi- 
cated similar  views  in  his  letters  to  a  friend  at  home.  "It  has  been 
a  great  obstacle,"  he  declared,  "as  well  as  a  misfortune,  in  the  work 
of  religious  reform  in  Italy  that  foreign  societies  and  committees 
have  not  been  satisfied  with  simply  proclaiming  the  Gospel,  but 
have  sought  in  addition  to  bring  their  Church  systems.  This  has 
given  great  offense  to  Italians  and  has  led  them  to  regard  with  sus- 
picion all  foreign  agencies.  It  is  frequently  asserted  that  the  Italians 
are  jealous  of  foreigners  and  of  their  assistance.  Nothing  is  more 
unjust.  Never  have  I  met  with  a  people  more  cordial  or  generous, 
or  that  could  better  appreciate  assistance,  or  felt  more  grateful  for  it 
when  received,  than  the  Italians.  They  have,  however,  a  remarkable 
love  of  liberty  and  independence,  and  w^ish  to  be  left  free  to  adopt 
such  forms  of  Church  organization  as  they  may  choose. 
They  greatly  desire  and  pray  for  assistance,  and  feel  truly  grateful 
for  it ;  but  are  strongly  opposed  to  any  attempts  to  force  upon  them 
a  peculiar  denominational  system.  They  say,  'we  want  the  Gospel 
and  not  denominations.  We  ask  Christians  and  Churches  to  give 
us  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  but  not  their  Church  systems.'  The  Italians 
are  exceedingly  sensitive  upon  this  point.  ...  If  denomina- 
tions or  societies  will  consent  to  be  only  assisting  agencies  to  the 
Italians,  bringing  to  them  the  Gospel,  preaching  Christ  and  Him 
crucified,  the  work  of  evangelization  will  go  forward  gloriously; 
but  if  evangelization  is  secondary  and  ecclesiasticism  primary,  the 
truth  will  not  make  progress  and  all  effort  and  expense  will  be 
in  vain." 

The  same  writer  also  stated  that  while  the  Waldensian  and  Wes- 
leyan  agencies  were  sustained  with  great  liberality  and  zeal,  yet 
unfortunately  they  did  not  throw  themselves  into  the  current  of  Ital- 
ian sympathy  by  low'ering  their  denominational  standard  before  the 
standard  of  a  common  evangelism.  The  result  was  that  separate 
Churches  were  formed,  called  Evangelical,  or  Free  Italian  Churches. 
At  first  they  received  but  little  foreign  assistance,  and  struggled  on  in 
the  midst  of  poverty,  opposition,  and  contempt,  at  home  and  abroad. 


THE  FREE  NATIONAL  CHURCHES. 


747 


Their  evangelists  were  poorly  educated,  poorly  supported,  and  with 
many  little  esteemed ;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  all  these  difficulties 
and  discouragements,  their  Churches  had  become  in  1865  quite 
numerous,  and  their  evangelists  rapidly  won  the  sympathy  and 
esteem  of  the  people.  They  were  represented  by  their  enemies  at 
home  and  abroad  as  Darbyists,  Plymouthists,  and  even  Rationalists ; 
but  the  American  clergyman,  already  mentioned,  who  was  acquainted 
with  every  phase  of  religious  thought  in  Italy,  said:  "Having  seen 
and  heard  many  of  their  principal  evangelists,  I  know  them  to  be  truly 
sound,  faithful,  and  godly  men.  They  preach  the  Gospel,  for  they  have 
experienced  its  power  in  their  own  hearts ;  they  eloquently  preach 
Christ  as  the  only  Savior,  and  the  people,  who  thirst  for  the  waters  of 
hfe,  flock  to  hear  them." 

These  Free  Italian  Churches,  some  with  and  some  without  evangel- 
ists, were  scattered  over  various  parts  of  Italy,  and  soon  became  more 
numerous  than  those  of  other  organizations.  After  ascertaining  the 
true  character  of  their  w^ork,  many  English  Christians  contributed 
liberally  to  its  support,  the  funds,  when  directed  by  the  donors,  being 
transmitted  by  a  committee  of  gentlemen  in  Geneva  and  by  a  similar 
one  at  Nice.  In  connection  with  these  Churches  there  w^as,  in  1865^ 
a  spiritual  movement  of  w^onderful  power,  indicating  that  they  were 
destined  to  be  a  great  instrumentality  in  the  regeneration  of  Italy. 
Already,  with  the  very  little  assistance  they  had  received  from 
abroad,  they  were  in  a  far  more  prosperous  condition  than  those  of 
any  other  agency.  In  Milan  alone  the  "Free  Italian  Church"  had 
about  eight  hundred  members,  and  among  these  were  some  twelve  or 
fifteen  promising  young  men,  who  greatly  desired  to  become  evangel- 
ists, but  were  too  poor  to  educate  themselves. 

Mr.  Clark,  of  Milan,  in  his  report  of  evangelical  work  in  that  city 
during  the  Summer  of  1865  gave  some  strong  proofs  of  its  marked 
progress.  The  Roman  Catholic  authorities  acknowledged  that  there 
had  been  a  faUing  off  in  Milan  of  seventy  thousand  during  the  preceding 
year  of  those  who  regularly  came  to  mass  and  to  confession.  This 
was  a  loss  of  a  little  more  than  one-fourth  in  a  population  of  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  thousand.  Another  significant  circumstance  was  the 
almost  total  failure  of  the  festival  of  "Corpus  Domini,"  one  of  the 
most  solemn  and  magnificent  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  At  first 
the  authorities  w'ere  inclined  to  restrict  the  celebration  of  it  that  year 
to  the  brotherhood,  but  at  length  they  decided  that  the  public  might 
participate.  The  citizens,  however,  almost  entirely  neglected  it,  the 
procession  being  composed  of  the  clergy,  some  peasants  from  the 


748 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


country,  and  a  few  of  the  rabble.  Nothing-  could  better  indicate  the 
growth  of  liberal  ideas  and  the  decay  of  Romanism  at  that  time. 
Another  sign  of  progress  was  the  increased  access  of  the  evangelical 
agents  among  the  Roman  Catholic  families.  The  few  Bible-women 
in  Milan,  supported  by  friends  in  America,  did  a  noble  work  among 
that  class,  and  also  those  who  had  not  openly  declared  themselves 
Evangelical.  They  were  constantly  invited  to  visit  families  that  they 
had  never  before  seen,  and  when  they  entered  these  homes,  sometimes 
they  were  constrained  to  spend  the  whole  day  in  answering  questions 
eagerly  put  to  them,  and  in  explaining  the  principles  of  the  Evangel- 
ical religion.  There  were  so  many  who  desired  to  know  the  truth, 
and  yet  would  not  venture  to  the  place  of  public  meeting,  that  the 
Bible-women  seemed  indispensable  to  this  large  and  interesting  class. 
These  faithful  women  were  truly  evangelists,  who  went  from  house  to 
house  preaching  the  Gospel,  and  from  whose  labors  much  pre- 
cious fruit  was  gathered.  Many,  through  their  instrumentality,  were 
brought  to  Christ,  and  many,  very  many  who,  when  taken  sick,  were 
bigoted  Roman  Catholics,  gladly  listened  to  the  prayers  and  instruc- 
tions of  these  Bible-women  and  died  rejoicing  in  Christ,  their  only 
and  all-sufficient  Savior. 

The  number  of  those  in  the  educated  class  in  Milan  who  were 
favorable  to  reform  appeared  to  be  large,  and  constantly  increased. 
The  teachers  and  professors  of  the  colleges  and  schools  were,  in 
many  cases,  firm  and  sincere  friends  of  the  truth,  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  leave  their  employment,  and  consecrate  themselves  directly 
to  the  evangelization  of  their  country.  But  unfortunately  this  class 
of  professors  and  .teachers  in  Italy  embraced  very  few  who  were  rich. 
The  great  majority  were  poor,  their  compensation,  whether  by  the 
government  or  municipality,  being  so  small  that  often  with  difficulty 
could  some  of  the  best  and  most  learned  professors  in  Italy  support 
their  families,  or  rise  above  actual  want.  One  of  them  said  to  Mr. 
Clark:  ''We  want  pecuniary  assistance  from  England  and  America 
to  carry  on  this  religious  reform  in  Italy.  We  evangelists  are  all 
poor,  yet  we  have  talent,  ability,  and  heart  to  work.  Let  but  Eng- 
land and  America  enable  us  to  ivork  in  this  reform,  and  we  will  gladly 
bear  the  burden  of  faithful  and  successful  labor.  But  we  want 
means.  We  have  no  money  with  which  to  rent  or  build  school- 
rooms and  chapels,  no  money  to  buy  our  own  bread  while  we  give 
ourselves  to  this  work ;  what  shall  we  do  ?  Why  will  not  England 
and  America  help  us?" 

Mr.  Hall,  of  Florence,  received  encouraging  facts  from  nearly  all 


PREACHING  IN  THE  VILLAGES.  749 

the  colporteurs  and  evangelists  under  his  supervision.  One  of  them 
reported  that  he  was  often  permitted  to  converse  with  country  people, 
who  generally  received  religious  instruction  with  pleasure,  and  lis- 
tened attentively  to  the  reading  of  the  Word  of  God.  He  endeav- 
ored to  make  them  understand  the  differences  between  the  disci- 
ples of -Christ  and  the  disciples  of  the  pope,  informing  them,  that 
those  who  put  their  confidence  in  man  would  perish,  but  that  those 
who  trust  in  God  and  obe}'  his  Word,  should  find  peace  on  earth  and 
eternal  blessedness  in  heaven.  He  also  declared  that  no  power  of 
the  priests  could  deprive  their  hearts  of  the  joy  of  believing  on  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Another  laborer  stated  that,  having  entered  a 
house  filled  with  people,  he  began  to  speak  to  them  of  the  Church 
of  Christ ;  but,  discovering  that  he  was  an  Evangelical,  some  com- 
manded him  to  leave,  and  others  urged  him  to  continue  his  discourse. 
This  difference  of  opinion  produced  great  excitement,  and  the  mis- 
sionar}^,  fearing  some  serious  results,  proposed  to  offer  pra}'er.  They 
all  became  silent,  and  he  called  upon  God  to  direct  them  in  the  light 
of  the  truth.  When  the  prayer  was  ended,  all  appeared  to  be 
changed — there  was  no  more  opposition,  and  he  was  requested  by  the 
entire  audience  to  proceed  with  his  remarks  on  the  subject  first 
presented,  or  some  other  religious  topic.  He  sold  many  tracts, 
the  most  of  which  were  purchased  by  those  who  had  opposed 
him.  Another  evangelist,  who  had  been  laboring  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Ivrea  for  three  and  a  half  years,  said:  **It  is  for 
me  a  subject  of  real  joy,  and  a  reason  for  encouragement  to  see 
that  the  Lord  is  working  in  the  field  intrusted  to  my  care."  He 
preached  in  a  number  of  small  villages  and  visited  families  somewhat 
isolated  in  the  surrounding  country.  According  to  his  ability  and 
his  opportunities  he  faithfully  scattered  the  seed  of  truth,  and  perse- 
vered in  his  work  amidst  many  difficulties.  \\\  a  letter  to  ]\Ir.  Hall 
he  referred  to  two  persons  recently  admitted  to  Christian  fellowship 
and  communion.  One  of  them  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  assem- 
bly by  a  simple,  but  clear,  statement  of  his  faith,  and  the  reasons 
which  at  length  led  him  to  abandon  the  Roman  Church.  The  other, 
also  a  Romanist,  after  a  regular  attendance  at  the  meetings  in  Borgo- 
franco  for  several  weeks,  expressed  a  fixed  determination  to  enter 
into  communion  with  the  Evangelical  Church.  Her  decision  and  con- 
fession of  the  truth  greatly  encouraged  the  little  brotherhood  of 
that  place. 

At  Torano,  a  village  near  Carrara,  which  has  already  been  men- 
tioned as  a  new  but  hopeful  field,  ]\Ir.  IMoorehead  organized  a  Sab- 


750 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


bath-school,  consisting  of  twenty-four  pupils,  all  young  men,  who 
seemed  deeply  interested  in  the  study  of  the  Bible.  The  evangelist 
stationed  at  Vercelli  had  a  congregation  numbering  from  sixty  to  one 
hundred  persons,  and  of  these  between  twenty-five  and  thirty  publicly 
professed  faith  in  Christ,  and  became  members  of  the  Church.  Four 
services  were  held  during  the  week.  There  were  also  three  small  but 
interesting  congregations — distant  from  Vercelli,  one  an  hour,  and 
the  other  half  an  hour  by  the  railroad.  At  Livorno  the  religious 
services  were  regularly  attended  by  from  forty  to  fifty  persons,  and 
of  these  fifteen  united  with  the  Church.  Others  were  gradually 
overcoming  their  timidity,  of  whom  the  missionary  said:  *'I  have 
good  hope,  and  those  who  really  know  the  Lord  Jesus  are,  in  their 
sphere,  true  evangelists."  About  twenty  made  a  profession  of  their 
faith  at  Casale,  and  when  the  evangelist  could  not  be  present  they 
held  meetings  for  mutual  edification,  reading  the  Scriptures,  exhor- 
tation, and  prayer. 

The  evangelical  cause  at  Milan  was  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
efforts  of  Professor  Oddo,  a  literary  celebrity  and  a  popular  speaker 
of  remarkable  power.  His  lectures  on  the  history  of  Italy  made 
a  profound  impression,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  his  audiences  was  ex- 
cited to  the  highest  degree  when  he  discussed  the  differences  between 
the  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant  Churches.  He  arraigned  the  pa- 
pacy as  the  enemy  of  Italy,  and  declared  that  he  had  no  faith  in  any 
pretended  reform  of  that  ecclesiastical  system.  This  eloquent  lec- 
turer also  expressed  his  opinion  concerning  the  school  of  atheism, 
affirming  that  few  in  Italy  advocated  it,  and  fewer  still  believed  it, 
because  the  Italians  are  a  people  of  religious  habits,  and  the  Italian 
philosophy  itself  is,  in  a  certain  sense,  always  Christian.  Yet  skep- 
ticism, resulting  from  want  of  faith  in  the  Romish  doctrines,  pre- 
vailed, and  the  legitimate  fruit  was  indifference,  which  Professor  Oddo 
called  the  "true  religious  wound  of  Italy." 

In  1865  the  English  Wesleyan  missions  in  Italy  made  some  prog- 
ress, notwithstanding  the  unfavorable  condition  of  the  country  relig- 
iously. Rev.  H.  J.  Piggott  reported  fifty  members  in  Milan,  sixty 
communicants,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  regular  hearers  at  Cara- 
vaggio,  a  new  station,  and  the  organization  of  day  and  even- 
ing schools  at  these  points.  Among  the  preaching  places  were 
Intra,  Varese,  Asolo,  Parma,  Monza,  and  Florence.  Mr.  Pig- 
gott commenced  the  publication  of  the  Evangelical  GatJierer,  a  bi- 
monthly magazine,  and  issued  one  thousand  copies  every  two 
weeks.     He  also  established  the  first  regular  class-meeting,  and  was 


POLITICAL  AGITATION. 


encouraged  by  the  liberality  of  the  members,  who,  though  poor, 
contributed  cheerfully  to  the  support  of  God's  cause.  Several  native 
converts  offered  their  services  as  exhorters,  and  six  converted  priests 
applied  for  admission  into  the  Protestant  ministry.  Rev.  T.  W.  S. 
Jones,  who  preached  in  Naples  and  at  the  outlying  stations,  Salerno, 
Foggio,  Barletta,  Bari,  Messina,  and  Reggio,  was  greatly  aided  in  his 
work  by  the  publication  of  a  bi-monthly  paper  called  Lettttjr  di  Fainig- 
lia.  The  Italian  press  generally  favored  the  Protestant  movement, 
and  the  intelligent  middle  class  of  people  manifested  some  sympathy. 

The  political  condition  of  Italy  in  1865  was  one  of  agitation,  re- 
sulting from  the  conflict  between  the  papacy  and  the  government, 
which  strongly  developed  itself  in  the  month  of  January,  when  the 
papal  enc\'clical  of  December  8,  1864,  was  issued.  Not  wishing  to 
intensify  the  prevailing  excitement,  the  government,  on  the  13th  of 
February,  authorized  by  a  decree  the  circulation  of  the  encyclical,  its 
accompanying  s}-llabus,  and  Cardinal  Antonelli's  circular — reserving, 
however,  the  rights  of  the  state  and  crown,  and  without  admitting 
the  propositions  contained  in  those  documents  which  might  be  con- 
trary to  the  institutions  and  legislation  of  the  country.  The  proceed- 
ings of  the  parliament,  which  was  in  session  on  the  opening  of  the 
year,  did  not  present  many  points  of  interest.  The  bill  introduced 
b}'  the  government  for  the  suppression  of  religious  corporations  was 
withdrawn  ;  but  the  ministry  at  the  same  time  announced  that  the 
concession  of  the  exequatur  to  ecclesiastical  benefices  would  be  sus- 
pended, and  that  the  government  would  soon  bring  in  another  bill 
for  the  reform  of  the  religious  bodies. 

On  the  6th  of  ]\Iarch  Pius  IX  addressed  an  autograph  letter  to 
Victor  Emmanuel,  requesting  the  latter's  consideration  of  three 
points ;  namely,  the  return  of  the  bishops  to  their  sees,  the  nomina- 
tion of  other  ecclesiastics  to  fill  the  vacant  sees,  and  the  admission 
of  the  titular  ecclesiastics  already  appointed  by  the  Hoi)-  See  without 
the  consent  of  the  Italian  government.  In  compliance  with  the 
pope's  request,  a  layman,  the  Commander  Xaverio  Vegezzi,  was 
sent  to  Rome,  with  the  Cavalier  Advocate  Giovanni  ]\Iaurizio  as  col- 
league, to  confer  upon  the  three  points  above  mentioned,  and  to  se- 
cure, if  possible,  an  agreement.  The  negotiators  arrived  at  Rome  in 
April,  and  held  several  conferences  with  the  papal  government ;  but 
the  latter  raised  various  difficulties,  and  Vegezzi  and  Maurizio  returned 
home  to  obtain  new  instructions.  They  again  visited  the  papal  cap- 
ital in  June,  but  were  unsuccessful,  and  immediately  resigned  their 
mission.    On  the  8th  of  Jul)-  the  prime  minister.  La  ]Marmora,  pre- 


752 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


sented  to  Victor  Emmanuel  the  official  report  of  the  progress  and 
failure  of  the  proposed  negotiations,  predicting  the  early  separation 
of  Church  and  state. 

A  royal  decree  issued  on  the  7th  of  September  dissolved  the 
Italian  parliament,  ordered  new  elections  to  take  place  on  the  29th 
of  October,  and  convoked  the  Chambers  for  the  15th  of  November. 
The  minister  of  the  interior  addressed  a  circular  to  the  prefects,  an- 
nouncing that  shortly  after  the  assembling  of  parliament  the  ministry 
would  bring  forward  a  measure  for  the  suppression  of  religious  bodies 
and  the  readjustment  of  ecclesiastical  property.  A  notable  feature 
in  the  electoral  campaign  of  1865  was  the  active  participation  of  the 
Catholic  Party,"  who  were  called  by  their  opponents  "Black  Party," 
*'Codini,"  and  other  names.  They  had  generally  abstained  from 
voting  at  former  elections,  at  least  so  far  as  the  annexed  countries 
were  concerned.  One  section  would  not  be  reconciled  to  the  exist- 
ing order  of  things,  while  the  other  directed  their  efforts  to  the  sal- 
vation of  the  papacy,  its  remaining  fragment  of  temporal  power,  and 
to  the  cause  generally  of  the  Church  in  Italy.  The  advanced  liber- 
als, who  were  called  "Party  of  Action,"  "Radicals,"  "Reds,"  etc., 
advocated  the  use  of  violent  and  immediate  means  for  the  completion 
of  Italian  unity  and  independence  by  the  acquisition  of  Rome  and 
Venice.  This  party  was  also  divided  into  two  elements.  The  ex- 
treme "Reds,"  the  men  of  the  "  Unita  Italiana,"  or  the  friends  of 
Mazzini,  abominated  monarchy,  and  denied  that  the  independence 
of  Italy  could  be  secured  under  the  house  of  Savoy.  While  they 
abstained  from  voting,  the  other  and  more  important  section 
of  the  Left  accepted  the  prevailing  order  of  things,  participated 
in  the  elections,  and  labored  to  secure  a  republic  by  peaceable 
means. 

The  government  party,  or  "Moderate  Liberals,"  contained  a 
number  of  factions,  distinguished  by  preferences  for  individual  lead- 
ers, Ricasoli,  Rattazzi,  Minghetti,  had,  as  might  be  expected,  special 
friends  and  supporters.  At  the  election  the  Catholic  party  was  de- 
feated, only  about  a  dozen  of  their  members  being  elected  ;  but  the 
radicals  were  eminently  successful,  having  chosen  one  hundred  and 
twenty  members  to  the  new  parliament,  or  an  increase  of  seventy. 
Garibaldi  was  elected  in  three  places,  Naples,  Andria,  and  Corleto ; 
and  three  of  his  officers,  Generals  Bixio  and  Fabrizzi  and  Colonel 
Cairoli,  were  also  returned,  each  for  three  colleges.  Nicotera,  an- 
other of  his  followers,  and  his  former  dictators  in  Sicily,  Crispi  and 
Mordini,  were  elected  for  two  districts  each.     Mazzini,  notwithstand- 


THE  PARLIAMENT. 


753 


ing  his  avowed  hostility  to  the  monarchical  principle,  came  near  being 
elected  in  Genoa. 

The  session  of  the  new  parliament  was  opened  on  the  i8th  of 
November  by  King  Victor  Emmanuel  in  person,  who  delivered  a 
patriotic  address.  On  the  6th  of  December  the  Chambcy-  of  Deputies 
elected  Signor  Marini,  the  candidate  of  the  government,  to  the  office 
of  president,  by  one  hundred  and  forty -one  votes  out  of  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy-three  members  voting,  after  two  ballots  between 
him  and  Signor  Mordini,  the  candidate  of  the  Left.  The  ministry, 
finding  that  they  could  not  control,  in  all  important  questions,  a  ma- 
jority of  the  house  of  deputies,  tendered  their  resignation,  which  was 
accepted  by  the  king.  On  the  31st  of  December  the  following  new 
cabinet  was  appointed :  General  Delia  Marmora,  president  and  min- 
ister for  foreign  affairs ;  Signor  Chiaves,  minister  of  the  interior ; 
Signor  Scialoja,  minister  of  finance ;  Signor  Defalco,  minister  of 
public  worship  and  justice ;  Signor  Jacini,  minister  of  public  works. 
The  Chamber  of  Deputies  consisted,  in  1865,  of  four  hundred  and 
forty-three  members.  The  Italian  government,  upon  the  withdrawal 
of  the  first  of  the  French  troops  from  Rome  in  November,  declared 
its  determination  not  to  attack  the  papal  territory,  or  suffer  it  to  be 
invaded,  because  France  was  carrying  out  the  September  convention 
in  evacuating  the  city. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXVI. 

THE  DEFEAT  OF  AUSTRIA— ITALY  ANNEXES  VENETIA. 

ON  the  nth  of  January,  1866,  a  dispatch  from  General  La  Mar- 
mora to  the  Austrian  government  declared  that  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  regular  relations  could  not  be  admitted  except  as  a 
starting-point  toward  the  solution  of  the  Venetian  question.  The 
complications  between  Austria  and  Prussia  naturally  led  to  negotia- 
tions by  Italy  with  Prussia  for  the  conclusion  of  a  defensive  and 
offensive  alliance.  On  the  9th  of  March  the  Italian  government  gave 
to  its  representative  in  Berlin  instructions  to  sign  the  alliance  with 
Prussia ;  and  on  the  29th  of  April  General  La  Marmora  issued  a 
circular  dispatch  stating  that,  while  Italy  w^as  enjoying  perfect  quiet 


754 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


and  the  army  was  on  a  peace  footing,  Austria  had  made  threatening 
armaments  in  Italy,  and  had  thereby  compelled  the  government  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations  for  war.  On  the  30th  of  April  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  by  an  unanimous  vote,  save  one,  authorized 
the  government,  until  the  end  of  July,  to  meet  all  the  expenses 
which  were  necessary  for  the  defense  of  the  country  by  extraordinary 
means.  This  was  supplemented  on  the  9th  of  May  by  another  reso- 
lution authorizing  the  government,  until  the  end  of  July,  to  provide 
by  royal  decrees  for  the  defense  and  safety  of  the  state. 

The  government,  besides  putting  the  army  on  a  regular  war 
footing,  authorized  the  enrollment  of  volunteers  and  the  mobilization 
of  the  national  guard.  The  volunteers  were  placed  under  the  chief 
command  of  General  Garibaldi,  who  in  a  letter  written  at  Caprera, 
on  the  nth  of  May,  1866,  accepted  the  appointment:  ''I  accept 
with  true  gratitude  the  dispositions  which  you  have  taken  and  his 
majesty  has  sanctioned  relative  to  the  volunteer  corps.  I  am  thank- 
ful to  you  for  the  trust  you  manifest  in  me  in  giving  me  the  command, 
and  you  will  be  good  enough  to  express  to  the  king  my  sentiments. 
I  hope  soon  to  co-operate  with  our  glorious  army  in  accomplishing 
the  destinies  of  the  country.  I  thank  you  for  your  courtesy  in  mak- 
ing this  communication  to  me." 

Italy  declared  war  against  Austria  on  the  i8th  of  June,  1866,  and 
on  the  20th  Victor  Emmanuel  issued  the  following  manifesto : 

"Several  years  have  already  passed  since  Austria  attacked  my 
states  because  I  had  supported  the  common  cause  of  the  country  in 
the  councils  of  Europe.  I  took  up  the  sword  to  defend  my  throne, 
the  liberty  of  my  people,  the  honor  of  the  Italian  name,  and  to  fight 
for  the  rights  of  the  nation.  Victory  was  in  favor  of  right.  The 
valor  of  the  army,  the  aid  of  the  volunteers,  the  concord  and  wisdom 
of  the  people,  and  the  assistance  of  a  magnanimous  ally,  gained  the 
almost  complete  independence  and  liberty  of  Italy.  Supreme  reasons 
we  were  obliged  to  respect  prevented  us  at  that  time  from  accom- 
plishing that  just  and  glorious  enterprise.  One  of  the  noblest  prov- 
inces of  Italy,  united  by  the  desires  of  the  population  to  my  crown, 
and  which  its  heroic  resistance  and  continual  protest  against  foreign 
dominion  rendered  especially  dear  and  sacred  to  us,  remained  in  the 
hands  of  Austria.  Though  sorrowful  at  heart,  I  abstained  from  trou- 
bling Europe,  which  desired  peace.  My  government  occupied  itself 
with  improving  the  work  of  interior  organization,  opening  sources  of 
public  prosperity,  and  fortifying  the  country  by  land  and  by  sea,  await- 
ing a  favorable  opportunity  to  accomplish  the  independence  of  Venetia. 


THE  KING'S  PROCLAMATION. 


755 


"Although  waiting  was  not  without  danger,  nevertheless  we  un- 
derstood how  to  keep  shut  within  our  hearts  our  feelings  as  Italians, 
and  our  just  impatience ;  and  thus  were  preserved  intact  the  right  of 
the  nation,  and  the  dignit}'  of  the  crown  and  of  parliament,  in  order 
that  Europe  might  understand  what  was  due  to  Italy.  Austria,  sud- 
denly re-enforcing  her  troops  upon  our  frontier,  and  provoking  us  by 
her  hostile  and  threatening  attitude,  has  come  to  disturb  the  pacific 
task  of  the  reorganization  of  the  kingdom.  I  have  replied  by  again 
taking  up  arms,  and  you  have  afforded  the  world  the  grand  sight  of 
hastening  with  promptitude  and  enthusiasm  into  the  army  to  enlist 
among  the  volunteers.  Nevertheless,  when  friendly  powers  endeav- 
ored to  settle  the  difficulties  by  a  congress,  I  gave  a  last  pledge,  of 
my  feelings  to  Europe,  and  hastened  to  accept  the  proposal.  Austria 
again  refused,  this  time  rejecting  negotiations  and  all  agreement, 
affording  thus  a  fresh  proof  that  if  she  confides  in  her  strength  she 
does  not  rely  equally  upon  the  goodness  of  her  cause  and  of  her 
right.  You,  also,  Italians,  may  trust  in  your  strength,  looking  -with 
pride  upon  your  valiant  army  and  strong  navy;  but  you  may  rely 
still  more  firmly  upon  the  sacredness  of  your  right,  whose  triumph  is 
henceforth  infallible.  We  are  supported  by  the  judgment  of  public 
opinion,  and  by  the  sympathy  of  Europe,  which  knows  that  Italy, 
independent  and  secure  in  her  territory,  will  become  a  guaranty  for 
peace  and  order.  Italians,  I  hand  over  the  government  of  the  state 
to  Prince  Carignan,  and  again  take  up  the  eagles  of  Getta  and  I\Ia- 
rengo,  of  Palestro  and  San  ^lartino.  I  feel  that  I  shall  accomplish 
the  vows  made  at  the  tomb  of  my  high-minded  father.  I  wish  once 
more  to  be  the  first  soldier  of  Italian  independence." 

The  king  also  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  national  guard,  say- 
ing: "I  leave  the  regency  of  the  kingdom  to  the  prince  of  Carig- 
nan, to  fight  anew  the  final  battles  for  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  Italy.  While  our  forces  by  land  and  sea  secure  the  rights  of  the 
nation  against  threats  and  provocations  of  Austria,  you  will  keep  the 
nation  organized  and  arranged,  in  order  that  it  may  strengthen  her 
liberties  and  secure  respect  for  the  laws,  thus  preparing  itself  worthy 
for  the  glorious  future  which  awaits  us.  It  is  }-ou  who  have  consti- 
tuted the  nation  by  your  will.  Preserve  it  intact  now  by  discipline 
and  arms.  Citizens, — I  confidentl}'  intrust  to  }-ou  the  guardianship 
of  public  security  and  order.    I  go  where  the  voice  of  Italy  calls." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  following  new  Italian 
ministry,  appointed  on  the  20th  of  June,  was  in  power:  Ricasoli, 
president  of  the  ministry;   Baron  Bettino,  interior;  Emilio  Visconti 

49 


756 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Venosta,  foreign  affairs;  Francesco  Borgatti,  worship  and  justice; 
war,  Sciajola ;  public  instruction,  Domenico  Berti ;  public  works, 
Dr.  Stefano  Jacini ;  navy,  Agostino  Depretis;  commerce,  industry, 
and  agriculture,  Filippo  Cordova.  In  August,  Effusio  Cujaia  was 
appointed  minister  of  finance.  The  Italians  responded  with  enthu- 
siasm to  Victor  Emmanuel's  call  for  troops.  The  army  of  the  king 
crossed  the  Mincio,  and  on  the  24th  of  June  was  defeated  by  the 
Austrians;  but  the  great  victory  of  Prussia  at  Sadovva,  on  the  3d 
of  Jul}',  reduced  Austria  to  such  extremities  that  she  was  compelled 
to  concentrate  all  her  energies  for  the  defense  of  her  home  territory. 
Unable  to  hold  Venetia,  she  relinquished  it  to  the  emperor  of  the 
French,  by  whom  it  was  to  be  transferred  to  Italy.  On  the  20th  of 
July,  the  Austrian  fleet  inflicted  a  terrible  defeat  upon  the  Italian 
licet  off  Lissa.  The  war  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  Peace  of 
Nicholsburg,  on  the  30th  of  August.  In  spite  of  her  reverses, 
Italy  gained  the  objects  for  Avhich  she  fought,  thanks  to  the  vigor 
and  success  with  which  Prussia  fought. 

In  accordance  with  the  treaty  between  Austria  and  Italy,  a  pop- 
ular vote  took  place  in  Venetia  in  October,  on  the  question  of  the 
annexation  of  the  latter  province  to  Italy.  The  result  showed  a 
remarkable  unanimit}-;  641.755  votes  being  cast  in  favor  of  and  only 
69  against  the  proij.>-"iio  1.  On  the  4th  of  November,  the  king, 
surrounded  by  the  princes,  the  ministers,  the  dignitaries  of  the  state, 
and  the  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  received  the  Venetian 
deputation,  which  communicated  to  his  majesty  the  result  of  the 
plcbiscitiim.  After  the  ceremony  the  national  guard,  the  troops  and 
the  various  corporate  bodies  defiled  before  the  king  amid  loud  cheers 
from  the  assembled  multitude.  General  Menabraea  delivered  a 
speech  to  his  majesty  in  placing  in  his  hands  the  i^-on  crown  of 
Lombardy.  Upon  receiving  the  result  of  the  plcbiscitiun  from  the 
Venetian  deputation.  King  Victor  Emmanuel  said:  **This  day  is 
the  proudest  of  my  life.  Eighteen  years  ago  my  father  proclaimed 
from  this  city  the  war  of  independence,  and  to-day  you  bring  to 
me  the  manifestations  of  the  popular  will  in  the  Venetian  province, 
which,  united  with  Italy,  declare  my  father's  wish  to  be  accom- 
plished. You  confirm  by  this  solemn  act  what  Venetia  did  up  to 
1848,  and  has  maintained  up  to  the  present  day  with  admirable 
constancy  and  abnegation.  I  therefore  pay  a  grateful  tribute  to 
those  generous  patriots  who  upheld  their  faith  in  the  destinies  of  the 
country  by  every  kind  of  sacrifice  and  by  their  blood.  To-day 
foreign   domination    ceases   forever.     Italy  is   constituted,    if  not 


THE  KING'S  ADDRESS. 


7S7 


accomplished.  Italians  must  now  defend  and  make  her  great.  The 
iron  crown  is  also  restored  to  Italy;  but  to  that  crown  I  prefer  the 
one  which  is  dearer  to  me,  made  by  the  love  of  my  people." 

A  royal  decree  was  issued  on  the  5th  of  November  declaring 
that  the  provinces  of  Venetia  shall  henceforth  form  an  integral 
part  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  The  government  also  appointed 
sixteen  senators  for  Venetia,  and  ordered  the  election  of  deputies. 
On  the  15th  of  December  the  Italian  parliament  was  opened  by 
the  king,  who  delivered  the  following  address  from  the  throne : 

"Signors  Senators,  Signors  Deputies, — Our  country  is  henceforth 
free  from  all  foreign  domination.  It  is  with  profound  joy  that  I 
declare  this  to  the  representatives  of  25,000,000  Italians.  The 
nation  had  faith  in  me  and  I  in  them.  This  great  event,  by 
crowning  our  common  efforts,  gives  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  work 
of  civilization,  and  renders  more  stable  the  political  equilibrium  of 
Europe.  By  her  promptitude  in  military  organization,  and  by  the 
rapid  union  of  her  people,  Italy  has  acquired  the  credit  which 
was  necessary  to  enable  her  to  attain  independence  by  herself;  and 
with  the  aid  of  efficacious  alliances,  Italy  has  found  encouragement 
and  support  in  this  laborious  work  in  the  sympathy  of  civilized 
governments  and  peoples,  and  has  been  further  sustained  and 
strengthened  by  the  courageous  perseverance  of  the  Venetiafi 
provinces  in  the  common  enterprise  of  national  emancipation. 
The  treaty  of  peace  with  the  empire  of  Austria,  which  will  be  laid 
before  you,  will  be  followed  by  negotiations  which  will  facilitate 
exchanges  of  prisoners  between  the  two  states.  The  French  govern- 
ment, faithful  to  the  obligations  which  it  contracted  by  the  Sep- 
tember convention,  has  withdrawn  its  troops  from  Rome.  On  its 
side,  the  Italian  government,  observant  of  its  engagements,  has 
respected  and  will  respect  the  pontifical  territory.  Our  good  under- 
standing with  the  French  emperor,  to  whom  we  are  bound  by  friend- 
ship and  gratitude,  the  moderation  of  the  Romans,  the  wisdom  of 
the  pontiff,  and  the  religious  sentiment  and  right  feeling  of  the 
Italian  people,  will  aid  us  to  distinguish  and  conciliate  the  Catholic 
interests ;  and  national  aspirations,  which  are  interwoven  and  con- 
tending with  each  other  in  Rome,  attach  us  to  the  religion  of  our 
ancestors,  which  is  also  that  of  the  great  majority  of  Italians. 

"I  nevertheless  respect  the  principle  of  liberty  which  breathes 
through  our  institutions,  and  which,  broadly  and  sincerely  applied, 
will  remove  the  causes  of  the  old  differences  between  Church  and 
state.    This  disposition  on  our  part,   by  reassuring  Catholic  con- 


758 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


science,  will  accomplish,  I  hope,  the  wishes  which  I  form  that  the 
sovereign  pontiff  may  remain  independent  at  Rome.  Italy  is  secure, 
now  that,  besides  the  valor  of  her  sons,  which  through  all  the  changes 
of  fortune  has  never  belied  itself,  either  by  land  or  sea,  nor  in  the 
ranks  of  the  army,  or  the  volunteers,  she  possesses  as  the  ramparts 
of  her  independence  the  very  bulwarks  which  served  to  oppress  her. 
Italy  can,  therefore,  and  now  ought,  to  turn  her  efforts  to  increasing 
her  prosperity.  As  Italians  have  shown  admirable  concord  in  the 
affirmation  of  their  independence,  so  now  let  all  devote  themselves 
with  intelligence,  ardor,  and  indomitable  constancy  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  economic  resources  of  the  Peninsula.  Several  bills  will 
be  laid  before  you  with  this  object.  In  the  midst  of  the  labors  of 
peace,  favored  by  a  secure  future,  we  shall  not  neglect  following  the 
lessons  of  experience,  to  perfect  our  military  organization,  in  order 
that,  with  the  least  possible  outlay,  Italy  may  not  be  destitute  of 
the  forces  necessary  to  maintain  her  in  the  place  which  belongs  to 
her  among  great  nations. 

"The  measures  recently  taken  relative  to  the  administration  of 
the  kingdom,  and  those  which  will  be  proposed  to  you,  above  all, 
respecting  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  and  the  accountability  of  the 
state,  will  contribute  to  ameliorate  the  management  of  public  affairs. 
My  government  has  provided  in  advance  for  the  expenditure  of  the 
year  about  to  open,  and  for  extraordinary  payments  of  every  kind. 
They  will  ask  of  you  the  continuation  in  1867  of  the  financial  meas- 
ures voted  for  in  1866.  The  legislative  bodies  will  also  maturely  dis- 
cuss the  bills  which  will  be  laid  before  them  to  ameliorate  the  assess- 
ment of  the  taxes,  and  to  equalize  them  among  the  different  provinces 
of  the  kingdom.  If,  as  I  am  fully  confident,  the  people  of  Italy  will 
not  fail  in  that  activity  which  created  the  wealth  and  power  of  our 
ancestors,  it  will  not  be  long  before  the  public  exchequer  will  reach 
its  definitive  equilibrium.  Italy  is  now  rendered  to  herself.  Her 
responsibility  is  equal  to  the  power  and  the  full  liberty  she  enjoys  in 
the  use  of  her  strength.  The  great  things  we  have  done  in  a  short 
space  of  time  increase  our  obligation  not  to  fail  in  our  task,  which 
is  to  know  how  to  govern  ourselves  with  the  vigor  required  by  the 
social  condition  of  the  kingdom  and  the  liberality  demanded  by  our 
institutions.  Liberty  in  our  political  institutions,  authority  in  the 
government,  activity  in  the  citizens,  and  the  empire  of  law  upon  all 
and  over  all,  will  carry  Italy  to  the  height  of  her  destiny,  and  fulfill 
what  the  world  expects  from  her." 

One  of  the  main  questions  to  be  solved  by  parliament  was  the  re- 


RICASOLVS  CIRCULAR.  759 

lation  of  the  state  to  the  Church.  The  government,  believing  that 
their  complete  separation  would  remove  the  pending  difficulties,  re- 
solved to  propose  such  a  measure.  Before  the  meeting  of  parliament 
on  the  22d  of  October,  the  prime  minister,  Ricasoli,  addressed  a  cir- 
cular to  the  prefects  permitting  the  return  of  all  the  bishops  to  their 
sees,  excluding  those  residing  in  Rome.  This  circular  was  followed 
by  another  dated  November  15  th,  and  likewise  addressed  to  the  pre- 
fects. The  prime  minister  also  wrote  a  letter  to  the  exiled  bishops 
living  in  Rome,  in  which  he  discussed  the  relations  existing  between 
Church  and  state,  and  the  bishops  replied  to  it.  Ricasoli  answered 
them  on  the  26th  of  November,  directing  their  attention  to  the 
United  States,  where  liberty  is  "professed  and  respected  by  all,  in 
principle  and  in  fact,  in  its  amplest  application  to  civil,  political,  and 
social  life."  After  showing,  at  great  length,  the  causes  which  pro- 
duced the  conflict  between  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  power,  he  asked 
how  this  deplorable  and  perilous  contest  could  be  terminated,  and 
then  answered  the  question  by  saying:  "Liberty  can  alone  bring  us 
to  that  happy  state  of  things  which  your  lordships  consider  so  envi- 
able in  America.  Let  us  '  render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's,'  and  peace  be- 
tween Church  and  state  will  be  troubled  no  more." 

The  negotiations  of  the  Italian  government  with  the  pope  for 
obtaining  a  recognition  of  the  annexation  of  the  larger  portion  of  the 
papal  dominions  to  Italy,  and  a  regulation  of  the  Church  affairs  in 
the  kingdom,  were  unsuccessful.  Pius  IX  deemed  it  his  duty  to  de- 
fend the  integrity  of  the  temporal  possessions  of  the  papacy.  On 
the  30th  of  October,  1866,  in  the  usual  consistory  of  the  cardinals, 
he  gave  a  solemn  utterance  of  his  views  in  an  allocution,  which  was 
in  perfect  harmony  with  his  "Encyclical"  of  December  8,  1864. 
He  denounced  the  Italian  government  for  banishing  bishops,  impris- 
oning priests,  closing  diocesan  schools,  suppressing  religious  corpora- 
tions, and  establishing  a  law  respecting  civil  marriage.  The  pope  was 
also  grieved  by  the  departure  from  Rome  on  the  4th  of  December 
of  one  regiment  of  French  troops  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  be- 
tween Italy  and  France. 


76o 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Seventh  Decade,  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXVII. 


THE  ROMAN  QUESTION— PROTEST  ANT  MISSIONS. 

IN  May,  1867,  the  financial  situation  had  become  so  critical  that 
King  Victor  Emmanuel,  in  a  message  to  parliament,  gave  up  his 
own  share  of  the  civil  list,  and  proposed  the  sale  of  Church  lands  and 
the  reduction  of  the  public  expenditure.  A  few  days  afterwards 
French  capitalists  advanced  eighty-six  millions  of  dollars,  and  in 
August  a  bill  was  passed  legalizing  the  proposed  sale.  These  and 
similar  measures,  inaugurated  chiefly  under  the  Lanza  cabinet,  helped 
to  maintain  the  national  credit ;  but  the  political  situation  consequent 
upon  the  presence  of  French  troops  and  other  foreign  soldiers  in  Rome 

continued  to  be  more 
and  more  embarrassing. 
Garibaldi  resolved  to  in- 
vade the  pontifical  ter- 
ritory, on  the  frontiers 
of  which  his  volun- 
teers, the  ''red  shirts," 
gathered  in  September. 
While  he  was  on  his  way 
to  the  city  of  Rome, 
on  the  22d  of  the  same 
month,  he  was  arrested 
at  Sinalunga.  A  slight 
revolution  occurred, 
and  the  people  endeav- 
ored to  break  open  ar- 
senals, armories,  etc., 
to  obtain  arms  for  the 
purpose  of  rescuing 
Garibaldi,  but,  without 
a  serious  riot;  he  was 
taken  by  the  government  authorities  and  conveyed  to  his  home  at 
Caprera.    In  the  mean  time  his  volunteers  crossed  the  Roman  fron- 


GARIBALDI. 


THE  ROMAN  QUESTION. 


761 


tier  without  being  checked  by  the  Italian  government.  Rattazzi,  who 
had  returned  to  office,  secretly  encouraged  the  movement,  hoping  to 
find  in  it  a  chance  for  winning  Rome  for  Italy,  without  incurring  the 
risk  of  a  war  with  France.     He  managed  the  affair  badly. 

On  the  14th  of  October  Garibaldi  was  allowed  to  escape  from 
Caprera  and  rejoin  his  forces.  The  sympathy  of  the  Italian  govern- 
ment was  so  open  that  he  hoped  to  be  supported  by  the  royal  troops. 
This  open  sympathy,  however,  had  induced  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
to  inform  the  Italian  government  that  he  should  regard  any  further 
action  against  the  papal  dominions  as  a  declaration  of  war  against 
France.  The  previous  correspondence  between  the  two  powers 
concerning  the  Roman  question  is  exhibited  in  the  official  * 'Green- 
book,"  which  was  distributed  to  the  Italian  Chamber  of  Deputies  on 
the  loth  of  December,  1867.  It  contains  twenty-seven  documents 
exchanged  between  the  governments,  from  the  2d  of  June,  1865,  to 
the  7th  of  September,  1867;  while  the  documents  relating  to  the 
Roman  question  are  sixty-six  in  number,  their  dates  running  from 
the  20th  of  December,  1866,  to  the  3d  of  December,  1867.  In  this 
collection  is  a  dispatch  dated  the  8th  of  August,  1867,  fi'om  the 
Italian  charge-d'affaires  at  Paris,  communicating  to  his  government  a 
declaration  of  the  French  minister  for  foreign  affairs  that  the  Antibes 
Legion  (the  French  volunteers  in  Rome)  was  independent  of  any 
foreign  influence  or  control.  Not  only  did  the  French  government 
recognize  this  principle,  but  it  was  determined  to  conform  thereto. 
With  regard  to  the  mission  of  General  Dumont  to  Rome,  who  was 
reported  to  have  addressed  the  Antibes  Legion  as  forming  a  part  of 
the  French  army,  the  French  minister  said:  '*I  do  not  disavow,  but 
deny  it."  In  a  note  of  the  2d  of  September  the  French  government 
stated  that  the  emperor,  while  reserving  to  himself  the  right  of 
authorizing  French  officers  to  serve  in  the  papal  army,  as  in  other 
foreign  armies,  intended  that  thenceforth  the  Antibes  Legion  should 
contain  none  but  soldiers '  free  from  all  obligations  towards  France. 
A  telegram  from  the  Italian  government  of  the  5th  of  September 
expressed  pleasure  that  every  difficulty  was  removed  that  might  dis- 
turb good  relations  between  the  two  countries. 

The  communications  relative  to  the  Roman  government  com- 
menced with  a  telegram  from  the  Florence  cabinet  to  the  Chevalier 
Nigra,  Italian  minister  at  Paris,  on  the  30th  of  September,  which 
said  that,  in  the  event  of  a  revolution  at  Rome,  the  Italian  govern- 
ment would  necessarily  be  compelled  to  intervene  in  order  to  pre- 
serve public  tranquillity  and  guard  Italian  institutions.    The  French 


762 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


government  replied,  that  in  case  of  such  events  it  would  not  act 
without  previously  communicating  with  the  Italian  government,  and 
insisted  upon  the  frontier  being  loyally  watched.  On  the  14th  of 
October  the  Italian  government  protested  against  the  violation  of  the 
September  convention  by  France,  and  declared  that  if  the  French 
troops  marched  towards  Rome,  it  would  be  compelled  to  intervene 
and  occupy  pontifical  territory  without  fail.  Chevalier  Nigra  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  that  the  Italian  government  might  avert  a  French 
occupation  by  redoubled  efforts  to  repress  the  Garibaldian  invasion 
without  occupying  pontifical  territory.  A  note  from  the  Italian  gov- 
ernment, on  the  17th  of  October,  said:  "That  in  the  event  of  a 
revolution  taking  place  in  Rome,  the  only  efficacious  means  was  the 
intervention  of  Italy  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order  and  protect- 
ing the  person  of  the  pontiff,  leaving  the  question  of  sovereignty 
intact."  On  the  same  day  the  French  government  replied  that  it  did 
not,  in  any  case,  admit  Italian  intervention  at  Rome,  since  a  revolu- 
tion in  that  city  would  be  considered  at  Paris  as  the  consequence 
of  the  invasion  of  pontifical  territory. 

In  the  mean  time  Garibaldi,  having  entered  the  Campagna,  de- 
feated the  papal  forces  at  Monte  Rotundo  on  the  25th  of  October, 
marched  upon  Rome,  and  prepared  to  enter  it.  A  note  from  the 
Marquis  d'  Azeglio,  dated  at  London  the  29th  of  October,  stated 
that  Lord  Stanley  had  declared  that  England  would  exert  her.  .good 
offices  to  prevent  the  entry  of  the  Italian  troops  being  considered  by 
France  as  a  casus  belli.  The  popular  feeling  in  Italy  was  intensified 
w^hen  Garibaldi  returned  to  the  head  of  forces  on  the  14th  of  Octo- 
ber. It  appears,  from  a  closely  printed  volume  of  official  documents 
presented  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the  28th  of  December,  that 
Rattazzi  had,  previous  to  the  14th  of  October,  outwardly  at  least, 
endeavored  to  prevent  the  Garibaldian  movement ;  but,  finding  that 
a  large  number  of  local  officials  of  the  grand  proprietors  and  of  the 
national  guard  did  not  conceal  their  sympathy  with  it,  he  yielded  to 
the  tide  and  declared  the  impossibihty  of  successfully  resisting  the 
invasion.  As  serious  complications  had  arisen  with  France,  Rattazzi, 
on  the  15th  of  October,  tendered  his  resignation,  which  was  accepted 
by  the  king,  who  intrusted  General  Menabrea  with  the  formation  of 
a  new  ministry.  The  latter,  as  constituted  by  him,  and  which  was  in 
power  Avhen  Garibaldi  was  approaching  Rome  on  the  25th  of  October, 
was  as  follows :  President  of  the  council  of  ministers,  and  minister  of 
foreign  affairs.  Lieutenant-general  Count  Louis  Fred  Menabrea ;  min- 
ter  of  the  interior.  Marquis  Gualterio ;  minister  of  grace,  justice. 


A  PROPOSED  CONFERENCE. 


763 


and  worship,  Adrian  Mari;  minister  of  war,  Major-general  Hector 
Maria  Bertole  Viele;  minister  of  finance,  Count  Cambray  Digny ; 
minister  of  public  instruction,  Emil  Broglio  ;  minister  of  public  works, 
Count  Cantelli ;  minister  of  the  navy.  Counter-admiral  Provana. 

On  the  2d  of  November  Chevalier  Nigra  wrote  that  the  French 
government  did  not  consider  the  entry  of  the  Italian  troops  into  the 
pontifical  territory  as  a  casus  belli,  and  had  ordered  the  French  troops 
to  avoid  all  collision  with  the  Italian  army.  A  dispatch  from  the 
Spanish  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  on  the  2d  of  November,  stated 
that  the  sending  of  a  Spanish  frigate  was  in  no  way  intended  as  a 
hostile  step  toward  Italy,  but  had  only  been  taken  to  offer  a  refuge 
to  the  Holy  Father  in  case  he  might  wish  to  leave  his  states.  On 
the  9th  of  November  Chevalier  Nigra  sent  a  dispatch  announcing  that 
the  French  government  absolutely  rejected  the  idea  of  the  conference 
for  settling  the  Roman  question,  which  had  been  proposed  by  Italy, 
consisting  only  of  Catholic  powers.  Baron  Beust  had  stated  to  the 
Italian  minister  at  Vienna  that  Austria  declined  to  take  part  in  a 
conference  where  none  were  present  but  Catholic  powers,  and  in  ad- 
hering to  the  proposal  of  a  conference  assumed  no  initiative.  A 
note  from  General  Menabrea,  on  the  14th  of  November,  declared 
that  Italy  rejected  the  proposed  conference  if  it  consisted  only  of 
Catholic  powers,  and  only  consented  that  the  representatives  of  the 
great  powers  should  deliberate  upon  the  Roman  question,  as  in  the 
case  of  other  questions  of  general  interest.  The  Italian  government 
could  not  take  part  in  any  deliberation  that  might  establish  a  still 
worse  position  of  affairs  between  Italy  and  the  Holy  See."  In  reply- 
ing to  the  invitation  to  the  conference  Prince  Gortschakoff  said  that 
it  was  not  necessary  to  engage  Italy  to  resist  revolutionary  move- 
ments, and  that  Russia  could  not  accept  a  conference  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Roman  question  without  knowing  its  basis.  A  dispatch 
from  General  Menabrea  on  the  19th  of  November  announced  that 
the  Italian  government,  while  reserving  the  inalienable  right  of  the 
independence  and  unity  of  the  kingdom,  did  not  hesitate  to  accept 
the  conference  in  principle,  certain  that  the  powers  would  be  favora- 
ble to  Italy.  He  asked  what  would  be  the  position  of  Italy  in  the 
conference,  whether  it  was  expected  that  she  should  attend  only  to 
declare  her  rights — a  position  suitable  to  a  great  state  which  sub- 
mitted a  great  question  to  friendly  governments — or  whether  the 
resolutions  of  the  conference  would  have  authority,  or  be  confined  to 
offering  counsels?  In  the  latter  case.  General  Menabrea  inquired 
whether  the  French  government  would  insure  their  sanction.  The 


764 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Italian  government  would  not  admit  any  retrospective  consideration 
of  the  facts  by  which  the  kingdom  had  been  constituted.  The  de- 
liberations of  the  conference  should  be  confined  to  removing  the 
difficulties  between  Italy  and  the  "Holy  See." 

The  Italian  parliament  reassembled  on  the  5th  of  December, 
1867.  General  Menabrea  announced  the  composition  of  the  new 
ministry,  and  explained  its  policy.  After  alluding  to  the  difficulties 
which  the  new  cabinet  had  encountered,  he  went  on  to  maintain  the 
right  of  Italy  to  intervene  in  the  pontifical  states  when  the  interven- 
tion of  France  took  place.  He  said:  ''It  was  the  right  and  duty  of 
the  government  to  arrest  Garibaldi,  who  had  violated  the  laws  of  his 
country.  The  conduct  of  the  ministry,  in  spontaneously  withdrawing 
the  troops  of  Italy  when  all  danger  had  ceased,  prevented  the  arrival 
of  other  foreign  soldiers,  and  facilitated  the  departure  of  a  portion 
of  those  who  had  entered  the  papal  territory."  After  justifying  the 
acts  of  repression  which  had  been  exercised  during  the  recent  state 
of  things,  General  Menabrea  stated  that  the  king  had  resolved  to 
grant  amnesty  to  all  persons  compromised  by  the  late  events.  With 
regard  to  the  Roman  question,  he  said  that  it  required  very  little  to 
thwart  the  diplomatic  action  of  the  government.  Referring  to  the 
rights  of  Italy,  General  ]\Ienabrea  maintained  that  Rome,  being  in  an 
isolated  position  in  the  center  of  Italy,  was  an  impediment  to  the 
freedom  of  communication  between  the  provinces  of  the  Italian  king- 
dom. He  said:  "Supposing  France  had  a  foreign  government  at 
Paris,  how  could  she  exist?  The  Roman  question  is  not  to  be  solved 
by  violence.  The  'Holy  See*  will  be  respected;  and  the  pope  will 
find  his  strongest  support  in  Italy,  and  not  from  abroad." 

On  the  6th  of  December  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  elected  Signor 
Lanza,  the  candidate  of  the  government,  president  of  the  Chamber 
by  one  hundred  and  ninety-four  votes  against  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
four,  which  were  given  to  Rattazzi.  On  the  22d  of  December  Signor 
Bonfordini  proposed  an  order  of  the  day  affirming  Rome  to  be  the 
capital  of  Italy,  deprecating  the  attainment  of  that  object  by  illegal 
means,  and  approving  the  conduct  of  the  ministry.  General  Mena- 
brea accepted  the  order  of  the  day.  The  result  of  the  vote  was  one 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  in  favor  of  the  motion  and  two  hundred  and 
one  against  it,  defeating  the  ministry  by  a  majority  of  two. 

During  1867  the  Protestant  missions  in  Italy  were  in  a  prosperous 
condition,  estimating  them  not  so  much  by  the  number  of  commu- 
nicants as  by  their  religious  status.  The  Rev.  W.  G.  Moorehead,  in 
his  report  to  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  stated 


VARIOUS  EVANGELICAL  MISSIONS. 


7^5 


that  the  following  laborers  under  his  direction  in  Central  Italy  were 
supported  by  that  society :  Evangelists — S.  Bernalto,  G.  Gallcgari,  E. 
Volpi,  E.  Zati,  G.  iMartinelli,  G.  Rovillo,  G.  P.  Luquet,  B.  Brachctto; 
Colpoiiciirs — E.  Rocca,  G.  P.  Gardiol,  G.  Barsant ;  Teachers — B.  Ber- 
natto,  ]Mrs.  Rutigni,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Suquet,  C.  Petrella,  Miss  Bonis; 
Students — Domenico  Beisso,  Adele  Galazzo.  The  stations  occupied 
were  Torano,  Carrara,  Miseglia,  Spezia,  Casano,  Sarzana,  Foiano, 
Prato,  Portoferraio,  Longone,  Terni,  Bari,  and  Lecce.  Mr.  Moore- 
head  visited  the  latter  city,  \vhich  is  situated  in  the  extreme  south  of 
Puglie,  on  the  Adriatic  side  of  the  Apennines,  and  contained  about 
thirty  thousand  inhabitants.  He  described  it  as  being  far  in  ad\'ance 
of  the  great  majority  of  Neapolitan  cities  in  general  intelligence  and 
refinement.  In  writing  of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome  there  and 
elsewhere  before  missions  can  be  successfully  established,  he  expressed 
his  belief  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  truth.  "  ]\Iultitudes  of  famish- 
ing souls,"  he  declared,  *'are  earnestly  seeking  the  bread  of  life.  In 
every  city,  town,  and  village  of  the  Italian  Peninsula  are  some,  few  or 
many,  who  are  longingly  waiting  for  the  true  light  to  illumine  their 
hearts.  To  carry  the  Gospel  to  such  was  the  'American  and  Foreign 
Christian  Union  '  originally  formed  ;  to  this  end  it  labors  to-day  in  Italy." 

The  intolerant  spirit  of  the  papacy  was  manifested  in  Rome  toward 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Lewis,  an  English  Presbyterian  minister,  w4io,  having 
been  prohibited  from  holding  religious  meetings  within  the  walls  of 
the  city,  secured  a  room  outside.  In  the  Autumn  of  1867  the  priests 
labored  hard  to  induce  the  proprietor  to  break  his  engagement,  and 
thus  prevent  the  Protestants  from  assembling  on  his  premises;  but 
they  were  unsuccessful.  The  hall  was  a  dining-room  of  an  old  hotel, 
w^iich  was  built  for  strangers,  who,  arriving  after  the  gate  was  closed, 
spent  the  night  there.  It  was  difficult  of  access,  but,  despite  the  ob- 
stacles, the  congregation  steadily  increased.  The  American  residents, 
also,  were  compelled  to  worship  outside  the  walls  in  the  same  building. 

During  1867  Signer  D.  Bolognini,  an  ev^angelist  of  the  Free  Italian 
Church,  visited  many  cities  and  villages,  preaching  the  Gospel  and 
organizing  Sabbath-schools.  The  English  Wesleyan  missions  passed 
through  trials  similar  to  those  of  the  preceding  year.  Some  stations 
were  abandoned  for  want  of  support,  and  others  w^ere  weakened  by 
rival  agencies.  Yet  five  new  colporteurs  were  appointed,  and 
"Wesley's  Sermons"  extensively  distributed.  This  aroused  the  op- 
position of  a  priest  at  Salerno,  who  gathered  Methodist  books  and 
tracts,  and  burned  them  in  his  cathedral  before  a  statue  of  the 
Virgin  Mary ! 


;66 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


Seventh  Decade  Continued,  1860-1870. 


Chapter  XXVIII. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  PARLIAMENT— EVANGELICAL  MISSIONS— PAPAL 
'  COUNCIL, 

ON  the  5th  of  January,  1868,  a  new  Italian  cabinet  was  formed, 
consisting  of  General  Menabrea,  president  and  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs ;  Senator  Cadorna,  minister  of  the  interior ;  Count  Cam- 
bray  Digny,  minister  of  finance ;  Major-general  Bertole  Viale,  minister 
of  war;  Deputy  De  Filippo,  minister  of  justice;  Signor  Broglio, 
minister  of  public  instruction  and  commerce ;  Count  Cantelli,  minis- 
ter of  public  works ;  and  Admiral  Ribotti,  minister  of  marine.  In 
September  Count  Cantelli  was  appointed  to  the  ministry  of  the  inte- 
rior, and  Signor  Pasini  in  his  place  to  the  ministry  of  public  ^vorks ; 
and  on  the  9th  of  October  Signor  Vicenza  received  the  appointment 
of  minister  of  agriculture  and  commerce.  The  different  financial 
measures  proposed  by  Count  Cambray  Digny  engaged  the  almost 
exclusive  attention  of  parliament  for  more  than  six  months,  and  that 
body  adopted  the  plan  of  the  government  with  but  slight  modifica- 
tions. Among  the  various  items  of  interest  were  the  statements  that 
the  Garibaldian  movement  of  the  previous  October  had  cost  the  state 
f  about  eighteen  millions  of  lire,  and  that  the  sale  of  ecclesiastical 
I  property  realized  over  forty  millions  of  lire. 

The  parliament  reassembled  after  the  Autumn  vacation  on  the 
24th  of  November,  and  on  the  following  day  Signor  Mari  was  elected 
president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
votes  against  ninety -three  given  to  Signor  Crispi,  the  candidate  of 
the  Left.  Signor  Mordino,  the  candidate  of  the  Right,  was  chosen 
vice-president.  Signor  Curti  asked  the  government  what  course  it 
intended  to  take  after  the  fresh  defiance  by  the  papacy  to  Italy,  given 
by  the  execution  of  Monti  and  Toguetti  on  the  24th  of  November. 
Menabrea,  in  reply,  said  that  he  did  not  disguise  the  political  signifi- 
cance of  the  unjustifiable  act  of  the  pontifical  government,  and  added, 
*'The  Italian  government  made  every  possible  effort  to  avert  it;  but 
for  the  present  I  can  not  reply,  or  accept  the  discussion  upon  the 
question  raised  by  Signor  Curti."   General  Bixio  said  that  one  of  the 


THE  EVANGELICAL  MOVEMENT. 


767 


condemned  men  was  an  Italian  citizen,  and  that  the  execution  should 
have  been  prevented  at  any  cost.  A  vigorous  and  decided  policy, 
he  added,  was  necessary  to  restrain  the  papacy,  and  to  compel  France 
to  cease  imposing  her  dominion  at  Rome.  General  Menabrea,  while 
sharing  the  general  indignation  felt  by  the  country  and  the  parlia- 
ment, protested  against  the  assertion  that  Italy  suffered  humiliation 
from  any  foreign  power,  and  deprecated  further  discussion  as  inexpe- 
dient. A  warm  debate  followed  ;  and  the  speeches  condemning  the 
papac}^  and  protesting  against  the  French  intervention  at  Rome  were 
loudly  applauded  by  the  members  of  the  Chamber  and  the  public  in 
the  galleries.  Signor  Correnti  proposed  the  following  motion:  "The 
Chamber,  fulh'  concurring  in  the  censure  passed  by  the  government 
upon  the  acts  of  the  papacy,  passes  to  the  order  of  the  day."  The 
first  part  of  this  motion  was  unanimoush'  approved,  and  the  Chamber 
then  passed  to  the  order  of  the  day  by  one  hundred  and  fort}--seven 
votes  to  one  hundred  and  nineteen. 

During  the  }-ear  1868  the  Protestant  mission  work  in  Italy  made 
considerable  progress.  Rev.  W.  G.  Moorehead  the  efficient  repre- 
sentative of  the  ''American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union"  at  Car- 
rara, in  a  letter,  written  on  the  3d  of  February,  to  the  official  organ 
of  the  United  Presb}-terian  Church  of  America,  sa}'s:  "Of  course, 
as  in  all  mission  fields,  there  are  here  also  many  obstacles  and  diffi- 
culties which  discourage  and  dishearten  us ;  but  there  are  times  when 
our  hearts  are  consoled  and  rejoiced.  I  have  no  doubt  whatever  as 
to  the  extent  and  depth  of  the  evangelical  movement  in  Italy ;  nor 
do  I  doubt  the  future  results  of  faithful  Gospel  work  in  this  land. 
Here  and  there  little  churches  are  springing  up  and  throwing  their 
light  far  into  the  surrounding  darkness."  Mr.  Moorehead  refers  to 
the  abandonment  of  Sarzana  as  a  place  of  preaching.  For  almost 
three  months  a  constant  audience  ranging  from  sixty  to  one  hundred 
and  twent}',  assembled  five  times  every  w^eek  to  hear  the  Gospel,  but 
improper  means  employed  by  the  Romanists  enticed  away  all  the 
people  except  two  or  three.  The  diocese  of  Sarzana  had  been  va- 
cant for  fourteen  years,  but  in  June,  1867,  the  bishop  previously 
appointed  by  the  government  took  possession  of  his  chair.  This 
step  filled  the  priests  with  fresh  courage  and  zeal,  and  they  privately 
visited  those  who  had  attended  the  Protestant  meetings,  and  per- 
suaded them,  it  is  said,  by  the  use  of  money  to  cease  hearing  the 
heretics,  thus  illustrating  the  proverbial  conduct  of  the  Pharisees — 
"They  will  neither  go  in  themselves,  nor  suffer  them  that  are  enter- 
ing to  go  in." 


768 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


In  letters  written  to  the  American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union,"  in  the  early  part  of  i868,  Mr.  Moorehead  gives  some  inter- 
esting facts  concerning  the  work  in  that  part  of  Italy  which  was 
under  his  personal  supervision.  About  the  beginning  of  the  year 
religious  services  were  commenced  in  Prato,  a  small  city  situated  a 
half  hour's  ride  on  the  railway  from  Florence.  Signor  Ferretti,  the 
director  of  a  large  and  important  school  in  Florence,  passed  Prato 
every  Sabbath  on  his  way  to  Pistoia,  where  he  ministered  to  a  flour- 
ishing little  Church.  He  concluded,  therefore,  to  preach  the  Gospel 
in  this  new  field.  After  much  difficulty  he  secured  a  place  of  meet- 
ing, to  which  twenty-two  persons  came  on  the  first  Sabbath,  and 
about  forty  on  the  second,  several  women  being  among  the  attend- 
ants. From  time  to  time  both  men  and  women  could  not  abstain 
from  such  exclamations  as  Amen  !"  "Certainly  !"  "It  is  the  truth 
indeed  !"  "What  a  difference  between  these  meetings  and  the  mass!" 
etc.  Mr.  Ferretti  declared  that  his  object  was  "not  to  make  Prot- 
estants, but,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  sincere  believers  in  Jesus 
Christ."  Avoiding  controversy,  he  followed  the  example  of  Paul, 
and  preached  Christ  and  him  crucified.  The  priests  denounced  him 
from  their  pulpits,  but  he  disregarded  their  diatribes.  Mr.  Moore- 
head reported  the  organization  of  a  mission  in  Terni,  a  city  of  about 
fifteen  thousand  inhabitants.  The  evangelist  and  colporteur  held 
private  meetings,  which  were  largely  attended,  and  many  persons  pur- 
chased books  and  tracts.  The  inhabitants  seemed  exceedingly  anx- 
ious to  hear  the  truth,  and  four  or  five  individuals  were  found  who 
had  possessed  the  Bible  for  years,  and  gave  clear  evidence  of  being 
real  Christians.  The  intelligence  from  Carrara,  Lecce,  Bari,  Foiano, 
and  other  places  in  Central  Italy,  was  also  encouraging. 

Rev.  W.  Clark,  who  had  charge  of  the  missions  in  Northern 
Italy,  sent  earnest  appeals  to  the  "American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union"  for  the  necessary  me^ns  to  extend  the  work  of  evangeliza- 
tion. In  various  places  the  Italian  converts,  having  heard  that  there 
was  a  training  school  at  Milan  for  evangelists,  requested  men  to  come 
and  preach  the  Gospel.  Since  the  organization  of  the  theological 
class  in  1866  more  than  sixty  Italian  young  men  applied  to  be 
received  as  pupils;  and  while,  therefore,  laborers  could  be  obtained, 
the  want  of  money  prevented  the  opening  of  new  stations.  The 
reports  from  the  Churches  already  established  indicated  prosperity. 
Signor  Secundo  Musso,  who  had  recently  returned  from  the  United 
States,  where  he  had  conducted  an  Italian  colony,  was  the  evan- 
gelist at  San  Mauro,  a  town  of  two  thousand  inhabitants,  one  hour 


REPORTS  FROM  XORTHERX  ITALY. 


769 


distant  from  Turin  and  opposite  Superga,  where  are  the  tombs 
of  the  Sardinian  kings  and  of  the  members  of  the  royal  family.  He 
first  began  to  teach  there  in  1850,  and  in  1852  married  the  daughter 
of  the  ma\'or.  She  and  her  three  brothers  abandoned  the  papal 
Church,  and  the  authorities,  fearing  the  growth  of  the  new  religion, 
suspended  ls\\\  IMusso  from  his  labors  as  teacher;  but  he  opened  a 
private  school,  which  became  a  means  of  evangelization.  In  1854 
and  1855  he  was  accused  of  teaching  things  contrary  to  the  religion 
of  the  state.  As  San  ]\Iauro  could  be  supplied  from  Turin,  he  left 
there  and  went  to  the  cit}*  of  Asti,  having  organized  a  society  of 
fourteen  communicants,  a  small  day-school  of  twelve,  and  a  large  and 
flourishing  evening  school.  After  an  absence  of  many  years,  Mr. 
]\Iusso  returned  to  San  Mauro  and  found  eight  of  the  original  mem- 
bers of  the  Church,  not  one  of  whom  had  proved  unfaithful.  He 
was  cordially  welcomed  and  opened  a  place  of  worship  in  his  own 
house. 

At  Caravaggio,  Professor  Peccenini,  of  the  theological  school  in 
]\Iilan,  diligently  labored  among  the  people;  but  as  the  brethren  de- 
sired an  evangelist  to  reside  in  their  midst,  Signor  Giovanni  B.  Zuc- 
chi  was  sent  to  them.  He  belonged  to  the  theological  class,  -and 
accomnlished  a  good  work  in  the  field  to  which  he  was  appointed. 
Encouraging  reports  were  also  received  from  the  missionaries  who  had 
visited  Bellaggio,  Porlezza,  ]\Ienaggio,  and  Lecco,  all  villages,  situated 
on  the  lake  of  Como.  In  \'enice  the  only  evangelizing  agency  was 
the  Waldensian  mission.  Signor  Gavazzi,  while  in  the  city,  awak- 
ened a  deep  religious  interest  by  his  eloquent  sermons,  which  attracted 
large  congregations,  not  less  than  seven  hundred  persons  being  pres- 
ent at  each  service. 

The  evangelical  teacher  at  Favale,  Signor  Stephano  Cereghini, 
reported  that  the  friends  of  the  Gospel  continued  steadfast  in  the  faith. 
This  village  is  situated  about  twenty  miles  from  Genoa  in  the  district 
Fontanabuano,  and  is  shut  in  by  mountain  fastnesses.  The  people 
were  ignorant  and  superstitious  previous  to  1852,  when  a  Protestant 
mission  was  established,  and  had  been  taught  by  the  priests  that 
Protestants  had  the  "very  image  and  cloven  foot  of  Satan."  During 
the  Summer  the  grassy  hills  yielded  the  inhabitants  and  their  cattle  a 
scanty  subsistence,  and  when  dreary  Winter  brought  its  da}'s  of 
gloominess  and  want,  the  young  men  with  their  violins  and  flutes 
made  a  musical  tour  over  the  land.  One  of  these  wandering  Favale 
ministrels,  Stephano  Cereghini,  bidding  his  family  and  friends  farewell 
for  the  Winter,  started  with  his  violin  under  his  arm  for  the  thriving 


770 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


districts  of  Piedmont.  When  he  arrived  at  Pignerol,  the  entrance  of 
the  Waldensian  valleys,  and  ascertained  that  the  dreadful  Protestants 
inhabited  that  region,  he  resolved  to  return  home,  but  before  leaving 
he  expressed  a  desire  to  see  one  of  the  abominable  heretics.  An 
innkeeper  pointed  out  to  him  one  of  the  Vaudois,  when  Cereghini, 
raising  both  hands  in  astonishment,  exclaimed,  "He  is  a  man,  has 
no  mark  or  sign  of  Satan  about  him."  Now  he  determined  to  go 
forward  and  become  better  acquainted  with  these  despised  people. 

On  the  following  morning,  with  his  violin  as  his  companion,  he 
proceeded  to  La  Tour,  and  while  passing  along  the  street,  beheld  a 
benevolent-looking  woman  standing  in  the  door  of  her  cottage.  He 
halted,  tuned  his  violin,  and  soon  the  streets  echoed  with  his  songs, 
which  attracted  a  large  and  delighted  crowd.  The  woman  invited 
him  into  the  house  to  partake  with  them  their  evening  meal,  and  he 
gladly  accepted,  but  was  filled  with  terror  when  he  learned  that  she 
was  a  Protestant.  Instead,  however,  of  hearing  impious  and  blas- 
phemous words,  he  was  surprised  at  the  godly  conversation  of  the 
devout  lady,  who  asked  him  questions  concerning  his  soul's  salva- 
tion. His  heart  was  moved,  and  he  requested  an  introduction  to 
the  Waldensian  evangelist  in  that  vicinity.  The  result  was  that 
Cereghini  entered  into  the  light,  and  wrote  to  his  parents,  saying, 
"/  have  found  the  Bible,  and  when  I  return  home  I  will  read  it  to 
you."  This  intelligence  stunned  the  family  and  friends,  and  prayer 
was  offered  three  times  a  day  that  the  young  man  might  be  rescued 
from  destruction.  When  Spring  opened,  the  converted  minstrel 
hastened  back  to  Favale ;  but  instead  of  being  welcomed  with  joy 
and  gladness,  he  was  shunned  as  though  he  had  the  plague.  He 
gradually  won  their  confidence  by  relating  Biblical  stories,  and  when 
they  asked  him  where  he  had  learned  them,  he  replied  that  they 
were  contained  in  a  book  which  he  owned.  They  were  delighted,  and 
continued  to  meet  together  from  evening  to  evening,  listening  eagerly 
to  Cereghini's  Bible-readings. 

In  answer  to  the  prayers  of  the  faithful  young  Christian,  his 
brothers  and  sisters,  and  several  of  his  relatives,  about  twent}"-five 
in  all,  were  hopefully  converted  to  the  truth.  The  priests  were  ter- 
ribly enraged,  and  from  the  pulpit,  the  altar,  and  the  confes- 
sional denounced  the  heretics.  On  the  13th  of  November,  1852,  ten 
officers  of  the  government  surrounded  the  house  of  the  so-called 
Protestants,  arrested  three  brothers  and  two  sisters,  and  conducted 
them  to  the  town  of  Chiavari,  w^here  they  were  imprisoned  sepa- 
rately in  miserable  cells,  and  where  they  remained  four  months  suf- 


MILAN  THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOL. 


771 


fering  pains,  physical  and  spiritual,  hardly  to  be  described.  Finally, 
after  three  day's  trial  in  court  before  thousands  of  persons,  they  were 
released.  Joseph  died  soon  after  from  injuries  received  in  prison, 
and  Agostine  was  seriously  crippled.  Stephano  spent  thre^  years  in 
the  Protestant  college  at  La  Tour,  and  then  returned  to  Favale  to 
instruct  the  people.  In  1862  the  Protestants  there  had  a  small 
chapel,  a  membership  of  sixty  persons,  and  an  interesting  school. 

During  the  year  1869  the  Protestant  cause  in  Italy  gradually 
advanced,  and  the  laborers  there  were  encouraged  by  evidences  of 
spiritual  prosperity.  Rev.  W.  G.  Moorhead,  the  Missionary  Direc- 
tor" of  the  American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,  resident  at  Flor- 
ence, employed  nine  evangelists,  and  four  teachers  and  colporteurs. 
The  number  of  stations  and  out-stations  occupied  was  fourteen.  Rev. 
\V.  Clark,  the  "missionary  director"  of  the  same  society,  residing 
in  Milan,  employed  thirteen  evangelists,  two  Bible-women,  and  one 
teacher.  There  were  fourteen  stations  and  eleven  out-stations.  The 
Milan  Theological  school  reported  three  professors  and  twenty-two 
students.  This  institution  was  organized  in  the  Spring  of  1866,  and 
opened  with  thirteen  students.  It  received  liberal  donations  from 
several  American  philanthropists,  and  during  the  first  two  years 
the  number  of  students  ranged  from  thirteen  to  twenty.  Professor 
Paulo  Bergaglio,  formerly  professor  of  history  and  languages  in  the 
Cavour  Institute  in  Turin,  and  afterwards  in  the  Ambrosian  College 
in  IMilan ;  Professor  Francesco  Gatti,  formerly  professor  of  philos- 
ophy in,  and  president  of  the  Municipal  College  of  Altamura;  and  Pro- 
fessor ]\Ielchiore  Peccenini,  for  several  years  an  evangelist  of  the 
"American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union" — these  able  instructors 
had  charge  of  the  three  prominent  departments  of  the  ]\Iilan  school. 
Signor  Francesco  Lagomarsino,  one  of  the  first  Italians  converts,  who, 
with  Mazzarela  and  others,  long  fought  and  suffered  even  imprison- 
ment for  the  truth,  trained  the  pupils  in  the  practical  and  critical 
study  of  the  Bible. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  1869,  Dr.  Luigi  De  Sanctis,  the  dis- 
tinguished Italian  theologian,  died  in  Florence,  after  a  severe  illness. 
He  was  born  in  Rome,  December  31,  1808,  and  in  early  life  felt 
that  he  was  called  to  the  priesthood.  After  completing  his  studies 
he  was  consecrated,  and  received  the  appointment  of  confessor  from 
the  bishop  of  Viterbo.  He  obtained  several  positions  of  professor  of 
fine  arts,  belles-lettres,  and  philosophy,  and  was  honored  with  the 
degree  of  professor  of  divinity  by  the  University  of  Viterbo.  In 
1835,  when  the  cholera  desolated  Genoa  and  swept  away  many 

50 


772 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


DE  SANCTIS. 

priests,  young  De  Sanctis  visited  the  hospital  called  Lazzaretto,  and 
manifested  truly  a  benevolent  spirit  during  thirteen  months  of  inces- 
sant labor  in  this  work.  His  health  becoming  impaired,  he  received 
permission  from  Padre  Togni,  the  head  of  the  order,  to  return  to 
Rome.  In  1838,  yielding  to  his  religious  impulses,  he  entered  the 
ministry,  and  was  fully  authorized  to  preach..  In  1839  he  was  ap- 
pointed preacher  of  the  ''Convent  of  the  Conception,"  and  in  the 
following  year,  on  the  7th  of  February,  by  the  special  apostolic 


THE  LIFE  AND  LABORS  OF  DE  SANCTLS. 


773 


letter  of  Gregory  XVI,  he  was  constituted  curate  of  Madcliua  alia 
Rotunda,  On  the  15th  of  the  same  month  the  cardinal  vicar  con- 
firmed the  nomination,  and  De  Sanctis  became  minister  of  Polizzia, 
such  being  the  curate  of  Rome,  a  difficult  and  dangerous  office, 
because  a  word  from  the  curate  could  imprison  any  man. 

In  1842  he  was  the  preacher  of  Santa  Civce  dci  Lticchesi,  and  during 
the  following  year  held  a  similar  position  in  Santa  Maiia  de  Mcniti. 
At  this  time  he  was  accused  of  speaking  disrespectfully  of  the  pope, 
and  was  condemned  by  the  Inquisition  for  disloyalty.  In  1844  he 
was  again  appointed  to  officiate  in  the  "  Convent  of  the  Conception  "  in 
Campo  Martio,  and  was  also  chosen  biographer  of  the  order  to  which 
he  belonged.  In  1845  preached  to  the  convicts  in  the  Castle  of 
St.  Angelo;  and  the  next  year  proved  to  be  the  most  memorable 
in  his  history.  He  received  an  unexpected  visit  from  Rev.  Mr. 
Lownes,  pastor  of  the  Scotch  Church  in  Malta,  who  had  come  to 
see  him  in  the  name  of  his  friend,  Padre  Achilli.  The  latter  had 
informed  him  of  the  opinions  of  De  Sanctis,  and  during  the  interview 
the  dissatisfied  priest  expressed  his  feelings,  but  declared  that  he 
could  not  leave  the  Romish  Church  on  account  of  family  relations. 
In  writing  theses  on  various  religious  subjects,  he  was  convinced  of 
the  errors  and  apostasy  of  the  Church,  and  the  conversation  of 
Mr.  Lownes  rendered  his  convictions  more  intense.  In  September, 
1847,  ^^'^s  again  visited  by  this  minister,  whom  he  now  recognized 
as  his  liberator.  De  Sanctis,  having  resolved  to  abandon  the  priest- 
hood, would  have  hastened  to  Civita  Vecchia,  and  sailed  for  Malta, 
but  knowing  that  imprisonment  for  life  was  the  penalt}^  in  case  of 
arrest,  he  accepted  Mr.  Lownes's  invitation  to  accompany  him  to 
Ancona,  where  he  would  find  an  opportunity  to  reach  Corfu,  Greece. 
He  informed  the  superior  of  his  order  that  he  desired  to  make  an  excur- 
sion to  Ancona,  and  probably  to  Venice.  After  considerable  diffi- 
culty, he  obtained  a  passport  through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Lownes,  and 
having  received  from  the  superior  testimonials  of  his  standing  in  the 
priesthood,  he  proceeded  to  Ancouc^  on  the  nth  of  September.  He 
remained  there  until  the  20th,  burdened  with  anxiety,  because  he 
feared  arrest;  but  Mr.  Lownes  consoled  him,  and  shortly  before  the 
sailing  of  the  steamer,  conducted  him  to  the  residence  of  the  English 
consul,  where  he  divested  himself  of  his  sacerdotal  robes  and  hat, 
exchanging  his  short  pants  for  long  ones.  Disguised  in  the  dress  of 
a  citizen,  De  Sanctis  seemed  to  be  a  different  man,  and  when  the 
vessel  moved  out  of  port  he  breathed  more  freely,  wdiile  gratitude 


774  ITALY  STRUGGLING  IXTO  LIGHT. 

to  God  filled  his  heart.  Finding  a  rosary  in  his  pocket,  he  desired 
to  throw  it  into  the  sea,  but  Mr.  Lownes  asked  him  for  it  as  a 
remembrance  of  his  conversion  to  the  Gospel. 

From  Corfu  the  refugee  proceeded  to  Malta,  where  he  resided 
two  years.  When  Pius  IX  heard  of  his  escape  he  was  enraged, 
and  Cardinal  Ferretti  dismissed  the  man  who  gave  the  passport,  but 
afterwards  restored  him.  De  Sanctis  found  many  friends  in  Malta, 
including  Padre  Achilli,  who  had  left  his  order  of  monks,  and  had 
preached  several  years  to  the  Italians  on  the  island.  In  1844  the 
ex-monk  started  a  paper,  called  Indie atorc,'"  to  which  De  Sanctis 
contributed.  The  latter  also  Avrote  letters  to  Padre  Togni  and  Car- 
dinal Patrizzi,  giving  his  reasons  for  leaving  the  Romish  Church.  He 
preached  every  Sabbath  morning  and  evening  in  Padre  Achilli's 
church,  and  lectured  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Peter.  Tuscany  having 
granted  religious  liberty  in  1848,  De  Sanctis  proceeded  to  Italy,  and 
proclaimed  the  Gospel  in  the  Swiss  church  at  Florence,  the  Scotch 
church  in  Leghorn,  and  elsewhere;  but  the  priests  appealed  to  the 
authorities  to  prevent  his  preaching  in  the  Italian  language.  He 
returned  to  Malta,  published  the  journal  Indie atoi'e,'"  and  established 
another  called  Cattoliea  C/iristiana,''  in  which  appeared  his  famous 
letter  to  Pius  IX,  which  has  reached  twenty  editions.  The  bishop 
of  Malta  condemned  it,  and  anathematized  its  author.  In  June,  1849, 
De  Sanctis  was  married  to  Miss  Martha  Sommerville,  an  English 
lady;  and  in  March,  1850,  arrived  at  Genoa,  where  he  preached  a 
few  months.  He  then  made  a  missionary  tour  among  the  Italians 
residing  in  Switzerland,  and  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Epistles  of 
St.  Peter.  On  September  i,  1852,  the  Waldensian  Table  invited 
him  to  come  to  Turin,  and  after  spending  almost  a  year  there  he 
was  consecrated  August  31,  1853.  In  April,  1854,  he  went  to  Geneva 
and  other  places,  laboring  for  the  Waldenses;  but  in  1855  he  with- 
drew from  that  body  on  account  of  the  difficulty  concerning  church 
property.  He  then  devoted  ten  years  of  his  life  to  the  work  of  organ- 
izing "Free  Churches"  in  Genoa,  Turin,  and  elsewhere.  In  March, 
1864,  he  published  a  "Confession  of  Faith,"  in  which  he  rejected 
Plymouthism,  and  in  1865  issued  his  colossal  work  called  "Roman 
Papale. "  Removing  to  Florence,  he  became  editor  of  the  Aniieo  di 
Casa,  and  died  on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth,  December  31, 
1869.  For  five  years  he  had  been  professor  of  theology  in  the  Wal- 
densian seminary  in  that  city,  and  also  devoted  some  time  to  writing 
and  preaching.     He  passed  away  in  the  triumphs  of  faith,  was  buried 


A'EIV  CABIXET. 


77^ 


in  the  English  ccmcten*.  and  left  behind  him  as  sincere  mourners  tlie 
Protestant  Christians  of  Ital\-.  In  tlie  foHowing  June  a  stone  was 
placed  over  his  grave  bearing  this  inscription:  "To  the  memor}'  of 
Luigi  De  Sanctis,  a  herald  of  the  Gospel,  born  in  Rome,  December 
31,  1808;  died  in  Florence,  December  31,  1869.  This  monument 
was  erected  by  all  the  evangelical  Christians  of  Italy.  *I  am  the  res- 
urrection and  the  life:  he  that  believeth  in  me,  though  he  were  dead. 
}-et  shall  he  live'  (John,  xi,  25).  'And  behold  I  come  quickly,  and 
my  reward  is  with  me  to  give  every  man  according  as  his  work 
shall  be' — 'Even  so,  come,  Lord  Jesus'  (Rev.  xxii,  12,  20)." 

The  political  condition  of  Italy  in  1869  was  comparatively  tran- 
quil. On  the  5th  of  ]\Ia}-  the  ministry  resigned,  and  ]\Ienabrea,  the 
president,  undertook  to  form  a  new  cabinet,  but  soon  retired  in 
favor  of  Count  Cambray  Digny.  The  crisis  ended  on  the  13th  of 
]\Ia}-,  and  a  new  ministry  constituted,  as  follows:  General  Mena- 
brea,  president  of  the  council  and  minister  of  financial  affairs ; 
Signor  Ferrari,  minister  of  the  interior;  Signor  A.  oMadani,  minister 
of  public  works  ;  Signor  Bargoni,  minister  of  public  instruction  ;  Sig- 
nor Minghetti,  minister  of  commerce  and  agriculture.  The  minister 
of  finance,  \\ar,  and  marine  remained  the  same.  The  administration 
of  Victor  Emmanuel  was  generally  popular,  and  when  he  visited 
Venice  in  October,  to  welcome  the  Empress  Eugenie,  he  was  received 
with  great  enthusiasm.  In  November  he  was  so  ill  that  his  death 
was  expected,  and  the  members  of  the  royal  family  were  summoned 
to  Florence.  He  recovered,  however,  and  met  with  a  hearty  recep- 
tion from  the  people  on  his  trip  to  Turin  and  on  his  return  to  the 
capital. 

An  interesting  event  in  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  Itah'  was  the 
assembling  of  the  famous  CEcumenical  Council  at  Rome,  on  the  8th 
of  December,  the  festival  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  The  morn- 
ing was  ushered  in  by  the  booming  of  cannon,  the  ringing  of  bells, 
and  storniy,  unpropitious  weather.  Yet  St.  Peter's  was  crowded  with 
more  than  a  thousand  cardinals,  archbishops,  and  bishops,  from  every 
part  of  the  world,  and  an  audience  of  ninety  thousand  people.  The 
chamber  where  the  council  held  its  sessions  was  in  the  north  transept 
of  St.  Peter's,  which  was  well  adapted  for  scenic  display,  but  not  so 
well  for  speaking  or  hearing.  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  the 
pope,  dressed  in  white  satin,  glittering  with  diamonds,  c.nd  borne  on 
men's  shoulders,  entered  the  council-chamber,  preceded  b\'  cardinals, 
bishops,  and  ecclesiastics  of  ever}-  kind.    A  concealed  choir  sang  the 


776 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


"  Veni  Creator,"  and  as  the  cardinals,  patriarchs,  abbes,  archbishops, 
and  bishops  occupied  their  respective  places,  the  pope  led  in  the 
chant,  the  whole  body  of  ecclesiastics  uniting  in  the  chorus.  Then 


followed  the  ceremony  of  kissing  the  pope's  foot.  The  council  con- 
sisted of  seven  hundred  and  sixty-four  delegates,  more  than  one-third 
of  whom  were  from  Italy  alone,  thus  giving  to  the  Italian  Romanists 
and  the  Ultramontanes  the  control  of  the  assembly. 


THE  FREE  CHURCH  ASSEMBLY. 


777 


EIGHTH  DECADE,  1870-1880. 


Chapter  XXIX. 

THE     FREE  CHURCH''— THE  KIXG  IH  ROME— PROTESTANT 

MISSIOXS. 

NO  important  event,  religious  or  political,  took  place  in  Italy 
during;  the  early  part  of  1870.  On  the  22d  of  June,  however, 
an  ecclesiastical  body  met  in  the  city  of  ^lilan,  whose  deliberations 
were  destined  to  exert  a  great  influence  upon  the  moral  character  of 
the  nation.  The  representatives  of  the  various  Italian  Free  Churches, 
in  obedience  to  the  call  of  a  "committee"  previously  appointed, 
assembled  together  for  the  purpose  of  securing  unity  of  effort  in  the 
work  of  evangelization.  The  first  formal  attempt  in  1865  having 
resulted  in  nothing  practical,  these  scattered  and  isolated  congrega- 
tions resolved  to  make  another  trial,  the  Church  in  ]\Iilan  taking  the 
initiative,  and  sending  forth  an  earnest  appeal.  After  the  meeting- 
had  been  opened  with  pra}-er,  the  following  delegates  presented  their 
credentials  and  were  enrolled:  Florence — Salvatore  Ferrati,  Alessandro 
Gavazzi,  Angiolo  Bagnoli.  Bologna  —  Damiano  Borgia.  Pisa — De 
Michelis,  Ranieri  Ciesti.  Milan — P.  Rossi,  F.  Lagomarsino,  G.  Al- 
borghetti.  Veivna  —  C.  Can  ova.  Breseia  —  A.  Beria.  Udinc — A. 
Girola.  Treviso — L.  Signorelli,  A.  Peruzzi.  Terni — G.  Martinelli. 
Carrara — E.  Volpi.  Spczzia  and  Areola — G.  D.  Dassio.  Conio  and 
Fara — S.  Contini.  Treviglio  and  Caravaggio — G.  B.  Zucchi.  Bassig- 
nana — G.  Balossini.  Casale  Monferrato — C.  Cocorda.  San  Giovanni 
Pelliec — C.  Cocorda,  E.  Jahier.  Graglia — F.  Lagomarsino.  Livomo, 
Vereellese,  and  Sa7i  Mauro  Torinesc — S.  ]\Iusso. 

The  above  twenty-three  Churches  were  represented  regularly  by 
deputies.  There  were  also  present,  from  the  Church  of  Genoa,  D. 
Bolignini  and  S.  Bernatto,  without  credentials,  who  were  unanimously 
invited  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  assembly.  Besides  the 
Churches  above  mentioned,  the  following  had  also  given  in  their  ad- 
hesion to  the  appeal  for  the  organization  of  the  assembly ;  namely, 
Bari,  Barletta,  Lecce,  Trani  Novi-Ligure,  Portoferraio,  Tortonaio,  and 
Forano.    Thirty-three  Churches,  therefore,  adhered  to  this  assembly, 


\ 


778 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


and  several  others  were  expected  to  join.  The  assembly  proceeded 
to  the  election  of  officers ;  and  S.  Ferrati  was  chosen  president ;  F. 
Lagomarsino  and  De  Michelis,  vice-presidents ;  and  S.  Bernatto  and 
C.  Cocorda,  secretaries.  After  determining  that  there  should  be  three 
sessions  each  day,  the  first  session  was  closed  with  prayer. 

At  the  second  session  the  order  of  the  day  was  the  great  question 
for  which  the  assembly  was  convened — the  union  of  the  Italian  Free 
Churches — which  was  freely  and  fraternally  discussed.  De  Michelis, 
Bernatto,  Lagomarsino,  Gavazzi,  Bolognini,  Musso,  Cocorda,  Jahier, 
Zucchi,  Rossi,  Canova,  Ferretti,  and  Volpi  took  part  in  this  discus- 
sion. The  necessity  of  such  a  union  was  universally  recognized,  and 
the  propriety  of  establishing  it  upon  a  declaration  of  principles  com- 
mon to  all  the  Free  Churches,  conformably  to  the  appeal  of  the 
Church  of  Milan.  At  the  third  session,  after  the  reading  of  the 
minutes  of  the  previous  session,  a  discussion  followed  upon  the  fun- 
damental principles  which  should  constitute  the  basis  of  union.  The 
principal  speakers  were  Gavazzi,  Lagomarsino,  Cocorda,  Bernatto, 
Bolognini,  and  Jahier.  As  the  result  of  this  discussion,  it  was  de- 
termined that  a  clear  distinction  must  be  made  between  the  general 
interests  of  the  evangelical  work  and  the  particular  interests  of  indi- 
vidual congregations,  and  the  following  paper  was  therefore  adopted : 
''The  assembly,  considering  that  the  union  of  the  Churches  ought 
not  to  trespass  upon  the  liberty  of  individual  Churches  and  congre- 
gations, affirm  that  the  declaration  of  principles  to  be  proposed  as  a 
basis  of  union  for  the  Churches  be  limited  to  the  fundamental  doc- 
trines of  faith." 

Formulas  of  such  doctrines  having  been  prepared  by  the  Church 
of  Florence  and  the  commission  of  Milan,  both  were  submitted  to 
the  assembly,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  and  report 
upon  the  two  schemes  —  Bolognini,  De  Michelis,  and  Jahier  being 
selected  to  perform  this  duty.  After  a  discussion  of  various  matters 
relating  to  the  assembly  of  the  Italian  Churches  held  in  Bologna  in 
1866,  the  assembly  passed  to  the  reading  and  examination  of  the 
letter  of  the  brethren  of  the  Church  of  Florence  (Via  Maggio). 
After  a  lengthy  discussion  upon  the  principles  involved  in  said  letter 
at  variance  with  and  opposed  to  consummation  of  the  union  of  the 
Churches,  a  commission  was  appointed  to  reply  to  it  in  the  spirit  of 
Christian  love  and  charity.  Gavazzi,  Rossi,  and  Cocorda  were  chosen 
to  discharge  this  important  duty.  The  sessions  of  the  23d  and  24th 
of  June  were  principally  occupied  in  the  discussion  of  the  declaration 
of  principles  presented  by  the  commission.    The  articles  were  taken 


DECLARATION  OF  PRINCIPLES. 


779 


up  one  by  one,  and  faithfully  discussed ;  after  which  they  were  all 
unanimously  adopted,  as  follows : 

"I.  God,  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  has  manifested  his 
will  in  revelation,  which  is  the  Bible,  the  only  perfect  and  immutable 
rule  of  faith  and  conduct. 

"II.  God  created  man  upright,  in  his  own  image  and  likeness; 
but  Adam  disobeyed  the  word  of  God,  sinned  ;  and  so  by  one  man 
sin  entered  into  the  w^orld,  and  death  by  sin.  By  which  cause  human 
nature  in  Adam  and  by  Adam  has  become  corrupt  and  sinful ;  and 
we  all  in  Adam  are  born  with  an  inclination  to  do  evil,  and  an  inca- 
pacity to  do  the  good  commanded  by  God.  We  are,  therefore,  by 
nature  all  sinners,  and  under  condemnation. 

"III.  God  wills  not  the  death  of  the  sinner,  but  that  he  should 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  and  be  saved. 

"IV.  Salvation  comes  from  the  free  and  eternal  love  of  the  Fa- 
ther, and  is  obtained  by  the  expiatory  sacrifice,  by  the  resurrection, 
and  by  the  intercession  of  the  Son,  who  justifies  us.  It  is  communi- 
cated by  the  Holy  Spirit,  who,  regenerating  the  sinner,  unites  him  to 
Christ  by  faith,  comes  to  dwell  in  him,  produces  peace  in  his  heart, 
giving  him  the  assurance  of  the  remission  of  his  sins,  renders  him 
free,  guides  and  comforts  him  by  the  Word  that  he  himself  has  given, 
seals  and  keeps  him  to  the  day  of  the  appearing  of  our  Lord  and 
Savior  Jesus  Christ. 

"  V.  The  Christian,  redeemed  at  a  great  price,  is  bound  to  glorify 
God  in  his  body,  soul,  and  spirit,  which  belong  to  God,  walking  in 
holiness,  w'ithout  which  no  one  can  see  the  Lord.  To  do  this  he 
obtains  strength  from  him  who  has  said,  '  My  grace  is  sufficient 
for  thee.' 

"VI.  Believers  regenerated  in  Christ  form  the  Church,  which  can 
not  perish  or  apostatize,  it  being  the  body  of  the  Lord  Jesus. 

"VII.  Besides  the  universal  priesthood  to  which  all  believers 
appertain,  God  himself  has  established  in  the  Church  ministers  for 
the  perfecting  of  the  saints  and  the  edification  of  the  body  of  Christ, 
which  ministers  ought  to  be  recognized  by  the  Church  itself. 

"VIII.  The  Lord  Jesus  Christ  will  come  from  heaven,  and 
change  our  body  of  humiliation  into  a  glorious  body.  In  that  day 
the  dead  in  Christ  will  rise  first,  and  the  living  found  faithful  will  be 
transformed ;  and  so  all  will  be  caught  up  in  the  clouds  to  meet  the 
Lord  in  the  air  to  be  forever  with  him,  and,  after,  all  others  will  rise 
to  be  judged. 

"The  General  Assembly  of  the  Free  Christian  Church  in  Italy 


ySo  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

considers  these  articles  the  expression  of  Bibhcal  Christianity;  not 
pretending,  however,  to  say  that  there  are  not  many  other  doctrines  in 
the  Bible  necessary  to  be  believed — such,  for  instance,  as  the  Lord's- 
supper  and  Baptism.  It  lays  no  claim  to  infallibility.  The  Word 
of  God  is  alone  infallible.  The  declaration  of  principles  in  the  Church 
is  not  the  cause  or  the  title  of  salvation,  but  the  external  bond  of 
the  unity  of  faith  and  the  banner  of  the  Church  itself." 

This  Declaration  of  Principles  common  to  all  the  various  con- 
gregations that  compose  the  Free  Christian  Church  in  Italy"  was 
then  again  read  and  voted  by  acclamation  as  a  whole.  The  joy  and 
gratitude  of  the  entire  assembly  at  the  great  step  taken  was  expressed 
in  a  fervent  prayer  of  thanksgiving  by  the  evangelist  Rossi. 

At  the  ninth  session,  in  view  of  the  common  declaration  of  faith 
and  the  unanimity  with  which  it  was  voted,  the  assembly  adopted  a 
solemn  declaration  of  the  union  of  the  Free  Churches  in  Italy  also, 
for  the  work  of  evangelization,  as  follows:  "All  the  Churches  repre- 
sented in  the  General  Assembly  in  Milan,  already  united  in  faith  and 
love,  do  declare  by  their  representatives  that  they  are  united  in  one 
body,  and  bound  together  in  agreement  or  compact  for  the  great 
work  of  the  evangelization  of  Italy."  And  that  this  important  act 
should  not  be  misinterpreted  nor  attributed  to  the  spirit  of  sect,  it 
was  voted  that  "the  assembly  declares  itself  to  be  united  with  all 
Churches  and  evangelical  Christians  throughout  the  world  in  the 
bonds  of  communion  with  our  Lord  Jesus."  Then  there  followed  a 
discussion  in  regard  to  the  "General  Assembly,"  its  composition, 
powers,  and  convocation.  Two  projects  or  plans  were  presented, 
one  by  the  Church  of  Florence,  and  the  other  by  the  commission  of 
Milan.  The  latter,  after  a  brief  discussion,  was  adopted,  embracing 
the  following  articles : 

"I.  The  assembly  is  composed  of  all  the  deputies  of  the  united 
Churches,  and  each  Church  shall  have  the  privilege  of  sending  from 
one  to  three  deputies. 

"2.  It  shall  be  held  annually,  and  determine  the  time  of  each 
succeeding  meeting.  ^ 

"3.  The  powers  of  the  assembly  are  the  following:  To  establish 
some  general  plan  for  the  work  of  evangelization  ;  appoint  its  com- 
mittee and  examine  the  work  of  the  same.  It  may  modify,  if  neces- 
sary, the  declaration  of  principles  at  the  suggestion  or  counsel  of  the 
Churches ;  it  may  accept  new  Churches  that  desire  to  form  part  of 
this  Union,  and  can  judge  in  the  last  appeal  controversies  that  may 
arise  in  the  bosom  of  the  Union  itself. 


VARIOUS  RESOLUTIOXS  ADOPTED. 


781 


"4.  The  asscmbh'  sliall  a|)point  its  treasurer,  independent  of 
the  committee,  for  keeping  the  funds  of  the  Free  Itahan  Church, 
which  treasurer  shall  be  authorized  to  receive  donations  and  leg- 
acies in  favor  of  said  Church.  Pie  shall  not  be  able,  hov/ever, 
to  make  an\'  payments  except  by  order  of  the  committee,  Avhich 
alone  can  establish  all  regulations  in  reference  to  said  donations 
and  legacies." 

The  assembly  then  proceeded  to  the  discussion  of  the  rules  for 
the  Committee  of  Evangelization,  and,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  adopted 
the  following  articles : 

''i.  The  Committee  of  Evangelization  sliall  consist  of  not  less 
than  five  and  not  more  than  seven  members,  and  elected  annualK-  by 
the  assembly,  and  its  members  can  be  re-elected. 

"2.  The  office  of  this  committee  shall  be  to  superintend  the  work 
of  evangelization,  collect  funds  necessary  for  this  w  ork,  and  aid  la- 
borers in  connection  with  it. 

"3.  This  committee  shall  present  an  annual  report  of  its  work  to 
the  general  assembh'." 

At  the  tenth  and  last  session,  after  various  matters  relating  to  the 
interests  of  the  Church  were  discussed,  the  assembh'  proceeded  to 
the  election  of  the  Committee  of  Evangelization.  There  were  elected 
for  the  Italian  part  of  the  committee :  Gavazzi,  Ferretti,  and  Lago- 
marsino.  For  the  foreign  element  there  were  elected :  Rev.  W. 
Clark,  Rev.  A.  R.  Van  Xest,  D.  D.,  and  Rev.  J.  R.  :\rDougall. 
Messrs.  Eyre  and  ]\Iatteini,  bankers,  were  elected  financial  agents  of 
the  assembl}-.  All  the  minutes  of  the  various  sessions  were  then 
read  and  approved,  and  after  a  most  affecting  season  of  jo}-ous  inter- 
change of  thought  and  feeling  at  the  glorious  consummation  of  this 
important  work,  prayer  was  offered,  and  the  president  declared  the 
present  assembly  closed. 

\\'hile  this  small  ecclesiastical  body  of  plain,  earnest  Protestant 
ministers  was  proclaiming  its  faith  in  the  pure  doctrines  of  an  apos- 
tolic Christianity,  the  Romish  CEcumenical  Council  was  denouncing 
the  progress  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  What  a  contrast  between 
the  assemblage  at  ]\Iilan  and  that  at  Rome  !  The  latter  with  impos- 
ing pomp  and  ceremony  conducted  business  in  secret  amid  the  grand- 
eur of  St.  Peter's.  Five  hundred  and  thirty-three  papal  dignitaries, 
from  various  parts  of  the  earth,  clad  in  their  magnificent  robes,  had 
been  deliberating  in  solemn  conclave  since  the  8th  of  December,  1869. 
It  is  now  the  14th  of  July,  1870.  The  real  purpose  for  which  the 
council  was  called  is  about  to  be  accomplished.     For  weeks  a  stormy 


782 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


discussion  had  characterized  the  proceedings,  but  the  few  prelates 
who  protested  against  the  blasphemous  dogma  of  infallibility  lifted 
up  their  voices  in  vain.  The  vote  is  taken — four  hundred  and  fifty 
responding  placet,  or  yes;  eighty-eight  non  placet,  or  no;  and  sixty- 
two  placet  juxta  inodiun,  or  qualified  approval. 

Monday,  the  1 8th  of  July,  was  selected  for  the  promulgation  of 
the  decree  of  infallibility.  It  was  apparent  to  the  careful  observer 
that  the  council  did  not  close  with  the  same  pious  enthusiasm  which 
greeted  its  opening.  The  somber  streets  of  Rome  exhibited  no  elab- 
orate decorations,  and  were  not  crowded  with  hurrying  vehicles  and 
throngs  of  pedestrians.  The  city,  instead  of  wearing  the  habiliments 
of  the  carnival,  appeared  to  be  deserted,  the  heat  of  Summer  having 
driven  nearly  all  the  strangers  away.  The  devout  Romans  regarded 
the  declarations  of  the  council  with  cold  indifference,  and  even  the 
deification  of  one  of  their  own  number  by  the  "Mother  Church" 
failed  to  excite  them.  There  was  no  solemn  pageantry,  no  magnifi- 
cent procession.  The  ecclesiastics  came  in  one  by  one,  or  in  little 
groups  of  two  or  three.  When,  at  length,  the  pope  arrived,  the 
choir  took  up  the  opening  chant,  and  the  services  commenced,  but 
nearly  a  third  of  the  seats  in  the  council  chamber  were  still  vacant. 
The  minorit}',  after  a  dignified  but  unavailing  remonstrance,  had  pre- 
viously withdrawn  from  the  council,  so  that  of  the  august  assemblage 
which  kneeled  reverentially  before  the  pope  on  the  8th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1869,  five  hundred  and  thirty-five  remained — two  for  the  purpose 
of  recording  their  final  non  placet  in  the  presence  of  the  pope. 

The  decree  of  infallibility  was  read  in  a  shrill  penetrating  voice  by 
one  of  the  secretaries  of  the  council.  As  the  reading  proceeded  a 
strange  darkness  settled  over  the  scene,  and  appeared  even  to  the 
stoutest  and  most  skeptical  hearts  as  almost  supernatural.  The  very 
air  became  thick  and  murky.  The  roll-call  commenced,  and  the 
ecclesiastics,  rising  in  their  places,  responded  with  their  assent  to  an 
act  of  blasphemy  which  has  had  no  parallel  since  the  declining  days 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  Suddenly  the  long  brooding  storm  broke 
over  the  Vatican,  and  the  council  chamber  was  illuminated  with  an 
unearthly  glare  by  the  sheeted  lightning.  The  voices  of  the  voting 
delegates  were  drowned  by  continuous  peals  of  thunder,  but  amidst 
this  scene  of  indescribable  sublimity  the  vote  continued  to  be  taken. 
At  length  the  pope  arose  to  declare  the  result,  and  to  assume  the 
prerogative  which,  in  the  universal  judgment  of  mankind,  belongs  to 
God  alone.  But  the  darkness  was  too  great  for  the  failing  eyesight 
of  the  venerable  pontiff,  and  he  could  not  decipher  the  paper  which 


READING  THE  DECREE. 


783 


contained  the  memorable  formula.  Hence  a  servitor  was  summoned 
with  a  lighted  taper,  and  the  decree  was  announced.  Thus  closed  the 
great  council,  but  its  efforts  to  maintain  the  temporal  power  of  the 


papacy  were  in  vain.  Already  the  first  step  toward  the  overthrow 
of  Babylon  had  been  taken,  though  Napoleon  III,  the  "Eldest  Son 
of  the  Church,"  designed  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  papal  See 


;84 


ITALY  STRUGGLTXG  IXTO  LIGHT. 


when  he  proclaimed,  on  the  15th  of  July,  war  against  Germany,  the 
only  Protestant  nation  on  the  Continent. 

The  victories  of  the  German  army  reduced  France  to  such  an  ex- 
tremit}^  that  she  was  compelled  to  withdraw  her  troops  from  Rome, 
and  accordingly  the\'  exacuated  the  city  on  the  8th  of  August,  1870, 
embarking  at  Civita  \^ecchia  for  their  own  countr3\  The  Roman 
people  were  greath'  excited  because  ?^Iazzini  threatened  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  metropolis  ;  but  Victor  Emmanuel  would  not  permit 
him,  as  he  considered  himself  still  bound  by  the  September  conven- 
tion with  France,  and  IMazzini  was  therefore  arrested  to  keep  him 
quiet.  On  the  2d  of  September  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  the 
French  arm)-  surrendered  to  the  German  forces  at  Sedan.  This  act 
was  soon  followed  by  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  French  republic,  which  declared  the  September  conven- 
tion no  longer  binding  upon  France.  A'ictor  Emmanuel  was  now 
free  from  this  alliance  which  so  long  restrained  him,  and  he  at  once 
notified  Pope  Pius  IX  that  he  intended  to  preserve  order  in  Italy — 
a  plain  intimation  that  he  was  determined  to  be  master  of  Rome. 
The  pontiff  appealed  to  King  William  of  Prussia  to  protect  him,  but 
that  sovereign  declined  to  iiiterfere  in  Italian  affairs.  The  Italian 
troops  entered  the  papal  territory,  Avhich  readih^  submitted  to  the 
king,  and  in  a  few  days  took  position  before  Rome.  Pius  IX  refused 
to  allow  the  city  to  be  defended,  but  caused  only  sufficient  resistance 
to  be  made  to  show  that  he  }-ielded  to  force.  A  small  breach  was 
made  in  the  wall  near  the  Porta  Pia,  and  through  this  the  Italian 
troops  entered  Rome  on  the  20th  of  September. 

On  the  2d  of  October  the  Roman  citizens,  by  the  plebiscite,  voted 
fifty  thousand  to  fifty  for  the  government  of  the  king,  and  against  that 
of  the  pope,  and  thus,  b\'  the  decision  of  his  own  people,  Pius  IX,  the 
first  of  infallible  popes,  became  the  last  of  the  sovereign  pontiffs. 
The  revolution  was  accomplished  peacefulh".  The  Italian  correspond- 
ent of  an  American  journal,  who  visited  the  polling-places,  declared 
that  perfect  order  prevailed,  the  municipal  council  having  adopted  a 
fair  plan,  and  e\'er)'  class  voted  except  the  priests  and  those  asso- 
ciated with  them.  "I  have  seen,"  wrote  the  correspondent,  "the 
carnival  in  its  best  days,  but  I  never  saw  in  Rome  a  scene  of  so  wild 
hilarity  and  spontaneous  joy."  As  the  result  of  this  change,  the 
papal  arms  disappeared  rapidly  from  the  public  buildings,  the  Jesuits 
began  to  leave  the  city,  and  new  names  were  given  to  the  streets. 
On  the  31st  of  December,  1870,  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  Rome, 
and  proclaimed  it  the  capital  of  free  and  united  Italy.    The  popular 


PROPOSED  MISSION  IN  ROME. 


sentiment  was  reflected  in  a  speech  c1eli\-ered  in  the  earh'  part  of  the 
year  by  Gattini,  a  member  of  the  Itahan  padiament.  His  subject 
was  the- "  Papac}', "  and  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said:  "Civ- 
iHzation  asks  what  share  the  papac\'  lias  taken  in  its  worlc.  Is  it  the 
press?  Is  it  electricity?  Is  it  steam?  Is  it  chemical  analysis?  Is 
it  free  trade?  Is  it  self-government?  Is  it  the  principle  of  nation- 
ality? Is  it  the  proclamation  of  the  rights  of  man?  Of  the  liberty  of 
conscience?  Of  all  this  the  papac\-  is  the  negation.  Its  culminating 
points  are  Gregory  I,  who,  like  Omar,  burnt  libraries  ;  Gregory  VII, 
Avho  destroyed  a  moiet}'  of  Rome  and  created  the  temporal  sover- 
eignty ;  Innocent  III,  who  founded  the  Inquisition;  Boniface  IX, 
who  destro\'ed  the  last  remains  of  municipal  liberty  in  Rome  ;  Pius 
VII,  who  committed  the  same  wrong  in  Bologna  ;  Alexander  VI, 
who  established  the  censorship  of  books ;  Paul  III,  who  published 
the  bull  for  the  establishment  of  the  Jesuits  ;  Pius  V,  who  covered 
Europe  with  burning  funeral  piles  ;  Urban  VIII,  who  tortured  Gali- 
leo ;  and  Pius  IX,  who  has  given  us  the  modern  Syllalnis.''  It  is  a 
significant  fact  that  when  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  the  Eternal  City  " 
on  the  closing  day  of  1870,  the  tunnel  through  ]Mont  Cenis  was 
opened,  the  work  having  been  completed  on  the  26th  of  December. 
Thus,  when  the  brave  king  placed  upon  his  head  for  the  first  time 
the  crown  of  a  united  nation,  he  was  enabled  to  add  to  it  another 
star,  prophetic  of  Italy's  commercial  greatness.  The  mighty  barrier 
of  the  Alps  was  pierced,  and  direct  and  uninterrupted  railroad  com- 
munication with  France  and  the  rest  of  Europe  secured  just  at  the 
moment  when  Italy  became  free,  and  was  prepared  to  enter  upon  a 
career  of  prosperity. 

On  the  24th  of  October,  1870,  Rev.  W.  Clark,  then  in  ]\Iilan, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  "American  and  Foreign 
Christian  Union,"  at  New  York,  appealing  for  means  to  commence  a 
mission  in  Rome,  so  providentially  opened  to  evangelical  agencies. 
He  stated  that  many  exiled  Romans  who  had  been  for  years  scattered 
among  the  other  cities  of  Italy  were  returning,  some  of  them  being 
members  of  evangelical  Churches,  and  constituting  a  nucleus  for  a 
Church  in  that  important  center.  Two  evangelists  from  Milan,  both 
Romans,  already  were  at  work  in  their  native  city,  and  one  of  them 
wrote  to  I\Ir.  Clark,  saying:  "Thanks  to  God,  there  is  every  reason 
to  hope,  if  I  am  not  deceived  in  respect  to  the  spirit  and  tendencies 
of  this  people,  that  very  soon  we  shall  see  planted  here  a  Church  of 
Christ.  We  have  great  difficulty  in  finding  just  now  a  hall  for  wor- 
ship.   The  smallest  shops  are  renting  at  a  thousand  francs  a  year." 


786 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


The  evangelist  was  even  asked  to  pay  three  thousand  francs  a  year 
for  an  apartment  of  ten  rooms  on  the  first  floor;  but  he  was  not  dis- 
couraged, expecting  that  the  Lord  would  send  friends  with  the  neces- 
sary funds.  ]\Ir.  Clark  declared  his  intention  to  remove  the  theological 
school  from  Milan  to  Rome  whenever  sufficient  means  were  contrib- 
uted for  that  purpose.  Ten  students  had  completed  a  three  years' 
course,  but  the  class  was  dismissed  on  account  of  inadequate  sup- 
port. These  young  men  had  ability  and  experience,  and  needed 
another  year's  training  to  make  them  efficient  ministers  of  the  Gos- 
pel. "The  Catholics  of  the  United  States,"  wrote  Mr.  Clark,  "last 
}'ear  contributed  more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  dol- 
lars to  the  American  Catholic  College  at  Rome,  and  the  city  of  New 
York  itself  forty-four  thousand  dollars,  while  all  the  Protestant  Christ- 
ians of  America,  for  the  work  of  evangelization  throughout  the  whofe 
of  Italy,  contributed  only  about  fifteen  thousand  dollars.  Now,  when 
Rome  is  entirely  opened  to  the  truth,  the  time  is  most  favorable  and 
opportune  to  establish-  there  a  Protestant  theological  school,  where 
pious  Italian  young  men  may  be  trained  for  the  work  of  evangelizing 
Italy."  As  will  be  seen  in  a  succeeding  chapter,  the  Protestants  of 
the  United  States  donated  in  1872  a  large  sum  to  the  Free  Italian 
Church  for  the  establishment  of  such  a  school. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1870  the  Rev.  Francesco  Sciarelli,  of  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  mission  at  Naples,  commenced  to  hold  religious 
services  in  Rome,  preaching,  like  St.  Paul  of  old,  in  his  own  "hired 
house."  The  report  of  Rev.  H.  J.  Piggott  for  the  entire  year  shows 
that  the  work  throughout  Italy  made  some  advancement,  though  the  op- 
position to  it  was  very  severe.  The  laborers  were  stationed  as  follows: 
Noj-thern  Division,  Padua,  Giacomo  Roland;  Vicenza,  Alberigo  Bossi; 
Parma,  Bartolommeo  Gaultieri ;  IMezzano,  Giuseppe  Moreno;  Spezia, 
Ferdinando  Bosio ;  Intra,  Benedetto  Lissolo ;  Cremona,  Donato  Patu- 
celli ;  Pavia,  Giovanni  Annigoni ;  Florence,  to  be  supplied;  Asola, 
Gaetano  Zocco.  Southern  Division,  Naples,  Thomas  W.  S.  Jones; 
Francesco  Sciarelli ;  Caserta,  to  be  supplied;  Capri,  to  be  supplied; 
Salerno,  Giuseppe  Carile ;  Cosenza,  Luigi  Girone ;  Messina  (Sicily), 
Giuseppe  Spaziante. 

vjn^the  early  part  of  1871  Signor  Gavazzi  preached  in  Rome  with 
great  success.  Three  halls  were  opened  for  religious  worship,  and 
Signor  Lagomarsino  and  Professor  Peccenini  rendered  valuable  aid  in 
ministering  to  the  audiences,  which  constantly  became  larger.  Serious 
obstacles  were  encountered,  and  the  Italian  government  did  not  have 
the  courage  to  fully  protect  the  missionaries.    It  refused  to  give 


PERSECUTION  IX  ROME. 


787 


permission  that  the  Gospel  should  be  publicly  preached,  though 
the  sale  of  Bibles  and  tracts  was  tolerated.  The  Jesuits  emplo)'ed 
spies  and  secret  agents,  and  both  Gavazzi  and  Lagomarsino  on  a  cer- 
tain night  narrowly  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  these  assassins. 

On  a  beautiful  Sabbath  in  May,  1871,  the  writer  was  in  Rome, 
and  beheld  the  effects  of  Jesuitical  wrath.  He  received  ^  cordial 
invitation  from  Signor  Francesco  Sciarelli,  who  had  charge  of  the 
Wesleyan  Italian  mission  in  that  city,  to  attend  the  evening  com- 
munion service,  but  was  prevented  from  enjoying  the  privilege  by 
the  state  of  his  health.  One  of  his  traveling  companions,  however, 
the  Rev.  J.  F.  Hurst,  D.  D.,  now  president  of  the  Drew  Theolog- 
ical Seminary,  was  present  at  the  meeting  and  afterwards  described 
the  thrilling  scene  that  he  witnessed.  About  two  hundred  Italians, 
men  and  women,  had  assembled  in  their  little  place  of  Protestant 
worship  in  the  very  heart  of  Rome.  At  the  conclusion  of  his  ser- 
mon Signor  Sciarelli  administered  the  communion,  and  was  offering 
prayer,  when  an  explosion  occurred  in  the  vestibule,  breaking  the 
glass  partition,  extinguishing  the  lights,  and  filling  the  worshipers 
with  terror.  A  thick  glass  bottle  containing  powder  and  slugs  had 
been  placed  there,  and  the  fuse  ignited.  For  a  time,  all  was  confu- 
sion and  distress;  but  wonderful  to  tell,  though  the  frame-work 
around  the  doors  and  windows  was  shattered,  no  person  Avas  seri- 
ously injured.  On  the  following  morning  the  pastor  sent  a  telegram 
to  Naples  in  these  words:  "A  bomb  was  exploded  in  our  church 
last  evening,  but  we  are  all  safe.'"  The  friend  to  whom  the  telegram 
was  addressed  received  the  following:  "A  /^/rr  bomb  was  exploded 
in  our  Church  last  evening."  Thus  the  demons  who  contrived  this 
scheme  of  death,  in  some  mysterious  way  managed  also  to  manip- 
ulate the  telegraphic  wires  and  mutilate  the  message.  The  Italian 
government  made  every  effort  to  discover  the  perpetrators  of  the 
malicious  deed,  and  the  papers  severely  denounced  it. 

In  the  Italian  senate,  the  debate  on  the  papal  guarantee  bill  was 
closed  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  the  measure  was  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  105  to  20.  It  abolished  the  right  of  the  pope  to  grant  exequaturs 
to  consuls  of  foreign  powers,  and  was  an  important  step  towards  the 
removal  of  the  last  vestige  of  the  temporal  power.  The  bill  pro- 
vided for  the  pa}'ment  of  the  liabilities  of  the  "  Hoh'  See,"  and  was 
passed  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the  9th  of  May.  The  triumphal 
entry  of  Victor  Emmanuel  into  Rome  occurred  on  the  ist  of  July, 
and  was  an  event  of  thrilling  interest.  Thousands  of  people,  defy- 
ing the  rays  of  a  scorching  sun,  stood  along  the  thoroughfares,  and 

51 


788 


ITALY  STRbCGLING  INTO  LIGHT.  ' 


patiently  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  royal  hero.  About  the  middle 
of  the  day  the  thundering  of  the  cannon  announced  his  arrival  at  the 
railway  station.  The  news  flashed  like  lightning  from  one  end  to 
the  other  of  the  Eternal  City.  "From  the  Piazza  di  Termini  to 
the  Piazza  di  Spagna  it  seemed  as  though  a  general  convulsion  had 
taken  possession  of  the  thousands  who  crowded  the  streets.  King 
Victor  Emmanuel,  who  wore  the  uniform  of  a  general,  was  received 
at  the  railway  station  by  the  Prince  Pallavicini,  the  mayor  of  Rome; 
Prince  Humbert;  the  Premier  Lanza,  and  the  rest  of  the  ministers,  the 
Commandatore  Vigliani,  the  president  of  the  senate ;  the  Commanda- 
tore  Bianchieri,  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies;  most  of  the 
mayors  of  the  principal  Italian  towns,  and  by  all  the  civil  and  military 
authorities.  The  royal  party,  consisting  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  Pallav- 
icini, Lanza,  and  Prince  Humbert,  proceeded  through  the  streets  in  an 
open  carriage,  all  the  other  ministers  and  high  authorities  following 
in  state  carriages.  The  whole  cortege  was  preceded  by  a  squadron 
of  mounted  National  Guards,  and  a  numerous  and  brilliant  staff 
came  next  in  the  the  procession.  There  were  no  official  prepara- 
tions, no  arches  of  triumph,  and  no  inscriptions,  but  flags  were  so 
abundant  that  the  walls  of  the  houses  were  hardly  visible.  The 
residences  of  the  rich  and  poor  were  decorated  with  beautiful  flowers, 
and  in  many  places  the  busts  or  the  pictures  of  Victor  Emmanuel 
replaced  the  image  of  a  saint  or  a  Madonna.  This  ovation  was  a 
grand  tribute  to  a  noble  ruler,  and  an  appropriate  recognition  of 
the  unity  of  a  nation  long  dissevered  and  oppressed." 

The  occupation  of  Rome  and  the  liberal  policy  of  Victor  Em- 
manuel encouraged  the  Protestant  workers  throughout  Italy.  A 
new  agency  also  appeared  in  the  field,  and  prepared  to  gather  its 
part  of  the  harvest.  In  November,  1870,  the  General  Missionary 
Committee  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States 
resolved  to  establish  a  mission  in  the  Peninsula.  On  the  14th  of 
March,  1871,  Rev.  Leroy  M.  Vernon,  D.  D.,  of  the  St.  Louis 
Conference,  was  appointed  superintendent,  and,  with  his  family,  sailed 
from  New  York  in  the  latter  part  of  June.  He  was  instructed  to  go 
directly  to  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  make  his  temporary  headquarters 
there,  and  was  advised  to  seek  the  counsel  of  Rev.  O.  M.  Spencer, 
D.  D.,  an  able  minister  of  the  M.  E.  Church,  and  the  consular 
representative  of  the  United  States.  The  committee  also  requested 
Dr.  Vernon  to  visit  the  prominent  places,  and  canvass  each  before 
selecting  a  permanent  center  of  operations,  "taking  care  not  to 
encroach  on  the  fields  already  occupied  by  other  Protestant  mis- 


AMERICAN  METHODIST  AND  BAPTIST  MISSIONS  789 


sionaries,  especially  those  occupied  by  the  Weslcyaii  Church."  On 
the  2d  of  October  the  superintendent  made  his  first  report  from 
Genoa,  announcing  his  settlement  there,  and  the  valuable  services 
rendered  by  Dr.  Spencer.  In  a  letter  to  the  committee,  written 
on  the  28th  of  November,  Dr.  Vernon  stated  that  he  had  visited 
Bologna,  Leghorn,  Pisa,  Ferrara,  Verona,  and  Padua,  and  at  the 
latter  place,  then  the  headquarters  of  the  Wesleyan  missions,  was 
cordially  received  by  Rev.  H.  J.  Piggott,  the  active  and  efficient 
superintendent.  During  this  tour  of  observation  important  informa- 
tion was  obtained,  and  the  peculiar  character  of  the  difficulties  to 
be  overcome  carefully  noted. 

In  the  Summer  of  1870  the  Southern  Baptist  Convention  of 
the  United  States  organized  a  mission  in  Italy  under  the  direction 
of  W.  N.  Cote,  M.  D.,  who  inaugurated  the  work  by  distributing 
Bibles  in  Rome  and  the  neighboring  cities.  At  the  close  of  187 1 
Dr.  Cote  reported  that  sixty  members  belonged  to  his  Church  in 
the  "Eternal  City,"  and  gave  the  following  statement  of  the  whole 
Italian  mission:  Civita  Vecchia — Colporteur,  Paolo  Gardiol,  twenty- 
two  members;  Bari — Evangelist,  B.  Montinari,  seventy-five  mem- 
bers; Bologna — Evangelist,  G.  Giannini,  sixty  members;  Modina, 
twenty  i;nembers;  La  Tour  (Waldensian  valleys) — Evangelist,  Fer- 
raris, thirty-four  members.  Dr.  Cote  held  large  meetings  in  the 
Trastevere,  but,  the  room  being  too  small  for  the  congregation, 
an  excellent  hall  was  secured  in  Piazza  Navona,  in  the  center  of 
Rome.  This  splendid  square  is  always  full  of  people,  and  not  less 
than  two  hundred  men  and  women  attended  the  Protestant  service. 
The  priests  were  alarmed,  and,  by  instigating  the  proprietors  of  the 
hall  to  prosecute  the  tenant  who  rented  it,  they  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing an  injunction.  While  the  formal  proceedings  of  forcible  occu- 
pation by  the  authorities  were  going  on  the  multitude  in  the  Piazza 
Navona  loudly  and  unequivocally  expressed  their  disapprobation. 


790  ITAL  V  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 


Chapter  XXX. 

THE  GREAT  DEB  ATE— WALD  EN  SI  AN  CONFERENCE- 
GENERAL  ASSEMBLY. 

AN  event  of  great  significance  occurred  in  the  city  of  Rome  on  the 
evenings  of  February  9th  and  loth,  1872.  The  distinguished 
Canon  Fabiani  and  two  priests  CipoUa  and  Guidi,  representing 
Romanism,  and  SciarelH,  a  Wesleyan  Methodist  missionary,  once  a 
Franciscan  monk,  Ribetti  a  pastor  of  the  Waldensian  Church,  and 
Gavazzi,  the  celebrated  orator  and  pastor  of  the  Itahan  Free  Church, 
representing  Protestantism,  held  a  discussion  in  the  hall  of  the  Ponti- 
fica  Academia  Tiberina.  The  question  was  concerning  the  primacy  of 
Peter,  which  involved  the  accuracy  of  tradition  relative  to  the  actual 
presence  of  the  apostle  in  the  "  Eternal  City."  The  meeting  was  pre- 
sided over  by  Prince  Chigi,  of  Campagnano,  and  De  Dominicis  Tosti, 
the  advocate  commendatore,  both  appointed  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
,  Church,  and  Rev.  Henry  J.  Piggott,  the  superintendent  of  the  Wesleyan 
missions  in  Italy,  and  Dr.  Herman  Phillip,  representatives  of  the  Prot- 
estant Church  of  Italy.  Two  sets  of  reporters  were  employed,  those 
of  the  CEcumenical  council  for  the  Church,  and  those  of  the  Italian 
parliament  for  the  Protestants.  The  hall  was  crowded,  and  hundreds 
went  away  unable  to  get  inside  the  door. 

SciarelH  commenced  the  argument  by  showing  from  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  the  apostolic  letters,  and  the  Fathers  of  the  age  nearest 
the  apostles,  that  St.  Peter  never  was  in  Rome.  Fabiani  replied  to 
SciarelH  by  attempting  to  confuse  the  chronology  that  even  his  own 
Church  had  received  by  stating  that  Peter's  apostolic  mission  was  gen- 
eral as  was  that  of  all  the  apostles.  He  declared  that  Rome  had  been 
the  great  place  of  assembling,  where  the  fathers  and  martyrs  had 
congregated,  and  disputes  with  the  heretics  had  occurred.  Tradition 
transmitted  to  future  ages  what  the  Scriptures  failed  to  give,  and  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  believed  the  statements  concerning  Peter 
which  came  through  this  channel.  SciarelH  said  that  the  Bablyon 
from  which  Peter  wrote  his  epistles  was  Rome,  and  he  would  risk 
the  prophetic  term,     Bablyon  the  Great,"  as  applied  to  the  Holy 


THE  GREA  T  DISCUSSION. 


791 


City.  Ribetti,  the  Waldensian  pastor  was  the  next  speaker,  and  in 
the  beginning  of  his  address  he  accused  Fabiani  of  introducing  insin- 
uations and  traditions,  instead  of  facts.  Taking  up  the  argument  of 
his  opponent,  that  Rome  was  called  Bablyon,  he  turned  it  against 
him  in  the  most  scathing  manner,  and  concluded  by  saying  that  the 
religion  of  Christ  is  not  local,  but  universal;  that  it  had  no  capital 
or  center  here  on  earth  as  the  Mosaic  law  and  Jerusalem,  but  that 
it  was  like  its  founder,  infinite,  spiritual,  and  universal. 

CipoUa  followed  Ribetti,  endeavoring  to  strengthen  the  arguments 
of  Fabiani  and  to  refute  those  of  Ribetti.  The  weakness  of  his  voice 
prevented  a  large  part  of  the  audience  from  hearing  the  address,  but 
it  was  given  to  the  reporters.  He  showed  the  difference  between 
allusion  and  insimiation,  and  considered  the  number  and  the  nature 
of  the  testimonies  adduced.  The  speaker  defended  Clement,  Irenaeus, 
and  Papias,  and  affirmed  that  there  was  abundant  time  for  the  Apos- 
tle Peter  to  visit  Rome  and  form  the  pontificate  there,  considering 
the  time,  the  distance,  and  the  modes  of  travel.  At  the  close  of 
Cipolla's  argument  Gavazzi  proceeded  to  attack  with  great  force,  and 
in  his  own  burning  eloquence,  the  positions  taken  by  the  advocates 
of  Romanism,  and  showed  that  the  "Acts  of  the  Apostles"  con- 
tained a  true,  official,  and  authentic  account  of  the  life,  labors,  and 
teachings  of  the  apostles.  He  declared,  therefore,  that  if  Peter  had 
preached  in  Rome  and  founded  a  pontificate  there  Luke,  the  historian, 
would  have  recorded  the  fact ;  for  he  described  Peter's  labors  at  Jeru- 
salem, Antioch,  and  Caesarea,  but  not  at  Rome.  Guidi  replied  to 
Gavazzi,  reviewing  the  whole  discussion,  and  commending  the  argu- 
ments of  his  colleagues,  Fabiani  and  Cipolla.  He  asserted  that  the 
coming  of  Peter  to  Rome  was  "a  fact,  great,  solemn,  and  universal,'' 
and  that  the  life  of  the  Church  depended  upon  it;  and  in  concluding 
this  remarkable  debate  he  referred  to  the  testimony  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  and  the  silence  of  heretics  and  schis- 
matics in  the  early  ages.  Llhe  opinion  generally  prevailed  among 
the  crowds  that  listened  to  the  discussion  that  the  Romish  cause  was 
damaged,  and  Pius  IX  virtually  conceded  it  by  prohibiting  any  fur- 
ther public  controversies  with  Protestants.  He  also  appointed  a 
tridiiwn,  or  office  extending  through  three  successive  days,  with  a 
view  to  "offer  reparation  for  the  horrible  blasphemies  with  which  in 
these  latter  days  infidels  have  denied  the  presence  and  death  of  St. 
Peter  in  Rome." 

On  the  4th  of  March  the  first  anniversary  of  the  Italian  Bible 
Society  was  lield  in  the  saloon  of  the  Argentina  Theater,  a  building 


792  ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 

in  the  very  heart  of  Rome,  a  few  hundred  feet  directly  south  of  the 
Pantheon.  Admiral  Fishbourne  presided,  and  there  were  several 
English  speeches,  which  were  interpreted  in  Italian.  But  the  great 
feature  of  the  evening  was  the  delivery  of  eloquent  addresses  by  Fa- 
ther Hyacinthe  and  Signor  Gavazzi.  The  former  affirmed  that  the 
Bible  was  the  common  ground  of  sympathy  between  him,  as  a  liberal 
Roman  Catholic,  and  the  Protestants;  while  the  latter  speaker,  in  his 
usual  fervent,  dramatic,  and  fluent  manner,  declared  that  the  historic 
Church  of  Rome  had  been  founded  by  St.  Paul,  and  should  be  re- 
stored to  its  true  character.  Ribetti,  Sciarelli,  and  others,  spoke 
with  great  force. 

Sicrnor  Alessandro  Gavazzi  visited  the  United  States  in  the  Sum- 
mer  of  1872,  to  raise  funds  for  the  planting  of  a  Biblical  college  in 
Rome.  He  reached  New  York  on  the  T7th  of  April,  accompanied 
by  Rev.  J.  B.  Thompson,  D.  D.,  an  American  clergyman,  who  had 
been  in  Italy,  and  was  interested  in  the  work  of  the  Free  Italian 
Church.  This  deputation  was  tendered  a  public  reception  by  the 
"American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,"  and  on  the  9th  of  May,  at 
the  twenty-third  anniversary  of  that  society,  Gavazzi  deliv^ered  a  pow- 
erful address.  By  his  earnest  appeals  before  the  General  Conference 
of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  other  ecclesiastical  bodies, 
he  awakened  a  deep  interest  in  behalf  of  the  evangelization  of  Italy, 
and  in  a  short  time  secured  from  the  Protestant  Churches  a  large  sum 
for  that  purpose,  i.  In  1852  he  was  an  exile  from  his  native  land,  and 
stirred  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  by  his  matchless  eloquence; 
in  1872  he  came  as  a  free  citizen  of  a  united  Italy. 

On  the  loth  of  March,  1872,  Joseph  Mazzini,  the  Italian  patriot, 
closed  his  remarkable  career.  Since  the  previous  November  he  had 
resided  in  Pisa  under  an  assumed  name,  seeking  in  the  mild  climate 
of  his  native  land  the  restoration  of  his  health,  broken  by  study  and 
fatigue  after  forty  years  of  unwearied  activity.  He  had  been  in  exile 
for  a  long  period,  but  lived  pleasantly  in  a  small  house  in  West 
Brompton,  a  remote  suburb  of  London,  occasionally  meeting  his 
friends  in  the  parlor  of  Madame  Venturi,  his  steadfast  friend  and 
admirable  translator.  His  arrival  in  Pisa  was  known  only  by  his 
relatives  and  the  authorities,  and  he  occupied  a  few  modest  rooms  in 
the  Via  della  Madalena,  dining  in  the  evening  with  the  Roselli  family, 
who  resided  in  the  vicinity. 

In  February  he  was  prostrated  by  a  severe  bronchial  attack,  from 
which  he  recovered ;  but  on  the  6th  of  March  he  was  again  troubled 
with  an  oppression  of  breath,  which  his  physician,  Rossini,  attrib- 


THE  DEA  TH  OF  MAZZINI. 


793 


uted  to  the  congestion  of  his  kings.  He  became  worse,  entirely  lost 
his  voice,  and  in  a  few  days  ceased  to  live.  "He  died,"  says  one 
who  was  present,  "in  a  room  on  the  second  floor,  looking  toward 
the  south,  over  a  little  garden  where  are  a  few  straggling,  sickly 
plants.  Extended  on  the  bed  of  death,  covered  with  a  linen  coverlet 
with  alternate  fine  stripes  of  white  and  lilac,  the  waxen  features  re- 
tained the  traces  of  the  calm  resignation  which  had  never  abandoned 
him  in  the  days  which  preceded  that  of  his  death.  He  did  not 
appear  as  if  dead,  but  hke  a  profound  thinker  who  had  fallen  asleep 
after  excessive  intellectual  fatigue.  In  the  morning,  before  the  news 
had  spread  throughout  the  city,  came  Corte,  Bertani,  Campanella, 
Saffi,  and  Quachio.  I  saw  crossing  the  threshold  of  the  little  house 
the  \'enerable  Enrico  Meyer,  weeping  as  he  went  to  give  the  last  kiss 
to  the  friend  of  his  distant  youth." 

The  death  of  Mazzini  awakened  a  feeling  of  sorrow  in  every 
patriotic  heart,  and  the  funeral  honors  paid  to  him  were  national. 
His  devoted  personal  friends  accompanied  the  bier  to  Genoa,  and 
deputations  from  societies  and  towns  followed,  swelling  into  a  vast 
procession  of  eighty  thousand  mourners.  Commemorative  services 
were  also  held  in  Rome,  the  whole  length  of  the  Corso  being  filled 
Avith  sorrowing  thousands,  who  beheld  the  bust  of  their  departed 
champion,  by  whose  side  stood  a  colossal  figure  of  Italy  in  the  ^ct 
of  placing  a  laurel  crown  upon  his  head.  The  land  which  he  had 
lo\'ed  so  passionately,  from  which  he  had  been  an  exile,  to  which  he 
had  returned  again  and  again  when  he  saw  an  opportunity  for  her 
liberation,  now  so  far  on  its  road  to  liberty  received  back  her  great 
son  and  gave  him  burial.  The  ideas  which  crowned  his  life  did  not 
go  down  with  him  into  the  grave,  but  abide  for  the  further  emanci- 
pation of  the  nation  which  witnessed  their  birth  and  development, 
and  the  steadfast  integrity  of  their  great  apostle. 

The  various  Protestant  agencies  in  Italy  were  rewarded  with  an 
encouraging  measure  of  success.  In  April,  1872,  the  Waldenses  held 
a  missionary  conference  in  Florence,  which  continued  four  days. 
None  but  mission  stations  were  embraced,  and  the  design  was  to 
discuss  subjects  in  their  interest.  Thirty -seven  posts  were  repre- 
sented, and  the  number  of  working  delegates  was  sixty-four.  They 
presented  a  fine  appearance,  showed  great  zeal,  and  awakened  hopes 
for  the  regeneration  of  Italy.  Clergymen  of  the  Free  Churches  of 
Scotland  and  Italy,  and  of  other  religious  bodies,  were  also  present. 
Interesting  papers,  relating  to  various  departments  of  Church  and 
Sabbath -school  work,  were  read  by  Signori  E.  Comba,  A.  Revel, 


794 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


A.  Malan,  B,  Pons,  A.  Meille,  and  Ribetti.  The  discussions  were 
able,  and  a  delightful  spirit  of  harmony  prevailed. 

The  Fourth  General  Assembly  of  the  Free  Italian  Church  opened 
its  sittings  on  Wednesday  morning,  December  4,  1872,  at  No.  9  Via 
Corallo,  in  the  city  of  Rome.  After  praise  and  prayer  the  inaugural 
discourse  was  delivered  by  Signor  Lagomarsino,  the  president  of  last 
year's  assembly  in  Florence,  and  pastor  of  one  of  the  largest  Churches 
in  Italy,  that  of  Milan,  containing  about  five  hundred  members  in 
full  communion.  The  text  was  Ephesians  iv,  i-io,  from  which  a 
most  correct  exhortation  to  Christian  humility  was  addressed  to  the 
membership  as  well  as  the  pastorate  of  the  Church.  The  assembly 
was  very  strict  in  examining  the  credentials  of  the  deputies,  and 
twenty-nine  were  enrolled,  representing  twenty-eight  Churches.  The 
evangelist  at  Turin  could  not  be  present  because  a  revival  was  pre- 
vailing in  his  Church,  the  meetings  being  crowded  night  after  night 
with  people  eager  to  hear  the  Word  of  God.  Professor  de  Michelis, 
of  Pisa,  was  chosen  president  of  the  assembly;  Signor  Jahier,  vice- 
president  ;  and  Signori  Cocorda  and  Jahier,  secretaries.  No  more 
fitting  selection  of  men  could  have  been  made.  Signor  de  Michelis 
is  not  only  an  able  evangelist  of  the  cross,  and  a  man  of  great  elo- 
quence and  deep  spirituality  of  mind,  but  he  has  had  the  advantage 
of  a  legal  education  and  long  experience  in  presiding  over  large  soci- 
eties of  artisans  in  Pisa,  where  flourishing  schools  attest  his  intelligent 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christ.  He  presided  with  dignity,  and  by 
his  promptness  and  genial  spirit  won  the  esteem  of  all. 

A  large  number  of  foreigners  attended  the  meetings,  and  addressed 
the  assembly  in  words  of  kindly  sympathy  and  encouragement. 
Among  those  who  were  introduced  and  made  speeches,  which  were 
translated  by  Signor  Gavazzi  and  others,  were  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ashton, 
of  the  Evangelical  Continental  Society,  of  London  ;  Rev.  R.  B. 
Campfield,  of  the  American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union,  of  New 
York ;  Rev.  Mr.  Alexander,  of  the  American  Board  of  Commission- 
ers for  Foreign  Missions;  Rev.  Dr.  Waddington,  of  London;  Rev. 
H.  J.  Piggott,  of  the  Wesleyan  missions  in  Italy ;  Rev.  W.  C.  Van 
Meter,  of  Rome ;  Rev.  Mr.  Mourges,  of  the  Central  Protestant  So- 
ciety of  France;  Rev.  E.  H.  Johnson,  of  the  American  Baptist 
Church,  and  others.  The  Rev.  John  Ker,  D.  D.,  and  Mr.  Donald 
Miller,  of  the  Scotch  Church  in  Rome,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Waite,  of 
the  American  Church  in  Rome,  were  also  present  on  several  occa- 
sions. A  number  of  letters  were  read  from  other  societies  and  gen- 
tlemen, expressing  deep  regret  at  their  inability  to  be  present  at  so 


POLITICAL  EVENTS. 


795 


unique  and  historic  a  gathering,  the  first  assembly  of  evangehcal 
preachers  in  the  "Eternal  City"  since  the  days  of  the  apostles. 

On  Thursday,  December  5th,  a  school  festival  was  held — a  large 
number  of  parents,  members  of  assembly,  and  Christian  strangers 
being  present.  The  two  hundred  children  connected  with  the  Free 
Church  schools  were  examined,  prizes  distributed,  and  religious  serv- 
ices conducted.  On  the  following  Sabbath  the  Rev.  A.  R.  Van 
Nest,  D.  D.,  and  Signor  Gavazzi  preached  in  the  American  Church 
in  Rome,  and  the  Rev.  J.  R.  M'Dougall  occupied  the  pulpit  of  the 
Scotch  Church. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  assembly  many  of  the  deputies 
carried  to  their  homes  a  photograph  of  Aonio  Paleario,  taken  from 
an  original  painting  which  a  photographer  of  Rome  found  in  the 
Communal  Library  of  Veroli. 


Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 


Chapter  XXXI. 

VARIOUS  RELIGIOUS  AND  POLITICAL  EVENTS. 

WHILE  serious  obstacles  continued  to  impede  the  progress  of 
the  Protestant  cause  in  Italy,  there  were  many  promising  indi- 
cations of  the  future  triumph  of  evangelical  Christianity.  Even  in 
Rome,  some  who  had  been  only  soldiers  of  a  temporal  king  enlisted 
under  the  banner  of  Christ.  In  the  early  part  of  1873  Henry  Day, 
Esq.,  an  intelligent,  philanthropic  American,  visited  the  "Eternal 
City,"  and  attended  a  night  service  for  soldiers,  organized  about  the 
first  of  the  previous  October  by  Rev.  Mr.  Waite  of  the  American 
Union  Chapel.  Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  enterprise  a 
young  man,  by  the  name  of  Luigi  Capellini,  who  had  once  been  a 
soldier  and  a  Roman  Catholic,  was  employed  to  conduct  it.  He  had 
a  fair  education  and  some  theological  training,  and  found  easy  access 
to  the  soldiers  in  the  barracks.  By  his  daily  visits,  conversations, 
and  distribution  of  tracts,  he  succeeded  in  attracting  many  of  the 
young  men  to  his  class,  which  met  every  evening.  After  two  months 
he  had  daily  at  his  rooms  from  fifty  to  eighty  persons. 

Mr.  Day,  in  an  interesting  letter  to  the  New  York  Observer ^  de- 


796 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT 


scribes  the  scene  which  he  witnessed  not  far  from  the  spot  where 
tradition  represents  the  "hired  house"  to  have  stood,  in  which  Paul 
dwelt  two  whole  }'ears  and  received  all  that  came  in  unto  him,  and 
where  the  very  pillar  is  pointed  out  to  which  the  aged  apostle,  they 
sa\',  was  chained.  A  short  distance  from  this  very  house  is  a  narrow 
street  called  Via  Gallinacia.  Accompanied  by  Rev.  Mr.  Waite,  the 
American  visitor  "mounted  a  dark,  dirty,  winding  stone  stairway  for 
three  stories.  They  rang  a  bell,  a  soldier  opened  the  door,  and 
they  were  ushered  into  a  dimly  lighted,  brick-paved  room,  about 
twenty  feet  square,  filled  with  soldiers,  all  in  clean  uniforms  of  gray 
pantaloons  and  blue  coats  with  brass  buttons."  About  forty  strong, 
honest,  good,  intelligent  looking  young  men,  all  under  twenty-five 
years  of  age,  were  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  Bible. 
Some  were  corporals  and  sergeants,  with  small  side  arms.  Many 
were  compelled  to  stand  and  others  were  seated  on  rude  chairs. 
"There  was  a  pine  table  at  one  end,  and  in  front  stood  the  colpor- 
teur. Each  soldier  had  a  Bible,  and  all  were  studying  the  lesson 
together,  which  was  the  first  two  of  the  Ten  Commandments.  The 
missionary  first  read  the  Ten  Commandments,  and  then  read  from 
the  New  Testament  our  Savior's  summary  of  them.  In  the  course 
of  the  lesson  he  had  occasion  to  mention  the  images  of  the  saints 
and  the  Virgin  Mary,  so  much  venerated  by  the  Catholics,  and  he 
gave  them  the  views  of  the  Protestants  on  that  subject.  After  the 
lesson  prayer  was  offered,  and  then  came  a  free  conversation  with  the 
soldiers.  They  were  encouraged  to  ask  questions  about  the  Bible 
and  the  Protestants'  views  of  it." 

Opening  his  Bible,  one  of  the  soldiers  desired  to  know  how  Prot- 
estants explained  the  saying  of  Christ  contained  in  the  sixteenth 
chapter  of  Matthew  and  eighteenth  verse,  "Thou  art  Peter  and  upon 
this  rock  I  will  build  my  church,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  pre- 
vail against  it."  The  missionary  w^as  prepared  to  answer  this  ques- 
tion, which  involves  the  great  fundamental  truth  or  error  of  Roman- 
ism. He  requested  the  soldier  to  read  in  the  sixteenth  verse  of  the 
same  chapter  the  declaration  of  Peter,  "Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son 
of  the  living  God."  Then  said  he,  when  Christ  is  speaking  in  the 
eighteenth  verse  of  a  rock  he  refers  not  to  Peter,  but  to  Peter's  con- 
fession in  the  sixteenth  verse.  "This  confession  that  Christ  is  the 
Son  of  God,"  said  he,  "is  the  rock  on  which  the  church  is  built, 
and  to  which  Christ  referred."  This  was  evidently  a  new  idea  to 
the  young  soldier.  Through  an  interpreter  Mr.  Day  addressed  the 
audience,  and  told  them  that  the  Americans  were  deeply  interested 


THE  ITALIAN  MISSIONS.  ^  ygj 

in  Italy,  and  desired  its  inhabitants  to  have  the  Bible,  not  caring 
what  name  they  assumed  if  they  read  God's  Word  and  obeyed  its 
precepts.  The  speaker  directed  their  attention  to  a  card  on  the  wall 
on  which  was  printed  the  verse,  Believe  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
and  thou  shalt  be  saved,"  and  stated  that  this  was  the  whole  of  relig- 
ion. The  soldiers  were  pleased  with  the  address,  and  in  the  most 
touching  manner  expressed  their  thanks  when  Mr.  Day  informed 
them  that  they  should  have  a  larger  room.  As  they  went  out  each 
one  came  up  and,  after  saluting  him,  shook  his  hand  heartily. 

At  another  meeting  on  Sabbath,  a  Roman  Catholic  priest,  in  his 
black  robe  and  wide-brimmed  hat,  came  in  and  sat  near  the  door. 
Mr.  Day's  interpreter,  believing  that  he  was  a  spy,  informed  him  that 
he  was  not  allowed  there.  He  then  retired  to  the  hall,  followed  by 
Mr.  Day,  who  invited  him  to  remain  at  the  service,  saying  that  all 
were  welcome.  At  the  close  of  the  exercises  the  priest  was  asked 
whether  he  had  any  objection  to  such  a  study  of  the  Bible.  He  said 
to  Mr.  Day:  "I  am  a  Catholic  priest;  I  have  this  morning  officiated 
at  the  mass ;  but  I  have  no  objection  to  such  a  service  as  this.  I  am 
not  in  full  sympathy  with  the  Catholic  Church,  but  I  can  not  leave 
it;  I  have  no  other  means  of  support."  When  asked  whether  he 
would  leave  the  Church  and  engage  in  Protestant  missionary  work  if 
he  were  supported,  he  said  that  he  was  almost  prepared  for  even 
this  step.  Mr.  Day  expressed  the  opinion  that  other  priests  would 
become  dissatisfied  with  the  papal  system. 

In  the  Summer  of  1873  the  American  and  Foreign  Christian 
Union"  ceased  to  make  regular  appropriations  to  the  Free  Italian 
Church,  because  the  "American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  For- 
eign Missions,"  having  resolved  to  operate  in  Roman  Catholic  lands, 
desired  to  assume  the  support  of  that  native  organization  in  Italy. 
The  report  of  the  evangelization  committee  of  the  Free  Italian 
Church  for  the  year  1873  shows  that  about  thirty  thousand  dollars 
were  received  and  expended.  The  Rev.  J.  R.  M'Dougall  describes 
the  general  features  of  the  mission  work  in  the  north  of  Ital}',  which 
he  observed  during  a  ten  days'  tour  among  some  of  the  Churches. 
He  was  accompanied  by  four  Protestant  ministers,  representing  as 
many  denominations — Established  and  United  Presbyterian  Churches 
of  Scotland,  the  Irish  Presbyterian  Church,  and  the  Congregational 
Union  of  America.  Mr.  M'Dougall,  who  belongs  to  the  Free 
Church  of  Scotland,  states  that  the  minds  of  the  Italian  converts 
were  profoundly  impressed  when  they  found  this  deputation  "one  in 
Christ  and  one  in  sympathy  with  them,  and  all  speaking  the  same 


798 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


language  of  Christian  consolation  and  encouragement."  The  visitors 
witnessed  various  phases  of  Christian  experience  and  every  degree 
of  Church  progress,  and  were  greatly  encouraged.  They  were  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  of  having  central,  commodious,  and  comfort- 
able places  of  worship  in  every  community  where  services  were  held. 
The  native  brethren  were  annoyed  by  the  landlords  who,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  the  priests,  closed  the  rooms  on  some  pretext.  Many 
property-holders  refused  to  rent  their  halls  for  religious  purposes ; 
and  this  was  not  strange,  when  it  is  remembered  that  so  large  a  pro- 
portion of  the  real  estate  of  the  kingdom  is  in  mortmain. 

Mr.  M'Dougall  purchased  a  suppressed  Roman  Catholic  church 
in  Florence  for  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  converted  it  into  a  place 
of  worship  for  the  members  of  the  Free  Italian  Church.  The  con- 
ventual buildings  connected  with  it  were  transformed  into  a  school- 
house  for  the  use  of  the  evangelical  schools  of  Santa  Croce.  The 
evangelist  of  the  Free  Church  in  Rome,  Ludovico  Conti,  reported 
progress  in  that  city.  Three  stations  were  occupied,  the  first,  or 
principal  one,  being  in  the  Via  del  Comllo,  situated  between  the 
Piazza  Navona.  and  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo ;  the  second  in  the 
Rione  Regola,  a  little  further  south,  close  to  the  Farnese  palace  and 
the  Compodi  Fiore,  where  Aonio  Paleario  and  so  many  other  martyrs 
were  burned  at  the  stake;  and  the  third  in  the  Rione  Monti,  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  city,  not  far  from  the  basilica  of  Santa  Maria 
Maggiore.  At  the  Corallo  station  thirty-six  persons  were  added  to 
the  Church  during  1873,  making  the  total  membership  one  hundred 
and  six.  On  Sabbath  morning  the  average  attendance  was  from  forty 
to  sixty,  and  in  the  evening  between  one  hundred  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  About  two  hundred  were  present  on  every  Wednesday 
evening  to  hear  the  public  discussion,  and  when  Gavazzi  was  ex- 
pected to  speak  the  numbers  usually  reached  three  hundred.  The 
two  Sabbath- schools  contained  about  two  hundred  scholars,  and 
the  six  day-schools  more  than  three  hundred  children  and  adults. 
Among  the  many  conversions  were  those  of  a  very  learned  Roman 
Catholic  priest,  and  of  a  preacher  of  the  order  of  Conventual  Friars, 
both  of  whom  became  valuable  laborers  in  the  Lord's  vineyard. 

The  new  college  or  theological  seminary  established  in  Rome, 
mainly  by  the  efforts  of  Gavazzi,  was  opened  under  favorable  auspices. 
At  the  end  of  two  months  nine  students  attended  the  recitations, 
receiving  instruction  from  four  teachers.  In  the  early  morning  Beria 
taught  the  many  branches  of  Pedagogia  to  enable  the  young  evangel- 
ists to  obtain  their  diplomas,  so  as  to  be  the  legal  directors  of  their 


DECREES  OF  PARLIAMENT. 


799 


schools  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  Borgia  followed  Beria,  and  alter- 
nately gave  lessons  in  Greek  and  English.  Then  came  the  double 
course  of  lectures  by  Conti  in  dogmatic  and  polemic  theology,  to- 
gether with  an  explanation  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Free 
Italian  Church.  Gavazzi  closed  the  daily  exercises  with  instructions 
in  "Rational  Theology"  and  "Homiletics. "  He  was  the  controll- 
ing spirit  of  the  "College,"  and  soon  after  commencing  his  labors, 
said:  "I  can  not  but  bless  God  for  the  resolution  arrived  at  by  our 
Italian  committee  not  to  lose  any  more  time  in  opening  such  a  training 
school  for  our  future  evangelists,  seeing  that  the  result  has  actually 
surpassed  our  most  sanguine  expectations.  .  .  .  One  of  the  first 
fruits  we  have  reaped  is  the  weekly  preaching  of  the  students  in  our 
different  places  of  worship  in  Rome — and,  let  me  say,  to  the  edifica- 
tion of  the  hearers." 

A  significant  political  event  in  Italy  was  the  passage  of  the  bill 
by  both  houses  of  the  Italian  Parliament  abolishing  religious  corpo- 
rations. On  the  17th  of  June,  1873,  in  the  senate,  sixty-eight  votes 
were  cast  in  favor  of  it  and  twenty  against  it.  •  The  royal  ministry 
struggled  in  vain  to  exempt  the  city  of  Rome  from  its  operation. 
The  majority  in  the  Chambers  determined  to  abolish  even  the  great 
conventual  establishments  of  the  "Eternal  City,"  in  which  the  gen- 
erals of  the  fifty-two  religious  orders  were  domiciled,  and  this  deter- 
mination was  so  clearly  the  reflection  of  the  public  sentiment  of  the 
nation  that  the  conservative  ministry  yielded  the  point.  The  generals 
of  the  orders — always  with  the  exception  of  the  head  of  the  order 
of  Jesuits — were  allowed  to  remain  in  their  former  houses,  occupying 
so  much  of  the  edifices  as  was  absolutely  necessary,  until  death 
removed  them.  The  rest  of  the  property  of  the  establishments  was 
ordered  to  be  sold  and  the  avails  secularized.  The  Italian  govern- 
ment also  prohibited  the  making  of  pilgrimages,  alleging  that  there 
was  danger  of  spreading  disease  during  that  season  of  the  year 
when  cholera  usually  prevailed ;  but  the  priestly  party  asserted  that 
sanitary  reasons  were  not  those  which  weighed  most  in  the  minds  of 
the  Italian  ministry.  When  the  latter  caused  the  prohibition  to  be 
issued,  the  faithful  children  of  the  ^Holy  Father"  had  already  made 
extensive  arrangements  to  visit  the  most  celebrated  of  the  shrines  of 
the  Virgin  and  the  saints,  throughout  the  Peninsula.  The  real  object 
of  these  pilgrimages  was  a  political  one.  Under  the  pilgrim's  cloak 
the  form  of  the  conspirator  against  established  order  was  plainly  visi- 
ble, and  his  staff  might  easily  be  laid  down  for  a  musket.  The  priests 
were  enraged  at  the  order  of  the  government,  and  at  first  made  a 


8oo 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


slight  effort  to  disregard  it,  but  failed.  The  populace,  smarting  under 
the  wrongs  of  centuries  inflicted  by  the  priesthood,  could  scarcely  ab- 
stain from  treating  with  personal  violence  the  ignorant  devotees  who 
were  lending  all  their  influence  to  elevate  the  clerical  party  again  to 
power.  The  patriotic  Italians  greeted  the  pilgrims  with  derisive 
laughter  and  coarse  invective,  while  the  king's  gens  d'  ai'ines  arrested 
the  deluded  men  and  sent  them  back  unharmed  to  their  homes. 

Among  other  interesting  events  in  Italy  during  1873  were  the 
publication  of  an  "Encyclical"  by  Pius  IX,  on  the  2ist  of  Novem- 
ber, and  the  appointment  of  twelve  new  cardinals,  among  whom  were 
the  Jesuit  Father  Tarquini,  and  the  Augustine  Father  Martinelli.  On 
the  22d  of  December  this  important  ceremony  occurred  in  the  hall 
of  the  Vatican,  where  the  consistories  are  usually  held.  Death  had 
reduced  the  number  of  cardinals  from  seventy  to  forty-two,  and,  not- 
withstanding his  declaration  that  he  would  not  confer  the  crimson  on 
any  new  ecclesiastic  until  freed  from  his  pretended  "captivity,"  Pius 
was  induced  to  fill  a  few  of  the  vacancies. 

In  the  early  part  of  1874  Signor  Matteo  Prochet  visited  Messina, 
in  Sicily,  and  opened  a  new  Waldensian  church.  It  was  a  neat 
edifice,  and  was  crowded  every  evening  for  a  week  by  many  who, 
though  Roman  Catholics,  listened*attentively  to  the  proclamation  of  a 
free  Gospel.  On  the  12th  of  May  the  first  general  conference  of  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  Church  of  Italy  was  held  in  the  city  of  Rome. 
As  the  congregations  were  widely  scattered,  there  had  not  been  any 
direct  communion  between  those  in  the  northe'rn  and  the  southern 
parts  of  the  Peninsula.  To  come  together  required  more  time  and 
expense  than  the  poor  Churches  could  well  afford.  This  first  eccle- 
siastical gathering  was,  therefore,  an  interesting  epoch  in  their  his- 
tory. Rev.  Francesco  Sciarelli  was  elected  secretary,  the  same  per- 
son who  challenged  the  Roman  priesthood  to  discuss  the  question 
whether  St.  Peter  was  ever  in  Rome.  Rev.  L.  Wiseman,  M.  A., 
ex-president  of  the  British  Wesleyan  Conference,  presided.  The 
names  of  seventeen  Italian  ministers  and  three  evangelists  were  on 
the  roll.  Six  new  persons  were  recommended  as  candidates  for  the 
ministry.  The  statistical  reports  showed  a  membership  in  the  Italian 
Methodist  Churches  of  one  thousand  and  seven,  besides  one  hundred 
and  eleven  catechumens — an  increase  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven 
communicants  over  the  number  reported  the  preceding  year. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  so  few  embraced  the  Protestant  faith, 
when  it  is  remembered  that  an  almost  universal  skepticism,  resulting 
from  the  attempt  to  enforce  incredible  dogmas,  prevailed  in  Italy.  The 


SKEPTICAL  JOURNALISTS. 


8oi 


avarice,  worldlincss,  and  dissoluteness  of  the  priests  had  inspired  the 
people  w  ith  a  distrust  for  all  religion  ;  and  hence,  the  Protestant  min- 
isters were  also  suspected  of  being  influenced  by  interested  motives. 
The  skeptical  journalists  easil}'  persuaded  their  readers  that  they  were 
consulting  their  liberties  in  opposing  the  Gospel.  The  Popolo  Ro- 
mano, in  speaking  of  the  anni\ersary  of  the  Bible  Society,  recently 
held  in  Rome,  and  of  Signor  Gavazzi's  brilliant  address  on  that 
occasion:  "The  Roman  population,  not  unlike  in  this  the  popula- 
tions of  all  Italy,  makes  no  great  distinction  between  Catholics  and 
Protestants,  knowing  that  they  are  all  of  the  same  nature  {d'  tma 
stcssa  faiina).  The  Protestants  are  not,  it  is  true,  in  accord  with  the 
Vatican.  But  what"  of  that?  Is  there  any  intelligent  and  disinter- 
ested person  in  Italy  who  is  in  good  faith  in  accord  with  the  Protest- 
ants? We  think  not,  and  the  reason  is  clear.  In  Italy  there  is  no 
religious  sentiment ;  the  papacy  has  accustomed  us  to  get  along  with- 
out religion  {a  fare  a  vteiio  dclla  religionc),  and  Protestantism  finds 
among  us  only  paid  followers,  like  the  actors  of  the  theater."  Ar- 
tidoro  Beria,  replied  to  this  article,  saying:  "That  the  Italian  press 
should  go  down  into  the  mire  to  collect  the  weapons  of  Jesuitism 
wherewith  to  strike  Protestantism  is  a  thing  worthy  of  other  times. 
Let  the  Popolo  Romano  know  that  Protestantism  is  too  proud  of  itself 
to  undertake  making  merchandise  of  souls  and  bodies.  As  to  intel- 
ligent and  disinterested  persons  in  Italy  who  are  in  good  faith  in 
accord  with  Protestantism,  Popolo  Romano,  we  could  name  them  to 
thee  by  hundreds.  If  thou  pretendest  to  be  truly  the  voice  of  the 
Roman  people,  become  not  the  mouth-piece  of  a  priestcraft  which 
is  the  wound  and  cancer  of  our  native  land." 

On  the  17th  of  May,  1874,  Rev.  L.  Wiseman,  M.  A.,  of  London, 
assisted  at  the  dedication  of  a  New  W^esleyan  church  in  Naples,  sit- 
uated in  the  Largo  S.  Anna  di  Palazzo.  He  preached  in  English  to 
a  large  congregation  a  solemn  discourse  on  the  words,  "  For  we 
preach  not  ourselves,  but  Christ  Jesus  the  Lord."  (2  Cor.  iv,  5.) 
Exercises  in  Italian  followed,  with  crowded  audiences  on  this  and 
the  successive  days.  The  services  extended  over  a  whole  week. 
On  the  evening  of  the  21st  a  lecture  was  delivered  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Ragghianti,  of  Viareggio,  on  the  celebrated  Arnoldo  da  Brescia. 
More  than  seven  hundred  respectful  listeners  heard  it  with  evident 
satisfaction,  and  frequently  interrupted  the  speaker  with  their  lively 
applause.  Professor  di  Sienna,  Signori  Sciarelli,  Morano,  Di  Pretoro, 
and  others,  took  part  in  the  public  exercises,  and  in  the  visitation 
of  the  interesting  schools.    The  Protestant  cause  in  Florence  was 


802 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


greatl}'  promoted  by  the  opening  of  "the  old  and  historical  parish 
church  and  cloisters  of  San  Jacopo  tra  Fossi,"  whose  purchase  has 
already  been  mentioned.  Rev.  J.  R.  M'Dougall,  in  a  letter  published 
in  the  Christian  World  o{  June,  1874,  says: 

"One  of  the  handsomest  churches  in  Italy  has  been  economically 
put  in  order  for  evangelical  worship,  and  I  am  happy  to  say  that  it 
lias  been  crowded  at  every  diet  of  worship  since  it  was  opened,  on 
the  1st  of  January  last,  proving  how  true  it  is  that  with  respectable 
places  of  w^orship  in  the  leading  towns  of  Italy  we  may  expect  the 
Gospel  .more  readily  to  reach  the  middle  and  upper  classes  of 
society.  .  .  .  The  church  occupies  a  large  space  in  the  annals 
of  old  Florence.  It  dates  from  the  year  800.  Dante  refers  to  it, 
and  the  histories  of  the  town  give  many  interesting  particulars. 

"The  church  and  the  convent  were  once  the  abode  of  the 
fine  arts ;  but  all  the  valuable  paintings  are  claimed  by  the  govern- 
ment when  selling  such  ecclesiastical  property.  There  was  but  one 
large  painting  left  in  the  center  of  the  roof  of  the  church,  and  great 
fear  was  entertained  that  the  subject  of  it  might  be  so  pagan  or 
popish  that  it  would  have  to  be  removed  before  our  dear  Italian 
Christians,  who  have  swung  away  to  the  other  extreme  from  popery, 
as  we  ourselves  did  at  the  Reformation,  would  consent  to  worship  or 
to  preach  in  it.  But,  while  removing  the  eight  confessional  boxes 
and  the  huge  stone  altar,  the  painting  has  been  left,  as  it  is  found  to 
a  very  fine  representation  of  St.  Augustine,  open  Bible  in  hand, 
confuting  heresy,  which  is  seen  falling  headlong  into  the  abyss  of 
perdition. " 

The  cloisters  were  spacious  enough  to  furnish  eleven  rooms  on 
the  first  floor  for  the  use  of  the  evangelical  schools  under  Signor 
Ferretti's  charge,  and  twenty-eight  on  the  second  and  third  floors  for 
the  evangelists,  teachers,  and  other  Christian  workers,  and  w^ere  in  a 
desirable  location,  being  distant  from  all  other  Protestant  stations, 
and  in  the  midst  of  a  dense  Italian  population. 

In  the  same  letter  Mr.  M'Dougall  says:  "The  great  event  of  my 
life  is  accomplished,  and  I  hasten  to  acquaint  you  and  other  Chris- 
tian friends.  I  have  just  returned  from  Rome,  where  I  have  secured, 
through  God's  mercy,  a  central  and  commodious  building,  in  a  most 
populous  neighborhood,  for  all  the  operations  of  our  young  evangel- 
istic Free  Italian  Church.  I  rather  needed  rest  after  securing  and 
1-efitting  the  old  historic  parish  church  and  cloisters  of  San  Jacopo 
here,  and  seeing  them,  to  my  immense  satisfaction,  full  of  Christian 
activity  from  one  end  to  another,  and  free  of  debt.    But  the  laborers 


VALUABLE  MISSION  PREMISES. 


803 


are  so  few,  and  the  work  to  be  done  so  great,  that  our  only  rest  con- 
sists in  a  variation  of  toiL  And  I  lately  had  this  in  an  apostolic 
visit  to  the  infant  Churches  in  the  North ;  in  attendance  on  the 
annual  assembly  of  evangelists  in  Pisa,  where  the  presence  of  the 
great  IMaster  of  Assemblies  was  sensibly  felt ;  in  sending  out  by  post 
to  all  tlie  evangelists  and  evangelical  Churches  in  Italy  detailed 
printed  notices  of  the  blessed  work  of  grace  in  Newcastle  and  Edin- 
burgh ;  'and  in  visiting  our  three  flourishing  Churches  and  schools  in 
Rome,  conversing  with  the  two  Bible-women,  and  making  the  more 
intimate  acquaintance  of  our  eight  students  of  theology.  .  .  .  The 
building  I  have  secured  at  a  public  sale,  and  after  brisk  competition, 
belonged  to  the  ecclesiastical  property  seized  by  the  government,  and 
is  near  the  most  prosperous  of  our  three  Churches  and  schools  in 
Rome,  so  that  we  conserve  the  results  of  the  last  three  years'  labors. 
It  is  also  distant  from  all  other  missionary  brethren,  who,  like  our- 
selves, are  laboring  to  promote  God's  glory  in  Italy.  It  consists  ot 
five  stories  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  rooms,  looks  on  three 
streets,  has  two  inner  courts,  plenty  of  light  and  fresh  air,  two  good 
staircases,  and  a  superb  situation,  facing  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo,  zMcJt 
leads  to  St.  Peter  s  and  the  Vatican.  It  will  be  admirably  seen  by 
priests  and  prelates,  foreigners  and  common  people,  who  come  and 
go  in  throngs  along  this  bridge-thoroughfare.  It  is  our  very  fit,  and 
will  take  in  Church,  depot,  schools,  medical  mission,  and  even 
printing-office  on  the  ground -floor  and  part  of  the  first  floor.  Up- 
stairs there  is  a  hall  for  the  Biblical  college  and  library,  and  houses 
for  four  professors,  three  evangelists,  five  teachers,  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  students  in  the  attics.  Our  two  Bible-women,  who  work  in 
the  prisons,  hospitals,  and  abodes  of  the  people,  will  also  find  ac- 
commodation." The  amount  paid  for  this  valuable  property  was 
about  forty  thousand  dollars — not  a  large  sum,  considering  its  central 
location  and  the  high  price  of  buildings  in  Rome. 

Rev.  Luther  H.  Gulick,  in  the  Summer  of  1874,  published  in  the 
Evangelical  CJiristendom,  of  London,  an  interesting  article  describing 
the  position  of  the  various  Protestant  agencies  in  Italy.  In  North 
Italy  (inclusive  of  Piedmont,  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia,  and  Liguria) 
there  were,  according  to  his  report,  twenty -four  Churches  of  the 
Brethren,  eighteen  of  the  Waldensian,  ten  each  of  the  Free  Italian 
and  Wesleyan  ]\Iethodist  bodies,  two  of  American  Baptist,  and  one 
each  of  the  English  Baptist  and  Methodist  Episcopal  denominations, 
making  a  total  of  sixty-six^.    In  Central  Italy  (Emilia,  Tuscany,  the 

Marches,  Umbria,  and  Comarca)  there  were  thirteen  of  the  Free 

52 


8o4 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Italian,  eight  each  of  the  Waldensian  and  the  Brethren,  seven  of  the 
American  Methodist  Episcopal,  five  of  the  Wesleyan  Methodist,  five 
of  the  American  Baptist,  and  one  of  the  English  Baptist,  making  a 
total  of  forty-seven.  In  South  Italy  (the  Neapolitan  provinces  and 
Sicily)  there  were  twelve  Wesleyan  Methodist  and  ten  Waldensian 
Churches,  a  total  of  twenty-three. 

A  closer  examination  of  the  field  showed  that  one-half  of  the 
thirty-six  Waldensian  mission  Churches  were  in  North  Italy,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Po.  In  the  same  region  two -thirds  of  the  thirty -two 
Churches  of  the  Brethren,  and  more  than  a  third  of  twenty -seven 
Churches  of  the  Wesleyan  Methodists,  were  located.  More  than 
one -half  of  the  Churches  of  the  Free  Italian,  and  all  those  of  the 
American  Methodist  Episcopal  denomination,  with  the  exception  of 
one  in  Venetia,  were  in  Central  Italy.  Five  of  the  eight  American 
Baptist  Churches  were  also  in  this  part  of  the  Peninsula.  In  South 
Italy  the  Waldensians  and  the  Wesleyan  Methodists  of  England, 
with  the  exception  of  one  American  Baptist  Church  at  Bari,  were 
the  only  workers  in  the  field.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  in  1874 
Protestant  services  were  held  at  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  stations 
and  twenty-three  out-stations  in  Italy.  While  fifty-six  of  these  sta- 
tions, occupied  by  the  denominations  already  mentioned,  were  estab- 
lished in  twenty-one  communities,  causing  thereby  clashing  and  com- 
petition, yet  ten  of  the  cities  had  a  population  of  about  one  hundred 
thousand  or  over,  three  about  two  hundred  thousand,  and  another, 
Naples,  over  four  hundred  thousand.  Making  the  necessary  deduc- 
tion of  thirty-five  stations  and  out-stations-  that  did  not  represent  un- 
occupied places,  there  were  still  one  hundred  and  twenty- four  cities 
and  villages  where  the  Gospel  was  regularly  preached.  At  least 
seven  different  denominations  were  at  v/ork  in  Rome,  six  in  Milan, 
five  in  Florence  and  Bologna,  three  in  Turin,  and  two  in  fifteen 
other  cities.  The  Waldenses  reported  thirty-six  pastors  and  evan- 
gelists ;  the  Free  Italian  Church,  twenty-six ;  the  Wesleyan  Method- 
ist, twenty-four ;  the  American  Methodist  Episcopal,  eleven,  and  the 
American  Baptist,  seven, — making  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  four. 
And  by  estimating  one  eacli  for  the  thirty  -  Lwo  Churches  of  the 
Brethren  the  entire  clerical  Protestant  corps  amounted  at  that  time  to 
one  hundred  and  thirty -four  active  men,  or,  on  an  average,  one  la- 
borer for  each  station.  In  this  description  of  Protestant  missions 
the  sixteen  mother  Churches  of  the  Waldensian  faith  in  the  Pied- 
mont Valleys"  and  Turin  have  not  been  included,  and  only 
iipproximate  figures  were  given  to  indicate  the  strength  of  the 


ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CONGRESS. 


805 


Brethren,  who  are  opposed,  on  principle,  to  statistics  and  reports  in 
religious  work. 

While  this  body  of  earnest  men  devised  the  best  methods  to  * 
advance  the  true  religion,  the  Romish  Church  resorted  to  various 
means  to  counteract  these  evangelical  movements.  The  more  intel- 
ligent and  zealous  members,  and  particularly  the  Jesuitical  leaders, 
were  conscious  of  the  waning  power  of  their  cause,  and  endeavored 
to  arrest  the  process  of  deca}'  by  infusing  life,  warmth,  and  activity 
into  it.  The  prominent  Roman  Catholics  of  Italy,  therefore,  assem- 
bled in  a  "congress"  at  Venice,  to  consider  what  measures  should 
be  adopted.  At  the  opening  meeting,  on  the  12th  of  June,  1874, 
addresses  were  delivered  by  Cardinal  Tre\'isanaj:o,  patriarch  of 
Venice,  Dr.  John  Baptist  Acquiderni,  and  Duke  Salviati,  the  pres- 
ident of  the  congress.  The  sessions  were  held  in  the  ^Madonna 
dell '  Orto,  a  very  remote  church,  whose  doors  were  carefully  closed 
against  every  one  who  did  not  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  leaders, 
or,  in  other  words,  was  not  known  to  be  a  genuine  clerical.  The 
subjects  to  be  considered  were  divided  into  four  or  five  sections,  and 
assigned  to  appropriate  committees  or  commissions,  who  were  to  do 
their  work  at  very  secret  meetings  in  the  house  of  Dr.  Castagna, 
and  make  their  reports  to  the  congress  at  its  so-called  public  sessions. 
The  reports  of  the  various  committees  were  adopted  at  these  general 
meetings,  after  very  little  discussion,  and  with  the  slightest,  if  an}*, 
amendment — the  latter  being  treated  as  rather  out  of  order.  Among 
the  important  subjects  before  the  congress  were.  Religious  Works, 
or  Orders,  Associations,  Works  of  Charity,  Education,  and  the 
Press.  Action  was  taken  in  favor  of  establishing  more  branches 
of  religious  orders,  and  especially  those  of  the  "Sons"  and  the 
"Daughters  of  ]\Iary  "  among  students  and  youths  belonging  to  the 
more  wealthy  classes  of  society,  also  in  favor  of  employing  more 
efficient  means  to  promote  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land  and  various 
noted  shrines  in  Italy. 

The  congress  passed  resolutions  urging  the  more  general  and 
strict  observance  of  the  Church  holidays,  the  more  regular  and  pro- 
ductive contribution  of  "Peter's  pence,"  the  more  liberal  support  of 
impoverished  ecclesiastics,  the  finer  ornamentation  of  their  plainer 
churches,  and  the  greater  enlargement  of  their  processions,  especially 
that  of  Corpus  Domini,  The  assembly  earnestly  recommended  the 
establishment  of  a  Roman  Catholic  universit}',  and  the  organization 
of  academies,  seminaries,  and  colleges  as  preparatory  schools.  Res- 
olutions were  also  adopted,  strongly  urging  the  laity  to  give  a  more 


8o6 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


liberal  and  generous  support  to  the  clerical  journals  already  existing, 
and  favoring  the  publication  of  other  religious  papers  for  gratuitous 
distribution  among  the  laboring  classes  and  the  poor.  A  special 
commission  was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  of  congratulation 
and  pledged  fidelity  to  the  pope,  to  be  presented  to  him  on  the  2ist 
of  June,  the  twenty-eighth  anniversary  of  his  coronation.  The  con- 
gress adjourned  on  the  i6th  of  June,  to  meet  again  in  Florence  in 
September,  1875. 

At  the  close  of  1874  Rev.  L.  M.  Vernon,  D.  D.,  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  missions  in  Italy,  made  an  en- 
couraging report  of  the  work  under  his  care,  saying:  ''From  the 
vine-clad  mountains  and  plains  of  Italy  come  grapes  of  a  spiritual 
Eshcol.  Laborious  planting,  watering,  and  pruning  has  been  the 
work  of  the  year,  and  God  has  given  the  increase.  .  .  . .  In  the 
stations  already  established  our  cause  has  besome  more  firmly  rooted, 
and  in  most  cases  encouraging  progress  has  been  made.  Our  mission 
has  made  its  way  to  recognition  as  an  institution  of  the  country,  and 
has  acquired  a  consideration  and  influence  not  to  be  despised. 
Some  are  looking  to  it  for  consolation,  for  instruction  as  a  spiritual 
home.  Still  others  see  in  it  a  field  of  useful  labor,  more  congenial 
and  promising  than  they  find  elsewhere.  Thus  we  are  called  both  of 
the  people  and  of  providence  to  bravely  maintain  and  prosecute  our 
apostolate  amid  the  tottering  temples  and  waning  ranks  of  the  Ro- 
man apostasy." 

At  Brescello,  a  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Po,  near  Parma,  a  room 
was  secured  and  religious  services  commenced  by  the  missionary,  B. 
Malan.  But  this  movement  alarmed  the  priests  and  the  faithful, 
and  they  presented  an  address,  numerously  signed,  to  the  syndic, 
or  the  mayor,  asking  him  to  forbid  the  entrance  of  the  Protest- 
ants, and  the  erection  of  a  "pulpit  of  pestilence."  The  official  was 
willing,  but  the  law  restrained  him.  The  populace  became  excited, 
called  the  proprietor  of  the  hall  hard  names,  threatened  to  mob  him, 
to  burn  the  house  and  the  preacher,  and  to  club  all  who  attended 
the  meetings.  Despite  the  bitter  opposition  tracts  and  Bibles  were 
distributed,  many  heard  the  Gospel,  and  a  few  were  actually  con- 
verted. The  congregations  were  not  large,  but  earnest.  The  mis- 
sionary at  Ravenna,  D.  Lantaret,  reported  a  few  hopeful  believers  in 
that  place,  and  some  hearers  of  the  Word  in  Bagnacavallo  and  Lugo. 
At  Faenza,  a  city  of  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants,  on  the  rail- 
road between  Bologna  and  Ancona,  Dr.  Vernon  rented  and  repaired 
a  small  church,  disused  since  the  time  of  Napoleon  I,  who  suppressed 


OPPOSITION  IN  FLORENCE. 


807 


it.  The  inhabitants  were  very  bigoted  and  intolerant,  but  the  gov- 
ernment cheerfully  protected  the  missionary,  B.  Godino.  The  latter 
also  preached  at  Imola  and  Castle  Bolognese,  places  not  far  distant. 
In  the  earl}-  part  of  1874  Julius  C.  Mill  opened  two  preaching 
/  stations  in  the  large  and  beautiful  city  of  Milan.  The  first  is  in  the 
Via  Pasquirolo,  in  the  center  of  the  city,  near  the  famous  cathedral, 
and  the  second  in  the  Via  Poiia  Ticincsc,  a  densely  thronged  thor- 
oughfare, and  near  one  of  the  city  gates.  The  congregations  were 
small,  but  composed  of  a  good  class  of  people.  ]\Ir.  Mill,  the  ear- 
nest and  laborious  evangelist,  was  encouraged  by  various  omens  of 
good.  Some  interesting  conversions  occurred  at  Bologna,  under  the 
ministry  of  Enrico  Borelli,  ''a  man  of  years,  of  rich  attainments, 
and  a  ver\'  instructive  preacher."  Among  the  converts  was  a  major, 
who  battled  with  Garibaldi  through  all  his  campaigns,  and  who,  after 
a  life  of  incredulity,  became  a  devout  Christian  at  sixty  years  of 
age.  Another,  of  nearly  seventy  3'ears,  a  doctor  of  laws,  and  well 
related,  gave  himself  to  God,  and  faithfully  attended  the  Protestant 
services.  Several  entire  families  were  received  into  the  Church.  In 
the  suburbs  of  Florence,  at  Lc  Cure,  the  preacher,  Signor  Antonio 
Arrighi,  proclaimed  the  Gospel  to  a  fair  audience;  but,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  the  priests,  he  was  mobbed,  and  his  service  on  one  occasion 
broken  up,  with  damage  to  the  house  and  furniture.  The  next  day 
six  of  the  rioters  went  to  jail,  and  he  went  on  his  way  rejoicing.  ]Mr. 
Arrighi  formed  a  hopeful  society  of  about  thirty-five  members,  and, 
after  the  disturbance,  selected  a  much  better  place  of  Avorship  for 
them.  Leaving  them  to  the  pastoral  care  of  Signor  Bassanelli,  he 
obtained  a  suitable  room  in  the  Via  Giglio,  in  the  very  heart  of  Flor- 
ence, and,  remote  from  all  other  evangelical  congregations,  inaugu- 
rated a  new  and  separate  movement.  Dr.  Vernon  reported  that  ]Mr. 
Arrighi  had  ''rapidly  recovered  his  native  tongue,  and  preaches 
with  much  spirit  and  fluenc}'." 

]\Iore  than  one  hundred  probationers  were  enrolled,  and  forty 
received  into  full  membership  in  the  Church  of  the  Roman  Forum  at 
Rome,  of  which  Teofilo  Gay  is  pastor.  The  Military  Church,  to 
w^hich  Luigi  Capellini  and  O.  Ottonelli  ministered,  continued  to  pros- 
per. Services  were  held  daily  in  two  different  places,  and  more  than 
a  hundred  soldiers  listened  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel.  J\Iany 
of  these  young  men  were  converted  and  a  large  number  led  to  study 
the  Bible.  Two  noble-looking  members  of  the  ro)'al  guard,  who 
stand  nearest  to  the  king's  person  and  at  the  doors  of  the  royal 
palace,  belonged  to  the  Church.     "Thus  again,"  says  Dr.  Vernon, 


8oS 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


"among  the  Roman  Christians  that  salute  ' Phihppians,*  Americans, 
and  the  Christian  world,  are  chiefly  they  that  are  of  '  Caesar's  house- 
hold!" EfYbrts  were  made  to  find  an  eligible  position  for  a  preach- 
ing station  in  the  vicinity  of  Piazza  Trevi,  a  central  and  famous  spot 
in  the  Eternal  City.  Dr.  Alceste  Lanna,  the  missionary,  had  been 
"Professor  of  Philosophy"  in  the  Vatican  Seminary,  but  renounced 
Romanism  and  became  a  "genuine,  pronounced,  and  intelligent 
evangelical  Christian."  The  evangelist,  A.  Guigon,  who  labored  at 
Forli  and  at  Dovardola,  eleven  miles  distant,  was  favored  with  some 
indications  of  prosperity. 

During  most  of  the  year  an  industrious  and  faithful  colporteur 
distributed  Bibles  and  tracts  in  the  Romagna  and  at  the  stations  of 
Forli,  Ravenna,  and  Faenza.  Another  pious  }'oung  man  devoted 
liimself  to  this  work  among  the  soldiers  in  Rome,  in  co-operation 
with  the  soldiers'  Church.  In  August  a  small  but  able  volume, 
written  by  Mr.  Borelli,  the  pastor  at  Bologna,  was  published  by  Dr. 
Vernon.  It  was  entitled  "The  Altar  and  the  Throne  (L  Altare  ed 
il  Trond)  :  or,  the  Two  Powers  combined  against  the  Liberty  of 
Thought  and  Belief"  Books,  pamphlets,  papers,  and  tracts  were  sold 
at  a  very  low  price,  and  when  persons  were  not  able  to  purchase 
them,  donations  were  made.  Four  promising  students  prepared  them- 
selves for  the  ministry,  three  of  whom  attended  the  Waldensian 
Theological  Seminary  in  Florence,  at  the  same  time  aiding,  as  far  as 
practicable,  the  Methodist  missions  there.  One  of  these  young  men 
from  the  seminary  was  assigned  to  a  station. 

The  "annual  meeting"  of  all  the  laborers  of  the  various  sta- 
tions was  held  on  the  loth  of  September,  1874,  at  Bologna,  under 
the  presidency  of  Bishop  Harris,  with  the  Rev.  Teofilo  Gay  as  sec- 
retary. The  Christian  cordiality,  frankness,  and  wise  counsels  of  the 
bishop  gave  consolation  to  the  brethren,  and  a  new  strength  and  im- 
pulse to  the  mission.  Nine  of  the  preachers  had  been  recommended 
and  received  on  trial  in  the  Germany  and  Switzerland  Conference  at 
vSchafthausen,  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  two  of  these,  Signor  E.  Borelli 
and  Signor  L.  Capellini,  there  duly  elected  to  deacon's  and  elder's 
orders  under  the  missionary  rule,  were  ordained  by  Bishop  Harris  at 
Bologna.  Dr.  Vernon  describes  the  meeting  as  "an  occasion  of  pe- 
culiar interest,"  and,  in  reviewing  the  year's  work,  said:  "We  now 
preach  the  Gospel  regularly  every  week  in  fourteen  different  places ; 
our  working  force  consists  of  tzvelve  Italian  preachers,  five  of  whom 
are  ordained,  four  students,  one  colporteur,  and  the  superintendent. 
Our  members  and  probationers  aggregate  about  six  Jinndred.  These 


MRS.  GOULD'S  BENEVOLENT  WORK.  809 

are  trophies  of  grace,  sheaves  of  God's  own  gathering;  and  by  these 
first  fruits  we  are  stimulated  to  look  forward  by  faith  to  the  day  when 
the  entire  whitening  field  will  come  bending  to  the  sickles  of  eager 
reapers,  and  the  whole  harvest  shall  be  shouted  home  to  the  gar- 
ners of  God." 

The  history  of  Protestant  mission  work  in  Rome  would  be  incom- 
plete without  at  least  a  brief  sketch  of  the  labors  of  Mrs.  Emily  B. 
Gould,  a  devoted  American  lady.  Her  husband,  James  B.  Gould, 
M.  D.,  had  located  in  that  city  to  practice  among  the  American  and 
other  foreign  residents.  While  he  was  engrossed  with  the  duties  of 
his  profession,  she  ministered  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  popula- 
tion, whose  ignorance  and  degradation  aroused  her  sympathies.  This 
noble  Christian  woman  soon  discovered  that  Rome  under  the  popes 
was  as  intolerant  as  Rome  under  the  emperors.  Every  Protestant 
was  closely  observed  and  heretical  teaching  prohibited.  Dr.  Gould 
and  his  wife  were  frequently  visited  by  the  police,  who  not  only 
searched  their  residence,  but  even  brought  them  before  the  municipal 
authorities.  Hence  their  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  Roman  people  or 
their  children  were  necessarily  made  secretly. 

At  this  time  the  attention  of  Mrs.  Gould  was  directed  to  Flor- 
ence, and  she  soon  commenced  her  work  of  teaching  there.  To  use 
her  own  beautiful  illustration,  she  cast  her  bread  upon  the  waters  of 
the  Arno,  hoping  after  many  days  to  find  it  upon  the  Tiber.  This 
desire  was  realized  when  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  Rome  and  she 
was  permitted  to  gather  her  school  of  girls  in  that  city.  Her  first 
school,  established  in  1871,  soon  numbered  one  hundred  and  thirty 
scholars,  who  were  taught  the  elements  of  arithmetic,  natural  philos- 
ophy, and  history,  and  received  daily  instruction  in  the  Bible.  She 
introduced  the  Kindergarten,  to  the  delight  of  the  Italians,  and  while 
endeavoring  to  impart  a  thorough  education  in  the  day-school  she 
sought  to  lead  the  children  to  Christ.  The  quarters  where  she  first 
established  her  school  being  too  small  and  unhealthy,  she  was  com- 
pelled to  seek  better  accommodations  in  another  part  of  the  city. 
In  the  Fall  of  1872  she  opened  a  new  school  in  Palazzo  del  Govemo 
VeccJiio. 

Mrs.  Gould  had  considerable  trouble  before  she  obtained  suitable 
rooms,  being  opposed  by  a  secret  society  composed  of  all  classes 
of  men,  women,  and  monks  called  the  Society  for  the  Promotion 
of  Catholic  Interests,"  whose  vigilant  agents  intimidated  the  land- 
lords or  paid  higher  rents.  The  Jesuits  circulated  the  most  out- 
rageous slanders  against  her,  which  the  Romish  papers  published 


8io 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT, 


and  countenanced  ;  but  she  compelled  these  papers,  on  penalty  of  suit, 
to  insert  in  their  columns  her  refutation.  While  opposed  by  these 
enemies,  she  received  encouragement  from  many  prominent  Italians, 
who  admired  her  benevolent  work.  The  duke  of  Sermonetta,  who 
was  then  second  only  to  the  king  in  rank,  was  one  of  her  subscribers 
and  earnest  supporters.  The  minister  of  public  instruction  called 
on  her  to  express  his  approbation  of  her  course,  and  the  Princess 
Margaretta,  wife  of  the  crown  prince,  invited  Mrs.  Gould  to  visit 
her.  The  Roman  municipality  also  subscribed  to  her  school.  Thus 
sustained  by  warm  friends,  including  some  liberal  Roman  Catholics, 
this  brave  and  humane  American  woman  prosecuted  her  noble  work. 
Her  labors  and  self-denial  were  remarkable,  for,  though  in  feeble 
health,  she  was  in  the  schools  every  day,  exhibiting  the  most  indom- 
itable energy  and  perseverance.  ■  But,  in  the  Summer  of  1875,  she 
retired  to  the  city  of  Perugia,  among  the  Apennines,  to  avoid  the 
debilitating  atmosphere  of  Rome  and  to  recruit  her  strength.  It  was 
too  late,  however,  and  on  the  31st  of  August  she  passed  away  from 
earth  to  receive  the  rewards  of  a  consecrated  life. 


Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 


Chapter  XXXII. 

RELIGIO  US  PR  0  CESSIONS  PR  OHIBITED—A  M ERIC  AN  ME  T HOD  IS  T 

MISSIONS. 

ON  the  1 8th  of  May,  1876,  an  interesting  service  was  held  in  the 
city  of  Naples,  in  connection  with  the  opening  of  a  new  chapel 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Free  Italian  Church.  The  locale  is  in  the 
Via  dei  Tribunali,  one  of  the  most  central  streets,  and  the  building 
is  one  of  the  renowned  palaces.  Signor  Ragghianti,  pastor  of  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  Church,  Signor  Ravi,  of  the  Methodist  Episco- 
pal, and  Signor  Peter,  of  the  French,  were  present,  and  the  two 
former  took  part  in  the  inaugural  exercises.  The  address  of  Signor 
Ragghianti  was  published  in  //  Piccolo  Messaggere  of  the  25  th  of 
June,  and  its  delivery  is  said  to  have  m.ade  a  deep  and  most  favora- 
ble impression  upon  the  audience.  The  speaker  showed  his  fraternal 
spirit  in  "the  kind  and  sympathetic  words  with  reference  to  the 


RELIGIOUS  PROCESSIONS  PROHIBITED. 


8ii 


*  Free  Church, '  which,  he  declared,  now  contains  all  that  is  necessary 
to  develop  into  a  free  state."  The  services  demonstrated  in  a  prac- 
tical and  incontrovertible  manner  the  unity  of  all  true  believers,  and 
greatly  promoted  the  interests  of  the  Protestant  cause  in  Naples. 
The  pastor  of  the  new  Church  was  Signor  F.  Lagomarsino.  He 
found  a  difficult  field  to  cultivate,  the  populace  being  excitable,  and 
under  priestly  control.  When  he  heard  that  an  attempt  would  prob- 
ably be  made  to  create  disturbance  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
church,  he  informed  the  city  authorities,  who  sent  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  guards  to  assure  quiet.  The  same  number  of  the  Messaggere, 
already  mentioned,  contains  an  item  which  shows  that  the  Italian 
government  is  determined  to  deal  honorably  and  impartially  with 
Protestants,  and  make  religious  liberty  something  more  than  a  dead 
letter.  In  Verona  a  Protestant  patient  in  the  hospital  was  annoyed 
by  nuns  and  priests,  who  sought  to  convert  her  to  the  Romish  faith, 
almost  by  violent  means.  The  Waldensian  pastor  had  no  sooner 
called  attention  to  the  matter  in  the  public  journals  than  the  wrong 
was  promptly  redressed  by  the  director  of  the  institution. 

The  Italian  government  having  issued  a  circular  prohibiting  all 
religious  processions  outside  of  the  precincts  of  the  churches,  the 
Cardinal  Vicar  Patrizi  published  a  notice,  in  which,  after  reciting  the 
vain  efforts  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  to  obtain  the  repeal  of 
these  orders,  infringing  on  their  rights  in  the  administration  of  sa- 
cred affairs,"  he  enjoins  on  all  the  faithful,  from  that  very  day — the 
17th  of  August,  1876 — '*to  flock  in  greater  numbers  to  accompany 
Jesus  in  the  sacrament  {Gesic  sacramentatd)  when  he  is  carried  to  the 
sick,  thus  demonstrating  that  faith  is  not  at  all  diminished  in  the 
heart  of  the  faithful."  The  Italian  ministry  excepted  from  the  pro- 
hibition the  carrying  of  the,  Viaticwn,  or  the  Host,  when  taken  to 
the  sick  and  dying,  merely  stipulating  that  it  should  be  without 
sound  of  bell.  The  papal  curia  prudently  submitted  to  the  unwel- 
come mandate  of  the  civil  power,  not  daring  to  resist.  These  pro- 
cessions, previous  to  their  suppression,  had  been  employed  for  a 
distinct  political  purpose,  and  were  annoying  to  Protestants,  who, 
when  passing  the  elevated  cross,  or  Host,  were  required  to  show 
marks  of  respect  to  it. 

In  the  Autumn  of  1876  a  committee  of  Roman  ladies,  among 
whom  were  the  representatives  of  such  noble  families  as  Orsini, 
Altieri,  and  Massimo,  issued  a  circular  inviting  the  faithful  through- 
out the  world  to  celebrate  the  pope's  ''Golden  Jubilee,"  or  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  his  coronation  as  bishop,  which  would  occur  in  the  fol- 


8l2 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


lowing  }'ear.  Gifts  of  all  kinds  were  solicited,  and  when  received  were 
to  be  on  exhibition  at  the  Vatican,  while  the  papers  containing  the 
names  of  the  donors  were  to  be  collected  from  all  parts  of  the  world 
and  preserved  in  an  illuminated  album,  nation  by  nation.  Such  was 
the  proposition  of  the  elect  ladies,"  who  urged  the  attendance  of 
large  delegations  from  every  country,  *'to  flock  to  the  feet  of  the 
great  pontiff,  Pius  IX,"  and  convey  to  him  the  respect  of  the  whole 
Roman  Catholic  population  of  the  globe.  The  following  sentence  in 
the  "Circular  of  the  Roman  Committee"  reveals  the  spirit  of  real 
man -worship  which  animated  the  authors:  ''Divine  Providence 
seems  to  have  averted  the  inexorable  hand  of  Time  from  that  pi^e- 
cioiLS  life  ivJiich  in  this  stormy  era  is,  indeed,  the  beacon  of  salvation  to 
the  zvhole  Catholic  world.'' 

Considerable  excitement  prevailed  in  Italy  concerning  the  election 
of  the  clergy  by  the  people.  The  liberal  party  favored  the  idea, 
and  of  course  the  papal  party  denounced  it.  In  the  few  parishes 
where  the  laity  selected  their  own  cures  the  prelates  resorted  to  legal 
measures  to  invalidate  the  elections  and  to  eject  the  popular  ecclesi- 
astics. While  the  courts  of  law  sustained  the  action  of  the  people, 
the  Italian  government  did  not  definitely  accept  the  principle,  but 
temporized  with  the  religious  question,  disliking  to  stir  up  the  papal 
curia  and  incur  its  deadly  hatred  by  more  decided  and  radical  meas- 
ures. The  people,  less  influenced  by  motives  of  policy,  formed  a 
society  in  1876  for  the  express  purpose  of  agitating  the  propriety 
of  electing  not  only  the  inferior  clergy,  but  even  the  bishops  and 
the  pope  himself,  by  popular  vote.  This  association  called  itself  the 
''Italian  Catholic  Society  for  the  Revindication  of  the  Rights  of  the 
Christian  People."  As  might  be  expected,  major  excommunication 
was  pronounced  against  all  the  members,  adherents,  and  promoters 
of  this  organization.  One  of  the  royal  ministers  declared  over  his 
own  signature  that,  the  Italian  Chambers  having  failed  to  pass  the 
reformatory  measures  he  had  proposed  to  them,  nothing  remained 
but  to  create  a  sound  public  opinion. 

The  death  of  Cardinal  Giacomo  Antonelli,  which  occurred  on 
the  6th  of  November,  1876,  was  greatly  lamented  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  in  whose  public  service  he  had  spent  thirty  years. 
His  career  marked  a  very  distinct  period  in  the  history  of  the  papacy, 
when  the  vexed  question  of  the  temporal  powder  disturbed  all  the 
countries  of  Europe.  As  a  diplomatist  he  had  few  equals ;  and,  no 
doubt,  it  was  his  remarkable  tact  that  prolonged -the  French  occupa- 
tion of  Rome,  and  prevented  Victor  Emmanuel  for  many  years  from 


t 

PROMINENT  CONVERTS. 


813 


making  that  city  the  capital  of  Italy.  Antonelli  understood  the  art 
of  managing  men  and  solving  intricate  political  problems ;  and  the 
direction  he  gave  to  the  papal  administration  will  long  continue  to 
be  felt.  The  results  of  his  statesmanship  were  discussed  twenty 
years  ago  by  About,  the  clever  French  author,  in  his  "Roman 
Question."  "A  statesman,"  he  observed,  "should  not  be  judged 
on  the  deposition  of  his  enemies.  The  only  proofs  we  should  admit 
against  him  are  his  public  acts ;  the  only  witnesses  to  be  heard  are 
the  greatness  and  prosperity  of  the  country  he  governs.  But  it  is  to 
be  feared  that  such  an  inquest  would  be  overwhelming  to  Antonelli. 
The  nation  reproaches  him  with  all  the  evils  which  it  has  suffered  for 
ten  years.  The  public  poverty  and  ignorance,  the  decline  of  all  the 
arts,  the  violation  of  all  rights,  the  oppression  of  all  liberties,  and  the 
permanent  scourge  of  foreign  occupation  fall  on  his  head,  since  he 
alone  is  responsible  for  all.  Has  he,  at  least,  served  usefully  the 
reactionists?  I  doubt  it.  What  factions  has  he  suppressed  in  the 
interior?  It  is  under  h.is  reign  that  secret  societies  have  multiplied 
in  Rome.  \Miat  complaints  has  he  silenced  without?  Europe  com- 
plains unanimousl}',  and  daily  lifts  her  voice  higher.  He  has  not 
reconciled  to  the  Holy  Father  one  party  or  one  power.  In  ten 
years  of  dictatorship  he  has  gained  neither  the  esteem  of  the  for- 
eigner nor  the  confidence  of  the  Roman;  he  has  gained  time — and 
nothing  more." 

Towards  the  close  of  1876  the  Protestant  cause  in  Naples  was 
strengthened  by  the  accession  of  several  influential  persons  to  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  Church.  Signor  Delisa,  after  having  for  some 
time  listened  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  became  a  convert  to 
the  true  faith.  His  wife,  a  Jewess,  and  their  family  then  began  to 
attend  Protestant  services.  The  reading  of  the  Bible,  under  the 
gracious  influences  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  convinced  her  that  Christ  was 
the  ^Messiah,  and  she  soon  desired  to  be  baptized  in  his  name.  The 
ceremon}',  which  was  witnessed  by  members  of  both  the  Italian  and 
English  congregations,  was  solemn  and  impressive.  The  conversion 
of  Signor  Garcia,  a  stock -broker,  also  caused  great  excitement  in 
Roman  Catholic  circles.  He  was  prominent  at  the  Borsa,  or  "on 
change,"  and  was  a  thorough  typical  Neapolitan  of  the  old  school. 
All  his  relations  were  intimately  connected  with  the  papal  Church 
and  priesthood,  one  of  his  brothers  being  a  priest  of  the  curia  of  the 
archbishopric  of  Naples.  A  constant  attendant  on  the  ]Mass,  regular 
in  his  practice  of  confession,  no  one  was  more  scrupulously  devoted 
to  the  saints  and  angels  and  ]\Iadonna.    One  of  his  children  brought 


8 1 4  ITAL  V  STR  UGGLIXG  INTO  LIGHT. 

home  a  copy  of  Diodati's  translation  of  the  Bible,  which  he  beheld 
with  horror;  but,  having  been  induced  to  examine  it,  he  became 
interested  in  its  teachings,  and  felt  anxious  about  his  soul's  salvation. 
At  length  he  visited  the  Wesleyan  church,  and  was  converted  while 
listening  to  the  sermon.  He  was  at  once  received  as  a  catechumen, 
and  became  a  faithful  follower  of  Christ.  A  storm  of  rage  and  per- 
secution immediately  fell  upon  him  and  his  family,  and  the  priests 
employed  every  means  to  win  him  back,  but  in  vain.  Another  con- 
vert was  Signor  Tagliateta,  a  man  of  intellectual  power,  and  the 
author  of  a  work  on  the  "Philosophy  of  Christianity."  Though 
ordained  to  the  priesthood,  he  could  not  accept  the  absurdities  of 
Romanism,  but  finally  withdrew  from  its  ranks,  sustaining  himself  by 
giving  lectures  on  philosophy. 

The  power  of  the  Gospel  was  manifested  not  only  in  the  marked 
conversion  of  these  distinguished  persons,  but  also  in  the  triumphant 
death  of  others,  less  prominent,  though  equally  devoted.  Among 
the  latter  was  an  aged  saint,  who  had  been  led  to  Christ  in  a  strange 
manner.  His  son,  a  house-painter,  came  to  Naples  several  years  pre- 
vious to  obtain  work,  and  in  a  short  time  received  from  one  of  the 
evangelists  a  copy  of  the  New  Testament.  After  attending  the 
Wesleyan  church  several  Aveeks  he  professed  faith  in  Christ  and 
united  with  his  people.  The  news  of  his  apostasy  soon  reached  his 
native  place,  Palma  di  Campania,  and  his  family  was  overwhelmed 
with  distress.  The  father  of  the  young  man  hastened  to  Naples, 
to  save,  if  possible,  the  wanderer;  but  entreaties  and  commands  did 
not  move  him.  To  the  astonishment  of  the  father,  the  son  appeared 
to  be  more  religious  than  formerly,  and  this  fact  impressed  him  so 
deeply  that  he  resolved  to  attend  a  Protestant  meeting,  where  he 
heard  with  wonder  a  sermon  telling  of  salvation  through  faith  in 
Christ.  He  embraced  the  truth,  experienced  its  power  during  the 
remainder  of  his  life,  and  testified  to  its  comforting  influence  in  the 
dying  hour. 

Rev.  L.  M.  Vernon,  D.  D.,  the  superintendent  of  the  Italian 
mission  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  reported  that  during 
1876  God  had  given  the  work  under  his  care  ''general  prosperity, 
with  some  achievements  outstripping  the  ordinary  laws  of  develop- 
ment." The  fruit  of  the  Military  Church  at  Rome  was  seen  in 
Grottote,  a  Neapolitan  town  of  four  thousand  inhabitants.  A  con- 
verted soldier  returned  home,  commenced  to  talk  of  Christ  and  his 
salvation,  and  scattered  books  and  tracts  among  his  neighbors. 
Though  a  humble  shoemaker,  God  made  his  testimony  a  blessing  to 


0 

MISSIONS  A  T  TERNI  AND  PER  UGIA.  8 1 5 

others,  and  the  result  was  a  considerable  number  of  conversions,  and 
the  formation  of  a  Methodist  society.  The  outlook  at  Terni  was 
very  promising.  This  enterprising  city  of  thirty  thousand  inhabitants 
is  near  what  Byron  and  many  others  call  "the  most  beautiful  Avater- 
fall  in  Europe,"  and  in  height  surpassing  Niagara.  It  is  three  hours 
by  rail  from  Rome,  and  has  large  government  manufactories.  From 
three  to  five  thousand  soldiers  were  kept  in  this  thrifty,  growing  city, 
and  thither  Dr.  Vernon  moved  a  class  from  a  less  hopeful  place.  To 
these  few  converts  from  abroad  others  were  added.  Perugia,  a  pro- 
vincial capital  of  forty  thousand  inhabitants,  midway  between  Flor- 
ence and  Rome,  responded  nobly  to  the  labors  of  Dr.  Caporali. 
There  were  many  conversions  and  accessions,  among  them  the  most 
learned  professor  of  the  university,  once  himself  the  secretary  of  the 
cardinal  president  of  the  noted  Roman  missionary  college — Propa- 
ganda Fide.  ''Perugino,"  wrote  Dr.  Vernon,  *'made  the  city  famous 
for  all  time  in  art ;  may  Caporali,  under  God,  give  it  a  more  lasting 
immortality  for  faith  and  righteousness." 

During  the  year  religious  services  were  inaugurated  in  Venice, 
*'the  Queen  of  the  Adriatic,"  then  containing  a  population  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  souls.  Next  to  Rome,  no  place  in 
Italy  is  of  more  interest  to  an  American  than  this  gem  of  the  sea. 
Its  brilliant  republican  history  thrills  every  patriotic  heart ;  and  its 
brave  defense  of  the  Reformation  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the 
names  of  its  illustrious  martyrs,  will  never  be  forgotten.  The  evan- 
gelist, Signor  Francesco  Cardin,  opened  a  place  for  preaching  near 
the  Rialto  bridge,  in  the  midst  of  a  dense  population,  and  by  his 
courage  and  abounding  zeal  accomplished  much  good.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year  Signor  Vincenzo  Ravi  went  to  Naples  and 
preached  in  "his  own  hired  house."  In  February  a  small  theater  in 
the  center  of  this  metropolis  of  seven  hundred  thousand  inhabitants 
was  rented  and  used  for  public  worship.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
the  pastor,  "an  impetuous,  indefatigable  worker,  and  a  fruitful 
preacher,"  reported  the  organization  of  a  society  which  embraced 
some  persons  of  considerable  intelligence  and  culture,  and  a  few 
who  were  in  comfortable  circumstances.  Besides  caring  for  their 
poor,  the  members  contributed  to  the  payment  of  current  expenses, 
a  rare  thing  in  Italy.  On  Christmas  fifty  were  received  into  full 
connection  with  the  Military  Church  at  Rome ;  and  the  congregation 
at  St.  Paul's,  in  Via  Poli,  also  manifested  a  steady  growth.  The 
death  of  Orismane  Ottonelli  occurred  in  September,  and  his  brethren 
mourned  his  untimely  departure.    This  young  man  was  "talented, 


8i6 


ITALY  STRLGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


ST.  PAUL'S  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH,  ROME. 


fluent,  studious,  affable,  and  spiritual,"  and  his  death  was  ''an  open 
triumph,  a  joyful  surrender  of  the  cross  for  the  crown."  According 
to  Dr.  Vernon's  annual  report,  all  the  stations  enjoyed  more  or  less 
prosperity.  The  way,"  he  declared,  "brightens  before  us.  New, 
hopeful  fields  invite  us ;  favorable  occasions  offer ;  propitious  oppor- 
tunities recur ;  effective  laborers  appeal  for  enrollment  under  our 
banner;  and  our  own  courage  and  faith  falter  not.  But  we  inherit 
Paul's  bonds — changed,  indeed,  but  potent  in  restraint.  .  .  .  Our 
Italian  brethren  have  made  another  year  of  history,  have  confronted 
trials,  gainsayings,  persecutions,  and  perils." 


WALDENSIAN  STA  TIONS. 


817 


Eighth  Decade,  Continued,  1870-1880. 


Chapter  XXXIII. 


VARIOUS  EVANGELICAL  MISSIONS— THE  DECEASED  KING  AND 
POPE— CLOSING  EVENTS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

^ROM  the  beginning  of  1877  to  the  present  time  the  various 


JL  evangeHcal  agencies  in  Italy  have  been  making  some  progress, 
though  the  statistics  do  not  indicate  any  marked  results.  It  is  im- 
possible to  tabulate  the  diffusive  influence  of  the  leaven  of  the  Gos- 
pel ;  but  there  are  other  striking  evidences  of  the  power  of  the 
reform  movement  among  the  Italians.  On  the  5th  of  October,  1877, 
the  report  of  the  ''Waldensian  Church  Missions"  was  issued  at 
Genoa  by  the  president,  Signor  Matteo  Prochet.  The  latter  was 
born  on  the  27th  of  September,  1836,  at  S.  Giovanni-Pellice,  and  in 
his  youth  attended  the  college  of  Torre-Pellice.  He  served  a  year  in 
the  army  during  the  war  of  1859,  ^"^^^  '^^^  1^61  completed  his  studies  in 
Florence.  After  remaining  a  session  in  the  Presbyterian  College  of 
Belfast,  he  was  ordained  in  1862,  and  settled  as  an  evangelist  in  Lucca. 
In  1864  he  went  to  Pisa,  and  in  1866  to  Genoa,  where  he  labored 
until  1869,-  when  the  Waldensian  synod  elected  him  a  member  of 
the  board  of  evangelization.  In  1871  he  became  president  of  it,  and 
has  occupied  the  responsible  position  for  eight  years.  During  this 
period  Signor  Prochet  represented  the  Waldensian  Church  before  the 
prominent  ecclesiastical  bodies  of  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  France, 
and  the  United  States.  He  visited  the  latter  country  in  1873,  and 
was  the  only  Italian  representative  at  the  meeting  of  the  Evangelical 
Alliance  in  New  York. 

According  to  the  report  for  r%ff,  the  Waldenses  had  stations  at 
Courmayeur,  Aosta,  Viereng,  Ivrea,  Transella,  Torrazza,  Turin,  Susa, 
Coazze,  Pinerolo,  Pietra  Marazzi,  Genoa,  Oneglia,  S.  Pier  d'  Arena, 
Bordighera,  and  Favale,  in  the  district  of  Piedmont  and  Liguria ;  Mi- 
lan, Como,  S.  Fedele,  Brescia,  Castiglione,  Verona,  Venice,  Treviso, 
and  Guastalla,  in  the  Lombardo- Venetian  district ;  Florence,  Lucca, 
Pisa,  Leghorn,  Portoferraio,  and  Rio  Marina,  in  the  district  of  Tus- 
cany ;  Rome,  Ancona,  Naples,  Lecce,  and  Reggio-Calabria,  in  the 
district  of  Rome  and  Naples ;  and  Messina,  Catania,  Syracuse,  Mo- 
dica,  Licata,  Trabia,  Palermo,  and  Trapani,  in  the  district  of  Sicily. 


8i8 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


In  connection  with  these  points  reh'gious  services  were  held  in  nu- 
merous villages ;  and  at  Nice  and  Marseilles,  in  France,  evangelists 
ministered  to  large  congregations  of  Waldenses.  At  the  ''Annual 
Synod,"  which  met  in  Torre-Pellice,  in  the  beginning  of  September, 
1877,  encouraging  news  was  received  from  the  various  stations.  For- 
ty-five ministers  were  present,  and  after  the  ordination  of  six  candi- 
dates to  the  ministry,  eloquent  addresses  were  delivered  by  fifteen 
deputies  of  foreign  Churches. 

The  report  of  the  Free  Italian  Church  for  1877  is  an  interesting 
statement  of  facts  concerning  the  labors  of  earnest  workers  in  Al- 
bano,  Bari,  Bassignana,  Belluno,  Bergamo,  Bologna,  Brescia,  Castel- 
lamare,  Desenzano,  Edolo,  Fara-Novarese,  Florence,  Grumo-Appula, 
Leghorn,  Livorno-Vercellese,  Milan,  Mottola,  Naples,  Pietra  Ligure, 
Pietrasanta,  Pisa,  Ghezzano,  Pistoia,  Poggio  Mirteto,  Prato,  Rocca 
Imperiale,  Rome,  San  Giovanni  Pellice,  Savona,  Sondrio,  Taranto, 
Treviglio,  Treviso,  Turin,  Udine,  and  Verona.  Rev.  John  R. 
M'Dougall,  M.  A.,  of  the  Scotch  Church  in  Florence,  who  for 
many  years  has  been  the  "treasurer  and  foreign  secretary"  of  the 
Free  Italian  Church,  issued  his  annual  address  to  the  friends  of  the 
evangelical  cause  in  Italy,  and  gave  the  following  statistical  table: 
"10  ordained  ministers,  12  evangelists,  39  elders,  55  deacons,  16 
deaconesses,  1,649  communicants,  203  catechumens,  606  Sabbath- 
school  children,  1,203  pupils  in  our  day  and  night  schools,  20  teach- 
ers in  the  day-schools,  1,450  regular  hearers  of  the  Gospel,  1,840 
additional  occasional  hearers,  34  churches,  large  and  small,  and  32 
out-stations,  more  or  less  frequently  visited.  The  contributions  of 
the  Churches  last  year,  for  evangelization  alone,  amounted  to  francs 
1,295.40,  while  for  all  objects  the  sum  collected  was  francs  8,346.36." 

The  eighth  general  assembly  of  the  Free  Church  was  held  in 
Florence,  commencing  on  Tuesday,  the  i8th  of  December,  1877. 
Signor  Gavazzi  preached  the  opening  sermon  from  2  Corinthians  iii, 
17,  ''Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is  there  is  liberty,"  indicating 
eloquently  the  three  kinds  of  liberty  where  there  is  not  the  ' '  spirit 
of  the  Lord,"  and  the  three  in  which  there  is.  Under  the  former 
head  were  the  liberty  of  nihilism,  brutism,  and  anarchy;  and  under 
the  latter,  the  liberty  of  soul,  ministry,  and  Church.  Thirty-one 
deputies  were  present,  many  of  whom  narrated  the  progress  of  the 
good  work  in  their  districts.  Signor  de  Michelis  presided,  Signor 
Jahier  was  vice-president,  and  Signori  Beria  and  Mariani  were  secre- 
taries. Signor  Gavazzi  spoke  of  the  kind  reception  he  met  with  in 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  when  on  the  committee  to  collect  funds 


GA  VAZZI. 


819 


in  those  countries.  Professor  Henderson,  of  Scotland,  who  had  re- 
cently resumed  college  work  in  Rome  with  eight  students,  addressed 
the  assembly  in  correct  and  fluent  Italian.  An  interesting  speech 
was  also  delivered  by  Rev.  Donald  Fraser,  D.  D.,  of  London,  one 
of  the  three  deputies  to  Italy  from  the  Evangelical  Alliance.  The 
fraternal  spirit  of  the  assembly  was  indicated  by  the  unanimous 
adoption  of  Signor  Conti's  proposal  to  establish  an  inter-missionary 
committee. 

The  visit  of  the  ''Evangelical  Alliance  Committee"  in  November 
and  December  was  beneficial  to  the  Protestant  cause  in  Italy.  The 
deputies,  Dr.  Fraser,  Rev.  William  Arthur,  A.,  and  ]\Ir.  Bligh, 
made  a  thorough  tour  of  the  country,  conversing  with  evangelists, 
and  holding  missionary  conferences  in  Florence  and  Rome.  They 
succeeded  in  harmonizing  discordant  elements  and  uniting  the  various 
Protestant  forces  more  closely  in  sympathy  and  effort,  thus  rendering 
them  more  efficient.  Mr.  Arthur  possessed  eminent  qualifications 
for  the  work  assigned  him,  being  one  of  the  most  prominent  minis- 
ters of  the  English  Wesleyan  Church,  and  the  author  of  ''Italy  in 
Transition "  and  other  popular  books.  This  able  deputation  pub- 
lished a  full  report  of  the  condition  of  the  Protestant  congregations 
in  the  principal  cities  and  towns. 

On  the  1 8th  of  November  Signor  Gavazzi  celebrated  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  his  entrance  into  the  sacred  ministr}'.  The  event 
occurred  on  the  third  Sabbath  of  the  month,  and  was  an  occasion  of 
deep  interest.  There  was  a  great  concourse  of  people,  as  usual,  to 
hear  him,  and  the  chapel  could  hardly  accommodate  them.  In  the 
opening  prayer,  alluding  to  the  anniversary,  Gavazzi  used  these 
words:  "I  thank  thee,  my  God,  for  having  brought  me  back  to 
Rome  on  this  occasion  !  Fifty  years  ago  I  began  here  m}-  career,  a 
blind  instrument  of  error,  in  a  papist  Rome.  I  rejoice  that  I  can 
close  it  a  free  worker  of  the  Free  Italian  Church  in  a  free  Rome!" 

The  American  i\Iethodist  ^Mission  in  Italy  exhibited  evidences  of 
growth  during  1 877.  The  "  ^Military  Church"  in  Rome  was  placed 
under  the  supervision  of  the  English  Wesleyans,  because,  having  a 
more  commodious  building,  they  could  conduct  it  more  cheaply  and 
efficiently.  Dr.  Vernon  reported  the  organization  of  a  promising 
station  in  the  beautiful  Tuscan  town  of  Arezzo,  and  the  selection  of 
a  more  central  and  desirable  place  of  worship  in  Venice.  The  an- 
nual meeting,  on  the  nth  of  March,  under  the  superintendency 
of  Bishop  Andrews,  was  interesting  and  profitable,  infusing  new  life 
into  the  noble  band  of  Avorkers,    The  following  appointments  were 

53 


820 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


made :  Rome,  Teofilo  Gay,  Alceste  Lanna ;  Naples  and  Soccavo^  Vin- 
cenzo  Ravi ;  Nariii,  Crisanzio  Bambini ;  Te7')ii,  Daniele  Gay ;  Perugia^ 
Enrico  Caporali ;  Arezzo,  Giovanni  Gattuso  ;  FloiTUce,  Antonio  Arrighi, 
Eduardo  Stasio  ;  Bologna  and  Moelena,  Enrico  Borelli ;  Milan,  Julius 
C.  Mill,  Silvio  Stazi ;  Venice,  Francesco  Cardin ;  Forli  and  Dovadola, 
Amedeo  Guigon.  The  three  Bible- women,  Amalia  Conversi,  Adele 
Gay,  and  Carolina  Cardin,  were  selected  to  labor  respectively  in 
Rome,  Terni,  and  Venice. 

The  stains  of  the  Roman  See  in  its  relations  with  modern  civiliza- 
tion was  indicated  by  certain  events  in  1877.  On  the  25th  of  Jan- 
uary solemn  services  were  held  in  the  city  of  Rome  in  honor  of 
Gregory  VII,  the  hero  of  Canossa,  and  to  commemorate,  on  the 
eight  hundredth  anniversary,  his  cruel  treatment  of  Henry  IV.  Pius 
IX  issued  an  allocution  on  the  12th  of  March,  in  which  he  threat- 
ened to  call  in  the  temporal  assistance  of  such  powers  as  could  be 
induced  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  papacy,  as  against  the  kingdom 
of  Victor  Emmanuel.  To  give  effect  to  the  anniversary  and  the  allo- 
cution at  least  seventeen  thousand  foreign  pilgrims  visited  the  ' '  Eter- 
nal City"  during  the  papal  jubilee,  ^ and  replenished  the  pontifical 
treasury  with  large  sums  of  money.  In  July  the  pope  issued  a  sol- 
emn decree  conferring  upon  St.  Francis  de  Sales  the  exalted  rank  of 
an  ' *  QEcumenical  Doctor,"  and  thus  placing  his  teachings  on  a  level 
with  those  of  Athanasius,  Basil,  Chrysostom,  and  Augustine. 
r  On  the  9th  of  January,  1878,  Victor  Emmanuel,  after  a  short 
illness,  passed  away  from  earth.  In  the  morning  he  had  been  visited 
by  Prince  Humbert  and  the  Princess  Margherita,  who  held  a  long 
and  affectionate  conversation  Avith  him.  The  king  received  the  sacra- 
ment from  the  hands  of  the  Rev.  Cavaliere  Anzino,  his  private 
chaplain ;  but,  though  he  did  not  send  to  the  Vatican  for  a  priest, 
Pius  IX  sent  Monsignore  Canni,  his  domestic  prelate,"  and  Moh- 
signore  F.  Marinelli,  "Sacristan  of  the  Apostolic  Palaces,"  to  ab- 
solve the  dying  monarch.  It  is  said  that  the  Holy  Father  declared 
that  but  for  his  infirmity  he  would  have  gone  himself  to  render  the 
last  services  of  religion  to  the  stricken  king.  The  latter  was  not 
asked  to  retract  any  thing;  but  he  volunteered  the  statement  that 
he  died  a  good  Catholic,  having  endeavored  conscientiously  to  dis- 
charge his  duty.  The  final  interview  between  him  and  the  prince 
and  princess  was  deeply  affecting.  Taking  his  son  by  the  hand, 
Victor  Emmanuel  looked  fondly  at  him,  pronounced  one  word, 
''Addio,''  and  followed  him  with  his  eyes  as  he  went  out  crying  bit- 
terl}'.    Shortly  after  the  last  agony  commenced ;  and  Avhen  the  king 


VICTOR  EMMANUELS  FUNERAL.  821 

expired,  at  half  past  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  Marquis  Coc- 
conito,  Count  Panissera,  and  Ca\-alicre  Ansaldo  were  at  his  bedside. 
He  died  quietly,  and  in  the  full  possession  of  his  senses. 

The  news  of  his  death  spread  rapidly  over  the  whole  cit}^,  and 
caused  universal  sadness.  Every  shop  was  closed,  and  insignia  of 
mourning  every -where  appeared.  The  ministers  assembled  in  a 
council  of  state  at  the  Quirinal,  and  the  minister  of  the  interior 
issued  a  circular  to  the  prefects  throughout  the  kingdom,  announcing 
the  death  of  Victor  Emmanuel,  and  stating  that  his  majest}^  King 
Humbert,  having  ascended  the  throne  under  the  title  of  King  Hum- 
bert IV,  had  confirmed  the  existing  ministr}'  in  their  posts.  The 
new  ruler  issued  an  address  to  the  nation,  declaring  his  intention  to 
"imitate  his  father's  devotion  to  the  country."  While  the  body  of 
the  dead  monarch  lay  in  ro}-al  state  the  clergy  uttered  pra}-ers  for 
the  repose  of  his  soul,  and  extensive  preparations  for  his  burial  were 
made.  It  was  claimed  by  some  that  he  should  be  interred  in  the 
old  sepulchral  vaults  in  the  monaster}'  church  of  La  Superga,  near 
Turin,  where  reposes  the  dust  of  many  generations  of  the  dukes  and 
kings  of  the  house  of  Savo}' ;  but  the  Romans  contended  that  the 
magnificent  Pantheon  was  the  most  appropriate  spot  for  the  remains 
of  the  dead  prince  to  occupy,  because  he  was  the  first  king  of  Italy 
and  the  founder  of  his  line.  The  decision  was  finalh'  reached  that 
he  should  be  buried  in  Rome. 

The  funeral  convoy  proceeded  from  the  Quirinal  through  the 
various  streets  to  the  Pantheon,  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  strangers  and  thirty  thousand  troops  of  all  arms  being 
present  along  the  whole  route.  The  sky  was  overcast  and  the 
weather  damp  and  chill}',  but  there  was  no  rain.  The  cit}-  was  all 
hung  with  mourning- flags  and  draperies,  and  the  procession,  which 
occupied  two  hours  in  passing,  moved  through  the  streets  in  an  im- 
posing manner.  The  king's  war-horse  was  in  mourning  trappings, 
and  the  iron  crown  of  Italy  from  Monza  Cathedral  was  borne  on  a 
velvet  cushion.  The  Pantheon  was  ornamented  with  stateh'  elegance 
inside  and  out.  In  the  center,  under  the  skvliijhts,  roofed  with  Hass 
and  iron,  was  the  grand  scaffold,  with  twenty- four  candelabra  and 
burning  tapers  on  four  great  altars,  and  four  colossal  lions  made  from 
as  man}'  cannon  trophies  presented  by  the  Due  Rochefoucalt  to  the 
pope.  The  booming  of  the  minute  guns  mingled  with  the  lofty  and 
impressive  strains  of  a  newh'  composed  funeral  march,  altogether  con- 
stituting a  ceremon}'  of  more  than  usual  solemnity. 

Thus  closed  the  remarkable  career  of  a  representative  of  the  old- 


822 


ITALY  STRUGGLIXG  INTO  LIGHT. 


est  reigning  family  of  Europe.  One  hundred  and  fifty -nine  years  / 
ago,  or  on  the  24th  of  August,  A.  D.  1720,  Victor  Amadeus  II, 
duke  of  Savoy,  having  exchanged  the  sovereignty  of  the  island  of 
Sicily  for  that  of  Sardinia,  assumed  for  the  first  time  the  title  of 
"King  of  Sardinia."  But  even  down  to  1859  ^^^^  slender  extent  of 
the  Sardinian  kingdom  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  its  entire  area,  insu- 
lar and  continental,  was  only  twenty-nine  thousand  two  hundred  and 
eighty-three  square  miles,  or  about  two-thirds  of  the  area  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  with  a  population  not  over  five  and  a  quarter  millions 
of  souls.  Victor  Emmanuel  II  was  born  on  the  14th  of  March, 
1820,  and  at  an  early  age  received  a  scientific  and  military  education. 
In  his  twenty-second  year  he  married  the  Archduchess  Adelaide,  of 
the  house  of  Austria,  and  entered  public  life  with  the  eventful  cam- 
paign of  1848.  In  the  battle  of  Goito  he  was  wounded;  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  last  battle  of  Xovara  he  became  king,  through  the 
abdication  of  his  despairing  father,  Charles  Albert  of  Sardinia.  He 
was  immediately  involved  in  the  most  embarrassing  relations.  The 
people  doubted  him  on  account  of  his  marriage  Avith  an  Austrian 
princess;  the  monarchical  states  around  him  were  suspicious  because 
his  family  entertained  liberal  views  ;  and,  more  than  all,  he  was  con- 
fronted by  a  victorious  enemy.  But,  despite  these  difiiculties,  he 
succeeded  in  elevating  the  reputation  and  power  of  his  country.  In 
the  campaign  of  1859  he  and  Prince  Humbert  took  part  in  person, 
and  exhibited  great  courage.  The  prominent  features  of  his  official 
life  have  been  given  in  previous  chapters  in  connection  with  the 
history  of  Cavour ;  but  it  may  be  added  that  as  king  and  the  founder 
of  Italian  unity  he  was  one  of  the  most  popular  monarchs  that  ever 
reigned.  He  was  not  a  man  of  great  genius,  but  possessed  to  the 
highest  degree  the  qualities  of  a  perfect  ruler — energy  of  action  and 
wisdom  in  selecting  men.  His  dress,  diet,  and  habits  of  life  were 
characterized  by  extreme  simplicity;  but  his  private  life  was  not  en- 
tirely free  from  irregularities.  He  was  idolized  by  the  army,  and  the 
title,  ''II  Re  Galantuomo  "  (The  Brave  King),  will  ever  attach  to  his 
illustrious  name. 

The  people  of  Italy  had  not  recovered  from  the  shock  produced 
by  the  death  of  Victor  Emmanuel  when  they  were  startled  by  the 
announcement  that  Pius  IX  had  ceased  to  live.  At  different  periods 
he  had  been  in  a  critical  condition,  and  the  news  of  his  death  was 
momentarily  expected,  but  his  remarkable  physical  constitution  ral- 
Hed  and  the  excitement  in  Rome  subsided.  On  the  7th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1878,  however,  the  "fatal  archer  hit  the  shining  mark,"  and 


DEA  TH  OF  PIUS  IX. 


823 


the  papal  throne  was  vacant.  Giovanni  ]\Iana  Mastar  Ferretti  was 
born  at  Sinigagha,  in  the  ^Marches,  on  the  13th  of  ^lay,  1792,  and 
was  therefore  nearly  fift}'-four  }'ears  of  age  when  elevated  to  the  pon- 
tifical chair  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1846.  He  reigned  almost  thirty- 
two  years,  the  longest  administration  in  the  records  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  and  also  the  most  disastrous  perhaps,  not  excepting 
that  of  Leo  X,  which  witnessed  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation.  Dur- 
hig  the  pontificate  of  Pius  IX  every  Roman  Catholic  country  made 
progress  in  enlightenment,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  papacy. 
The  "Concordats,"  expressly  framed  to  prevent  the  admission  of  the 
Gospel,  were  abrogated  by  all  the  secular  potentates,  and  religious 
libert}'  practically  tolerated.  The  entire  reign  of  Pius  IX  was  a  bitter 
struggle  against  Italian  unity  and  independence,  and  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  temporal  power;  but  he  was  permitted  to  reach  an  ad- 
vanced age  in  order  that  he  might  behold  the  overthrow  of  the  secular 
papacy  and  the  establishment  of  Victor  Emmanuel's  throne  in  Rome. 
Calling  himself  a  ''prisoner"  in  the  narrow  limits  of  the  ''Leonine" 
city,  the  venerable  pontiff  spent  his  last  days  in  denouncing  the 
"Sardinian  usurper."  While  the  Vatican  palace  was  truly  a  delight- 
ful abode,  yet  how  could  he  be  happy  when  from  its  windows,  look- 
ing across  the  "Bridge  of  St.  Angelo,"  he  could  behold  the  humble 
but  efficient  Bible-depot,  like  ]\Iordecai  sitting  at  the  king's  gate? 

The  obsequies  of  Pius  IX  were  celebrated  on  the  13th  of  Feb- 
ruary with  the  usual  pomp  and  pageantry,  and  in  all  the  cities  of 
Italy  tributes  of  respect  were  paid  to  his  memory.  As  a  man  he 
possessed  pure  morals,  noble  impulses,  and  a  kind  heart ;  as  a  pope, 
controlled  b\'  Antonelli  and  the  Jesuits,  he  fulminated  the  most 
tyrannical  decrees.  The  conclave  which  was  to  choose  his  successor 
assembled  in  the  Sistine  Chapel,  on  Tuesday,  the  19th  of  February, 
and  the  customary  maneuvering  commenced.  Cardinals  ^Monaco, 
Sacconi,  and  Simeoni  intrigued  for  Billio,  a  fanatic  monk,  and  editor 
of  the  "Syllabus,"  while  Billio  himself  intrigued  for  ]Martinelli,  a 
meek  and  pious  monk,  but  a  nonentity  whom  Billio  had  assisted  in 
elevating  to  the  cardinalate.  There  were  several  candidates,  promi- 
nent among  whom  were  Pecci  and  Franchi,  and  after  taking  one 
morning  and  one  afternoon  ballot  each  day,  the  conclave  elected  the 
former  "by  adoration."  At  half-past  one  o'clock  on  Wednesday 
afternoon,  February  20th,  Cardinal  Caterini  proclaimed  from  the 
outer  balcony  of  St.  Peter's  the  election  of  Cardinal  Pecci,  under  the 
title  of  Leo  XIII. 

The  election  of  Leo  XIII  created  great  enthusiasm  an\ong  the  lib- 


824 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


eral  Roman  Catholics  of  Italy,  and  was  a  disappointment  to  the 
Jesuits.  He  was  crowned  in  the  Sistine  Chapel  on  the  3d  of  March; 
but  as  the  Ultramontanes  threatened  some  disturbance,  the  services 
were  private.  Cardinal  Joachim  Pecci  was  born  of  a  noble  family, 
on  the  2d  of  March,  18 10,  at  Carpeneto,  Italy,  and  at  an  early  age 
gave  promise  of  high  qualifications  for  the  ministry  of  the  Church. 


LEO  XIII. 


He  was  sent  as  a  delegate  by  Gregory  XVI  to  suppress  brigandage 
in  Spoleto  and  Perugia.  Having  accomplished  his  mission  he  Avas 
made  archbishop  of  Perugia,  and  sent  as  nuncio  to  the  king  of  the 
Belgians,  where  he  became  a  great  favorite.  After  his  return  to 
Rome  he  would  have  been  made  a  cardinal,  but  Antonelli  opposed 
him.     Pius  IX,  however,  appointed  him  Canierlcngo,  which  office 


LEO  XIIL 


825 


controls  the  papacy  between  the  death  of  one  pontiff  and  the  elec- 
tion of  another. 

The  antecedents  and  the  character  of  Leo  XIII  inspired  a  hope 
that  the  conflict  between  the  papacy  and  the  Italian  government 
would  cease ;  and  the  liberal  European  press  predicted  that  he  would 
correct  the  mistakes  of  Pius  IX,  and  reconcile  himself  with  the  mod- 
ern world.  Franchi,  the  moderate,  became  cardinal  secretary,  and 
Simeoni,  the  bitter  Ultramontane,  retired.  Among  the  promising 
features  of  the  new  regime  were  the  reception  of  a  deputation  and 
an  address  in  which  no  reference  was  made  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  the 
direction  to  the  Italian  bishops  to  obtain  the  royal  excquaUir,  and  the 
Allocution"  of  the  28th  of  March,  1878.  Leo  XIII  also  sent  for 
Father  Curci,  a  prominent  Jesuit,  who  had  been  excommunicated 
because  he  advised  Pius  IX  to  renounce  his  pretensions  to  temporal 
authority.  The  expectations  awakened  by  these  measures  were  de- 
stroyed by  the  ''Encyclical"  of  the  4th  of  April,  and  especially 
that  of  the  28th  of  December,  which  arraigned  the  Protestant 
Reformation  as  the  cause  of  socialism.  While  the  new  pontiff  prac- 
tices the  most  rigid  economy  about  the  Vatican  and  cultivates  his 
scholarly  tastes,  yet  he  has  not  taken  the  bold  step  to  build  up  a 
spiritual  edifice  distinct  from  civil  government,  a  movement  which 
would  make  him  the  greatest  of  all  popes. 

During  the  years  1878-79  the  various  religious  bodies  in  Italy 
continued  to  grow  in  membership  and  influence.  In  a  letter  pub- 
lished in  the  Christian  World,  of  March,  1878,  the  Rev.  S.  Irenseus 
Prime,  D.  D.,  the  distinguished  American  editor  and  friend  of  Italian 
evangelization,  then  at  Rome,  presents  some  interesting  facts  which 
he  observed  in  Italy,  and  states  that  through  the  several  missionary 
agencies  the  Gospel  was  regularly  preached  by  Italian  ministers  in 
one  hundred  and  fifty  stations.  "Since  I  have  been  abroad  on  this 
visit,"  he  writes,  "I  have  more  than  ever  felt  the  importance  of  such 
an  association  as  the  'American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union.'  "  At 
the  ninth  general  assembly  of  the  Free  Italian  Church,  in  December, 
1878,  the  Rev.  Robert  Dey  and  Signor  Antonio  Arrighi  Avere  au- 
thorized to  obtain  aid  for  the  cause  abroad,  the  former  in  Scotland 
and  the  latter  in  the  United  States.  Mr.  Arrighi  is  a  native  of 
Florence,  and  when  twelve  years  of  age  was  a  drummer-boy  in  Gar- 
baldi's  army.  He  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  papal  troops,  but  was 
released  in  1855,  and  came  to  America.  In  1857  ^"^^  ^^'^^  converted 
from  Romanism,  and  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Rev.  Charles  Elliott, 
D.  D.,  then  the  president  of  the  Iowa  Wesleyan  University,  young 


826 


ITALY  STRUGGLING  INTO  LIGHT. 


Arrighi  entered  that  school  to  prepare  himself  for  mission -work  in 
Italy.  After  remaining  there  two  years  he  attended  the  Ohio  Wes- 
leyan  University,  and  finally  graduated  at  the  Boston  Theological 
Seminary  in  1869.  In  1873  he  went  to  Florence^  and  labored  suc- 
cessfully for  five  years  as  the  missionary  of  the  American  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  but  consented  to  return  to  the  United  States  in  the 
interests  of  the  Free  Italian  Church. 

During  1879  Arrighi  and  Sig  lor  Turino,  who  represented 

the  Waldensian  Church,  visited  the  principal  American  cities,  ad- 
dressed large  audiences,  and  secured  liberal  donations  for  their 
respective  agencies.  The  superintendent  of  the  American  Baptist 
mission  in  Italy,  the  Rev.  G.  B.  Taylor,  D.  D.,  also  appealed  for 
hplp  to  erect  a  commodious  chapel  in  Rome,  and  met  with  a  favora- 
ble response.  The  Italian  work  under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  L. 
M.  Vernon,  D.  D.,  made  considerable  progress,  and  received  an 
impetus  by  the  conversion  of  some  individuals  of  prominence  in  the 
papal  Church.  The  English  Baptist  mission,  with  its  prosperoiie 
stations,  under  the  superintendency  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wall,  exerts  a 
controlHng  influence,  especially  its  beautiful  chapel  in  Rome,  in  which 
many  Italians  assemble  to  hear  the  eloquent  ex-priest  Grassi. 

The  great  event  of  1879  '^^  people  of  Rome  was  the  visit  of 
the  old  hero.  Garibaldi.  In  the  early  part  of  April  he  reached  the 
''Eternal  City,"  and  was  met  at  the  depot  by  a  vast  multitude. 
Pale,  emaciated,  and  feeble,  he  was  carried  on  a  litter  through  the 
streets  to  the  residence  of  liis  son.  It  seemed  that  he  had  abandoned 
his  island -home  of  Caprera  to  die  in  that  city  for  whose  deliverance 
he  had  fought.  The  crowd,  restrained  by  the  scene,  did  not  shout, 
but  welcomed  the  conqueror  with  silence  and  tears.  The  invincible 
leader,  however,  rallied,  presided  over  a  republican  association,  held 
a  conference  at  the  Quirinal  with  King  Humbert,  and  not  only  pro- 
claimed for  universal  suffrage,  but  urged  his  countrymen  to  annex 
the  provinces  of  Istria,  Trieste,  and  Trent.  He  has  lived  to  behold 
the  results  of  Italy's  struggles  during  the  centuries;  and  as  she  stands 
to-day,  united  and  free  in  the  family  of  nations,  her  sons  reverence 
the  name  of  her  surviving  hero. 


THE  END. 


DATE  DUE 


WW