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His Life .ai\d Voyages.

JOSEPH POPE.

Printed and bound by A. 8. WOODBURN,
Ottawa, Ontario.

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Eiitered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year 1890, by
JOSEPH POPE, at the Department of Agriculture.

THE HONOURABLE AUGUSTE REAL ANGERS,

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC :

THIS LITTLE SKETCH OF THE

LIFE AND FORTUNES
OF THE

DISCOVERER OE CANADA,

is
BY KIND PERMISSION OF His HONOUR,

RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.

COISTTEIsTTS-

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.

Introductory. — Early voyages to America. — Scandinavian ac-
counts.— Biarni. — Leif Eriksen. — Helluland. — Markland.—
Vinland. — Basque traditions. — Cabots. — GasparCorte-Real.
— Jean Denys — Thomas Aubert. — Baron de Lery. —Spanish
Conquests. — French interest in maritime discovery awak-
ened.— Verrazzano. —Doubts as to the authenticity of his
letter. — Jacques Cartier.

CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST VOYAGE.

Jacques Cartier's birth. — Parentage. -Early life. — Marriage.—
Introduction to the King. — Preparations for voyage to
America. — Departure from St. Malo. — Arrival at Cape
Bonavista in Newfoundland. — St. Katherine's harbour.—
Isle of Birds. — Bear story. — Carpunt. — La baye des Chas-
teaulx . — Course through Strait of Belle Isle.— Port of Brest.
—Evidences of previous visits of Basque fishermen to the
Strait. — The Double Cape. — Course along the west coast of
Newfoundland.— Cape St. John. — Course among the Mag-
dalen Islands. — Description north-west coast of Prince
Edward Island. — Miramichi river. — La baye de chaleur.—
Meeting with Indians. — Perce. — Gaspe. — More Indians.—
Erection of Cross.— Seizure of two Indians. — Course about
Anticosti. — Deliberations. —Resolve to return home. — Le
destroyt Saint Pierre. — Cape Thiennot. — Homeward voy-
age.— Arrival at Sr. Malo.

CHAPTER III.
THE SECOND VOYAGE.

Gracious reception by the King — Cartier commissioned afresh.
—Preparations for second voyage. — La Grande Hermine.
— La Petite Hermine. — L'Emerillon. — Departure from St.
Malo. — Rendezvous at Blanc Sablon. — Port St. Nicholas.
—Bay of St. Lawrence. — Discovery of Anticosti.. — Search
for North-West passage. — Arrival at the river Saguenay.—
Isle aux Coudres. — Query, Did priests accompany the expedi-
tion ?— Island of Orleans.— Donnacona.— Welcome to Taig-
noagny and Domagaya. — The harbour of Holy Cross. —
Selection of the St. Charles as their place of abode. — Stada-
cone.— State visit of Donnacona to the ships.— Interchange
of civilities. — Efforts of the savages to dissuade Cartier
from proceeding farther — Their stratagem. — Its failure.—
Departure for Hochelaga. — Ochelay. — Shallowness of the
water obliges the French to leave their ship near the mouth
of the Richelieu.— Arrival at Hochelaga.— Cordiality of
reception by the Indians. — Visit to the town. — Description
thereof. — Its situation. — Fortifications. — Query, To what
tribe did these Indians belong ? — Agouhoima. — His meeting
with Cartier. —Sick people brought to be healed. — Cartier's
efforts to impart some knowledge of the Christian Religion.
—Visit to Mount Royal. — The Ottawa river. — Departure
from Hochelaga. — River of Fouez.— Return to the port of
Holy Cross.

CHAPTER IV.
THE SECOND VOYAGE (continued).

Visit to Stadacone.— Description thereof.— Trudamans. — Story
of massacre. — The inhabitants of Stadacone. — Their wor-
ship.— Habits and mode of living. — Tobacco described. —
Esurgny. — Marvellous tales of the country of Saguenay. —
Approach of winter. — Frost and snow. — French attacked
by scurvy. —Their miserable condition. — Invocation of the
Divine assistance. — Religious service.— The remedy found
and applied. — Marvellous cure effected. — Approach of
spring.— Preparations for return to France. — Abandonment
of La Petite Hermine. — Suspicious behaviour of the sav-
ages.— Cartier's resolution taken to seize Donnacona and
other Indians. — His action in so doing criticized. — Erection

of Cross — Formal possession taken of the country in the
name of the King of France.— Seizure of chiefs.— Departure
for home. — Arrival at St. Malo.

CHAPTER V.
THE THIRD VOYAGE.

Heport to the King. — Delay in renewal of Commission. — Pro-
bable cause thereof. — Third voyage determined on. — Rober-
val. — Departure of Cartier on third voyage — Arrival at
Stadacone. — Interview with Agona. — Selection of Cap
Rouge as wintering place. — Departure of two vessels for
France. — Charlesbourg-Royal. — Cartier goes up to Hoche-
laga. —The Lord of Hochelay. — The Saults. — Dissimulation
of the Indians.— Return to Charlesbourg-Royal. — Prepara-
tions for its defence. — Abrupt termination of narrative.—
Departure of Roberval from Rochelle. — Meeting with
Cartier in harbour of St. John's. Newfoundland. — Cartier
returns to France. — Probable reasons for so doing. — Query,
As to date of Roberval's sailing?

CHAPTER VI.

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF
JACQUES CARTIER.

Heturn from third voyage. — Audit of accounts under Royal
Commission. — Evidence of fourth voyage. — Its probable
date. — Cartier's private life. — His residence at St. Malo. —
Limoilou. — As to his ennoblement. — Foundation of an
' Obit.' — Cartier's death. — His character. —Conclusion.

PREFACE.

In the early part of last year it was announced in the
public prints that His Honour the Lieutenant Governor of
the Province of Quebec had generously offered, through the
Literary and Historical Committee of the "Cerclc Catholique"
of Quebec, a silver and a bronze medal for the best and
second best essays on " Jacques Cartier, his Life and
Voyages." The papers were to be written in either the
French or the English language, and the competition was
open to home and foreign writers. The writer competed,
and on the 25th February last, had the good fortune to re-
ceive an official notification from the President and Secretary
of the Committee, that in the English section his essay had
been awarded the first prize. This paper is now submitted
to the public.

In thus enlarging the number of his judges, the writer
ventures to express the hope that the same kindly criticism
which he has so far met with, may attend him in the wider
field.

Whatever of imperfection there may be in his work, he
can at least honestly say, that his earnest endeavour has been
to set out in plain and truthful language the facts connected
with the earliest dawn of Canadian history, and to give an
accurate and faithful picture of the central figure in the
scene. To that end the original records have been diligently
studied and compared, and the most trivial statements of
fact, whenever practicable, carefully verified.

The writer takes advantage of the opportunity here af-
forded, to record the sense of obligation under which the
uniform courtesy of the Librarians of Parliament, A. D.
DeCelles, Esq., and M. J. Griffin, Esq., and also of L. P.
Sylvain, Esq., of the Library staff, has placed him. To the
goodness of these gentlemen in placing the resources of the
Library unreservedly at his disposal, and in offering every
facility for their examination, is due not a little of whatever
success may attend this his first venture in the world of
letters.

JOSEPH POPE.

OTTAWA, 2$th April, 1889.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.

Introductory. — Early voyages to America.— Scandinavian ac-
counts.— Biarni.— Leif Eriksen.— Helluland. — Markland.—
Vinland. — Basque traditions. — Cabots — Gaspar Corte-Real.
— Jean Denys. — Thomas Aubert. — Baron de Lery. — Spanish
conquests. — French interest in maritime discovery awak-
ened.— Verrazzano.— Doubts as to the authenticity of his
letter. — Jacques Cartier.

ORD MACAULAY, in his admirable essay on Lord
Clive, expresses his surprise that while the history of
the Spanish Conquest in America is familiar to al-
most everybody who reads at all, so little should be known
in England, even by educated people, concerning the great
actions of their countrymen in the acquisition of India ; and
he, rightly in our opinion, ascribes this anomaly, in part, to
the difference between the historians of the two great events.
Nobody can read Mr. Prescott's works, without becoming
deeply interested in his narration of the story of Cortes or
Pizarro. The standard historians of the East, on the con-
trary, are somewhat heavy in their style, and in consequence
fail to attract the ordinary reader. Lord Macaulay has
himself done much to remove this obstacle to the spread of
knowledge of Oriental affairs, so much so that we feel justi-
fied in saying that, were the distinguished historian still
living, we could point out to him a contrast much more
striking than that suggested by the lack of acquaintance
displayed by the average Englishman of to-day with matters

relating to India and its people. We refer to the want of
knowledge on the part of the people of Canada, and par-
ticularly of English-speaking Canadians, of all that pertains
to the history of our country prior to the days of Wolfe and
Montcalm.

We cannot help thinking that the Canadian who knows
next to nothing of how and by whom his country was re-
claimed from barbarism and heathendom, has much less
excuse for his ignorance than had the average Englishman
of the last generation for not being able to say off-hand,
who won the battle of Buxar, or whether Surajah Dowlah
ruled in Oude or in Travancore. For it should not be for-
gotten that before the era of steam and electricity, India
was a far-off land, inhabited by a strange race, of whom
little was known and less understood. Moreover, battles
were fought and kingdoms lost and won in Hindostan,
months before the knowledge of such exploits could reach
England, and to the generality of men, news from six
months to a year old is rarely of a character to excite much
interest. Thus we can readily understand how Englishmen
continued to regard trTe ' dim orient ' with but languid con-
cern, until aroused by the unspeakable horrors of the Sepoy
Mutiny.

But how shall we account for the indifference of the mass
of Canadians to the early history of their own country ?
For we have a history — a record of great deeds done and
great things suffered, not thousands of miles across the sea,
but here on the very ground we tread. There is not a day
in which the citizens of Quebec and Montreal, for example,
do not look upon objects and places made for ever memor-
able by the piety or valour of their forefathers — places

into which', for some of us, the memory of the illustrious
dead has passed, but which are wholly devoid of interest
to the ordinary passer-by, in whom they awaken no emotion
or tell no story.

Thanks to the untiring efforts of certain literary gentlemen
amongst us, things are better in this respect than they were
a few years ago ; but in spite of all that Mr. LeMoirie and
others have done to popularize the account of the early set-
tlement of Canada, not to speak of Mr. Francis Parkman,
who has a singular aptitude for investing the recital of
historical facts with a romantic charm, we venture to doubt
whether one person in one hundred, selected at random
in any part of Canada, could tell off-hand the name of the
English Admiral who contended with Champlain for the
possession of Quebec : who founded Montreal : what is
meant by the Conspiracy of Pontiac : or by whom was the
Gospel first preached on the shores of Lake Huron ?

The history of the discovery and occupation of Canada
by the French is, as we have said, an eventful one. If not
so full of brilliant deeds as is that of the Spanish Conquest
in the south, it is still more free from anything analogous to
those horrible tales of cruelty and avarice which have tar-
nished the glory of the Spanish arms. The Spanish Con-
quistadores of the i6th Century (with some honourable
exceptions) were consumed by the lust for gold, and with
them everything was subordinated to that ignoble passion.
In pursuance of that object they were ever ready to sacrifice
all that honourable men hold dear, and their course in the
Western World was too often marked by perfidious cruelty
and scandalous intrigue.

Far otherwise was it with ' The Pioneers of France in the

New World.' Underlying the natural love of adventure
and the laudable ambition to extend the dominions of their
Sovereign, which were common to all discoverers of that
age, was ever to be found in them a vehement desire to
carry to the inmost recesses of the western wilds the know-
ledge of the Christian Faith. They longed to impart to the
rude savages with whom they came in contact, those graces
and blessings which are sacramentally conferred, and to
substitute for the abominations of paganism, the pure wor-
ship of the Catholic Religion.

The fixity of purpose, the patient self-denial, serene cour-
age, and dauntless heroism, displayed by the Jesuit mission-
aries to Canada, in their work of carrying the Gospel to the
heathen savages, are such as to command the admiration of
all who have any knowledge of their career, and we feel
sure that while Canada endures, the names of Isaac Jogues,
Charles Gamier, Jean de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, and
their fellow labourers, will be held in veneration, more
especially by those who profess the faith for which these
illustrious servants of God, after years of toil and hardship,
unillumined by any hope -of earthly reward, went to a bar-
barous and cruel death.

While these devoted men were undoubtedly exponents
of the highest form of the religious spirit, it is not the less
true that the idea of Christianizing the Indians, which was
the ruling passion of their lives, animated the minds and
influenced the conduct of many of the gallant soldiers and
sailors from France who first approached our shores, and
in scarcely one of them is this spirit more conspicuous
than in the brave adventurer who first explored our mighty
river, and thus opened the door of Canada to the European

world. Need we say that we refer to the intrepid mariner
of St. Malo, whose life and voyages we propose here briefly,
to review.

When and by whom was America first made known to
Europeans, are questions which we think still admit of dis-
cussion, though for all practical purposes, the universally
received opinion that it was discovered by Christopher
Columbus, in the year 1492, must be accepted as correct.
For certain it is that, prior to that date, there was no general
knowledge of the fact that across the western ocean lay vast
regions, extending from pole to pole, abounding in natural
riches, possessing every variety of climate, and capable of
sustaining millions upon millions of human beings. There
were, no doubt, traditions, more or less vague, of previous
visits by Europeans to strange lands beyond the sea, tradi-
tions which lead us through various stages of improbability,
back to the fabulous legends of antiquity. Some few of
these, however, are not without a basis of fact.

It is known, for example, that Iceland and Greenland
were colonized by Scandinavians centuries before Columbus,
and it is, we think, not unlikely that some of those hardy
navigators should have gone on a little farther and landed
on some portion of the American continent. It is, indeed,
pretty well established that one Biarni, having set out from
Iceland for Greenland, was carried by contrary winds far to
the southward, where he came upon unknown lands. After
meeting with sundry vicissitudes, he arrived home in safety,

and recounted his adventures to his countrymen, amongst
them to Leif, son of Eirek the Red, who, fourteen years
before, had discovered Greenland. Leif was so impressed
with the recital, that he purchased Biarni's vessel, manned
her with thirty-five men, and started about the year 1000 to
follow up his discovery. After sailing (it is not said how
long) they came to the land last seen by Biarni, where, un-
like the latter, who never set foot on the new lands, they
landed on a barren, inhospitable region, to which they gave
the name of Helluland (that is, land of broad stones). They
then put to sea again and came to another land, low lying
and covered with woods. This land they called Markland
(that is, land of woods). They then continued on their
course, and impelled by a north-east wind, two days later
reached a more hospitable country, abounding in Indian
corn and grape vines, from which latter circumstance they
called it Vinland (that is, land of wine). Here they spent
a winter and planted a colony.

Mciny historians are of opinion that Helluland was New-
foundland ; Markland, Nova Scotia, and Vinland somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Rhode Island. Other writers
question the soundness of this deduction, and affirm that
these Vikings never got south of the Strait of Belle Isle.
The question turns largely upon the interpretation of one
Icelandic word. It is stated in the Saga of Eirek the Red,
that on the shortest day at Vinland the sun remained above
the horizon from half-past seven in the morning until half-
past four in the afternoon. The word translated half-past
four is ' eyktarstadj which word is said by some philologists
to have stood for half-past three in the old Norse language.
If their shortest day was only eight hours long, Vinland

could not have been far south of latitude 50, which is that
of the more northerly portions of Newfoundland.1

Coming down to more recent times, we have various ac-
counts of Basque, Norman, and Breton fishermen having
frequented the Banks of Newfoundland at a period anterior
to the date of Columbus' discovery. That they were in
numbers a few years afterwards, not only on the Banks, but
also in the Strait of Belle Isle, and up the St. Lawrence as
far as the Saguenay, is a well authenticated fact, and it is
not easy to determine the dates of their first visits.

Passing over the voyages of Columbus, which do not
come within the scope of our narrative further than as serv-
ing to separate tradition from history, we come to John
Cabot, the first European of whom we have any certain
knowledge to visit the shores of North America.

Cabot was a Venetian merchant resident in Bristol in the
year 1494. The wonderful tales relating to the discovery of
a New World, which were then beginning freely to circulate,
had a strong fascination for him, and he too would fain
search out other lands. Accordingly he applied for creden-
tials to Henry VII., King of England, who granted to him
and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, Letters
Patent,2 dated the fifth of March, 1496, under which they
were empowered to subdue, occupy, and possess all lands

NOTE 1. — This interesting subject is fully discussed by Mr. Eben Norton Hors-
ford, in his " Discovery of America by Northmen," published last year. See also
a, paper styled " The visit of the Vikings," by Mr. Thomas Wentworth Higginson
in Harper's Magazine for September, 1882.

NOTE 2 — The text of the Commission from Henry VII. to John Cabot and his
«ons is to be found in the third volume of Hakluyt's collection of voyages. It
runs; " Dilectis nobis loanni Caboto ciui Venetiarum, Lodouico, Sebastiano, &
Sancio, filiis dicti loannis, & eorum ac cuiuslibet eorum hteredibus & deputatis "
Ac. It is dated "Apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martii anno regni nostri
vudecimo."

in the King's name, but at their own charge, reserving to
him one-fifth of the profits of the enterprise.

Armed with this authority, in the spring of 1497, John
Cabot, accompanied by Sebastian, sailed from Bristol in the
good ship " Matthew" bound for the unknown shores.
What became of the other brothers does not appear. Hold-
ing a direction north-west of that taken by Columbus, on
the 24th June, 1497, they came upon land which they called
Prima Vista. In all the older histories this terra primum
visa of Cabot is set down as being on the coast of Labrador,
but if the map of 1544, commonly ascribed to Sebastian
Cabot, be authentic, the first land seen undoubtedly was the
north-eastern extremity of the Island of Cape Breton.3

Near by was a large island (probably some portion of
Newfoundland, which is represented on Cabot's map as
being a cluster of islands). This they named St. John, in
honour of the day. The inhabitants of the island were clad
in beasts' skins, which, we are told " they have in as great
estimation as we have our finest garments." They were
well armed with rude weapons. Fish, especially the kind
called by the savages, Baccalaos^ abounded, as also did birds
of prey. It is worthy of note that this word Baccalaos is
said to have been the old Basque equivalent for codfish, and
the fact (if it be a fact) of Cabot finding it in use by the
natives of Newfoundland would go to show that the Basque
traditions of prior discovery are not wholly unfounded.4 It

NOTE 3.- -In a letter on ' John Cabot's Landfall,' addressed in 1885 to Chief
Justice Daly, President of the American Geographical Society, Mr Eben Norton
Horsford discusses this question, and arrives at the conclusion that the site of the
landfall of John Cabot in 1497 is Salem Neck, Massachusetts, in latitude 42°. 32'.
'1 he land first seen, Mr. Horsford thinks, may have been Cape Ann, or possibly
the mountain Agamenticus.

NOTE 4. — The following quotation from Don Quixote — part 1, chapter 2 — is

is, however, very questionable whether the statement twice
made in Hakluyt's version of the Cabot voyages, that the
word Baccalaos was employed by the savages of Newfound
land at that early period, be correct. We have seen it stated
that the aborigines of North America called a codfish Apege,
while Cartier tells us that in " the land newly discovered "
the word used by the " wilde men" to designate a codfish is
Gadagoursere.

Cabot returned to England in safety, was knighted by
the king, and commissioned afresh, with larger powers than
originally had been granted to him. About this time, how-
ever, he died, and to his son Sebastian was committed the
command of the second expedition.

Sebastian Cabot made several subsequent voyages in
search of the much talked of passage to China, or Cathay,
as it was then called, from one of which he brought back
three men clad in skins " taken in the Newfound Island,
who did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man
could understand them." These savages apparently were
not slow in adapting themselves to their new surroundings,
for the historian, after describing their " brutish " behaviour
and uncouth aspect, goes on to say that meeting them two
years afterwards, dressed in civilized garments, he scarcely
recognized them ! It is nowhere expressly stated that either
John or Sebastian Cabot landed anywhere on the shores of
the New World, though from the narrative it seems probable
that at all events Sebastian did so on the occasion of his
second voyage.

interesting in this connection as indicating that the word Baccalaos was employed
in Spain in the 16th century;

'•The day happened to be a Friday, and in the whole inn there was nothing but
some pieces of the fish which they call in Castile Abadeyo, and in Andalusia,
Baccalao," &c., which farther on is described as being '• ill soaked and worse
cooked."

About the same time (in 1500) a Portugese, named
Caspar Corte-Real, coasted along the shores of Labrador,
whence he brought back to Portugal a ship load of natives
destined to be sold into slavery. Indeed, this appears to
have been the chief object of the voyage, and it has been
conjectured that the name ' Terra da Laborador ' was be-
stowed by the Portugese slave merchants, who conceived
the newly found people to be peculiarly adapted to manual
labour. The traffic, however, was never developed. Corte-
Real was lost at sea the following year, and the Portugese,
attracted by the marvellous tales from what were then
known as the Indies, relinquished all claim to a country so
inhospitable as Labrador, and left the way open to a more
generous and humane people. Corte-Real is said to have
discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence, though we think that
honour belongs equally to Sebastian Cabot, or more pro-
perly still to Jean Denys, a native of Honfleur, who made
a map of the locality in 1506.

In 1508 a Dieppe pilot named Thomas Aubert made
similar explorations, and if we are -to believe the Dieppe
chronicles, ascended the St. Lawrence 80 leagues. Some
years later witnessed Baron de Lery's unsuccessful attempt
to establish a colony on Sable Island.

Hitherto the French monarchs had shown towards these
expeditions an apathy which forms a marked contrast to the
zeal which characterized their successors in al! that pertained
to the New World. The cause of this seeming indifference
is, we think, not far to seek, and to be found in the
absorbing nature of their foreign wars, which left them little
leisure for more peaceful pursuits.

In 1515 Francis the first ascended the throne of France.

A few years later and all Europe rang with the fame of the
exploits of Cortes, and the rich spoils of Mexico, to be
followed at no long period by the golden trophies of Peru,
began to pour into Spain. Historians tell us that Francis,
fired by these accounts of Spanish successes with a spirit of
emulation, was eager to vie with his great rival in maritime
discovery as in all other things, and to this end he fitted
out four ships which he placed under the command of one
Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine navigator, who is
said to have accompanied Aubert in one of his voyages to
America in 1508.

Verrazzano left Dieppe in the latter part of the year 1523
with four vessels under his command. Being caught in a
storm off Brittany, which disabled two of his ships, he was
compelled to. put into port to refit. He then cruised along
the coast of Spain with two vessels (of the fate of the other
two we are not informed) where he captured some valuable
booty from the Spaniards. Shortly afterwards, having
despatched one of his ships back to France, presumably
in charge of the spoil, he set sail in the other for the New
World. The chronicle relates that after sailing for many
days they came upon " a new land, never before seene of
any man either ancient or moderne." This land is said to
have been in latitude 34, which corresponds to the latitude
of Cape Fear in North Carolina. They sailed northwards
along the coast for many leagues, meeting with a variety of
adventures, until they approached the land " that in times
past was discovered by the Britons," which is stated to
have been in latitude 50, where, having taken in wood
and water, they concluded it was time to return to France.

The sole record of this voyage is to be found in a letter

purporting to have been written by Verrazzano, from Dieppe,
to the King of France, dated the 8th July, 1524. The
authenticity of this document, long unquestioned, has of
late years been much impugned. While an examination in-
to the merits of this controversy would be manifestly out of
place here, we may just say that a careful perusal of the let-
ter itself as given in Hakluyt and elsewhere, and a compari-
son of it with the Relations of Jacques Cartier and other
early navigators, do not tend to confirm our belief in its
genuineness. The whole matter is involved in obscurity.
We certainly cannot find any evidence in French history to
show that Francis ever despatched Verrazzano on such a
mission, or that he at any time acknowledged the alleged
discovery, or sought to gain any advantage therefrom.
Moreover, the reasons which kept the French monarchs
from active participation in such enterprises, operated with
peculiar force at the very period in which this discovery is
said to have been made. Our opinion, which, in view of its
being contrary to the generally received notion, we give with
much diffidence, is that it was not until after the return of
Francis from the battle of Pavia and its consequences, that
that monarch began to turn his attention to maritime dis-
covery, incited thereto, it is said, by his old time friend and
companion, Philippe Chabot, Sieur de Brion, whom, on his
return from Spain in 1526, he created Admiral of France—
Chabot in turn receiving his inspiration from Jacques Cartier,
then known as a skilful navigator of the English Channel,
and belonging to the old town of St Malo.

CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST VOYAGE.

Jacques Cartier's birth -Parentage. —Early life. — Marriage.—
Introduction to the King. — Preparations for voyage to
America. — Departure from St. Malo. -Arrival at Cape
Bonavista in Newfoundland. — St. Katherine's harbour.—
Isle of Birds. — Bear story. — Carpunt — La baye des Chas-
teaulx . — Course through Strait of Belle Isle. — Port of Brest.
— Evidences of previous visits of Basque fishermen to the
Strait. — The Double Cape. — Course along the west coast of
Newfoundland.— Cape St. John. — Course among the Mag-
dalen Islands. — Description north-west coast of Prince
Edward Island. — Miramichi river. — La baye de ehaleur.—
Meeting with Indians. — Perce. — Gaspe. — More Indians.—
Erection of Cross. — Seizure of two Indians. — Course about
Anticosti. — Deliberations. —Resolve to return home. — LK
destroyt Saint Pierre. — Cape Thiennot. — Homeward voy-
age. — Arrival at Si. Malo.

CARTIER was born in St. Malo in the year
1491. Owing to the incomplete form in which the
civil registers of that period have come down to
us, no record of his baptism can be found ; we are
therefore unable tc give the precise date. In fact, the
year of his birth is known only by accident. The date
was long supposed to have been the 3ist December,
1494, but certain legal documents recently brought to
light in St. Malo inferentially disprove this, and assign 1491
as the correct year. Thus, one record dated the 23rd
December, 1551, has "Jac Cartier, LX ans,juri." Another
dated 2nd January, 1548, "Jacques Cartier, LVI ans, jurl"
and in another dated the 6th June, 1556, he is declared to

be sixty-four years of age. These statements, we think,
justify the inference that he was born somewhere between
the yth June and the 23rd December in the year 1491. 5

Here is a specimen of the manner in which baptisms
were sometimes recorded at St Malo in those days :
" 4 Decembre, 1458.

"Die quarta mensis decembris baptizatus extitit Cartier
quern levarunt de sacro fonte Stephanus Baudoin compater
principalis et Petrus Vivien et Catharina Frete minores, (com-
patrones et commatrones).

YUGUES GUERRIER,

fecit."

This is supposed by some writers to be the record of the
baptism of the father of Jacques Cartier, and probably it is,
but how is one to determine from the record itself ? The
register does not give the name bestowed upon the child,
nor even the names of the parents, nor of either of them !
We know, however, from other sources, that one Jean Cartier,
born in St. Malo in the year 1428, married in 1457
Guillemette Baudoin, who bore him four sons, Jamet, Jean,
Etienne, and Pierre. Jamet, the eldest, married Geseline
Jansart, and to them was born in the year 1491 our illus-
trious navigator.6

NOTK 5 —"The assignment of the 31st December, 1494, as the date of Jacques
Cartier's birth, lias, it appears to us, no better reason than the fact that below that
date on the civil registers of St. Malo appears the following :
" Sainc-Malo, 31 Decembre. 1494.

" Le X XX f jour de Der.emhre Hit baptize" un fils d Jamft Quurtier et Geseline
Junsvrt. sa femine, et fut nomm6 par Guillaume Maiugart principal Compare et
petit compare Haoulle (Raoul) I'erdriel."

This is the only record of the baptism of a Cartier about that date, and for no
better reason it has been assumed to be that of Jacques Cartier. It is true that
from Cartier's marriage register we know him to be the son of Jamet Cartier (or
Quartier, as it is sometimes spelled) and Geseline Jansart, but it will be observed
that this baptismal register does not mention the uanu of the child. It must
have been one of Jacques Cartier's brothers, for Cartier himself, as we have seen,
was born in 1491, lor which year the baptismal registers of St. Malo are wholly
wanting, as indeed they are missing all the way between 1472 and 1494.

NOTE 6 — We have not the date of the marriage of Cartier's father and mother.
His grandparents were married on the 2nd November, 1457, and his lather bom
(as is supposed) on the 4th December, 1458.

Of Carder's early life we know nothing. He was, no
doubt, brought up to the sea, and probably spent his youth
in navigating the English Channel. There is some reason
to believe that at this period he made several voyages to the
banks of Newfoundland with the Breton fishermen whom
we know to have frequented the shores of the new world in
pursuit of their calling, in Cartier's younger days.

In 1519 Cartier married Marie Katherine Des Granches,
daughter of the Chevalier Honore Des Granches, High
Constable of St. Malo.7 The family of Des Granches was
.socially above that of Cartier, and it says not a little for the
young " master pilot," for so he is described on the marriage
register, that the haughty old chevalier should have be-
stowed his daughter's hand upon him. The marriage, so
far as we are able to judge, proved a prosperous one, and
for thirty-eight years the parties thereto lived happily
together. There was only one drawback — their union was
not fruitful, and Cartier left behind him no direct
descendants.

Scattered throughout the records of Cartier's voyages are

NOTE!.— In Cartier's will (see appendix K) his wife's father is alluded to a*
Jacques Des Granches.

TJie following is the record of Cartier's marriage :

" 2 May, 1519.

ReQiirent la

b6n6diction nuptiale Jacques Cartier maistre pillote 6s port de SMinet-Malo, fils
de Jamet Oartier et de Geseline Jansart, et Marie Katerine Ues Granches, fille de
Messire Honore Des Granches, chevalier du Roy uostre Sire et connestable de la
Tille et cyt6 de Sainct-Malo et de :

It does not seem clear that the date '2 May, 1519* appertains to this record. If
not, and the marriage was subsequent to it, (as appears probable) the point is
immaterial, but if antecedent, it is a question whether the year was not 1520.
For at St. Malo in those days, the year WHS reckoned from Easter, instead of from
the 1st January as at present. In 1519 E ister fell cm the 24th April. It' therefore
the marriage took place at any time between the 1st January and the 23rd April,
1520, it would be entered as having occuired in 1519.

to be found indications, faint, it is true, of his having made
a voyage to Brazil in early life.8 This voyage, if made at
all, was probably undertaken between the years 1526 and
1529. The Baptismal register attests his presence in St.
Malo on the 5th April of the first mentioned year, and on the
3oth April of the last named, but not between these dates.
This register, in fact, furnishes us with the best record we
have ot Cartier's life. He seems to have taken a particular
pleasure in being present at baptisms, for we find that he
assisted at no less than fifty-tour of them — at twenty-eight
of which he was Godfather. The first occasion was on
the 2ist August, 1510, when he stood Godfather to his
nephew Etienne, son of Jehan Nouel and Jehanne Cartier
—the last on the iyth November, 1555, when was baptized
Michelle, daughter of Jehan Gorgeu and Martine Jalobert.
Upon the Baptismal .register, there is an entry which may
have some connection with the supposed Brazilian voyage.
It is the record of the baptism, on the 3oth July, 1528, of
one " Catharine du Brezil," at which Katherine Des
Granches stood Godmother. This may very well have been
an Indian woman or child brought by Cartier from Brazil,
according to the custom of the day. The fact of Katherine
Des Granches' name appearing on the register, would not
of itself necessarily connect Cartier with the ceremony, for

NOTE 8. — Thus on the tirst voyage at Gasp6 :—

" There groweth likewise a kinde of Millet as big as Peason, like unto that which,
groweth in Bresil," Ac. — Hakluyt. -

And on the second voyage at Hochelaga ; —

"We began to finde goodly and large fieldes, full of such corne as the countrie
yeeldeth. It ;.s even as the millet of Bresil," &c.

And at Stadaconfi : —

"On which ground groweth their corne, which they call offici ; it is as bigge aa
our small peason; there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill." — Hakluyt •

"Cedict peuple vit en comunaulte de biens assez de la sorte des Brisilas," &C. —
.ttrief Eecit.

there were several persons of that name resident in St. Malo-
about that period, but taken in connection with the fact
that the name of the Godfather, " Guyon Jamyn," was that
of a relative of Cartier, we think the association not
unreasonable.

We have no information as to when or under what
circumstances Cartier came under the notice of the High
Admiral of France, nor when it was that Chabot presented
him to the King as a fit person to be entrusted with the
charge of exploring the wonders of the New World.
Neither has his commission for the first voyage ever been
found.9 Cartier's presentation to the King must have been
prior. to the iQth of March, 1533, for on that date we find
him invoking the aid of the Court at St. Malo to assist him
in forming his crews. Certain it is, however, that the King
was so impressed with Cartier's representations, that he at
once gave his sanction to the project, and ordered two ships
to be fitted out, giving the command to Cartier, with
instructions to do his utmost endeavour to search out the
long looked for passage to the East Indies. The prepara-
tions for the voyage were made under the supervision of M.
Charles de Mouy, Sieur de la Milleraye, Vice Admiral of
France, whom later events show to have been warmly
disposed towards Cartier. In compliance with the royal
behest, he proceeded to St. Malo, and there equipped two
vessels of sixty tons each, carrying between them sixty men,11*
exclusive of Cartier, or sixty-one souls in all. Having duly
invested Cartier with the supreme command, the Vice
Admiral summoned before him the whole company, and

NOTE 9. --This document, we think, would probably throw some light on the
discoveries of Verrazzano.
NOTR 10.— See appendix A.

caused all present to be solemnly sworn that they would
truly and faithfully serve the King under the authority of
their commander.11

At length, all being in readiness, Jacques Cartier spread
his sails and, leaving St, Malo on the 2oth April, 1534, dir-
ected his course towards the coast of Newfoundland. The
voyage was singularly prosperous, and borne along by fair
winds, on the loth May, they sighted Cape Bonavista,
( Cap de Bonne viste, R. O.) It was early in the season, and
being prevented by the board ice from entering the bay of
that name, they ran south-east some five leagues, where they
found shelter in a harbour which they named St. Katherine13
—probably after Cartier's wife. In the course of this nar-
rative we shall find the gallant Breton captain on more than
one occasion thus honouring his wife, and the fact, we think,
gives us an indication of the strong domestic attachments of
the man, which are not always a distinguishing character-
istic in those of his profession.

In this port they remained ten days, overhauling their
ships, which, in view of their small size, must have suffered
greatly from contact with the floating ice that yet hung
about the coast. On the 2ist May they proceeded on their
way, and sailing north-east, reached the island now known
as Funk Island, in latitude 49°. 46', longitude 53°. n'.
Cartier named this rock the " Isle of Birds " (Isle des
Ouaiseaulx, R. O.) from the immense number of waterfowl
he found congregated thereon, of which he gives rather a
minute description. He tells us also how, notwithstanding

NOTE 11. -See appendix B

NOTE 12. — The R. 0. says: — " Vug haure nomine Saincte Katharine." The Sd.
1598 reads; — " Vn port que nous norarnasmes de S. Catherine."

the fact that the island is fourteen leagues from the main-
land, (in reality it is thirty-one nautical miles), the bears swim
over in quest of birds, of which they are inordinately fond.
Disdaining mere generalization, the chronicle goes on to
record that Cartier's men, having disturbed one of these
animals in his repast, the bear, which is said to have been
"as great as any cow and as white as any swan," in their
presence leaped into the sea, where some days afterwards they
overtook it with their ships — the bear swimming as swiftly
as they could sail. After a struggle they succeeded in cap-
turing the animal, which they ate and pronounced its flesh
to be excellent. 1:<

Proceeding northwestward, Cartier came to the entrance
of the Strait of Belle Isle, which he found choked with ice.
He put into Quirpon Harbour, called by him Carpunt (in
the R. O. Rapont) where he remained some days, waiting for
fair weather. In this harbour is a small island, marked on
Bayfield's charts "Jacques Cartier Island," and towards the
south-west "Jacques Cartier Road." Point Degrat, so
named by him, is generally supposed to have been Cape
Bauld, the northern extremity of Quirpon Island, but it is,
we think, more likely to have been the cape on the east
side of the island, which is much more prominent than Cape
Bauld, being 500 feet high, while the height of the latter is
not much over 100 feet.

Entering the Strait of Belle Isle — already known to mari-
ners as ''la baye des Chasteaulx^ — we find Cartier again
giving a proof that the image of his home was ever in his

NOTE 13. — We are informed on excellent authority that there Is nothing in-
credible, or even improbable, in this story.

NOTE 14. — See appendix A.

thoughts, for again he bestows his wife's name upon an
island in the neighbourhood. Which of the islands north
of Newfoundland was thus named by Cartier, we confess we
are quite unable to determine. Scarcely any portion of 'his
narrative is more confused than the page in which is recorded
his course from leaving Funk Island until he reaches the
Labrador coast. We have spent more time in endeavouring
to fix upon St. Katherine's Island, than, to be quite candid,
we care to confess. Hakluyt's version is as follows—

" Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay
toward the West and by North: there is some doubt of two
Islands that are on the right side, one of the which is distant
from the sayd point three leagues, and the other seven, either
more or lesse than the first, being a low and plaine land, and it
seemeth to be part of the niaineland. I named it Saint Kather-
ine's Island ; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry
soile: but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground,
so that you must go a little about. The sayd Island and the
port of Castles trend toward North North east, and South
South west, and they are about 15 leagues asunder."

The Ed: I5p<? is substantially the same : But the R. O.
says—

" Partaiit de lappointe du Degrat et entrant en ladite baye,
faisant FOuaist, vng quart du Norouaist, 1'on double deux isles
qui demeurent de babort, dont 1'vne est a trois lieues de la dite
pointe et 1'autre enuiron sept lieues de la premiere, qui est," &c.

There are two important discrepancies here. While
Hakluyt says — "Tfore is some doubt of," the R. O. has "one
doubles]' and whereas Hakluyt says the islands were on the
right side, the R. O. says they were on the left.

St. Katherine's Island cannot be Belle Isle, for assuredly
that cannot be styled " a low and plaine land," being 600
feet above the level of the sea ; neither does Belle Isle " seem
to be part of the mainland '' ; nor can it well be Sacred
Island, which is 269 feet high. Immediately west of Cape

Bauld is Gull Rock, then Verte Island, then Little Sacred
Island, no one of which at all answers the description.
Jacques Carder Island, mentioned above, is about half a
mile long, and relatively low — 138 feet. The truth is that
Cartier was in the habit of employing the term ' Island '
in a very loose sense, and we should not be surprised if St.
Katherine's Island were some cape in the vicinity, and not
an island at all — though there are manifest objections to
such an hypothesis.

Crossing over to the Labrador coast, Cartier mentions
the Port of Buttes (A*. (9.), or 'Gouttes' according to the other
versions, and, " Hable de la Balaine " (Relation Originate]
or the Port of Balances, according to Hakluyt. The first
named, no doubt, is the Greenish Bay of to-day, and the
second Red Bay.

Proceeding south-westward along the coast, he reached in
due course the harbour of Blanc Sablon, which still retains
its -name. South-south-west of this harbour he notes two
islands, one of which was named Wood Island, ( R. O. (ilsle
de Bouays" but Brest Island in Ed. 1598 and Hakluyt),
and the other the Isle of Birds.15 A league further west
they came to the present Bradore Bay, then called " les
Islettes." This is declared to be a better harbour than Blanc
Sablon. Bradore harbour long afterwards was known as
"la Baiede Philypeaux^ where was built the Fort of Pont-
chartrain for the protection of the French fishermen.

It is evident that this coast at the date of Carder's visit,
was tolerably well known to Europeans, several of the har-
bours being already named. Especially is this the case

NOTE 15.— Wood Island is still knosvn by that name. The Isle of Birds has
become Greenly Island.

with regard to the port of Brest — the next harbour they
touched at after leaving Bradore — which, even at that early
date, was an important rendezvous for Basque fishermen
frequenting the coast. Cartier mentions a little farther on
in his narrative how they met a ship belonging to Rochelle
looking for the port of Brest, and he notices this, merely
by the way, and quite as a matter of course.16

It is stated elsewhere that a fort, built of stone and
mounted with cannon, was erected at Brest in the i6th
century, around which a considerable settlement sprang up.
Some writers affirm that a thousand people dwelt round
about, and there is authority for still larger figures. To our
mind, however, it is extremely unlikely that at the period of
Cartier's visit, and for some time afterwards, Brest was any-
thing more than a summer resort for the Basque and Breton
fishermen, who, in view of the hostility of the Esquimaux
and other savage tribes, found themselves compelled to
adopt concerted measures for purposes of defence. The
fort was situated at or near the head of what is now known
as Old Fort Bay, which is an inlet of Esquimaux Bay — in
lat 51° 24', long. 57° 48'. The Strait of Belle Isle from
a very early period was renowned as a whaling ground, and
was, as we have seen, much frequented both by French and
Spanish Basques, traces of whom are still witnessed to in
the traditions which linger around those northern shores,
and even far up the great river itself.

Nearly opposite Trois Pistoles, in the County of Temis-
couata, lies in the St. Lawrence river a small island, "/'//<?
aux Basques" as it is called to-day, where have been un-

NOTE 16.— See appendix C.

earthed large hollow bricks, which to the antiquary bear
eloquent testimony. They were used by the Basque fisher-
men for building their furnaces, wherein they melted down
the blubber of the whales, porpoises, &c., caught in- the
neighbouring waters. The bricks were hollow for conveni-
ence of transport, as materially reducing the weight. Traces
of fishing stages used by the Basques for drying their fish
are still visible at different places in the vicinity, notably on
a sniall island called " Echafaud a Basques? on the north
shore of the St. Lawrence, some six miles west of the mouth
of the Saguenay. There is reason for believing that these
relics were in use before the days of Cartier. The Basque
Roads, near by, were known under that name in the time of
Champlain.

To return to Jacques Cartier and his companions, whom
we left at the port of Brest, whither they called on the loth
June for wood and water. On the following day, being the
festival of St. Barnabas, they celebrated Divine Service.
We shall have something to say farther on respecting the
nature of this act, and merely allude to it here in order to
call attention to the fact that it is the first recorded instance
of the public worship of God in this country — we say, re-
corded instance, for there is little doubt that the reasons
which induced the pious commander to ordain this service,
must equally have moved him a month before in Catalina
harbour, where they remained ten days (and consequently
over Sunday), and also at other places along the coast.

Leaving their ships in the port of Brest, they coasted
along the western shore in their boats. Entering a good
haven, they named it St. Antoine's Port. This is probably
Rocky Bay. A short distance beyond, they found another

•\

harbour where they set up a cross and named the place St.
Servan's Port. This we take to be the present Lobster
Bay. Beyond St. Servan's they came to " another greater
river in which we took good store of Salmon." In this
river it. was that they met the ship of Rochelle which was
out of her course. According to the R. O. this river was
fen leagues to the westward of St. Servan's — according to
Ed. 159$, and Hakluyt it was two leagues — a considerable
discrepancy. If ten leagues be what is meant, we can make
nothing of it. It may have been Shecatica bay, and the
good harbour, Cumberland harbour, though ten leagues
would carry them considerably beyond these points. If two
leagues be intended, St. James river was probably Napetepec
Bay, in which case the harbour a league beyond, which he
takes to be " one of the best in all the world," would be
Mistanoque Bay, the entrance to which is guarded by two
islands, 120 and 150 feet high respectively, and is thus
protected in an exceptional degree. On the whole, and
bearing in mind that they were in their small boats, we are
inclined to think that the shorter distance is the more pro-
bable, and consequently the latter explanation more likely
to be the true one.

In extolling the excellence of the harbours, Cartier re-
grets that he cannot say as much for the land, which he
describes as being barren and rocky — a place fit only for wild
beasts. " To be short," he says, " I believe that this was
the land that God allotted to Caine."

Along this coast Cartier observed, from time to time,
men and women " of an indifferent good stature and big-
nesse, but wilde and unruly." They were engaged in fish-
ing, and, we are told, did not belong to the locality, but

" came out of hotter countreys " to the south. From the
description given of these savages, taken in connection
with Carder's explicit statement that they came from south-
ern parts, one would have been disposed to think that they
could not have been Esquimaux, but rather some roving
tribe of the great Algonquin family then beginning to invade
the eastern portion of America ; l'abb£ Ferland, however,
holds a contrary opinion, and to his judgment we are dis-
posed to attach much weight.

Disheartened by the ever increasing sterility of this inhos-
pitable shore, Cartier determined upon changing his course.
Returning to his ships on Saturday, he remained in port
over Sunday, on which day he again caused Divine Service
to be celebrated. On Monday morning, the i5th of June,
they weighed anchor and crossed the strait to the New-
foundland coast (without knowing it to be such), being at-
tracted by the high lands in the background of Cape Rich,
which latter they named the Double Cape. Sailing south-
ward they observed the high hills which fringe this portion
of the coast. These they named " les Monts de Granches"
Along here they experienced much bad weather, thick mists
and fogs preventing them from catching sight of land. To-
wards the evening of Wednesday, the fog partially lifted,
and disclosed a cape that u is on the top of it blunt-pointed,
and also toward the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee
named it The pointed Cape, on the north side of which there
is a plaine Hand." Judging from this description, the
Pointed Cape was the present Cow Head, a little to the
north of which is Steering Island.

From this point until they reached la bale des Chaleurs,
there is much obscurity in Cartier's narrative. No two

writers agree upon the exact course followed between these
two points. We have given some thought to our interpre-
tation of this portion of the route, and while not pretending
to absolute correctness in a matter upon which so much
diversity of opinion exists, we feel that our explanation con-
flicts with Cartier's account, in a lesser degree than many
which have preceded it. And here we may express the satis-
faction with which we have perused the able and instructive
paper on Jacques Cartier's first voyage, by W. F. Ganongr
Esq., A. M., which is printed in the Transactions of the
Royal Society of Canada for 1887. Before meeting with it
we had laid down the general lines of our interpretation of
this portion of the course, and without being aware that
anyone had anticipated our conclusions, had rejected the
generally accepted theory that the River of Boats and Cape
Orleans were on the New Brunswick shore, and had placed
them in Prince Edward Island. We were, therefore, much
gratified to find our view shared by a gentleman who evi-
dently has a large acquaintance with the subject upon which
he writes. We have to thank him for many valuable hints,
which have been especially useful to us in tracing the course
through the Magdalen Islands and about Anticosti. We
are constrained, however, to differ somewhat from Mr.
Ganong in his interpretation of the course along that portion
of the Newfoundland coast lying between Cow Head and
Cape Anguille. Perhaps the most satisfactory way of stat-
ing the points of difference between us, would be to give a
short synopsis of Cartier's Relation, then Mr. Ganong's in-
terpretation, and lastly our own view.

Cartier says in effect that after passing the Pointed Cape
they had stormy weather from the north-east. They there-

lore went south-west until the following morning, by which
time they had traversed about thirty-seven leagues, when
they found themselves opposite a bay full of round islands
like dove cots, which they named les Coulonbiers. He
continues — "And from the Bay of S. Julian, from the which
to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called
Cape Roial there are 7 leagues, and toward the West south-
west side of the saide Cape, there is another that beneath
is all craggie and above round. On the North side of which
about halfe a league there lieth a low Hand : that Cape wee
named The Cape of milke. Betweene these two Capes
there are certaine low Hands, above which there are also
certaine others that show that there be some rivers. About
two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded and found 20
fathome water."

The next day, in looking for a harbour, they discovered
with their boats that between Cape Royal and the Cape of
Milk, above the low islands, there was a *' great and very
deepe gulfe," within which were certain islands. The gulf
was shut up towards the south. The aforesaid low grounds
were on one side of the entrance to this gulf, and Cape
Royal was on the other. "The saide low grounds doe stretch
themselves more than halfe a league within the Sea. It is a
plaine countrey, but an ill soile ; and in the middest of
the entrance thereof, there is an Hand. The saide gulfe
is in latitude fourtie-eight degrees and an halfe." We quote
from Hakluyi. The other versions, though varying slightly,
are substantially the same. We may say here that Cartier's
distances and directions, are (as is to be expected) often
inaccurate.17

NOTE 17.— To give an idea of the almost uniform inaccuracy of Cartier's

Mr. Ganong thinks that the bay full of round islands was
Roche harbour, and in this we agree with him. On Bay-
field's chart there is an engraving of Bonne bay with Roche
harbour lying to the north, in which is clearly seen the round
aspect of the rocks which suggested to Cartier the name of
the Dove Houses. He puts the Bay of St. Julien down as
Bonne Bay. He is of opinion that Cape Royal is the
present Cape Gregory ; the Cape of Milk, South Head, and
the islands lying between the two capes, those at the en-
trance of the Bay of Islands.

On a map of the coast of North America between the
Strait of Belle Isle and Cape Cod, published at London by
Imray and Son in 1866, Bonne Bay is named "Gulf of
St Julien or Bonne Bay." Cape Royal is placed a short
distance south of Cape Gregory, and South Head is called
" Milk Cape or South Point," all of which are corroborative
of Mr. Ganong's reading of the course.

Now for our own view. It does not seem to us at all
clear that Cartier meant to imply that the bay in which the
round rocks were was the Bay of St. Julien. Nor does he
say that the latter was entered by him. On the contrary,

measurements, we select a few instances in which there can be no question as
to the identity of the points between which he meant them to apply

For example, he says that Lake St. Peter is 12 leagues long and from 5 to 6
broad. In reality it is 18 nautical miles long, and 7 wide.

He says that the Island of Orleans is from 10 to 12 leagues in length.
In reality it is 18 nautical miles. He says Hare Island is 5 leagues long, and
Isle aux Coudres 3 leagues, while the former is only 7 nautical miles long, and
the latter only 5. He says the distance between the former Island and the
latter is 15 leagues, whereas it is only 26 nautical miles.

It is proper to observe that there were several distinct measures of leagues in
use in France in the sixteenth century, amongst others, one of four kilometres, and
another of five kilometres — the latter b ing about equal t:> three English miles—
the distance which we understand by a league at the present day. It is probable
that Cartier reckoned by league of four kilometres — about 2 2/5 English miles — but
even with this qualification, his distances are. as a rule, too great.

Champlain, on the other hand, must have employed the league of five kilometres,
and he comes very near the mark when he says that Isle d'Orleans and Isle aux
Coudres are respectively six leagues and one and a half leagues in length.

we are inclined to think that the Bay of St. Julien must
have been the Bay of Islands, dimly seen through storm and
fog as the vessels passed down the coast. We think that Cape
Royal is Bear Head, or some point in its vicinity, and the
Cape of Milk, Long Point (which is marked on some maps,
Low Point). The " great and very deepe gulfe," shut up
towards the south, and lying between Cape Royal and the
Cape of Milk, we hold to be Port au Port Bay. We do not
see how the islands lying between these two capes can pos-
sibly be identified with those at the entrance of the Bay of
Islands, nor South Head with the Cape of Milk. Cartier
says that lying north of the latter is a low island. The only
island lying to the north of South Head is 1022 feet high.
He says that between Cape Royal and the Cape of Milk are
•certain low islands. There are no low islands anywhere near
the Bay of Islands. On one side of the entrance to this
bay is Crabb Point, 1300 feet high, and on the other Lark
Mountain, 1583 feet. The islands at the entrance are,
Tweed Island 702 feet, Pearl Island 845 feet, and Guernsey
Island (the one lying north of Long Point) 1022
feet. North of Tweed Island are certain small rocks having
.an altitude of from 200 to 500 feet. The lands all around
the bay are immensely high, down almost to the water's
•edge — Cape Blow-me-down being 2125 feet high. Here is
Cartier's literal description of " the great and very deep bay."
We quote from the Relation Originate.

" Et trouuames que parsurs les basses terres y a vne
grande baye fort parfonde" (we take this to mean in respect
of its extension into the land) " et isles dedans, laquelle est
close deuers le Su desdites basses terres, qui font vng coste
de 1'antree et cap Royal 1'autre."

Now if we identify Cape Royal with Bear Head, and the
Cape of Milk with Long Point, the low lands which stretch
themselves into the sea are readily distinguished in the spur
which terminates in Long Point. North of that point there
lies a low ledge of rock, and between Cape Bear and Long
Point are certain low islands — Shag Island &c., while in
Port au Port Bay are Fox Island, Middle Bank, &c. The
latitude too of " the great and very deepe gulfe" is said to be
48° 30', which is that of the middle of Port au Port Bay.

On the evening of the i8th of June they put out to sea^
" leaving," says Hakluyt, " the cape toward the West." The
R. O. has it — '' et tynmes pour la nuyt k la mer, le cap k
Ouaist." The Ed. 1598 is the clearest — " Nous retirasmes
en mer, apres auoir tourne le cap a 1'Ouest," which we take
to be Long Point.

No action of Cartier, we think, bears truer witness to his
stoutness of heart than his course at this particular point.
For five weeks he had traversed the desolate coast of Labra-
dor, meeting with nothing to inspire him with the hope of a
successful issue of his mission. Yet through storm and
darkness he pressed bravely on, and launching out into the
unknown waters, committed his frail vessels to the fury of
the tempest. For a week they were at the mercy of the
winds and waves, enveloped all the while in a thick
mist, which prevented them from taking observations or as-
certaining where they were. At length, on the 24th June,
they caught sight of land which they named Cape St. John
in honour of the day.

Misled by Hakluyt who, following Ramusio, heads this
portion of his narrative, " of the Hand called S. Iohn,n
some writers have supposed this cape to have been on

Prince Edward Island, but in the light of what follows,,
nothing can be more clear than that Cape St. John is Cape
Anguille in Newfoundland. Cartier tells us that he caught
a glimpse of this ' Hand ' through darkness and fog He,
then sailed west-north-west until he found himself seventeen
and a half leagues distant therefrom. (The Ed* 1598 and
Hakluyt both say seven leagues and a half, but the sequel
shows that the figures given by the R. O., from which we
quote, are correct. The two former relations are not infre-
quently astray in their directions and distances about here).
Then the wind turned and they were driven fifteen leagues
to the south-east, where they came upon the Bird Rocks,
two of which Cartier accurately describes, as being "as-
steepe and upright as any wall." He named them the Isles
of Margaulx, from the quantity of birds he found thereon.
Five leagues to the westward he came to a small island,
upon which was conferred the name of Brion's Island,
(rille de Bryon, R. O.) after his patron, Admiral Chabot.
This name it still retains, though on many maps it is erron-
eously spelt Byron. They sailed among the Magdalen
Islands, which they found fertile and pleasant — " one of
their fields is more worth than all the New land." They
remarked that these fields had the appearance of having
been cultivated. At Brion's Island they saw numbers of
walruses, of which they appear to have had no previous
knowledge.

At this stage of the voyage, Cartier seems first to have
surmised the fact of Newfoundland being an island, for he
says : " As farre as I could gather and comprehend, I
thinke that there be some passage betweene Newfoundland
and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a great short*

ning, as wel of the time as of the way, if any perfection
could be found in it." The foregoing is from Hakluyt.
The R. O. agrees therewith, except that instead of " Brion's
land," it has <: et la terre des Bretons."

The " goodly Cape," which they named Cape Daulphm,
was probably Cape North, of the Magdalens. The Ed.
159% says of it " a quatre lieue's de ceste Isle (Brion's) est
la terre ferme vers Ouest-Surouest, laquelle semble estre
comme une Isle enuironnee dTslettes de sable noir, Ik y a
vn beau Cap que nous appellasmes le Cap-Daulphin," &c.

From this point until they reach Allezay we are in difficul-
ties again. The account is certainly most perplexing. We,
have to thank Mr. Ganong for the suggestion that the cape
of red land is a point to the south of Entry Island, and also
that the cape four leagues therefrom (R.O.) — the Ed. 1598
and Hakluyt both say fourteen leagues — is on Grindstone
Island. Upon these suppositions, the two small islands
before one comes to the first cape, would probably be the
Andromache rocks, and the view of the low lands would be
between Grindstone and Allright Islands. Allezay, de-
scribed as being "very high and pointed," was, we think,
Deadman's Island, which is represented on Bayfieid's charts
just as Cartier describes it — a sharp ridge, about 150 feet
high. Mr. De Costa appears to be of opinion that Allezay
was on Prince Edward Island, which only shows that that
gentleman can have bestowed very little attention upon the
subject. Prince Edward Island, as is well known, lies low ;
North Cape and East Point, its two extremities, are neither
of them much over twenty-five feet high, and to speak of
any land on the north shore of that island as " being
high and pointed" is simply absurd.

On Monday, the 2Qth June, they departed from the Mag-
dalen Islands, and sailing westward until Tuesday morning
at sun rising, they discovered a- land which seemed to be
two islands, lying west-south west about nine or ten leagues.
The following is from Haklnyt, and we make the quotation
at some length, because we give to it an interpretation dif-
ferent from the one it generally bears :—

' ' Wee sailed Westward, untill Tuesday morning at Sunne
rising, being the last of the nioneth, without any sight or
knowledge of any lande, except in the evening toward Sunne
set, that wee discovered a lande which seemed to he two
Hands, that were beyond us West south west, about nine or
tenne leagues. All the next day till the next morning at Sunne
rising wee sailed Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the
way we perceived that the land we had seene like Hands,
was firrne land, lying South south east, and North north west
to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. Al the said
land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be
seene, full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we
could finde no nai borough there, because it is all full of shelves
and sands. We with our boats went on shore in many places,
and among the rest wee entred into a goodly river, (une belle
ripuiere, R. O.) but very shallow, which we named the river of
boats, (la ripuiere de Barcques, R. O.) because that there wee
saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the river. We
had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came
from the sea, and so beat us against the shore, that wee were
constrained to retire ourselves with our boates to ward our ships.
Till the next day morning at Sunne rising, being the first of
July, we sailed North east, in which time there rose great
mistes and stormes, and therefore wee strucke our sailes till
two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather became
cleare, & there we had sight of Cape Orleance, and of another
abput seven leagues from us, (sic) lying North and by East, and
that we called Wilde men's Cape (le cap dez Sauuaiges, R.O.)
on the north side of this Cape (tford-Est, R.O.) about halfe a
league, there is a very dangerous shelve, and banke of stones,
x x x x x x The next day being the second of July we dis-
covered and had sight of land on the Northerne side toward us,
that did ioyne unto the Innd above said, al compassed about,
and we knew that it had about— (R.O. vignt Hems) in depth, and
as much athwart, we named it S. Lunarios Bay (R.O. Sainct

Limaire) and with our boats we went to the Cape toward the
North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the space of a
league from land there was but a fathome (of) water. On the
Northeast side from the said Cape about 7 or 8 leagues there is
another Cape of land, in the middest whereof there is a Bay
fashioned triangle-wise, very deepe," &c.

The generally accepted account of Cartier's first voyage
makes him cross from the Magdalen Islands over to the
New Brunswick shore : calls Cape Orleans Point Escuminac,
and the River of Boats the Miramichi. We hold, on the
contrary, that the land which first appeared to him like two
islands, was either the higher land in the interior of Piince
Edward Island, which is seen by ships coming down from
the Magdalen Islands a considerable time before the low
lying coast comes into view ; or possibly two of the larger
sandhills lying off Richmond Bay. We judge the River of
Boats to have been Kildare River,18 or it may have been the
Narrows, which at that time probably flowed through the
Sand Hills.

We think 'Wild Men's Cape' must have been North Cape,
off which there is a shoal answering to Cartier's description.
We entirely agree with Mr. Ganong in believing that Cartier
could have had no knowledge of the fact of Prince Edward
Island being an island, and that by the bay of St. Lunario
he means Kouchibouguac bay extended indefinitely into the
strait which separates the western portion of Prince Edward
Island from New Brunswick.

It was on the 2nd of July that Cartier crossed to the New

NOTE 18.— Some 30 years ago, a number of Indian relics, supposed to be of
^relatively) great antiquity, were dug up near the head of Kildare River. They
consisted of stone axes, arrow heads, spear points, and the like. Coming into
possession ot the writer's father, they were by him presented to the British
Museum, or to some kindred institution in London. We have frequently heard.
when a small boy, that this river had long been noted as having been in time*
past a favourite resort of Indians.

Brunswick shore. The cape first sighted by him on that
•day was probably Point Sapin, and the one seven or eight
leagues to the north-east, Cape Escuminac. The bay
' fashioned triangle-wise, very deep,' (in respect of its exten-
sion into the land) was Miramichi bay. The description
he gives of this bay seems to preclude any doubt upon this
point. Proceeding northward along the coast, they doubled
point Miscou, which they called the Cape of Hope, "through
the hope that there we had to finde some passage," and
•came on the 3rd of July to the entrance of ' la l>aye de
ChaleurJ so named by Cartier on account of the heat ex-
perienced therein. Crossing to the north side they entered
St. Martin's creek (la couche sainct Martin, R. O.) now
Port Daniel, where their ships remained from the fourth to
the twelfth of July.19

Very restful to the eyes of the storm tossed mariners
must have been the view which now opened before them.
The wide expanse of water sparkling in the sunshine — the
sloping shores, rich in the beauty of their summer garb—
the uplands clothed in the deep green of the primeval forest,
-crowned towards the north and west by the, high hills, seem-
ingly placed there by nature as if to shut out the fogs and
•storms of the northern coast from which they had just

NOTE 19. —The boundary line, between the Province of Quebec and Labrador
passes through Blanc Sablon. To be strictly accurate, therefore, it is necessary to
-say that it was at the port of Brest (now known under the nu.ni - of Old Fort bay)
•on the 10th June, 1534, that Jacques Cartier first touched Canadian soil ; but leav-
ing the Labrador coast out of the question, we have here, at Port Daniel, in the
'County of Bonaventure, on the 4th July, 1534, the occasion of his first landing on
the shores of what was known in after years as New France, and down to 18(56 as
•Canada. The generally accepted notion is that to Gaspe belongs this honour, but
•Cartier did not arrive at Gaspe until the 14th July, and did not go up into the
Basin until th^ 16th.

The place within the limits of the Dominion first touched at by him was, in our
opinion, at or near Kildare river'in Prince County, Prince Edward Island, three
•days before reaching Port Daniel— namely on the 1st July— by a happy coincidence
the day on which, 333 years afterwards, the Dominion of Canada was formed.

emerged — the whole, fresh as it were from the hand of the
Creator, formed, on that beautiful July morning, a scene
which must have filled the voyagers with delight. NorK
have the colours of the picture faded with the lapse of time.
The noble prospect which gratified the St. Malo mariner
and his companions remains to-day a source of delight to
many who, like him, have come from far to dwell upon its
loveliness.

Near the spot where Cartier — having explored the bay in
his boats, and thus satisfied himself of the non existence of
a passage such as he was in search of — turned his boat's
head in order to go back to his ships, is a tongue of land
on which now stands the Inch Arran Hotel, where, in sum-
mer, are gathered many visitors frorr- " the Countreys of
Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay," who come down periodi-
cally to breathe the fresh air, and bathe in the glorious blue
water which rolls in almost to their feet.

Many are the changes which have taken place in the 354
years that have elapsed since Jacques Cartier first looked
out upon this beautiful bay, but among them, the frequenta-
tion by the Canadian people of it as a summer resort cannot
be enumerated, for its reputation as such was even then
established. True, it may be, that the tourists differed as
regards the objects of their visit from those of the present
day, with whom freedom from the ordinary cares of life is
the chief desideratum. We gather also from the accounts we
have of the sixteenth century visitors that bathing dresses
were then unknown — but let Cartier tell his own story. No
one acquainted with the locality will fail to recognize in the
following description, Tracadieche inlet, at Carleton,
county of Bonaventure, P. Q.

" We saw,'r he relates, "certaine wilde men that stood upon
the shore of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were
making fires and smokes : wee went thither, & found that
there was a chanel of the sea that did enter into the lake, and
setting our boats at one of the banks of the chanell, the wilde
men with one of their boates came unto us, and brought up
pieces of Seales ready sodden, putting them upon pieces of wood:
then retiring themselves, they would make signes unto us,
that they did give them us . . . . v They were more than
three hundred men, women and children : some of the women
which came not over, wee might see stand up to the knees in
water, singing and dancing . . . and in such wise were
wee assured of one another, that we very familiarly began to
trafique for whatsoever they had, til they had nothing but
their naked bodies; for they gave us all whatsoever they had,
and that was but of small value. We perceived that this
people might very easily be converted to our Religion. They
goe from place to place. They live onely with fishing."

From the last sentence it would appear that in addition
to the civilizing influences of 350 years, the main difference
between the Canadian visitors to the bale des Chaleurs of
the sixteenth century and those of to-day, is not unlike that
which existed between the lord of the manor and the
poacher he found one morning trespassing upon his pre-
jrves — the one in quest of an appetite for his breakfast
and the other of a breakfast for his appetite.

Charmed as he must have been with the baie des
Chaleurs, Cartier did not suffer himself to overlook for a
moment the supreme object of his voyage — to find a north-
west passage to the Indies. Being convinced that there
was no outlet to this bay, he hoisted sail and proceeded in
a north-easterly direction along the coast, until he came to
Perce, where, between White Head, called by him le cap
de Pratto (probably after Du Prat, the Chancellor of the
French King) and Bonaventure Island, he cast anchor for
the night. The weather becoming bad again, they sought
shelter in Gaspd Bay, where one of their ships lost an
4

anchor. The storm increasing in violence compelled them
to go farther up the bay into a good harbour which they
had discovered by means of their boats. Here, in Gaspe
Basin, they remained ten days.

In this place they met with more Indians — a band of
some two hundred — who were engaged in mackerel fishing.
They had come from the interior, and differed both in
appearance and language, so Cartier tells us, from any
Indians he had yet seen — agreeing, however, in two respects
—their lack of this world's goods, and their desire for
commerce with white men.

It is difficult, in view of the readiness with which all the
Indians whom Cartier encountered came to his ships and
mingled with the French, to avoid the conviction that they
had seen and trafficked with white men before. We do not
put much faith in the tradition that, prior to the days of
Cartier, the Spaniards had entered the baie des Chaleurs,
and that finding neither gold nor silver, had exclaimed
in their disappointment — "Aca Nada"-— "Nothing here"
from which expression it is averred the word 'Canada' is
derived. This story may or may not be true. We, however,
have never seen a vestige of proof brought to support it,
and are rather inclined to ascribe it to Spanish jealousy
of French discovery. But we think it not improbable that
these savages had seen and traded with the Basque and
Breton fishermen, whom we know to have frequented North
American waters before the time of Cariier.

From the sequel we learn that the Indians met with at
Gaspe were of the same tribe as those whom the French found,
the following year, at Stadacone. Their extreme poverty
struck Cartier, who says of them — " these men may very

well and truely be called Wilde, because there is no poorer
people in the world, for I thinke all that they had together,
besides their boates and nets was not worth five souce."
Crowding around the ships in their canoes, without evincing
any signs of fear, they eagerly received such trifles as are
ordinarily given upon similar occasions— a present of a
small tin bell to each of a bevy of maidens, particularly
delighting the hearts of those dusky belles, who falling upon
Cartier, nearly smothered him with their caresses.

On the 24th July Cartier solemnly took possession of
the country in the name of his royal master, by erecting on
the point at the entrance of the basin, a cross thirty feet high,
on which he hung a shield emblazoned with the Fleurs de
Lys and the inscription " VIVE LE ROY DE FRANCE." Then,
in order to inform the Indians of the religious character of
the sacred emblem, the pious commander, collecting his men
about him, knelt down, and with uplifted hands gave thanks
to Almighty God who had preserved them in all their wan-
derings— pointing to the heavens and intimating as well as
he could, "how that our salvation dependeth onely on him
which in them dwelleth."

The savages professed great admiration for this ceremony
viewed in its religious aspect, but they evidently feared that
it might have a temporal significance as well, for as the ships
were making ready to depart, their chief, clad we are told,
"with an oldBearrskin; with three of his sonnes and a brother
of his with him," rowed out from the shore, and keeping at
a respectful distance, harangued the French from his boat}
expressing in a long oration, read in the light of many signs,
his dissatisfaction at the proceeding, which he evidently in-
terpreted to be an unwarrantable invasion of his domain.

Cartier, undismayed by this exhibition of temper on the
part of the old gentleman, promptly took him prisoner and
carried him on board his ship, where he was soon comforted,
and finally agreed to allow two of his sons to accompany
the French back to their home under promise that they
should return the following year. This agreement having
been amicably come to, and solemnly ratified by a bounteous
repast, the Indians were presented with a few trifles and dis-
missed to their boats in high good humour, signifying that
they would not meddle with the cross.

On the 25th July Cartier departed from his anchorage in
the Basin, and doubling Cape Gaspe caught sight of the
south shore of the Island of Anticosti which, with the Gaspe
coast, seemed as they looked westward to form a land-locked
bay. They therefore sailed east-north-east. On the 2yth
they touched at a point to which thdy gave no name, but
which was probably South Point on Anticosti Island. They
then sailed eastward until they came to another cape where
the land began to turn — northward, according to Hakluyt—
the R. O. says "a se rabbattre." This cape they named St.
Lays (R.O.) It was probably Heath Point. Following the
land northward and north-westward, they reached another
cape which they called Cap de hftmorancy. - About three
leagues from this point Cartier says he sounded and could
not get bottom at 150 fathoms. Judging from this circum-
stance we should say that Cap de Memorancy was Bear
Head.

Sailing westward, on the Saturday following, being the ist
of August, they sighted the Mingan mountains on the north
shore of the St. Lawrence. For five days they kept along
the Anticosti coast, greatly retarded by contrary winds and

currents. On one occasion they nearly grounded. At
length, the tide leaguing iuelf with these adverse forces,
the ships could make no- further progress. Landing ten or
twelve men at North Point, this party made their way along
the shore westward on foot, until finding the coast began to
trend south-west, they returned to their ships, which they
found to have been carried more than four leagues to lee-
ward of the place where they had left them.20

It is very difficult, owing to the ambiguity of this portion
of the narrative, to know whether Cartier had any suspicion
of the fact that he was at the entrance of a great waterway
which extended indefinitely in the direction of his hopes.
He certainly does not seem to have had any idea that he
had almost circumnavigated an island. This much indeed
he did know that, under more favourable conditions of wind
and weather, a western course was still before him.

But the season was advancing. Storms were gathering,
and the question presented itself : should they proceed, or
return to France, with the view of following up their discovery
next year. If they pushed on, one thing was most prob"
able — they would have to winter amid snow and ice in a
boundless wilderness. They "had been now four months
struggling with the winds and waves, and were ill prepared
to withstand the rigours of a long cold season. Summoning
his officers and men about him, Cartier discussed the situ-
ation with them. After consultation they unanimously

NOTE 20. — Perhaps no portion of Cartier's narrative is so perplexing as is that
in which he records his course about the Island of Anticosti. We know that
after leaving Gasp6 he sailed east-noi th-east, and we find him on his homeward
voyage off Natashquan Point, but the account of his course in the interval is
most obscure. We can only say that we have given what seems to us to be the
least unsatisfactory explanation of it, for which, in a measure, we are under obli-
gations to Mr. Ganong.

determined upon going home, to return next year, better
equipped for the prosecution of their enterprise.

Accordingly, they turned their vessels' prows homeward,
first naming that part of the Gulf between the north-
western portion of the Island of Anticosti and the mainland,
lle destroy t Saint Pierre] and profiting by a fair wind, made
rapid progress on their way, stopping at Natashquan Point at
the solicitation of a band of Indians, whose chief, Thiennot,
standing on the summit of the cliff, invited a friendly con-
ference. Cartier, always courteous, complied with his
request, and further, immortalized the chief by giving his
name to the cape, which it bears on some maps to this day.

These Indians came to the ships as freely, says Cartier,
"as if they had bene Frenchmen." Evidently they did not
then see white men for the first time.

Impelled by strong westerly winds the ships were driven
over to the coast of Newfoundland. Thence they crossed
to the Labrador shore, arriving at Blanc Sablon on the Qth
August, where they remained until after the i5th, when,
having duly celebrated the festival of the Assumption of
Our Blessed Lady, they departed for home, experiencing
some rough weather by the way, and entered the port of
St. Malo on the 5th of September.

CHAPTER III.
THE SECOND VOYAGE.

Gracious reception by the King — Cartier commissioned afresh.
— Preparations for second voyage. — La Grande Hermine.
— La Petite Hermine. — UEmerillon. — Departure from St.
Malo.— Rendezvous at Blanc Sablon.— Port St. Nicholas.
— Bay of St. Lawrence. — Discovery of Anticosti. — Search
for North-West passage. — Arrival at the river Saguenay.—
Isle aux Coudres. — Query, Did priests accompany the expedi-
tion ? — Island of Orleans.— Donnacona.— Welcome to Taig-
noagny and Domagaya.— The harbour of Holy Cross. —
Selection of the St. Charles as their place of abode.— Stada-
cone. — State visit of Donnacona to the ships. — Interchange
of civilities. — Efforts of the savages to dissuade Cartier
from proceeding farther — Their stratagem. — Its failure.—
Departure for Hochelaga. — Ochelay.— Shallowness of the
water obliges the French to leave their ship near the mouth
of the Richelieu. — Arrival at Hochelaga. —Cordiality of
reception by the Indians — Visit to the town. — Description
thereof. — Its situation. — Fortifications. — Query, To what
tribe did these Indians belong? — Agouhanna. — His meeting
with Cartier. —Sick people brought to be healed.— Cartier's
efforts to impart some knowledge of the Christian Religion.
—Visit to Mount Royal. — The Ottawa river. — Departure
from Hochelaga.— River of Fouez.— Return to the port of
Holy Cross.

HE expedition, while not directly successful as re-
gards its primary object, was by no means barren of
result, and gave promise of better things next year.
Cartier lost no time in laying a full report of his adventures
before the King, who was greatly pleased therewith, as also
were the high nobles of the Court, particularly the Vice-
Admiral, Charles de Mouy, at whose humble request Car-
tier was appointed Captain and Pilot General, and invested
with large powers to pursue the discoveries upon which he

had, as yet, barely entered. Francis, who now seems to
have caught the full ardour of maritime adventure, caused
three ships to be armed, equipped and provisioned for
fifteen months. They were : la Grande Hermine^ le
Courlieu, whose name was changed on this occasion to that
of la Pelite Hermine^ by which designation we shall after-
wards know her ; and rEmerillon. By a commission dated
3oth October, I534,21 running in the name of Admiral
Chabot, the King conferred upon Cartier, who is styled
therein "Captain and Master Pilot of St. Malo," full com-
mand of the expedition and clothed him with ample
powers — with the limitation that the voyage was to be one
of fifteen months, he was given carte-blanche, both as re-
gards the equipment of the vessels and the choice of his
men, and was commanded to follow up and complete the
discoveries of the previous voyage. The date of the com-
mission indicates the favourable impression which Cartier
must have made upon the King, for on its receipt he had
not been home two months from the first voyage.

The preparations were made at St. Malo as before, and
were completed about the middle of May, 1535. On the
i6th of that month, being Whitsunday, each member of the
expedition, by command of the Captain, devoutly confessed
his sins, and having received the Holy Eucharist, entered
the chancel of the cathedral church of St. Malo, and kneel-
ing before the Bishop, M^r. Francois Bohier,22 was by him
solemnly blessed and commended to the protection of

NOTE 21. — See appendix D.

NOTE 22. — L'abbe Faillon in his ''Histoire de la Colonie Franfaise," Vol. 1, p.
12, says that the name of this prelate was Denis Briconnet but in this he is in
error. Franqois Bohier, successor to Denis Bri^onnet, was Bishop ot St. M lo in
1585, in wiiich capacity he took an oath of fidelity to Francis I. on the 5th January
of that year.

Almighty God. This action is eminently characteristic of
Jacques Cartier, the record of whose life is one long witness
to his deeply religious spirit. Whatever he did, he always
prefaced his action by an invocation of the Divine aid.
Whatever of good befel him, he hastened to ascribe to the
'• Giver of all good gifts." In his hours of trial and diffi-
culty he ever had recourse to prayer — wherever he went in
the New World, the sacred sign of our redemption was
raised aloft and, so far as he could proclaim it, the sound
of the Gospel went forth.

On the Wednesday following, being the igth May, the
three vessels weighed anchor and departed on their course.23
La Grande Hemline, (from 100 to 120 tons burden) was
commanded by Cartier in person, the second in command
being Thomas Fourmont. La Petite Hermine (60 tons) had
for captain, Mace Jalobert, of St. Malo, Cartier's brother-in-
law, and for mate, Guillaume le Marie, also of St. Malo.
LEmerillon (40 tons) captain, Guillaume le Breton Bastile :
mate, Jacques Mningard, also both of St. Malo. With Cartier
in the Grande Hermine were several persons of note — to wit,

Nt>TE 23.— The original narrative of this voyage is intituled, " Brief Recit, &
fiiccincte narration, de la navigation faicte PS yslea de Canada, Hochelage, & Saquenoy
<fc autres, alter, parti.c^ilifres mevrs, lanyaifff, if" cerimonies des habitans d'icelles :
font delectable d veoir."

Only one copy "f the original edition of this work is known to exist. It is in
the British Museum The date is 1545. Karnusio's version in Italian and Hakluyt's
in English are. evidently translations of this work, an excellent edition of which
was published by M. D'Avez-ic in 1803, The version published by the Literal y
and Historical Society of Quebec in 1843, is collated from three manuscript copies
in the Bibliothdque Royale, Paris, (Nos. 5653-5589-5(544) of an account of Cartie.r's
second voyage. These manuscripts while app;rently written by the same hand,
.•differ in certain unimportant particulars The Editor of the Society's version ap-
pears to have incorporated with his work, ceitain statements of Lescarbot, who
h is mixed up with Cartier's narrative sundry comments of his owh, and extracts
fron- Champlain's writings, in such a manner as to m.ike it difficult at times to
distinguish upon whose authority a statement is made.

In this work we have closely adhered to the Brief Rec.it, which we judge to have
been written by Cartier himself.

Claude de Pontbriand, son of the Seigneur de Montreueil,
and cupbearer to the Dauphin : Charles de la Pommeraye,
Jehan Poullet, and other gentlemen. The roll of seamen, or
a portion of it, is preserved among the archives of St. Malor
(see appendix E. ). On it are seventy-four names. Adding
thereto the names of the three gentlemen we have given
above, also that of Jehan Gouion, who accompanied the ex-
pedition from Stadacone to Hochelaga, also the name of
Philippes Rougemont who, we are told, died of scurvy
during the winter of 1535-6, and the names of the Indian
interpreters, Taignoagny and Domagaya, who played such
an important part in the expedition, we arrive at a total of
eighty-one24 names known to us of the 112 persons25 who
sailed out of St. Malo on the ipth May, 1535.

The weather, favourable at the outset of the voyage, soon
turned bad, and in mid-ocean, the ships, driven by tempes-
tuous gales, lost sight of one another on the 25th June. On
the yth July, the Grande Hermine which, owing probably
to her superior size, seems to have fared better than the
others, reached Funk Island, where they took on board a
supply of birds. Leaving next day, they proceeded to the

NOTE 24. — We have given only those names mentioned in the Brief Recit. Ac-
cording to the version of (Jartier's voyages, published under the auspices of the
L. & H. S. of Quebec in 1843, the name of Carter's servant was Charles Guyot,
but neither the B. R nor Hakluyt warrant this statement. This person is alluded
to only once in the Brief Recit and in the following terms :—'' Voyat ce, le ca,ppi-
taine enuoya son serviteur uccompaigne de lehan poullet." die. The Eli or ot the
Society's publication has followed Lescarbot, who h is inserted this name in his
version of Cartier's narrative. (See Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France,
Vol. 2, p. 360.)

Again, the paper on Jacques Cartier in the Proceedings of the L. & H. S. of
Quebec for the year 1862, gives the names of Jean Gamier, Sieur de Chambeaux :
Gamier de Chambeaux : and de Goyelle, as having accompanied the expedition.
None of these persons, however, are mentioned in the B. R or in Hakluyt. De
Goyelle i-s mentioned by Charlevoix. (Shea's Edition Vol. 1, p. 118.)

NOTE 25.— We say 112 persons, because Cartier himself tells us that when they
were attacked by scurvy, his company numbered 110, and we know that did not
include the interpreters who had destrted to Donnacona.

harbour of Blanc Sablon, where they had all agreed to meet
on the i5th July, but it was not until the 26th of the month
that the other two ships came into port, arriving to-
gether. They then sailed in company along the coast west
ward, noting among other places, Meccatina Islands, to
which they gave the name of St. William Islands (les ysles
Said Guillaume, B. R.) and Natashquan Point, called by
Cartier, Cape Thiennot, the preceding year.

On the ist August they sought refuge in a haven which
they named St. Nicholas, where they set up a cross and
remained until the yth of the month. This port was in all
liklihood Pashasheebu Bay, and must not be confounded
with the present harbour of St. Nicholas which lies several
hundreds of miles farther on.

Advancing westward, on the roth August they entered
Pillage Bay,26 to which they gave the name of St. Lawrence
Bay (la baye Sainct Laurens, B. R.) in honour of the saint
whose festival is celebrated on that day ; noted Mount Ste.
Genevieve, and spent two days exploring among the Mingan
Islands. Sighting the west point of Anticosti, they were in-
formed by the two Indians whom they had taken the year
before, and who had evidently learned a little French in the
meantime, that this was the extremity of a great island, to
the south of which lay the way to Honguedo (Gaspe) ; and
that two days journey from the said cape, began the king-
dom of Saguenay, which extended along the north shore
even to * Canada.'

NOTE 26. — Called also la bate Sainte Genevidve. M. Plamondon, Missionary to
Labrador, says : - "j'ai 6te frappe de la ressemblance de la baie Sainte-Genevidve
avec la baie Saint-Laurent, decrite par Jacques Cartier. II n'y a pas & s'y troraper.
J'ai reconnu ia montagne faite comme un tas de Die : on la nomine auj urd'hui
Tete de la perdrix. J'ai vu la grande lie comme un cap de terre qui s'avance plus
hors que les autres." See foot note Perland's Cours d'Histoire du Canada, Vol. 1
p. 23.

The day following, being the i5th August, they crossed
over to the south shore in order to view Cap Madeleine and
Mont Louis, first naming the Island, "The Isle of Assump-
tion" (/'jtf/<? .de F Assumption, B. R.f in honour of the festi-
val of Our Lady. Recrossingto the north shore, they came
to Trinity Bay and Point des Monts where, according to
the Indians, began the great river of Hochelaga, the high
way to ' Canada' which, the farther it went the narrower it
became, even unto * Canada,' and that there (at ' Canada/)
the fresh water began, which went so far up that they had
never heard of any man who had reached its source.

One should have thought that the French would have
hailed this announcement with joy, and would have lost no
time in following up the great discovery they had made.
But we see here a remarkable illustration of the tenacity
with which all the navigators of that period clung to the idea
of a north-west passage. The desire to find a water way
north-west to the east, seemed to overshadow everything
else, and this door which was now open to them led south-
west and to fresh water, not north-west and to the sea. So,
strange as it may appear, Cartier resolved upon going no
farther up the river until '' he had scene and noted the
ether lands, & coast toward the North, which he had omit-
ted to see from S. Lawrence his gulfe, because he would
know, if between the lands toward the North any passage
might be discovered." Accordingly they retraced their
steps, and leaving their ships at the Bay of Seven Islands,
ascended the Moisie river28 in their boats. After a few days

NOTE 27. — According to Charlevoix, the old Indian name of this Island was
Natiscotec. The name ' Anticosti ' seems to have been given by the English. The
Montagnais Indians call it .ZVatas/ifcot/e/t-^which signifies 'the place where one
.seeks the bear.1

NOTE 28. — Hakluyt eajs: "At the furthest bounds of these lowe lauds, thaifc

spent in a fruitless endeavour to find the mythical outlet to-
the north-west, they abandoned the attempt, and returned
to their ships at the Bay of Seven Islands where they were
constrained by bad weather to remain until the 24th of the
month, upon which day they proceeded on their way, cal-
ling at the harbour of Bic, which Carder declares to be " of
small accompt." He named it hable des Ysleaux Sainct
lehan, B. R., because he entered it on the 2Qth August,
the day on which the Catholic Church commemorates the
beheading of St. John the Baptist.

On the ist of September they reached the Saguenay and
entered within its gloomy portals. In this river they
met with four boats full of Indians, apparently belonging to
the same tribe as did the interpreters, for the latter having
introduced, first themselves and afterwards the Frenchmen
to the savages, explained matters at some length, and pre-
sumably to the satisfaction of all parties.

Emerging from the Saguenay on the following morning,
the little fleet proceeded leisurely on its way, stopping over
night at Hare Island (so named on the return trip.) They
were immensely taken with the white whales they saw dis-
porting themselves in the St. Lawrence, of which Cartier
gives rather a minute description, adding that " the people

coiitaine about ten leagues, there is a river of fresh water, that with such swiftnesse
runneth into the sea, that for the space of one league within it, the water is as
fresh as any fount-line water."

In a paper entitled "Up the River Moisie," read before the Literary and Historical
Society of Quebec by Mr. Edward Cayley, B. A., on the 1st April, 1803, the Moisie
is thus described : —

"The river is so swollen at that season, (June), and romes through the mountain

passes at such a pace, as to render the ascent exceedingly difficult, &c The

river was still so much swollen as very greatly to impede our prognss, compelling
us to cross from side to side to take advantage of every eddy and inequality there

might be, so as to avoid the full force of the stream The rapidity 'of the

stream was such that our progress was necessarily slow, often having to employ
the pole, and the line when possible, to aid the pole."

•of the Countrey call them Adhothuys : they tolde us that
they be very savoury and good to be eaten."

On the 6th inst. they carne to Isle aux Coudres, (Tysle es
Couldres, B. R.] which they so named from the number of
hazel bushes they found growing thereon, laden with nuts,
" somewhat bigger and better in savour than ours." This
island, they were informed, marked the eastern boundary of
' Canada.' The harbour in which Cartier's vessel spent the
night lies on the north side of this island, and is variously
called '-Havre de Jacques Carder' — its primary name we
should judge — ' la baie de la Prairie,' from the meadow
stretching along the beach — and ' le mouillage des Anglais,'
from the circumstance of the van of the English ft et under
Admiral Durell having moored there on the 23rd June, 1759.

The next day, being]the eve of the festival of the Nativity
of Our Lady,29 they departed on their course up the river,
having first celebrated Divine Service — "Apres auoir ouy la
Messe"—B. R.

As this is generally supposed to have been the occasion
of the celebration of the first Mass in Canada of which we
have particular knowledge, it may be well that we should
leave Cartier and his companions for a few moments in
their sail towards the Island of Orleans, whilst we pursue the
interesting enquiry as to when and by whom was the Holy
Sacrifice first offered in our land. Or, to put the same

NOTE 29. —This was the 7th September, 1535— according to the present Roman
Calendar, the festival of the Nativity of the B. V. M. falls on the 8th September— We
have followed Hakluyt's version of this, who says : "The seventh of the moiieth,
being our Ladies' even, after service," &e. The Brief Recit has— "Le septiesme iour
dudict mays iour nostredame, apres auoir ouy la messe " &c. In this connection we
may quote 1'abbe Faillon, who says— "Le savant pape Benoit XIV fait remarquer
que la f6te de la Nativite de Marie n'a pas toujours ete celebree le 8 de septembre;
&eneffet, on la trouve marquee an 7 decemoisdans plusieurs anciens maityrologes
auxquels on se conformait encore, en Bretagne, du temps de Jacques Cartier."
Vide, Fallion " Hitstoire de la Colonie Franffaine en Canada" Vol. 1 — p. 13, Note.

question in another form — Did any priests accompany
Cartier on his voyages to Canada ? If any did accompany
him, then unquestionably the first Mass of which there is
any record, said in that part of Canada which everyone has
in mind when asking the question, was offered by one of
them at Isle aux Coudres on Tuesday, the yth September,
1535. If we enlarge the meaning of the word Canada to
its present signification, then, always assuming the presence
of priests, the first Mass said on the mainland was celebrated
at the port of Brest on the nth June of the preceding year.
Let us now devote ourselves for a short time to an
examination of this interesting question.

The chief reason for thinking that priests accompanied
the expedition are—

1. The narrative expressly states that Mass was said—
" Apres auoir ouy la messe" occurs frequently in the Brief
JRecit, supposed to have been written by Cartier himself,
while Ramusio's version uniformly employs the word
* ' Messa " - " dopo vdita Ja messa" and again, " Et la
domenica facemo dir la messa?' Hakluyt, it is true, renders
"Messa," "Service,"30 but Hakluyt was a Protestant minister
who wrote in a time of extreme bigotry, and for some
unaccountable reason may have hesitated to make use of
the word — for it is noticeable that his variations from the
Brief Retit occur almost invariably when distinctively
Catholic expressions are employed in the latter, of which
the rendering of this word is a marked example.

2. On the roll of Jacques Cartier's crew are the follow-

NOTE 30.— Sir Richard Clough, writing from Brussels to Sir Thomas Gresham an
account of the obsequies of the Emperor Charles V, performed in that city on the
29th and 30th December, 1558, speaks of the Requiem Mass, as distinguished from
other features of the ceremony, in precisely the same words as Hakluyt uses here,
"and the service being done, there wont a nobleman into the herse, who standing,"
&c. See Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. 1, p. 306.

ing names — " Dom Guillaume le Breton " and " Dom
Anthoine." It is contended that the prefix "Dom" in-
dicates the priestly character of these men.

3. When the Indians at Stadacone' vainly endeavoured to
dissuade Cartier from ascending the river to Hochelaga,
they asked him, in reply to his statement that their god was
a cheat, ' had he ' — Cartier — 'spoken with Jesus' ? To which
he answered Vno, but that his Priests had, and that he had
tolde them they should have faire weather.'

These reasons, in the opinion of 1'abbe Faillon and
others, render it 'certain' that the expedition was accom-
panied by priests. Without directly affirming the contrary,
we submit that, like most questions, this one has two sides,
and that it is one upon which it is extremely difficult, if not
impossible, to arrive at a definite conclusion — for on the
other hand it may be urged—

i. Cartier inferentially states that there were no priests
with him.

When they had returned in safety from Hochelaga, they
profited by the occasion to point out to the Indians that
their god Cudragny was an impostor, and that when he pro-
phesied the dire calamities which would befall them on the
way to Hochelaga, he evidently knew nothing about it—
and then they went on to explain to them the Christian
doctrine of the one true God, and told them how this great
God had commanded all men to believe on him and be bap-
tised. All of which made such an impression on the savages

" that very earnestlj7 they desired and prayed Our Captaine,"
(mark, our Captain ) "that he would cause them to be bap-
tised, and their Lorde and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all
the people of the towne came unto us, hoping to be baptised :
but because we did not throughly know their minde, and that
there was nobodie could teach them our beliet'e and religion,

we excused ourselves, desiring Taignoagny & Domagaia to
tell the rest of their countreymen, that he would come againe
another time, and bring Priests and chrisome with us, for with-
out them they could not be baptised ; which they did easily
beleeve, for Domagaia & Taignoagny had scene many chil-
den baptised in Britain (Brittany) whiles they were there, ";U

2. Beyond the instances we have given, there is no allusion
whatever to any minister of religion in Cartier's voyages,
though the opportunities for mention are very many.
When at Gaspe, on the occasion of the first voyage, they
set up a cross and knelt around it, it was Cartier who ex-
plained to the savages the import of the sacred sign. When
they went up to Hochelaga, Cartier is careful to tell us who
of the gentlemen accompanied him, but he makes no men-
tion of any priest, though we think it in the last degree un-
likely that, had there been priests in the expedition, he
would have departed with half his force on this unknown
and perilous journey, without one of them going with him.
When they reached Hochelaga, it was Cartier who collected
the Indians around him, to listen to the Gospel which he
read. When the ships' crews were attacked by scurvy at
Stadacone and they had recourse to the Divine assistance,
it was ' Our Captain"1 who caused the statue to be set up
and ordered the procession to be organized.

NOTE 31. — The Brief Bec.it version of this passage is as follows : " mats par

ce qw, ne scauios leur intetio & touraige, & qn'il n'y auoitqleitr remostrdt la foy
pow lors, feiist prins excuse vers eulx. Et diet d Taiynoagny £ Domagaya, qu'ilz
leur fel&sSt entedre q retourneiyns vng aultre voyage, <& apporteros des prestres & du
cresme, leur dondt a entedre pour excuse, q Ion ne peulf ba/itiser sds ledict cresme."

This, 'it will be observed, agrees closely with the English quotation we give,
which is from Hakluyt, save that where Hakluyt says, "for without them they
could not be baptised"— the B. R. reads — "leur dondt «, entedre i>our excuse q Ion
ne pev.lt baptiser sus ledict ere sme."

M. Faillon infers from the fact of the, writer of the B. R. having said tint he
would come again and bring priests and chrism with him, and then adding paren-
thetically that he could not baptise without chrism, that he did not
mean his reader to understand that he was unaccompanied by priests. He thinks
that Cartier judged the savages to be not properly disposed to receive the Sacra
ment of Baptism, and that when he says "there was no one to teach them our
beliefe and religion," he meant that there was no priest who understood the lan-
guage of the Indians sufficiently well to impart instruction to them.

It seems to us highly improbable that Cartier should have
thus arrogated to himself, upon all occasions, the direction
of these religious offices, if all the while there were among
the company men charged with trie spiritual guidance of
the expedition. Nor is it reasonable to suppose that a man
of such deeply religious feelings, as we know to have ani-
mated Cartier, should never once have alluded in the most
distant manner (except to deny their presence) to those
who, if they had been in the company, must have been, in
the dreary winter spent on the St. Charles, almost incessantly
employed in ministering to the sick and dying, and in per-
forming the last sad offices of religion over the bodies of
their comrades. We should surely have heard something
of that heroism which so distinguishes the Catholic priest-
hood on similar occasions — something about the adminis-
tration of the last Sacraments — something of that solemn
Requiem which the church is wont to sing over the bodies
of those who die in her faith. There is not one syllable to
be found of anything of the kind.

"Sometimes we were constrained to bury some of the dead
under the snow, because we were not able to digge any graves
for them the ground was so hard frozen, and we so weake."

That is all that is said respecting the funeral services..
How different from the subsequent relations of the explorers
of New France, on every page of which does the priesthood
stand forth, ever preaching the gospel, administering the
Sacraments, tending the dying, caring for the dead.

3. Champlain distinctly says of the Recollets, who said
Mass at Rivieres des Prairies on the 24th June, 1615, that
they were the first to celebrate Mass in this country.32

NOTE 32.— Champlain's words are " car c'estoient les premiers qui y ont celebr6
la Saincte Messe. ': Laverdiere's Champlain Ed. 1619, p. 16. At the foot of page

But, it may be asked, and with some reason, how is this
negative view to be reconciled with the arguments brought
for the presence of priests ?

As regards the third in the order we have stated them,
we think it has but little force. For it has never before
been maintained that what we may term meteorological gifts
are any part of the attributes of a Christian priest. When
Cartier informed the savages that the ministers of Jesus had
promised fair weather for the voyage to Hochelaga, we do
not take it to imply that he sought for a moment to bring
the priesthood into competition with the Indian bogey. We
think that in saying what he did, he either meant to silence
the forebodings of the Indians, or had reference to the
solemn benediction bestowed upon his company a short
time before in the -Cathedral Church of St. Malo.

The presence of the prefix ' Dom ' to two of the names
on Carder's register is a more serious matter. We under-
stand that this prefix is a distinguishing mark employed to
indicate religious of the Benedictine and Carthusian orders,
and its presence here is, we confess, something we cannot
satisfactorily explain.33

The main difficulty, however, unquestionably is the
statement again and again repeated that Mass was said.
For example, nothing can be plainer than this — " Et or-

17 is the following note— "Le Memoire des Recollets de 1637 (Archives de
Versailles) ditjormellement que, " la premieie Messe qui fust jamais dicte en la
Nouuelle France, fut celebrfte par eux & la riuiere des Prairies, & la seconde &
Quebec."

NOTE 38.— The position of the names on the roll certainly does not lead one to
suppose that they were those of the chaplains of the expedition. Instead of being
placed among those of the oflicers, at the head of the list, where one would naturally
expect them to be, we find them far down on the roll— the fifty-fourth and fifty-
filth on a list of seventy-four, between a common seaman and one of the ship's
carpenters. (See appendix E.)

donna que le dimeche en suyuant Pon diroit audict lieu la messe.

La messe dicte 6° celebree" Brief Rerit.

We can only say that this is but a bald statement of the
fact, unaccompanied by any reflections such as would
naturally suggest themselves to a Christian — reflections
which, it seems to us, would certainly be present to Carder's
mind on the occasion of his assisting at the first offering of
the Holy Sacrifice in New France. For in Carrier's estima-
tion the Mass was a great action, the greatest action that
could be on earth. That he who was always so careful to
note the most trivial incident in any way associated with
religion — who was diligent in recording the raising of a
wooden cross — in telling us of its size and decorations — in
dwelling upon the attendant ceremonies and the effect
produced on the savages thereby, should have passed over
with the barest mention, the occasion of the first lifting up
in Canada of the Divine Victim Himself, under the visible
tokens which he has ordained, is a supposition which our
mind finds it difficult to entertain. We had rather believe
that 'Dom' is a misrendering of the word in the original ;
(see appendix E.); or that in this particular case it means
something different from that which it is commonly supposed
to import : (the Christian name of Dominique for ex-
ample): and that by 'Mass' is meant some form of worship
possible to a collection of laymen,34 than to suppose that

NOTE 84.— Faillon says that, such a practice was unknown in France among
Catholics, yet we find Cartier himself, whose Catholicity no one will question, read-
ing from the Gospel and Office Books of the Church, and offering public prayer at
Hochelagu.

Lescarbot did the same thing at Port Royal in 1606, when the priests of the
expedition had all succumbed to the scurvy. It is true that there was a suspicion
of his orthodoxy, but his comrades were Catholics and the expedition was a
Catholic one. Speaking with some reserve we may say that the same thing is not
unknown to-day in the remote arishes of Lower Canada, where Mass cannot be
said regularly. We confess we cannot see anything uncatholic in the practice, but
rather the reverse.

Cartier should have embarked upon perilous voyages, dwelt
among heathen savages — that his company should have
undergone privation, sickness and death'; and that, accom-
panied all the while by ministers of religion, he should have
given us a minute account of all his vicissitudes, without
making any allusion to those who must have been so often
required to exercise their sacred calling.

That our conclusions are indeterminate we readily admit,
but the fault lies with the historian who tells us in one
breath that Mass was said, and in the next that he was un-
accompanied by those who alone could have said it. We
shall be satisfied if we have succeeded in showing that
1'abbe Faillon and others are not justified in asserting that
the question does not admit of doubt.

To return to our friends — Their devotions being ended,
they continued their voyage till they came to the Island of
Orleans, on the north side of which they cast anchor.
On going ashore they were met by many Indians, who at
first fought shy, but upon the interpreters going forward
and proclaiming themselves to be Taignoagny and Domag-
aya, their fears were quieted, and they began to flock in
numbers about the ships, bringing with them corn and
fruits which must have been very acceptable to the voyagers.
The island is described as being fertile and pleasant,
abounding in vines, from which circumstance they gave it
the name of Bacchus Island (Tysl&de Bacchus, B. R.)

The next day, the Indian chief, whose name was Donna-
cona, paid a visit of state to the ships, coining with twelve
boats, from one of which, lying out in the stream, he made
a long oration. The interpreters then replied, informing
Donnacona of their adventures — how they had been over

the big water and been well treated by the French. This
seems to have greatly gratified the old chief, who there-
upon went on board the captain's ship, and made his ac-
knowledgments according to the custom of the country.

Notwithstanding the positive statement of Cartier that
Stadacone was the abode of Donnacona "and of our two
men we tooke in our first voyage," Mr. Hawkins in his
" Picture of Quebec," thinks it improbable that these inter-
preters could have been personally known to the inhabi-
tants of Stadacone on this occasion, and he conjectures
that the names Taignoagny and Domagaya were not proper
to these individuals prior to their meeting with Jacques
Cartier at Gaspe', but rather had reference to their subse-
quent adventures, and were intended to indicate a marvellous
event in their lives, such for instance as one who had been
to a foreign land, inhabited by white people, whence he had
returned in safety." He is of opinion that it is not reason-
able to suppose that the Indians in the Saguenay and at
Stadacone should have been familiar with the names of two
young savages caught at Gaspe — hundreds of miles distant
—the preceding year ; whereas the communication of intel-
ligence so extraordinary as that which he suggests may have
been conveyed by these names, would be sufficient to
account for its remarkable effect. It is, however, expressly
laid down in Cartier's Relation that the Indians met with at
Gaspe differed in every respect from. all those before seen35
—and we are informed in so many words that they did not
belong to the locality, but came from inland, and that they
never visited the sea except to fish. Moreover, Donnacona^

NOTE 35.— "Neither in nature nor in language, doe they (the Qasp6 Indians) any
whit agree with them which we found first. " — Hakluyt— First voyage Jacques Cartier.

in his account of the massacre of two hundred of his band
by the Trudamans, mentions the fact of their having been

* ' D

on their way to Honguedo (Gaspe), showing that his tribe
were in the habit of visiting the Lower St. Lawrence during
the fishing season. It is worthy of note too, that the recep-
tion of the interpreters by the Saguenay Indians was not
nearly so cordial as that which awaited them at the Island
of Orleans. On the former occasion, one of the interpre-
ters told the savages his name "and then took acquaintance
of them, whereupon they came to us." We can very well
imagine him saying — "I am Taignoagny, nephew of Don-
nacona, Lord of Stadacone — Fear not these palefaces who
are our friends." There is nothing to show that they had
any previous personal knowledge of each other. But the
meeting at the Island of Orleans a few days afterwards was
of a different character, and the demonstrations of joy which
there greeted them, to our mind indicate a previous fellow-
ship. We shall see how, a few days later, Donnacona
presents Cartier with some children, one of whom Taig-
noagny told the captain, after the ceremony, was his own
brother. Of course Taignoagny might have been lying, for
he afterwards developed into a thorough-paced rogue, or as
Hakluyt puts it, 'a craftie knave,' and standing by itself, this
circumstance would not be entitled to much weight, but
taken in connection with subsequent events in which Taig-
noagny and Domagaya played a leading part, it does seem
to us that these men formerly had their abode at Stadacone,
with whose people and surroundings they seemed perfectly
familiar.

Cartier had not been many hours in this neighbourhood
before he made up his mind that its natural advantages

were such as to render it the most acceptable spot he could
select as the base of his operations. He therefore, after a
short reconnoitre with his boats, determined upon bringing
the ships from the lower end of the Island of Orleans to
what is now the harbour of Quebec, which he named Holy
Cross, (saincte Croix, B. R.) because he entered it with his
vessels on the i/j-th September — the feast of the Exaltation
of the Holy Cross. No one who knows the locality can
wonder at the encomiums which Cartier bestowed upon this
" goodly and pleasant sound," or at his appreciation of the
noble view here presented to his gaze.

On the 1 6th of the month he caused his two largest ships
to go up into the St. Charles, to which he extended the
name already bestowed upon the basin, leaving FEmerillon
out in the stream in order to be in readiness to proceed to
Hochelaga. The spot where Cartier moored his vessels
and where the fort was afterwards built, is generally believed
to have been at the confluence of the little river Lairet with
the St. Charles, on the left bank of the former.36 Opposite
them, across the St. Charles, was Stadacone, the residence
of chief Donnacona and his 'Court,' which Cartier describes
as being a place of some size, tolerably well built and
provisioned. The surrounding country is stated to have
been very fertile, and the savages were evidently not
wholly ignorant of the art of cultivation, for while we are
told that " they are men of no great labour," we are also
informed that "they digge their grounds with certaine
peeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword," and again, it is
stated that " they pulled up the trees to till and labour the

.NOTE 36.— See appendix F.

ground " —later, we learn that most of this tilling was done
by the women.

The exact situation of Stadacone is not known. It was
certainly built on that portion ot the site of Quebec which
faces the St. Charles, and was from half a league to a
league distant from the point where the Lairet falls into that
river — M. Ferland thinks it probable that "Stadacone etait
situe dans 1'espace compris entre la rue de la Fabrique et
le cOteau de S;»inte-Genevieve pres de la cote d'Abraham,"
and we have the highest possible opinion of the extent and
accuracy of M. Ferland's knowledge.

The Indians, with the exception of Taignoagny and Dom-
agaya, the former of whom especially from this time forth
began to keep aloof from the French, manifested a lively
interest in the bringing up and mooring of the ships, and
on the following day Donnacona, attended by a retinue of
five hundred persons, again visited Cartier, who received
them with his habitual courtesy and presented them with
some trifling gifts. On this occasion the interpreters who,
from the moment of their arrival, had shown a disinclin-
ation to accompany the French up to Hochelaga, informed
Cartier that Donnacona was greatly grieved to hear of this
intention on his part, and that he would not permit either
of them to accompany the ships. To which Cartier replied
that he had been commanded by his King to undertake
this journey, and that nothing should dissuade him from
doing so. The Indians, greatly chagrined, left the ships,
but returned next day bringing gifts, among which were
included certain Indian children, whom Donnacona pre-
sented to Cartier with much formality — one of these being,
as we have seen, Taignoagny's brother. The other was a
niece of Donnacona.

At the conclusion of this ceremony, Taignoagny informed
Cartier that the presents were given to him with the ex-
press purpose of dissuading him from going up to
Hochelaga — while Domagaya told him that they were in
token of good will, and had no reference to Hochelaga, to
which place Donnacona was now willing that he should go.
Thereupon a warm discussion arose between the two interpre-
ters, by which the French saw that Taignoagny was traitor-
ously inclined towards them.

It is curious to note the strong disinclination the Indians
showed to Cartier's proceeding farther on his way. The
ostensible reasons which they urged against the journey
were : —

1. That the navigation was bad.

2. That Hochelaga was a place of no importance.

3. That the cold was so great there that, even if the
French did survive the perils of the journey, they could not
endure the climate.

The real reason probably was a fear lest the white men
might prefer the society at Hochelaga to theirs, and might
not return in a hurry. We are strengthened in this opinion
by the fact that their loudest protests against the visit to
Hochelaga always occurred immediately after a distribution
of presents, and were no doubt quickened by a fear lest
there might not be enough of these to go round.

On the following day Donnacona ^ame to the ships 'again
—this time with the request that Cartier would cause his
cannon to be fired, in order that they might have some idea
of what the sound was like, stating that they had never seen
or heard anything of the kind in their lives, and that
Taignoagny and Domagaya had been making "great brags"

to him about it. Cartier complied and at a signal his artil-
lery boomed forth, utterly confounding the affrighted
savages who, thinking that the skies had fallen on them,
led the Frenchmen in turn to fancy by their howlings that
" Hell had broken loose."

The occasion was the first on which the portentous sound
had ever been heard over the broad bosom of the St. Law-
rence. Then for the first time was the fair valley of the St.
Charles darkened by the cloud which so often hung over it
during the succeeding centuries. Well might the Indian, as
the roar of the cannon, thundering against the sides of the
mighty cliff on which his frail habitation stood, and rolling
over the waters, reverberated from the heights of Levis be-
yond— well might he recoil in terror from that sound which
proclaimed in unmistakable tones the approaching end of
his domination.

Cartier was not, however, allowed to depart for Hochelaga
in peace. Their powers of persuasion having failed, Don~
nacona and his friends had recourse to the supernatural,
and by means of a stratagem, or as Hakluyt puts it, " a
prettie sleight or pollicie," endeavoured to produce by fear
that which their arguments could not effect.

On the 1 8th September they caused three of their fellows,
covered with skins, having horns on their heads, and their
faces hideously besmirched to represent emissaries of their
god Cudragny, secretly to put out in a canoe in the middle
of the stream. The rest remained hidden in the wood,
waiting for the rising of the tide, at which time only, boats
could approach the vessels. The hour having arrived, the
Indians emerged from the wood and gathered about the
bank of the river as was their wont to do. Cartier, not sus-

pecting anything, called out to Taignoagny, asking if he
wanted to come on board, to which the latter replied that
he would come later. Just then the boat with the * devils '
emerged from the gloom and approached the ships. As it
was passing them to go towards the shore, uprose the
demons, the middle one of whom, gazing steadfastly before
him, as though reading the future, delivered his message in
sonorous tones, but without making any stop. On the boat
touching the shore, Donnacona and his people made a rush
towards it, but just as they reached the spot, the ' devils '
suddenly fell prostrate and lay as dead, whereupon the
Indians carried them into the waod near by, where they
soon revived and again delivered their warning. The
French could plainly hear all this commotion from their
ships, but could not divine its purport. As soon as the
noise within the wood had ceased, Taignoagny and Doma-
gaya came rushing out, the former shouting 'Jesu,' 'Jesu,'
*Jesu' ; and the latter, as though confounded by some
astounding intelligence — Jesu ! Marie ! Jacques Cartier !
Cartier seeing their excitement, enquired the cause, where-
upon they informed him that their god Cudragny had sent
his messengers to inform the French that there was so much
ice and snow at Hochelaga, that whosoever would be fool-
hardy enough to go up there should freeze to death. At
this the French laughed heartily, telling the discomfited
Indians that Cudragny was " but a foole and a noddie," not
knowing what he said or did — adding with quaint simplicity
" that Christ would defend them all from colde, if they
would beleeve in him."37 The Indians, seeing the futility of

NOTE 37. — In an article upon le Canon de Bronze which was found embedded in
the river St. Lawrence opposite the parish of Ohamplain in 1826, M. Amable

endeavouring to dissuade Cartier from his purpose, desisted
— Donnacona informing him through the interpreters that
he would not allow, any of his men to accompany the expe-
dition, unless Cartier would leave a hostage, which the latter
refused to do.

The day following the apparition, being the i9th Sep-
tember, Cartier set sail for Hochelaga in PEmerillon,
which had remained in the main river, as we have seen, in
readiness to proceed. He took with him Mace' Jalobert,
captain of la Petite Hermine, Guillaume le Breton Bastile,
captain of PEmerillon, Claude de Pontbriand, Charles de
la Pommeraye, Jehan Poullet, Jehan Gouion, and the
other gentlemen of the expedition, and fifty mariners.
Borne along by the rising tide, they passed rapidly up the
river, delighted with the appearance of the country, which
they described as abounding in everything the heart of man
could desire — trees and fruits and^flowers in endless variety.
They landed at several places, wandered amid the trees,,
plucked the grapes which grew almost to the water's edge,
and returned to their ships laden with the rich spoil. They
stayed some little time at a place called Ochelay,38 which is
described as being twenty-five leagues from 'Canada' — that
is to say from Stadacone. Despite the distance from
Stadacone, which is much too great as given by Cartier, by

Berthelot professes to see in this savage pantomine, evidence of the supposed
shipwreck of Verrazzano in the St. Lawrence. See Proceedings Literary and His-
torical Society of Quebec for 1830. There does not, however, seem to be any warrant
for such a supposition, which apparently owes its existence to the somewhat vivid
imagination of M. Berthelot. Nor is there any reasonable ground for doubting
that Jacques Cartier was the first European the Indians of Stadaeone had ever
seen

NOTE 38.--Ochelay, B.R. : Hochelay and Hoche'ai, Hakluyt: Achdacy, Lescarbot
and Champlain: Achelaiy and Achelnyy— manuscript versions, relation second voy-
age. Mr. Hawkins, in his ' Picture of Quebec,' places Ochelay at the mouth of the
Richelieu, while the Kev. Mr. DeCosta falls into a still greater error of confounding
it with Hochelaga. Point au Platon is 30 nautical miles distant from Quebec.

Ochelay he in all probablity had reference to Point au
Platon. All the way along they had noticed the habitations
of men, who were evidently fishermen. Ochelay marked
the beginning of a quasi-independent kingdom. There,
many canoes approached them from the shore, one of
which bore the chief of the country, who after making the
inevitable discourse, displayed many signs of friendship
gave them certain directions as to their course up the riven
and finally presented Cartier with two children, a girl of
some eight years old, and a boy of two or three, the latter
of whom he returned, on account of his extreme youth.
The maiden he kept, and she it was who acted as his inter-
preter on the occasion of his third voyage.

On the 28th inst they reached "a great wide lake in the
middle ot the river."39 On one of the islands at the upper end
of the lake they came upon five Indians who advanced to-
wards them with the greatest familiarity, one of them taking
Cartier in his arms and carrying him from the boat to the
shore. The Frenchmen observed that these Indians had
•with them a large supply of " wild rats that live in the
water."4 Little did the impatient mariners, ever pressing
onward to the realization of their dreams of gold and silver,
imagine that the " said rp.ts" were to prove in after years
an important source of wealth to New France.

NOTE 39.- Lake St. Peter, to which Cartier does n -t appear to have given a
name. It was called in alter years the Lake of An»oul6me, and it must have been
so designated very shortly after the period which we are now considering, for
Thevet in his Cosmograpkie Universelle published in 1575, Vol. II p. 1011, speaking
of it says — " Ce lac poite le nom 'd'Angoulesme" — "a cause du lieu de ma naissance,"
as he modestly observes elsewhere, respecting a certain promontory in New France
which had been similarly hononred. Moreover, in Hakluyt's version cf Cartier's
voyages published in 1600, a marginal note at this place has the words " The lake
of Angoleime."

Champlain entered the lake for the first time on the 29th June 1603 -the festival
of St. Peter and St. Paul. To this circumstance, no doubt, is to be ascribed the
-change of name, which dates from this time.

NOTE 40. — Musk-rats.

Not discovering the main channel between the islands,
they soon found themselves under great difficulty of pro-
ceeding, owing to the shallowness of the water. At length
Cartier, finding it impossible to float the ship, determined
upon leaving her near the mouth of the Richelieu, of the
existence of which river they were not then aware. Order-
ing the boats to be got ready he, together with the two
captains, the gentlemen, and twenty-eight sailors, embarked
and pulled up the main river until they got within a short
distance of Hochelaga, which they reached on the second
of October.41 The spot where they left their boats has
been a subject of some discussion. On the whole, we are
inclined to think that it was at the foot of St. Mary's cur-
rent.42 Here they were met by upwards of a thousand per-
sons, inhabitants of the town, who had come down to
receive them, and who greeted them with the most enthusi-
astic demonstrations of welcome.

Nothing in all Cartier's voyages has struck us as being
more singular and less like what one would expect, than the
friendliness with which the natives all along the St. Law-
rence, between Stadacone and Hochelaga, received and
welcomed the French. They had been only a few days in
the country, and it seems scarcely probable that any news
of their arrival could have gone before them up the river.
The subsequent actions of the people of Hochelaga indicate
that they viewed the strangers in the light of supernatural

NOTE 41.— The BriefRec.it says "diasneujiesme," which is obviously a nvstake.

NOTE 42.— M. Faillon thinks they rowed up the current, passed the site of Mon-
treal, and stopped at the foot of 'the Lachine Rapids. He says, and with some
truth, that it should not be a very difficult task for twenty-tight men to row two
boats against the St. Mary's current. Cartier's language is ambiguous, but on tin-
whole we do not think that the impatient Indians would allow their guests to row
several miles beyond the town, and incline to the opinion that the boats remained
at the foot of St. Mary's current.

beings, but before they could have come to any conclusion
on that score, we find them everywhere welcoming Cartier
and his companions with open arms. They gathered around
the bank of the river, men, women, and children, dancing
and exhibiting every possible extravagance. The first
exuberance of their joy being spent, they bethought them-
selves of the physical requirements of their guests, and
bringing quantities of fish, and bread (made from Indian
corn), cast them into the boats. Cartier, in order to show
his appreciation of their hospitality, went on shore with
many of his companions. Scarcely had they landed, when
the whole band crowded around them, the women holding
out their young children to be touched by the white men.
The French then retired to their boats, but not to rest,
for the Indians, resolving to make a night of it, lighted huge
fires, about which they danced till daybreak.

Early next morning the company made ready to go and
see the town, the captain getting himself up "very gorge-
ously " we are told. Leaving one of the captains and eight
men to look after the boats Cartier, accompanied by the
gentlemen and twenty mariners, set out for Hochelaga,.
under the guidance of three Indians specially detailed for
the purpose. The road lay through a beautiful bit of well
wooded country; — the large size of the trees especially attract-
ing the notice of the visitors. They remarked, too, that the
ground over which they walked was covered with acorns.
After proceeding about four miles on their way, they were
met by one of the 'chiefest Lords of the citie,' who came to
receive them, attended by a suitableretinue. Here they halted,
and a large fire having been kindled, the Indian chief made
one of those interminable harangues which are always con-

sidered de rigueur on such occasions, formally welcoming
the strangers to the town. Thereupon Cartier presented
the orator with two hatchets and a crucifix, the latter of
which he made him kiss and then put it about his neck
greatly to the savage's delight. This interesting ceremony
having been concluded, they resumed their journey and
soon issued from the forest into an open country, devoted
to the raising of Indian corn, then ripe. In the midst of
these cornfields stood the long looked for town of Hoche-
laga. Its site, like that of Stadacone, is not certainly known.
Hakluyt says it was situate a league from the Mountain,
but according to the Brief Recit it was only a quarter of a
league. Assuming the latter to be correct, we think it not
improbable that the place where the Indian remains were
found in 1860 is the spot where once stood the ancient
Hochelaga. The space in which they were dug up, extends
from Mansfield street to a little west of Metcalfe street in
one direction, and in the other from a little south of Burn-
side Place to within sixty yards of Sherbrooke street — about
two acres in all.43

The town was circular in form, surrounded by a triple row
of palisades, the middle one of which consisted of stout
stakes placed in an upright position, to which the inner

NOTE 43. — In the Canadian Naturalist for I860 and 18G1 there are two interesting
articles on these Indian remains by Doctor (now Sir William) Dawson, to whom we
are indebted for the information we have given lespectng the locality in which the
lelics were found.

In Ramusio there is tin exceedingly quaint old plan of Hochelaga, which, despite
the lack of perspective and its numerous absurdities, illustrates (Jartier's descrip-
tion very tolerably. The circular wall about the town is plainly shown, with its
triple row of palisades, and the galleries with ladders 'leading up to them ; while
the better to illustrate the operation of this system of defence, the besieged are
represented as casting, stones down from the battlements upon the assailants
beneath. The cornfields are represented as being behind, as well as in rontofthe
mountain, thus bearing out the statement that "Mount Koiall " was "tilled
round about."

and outer rows severally inclined, meeting near the top and
giving to the structure a pyramidical form. The whole was
firmly lashed together, and formed a barricade of great
strength. Placed at intervals on the inside of this fortifica-
tion were galleries, reached by ladders and well stored with
stones to be used for the purposes of defence. The height
of this bulwark was about sixteen feet (deux lances, B R.).
The town had only one entrance, and that strongly secured
by bars. Hochelaga consisted of about fifty houses, each
fifty yards long and twelve or fifteen broad. They were
built of wood, covered with bark, divided by partitions, and
sheltered many families. In the midst of each division or
room was the fire, around which the men, women, children,
and dogs huddled in promiscuous confusion. In lofts
overhead was stored their winter provision of corn. They
had abundance of vegetables, such as peas, beans, melons
and " very great Cowcumbers." The mention of these gives
rise to a curious speculation, for they are, none of them,
indigenous to the soil of Canada, and must have been
brought from the far south, when and by whom, are ques-
tions more easily asked than answered. They had also
quantities of dried fish packed in cases for winter consump-
tion. At Hochelaga, Cartier specially notes the same-
peculiarity which he had observed in the Indians he met at
Gaspe' — that they used no salt with their food.

The description which Cartier gives us of the fortifications
of Hochelaga and of the structure of the houses, closely
corresponds with that recorded by the Jesuit missionaries
among the Iroquois a hundred years later, and leaves little
room to doubt that the people he found there belonged to
the Huron-Iroquois family. The method of fortification he

describes was that practised by all the tribes of the Iroquois
race. The Algonquins, on the other hand, did not employ
this means of defence.41

There are likewise strong grounds for thinking that the
people of Stadacone were also of Huron-Iroquois lineage.
In the first place, there is every likelihood that they spoke
the same language as did the people of Hochelaga. We
have seen how at Gaspe Cartier was quick to notice and
record the difference in habits and in language between the
Indians he met there and those he had before encountered.
But at Hochelaga he says nothing which would lead us to
suppose that the Indians he there found differed in any
essential particular from those at Stadacone. The evidence
we have is all the other way. For example — the vocabulary
of Indian words appended to the relation of Cartier's second
voyage is styled — " le lagage des pays 6^ Royaulmes de
Hochelaga o° Canada, aultrement appellee par nous la nou-
uelle France.^ Now anyone reading Cartier's narrative will
see that by 'Canada' he means Stadacone and its neighbour-
hood,45 and this being so, the inference from the foregoing

NOTE 44. — Occasionally a palisaded Algonquin town was met with in the south,
but the palisades were usually of a single row and planted upright. We have,
never heard of any such practice among the Northern Algonquins. See Beverley,
history of Virginia— quoted by I'arkman.

Ferland — Cours d'Histoire— says of the inhabitants of Hochelaga, that their
manners and customs denote their Huron origin, and he adds " et ce qui donue
plus de force & cette opinion, c'est que les mots de la langue, conserves par Cartier,
nppartiennent tons au Huron." Vol. 1, p. 31

Yet strangely enough he says the people of Stadaconfi were Algonquins, though
it is equally certain that the words employed by them, with the possible exception
cf the word ' Stadacone' itself, were of the Huron language, and concerning the
latter, Faillon says (" Histolre dc la Colonie FranQaise," Vol. 1, p. 532.)

" Un missionnaire, qui a pass6 prds de vingt ans& instruire des Algonquins, dont
il possdde & fond la langue, & une Algonquine, fort connue en Canada, qui a appris
sa langue naturelle & plus de vingt missionaires, nous ont assure 1'un & 1'autre
que le mot stndacon& n'avait aucune signification en Algonquin, qu'il etait mdnie
entidren.ent etranger & cette langue, & se rapprochait plutdt de 1'Iroquois. On a
ecrit, il est vrai, que. dans la langue des sauvages sauteurs," (O.jibewas— a branch
of the Algonquin family) "le mot stadacone signifiait une aile, & que la pointe de
<Ju6bec rassemblait, par sa forme, & une aile d'oiseau."

NOTE 45. — In Cartier's vocabulary it is stated that the Indians employed the

is that the same tongue was spoken at Stadacone and
Hochelaga. Then again, the names in use at the former
place — 'Canada,' ' Donnacona,' ' Taignoagny,' ' Domagaya/
'Agouhanna,' — are all Huron. It is worthy of note that
this word 'Agouhanna,' which was Donnacona's alternative
title, and which signified ' Lord,' was employed by the
Hochelaga Indians to designate the same office. The cor-
responding Iroquois word of later years is 'AcouanenJ be-
tween which and Carder's Agouhanna there is scarcely any
difference perceptible to the ear. The Algonquin words
are Kijeinini and Okima, which, it will be observed, are
radically distinct therefrom. We therefore think it highly
probable that the Indians whom Cartier found at Hochelaga
were of Huron-Iroquois lineage, and also that the people of
Stadacone were of the same race, while the savages he met
with on the Labrador coast, Prince Edward Island, and the
baie des Chaleurs, belonged to the Algonquin family of
tribes who, advancing at some remote period from the west,
roamed throughout the country which to-day forms the
Eastern States, and Maritime Provinces of Canada. When
Champlain visited Canada, seventy years later, Stadacone
and Hochelaga had disappeared, and the whole country was
occupied by Algonquins.46

word 'Canada' to designate a to\vn—"nzappettentv)ie ville Canada." He also
tells us that the country lying along the river from Isle aux Coudres to a short
distance west of Stadaconfi, was called Canada. To the west o' this district lay
Ochelay, and then came Hochelaga, to which the other kingdoms were tributary ;
while the country of Saguenay extended from Isle aux Coudres eastward to within
two days journey of Anticosti. Later, we find the whole region stretching north,
east and west of Canada and Hochelaga, included in Saguenay.

NOTE 4(5. — The meaning of the word Hochelaga (if indeed it possesses any signifi-
cation other than the one proper to it) is not certainly known. The Reverend •/.
A. Cuoq, in his " Lexique, de la Lamjue Iroquoiae," defines it to mean " d la
chaussee des Castors"— At the Beaver's dam.

A Chief of the Six Nations, living on the Brant Reserve, once told the writer,
that the word Hochelaga in the Iroquois tongue, signifies " On the fire" or rather

Upon entering Hochelaga, Cartier and his companions
were conducted to a large square in the midst of the town,
where they suffered themselves to be stared at and handled
by all the women and children of the place, who crowded
about them, lost in wonder at the novel sight. Presently
the more formal reception took place. The younger por-
tion of the community were first removed by the women,
who shortly afterwards returned, bringing mats which they
spread on the ground and invited the strangers to seat them-
selves thereon. Then, borne .on the shoulders of eight or ten
men, entered 'Agouhanna' or their chief, a man of about fifty
years of age, und'stinguishable as regards his attire, save
only by a red fillet of stained porcupine quills bound about
his head, which denoted his regal dignity.47 He was
afflicted with the palsy, so that, we are told, his knees
shook together. Placing him on a mat near Cartier, the
attendants silently withdrew. The Indian monarch, having
by signs bid all welcome, turned to Cartier and besought

"coals" — and that it is the word used to express the broiling of flesh over a slow
tire, as in the sacrifice of the White Dog. This would indicate that Hochelaga was
the place where the religious sacrifices of the Troquois once took place, and where
the heathen deity manifested himself t> his faithful pe >ple. Now in the narrative
of Jacques Cartier there is a line which certainly lends colour to this interpreta-
tion. We have elsewhere related how Donnaeona and his people sought to dissuade
Car ier from proceeding to Hochelaga by an appeal to the supernatural. The fol-
lowing is Hakluyt's version of Taignoagny's explanation of the apparition of the
three ' devils ' :—

" Our Captain hearing them, (Taignoagny and Domagaya) and seeing their ges-
tures and ceremonies, asked of them what they ayled and what was happened or
chanced anew : they answered that . . . their god Cvdruaigny had spoken in
Hochelaga,, and that he had sent those three men to show unto them," &c. The
question at once arises, ' Why should Cudragny speak at Hochelaga and send his
messengers therefrom to wain persons at fetadacone, unless Hochelaga were in
t>ome special manner sacred to hiiii ? It is not as though his presence was circum-
scribed, for in another chapter we are told that the people of Stadacone " believe
no whit in God, but in one whom th<'yca!l Cudruaigni : they say that often he speak-
eth with them, and telleth them what weather shall follow," &o.

NOTE 47. -We adhere to the somewhat imposing phraseology of the old narrative,
because while the expressions "King" and " Lord " are wholly inapplicable to the
savage polity of the American Indian, they mislead nobody, and impart a pictur-
esque quaintness to the description.

him to heal him, showing him his diseased members and
begging him to touch them, which Cartier did, rubbing
them with his hands. This so overcame the poor fellow,
that taking from his head the ' circle of his glory,' he
put it upon Cartier's. Then, as though desirous that all
those of his subjects who laboured under bodily infirmity
should share in the efficacy of the white man's touch, he
commanded all the sick and infirm in his community to-
be brought and placed in a row that Cartier might heal
them, being firmly persuaded that these wonderful strangers
were of celestial origin.

To a man of Cartier's habit of mind the scene must have
been an affecting one, suggesting as it did the many similar
occurrences in the Saviour's life upon earth ; and in recall-
ing the words of power which upon those occasions ema-
nated from the Divine lips — "I will, be thou . clean"-
" Receive thy sight," — " Take up thy bed," he must have
longed for the gift of healing, if only for a few moments.
And as his heart went out in sympathy for this poor people
whose bodily ailments were but a faint type of their spiritual
condition, is it any marvel that he should have sought to
direct them as best he could to the Great Healer of men—
to one who could do for them that which he was powerless

**»

to effect ; and that in the effort to give expression to that
desire, he should have found himself recounting to them in
the very words of the Gospel, the wondrous story of the
Word Made Flesh ? To us his action seems eminently fit-
ting, and one which should commend itself to every
Christian. Yet, strange to say, it has been' a fruitful oc-
casion of contemptuous ridicule on the part of many who
flatter themselves that they hold a purer faith than that

which animated the Breton captain, but who, we are never-
theless persuaded, would find considerable difficulty In
following his example.48

Having recited the first chapter of St. John's Gospel,
Cartier next offered up a prayer to the Almighty that it
might please Him to make Himself known to this savage
race. Then taking an Office book in his hand, he read
aloud the whole of the Passion of Christ, the Indians
listening with grave attention. He then distributed some
small presents amongst them, showing a nice discrimination
in their apportionment ; which being done, he ordered his
trumpeters to sound their instruments, greatly to the delight
of the audience. This concluded the ceremony— the

NOTK 48. — Mr. Kingsford, in his elaborate history of Canada, now going through
the press, affords a marked example of how this act of Cartier is commonly mis-
represented.

" Cartier was fed and caressed, even looked upon as > God and asked to perform
miracles in healing the sick. Cartier tells us that he mumbled the opening words
of St. John's Gospel, as he says: ' In principio,' &<;." Kingsford, lliatory of
Canada^ Vol. 1, p k

This is all he has to say of the circumstance. It is sufficient, however, to convey
the impression that Caitier essayed to pass himself off as a miracle-worker, and
employed these words as tin-, mystic formula of an incantation. Now this is quite
erroneous, and it is difficult to see how any unprejudiced person reading the
original account could fall into such an error. The following is Hakluyt's literal
description of tlie scene :

" thht done they brought before him diverse diseased men, some

blinde, soms criple, some lame and impotent, and some so old that the haire of
their eyelids came downe and covered their cheekes, and layd them all along before
our Captaine, to the end they might of him be touched ; for it seemed unto them
that God was descended and come d wne from heaven to heale them. Our Cap-
t line seeing the misery and devotion of this poore people, recited the Gospel of
Saint John, that is to s,iy, in the beginning was the word ; touching everyone that
were diseased, (faisunt le signe de la Croix sur les puucres mcdades) praying to
God that it would please him to open the hearts of this poore people, and to make
them know his holy word, and that they might receive Baptisme and Chi istriiidome:
that done, he tookea Service-booke in his hand, and with a loud voyce read all the
passion of Christ, word by word, that all the standers by might heare him ; all
which while this poore people kept silence, and were marvellously attentive, looking
up to heaven and imitating us in gestures."

While we are aware that with some persons it is a received opinion that Catho-
lics always " mumble" their devotions, we cannot help thinking, in view of the
fact that the original narrative explicitly stites that Caitier spoke in a "loud
voyce" in reading the Gospel " word by word that all the standers by might heare
him," Mr. Kingsford would have been justified in excepting the Breton captain
from the general category. This is but a trivial matter, yet it shows h»w un-
fairly history can be written even from a ' non-sectarian' point of view.

French declining the proffered hospitality of the Indians,
11 because the meates had no savour at all of salt," drew off to
return to their boats. But the resources of Hochelaga were
not exhausted. As Cartier and his men were preparing
to depart, the Indians persuaded him to ascend ' a great
niountaine near to the City that is tilled round about, which
we named Mount Roiall.' Thither the French accom-
panied by their Indian guides repaired, and clambering up
its steep sides, beheld that splendid panorama which charms
the eye of every beholder.

Changed indeed the picture is from that eventful day
when Jacques Cartier first beheld it. The waving cornfields
and the rude Indian village have long since disappeared,
and in their place is the fair city of Montreal. But the
broad river, and the smiling valley, and the distant moun-
tains stand forth unchanged, and reem, as we muse upon
the past, to speak to us of a day when Montreal, like
Hochelaga, shall have given place to a new order of things.

People are prone to speak of the view from Mount Royal
as though everything worth seeing lay towards the south.
On reaching the summit, one's first look naturally is over
Montreal, and the prospect is so inviting that, in lingering
on it, one is apt to forget to turn round, thereby losing
much of what is to be seen. For the country lying to the
north and north-west is more diversified in its character,
and presents a somewhat bolder appearance than does the
southern view.

Cartier, not having the same inducement, made no such
mistake. On reaching the summit his eye swept the St.
Lawrence and quickly discerned the Lachine Rapids. The
Indians informed him that there were three such falls in

the river, and that these having been passed, one might sail
westward for three months without meeting with any obstruc-
tion. Then they pointed out to him the Ottawa river,
and told him that, like the St. Lawrence, it came from
the west — "we thought " —writes he — " it to be the river
that runneth through the Countrey of Saguenay," and their
curiosity being aroused, they seem to have spent most of their
time on the mountain top intently regarding the Ottawa,
endeavouring all the while to extract from their guides such
information respecting it, as the Indians were able or will-
ing to impart. Considering that neither party understood
the language of the other, the conversation must have been
carried on under difficulties.

Cartier tells us that without any direct enquiry on his
part, one of the Indians took in his hand the silver chain
of the whistle that was about his neck, and the gilt handle
of a dagger that hung by the side of one of his men, and
pointing in the direction of the Ottawa, signified that both
these metals came from that region. Now this could not
have been true. The Indians were either hoaxing the gal-
lant captain, or possibly they may have been endeavouring to
tell him of the contrast between the silvery water of the St.
Lawrence and the yellowish hue of the Ottawa, which is
clearly seen at the confluence of the two rivers, where the
waters, refusing to commingle, flow side by side for miles.
They also told him of a fierce people — the Agouionda—
dwelling to the north-west who. armed to the teeth and clad
in armour made of osier, engaged habitually in internecine
strife.

Long and intently did Cartier gaze north-westward, the
idea of the passage to the Indies being, we may be sure,

foremost in his thoughts. We have often wondered if any
prophetic vision passed before his eyes as he looked forth
from the summit of Mount Royal. Perhaps he foresaw
that, in the future, men dwelling where Hochelaga stood,,
would solve the problem that occupied his thoughts, and
that a day would ccme when his dream should be realized,
and the wealth of the Indies flow eastward over this very
course — by the Canadian Pacific Railway.

Having exhausted the information of their hosts, Cartier
and his companions retired to their boats, accompanied by
a large crowd who, very loath to see them depart, followed
the retreating boats along the bank of the river for some dis-
tance. The inhabitants of Hochelaga seem to have been a
simple minded people, largely given in a rude way to agri-
cultural pursuits, though the fortification of their town and
the fact that all the tribes along the river, down to and
including "the Canadians" — i.e. the Stadacone Indians-
were subject to them, indicate that they were not wholly de-
ficient in the art of war. We opine too, that the missing
portion of the narrative of Cartier's third voyage would be
found to contain passages not so wholly creditable to their
peaceful or honourable instincts as is the record of this
visit. We can only account for their extraordinary civility
on this occasion by supposing, as indeed is evident, that
they took the white men for beings of a supernatural order.

Retracing their lonely course down the river, the French
reached their ship in safety on the 4th October where, we
may be sure, they received a warm welcome from their
anxious comrades. That day being spent in the narration
of their adventures, on the 5th they departed for the port of
Holy Cross. Passing through Lake St. Peter, on Thursday

the yth instant they came abreast of St. Maurice river, named
by them the river of Fouez, which, presumably because it
came down from the mysterious country of ' Saguenay,' they
resolved upon exploring. Planting a cross on the outermost
island at the mouth of the river, they again left their ship,
and with their boats pulled up the St. Maurice a considerable
distance, but finding it getting very shallow, they wisely
abandoned any idea of further search. Returning to the
Emerillon they continued on their way, and reached the
port of Efoly Cross on the nth inst., having been absent
twenty-two days.

CHAPTER IV.
THE SECOND VOYAG E (continued.)

Visit to Stadacone.— Description thereof.— Trudamans. — Story
of massacre. — The inhabitants of Stadacone. — Their wor-
ship.— Habits and mode of living. — Tobacco described. —
Esurgny. — Marvellous tales of the country of Saguenay. —
Approach of winter.— Frost and snow. — French attacked
by scurvy. —Their miserable condition. — Invocation of the
Divine assistance. — Religious service. — The remedy found
and applied. — Marvellous cure effected. — Approach of
spring. — Preparations for return to France. — Abandonment
of la Petite Hermine. — Suspicious behaviour of the sav-
ages.— Cartier's resolution taken to seize Donnacona and
other Indians. — His action in so doing criticized. — Erection
of Cross — Formal possession taken of the country in the
name of the King of France. — Seizure of chiefs. — Departure
for home. — Arrival at St. Malo.

HEIR companions had not been idle in the interval,
having erected along the river's bank a strong forti-
fication built with stout timbers and mounted with
cannon. Behind this enclosure, in the little river Lairet,
they moored their ships, and quietly awaited the approach
of winter. When, in 1608, Champlain visited the locality,49 he
found certain indications of previous habitation by white men
—the ruins of a chimney, traces of a ditch, some cannon-balls,
and other things, which led him to the conclusion that
Jacques Cartier had wintered there. He says that these
things were found " vne lieue dans la riuiere," meaning, no
doubt, a league from the spot on which his dwelling stood.

NOTE 40,— See appendix F.

The day following the return of the expedition from
Hochelaga, Donnacona and his suite visited Cartier, express-
ing their pleasure at seeing him safely back again. Cartier
taking them at their word, regaled them with food, " albeit"
—says the old chronicle — " they had not deserved it."
There is reason for thinking that during Cartier's absence,
the Indians had not displayed towards those of the company
who remained behind, the same cordiality which they mani-
fested in the presence of his united force. Cartier, however,
wisely determined upon taking no notice of what had been
reported to him concerning their behaviour beyond employ-
ing every precaution against a sudden surprise. Accordingly,
he accepted Donnacona's invitation " to come and see
Canada," and the next day, accompanied by fifty of his best
men, well armed, he crossed the river and approached
Stadacone. As he drew near the village, the inhabitants
came forth to meet him, and forming in two lines, the men
on one side and the women on the other, escorted him to
their place of abode, having first received at his hands a few
customary presents. Cartier describes the houses as being
tolerably well built, and furnished with provisions for the
approaching winter. He says nothing of fortifications, but
mentions the fact of having been shown five scalps, and of
being informed that they were taken trom the ^Toudamani?
or Trudamans (B.R.), whom Donnacona described as being
"a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe
warre against them." These people were probably the Iro-
quois, whom Champlain found occupying the territory now
known as the western poition of the State of New York.
They were the most ferocious of all the Indian tribes,
and were long a terror to all the rest, especially to their

kindred, the Hurons, against whom they waged a war of
extermination.

The following story, related by Donnacona to Cartier,
and which we know to be true, seems to point to the
identity of these Trudamans with the savage warriors of the
Iroquois confederacy. Two years before, a party of Donna-
cona's people, two hundred in number, consisting of men,
women and children, were on their way to 50Gaspe : and
while the whole party were asleep on an island in the .great
river, near the mouth of the Saguenay, they were assaulted
by the Trudamans, who set fire to the place wherein they
were, and either burned or butchered the whole number,
except five, who made their escape. Now in the St. Law-
rence, lying off Bic, is an island to-day known as " Isle au
massacre" and on that island is a cave, and in that cave
are quantities of human bones — of men, women, and chil-
dren, which bear their ghastly testimony to the truth of
Donriacona's story.

During the following month Cartier seems to have em-
ployed himself in instructing the Indians as well as he could
concerning the Christian idea of God. Their conception of
the Deity seems to have been most meagre, the functions of
their god Cudragny being limited to foretelling the weather,
in which, as we have seen, he was not always successful.
They informed Cartier that when they died, their spirits
entered the stars, and descending in them to the horizon,

NOTK 50. — The narrative says— "As they were going a war faring iii Hognedo"
(Gasp6), which must be a misapprehension on the part of Cartier, for had they been
on the warpath, they would not have been accompanied by their women and children.
The Rev. Mr. DeCosta's account of this circumstance is very confused and inac-
curate. He says that Cartier was shown eight scalps (sic), and told by Donnacona
that they had been taken from their enemies, a company of whom, 200 in nifmber,
they had slain sometime before. What became of the remaining 192 scalps, Mr.
DeCosta does not inform us.

passed thence to the happy hunting grounds of their fathers.
As we already have had occasion to point out, Cartier told
them of the true God and how that all men must believe in
Him and be baptized. We have seen also how readily they
acquiesced in Cartier's view of Cudragny, and how they
accepted the Christian's God and asked for baptism, and
the reply which Cartier made them.51 It must be borne in
mind that the interpreters, Taignoagny and Domagaya, were
present at Cartier's side, and that they understood, in a
measure at all events, the nature of the ceremony having,
we are expressly told, seen many children baptized in France.
This precludes the possibility of Cartier having endeavoured
to deceive the Indians by stating what he did. The whole
account seems to us inconsistent with the idea that any
priests of the Catholic Church accompanied this expedition.
Cartier tells us of the Indian way of living, and of their
food which consisted largely of maize and the non-indigenous
vegetables used by the people of Hochelaga. He specially
remarks a plant, with the first mention of which we English
are wont to associate the name of Sir Walter Raleigh, and
yet here is a description of the preparation and use of to-
bacco, written seventeen years before Raleigh was born.

"There groweth also," writes Cartier, " a certain e kind of
herbe whereof in Sonimer they make great provision for all the
yeere, making great account of it, and onely men use of it, and
first they cause it to be dried in the sunne, then weare it about
their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little
bagge, with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe : then
when they please they make powder of it, and then put it in
one of the ends of the said Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of

NOTE 51 —Cartier's priests (if lie had any) must have been of a very different
st-imp from Poutrincourt's missionary at Port Royal in 1*310, who (wrongly no
doubt) baptized 21 Indians without waiting for the latter to receive that instruc-
tion which the Catholic Church ordains .shall precede the administration of this
Sacrament. Fcillon Hi*t , &c,., Vol. I, p. :>!>.

fire upon it, at the other ende sucke so long, that they fill their
bodies with smoke, till that it commeth out of their mouth and
nostrils, even as out of the Tonnell of a chimney . They say
that this doth keepe them warme and in health: they never goe
without some of it about them. We our selves have tryed the
same smoke, and having put it in our mouthes, it seemeth al-
most as hot as Pepper."

Like the melons and cucumbers, the tobacco plant must
have been imported from the tropics — as also their 'esurgny7
(wampum) which, we are told, " is the greatest and most
preciousest riches they have in this world." When at
Hochelaga, the Indians of that place told Cartier an im-
probable story about the way in which they got this
"esurgny" — how it was found in the wounds of a dead body,
which, after having been specially slashed for the purpose,
was sunk "in the said river of Cornibotz" for ten or twek>"b
hours, and how, when taken up, the small white shells were
found in the gaping wounds. It is, however, but fair to the
Hochelaga Indians to say that this is only Cartier's inter-
pretation of their signs, which may have had some reference
to diving merely and been wholly unconnected with ghastly
corpses. Certain it is that the large shells from which 'the
porcelain ornaments of the Indians were made, are found
only on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and must have
been obtained by barter with the intermediate tribes. Don-
nacona himself supplies us with some information on this
head, which goes to show that they had intercourse with
southern tribes. Speaking of the place where Cartier had
left the Emerilhn on his way up to Hochelaga, he told the
French of the existence of the Richelieu river, and how by
following up that river, it would bring them after a month's
sail, to a land where there was no ice or snow, and where
oranges, almonds, nuts and apples abounded. "I take this

place,'' says Cartier, "to be toward Florida," which word in
his mouth had a very wide application. It is quite probable
that the Indians then inhabiting Canada were acquainted
with the water route by way of the Richelieu, Lake Cham-
plain and the Hudson, to the sea, and by it they may have
carried on a certain rude commerce with the southern tribes.
It is, however, when Donnacona comes to speak of the
"countrey of Saguenay" — that mysterious region which
stretched indefinitely north and west — that the old chief
allowed his imagination completely to get the better of him.
Wonderful tales of a white people clad in civilized gar-
ments, dwelling in towns, abounding in gold and rubies,
were poured into the willing ears of the French. There
w^re also, so Donnacona averred, a race of men having only
one leg — others who lived without eating — in short there
seemed to be no end of marvels in that extraordinary
country.

With such conversations the autumn days passed pleas-
antly enough.52 But winter was at hand, and fell upon the
French with a rigour and a mercilessness of which they had
had no previous experience. Soon the river froze across
and their ships were caught fast in the ice. Then came the
snow, falling, falling, without intermission, and whirling in
great drifts around their little fort, buried it almost out of
sight. The water in their drinking vessels froze, much to
their inconvenience. In the midst of this biting cold, they
were amazed to see the Indians crossing the ice and, wading
through drifts, come to their ships stark naked — •" which
thing seemeth incredible to them that have not seen it."

An evil, however, far worse than ice or snow, was at hand.

NOTE 52. — See appendix G.

In the first days of December the French noticed that the
visits of the Indians grew less frequent, and they wondered
why. They soon learned. The scurvy had broken out in
Stadacone and sickness and death were everywhere among
them. Soon it spread to the ships, and man after man of
the French went down before the loathsome disease till, by
the middle of February, out of the hundred and ten persons
composing the company, eight were dead and more than
fifty very ill, while there were not ten of the whole number
entirely free from the scourge. What made the calamity
the more distressing was the fact that it was to the French
an unknown sickness — " a strange and cruell disease," of
which they knew neither the cause nor the remedy. To
such a pitiful condition were they reduced, that they had
not strength even to bury their dead, but hid the bodies
under the snow ; neither was there any one to wait upon
the sick, for almost every man, except the captain, " whom
it pleased God alwayes to keepe in health," was ill.

Could men be placed in a situation more distressing than
that in which these poor fellows now found themselves ?
Thousands of miles from home and friends, in the heart of
a boundless wilderness in which they were the first of Euro-
peans to set foot : fast bound in snow and ice ; surrounded
by savages who had on more than one occasion given
equivocal proofs of friendship : and worse than all, assailed
by a mortal distemper which had already killed twenty-five
of their band, and which threatened the lives of every one
of them — their condition was truly desperate, and such as to
extinguish all hope in the most sanguine breast.

Then it was in their dire extremity that Cartier had re-
course in an especial manner to the Throne of Grace. Or-

darning that everybody should prepare himself by prayer,
he caused a statue of the Blessed Virgin53 to be placed
against a tree, a stone's throw from the fort, to which a
solemn procession was organized — all who were well enough
taking part therein — chaunting the penitential psalms and
litanies, and imploring the Mother of God to intercede with
her Divine Son for the lives of his servants. " That
day." says the chronicle, "Philip Rougemont, borne in Am-
boise, died, being 22 yeeres olde," and Mr. Parkman takes
advantage of the record of this circumstance to indulge in
one of those unworthy sneers against the faith and worship
of the Ancient Church which in our judgment are blots upon
the pages of his brilliant works. " The Holy Virgin," says
Mr. Parkman, " deigned no other response." And yet he
goes on in the same page to record how, in a few days, this
whole company of — to use his own words — woebegone men*
" who, haggard, reeling, bloated with their maladies, moved
in procession " to the Virgin's shrine, were marvellously de-
livered from their sickness and restored every man
of them to perfect health. It is true that Mr. Parkman
does not make the contrast between the sickness
and the recovery quite so marked as we have written it :
" the distemper relaxed its hold," is the way in which he
relates the cure. But the Brief Recit^ to which he has faith-
fully adhered in his description of the malady, states with
respect to the cure '''•Tout incontinent quilz en eurent beu,
ilz eurent ? advantage qui se trouua estre vng vray <5>° euident
my? ade. Car de toutes maladies dequoy Us estoiet entachez,
apres en auoir beu deux ou trois foys, recouurerent santb &°
guarison"

NOTE 53. — Hakluyt says, "and in remembrance of Christ, caused his Image to be
«et upon a tree," &c.

100

To our mind there could not be, without miraculous in-
tervention, a more direct answer to prayer. Let us describe
the manner in which it came about. The service was over.
Humbly kneeling in the snow around the sacred sign, the
little band had, in the burning words of the Psalmist, im-
plored the Divine compassion, and devoutly sought the
loving intercession of the great Mother of God. Then
slowly and painfully they wended their way back to the
ships, only to learn the sad news that another of their com-
pany had succumbed to the great enemy of all. Their con-
dition was truly desperate, and most of all to be pitied was
their gallant captain, to whom this period must have been
one of supreme anxiety. For on him fell the charge of all,
and to him they all looked for that relief which, alas, he
was powerless to render. But the God whom in health and
strength Cartier ever delighted to honour, had not forgotten
him in his sore need. One day as he paced to and fro on
the ice outside the fort, unwilling, like Hagar of old, to see
his companions die before his eyes, he saw some Indians
from Stadacone approaching, among whom he recognized
Domagaya. Now this man had been very ill with scurvy
a few days before. What then was Cartier's astonishment
to see him in health and strength ! Eagerly did he seek
the cause of this wonderful recovery, which Domagaya in-
formed him was to be found in the leaves and sap of a cer-
tain tree, called by the Indians Ameda, procurable near by.
Carder asked him if he would direct him to this tree add-
ing, in order to conceal from the Indians the knowledge of
the inroads the disease had made in his company, that he
wanted it to cure one of his men who had imprudently
crossed the river and contracted the disease in 'Canada.'

101

Domagaya, who seems all along to have been a good
hearted fellow so long as his companion Taignoagny was not
at his elbow, at once sent two women to bring a supply of
this tree, which was probably the white spruce. The French
used it as directed, boiling the bark and leaves together,
drinking copiously of the extract, and using the substance as
a poultice. In. five or six days "it wrought so wel, that if
all the physicians of Mountpelier and Louaine had bene
there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have
done so rruch in one yere, as that tree did in six dayes, for
it. did so prevaile, that as many as used of it, by the
grace of God recovered their health."

This recovery is the more remarkable when we consider
that the remedy failed in its efficacy in after years. Under
Roberval at Cap Rouge in 1542, and Champlain at Port
Royal in 1605, numbers died of scurvy, though they must
have been familiar with the story of Cartier's experience,
and have tried his cure in vain. We may be quite sure,
whatever view modern thought may take upon the subject,
that Cartier and his companions were not slow to ascribe
their wonderful recovery to the special intervention of the
Most High God, and that a few days later witnessed
another procession to the Virgin's shrine, wheie their feelings
of joy and gratitude found vent in that grand hymn of
praise which, from the time of St. Ambrose, has ever been
the supreme expression of public thanksgiving among
Christian peoples. Many a time since then has the TeDctim
ascended from the shores of the great river of Canada.
Often have we ourselves heard the joyous shout not
far from the spot in which we are now interested : but
never we suspect, not even in moments of exultation born

102

of great military triumph, have the sublime words been
chaunted with deeper feeling or with greater cause, than on
that winter's day when Carrier's band of gallant Frenchmen,
amid the snow and ice, poured forth their hearts in gratitude
to God for deliverance from a dieadful death.

We have dwelt at some little length upon the religious
aspect of this occurrence, because we are engaged in the
consideration of the life of a man to whom all human affairs
had a religious side, but we must not omit to record that
Cartier, while ever recognizing the over-ruling providence of
God, was equally sensible of the fact that God helps those
who help themselves. Possessed of a strong, practical, com-
mon-sense mind, he was unceasing in his efforts to combat
the disease which was making such havoc in his company.
When Philip Rougemont died he ordered a post mortem to
be held, in the hope that he might thereby learn something,
of the nature of the malady which baffled all their efforts.

In the midst of his solicitude for the sick, he never lost
sight of the responsibility for the general safety of the com-
pany which rested upon him. Being fearful lest the Indians

»* ^

might suspect the true reason for the stillness which reigned
about the ships, and seize upon the opportunity to assault
them, Cartier would direct two or three of the least feeble
of his men to hang about the outside of the fort, giving the
impression that they were idling their time. He would
then suddenly appear, and in a loud voice order them into
the fort, telling them, in the hearing of the Indians,,
that there was much to be done inside and it behoved them,
not to waste their time. To give an air of probability to>
this, he would cause those of his men who were not pros-
trate, to make as much noise as they could inside the fort,.

103

with hammers, sticks, &c., in order to deceive the Indians
into thinking that they were busily engaged, which would
account for their non appearance. All this the brave fellow
did at a time when his men " were so oppressed and
grieved with that sicknesse, that we had lost all hope ever
to see France againe," but in which his own stout heart
never for an instant quailed.

With returning health and strength came welcome indica-
tions that the end of the long winter was at hand, and as
the days grew longer and the sun more powerful, we can
imagine the delight with which the weary prisoners looked
forward to the prospect of seeing sunny France again.

At length the ice and snow gave up the battle, and the
ships, free once more, moved out of their winter quarters—
that is two ©f them — for the diminution of the company's
numbers compelled the abandonment of ''la Petite Hermine]
whose remains, after reposing for 307 years, were dug up in
1843 The approach of spring brought renewed activity to
the inhabitants of Stadacone, whom Cartier continued to
view with increasing distrust. This growing unfriendliness
on their part was heightened by the circumstance of Cartier
having bestowed the dismantled ship upon the people of
Sidatin,54 a neighboring friendly band who frequented the
company of -the French, in order that they might have the
nails out of her, which the savages greatly prized. In this
occurrence we think we see an explanation of the fact of
the remains of la Petite Hermine having been found in the

NOTE 54. — Caitier mentions four ' peopled towries ' on the banks of the St. Law-
rence, lying to the eastward of Staducoti&— "Ara>te or Ayraste, Starnatan, Tailla,
which standeth upon a hill," (possibly Cap Tounnente '< and "Scitadin" or ".•Sidatin"
— the latter being nearest to Stadaeone ; "under which towne towaid the North
the river and poit of the holy cross is, where we staled from 15 of September, untill
the 10th (6th '?) May 1536, and there our ships remained dry, as we have said be-
fore." The latter sentence is of itselt sufficient to identify their stopping place.

104

the ruisseau St. Michel instead of, as one would naturally
suppose, in the little river Lairet.65 The people of Sidatin
were in the habit of mingling freely with the French — "alloi-
ent 6° venoient entour nous" B.R. — and the latter when pre-
paring to leave, probably found them a great nuisance. In
giving them the old ship, therefore, it is not unlikely Cartier
may have stipulated that they should take her out of the
Lairet and extract the nails elsewhere, and no place would
be more suitable for this purpose than the ruisseau St.
Michel, where she would be stranded at low tide.58

In the latter part of the winter, Donnacona, accompanied
by Taignoagny and others, set out on a hunt, giving the
French to understand that they would be absent o nl)a
fortnight, instead of which they stayed away more than two
months. This aroused the suspicions of Cartier, who inter-
preted their prolonged absence to mean that they were
endeavouring to raise the surrounding country against him.
His fears were partially confirmed by the appearance shortly
afterwards of many strange faces in the Indian town;
"divers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to
see."

NOTK 55.— See appendix F.

NOTE 56— The writer confesses to some misgivings with respect to the genuine-
ness of the remains found in the ruisseau fet. Michel, generally supposed to bfl
those of the Petite H ermine. In the first place they were not found in the spot
where Cartier wintered. We have endeavoured to account for this discrepancy,
but there is a more serious difficulty in the way. Cartier, as we have seer, tells
us that lie bestowed his dismantled vessel upon certain Indians ' in order that they
might have the old nails out of it,' (pour auoir les viel cioud—R. R.) which, to a
people amongst whom iron up to that period had been unknown, would possess
great value. We may reasonably infer therefore that whatever else they might
have leit, the savages drew every nail and bolt from the hulk. Yet in the account
of the discovery ol the remains in the ruisseau St. Michel, published in the Quebec
Uazette of the 30th August 1843, we read that " The vessel had been built of large
grained oak, which was mostly in a good state of preservation, although discoloured,
and the iron spikes and bolts lucre still strong."

The writer would be only too glad to see this objection satisfactorily accounted
for.

105

Cartier being apprized by Domagaya of what was tran-
spiring in Stadacone, thought it expedient to send two of
his company thither, in order to reconnoitre. Accordingly,
he despatched Jehan Poullet, for whom the Indians had
evinced^a special regard,57 and his own servant. These two
entered Stadacone, ostensibly as bearers of certain presents
to Donnacona, but the wary old savage was on his guard
and,'feigning illness, declined to receive them. The envoys
thus repulsed, went to Taignoagny's abode, which they weie
surprised to find filled with strangers. Taignoagny, who
seemed disconcerted at their sudden call, showed himself
desirous of getting his visitors back to their ships as soon as
possible, refusing to allow them to enter any of the other
houses. To make sure of them going home direct he ac-
companied them half-way himself. He took advantage of
the occasion to send a message by them to Cartier, to the
•effect that it would be a source of satisfaction to Donnacona
and himself if he would seize and carry into France a
certain chief named Agouna, whom he represented as being
a turbulent spirit and a source of discord in the community.
We shall find that this same Agouna succeeded Donnacona
in his kingly office, and we strongly suspect that, in making
the request he did, Taignoagny was speaking largely in his
own interest, evidently regarding Agouna as a rival to the
^Throne' to which he himself aspired.

Taignoagny's desire was duly reported to Cartier who,
reflecting on the number of strange Indians, that were every-
where prowling about, and being wholly in the dark as to
their designs, concluded that it was high time to depart on

NOTE 57 —From the prominence given in the narrative to this name, it seems not
unlikely that Jehan Poullet may have had some connection with the authorship of
the Brief Rec it.

106

the homeward voyage. He had been asked to take an
Indian with him, and the proposal commended itself to
his judgment, but he would choose his man. He and his com-
panions could give testimony before the French court of
immense rivers, of a boundless wilderness, of a rigorous
climate, and a savage people ; but what of the mysterious
country which abounded in gold and rubies and other preci-
ous stones ? That country where dwelt a white race,
clothed in the .garments of civilized men — and of weird
regions where nature played all sorts of tricks with the
human frame — who but the Lord Donnacona, who had
seen all these wonders ? and the interpreters — they too
were necessary to his purpose — they too should accompany
him. And so he resolved to anticipate his crafty foes, by
seizing the ringleaders and carrying them off to France.

This " prettie prancke," as old Hakluyt calls it, has been
strongly animadverted upon by certain writers, as leaving a
lasting stain upon Cartier's reputation. Now, our object in
this paper is to depict Cartier just as he was, and to record
his deeds as we find them written down. We have no de
sire to represent him as being on all occasions absolutely
free from blame, and therefore we frankly admit that his
action in kidnapping these Indians, viewed apart from the
age in which he lived, and the special circumstances of the
case, was a cruel and treacherous act. But what right have
we so to judge of any man's actions ? Who in history, we
should like to know, could afford to have his deeds tested
by the rigid application of an abstract morality ? In con-
sidering questions of this kind, we are surely bound to ta e
into account the very conditions which, in our opinion, have
to be eliminated, in order to acquiesce in a condemnation

107

of Carrier's action. We have to remember, in the first
place, that in the times of which we write, it was the com-
mon practice of all discoverers, in returning home, to bring
with them specimens of the native inhabitants of the coun-
tries which they visited. We have seen that Cabot brought
three men from America, and there is no reason to think that
he consulted their feelings beforehand in the matter. So also
Aubert brought over a savage, while Corte-Real seized fifty
in order to sell them into slavery. Cartier in taking Don-
nacona and the rest, merely followed the custom of the
period, with this important difference, that whereas most of
the early adventurers treated the natives with much cruelty,
and in many instances robbed and slaughtered them by
hundreds, Jacques Cartier paid several visits to Canada,
spent at least two winters in the country, surrounded by sav-
ages who bore him no good will, and yet, during all that
time, we never hear of him shedding one drop of human,
blood, or taking from one solitary Indian anything that be-
longed to him, against his will, except in these two seizures
at Gaspd and Quebec, on both of which occasions he is
declared to have treated his captives with much kindness
and consideration.

Let us contrast his conduct in this regard with that of
his contemporaries,58 say Menendez or Pizarro, or even our
own Drake or Hawkins, and so far from condemning the
Breton voyager for cruelty or injustice towards the red manr
we shall stand amazed at the humane and generous course

NOTE 58 — Even in the cases of Cartier's immediate successors, Poutrincourt and
Ghamplain, we find them scarcely landed on the shores of the New World before
engaging with the Indians in deadly strife. It is only fair, however, to add that
their conflict seems to have been undertaken in self defence, and that in their gen-
eral treatment of the savages they closely imitated Cartier's spirit of kindness.

108

which he adopted towards the Indians with whom he came
in contact, and which honourably distinguished him from
among the explorers of that rude age, in whom as we have
said, consideration for the feelings of the native races had,
in the great majority of instances, absolutely no place.

On the 3rd May, being the feast of the Invention of the
Holy Cross, Cartier "for the solemnitie of the day" caused
to be erected a cross thirty-five feet in height, on which
was hung a shield bearing the lilies of France, and under-
neath the inscription " FRANCISCUS PRIMUS DEI
GRATIA FRANCORUM REX REGNAT."

Nothing now remained but to secure those of the Indians
whom they had resolved to bear away with them. This
was accomplished by means of a stratagem, involving, we are
sorry to say, a certain amount of falsehood. The artifice
was successful, and on the evening of the day that witnessed
the planting of the cross, Donnacona, Taignoagny, Doma-
gaya and some others59 were safely under guard on board
the ships.

The savages, apparently overawed by the boldness of the
action, offered no resistance; Donnacona allowing himself
to be comforted by certain presents, including two frying
pans of copper, and by the promise made him by Cartier

NOTE 59. — It is not quite clear how many Indians were seized on this occasion.
The account first says that Cartier " straight commanded his men to lay hold on
Uonnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia," (who appears to have been privy to the aflair)
" & two more ot the chiefest whom he pointed unto." Then a little later — "Our
Captaine seeing that there was no other remedy, began to call unto them to take
them, at whose crie and voice all his men came forth, and took the sayd Lord with
the others, whom they had appointed to take."

Hakluyt, in his opening chapter of the narrative of the third voyage, says the
number of the Indians brought over by Cat tier on the second voyage was ten.
Now four of these he had before this seizure, for at the outset Donnacona pre-
sented him with two boys and a girl ; and the Ochelay chief with a girl. We have
no account of any further seizures or presentations. It would therefore appear
that on this occasion he captured six persons, to wit, Donnacona, Taignoaguy,
Domagaya, and three more.

109

that he should return to Stadacone within ten or twelve
moons.

On Saturday the 6th May, * 1536, the ships weighed
anchor and departed from their winter abode. They lay to
that night a little below the Island of Orleans, on which
Cartier had already bestowed its present name. The news
of the capture had gone before them down the river, but the
scattered bands, dumbfounded at the astounding intelli-
gence, made no attempt at a rescue. Indeed they do no
appear at any time to have been a fighting race, which
makes Cartier's action in seizing their leaders appear the
less excusable. At Isle aux Coudres, which marked the
eastern extremity of his kingdom, Donnacona addressed a
number of 'Canadians' from the deck of the vessel, assur-
ing them that he was kindly treated, and that in twelve
moons he would come again and resume his sway over
them. This announcement greatly relieved his sorrowing
subjects who, as a parting act of homage, presented their
captive monarch with some bundles of skins, and " a great
knife of red copper that commeth from Saguenay." Then
the sails were spread, and Donnacona looked upon his do-
minions for the last time.

They stopped a while at Isle aux Lievres, (I'ysle es lieures
B. R.) so named by them from the quantity of hares they
found thereon. Detained by contrary winds, they remained
in the vicinity until the 2ist May, when the weather becom-
ing fair, they 'had a prosperous run, reaching Brion's Island
by way of the strait between Anticosti and Gaspe, " which
passage," says Cartier, " untill that time had not bene dis-
covered"— though he came very near to discovering it him-
self on the first voyage. Sighting Cape North, then known

110

as Cape Lorraine, they spent some days along the Cape
Breton shore. They then crossed to the Newfoundland
coast, touching at the Island of St. Pierre. Here they
met with many French ships engaged in the cod fishery,
and remained a week in their company, entertaining the fish-
ermen, we have no doubt, with the story of their adventures.
On the 1 6th instant they left St. Pierre and proceeded east-
ward to a port then called Rognosco — (JKougnozet B. R.)
now, Trepasses harbour, where they took in wood and water
for the ocean passage, ^and (strange to say) left one of their
boats. Upon Monday, the i9th June, they left this har-
bour, and arrived safely at St. Malo on the 6th July, " by
the grace of God," says the quaint old narrative, "to whom
we pray, here ending our Navigation, that of his infinite
mercy he will grant us his grace and favour, and in the end
bring us to the place of everlasting felicitie. Amen."

CHAPTER V.
THE THIRD VOYAGE.

Report to the King. — Delay in renewal of Commission. — Pro-
bable cause thereof. — Third voyage determined on. — Rober-
val. — Departure of Cartier on third voyage. — Arrival at
Stadacone. — Interview with Agona. — Selection of Cap
Rouge as wintering place. — Departure of two vessels for
France. — Charlesbourg-Royal. — Cartier goes up to Hoche-
laga. — The Lord of Hochelay. — The Saufts. — Dissimulation
of the Indians. — Return to Charlesbourg-Royal. — Prepara-
tions for its defence. — Abrupt termination of narrative.—
Departure of Roberval from Rochelle. — Meeting with
Cartier in harbour of St. John's. Newfoundland. — Cartier
returns to France. — Probable reasons for so doing. — Query,
As to date of Roberval's sailing?

King graciously received Cartier and heard from
his own lips the story of his adventures, of which he
afterwards commanded him to make a written re-
port.60 His Majesty also showed much interest in the
captive Indians, with whom he had some converse about
the wonders of Saguenay, specially charging Cartier to see
to their religious instruction.61

NOTE 60. — See appendix H.

NOTE 61 — That this commission was faithfully executed, the following excerpt
from the Baptismal registers of St. Malo is evidence :

"Ce jour, Notre Dame, 25e mars d« I'an 1588*, furent baptizes trois sauvages
hornmes, des parties du Canada, prins au dit pays, par honneste homme Jacques
Caitier, capital ne pour le Roy notre Sire, po ir descouvrir les dites terres," &c.

*or 1539. See noti 7, p.'27! In 1539 Easter fell on the 6th April.

The baptism of the remainder followed in due course. To one Jacques Cartier
himself stood sponsor, while to Donnacona was given the name of Francis — this on
the authority of Faillon.

Thavet — Cosmographie Universelle, Vol. II, />. 1113 — speaking of Donnacona,
whom he says he knew, aids — " lequel est mort en France du temps du grand Roy
Frangoys, parlant assez bien nostre langue, & y ayant deineure quatre on cinq ana,
deceda bon chrestien," &c.

Th-3 same writer says of Cartier, ib. p. 1009, that he was " 1'vn de mes meilleur*
amys," and again, that he lived five months with him in his house at St. Malo.

112

Cartier doubtless looked for an immediate renewal of his
commission, but he had arrived home at a time most in-
opportune for obtaining the royal consideration of his plans
for the future. The strife between France and Spain,
which had been steadily augmenting during his absence,
was then at its height, and in the summer of 1536 France,
invaded from opposite quarters by Charles V., became the
battle ground of the contending powers. At such a time,
all peaceful projects were necessarily thrust into the back-
ground, and Cartier's promise to Donnacona that he should
see Canada again in a twelvemonth (which we have no
reason to believe was not made in good faith) remained
unfulfilled. There was another reason not calculated to
stimulate interest on the part of those in authority in New
France. No gold or silver had been found there, and in
those days a foreign country which did not produce the
precious metals was but lightly regarded. Chabot too,
Cartier's patron and friend, was no longer influential at
court. Altogether, these causes seem sufficient to account
for the delay of five years which elapsed between Cartier's
second and third voyages, without ascribing to that naviga-
tor a desire to discourage further expeditions to Canada, by
dwelling on the hardships he had experienced in that
country. This supposition, due to some misapprehension
on the part of Lescarbot, seems to be quite unfounded.

At length, the truce of 1538 gave Francis leisure to be-
stow his attention upon Cartier's discoveries, and to peruse,
perhaps for the first time, the latter's detailed account of the
last voyage He appears to have been impressed with the
relation, and though it is evident that neither king nor
court apprehended the magnitude of the discovery, His

113

Majesty resolved upon assuming sovereignty over his new
dominions, and to this end determined upon sending thither
Jean Frangois de la Rocque, Sieur de Roberval, as his
vicegerent in the new world. By Letters Patent dated i5th
January, 1540, Roberval was constituted Lord of Norem-
bega, Viceroy and Lieutenant-General in Canada, Hochel-
aga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpunt, Labrador,
the Great Bay, and Baccalaos.6'2 He was furnished with
45,000 livres and authorized to collect a sufficient number
of persons suitable for the effective prosecution of the
enterprise. This latter instruction seems to have proved
somewhat difficult of fulfilment for, on the yth February fol-
lowing, fresh letters were issued, empowering him to search
the prisons of Paris, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Rouen, and Dijon,
and to draw therefrom such convicts lying under sentence
of death as he might require to complete his crews, exclud-
ing from his choice only such criminals as had been
adjudged guilty of heresy, high treason, and counterfeiting.
Such an expedition required as its guide a man familiar not
only with the localities to be visited, but also with the means
of reaching them. There was only one person in all France
possessed of these qualifications, and upon Jacques Cartier
accordingly the King's choice fell. By Letters Patent dated
the lyth October, i54o,6:i Francis, confiding in the loyalty,
capacity, wisdom and experience of his trusty and well be-

NOTE 02. — The Commission of Roberval was entitled "Lettres Patentes acoordees
d Julian FranQoys de In Roque Sr de Roberval." In it he is simply styled "noire,
Lieulenatit-tren.eral, Chef Ducteur et (Jappitaine de la d. enterprinse." The Letters
Pat nt and the Commission seem to have been separate instruments.

Norembega, Norumbega, or Arambec, was, in Ramusio's map, the country em-
braced within Nova Scotia, southern New Brunswick, and a part of Maine.

The King seems to have considered 'Canada,' 'Hochelaga' and 'Saguenay' as being
distinct countries.

NOTE 63.— See appendix I.

114

loved servant, constituted and appointed Carder Captain
General and Master Pilot over all the ships destined to take
part in the expedition.

Foremost among the objects of the voyage, as set forth in
the document, was the propagation of the Christian religion
among the heathens of the New World, and then rather in-
congruously follows the like authority given to Roberval,
to draw his following from the thieves and murderers who
filled the gaols. The relation in which Cartier and Roberval
stood towards each other on this expedition is somewhat un-
defined, and must, for this reason, have been unsatisfactory
to both. From the outset their powers seem to have con-
flicted. Carrier's commission authorized him to equip five
vessels for the voyage. Of the 45,000 livres furnished to
Roberval to defray the cost of the expedition, Cartier got
30,000 livres at the beginning, and Roberval appears to have
paid him at a later stage, 1,300 livres more. The King also
gave him the little vessel rEmerillon for the voyage. With
the 30,000 livres he had to buy or charter four ships and
arm and equip the five. The King earnestly impressed
upon both Roberval and Cartier the inexpediency of delay,
charging them to sail not later than the i5th April following,
if at all possible. The command was a wise one. Delay
had already militated against the success of the expedition,
which was prejudiced by the deaths of all the Indians
brought over to France, save one little girl. The change
had been too great for them, and weary of waiting for the
promised return to their own country, they had all died in
exile, having first embraced the Catholic religion, and re-
ceived the Sacrament of Baptism.

That this unfortunate occurrence was regarded in its true

115

light by those whom it most concerned, is apparent from
the opening words of Hakluyt's fragmentary account — the
only record known to exist of Cartier's third voyage.

" And albeit his Majestic was advertized by the sayd Cartier
of the death and decease of all the people which were
brought over by him (which were tenne in number) saving one
little girle about tenne yeeres old, yet he resolved to send the
sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe." &c.

No one, we fancy, appreciated the importance of the
deaths of these men more fully than did the Captain
General.

As upon previous occasions, Cartier's preparations were
made at St. Malo. It does not appear to have been pos-
sible to meet the King's desire by sailing on the i5th April,
but a month later found the five ships riding at anchor in
the harbour of St. Malo in all readiness to depart, saving
that the artillery and certain supplies ordered by Roberval
had not arrived. After waiting some little time for them,
Roberval determined upon allowing Cartier to sail in ad-
vance, while he proceeded to Honfleur, whither he thought
his supplies must have gone, and there get ready a ship or
two with which to follow later in the season.

Meanwhile these preparations created some stir, not
merely in the localities in which they were going forward,
but even beyond the confines of France itself. Men asked
themselves to what end were so many ships being fitted out
at such expense, and an expedition placed under the com-
mand of a person so considerable as '/<? petit rot de Vimeu]
for so Francis was accustomed to style Roberval. Reports
of what was transpiring reached Madrid losing, we may be
sure, nothing by the way, and Spanish jealousy taking alarm
at the bare thought of any interference with the monopoly

116

claimed by that kingdom in the new world, a spy was des-
patched from the court of the most Catholic King, with
orders to visit the French ports and enquire diligently into
the truth of the strange stories that were everywhere rife.
The report came back to the effect that the French were
bound for Baccalaos, and the Spaniards, learning that their
interests were not likely to be imperilled, breathed easy
once more.

On the 23rd May, 1541, 64 Cartier departed from the port
of St. Malo on his third voyage to the western world. He
had with him five ships fully equipped and provisioned for
two years, one of which was fEmerillon^ presented to him
for the purpose, as we have seen, by the King. From a
subsequent audit of his accounts we find that another was
called ' V Hermind — probably la Grande Hermine of the
second voyage. We are not informed as to the others, save
that the united tonnage of the five amounted 10400 tons. In-
asmuch as la Grande Hermine was of 120 tons burden,
and FEmerillon was of 40 tons, the other three ships would
average 80 tons each. The voyage was long and stormy,
and it was not until late in June, that the ships, which had
bean separated by the tempest, arrived at Carpunt in New-
foundland. Their supply of water ran short on the voyage,
and the cattle which they were bringing over to stock the
new country, suffered severely in consequence.

Cartier seems to have waited for Roberval in the harbour
of Carpunt, which apparently had been appointed the

NOTE 64. — Hakluyt's version puts the date of sailing on the 23rd May, 1540, but
this is clearly erroneous. Carrier's Letters Patent are dated the 17th and 20th
October, 1540, besides which, there are extant certain receipts in connection with
the expedition, signed at St Malo by Roberval and Caitier on 17th May, 1541.
Further, the ecclesiastical records show that on the llth April, 1541, Caitier stood
sponsor in the Cathedral Church of St. Ma!o for a daughter of Charles Le Huchestel
and Denise des G ranches, to whom was given the name Jacquette.

1.17

rendezvous, some six weeks. .At length, impatient of delay,
he determined upon going forward to his destination without
him, which he did, and succeeded in bringing his five ships
safely to anchor in the harbour of Holy Cross on the 23rd
August — three months from the d?y he had left St. Malo.
As of old, boats put out from the shore, filled with In-
dians of all ages and sexes. Demonstrations of welcome
were indulged in, and then came the inevitable enquiry
"Where is Donnacona ?" Cartier promptly answered that
Donnacona was dead and that his body rested in the earth
in France, but, apprehensive of the effect which the whole
truth might have upon his questioners, he added the false,
hood that the rest had married and become great lords and
would not return to their native country. An ominous
silence succeeded Carrier's speech ; all save Agona, upon
whom Donnacona's mantle had fallen, evincing profound
grief at hearing of the death of their lord. Agona (or
Agouna), it will be remembered, was the name of the tur-
bulent chief whom Taignoagny had asked Cartier to kidnap
on the preceding voyage. Taignoagny's apprehensions
with regard to Agona's ambition and power had evidently
been realized, for there is little doubt that the successor of
Donnacona was none other than his ancient enemy, though
Taignoagny, poor fellow, was spared the mortification of be-
holding his rival's triumph. Agona received the news of Don-
nacona's death, apparently with great equanimity, for accord-
ing to Hakluyt "The said Agona made no she we of anger at
all these speeches; and I think he tooke it so well because he
remained Lord and Governour of the countrey by the death
of the said Donacona.'' At the conclusion of the confer-
ence, Agona's demonstrations of friendship became more

118

marked. Taking from his head the wreath of esurgny,
which was the symbol of his dignity, and from his wrists the
bracelets he wore, he put them upon Cartier, with many
signs of amity and good will, which, says the chronicle,
"was all dissimulation, as afterward it wel appeared."65

For some reason- -it may have been on account of the
gloomy associations connected with his sojourn on the banks
of the St. Charles — Cartier determined upon mooring his
vessels and establishing his defences elsewhere. After a
short reconnoisance with his boats above Stadacone, he
selected the entrance to a small river about four leagues
beyond 'Canada,' as being more commodious, and affording
greater advantages than did his former abode. The spot
chosen was in all probability Cap Rouge, the distance from
Stadacone' given by Cartier being, as usual, too great.

On the 26th August he caused all his ships to be brought
up to the entrance of this little river, in which he placed
three of them, leaving the remaining two out in the main
river in readiness to return to France with letters to the
King, informing him of their proceedings and of the non-
arrival of Roberval. By the 2nd September they had un-
loaded their supplies, and erected a fortification, mounted
with cannon, for the protection of the three vessels destined
to remain in the country. This being done, the two ships,
the one commanded by Mace Jalobert, Cartier's brother-in-
law, and the other by Etienne Noel, his nephew, departed
for home.66

NOTE 6r>. — These expressions "as afterward it wel appeared" and "as
we understood afterward " (page 121) seem to us to afford a tolerably clear
indication of what transpired at Charlesbourg- Royal during the succeeding winter,
the record of which is now no doubt mouldering in the recesses of some secret
depository of ancient manuscripts in France. We can only hope that, like the
Relation Originale, of the first voyage, it may be unearthed some day.

NOTE 66.— From other sources it appears that Jalobert and NoSl carried with

119

The next thing was to make an examination of the sur-
rounding country, with the fertility of which they were more
than pleased, the trees being pronounced finer than any-
thing they had before known, though the grape vines, which
grew in rich profusion between them, did not yield a fruit
" so kind as those of France, because the Vines bee not
tilled, and because they grow of their owne accord." " To
bee short," says Cartier, "it is as good a Countrey to plow
and mannure as a man should find or desire." Here he set
twenty men to work, who in a day cleared an acre and a
half of ground. This patch they sowed with cabbage, let-
tuce, and turnip seed, which sprang up in a week. On the
summit of the cliff which overhung their ships, they built
another fort " to keepe the nether Fort and the ships, and
all things that might passe, as well by the great as by this
small river." A flight of steps cut in the rock led up to the
higher fortification, near which flowed a clear spring of
water. On this cliff they picked up shining quartz crystals
supposed by them to be diamonds, and along the shore
glittering scales of mica, "as thicke as a mans nayle," which
they mistook for gold.

Scarcely had the forts been built and things got in order
at Charlesbourg-Royal, for so the establishment was grandly
named after Charles, Duke of Orleans, son of the French
King, than the restless spirit of the commander prompted
him to embark on an expedition to Hochelaga. The stories
of Donnacona had evidently made a profound impression

them the news of the death of Thomas Fromont, dit de la Bouille, who was Master
of la Grande Hermlne on the second voyage. He is said to have been Cartier's
right arm. Where, or under what circumstances, he .net vdth his death is un-
known, though as he left St. Malo with Cartitr in May, 1541, and the ships which
bore t!ie sad news sailed from Charlesbourg-Royal on the 2nd September, he pro-
bably died on the voyage over.

120

upon him, and he would tain know more of the mysterious
region which stretched north and west. In particular, the
recollection of the " great and swift fall of water " he had
seen from the top of Mount Royal haunted his memory, so
much so that he could not endure to lead a life of inactivity,
watching his turnips grow at Charlesbourg-Royal. His plan
was to go up the river and reconnoitre, returning before the
cold weather set in, and to spend the winter months in
making preparations for an extended exploration during the
following summer. Accordingly, after submitting his plans
to a council of his officers, Cartier, accompanied by Martine
de Painpoint and other gentlemen, set out on the yth Sep-
tember, with two boats, well manned and appointed, " to
goe as farre as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and under-
stand the fashion of the Saults of water which are to be
passed to goe to Saguenay,'' leaving the Vicomte de Beaupre
in command at Charlesbourg-Royal."

On the way he paid a visit to his old acquaintance, the
Lord of Hochelay, who had presented him with -the little
girl now serving as his interpreter. Here he left two boys
in order that they might learn the language of the country.
He also made the chief's heart glad by the gift of "a cloake
of Paris red, which cloake was set with yealow and white
buttons of Tinne, and small belles, &c., whereat the sayde
Lord seemed highly to rejoyce."

Impelled by fair winds, they reached on the nth instant
the foot of the first fall, two leagues distant from which was
the town of Tutonaguy. It is somewhat singular that, after
leaving Charlesbourg-Royal, Cartier does not mention Hoch-
elaga by name, nor could anyone tell from his account of
this expedition that he had ever been in the neighbourhood

121

of the falls before. Yet from his description, they must have
been the Lachine rapids, and the town of Tutonaguy was in
all probability Hochelaga. Nothing more clearly illustrates
the ephemeral character of these Indian villages, than the
circumstance that the fortified town of Hochelaga should
have lost its name in the short space of six years.67

Their attempt to row up against the rapids having natur-
ally proved unsuccessful, they went ashore, where they found
a beaten path running westward along the bank of the river
in the direction of the second fall. Soon they came to an
Indian village, where they were favourably received, and on
announcing their desire to surmount the rapids, they were
conducted along the river-side by four young men, until
they came to another village, abreast of the second fall.
From the Indians they learned that the third fall was not
far distant Having gathered this information, (which, by
the way, had been given to Cartier by the people of Hoch-
elaga several years before) they returned to their boats,
about which they found assembled a crowd of Indians to
the number of about four hundred. These savages seemed
pacifically inclined. " But," sagely adds the old chronicle,
"a man must not trust them for all their faire ceremonies
and signes of joy, for if they had thought they had bene too
strong for us, then would they have done their best to have
killed us" — and then follow the significant words — "as we
understood afterward.™ A time evidently came when these
people were to see in white men nothing but flesh and
blood like themselves.

NOTE 67. — M. Faillon tills us in his Histolre de lit Colonie Franfaise, Vol. 3, p. 16,
that the modern Iroquoia name of Montreal is Tiotiaki, the sound ot which word
is not unlike the Tutonaguy of Cartier.

NOTE 68.— See note 65, page 118

122

On their way down the river the French called in at
Hochelay, but found the chief away from home, and no-
body there save one of his sons, who told Cartier that his
father had gone to Maisouna only two days before.69 Upon
reaching the fort they found that this was not the case, for
the Lord of Hochelay had come down to Stadacone during
their absence, in order to devise with Agona hostile measures
against the French. The Vicomte de Beaupre's report was
to the effect that the Indians no longer came to the fort to
sell their fish as usual, but appeared to be in a great state of
excitement and alarm. Cartier, hearing all this, and seeing
that the Indians were congregating in large numbers (which
action he always associated with danger) saw to the efficiency
of his defences, which were more than ample to withstand
any attack the savages could make upon them, and—

At this point unfortunately, the ancient narrative abruptly
breaks off, and we are left to conjecture as best we may,
how Cartier and his companions spent the long dreary win-
ter which followed. We know from the opening portion of
the account of Roberval's voyage that Cartier was very much
badgered by the Indians, and from indications scattered
here and there through the fragmentary narrative we have
been considering, we are inclined to think that the winter
did not pass over without more than one act of treacherous
violence on the part of the savages. We do not learn that
there was any actual bloodshed,70 nor is there any mention

NOTE 69.— We do not at all know where Maisouna was situate, but fioni
matter. of course way in which it is mentioned here, we suspect that the hidden
narrative could tell us something about it.

NOTE 70. — Thevtt— a somewhat doubtful authority — records that one of Cartier's
men having insulted an Indian, the enraged savage hurled his tormentor over a
cliff, aud treated a second Fienchman, who came to the assistance of his comerade,
in like manner. This would not tend to make the relations between the Fort and
Stadacone any the more pleat-ant.

123

made of the scurvy, further than that when they first went
over their domain at Cap Rouge, special mention is had of
"one kind of tree above three fathoms about, which they in
the Countrey call Hanneda,71 which hath the most excellent
vertue of all the trees of the world, whereof 1 will make
mention hereafter" This is the same tree that furnished the'
wonderful cure on the St. Charles, and from the last words
of the quotation, it is not at all unlikely that the lost portion
of the narrative contains an account of circumstances which
rendered necessary a successful re-application of the remedy
during the winter sojourn at Cap Rouge.

We must now return to Roberval, whom we left at Stt
Malo with the intention of going down to Honfleur and
there getting ready a vessel in which to follow Cartier.
Meeting with unforeseen delays, it was not until the i6th
April, 1542, that he sailed from Rochelle with " three tall
ships" and two hundred companions, among whom were
many persons of quality. The fates seemed against the
enterprise, for they had not long left port when the wind
turning contrary, drove them back upon the coast of France,
and even when they did actually get under way, storms
hampered their progress so greatly that it was the yth June
before they reached the Newfoundland coast. Entering the
harbour of St. John's the next day, they found there seven-
teen fishing vessels, some of which must have been Portu-
gese, for Hakluyt says that Roberval was detained here
nearly all the month of June owing to an altercation between
his men and certain "Portugals."

One morning, some little time after their arrival, as they

NOTE 71. -The Brief Recit has, Amedu. 'Hakluyt's narrative of the second voyage
has, Ameda or Hanneda.

124

lay at anchor in the bay, they descried three ships enter-
ing port, which to Roberval's amazement turned out to be
Jacques Cartier's expedition of the previous year on the
homeward route. Carder, whom no contretemps ever seemed
to embarrass, paid his respects to his superior, and explained
that his premature return arose from the fact of his being
unable with his small band longer to cope with the Indians.
He praised the country, which he declared to be rich and
fruitful, and produced certain ' diamonts ' and ' Golde ore '
" which ore" we are told, " the Sunday next ensuing, was
tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good."

Roberval, hearing this favourable account of the country
ordered Cartier to return with him to Canada. The latter,
however, had had enough of it, and quietly slipping off the
following night made all sail for France. Several reasons
may have prompted this course, which at first sight seems
very unlike Cartier. To begin with, we do not think he
could have been favourably impressed with Roberval's
capacity for the leadership of such an expedition. The
latter's interminable delays had been the primary cause of
failure so far, and Cartier no doubt felt disinclined to hold
second place under such a man, in a situation where vigour
and determination were peculiarly indispensable, and
where a single error of judgment might prove fatal to the
whole party. And apart from the question of Roberval's fitness,
we can sympathize with Cartier in his unwillingnes to serve
in a country where he had so long been supreme— a coun-
try, the very existence of which, but for his intrepidity and
perseverance, would not then have been known to the civi-
lized world — a sorry return truly, for all the toil and priva-
tion he had undergone. And so we think we understand

125

the motives which prompted him to give Roberval the slip
in the manner he did. He probably desired to avoid any
thing like an open rupture, and with that object in view, took
the somewhat inglorious course we have described.

In this recital we have followed Hakluyt's account of
Roberval's voyage, which— and it is only a fragment — is the
sole record that has come down to us. We are aware of
the existence of certain speculations at variance therewith.
Mr. DeCosta, for example, in his article upon Cartier, to
which we have several times alluded in the course of this
essay, states that Roberval sailed from Honfleur on the
22nd August, 1541 — just three months after Cartier had left
St. Malo, and that the ships he met in the harbour of St.
John's were those of Jalobert and Noel, which Cartier had
despatched from Charlesbourg-Royal for France on the 2nd
September of that year. The authorities quoted by that
gentleman in support of this theory are not accessible to us.
Under these circumstances we feel bound to add that we
have not that confidence in the accuracy of Mr. DeCosta's
historical statements which we should like to feel. If his
version be correct; then Cartier and Roberval must have
wintered together in Canada in 1541-2. It is true Champ-
lain says that Roberval made Cartier return with him to
Canada, where they built a dwelling on the Island of
Orleans, while Lescarbot says that Roberval and Cartier
together established a fortification in Cape Breton. These
statements, however, are mere obiter dicta, and are flatly
contradicted by the only account of Roberval's voyage ex-
tant, with which probably neither Champlain nor Lescarbot
were acquainted, but which finds acceptance with such high
authorities as Ferland and Faillon, in whose company we

126

are content to abide. There is besides, other evidence to
show that Roberval was in France in the early part of 1542.
Harrisse — ' ''Notes sur la Nouvelle France J p. 5, note — says
without qualification : — " Roberval etait encore en France
le i Mars, 1542, puisque h cette date il comparut devant le
Parlement de Rouen afin de reclamer certains criminels qui
devaieht faire partie de son expedition."

Cartier certainly was present in the cathedral church of
St. Maio on the 2ist October, 1542, on which date he as-
sisted at the baptism of Catherine, daughter of Rend
Moreau, Sieur de la Peraudiere, and Roze des Pallys. Both
these statements fit in with Hakluyt's version of Roberval's
voyage. Finally, M. Joiion des Longrais in his work on
Jacques Cartier, published at Paris last year (1888), says
positively that Roberval sailed from Rochelle on the i6th
April, 1542.

CHAPTER VI.

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE LIFE
OF JACQUES CARTIER.

Return from third voyage. — Audit of accounts under Royal
Commission. — Evidence of fourth voyage. — Its probable
date. — Cartier's private life. — His residence at St. Malo. —
Limoilou. — As to his ennoblement. — Foundaiion of an
4 Obit.' — Cartier's death. — His character. —Conclusion.

ARTIER, on his return, found himself and his
expedition alike unnoticed. The third war between
the rival monarchs had broken out during his absence
and Francis, immersed in a sanguinary conflict which taxed
the resources of his kingdom to the utmost degree, found
himself unable to bestow a thought upon the man who had
discovered and entered upon for him, a territory as fair and
many times as large as that for which he was wasting the
energies and draining the life-blood of his people.

The next we hear of Cartier is his appearance before a
commission appointed by the King to audit the accounts of
the late voyage. The commission was composed of Robert
Legoupil, " conseiller et lieutenant en 1'admiraulte' de
France a la table de marbre de nostre palais a Rouan," and
four associate commissioners. On the 3rd April, 1544, the
King addressed a letter to Robert Legoupil, commanding
him to summon before him within a week after his ap-
pointment for the purposes of this audit, both Roberval and
Cartier, showing that both had returned to France before

12S

that date. The report of the commission, dated the 2ist
June, 1544, fixes the cost of Cartier's third expedition at
39,988 livres 4. 6. In this document is to be found the
only evidence we possess of Cartier's fourth voyage to Can-
ada, which, however, seems to establish the fact of its
having taken place. The following is the quotation—
Cartier having claimed 4,500 livres (apparently extra) on
account of P Hermine and rEmerillon, adds—

" Et en ce qui est du tier navire mettres pour dix sept mois
qu'il a este audict voiaige dudict Cartier, et pour huict mois
qu'il a este a retourner querir ledict Robert val audict Canada
au peril de nauleaige"2 que les autres deux, se seront deux mil
cinq cents livres, et, pour les autres deux qui furent audict
voiaige, six mois a cent livres le mois, sont douze cents livres."

The voyage of seventeen months above referred to is,
no doubt, the third one, on which Cartier sailed on the 23rd
May, 1541 VVe do not know the date of his return. He
left Newfoundland about the end of June, and we find him
present at a baptism at St. Malo on the 2ist October follow-
ing. Between May 1541 and October 1542 is just seven-
teen months. Leaving Newfoundland about the end of
June he should, however, have reached France long before
October — probably about the middle or end of August.
We fancy, for the purposes of his financial accounts, he
must have reckoned the length of the voyage as between
the periods of engaging and paying off his crews. Supposing
this to have been the case, and allowing for a long passage,
such for instance as Roberval experienced a few weeks be-
fore, we arrive at the conclusion that the third voyage was
held to be of seventeen months' duration.

All we know of the fourth voyage is that it was under-

NOTE 72.— See appendix J.

129

taken to bring back Roberval, and that it lasted eight
months. Meagre as is the information afforded us, it is
sufficient to justify the estimate of Roberval's fitness for the
leadership of such an enterprise which we have supposed
Cartier to entertain. As to when it occurred — Cartier was
present at a baptism at St. Malo on the 25th March, J543.
He was also present in person before the court at St. Malo,
as a witness, on the iyth February, 1544. M. Ferland's
supposition that Cartier sailed on his fourth voyage in the
autumn of 1543, wintered in Canada, and returned to
France about the beginning of May 1544, cannot therefore
be accepted.

Hakluyt tells us that Roberval left the neighbourhood of
Stadacone for Hochelaga on the 5th June," 1543. He must
therefore have been in Canada sometime after that date.
Both Roberval and Cartier appeared before the royal com-
mission at Rouen in June 1544. We cannot find any record
of Cartier being in France between March 1543 and Febru-
ary 1544 (saving one doubtful entry in the legal registers,
dated the 3rd July, 1543, on which occasion it is more than
likely he was represented by proxy). We therefore suggest
that he might have sailed on his fourth voyage about the
middle of April 1543, and returned late in the autumn of the
same year. This is strengthened by the probability that
Cartier, having undergone the privations of two winters in
Canada, would be careful to avoid a third experience.

Cartier seems to have spent the years succeeding his
fourth and (so far as we know) his last voyage, in retirement
at St. Malo. His town house was situate on the rue de
Buhen, between the old manor of that name and the St.
Thomas hospital. His country residence was at Limoilou,
a small village situate a few miles east-north-east of St.
9

130

Malo. The building is still preserved entire. According
to the representations of it which we have seen, it is of sim-
ple construction — in appearance resembling a substantial
farm house, with outbuildings and a court-yard — the whole
surrounded by a stone wall. The old house is approached
through two gates near together, of ancient form. In the
neighbourhood they are known by the name of ^Fortes
Carrier? Over the larger gateway, cut in stone, are the arms
of a Bourgeois, i.e., without the helmet. It appears that this
property had been for many years previous to the time of
which we write, in possession of the Cartier family. Here,
removed from the strife, political and religious, which raged
fiercely all around him, Cartier, happy we have every reason
to believe, in the companionship of his wife, passed his later
years. We do most sincerely trust that this interesting relic
may long escape the ruthless touch of modern philistinism.
It is stated that Francis I. at last recognized the eminent
services of his faithful follower by granting to him a patent
of nobility. We should like to think this was the case, but
we fear there is no satisfactory evidence to show that either
Francis or Henry, his son and successor, ever did anything
of the kind. L'abb£ Faillon is of opinion that the circum-
stance of Cartier being alluded to on the Baptismal register,
under the date 5th February, 1550, as '•'•Noble homme™
(which title he says was given only to those of noble rank)
is proof of his elevation to that dignity. Unfortunately we

NOTE 73.— 5 F6vrier, 1550.

'•Le jeudy, cinquiesme jour de feubvrier, fut baptiz6 ung filz en l'6glise cathe-
drale de Saint-Malo, & Jacques Nouel et & Robine Herv6 sa femme, par Dom
Ollivicr Lemarque substitut de venerable et discrete personne Maistre Lancelot
Buffier chanoine et vicaire-cur6 de la dicte eglise, et npmmfi fust par noble homme
Jacques Cartier, Jacques, et petit compdre Jehan Gufiridien, pour commdre Perrine
Gaulthier. En presence de Etienne Nouel, Mery Rouxel et du soubsignfe notaire,
le diet jour et an. Sign6 : JACQUES CARTIER et F. TREHOUART."

131

find Cartier similarly entitled, on the same register, ten
years before — namely on the i3th November, 1540, yet it
has never been maintained that he was ennobled before his
departure on the third voyage. Again, his name is recorded
in the ecclesiastical and legal records of St. Malo many
times subsequently to February i55o,74 but on none of these
occasions is there any allusion to his being of noble degree.
Finally, M. Jouon des Longrais has unearthed a document
dated 9th March, 1557, in which Cartier is specially dis-
tinguished from certain "priseurs nobles" — he being termed
"1'vn des priseurs de ceste ville."

It is true that in "un acte duchapitre de Saint-Malo" dated
the 29th September, 1549, he is styled Sieur de LimoiJou,
but it does not necessarily follow therefrom that he was of
noble rank. M. des Longrais says on this point — " Les
plus petits proprietaires s'intitulaient sieurs ou seigneurs de
leur terre quand il leur plaisait, quoique 1'usage en fut un
peu moins general qu' a la fin du meme siecle." The '"Acte '
above mentioned records the foundation by the Sieur de
Limoilou and his wife of an 'obit ' in the cathedral church
of St. Malo. This 'obit' called for the celebration of three
masses of requiem on the i6th October in each year. The
Sieur does not appear to have been blessed with much of
this world's goods, for it seems that in order to establish this
lobitj costing the sum of four livres, he was obliged to mort-
gage his town residence.

Cartier's presence at baptisms and before the legal tri-

NOTE 74.— For example, on the 2nd August in the same year
" Ls sabmedy second jour d'aougst, an predict mil Vc cinquanto, par venerable
•& discret Me. Lancelot Rutfier fut baptise ung fils & Raoulet Grout & Jeanne
Cheville sa femme ; & fut nomm6 Jacques par honnestes gens Jacques Cartier, prin-
cipal compere, & Robin Pestel, petit op., & Ollive Lambert cm., lesd. jour & an.
G. Langevin."

132

bunals, where his knowledge and experience were had in
great request,75 continued to occur frequently during the
latter part of his life. We have already referred to his last
attendance at a baptism, which took place on the iyth
November, 1555. His last appearance in court was on the
26th June, 1557, when he gave certain evidence in corrobor-
ation of the testimony of one Jehan Daniel.

We come now to the last act of Cartier's life — namely
his death, which occurred on the ist September, 1557, in
the 66th or 67th year of his age.76 Katherine des
Granches survived her husband nearly eighteen years,
dying in the early part of 1575. As we have already stated,
they had no family. Among Cartier's collateral des-
cendants we may mention Jacques Noel, grand nephew
of the celebrated navigator, from whose interesting
letters, written in 1587," it is apparent that he was not igno-
rant of the deeds of his great-uncle. In one of these letters
he states that he had gone over the ground in the neigh-
bourhood of the Saults (Lachine rapids) himself, and in
another he speaks of his sons, Michael and John, who at
the date of his writing were in Canada.

NOTE 75.— The portrait of Jacques Cartier still hangs in the town hall of St.
Malo. The name of the painter is unknown. In 1847 the L. & H. 8. of Quebec
procured a copy of this painting by M. Amiel, a Parisian artist. This picture un-
fotunately was destroyed in the burning of the Parliament buildings at Quebec in
February 1854. Many reproductions, however, are in existence, and the bold and
resolute features of the great navigator are familiar to us all.

NOTE 76. — M. des Longrais says that he discovered not long since on the margin
of one of the Court Registers at St. Malo, above the date of 1st September 1557,
the following memorandum :

" Ce diet mercredy au matin environ cinq heiires deceda Jacqiies Cartier."
M. des Longrais has appended a fac-simile of this entry. Cartier's death was
probably caused by an epidemic which was very fatal at St. Malo about that time.

NOTE 77. — See appendix L.

133

In considering the character of Jacques Cartier, if in-
deed our scanty knowledge of the man warrants us in using
so comprehensive a word, two features stand prominently
forth — his deep piety, and his extraordinary physical courage
and endurance. In our attempt to follow his adventurous
course, we have more than once called attention to both
these traits. Concerning the first, we may sum up our ob-
servations by saying that in Cartier dwelt an habitual sense
of the Divine presence, which governed all his actions and
directed all his ways. Devoted to the interests of Holy
Church, he was a strict observer of her sacred ordinances
and her stately forms, while his private life appears ever to
have been regulated by the maxims of the Gospel. In
looking back over the record of his voyages, it is very rarely
one meets with any violation of the moral law — the only
instances we can recall being the kidnapping of the Indians
at Stadacone, and the subsequent deception which that act
entailed. True it is that the accounts in all probability
were written by himself, but they are simple, straightforward
narratives, and bear the impress of truth upon every page.

Of his physical courage and powers of endurance it would
be difficult to speak too highly. When one considers what
the ships of that period were like, it will be admitted that a
voyage to the new found land was in itself no light under-
taking. But this voyage four times repeated, was but a
small portion of Cartier's exploits. Cramped in his wretched
little vessel, buffeted by the winds and waves, he lived for
months at a time in command of men, some of whom at
any rate, judging from their extraction, could not have been
very desirable companions. With them he explored wild
regions on which the foot of a white man had never trod—

134

penetrated a thousand miles into the interior of an unknown
continent — and there, surrounded by savages, alone of civil-
ized men in all that mighty wilderness which stretched from
Mexico to the Pole, he deliberately undertook, with a hand-
ful of followers, to spend a winter. We know something of
the unspeakable miseries he endured in the course of that
dreary stay on the banks of the St. Charles, and we have
seen how little they affected his indomitable spirit, in that
on the first opportunity he voluntarily repeated his ex-
perience.

Of Cartier in his domestic relations we know scarcely
anything. From one or two circumstances we have men-
tioned, we think we are justified in surmising that his
married life was uniformly happy, the one disappointment
being that the blessing of Joseph was withheld from them;
for little as we know of Cartier, this much is clear, that he
possessed that note of a great man— fondness for children.
There .is scarcely a year of his life in which we do not hear
of him holding a little one over the baptismal font.

Under happier auspices Cartier's third voyage would pro-
ably have marked the beginning of the permanent settle-
ment of this country, and Canadian history would have had
fifty years added to its page. But Providence ordained
differently, and the work was reserved for other hands.

With Francis I. died all hope of an early settlement of
New France. His successor, burdened with the affairs of a
country attacked from without by foreign foes, and torn by
religious wars within her borders, bestowed no further
thought upon an enterprise which promised no immediate
return. The Basque and Breton fishermen pursued their
calling on the banks of Newfoundland and in the ' Grand

135

Bay ' as of old, and there are not wanting traces of feeble
and intermittent attempts on the part of private indivi-
duals to follow in the footsteps of Jacques Cartier ; but
with him, to all intents and purposes, Canada disappeared
from the eyes of the civilized world. No longer need the
anxious inhabitant of Stadacone" gaze fearfully down the
great river — no more in his generation should bearded
strangers invade the privacy of his domain ; his next danger
lay in the opposite direction, where, far up the Ottawa,
forces were gathering for his overthrow. And as Algonquin
followed Huron at Hochelaga and Stadacone, a savage
power was steadily growing in the south, of whose unparal-
leled ferocity both Huron and Algonquin were soon to have
bitter experience.

Save for these widely scattered bands of savages, all
Canada was a solitude, through which the St. Lawrence
rolled down its lonely course for more than a thousand
miles. And so it continued to be for upwards of sixty years,
until at length the silence was broken by the commanding
voice of Samuel de Champlain.

APPEN DICES.

APPENDIX A.

In almost every account of Cartier's voyages which we have
seen, the two ships which sailed on the first voyage are said to
have been each of sixty tons burden, and equipped with one
hundred and twenty-two men in all. The writers have all been
misled by Hakluyt, who says : — " We departed from the Port
of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and
61 well appointed men in ech one."

A comparison of this with the parallel passages in the other
relations, shows that Hakluyt erred in his enumeration.

The Ed. 1598 has — "Auec deux nauires de charge chacun
d'environ soixante tonneaux, et arme de soixante et un
homme.'' This is not so clear as it might be. Read, however,
in the light of the R. 0. it is obvious that the sixty-one men
formed the united crews. "Auecques lesdits deux nauires du
port d'enuiron soixante tonneaulx chaincun, esquippez les deux
de soixante ung homme." This we take to be conclusive, but
if further evidence be wanting, it is to be found in the legal
document dated the 28th March, 1538, to which we have alluded

in the body of this paper, and which lias as follows : — "

Jacques Cartier, capitaine et pilote pour le Roy, ayant charge
de voiaiger et aller aux Terres Neuff ves, passer le destroict de
la baye des Chasteaulx avecques deux navires equippez de
saixante compaignons pour V an present , cfcc."

We think, therefore, we are justified in stating that Cartier
was accompanied on his first voyage by only 60 persons. In
reading the accounts of his voyages, in Hakluyt, for the first
time, it struck us as somewhat singular that he should have
been accompanied by more men on his first than on his second
voyage. The truth is, however, that the proportion between
the tonnage and the men is the same on both voyages ; on the
first, 120 tons and 61 men — on the second, 220 tons and 110
men.

138
APPENDIX B.

There are no less than five versions of the narrative of the
first voyage of Cartier.

1. In Italian, by Ramusio : " Prima relations di lacques
Carthier delta terra nuoua detta la nuoua Francia" Vol. III.
First published in 1556. Reprinted in 1565, 1606 and 1613.

2. "Discovrs \\ dv \\ voyage \\ fait par le capi-\taine laqves
Cartier \ aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, No-\\rembe gue,
Hochelage, Labrador, & \\ pays adiacens, dite nouuelle France, \
auec particidieres moeurs, langage et || ceremonies dcs habitans
d'icellel. —A Roven, \\de Vimprimerie \ de Raphael du Petit
Val, Libraire et Imprimeur du Roy, a VAnge Raphael. || M. D.
XCV1II. Avec Permission."1

Reprinted in 1843 by the L. & H. S. of Quebec, and in 1865
by M. H. Michelant. This work, it is stated in the preface, is
a translation of one 'escrit en langue estrangere.'

3. "A short and \\ briefe narration of the two \ Navigations
and Discoueries \ to the Northweast partes called \ Newe
Fravnce: || First translated out of French into Italian by that
famous || learned man Gio: Bapt: Ramutius, and now turned\
into English by John Florio : worthy the rea-\\dinq of all Ven-
turers, Trauellers i| and Discouuerers.\\ —

"Imprinted at Lon\\don, by H. Bynneman dwelling \\ in
Thames Streate, neere vnto \\ Baynardes Castill. \ Anno
Domini 1580."

4. "Certaine voyages containing the Discouerie of the Gulfe
of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland, and from
thence vp the riuer of Canada, to Ho helaga, baguenay, and
other places : with a description of the temperature of the
climate, the disposition of the people, the nature, commodities,
and riches of the soile, and other matters of speciall moment :
collected by Richard Haklvyt Preacher, and sometimes student
of Christ-Church in Oxford.'" Printed in London in 1600.

5. "Voyage de Jacqnes Cartier" 1544.

A manuscript discovered in 1867 in the Bibliotheque Im-
periale, Paris, which notwithstanding the date, 1544, is held to
be the Relation Originate of the first voyage. It was published
at Paris in the year of its discovery by MM. Michelant and
Rame. All five accounts substantially agree, a close similarity
existing between the first, second and fourth, although here and
there differences occur, of sufficient importance in the judg-
ment of M. Michelant (a gentleman who has bestowed much

139

study upon the subject) to warrant the opinion that the Italian,
English, and French versions come of independent sources.
The fifth differs more frequently from the rest than any one
of the latter does from the other three, and in the matter of
distances &c. , where one can form an indepen lent opinion, it is
generally found that the Relation Originate is the most trust-
worthy. Accordingly, where the versions conflict, we as a
rule give it the preference. We have never had an opportunity
of examining the third (Florio's), which is confessedly a trans-
lation from Ramusio, and therefore cannot be, on M. Miche-
lant's theory, identical with the one employed by Hakluyt, as
one would be disposed to think.

APPENDIX C.

Lewis Roberts, in his " Dictionary of Commerce," printed in
London in 1600, says of Brest, that it was the chief town of
New France : that it was the residence of the Governor,
Almoner, and other public officers : that the French drew there-
from large quantities of baccalao, train oil, and valuable furs.
See Robertson's paper on the Labrador coast, in the records
of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec for the year
1843.

Unfortunately this ancient dictionary of Roberts is not to be
found in Canada, nor have we been able to discover it in
Boston. Mr. Robertson, after quoting Roberts, says in his
paper — "As to the truth of Roberts' remarks there can be no
doubt, as may be 3een from the ruins and portions of the build-
ings, which were chiefly constructed of wood. I estimate that
at one time it contained 200 houses, besides stores, &c., and per-
haps a thousand inhabitants in winter, which would be trebled
in summer."

The period to which he refers was, however, long after Car-
tier's day. A little farther on Mr. Robertson falls into an error
respecting Brest, which he confounds with Bradore— les
Islettes of Cartier.

L'lle aux Basques is in lat. 48° 9' long. 69° 15'.

Echafaud Island, as laid down in Bayfield's charts, is a mere
rock just off the Basque roads. Cap de Chafaut aux Basques,
on the mainland near by, is about two leagues from Tadousac.
S. E. J S. of ' la pointe aux Allouettes,' otherwise called St.
Matthew, (the cape on the western side of the entrance to the
Saguenay.) Emery de Caen anchored there in 1629. Champlain
pp. 1096-7, 1245.

140
APPENDIX D.

The following is the text of the Commission authorizing the
second voyage.

PHELIPPES CHABOT, —

chevalier de 1'ordre, compte de Buzancoys et de Charny,
baron d'Aspremont, de Paigny et de Mirebeau, seigneur de
Beaumont et de Fontaine franczose admiral de France, Bre-
taigne et Guyenne, gouverneur et lieutenant general pour le
roy en Bourgongne, aussi lieutenant general pour monseigneur
le daulphin ou gouvernement de Normandie, au cappitaine
et pillote maistre Jaques Cartier de Sainct Malo — salut.
Nous vous avons commis et deppute, commettons et deputons
du voulloir et commandement du roy pour conduire, mener et
emploier troys navyres equippees et advitaillees chacune pour
quinze moys au parachevement de la navigation des terres par
vous ja comniencees a descouvrir oultre les terres neufves, et
en icelluy voaige essayer de faire et acomplir ce qu'il a plu
audit seigneur vous commander et ordonner, pour 1'equippaige
duquel vous achapterez ou freterez a tel pris raisonnable que
adviserez au dire de gens de bien a ce congnoissans, et sellon
que verrez et congnoistrez estre bon pour le bien de ladite
navigation, lesdites troys navires prandrez et louerez le nornbre
des pillotes, maistres, et compaignons marynyers telz qu'il
vous semblera estre requis et necessaii'e pour lacomplissement
d'icelle navigation, desquelles choses faire equipper. dresser et
mettre sus, vous avons donne et donnons povoir, commission
et'mandement espicial, avec la totale charge et superintendence
dMceulx navires, voaige et navigation, tant a laller que re-
tourner. Mandons et commandons a tons lesdits pillottes,
maistres et compagnons mariniers et aultres qui seront esdits
navires vous obeyer et suy vre pour le service du roy en ce que
dessur, cornme ilz feroint a nous mesrnes, sans aucune contra-
ditioii ne reffuz, et ce stir les peines en tel cas acoustumes a
ceulx qui se trouveront desobei'ssans et faisans le contraire.
Donne soubz noz seing et seel d'armes, le penultieme jour
d'octobre 1'an mil cinq centz trante quatre. Ainsi signe Phe-
lippes Chabot, et saelle en plat quart de cire rouge (in the
margin)— " Collationne avecq loriginal."

APPENDIX E.

The following is the list of Jacques Cartier's companions on
the second voyage, to which reference is had on page 58

141

We have adopted the spelling employed by M. F. Jouon des
Longrais in his work " Jacques Cartier Documents Nouveaux"
1888. The names in italics are as they are given in 37. Alfred
Rame's " Documents Inedits sur Jacques Cartier," 1865. It
will be observed that there are several discrepancies between
the two renderings, although both purport to be transcriptions
from the same roll.

Le mercredy dernier jour de mars apres Pasques mil
Vf-c XXX V a Vabaye Sainct Jehan

Et a celluy Poulet aparu le rolle & numbre des compaignons
que led. Cartier a prins pour lad. navigation : & a este mis
entre mes mains pour incerer cy dessous. & a celluy Poulet
proteste de en dymyer du numbre de XXV a trente & d'en
prendre d'aultres a son chouaix.

L'incertion desd. maistres, compaignons, mariniers & pillotes
s'ensuyvent —

1 . JACQUES CARTIKR, cappitaine.

2. THOMAS FOURMONT, Maistre de la nef.

(This name is variously spelt Fourmont, Frosmond,
Fromont. The Brief Recit has Frosmond. Thomas
Fourmont, dit de la Bouille, was one of the few sur-
vivors of the second voyage whom we know to have
followed Cartier in 1541, from which expedition he was
fated never to return. See note p. 119.)

8. GUILLAUME LE BRETON BASTILLE, capitaine et pilote du
galion.

4. JACQUES MAINGARD, maistre du galion.

5. MACE JALOBERT, capitaine et pilote du Corlieu.

Marc. (He was brother-in-law to Cartier, having mar-
ried Alison desGranges, sister of Katherine.)

6. GUILLAUME LE MARIE, maistre du Courlieu.

7. LAURENT BOULAIN.

Laurens.

8. ESTIENNE NOUEL.

9 . PIERRE ESMERY diet TALBOT.

Pierres.

10. MICHEL HERVE.

11. ESTIENNE POMMEREL.

Princevel,

12. MICHEL AUDIEPVRE.

13. BRIEND SAUBOSCQ.

Bertrand Sambost.

14. RICHARD COBAZ.

142

Richard Le Bay.

15 . LUCAS SAUMUR.

Lucas Fammys.

16. FRANgois GUITAULT, apoticaire.

17. GEORGET MABILLE.

18. GUILLAUME SEQUART, charpentier.

19. ROBIN LE TORT.

20. SANSON Ri FAULT, barbier.

Samson.

21 . FRANQOIS GUILLOT.

22. GUILLAUME ESNAULT, charpentier.

23. JEHAN DABTN, charpentier.

24 . JEHAN Du NORT, charpentier.

Jehan Duvert.

25. JULIEN GOLET.

26. THOMAS BOULAIN.
•27 . MICHEL PHILIPOT.

Phelipot.

28. JEHAN HAMEL.

29. JEHAN FLEURY.

30. GUILLAUME GUILBERT.

31 . COLAS BARBE.

Barbe.

32 . LORANS GAILLOT.

Laurens.

33. GUILLAUME BOCHIER.

34. MICHEL EON.

35. JEHAN ANTHOINE.

36. MICHEL MAINGARD.

37. JEHAN MARYEN.

38 . BERTRAND APVRIL.

39. GlLLES RUFFIN.

Gilles Stuffin.

40. GEOFFROY OLIVIER.

OJlivier.

41. GUILLAUME DE GUERNEZE.

42. EUSTACHE GROSSIN.

43 . GUILLAUME ALLIECTE.

Allierte.

44. JEHAN DAVY.

Eavy.

143

45. PIERRE MARQUIER, troiupecte.

Pierres.

46. GUILLAUME LE GENTILHOMME.

47. RAOULLET MAINGARD.

48. FRANgois DUAULT.

49. HERVE HENRY.

50. YVON LE GAL.

51. ANTHOINE ALIECTE.

Alierte.

52 . JEHAN COLAS.

53 . JACQUES PRINSAULT.

Poinsault.

54. DOM GUILLAUME LE BRETON.

55. DOM ANTHOINE.

(In the Library of Parliament at Ottawa there is a well
executed copy in fac-simile of the roll of Cartier's
crews. It bears the inscription " Liste revue avec soin
sur le Facsimile, par C. H. Laverdiere, ptre Bibliothe-
caire de I' Univ. de Laval, 22 Novemb. 1859."

In the margin, opposite each name, is printed the
modern rendering thereof, which in a few instances,
differs slightly from either of the versions we give
here. In the interval between the names "Dom Guille
Le Breton," and " Philippe Thomas, Charpentier,"
are certain characters, corresponding to the initial
word of the first mentioned name, which palaeograph-
ers tell us stand for the prefix "Dom," followed by a
blank space. At the foot of the page is the following
note :

" Ce nom, omis dans roriyinal,a ete supplee par Mr.
Cunat dans la liste quil a publiee a St. Malo le 4
Decembre 1858.")

56. PHILIPPE THOMAS, charpentier.

Philipes.

57 . JACQUES DU BOYS.

Duboy.

58 . JULLIEN PLANCOUET.

Plantirnet.

59. JEHAN Go.

60. JEHAN LE GENTILHOMME.

61. MICHEL DONQUAN, charpentier. '

Douquais.

144

62. JEHAN AISMERY, Charpentier.

63. PERROT MAINGARD.

Pierre Maingart.

64. LUCAS CLAVIER.

65 . GOULHET Riou.

Goulset Riou.

66. JEHAN JAC, DE MORBIHEN.

Jehan Jacques Morbihen.

67. PIERRE NYEL.

Fierres.

68. LE GENDRE ESTIENNE LE BLANC.

69. JEHAN PIERRES.

70. JEHAN COUMYN.

71. ANTHOINE DBS GRANCHES.

72. LOUYS DODAYREN.

Doitayrer.

73. PlERRES COUPEATJX.

Coupeaulx.

74. PIERRE JONCHEE .

Pierres .

APPENDIX F.

There seems to be a general agreement upon this point ;
Champlain, Sagard, Lescarbot, all attest to the fact of Cartier
having wintered in the St. Charles. Champlain says — Laver-
diere's edition of 1613, p. 156 — " le tiens que dans ceste riuiere
qui est au Nort & vn quart du Norouest de nostre habitation,
ce fut le lieu oil laques Quartier yuerna, d'autant qu'il y a
encores a vne lieue dans la riuiere des vestiges comme d'vne
cheminee, dont on a trouue le fondement, & apparence d'y
auoir eu des fossez autour de leur logement, qui estoit petit.
Nous trouuasmes aussi de grandes pieces de bois escarrees,
vermoulues, & quelques 3 ou 4 balles de canon. Toutes ces
choses monstrent euidemment que c'a este vne habitation, la-
quelle a este fondee par des Chrestiens" &c.
Again, speaking of the St. Charles, he says —
Laverdiere's Champlain, ed. 1632, p. 13 — "vne petite riuiere
qui asseche presque de basse mer, qu'il (Cartier) npmma Saincte
Croix, pour y estre arriue le iour de 1'Exaltation de Saincte
Croix : lieu qui s'appelle maintenant la riuiere Sainct Charles,

145

sur laquelle a present sont logez les Peres Recollets, & les Peres
lesuites, pour y faire vn Seminaire a instruire la ieunesse."

And again, p. 14 —

" Cartier qu'il ful contraint d'hyuerner en la riuiere

Saincte Croix, en vn endroit ou maintenant les Peres lesuites
ont leur demeure, sur le bord d'vne autre petite riuiere qui se
descharge dans celle de Saincte Croix, appellee la riuiere 'de
Jacques Cartier, comnie ses relations font foy."

Sagard, Vol.3, p. 788, says the Recollets assisted the Jesuits to
erect their dwelling "en un lieu que Ton appelle cotnmunement
le fort de Jacques Cartier."

It is somewhat singular that Charlevoix, who probably was
acquainted with Cartier's narrative, should have maintained
that Cartier's wintering place was at the mouth of the Jacques
Cartier River, five and twenty miles above Quebec. In this he
is clearly in error.

The little river Lairet, and the ruisseau St. Michel — a small
stream some two hundred yards farther up — fall into the St.
Charles nearly opposite Have Point. They are, each of them,
about seven feet wide at the mouth, at low tide, but as the tide
rises in the St. Charles from twelve to fifteen feet, a vessel of the
size of the Grande Herminecouldenter either at high water. We
believe, as we have said, that the mouth of the Lairet was Car-
tier's abiding place during the winter of 1535-6, and we mention
the ruisseau St. Michel only for the reason that in it, according
to M. LeMoine's "Picturesque Quebec" p. 484, were dug up the
remains of a vessel supposed to be the Petite Her mine, portions
of which were presented, as such, to the town of St. Mato,
where they are now preserved.

In Champlain's time, as we have seen, vide supra, the Lairet
was known as the river of Jacques Cartier, but this must have
been merely an alternative designation, for in the original grant
from the Duke of Ventadour, Viceroy of New France, to the
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, dated 10th March 1626, it is
alluded to as "la petite riviere dite communemeiit Lairet."*
( Vide, Pieces et Documents relatifs a la Tenure Seigneuriale,
printed by order of the Canadian Legislature in 1851, vol. 1,
p. 53.)

*NOTE. — The writer is indebted to Dr. N. B. Dioiine ol Quebec for this piece of
information which he has since verified in the Parliamentary Library at Ottawa.
When this essay was written he was under the impression that the confirma-
tory grant of these lands, dated 12th May, 1678, in which mention is had of " la
petite riviere de Layret " contained the earliest known reference to this river by its
present name, but Dr. Dionne's discovery shows that, fifty-two years before that
period, it was commonly called the Lairet^

146

The St Charles was called by the Indians Cabir-Coubat on
account of its sinuous course. It was given its present name
by the Recollets in honour of Charles Des Boues, grand vicar
of Pontoise, who founded the first mission of the Order in
Canada. The Island of Orleans was called by the Indians
' Minigo,' while Donnacona's capital was called Stadacone,
which in the native language signified 'wing,' because the
point between the St. Lawrence and the St. Charles on which
it was built, suggested to the Indians the form of an out-
stretched wing. See Ferland, Cours D'llistoire. passim.

APPENDIX G.

M. D'Avezac has appended to his reproduction of the Brief
Jtecit, two chapters which, so far as we can gather, are not in
the original edition of 1545. They certainly are not in Ramusio
or Hakluyt. Lescarbot, however, gives them in their place in
Cartier's narrative, and they are also to be found in the edition
published by the L. & H. S. of Quebec. M. D'Avezac, while
relegating them to the end of his book, appears nevertheless to
regard them as genuine. We therefore think it not out of
place to give a short resume of them here, merely premising
that they contain nothing inconsistent with the Brief Recit.

The first chapter begins by relating that during the month
following the return of Cartier from Hochelaga, the Stadacone
Indians came regularly to the ships to exchange their fish for
small beads and other articles of like nature. Matters were
thus proceeding amicably, when Taignoagny and Domagaya —
''lesdeux meschans" — as they are termed, succeeded in per-
suading their comrades that the French were obtaining an un-
due ad vantage in this commerce, and that instead of worthless
trinkets, the Indians should demand hatchets and other
articles of greater value and use to them .

About this time Cartier was warned by ' a lord of Hagon-
chenda' that some treachery was in the air, which proved to
be nothing more serious than a scheme to inveigle away from
the ships the three Indian children, whom Donnacona had pre-
sented to the Captain. The plot was so far successful that the
eldest girl effected her escape. A complete suspension of inter-
course between the Fort and Stadacone was the result.

The second chapter opens by relating that the Indians
speedily repented of their course. On the 4th November, a
deputation from the town, headed by Domagaya, visited the
ships and reported that Donnacoua had gone off to scour the
country for t!i_ lost damsel. Meanwhile Domagaya informed

147

the Captain that Taignoagny was very ill, and prayed for the
gift of some salt and a little bread . Cartier with his usual
kindness, complied with the request, sending him word at
the same time that ' Jesus was angry with him for his evil
doings,' and that he was to see in his illness evidence of the
Divine wrath. The admonition was not without i's effect, for
in a few days the girl was returned, with the explanation that
she had run away because one of the cabin boys ( paly". ) had
beaten her. A reconciliation followed, to seal which Cartier
entertained the Indians with bread and wine. Harmony thus
being restored, the French and Indians again lived together
" en aussi grand amour que pardevant."

APPENDIX H.

AV ROY.

'J'reschrestien.

CONSIDERANT, O mon tres redouble prince, les gradz bien &
don de grace qu'il a pleu a Dien le Createur faire a ses crea-
tures : Et entre les autres de met t re & asseoir le soleii, qui est
la vie & congnoissace de toutes icelles, & sans lequel nul ne
peult fructifier ni generer en lieu & place la on il a son nionue-
ment, & declination contraire, & non semblable es autres pian-
ettes. Par lesquelz mouuemet & declinaison, toutes creatures
estds sur la terre en qnelque lieu & place qiCelles puissent estre,
en out, ou en peuuent auoir en Ian dudict soleii, qui e*t 365
iours et six heures. Aidant de veue oculaire les vngs qne les
autres, non qu'il soil tant chault & ardant es vngs dense, que
es autres par ses raiz & reuerbe rat ions, ny la diuision des
iours & nuictz en pareille esgallete : Mais suffit qiCil ayt de
telle sorte & tant temperemet que toute la terre est ou peult
estre habitee en quelque zone, climat, ou paralelle quc ce soit :
Et icelles auecques les eaues, arbres, herb's, & toutes autres
creatures de quelques genres ou especes qu'elles soient par T in-
fluence d'icduy soleii, donner fruictz & generations selon leur
nature par le vie & nourriture des creatures humaines. Et si
aucun? vouloient dire le, cdtraire de ce que dessus, en aHeguant
ledict des saiges philosophrs du temps passe, qui ont escript &
faict diuision de la terre par cinq zones, dont ilz dient & affer-
ment trois inhabitees. ('est a*sauoir la zone torride, qui est
entre le* deux tropiques ou sohtic.es, qui passe par le zenic des
testes des habitans dicelle : Et les deux zones artique & entar-
tiquepour la grand froideur qui est en icelle, a cause <! > veu
d'tsleuation qu'ilz ont dudict soleii & autres raisons : le con-

148

fesse qu'ilz ont esci ipt de la maniere, & croy fermemet qu'ilz le
pensent ainsi, & qvCilz le treuuent par aucunes raisons natur-
elles, ou ilz prenoient leurfondement, & dicelluy se contentoi-
ent seulemet sans aueuturer n'y mectre leurs personnes es dan-
giers, esquelz ilz eussent pen ancheoir d cercher V expsrience de
leur dire. Mais ie diet z pour ma replique que le prince d'iceulz
pliilosophes a laisse par my ses escriptures vng mot de grande
cdsequence, qui diet que, Experietia est rerum magistra ; par
Venseignemet duquel i'ay ose entreprendre de adresser d la veue
de vostre mageste royalle, cestuypropos en maniere de prologue,
de ce rnyen petit labeur : Car suyuant vostre royal commande-
ment. Les simples mariniers de present non ayans eu tant de
craincte d'enlz mectre a Vaduanture d'iceiilx perilz & danglers
qu'ilz ont eu, & ont desir de vous faire treshumble sendee d
V augmentation de la saincte foy chrestienne, ont congneu le
contraire d' icelle opinion des pliilosophes par vraye experience.
Ie allegue ce que deuant, parce que ie regarde que le soleil qui
chascun iour se lieue d Vorient, & se reconce d I'occident faict
le tour & circuit de la terre, donnant lumiere & chaleur d tout
le monde en vingt quatre heures, qui est vng iour naturel, sans
aucune interruption de son mouuement & cours naturel. A
Vexemple duquel ie pense d mon foible enlendement, & sans
autre raixon y alleguer, qu'il plaint d Dieu par sa diuine bonte
que toutes humaines creatures estans & hctbitans soubz le globe
de la terre, ainsy qu'elles ont veue, & congnoissance d'icelluy
soleil ayt & at/ent pour la temps aduenir congnoissance &
creance de nostre saincte foy: Car premierement icelle nostre
saincte foy a este semee & plantee d la terre saincte, qui est en
Asye d Vorient de nostre Europe : Et depuis par succession de
temps apportee & diuulguee iusques d nous, & finalement d
Voccident de nostredicte Europe d Vexemple du diet soleil por-
tant sa chaleur & elarte d1 orient en Occident comme diet est .
Et pareillement anssy auons veu icelle nostre saincte foy, par
pi.usieurs fois d ^occasion des meschas heretiques & faulz legis-
lateurs, eclipses en aucuns lieux : & depuis soubdainemet
reluyre & monster sa clerte plus appertement que auparauant.
Et maintenant encores d present voyons comme les meschans
lutheriensapostatz & imitateurs de Mahomet, de iour en autre
s'efforcent de icelle opprimer, & finablement du tout entaindre,
si Dieu & les vrays suppostz d'icelle n'y donnent ordre par
mortelle iustice ; ainsy qu'on veoit faire chascun iour en voz
pays & royaulme, par le bon ordre & police queyauezrnys.
Pareillement aussi veoit on, comme au contraire d'iceulx en-
fans de Sathan, les paoures chrestiens, & vrays pilliers de
VEsglise catholiqus s'efforcent dicelle augmenter & accroistre,
ainsi que a faict le catholique Roy d'Espaigne, es terres qui

149

par son commddemet ont esle descouuertes en Voccidet de ses
pais & royaulmes. les-quelles auparauant nous estoient incog-
nues, estranges, & hors de nostrefoy: Comme la neufue Es-
paigne, Lisabelle, terre ferme, & autres ysles ou on a trouue
innumerable peuple, qui a este baptise & reduict en nostre
tressaincte foy .

Et mainteuant en la presente nauigation faicte par vostre
royal commandement en la deseouuerture des terres occi-
dentales, estans soubz les dimats & paralelle de voz pays &
royaulme, non auparauant a vous riy a nous congneuz, pour-
rez veoir & scauoir la bonte & fertilite d'icelles, innumerable
quantite des peuples y habitans, la bonte & paisiblete d'iceulx,
Et pareillement la fecondite du grat fleuue que descend &
arrose le penny d'icelles vos terres, qui est le plus grat sans
comparaison que on sache iamais auoir veu. Les quelles
ehoses donnent d eeidx qui les ont veues, certaine esperance de
r augmentation future de nostre dicte saincte foy & de voz
seigneuries & nom tres chrestien, ainsi qiCil vous plaira veoir
par cestuy present petit liure : Auquel sont amplemet con-
tinues toutes ehoses dignes de memoire, que auons veues, & qui
nous sont aduenues tant en faisant ladicte nauigation, que
estans & faisans seiour en vosdictz pays & terres.

APPENDIX I.

The following is the text of the Letters Patent issued to
Jacques Cartier on the occasion of his third voyage.

Francois par la grace de Dieu Roy de France, et (a?) touz
ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, salut. Comme pour le
desir d'entendre et avoir congnoissance de plusieurs pays que
on diet inhabitez, et aultres estre pocedez par gens sauvaiges
vivans sans congnoissance dp Dieu et sans usaige de raison,
eussions des piecza a grandz fraiz et mises envoye descou-
vrir esdits pays par plusieurs bons pillottes et aultres noz
subjectz de bon entendement, scavoir et experience, qui d'iceux
pays nous aurioent amene divers hommes que nous avons par
long (temps) tenuz en nostre royaume les faisans instruire en
1'amour et crainte de Dieu, et de sa saincte loy et doctrine
chrestienne, en intention de les faire revenir esdicts pays en
compaignie de bon nombre de noz subjectz de bonne volonte,
affin de plus facillement induire les autres peuples d'iceux
pays a croire en nostre saincte foy, Et entre autres y
eussions envoye nostre cher et bien ame Jacques Cartier, lequel
auroict descouvert grand pays des terres de Canada et Oche-

150

laga. faisant un bout de 1'Azie du coste de 1'Occident. lesquelz
pays il a trouvez, ainsi qu'il nous a rapporte, garniz de plus-
ieurs bonnes comaiodittez, et les peuples d'iceux bien formez
de corps et de membres et bien disposez d'esprit et entendement,
desquelz il nous a semblement amene aucun nombre que nou&
avons par long temps faict vivre et instruire en nostre saincte
foy, avecq nosdictz subjectz en consideration de quoy et vu
leur bonne inclination, nous avons advise et delibere de ren-
yoier ledict Cartier esdictz pays de Canada et Ochelaga et
jusqu'en la terre de Saguenay, s'il peult y abordor avec bon
nombre de navires et de nosdictz subjectz de bonne volonte et
de touttes qualitez, artz et Industrie pour plus avant entrer
esdictz pays, converser a^ ec lesdictz peuples d'iceux et avecq
eux habiter si besoin est, affin de mieux parvenir a nostre dite
intention, et a faire chose aggreable a Dieu nostre createur et
redempteur et qui soi< -t a I'augrnentation de son saint et sacre
nom et de nostre mere sainte eglise catholicque, de laquelle
nous sommes dicta et nommez le premier fils, Pourquoi, toict
besoing pour meilleur ordre et expedition de ladicte entreprise
deputer et establir un capitaine general et maistre pillotte des
dictz navires, qui ait regard a la conduitte d'iceux et sur les
gens oflficiers et soldatz y ordonnez et establiz, sgavoir faisons,
que Nous a plain confians de la personne dudict Jacques Car-
tier, et de ses sens, suffizance, loyaulte, preudhomie, hardiesse,
grand e dilligence et bonne experience, icely pour ces causes et
a nitres, a ce nous mouvans, avons faict et constitue, ordonne
et estably, faisons, constituent;, ordonnons, et establissons par
ces presantes Capita:ne general et maistre pillotte de tons les
navires et autres vaisseaux de mer par nous ordonnez estre
menez pour ladicte entreprise et expedition, pour ledict estat et
charge de capitaine general et maistre pillotte d'iceux navires
et vaisseaux avoir, tenir, et esercer par ledict Jacques Cartier
aux honneurs, prerogatives, preeminances, franchises, libertez,
gaiges et biens faictz tels que par nous luy seront pour ce or-
donnez, tant quTil nous plaira, et luy avons donne et donnons
puissance et auctorite de mettre, establir et instituer ausdcitz
navires telz lieutenantz. patrons, pillottes et autres ministres
necessaires pour le faict.et conduicte d'iceux, et en tel nombre
qu'il verra et congnoistra estre besoing et necessaire pour le
bien de ladicte expedition. Si donnons en mandement par
cesdictes presentes a nostre admiral ou visadmiral que pris et
receu dudict Jacques Cartier le serment pour ce deu et accous-
tume, iceluy mettent et instituentou facent mettre et instituer
de par nous en possession °t saisine dudict estat de capitaine
general et maistre pillotte et d'iceluy ensemble des honneurs,
prerogatives, preeminances, franchises, libertez, gaiges et bien-

151

faiotz telz que par nous luy seront pour ce ordonnez, le facent,
souffrent, et laissent jouir et user plainement et paisiblement
et a luy obeyr et entendre de tous, et ainsi qu'il appartiendra
es choses touchant et concernant le diet estat et charge, et
oultre luy face, souffre et pertnettre preridre le petit Gallion
appelle 1'Esmerillon, que de presant il a de nous, lequel est ja
viel et caduc, pour servir a 1'adoub de ceux des navires qui en
auront besoign et lequel nous voullons est re pris et applique
par ledict Cartier pour 1'effect desusdict, sansce qu'il soittenu,
en rendre aucun autre conipte ne relicqua, et duquel cotnpte
et relicqua nous 1'avons descharge et deschargeons par icelles
presantes par lesquelles nous niendons aussy a noz prevost de
Paris, baillifs de Rouan, de Caen, d'Orleans, de Bloys et de Tours,
sennechaux du Maine, d' Anjou et Guyenne et a tous nos autres
baillifz, sennechaux, prevostz et allouez et autres nos justiciers
efc officiers tant de nostre diet Royaume que le nostre pays de
Bretaigne uny a iceluy, par devers lesquelz sont aucuns prison-
niers accusez ou prevenus d'aucuns crimes quelz qu'ilz soinct,
fors des crimes d'herezie et de leze majeste divine et humaine
envers nous et de faulx nionnayeurs, qu'ilz ayent incontinent
a delivrer, i-endre et bailler es mains dudict Cartier, ou ses
conimis et deputtez portans cestes presantes ou le duplieata
d'icelles, pour nostre service en ladicte entreprise et expedition,
ceux desdictz prisonniers qu'il congnoistra estres propres suf-
fizans et cappables pour servir en icelles expedition jusqu'au
nombre de cinquante personnes et selon le choix que lediet
Cartier en fera, iceux premieremeiit jugez et condannez selon
leur demerittes et la gravite de leurs meffaictz, si jugez et con-
damnez ne sont, et satisfaction aussy piealablement ordonnee
aux parties civilles et interessees. si faictes n'avoict este, pour
iaquelle toutteffois ne voullons la deliverance de leurs personnes
esdictes mains dudict Cartier s'il les trouve de service, estre re-
tardee ne retenue, mais se prendra laditte sattisfactit)ii sur
leurs biens ssullement, et Iaquelle deliverance desdict prison-
niers, accusez ou pi'evenuz nous voullons estre faicte esdites
mains dudict Cartier pour 1'effect dessus diet, par nos dictz
justic ers et officiers respectivement, et par chacun d'eux en
leur regard, povoir et juredition, nonobstant oppositions ou
appelations quelconcques faictes ou a faire.relevees ou a relever,
et sans que par le moyen d'icelles, icelle deliverance en la man-
iere dessus dicte soict aucunement differee, et affin que plus
grand nombre n'eu soict tire outre lesdictz cinquante, nous
voullons que la deliverance que chacun de nosdictz officiers en
fere audict Cartier soict escripte et certiffiee en la marge de
cestz presantes, et que neantmoins registre en soict par eux
faictz et envoye incontinent par devers notre ame et feal ehan-

152

celier pour congnoistre le nombre et la quallitte de ceux qui
ainsi auront este baillez et delivrez, Car tel estnostre plaisir, en
tesmoing de ce nous avons faict mettre nostre seel a cesdictes
presantes. Donne a Sa.nct Pris le dix septieine jour d Octobre
Tan de grace mil cinq centz quarante et de nostre regne le vingt
sixiesme. Ainsi signe sur le reply : Par le Roy vous Monseig-
neur le Chancelier et autres presans, De la Chesnaye, et scellees
sur ledict reply a simple queue de cire jaulne.

Ausquelles lettres est attache soubz contre seel autres lettres
pattantes dont la teneur ensuict :

HENRY fils aisne du Roy, Dauphin de Viennois, due de
Bretaigne, Compte de Vallentinois, et de Diois, a nos amez et
feaux les gens de noz et chancellerie, senechaux, allouez, lieu-
tenantz, et a tous noz autres justiciers et officiers et nos dictz
pays et duche salut. Nous vous mendons que suy vant le con-
tenu et lettres patantes du Roy nostre tres honore seigneur et
pere, donnees en ce lieu de Sainct Pris, le dix septiesme jour de
ce presant mois, ausquelles ces presantes sont attachees souhz le
centre seel de nostre ehancelerie, vous ayez a incontinent de-
livrer, rendreet bailler entreles mains de nostre cher et bien arne
Jacques Cartier, capitaine general et pillotte de tons les navires
et autres vaisseaux de mer que le Roy nostre diet seigneur et
pereenvoye espays de Canada et Ochelaga, et jusque en laterre
de Sagtienay. . . Pour les causes a plain declarees esdictes let-
tres, ou a ses comrnis et deputtez portant lesdictes lettres et ces-
dictes presantes, les prisonniers estans par devers vous accusez on
prevenus d'aucun crime, quel qu'il soict, forsde crime d'herezie
et leze inajeste divine et humaine et faulz monnayeur, que le
diet Cartier congnoistra estre propres, suflizans et cappables
pour servir audict voiaige et enterprise jusqu'au parfaict du
nombre de cinquante personnes et selon le choix que ledict
Cartier en fera, iceux premierement jugez et condamnez selon
leurs demerittes et la gravitte de leurs meffaictz, si jugez et
condamnez ne sont, satisfaction aussi prealablement faicte aux
]>arties civilles et interessees, si faicte n'avoict este, sans toutte-
fois jxnir la dicte satisfaction retarder la delivrance de leurs
personnes esdictes mains dudict Cartier s'il les trouve de Ker-
A'ice comme diet est, mais ordonner icelle sattisfaction estre
prise sur leurs biens seullement et afin qu'il n'en soict tire plus
grand nombre que cinquante, chaicun de vous respectivement
regarderez la marge desdictes lettres, combien il en aura este
delivre au diet Cartier, et fei'ez escrire et certiffier en icelle
marge ceux que luy ferez delivrer, et neantmoiiis en tiendrez
registre que vous envoirez a nostre tres cher et feal le chance-
lier de France et le nostre pour congnoistre le nombre et qualite
qu'ainsi auront este delivrez, le tout selon et ainsi qu'il est plus

153

au long contenu et declare esdictes lettres du Roy nostre diet
seigneur et pere, et que ledict seigneur le veult et mande par
ici dies. Donne a Sainct Pris le vingtieme jour d'Octobre 1'an mil
ciuq centz quarante. Ainsi signe, par Monseigneur le Dauphin
•et due. Clausse, et scellees a queue de cire rouge.

APPENDIX. J.

Mr. De Costa translates " peril de nauleige" (or " peril de
nauleaige" as it is in the older rendering) "risk of ship-
wreck," but this surely is a gross error. Littre says of ' nau-
lage' that it is a " terme de marine— synony me de fret, dans
la Mediterranee " and "fret" is denned in the same work to
mean the affreightment of a vessel. "Noliser" in any mod-
ern f rench dictionary is the word to ' ' charter " a ship—
Bescherelle, Dictionnaire National renders " nolis " or '' nau-
lage," 'affreightment.' Cartier therefore, we take it, simply
meant that in embarking on this fourth voyage, he ran some
risk of incurring additional charges in connection with the
chartering of his vessel .

In taking leave of the Reverend Mr. De Costa it may be well
to tabulate a few of the errors which disfigure that portion of
his imposing article upon "Jacques Cartier and his succes-
sors " in Justin Winsor's History, which we have had occa-
sion to examine.

1. He says that Cartier sailed on his first voyage with two
ships of ' about ' 50 tons each, and 162 chosen men.

2. He says that Cape St. Peter was on Alexay, and that the
latter was probably Prince Edward Island .

3. He confounds the River of Boats with the Bay of St.
Lunario.

4. He says that Cartier reached Gaspe on the 24th July.

5. He says that Cartier sailed on his second voyage three
days after Easter 1535. Easter fell on the 28th March of that
year. That would mean therefore that Cartier sailed on the
31sc March.

6. He speaks of St. Mary's current as an " entering stream."

7. He says that Donnacona showed Cartier eight scalps, and
told him that they had taken them from their enemies, a
•company of whom, two hundred in number, they had slain
some time before.

3. He says that Cartier arrived at St. Malo, on his return
from the second voyage, on the 1st July. 1536.
9. He confounds Hochelay with Hochelaga.

154

10. He says that, according to Hakluyt, Roberval sailed from
Rochelle on the 14th April, 1542.

11. He says that France Royal ( Charlesbourg-Royal ) wa*
below Quebec.

12. Hetranslar.es " peril de nnuleaige " rink of shipwreck."
Now the 1st, 3rd, 4th, [>th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th and llth of

these statements are simple errors of fact, as a reference to
any of the accounts of Cartier's voyages will show. As for
the 6th — it is scarcely necessary to say that St. Mary's current,
opposite Hochelaga, is in the St. Lawrence river. The 12th is
obvious. The second alone a imits of question, and we leave
it to any one acquainted with the locality to say whether any
part of Prince Edward Island presents a " high and pointed ''
appearance from the sea .

APPENDIX K.
JACQUES CARTIER'S WILL.

Dated 19th May, 1541, immediately prior to his departure on
the third voyage.

Endroict davent nous notaires jurez & receuz en la court de
Sainct Malo soubz signans & par icelle, furent huy presens &
personnellement establiz Jacques Cartier, capitaine & rnaistre
piilote du Roy es terres neuffves, & Catherine Des Granges sa
compaigne espouze, sieur & dame de Lymailou, & bourgeoys
en ceste ville <fe cite de Sainct Malo, d'vne & aultre partz. Icelle
dicte Catherine a sa requeste suffizamment & qui a ce que
ensuist groyer, tenyr & acomplir auctorisee *ant de sond. rnary
que de Jacques Des Granges sieur de La .Ville-es-gardz, son
pere, sur ce present qui de faict luy en donne ses auctoritez
paternelz, au tout du contenu en cestes presentes, a promis &
j are par son serment & sur hypotheque generalle de tout son
bien presente & avenyr, d'icelle auctorite jamais ne faire revo-
cation ; & Jehanne Cartier, seur dud. Cartier, aussi presente,.
n'aller au coiitraire en aucune maniere. Lesqueulx, & chascun
sur nommez, respectivement se submetans & se sont submis
avecques touz chaincuns leurs biens meubles & immeubles pre-
sens & avenir aux pouvoir, destroit, jurisdiction, seigneurie &
obeissance de nostre d. court, y fournir & obeyr droict quant
au contenu de cestes presentes, sequelles & deppendances ; lea
quelx & chascun, sans aucune induction ny coaction, mais de
leurs pures & liberalles voluntez & comme mieulx leur a pleu,
firent & font contract ensamble 1'vn avecques 1'aultre a tiltre

155

de pure, rautue & esgalle donne, des forme & maniere qui en-
Buyvent ; par laquelle ilz & chascun s'entre sont donnez 1'vn a
1'aultre acceptans reciproquement le tout de 1'vsufruict, jouis-
sance & revenu des maisons, terres, apartenances, heritaiges &
choses heritelles quelxconques a euix apartenantes soit par
aquest ou autrement en quelque maniere & sans reservation
aucune au village de Lymailou, vulgairement appelle la maison
de Lymouellou, situees & estantes es paroaisses de Pasrame &
de Sainct Ydeuc & chascune pour en jouir le sourvivant d'elx
sa vie durante seullement apres le deces avenu du premier de-
cebde, acquicter & icelle entretenir en deues & bonnes repara-
tions durant que le sourvivant en jouyra & sans en faire al-
lienation ne dyminution en maniere quelxconque. Phis s'entre
sont lesd. mariez donne pour eulx, leiirs lioirs & successeiirs,
le premier decedant, la somme de cent livres monnoie a estre
premierernent prinse & levee sur les plus riches & principales
bagues & chaisnes d'or de leur communaulte au chouays du
sourvivant jucques a la valleur dicelle somnie. Diet & con-
senty entr'eulx, en presence desd. Jacques Des Granges, Jehanne
Cartier, chascun pour eulx, leurs hoirs & subcesseurs, que si &
en cas que ledict deces dud. Jacques Cartier premierement
aviendroit que de sad. femme, en iceluy cas durant le vivant
de lad. Catheryne qu'elle joyra dud. lievi & terres de Lymouel-
lou, celle Jehanne Cartier ou les siens hoirs aura & joyra, durant
led. temps, de 1'vsufruict jpuissance & revenu d'vne petite
maison & jardrin derriere situez & estans en cested. ville de
Sainct Malo jouxte les murailles d'icelle aux environs de Buhen.
joignante par vne part la rue dud. Buhen, par aultre endroict
& bout a aultre jardrin apartenante a Jehanne Eberard & d'un
coste le manoir de Buhen. Et si le deces de lad. Catheryne
premier avenoyt durant le vivant dud. Cartier qu'il joyroit dud.
lieu & heritaige de Lymouellou, celuy Jacques Des Granges
pour luy ou les siens fera la jouissance. vsufruict & revenu
d'iceulx petite maison & jardrin estans en cested. ville comuie
diet est jucques au temps du deces dud. Cartier. Et le deces
dud. sourvivant avenu seront tous leurs heritaiges partagez &
divisez entre les heritiers & subcesseurs d'iceulx mariez &
chaecun comme apartiendra par droict & coustume. Et, des a
present comme des lors du deces du premier decede, ont voullu
& consanty 1'vn a 1'autre que le sourvivant en prenne & apre-
hende la reele, corporelle & actuelle possession & jouissance,
sans aultre moien ne mestier de justice, & se y entre constituans
1'vn 1'aultre pour le survivant vroy possesseur aud. tiltre a
viaige seullement comme dessus. Et de ce s'entre sont promis
bon & deu garantaige sur leursd. biens, neantmoingz droict &
coustume au contraire disans : donneur n'estre tenu garantyr

156

la chose par luy donnee. Et les choses toutes & chaincune cy
dessus lesd. parties & chaincune surnommees, & chaincune pre-
sente pour ce que luy touche, ont congneu estre vroyes, de la
manierre les ont proruis & jure tenyr & acomplir, sans pouvoir
aller ne faire au contraire, en maniere quelxconque y avoir ne
querir delaiz aucuns, a quoy ilg ont renunce. Et partant a ce
faire les y avons de leurs consantenients & requestes condemnez
& condempnons ; donne a tesinoing de ce les sceaux establiz
aux contracts de nostred. court. Et f ut faict & le gre prins en
cested. ville de Sainct Malo en la maison & demeurance desd.
niariez, le dix neuffiiesme jour de may MDXLI. Ainsi signe
JAC CARTIER, G. REHAULDS F. LE BRET.

APPENDIX L.

A letter written to M. lohn Growte, student in Paris, by
laques Noel, of S. Malo, the nephew of laques Cartier, touch-
ing foresaid discouery.

Master Growte, your brother in law Giles Walter shewed me
this morning a Mappe printed at Paris, dedicated to one M.
Hakluyt an English Gentleman : wherein all the West Indies,
the kingdome of New Mexico, and the Countreys of Canada,
Hochelaga and Saguenay are contained . I hold that the Riuer
of Canada which is described in that Mappe is not mai'ked as it
is in my booke, which is agreeable to the booke of laques Cartier:
and that the sayd Chart doth not rnarke or set downe the great
Lake, which is aboue the Saults, according as theSauages have
aduertised vs, which dwell at the sayd Saults. In the fore-
?ayd Chart which you sent me hither, the Great Lake is placed
too much toward the North . The Saults or falles of the Riuer
stand in 44. degrees of latitude : it is not so hard a matter to
passe them, as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from
any high place, it is nothing else but that in the middest of the
Riuer there is bad ground . It were best to build boates above
the Saults : and it is easie to march or trauell by land to the
end of the three Saults : it is not aboue flue leagues iourney.
I haue bene upon the toppe of a mountaine, which is at the
foot of the Saults, where I haue seene the sayd Riuer beyond
the sayd Saultes, which shewed vnto vs to be broader than it
was where we passed it. The people of the Countrey aduertised
vs, that there are ten dayes iourney from the Saults vnto this
Great Lake. We know not how many leagues they make to a
dayes iourney. At this present I cannot write vnto you more
at large, because the messenger can stay no longer. Here

157

therefore for the present I will ende, saluting you with my
hearty commendations, praying God to give you your hearts
desire. From S. Malo in haste this 19 day of June, 1587.

Your louing Friend

IAQVES NOEL.

Cosin, I pray you doe me so much pleasure as to send mee a
booke of the discouery of New Mexico, and one of those new
Mappes of the West Indies dedicated to M. Hakluyt the Eng-
lish Gentleman, which you sent to your brother in law Giles
Walter. I will not faile to infornie rnyselfe, if there be any
meane to find out those descriptions which Captaine Cartier
made after his two last voyages into Canada.

(Vnderneath the aforesaid vnpersite relation that which
follweth is written in another letter sent to M. lolm Growte,
student in Paris from laques Noel of S. Malo, the grand
nephew of laques Cartier.)

I can write nothing else vnto you of anything that I can re-
couer of the writings of Captaine laques Cartier my vncle
disceased, although I haue made search in all places that I
could possibly in this Towne : sauing of a certaine booke made
in maner of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand of
my said vncle, which is in the possession of Master Cremeur :
which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the
Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I my selfe
haue knowledge thereof as farre as to the Saults, where I haue
bene ; The height of which Saults is in 44. degrees. I found in
the sayd Chart beyond the place where the Riuer is diuided in
twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer
somewhat neerest that arme which runneth toward the North
west, these words following written in the hand of laques
Cartier.

By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That
here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in
precious stones.

And about an hundi-ed leagues vnder the same I found
written these two lines following in the saide Garde enclining
toward the Southwest. Here in this Countrey are Cinamon
and Clones, which they call in their language Canodeta.

Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you,
it is made after the maner of a sea Chart, which I have
deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and lohn, which at this
present are in Canada. If at their returne, which will be God
willing about Magdalene tyde, they haue learned any new
thing worthy the writing, I will not faile to aduertise you
thereof.

Your louing Friend,

IAQVES NOEL.

i nsr ID IE :x: .
A.

PAOE

AGOUHANNA 84, 85

AGOUIONDA, THE 89

AGOUNA or AGONA. . . 105,117,118

ALGONQUINS 83, 84

ALLEZAY— Dead Man's Island 44

AMEDA or HANNED A— Remedy for scurvy. . . ..100, 101, 123

ANGOULEME, Lake of— See St. Peter Lake

ANTHOINE, DOM 64, 143

ANTICOSTI, Island of 52,53,59,60

AUBERT THOMAS 22

BACCALAOS... ... 20,21

BACCHUS ISLAND.— See Orleans Island ...

BALEINE, Hable de la — Red Bay 33

BAPTISMS— Of Cartier's father, 26. Cartier's presence at, 28

BASQUES 34, 35

BASTILLE, GUILLAUME LE BRETON 57. 77, 141

BEAUPRE, VICOMTE DE 120, 122

BELLE ISLE -Strait of— la baie des Chasteaulx 31

BERTHELOT, M . AMABLE 76, 77

BIARNI, Voyages of 17, 18

Bic —Isle aii massacre .... .... .... .... 94

BIRD ROCKS 43

BLANC SABLON 33, 59

BOATS, RIVER OF— Kildare river 45, 46

BOHIER, FRANQOIS— Bishop of St. Malo 56

160

I'AGK

BONA VISTA CAPE 30

BORDEAUX 113

BOUAYS, ISLE DE 33

BotiES CHARLES DBS 146

BRADORE BAY— Les Islettes— La bale de Phelypeaux 33

BRAZIL — Traces of previous voyage to, by Jacques Cartier 28

BREBEUF, JEAN DE, S J. ... 16

BREST ISLAND 33

BREST, PORT OF— In Old Fort Bay— now Esquimaux Bay 34

BRETON, DOM GUILLAUME LE 64, 143

BRION'S ISLAND 43

BUTTES, PORT OF— Greenish Bay 33

CABIR-COUBAT— see Holy Cross, river of.
CABOT, JOHN — His commission. 19. Embarks on his
voyage of the discovery of America, 20. Prima

Vista 20

CABOT, SEBASTIAN —His voyage to the New World 21

CAEN, EMERY DE. . 139

CANADA — First mentioned, 59. Meaning of word .... 84
CANNON — First sound of on the St. Lawrence . . 75

CANNON OF BRONZE ... 76

CAPE BRETON ... 20,110,125

CAP ROUGE— See Charlesbourg-Royal

CARPUNT 31,116

CARTIER, JACQUES — His birth, 24. Parentage, 25. Early
life, 27. Marriage, 27. Traces of previous voyage
to Brazil, 28. Preparations for first voyage, 29.
Departure from St. Malo, 30. Arrival at New-
foundland, 30. Course through strait of Belle
Isle, 31-37. Down the west coast of Newfound-
land, 37-42. Through Magdalen Islands, 43-44.
Along north-west coast P.E.I., 45-46. N.B. coast,
46-49. Discovery of baie des Chaleurs, 47. Stay
in Gaspe, 49-51. Planting of Cross, 51. Seizure
of Indians, 52. Course about Anticosti, 52-53. Re-
solve to return home. 54. Departure, 54. Arrival
at St. Malo, 54. Report to the King, 55. Second

161

voyage resolved upon, 56. Preparations, 56. De-
parture from St. Malo, 57. Arrival at Blanc Sa-
blon, 58. Voyage along Labrador coast, 59. Dis-
covery of Anticosti, 59. The river Saguenay, 61.
Isle aux Coudres, 62. Isle d'Orleans, 69. Meeting
with Donnacona, 69. Selection of stopping place, 72.
Description of the St. Charles, 72. Of Stadacona,
72, 93. Resolve to proceed to Hochelaga, 73-74.
Device of Indians to restrain Cartier from going
farther, 75. Its failure, 76. Departure for Hoche-
laga, 77. Ochelay, 77. Lake St. Peter, 78. Musk-
rats, 78. Arrival at Hochelaga, 79. Description
of the town, 81-82. Meeting with inhabitants, 85.
Reading of the Gospel, 87. Ascent of Mount
Royal, 88. Return to boats, 90. Departure from
Hochelaga, 90. River of Fouez, 91. Arrival at
the port of Holy Cross, 91. The Fort, 92. Con-
versations with Indians, 93-95. Their idea of God,

94. Their desire for Baptism, 95. Mode of living,

95. Description of tobacco, 95. Outbreak of
scurvy, 98. Progress of disease, 99-100. Its cure,
100-101. Advent of spring, 103. Resolve to re-
turn home, 105. Seizure of Donnacona, 106-108.
Departure for home, 109. Isle aux Lievres, 109.
Isle Brion, 109. Cap Lorraine, 110. Isle St. Pierre,
110. Rougenoze, 110. Arrival at St. Malo, 110.
Report, 111. Delay in the renewing of commis-
sion, 112. Roberval, 113. His appointment as
Viceroy, 113. Cartier appointed Captain General,
113. Preparations for third voyage, 115. Depart-
ure, 116. Arrival at Stadacone, 117. Meeting
with Agona, 117. Selection of Cap Rouge, 118.
Char lesbourg- Royal, 119. Resolve to re-visit
Hochelaga, 119. The three Saults, 120. The town
of Tutonaguy, 120. Return to Char lesbourg- Royal,
122. Unfriendly attitude of Indians, 122. Abrupt
termination of narrative, 122. Meeting with Rob-
erval in harbour of St. John's, Newfoundland, 124.
Return home, 124. Audit of accounts, 127-128.
Traces of fourth voyage, 128. Its probable date,
129. Private life, 130. Town house, 129. Li-
moilou, 129. Question of ennoblement, 130-131.
Foundation of 'Obit,' 131. Presence at Baptisms,

181. Will, 154-156. Death, 132. Character, ... 133-134

CHABOT, PHILIPPE— Sieur de Brion 24, 112

CHALEURS, BAIE DBS 47-49

162

PACK

CHAMBEAUX, GARNIEE DE 58

CHAMBEAUX, SIEUE DE, JEAN GARNIER 58

CHAMP..AIN, SAMUEL DE 40, 66, 84, 125, 135, 144

CHARLESBOURG-ROYAL .. — 118-119

CHARLEVOIX 58

CORTE-REAL, GASPAR— His voyage 22

COUDRES, ISLE*AUX. . . 62, 109

COULOMBIERS, LES 39

CUDRAGNY — Indian deity 76,85,94

CUMBERLAND HARBOUR 36

CUOQ, REV. J. A 84

DAULPHIN CAPE — Cape North of the Magdalen Islands . . 44

D'AVEZAC, M ... 57, 146

DAWSON, SIR WILLIAM 81

DECOSTA, REVEREND B. F 44, 77, 94. 125

DEGRAT, POINT ... 32

DENYS, JEAN ... 22

DIEPPE 22, 23, 24

DIJON 113

DIONNE, DR. N. E 145

DISTANCES — Cartier's often exaggerated 40

DOMAGAYA .... 69,73,100,101,108

DONNACONA 69, 73, 77, 94, 105, 108, 109, 111, 117

DOUBLE CAPE, THE— Cape Rich 37

EASTER ... 27

ECHAFAUD ISLAND 35, 139

ERIKSEN, LEIF 17

ESQUIMAUX 37

ESURGNY — Wampum 96

163

PAGE

FAILLON, L'ABBE 62, 64, 79, 83, 121, 125, 130

FERLAND, L'ABBE 37,59,73,83,125

FLORID, JOHN 138

FOUEZ, RIVER OF— St. Maurice River 91

FOURMONT, THOMAS 57,119

FRANCIS 1 22, 23, 54, 55, 111, 127, 130, 134

FUNK ISLAND 30, 58

GANONG W. F., A.M. — His paper on Jacques Cartier's

first voyage discussed. .... 38

GARNIER, CHARLES, S. J 16

GARNIER, JEAN. — Sieur de Chambeaux 58

GASPE, 49. Planting of Cross at, 51. Seizure of Indians,. 52

GOSPEL — First reading of — in Canada 87

GOUION, JEHAN 58, 77

GOUPIL, ROBERT LE 127

GOYELLE DE ... ... 58

GRANCHES, KATHERINE DES— Wife of Jacques Cartier. . 27,132
GRANCHES, LES MONTS DE— On West coast of New-
foundland ... 37

GREENLY ISLAND 33

GOUTTES, PORT OF 33

GUYOT, CHARLES 58

HANNEDA. — see Ameda.

HARE ISLAND 61, 109

HARRISSE, HENRY 126

HAWKINS—' Picture of Quebec' ... 70, 7?

HELLULAND ... 18

HENRY II OF FRANCE 130

HIGGINSON, T. W IP

HOCHEL A GA— Montreal, description of 81, 82

HOCHELAY or OCHELAY— Point au Platon 77, 120

164

PAGE

HOLY CROSS— Port and Eiver of , St. Charles 72,91,92

HONFLEUR 115, 123

HONGUEDO — See Gaspe

HOPE, CAPE OF— Point Miscou 47

HORSFORD, E. N 19, 20

HURON INDIANS 83, 84

I. & J.

INDIANS — Cartier's first sight of, 36— Subsequent meetings

with, along the coast 45, 49, 50, 54, 61, 69

IROQUOIS 93,94,135

ISLANDS, BAY OF 41

JALOBERT, MACE 57, 77, 118, 141

JESUS, FATHERS OF THE SOCIETY OF — Their heroism
alluded to, 16. The site of their dwelling on the
banks of the St. Charles .... .... .... 145

JOGUES, ISAAC, S. J. ... 16

KILDARE RIVER— River of Boats 45, 46

KINGSFORD, W. . . 87

KOUCHIBOUGUAC BAY 46

LABRADOR 22, 33-37

LACHINE RAPIDS 88,121

LA GRANDE HERMINE 56,58,116

LAIRET, THE RIVER 72, 145

LALEM ANT, GABRIEL ! 16

LA PETITE HERMINE 56, 103, 104

L'EMERILLON. . : 56,72,114

LEMOINE, J. M 15

LERY, BARON DE 22

LESCARBOT 57,112,125

LIEVRES. ISLE AUX — see Hare Island

L'lLE A ux BASQUES 34,35,139

165

PAGE
LlMOILOU 129, 130

LITERARY AND HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF QUEBEC, 57, 58, 61, 77, 138

LOBSTER BAY— see St. Ser van's Port

LONGRAIS, M. JOUON DBS 126,131,132

LORRAINE CAPE— Cape North, C.B 110

Louis MONT 60

MADELEINE CAP ' ... 60

MAGDALEN ISLANDS 43, 44

MAINGARD, JACQUES 57,141

MAISOUNA— Indian village 122

MARIE LE, GUILLAUME 57,141

MARKLAND 18

MASS— said to have been celebrated 35, 62, 67, 68

MICHELANT, M. H 138, 139

MILK, CAPE OF— Long Point 39

MINGAN ISLANDS 59

MIRAMICHI BAY 47

MISTANOQUE BAY 36

MOISIE RIVER ... 60, 61

MONTMORENCY, CAP DE— Bear Head— Anticosti 52

MONTREAL — see Hochelaga .... .... .... ....

MOUNT ROYAL ... 88

MOUY, CHARLES DE — Sieur de la Milleraye 29

MUSK-RATS 78

NAPETEPEC BAY 36

NEWFOUNDLAND 18,20,37-43,110

NOEL, ETIENNE . . 118

NOEL, JACQUES 132,156,157

NOREMBEGA ... .. 113

NORSE DISCOVERIES ... 17, 18

166

PAGE
' OBIT ' — founded by Jacques Cartier. ... 131

OCHELAY or HOCHELAY 77, 120

OJIBEWAS 83

ORLEANS CAPE— Cape Kildare, P. E. I 45, 46

ORLEANS, ISLE D' 69, 109

PARIS 113

PABKMAN, FRANCIS 15, 83, 99

PILLAGE BAY — la bate Ste. Genevieve 59

PLAMONDON, M * 59

POINT AU PLATON — see Ochelay

POINTED CAPE — Cow Head ... 37

POMMERAYE, CHARLES DE LA 58,77

PONTBRIAND, CLAUDE DE 58, 77

POUTRINCOURT 95, 107

PORT AU PORT BAY 41

POULLET, JEHAN 58, 77, 105. 141

PRATTO, CAP DE — White Head. (Perce) 49

PRIESTS— Did any accompany Cartier ?. ... 62-69, 95

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND — Its discovery by Jacques

Cartier 45, 46

QUEBEC — see Stadacone ....

RALEIGH, SIR WALTER 95

RAME, M. ALFRED 138

RECOLLETS 145

RICHELIEU RIVER 79, 96

RICHMOND BAY 45, 46

ROBERTS, LEWIS 139

ROBERVAL, JEAN FRANQOIS DE LA ROCQUE — Sieur de, 113.
His appointment as Viceroy, 113. His delays, 115.
Sails from Rochelle, 123. Meets Cartier in harbour
of St. John's, Newfoundland .... .... .... 124

167

PACK

ROCHE HARBOUR ... 40

ROCHELLE ... 123

ROCKY BAY — St. Antoine's Port .... 35

ROUEN 113

ROUGEMONT, PHILIPPES 99

ROUGNOZE, PORT — Trepasses Harbour 1 10

ROYAL, CAPE— Bear Head, Newfoundland 42

SAGUENAY, THE RIVER, 61

do. Country of 84

SAUTEURS, LES — see Ojibewas ....

SCURVY — French attacked by *. 98-103

SHECATICA BAY ;-6

SIDATIN, Town of 103

SOUTH HEAD 40

SPANISH SPY 115-1 16

STADACONE— Quebec 72, 78-93

STEERING ISLAND 37

ST. ANTOINE'S PORT — Rocky Bay 35

ST. CHARLES RIVER— see Holy Cross

STE. GENEVIEVE, LA BAIE — see St. Lawrence Bay . .

ST. JAMES RIVER— see Napetepec Bay

ST. JOHN, CAPE— Cape Anguille 43

ST. JOHN'S, NEWFOUNDLAND 123

ST. JULIAN, BAY OF — Bay of Islands 40, 41

ST. KATHERINE'S HARBOUR. ... 30

ST, LAWRENCE BAY — Pillage Bay— labaie Ste Genevieve 59

ST. Louis, CAP— Heath Point 52

ST. LUNAIRE, LA BAIE 45

ST. MALO 25,30,54,56,110,115,129

ST. MARTIN'S CREEK — Port Daniel— point where Cartier

first touched Canadian soil 47

ST. MARY'S CURRENT 79

ST. MAURICE RIVER— see Fouez. river of

ST. MICHEL, RUISSEAU, 145

168

PAGE

ST. NICHOLAS HARBOUR— Pashasheebu Bay 59

ST. PETER, LAKE 78

ST. PIERRE, LE DETROIT 54

ST. PIERRE, ISLE 110

ST. SERVAN'S PORT— Lobster Bay 36

ST. WILLIAM ISLANDS 59

TAIGNOAGNY . . 70, 73, 76, 105, 117

THEVET, ANDRE 78,110,122

THIENNOT— Meeting with -Cape Thiennot 54

TOBACCO described 95, 96

TOULOUSE * 118

TRACADIECHE INLET — Baie des Chaleurs ... 48

TREP ASSES HARBOUR— See Rougnoze Port HO

TRUDAMANS, or Toudamini 93,94

TUTONAGUY, Town of 120,121

VERRAZZANO . . 28, 24

VINLAND 18

WILD MEN'S CAPE— Cape North, P. E. 1 46

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