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lUN 27 191ft 

OfilCAL St^^ 



L"v.sioa BLf550 
SecMot .T45 

MJM 27 191R 

JAINISM, ^"^QgiCAL %v^ 







{Bead at the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, Feb. 26, 1877.) 











The publishers of tlie Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society — under the impression that there are many points 
of unusual interest in the articles named on the title-page 
— have resolved to issue a small edition, as a separate 
brochure, which maj'' be available to Orientalists at large, 
who do not happen to be Members of the Society, to the 
pages of whose Journal these essays would otherwise be 


ARTICLE I. (From J.R.A.S. Vol. IX. pp. 1-21.) 


Greek Monograms on Bactrian Coins, representing dates - 3 

The rejection of the figure for hundreds by the Bactrian 
Greeks, in accordance with the conceptions of the 
Indian system ------- 3-5 

Illustrative coin of the Bactrian King Plato, dated in 

Seleucidan^^wr(?s 147= B.C. 165 - - - - 5_6 

Spread of the Seleucidan method of computation in India - 7 

Indo-Scythian Inscriptions in Indian-Pali and Bactrian- 

Pali - - - 9-11 

Historical traces of the leading Indo-Scythian Kings Hushka, 

Jushka, and KanisJika ------ 12 

General recapitulation of the various schemes of dates, and 

their apparent relative importance - - - - 14 

Contrast of optional data available under the three systems 

of Seleucidae, Yikramaditya, and Saka - - - 15 

Difficulties attendant upon the irregular omission of hundreds 1 5-1 6 
Coin of the Saka- Scythian King Heraiis - - - - 17 
Identification of the Saka-Scythian capital - - - 19-20 
The relative employment of the terms TvpavvovvTO'^ and 

BaaiXevovTO^; - - - - - - - 21 

Practical application of the latter term, under the Su- 
zerainties of Antiochus, Diodotus, and Euthydemus - 21 

Obverse dies of old Mint-issues, lettered aneiv, to meet the 
changed political positions of the Kings who furnished 
the original portraits 22 

TvpavvovvTo^;, its appearance and acceptance in Western 

India - 23 


ARTICLE II. (J.R.A.S. Yol. IX. pp. 155-234.) 


The theoretic differences of Jainism and Buddhism - - 3 

Jaina discoveries at Mathura ------ 3 

General spread of Jaina edifices and precedence in the 

selection of sites _------4 

Colebrooke's opinions regarding the priority of the Jainas - 5 

Additional evidence to the same effect . _ . - 6 

Documentary evidence from the Mahawanso' - - - 7 

The testimony of Fali-JEian, the Chinese pilgrim - - 8 

Indications furnished by the Lalita-vistara - - - 8 

List of the Jaina Tirthankaras, with their several cog- 
nizances, etc. - - - -- - - 9 

Opinions of Colonel Low on the associate symbols of Jaiuism 

and Buddhism .-_---. H 

Dr. Stevenson's researches, — the Kalpa Sutra, etc. - - 12 

His inferences identical with those of Colebrooke - - 13 

The Ante-Brahmanical worship of the Hindus - - - 13 

The original claim of the Jainas to the shrine of Jagganath 15 

The Jaina Mahavira and his disciple Gautama, Sahja Muni, 

from the Bhagavati - - - - - - -16 

Further notices from Chinese writers and the travels of 

Uiouen Thsang - - -- - - - 18 

Mr. Brian Hodgson's denial of the claims of the literature of 

Buddhism to any antiquity - - - - - 19 

Colonel Tod's information regarding the Jainas - - 20 

General Malcolm's personal observations on the sect - - 21 

M. Roussclet's contributions to the general subject - - 21 

Data regarding Jainism to be gathered from Brahmanical 

sources - - - - - - -.- -22 

The FAITH of Chandra Gupta ----- 23 

The succession of the Maurya Kings ----- 24 

Brahmans and Sramans ------- 25 

Caste ---.--.._. 26 

Aryan influence on Indian Caste - _ - . _ 27 

The FAITH of Yindusara 29 




The Early FAITH of Asoka 30 

The testimony of Abul Fazl 30 

Asoka mtrocluces JAII^ISM into Kashmir - - - 31 

Confirmation of the fact from the E,aja Tarangini - - 32 

Resume of the Edicts of Asoka - - - - - 33 

Dr. Kern's new translations - - - - - -33 

Professor Wilson's opinion as to the total absence of any 

reference to Buddhism in the Eock and Pillar edicts - 35 

The gradations of belief to be detected between the periods of 

the Rock and Pillar edicts -37 

Facsimile of the alphabetical characters of the Inscriptions 39 

The edicts dating from the tenth and twelfth years of Asoka' s 

reign 41 

Mention of Antiochus, the Greek king - - - - 41 

(Plate I. to face p. 42.) 

The Pillar Edicts of the twenty-seventh year - - - 46 

Reference to the Five Greek Kings (j^ote) - - - - 46 

The aim and purpose of the Inscriptions - - - - 51 

POSITIVE BUDDHISM (the Bhabra Edict) - - - 52 

The disuse of the title of Devanampiya, '' the beloved of the 

Gods," as incompatible with Buddhism - - - 54 

The later FAITH of the Maurya Dynasty - - - - 55 

Saiidsm ___-_---- 57 

Saivism under the Kanerki Kings - - - - - 57 

Saivism under Kadphises - - - - - - 58 

The newly-discovered hoard of gold coins at Peshawar - 59 

General Legends on the Kanerki coins - - - - 60 

Description of the Coins inserted in Plate II. - - - 61 

(Plate 11. to face p. 61.) 

The large amount of Roman influence to be detected in the 

types of the Peshawar /'wf? __._.- 65 

Roman coins found in a Tumulus at Manikyala - - 65 
The causes which may have led to the introduction of so 
much Roman Art and so many Roman Gods into the 

coinages of the Indo-Scythians 68 



Suggestion of the domestication of the prisoners of the army 

of Crassus at and around Merv-ul-rud - - - 69 

Mechanical Mint-processes of adaptation - - - - 7o 

Introduction of Grseco-E-oman Science - - - - 70 

Alphabetical influence of Latin upon later Zend - - - 71 

Comparative weight of standards 71 

The Gods admitted into the Indo- Scythian Pantheon - - 73 

Identification of some of the Zend and other names - - 74 

I. Yedic 74 

II. Iranian ,- -- - - -75 

III. Persian 77 

lY. Eoman 78 

V. Brahmanical - - -' - - -78 

YI. Buddhist 79 

The Mathura Archceological Remains - - - - - 79 

Dated Jaina Inscriptions incised during the reign of 

Yasudeva -- 81 




A SHORT time ago, a casual reference to the complicated 
Greek monograms stamped on the earlier Bactrian coins 
suggested to me an explanation of some of their less involved 
combinations by the test of simple Greek letter dates, which 
was followed by the curious discovery that the Bactrian 
kings were in the habit of recognizing and employing 
curtailed dates to the optional omission of the figure for 
hundreds, which seems to have been the immemorial custom 
in many parts of India. My chief authority for this con- 
clusion was derived from a chance passage in Albiruni,^ 
whose statement, however, has since been independently 
supported by the interpretation of an inscription of the 
ninth century a.d. from Kashmir,^ which illustrates the 
provincial use of a cycle of one hundred years, and has now 

^ Albiriani, -writing in India in 1031 a.d., tells us, " Le vulgaire, dans I'lnde, 
compte par siecles, et les siecles se placent I'un apres I'autre. On appelle cela 
le Samvatsara du cent. Quand un cent est ecoule, on le laisse et Ton en com- 
mence un autre. On appelle cela Loka-kala, c'est-a-dire comput du peuple." 
— Reinaud's Translation, Fragments Arabes, Paris, 1845, p. 145. 

^ This second inscription ends with the words Saka Kdlagatavdah 726 — that 
is, *' Saka K&,la years elapsed 726," equivalent to a.d. 804, which is therefore the 
date of the temple. This date also corresponds with the year 80 of the local 
cycle, which is the Loka-kdla of Kashmir or cycle of 2,700 years, counted by 
centuries named after the twenty-seven nakshatras, or lunar mansions. The 
reckoning, therefore, never goes beyond 100 years, and as each century begins in 
the 25th year of the Christian century, the 80th year of the local cycle is 
equivalent to the 4th year of the Christian century. — General A. Cunningham, 
Archceological Report, 1875, vol. v. p. 181. 



been definitively confirmed by information obtained by Br. 
Biihler ^ as to the origin of the Kashmiri era and the cor- 
roboration of the practice of the omission of ^^ihe hundreds 
in stating dates " still prevailing in that conservative 

Since Bayer's premature attempt to interpret the mint- 
monogram hp, on a piece of Eucratides, as 108,^ Numismatists 
have not lost sight of the possible discrimination of dates as 
opposed to the preferential mint-marks so abundant on the 
surfaces of these issues, though the general impression has 
been adverse to the possibility of their fulfilling any such 

1 " Dr. Biihler tas found out the key to the Kashmirean era : it begins in the 
year of the Kaliyug 25, or 3076 B.C., when the Saptarshis are said to have gone 
to heaven. The Kashmir people often omit the hundreds in stating dates. Thus 
the year 24 (Kashmir era) in which Kalhana wrote his Rajatarangini, and which 
corresponded with Saka 1070, stands for 4,224." — Athenceum, Nov. 20, 1875, 
p. 675. 

2 Since this was "written, General Cunningham's letter of the 30th March, 
1876, has appeared in the Athenceum (April 29th, 1876), from the text of which 
I extract the following passages. These seem to establish the fact that the 
optional omission of the hundi-eds was a common and well-understood rule so 
early as about the age of Asoka. " The passage in which the figures occur 
runs as follows in the Sahasaram text : — 

iyam cha savane vivuthena dutesa 
paimalati satavivuthati 252. 

The corresponding passage in the Riipnath text is somewhat different: — 

ahale sava vivasetavaya ati vyathena 
savane katesu 52 satavivasata. 

The corresponding portion of the Bairat text is lost. My reason for looking 
upon these figures as expressing a date is that they are preceded in the Eiipnath 
text by the word katesu, which I take to be the equivalent of the Sanskrit 
Jcranteshu = {^o many years) 'having elapsed.' " 

I do not stop to follow General Cunningham's arguments with regard to the 
value of the figures which he interprets as 252. The sign for 50, in its horizontal 
form, has hitherto been received as 80, but that the same symbol came, sooner or 
later, to represent 50, when placed perpendicularly, is sufficiently shown by 
Prof. Eggeling's Plate, p. 52, in Vol. YIII. of our Journal. I should, how- 
ever, take great exception to the rendering of the unit as 2, which, to judge by 
Mr. Bayley's letter, in the same number of the Athenceum, Gen. Cunningham 
and Dr. Biihler had at first rightly concurred in reading as 6. 

3 Hist. Reg. Graxorum Bactriam., St. Petersburg, 1738, p. 92: "Numus 
Eucratidis, quem postea copiosius explicabo, annum 108. habet, sine dubio epochae 
Bactrianae, qui annus ex nostris rationibus a.v.c. 606. Septembri mense iniit. 
Igitiu' cum hoc in numo victoriae ejus Indicae celebrautur, quibus ut Justinus 
ait, Indiam in potcstatem reclegit." See also pp. 38, 56, 134. 

^ II. II. "Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 235, 238. General A. Cimningham, 
Numismatic Chronicle, vol. viii. o.s. p. 175; and vol. viii. n.s. 1868, p. 183 ; 
vol. ix. N.s. 1869, p. 230. 


In 1858 I puhlished, in my edition of '' Prinsep's Essays 
on Indian Antiquities ^^ a notice of the detached letters OV as 
occurring on a coin of Eucratides (No, 3, p. 184, vol. ii.), 
and UP as found on the money of Heliocles (No. 1, p. 182), 
which letters, in their simple form, would severally represent 
the figures 73 and 83 ; but the difficulty obtruded itself that 
these numbers were too low to afibrd any satisfactory eluci- 
dation of the question involved in their application as dynastic 

Among the later acquisitions of Bactrian coins in the 
British Museum is a piece of Heliocles bearing the full tri- 
literal date, after the manner of the Syrian mints, of PUT or 
183, which, when tested by the Seleucidan era {i.e. 311 — 183), 
brings his reign under the convenient date of B.C. 128, 
authorizing us to use the coincident abbreviated figures, under 
the same terms, as OP =73 for 173 of the Seleucidan era= 
B.C. 138 for Eucratides, and the repeated TIT = 83 for 183 
Seleucidan = B.C. 128, for Heliocles,^ a date which is further 
supported by the appearance of the exceptionally combined 
open monogram 17^ {TIA), or 81 for 181 = B.C. 130 on his other 

The last fully-dated piece, in the Bactrian series, is the unique 
example of the money of Plato (bearing the figured letter date 
PMZ — U7 of the Seleucida3, or B.C. 165). We have two 
doubtful dates H = 60 and aE — 65, on the coins of Apollodotus ; 
but if these letters were intended for dates, they will scarcely 
fit-in with the Seleucidan scheme. Menander dates his coins 
in regnal years. I can trace extant examples from 1 to 8. 
But this practice by no means necessitates the disuse of the 
Seleucidan era in ordinary reckonings, still less its abandon- 
ment in State documents where more formal precision was 

^ General Cunningham was cognizant of tlie date nr = 83 as found on the 
coins of Heliocles, which he associated with the year b.c. 164, under the 
assumption that he had detected the true initial date of the Bactrian era, which 
he had settled to his own satisfaction, " as beginning in b.c. 246." — Num. Chron. 
N.s. vol: viii. 1868, p. 266; n s. vol. ix. 1869, pp. 35, 230. See also Mr. 
Vaux's note, N.C. 1875, vol. xv. p. 3. 



required. Subjoined is a rough facsimile and technical de- 
scription of the coin of Plato.^ 

Silver. Size 1'2. Wt. 258 grains. 

Obv. Head of king to the right, with helmet ornamented with the 
peculiar ear and horn of a bull, so marked on the coins 
of Eucratides. 

Eev. Apollo driving the horses of the Sun. Monogram ^o. 46^5^ 
Prinsep's Essays. 

Legend, basiaehs ehi^anots nAATHNOX 
Date at foot, pmz=147 Selucidae (or b.c. 165). 

My first impression on noticing the near identity of the 
obverse head with the standard Numismatic portraits of 
Eucratides, and the coincidence of the date with that 
assumed, by our latest authority,^ as the year of the decease 
of that monarch, was that Plato must have succeeded him ; 
but the advanced interpretation of the dates, above given, 
puts any such assignment altogether out of court, and 
necessitates a critical reconstruction of all previous specu- 
lative epochal or serial lists of the Bactrian succession. 

In the present instance the adoption of the helmet of the 
Chabylians^ by Eucratides and Plato may merely imply that 

^ The woodcut here given was prepared for Mr. Vaux's original article on 
this unique coin of Plato, in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xv. p. 1. 

' Gen. Cunningham, N.C.vol.viii.o.s. 1843, p. 175, and vol. ix. n s. 1869, p. 175. 

' " The Chabylians had small shields made of raw hides, and each had two 
javelins used for hunting wolves. Brazen helmets protected their heads, and 
above these they Avore the ears and horns of an ox fashioned in brass. They 
had also crests oa their helms." — Herodotus vii. 76; Rawlinson, vol. iv. 
p. 72 ; Xenophon Anab. v. 


they both claimed kindred with that tribe, or at some time 
held command in their national contingent — and Plato may, 
with equal possibility, have introduced the device, in the 
first instance, as have copied the more abundant obverses of 
similar character from the coins of Eucratides. On the other ^^ 
hand, the identity of the helmet may indicate an absolute 
borrowing of a ready prepared device. The singular and 
eccentric combination of Bactrian Mint dies has from the 
first constituted a difficulty and a danger to modern inter- 
preters. I have for long past looked suspiciously upon the 
too facile adaptations of otherwise conscientious mint masters, 
leading them to utilize, for reasons of their own, the available 
die- devices in stock for purposes foreign to the original intent 
under which they were executed. However, in the present 
instance, the imperfect preservation of the single coin of 
Plato available does not permit of our pronouncing with any 
certainty upon the identity of the features with those of the 
profile of Eucratides. 

To revert to our leading subject. In addition to the value 
of the data quoted above as fixing definitively, though within 
fairly anticipated limits, the epochs of three prominent 
Bactrian kings, their conventional use of the system of 
abbreviated definitions points, directly, to the assimilation of 
local customs, to which the Greeks so readily lent themselves, 
in adopting the method of reckoning by the Indian Loka 
Kdla, which simplified the expression of dates, even as we 
do now, in the civilized year of our Lord, when we write 76 
for 1876. 

The extension of the Seleucidan era eastwards, and its 
amalgamation of Indian methods of definition within its own 
mechanism, leads further to the consideration of how lonsr this 
exotic era maintained its ground in Upper India, and how 
much influence it exerted upon the chronological records of 
succeeding dynasties. I have always been under the im- 
pression that this influence was more wide-spread and abiding 
than my fellow- antiquaries have been ready to admit,^ but 

^ Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XII. p. 41 ; Journal Asiatic Society 
Bengal, 1855, p. 565, and 1872, p. 175 ; Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 86; Jomnal 
Asiatique, 1863, p. 388. 


I am now prepared to carry my inferences into broader 
channels, and to suggest that the Indo-Scythian "Kanishka" 
group of kings continued to use the Seleucidan era, even as 
they retained the minor sub-divisions of the Greek months, 
'*which formed an essential part of its system : and under this 
view to propose that we should treat the entire circle of dates 
of the *' Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka " family, mentioned 
in the Raja Tarangini, which their inscriptions expand from 
ix. to xcviii., as pertaining to the fourth century of the 
Seleucidan era, an arrangement which will bring them into' 
concert with our Christian reckoning from 2 B.C. to 87 a.d. 
A scheme which would, moreover, provide for their full 
possession of power up to the crucial '' Saka " date of 78-79 
A.D., and allow for the subsequent continuance of a con- 
siderable breadth of sway outside the limited geographical 
range of Indian cognizance. 

There are further considerations which add weight to the 
conclusion that the Kanerki Scythians adopted, for public 
purposes, the Seleucidan era; they may be supposed, like the 
Parthians and other Nomads, to have achieved but scant 
culture till conquest made them masters of civilized sections 
of the earth. 

In the present instance, these new invaders are seen to have 
ignored or rejected the Semitic-Bactrian writing employed by 
the Kadphises horde in parallel concert with the traditional 
monumental Greek, and to have relied exclusivel}'' on the 
Greek language in their official records ^ till the later 
domestication of some of the members of the family, at 
Mathura, led to an exceptional use of the Devanagari alphabet, 
in subordination to the dominant Greek, on the coins of 
Vasudeva. In no case do we find them recognizing the 
Semitic type of character, though the inscriptions quoted 

^ Prof. "Wilson's Plates, in his Ariana Antiqiia, arranged 35 years ago, and 
altogether independently of the present argument, will suffice to place this con- 
trast before the reader. The Kadphises group extend from figs. 5 to 21 of plate x. 
AU these coins are bilingual^ Greek and Semitic-Bactrian. The Kanerki series 
commence with No. 15, plate xi., having nothing but Greek legends, either on 
the obverse or on the 'reverse, and follow on continuously through plates xii. 
xiii. and xiv. down to fig. 11.- After that, the Greek characters become more or 
less chaotic, till we reach No. 19. 


below will show how largely that alphabet had spread in 
some portions of their dominion. But beyond this, their 
adherence, or perhaps that of their successors, to Greek, 
continues mechanically till its characters merge into utter 
incoherence on the later mintages.^ All of these indications 
lead to the inference that, as far as the Court influences 
were concerned, the tendency to rely upon Greek speech 
would have carried with it what remained in situ of the 
manners and customs of their Western instructors.^ 

There are two groups or varieties of Indo-Scythian In- 
scriptions of the Kanishka famil}^ The one in the Indian 
proper or Lat alphabet, all of which are located at Mathura. 
The published Mathura inscriptions of this group (exclud- 
ing the two quotations placed within brackets) number 20 in 
all ; as a rule they are merely records of votive offerings on the 
part of " pious founders," and contain only casual references 
to the ruling powers. Twelve of these make no mention of 
any monarch, though they are clearly contemporaneous with 
the other dedicatory inscriptions. Throughout the whole 

1 Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. Nos. 12, 13, 14, 16, 17. • 

2 The circumstances bearing upon the battle of Karor {or j)'^) are of so 
much importance in the history of this epoch, that I reproduce Albiruni's account 
of that event : "On emploie ordinairement les eres de Sri-Harcha, de Vikrama- 
ditya, de Saka, de Ballaba, et des Gouptas. . . . L'ere de Vikrama- 
ditya est employee dans les provinces me'ridionales et occideutalesdel'Inde. . . 
L'ere de Saka, nommee par les Indiens ' Saka-kala,' est posterieure a celle de 
Vikramaditya de 135 ans. Saka est le nom d'un prince qui a regne sm- les 
contrees situees entre V hidus et la mer. Sa residence etait placee au centre de 
I'empire, dans la contree nommee Aryavartha. Les Indiens le font naitre 
dans une classe autre que celle des Sakya; quelques-uns pretendent qu'il etait 
Soudra et origiiiaire de la ville de Mansoura ; il y en a meme qui disent qu'il 
n' etait pas de race indienne, et qu'il tirait son engine des regions occidentales. 
Les peuples eurent beaucoup a souffrir de son despotisme, jusqu'a ce qu'il leur 
vint du secours de 1" Orient. Vikramaditya marcha contre lui, mit son arme'e en 
deroute, et le tua sur le territoire de Korour, situe entre Moultan et le chateau 
de Louny. Cette epoque devint celebre, a cause de la joie que les peuples 
ressentirent de la mort de Saka, et on la choisit pour ere principalement chez les 
astronomes." — Reinaud's translation. 

General Cunningham has attempted to identify the site of Karor with a 
position "50 miles S.E. of Multan and 20 miles N.E. of Bahawalpilr," 
making the " castle of Loni " into " Ludhan, an ancient to^ni situated near tlie 
old bed of the Sutlej river, 44 miles E.N.E. of Kahror and 70 miles E.S.E. of 
Multan." — Ayicient Geography of India (Triibner, 1871), p. 241. These assign- 
ments, are, however, seriously shaken by the fact that Albiruni himself invariably 
places these two sites far north of Multun, i.e. according to his latitudes and 
longitudes, Multan is 91°— 29'' 30' N., while Kador, as he writes it, is 92°— 31" 
N., and Loni (variant Loi) is 32" N. — Sprenger's Maps, No. 12, etc. 


series of twenty records the dates are confined to numbers 
below one hundred : they approach and nearly touch the end 
of a given century, in the 90 and 98 ; but do not reach or 
surpass the crucial hundred discarded in the local cycle. 

The two inscriptions, Nos. 22, 23, from the same locality, 
dated, severalty, Samvat 135 with the Indian month of 
Paushya, and Samvat 281, clearly belong to a difierent age, 
and vary from their associates in dedicatory phraseology, 
forms of letters, and many minor characteristics, which 
General Cunningham readily discriminated.^ 

Indo-Scythian Inscriptions. 
In the Indo-Pdli Alphabet. 

Kanishka. Maharaja KanishJca. Samvat 9. 

[Kanishka. Samvat 28.] 

\_Kuvishka. Samvat 33.]- 
HuviSHKA. Maharaja Devaputra Huvishka. Hemanta, S. 39. 

Maharaja Eajatiraja Devaputra Huvishka. Grislima, 
« / S. 47.3 

Maharaja Huvishka. Hemanta, S. 48. 
Vasudeva. Mahcir dja Edjdtirdja Dbyawtra Vdsii{deva). Yarslia, ^S. 44. 

Mahdrdja Vdsudeva. Grishma, S. 83. 

Ilahdrdja Rdjatirdja, Shahi, Vdsudeva. Hemanta, S. 87. 

Rdja Vdsudeva. Varslia, S. 98.^ 



^ Arch. Eep. vol. iii. p. 38. 

2 These two dates are quoted from Gen. Cunnin,2;ham's letter to the Athenceum 
of 29 April, 1876, as having been lately discovered by Mr. Growse, B.C.S. 

3 The 47th year of the Monastery of Huvishka. 

* I was at first disposed to infer that the use of the Indian months in their 
full development indicated a period subsequent to the employment of the primitive 
three seasons, but I find from the Western Inscriptions, lately published by Prof. 
Bhandarkar, that they were clearly in contemporaneous acceptance. While a 
passage in Hiouen Thsang suggests that the retention of the normal terms was 
in a measure typical of Buddhist belief, and so that, in another sense, the months 
had a confessed conventional significance. 

" Suivant la sainte doctrine de Jou-lai (duTathagata), une annee se compose 
de trois saisons. Depuis le 16 du premier niois, jusqu'au 15 du cinquieme mois, 
c'est la saison chaude. Depuis le 16 du cinquieme mois, jusqu'au 15 du 
neuvieme mois, c'est la saison pluvieuse (Yarchas). Depuis le 16 de neuvieme 
mois, jusqu'au 15 du premier mois, c'est la saison froide. Quelquefois on 
divise I'annce en quatre saisons, savoir: le printemps, I'ete, I'automne et 
I'hiver." — Hiouen Thsang, vol. ii. p. 63. The division into three seasons is 
distinctly non-Vedic. — Muir, vol. i. p. 13 ; Elliot, Glossary, vol. ii. p. 47. 

" There are two summers in the year and two harvests, while the winter 
intervenes between them." — Pliny vi. 21 ; Diod. Sic. I. c. i. 


The parallel series are more scattered, and crop up in less 
direct consecutive association, these are indorsed in the 
Bactrian or Aryan adaptation of the Ancient Phoenician 

Indo-Scythian Inscriptions, 
In the Bactrian-Pdli Alphabet. 

Bali§.walpur. Maharaja Rajadiraja Deyaputra Kanishka. 

Samvat 11, on the 28th of the (Greek) month of Dtesius. 
Manikyala Tope. Maharaja Kaneshka, Gushana vasa samvardhaka. 

" Increaser of the dominion of the Gushans " (Kushans). 

Samvat 18. 
Wardak Vase. Maharaja rajatiraja Ruveshka. Samvat 5 1 , 1 5th of Artemisius . ^ 

^ Besides these inscriptions, there is a record of the name of Kanishka 
designated as Eoja Gandharya, on "a rough block of quartz," from Zeda, 
near Ohind, now in the Lahore Museum. This legend is embodied in very 
small Bactrian letters, and is preceded by a single line in large characters, which 
reads as follows: Sa^i 10 -|- 1 ( = 11) Ashadasa masasa di 20, JJdeyana gu. 1, 
Isachhu nami." I do not quote or definitively adopt this date, as the two in- 
scriptions appear to me to be of different periods, and vary in a marked degree 
in the forms as well as in the size of their letters. — Lowenthal, J.A.S.B. 1863, 
p. 5 ; Gen. Cunningham, Arch. Eeport, vol. v. p. 57- 

In addition to the above Bactrian Pali Inscriptions, we have a record from 
Taxila, by the " Satrap Liako Kusuluko," in "the 78th year of the great king, 
the Great Moga, on the 5th day of the month Panfemus " (J.R.A.S. xx. o.s. 
p. 227; J.A.S.B. 1862, p. 40). And an inscription from Takht-i-Bahi of the Indo- 
Parthian king Gondophares, well known to us from his coins (Ariana Antiqua, 
p. 340, Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 214), and doubtfully associated with the 
Gondofertis of the Legenda Aiu-ea, to the following tenor : " Maharayasa Gudu- 
pharasa Vasha 20-)-4 + 2 ( = 26) San . . . Satimae lOO + S (=-103) Vesakhasa 
masasa divase 4." (Cunningham, Arch. Eep. vol. v. p. 59.) And to complete 
the series of regal quotations, I add the heading of the inscription from Panjtar 
of a king of the Kushans: '■'Sam 1004-204-2 ( = 122) Sravanasa masasa di 
prathame 1, Maha rayasa Gushanasa Ra ..." (Professor Dowson, J.R.A.S. 
Vol. XX. o.s. p. 223 ; Cunningham, Arch. Rep. vol. v. p. 61.) 

This is an inscription which, in the exceptional character of its framework, 
suggests and even necessitates reconstructive interpretations. The stone upon 
which it is engrossed was obviously fissured and imperfectly prepared for its pur- 
pose in the first instance ; so that, in the opening line, Gondophares' name has to 
be taken over a broken gap with space for two letters, which divides the d from 
the ph. The surface of the stone has likewise suffered from abrasion of some 
kind or other, so that material letters have in certain cases been reduced to mere 
shadowy outlines. But enough remains intact to establish the name of the Indo- 
Parthian King, and to exhilDit a double record of dates, giving his regnal year 
and the counterpart in an era the determination of which is of the highest 
possible importance. The vasha or year of the king, expressed in figures alone, 
as 26, is not contested. T\\ejigured date of the leading era presents no difiiculty 
whatever to those who are conversant with Phoenician notation, or who may 
hereafter choose to consult the ancient coins of Aradus. The symbol for hundreds 

y/\ is incontestable. The preliminary stroke i, to the right of the sign, in 


The above collection of names and dates covers, in the 
latter sense, a period of from An. 9 to An. 98, or eighty-nine 
years in all. The names, as I interpret them, apply to two 
individuals, only, out of the triple brotherhood mentioned 
in the Raja Tarangim. After enumerating the reigns of (1) 
Asoka, (2) Jaloka, and (3) Damodhara, Professor Wilson's 
translation of that chronicle continues : — 

"Damodhara was succeeded by three princes who divided 
the country, and severally founded capital cities named after 
themselves. These princes were called Hushka, Jushka, and 
Kanishka,^ of Turushka or Tatar extraction. . . . They are 
considered synchronous, but may possibly be all that are pre- 
served of some series of Tatar princes who, it is very likely, 
at various periods, established themselves in Kashmir."^ I 

the "Western system, marks the simple number of hundreds ; in India an ad- 
ditional prolongation duplicates the value of the normal symbol. Under these 
terms the adoptive Bactrian figures are positive as 103. Before the figured 
date there is to be found, in letters^ the word satimae "in one himdred" or 
"hundredth," in the reading of which all concur. It is possible that the 
exceptional use of the figure for 100, which has not previously been met 
with, may have led to its definition and repetition in writing in the body of 
the inscription, in order that future interpreters should feel no hesitation about 
the value of the exotic symbol. There was not the same necessity for repeating 
the 3, the three fingers of which must always have been obvious to the meanest 
capacity. I have no difficulty about the existence and free currency of the 
Yikramaditya era per se in its own proper time, which some archaeologists are 
inclined to regard as of later adaptation. But I am unable to concur in the 
reading of Sanwatsara, or to admit, if such should prove the correct interpreta- 
tion, that the word Samvatsara involved or necessitated a preferential association 
with the Yikramaditya era, any more than the Samvatsara (J.R.A.S., Vol. IV. 
p. 500) and Samvatsaraye {ibid. p. 222), or the abbreviated San or xS'a;;«, which is 
so constant in these Bactrian Pali Inscriptions, and so frequent on Indo-Parthian 
coins (Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 205, Coins of Azas, Nos. 1, 2, 6, 7, 12; Azilisas, 
Nos. 1, etc. ; Gondophares, p. 215, No. 4. 

' Abulfazl says " brothers." Gladwin's Translation, vol. ii. p. 171 ; Calcutta 

Text, p. 574. j,-^b ^Jy ijl!^'^ J'^'^y. ^^j^ tJJ^ A:^ _ Lli^-ij _ Ll^-^ib . 

General Cunningham considers that he has succeeded in identifying all the 
three capitals, the sites of which are placed within the limits of the valley of 
Kashmir, i.e., 

" Kanishka-pura (Kanikhpur) hod, Kampur, is ten miles south of Sirinagar, 
known as Kampur Sarai. 

" HusJika-pura, the Hu-se-kia-lo of Hiuen Thsang — the Ushkar of Albiruni 
— now surviving in the village of Uskara, two miles south-east of Barahmula. 

" Jushka-pura is identified by the Brahmans Avith Zukru or Zukur, a consider- 
able village four miles north of the capital, the Schecroh of Troyer and "Wilson." 
— Ancient Geography of India (London, 1871), p. 99. 

2 Prof. II. II. "NVilson, " An Essay on the Hindu History of Kashmir," 
Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 23 ; and Troyer's Histoire des Rois du Kachmir 
(Paris, 1840-52), vol. i. p. 19. See also Hioucn-Thsang (Paris, 1858), vol. ii. 
pp. 42, 106, etc. 


assume Vdsu Leva (Krishna's title) to have been the titular 
designation of Kanishka/ while Devaputm was common to 
both brothers, and the ShdJii"^ was perhaps optional, or de- 
voted to the senior in the joint brotherhood'^ or head of the 
more extensive tribal community of the Kanerki. 

The Mathura inscriptions, as we have seen, distinguish the 
subdivisions of the year by the old triple seasons of Grishma, 
Varsha, and Hemanta, while the Bactrian Pali inscriptions 
ordinarily define the months by their Macedonian designa- 
tions ; ^ the question thus arises as to whether this latter 

1 Coin of Vasu Deva struck in his Eastern dominions. Tresor de Numis- 
matique. Gold. PL Ixxx., figs. 10, 11. , 

Obverse. — Scytliian figure, standing to the front, casting incense into the 
typical small Mithraic altar. To the right, a trident with flowing pennons : to 
the left, a standard with streamers. 

Legend, around the main device, in obscure Greek, the vague reproduction 
of the conventional titles of FAO NANO PAO KOPANO. 

Below the left arm ^ ^^'' V =Vasu, in the exact style of character found in 


his MathurS, Inscriptions. 

Reverse. — The Indian Goddess Parvati seated on an open chair or imitation 
of a Greek throne, extending in her right hand the classic regal fillet ; Mithraic 
monogram to the left. 

Legend, APAOXPO, Ard-Ugra = " half Siva," i.e. Parvati. 

Those who wish to examine nearly exact counterparts of these tj-pes in English, 
publications may consult the coins engraved in plate xiv., Ariana Antiqua, figs. 
19, 20. The latter seems to have an imperfect rendering of the ^ va on 
the obverse, with ^ su (formed like pu) on the reverse. [For corresponding 

types see also Journ. As. Soc. Beng. vol. v. pi. 36, and Prinsep's Essays, pi. 4. 
General Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vi. o.s. pi. i. fig. 2.] The u 
is not curved, but formed by a mere elongation of the downstroke of the ^ s, 
which in itself constitutes the vowel. The omission of the consecutive Deva on 
the coins is of no more import than the parallel rejection of the Gupta, wdiere 
the king's name is written downwards, Chinese fashion, in the confined space 
below the arm. See also General Cunningham's remarks on Yasudeva, J.R.A.S. 
Vol. Y. pp. 193, 195. Gen. Cunningham proposes to amend Prof. "Wilson's tenta- 
tive reading of Baraono on the two gold coins, Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. figs. 14,18 
(p. 378), into PAO NANO PAO BAZOAHO KOPANO. The engraving of No. 14 
certainly suggests an initial B in the name, and the AZ and O are sufficiently 
clear. We have only to angidarize the succeeding O into A to complete the 
identification. These coins have a reverse of Siva and the Bull.— Arch. Rep. 
vol. iii. p. 42. Dr. Kern does not seem to have been aware of these identifica- 
tions when he proposed, in 1873 (Revue Critique, 1874, p. 291), to associate the 
Mathura Yasudeva with the Indo-Sassanian Fehlvi coin figured in Prinsep, 
pi. vii. fig. 6. Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc. Yol. XII. pi. 3 ; Arian^a Antiqua, 
pi. xvii. fig. 9. 

2 The full Devaputi-a Shahan Shahi occurs in the Samudra Gupta inscription 
on the Allahabad Lat. It may possibly refer to some of the extra Indian suc- 
cessors of these Indo-Scythians. 

3 Troyer translates paragraph 171, "Pendant le long regnc de ces rois," 
vol. i. p. 19. 

* " The Macedonian months, which were adopted by the SjTO-Macedonian 


practice does not imply a continued use of the Seleucidan 
era, in association with which the names of these months 
must first have reached India ? ^ and which must have been 
altogether out of place in any indigenous scheme of reckon- 
ing. Tested by this system, the years 9-98 of the fourth 
century of the Seleucidan era (b.c. 311-12) produce, as I 
have elsewhere remarked, the singularly suitable return of 
B.C. 2 to A.D. 87. And a similar process applied to the third 
century of the newly-discovered Parthian era (b.c. 248) ^ 
would represent b.c. 39 and a.d. 50. But this last method 
of computation seems to have secured a mere local and 
exceptional currency, and the probabilities of its extension to 
India are as zero compared with the wide-spread and endur- 
ing date ^ of the Seleucidse, which the Parthians themselves 
continued to use on their coinage in conjunction with the old 

cities, and generally by the Greek cities of Asia, after tlie time of Alexander, were 
lunar till the reformation of the Eoman calendar of Ccesar (by inserting 67+23 
= 90 days in this year). After that reformation the Greek cities of Asia, which 
had then become subject to the Roman Empire, gradually adopted the Julian 
year. But although they foUowed the Eomans in computing by the solar Julian 
year of 365d. 6h. instead of the lunar, yet they made no alteration in the season 
at which their year began (AIO5 = 0ct. Nov.), or in the order of the months." 
—Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. iii. pp. 202, 347. 

^ Some importance will be seen to have attached to the use of the contrasted 
terms for national months in olden time, as we find Letronne observing : " Dans 
tons les exemples de doubles ou triples dates que nous offrent les inscriptions 
redigees en Grece, le mois qui est enonce le premier est toujours celui dont 
fait usage la nation a laquelle appartient celui quiparle." — Letronne, Inscriptions 
de I'Egypte (Paris, 1852), p. 263. 

2 Assyrian Discoveries, by George Smith, London, 1875, p. 389. From the 
time of the Parthian conquest it appears that the tablets were dated according 
to the Parthian style. There has always been a doubt as to the date of this 
revolt, and consequently of the Parthian monarchy, as the classical authorities 
have left no evidence as to the exact date of the rise of the Parthian power. I, 
however, obtained three Parthian tablets from Babylon ; two of them contained 
double dates, one of which, being found perfect, supplied the required evidence, 
as it was dated according to the Seleucidan era, and according also to the Parthian 
era, the 144th year of the Parthians being equal to the 208th year of the 
Seleucidso, thus making the Parthian era to have commenced b.c. 248. This 
date is written : " Month .... 23rd day 144th year, which is called the 208th 
year, Arsaces, King of kings." 

Clinton, follomng Justin and Eusebius, etc., 250 b.c. Fasti Eomani, vol. ii. p. 
243, and Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii. p. 311 ; Moses Chorenensis, 251 or 252 b.c. ; 
Suidas, 246 b.c. 

^ " Antiochus, snrnamed Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king, . . . 
reigned in the 137th year of the kingdom of the Greeks." — Maccabees I. i. 10 
— ii. 70, et. seq. " In the 143rd year of the kingdom of the Seleucidee." — 
Josephus, Ant. xii. 3. "It came to pass . . in the 145th year on the 25th 
of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians ApelUus, 


Macedonian juonths,^ whose importance in their bearing 
upon the leading era I have enlarged upon in the parallel 
Indo-Scythic instance immediately under review. So that, as 
at present advised, I hold to a preference for the Seleucidan 
test, which places the Indo- Scythians in so satisfactory a 
position both relatively to their predecessors and successors. 
I have at the same time no reserve in acknowledging the 
many difficulties surrounding the leading question; but if 
we can but get a second "pied a terre," a fixed date-point, 
after the classical testimony to the epoch of the great 
Chandra Gupta, we may check the doubts and difficulties 
surrounding many generations both before and after any 
established date that we may chance to elicit from the pre- 
sent and more mature inquiries. 

The comparative estimates by the three methods of compu- 
tation immediately available stand roughly as follows : — 

Seleucidan . [1st Sept., 312 B.C.] B.C. 2 to a.d. 87. 
Yikramaditya . . [57 b.c.^] . . B.C. 48 to a.d. 41. 
Saka . . [14th March, 78 a.d.^] a.d. 88 to a.d. 177. 

Before taking leave of the general subject of Indian 
methods of defining dates, I wish to point out how much 
the conventional practice of the suppression of the hundreds 
must have impaired the ordinary continuity of record and 

in the 153rcl Olympiad, etc." — xii. 4. " Seleucus cognominatus Nicator regnum 
Babelis, totiusque Eraki, et Chorasanfe, Indiam usque, Ab initio imperii ipsius 
orditur sera, quse Alexandri audit, ea nempe qua tempora computant Syri et 
Hebrffii." — Bar-Hebrseus, Pococke, p. 63. 

" The Jews still style it the JEra of Contracts, because they were obliged, 
when subject to the Syro-Macedonian princes, to express it in all their contracts 
and civil writings." — Gough's Seleucidse, p. 3. 

The Syria c text of the inscription at Singanfu is dated "in 1093d year of the 
Greeks" (a.d. 782). — A. Kircher, La Chine, p. 43; Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii. 
p. 22 ; see also Mure's History of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 74-79. 

1 The dates begin to appear on the Syro-Macedonian coins under Seleucus IV. , 
Tresor de Numismatique, sAP= 136 ; Mionnet, vol. v. p. 30, FAZ = 137. Cleopatra 
and Antiochus VIII. also date their coins in the Seleucidan era. See Mionnet, 
vol. V. pp. 86, 87. 

The Parthian coin dates commence with a.s. TVS, = 280 (b.c. 31), APTE, 
Arteniisius, and continue to A.s. 539, Tres. de Num. Rois Grecs, pp. 143-147 ; 
Lindsay, Coinage of the Parthians (Cork, 1852), pp. 175-179. 

2 Limi-solar year. 3 Solar or Sidereal year. Prinsep, Useful Tables, pp. 153-7. 


affected the resulting value of many of the fragmentary data 
that have been preserved to our time. 

The existence of such a system of disregarding or blotting- 
out of centuries — persevered in for ages — must naturally have 
led to endless uncertainties among subsequent home or foreign 
inquirers, whose errors and misunderstandings were occasion- 
ally superadded to the normal imperfections of their leading 
authorities. Something of this kind may be detected in 
the illustrative works both of Hiuen Thsang and Albiruni, 
wherever the quotation refers to hundreds in the gross. 
Apart from the improbabilities of events adapting them- 
selves to even numbers in liundrech^ it is clear that, where 
hundreds alone are given, the date itself must be looked 
upon as more or less vague and conjectural, elicited, in short, 
out of uncertain and undefined numbers, and alike incapable 
of correction from minor totals ; such a test must now be 
applied to Hiuen Thsang's oft- quoted open number of 400 
as marking the interval between Buddha and Kanishka.^ 

So also one of Albiruni's less-con sistently worked-out dates 
is liable to parallel objection, such, for instance, as the even 
''400 before Yikramaditya, " which constitutes his era of 
" Sri Harsha," and which he is frank enough to confess may 
perchance pertain to the other Sri Harsha of 664 after 
Yikramaditya (or 57-f 664 = 607-8 a.d.). His clear 400 of 
the era of Yezdegird is, however, a veritable conjuncture, a 
singular and unforced combination of independent epochs,^ 

1 " Daus les quatre cents ans qui suivront mon Nirvana, il y aura iin roi qui 
s'illustrera dans le monde sous le nom de Kia-ni-se-kia (Kanishka)."— Memoires 
surles Conti-ees < ccidentales (Paris, 1857), i. p. 106. "Dans la 400e annee apres 
le Nirvana" (p. 172). This 400 is the sum given in the Lalita Yistara, but the 
Mongol authorities have 300. Foe-koue Ki, chapter xxv., and Bnrnouf's lutr. 
Hist. Bud., vol. i. p. 568, "trois cent ans," p. 579, " un peu plus de quatre cent 
ans apres Cakya, an temps de Kanichka." Hiuen Thsang confines himself to 
obscure hundi'e'ds in other places. " Dans la centieme annee apres le Nirvana 
de Jou-lai, Asoka, roi de Magadha," p. 170. " La six centieme annee apres le 
Nirvana," p. 179. Nagarjuna is equally dated 400 years after Buddha. "Nagar- 
juna is generally supposed to have flourished 400 years after the death of Buddha." 
— As. Res. vol. XX. pp. 400, 5 1 3. Csoma de Koros, Analysis of the Gyut. See also 
As. Res. vol. ix. p. 83 ; xv. p. 115; and Burnouf, vol. i. p. 447, and J.A.S.B. 
vol. vii. p. 143. M. Foucaux, in his Tibetan version of the Lalita Yistara, speaks of 
Nagarjuna as flourishing " cent ans apres le mort de (^lakya Mouni, p. 392, note. 

2 Reinaud, Joe. cit. pp. 137, 139. Albiruni here rejoices, that " cette epoque 
s'exprirae par un nombrc rond et n'est embarrassee ni de dizaines ni d'unites," 
which seems to show how .rarely, in his large experience, such a phenomenon 
had been met with. 


approximately marked by the date of the death of Mahmiid 
of Ghazni/ in an era that had not yet been superseded in 
the East by the Muhammadan Hijrah. 

I conclude this paper with a reproduction of the unique 
coin of the Saka King Heraiis, which, on more mature ex- 
amination, has been found to throw unexpected light on the 
chief seat of Saka-Scythian power,^ and to supply incidentally 
an approximate date, which may prove of considerable value 
in elucidating the contemporaneous history of the border 
lands of India. 

I have recently had occasion to investigate the probable 
age of this piece by a comparison of its reverse device with 
the leading types of the Imperial Parthian mintages, with 
which it has much in common, and the deduction I arrived 
at, from the purely Numismatic aspect of the evidence, was 

^ The era of Yezdegird commenced 16th June, 632 ad. The date on 
Mahmud's tomb is 23rd Eabi' the second, a.h. 421 (30th April, a.d. 1030). 

2 Albiruni was naturally perplexed with the identities of Viki-amaditya and 
Salivahana, and unable to reconcile the similarity of the acts attributed alike to 
one and the other. He concludes the passage quoted in note 2, p. 9, in the 
following terms : — " D'un auti-e cote, Vikramaditya, requt le titre de Sri (gi-and) 
a cause de I'honneur qu'il s'etait acquis. Du reste, I'intervalle qui s'est 6coule 
entre I'ere de Vikramaditya et la mort de Saka, prouve que le vainqueiu- n'etait 
pas le celebre Vikramaditya, mais un autre prince du memo nom." — Eeinaud, 
p. 142. 

Major "WUford, in like manner, while discussing the individualities of his *' 8 
or 9 Viki-am^ityas," admitted that " the two periods of Vikramaditya and 
Salivahana are intimately connected^ and the accounts we have of these two 
extraordinary personages are much confused, teeming with contradictions and 
absurdities to a surprising degree." — As. Res., vol. ix. p. 117; see also vol. x. p. 93. 

A passage lately brought to notice by Dr. Biihler throws new light upon this 
question, for, in addition to supplying chronological data of much importance in 
regard to the interval of 470 years which is said to have elapsed between the 
great Jaina Mahdvira (the 24th Tirthankara) and the first Vikramaditya of 
B.C. 57, it teaches us that there were Saka kings holding sway in India in 
B.C. 61-57, which indirectly confirms the epoch of the family of Heraiis, and 
explains how both Vikraniadityas, at intervals of 135 years, came to have Saka 
enemies to encounter, and consequently equal claims to titular Sakdri honours. 

" 1. Palaka, the lord of Avanti, was anointed in that night in which the 
Arhat and Tirthankara Mahavira entered Nirv&na. 2. 60 are (the years of 
King Palaka, but 155 are (the years) of the Nandas; 108 those of the Mauryas, 
and 30 those of Piisamitta (Pushyamitra) . 3. 60 (years) ruled Balamitra and 
Bhanumitra, 40 Nabhovahana. 13 years likewise (lasted) the rule of Garda- 
bhilla, and 4 are (the years) of Saka."— From the Prakrit Gathas of Meru- 
tunga, etc. 

" These verses, which are quoted in a very large number of Jaina commen- 
taries and chronological works, but the origin of Avhich is not clear, give the 
adjustment between the eras of Vira and Vikrama, and form the basis of the 
earlier Jaina chronology."— Dr. Biihler, Indian Antiquary, vol. ii. p. 363. 



tliat, recognizing tlie imitative adoption of certain details of 
the main devices of the suzerain rulers, and supposing such 
adoption to have been immediate and contemporaneous, 
the dates B.C. 37 to a.d. 4 would "mark the age of Heraiis."^ 
This epoch singularly accords with the date of Isidore of 
Charax,^ from whose text of the ' Stathmi Parthici ' we like- 
wise gather that the recognized seat of the Saka- Scythians, 
then feudatories of the Parthian Empire, was located in the 
valley of the Helmund,^ and was known by the optional 

^ Eecords of tlie Gupta Dynasty (Tiiibuer, 1876), p. 37. 
" It is in regard to the tj-pical (letails, however, that the contrast between the 
pieces of Manas and Heraiis is most apparent. Manas has no coins with his own 
bnst among the infinite variety of his mint devices, nor has Azas, who imitates sa 
many of his emblems. But, in the Gondophares group, we meet again with 
busts and uncovered heads, the hair being simply bound by a fillet, in which 
arrangement of the head-dress Pakores, with his bushy curls, follows suit. But 
the crucial typical test is furnished by the small figure of victory crowning the 
horseman on the reverse, which is so special a characteristic of the Parthian 
die illustration. 

"We have frequent examples of Angels or tj'pes of victory extending regal 
fillets in the Bactrian series, but these figures constitute as a rule the main 
device of the reverse, and are not subordinated into a corner, as in the Parthian 
system. The first appearance of the fillet in direct connexion with the king's 
head in the Imperial series, occurs on the coins of Arsaces XIV., Orodes (b.c. 
54-37), where the crown is borne by an eagle (Lindsay, History of the Parthiansj 
Cork, 1852, pi. iii. fig. 2, pp. 146-170; Tresor de Ntimismaiiqiie, pi. Ixviii. 
fig. 17) ; but on the reverses of the copper coinage this duty is already confided 
to the winged figure of Victory (Lindsay, pi. v. fig. 2, p. 181). Arsaces XV., 
Phrahates IV. (37 b.c. -4 a.d.), continues the eagles for a time, but progresses 
into single {Ibid.,^\. iii. fig. 60; v. fig. 4, pp. 148, 170 ; Tresor de JSfumismatique, 
pi. Ixviii. fig. 18; pi. Ixix. fig. 5), and finally into double figm-es of Victory 
eager to crowm him {Ibid., pi. iii. figs. 61-63), as indicating his successes against 
Antony and the annexation of the kingdom of Media (Lindsay, p. 46 ; Pawlinson, 
The Sixth Monarchy, p. 182). 

" Henceforth these winged adjuncts are discontinued, so that, if we are to 
seek for the prototj^e of the Heraiis coin amid Imperial Arsacidan models, we 
are closely limited in point of antiquity, though the possibly deferred adoption 
may be less susceptible of proof " 

2 The period of Isidore of Charax has been the subject of much controversy. 
The writer of the notice in Smith's Dictionary contents himself with saying, "He 
seems to have lived under the early Koman Emperors." C. Miiller, the special 
authority for all Greek geographical questions, sums up his critical examination 
of the evidence to the point : " Probant scriptorem nostrum Augusti temporibus 
debere fuisse pniximum." — Geog. Grec. Mm. vol. i. p. Ixxxv. 

^17. 'Ej/TeC^ev ZapayyiavT], axo'iuoi Ka. "EvOa TroAiS Udpiv koI KophK iroXis. 
18. ^EvT^vOev 'S.aKacTTavr] "XaKcvu 'ZkvQcov, t] koI UapaLraKiqvri, axoivoi I7 . "EvQa 
BapSa -noXis koL MXv irSXis Ka\ TlaXaKiVjl 'n-6\is Kol 2i7aA tt6\ls' euda ^ariXeia 
^aKoow ical irXriaiou 'AXe^du?>peia 7r6\is {koI TrArjaiov 'AKe^avSpo-rroXis TroAt?)- 
Kw/xai 56 e'|. Isidore of Charax, " Stathmi Parthici," ed. C. Miiller, Paris, 
pp. 253, Ixxxv. and xciii., map No. x. The text goes on to emmierate the 
stages up to AlexandropoUs ix7]Tp6noXis 'Apaxcoaias, and concludes : "Axpi tovtov 
i(TTiv 7} tS>v UdpOcDU i-KiKpaTiia. I annex for the sake of comparison Ptolemy's 
list of the cities of Drangia, after the century and a half Avhich is roughly esti- 
mated as the interval between the two geographers. Sigal and Sakastane seem 


names of Sakasfane or Pamitakene with a capital city en- 
titled Sigal. 

The ancient Sigal may perhaps be identified with the 
modern site of Selcooha, the metropolis of a district of that 
name, which, in virtue of its position, its walls, and its wells, 
still claims pre-eminence among the cities of Seistan.^ 

And to complete the data, I now find on the surface of the 

3. Ivva. 4. ApiKdba. 0. Aara. o. p,api;Lapr]. /. i\oaTav( 
9. Biyis. 10. 'Apidffir-n. 11. 'Apaj/a. —Ptolemy, lib. vi. ca 
vol. iii. p. 44; Journ. R A.S. Vol. X. p. 21, and Vol. XV. p 
Darius' Inscription, Persian "Saka," Scytliic "Sakka." 'I 

alike to tave disappeared from the local map. 1. Upo(p9aaia. 2. 'PoCSa. 
3. "Ivva. 4. "ApiKada. 5. "Aara. 6. aap^Ldpr]. 7. Noa-rdva. 8. ^apaCdva. 

" ' " ' lib. vi. cap. 19; Hudson, 

pp. 97, 150, 206 ; 
The old term of 

[C^ is preserved in all the intelligent Persian and Arabian writers. Majmal 
Al Taw§irikh, Journ. Asiatique, 1839 ^\j^ ^IC ; Hamza Isfahan! ^l^ ^^Lj 
n 50 ■ 1" <--*^5 .\ l^ .. p. 51. And the Armenians adhere to the 

Sakasdan. —Moses of Khorene, French edition, vol. ii. p. 143; Whiston, 
pp. 301, 364; St. -Martin, L'Armenie, vol. ii. p. 18. ''[::,^s^, Les villes 

principales sont : Zaleky KerJcouyah, Rissoum, Zaranj) et Ijosf, ou Ton voit les 
mines de I'ecurie de Roustam, le iteros." — 13. de MejTiard, La Perse, p. 303. 
Other references to the geography of this locality will be found in Pliny vi. 21 ; 
Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 205; Anderson's Western Afghanistan, J.A.S. 
Bengal, 1849, p. 586; Leech {Sekwa), J.A.S.B., 1844, p. 117; Khanikolf, 'Asie 
Centrale,' Paris, 1861, p. 162 {Sekouhe) ; Ferrier's Travels, p. 430; Malcolm's 
Persia, vol. i. p. 67; Pottinger's Beloochistan, pp. 407-9; Burnouf's Yaqna, 
p. xcix. 

1 " This fortress is the strongest and most important in Seistan, because, being 
at 5 parasangs from the lake, water is to be obtained only in wells which have 
been dug -svithin its enceinte. The intermediate and surrounding country being 
an arid parched waste, devoid not only of water, but of everything else, the 
besiegers could not subsist themselves, and would, even if provisioned, inevitably 
die of thii-st. It contains about 1200 houses. ... I have called it the capital 
of Seistan, but it is impossible to say how long it may enjoy that title." — Caravan 
Journeys of J. P. Ferrier, edited by H. D. Seymour, Esq., Murray, 1857, p. 419'. 
" On the 1st February, 1872, made a 30 mile march to Sekuha, the more modern 
capital of Seistan . .; hnally we found Sekuha itself amid utter desolation." — SirF. 
J.Goldsmid. FromR.Geog. Soc.l873,p. 70. See also Sir H.Rawlinson's elaborate 
notes on Seistan, p. 282, " Si-koheh " [three hills], in the same volume. I may add 
in support of this reading of the name of the capital, that it very nearly reproduces 

the synonym of the obscure Greek :$cyd\, in the counterpart Pehlvi 3a.5 JS := C^^ 

Sf gar or gal, which stands equally for " three hills." Tabari tells us that 
in the old language, '•'■ guer a le sens de montagne" (Zotenberg, vol. i p. 5), 
and Hamza Isfahani equally recognizes the ger as " colles etmontes" (p. 37). 
The interchange of the rs and Is did not disturb the Iranian mind any more 
than the indeterminate use oi gs and ks. See Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XII. pp. 
265, 268, and Vol. XIII. p. 377. We need not carry on these comparisons 
fiu'ther, but those who wish to trace identities more completely may consult 
Pictet, vol. i. p. 122, and follow out the Sanskrit giri. Slave gora, etc. Since the 
body of this note was set up in type. Sir F. Goldsmid's ofhcial report upon 
"Eastern Persia" has been published, and supplies the following additional 



original coin, after the final a in 2Aka, the Greek monogram 
U, which apparently represents the ancient province, or pro- 
vincial capital, of Drangia} 

Heeaus, Saka King. 

Silver. British Museum. Unique. 

Obv. "Bust of a king, right, diademed and draped; border of reels 

and beads. 


(TvpavvovfTos 'Hpdov 2a/ca Koipavov.) 

A king, right, on horseback; behind, Nike, crowning him.^'' 

details as to the characteristics of Sikoha : — " The town, . . , which derives its 
name from three clay or mud hills in its midst, is built in an ii-regiilar circular 
form around the base of the two principal hills. The southernmost of these 
hills is surmounted by the arh or citadel, an ancient structure known as the 
citadel of Mir Kuchak Kh&n. . . . Adjoining this, and connected with it, is the 
second hill, called the Burj-i-Falaksar, on which stands the present Governor's 
house; and about 150 yards to the west is the third hill, not so high as the other 
two, undefended. . . . The two principal hills thus completely command the 
town lying at their hase, and are connected with one another by a covered Avay." 
" Sekuha is quite independent of an extra-mural water supply, as water is always 
obtainable by digging a few feet below the surface anywhere inside the walls, 
which are twenty-five feet in height, strongly built." — Major E. Smith, vol. i. 
p. 258. 

^ The progressive stages of this Monogram are curious. "We have the normal 

J\. — Mionnet, pi. i. No. 12; Lindsay, Coins of the Parthians, pi. xi. No. 7. 

Next we have the Bactrian varieties j<^, k^ , and K, entered in Prinsep's 

Essays, pi. xi. c. No, 53 ; Num. Chron. vol. xix. o.s. Nos. 48, 52, and vol. viii. 
N.s. pi. vii. Nos. 71, 72, and 76; and likewise Mionnet's varieties, Nos. 156, 
299 : Ariana Antiqua, pi. xxii. No. 118. 

2 I am indebted to Mr. P. Gardner for this woodcut. I retain his description 
of the coin as it appeared in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1874, vol. xiv. n.s. 
p. 161. It will be seen that Mr. Gardner failed to detect the worn outline of 
the Monogram. 


Colonel Pearse, E,.A., retains a single example of an ex- 
ceptionally common class of small silver coins displaying the 
obverse head in identical form with the outline in the wood- 
cut. The reverse type discloses an ill-defined, erect figure, to 
the left, similar in disjointed treatment to some of the reverses 
in the Antiochus-Kodes class,^ accompanied by two parallel 
legends in obscure Grreek. The leading line, giving the title^ 
is altogether unintelligible ; but its central letters range 
xDiAiiNx or xDiAiiKx. The second line gives a nearer ap- 
proach to "Moas" in a possible initial M, followed by the 
letters 1niiAHL=/xottS7;9, /xoTT/a?;?, yuQiia'r]'^^ etc. All these speci- 
mens, in addition to other Kodes associations, give outward 
signs of debased metal, or the Nickel, which was perchance, 
in those days, estimated as of equal value with silver.^ 

The interest in this remarkable coin is not confined to 
the approximate identifications of time and place, but ex- 
tends itself to the tenor of the legend, which presents us 
with the unusual titular prefix of Tvpavvovvro<;, which, as 
a synonym of BaaCKevovro^f and here employed by an 
obvious subordinate, may be held to set at rest the dis- 
puted purport of the latter term, in opposition to the simple 
Bac7t\eu9, which has such an important bearing upon the 
relative positions of the earlier Bactrian Kings. The 
examples of the use of the term BaaCKevovro^ in the pre- 
liminary Bactrian series are as follows ^ : — 

1. Agathocles in subordi- ) Obv. AIOAOTOY 2nTHP05. 

nation to Diodotus j Rev. BA2IAETONT05 ArA0OKAEOY5 AIKAIOY. 

2. Agathocles in subordi- \ Obv. EY0TAHMOT ©EOT. 

nation to Euthydemus j Rev. BA2IAETONT02 ArA0OKAEOY5 AIKAIOT. 

3. Agathocles in subordi- \ Obv. ANTIOXOY NIKATOP02. 

nation to Antiochus ] Eev. BA2IAETONT02 ArA0OKAEOT5 AIKAIOY. 

4. Antimacbus Theus in ) ^^^^ ^lOAOTO. SnTHPOS. " 


^ Num. Cbron. vol. iv. n.s. p. 209, pi. viii. fig. 7. 

2 J.fl.A.S., Vol. IV. N.s. p. 504 ; Records of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 38. 

'^ M. de Bartholomgei, Koehne's Zeitschrift, 1843, p. 67, pi. iii. fig. 2; Reply 
to M. Droysen, Zeitschrift fiir Miinz, 1846 ; my papers in Prinsep's Essays (1858), 
vol. i. p. xvi., vol. ii. pp. 178-183; in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. ii. 1862, 
p. 186; and Journ. R. A. S., Vol. XX. 1863, p. 126; M. Raoul Rochette, Journal 
des Savants, 1844, p. 117; Droysen, Geschichte des Ilellenismus, Hamburg, 


The whole question as to the relative rank of the princes, 
whose names figure conjointly in the above legends, reduces 
itself concisely to this contrast, that the sub-king invariably 
calls himself (Baaikev^ on his own proper coins, but on these 
exceptional tributary pieces, where he prefixes the image 
and superscription of a superior, he describes himself as 
Baat\€vovTo<;. These alien Satraps were efi'ective kings 
within their own domains, but clearly bowed to some ac- 
knowledged head of the Bactro-Greek confederation, after 
the manner of their Indian neighbours, or perchance included 
subjects, who so especially regarded the gradational import 
of the supreme Mahdrajad/urdja, in contradistinction to the 
lesser degrees of regal state implied in the various stages 
of rdja, mahdrdja, rdjddhirdja, etc. These binominal pieces 
are rare, and, numismatically speaking, " occasional,'' i.e. 
coined expressly to mark some public event or political in- 
cident, like our modern medals ; coincident facts, which led 
me long ago to suggest^ that they might have been struck as 
nominal tribute money or fealty pieces, in limited numbers, 
for submission with the annual nazardud, or presentation at 
high State receptions, to the most powerful chief or general 
of the Grseco-Bactrian oligarchy for the time being. 

There is a curious feature in these binominal coins, which, 
as far as I am aware of, has not hitherto been noticed. It is, 
that the obverse head, representing the portrait of the superior 
king, seems to have been adopted directly from his own 
ordinary mint-dies,^ which in their normal form presented 

1843; Lassen, Ind. Alt., 1847; Gen. Cunningliam, Numismatic Chronicle, 
vol. viii. N.s. 1868, p. 278, et seq., ix. 1869, p. 29 ; Mr. Vaux, Numismatic 
Chronicle, vol. xv. n.s. p. 15. 

^ Journal Eoyal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX. p. 127; Numismatic Chronicle, 
N.s. vol. ii. p. 186. 

'^ I have long imagined that I could trace the likeness of Antiochus Theos on the 
obverse of the early gold coins of Diodotus (Prinsep's Essays, pi. xlii. 1 ; Num. 
Chron. vol. ii. n.s. pi. iv. figs. 1-3). I suppose, however, that in this case the latter 
monarch used his suzerain's ready-prepared die for the one face of his precipitate 
and perhaps hesitating coinage, conjoined with a new reverse device bearing his 
own name, which might have afforded him a loophole of escape on his " right to 
coin" being challenged. Apart from the similarity of the profile, the contrast 
between the high Greek art and perfect execution of the obverse head, and the 
coarse design and superficial tooling of the imitative reverse device, greatly 
favom-s the conclusion of an adaptation, though the motive may have been merely 
to utilize the obverses of existing mint appliances of such high merit. 


the profile of the monarch without any surrounding legend, 
his name and titles being properly reserved for their conven- 
tional position on the reverse surface of his current coins. In 
the novel application of the head of the suzerain to a place 
on the obverse of a coin bearing the device and designations of • 
his confessed subordinate on the reverse, it became necessary 
to add to the established obverse-device a specification of 
the name and titles of the superior, whose identification 
would otherwise have remained dependent upon the fidelity 
and the public recognition of the likeness itself. Hence, 
under the new adaptation, it likewise became requisite to 
engrave on the old die, around the standard Mint head, 
the suzerain's superscription in the odd corners and spaces in 
^the field, no provision having been made, in the first in- 
stance, for any legend at all, and no room being left for the 
ordinary circular or perpendicular arrangement of the words, 
such as would have been spaced out under ordinary circum- 
stances. In the majority of the instances we are able to cite, 
the Greek letters on the adapted obverse vary materially in 
their forms and outlines from those of the associated legends 
on the reverse, which still further proves the independent 
manipulation applied to the obverses of the compound pieces. 
In addition to these indications as bearing upon the 
Bactrian proper coinage, the title of TvpavvovpTo<; is highly 
suggestive in its partial reappearance on the coins of the 
leading Sah Kings JN^ahapana and Chastana, connecting the 
Scythic element geographically to the southward with the 
province of Guzerat, for a full resume of which I must refer 
my readers to the Archaeological Report of Western India,^ 
for 1875. 

' See also the short copies of my Essay on the Records of the Gupta Dynasty, 
London, 1876, p. 31. 




In most of tlie modern discussions on ttie ancient religions 
of India, the point at issue has been confined to the relative 
claims to priority of Buddhism and Brahmanism, a limitation 
which has led to a comparative ignoring of the existence of 
the exceptionally archaic creed of the Jainas. 

This third competitor for the honours of precedence has 
lately been restored to a very prominent position, in its 
archaeological status^ by the discovery of numerous specimens 
of the sculptures and inscriptions of its votaries on the sacred 
site of Mathura, the MoBovpa rj tmv Oecov of the Greeks,^ 
that admit of no controversy, either as to the normal date 
or the typical import of the exhumed remains. 

This said Mathura on the Jumna constituted, from the 
earliest period, a '' high place " of the Jainas, and its memory ^ 
is preserved in the southern capital of the same name, the 
MoSovpa, Paaikeiov Tlavhiovo^ of Ptolemy, whence the sect, 
in after-times, disseminated their treasured knowledge, under 
the peaceful shelter of their Matams (colleges)^ in aid of 

^ Ptolemy, M^dopa, Arrian (quoting Megastlienes) , Indica viii. Methora, 
Pliny, vi. 22. , 

2 F, Buchanan, Mysore, iii. 81, " Uttara Madura, on the Jumna." 

3 The modern version of the name of the city on the Jumna is ^^T^T 
Mathura. Babu Rajendi'alala has pointed out that the old Sanskrit form was 
^T^TJ Madhurd (J.A.S. Bengal, 1874, p. 259), but both transcriptions seem to 
have missed the true derivative meaning of T{Z MatJia (hodie ,^'>»),"a, 
monaster)', a convent or college, a temple," etc., from the root TI'3^" to dwell,' 


local learning and the reviving literature of the Penin- 

The extended geographical spread of Jaina edifices has 
lately been contrasted, and compactly exhibited, in Mr. 
Fergusson's Map of the architectural creeds of India ; ^ but a 
more important question regarding the primary origin of their 
buildings is involved in the sites chosen by their founders : 
whence it would appear that the Jainas must have exercised 
the first right of selection, for the purposes of their primitive 
worship, of the most striking and appropriate positions, on 
hill-tops and imperishable rocks,^ whose lower sections were 
honey-combed with their excavated shrines — from which 
vantage-ground and dependent caves they were readily 
displaced, in after-days, by appropriating Buddhists on the 

as a hermit miglit abide in liis cave. The southern revenue terms have preserved 
many of the subordinate forms, in the shape of taxes for " Maths." Eajputana 
and the N."W. Provinces exhibit extant examples in abundance of the still con- 
ventional term, while the distant Himalayas retain the word in Joshi-Mat/i, 
Bhairava-Jf«i!A, etc. The Vishnu Purana pretends to derive the name from 
Madliu, a local demon (i. 164), while the later votaries of Krishna associate it 
with the Gopi's "churn" math. — Growse, Mathura Settlement Eeport, 1874, 
vol. i. p. 50. 

^ " The period of the predominance of the Jainas (a predominance in intellect 
and learning — rarely a predominance in political power) was the Augustan age of 
Tamil literature, the period when the Madura College, a celebrated literary 
association, appears to have flourished, and when the Kural, the Chintamani, and 
the classical vocabularies and grammars were written." — Caldwell, p. 86. See 
also p. 122. "The Jaina cycle. I might perhaps have called this instead the 
cycle of the Madura Smigam or College'' — p. 128. Dr. Caldwell, Grammar of the 
Dravidian Languages, London, 1875. 

2 Histoi7 of Indian and Eastern Architecture; Murray, London, 1876, 
Map, p. 47. 

3 The late Mr. G. "W. Traill has preserved an illustration of the innate tendency 
of the aboriginal mind to revert to primitive forms of worship, which almost re- 
minds us of theparty-coloured Pigeons of Norfolk Island, which, when left to their 
own devices, reverted to the normal tj'pe of Blue Rock. He observes : " The 
sanctity of the Himalaya in Hindu mythology by no means necessarily implies the 
pre-existence of the Hindu religion in this province (Kumaon), as the enormous 
height and grandeur of that range, visible from the plains, would have been 

sufficient to recommend it as a scene for the penances of gods and heroes 

The great bulk of the population are now Hindus in prejudices and customs, 
rather than in religion. Every remarkable mountain, peak, cave, forest, foimtain 
and rock has its presiding demon or spirit, to which frequent sacrifices are 
offered, and religious ceremonies continually performed by the surrounding in- 
habitants at small temples erected on the spot. These temples are extremely 
numerous throughout the country, and new ones are daily being erected ; while 
the temples dedicated to Hindu deities, in the interior, are, with few exceptions, 
deserted and decayed." — G. "W. Traill, As. Res., xvi. p. 161. See also J.R.A.S. 
Vol. VIII. p. 397; Vol. XIII. "Khond Gods," pp. 233-6; "Aboriginal Gods," 
p. 285. Hunter's Rural Bengal, pp. 130, 182, etc. 


one part, or ousted and excluded by the more arrogant and 
combative Brahmans on the other. 

The introductory phase in the consecutive order of the 
present inquiry involves the consideration of the conflicting 
claims to priority of the Jainas and the Buddhists. Some half 
a century ago, Colebrooke, echoing the opinions of previous 
commentators, seems to have been fully prepared to admit 
that Buddhism was virtually an emanation from anterior 
Jainism. We have now to examine how far subsequent 
evidence confirms this once bold deduction. Unquestionably, 
by all the laws of religious development, of which we have 
lately heard so much, the more simple faith, per se,^ must be 
primarily accepted as the precursor of the more complicated 
and philosophical system,^ confessing a common origin. 

Colebrooke summarized his conclusions to the following 
efiect : 

"It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and 
Major Delamaine,^ that the Gautama of the Jainas and of the 
Bauddhas is the same personage : and this leads to the further 
surmise, that both sects are branches of one stock. According to 
the Jainas, only one of Mahavira's eleven disciples left spiritual 
successors : that is, the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived 

^ " The ritual of the Jainas is as simple as their moral code. The Yati, or 
devotee, dispenses -with acts of worship at his pleasure, and the lay votary is only 
bound to visit daily a temple where some of the images of the Tirthan?caras are 
erected, walk round it three times, and make an obeisance to the images, with an 
offering of some trifle, usually fruit or flowers, and pronounce some such Mantra 
or prayer as the following : '' Namo Arihantdnam, Namo Siddhdnam,' . . 'Salu- 
tation to the Arhats,' etc. A morning prayer is also repeated : . . ' I beg 
forgiveness, Lord, for your slave, whatever evil thoughts the night may have 
produced— I bow with my head.' . . The reader in a Jaina temple is a Yati, or 
religious character ; but the ministrant priest, the attendant on the images, the 
receiver of offerings, and conductor of all usual ceremonies, is a BrahmdnJ' — 
Wilson's Essays, vol i. p. 319. "I may remark, parenthetically, with a view to 
what is still to be established — that the Khandagiri Inscription opens with the 
self-same invocation, ' Namo akahantAnam, namo sava sidhanam,' ' Salutation 
to the arhantas, glory to all the saints' (or those who have attained final 
emancipation!)."— Prinsep, J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 1080. 

- " Buddhism (to hazard a character in a few words) is monastic asceticism in 
morals, philosophical scepticism in religion ; and whilst ecclesiastical history all 
over the world affords abundant instances of such a state of things resulting 
from gross abuse of the religious sanction, that ample chronicle gives us no one 
instance of it as an original system of beUef. Here is a legitimate inference 
from sound premises ; but that Buddhism was, in very truth, a reform or heresy, 
and 7tot an original system, can be proved by the most abundant direct testimony 
of friends and enemies."— B. H. Hodgson, J.R.A.S. (1835), Vol. II. p. 290, 

3 Major J. Delamaine, Trans. R.A.S. Vol. I. pp. 413-438. 


from one individual, Sudharma-swami. Two only out of eleven 
survived Mahavira, viz. Indrabhuti and Sudharma : the first, 
identified with Gautama- swami, has no spiritual successors in the 
Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be, that the followers 
of this surviving disciple are not of the sect of Jina, rather than 
that there have been none 

"I take Parswanatha to have been the founder of the sect of 
Jainas, which was confirmed and thoroughly established by Maha- 

Tira and his disciple Sudharma A schism, however, seems 

to have taken place, after Mahavira, whose elder disciple, Indra- 
bhuti, also named Gautama- swami, was by some of his followers 
raised to the rank of a deified saint, under the synonymous designa- 
tion of Buddha (for Jina and Buddha bear the same meaning, accord- 
ing to both Buddhists and Jainas)." — Transactions of the R.A.S. 
(1826), Vol. I. p. 520; and Prof. Cowell's edition of Colebrooke's 
collected Essays, vol. ii. p. 278.^ 

At the time when Colebrooke wrote, the knowledge of the 
inner history of Buddhism was limited in the extreme. Our 
later authorities contribute many curious items and suggestive 
coincidences, tending more fully to establish the fact that 
Buddhism was substantially an offshoot of Jainism. For ex- 
ample, Ananda is found, in some passages of recognized 
authority, directly addressing Gotama himself in his own 

^ Professor Wilson, writing in 1832 on the " Religious Sects of the Hindus," 
objected to this inference of Colebrooke's, on the ground of the supposed con- 
trast of the castes of the two families. It is, however, a question, now that we 
know more of the gradual developments of caste in India, whether the divisions 
and subdivisions, relied upon by Prof. "Wilson, had assumed anything like so 
definite a form, as his argument would imply, at so early a period as the date of 
the birth of Sakya Muni. Professor Wilson's observations are as follows : — 
" When Mahavira' s fame began to be widely dilfused,it attracted the notice of the 
Brahmans of Magadha, and several of their most eminent teachers undertook to 
refute his doctrines. Instead of effecting their purpose, however, they became 
converts, and constituted his Ganadharas, heads of schools, the disciples of 
Mahavira and teachers of his doctrines, both orally and scripturally. It is of 
some interest to notice them in detail, as the epithets given to them are liable to 
be misunderstood, and to lead to erroneous notions respecting their character and 
history. This is particularly the case with the first Indrabhuti, or Gautama, 
who has been considered as the same with the Gautama of the Bauddhas, the 
son of Mayadevi, and author of the Indian metaphysics. That any connexion 
exists between the Jain and the Brahmana Sage is, at least, very doubtful ; but 
the Gautama of the Bauddhas, the son of Suddhodana and Maya, was a Kshat- 
triya, a prince of the royal or warrior caste. All the Jain traditions make their 
Gautama a Brahman originally of the gotra, or tribe of Gotama Rishi, a 
division of the Brahmans well known and still existing in the South of India. 
These two persons therefore cannot be identified, whether they be historical or 
fictitious personages." — H. H. Wilson's Essays, vol. i. p. 298 ; Asiatic Res. 
vol. xvii. 


proper person, and speaking of the "twenty-four Buddhas, 
who had immediately preceded him."^ On other occasions 
the twenty-four Jaina Tirthankaras are reduced in the sacred 
texts of their supplanters to the six authorized antecedent 
Buddhas, or expanded at will into 120 Tathdgatas or Buddhas, 
with their more deliberately fabulous multiplications.^ 

The Mahawanso, in like manner, has not only allowed the 
reference to the ''twenty-four supreme Buddhos" to remain 
in its text,^ but has given their conventional names — which 
however have little in common with the Jaina list — in the 
order of succession. Mahanamo's Tika * has preserved the cata- 
logue, in its more complete form, specifying the parentage, 
place of birth and distinctive '' Bo-trees^' ^ of each of the 
"twenty-four BuddhoSy' and concluding, after a reference to 
Kassapo (born at Benares), with Gotamo (a Brahman named 
Jotipalo at Wappula), " the Biiddho of the present system, 
and Metteyo [who] is still to appear." This amplification 
and elaborate discrimination of sacred trees has also a 
suspicious air of imitation about it, as we know that Ward 
was only able to discover six varieties of Indian trees 
nominally sacred to the gods,^ and Mr. Fergusson's exami- 

1 Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, pp. 88, 94, 311. 

2 B. Hodgson, Asiatic Eesearches, jol. xvi. p. 444, " Sarvarthasiddha observes, 
he lias given so many [120] names exempli gratia, but bis instructors were really 
no less in number than 80 crores." In other places Mr. Hodgson expresses bis 
doubts " as to the historical existence of Sakya's six predecessors." — Works, p. 
135, and J.R. A.S. Vol. II. p. 289. See also Csoma de Koros, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. 
p. 143. " Immense is the number of such Buddhas that have appeared in former 
ages in several parts of the universe." 

3 Cap. i. p. 1. 

* Mahawanso, Tumour's Introduction, Ceylon, 1837, p. xxxii. 
5 The "Bo-trees of the twenty-four Buddhos" are given in the following 
order (Mahawanso, p. xxxii) : 

9. Sonaka. 

10. Salala. 

11. Nipa. 

12. Welu. 

13. Kakudha. 

14. Champ §1. 

15. Bimbajala. 

16. Kanih&,ni. 
As this list is quoted merely to contrast the numbers 24 against 7, it would be 
futile to follow out the botanical names of the various Bo-trees ; but it may be 
remarked en passant, that No. 3 is a tree of the wet forests of Assam, Concan, 
Malabar, and Ceylon, while No. 11 is a palm-like plant Avhich is entirely 
maritime, and abounds in the Sundarbands, wherein we have no record of 
Buddhist " sittings." 6 Vol. i. p. 263. 

1. Pippala. 

2. Salakalyana. 

3. Naga. 

4. Do. 
6. Do. 

6. Do. 

7. Ajjuna. 

8. Sonaka. 

17. Assana. 

18. Amalaka. 

19. Patali. 

20. Pundariko. 

21. Sala. 

22. Sirlsa. 

23. Udumbara. 

24. Nigrodha. 


nation of all the extant Buddhist representations of their 
Bo-trees does not carry the extreme total beyond the legiti- 
mate " six or seven species altogether." ^ 

Another indication which may prove of some import in 
this inquiry is to be gleaned from the Chinese text of the 
Travels of the Buddhist Pilgrim Fah-Hian (400 — 415 a.d.), 
which, in describing the town of Sravasti, proceeds to advert 
to ''the ninety-six heretical sects of mid-India," who "build 
hospices " {Punyasdlds) etc., concluding with the remark, 
" Devadatta also has a body of disciples still existing ; they 
pay religious reverence to the three past Buddhas, but not to 
Sakya Muni." ^ 

Again, an instructive passage is preserved in the Tibetan 
text of the Lalita-vistara, where, under the French version, 
"Le jeune Sarvarthasiddha," ^ the baby Buddha, is repre- 
sented as wearing in his hair the Srivatsa, the Swastika, the 
Nandydvarta and the Vardliamdna, the three symbols severally 
of the 10th, 7th and 18th Jaina Tirthankaras, and t\iQ fourth 
constituting the alternative designation of Mahavira, and 
indicating his mystic device, which differed from his ordinary 
cognizance in the form of a lion.^ Further on, the merits 

^ Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 116. Among the sculptures lately discovered 
at Barahat, are to he found " representations of five separate Bodhi-trees of as 
many different Buddhas, which are distinctly lahelled as follows : — 

(1). Bhagavato Vipnsino Bodhi, that is, the Tree of Vipasyin or Yipaswi, 

the first of the seven Buddhas. 
(2). Bhagavato Kakumdhasa Bodhi. 
(3). Bhagavato Konagama)ia Bodhi. 
(4). Bhagavato Kasapasa Bodhi. 
(5). Bhagavato Sakamunino Bodhi. 
These last are the four well-known Buddhists named Krakuchhanda, 
Kondgamani, Kdsyapa, and Sdki/amuni." It is scarcely necessary for me to add, 
that I hy no means concur in the early date attributed by General Cunningham to 
these sculptures. 

2 Rev. S. Beal, Travels of Fah-Hian, p. 82. Foe kone ki, cap. xx. Remusat's 
Note 35. Laidlay, pp. 168, 179. Spence Hardy, alluding to these sectaries, 
says, " they are called in general Tirthakars." — Manual of Buddhism, p. 290. 

2 " Grand roi, le jeune Sarvarthasiddha a an milieu de la chevelure un C'ri- 
vatsa, un Svastika, un Nandyavarta et un Vardhamana. Grand roi, ce sent la 
les quati-e-Aingts marques secondairesdu jeune Sarvarthasiddha." . . . Foucaux, 
p. 110. "Pendant qu'elle le preparait ces signes precurseurs apparurent; Au 
milieu de ce lait, un (^rivatsa, un Svastika, un Nandyavarta, un lotus, un Vardha- 
mana (Diagrarame particulier dont la forme n'est pas indiquee), et d'autres 
signes de benediction se montrerent."— Cap. viii. p. 258 (see also pp. 305, 390). 

* Colebrooke's Essays, vol. ii. p. 188. Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 304. 
J.R.A.S. Vol. I. N.s. pp. 475-481. J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vii. p. 143. Burnouf, 
Lotus, pp. 624-645. Col. Low, Transactions R.A.S. Vol. III. 



of the young Buddha are adverted to as, "qui est apparu 
par I'effet de la racine de la vertu des precedents Djinas." 

The importance of these indications will be better appre- 
ciated, when it is understood that the twenty-four statues of 
the Jaina saints were all formed upon a single model, being 
indistinguishable, the one from the other, except by the chinas 
or subordinate marks on the pedestals, which constituted the 
discriminating lakshanas or mudrds of each individual Tirthan- 
kara. These crypto-devices were, in other cases, exhibited 
as frontal marks, or delegated to convenient positions on the 
breast and other parts of the nude statue. In this sense, 
Jainism may be said to have been a religion of signs and 
symbols, comprehending many simple objects furnished by 
nature and further associated with enigmatical and Tantric 
devices, the import of which is a mystery to modern in- 

The following is a list of the twenty-four 

Jaina TIrthankaras, with their Parentage and 
Discriminating Symbols.^ 


1. Rishabha, of the race of Ikshicdku, 

Prathama Jina, '^ the first Jina " 

2. Ajita, son of Jitasatru . 

3. Sambhava, son of Jitdri . 

4. Abhinandana, son of Samhara . 

5. Sumati, son of Megha . . . 

6. Padmaprabha, son of Srklhara 

7. Suparswa, son of Pratishtha . 

8. Chandraprabha, son of Mahdsena 

9. Pushpadanta, or Suvidhi, son of Supr 
10. Sitala, son of Dridharatha . 



a Bull 
an Elephant 
a Horse 
an Ape 
a Curlew 
a Lotus 
a Swastika 
the Moon 
an Alligator 
a Snvatsa 

^ In modern times, Mr. Hodgson tells us, he was able to discriminate statues, 
which passed with the vulgar for any god their priests chose to name, by the 
crucial test of their " minute accompaniments " and " frontal appendages." — 
J.R.A.S. Vol, XVIII. p. 395. See, also, the Chinese-Buddhist inscription from 
Keu-Yung Kwan, with its mudrds, and Mr. Wylie's remarks upon dhdranis. — 
J.R.A.S. Vol. V. N.s. p. 22. 

* Colebrooke's Essays, vol. ii. p. 187 ; As. Res. vol. ix. p. 305. Mr. Burgess, 
Indian Antiquary, 1873, vol. i. p. 134. 



Names. Symbols. 

11. Sreyan (or Sriyansa), son of Vishnu. . a Rhinoceros 

12. Yasupujya, son of Vasupiijya .... a Buffalo 

13. Yimala, son of Kritavarman .... a Boar 

14. Ananta (Anantajit), son of Sinhasena . a Falcon 

15. Dharma, son of Bhdnu a Thunderbolt 

16. Santi, son of Viswasena an Antelope 

17. Kunthu, son of Sura a Gfoat 

18. Ara, son of Siidarsana a Namlydvarta 

19. Malli, son of Kumbha a Jar 

20. Munisuvrata (Suvrata), son of Smnitra . a Tortoise 

21. Nimi, son of Vijaya blue Water-lily 

22. Nemi (or Arishtanemi), s. of Samudrajaya a Conch 

23. Parswa (Parswanatha), son of. Aswasena a hooded Snake 

24. Yardhamana, also named Vtray Mahd- 

i'ira, etc., surnamed Charama-Urthakrit, 
or ''last of the Jinas," ''emphatically 
called Sramana or the saint," son of 

Siddhartha a Lion.^ 

In addition to these discriminating s3^mbols, the different 
Tirthankaras are distinguished by the tint of their com- 
plexions. No. 1 is described as of a yello\y or golden 
complexion, which seems to have been the favourite colour, 

1 Dr. Stevenson has tabulated some further details of the Jaina symbolic devices 
in " Trisala's Dreams" : 



Lion -Tiger. 


A Garland. 





Lotus Lake. 

The Sea. 



Heap of 



Lucky figures, ^ Srivatsa, ^Satvika, ^ Throne, * Flower-pot, ^ couple of Fishes, 
* Mirror, '^ Nandiyavarta, ^Yardhamana. — Kalpa Sutra, page i. 

Dr. Stevenson has an instructive note upon Jaina emblems, which I append to 
his Table : — " In the prefixed scheme of the emblems of the different Tirthan- 
karas, it may sti'ike the reader that there is no vestige of anything like this 
Buddhist Chaitya in any of them. This arises from one remarkable feature of 
dissimilarity between the Jains and Buddhists. The Dagoba, or Buddhist 



Nos. 6 and 12 rejoice in a ''red" complexion, Nos. 8 and 9 
are designated as " fair," No. 19 is described as " blue," and 
No. 20 as *' black." Parswanatha is likewise '* blue," while 
Mabavira reverts to the typical " golden " hue, the ^^t§ '^^ 
Suvarna chhavi, '' the golden form " claimed alike for Sakya 


In illustration of this tendency to faith in emblems among 
the Jainas, I quote the independent opinion of Captain J. 
Low regarding the origin of the celebrated Phrahdt, or 
ornamental impress of the feet of Buddha,^ and his demon- 
stration of the inconsistent and inappropriate assimilation of 
the worship of symbols with the higher pretensions of the 
creed of Sakya Muni : — 

** As the Phrabat is an object claiming from the Indo-Chinese 
nations a degree of veneration scarcely yielding to that which they 
pay to Buddha himself, we are naturally led to inquire why the 
emblems it exhibits are not all adored individually as well as in the 
aggregate. It seems to be one of those inconsistencies which mark 
the character of Buddhist schismatics ; and it may enable us more 
readily to reach the real source of their religion, from which so 
many superstitions have ramified to cross our path in eastern re- 
search. To whatever country or people we may choose to assign 

Chaitya, was a place originally appropriated to the preservation of relics, a 
practice as abhorrent to the feelings of the Jainas as it is to those of the 
Brahmans. The word Chaitya, when used by the Jainas, means any image or 
temple dedicated to the memory of a Tirthankara." — Kalpa Sutra, p. xxvi. 

From quasi- Buddhist sources we derive independent Symbols of the Four 
Divisions of the Vaibhdshika School. 



Sakya s. 


sects, using the Sanskrit 



Utpala padma (water-lily) jewel, 
and tree-leaf put together in 
the form of a nosegay. 

Kasyapa 6 sects, entitled " the great 

Brahman's. community," using a cor- 

rupt dialect , 

Upali 3 sects, styled " the class which 

Sudra's. is honored by many," using 

the language of the Fisci- 

Katyayana 3 sects, entitled " the class that 

Vaisya's. have a fixed habitation," 
using the vulgar dialect 

Csoma de Koros, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 143. 
^ Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 84. 

* Examples of Jaina-Buddhist Foot-prints may be seen in Vol. III. n.s. of 
our Journal, p. 159. 

Shell or conch. 

A sortsika flower. 

The figure of a wheel. 


the original invention of the Phrahdt, it exhibits too many un 
doubted Hindu symbols to admit of our fixing its fabrication upon 
the worshippers of the latter Buddha ; of whose positive dogmas it 
is rather subversive than otherwise, by encouraging polytheism. And 
further, the intent with which it was originally framed — namely, to 
embody in one grand symbol a complete system of theology and 
theogony — should seem to have been gradually forgotten, or per- 
verted by succeeding ages to the purposes of a ridiculous superstition." 
— Capt. J. Low, " The Phrabat, or Divine Foot of Buddha from 
Bali and Siamese Books," Transactions B.A.S. Yol. II. p. 64.^ 

The existing traditions of the Jainas, on the other hand, 
consistently adhere to the reverence of nature's forms or the 
more elaborated diagrams and curious devices of their ancient 
creed,^ which is here shown to have been incompatible with 
the advanced tenets of Buddhism. The Yaishnavas, equally 
in their turn, had their Vishnu-pad ', but when we meet with 
the symbolical impression of the feet under their adaptative 
treatment, we find it decorated and adorned with a totallv 
difierent series of minor emblems to those afiected by the 
early Jainas.^ 

Dr. Stevenson, in editing the text of the leading Jaina 
authority, the Kalpa Siitra, in 1848/ arrived independentli/ at 

^ A pertinent inquiry is made by R. FriederictL in the last Number of our 
Journal (Vol. IX. n.s. p. 65) : " Were the Buddhists of Java Jainas ? " 

2 Col. "W. Franklin, in his account of the Temple of Parswauatha at Samet- 
Sikhar, describes the statues as having the " head fashioned like a turban, ^dth 
seven expanded heads of serpents, Coluber Naga, or hooded snake, the invariable 
symbol of Parswanatha. " The summit of the hill, emphatically termed by 
the Jainas Samet Sikhar, comprises a table-land flanked by " twenty small Jaina 
temples. In them are to be found the Vasn-Pddikas or ' sacred feet,' similar to 
■what are to be seen in the Jaina Temple at Champanagar. On. the south side of 
the mountain is a very large and handsome flat-roofed temple, containing several 
figures of this deity, which exhibit the never-failing attributes of Parswanatha 
and the Jaina religion, viz. the crowned serpent and cross-legged figures of 
Jineswara or Jina, the ruler and guardian of mankind." — Asiatic Researches, 
vol. ix. pp. 528, 530. " In their temples, the Swetambaras have images of 
all these persons (the twenty-four Jinas), which they w^orship ; but their de- 
votions are more usually addressed to what are called representations of their 
feet."— Dr. B. Hamilton, Mysore, p. 538. 

3 General Cunningham has published a fac-simile of the Gaya V ishnn-pad, 
■which, however, he designates in the Plate, " Buddha-pad," executed in a.d. 1308: 
in this, although many symbols of Indian origin and local currency are displayed, 
■we miss the leading Swadika^ and the other mystic diagrams more immediately 
associated with the Jaina and secondary Buddhist systems.— Arch. Eep., 1871, 
vol. i. p. 9, pi. vii. 

* The extant MS. text of the Kalpa Sutra contains a record that " 900 years 
after MAHAvfaA, and in the 80th year of the currency of the tenth hundred, 


a similar conclusion with Colebrooke as to the relative posi- 
tions of Jainism and Buddhism, in reference to their common 
source and the more recent innovations and arrogant assump- 
tions of the latter creed. He sums up his remarks in the 
subjoined passage : 

" There are, however, yet one or two other points in the 
accounts the Jains give us, which seem to have a historic hearing. 
The first is the relation said to have subsisted between the last 
Buddha and the last Tirthankara, the Jains making Mahavira 
Gautama's preceptor, and him the favourite pupil of his master. 
.... In favour of the Jain theory (of priority), however, it may 
be noticed, that Buddha is said to have seen 24 of his predecessors 
(Mahavanso, I. c. i.), while in the present Kappo he had but four. 
The Jains, consistently with their theory, make Mahavira to have 
seen 23 of his predecessors, all that existed before him in the 
present age. This part of Buddhism evidently implies the know- 
ledge of the 24 Tirthankaras of the Jains. Gautama, however, by 
the force of natural genius, threw their system entirely into the 
shade, till the waning light of Buddhism permitted its fainter 
radiance to re-appear on the western horizon."^ — Kalpa Sutra, 
London, 1848, p. xii. 

Dr. Stevenson was peculiarly competent to express an 
opinion on this and collateral questions, as he had made 
the "ante-Brahmanical worship of the Hindus"^ a subject 
of his especial study, during his lengthened career, as a mis- 
sionary in the Dekhan, in direct association with the people 
of the land. Among other matters bearing upon Jainism, 
he gives an instructive account of the process of making a 
god, as traced in the instance of Yittal or Yithoba, com- 
mencing with the "rough unhewn stone of a pyramidical or 
triangular shape," ^ which formed the centre of the druidical 

this Book was written and pubHcly read in the currency of the 93rd year." 
Hence, taking Mahavira's period at 503 B.C., its date is fixed at "454 a.d. and 
its pubUcation at 466 a.d." — Stevenson's Kalpa Sutra, p. 95. Colebrooke's 
Essays, vol. ii. p. 193. 

^ " After writing the above I found ray conclusion anticipated by Mr. Cole- 
brooke, and I am happy that it now goes abroad with the suffrage of so learned 
an Orientalist— Trans. R.A.S. Vol. I. p. 522." 

■^ J.R.A.S. Vol. V. pp. 189, 264; Vol. VI. p. 239; Vol. VIII. p. 330. See 
also J.A.S. Bengal, articles on cognate subjects, vol. iii. (1834), p. 495 ; vol. vi. 
p. 498. 

3 J.R.A.S. (1839),Vol. V. p. IdSetseq. Among other questions adverted to, Dr. 
Stevenson remarks : — " Vettal is generally, in the Dekhan, said to be an Avatar of 


circle of similarly- shaped blocks — proceeding, in the second 
stage, to their adornment with red- ochre tipped with white, 
to imitate fire, the further development of the central block 
into '' a human figure," " with two arms,'* and its coincident 
promotion to the shelter of a temple with more complicated 
rites and ceremonies ; and, finally, in other cases, to the 
transformation of " the form of a man, but without arms or 
legs,*' into ''a fierce and gigantic man, perfect in all his 
parts." ^ 

Dr. Stevenson, in a subsequent article,^ followed up his 
comparison of the later images of VitJioha^ with the normal 
ideals of the Jaina nude statues. One of his grounds for 
these identifications is stated in the following terms : " The 
want of suitable costume in the images (of Yithoba and 
Rakhami), as originally carved, in this agreeing exactly 
with the images the Jainas at present worship, and disagree- 
ing with all others adored by the Hindus " — who, " with all 
their faults, had always sense of propriety enough to carve 
their images so as to represent the gods to the eye arrayed 
in a way not to give ofience to modesty." 

The author then goes on to relate how the Brahmanists of 

Siva, and wonderful exploits performed by him are related in a book called the 
Yettal Pachisi ; but which composition has not had the good fortune to gain the 
voice of the Brahmans and be placed among the Mahatmyas. On the contrary, 
they look upon it merely as a parcel of fables, and dispute the claims of Vettal to 
any divine honours whatever." — Dr. Stevenson, J.R.A.S. Vol. V. p. 192. 

i Dr. John Wilson, J.R.A.S. Vol. V. p. 197. "The temple of Vetal at 
Arawali, near Sawant Wadi." 

'^ J.R.A.S. Vol. VII. p. 5. 

2 The legend of the creation of Jagganatha, accepted by his votaries, points 
to an equally simple origin, which, in this instance, took the form of a drift log 
of Nim-wood. This ddra or '* branch " having been pronounced on examination 
to be adorned with the emblems of the SauJca, Gadcl, Padma and Chakra, was 
afterwards, by divine intervention, split " into the four-fold image of Chatur 
Murti. A little colouring was necessary to complete them, and they then became 
recognized as Sri Krishna or Jagannath, distinguished by its black hue, Baldeo, 
a form of Siva, of a white colour, Subhadi'a, the sister, . . of the colour of 

In this case the Brahmans seem to have surpassed themselves in their theatrical 
adaptations, for they are said to have adopted a practice of dressing-up the figure 
of Sri Jiu, in a costume appropriate to the occasion, to represent the principal 
deities of the ruling creeds. " Thus at the Ram Navami, the great image 
assumes the dress and character of Rama ; at the Janam Ashtamf, that of Krishna; 
at the Kali Puja, that of Kuli," with two other alternative green-room trans- 
formations, which we need not reproduce. — Stirling's Orissa, Asiatic Researches, 
vol. XV. p. 318. 


later days appropriated the sacred sites and adapted the very 
images of the local gods to their own purposes. His de- 
scription is most graphic of the way in which the nude 
statues of Yithoba and Makhami, at Pandarpur, were clothed 
in appropriate Hindu garments and made to do duty for the 
Brahmanical Krishna and Rukmini, Not less caustic is the 
completion of the tale in the account of the '"image-dresser's" 
appearance over night at feasts, in the borrowed habiliments 
of his patron god, to be restored for the benefit of the ad- 
miring multitude on the following morning.^ 

Among other suggestive inquiries. Dr. Stevenson has in- 
stituted a comparison between the equality of all men before 
their god — indicative of pre-cade periods — at the several 
shrines of Yithoba and Jaggannatha,^ and the inferential 
claims of the Jainas to the origination of the ever-popular 
pilgrimage to the latter sanctuary. Incidentally, it may be 
mentioned that the title of '* Jaggannatha is an appellation 
given by the modern Jainas to their Tirthanhara Parswanatha 
in particular."^ General Cunningham, in his work on the 
Bhilsa Topes,* long ago pointed out the absolute identity of 
the outline of the modern figures of Jagganatha with the 
trisiil or curved -trident ornament so frequent in the early 
Buddhist sculptures,^ and, in like manner, Burnouf had 
detected the coincidence of the form of the Vardhamdncikyay 
or mystic symbol of Mahavira above adverted to, with the 
outKne of the Bactro-Greek Monogram so common on the 

^ No less acute is Dr. Stevenson's analysis, in another volume of our Journal 
(Vol. VIII. p. 330), of the position traditionally held by Siva in India — his 
absence " from the original Brahmanical theogony," his imperfect assimilation 
with the later forms of their ritual— and the conclusion " that the worship of 
Siva is nothing more than a superstition of the aboriginal Indians, modified by 
the Brahmans, and adopted into their system," for their own ends. An opinion 
which has been fully confirmed by later investigations. 

2 Journal R.A. S. Vol. VII. p. 7, and Vol. VIII. p. 331. See also Col. Sykes, 
Vol. VI. p. 420, note 3. 

3 Journ. A.S., p. 423. 

* " The triple emblem, represented in fig. 22, pi. xxxii., is one of the most 
valuable of the Sanchi sculptures, as it shows in the clearest and most im- 
equivocal manner the absolute identity of the holy Brahmanical Jaggannath with 
the ancient Buddhist triad."— Bhilsa Topes (London, 1854), p. 358. Fac-similes 
of these figures may be seen at p. 450, Journ. R.A.S., Vol. VI. o.s. See also 
Laidlay's translation of Fo-kwe-ki, pp. 21-26, 261. 

5 The symbol forms a distinct object of worship at Amravati.— Fergusson's 
"Tree and Serpent Worship," pi. Ixx, etc. 


local coins. ^ This last identification opens out a very wide 
field of speculation, inasmuch as this particular mark has 
now been found in all its integrity, on the person of a Jaina 
statue in the Indian Museum. Another coincidence which may 
prove to have some bearing upon the relative claims of Jainas 
and Buddhists to the Lion pillars,^ and the frequent repre- 
sentations of that animal upon the sculptures on the Topes, 
etc., is that the Lion proves to have been a special emblem 
of Mahdvira, as the mystic trident in its turn answered to his 
second title of Vardhamdna, 

Before taking leave of the question of the relations once 
existing between Mahavira and Buddha, it remains for me 
to cite a most curious passage, furnishing a vivid outline 
of the intercourse between Guru and Chela, and foreshadow- 
ing the nascent doubts of the disciple — which occurs in 
the Bhagavati,^ a work recently published by Prof. Weber, 
of the existence of which neither Colebrooke nor "Wilson 
were cognizant. I may add in further support of the 
identity of Gautama and Sakya Muni — so freely admitted 

1 Burnouf, in noticing the 65 names of the figures traced on the supposed 
Dharma pradipikd or imprint of the foot of Buddha in Ceylon, remarks under 
the sixth or Vardhamdnakya head : " C'est la encore une sorte de diagramme 
mystique egalement familier aux Br&,hmanes et au Buddhistes ; son nom signifie 
" le prospere." 

*' Quant a la figure suivante, on trouvera peut-etre qu'elle doit etre le Yardha- 
mana ; je remarquerai seulement sur la seconde, t-O, qu'elle est ancienne, 
et on la remarque frequemment au revers des medailles de Kadphises et de quel- 
ques autres medailles indo-scythiques au tj-pe du roi cavalier et vainqueur (A.A. 
pi. X. 5, 9«), et sur le troisieme, qu'elle parait n'etre qu'une variante de la 
seconde." — Lotus, p. 627. " Waddhamanah kumarikah." Mahavanso, 1. 
c. xi. p. 70. Col. Sykes, J.R.A.S. YI. o.s. p. 456, No. 34, etc. 

2 The Kuhaon pillar is manifestly Jaina, though there is this to he said, that it 
is more fully wrought than the ordinary round monoliths, some of which Asoka 
may have found ready to his hand. It bears the inscription of Skanda Gupta 
(219 A.D.), but this need no more detract from its true age than the modern 
inscription of Yisala deva of a.d. 1164 would disturb the prior record of 
Asoka on the Dehli (Khizrabad) lat. " The bell (of the capital) itself is 
reeded, after the fashion of the Asoka pillars. Above this the capital is square, 
with a small niche on each side holding a naked standing figure, surmounted 
by a low circular band, in which is fixed the metal spike already described, 

as supporting a statue of a lion, or some other animal rampant 

On the western face of the square base there is a niche holding a naked standing 
figure, with very long arms reaching to his knees. Behind, there is a large snake 
folded in horizontal coils, one above the other, and with its seven heads forming 
a canopy over the idol." — General Cunningham, Arch. Rep. i. p. 93. 

3 Fragment der Bhagavati. Ein beitrag zur kenntuiss der heiligen litteratur 
und sprache der Jaina. Yon A. Weber, Berlin, 1867, p. 315. The author, a 
Jaina writer named Malayagiri, flourished in the thirteenth century a.d. 


in previous quotations^ — that the Iranian texts equally- 
designate him by the former epithet. ^ And it is to be 
remembered that Buddhism very early made its way in 
force over parts of Bactria — as the construction of the Nau 
Bihar at Balkh, lately identified by Sir H. E,awlinson,3 suf- 
fices to prove. An edifice which Hiouen Thsang commemo- 
rates as " qui a ete construit par le premier roi de ce 
royaume." * 

*' At that time, then, at that juncture, the holy Mahavira's eldest 
pupil, Indrabhuti, — houseless, of Gautama's Gotra, seven (cubits) 
high, of even and regular proportions, with joints as of diamond, 
bull and arrow, fair like the streak on a touchstone or like lotus 
pollen, of mighty, shining, burning, powerful penance, pre-eminent, 
mighty, of mighty qualities, a mighty ascetic, of mighty abstinence, 
of dried-up body, of compact mighty resplendency, possessed of the 
fourteen preliminary steps, endowed with the four kinds of know- 
ledge, acquainted with all the ways of joining syllables, in moderate 
proximity to the holy ^ramana Mahavira, with knees erect and 
lowered head, endowed with a treasury of meditation, — lived edify- 
ing himself by asceticism and the bridling of his senses. 

" Thereupon that holy Gautama, in whom faith, doubt, and 
curiosity arose, grew and increased, rose up. Having arisen he 
went to the place where the sacred ^ramana Mahavira was. After 
going there, he honours him by three pradakshina circumambula- 
tions. After performing these, he praises him and bows to him. 
After so doing, not too close, not too distant, listening to him, 
bowing to him, with his face towards him, humbly waiting on him 
with folded hands, he thus spoke." .... 

I have already adverted to Fah-Hian's mention of a sect, 
in India, who declined to accept Sakya Muni as their 

^ This has not, however, always been conceded. Prof. "Wilson, in his remarks 
upon " Two Tracts from Nip^l," says Dr. Buchanan " has only specified two names, 
Gautama and S^kya, of which the first does not occur in the Nipal list, whilst, 
in another place, he observes that S&kya is considered by the Burmese Buddhists 
as an impostor. . . The omission of the name of Gautama proves that he is not 
acknowledged as a distinct Buddha by the Nip&lese, and he can be identified with 
no other in the list than Sakya Sinha." — Essays, vol. ii. p. 9. At p. 10 Prof. 
"Wilson contests Buchanan's assertion, and adds that in the Pali version of the 
Amara Kosha Gautama and Sakya Sinha and Adityabandhu are given as 
s}Tionyms of the son of Suudhodana." 

2 Fravardin Yasht {circa " 350-450 B.C."), quoted by Dr. Haug, Essay on the 
Sacred Language of the Parsees, Bombay, 1862, p. 188. 

3 Quarterly Review, 1866, and his " Central Asia," Murray, 1875, p. 246. 

* Memoires, vol. i. p. 30. *' Navn saiighdrdmo.'''' See also "S^oyages, p. 65. 



prophet, but who avowedly confessed their faith in one or 
more of his predecessors. 

Some very instructive passages in this direction have 
been collected by the Rev. S. Beal, in his revised edition 
of the Travels of Fah-Hian.^ Among the rest, referring to 
the Chinese aspects of Buddhism, shortly after a.d. 458, he 
goes on to say : 

*' The rapid progress of Buddhism excited much opposition from 
the Literati and followers of Lao-tse u. The latter affirmed that 
Sakya Buddha was but an incarnation of their own master, who had 
died 517 b.c, shortly after which date (it was said) Buddha was 
born. This slander was resented by the Buddhists, and they put 
back the date of their founder's birth in consequence — first, to 
687 B.C., and afterwards to still earlier periods." — p. xxvi. 

A coincident assertion of priority of evolution seems to 
have been claimed, in situ, at the period of the visit to India 
of the second representative Chinese pilgrim, Hiouen Thsang 
(a.i). 629-645). 

His references to the Jainas, their practices, and their 
supposed appropriation of the leading theory, and consequent 
modification of portions of the Buddhist creed, are set forth, 
at length, in the following quotation : — 

In describing the town of Sinha^nira, Hiouen Thsang proceeds : 
*'A cote et a une petite distance du Stoupa, on voit I'endroit ou 
le fondateur de la secte heretique qui porte des vetements blancs 
{Qvetavdsa ?), comprit les principes sublimes qu'il cherchait, et 
commen9a a expliquer la loi. Aujourd'hui, on y voit une inscription. 
A cote de cet endroit, on a construit un temple des dieux. Les 
sectaires qui le frequentent se livrent a des dures austerites. 
La loi qu'a exposee le fondateur de cette secte, a ete pillee en 
grande partie dans les livres du Bouddha, sur lesquels il s'est guide 
pour etablir ses preceptes et ses regies. . . Dans leurs observances 
et leurs exercices religieux, ils suivent presque entierement la r^gle 
des Qramanas, seulement, ils conservent un peu de cheveux sur leur 
tete, et, de plus, ils vont nus. Si par hazard, ils portent des vete- 
ments, ils se distinguent par la couleur blanche. Yoila les diffe- 
rences, d'ailleurs fort legeres, qui les separent des autres. La statue 
de leur maitre divin ressemble, par une sorte d' usurpation, a celle 

1 Loudon, Triibner, 1869. 


de Jou-lai (du Tathagata) ; elle n'en differe que par le costume ; 
ses signes de beaute (mahapouroucha lakchanani) sout absolument 
les memes."* — Memoires sur les contrees occidentales, Paris, 1857, 
vol. i. p. 163. 

In this conflict of periods, the pretensions of the Northern 
Buddhists may be reduced, by the internal testimony of their 
own books, to severely approximate proportions ; and here 
Mr. Brian Hodgson's preliminary researches present them- 
selves, with an authority hitherto denied them ; perchance, 
because they were so definitively in advance of the ordinary 
knowledge of Buddhism, as derived from extra -national 
sources. In this case Mr. Hodgson was able to appeal to 
data, contributed from the very nidm of Buddhism in 
Magadha — whose passage, into the ready refuge of the 
Yalley of Nipal, would prima facie have secured an un- 
adulterated version of the ancient formulae, and have 
supplied a crucial test for the comparison of the southern 
developments, as contrasted with the northern expansions 
and assimilations of the Faith. Mr. Hodgson observes : — 

" I can trace something very like Euddhism into far ages and 
realms : but I am sure that that Buddhism which has come down 
to us, in the Sanskrit, Pali, and Tibetan books of the sect, and 
which only we do or can knoWy is neither old nor exotic." — J.A.S.B. 
1837, p. 685.2 

^ One of Hiouen Thsang's contributions to the place and position of the 
Jainas in reference to the Buddhists proper, upon whom he has been supposed ex- 
clusively to rely, is exhibited in his faith in a native magician of the former 
creed, the truth of whose predictions he frankly acknowledges in the fol- 
lowing terms : — " Avant I'arrivee du messager du roi Kumdra, il y eut un 
heretique nu {Ni-kien-Nirgrantha) , nomm6 Fa-che-lo [Vadjra), qui entra tout k 
coup dans sa chambre. Le Maitre de la loi, qui avait entendu dire, depuis long- 
temps, que les Ni-kien excellaient a tirer I'horoscope, le pria aussitot de s'asseoir 
et I'interrogea ainsi, afin d' eclair cir ses doutes: ' Moi Hiouen- Thsang, religieux 
du royaume de Tchi-na, je suis venu dans ce pays, il y a bien des annees, pour me 
livrer a I'etude et a de pieuses recherches. Maintenant, je desire m'en retourner 
dans ma patrie; j'ignore si j'y parviendrai ou non.' " He then goes on to relate : 
" Le Ni-kien prit un morceau de craie, tra9a des lignes sur la terre, tira les sorts 
et lui repondit en ces termes." — Hiouen-Thsang, vol. i. (Voyages), p. 228. See 
also vol. i. p. 224; and (Memoires) vol. i. (ii.), pp. 42, 93, 354 ; vol. ii. (iii.), 
p. 406. 

2 In the same sense, another distinguished writer on Buddhism remarks : 
*' There is no life of Gotama Buddha, by any native author, yet discovered, that 
is free from the extravagant pretensions with which his history has been so largely 
invested ; from which we may infer that the records now in existence were all 
prepared long after his appearance in the world."— Spence Hardy, J.R.A.S. 
Vol. XX. p. 135. 


Col. Tod's observations were not designed to extend to 
the question of the relative age of the Jaina and Buddhist 
creeds, but they serve to show the permanence and immuta- 
bility of the former faith in a portion of the continent of 
India, where the people, beyond all other sectional nation- 
alities, have preserved their individuality and reverence for 
local traditions. They explain, moreover, how the leading 
tenet of Jainism — which was shared in a subdued form by 
Buddhism ^ — came under its exaggerated aspect to leave 
their best kings at the mercy of less humane adversaries.^ 

Col. Tod proceeds to speak of the Jainas in the following 
terms : — 

"The Yediavan (the man of secrets or knowledge, magician), 
or Magi of E,ajasthan. The numbers and power of these sectarians 
are little known to Europeans, who take it for granted they 

* "The practical part of the Jain reHgion consists in the performance of five 
duties and the avoidance of five sins. 

*' The duties are — 1. Mercy to all animated beings ; 2. Almsgiving; 3. Vene- 
rating the sages while living, and worshipping their images when deceased ; 4. 
Confession of faults ; 5. Religious fasting. 

" The sins are— 1. Killing; 2. Lying; 3. Stealing; 4. Adidtery; 6. "Worldly- 
mindedness." — Kalpa Sutra, p. xxii. 

The Jainas '^ believe that not to kill any sentient being is the greatest virtue." 
— The Chintamani, ed. Rev. H. Bower, Madras, 1868, p. xxi. 

The leading contrast between the simple duties of the Jainas and the later de- 
velopments introduced by the various schools of Buddhists may be traced in the 
following extracts : 

" 1. From the meanest insect up to man, thou shalt kill no animal whatever ; 
2. Thou shalt not steal ; 3. Thou shalt not violate the wife or concubine of 
another."— Giitzlaff, " China Opened," London, 1838, p. 216. 

" There are three sins of the body : 1. The taking of life, Murder (1) ; 2. The 
taking that which is not given, Theft (2) ; 3. The holding of carnal intercourse 
with the female that belongs to another, Adultery (3)." — Spence Hardy, Manual 
of Buddhism, p. 461. 

" The ten obligations" commence with " 1. Not to kill; 2. Not to steal; 3, 
Not to marry; 4. Not to lie, etc." — The Rev. S. Beal, Fah-hian, p. 59. Mr. Beal 
goes on to expound the four principles involved in the existence of Buddhism, 
which are defined as these : — '' 1. That man may become superior to the Gods; 
2. That Nirvana is the Supreme good; 3. That religion consists in a right 
preparation of heart (suppression of evil desire, practice of self-denial, active 
benevolence) ; 4. That men of all castes, and women, may enjoy the benefits of 
a religious life." — p. i. 

2 "To this leading feature in their religion (the prohibition of the shedding of 
blood) they owe their political debasement : for Komarpal, the last King of An- 
hulwara, of the Jain faith, would not march his armies in the rains, from the 
unavoidable sacrifice of animal life that must have ensued. The strict Jain does 
not even maintain a lamp during that season, lest it should attract moths to their 
destruction." — i. p. 519. The oil-mill and the potter's wheel are stopped for four 
months in the year, when insects most abound." — i. p. 521. At p. 520 Col. Tod 
enlarges upon the mines of knowledge (of the Jaina) books by the thousand, etc. 


are few and dispersed. To prove the extent of their religious 
and political power, it will suffice to remark, that the pontiff of the 
Khartra-gatcha (true branch), one of the many branches of this 
faith, has 11,000 clerical disciples scattered over India; that a 
single community, the Ossi or Oswal (Ossa in Mar war), numbers 
100,000 families; and that more than half the mercantile wealth 
of India passes through the hands of the Jain laity." — Tod, under 
Me war, vol. i. p. 518. 

Col. Tod's contemporary, and superior oJ05cer, Gen. Malcolm, 
gives us an equally striking insight into the active aggressive- 
ness of the Brahmans and the helpless submissiveness of the 
Jainas in his current narrative : — 

*' Six years ago, the Jains built a handsome temple at Ujjain; a 
Juttee, or priest of high character, arrived from Guzerat to con- 
secrate it, and to place within the shrine the image of their favourite 
deity (Parswanath) ; but on the morning of the day fixed for this 
purpose, after the ceremony had commenced and the Jains had filled 
the temple expecting the arrival of their idol, a Brahman appeared 
conveying an oval stone from the river Seepra, which he proclaimed 
as the emblem of Mahadeva, (and his following) soon drove the 
unarmed bankers and shopkeepers from their temple, and proclaimed 
* Mahadeva as the overthrower of Jains.' " — Malcolm, Central India, 
vol. ii. p. 160. See also Edward Conolly, in J.A.S.B., 1837, p. 834. 

In addition to the personal experiences and graphic narra- 
tives of Col. Tod, as detailed in his " Rajasthan," a new class 
of testimony, from indigenous sources, has lately reached 
us, in the contributions of an independent visitor to the 
courts of the Chiefs of the Rajput states, whose careful exami- 
nation and reproduction of the monuments existing in situ 
has been associated with the acquisition of an amount of 
ancient lore, as preserved among the people themselves, which 
has not always been accessible under the necessarily reserved 
attitude of English officials. 

I cite M. Rousselet's own words reorardinor the nature 
of the documents in the possession of the Jainas, and the 
reiterated charges they advance against the heretical 
Buddhists : 

" Les livres religieux des Jainas, dont la traduction jetterait un 
grand jour sur les ages recules de I'histoire de I'Inde, ont ete de- 


laisses jusqu'a present par nos savants orientalistes. Si I'on en 
croit les traditions conservees par les pretres de cette secte, I'origine 
du jainisme remonterait a des centaines de siecles avant Jesus-Christ ; 
il parait, en tout cas, etabli qu'il existait bien avant I'apparition de 
^akya Mouni, et il est meme possible que les doctrines de ce dernier 
ne soient qu'une transformation des doctrines jainas. Les Bouddhistes 
reconnaissent du reste Mahavira, le dernier Tirthankar jaina, comme 
le precepteur de ^akya. Les Jainas considerent, de leur cote, les 
Bouddhistes comme des heretiques, et les ont poursuivis de tout 
temps de leur haine." — p. 373. 

AVe could scarcely have expected any contributory evidence 
towards the antiquity of the Jaina creed from Brahmanical 
sources, and, yet, an undesigned item of testimony to that end 
is found to be embalmed in the '' Padma Purana," where, in 
adverting to the deeds of Vrihaspati and his antagonism to 
Indra, Jainism is freely admitted to a contemporaneous ex- 
istence with the great Gods of the Brahmans, and though 
duly designated as "heretic," is confessed, in the terms of the 
text, to have been a potent competitor for royal and other 
converts, in very early times. ^ I am by no means desirous 
of claiming either high antiquity or undue authority for the 
Hindu Purdnas, but their minor admissions are at times 
instructive, and this may chance to prove so.^ 

^ *' The Asnras are described as enjoying the ascendancy over the Devatas, when 
Vrihaspati, taking advantage of their leader Sukra's being enamoured of a 
nymph of heaven, sent by Indra to interrupt his penance, comes among the former 
as Sukro, and misleads them into irreligion by preaching heretical doctrines ; the 
doctrines and practices he teaches are Jain, and in a preceding passage it is said 
that the sons of Raji embraced the Jina Dharmma." — Padma Pm-ana, Wilson, 
J.K.A.S. Vol. V p. 282. See also pp. 287, 310-11. 

' Professor Wilson, arguing upon the supposed priority of the Buddhists, at- 
tempted to account for the frequent allusions to the Jainas in the_ Brahmanical 
■writings by concluding that " since the Banddhas disappeared from India, and 
the Jainas only have been known, it will be found that the Hindu writers, when- 
ever they speak of Bauddhas, show, by the phraseology and practices ascribed to 
them, that they really mean Jainas. The older writers do not make the same 
mistake, and the usages and expressions they give to Bauddha personages are not 
Jaina, but Bauddha^ — Essays, vol. i. p. 329. 

It is to be added, however, that Prof. Wilson, when he put this opinion on 
record in 1 832, had to rely upon the limited knowledge of the day, which pre- 
supposed that the Jainas had nothing definite to show prior to the ninth century 
(p. 333). He was not then aware of the ver}' early indicatipns of their unobtrusive 
power in Southern India in Saka 411 (a.d. 489), if not earlier, as proved by Sir W. 
Elliofs Inscriptions (J.R.A.S. 1837, Vol. IV. pp. 8, 9, 10, 17, 19) : and still less 
could he have foreseen the new i-evelations from Mathura, which, of course, 
would have materially modified his conclusions. 


The Pancha Tantra — the Indian original of ^sop's Fables — 
which has preserved intact so many of the ancient traditions 
of the land — also retains among the network of its ordinary- 
homespun tales and local stories, a very significant admission 
of the position once held by the Jaina sect amid the social 
relations of the people. The fable, in question, appears in the 
authorized Sanskrit text, which, under some circumstances, 
might have caught the eye of Brahmanical revisers ; neverthe- 
less we find in its context " the chief of the (Jaina) con- 
vent" expressing himself, "How now, son; what is it you 
say ? Are we Brahmans, think you, to be at any one's beck 
and call ? No, no ; at the hour we go forth to gather alms, 
we enter the mansions of those votaries only who, we know, 
are of approved faith." ^ 

That Chandra Gupta was a member of the Jaina commu- 
nity is taken by their writers as a matter of course, and 
treated as a known fact, which needed neither argument nor 
demonstration.^ The documentary evidence to this efiect is 

^ This is Prof. "Wilson's oivn rendering of the text. As we have seen, his leading 
tendencies were altogether against the notion of the antiquity or ante-Buddhistical 
development of the Jaina creed (Essays, vol. iii. p. 227) ; and yet he was forced on 
many occasions, like the present, to admit that the terms were Buddhist, but the 
tenor was Jaina. In a note on the Pancha Tantra (p. 20, vol. ii.) he remarks, 
*' From subsequent passages, however, it appears that the usual confusion of 
Bauddha and Jaina occurs in the Pancha Tantra ; and that the latter alone is 
intended, whichever be named. " And "^^dth regard to the quotation given above 
he goes an to say : " The chief peculiarity, however, of this story is its correct 
delineation of Jain customs ; a thing very unusual in Brahmanical books. The 
address of the barber, and the benediction of the Superior of the Vihdra^ are 
conformable to Jain usages. The whole is indeed a faithful picture. . . . 
The accuracy of the description is an argument for some antiquity ; as the 
more modern any work is, the more incorrect the description of the Jainas 
and Bauddhas, and the confounding of one with the other." — 1840, vol. ii. 
p. 76. 

2 Book No. 20. Countermark 774, Mackenzie MSS., J. A.S. Bengal, vol. vii. 
p. 411. 

" Section 8. Chronological tables of Hindu rajas (termed Jaina kings of the 
Dravida country in the table of contents of book No. 20). 

*' In the 4th age a mixture of names, one or two of them being Jaina; Chandra 
Gupta is termed a Jaina. Cliola rajas. Himasila a Jaina king." 

The reporter, the Kev. William Taylor, adds the remark, " These lists, though 
imperfect, may have some use for occasional reference." 

'' The extinction of the Brahman and Kshatriya classes was predicted by 
Bhadra-Bahu Muni, in his interpretation of the 14 dreams of Chandra 
Gupta, whom they, the Srawak Yati's, make out in the Buddha-vildsa, a Digam- 
bar work, to have been the monarch of Ujjayani." — Trans. R A.S. Yol. I. 
p. 413. 

" And Chandra Gupta, the king of Pataliputra, on the night of the full moon 


of comparatively early date, and, apparently, absolved from 
all suspicion, by the omission from their lists of the name of 
Asoka, a far more powerful monarch than his grandfather, 
and one whom they would reasonably have claimed as a 
potent upholder of their faith, had he not become a pervert. 

The testimony of Megasthenes would likewise seem to 
imply that Chandra Gupta submitted to the devotional 
teaching of the sermdnas, as opposed to the doctrines of 
the Brahmans. The passage in Strabo runs as follows : — 
Tofc9 8e ^aaCkeixTi avvelvai Bt' dyjiXcov irvvOavofjievoL'^ irepl rcav 
alrlcov, Kol 8t' eKeivcov depairevovcn, koI "kiTavevovcn to Oelov. 
— Strabo, XV. i. 60. 

We must now turn to the authoritative account of the 
succession of the Mauryas, as presented by the Brahmanical 
texts, which had so many chances of revision, both in time 
and substance, in their antagonism to all ancient creeds, and 
less-freely elaborated delusions, than their own more modern 
system professed to teach the Indian world. 

The most approved of their Puranas, under the chrono- 
logical and genealogical aspects — the Vishnu Piirdna — intro- 
duces the succession of the Mauryas in the following terms : 

*' Upon the cessation of the race of Nanda, the Mauryas will pos- 
sess the earth ; for Kautilya will place Chandragupta on the throne. 
His son will be Bindusara ; his son will be Asokavardhana ; his 
son will be Suyasas ; his son will be Dasaratha ; his son will be 
Sangata ; his son will be Salisuka ; his son will be Somasarman ; 

ia the month of Kartika, had 16 dreams "—Mr. Lewis Rice, Indian 

Antiquary, 1874, p. 155. 

Mr. Rice adds the " Chronology of the Rajavali Kathe," as given hy Deva 
Chandra, to the following effect : " After the death of Yira Varddhamana 
Gautama and other Kevalis, 62 years. Then Nandi Mitra and other Sruta 
Kevalis, 100 years. Then Visakha and other Dasa purvis, 183. Then Nakshatra 
and other Ekadas&,ngadhara, 233. Then was horn Yikramaditya in Ujjayini ; 
. . . . and he estahlished his own era from the year of Rudirodgari, the 
605th year after the death of Varddhamana." 

" Intepretation of the 16 dreams of Chandra Gupta. 

"1. All knowledge will be darkened. 

"2. The Jaina religion will decline, and your successors to the throne take dikshe. 

"3. The heavenly beings will not henceforth visit the Bharata Kshetra. 

" 4. The Jainas will be split into sects. 

"5. The clouds will not give seasonable rain, and the crops will be poor. 

"6. True knowledge being lost, a few sparks will glimmer with a feeble light. 

*' 7. Aryakhanda will be destitute of Jaina doctrine. 

*' 8. The evil will prevail and goodness be hidden 

" 16. Twelve years of dearth and famine will come upon this land." 




Nanda, Mahdpadma? 


SuMALYA & 7 Brothers 

("the Brahman Kautilya will 

root out the 9 Nandas "). 


Chandra gupta. 




















his son will be Satadhanwan ; and his successor will be Brihadratha. 
These are the ten Mauryas, who will reign over the earth for 137 
years." — Vishnu Purana, book iv. cap. xxiv. 

The full list of the Kings of Magadha, obtained from these 
sources, runs as follows : 
i. Pradyotana. 
ii. Palaka. 


iv. Janaka. 

V. Nandivardhana.^ 

vi. SiSUNAGA. 

vii. Kakavarna. 


xi. Ajatasatru. 
xii. Darbhaka. 
xiii. Udayaswa. 
xiv. Nandivardhana. 

The inquiry might here be reasonably raised, as to how 
a Brahman^ like Kautilya^ came to select, for sovereignty, a 
man of a supposedly adverse faith. But though our King- 
maker was a Brahman^ he was not necessarily, in tbe modern 
acceptation of the term, a '* Brdhmanist.'^ The fact of the 
Brahmanas being bracketed in equal gradation with the 
Sramanas of the Jainas and Buddhists, in the formal versions 
of Asoka's edicts, clearly demonstrates that the first-named 
class had not, as yet, succeeded to the exclusive charge of 
kings' consciences, or attained the leading place in the hier- 
archy of the land which they subsequently claimed. Moreover, 
in the full development of their power, the Brahmans, as a 
rule, recognized their proper metier of guiding and governing 
from within the palace, and but seldom sought to become 
ostensibly reigning kings. Thus, supposing Kautilya to 
have been, as is affirmed in some passages, an hereditary 
minister,* he might well have sought to secure a submissive 

1 " 5 Pradyota kings, 138 years." 2 u iq Saisunaga kings, 362 years." 

3 " He will be the annihilator of the Kshatrya race ; for, after him, the kings 

of the earth will be Siidras.'' 
* Hindu Theatre, p. 145. "Vishnu Gupta," son of Chanaka (hence Chanakya). 

He is described in the Vrihat-Kathd as a "Brahman of mean appearance, digging 

in a meadow." — H.T.p. 140,and"Wilson's Works, vol. iii. p. 177; see also vol. iii. 

p. 354, and the Mahawanso, p. 21, with the full list of references, pp. Ixxvi, et seq. 


prince, without regard to his crude ideas of faith, and one 
unlikely to trench upon the growing pretensions of the Brah- 
manical class. But, among other things, it is to be kept in 
view that, hitherto, there had been no overt antagonism of 
creeds, regarding which, as will be seen hereafter, Asoka so 
wisely counsels sufferance and consideration. 

The leading question of caste, also, has a very important, 
though seemingly indirect, bearing upon the subject under 
discussion. It is clear that the whole theory of Indian castes 
originated in a simple natural division of labour associated 
with heredity of occupations, constituting, as civilization ad- 
vanced, ipso fadii, a system of social class discrimination ; each 
section of the community having its defined rights and being 
subject to its corresponding responsibilities.^ In the initiatory 
stage this simple distribution of duties clearly had no concern 
with creeds or forms of religious belief. 

But beyond this, we have already seen (p. 3) that it was 
not incompatible with their obligations to their own faith, 
that Brahmans should officiate in Jaina temples — and, as 
almost a case in point, we find very early instances of Jaina 
Kings entertaining Brahman TuroUits^ but it need not for a 
moment be supposed that these "spiritual guides" taught their 
sovereigns either theYedic or Brahmanical S3"stem of religion.^ 

The conception of caste itself was obviously indigenous, and 
clearly an institution of home growth, which flourished and 

^ In the South and Central India the term caste seems still to represent class. 
*' The Hindus, as in all parts of India, are divided into four great castes ; but it 
will he preferable to speak of the inhabitants of this country as nations and classes ; 
for it is in this manner they divide themselves and keep alive those attachments and 
prejudices which distinguish them from each other. — Malcolm's "Central India," 
vol. ii. p. 114. 

2 " "While Padmapara was reigning in the city of Kotikapura. . . His Queen 
being Padmasri, and \l\^ purohita Soma Somarsi, a Brahman." — Eajavali Kathe, 
Ind. Antiquary, 1874, p. 154. 

3 Govinda Raya makes a grant of land to a " Jaina Brahman." — Journal Royal 
Asiatic Societ}', Vol. VIII. p. 2; see also Colonel Sykes, J.R.A.S., Vol. VI. 
pp. 301, 305, and F. Buchanan, Mysore, vol. iii. p. 77. 

It has elsewhere been remarked by other commentators: — "We see from the 
history of the Buddhist patriarchs, that the distinction of castes in no way interfered 
with the selection of the chiefs of religion. Sakya Muni was a Kshatrya ; Maha 
Kasyapa, his successor, was a Brahman; Shang nu ho sieou, the third patriarch, 
was a Vaisya', and his successor, Yeou pho Khieouto, was a Sudra." — Remusat, 
note, cap xx. Foe koi ki, Laidlay's Translation, p. 178. 

" Saugata books treating on the subject of caste never call in question the 
antique fact of a fourfold division of the Hindu people, but only give a more 


engrafted itself more deeply as the nation progressed in its 
own independent self-development. In this sense we need 
not seek to discover any reference to its machinery in the 
authentic texts of the Yedas.^ The Aryan pastoral races, 
who reached India from distant geographical centres, how- 
ever intellectually endowed, were, in their very tribal com- 
munities and migratory habits, unfitted and unprepared for 
such matured social conditions. 

The intrusion of a foreign race, in considerable numbers, 
would tend to fix the local distribution, and add a new 
division of its own to those already existing among people 
of the land. It might be suggested that the Yedic Aryans 
thus constituted, in their new home, the fifth of the " five 
classes of men '* to whom they so frequently refer in the text 
of the Rig Veda} 

But there are decided objections to any such conclusion, 
as in one instance the five classes are distinctly alluded to as 
within the Aryan pale, in opposition to the local Dasyus? 

liberal interpretation to it than the current Brahmanical one of their day." — B. 
H. Hodgson, J.E.A.S. Vol. II. p. 289. 

And to conclude these references, I may point to the fact that Sakya Muni, in 
one instance, is represented as having promised a ' ' young Brahman that he shall 
become a perfect i/z^(^f//i«." — Ksoma de Koros, Asiatic Researches, vol. xx. p. 453. 

1 Muir, J.R.A.S. n.s. Vol. I. p. 356 ; Sanskrit Texts, vol. i. pp. 7, 15, etc. ; 
vol. V. p. 371. Colebrooke, As. Res, vol. vii. p. 251 ; Essays, vol. i. pp. 161, 309. 
Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 570. "Wilson, Rig Veda, vol. i. p. xliv. 

2 " Over the five men, or classes of men" {pancJia kshitvidm). — Rig Veda, 
Wilson's translation, vol. i. pp. 20, 230, 314; ii. p. xv., "The five classes of 
beings," p. 170 ; iii. p. xxii., " The five races of men" {pdnchajanydsu krishtishu) 
87 ; " The five classes of men," pp. 468, 506, etc. " The commentator explains 
this term to denote the four castes. Brahman^ Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra, and 
the barbarian or Nishdda; but S<iyana, of course, expresses the received opinions 
of his own age." — Wilson, Rig Veda, vol. i. p. xliii ; also vol. ii. p. xv. See also 
Muir, vol. i. p. 176, et neq. 

Pliny's detail of the castes or classes of India differs slightly from that of 
Megasthenes' , and, like the Vedic tradition, estimates the number of divisions at 
Jive, excluding the lowest servile class. " The people of the more civilized nations 
of India are divided into several classes. One of these classes tills the earth, 
another attends to military affairs, others, again, are occupied in mercantile 
pursuits, while the wisest and most wealthy among them have the management 
of the affairs of State, act as judges, and give counsel to the King. The fifth 
class entirely devoting themselves to the pursuit of wisdom, which, in these 
coimtries, is almost held in the same veneration as religion." ..." In addition to 
these, there is a class in a half-savage state, and doomed to endless labour ; by 
means of their exertions, all the classes previously mentioned are supported." — 
Pliny, vi. 22. 19, Bohn's edition, 1855. 

2 " The sage Atri, who was venerated by the five classes of men, . . . and 
baffling, showerers (of benefits), the devices of the malignant Basyus." — Wilson, 
vol. i. p. 314 (R.V. i. viii.). 


So that these references must be supposed either to apply to 
the Aryan tribes, as once distinguished from each other in 
their previous dwelling-places, or to refer to the independent 
waves of immigration of the clans across the Indus, which 
would establish a sufficiently marked subdivision of the 
parent race. 

On the other hand, it is clear that if they had no birth- 
caste, they had very arrogant notions of Varna ''colour," 
which, under modern interpretation, has come to have the 
primary meaning of caste. We find them speaking of the 
Air yam varnam^ ''the Aryan-colour;"^ and our " white- 
complexioned friends " are contrasted with the black skins 
and imperfect language of the indigenous races.^ 

These utterances appear to belong to the period of the 
Aryan progress through the Punjab. Whether after their 
prolonged wanderings, the surviving members of the com- 
munity reached the sacred sites on the Saraswati in 
diminished force, we have no means of determining ; but 
they would, as far as we can judge, have here found them- 
selves in more densely inhabited districts, in disproportionate 
numbers to the home population, and cut off from fresh 
accessions from the parent stock. 

But, however few in numbers, they were able to place their 
mark upon the future of the land, to introduce the worship of 
their own gods, to make their hymns the ritual, and finally, 
as expositors of the new religion, to elevate themselves into a 
sanctity but little removed from that of the deity .^ 

We have now to inquire, what bearing this view of cade 

^ *' He gave horses, he gave the Sun, and Indra gave also the many-nourishing 
cow : he gave golden treasure, and having destroyed the Basyus, he protected 
the Aryan tribe." — "Wilson, R.V. vol. iii. p. 56. Aryam varnam "the Aryan 
colour." — Muir, vol. v. p. 114; and ii. 282, 360, 374. " Indra . . . divided 
the fields with his white-complexioned friends." — Wilson, R.V. vol. i. p. 259. 

2 (Indra) "tore off the black skin." Vol. ii. p. 35 (ii. i. 8). (Indra) " scattered 
the black-sprung servile " (hosts). Vol. ii. p. 258 (ii. vi. 6). (Dasyus) " who are 
babblers defective in speech." Vol. iv. p. 42. " may we conquer in battle the 
ill-speaking man." Vol. iv. p. 60. 

^ " viii. 381. No greater crime is known on earth than slaying a Brahman ; and 
the King, therefore, must not even form in his mind an idea of killing a priest," 

" ix. 317. A Brahman, whether learned or ignorant, is a powerful divinity." 

" ix. Thus, although Brahmans employ themselves in all sorts of mean occu- 
pation, they must invariably be honoured ; for they are something transcendently 
divine." — G. C. Haughton, "The Institutes of Manu" (1825). 


has upon the pretensions of the Jainas to high antiquity. It 
is clear that the elaboration and gradual development of the 
subdivisions of caste must have been the work of ages ; in 
early times limited to four classes of men, it has so grown 
that, in our day, in a single district in Upper India, the 
official statistical return gives no less than ninety-five classes 
of the population, as ranged under the heading of " Caste," ^ 
and the full total for the entire government of the North- 
Western Provinces mounts up ** to no less than 560 castes 
among the Hindus " alone.^ 

If this be taken as the rate of increase, to what primitive 
times must we assign the pre-caste period, and with it the 
indigenous population represented by those, who, with the 
simplest form of worship, avowedly lived a life of equality 
before their Maker ; and so long resisted any recognition of 
caste, till the force of example and surrounding custom led 
them exceptionally, and in a clumsy way,^ to subject the 
free worship of each independent votary to the control of a 
ministering priesthood. 

We may conclude, for all present purposes, that Yindusara 
followed the faith of his father, and that, in the same belief — 
whatever it may prove to have been — his childhood's lessons 
were first learnt by Asoka. 

The Ceylon authorities assert that Vindusara's creed was 
"Brahmanical," but, under any circumstances, their testimony 
would not carry much weight in the argument about other 
lands and other times, and it is, moreover, a critical question as 
to how much they knew about Brahmanism itself^ and whether 
the use of the word Brahman does not merely imply, in their 
sense, a non-Buddhistic or any religion opposed to their own.* 

' Report on Saharanpur, Elliot's Glossary, vol. i. p. 296. 

2 Ibid, p. 283. Census Report for 1865. 

2 " Vrishabhanatha was incarnate in this world . . . at the city of Ayodhyd. 
. . . He also arranged the various duties of mankind, and allotted to men the 
means of subsistence, viz. Asi^ 'the sword;' Masi, 'letters' [lit. ink); Krisht, 
'agriculture;' Vdnijya, 'commerce;' Fasupdla, 'attendance on cattle.' . . . 
Thus Vrishabhanatha established the religion of the Jains, in its four classes or 
castes, of Brdhmans, Kshatris, Vaisyas, and Hudras." — C. Mackenzie, Asiatic 
Researches, vol. ix. p. 259. 

* " The father (of Asoka) being of the Brahmanical faith, maintained (bestow- 
ing daily alms) 6U,000 lirahmans. He himself in like manner bestowed them 
for 3 years." — Mahawanso, p. 23. 


I now arrive at the primary object, which, in nominal 
terms, heads this paper, regarding the relative precedence of 
Jainism and Buddhism, as tried and tested by the ultimate 
determination of " the early faith of Asoka." 

In the preliminary inquiry, I have often had to rely upon 
casual and inconsecutive evidence, which my readers may 
estimate after their own ideas and predilections. I have at 
length to face what might previously have been regarded as 
the crucial difficulty of my argument ; but all doubts and 
obscurities in that direction may now be dissipated before 
Asoka's own words, which he or his advisers took such in- 
finite pains to perpetuate — under the triple phases of his 
tardy religious progress — on rocks and big stones, and more 
elaborately-prepared Indian Ldts or monoliths. 

It is fully ascertained, that the knowledge of the characters 
of this Ldt alphabet, together with the power of interpreting 
the meaning of these edicts, had been altogether lost and ob- 
scured in the land, where these very monuments stood unde- 
faced, up to the fourteenth century a.d. ; when Firuz Shah, on 
the occasion of the removal of two of the northern monoliths 
to his new city on the Jumna, ineffectually summoned the 
learned of all and every class and creed, from far and near, to 
explain the writing on their surfaces.^ It is therefore satis- 
factory to find that, so to say, Jaina records had preserved 
intact a tradition of what the once again legible purport of 
the inscriptions reveals, as coincident with the subdued and 
elsewhere disregarded pretensions of the sect. 

Abul Fazl, the accomplished minister of Akbar, is known 
to have been largely indebted to the Jaina priests and their 
carefully preserved chronicles, for much of his knowledge of 
the past, or Hindu, period of the empire he had to describe 
statistically, under the various aspects of its soils, its reve- 
nues, its ancient legends, its conflicting creeds, etc. In his 
A'in-i-Akban he has retained, in his notice of the kingdom 
of Kashmir, three very important entries, exhibited in the 

1 My Path^n Kings of Dehli, p. 292. General Cunningham, Arch. Rep. 
vol. i. pp. 155, 161. Elliot's Historians, vol. iii. p. 352. 


original Persian version quoted below/ which establish : (1) 
that Asoka himself first introduced " Jainism/' eo nomine^ 
into the kingdom of Kashmir ; (2) that " Buddhism '* was 
dominant there during the reign of Jaloka; and (3) that 
Brahmanisra superseded Buddhism under E,aja Sachinara.^ 

Ui^i/^ llT:?^ c;^'^ iiil^^lj^jl ^.♦.Jb J-— Dr. Bloclimann's revised text, p. 
c V «i . During the reign of Jaloka Buddhism is stated to have been pre- 
valent. (l^'^«1» JL J ,.\y*\ ^^ \^ ^3»J ,.t-Jl;)- Under Raja Sachinara the 
Brahmans again asserted their supremacy ^JaJ « .Ay^JbJ J d-^^\ \ .,\^\ .J 

L::^^^ i^jy cJld- ^UT i^U- ^-j.^:^ ^ Jkj Ji^l ci^^J ^^r^ p. 580, 

'^ Kings of Kashmir after 35 Princes " whose names are forgotten." 

Persian Names. Sanskrit Names (As. Res. xv.). 

iTj! {Lava). 
^ j^ jd.L^ (variant^i^^j) Khagendra. 

-xjj aJ ;1 -&J»r Godhara. 

^\ fjMj ^jy^ Suvarna. 

•1 ~uuJ CS^^ JanaTca. 

jl ^.uuj J <yf'**' Sachinara. 

CJo^ f^^j^i C^y^\ ^soX-a, descended from the pa- 
ternal great-uncle of Khagendra,) 
j1 .juuj cJ J.:?- JaloTca. 

CSJ^\ 3^\ j\ jdy*\i^ Bdmodara. 
CSJ!^ (var. lL^A-j), CS>^j, cli^AJb j MishJca, JushJca, Kanish' 

j^^iU^ Ahhimanyu. 

Calcutta Text, p. cvf , Gladwin, vol. ii. p. 171. Prinsep's Essays, Use- 
ful Tables, p. 243. 


In brief, this extraneous evidence, from possibly secondary 
Jaina sources, is fully consistent with what Asoka has still to 
disclose in the texts of his own inscriptions ; but it conveys, 
indirectly, even more than those formal and largely-dis- 
tributed official documents — which merely allow us to infer 
that Asoka's conversion to Buddhism occurred late in his life 
or reign. But the annals of Kashmir, on the other hand, more 
emphatically imply that either he did not seek to spread, or 
had not the chance or opportunity of propagating his new 
faith in the outlying sections of his dominions ; and that, in 
this valley of Kashmir, at least, Buddhism came after him, as 
a consequence of his southern surrender rather than as a 
deliberate promulgation of a well-matured belief on his part. 

The leading fact of Asoka's introduction or recognition of 
the Jaina creed in Kashmir, above stated, does not, however, 
rest upon the sole testimony of the Muhammadan author, 
but is freely acknowledged in the Brahmanical pages of the 
Raja Tarangini — a work which, though finally compiled and 
put together onl}^ in 1148 a.d., relies, in this section of its 
history, upon the more archaic writings of Padma Mihlra and 
Sri Clihavilldkdra. Professor Wilson's recapitulation of the 
context of this passage is somewhat obscure, as, while hesitat- 
in<> to admit that Asoka *' introduced " into Kashmir " the 
Jina Sdsana," he, inconsistently, affirms that " he invented 
or originated " it. If so, we must suppose that Jainisni had 
its germ and infantile birth in an outlying valley of the 
Himalaj^a in 250 B.C. — a conclusion which is beyond measure 

^ Professor "Wilson's paraphrase runs : " The last of these princes being child- 
less, the crown of Kashmir reverted to the family of its former rulers, and 
devolved on Asoka, who was descended from the paternal great uncle of Kha- 
GENDRA. This prince, it is said in the Ain i-Akbari, abolished the Brahmanical 
rites, and substituted those of Jiim: from the original (text of the Raja Taran- 
gini), however, it appears that he by no means attempted the fonner of these 
heinous acts, and that, on the contrary, he was a pious worshipper of Siva, 
an ancient temple of whom in the character of Vijayesa he repaired. With 
respect to the second charge, there is better foundation for it, although it appears 
that this prince did not introduce, but invented or originated the Jina Sdsana." — 
As. Res. vol. XV. p. 19. 

The text and purport of the original are subjoined ; the latter runs: " Then the 
prince Asoka, the lover of truth, obtained the earth; who sinning in subdued 
afifections produced the Jina Sdsana. Jaloka, the son and successor of Asoka, 


I had outlined and transcribed tlie subjoined sketcb of tlie 
contrasted stages of Asoka's edicts, before the Indian Anti- 
quary containing Dr. Kern's revision of the translations of 
his predecessors came under my notice. 

As I understand the position of the inquiry at this moment, 
Dr. Kern is aided by no novel data or materials beyond 
the reach of those who came to the front before him, and it 
may chance to prove that he has been precipitate in closing 
his case, while a new and very perfect version of the same 
series of inscriptions, at Khalsi, is still awaiting General 
Cunningham's final imprimatur — a counterpart engrossed in 
more fully-defined characters, which Dr. Kern does not 
appear to have heard of. Dr. Kern's method of dealing 
with his materials might not commend itself to some inter- 
preters. He confesses that the original, or Palace copy, 
forming the basis of all other variants, was cast in the 
dialect of Magadha, and he then goes through the curious 
process of reducing the Girnar text — which he takes as his 
representative test — into classical or Brahmanic Sanskrit, 
on which he relies for his competitive translation. At the 
same time he admits, without reserve, that the geographi- 
cally distributed versions of the guiding scripture were 
systematically adapted to the various dialects of " Gujarat! 

was a prince of great prowess; he overcame the assertors of the ^a?^i(f/ia heresies, 
and quickly expelled the Mlechhas from the country 

"The conquest of Kanauj by this prince is connected with an event not improb- 
able in itself, and which possibly marks the introduction of the Brahmauical 
creed, in its more perfect form, into this kingdom, and Jaloka is said to have 
adopted thence the distinction of castes, and the practices which were at that 
time established in the neighbouring kingdoms. ... He forbore in the latter 
part of his reign from molesting the followers of the Bauddha schism, and even 
bestowed on them some endowments." — As. Res. vol. xv. p. 21. 

Troyer's translation of 102 runs : 

" Ce monarque (Asoka) ayant eteint en lui tout pencbant vicieux, embrassa la 
religion de Djina, et etendit sa domination par des enclos d'elevations sacrees de 
terre dans le pays de Cuchkala, ou est situee la montagne de Vitasta. 

103. La Vitasta passait dans la ville au milieu des bois sacres et des Viharas; 
c'etait la ou s'elevait, bati par lui, un sanctuaire de Buddha, d'une hauteur dont 
I'oeil ne pouvait atteindre les limites." — vol. ii. p. 12. 

A notice which may have some bearing upon these events is to be found in the 
Dulva. It purports to declare : "100 years after the disappearance of Sakya, his 
religion is carried into Kashmir. 110 years after the same event, in the reign of 
Asoka, King of Pataliputra, a new compilation of the laws . . . was prepared 
at' Allahabad."— J. A. S. Bengal, vol. i. p. 6. 


or Marathi — Magadhi, and Gandhari " [the Semitic version 
of Kapurdigiri]. 

I should have had more confidence in this rectification of 
the translations of all previous masters of the craft, if the 
modern critic had proceeded upon diametrically opposite 
principles, and had recognized the confessed necessity of the 
variation and distribution of dialects, site by site, as a fact 
making against the pretended supremacy of classical Sanskrit 
at this early date.^ 

Singular to say, with all these reservations, I am fully 
pre^Dared to accept so much of Dr. Kern's general conclu- 
sions as, without concert, chances opportunely to support 
and confirm my leading argument, with regard to the 
predominance of Jainism in the first and second series 
of Asoka's Inscriptions. Dr. Kern, elsewhere, relies on 
a short indorsement of, or supplementary addition to, 
the framework of the Girnar Inscription, as satisfactorily 
proving, to his perception, the Buddhistical import of 
the whole set of Edicts which precede it on the same 

I am under the impression that this incised scroll is of 
later date than the body of the epigraph. It is larger in 
size, does not range with the rest of the writing, and does 
not, in terms, fit-in with the previous context. Of course 
should it prove to be authentic and synchronous in execution 
with the other chiselled letters, and, at the same time, of 
exclusively Buddhist tendency, I might regard its tenor as 

* The pretence of the universality of the Sanskrit language in India at this 
period has often been contested in respect to the method of reconstruction of 
these ancient monuments. Mr. Turnour was the first to protest against James 
Prinsep's submission to th'e Sanskritic tendencies of his Pandits. Mr. B. Hodgson, 
in like manner, consistently upheld the local claims and prior currency of the 
various forms of the vernaculars, and, most unquestionably. Professor "Wilson's 
own perception and faculty of interpreting this class of inter-provincial records 
was damaged and obscured by his obstinate demands for good dictionary 

^ " In one place only — I mean the signature of the Girnar inscription — the 
following words have reference to Buddha. Of this signature there remains, 

. . . va sveto hasti savalolcasiikhuharo ndma. 
"What has to be supplied at the beginning I leave to the ingenuity of others to 
determine, but what is left means ' the white elephant' whose name is * Bringer of 


of more importance ; but, even accepting all Dr. Kern's 
arguments in favour of '* White Elephants," which I distrust 
altogether, how are we to reconcile the repeated arrays of 
elephants, (the special symbol of the second Jina), upon ac- 
knowledged Jaina sculptures, with anything but the general 
identity of symbols of both sects, and a possible derivation 
on the part of the Buddhists ? 

Dr. Kern thus concludes his final resume : — 

*' The Edicts give an idea of what the King did for his subjects in 
his wide empire, which extended from Behar to Gandhara, from the 
Himalaya to the coast of Cororaandel and Pandya. They are not 
unimportant for the criticism of the Buddhistic traditions, though 
they give us exceedingly little concerning the condition of the 
doctrine and its adherents. . . . 

"At fitting time and place, [Asoka] makes mention, in a modest 
and becoming manner, of the doctrine he had embraced; but nothing 
of a Buddhist spirit can be discovered in his State policy. From the 
very beginning of his reign he was a good prince. His ordinances 
concerning the sparing of animal life agree much more closely with 
the ideas of the heretical Jainas than those of the Buddhists." 
(p. 275.) 

The Edicts of Asoka. 

Prof. Wilson, when revising the scattered texts of 
Asoka's Edicts within the reach of the commentators of 
1849, declared, and, as we may now see, rightly maintained, 
that there was nothing demonstrahly " Buddhist " in any 
of the preliminary or Hock Inscriptions of that monarch, 
though, then and since, he has been so prominently put 

happiness to the whole world.' That by this term Sakya is implied, there can 
be no doubt (he entered his mother's womb as a white elephant, — Lalita Vistara, 

p. 63) Even if the signature is not to be attributed to the scribe, the 

custom evidently even then prevalent, and still in use at the present day, of 
naming at the end of the inscription the divinity worshipped by the writer or 
scribe, can offer no serious difficulty." — I. A. p. 2o8. [If Sakya Muni was the 
seed of the white elephant, how came he to be so disrespectful to his deceased 
relatives as to speak of his dead friend '■'• the lohite elephant '" Devadatta killed, 
as " cet etre qui a un grand corps, en se decomposant, remplirait toute la ville 
d'une mauvaise odeur" ?] 


forward as the special patron and promoter of the Creed of 
Sakya Muni.^ 

In the single-handed contest between Buddhism and Brah- 
manism, Prof. Wilson made no pretence to discover any status 
— throughout the whole range of these formal records — for 
the latter religion ; except in the vague way of a notice of 
the Brahmans and Sramans mentioned in the corresponding 
palaeographic texts, which were, in a measure, associated with 
the coeval references of the Greek authors to these identical 
designations. But no suggestion seems to have presented 
itself to him, as an alternative, of old-world Jainism progress- 
ing into a facile introduction to philosophic Buddhism. 

We have now to compare the divergencies exhibited 
between the incidental records of the tenth, twelfth, and pos- 
sibly following years, with the advanced declarations of the 
twenty-seventh year of Asoka's reign. We find the earlier 
proclamations advocating Dharma,^ which certainly does not 
come up to our ideal of "religion," represented in its simplest 
phase of duty to others, which, among these untutored peoples, 

^ " In the first place, then, with respect to the supposed main purport of the 
inscription, proselytisni to the Buddhist religion, it may not unreasonably he 
doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they have 
any connexion with Buddhism at all."— J.E.A.S. Vol. XII. p. 236. " There is 
nothing in the injunctions promulgated or sentiments expressed in the inscrip- 
tions, in the sense in which I have suggested their interpretation, that is 
decidedly and exclusively characteristic of Buddhism. The main object of the 
first appears, it is true, to be a prohibition of destroying animal life, but it is a 
mistake to ascribe the doctrine to the Buddhists alone." p. 238. " From these 
considerations, I have been compelled to withhold my unqualified assent to the 
confident opinions that have been entertained respecting the object and origin of 
the inscriptions. Without denying the possibility of their being intended to 
disseminate Buddhism, . . . there are difficulties in the way, . . . which, to 
say the least, render any such an attribution extremely uncertain." p. 250. 

- The four Bharmas, in their simplicity, are defined by the Northern Jainas as 
*' merits," as consequent upon the five Mahdvratas or " great duties.'" — Wilson's 
Essays, vol. i. p. 317. This idea progressed, in aftertimes, into a classification 
of the separate duties of each rank in life, or the " prescribed course of duty." 
Thus " giving alms," etc., is the dharma of the householder, " administering jus- 
tice" of a king, "piety " of a Brahman, " courage" of a Kshatriya. — M. Williams, 
sub voce. "Later Jaina interpretations of the term Dharmam Southern India ex- 
tend to * vii-tue, duty, justice, righteousness, rectitude, religion.' It is said to 
be the quality of the individual self which arises from action, and leads to happi- 
ness and final beatitude. It also means Law, and has for its object Bharma, 
things to be done, and Adharma, things ' to be avoided. ' This Bharma is 
said by the Jainas to be eternal. Bharma, as well as Veda, if they are true Virtue 
and Law, are attributes or perfections of the Divine Being, and as such are 
eternal." — Chintamani, Rev. II. Bower, p. xl. See also Max Mtiller's "Sanskrit 
Literature," p. 101 : "In our Sutra Bharma means Law," etc. The intuitive 


assumed the leading form of futile mercy to tlie lower animals, 
extending into the devices of " Hospitals '' for the suffering 
members of the brute creation, and ultimately, in after-times, 
progressing into the absurdity of the wearing of respirators 
and the perpetual waving of fans, to avoid the destruction of 
minute insect life. An infatuation, which eventually led to 
the surrendering thrones and kingdoms, to avoid a chance 
step which should crush a worm, or anything that crept upon, 
the face of the earth ; and more detrimental stilly a regal 
interference with the every- day life of the people at large,, 
and the subjecting of human labour to an enforced three 
months' cessation in the year, in order that a moth should 
not approach a lighted lamp, and the revolving wheel should 
not crush a living atom in the mill. 

I have arranged, in the subjoined full remm6 of the three 
phases or gradations " of Asoka's faith," as much of a con- 
trast as the original texts, under their modern reproductions, 
admit of; exhibiting, in the first period, his feelings and 
inspirations from the tenth to the twelfth year after his in- 
auguration ; following on to the second, or advanced phase of 
thought, which pervades the manifestos of his twenty-seventh 
year; and exhibiting, as a climax of the whole series of 
utterances, his free and outspoken profession of faith in the- 
hitherto unrecognized *^ Buddha.'* 

The difference between the first and second series of decla- 
rations or definitions of Dharma is not so striking as the 
interval in point of time, and the opportunities of fifteen 
years of quasi- religious meditation, might have led us to ex- 
pect ; but still, there is palpable change in the scope of 
thought — " a marked advance in faith " ; only the faith is 
indefinite, and the morals still continue supreme. Happily, 
for the present inquiry, there is nothing in these authentic 
documents which has any pretence to be either Yedic or 

feeling that " laborare est orare " seems to have preyailecl largely in the land, and 
would undoubtedly have been fostered and encouraged under the gi-adual develop- 
ment of caste. The great Akbar appears to have participated in the impressions 
of his Hindu subjects ; for we find him, in the words of his modern biographer, 
described as one "who looks upon the performance of his duties as an act of 
divine worship." — Dr. Blochmann's translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, p. iii. 


Bralimamcal, and therefore we can pass by, for the moment, 
all needless comparisons between the terms "Brabmans and 
Sramans " — the latter of whom equally represented Jainas 
and Buddhists — a controversy to which undue emphasis and 
importance has been hitherto assigned, and confine ourselves 
to Asoka's aims in departing from the silence of the past, 
and covering the continent of India with his written procla- 
mations. His ideas and aspirations, as exhibited in his early 
declarations, are tentative and modest in the extreme : in 
fact, he confesses, in his later summaries, that these inscribed 
edicts represent occasional thoughts and suggestive inspira- 
tions ; indeed, that they were put forth, from time to time, 
and often, we must conclude, ostentatiously dated, without re- 
ference to their period of acceptance or their ultimate place 
on the very stones on which we find them. 

When closel}^ examined, the two sets of edicts, contrasted 
by their positions as Rock and Pillar Inscriptions, covering, 
more or less, a national movement of fifteen years, resolve 
themselves into a change in the Dharma or religious law 
advocated by the ruling power of very limited and natural 
extent. The second series of manifestos are marked, on the 
one hand, by a deliberate rejection of some of the minor 
delusions of the earlier documents, and show an advance to a 
distinction and discrimination between good and evil animals, 
a more definite scale of apportionment of crimes and their 
appropriate punishments, completed by an outline of the 
ruling moral polity, reading like a passage from Megas- 
thenes,^ in regard to the duties of inspectors, and forming a 
consistent advance upon Chandra Gupta's moral code. 

^ Arrian xii. ; Strabo xv. 48 ; Diod. Sic. ii. 3. There are several points in 
the Greek accounts of Indian creeds which have hitherto been misunderstood, 
and which have tended to complicate and involve the triie state of things existing 
in the land at the periods referred to. Among the rest is the grand question, in 
the present inquii-y, of Jaina versus Buddhist, of which the follo-\\ing is an 
illustration : — Fah Hian, chap. xxx. " The honottrahle of the age (Buddha) has 
established a law that no one should destroy his own life." 

Mr. Laidlay adds, as a commentary upon this passage : — " The law here alluded 
to is mentioned in tlie Dulva (p. 162 to 239); where, in consequence of several 
instances of suicide among the monks, . . . Sakya prohibits discourses upon that 
subject. So that the practice of self-immolation ascribed by the Greek historians 
to the Buddliists was, like that of going naked, a departure from orthodox 
principles."— p. 278. 

The Ecv. S. Beal, in his revised translation of Fah Hian, in confirming this 


All these indications, and many more significant items, 
may, percliance, be traced by those, who care to follow the 
divergencies presented in the subjoined extracts ; but no 
ingenuity can shake the import of the fact, that, up to the 
twenty-seventh year of his reign, Asoka had no definite 
idea of or leaning towards Buddhism, as represented in its 
after-development. His final confession and free and frank 
recognition of the name and teaching of Buddha in the 
Babhra proclamation, form a crucial contrast to all he had 
so elaborately advocated and indorsed upon stone, through- 
out his dominions, during the nearly full generation of his 
fellow-men, amid whom he had occupied the supreme throne 
of India. 

As my readers may be curious to see the absolute form in 
which this remarkable series of Palseographic monuments 
were presented to the intelligent public of India, or to their 
authorized interpreters, in the third century B.C., I have, at 
at the last moment,^ taken advantage of Mr. Burgess's very 
successful paper-impressions, or squeezes, of the counterpart 
inscription on the Girnar rock, to secure an autotype re- 
production of the opening tablets of that version of the 
closely parallel texts of Asoka' s Edicts. Those who are not 
conversant with ancient palaeographies may also be glad of 

conclusion of Mr. Laidlay, emphatically declares, " I doubt very much whether 
there is any reference to Buddhists in the Greek accounts." — pp. xlii, 119. See 
also J.E.A.S. Vol. XIX. p. 420, and Vol. VIII. n.s. p. 100. 

" A long series of the rock inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, in the same old 
characters, consist of what may he termed epitaphs to Jaina saints and ascetics, 
both male and female, or memorials of their emancipation from the body. ... It 
is painful to imagine the pangs of slow starvation, by which these pitiable beings 
gave themselves up to death and put an end to their own existence, that by virtue 
of such extreme penance they might acquire merit for the life to come. . . . The 
irony is complete when we remember that avoidance of the destruction of life in 
whatever form is a fundamental doctrine of the sect." . . . The inscriptions 
before us are in the oldest dialect of the Kanarese. The expression mud/ppidar, 
with which most of them terminate, is one which seems peculiar to the Jainas." 
— Mr. Lewis Eice, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 322. 

The passages regarding suicidal philosophers will be found in Megasthenes 
(Strabo xv. i. 64, 73) ; Q. Curtius viii. ix. sec. 33; Pliny, vi. c. 22, sec. 19; 
Arrian xi. 

The naked saints figure in Megasthenes (Strabo xv. 60), Cleitarchus 
(Strabo xv. 70), Q. Curtius, viii. ix. 33. 

^ Mr. Burgess's Report for 1874-5 reached me on the 15th February, 1877, 
a few days only before the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society at which this 
paper was read. These paper-impressions are now deposited in the Library of 
the India Office. 


the opportunity of examining the nature of the alphabetical 
system here in force — which constituted, in effect, the 
Alphabet Mere of India at large. These inscriptions, of 
about 250 b.c, contribute the earliest specimens of indi- 
genous writing we are able to cite, their preservation and 
multiplication being apparently due to a newly-awakened 
royal inspiration of engraving edicts and moral admonitions 
on stone. This alphabetical system must clearly have passed 
through long ages of minority before it could have attained 
the full maturity in which it, so to say, suddenly presents 
itself over the whole face of the land. And which from that 
moment, unimproved to this day, asserts its claim to the 
title of the most perfect alphabet extant. 

The Sanskrit- speaking Aryans discarded, in its favour, 
the old Phoenician character they had learnt, laboriously 
transformed, and finally adapted to the requirements of 
their own tongue, during their passage through the narrow 
valleys of the Himalaya, and their subsequent residence 
on the southern slopes of the range, in the Sapta Sindhu 
or Punjab, which scheme of writing would appear to have 
answered to the term of the Yavandn'i lij^i of Panini and 
the earlier Indian grammarians. 

In this second process of adaptation, the Aryans had to 
repudiate the normal ethnographic sequence of the short and 
long vowels, to add two consonants of their own (^, "q) utterly 
foreign to the local alphabet, and to accept from that alpha- 
bet a class of letters, unneeded for the definition of Arj^an 
tongues ; an inference which is tested and proved by the fact 
that accomplished linguists of our age and nationality are 
seldom competent to pronounce or orally define the current 
Indian cerebrals.^ 

1 Prinsep's Essays (Murray, 1858), pp. ii. 43, 144, 151, etc. Burnoiif, Yasna, 
p. cxlv. Bopp's Grammar (Eastwick), i. 14. Lassen, " Essai sur le Pali," 
p. 15. J.R.A.S., o.s. X. 63; XII. 236; XIII. 108; XV. 19; n.s. L 467; 
V.423. J.A.S. Beng., 1863, p. 158; 1867, p. 33. Journ. Bom. Branch R.A.S., 
1858, p. 41. Ancient Indian Weights (Xumismata Orientalia, Part i. Triibner, 
1874), pp. 3, 6, 21, 48. Numismatic Chronicle, 1863, p. 226. Caldwell, 
Dravidian Grammar (edit. 1875), pp. 13, 45, 64, 69, 82, 92, etc. Muir, Sanskrit 
Texts, ii. xxiv, and 34?^, 440», 468, 488, etc. \Yeber, "Greek and Indian 
Letters," lud. Ant. 1873, p. 143. " On the Dravidian Element in Sanskrit 


Plate I. exhibits a facsimile of Tablets 1, 2, of the Girnar 
rock. Of the former I have merely transliterated the first 
sentence. But as I have had occasion to extract the full 
translation of Tablet 2, I have now added the type-text, in 
the old character, together with an interlineation in E-oman 
letters,^ which will admit alike of preliminary readings, 
and suggest further crucial comparisons by more advanced 

The contrasted tenor of the Three Periods of Asoka's 
Edicts. — Period I., 10th and 12th Years after his 
ahhishek or anointment. 

The first sentence of the E,ock-cut Edicts, of the twelfth 
year of Asoka's reign, commences textually : ^ 

:-jL- DB-j'b't'ir bJLi djLf>^i r"h ;jbA' 

lyam datmnaUpi Devdnam piyena piyaclasind rdfid lepitd. 

"■ This is the edict of the beloved of the gods. Raja Priya-. 
dasi — the putting to death of animals is to be entirely dis- 

The second tablet, after referring to the subject races of 
India and to "Antiochus by name, the Yona (or Yavana) 
E-aja," goes on to say: "(two designs have been cherished 

Dictionaries," by the Rev. F. Kittel, Mercara, Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 235. 
F. Miiller, '* Academy," 1872, p. 319. 

^ This type was originally cut under James Prinsep's own supervision. I am 
indebted to the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 'C^q font now employed, which is in 
the possession of Messrs. Austin. Some slight modifications of the original will 
be noticed, especially in regard to the attachment of the vowels ; but otherwise 
the type reproduces the normal letters in close facsimile. The most marked 
departure from the old model is to be seen in the vowel o, which in the original 
scheme was formed out of the a" and "e, thus ~\^ ; whereas, in the tj-pe, for sim- 
plicity of junction, the e and the a have been ranged on one level, in this form X- 
It will be seen that the Sanskrit ^.s has not yet put in an appearance, the local 
^» having to do duty for its coming associate. A full table of the alphabet 
itself will be found in Vol. V. n.s. of our Journal, p. 422. 

2 I quote as my leading authority Professor Wilson's revised translation of 
the combined texts embodied in the Journ. R.A.S. Vol. XII. p. 164, et seq., as 
his materials were necessarily more ample and exact than Prinsep's original 
transcripts, which were unaided by the highly important counterpart and most 
efficient corrective in Semitic letters from Kapurdigiri, the decipherment of which 
was only achieved by Mr, Norris in 1845. 


by Priyadasi : one design) regarding men, and one relating 
to animals." 

^iA i S'^A 8 !■ i r U JL rb bJl!>All fT 

Savata vijitamhi Devdiianipiyasci Piyadasino rano 

>iBb \j d-Arb J.0 dybt'"rbA''l,bA"+A-JbA'H"A-D 

I I I 

evamapi pd chaihtesu yathd Chodd Pddd Satiyaputo Ketaleputo d Tamba- 

b-l'"H-AJL+ II TE iAb Afb M-A''jL + rb rbH'b- 

parhni, Antiyako Yonardja yevdpi taaa Antiyakasd sdmipam 

m rb i A' > i 1- b J. rb b J. > rb I I'T '> dVdT + A" 


rdjdno savntd Bevdnampiyasa Fiyadasitio rdno dvs chikichhd katd 

8irb d'^+cbd brbd''+cbd Lfb<rid Xl blaJbAld 


manusa chikichhdcha pasuchikichhdcha osudhdnieha ydni manusopagdnioha 

\}J>[jhL <i JLAJLA I'rb rbiA L-FbAldTlib A'ld 


pasopagdni cha yata-yata ndsti savata Kdrdpitdnicha ropupitdnioha 

8 -J'l d b Jl diAJLAlrbrbiAb fb A"l d Tb b A'l d 

II '^ 

mlddnicha phaldnicha yata-yata ndsti savata kdrdpitdnicha ropdpitdnicha 

b-0rb-kbd TibA'iidTbbA'bfS'AJL brbBirbi" 
tl I I 

pamthesu kupaeha khandpitd vachhdcha ropdpitd paribhogdya pasumanusdnam, 

I give Dr. Kern's later translation of this passage entire, 
on account of its historical interest ; there does not seem to 
be any material conflict in his rendering of the religious 
sense : 

** In the whole dominion of King Devanampriya Priyadarsin, as 
also in the adjacent countries, as Chola, Pandya, Satyaputra, 
Keralaputra, as far as Tamraparni, the kingdom of Antiochus the 
Grecian king and of his neighbour kings, the system of caring for 
the sick, both of men and of cattle, followed by King Devanama- 
priya Priyadarsin, has been everywhere brought into practice ; and 
at all places where useful healing herbs for men and cattle were 
wanting he has caused them to be brought and pUinted ; and at all 

pi.i. J.R.A.S. rx. 

i /£: 


-v^ ,- ^ 

ITT'- r J 

/' 'U 



- ■ ^1^^^ ' 

y " ^ , --^ 


-^ - - ' I ^. 

— . - ■ . - - 

' ^ '' ^ 

~ , - ' '■ ■ 

- ~",. ■■ ■' ^ -^ " - 

_ J. -- ■ ' ^ 

— ■■ 

- - - - 

— c, *' " 

J ' ' 





places where roots and fruits were wanting he has caused them to 
be brought and planted; also he has caused wells to be dug and trees 
to be planted, on the roads for the benefit of cattle." — Indian Anti- 
quary, p. 272 ; Arch. Rep. 1874-5, p. 99. 

The 3rd section adverts to *' expiation," and the 4th con- 
tinues : " During a past period of many centuries, there have 
prevailed, destruction of life, injury to living beings, dis- 
respect towards kindred, and irreverence towards Sramans 
and Brahmans." ^ 

The 5th edict, after a suitable preamble, proceeds : 

*' Therefore in the tenth year of the inauguration have ministers 
of morality been made,^ who are appointed for the purpose of pre- 
siding over morals among persons of all the religions, for the sake 
of the augmentation of virtue and for the happiness of the virtuous 
among the people of Kamboja, Gandhara, ISTaristaka and Pitenika. 
They shall also be spread among the warriors, the Brahmans, the 
mendicants, the destitute and others." ... 

The 6th edict declares : — " An unprecedently long time 
has passed since it has been the custom at all times and in all 
affairs, to submit representations. Now it is established by me 
that . . the officers appointed to make reports shall convey to 
me the objects of the people " — and goes on to define the 
duties of supervisors of morals, and explain their duties as 
*' informers," etc., continuing : — . 

'* There is nothing more essential to the good of the world, 
for which I am always labouring. On the many beings over whom 

^ Dr. Kei-n's elaborate criticism of Burnouf's revision of Prof. "Wilson's trans- 
lation of this passage (Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 731) scarcely alters the material 
sense quoted above. His version runs : 

" In past times, during many centuries, attacking animal life and inflicting 
suffering on the creatures, want of respect for Brahmans and monks." 

Dr. Kern, in the course of his remarks upon his new rendering, observes, 
** Apart from the style, there is so little exclusively Buddhistic in this document, 
that we might equally well conclude from it that the King, satiated with war, 
had become the president of a peace society and an association for the protection 
of the lower animals, as that he had embraced the doctrine of Sakya Muni." — 
I. A., p. 262. 

2 The Cuttack version of the Edicts differs from the associate texts, saying, 
" who shall be intermingled with all the hundred grades of unbelievers for the 
establishment among them of the faith, for the increase of religion ... in 
Kambocha and Gandhara, in Surastrika and Pitenika, . . . and even to the 
furthest (limits) of the barbarian (countries). Who shall mix with the Brah- 
mans and Bhi/cshtis, with the poor and with the rich." — p. 190; Prinsep, 
J.A S. Bengal. 


I rule I confer happiness in this world, — in the next they may- 
obtain Swarga (heaven)."^ 

Tablet 7 does not seem to call for any remark. Tablet 8 
refers to some change that came over the royal mind in the 
tenth year of his reign. " Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods, 
having been ten years inaugurated, by him easily awakened, 
that moral festival is adopted (which consists) in seeing and 
bestowing gifts on Brahmanas and Sramanas, . . . overseeing 
the country and the people; the institution of moral laws," 

Burnouf *s amended translation differs from this materially. 
He writes : 

** \_Mais] Piyadasi, le roi cheri des Devas, parvenu ^ la dixieme 
annee depuis son sacre, obtient la science parfaite que donne la 
Buddha. C'est pourquoi la promenade de la roi est cette qu'il 
faut faire, ce sont la visite et I'aumone faites aux Brahmanes et aux 
Samanas." . . . 

I see that Dr. Kern now proposes to interpret this con- 
tested passage as, 

*'But King Devanampriya Priyadarsin, ten years after his in- 
auguration, came to the true insight. Therefore he began a walk 
of righteousness, which consists in this, that he sees at his house 
and bestows gifts upon Brahmans and monks. . . . Since then^this 
is the greatest pleasure of King Devanampriya Priyadarsin in the 
period after his conversion" [to what?]. — I. A. p. 263. 

In his remarks upon the tenor of this brief tablet Dr. Kern 

"It is distinguished by a certain simplicity and sentiment of 
tone, which makes it touch a chord in the human breast. There is 
a tenderness in it, so vividly different from the insensibility of the 
later monkish literature of Buddhism, of which Th. Pavie observes, 
with 80 much justice, * Tout reste done glace dans ce monde 

Tablet 9, speaking of festivities in general, declares : 

**Such festivities are fruitless and vain, but the festivity that 
bears great fruit is the festival of duty, such as the respect of the 
servant to his master ; reverence for holy teachers is good, tender- 

1 Lassen renders this, "my whole endeavour is to be blameless towards all 
creatures, to make them happy here below and enable them hereafter to obtain 
Svarga." — Indian Antiquary, p. 270. 


ness for living creatures is good, liberality to Brahmans and Sra- 
manas is good. These and other such acts constitute verily the 
festival of duty. . . With these means let a man seek BwargaP^ 

Tablet 10 contrasts the emptiness of earthly fame as 
compared with the '^ observance of moral duty," and section 
11 equally discourses on " virtue," which is defined as '' the 
cherishing of slaves and dependents, pious devotion to mother 
and father, generous gifts to friends and kinsmen, Brahmanas 
and Sramanas, and the non-injury of living beings." 

Tablet 12 commences : *' The beloved of the gods, King 
Priyadasi, honours all forms of religious faith," ^ . . . and 
enjoins ''reverence for one's own faith, and no reviling nor 
injury of that of others. Let the reverence be shown in 
such and such a manner, as is suited to the difference of 
belief,"^ . . "for he who in some way honours his own re- 
ligion and reviles that of others, saying, having extended to 
all our own belief, let us make it famous, he, who does this, 
throws difficulties in the way of his own religion : this, his 
conduct cannot be right." .... The Edict goes on to say, 
" And as this is the object of all religions, with a view to 
its dissemination, superintendents of moral duty, as well as 
over women, and officers of compassion, as well as other 
officers" (are appointed).'^ 

The 13th Tablet, which Professor Wilson declined to 
translate, as the Kapur di Giri text afforded no trustworthy 
corrective, seems, from Mr. Prinsep's version, to recapitulate 
much that has been said before, with a reiterated " injunction 
for the non-injury of animals and content of living creatures," 
sentiments in which he appears to seek the sympathy of the 
"Greek King Antiochus," together (as we now know^) with 
that of the ^'four kings Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas and 

^ Dr. Kern's conclusion of Tablet 9 runs as follows, ** By doing all this, a man 
can merit heaven ; therefore let him who wishes to gain heaven for himself fulfil, 
above all things, these his duties." — I. A., p. 271. 

2 Dr. Kern's rendering says "honour all sects and orders of monks." 
' " so that no man may praise his own sect or contemn another sect." 

* " For this end, shenflfs over legal proceedings, magistrates entrusted with the 
superintendence of the women, hospice-masters (?) and other bodies have been 
appointed." — I. A., p. 268. 

* Gen. Cunningham, Arch. Report, vol. i. p. 247, and vol. v. p. 20. See 
also my " Dynasty of the Guptas in India," p. 34. I append the tentative trans- 


Alexander." The postscript in. larger letters outside the 
square of this tablet adds, according to Prinsep, " And this 
place is named the White Elephant, conferring pleasure 
on all the world." 

Prof. Wilson, in conclusion of his review of the purport 
of these palseographic documents, adverts to the Tablet 
numbered 14 in the original list, but he does not seem to 
have had sufficient confidence in his materials to have 
ventured upon a continuous translation.^ 

Period II. The Advanced Stage. 
The contrasted Lat or Monolithic Inscriptions,^ as opposed 

literation of the several versions of tliis tablet, whicli I had prepared for the 
latter work. 

My learned friends are unwilling as yet to compromise themselves by a transla- 
tion of the still imperfect text. 

Transliterations of Tablet XIII. of the Asoka Inscriptions at (1) 
Kapur-di-Giri, (2) Khalsi, and (3) Girnar. 

1 , Ka. Antiyoka nam&. Yona raja paran cha tenan Antiyokena chatura | { 1 1 rajano 

2. i'/i. AntiyoganamaYona . . lanchatena Antiyo . na chatali -\- lajane 
Z. Gir Yona raj a paran cha tena .... chaptena[«eV] rajano 

\. Ka. Traramaye nama Antikina nama Maka nama Alikasandaro nam& 

2. Kh. Tulamaye n&ma Antekina nama Maka nama Alikyasadale nama 

3. Gir. Turamayo cha Antakana cha Maga cha .... 
\. Ka. nicham Choda, Panda, Avam Tambupanniya hevammevarahena raja 
2. Kh. nicham Choda, Pandiya, Avam Tambapaniya hevamevahevameva . . laj^ 
Z. Gir. . . ' 

1. Ka. Yishatidi Yonam Kamboyeshu Xibha Kanabhatina Bhojam Piti 

2. Kh. Yishmavasi Yona Kambojasu Xubha Kanabha Pantisa Bhoja Piti 

3. Gir 

1 . Ka. Nikeshii, Andrapiilideshu savatam .... 

2. Kh. Nikesa Adhapiladesa savata .... 

3. Gir. . . ndhepirandesu savata . . . . 

Under the Elephant at Khalsi, Gajatemre ? At Girnar, Sveto hasti, as above, 
p. 34. 

^ The 14th Edict at Girnar is more curious, in respect to the preparation of 
the Edicts, than instructive in the religious sense. Dr. Kern's revision produces, 
*' King Devanampriya Priyadarsin has caused this righteousness edict to be 
written, here concisely, there in a moderate compass, and in a third place again 
at full length, so that it is not found altogether everywhere worked out ; (P) for 
the kingdom is great, and what I have caused to be written much. Repetitions 
occur also, in a certain measure, on account of the sweetness of certain points, in 
order that the people should in that way (the more willingly) receive it. If 
sometimes the one or other is written incompletely or not in order, it is because 
care has not been taken to make a good transcript [chhdtjd) or by the fault of the 
copyist {i.e. the stone-cutter)." — I. A., p. 275. 

•-' J. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. vi. 1837, p. 566. The text on the Dehli lat has 
been taken as the standard; these edicts are repeated verbatim on the three other 
lats of Allahabad, Betiah and Radhia. 


to the E/OCK edicts already examined, open, in the text of the 
Tablet on the northern face of the Dehli pillar, with these 
words : 

** lu the 27th year of my anointment, I have caused this religious 
edict to be published in writing.^ I acknowledge and confess the 
faults that have been cherished in my heart. Erom the love of 
virtue, by the side of which all other things are as sins — from 
the strict scrutiny of sin, etc., ... by these may my eyes be 
strengthened and confirmed (in rectitude)." . . . 

In the 10th line the King continues : 

'' In religion {dhammd) is the chief excellence : but religion con- 
sists in good works : — in the non-omission of many acts : mercy and 
charity, purity and chastity; — (these are) to me the anointment of 
consecration. Towards the poor and the afflicted, towards bipeds 
and quadrupeds, towards the fowls of the air and things that move 
on the waters, manifold have been the benevolent acts performed by 
me." .... 

The concluding section of this tablet is devoted to a 
definition of the '' nine minor transgressions,'* of which the 
following five alone are specified : " mischief, hard-hear ted- 
ness, anger, pride, envy." 


• The text of the western compartment of the Dehli lat 
begins : 

*'In the 27th year of my anointment, I have caused to be 
promulgated the following religious edict. My devotees in very 
many hundred thousand souls, having (now) attained unto know- 
ledge ;- I have ordained (the following) fines and punishments for 
their transgressions. 

Prinsep's half- admitted impression, that these inscriptions 

^ Burnouf renders this opening, "La 26^^^^ annee depuis mon sacre j'ai fait 
ecrire cet edit de la loi. Le bonheur dans ce monde et dans 1' autre est difficile 
a obtenir sans un amour extreme pour la loi, sans une extreme attention, sans una 
extreme obeissance," etc.— Lotus, p. 655. 

* Dr. Kern's translation departs from this meaning in a striking manner, and 
substitutes : " I have appointed sheriffs over many hundred thousands of souls in 
the land, I have granted them free power of instituting legal prosecution and 
inflicting punishment." 


were necessarily of a Buddhist tendency, led him into the 
awkward mistake of interpreting VT'^ dhdtri as " the mj^ro- 
balan tree," instead of ^' a nurse," and the associate aswaUha 
as '' the holy fig-tree," in which, he was followed by Lassen 
(Ind. Alt. vol. ii. p. 256), instead of the asvatha ahhitd 
"consoles et sans crainte" of Burnouf, who corrected the 
translation in the following words: "De meme qu'un homme, 
ayant confie son enfant a une nourrice experimentee, est 
sans inquietude [et se dit :] une nourrice experimentee 
garde mon enfant, ainsi ai-je institue des ofiiciers royaux 
pour le bien et le bonheur du pays." — Lotus de la bonne 
Loi, p. 741. 

Prinsep's text here resumes the subject of transgressions, 
and "according to the measure of the oflfence shall be the 
measure of punishment, but (the ofi*ender) shall not be put 
to death by me." ^ "Banishment (shall be) the punishment 
of those malefactors deserving of imprisonment and execu- 

The text proceeds with a very remarkable passage : " Of 
those who commit murder on the high road, even none, 
whether of the poor or of the rich, shall be injured on my 
three especial days." ^ 

If we could rely upon the finality of this translation, we 
might cite, in favour of the Jaina tendency of the edict, the 
curious parallel of the Jainas under Akbar, who obtained 
a Firman to a somewhat similar tenor in favour of the life 

^ It is curious to trace the extent to which these Jaina ideas developed them- 
selves in after-times, and to learn from official sources how the simple tenets of 
mercy, in the ahstract, progressed into the demands and rights of m)LCtuary 
claimed by and conceded to the sect. 

" Maharana Sri Eaj Sing, commanding. To the Xobles, Ministers, Patels, 
etc., of Mewar. From remote times, the temples and dwellings of the Jainas 
have been authorized ; let none therefore within their boundaries carry animals 
to slaughter. This is their ancient privilege. 

" 2. Whatever life, whether man or animal, passes their abode for the purpose 
of being killed, is saved [anira). 

" 3. Traitors to the state, robbers, felons escaped confinement, who may fly for 
sanctuary {sirnd) to the dwellings {upasrci) of the Yatis, shall not be seized by the 
se;:vants of the court. . . By command, Sah Dyal, Minister. Samvat 1749 (a.d. 
1693)."— Tod. vol i. p. 553. 

2 Singular to say, with all this excellent mercy to animals, there is a reference 
to injuring {torturing?), and later even to '■'"mutilation" of the human offender ! 
— J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 588. See also Foe-koue-ki, cap. xvi. 


of animals, and their exemption from slaughter on certain 
days peculiarly sacred in their Rubric} 


The tablet, on the southern compartment, gives a list of the 
"animals which shall not be put to death," enumerating 
many species of birds, the specific object of whose immunity 
it is difficult to comprehend — and especially exempting the 
females of the goat, sheep, and pig, . . . concluding with 
the declaration that " animals that prey on life shall not be 

The Edict goes on to specify the days of fasts and cere- 
monies, closing with the words, 

"Furthermore, in the twenty -seventh year of my reign, at 
this present time, twenty-five prisoners are set at Kberty." 


The Monolithic Inscriptions are continued in the eastern 
compartment, the text of which Prinsep translated in the 
following terms : 

"Thus spake King DevIistampiya Pitadasi: In the twelfth year 
of my anointment, a religious edict (was) published for the pleasure 
and profit of the world; having destroyed that (document) and 
regarding my former religion as sin, I now for the benefit of the 
world proclaim the fact. And this ... I therefore cause to be 
destroyed ; and I proclaim the same in all the congregations ; 
while I pray with every variety of prayer for those who difi'er 
from me in creed, that they following after my proper example 
may with me attain unto eternal salvation : wherefore the present 

^ Firman of Akbar. " Be it known to the Muttasuddies of Malwa, that the 
whole of our desires consists in the performance of good actions, and our virtuous 
intentions are constantly du-ected to one object, that of delighting and gaining 
the hearts of our subjects. 

"We, on hearing mention made of persons of any religious faith whatever, 
who pass their lives in sanctity, etc., . . . shut our eyes on the external forms of 
their worship, and considering only the intention of their hearts, we feel a power- 
ful inclination to admit them to our association, from a wish to do what may be 
acceptable to the Deity." 

The prayer of the petitioners was: " That the Padishah should issue orders that 
during the twelve days of the month of Bhadra called Putchoossur (which are 
held by the Jainas to be particularly holy), no cattle should be slaughtered in 
the cities where their tribe reside." — Ordered accordingly, 7th Jumad-us-Sani, 
992 Hij. Era.— Malcolm, Central India. 


edict of religion is promulgated in this twenty-seventh year of my 

''Thus spake King Devanampiya Piyadasi. Kings of the olden 
time have gone to heaven under these very desires. How then 
among mankind may religion (or growth in grace) be increased, yea 
through the conversion of the humbly-born shall religion increase. 
. . . Through the conversion of the lowly-born if religion thus 
increaseth, by how much (more) through the conviction of the 
high-born and their conversion shall religion increase." 

Prinsep concludes his version of this division of the In- 
scription : — 

"Thus spake King Devanampiya Piyadasi: — Wherefore from this 
very hour I have caused religious discourses to be preached, I have 
appointed religious observances — that mankind having listened 
thereto shall be brought to follow in the right path and give glory 
unto God." 

If Dr Kern's amended reading of the opening paragraphs 
of this tablet is to be accepted as final, we must abandon any 
arguments based upon a supposed cancelment of previous 
manifestos.^ But the reconstruction in question — whether 
right or wrong — will not in the least degree affect my main 
argument of the pervading Jaina tendencies of the Monolithic 

Dr. Kern's translation runs as follows : 

** King Devanampiya Priyadarsin speaks thus: — 12 years after 
my coronation, I caused a righteousness-edict to be written for the 
benefit and happiness of the public. Every one who leaves that 
unassailed shall obtain increase of merit in more than one respect. 
I direct attention to what is useful and pleasant for the public, and 
take such measures as I think will further happiness, while I pro- 
vide satisfaction to my nearest relatives and to (my subjects) who 
are near as well as to them who dwell far off." 

^ Prof. Wilson, -wliile criticizing and coi-recting nmcli of Prinsep's work upon 
these documents, remarked, " If the translation (of the text of the eastern com- 
partment) is correct, and in substance it seems to he so, there are two sets _ of 
opposing doctrines in the inscriptions, and of course both cannot he Buddhist. 
Mr. Prinsep comes to the conclusion that the Buddhist account of the date of 
Asoka's conversion, the fourth year of his reign, is erroneous, and that he could not 
have changed his creed until after his twelfth year. Then it follows that most, if 
not all the Sock inscriptions are not Buddhist, for the only dates specified are the 
tenth and twelfth years. Those on the Lats appear to be all of the twenty- 
seventh year. If, however, those of the earlier dates are not Buddhist, neither are 
those of the later, for there is no essential difference in their purport. They all en- 
force the preference of moral to ceremonial observances" (J.K..A.S. vol. xii. p. 250). 


II. a. The Aim and Purpose of the Inscriptions. 

The DeUi pillar, in addition to the four edicts inclosed 
within square tablets, has a supplementary inscription en- 
circling the base of the column. In this proclamation Asoka, 
after enumerating his own efforts for the good of his people 
after the truly Indian ideal of planting trees and excavating 
wells along the high roads, goes on to arrange for the mis- 
sionary spread of his religion, in these terms : 

**Let the priests deeply versed in the faith (or let my doctrines?) 
penetrate among the multitudes of the rich capable of granting 
favours, and let them penetrate alike among all the unbelievers 
whether of ascetics or of householders. . . . Moreover let them for 
my sake find their way among the brahmans (Idhhaneshu) and the 
most destitute." ... 

The text proceeds : 

"Let these (priests) and others most skilful in the sacred offices 
penetrate among" . . . "my Queens, and among all my secluded 
women," ..." acting on the heart and on the eyes of the children, 
... for the purpose (of imparting) religious enthusiasm and 
thorough religious instruction." 

After much more of similar import, the Edict concludes : 

"Let stone pillars be prepared, and let this edict of religion be 
engraven thereon, that it may endure unto the remotest ages." 

The separate Edicts of the Aswastama Inscription at Bhauli ^ 
continue these exhortations in the subjoined terms : 

" My desire is that in this very manner, these (ordinances) shall 
be pronounced aloud by the person appointed to the stupa; and 
adverting to nothing else but precisely according to the command- 
ment of DEvi-NAMPivA, let him (further) declare and explain 
them."^ .... "And this edict is to be read at (the time of) the 

» " The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminence forming one of a cluster 
of hills, three in number, on the south bank of the Dyah river near to the 
village of Dhauli. The hills alluded to rise abruptly from the plains, . . . and 
have a singular appearance, no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles." 
— Major Kittoe, J.A.S.B. vol. vii. p. 435. 

2 Burnouf revised this translation, with his usual critical acumen, in 1852. 
The following quotation gives his varied version : — " Aussi est-ce la ce qui doit 
etre proclame par le gardien du stupa qui ne regardera rien autre chose, (ou bien, 
aussi cet edit a du etre exprime au moyen du Prdkrita et iion dans un autre 
idiome). Et ainsi veut ici le commandement du roi Cheri des Devas. J'eu 
confie I'execution au grand ministre. . . . 

" Et cet edit doit etre entendu au Nakhata Tisa (Nakchatra Tichya) et a la fin 


lunar mansion Tisa, at the end of the month of Bhdtun : it is to be 
made heard (even if) by a single listener. And thus (has been 
founded) the Kalanta stupa for the spiritual instruction of the con- 
gregation.^ For this reason is this edict here inscribed, whereby the 
inhabitants of the town may be guided in their devotions for ages 
to come."— J.A.S. Bengal, May, 1837, pp. 444-5. 

Period III. Positive IBuddhism. 
The Bhabra Edict.^ 

Professor Wilson's translation of the Bhabra Edict — unlike 
liis previous renderings of Asoka's rock inscriptions, where 
he was at the mercy of succeeding commentators — was under- 
taken at a time when he, in his turn, had the advantage of 
the revised interpretations of Lassen and Burnouf. It may 
be taken, therefore, as a crucial trial of strength on his part. 

But the most curious coincidence in connexion with the 
present inquir}?" is that, in default of critical Sanskrit aids, 
he was obliged to have recourse to the vulgar tongue of the 
Jaina Scriptures for an explanation of the obscure opening 
terms, in the word hhante " I declare, confess," etc., etc., 
which proved, to his surprise, to constitute the ordinary 
Jaina preliminary form of prayer or conventional declaration 
of faith. ^ 

I prefix Burnouf 's translation, as exhibiting the inevitable 
divergences in the individual treatment of these obscure 
writings : 

dii mois Tisa (4 letters) au NaJchata, meme par im seule personne il doit etre 
entendu. Et c'est ainsi que ce stupa doit etre honore jusqu'a la fin des temps, 
pour le bien de I'assemblee." — Burnouf, B. L. 673. 

See also my article in tlie J.H.A.S. Vol. I. n.s. p. 466 ; and tke Kalpa Sutra, 
pp. 16, 17. 

^ As a possible commentary upon this, the avowedly Buddhist Lalita- Vistara 
says : " Tlie reliearsal of religious discourse satiateth not the godly." — Preface, 
p. 24, Sanskrit Version, Rajeiidralala. 

2 At Bairath, three marches N.E. of Jaipur. 

^ "But in turning over the leaves of a Jaina work (the Parikramanavidhi) , 
■which, according to Dr. Stevenson, means the Rules of Confession to a Guru, I 
found the word Bhante . . . repeated fourteen times, and in every instance with 
the pronoun ahnm — ahmn hhante — preceding apparently some promise or ad- 
mission; 'I declare, I promise, or acknowledge.' The book is written in the 
Magadhi of the Jainas, mixed with provincial Hindi, and is full of technicalities, 
which it would require a learned Yati to expound." — J.R.A.S., Vol. XVI. p. 361. 


**Le roi Pij-adasa, d I'Asseniblee du Magadha qu'il fait saluer, a 
souhaite et peu de peines et une existence agreable. II est bien 
connii, seigneurs, jusqu'ou vont et mon respect et ma foi pour le 
Buddha, pour la Loi, pour I'Assemblee. Tout ce qui, seigneurs, a 
ete dit par le bienheureux Buddha, tout cela seulement est bien dit. 
II faut done montrer, seigneurs, quelles [en] sont les autorites; 
de cette maniere, la bonne loi sera de longue duree : voila ce que 
moi je crois necessaire. En attendant, voici, seigneurs, les sujets 
qu'embrasse la loi : les bornes marquees par la Vinaya (ou la disci- 
pline), les facultes surnaturelles des Ariyas, les dangers de I'avenir, 
les stances du solitaire, le Suta {sutra) du solitaire, la speculation 
d'TJpatisa (Cariputtra) seulement, I'instruction de Lagula (Rahula), 
en rejetant les doctrines fausses: [voila] ce qui a ete dit par le bien- 
heureux (Buddha). Ces sujets qu'embrasse la loi, seigneurs, je desire, 
et o'est la gloire d laquelle je tiens le plus, que les Beligieux et les 
Heligieuses les ecoutent et les meditent constamment, aussi bien que 
les fideles des deux sexes. C'est pour cela, seigneurs, que je [vous] 
fais ecrire ceci ; telle est ma volunte et ma declaration." — Lotus, 
p. 725. 

Prof. Wilson^s translation is as follows : 

^'Piyadasi, the King, to the general Assembly of Magadha, 
commands the infliction of little pain and indulgence to animals. 

"It is verily known, I proclaim, to what extent my respect and 
favour (are placed) in Buddha, and in the Law, and in the Assembly. 

''Whatsoever (words) have been spoken by the divine Buddha, 
they have all been well said, and in them, verily I declare that 
capability of proof is to be discerned : so that the pure law (which 
they teach) will be of long duration, as far as I am worthy (of 
being obeyed). For these, I declare, are the principal discipline 
(Vinaya), having overcome the oppressions of the Aryas, and future 
perils, (and refuted) the songs of the Munis, the sutras of the Munis, 
(the practices) of inferior ascetics, the censure of a light world, and 
(all) false doctrines. These things, as declared by the divine Buddha, 
I proclaim, and I desire them to be regarded as the precepts of the 
Law. . . . These things I affirm, and have caused to be written (to 
make known to you) that such will be my intention." — Journ. 
B.A.S. Yol. XVI. (1851), p. 357. See also Translation, Journ. 
A.S. Bengal, vol. ix. 

I subjoin Dr. Kern's newly-published translation, for the 
double purpose of comparison with the redactions of his pre- 
decessors, and to satisfy the modern world, that whatever 


diversities may have existed in the spirit or method of inter- 
pretation of the difficult passages of the 1st and 2iid series 
of Asoka's Edicts, our international savants are fully in 
accord as to the first appearance in monumental tcHting of the 
name of Buddha^ that is, some time in or after the 27tli year 
of Asoka. 

*' King Priyadarsin (that is, the Humane) of Magadha greets the 
Assembly (of Clerics) aud wishes them welfare and happiness. Ye 
know, sirs, how great is our reverence and affection for the triad 
which is called Buddha (the master), Faith, and Assembly. All 
that our Lord Buddha has spoken, my Lords, is well spoken: 
wherefore, Sirs, it must indeed be regarded as having indisputable 
authority; so the true Faith shall last long. Thus, my Lords, I 
honour (?) in the first place these religious works . . . [seven in 
number] uttered by our Lord Buddha . . . For this end, my Lords, 
I cause this to be written, and have made my wish evident." — 
Indian Antiquary, Sept. 1876, p. 257. 

In concluding this section of the inquiry, I am anxious to 
advert to a point of considerable importance, the true bearing 
of which has, hitherto, scarcely been recognized. Under the 
old view of the necessary Buddhistic aim and tendency of both 
the Kock and Pillar Edicts, a subdued anomaly might have 
been detected in Asoka's designating himself as Devdnampiya, 
*'the beloved of the gods." We have seen at page 41 in 
what terms the rock inscriptions are phrased ; the pillar 
edicts, in like manner, commence with the same title of Devd- 
nampiye Piyadasi laja,^ while the Bhabra Inscription uncon- 
ditionally rejects the Devdnampiya^ which we may infer would 
have been inconsistent with Asoka's sudden profession of 

Buddhism, and opens with the restricted entry of jj JL, 1^ rb -J £ 
Piyadasa laja. 

Now, it involves a more than remarkable coincidence, that this 
same term of Devdnampiya, or " Beloved of the gods," should 
prove to have been an established and conventional title 
among the Jainas,^ equally, as, in a less important sense, was 

' J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vi. p. 577. 

2 In Stevenson's translation of the Kalpa Sutra Eishahha datta is thus ad- 
dressed by Bevanandi, the mother of Mahavira (pp. 26, 30), and he, in return, 
salutes her as " beloved of the gods " (pp. 27, 29, etc.). At p. 54 King Sidd- 


tlie associate Piyadasane^ " lovely to behold." " Siddliartha " 
is represented in the text of the Kalpa Sutra, as "issued 
forth the king and lord of men, the bull and lion among 
men, lovely to behold," etc. Dr. Stevenson adds, in a note : 
" This is the famous epithet fq"?T^^% Piyadasane that occurs 
so frequently in the ancient inscriptions, and which we have 
met with several times before." Piyadassi is further given 
as the name of one of the 24 {Jaina ?) Buddhos in the 
opening passage of the Mahavanso. ^ Mr. Turnour con- 
tributes the following additional quotation from the Pali 
annals: "Hereafter the prince Piyadaso, having raised the 
clihatta, will assume the title of Asoko the Dhanma Paja, or 
righteous monarch." ^ 

Thus, while we can comprehend that the retention of the 
simple title of "Pyadasi," by an avowed Buddhist, was harm- 
less enough, the rejection of the designation of "Beloved of 
the gods " became a clear necessity for any convert to a 
religion which ipso facto repudiated all gods. 

The title of Devanampiya does not seem to have been ad- 
mitted into the scriptures of the Northern Buddhists,^ who 
were deferred converts ; but it was carried down with the 
earliest spread of the faith to Ceylon, in B.C. 246, by " Deva- 
nampiya Tissa,"* together with, as we have seen, many of 
the other elements and symbols of the Jaina creed. 

Amid the varied indirect sources of information bearing 
upon the " faith of the Mauryas," now available, we should 
scarcely have looked for any contributions from the formal 

hartha, in explaining Trisala's dream, commences, " beloved of the gods." At 
pp. 56, 61, speaking to the royal messengers, he addresses them as "0 beloved of 
the gods," and at p. 64 the "interpreters of dreams" are received with the same 
complimentary greeting. 

^ Mahavanso, vol. i. p. 75. 

2 J.A.S. Bengal, vol. vi. p. 1056. See also Wilson, J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. 
p. 244. 

' The objection to the term Devanampiya of conrse does not extend to the 
inevitable Bevaputra of the Lalita-vistara — the " heaven -born " need not have 
been compromised by his later apostacy. — See Eajendi-a Lala's (Sanski-it text), 
Freface, pp. 14, 15, 21, etc. 

* Mahawanso, pp. 4, 68, 62, etc. Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 139. Rhys 
Davids, Inscription of Gamini Tissa, son of Devanampiya Tissa, at Dambula, 


pages of dictionaries or grammars. Nevertlieless, amid the 
odd words cited, for other purposes, we discover, in Patan- 
jali's commentary on the Sidras of Panini, a most suggestive 
record by the annotator, who is supposed to date somewhere 
about B.C. 160-60, ^ regarding the gods of the Mauryas. 
Prof. Goldstiicker's translation of Panini's leading text, with 
the illustration added by Patanjali, is subjoined: 

** 'If a thing,' says Pdnini, ' serves for a livelihood, but is not for 
sale' (it has the affix ha). This rule Fatanjali illustrates with the 
words * Siva, Skanda, Yisakha,' meaning the idols that represent 
these divinities, and at the same time give a living to the men who 
possess them — while they are not for sale. And ' why ? ' he asks. 
* The Mauryas wanted gold, and therefore established religious 
festivities.' Good; (Panini's rule) may apply to such (idols as they 
sold) ; but as to idols, which are hawked about (by common people) 
for the sake of such worship as brings an immediate profit, their 
names will have the affix Z;^." ^ 

That there are many difficulties in the translation, and still 
more in the practical interpretation of this passage, need not 
be reiterated.^ The first impression the context conveys 

^ This is Prof. "Weber's date; Prof. Goldstiicker assigned Patanjali to 140-120 
B.C. ; and Prof. Bliaudarkar fixes the date of his chapter iii. at 144-142 b.c. — 
lud. Ant. 1872, p. 302. 

2 Goldstiicker' s Panini, p. 228. Prof. Goldstiicker goes on to add: ""Wliether 
or not this interesting bit of history was given by Patanjali ironically, to show 
that even affixes are the obedient servants of kings, and must vanish before the 
idols which they sell, because they do not take the money at the same time that 
the bargain is made — as poor people do — I know not. ... I believe, too, if we 
are to give a natural interpretation to his (Patanjali' s) words, . . . that he lived 
after the last king of this (Maurya) dpiasty." — p. 229. 

Prof. Weber's critical commentary upon Goldstiicker' s rendering of this passage, 

amid other argumentative questions as to the period of Panini himself, proceeds : 

" Patanjali, in commenting on rule v. 3, 99, of Panini, ... in the case of a 

life sustenance-serving (object, which is an image, the affix ka is not used), except 

when the object is valuable In the case of a saleable, e.g. Siva, Skanda, 

Vis^ikha, the rule does not apply." . . . 

*' The gold-coveting Maurya had caused images of the gods to be prepared. 
To these the rule does not apply, but only to such as serve for immediate worship 
{i.e. with which theu' possessors go about from house to house) [in order to exhibit 
them for immediate worship, and thereby to earn money]." — Indian Antiquary, 
1873, p. 61. 

^ Prof. AVeber's opinion on the bearing of this passage is to the following effect: 
*' In the passage about the Mauryas I must leave it to others to decide if Patahj all's 
words do really imply it as his opinion that Panini himself , in referring to images that 
were saleable, had in his eye such as those that had come down from the Mauryas. 
I never said more than this. And Bhandarkar goes too far when he says : ' Prof. 
Weber wfers that Panini in making his rule had in his eye,' etc. My words 
are: 'According to the view of Patafijali;' 'Patanjali is undoubtedly of 


seems to refer to tlie m-altitudinous images of the Jaina 
Mauryas, which were so easily reproduced in their absolute 
repetitive identity, and so largely distributed as part and 
parcel of the creed itself, of which we have had so many 
practical exemplifications in the preceding pages.^ But 
Patanjali's direct reference to the Maurya gods of his day — 
that is to say, during the reign of that staunch adherent of 
the Brahmans, the Suhga Fmlipamitra ^ — under the definite 
names of Siva, Skanda, Visdkha, opens out a new line of 
inquiry as to the concurrent state and progress of Brah- 
manism, and his evidence undoubtedly indicates that their 
branch of the local religion was in a very crude and inchoate 
stage at the period referred to — an inference which is more 
fully confirmed by the testimony of numismatic remains.^ 

Among the extant examples of the mintages of Hushka, 
Jushka, and Kanishka, we meet with the self-same designa- 
tions of the three Brahmanical gods, under the counterpart 
Greek transcription of okpo, :skanao, and bizafo. The only 

opinion;' 'Be this as it may, the notice is in itself an exceedingly curious one.' 
Now with regard to this very curious and odd statement itself, I venture to throw 
it out as a mere suggestion, whether it may not perhaps refer to Kjirst attempt 
at gold coinage made by the Mauryas (in imitation of the Greek coins). It is 
true no Maurya coin has been discovered as yet, so far as I know, but this may 
be mere chance: the real difficulty is how to bring Patanjali's words into har- 
mony with such an interpretation, the more so as in his time no doubt gold coins 
were already rather common," — Indian Antiquary, July, 1873, pp. 208, 209. 

^ " As these twenty-four Tirthankaras are incarnations of wisdom, and are 
divine personages who appeared in the world and attained the enjoyment of 
heavenly bliss, the Jainas consider them to be Stvdnns, equal to the divine- 
natured Arugan. . . . And accordingly they build temples in honour of these 
Tirthankaras, and make images like them, of stone, wood, gold, and precious 
gems, and considering these idols as the god Arugan himself, they perform daily 
and special pujas, and observe fasts and celebrate festivals in their honour." — 
p. xix. Notice on Jainism, by Sastram Aiyar, from " The Chintamani," edited 
by the Rev. H. Bower, Madras, 1868. 

2 Pushpamitra is the king who ofPered 100 dhtdrs for the head of every 
Sramana, and hence obtained the title of Mtoiihaia, " Muni-killer." — Burnouf, 
vol. i. p. 431. 

2 I must add that in otner portions of the " Mahabhashya" reference is made to 
" the Brahmanical deities of the Epic period, Siva, Vishnu, etc. ; to Vasudeva or 
Krishna as a god or demi-god, and to his having slain Kansa and bound Bali." 
Mr. Muir, from whose analysis of Prof. Weber's Indische Studien (1873) I take 
this information, adds: "The genuineness of the whole of Patanjali's work 
itself, as we now have it, is not. Prof. Weber considers, beyond the reach of 
doubt, as some grounds exist for supposing that the Avork, after having been 
mutilated or corrupted, was subsequently reconstructed, and at the same time 
perhaps received various additions from the pen of the compiler." See also 
Academy, 8th August, 1874:, p. 156. 


other Bralimanical gods tliat apparently attained any pro- 
minence, at the epocli of these three Indo-Scythian kings, 
which, for the moment, we may accept as at or about the 
commencement of our era, would seem to have been Siva's 
supposed consort, APAOXPO, smdMa/idsend, which latter embodi- 
ment is elsewhere understood as a mere counterpart of Siva.^ 
In the same manner, Skanda constitutes the title of a "son of 
Siva," and Visdkha is the conventional name of Kdrttikeya or 
Skanda, " the god of war," and finally, Kimidra is simply a 
synonym of Skanda, In fact we have here nothing but the 
multiform Sica personally, or the various members of his 
family. So that the combined testimony of the grammarian 
and the material proofs exhibited by the coins would almost 
necessitate the conclusion that, at the commencement of our 
era, Brahmanism had not yet emerged from Saivism, whose 
Indian origin is now freely admitted by the leading 

In testing the position of Saivism, at approximate periods, 
we are able to appeal to the independent testimony of the 
coins of a collateral division of the Indo-Scythic race, whose 
leading designation follows the term of oohmo kaa*ichc. 

It has hitherto been usual to place this branch of the 
Scythic intruders considerably earlier, in point of time, than 
their fellow and more permanently-domiciled brotherhood; 
but the question as it is presented, under later lights, seems 
to resolve itself into a geographical rather than an epochal 
severance. The Kadphises horde settled themselves in 
lands where the Bactrian Pali alphabet and quasi- Aryan 
speech were still current. The Kanerki group, wherever 
their first Indian location may have been, clearly followed 
Iranian traditions in the classification and designations 
of their adopted gods, in the regions of their abundant 

The Kadphises forms of Saivism may be followed in 
detail in Plate X. of Prof. Wilson's Ariana Antiqua. The 

1 Mahd-send, "a great army," an epithet of Kdrttikeya or Skajida; of Siva. 
So also Sendpati, " army chief ," name of Kdrttikeya; of Siva, etc. — M. "Williams, 
in vocibus. 


conjoint legends appertaining to wliicli are couclied in tlie 
following terms : 

Latin-Greek — baciaetc oohmo kaa*icic. 
Bactrian-Pali — 

Maharajasa Rajadhirajasa Sarva-loga-iswarasa Mahiswarasa Kapisasa. 
Of the Great King, King of Kings, ruler of the whole world, the Great Lord 
(of) Kapisa.^ 

"We have here, again, Siva very mucli under the guise of a 
God of War (Nos. 9, 13), though the trident is suggestive of 
Neptune and the ill-defined drooping garment, in the left 
hand, is reminiscent of the lion's skin of Hercules. But the 
Saivism is complete in No. 5, even to the spiral shell-shaped 
hair 2 (less apparent in No. 13), with the conventional 
Yahana or Bull, which now becomes constant and immut- 
able ; following on in Nos. 12-21 the leading type exhibits 
various gradations of the gross hermaphrodite outline of half 
man, half woman, with " the necklace of skulls," possibly 
disclosing the first definite introduction to caste threads, out 
of which so many religious conflicts grew in later days. 

Under any circumstances, the present coincidences must be 
accepted as beyond measure, critical, when we find Patanjali, 
a native of Oudh, speaking of things on the banks of the 
Soane, at Patna, and Scythian intruders on the Kabul river, 
responding in practical terms, as to the ruling Saivism which 
covered, with so little change, a range of country represented 
in the divergent paths of a continuous highway, starting from 
the extreme geographical points here named. 
, For the purposes of the illustration of the international 
associations, and the accepted religions of the period, we are 
beyond measure indebted to the recent numismatic contribu- 
tions of the Peshawar find. These coins, comprising the large 
total of 360 gold pieces, all belong to the combined Kanishka 
brotherhood, or tribal communities, to which reference has 
been made in my previous article in the Journal,^ and in 

^ Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 213. Ariana Antiqua, p. 354. J.R.A.S. Vol. XX. 
p. 239. Solinus tells us : Qiiidam libri Caphusam. In alii : Caphisam. Plinius 
Capissara vocat. cap. liv. p. 827. 

'^ Rudra and Pnshan are said to wear their hair wound or braided spirally 
upwards into the form of a shell called " Kapardin." — Muir, vol. v. p. 462. 

^ Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX. p. S vt scq. 


the earlier pages of this paper. The triple series of obverse 
legends are restricted to the following repetitive Greek 
transcriptions : 

Greek Legends on the Kanerki Coins. 




These titles seem to have been more or less sectional and 
eventually to have become hereditary, like Arsaces, Csesar, 
etc., and though probably applicable in the first instance 
severally to the three brothers, they appear, in process of 
time, to have become dynastic as the conventional titular 
designation of the head of the family or tribe, for the time 
being, and to have continued in imitative use, especially in 
the instance of bazoaho,^ for many centuries. Until, indeed, 
as I have previously remarked, the Greek characters become 
altogether unintelligible,^ though the mint types are still 
mechanically reproduced. 

1 have now to describe, as briefly as the subject will admit 
of, the coins I have selected for insertion in the accompanying 
Plate II., which were primarily arranged to illustrate the 
objects of worship admitted into the Indo-Scythian Pantheon; 
but, which, under subsequent discoveries, have assumed a 
more important mission in the general range of inquiry. 



No. 1. {Obverse. King standing to the front, in the conventional 
form represented in Ariana Antiqua, pi. xi. fig. 16, worn die. 
Legend. Constant, pao nano pao kanhpki kopano) 
Reverse. Pigure as in the Plate. Legend nana pao, Nanaia. 

^ The identity of Bazdeo as one of the three brothers, and as the person alluded 
to in the Mathura inscriptions under the title of Vdsudeva, in conjunction with 
Kanislika and Huvishka, seems to be now placed beyond doubt ; but the new 
coins teach us to discriminate Bazdeo as the third king, in opposition to my sugges- 
tion (Vol. IX. p. 11, supra.) that Vdsudeva might have been "the titular 
designation of Kanishka." 

2 Prinsep's Essays, pi. xxii. 4, 5, 6-11, 13. J.R.A.S. o.s. Vol. XII. PI. IV. 
the same figures. Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiv. figs. 12, 13, 16, 17. 

PI n .] u A s IX 















V^! .S*" 

— "^i*5 "^''a ■■^'•j '^ 

-•TV ,x. 



:* w *.«:,a c:5r^ *- 




Ko. 2. {Obverse. King seated cross-legged, wearing a close-fitting 
• helmet, with bossed cheek-plates and flowing fillets, ornamental 
coat fastened by two brooches or link-buttons in front, flames 
issue from both shoulders. He holds a small mace in the right 
hand, and a spear in the left.) 
Reverse. Figure as in Plate. Legend, hpakiao, Hercules. 
No. 3. (Bust of the King, as in the ordinary Kadphises types (A. A. 
xiv. 2). Quilted coat, flame issuing from the right shoulder, 
close cap, double feather frontlet, half moon, spiked mace, etc.) 
Reverse. Figures as in Plate. Legend, mao Moon^ miipo Sun. 
iNo. 4. {Obverse. Ooerki, old form (A. A. xiv. 6), die much worn.) 
Reverse. Figure as in Plate. Legend, piah (or piprj or ptS?;), Pallas, 
This type was first introduced at Rome by Domitian, a.d. 80, 
who afl'ected to be the son of Pallas Capitolina. — Tresor de 
Numismatique, p. 42. 
iNo. 5. ( Obverse, oohpki, (A. A. xiv. 6), worn-out die.) 

Reverse. Figure as in Plate. Legend. npOH or apov. Varuna. 

Ko. 6. ( Obverse. Well-executed bust of King, with close-fitting cap, 
eagle feather frontlet, and flowing Sassanian flllets at the back; 
silken dress, with large necklace. He holds a small mace, 
and an a7ihus (elephant goad). 
Reverse. Figure as in Plate. Legend, capaho, Sarapis. 

!N"o. 7. {Obverse. King seated, the general outline of the device is 
similar to that of jS'o. 2 ; but the crossed legs are merged in 
rising clouds. The helmet has a prominent frontlet in the 
form of the sun, no cheek-plates, the ear and beard are visible, 
flames on shoulders, spear and mace, the coat is more than 
usually open in front and displays an embroidered under- 
Reverse. Figure as in the Plate. Legend, zepo (Ceres), Liana, 
Device imitated from a coin of Augustus, A.TJ.C. 744, B.C. 10. 
— Tresor de JN^umismatique, vii. 12. 

No. 8. (Bust of King, similar to No. 2; Sun frontlet, in this instance 
the helmet has a cheek bar only, and shows the ear, traces 
of Sassanian fillets, etc. Armlets, link-brooch, mace, spear, 
etc. In one example of the Mars reverse, the obverse head is 
similar to No. 16 iyifrct, but the King wears a pallium.) 
Reverse. Figure of a Roman warrior, as in the Plate. There 
are five varieties of this reverse. In one instance the figure 


of Mars holds what is described, in the Tresor de Numis- 
matique, as **uii bouclier rond," a type which occurs on the 
money of Germanicus, A.TJ.C. 801, a.d. 47 (PI. xix. 7, 8). 
Legend, pao phopo (Kao-rethro), Mars. 

Ko. 9. {Ohverse. Bust of King, as in I^o. 7.) 
Reverse. Figure as in the Plate. 
Legend. OANINAA (Oaninda), Anandates. 

Ko. 10. {Diverse. Bust as in IS'o. 3. ^o flame on shoulder, Sassan- 
ian fillets.) 

Reverse. As in the Plate. Legend, maa^hno (Mahasena), an 
Indian form of Mars ? Siva ? 

Ko. 11. {Diverse. Bust as in '^o. 3.) 

Reverse. Device as in the Plate. Legends, skanao, komapo, 
BiZAPO; Skanda, Kumar a^ Visdhha. 
Ko. 12. {Diverse. Bust of King, with ornamental jacket, armlets, 
mace, spear, flames on shoulders, etc. Peaked cap as in 
A. A. xiv. 5, but with bossed cheek-plates.) 
Reverse. Device as in the Plate. Legend, aopo, Zend A'tars 
(the E-oman Yulcan). 

No. 13. {Diverse. Bust of King as in Ko. 8.) 

Reverse. Device as in the Plate ; exhibiting a three-faced Indian 
form of Siva wearing short drawers fjdnghiydj, in front of 
which appears, for the first time, a marked definition of the 
Priapus, which however has nothing in common with the 
local Linga. The left hands hold the trident and an Indian 
thunderbolt. The one right hand grasps the wheel or chahra 
(the symbol of universal dominion), the other is extended to 
the small goat. 
Legend. OKPO. Ugra the ''fierce" (a title of Siva). 

]S"o. 14. Diverse. As exhibited in the Plate. The King wears a 
Roman pallium ; ornamental cap with cheek-plates and well- 
defined Sassanian fillets ; in the right hand the small iron- 
bound mace,^ in the left a standard, surmounted by Siva's 
Vdhana or the bull Nandi, in the conventional recumbent 

^ General Cunningliam was under tlie impression that this object was a Budd- 
hist praying-wheel. I prefer to look upon it as an iron-bound mace, a counter- 
part of the modern club, so effective in strong hands, known by the name of 
lohd-band lathi. The gurz of Feridun was an historical weapon. The use of 
which was afiected by the great Mahmud of Ghazni and his successors after him. 
The Kadphises Scythians also were demonstrative about maces, but theirs took 
the form of a bulky wooden cluh. See also Tabari (O.T.F.), vol. ii. p. 228. 


Legend, legible. pAO nano pao OrjpKt Kopavo. 

Reverse. Siva, three-faced, four-armed, to the front, holding the 

trident, a club, a western form of the thunderbolt and a gourd., 

water-vessel ? 
Legend, okpa, Zend u'gra, ^^HT Vgra^ the "fierce," "terrible." 

No. 15. {Obverse. King's bust as in jS'o. 8.) 

Reverse. Roman figure, as in the plate, holding a brazier with 
ascending flames. Legend. *appo, Pharos. There are several 
varieties of this type : in one instance the figure holds a 
simpulum, such as is seen on the coins of Antonia Augusta, 
A.D. 37. — Tresor de Numismatique, pi. x. fig. 14. 

N"©. 16. Ohverse. King's bust as in the Plate. Ornamental jacket, 
armlets, mace and spear ; with a curious peaked helmet having 
bufi'alo horns diverging upwards from below the frontlet, as is 
seen in certain Indo-Sassanian coins of a later age ; ^ flowing 
fillets at the back, with Sassanian fillets distributed over each 

Reverse. A Roman type of abundance. Legend, apaoxpo. The 
cornucopise and' the style of dress belong to the period of Julius 
Caesar and the early days of Augustus, A.XJ.C. 711, 33 b.c. — 
Tresor de Numismatique, pi. iii. fig. 1. 
INo. 17. {Ohverse. Kadphises type of King's bust, with mace and 
atihus, Sassanian fillets.) 

Reverse. Four-armed figure, as in the Plate. Legend, manao 
BAFO, the Moon-god. 
No. 18. {Obverse. Kadphises bust; silken garment, mace, anJcus^ 
etc., flame on right shoulder, ordinary fillets.) 

Reverse. Male figure, as in the Plate. Legend, mao, Mao, the 
No. 19. {Obverse. King's bust as in A.A. xiv. 3; highly ornamental 
robe and collar, Sassanian fillets, etc.) 

Reverse. Pigure as in the Plate, with sword and staff*, holding out 
a chaplet. Legend. MAO, the Moon. 
No. 20. {Obverse. King's bust, with Roman pallium, peaked cap, 
and Sassanian fillets.) 

Reverse. Pemale figure with Caduceus, as in the Plate. 

Legend, nano, Nanaia. 

^ See Prinsep, Essays, vol. ii. p. 115; Ariana Antiqua, pi. xvii. 5, etc.; 
Herodotus, vii. c. Ixxvi. 


"No. 21. {Obverse. Juvenile bust of the King, with silken garment, 
mace, ankus, with a close-fitting compact helmet and Sassanian 

Reverse. Rayed figure, with fiowing garments, as in the Plate. 

Legend. Miepo, Mithra. 
"Eo. 22. {Ohverse. Old form of bust of the King, Kadphises style.) 

Reverse. Pigure as in the Plate. Legend, miipo, Mihira. 
1^0. 23. {Diverse. "Well-executed profile, but less-finished bust, of 
the King; wearing the Roman pallium, with mace, spear, 
peaked cap, prominent frontlet, bold halo, bossed cheek-plates 
with flowing fillets of the ordinary character, associated with 
the Sassanian drooping falls on the back of the left shoulder, 
flame on the right shoulder.) 

Reverse. Pigure, also clothed in the pallium, as seen in the Plate. 
The type of the reverse follows, in a measure, the earlier ex- 
amples of HAioc (A. A. xi. 16) and miipo (A. A. xii. 15), and it 
has something in common with the beautiful reverse of No. 21 of 
our Plate II. Legend of *' undetermined " import apaeixpo. 


1^0. 24. ( Obverse. King standing to the front, in full Scythian cap- 
a-pied armour, with sword, spear, high pointed cap, reduced 
halo, falling fillets, with large Mithraic altar, into which the 
right hand of the King seems to be casting votive incense, as 
in A.A. xiv. 18. 
Legend, constant, pao nano pao bazoaho kopano.) 
Reverse. Figure as exhibited in the Plate. 8iva trimiikhi, to the 
front, with top-knot, holding trident and noose {2^asu), clad 
in the Indian dhot'i, naked above the waist. 
Legend. Peversed-Greek ? okpo. 

Ko. 25. {Obverse. Full-length figure of the King, in bossed and 
armour fished skirt (as in A.A. xiv. 14). 
Reverse. Figure as shown in the Plate. Siva, single -faced, with 
top-knot, and bushy hair, clothed in the Indian dhoti, bold 
muscular development of the chest, trident, noose {pasu), 
well-defined Prahmani bull, monogram, etc. Legend, okpo. 

No. 26. {Obverse. Standing figure of the King, the bosses of the 
body-armour appear in full detail, the fish-scale skirt is also 
given, as are the greaves and the rings, or serpent-like pro- 
tection of the arms. The spear is here a subdued trident, 
with a bold central point and reduced side spikes; but the 


peculiarity of the whole device, in this instance, consists in 
the tall Kuzzalbash-like cap, which is surmounted by the 
head of a bird. 

Reverse. Siva trhmihhi^ as reproduced in the Plate, with his bull 
in a varied position. 1'he god, in addition to ordinary trident 
and noose, reveals a subdued but fully defined priapus in 
front of the folds of the dhoti, together with the first deter- 
minate representation of a Brahmanical or caste thread, which 
replaces the early necklace of skulls adverted to at p. 59. 

One of the most important revelations of the Peshawar 
find is the large amount of Roman influence to be detected 
amid the types of these Indo- Scythian coinages. 

The earliest archaeological trace of commercial or other in- 
tercourse between India and Rome is represented by the 
celebrated deposit in a tumulus at Manikyala, discovered by 
M. A. Court in 1833. 

M. Court's description of the position and condition of the 
crypt is as follows : 

*' At ten feet from the level of the ground, we met with a cell in 
the form of a rectangular parallelogram, built in a solid manner, 
with well-dressed stones, firmly united with mortar. The four 
sides of the cell corresponded with the four cardinal points, and it 
was covered with a single massive stone. Having turned this over, 
I perceived that it was covered with inscriptions. In the centre of 
the cell stood a copper urn, encircling which were placed sym- 
metrically eight medals of the same metal. . . . The urn itself was 
carefully enveloped in a wrapper of white linen tightly adhering to 
its surface. . . . The copper urn enclosed a smaller one of silver ; 
the space between them being filled in with a paste of the colour of 
raw umber. . . Within the silver urn was found one much smaller 
of gold, immersed in the same brown paste, in which were also con- 
tained seven silver medals, with Latin characters.^ The gold vessel 

^ 1. No. 19. pi. xxxiv. J.A.S. Bengal, vol. hi. A silver denarius of Mark 
Antony, struck while he was a member of the celebrated triumvirate ; M. 
aNTONIUS. iii. VIR. R.P.C.— Vaillant, ii. p. 9. Riccio, pi. iv. 25. J. dea 

Sav. 1836, p. 72 (A.U.C. 711). 

2. No. 2U. Julius Ccesar. Julia family, Eiccio, ^sxiii. 31. R. Rochette. 
A.U.C. 694-704, " si connu et si commun." 

3. No. 21. Cordia family. Ric. xiv. 1. R.R. A.U.C. 705.^ '* Un denier 
d'Auguste, avec les tetes accouplees de Caius et de Lucius Caesars." 

4. No. 22. Minucia family. Riccio, xxxiii. 7. Q- THERM. M.F. about 
A.U.C. 680. 


enclosed four small coins of gold of the Graeco-Scythic type^ . .; 
also two precious stones and four pearls." 

With a view to determine the age of the monument 
itself from external evidence, M. E-aoul Rochette critically 
examined the Roman coins found in the inner coating of 
the main deposit. The result of his exhaustive study is 
subjoined in his own words : 

**Maintenant, ce qui resulte de la reunion de ces sept mon- 
naies de families romaines, six desquelles sont reconnues avec 
certitude, et qui furent toutes frappees dans le cours des annees 
680 a 720 de Rome ; ce qui resulte, non-seulement de la pre- 
sence de ces sept monnaies, appartenant toutes aux derniers temps 
de la republique, et de I'absence de monnaies consulaires ou im- 
periales, c'est que le monument ou on les avait deposees a dessein, 
appartient lui-meme a la periode de temps qui est celle de remission 
et de la circulation de ces monnaies ; car le fait qu'on n'y a trouve 
mele parmi elles ni un seul denier consulaire, ni un seul denier 
imperial, est certainement tres-significatif ; et ce ne pent etre, a mon 
avis, une circonstance purement fortuite ou accidentelle qui ait 
reuni ainsi, dans un monument considerable, sept monnaies choisies 
entre toutes celles que le commerce avait portees dans I'Inde, et 
toutes frappees dans la periode republicaine des guerres civiles, qui 
eurent principalement I'Orient pour theatre." — Journ. des SavantSy 
1836, p. 74. 

At one time it was fondly hoped that this monument might 
prove to have been the last resting-place of the ashes of 
Kanishka himself, but the inscription on the inverted slab 
effectually disposed of any such notion.^ The covering stone 
of the crypt mentions Samvat 18, and the Mathura inscrip- 
tions extend his reign to Samvat 33. The discover}^, however, 
is of the highest importance under other aspects. It has been 
usual to associate Kanishka's name with Buddhism, and in 

5. No. 23. Accoleia family. LARISCOLVS, i. 1. A.U.C. 710-720. 

6. No. 24. Julia family. E-ic. iiii. 4. 

7. No. 25. Furia family. R. xxi. 8. R.R. A.U.C. 686. The latest authorities, 
therefore, limit the date of the most recent of these coins to b.c. 34. Prinsep's 
Essays, vol. i. p. 149. 

1 Four " gold coins found in the gold cylinder." PI. xxxiv. vol. iii. J. A.S. Bengal. 
1 and 2. Kanerki bust and peaked cap. Rev. Siva, four-armed and OKPO. 

3. Kanerki standing figure. Rev. Siva, four-armed and OKPO. 

4. Kanerki standing figure. Rev. Standing figure. A0PO. 
» Prof. Dowson, J.R.A.S. Vol. XX. o.s. p. 250. 


his reign a new convocation of tlie Buddhists was convened, 
once a^ain to revise and determine the authorized faith. If 
Kanishka ever was a Buddhist, he, like Asoka, must have 
become so late in life. His coins, as we have seen, are 
eminently Saiva, and this monument, erected during his 
reign, contained, within the gold cylinder in the inner- 
most recess of its undisturbed chamber, no less than three 
coins bearing the image of Siva, out of the four, selected 
for inhumation with the ashes of the person, in whose honour 
it was built. Moreover, so distinctly was the ruling Saivism 
accepted in India, that we find the coins of nana pao conven- 
tionally denominated Ndnakas (and elsewhere defined as 
bearing the mark of Siva) in the authoritative text of Yajna- 
valkya's Hindu Law.^ On the other hand, Indo-Scj^thic 
Buddhism is undemonstrative in the extreme, and one of 
the coins most relied upon to prove devotion to that faith ^ 
turns out, under the legends of the better specimens of the 
Peshawar find, to bear the name of apaeixpo (No. 23, PL IL), 
whereas those coins which bear the unmistakable figure of 
Sakya Muni — as I shall show hereafter — clearly belong to a 
later period of the Kanerki series. 

Under the system in vogue, in more advanced Buddhistic 
days, of the gradual enlargement of Topes and the concurrent 
exhibition of relics, which for convenience sake were placed 
near the summit of the mound, we find a later deposit three 
feet only from the top of this smaller Manikyala tope, which 
consisted of three coins bearing the form and name of Siva, 
and one coin only with the image and superscription of 
OAAO, the Wind.^ 

^ Yajnavalkya's date is uncertain. Some commentators place him before 
Vikramaditya, others so late as the second century a.d. See my Ancient Indian 
"Weights, p. 20. Prof. Wilson remarks that the name of (m ((H^ ndnaka occurs 
in the play of the Mrichchhakati (act i. scene 1), and the commentary explains 
the ndnaka as fll'^T^^^ Sivdnka-tanka, or "coin with the mark of Siva." 

2 General Cunningham, J.A.S. Bengal, 1845, p. 435, pi. ii. fig. 3. 

2 The four copper coins found above the stone cover of the tumulus, pi. 
xxxiv. vol. iii, J.A.S. Bengal, are identified Avith— 

1. Kadphises, the King, standing. Jiev. Siva and Nandi, with Bactrian-Pali 
legends similar to A. A. Plate x. figs. 15, etc. 

2. Coin of Kanerki, with Rev. OAAO. 

3 and 4. Coin of Kanerki, with Jiev. Siva four-armed, OKPO. 


We have now to seek to discover, from the numismatic 
remains, — which constitute the only positive data left us, — 
how it came to pass, that so many of the elements of Wes^tern 
forms of worship and classic Homan devices found their way 
into such a specially-dissevered section of the earth, as that 
which bowed to Indo- Scythian sway at and shortly before 
the commencement of our era. 

The first and most obvious suggestion would point to 
ordinary commercial intercourse, the superior value of Indian 
produce, and the consequent import of E-oman gold for the 
requisite balance of trade, about which Pliny was so eloquent. 

But in this case we are forced to admit some more direct 
and abiding influence. If the Roman gold had been suffered 
to remain intact in the shape it was received, as mere 
bullion, which sufficed for the traffic of the Western coast, 
we should have gained no aid or instruction in the explana- 
tion of the present difficulty. 

But, fortunately, the recoinage of the original Homan aurei 
in situ, at whatever exact point it may ultimately be placed, 
must clearly be limited to a region, far removed from the in- 
spiring centre, and separated by some natural belt of desert 
or hostile territory from free intercourse with old associations, 
or home relations. 

In the Parthian dominions, which intervened between the 
extreme points indicated, there existed precisel}^ such barriers : 
and excepting the perseverance with which their kings re- 
tained the eagles of Crassus, there was no notion of recog- 
nition or adoption of Roman devices by the Parthian monarchs 
till the Italian slave Mousa got her image placed on the 
Arsacidan mintages. 

Whereas, among the distant communities in the far East, 
we discover consecutive imitations of Roman tj^pes, extend- 
ing over a considerable space of time, and following irre- 
gularly the latest novelties and innovations of the Imperial 
mints ; but always appearing in independent forms, as re- 
productions, with newly-engraved dies of inferior execution, 
but with Latin-Greek legends embodying Zend denomina- 
tions ; and, more distinctive still, uniformly accepting either 


the alread3'"-prepared obverses of the Indo-Scythian kings, 
or reviving their semblance from time to time in apparent 
recognition of the suzerain power. 

The enigma above outlined seems to me to be susceptible 
of but one solution, vrhich singularly accords with the given 
circumstances of time and place — that is, that the 10,000 cap- 
tives of the army of Crassus,^ who were transported to Merv- 
ul-rud, on the extreme border of the Parthian dominions, ^ 
a site intentionally most remote from their ancestral homes, 
finding even that fertile valley, that pleasant Siberia, un- 
prepared to accommodate so large and so sudden an influx 
of population, spread and extended themselves into the 
proximate dominions of the Indo-Sc^^thians,^ and freely ac- 

^ Plutarch in Crassus xxxi. — Kiyovrai S' ol ivdyTss Zicrixvpioi txkv airoQaviiu., 
fivpLoi 5e aXwvai C^j'Tcs. Repeated in Appian Partli., p. 66. 

2 Pliny, In. H. vi. xvi. 18. — " Sequitur regio Margiane, apricitalis iuclytre, 
sola in eo tractu vitifera, undique inchisa montibiis amoenis . . . et ipsa contra 
Parthiifi tractuni sita : in qua Alexander Alexandriani condiderat. Qna diruta a 
barbaris, Antiochus Seleuci filius, eodem loco restituit Syriani ; nam interfluente 
Margo, qui corrivatur in Zotale, is maluerat illam Antiocbiani appellari. Urbis 
amplitudo circuniiti^r circuitu stadiis Ixx ; in lianc Orodes Romanos Crassiaua 
clade captos deduxit." 

The references in Veil. Paterculus ii. 82, and Flonis iv. 10, only go to 
ehow how mercifully the captives were ti-eated, inasmuch as they were freely 
allowed to serve in the Parthian ranks. Justin, xlii. cap. v. affirms that the 
prisoners of both the armies of Crassus and Antony were collected and restored, 
"^vith the standards, in B.C. 20, but this statement probably refers only to those 
who were within easy call ; and the thirty-three years' residence in the distant 
valleys of the Indian Caucasus may well have reconciled the then surviving 
remnant of Crassus's force to their foreign home and new domestic ties. See 
also Suetonius, in Augusto, c. xxi., in Tiherio, c. ix. 

3 ' Apt iox^i-oi. V KaXov}xhT] ^'Euvdpos, or AntiocJiia irrigna, was distant 537 
sch(Bni, by the Parthian royal road, from Ctesipliov^ or Maxlain, on the Tigris : in 
continuation of the same higbway, it was 30 sclueni X.X.E. of 'AAelaj/Speia y] iv 
*Ap€iois or Alexandria Arunia, the modern "Herat," from Avhence the route 
proceeded by Farrah and the Lake of Zaranj to Sikohah, the 'ZaKaaravii 
'2,aKwv 'XkvQwv or Sacastana Siicariini Sci/f/iarum, and hence to Bust and 
^AKe^avdpoTToAis, ixr]Tp6iro\is 'Apaxcoaias, or the modern Kandal^ar. — C. Miiller, 
Geographi Grceci Minores (Paris, pp. xci. 252, and Map Xo. x.). 

Merv-uUrud POpJJ^was selected as the seat of government of Khorasan 

on the Arab conquest, in preference to the more northern Merv Y^ or Mcrv 

Shdhjahdn — both which names are to be found on the initial Arabico-Pahlavi 
coiiH of Selim bin Ziad and Abdullah Hazim, in 63 A.n. (J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. 
p. 293, and XIII. p. 404). The early Arabian geographers, who officially 
mapped-out every strategic and commercial highway, tell us that important 
routes conducted the merchant or traveller from Merv-ul-riid eastwards, by 
Talikan, Farayab and Maimana, to Balkh, wlience roads branched-off to the 
southward, to Eamian, and by other lines to Andarabah, Parwan, and Kabul. 
"While Herat once reached, by the direct main line to the south, oflercd endlesf? 


cepting their established supremacy, settled themselves down 
as good citizens, taking in marriage the women of the 
country,^ and forming new republics,^ without objecting to 
the recognition of a nominal Suzerain — a political supremacy 
their fellow-countrymen so soon submitted to in its closer and 
more direct form of Imperator — at the same time that they 
retained their old manners and customs, and with them the 
religion of the Roman pantheon, with the due allowance 
of Antistes and possibly a Pontifex Maximus, in partibus 

To judge from the changes and gradations in the onward 
course of these mintages, it would seem as if the new settlers 
had either directly copied the obverses of the Indo-Scythians 
with their normal Greek legends, or possibly they may have 
been supplied with official mint-dies, which they used to 
destruction, and when, in turn, they had to renew these 
obverse dies, they imparted to the ideal bust of the suzerain 
many of their own conventional details of dress, etc. But 
in the process of imitation, they appear to have adhered as 
far as possible to a mechanical reproduction of the old quasi- 
Greek letters of the Indo-Scythian legend, while on their new 
and independent reverses they took licence in the Latin forms 
of the Greek alphabet, frequently embodying the current Zend 
terms in their own hybrid characters, and in some cases 
becoming converts to, or at least accepting the symbols of 
the local creeds. Their influence, on the other hand, upon 
local thought and Indian science, may perchance be traced 
in the pages of the PauUsa-Siddhdnta and Romaka-8iddhdntaj 
wherein their adopted Greek astronomy was insured a shorter 
passage to the East than the hitherto-recognized devious 
routes from Alexandria to the Western coast and other points 

facilities for the dispersion of the new settlers in the six or seven roads which 
focnssed in the centre formed by that ancient city. (See Sprenger's Post- und 
Eeiserouten des Orients, maps 4, 5; M. N. Khanikof, " Asia centrals," Paris, 
18G1, map ; Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, London, 1857, map.) 
^ Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara, etc. — Horace, Od. iii. 5. 5. 
^ - A very suggestive indication has been preserved, in later authors, about the 
white-blood claimed by the ruling races of Badakhshan, Darwaz, Kulab, 
Shighnan, Wakhan, Chitral, Gilgit, Sw&t, and Balti. — Eurnes, J.A.S.B. vol. ii. 
p. 305; J.R.A.S. Yol. VI. p. 99; Marco Polo, cap. xxix. Yule's edit. i. p. 152. 
See also, for Kanishka's power in these parts, Iliouen Thsang, Memoires, i.pp. 42, 
104, 172, 199. 


of contact could have afforded.^ And, in another direction, 
these new suggestions may lead us to re-examine, with more 
authority, the later amplifications of the Zend alphabet,^ and 
to expose the needless introduction of foreign vowels and 
diphthongs — the assimilation of the anomalous Latin ^^ q and 

the reception of the i /, which was only dubiously represented 
in the Sanskrit alphabet by xjj ph. 

Prof. Max Miiller has remarked that the mention of the 
word dind?' is, in a measure, the test of the date of a Sanskrit 
MS.,^ and so the use of the re-converted Roman aiirei may 
serve to check and define the epoch of distant dynastic 

Pliny has told us of the " crime," as he calls it, of him 
who was the first to coin a denarius of gold,* which took 
place sixty-two years after the first issue of silver money, or 
in B.C. 207. Under Julius Caesar the weight of the aureus 
was revised and fixed at the rate of forty to the libra, after 
which period the rate gradually fell, till, under Nero, forty- 
five aiirei were coined to the libra. 

The average weight of extant specimens of Julius Caesar's 
denarii of gold is stated to run at about 125' 66 grains, while 
similar pieces of Nero fall to a rate of 115 '39 grains. 
. The Persian Daric seems to have been fixed at 130 grains.^ 
The Greek gold pieces of Diodotus of Bactria weigh as much 
as 132-3 grains.^ 

The Indo-Scythian gold coins reach as high as 125,''' but 
this is an exceptionally heavy return. The Kadphises' group 
of coins range up to 122'5, and support an average of 122*4 ; 
an average which is confirmed by the double piece, no. 5, 
pi. x. Ariana Antiqua, which weighs 245 grains.^ The 

^ Colebrooke, Essays, vol. ii. p. 340. Wilford, Asiatic Researches, vol. x. 
pp. 00, 101, etc. Keinaud, Mem. sur I'lude, pp. 332, etc. Whituey, Lunar 
Zodiac, 1874, p. 371. Kern, Preface to " Brihat Sanhita," p. 40, etc. 

2 J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. o.s. p. 272, and Vol. III. n.s. p. 266. Prinsep's Essays, 
vol. ii. p. 171. 

3 Sanskrit Literature, p. 245. 
* xxxiii. 13, 

5 International Numis. Orient., Mr. Head, p. 30. 

^ Journ. Eoy. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 122. 

' Gen. Cunningham, J.A.S.B., 1845, p. 435. Coin oiAraeikrof^o. 23, PI. II.). 

^ Coin in British Museum. 



Kanerki series present a sliglitly lower average, but sustain, 
in numerous instances, a full measure of 122 grains. So 
that, allowing for wear or depreciation in recoinage, the 
official imitative mint-rate would not be far removed from 
the fall following close upon Julius Caesar's full average, 
which progressively reached the lower figures above quoted 
under Nero. While the coin weights, on the one hand, 
serve to determine the initial date of the serial issues, the 
devices above described will suffice, on their part, to indicate 
the periods of inter-communion with the Imperial history 
as seen in the periodical introduction of copies of the new 
Koman types of Mint reverses. 

To enable my readers to judge of the state of the religious 
beliefs of Upper India and the adjoining countries to the 
northward and westward, I have taken advantage of the 
very important discovery of the gold coins of the Scythic 
period above described, to compile, or rather to enlarge a 
previous Table, ^ exhibiting the names of the multitudinous 
gods recognized amid the various nationalities who, at this 
time, bowed to the Indo- Scythian sway.^ 

^ Xiimismatlc Chronicle, n.s. vol. xii. 1872, p. 113. My ** Sassanians in 
Persia" (Triibuer, 1873), p. 43. 

* The faith or dominant creed of the three brothers, Kanerki, Ooerki, and 
Vasudeva {Hushka, Jushka, Kanishka), or that of their subjects, may be tested 
by the devices of the Peshawar hoard of their coins. 




Bazdeo, BaCoSijo. 

1. Mupo 



10. Maj/ao ^ayo 

1. Nava 

2. Meipo 



11. A0po 

2. OKpo, under nu- 

3. Mao 



11a. Pao pridpo 

merous forms 

4. KBpo 



12. Apa^ixpo 

6. Nava pao 



13. ^appo 



14. Naz^a 


MiOpa {Miipo, 
Miopo, Mopo, 

15. OKpo 

16. ApSoxpo 

17. Maacrrjuo 



1 ^KavSo 


Mao with 

18. \ Kofxapo 



( Bi(ayo 

This table is confined to the list of 93 specimens, selected from the total 
Peshawar ^n<^ of 524 coins, as numismatic examples for deposit in the British 
Museum. The 60 coins brought home by Sir Bartle Frere from the same trou- 
vaille, for the Indian Government, do not add any varieties to these lists. 















































r— I 








• »-H 





P, ^ 

• r-l 






^^ 1 

w o 























1— 1 


































H- 1 






























1— 1 






t— 4 






1 o 

!S Ph c 





























1— I 


I have reduced both the description of Plate IT., as well 
as the above Table, to the narrowest possible outlines, for 
two reasons: firstly, because I do not desire to anticipate or 


interfere with Mr. Yaux's more compreliensive description of 
Sir B. Frere's selections from the great Peshawar ^«c/ — which 
we may hope shortly to see in the pages of our Journal ; 
and secondly, because I wish to await General Cunningham's 
mature report upon the same trouvaille^ which is designed 
to form an article in the Numisraata Orientalia, a work in 
which I am much interested. The only portions of the full 
number of 524 coins that I have examined are confined to 
the 93 specimens Sir E. C. Bayley has forwarded to me for 
the purpose of study and for eventual deposit in the British 
Museum, and the 60 coins from the same source brought home 
by Sir Bartle Frere, now in the Library at the India Office. 

Nevertheless, there are some suggestive identifications 
embodied in the Table for which I may be held more im- 
mediately responsible, and which I must, as far as may be, 
endeavour to substantiate. 

I. Yedic Gods. 

The first, and most venturesome of these, is the association 
of the wpoT] on the coins with the Yedic Varuna ; but the 
process of reasoning involved becomes more simple, when we 
have to admit that Ovpavo^ and Varuna are identical under 
independent developments from one and the same Aryan 
conception — and that, even if exception should be taken to 
the elected transcription of flpoTj, the manifestly imperfect 
rendering of the letters of the Greek legend freel}^ admits of 
the alternative flpov. 

Some difficulty has been felt, throughout the arrangement 
of the Table, as to under which of the first four headings 
certain names should be placed ; in this instance, I have 
been led to put Varuna in the Yedic column, on account of 
the absence of the final Zend o — which would have asso- 
ciated the name more directly with the Iranian branch of 

A similar reason might properly be urged for removing 

1 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. v. pp. 58, 72, 76, 120, etc.; Haug, Sacred 
Writings of the Parsees, pp. 226, 230. 


OPAAFNO from column i. to column ii. ; but in this case the 
"Agni" is preferentially Yedic,^ and the Iranian branch has 
its own representative of ** Fire," in the technical aopo. 
There is also another objection to be met, in the matter of 
the prefix. It has been usual to follow Lassen's identification 
of APAOXPO, as meaning '^ half-Siva," i.e. the female form of 
that hermaphrodite god ; ^ but these new legends suggest, if 
they do not prove, that the prefix apa corresponds to the 
Sanskrit "^jTf rifa, " worshipped," great, etc., instead of to 
the assumed ^^ arddhan, '* half." And as, in the present 
instance, the figure to which the designation is attached is 
clearly a male, with spear and crested helmet,^ there can be 
no pretence of making a half-female out of this device. 

II, Iranian Gods. 

The opening oaao of this list might well have claimed a 
place in column i., in virtue of its approximation to the Yedic 
Vdi/u — a term under which *' the wind " is equally addressed 
in the Zend-Avesta : Vtujus upardkairyo, " the wind whose 
business is above the sky." * But the term oaao is certainly 
closer in orthography to the Persian ^U bdd,^ and the class 
of coins upon which it is found pertain more definitely to the 
Iranian section of the Aryan race, and refer to days when 
the main body of the Vedic Aryans had long since passed 
on to the banks of the Jumna. 

The MiiPO has been committed to column ii. on simply 

^ " Agni is the god of fire, the Ignis of the Latins, the Ogni of the Slavonians. 
He is one of the most prominent deities of the Rig-Yeda. . . Agni is not, like 
the Greek Hephaitos, or the Latin Vulcan, the artificer of the gods." — Muir, 
vol. V. p. 199. 

^ Journ, A.S. Bengal, 1840, p. 455; Ind, Alt. (new edition), vol. ii. p. 839; 
Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 366. 

3 Ar. An. pi. xii. iig. 3; Journ. A.S. Bengal, 1836, pi. xxxvi. 1 ; Prinsep's 
Essays, pi. xxii. fig. 1 ; Journ. R.A.S. Vol. Xli. o.s. PL VI. Fig. 1. I must add 
that the best specimens of the coins extant give the orthography of OPAAFNO, 
■which, however, has hitherto been universally accepted as OPAAFNO; — a rectifi- 
cation which the parallel frequency of the prefix to other names largely encourages. 

* Haug, p. 194; see also pp. 193-232. 

5 Lassen, J.A.S.B., 1840, p. 454 ; Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 369 ; Muir, S. 
Texts, vol. v. p. 143, " Vayu does not occupy a very prominent place in the Kig- 


orthograpliical grounds ; and tlie mao and miipo follow tlie 
same law. Among the many outward forms of the Moon-god, 
Manao Bago would almost seem to be a superfluous variant, 
were it not that the word Mdonh may assign it to a more 
definitely Zend-speaking locality.^ Then, there are complica- 
tions about male and female Moons,^ which seem to be indicated 
in the varieties of outlines given to the figures of mao, and 
it is clear that the ruling religious systems fully recognized 
both male and female Mithras.*^ 

It is with much reserve that I venture to suggest any in- 
terpretation of the title of apaeixpo. The opening letters 
may possibly be referred to the Sanskrit -^-^ ara " swift," ^ 
and, considering the mixed complications of letters and 
languages to be seen in parallel transcriptions, the eixpo 
might be dubiously associated with equus, Ikko^, ltttto^, lKFo<i, 
the " coursier rapide," i.e. the Sun.^ 

A0PO, as the type of Fire, the Roman Yulcan, sufiiciently 
declares itself in the artistic rendering of his personal form. 

1 Hang, p. 180 ; Kliur^hid and Mali Yaslits. 

" Tlie lirst yaslit is devoted to the sun, which is called in Zend hvat'e k/ishae(a = 

^^-.^ j*:>-^ ' sun the King,' the second to the moon called muo)ih = ^Vs.^* 

" Je celebre, j'invoque Ahura et Mithra, eleves, imniortels, purs; et les astres, 
creations saiutes et celestes; et I'astre Taschter (Tistrya), luniineus, resplen- 
dissant; et la lune, qui garde le germe du taureau ; et le soleil, souverain, 
coursier rapide, ceil d' Ahura Mazda ; Mithra, chef des provinces." — Burnouf, 
Yasna, p. 375. 

* Creutzer, p. xxiv, fig. 330, etc.; Maury, Hist, des Eeligions, Paris, 1859, 
vol. iii. p. 127, '^Sin ou Lune des Assyriens . . avait une caractere hermaphro- 
dite. Cette premiere explication nous donne deux diviuites, placees, pour le dire 
en passant, dans I'ordre hierarchique, Ahura et Mithra. Mais la separation 
nieme de ces deux mots, nlmroeihya et mithraeilnja, pourrait faire soup^onner 
qu'il est question en cet eudroit de deux Mithras, et que aJiura doit etre regarde 
corame un titre : ' j'invoque, je celebre les deux seigneurs Mithras.' Ces deux 
Mithras seraient sans doute Mithra male et Mithra femelle, dont le culte etait, 
pelon les (^refs, anciennement celebre dans la Perse." — Burnouf, Ya^-ua, p. 351 ; 
Zend-Ave&tu, vol. i. p. 87. 

3 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. v. p. 155, " The two sun gods celebrated in the 
hymns of the Pig Veda," " Shriia and Savitri.'" 

^ " Thou, Surya, outstrippest all in speed.'" — "Wilson, Pig-Yeda, vol. i. p. 131. 

^ As in note 1, INIr. Muir also considers that some passages in the Rig- Veda 
symbolize the Sun under the form of a horse.— Texts, vol. v. p. 158. Prof. 
Goldstucker has further traced the derivation of the name of the Aswins from 
" asiva, meaning literally the pervader, then the quick ; then the horse, which 
becomes the symbol of the sun " — J.R.A.S. Vol. II. n.s. p. 14; Mrs. Manning, 
Ancient India, vol. i. p. 9. I am fully aware that a coin is extant bearing the 
letters APOOAcnO {ApOoaa-Ko ?), but the use of the aspa " horse " in this case is 
not necessarily conclusive against the interpretation of the independent transcript 
above suggested. 


The *APO or *appo is equally obvious in its iutention and in 
the pictured outline given to the central figure. The name, 
of course, is derived from the Latin fero^ as embodied in 
Lucifer and Diana Lucifera. The early Greeks only knew 
the designation as that of a light-house, without being able 
to supply a root for the word, or, indeed, to interpret it 
otherwise than as ''an island in the bay of Alexandria." 
The term is constant in ancient Persian combinations, as 
Ataphernes, etc., — which eventually settled into the Aturparn 
or Fire Priest of the Sassanian period.^ 

III. Persian Gods. 

I have repeated the name of miqpo in the Persian column, 
more out of regard to the early Persian worship of the god, 
than because I can trace the direct descent of the Mithra of 
Cyrus to the same Iranian deity in his Eastern home. 

The simple enumeration of the various forms of the worship 
of Nanaia would fill volumes. Under its Persian aspect it may 
be sufficient to refer to Artaxerxes Mnemon's inscription at 
Susa, which specifies " Ormazd, Tanaitis, and Mithra," ^ as 
the gods who "help" him. The thirty chapters of the Aban 
Yasht are devoted to Ardvi Sura AndhUcf, ''sublime, ex- 
cellent, spotless," whom " Ahuramazda himself is said to have 
worshipped." ^ And, for the traditions of her worship in the 
lands with which these coins are indirectly associated, we 
may cite the many sacred places that still bear her name.^ 

The Oanindo, Anandates, is a new discovery ; but I con- 
clude there will be no difficulty in admitting her identity 
with the Anandates of Strabo.^ 

1 See J.E.A.S. Yol. XIII. o.s, p. 415, etc. "We have now new and clear 
examples of the true ijMj\^Si -diurparn. See also Haug, p. 250. "Soshyantos 

and Angiras = Atharvans.'" 

2 J.kA.S. Yol. XY. p. 159. 

3 Haug, pp. 178, 179. 

* J.A.S. Bengal, vol. iii. 449; v. 266. Masson, "Travels in Balfichist&n." 
London, 1844, vol. iv. p. 391. Ariana Antiqua, p. 362. 

5 Strabo xi. viii. 4 : " They (the Persians) erected there a temple to Anaitis, 
and the gods Omanus ('fl^aai/oG koX 'AvaSdrov) and Anandatus, Persian deities who 
have a common altar." xv. iii. 15 : " The same customs are observed in the 


TV. EoMAN Gods. 

In the identification of the whole list of the Roman and 
Grseco-Roman gods, I have been guided more by the forms 
and figures stamped on the coins than by the legends which 
are supposed to define the names and attributes of each 
divinity, which must often be accepted as simply independent 
versions of the original nomenclature. I am uncertain about 
the decipherment of pi ah, but there can be little doubt for 
whom the figure is intended. In the same way the type of 
Mars is manifest ; his title of phopo may be referred to the 

Zend Aj(3^7ju erefha ^Tf '* great," etc.,^ and though epvOpla^ 

might find some advocates, Anquetil's Verethre '' victorious " 
seems to be conclusive as to the derivation. It will be 
remembered that the nearly similar term of opahopot is 
to be found on the coins of Kodes? 

Y. Brahmanical Gods. 

These several deities, their nomenclatures and attributes, 
have already been fully adverted to, under their Saivic 
aspect, in the preceding pages. 

I have only to add, in addition to what has already been 
said about apaoxpo, a reference to the fact which seems to 
have been hitherto lost sight of, that the second portion of 
this name does not coincide with the legitimate orthography 
of the OKPO of Siva. Indeed, as far as direct numismatic 
evidence may furnish a test, Siva is more directly associated 
with Nana, the Pdrvati of later belief,^ than with the Ardokro, 
or the Homan definition of '* abundance " on coin No. 16, 
Plate II. 

temples of Anaitis and of Oraanus. Belonging to these temples are shrines, and 
a wooden statue of Omanus is carried in procession. These we have seen 

^ Burnouf, Yasna, pp. 323, 377, 473. 

3 J.R.A.S. Vol. IV. N.s. p. 518. TPKHAOT, OPAH0POY, MAKAPOY. See 
also Num. Chron. n.s. vol. xiii. p. 229. 

3 See coin No. 7, J.R.A.S. Vol. XII. o.s. Plate IV., and J.A.S. Bengal, 
vol. iv. fig. 7, pi. xxxviii., and Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. pi. xxii. fig. 7, wherein 
OKPO Saa appears upon the reverse in company with Nana. 


VI. Buddhist. 

Although I have felt bound to insert the words boaa 2AMana 
in my Table, on the authority of Gen. Cunningham, I have 
only been induced to admit any such possible reading by the 
coincident appearance of definite figures of Buddha, under 
the double aspect of the conventional standing and seated 
statues of the saint. 

I am not myself prepared to follow the present interpre- 
tation of the legends, though better examples may modify 
my views.^ But the point I have now more especially to 
insist upon is, that the appearance of these Buddhist figures 
is confined to inferior copper pieces of very imperfect execu- 
tion, whose legends are absolutely chaotic in the forms and 
arrangement of the Greek letters. So that I should be 
disposed to assign the limited group of these Buddha-device 
coins to a comparatively late date in the general series of 
imitations : which, though still bearing the name and typical 
devices of Kanerki^ would seem to consist of mere reproduc- 
tions of old types by later occupants of the localities in 
which the earlier coins were struck. 

The Mathura ArchtEOLggical Remains. 

I adverted, at the commencement of this article, to the 
importance of the late archaeological discoveries in and 
around the ancient city of Mathura^ — which so definitely 

^ The coin most relied on to prove the intention of the terms " OM BOA or 
perhaps OAI BOA; either Aum Buddha or Adi Buddha,'' published by General 
Cunningham in 1845 (J.A.S. Bengal, p. 435, plate 2, fig. S^i, presents a central 
figure on the reverse exactly like the outline of the APAEIXPO of the present 
plate. His Nos. 6 and 7, as I have remarked, though clear in the definition 
of the figures of Buddha, are of coarse fabric, of far later date than the 
associate OAAO of the same plate, and finally, the letters of the legends are so 
badly formed and so straggling as to be utterly untrustworthy in establishing any 
definite reading. The other limited examples of this class of coins will be found 
in Ariana Antiqua, pi. xiii. figs. 1, 2, 3. Here, again, the figures are incontest- 
able, but Prof, Wilson did not pretend to interpret the broken legends. Prinsep 
figured a coin of this description in fig. 11, pi. xxv. J.A.S. Bengal, vol. iii.; 
Prinsep's Essays, pi. vii. This coin was noticed, but left uninterpreted by Lassea 
in his paper in the J.A.S. Bengal, 1840, p. 456. 

' Amid the cities which were supposed to have claims to the honour of 
becoming the birthplace of Sakya Muni, Mathura is rejected because its kinga 
had hereditary ideas inconsistent with the new faith, i.e. adhered to the old, 


establlsli the prominence of the Jaina religion, in the full 
developments of its sacred statues and associate inscriptions, 
at or about the commencement of our era.^ 

The Mathura sculptured monuments have preserved for 
modern examination the mule images of the saints of the 
Jainas,- with the devotional dedications of the votaries of the 
faith appended in all contemporary formality. 

Jtunism ? " D'autres dirent : La ville de Mathoura, riclie, entendue, florissante, 
et animee par une population norabreuse, toute remplie d'liommes ; ce palais du 
roi Soiibahou. . . D'autres dirent : Elle ne convient pas non plus ; pourquoi ? 
Parce que ce roi est ne dans une famille oti les vues fausses sont hereditaires, et 
qu'il regiie sur des hommes pareils aux barbares." — Lalita Yistara, Foucaux, 
p. 25. 

^ General Cunningham Tvas fully aware of tbe value of these discoveries, 
in their bearing upon the associate creeds of Jainism and Buddhism. That 
he should have ventured so far independently in the direction of the leading 
argument of this paper is highly encouraging. His remarks are to the 
following effect : 

" This is perhaps one of the most startling and important revelations that has 
been made by recent researches in Indi-". It is true i.uat, according to Jaina 
books, their faith had continuously flouiished, under a succession of teachers, fi-om 
the death of Mahavira in B.C. 527 down to the present time. Hitherto, however, 
there was no tangible evidence to vouch for the truth of this statement. But the 
Kankali mound at Mathui-&, has now given us the most complete and satisfactory 
testimony that the Jaina rtl'^-ion, even before the beginning of the Christian era, 
must have been in a condition almost as rich and flourishing as that of Buddha. 

" The Kankali mound is a very extensive one, and the number of statues of all 
sizes, from the colossal downwards, which it has yielded, has scarcely been sur- 
passed by the prolific returns of Buddhist sculpture from the Jail mound. But, 
as not more than one-third of the K?nkali mound has yet been thoroughly 
searched, it may be confidently expected that its complete exploration -^ ill amply 
repay all the cost and trouble of the experiment." — General Cmiuingham, Arch. 
Eep. vol. iii. p. 46. 

2 Albiruni (a.d. 1030) has furnished us with a description of the forms of many 
of the Indian idols, derived from the text of Yaraha-Mihira (sixth cent. a.d.). He 
defines the contrast between the statues of Buddha and those of the Arhats or 
Jaina saints in the following terms : " Si tu fais la statue de Ljiua, c'est-a-dire 
Bouddha, tache de lui donner ime figure ao:reable et des membres bien faits. II 
doit avoir les paumes de la main et le dessous des pieds en forme de uenufar. Tu 
le representeras assis, ayant des cheveux gris, et respirant un air de bonte, comme 
s'il etait le pere des creatures. S"il s'agit de donner a Bouddha la figure d'un 
arhanta, il faut en faire un jeune homme nu,beau de figure, et d'une physionomie 
agreable. It aura les deux mains appuyees sur les genoux," etc. — Reinaud, 
Memoires sur I'lnde, p. 121. Dr. Kern's translation, direct from the original 
Sanskrit text, gives : " The god of the Jainas is figui-ed naked, young, handsome, 
with a calm coimtenance, and arms reaching down to the knees ; his breast is 
marked with the Crivatsa figure." — J.E.A.S. Yol. YI. n.s. p. 328. See also 
Wilson, J.A.S. Bengal, vol. i. p. 4 ; Burnouf, vol. i. p. 312. I omitted to notice in 
my previous references to nude statues (pp. 14, 18, 19, etc.), the remarkable ex- 
pressions made use of by Calanus to Onesicritus ; after "bidding him to strip himself 
naked, if he desired to hear any of his doctrine," he adds, " you should not hear 
me on any other condition though you came from Jupiter himself." Plutarch 
in Alexander. The exaction of these conditions seems to point to the tenets 
of Jainism. 

While on the subject of discriminating points, I add to the information, outlined 


These nude statues of the Jaina Tirthankaras teach us, like 
so many other subordinate indications of the remote antiquit}^ 
of the creed, in its normal form, to look for parallels amid 
other forms of worship in their initiatory stage — and here 
we are inevitably reminded of the time when men made idols 
after their own images,^ and while those men, in the sim- 
plicity of nature, stood up, without shame, as the Creator 
had fashioned them. 

The value of the dedicatory inscriptions towards the 
elucidation of my leading question is, however, still more 
precise and irrecusable, in respect to the age of the monu- 
ments themselves, in the conjoint record of the name of the 
great Saint Mahdmra and that of Vdsudeva, — the bazoaho 
of the Indo-Scythian coins above described, — the third 
brother, or, as the case may be, the nominal head of the 
third tribe of the ^'Sushka, Jiishka, and Kanishka " once 
nomad community. 

Of the twenty-four dated inscriptions given by General 
Cunningham in his Archaeological Report for 1871-2, no 
less than seven refer either directly, or indirectly, in the 
forms of the pedestals and the statues to which they are 
attached, to the Jaina creed. 

Nos. 2 and 3, dated Sam. 5 ; 4, dated Samvat 9, bear the 
name of Kanishka. No. 6, dated Sam. 20, is remarkable, 
as it specifies "the gift of one statue of Vm^dhamana" or 

at p. 9, a curioUvS account of tlie modern Jaina reverence for the Footprints of 
their saints : " Shading the temple (of Yasinghji — one of the five snake Brethren, 
at Th^n) is a large Bdyana tree — the close foliage of small dark green oval leaves, 
which makes the shade so grateful, apparently having had to do with its being 
consecrated as a sacred tree in Western India, where it is specially dedicated by 
the Jainas to their first Tirthankara— Rishabhanatha — the patron saint of Satrufi- 
jaya — no shrine to him being complete without a Rayana tree overshadowing his 
charana or footprints." — Mr. Burgess, Arch. Rep. 1875, p. 5. 

^ Xenophanes, colo"; tionii Carminura Reliquite, by Simon Karsten (Brussels, 
1830), p. vi. His int' i-pretation of one of the leading passages of the Greek text 
runs : — " v. At mortal^s opinantm- natos esse Deos, mortalique habitu et forma 
et figura pra?ditos." And vi. continues : " Si vero manus haberent boves vel 
leones, aut pingere mpnibus et fabricari eadem qua3 homines possent, ipsi quoque 
Deorum formas pingerent figurasque formarent tales, quali ipsorum quisque 
praeditus sit, equi equis, boves autem bobus similes." — p. 41. Pliny, xxxiv. p. 9, 
under iconiccn, adds the Greek practice is, not to cover any part of the "body" 
of their statues. Max Miiller, Sanskrit Literature, vol. ii. p. 388. 


No. 16, with the date of Sam. 83, and the name of Mahd- 
raja Yasu-deva, records, on the pedestal of a naked statue, 
''the gift of an image." No. 18, in like manner, preserves, 
at the foot of "a naked figure," the entry of Sam. 87, and 
the titles of Maharaja Rdjatirdja Shdhi Vdsu-deva. 

No. 20, which is, perhaps, the most important of the whole 
series of inscriptions, is appended to a *' Naked standing 
figure," and commences with the following words : 

" Siddham Aiim ? Namo Arahate Mahdvirasya Devandsasya 
Rdjnya Vdsu Devasya Samvatsare 98, Varsha Mase^ 4 divase^ 
11 etasyaJ^ 

" Glory to the Arhat Mahavira, the destroyer of the 
Devas ! (In the reign) of King Yasu-deva, in the Samvat 
year 98, in Yarsha (the rainy season), the 4th month, the 
11th day," etc. 

Without doubt this list might be largely extended 
from concurrent palaeolithic documents, which do not so 
definitely declare themselves as of Jaina import; but 
enough has been adduced to establish the fact of the full 
and free usage of the Jaina religion in Mathura so early 
as the epoch of the Indo-Scythian Kanerkis. 





Ahlwardt. — The Dirlisrs of the Six Ancient Arabic Poets, Ennabiga, 

'Antara, Tarafa, Zuhair, 'Algama, and Imruolgais ; chiefly according to the 
MSS. of Paris, Gotha, and Leyden, and the collection of their Fragments : with 
a complete list of the various readings of the Text. Edited by W. Ahlwardt, 
8vo. pp. XXX. 340, sewed. 1870. 12s. 

Aitareya Brahmanam of the Rig Veda. 2 vols. See under Haug. 

Alabaster. — The Wheel of the Law : Euddhism illustrated from 
Siamese Sources by the Modern Buddhist, a Life of Buddha, and an account of 
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Miiller, M. A., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society. — XIL Specimen Chapters of an Assyrian 
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5y and 59, Lud^aie Hill, London, E.C. 3 

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Contents. — I. Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 
—II. Kemarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. A. Bastian.— III. The poetry of 
Mohamed Rabadan, Arragonese. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. Catalogue of the Oriental 
Manuscripts in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry Palmer, 15. A , 
Scholar of St. John's College, Cambridge ; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society , Membre de la 
Societe Asiatique de Paris. — V. Description of the Ami-avati Tope in Guntur. By J. Fergusson, 
Esq., F.R.S. — VI. Remarks on Pi'of. Brockhaus' edition of the Kathasarit-sagara, Lambaka IX. 
XV'IIl. By Dr. H. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Leyden. — VII. The source 
of Colebrooke's Essay " On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow." By Fitzedward Hall, Esq., 
M.A., D.C.L. Oxon. Supplement : Further detail of proofs that Colebrooke's Essay, " On the 
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow," was not indebted to the Vivadabhangarnava. By Fitz- 
edward Hall, Esq.— VIII. The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig Veda. By Professor 
Max Muller, M.A. Hon. M.R.A.S.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas, Esq.— X. Ac- 
count of an Embassy from Morocco to Spain in 1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— 
XI. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— XII. 
Materials for the History of India for the Six Hundred Years of Mohammadan rule, previou.s to 
the Foundation of the British Indian Empire. By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D.— XIII. 
A Few Words concei-ning the Hill people inhabiting the Forests of the Cochin State. Bv 
Captain G. E. Fryer, Madras Staff Corps, M.R.A.S.-XIV. Notes on the Bhojpuri Dialect of 
Hindi, spoken in Western Behar. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., Magistrate of Chumparun. 

Vol. IV. In Two Parts, pp. 521, sewed. 16s. 

Contents.— I. Contribution towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H.F.Talbot. 
Part II.— II. On Indian Chronology. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S.— III. The Poetry of 
Mohamed Rabadan of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. On the Magar Language 
of Nepal. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S. — V. Contributions to the Knowledge of Parsee Lite- 
rature. By Edward Sachau, Ph.D.— VI. Illustrations of the Lamaist System in Tibet, drawn 
from Chinese Sources. By Wm. Frederick Mayers, Esq., of H.B.M. Consular Service, China. — 
VII. Khuddaka Patha, a Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. By R. C. Childers, late of 
the Ceylon Civil Service. — VIII. An Endeavour to elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices 
of India. By Col. H. Yule, C.B.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions explained by the Pahlavi of the 
Parsis. By E. W. West, Esq.— X. Some Account of the Senbyu Pagoda at Mengiin, near the 
Burmese Capital, in a Memorandum by Capt. E. H. Sladan, Political Agent at Mandale ; with 
Remarks on the Subject by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. — XI. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or. Complete 
System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. 
H. Kern. -XII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence, and its influence on the Administration of 
Justice in India. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence in con- 
nection with the Administration of Justice to Foreigners. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIV. A 
Translation of a Bactrian Pali Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Parthian Coins. 
By E. Thomas, Esq. 

Vol. V. In Two Parts, pp. 463, sewed. 18s. Qd. With 10 full-page and folding 

Contents.— I. Two Jatakas. The original Pali Text, with an English Translation. By V. 
Fausboll.— II. On an Ancient Buddhist Inscription at Keu-yung kwan, in North China. By A. 
Wylie. — III. The Brhat Sanhita; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira 
Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— IV. The Pongol Festival in Southern 
India. By Charles E. Gover.— V. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon, By the Right 
Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By 
Charles P. Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On 
the Treatment of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames, B.C.S. — 
IX. Some Remarks on the Great Tope at Sanchi. By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions 
from Mathura. Translated by Professor J. Dowson. — Note to the Mathura Inscriptions. By 
Major-General A. Cunningham.— XI. Specimen of a Translation of the Adi Granth. By Dr. 
Ernest Trumpp.— XII. Notes on Dhammapada, with Special Preference to the Question of Nir- 
vana. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— XIII. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, 
Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English 
by Dr. H.Kern.— XIV. On the Origin of the Buddhist Arthakathas. By the Mudliar L. Comrilla 
Vijasinha, Government Interpreter to the Ratiiapura Court, Ceylon. With an Introduction by 
R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. — XV. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of 
Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— XVI. Proverbia Communia Syriaca. 
By Captain R. F. Burton. XVII. Notes on an Ancient Indian Vase, with an Account of the En- 
graving thereupon. By Charles Home, M. R. A. S., late of the Bengal Civil Service.— XV III. 
The Bhar Tribe. By the Rev. M. A. Sherring, LL.D., Benares. Communicated by C. Home, 
M.R.A.S., late B.C.S. — XIX. Of Jihad in Mohammedan Law, and its application to British 
India. By N. B. E. Baillie. — XX. Comments on Recent Pehlvi Decipherments. With an Inci- 
dental Sketch of the Derivation of Aryan Alphabets. And Contributions to the Early History 
and Geography of Tabai'istan. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.S. 

Vol. VI., Part 1, pp. 212, sewed, with two plates and a map. 8*. 

Contents.— The Ishmaelites, and the Arabic Tribes who Conquered their Country. By A- 
Sprenger.— A Brief Account of Four Arabic Works on the History and Geography of Arabia- 
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Charles Home, late B.C.S, The Brhat-Sanhita; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of 
Varaha-mihira, Translated from Sanskrit into Ensjlish by Dr. H. Kern.— Notes on Hwen 
Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, in which some Previous Geographical 
Identifications are Reconsidered. By Colonel Yule, C.B.— The Campaign of JJlius Gallus in 

4 Linguistic Publications of Trubner 8^ Co., 

Arabia. By A. Sprenger. — An Account of Jerusalem, Translated for the late Sir H.M.Elliott 
from the Persian Text of Nasir ibn Khusru's Safanamah by the late Major A. R. Fuller. — The 
Poetry of Mohamed Kabadan, of Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley. 

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Contexts. - On Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to Ballabhi. By James Fergusson, 
D.C.L., F.R.S. -Northern Buddhism. [Note from Colonel H. Yule, addressed to the Seci'etary.] 
— Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, etc. By Colonel H. Yule, C.B. — 
The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated 
from Sanskrit into English by Ur. H. Kern. — The Initial Coinage of Bengal, under the Early 
Muhammadan Conqueroi-s. Part II. Embracing the preliminary period between a.h. 614-634 
(A.D. 1217-1236-7). By Edward Thomas, F.R.S.— The Legend of Dipaiikara Buddha. Translated 
from the Chinese (and" intended to ilhisti-ate Plates xxtx. and c, 'Tree and Serpent Worship '). 
By S. Beal. — Note on Art. IX., ante pp. 213-274, on Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to 
Ballabhi. By James Fergusson. D.C.L., F.R.S.— Contributions towards a Glossary of the 
Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 

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Contents. — The Upasampnda-Ka?)imavacd, being the Buddhist Manual of the Form and 
Manner of Ordering of Priests and Deacons. The Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. 
By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil 
Service.— Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coimbatore District, Madras. By M. J. 
Walhouse, late Madras C.S. — Notes on the Sinhalese Langimge. No. L On the Formation of 
the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— The Pali 
Text of the 3Iahaparinibhdna Siitta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R. C. Childers, 
late of the Ceylon Civil Service — The Brihat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology 
of Yaraha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern. — Note on the 
Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling. — The Name of the 
Twelfth Imam on the Coinage of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and Stanley Lane Poole. — Three 
Inscriptions of Parakrama Bahu the Great from Pulastipui-a, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a. n.). By 
T. ^V. Rhys Davids.— Of the Kharaj or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its Application to British 
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Contents. — Sigiri, the Lion Rock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon ; and the Thirty-nintb Chapter 
of the Mahavamsa. By T. W. Rhys Davids.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. 
The Origines of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth.— Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lane 
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Sahasa Malla Insciiption, date 1200 a d., and the Ruwanwseli Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. 
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W.Rhys Davids. -Notes on a Bactrian Pali Inscription 
and the Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson. — Note on a Jade DrinMng Vessel of the Emperor 
Jahjingir. By Edward Thomas, F.R.S. 

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now of the Ceylon Civil Service.— Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 2. Proofs of the 
Sanskritic Origin of Sinhalese. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. 

Vol. VIIL, Part II., pp. 157-308, sewed. 8s. 

Contents.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R. Friederich.— The Pali Text of the Maha- 
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1. Ballads and Poems from Manuscripts. Yol. I. Part I. On the 

Condition of England in the Reigns of ri^,„y Vlii. and Edward VI. (includ- 
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introduction) the following poems, etc. : Now a Dayes, ab. 1 520 a.d. ; Vox 
Populi Vox Dei, a.d. 1547-8; The Ruyn' of a Ream'; The Image of 
Ypocresye, A d. 1533; Against the Blaspheming English Lutherans and the 
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by F. J. FuRNivALL, M.A. 8vo. 

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others, weare executed for highe treason in the feildes nere lyncolns Inne, 
in the yeare of our lorde — 1586. (2.) The seconde contaynes the life and 
Deathe of Roberte, lorde Deverox, Karle of Es^ex : whoe was beheaded m 
the lowre of loudon on ash-wensdaye mornynge, Anno — 1601. (3.) The 

6 Linguistic Publicatio7is of Truhner 8f Co,, 

laste, Intituled " acclamatio patrie," contayninge the hon-ib[l}e treason that 
weare pretended agaynste yowr Ma/estie, to be donneonthe parliament howse 
The seconde [third] yeare of yowr M&iestis Raygne [1605]. Edited by F. J. 
FuRxivALL, M.A. 8vo. {The Introductions, by Professor IF. R. Morjill, 
M.A., of Oriel Coll., Oxford., and the Index, are 'published in No. 10.^ 


3. The Roxbueghe Ballads. Part I. "With short IS'otes by 
W. Chappell, Esq., F.S.A., author of "Popular Music of the Olden 
Time," etc., etc., and with copies of the Original Woodcuts, drawn by Mr. 
Rudolph Blind and Mr. W. H. Hooper, and engraved by Mr. J. H, 
RiMBAULT and Mr. Hooper. 8vo. 


4. The EoxBUEGHE Ballads. Vol.1. Part II. 


5. The EoxBUEGHE Ballads. Vol. I. Part III. With an Intro- 

duction and short Notes by W. Chappell, Esq., F.S.A. 

6. Captain Cox, his Ballads and Books; or, Robeet Laneham's 
Letter : Whearin part of the entertainment untoo the Queenz Majesty at 
Killingworth Castl, in Warwik Sheer in this Soomerz Progress, 1575, is 
signified ; from a freend Officer attendant in the Court, unto hiz freend, a 
Citizen and Merchant of London. Re-edited, with accounts of all Captain 
Cox's accessible Books, and a comparison of them with those in the 
CoMPLAYNT OF Scotland, 1548-9 A.D. Bv F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 8vo. 


7. Ballads from JVTanusceipts. Vol. I. Part II. Ballads on 
Wolsey, Anne Boleyn, Somerset, and Lady Jane Grey ; with "Wynkyn de 
Worde's Treatise of a Galaunt (a.b. 1520 a.d.). Edited by Frederick J. 
Furnivall, M.A. "With Forewords to the Volume, Notes, and an Index. Svo. 

8. The Eoxbueghe Ballads. Vol. II. Part I. 


9. The Eoxbueghe Ballads. Vol. 11. Part II. 

10. Ballads feom j^anusceipts. Vol. 11. Part II. Containing 

Ballads on Queen Elizabeth, Essex, Campion, Drake, Raleigh, Frobisher, 
Warwick, and Bacon, " the Candlewick Ballads," Poems from the Jackson 
MS., etc. Edited by W. R. Morfill, Esq., M.A., with an Introduction 
to No. 3. 


11. Love- Poems and HuMorEous Ones, written at the end of a volume 
of small printed books, a.d. 1614-1619, in the British Museum, labelld 
" Various Poems," and markt ^^||^. Put forth by Frederick J. Furnivall. 

12. The Eoxbueghe Ballads. Vol. II. Part III. 


13. The Eoxbueghe Ballads. Vol. III. rart I. 


14. The Bagfoed Ballads. Edited with Introduction and IS'otes, 
by Joseph "Woodfall Ebsworth, M.A., Camb., Editor of the Reprinted 
" 'Drolleries' of the Restoration." Parti. 

Ballantyne. — Elements of Hindi and Beaj Bhaka Geammae. By the 
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Ballantyne. — Fiest Lessons in Sanskeit Gkammae; together with an 
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57 and 59, Ludgate Hill, London, E. C. 7 

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Beames. — A Comparatiye Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages 
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Bellew. — A Dictionary of the Pukkhto, or Pukshto Language, on a 
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8 Linguistic Publications of Triibne?^ ^ Co,, 

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Bottrell. — TRADiTiOisrs an-d Hearthside Stories op West Cornwall. 
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Bottrell. — Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall. 
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Boyce. — A Grammar of the Kaffir Language. — By William B. 

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10 Linguistic Publications of Trilbner cf Co., 

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Brhat-Sanhita (The). — See under Kern. 

Brinton. — The Myths of the New Woeld A Treatise on the 
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Brockie. — Indian Philosophy. Introductory Paper. By "William 
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Burnell. — The Samavidhanabrahmana (being the Third Brahmaiia) 
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Burnell. — DATADAgAgLoxr. Ten Slokas in Sanskeit, with English 

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Callaway. — The Eeligious System of the Ajviazulu. 

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Carr. — ^ojj;Ser^§^§-vS'o[^^. a Collection of Telugu Proverbs, 

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Chaucer Society's Publications. Subscription, two guineas per annum. 

1868. First Series, 

Canteebury Tales. Part I. 

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" Moveable Prologues" of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman's 
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places, and of the substitutes for them. 
II. The Prologue and Knight's Tale from the Ellesmere MS. 

III. „ „ ., „ „ „ „ Hengwrt ,, 154. 

IV. „ „ „ ,, „ „ „ Cambridge „ Gg. 4. 27. 
V. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Corpus „ Oxford. 

VI. ,, „ y, ,, ,, „ ,, ir^etwortn, ,, 

VII. „ „ ,, „ ,, ,, „ Lansdowne ,, 851. 

Nos. II. to VII. are sej)arate Texts of the 6-Text edition of the Canterbury 
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1868. Second Series. 

1 . On Eauly English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shak- 

spere and Chaucer, containing an investigation of the Correspondence of Writing 
with Speech in England, from the Anglo-Saxon period to the present day,preceded 
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Language of Chaucer and Gower, and Reprints of the Rare Tracts by Salesbury 
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Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., etc., etc. Part I. On the Pronunciation of the 
xivth, xvith, xvuth, and xviiith centuries. 

2. Essays on Chatjcee; His Words and Works. Part I. 1. Ebert's 

Review of Sandras's E'tude sur Chaucer, considerecomme Imitateur des Trouveres, 
translated by J. W. Van Rees Hoets, M.A., 1 rinity Hall, Cambridge, and revised 
by the Author. — II. A Thirteenth Century Latin Treatise on the Chilindre: "For 
by my chilindre it is prime of day " [Shipmannes Tale). Edited, with a Trans- 
lation, by Mr. Edmund Broc-k, and illustrated by a Woodcut of the Instrument 
from the Ashmole MS. 1522. 

3. A Temporaey Preface to the Six-Text Edition of Chaucer's 

Canterbury Tales. Part I. Attempting to show the true order of the Tales, and 
the Days and Stages of the Pilgrimage, etc., etc. By F. J. Furnivall, Esq., 
M.A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. 


























57 a?2(i 59, Ludgate Hilly London, E.C. 13 

Chaucer Society's Publications — continued. 

1869. i^/rs^ Series. 

VIII. The Miller's, Eeeve's, Cook's, and GameljTi's Tales : Ellesraere MS. 
■"■^ Hengwrt „ 

Cambridge „ 
Corpus „ 
Pet worth „ 
Lansdowne ,, 

These are separate issues of the 6-Text Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Part II. 

1869. Second Series. 

4. English PEO]sr[jNCiATioN", with especial reference to Shakspere and 

Chaucer. By Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 

1870. First Series. 

XIY. Canterbury Tales. Part II. The Miller's, Reeve's, and Cook's 
Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in Six 
parallel Texts. 

1870. Second Series. 

5. On Eaely English Peontjnciation, with especial reference to Shak- 

spere and Chaucer. By A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A. Part III. Illustrations 
on the Pronunciation of xivth and xvith Centuries. Chaucer, Gower, WyclifFe, 
Spenser, Shakespere, Salesbury, Barcley, Hart, Bullokar, Gill. Pronouncing 

1871. First Series. 

XV. The Man of Law's, Shipraan's, and Prioress's Tales, with Chaucer's own 
Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS. above named, 
and 10 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the 
Ellesmere MS. 
XVI. The Man of Law's Tale, &c., &c. : Ellesmere xMS. 
XVII. „ „ „ „ Cambridge „ 

XVIII. ,, ,, ,, ,, Corpus „ 

XIX. The Shipraan's, Prioress's, and Man of Law's Tales, from the Petworth MS. 
XX. The Man of Law's Tales, from the Lansdowne MS. (each with woodcuts 

of fourteen drawings of Tellers of Tales in the Ellesmere ISIS.) 
XXI. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I.:— 'The 
Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse,' from Thynne's ed. of 1532, the 
Fairfax MS. 16, and Tanner MS. 346; 'the compleynt to Pite,' 'the 
Parlamentof Foules,' and 'the Compleynt of Mars,' each from six MSS. 
XXII. Supplementary Parallel-Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I., con- 
taining ' The Parlament of Foules,' from three MSS. 
XXIII. Odd Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I,, containing 1. two MS. 
fragments of ' The Parlament of Foules ; ' 2. the two differing versions 
of * The Prologue to the Legende of Good Women,' arranged so as to 
show their differences ; 3. an Appendix of Poems attributed to Chaucer, 
I. 'The Balade of Pitee by Chauciers;' ii. 'The Cronycle made by 
Chaucer,' both from 1\1 SS. written by Shirley, Chaucer's contemporary. 
XXIV. A One- I ext Print of Chaucer "s Minor Poems, being the best Text from 
the Parallel-Text Edition, Part I., containing: 1. The Dethe of 
Blaunche the Duchesse ; 2. The Compleynt to Pite ; 3. The Parlament 
of Foules; 4. The Compleynt of Mars; 5. The ABC, with its 
original from De Guileville's Peler'uiuye de la Vie humaine (edited 
from the best Paris MSS, by M. Paul Meyer). 

1871. Second Series. 
6. Teial Eohe-woeds to my Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor 

14 Linguistic Publications of Trilbner ^ Co.., 

Chaucer Society's Publications — continued. 

Poems for the Chaucer Society (with a try to set Chaucer's "Works in their right 
order of Time). By Fredk. J. Fuknivall, Parti. (This Part brings out, 
for the first time, Chaucer's long early but hopeless love.) 

1872. First Series. 

XXV. Chaucer's Tale of Melibe, the Monk's, Nun's Priest's, Doctor's, Par- 
doner's, "Wife of Bath's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, in 6 parallel 
Texts from the MSS. above named, and with the remaining 13 coloured 
drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the EUesmere MS. 
XXV I. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the EUesmere MS., with 
9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV.) 
XXVII. The Wife's, Friar's, Summoner's, Monk's, and Nun's Priest's Tales, 
from the Hengwrt MS., with 23 woodcuts of the Tellers of the Tales. 
(Part III.) 
XXVIII. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the Cambridge MS., 
with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV''.) 
XXIX. A Treatise on the Astrolabe; otherwise called Bred and Mylk for 
Children, addressed to his Son Lowys by Geoffrey Chaucer. Edited 
by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat, M.A. 

1872. Second Series. 

7. Oeiginals akd Analogues of some of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. 

Part 1. 1. The original of the Man of Law's Tale of Constance, from the 
French Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, Arundel MS. 5Q, ab. 1340 a.d., collated 
with the later copy,ab. 1400, in the National Library at Stockholm ; copied and 
edited with a trnslation, by Mr. Edmund Brock. 2. The Tale of " Mercians 
the Emperor," from the Early- English version of the Gesta Romanoricm in Harl. 
MS. 7333; and 3 Part of Matthew Paris's Vita Offce Primi, both stories, 
illustrating incidents in the Man of Law's Tale. 4. Two French Fabliaux like 
the Reeve's Tale. 5. Two Latin Stories like the Friar's Tale. 

1873. First Series. 

XXX. The Sis-Text Canterbury Tales, Part V., containing the Clerk's and 
Merchant's Tales. 

1873. Second Series. 

8. Albertano of Brescia's Liber Consilii et Cojisolationis, a.d. 1246 

(the Latin source of the French original of Chaucer's Melibe), edited from the 
MSS. bv Dr. Thor Sundby. 

1874. First Series. 

XXXI. The Six-Text, Part VI., containing the Squire's and Franklin's Tales. 

XXXII. to XXXVI. Large Parts of the separate issues of the Six MSS. 

1874. Second Series. 

9. Essays on Chaucer, his Words and "Works, Part II. : 3. John of 

Hoveden's Praetica Chilindri, edited from the MS. with a translation, by Mr. 
E. Brock. 4. Chaucer's use of the final -<?, by Joseph Payne, Esq. 5. Mrs. 
E. Barrett-Browning on Chaucer : being those parts of her review of the BooJc 
of the Poets, 1842, which relate to him ; here reprinted by leave of Mr. Robert 
Browning. 6. Professor Bernhard Ten-Brink's critical edition of Chaucer's 
Compleynte to Pite. 

1875. First Series. 

XXXVII. The Six-Text, Part VII., the Second Nun's, Canon's- Yeoman's, and 
iManciplo's 'lales, with the Blank- Parson Link. 
XXXVIII. to XLIII. Large Parts of the separate issues of the Six MSS. bringing 
all up to the Parson's Tale. 

57 and 59, Ludgate Hlllf London, E.G. 15 

Chaucer Society's Publications — continued. 

XLIV. A detailed Comparison of the Troylns and Cryseyde with Boccaccio's 
I'ilostrato, with a Translation of all Passages used by Chaucer, and 
an Abstract of the Parts not used, by W. Michael Hossetti, Esq., 
and with a print of the Troylus from the Harleian MS. 3943. Part I. 
XLV., XLVI. Ryme-Index to the Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales, 
by Henry Cromie, Esq., M.A. Both in Royal 4to. for the Six-Text, 
and in 8vo. for the separate Ellesmere MS. 

1875. Second Series. 

10. Originals and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Part II. 
6. Alphonsus of Lincoln, a Story like the Prioress's Tale. 7. How Reynard 
caught Chanticleer, the source of the Nun\s- Priest's Tale. 8. 'J'wo Italian 
Stories, and a Latin one, like the Pardover's Tale. 9. 'I'he Tale of the Priest's 
Bladder, a story like the Summoner' s Tale, being ' Li dis de le Vescie a Prestre,' 
par Jakes de Basiw. 10. Petrarch's Latin Tale of Griseldis (with Boccaccio's 
Story from which it was re-told), the original of the Clerk's Tale. 11. Five 
Versions of a Pear-tree Story like that in the Merchant's Tale. 12. Four 
Versions of The Life of Saint Cecilia, the original of the Second Nun's Tale. 

11. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shak- 
spere and Chaucer. By Alexander J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part IV. 

12. Life Kecords of Chaucer. Part I., The Robberies of Chaucer by 
Richard Brerelay and others at Westminster, and at Hatcham, Surrey, on 
Tuesday, Sept. 6, 1390, with some account of the Robbers, from the Enrol- 
ments in the Public Record Office. By Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the 
Public Record Office. 

13. Thtnne's Animadyersioxs (1599) on Speght's Chaucer's Worhes, 
re-edited from the unique MS., by Fredk. J. Furnivall, with fresh Lives of 
"William and Francis Thynne, and the only known fragment of The Pilgrim's 

Childers. — A Pali-English Dictionaet, with Sanskrit Equivalents, 

and with numerous Quotations, Extracts, and References. Compiled by Robert 
CiESAR Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. Imperial 8vo. Double 
Columns. Complete in 1 Vol., pp. xxii. and 622, cloth. 1875. £3 3s. 
The first Pali Dictionary ever published. 

Childers. — A Pali Grammak foe Beginners. By Eobeet C. Childees. 
In 1 vol. 8vo. cloth. \_In preparation. 

Childers. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 1. On the 
Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers. Demy 8vo. 
sd., pp. 16. 1873. Is. 

China Review; oe, Notes and Qtjeeies on the Eae East. Pub- 
lished bi-monthly. Edited by E. J. Eitel. 4to. Subscription, ^l 10*. 
per volume. 

Chinese and Japanese Literature (A Catalogue of), and of Oriental 

Periodicals. On Sale by Triibuer & Co., 57 and 59, Ludgate Hill, London. 8vo. 
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Chintamon. — A Co:M:]a:ENTAET on the Text oe the BnAGAVAD-GfTA ; 

or, the Discourse between Krishna and Arjuna of Divine Matters. A Sanscrit 
Philosophical Poem. With a few Introductory Papers. By Hurrychund 
Chintamon, Political Agent to H. H. the Guicowar Mulhar Rao Maharajah 
of Baroda. Post 8vo. cloth, pp. 118. 6s. 

Christaller. — A Dictionaey, English, Tshi, (Asante), Akea ; Tshi 

(Chwee), comprising as dialects Akan (Asante, Ake'm, Akuape'm, etc.) and 
Fante ; Akra (Accra), connected with Adangme ; Gold Coast, West Africa. 
Enyiresi, Twi ne' Nkran j Ehlisi, Otsiii ke Ga 

nsera - asckycre - hhotna. I wiemoi - asisitSomo- ■« olo. 

By the Rev. J. G. Christaller, Rev. C. W. Lochek, Rev. J. Zimmermann. 
16mo. Is. 6d. 

16 Linguistic PuhVtcations of Trubner <f^ Co., 

Christaller. — A Grammar of the Asante and Faxte Language, called 
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other (Akan and Fante) Dialects. By Rev. J. G. Christaller. 8vo. pp. 
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Clarke. — Ten Great Religions : an Essay in Comparative Theology. 
By Jamf.s Freeman Clarke. Svo. cloth, pp. x. and 528. 1871. 14.?. 

Clarke. — Memoir on the Comparative Grammar of Egyptian, Coptic, 
AND Ude. By Hyde Clarke, Cor. Member American Oriental Society ; Mem. 
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Clarke. — Hesearches in Pre-historic and Proto-historic Compara- 
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Origin of Culture in America and the Accad or Sumerian Families. By Hyde 
Clarke. Demy 8vo. sewed, pp. xi. and 74. 1875. 2s. 6d. 

Cleasby, — An Icelandic- English Dictionary. Based on the MS. 

Collections of the late Richard Cleasby. Enlarged and completed by G. 
Vigfusson. With an Introduction, and Life of Richard Cleasby, by G. Webbe 
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Colebrooke. — The Life and Miscellaneous Essays of Henry Thomas 

CoLEBROOKE. The Biography by his Son, Sir T. E. Colebrooke, Bart., M.P., 

The Essays edited by Professor Cowell. In 3 vols. 
Vol. I. The Life. With Portrait and Map. Demy 8vo. cloth, pp. xii. and 492. 

Vols. II. and III. The Essays. A New Edition, with Notes by E. B. Cowell, 

Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge. Demy 8vo. cloth, pp. 

xvi.-544, and X.-520. 1873. 28s. 

CoUeccao de Vocabulos e Erases usados na Provincia de S. Pedro, 
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Contopoulos. — A Lexicon of Modern Greek-English and English 
Modern Greek. By N. Contopoulos. 
Parti. Modern Greek-English. Svo. cloth, pp. 460. 12s. 
Part II. English-Modern Greek. 8vo. cloth, pp. 582. 15s. 

Conway. — The Sacred Anthology. A Book of Ethnical Scriptures. 
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pp. xvi. and 480. 12s. 

Cotton. — Arabic Priaier. Consisting of 180 Short Sentences contain- 
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Language. By General Sir Arthur Cotton, K.C.S.I. Cr. 8vo. cloth, pp. 
38- 2s. 6d. 

Cowell and Eggeling. — Catalogue ofBfddhist Sanskrit Manitscripts 

in the Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hodgson Collection). By Pro- 
fessors E. B. Cowell and J. Eggeling. Svo. sd., pp. 56. 2s. 6d. 

Cowell. — A SHORT Introduction to the Ordinary Prakrit of the 
Sanskrit Dramas. With a List of Common Irregular Prakrit Words. By 
Prof. E. B. Cowell. Cr. Svo. limp cloth, pp. 40. 1875. 3s. 6d. 

Cunningham. — The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist 

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By Alexander Cunningham, Major-General, Eoyal Engineers (Bengal Re- 
tired). With thirteen Maps. Svo. pp. xx. 590, cloth. 1870. 28s. 

Cunningham. — The Bhilsa Topes; or, Buddhist Monuments of Central 
India : comprising a brief Historical Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and Decline 
of Buddhism ; with an Account of the Opening aud Examination of the various 
Groups of Topes around Bhilsa. By Brev.- Major Alexander Cunningham, 
Bengal Engineers. Illustrated with thirty- three Plates. Svo. pp. xxxvi. 370, 
cloth. 1854. £2 2s. 

57 and 59, Ludgate Hill, London, E,C, 17 

Cunningham. — Aech^ological Sukvet of India. Pour Reports, 
made during the years l862-63-64-fJ5, By Alexander Cunningham, C S.I., 
Major-General, etc. With Maps and Plates. Vols. 1 to 5. 8vo. cloth. £6. 

Dalton. — Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal. By Edwaed Tuite 

Dalton, C.S.I., Colonel, Bengal Staff Corps, etc. Illustrated by Lithograph 
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D'Alwis. — Buddhist Nievana ; a Review of Max Muller's Dhamma- 
pade. By James D'Alwis, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society. 8vo. sewed, 
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D'Alwis. — Pali Translations. Part Pirst. By James D'Alwis, 
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D'Alwis. — A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit, Pali, and Sinhalese 
Literary Works of Ceylon. By James D'Alwis, M.R.A.S., Advocate of 
the Supreme Court, &c., &c. In Three Volumes. Vol. L, pp. xxxii. and 214, 
sewed. 1870. 8s. 6f/. [J^ols. II. and III. i/i 2^reparation. 

Davids. — Three Inscriptions of PARaKRAMA Banu the Great, from 
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Davids. — Sigiri, the Lion Pock, near Pulastipura, and the 39th 
Chapter of the Mahavamsa. By T. W.Rhys Davids. Bvo. pp. 30. Is. 6d. 

Delepierre. — Supeecheeies Litteeaiees, Pastiches Suppositions 
d'Autkur, dans les Lettres et dans les Arts. Par Octave Delepierre. 
Fcap. 4to. paper cover, pp. 328. i4s, 

Delepierre. — Tableau de la Litteeatuee du Centon, chez les Anciens 
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Delepierre. — Ess at Histoeique et Bibliogeaphique sue les Eebus. 
Par Octave Delepierre. 8vo. pp. 24, sewed. With 15 pages of Woodcuts. 
1870. 3s. 6d. 

Dennys. — China and Japan. A complete Guide to the Open Ports of 

those countries, together with Pekin, Yeddo, Hong Kong, and Macao ; forming 
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general; with 56 Maps and Plans. By Wm. Frederick Mayers, F. R.G.S. 
H.M.'s Consular Service ; N. B. Dennys, late II. M.'s Consular Service; and 
Charles King, Lieut. Royal Marine Artillery. Edited by N. B. Denny'S. 
In one volume. 8vo. pp. 600, cloth. £2 2*-. 

Dennys. — A Handbook of the Canton Yeenaculae of the Chinese 
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Business Purposes. By N. B. Dennys, M.R.A.S., Ph.D. 8vo. cloth, pp. 4, 
195, and 31. £l 10s. 

Dickson. — The PaTiMOKKHA, being the Buddhist Office of the Con- 
fession of Priests. The Pali Text, with a Translation, and Notes, by J. F. 
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Dinkard (The). — The Original Pehlwi Text, the same transliterated 
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Languages; a Commentary and Glossary of Select Terms. By Peshotun 
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Dohne. — A Zulu-Kafie Dictionaet, etvmologically ex[)lained, with 

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Dohne. — The Poue Gospels in Zulu. By the Rev. J. L. Dohne, 
Missionary to the American Board, C.F.M. 8vo. pp. 20o, cloth. Pietermaritz- 
burg, 1866. 5s. 


18 Linguistic Publications of Triihner ^' Co.^ 

Doolittle. — A VocABrLAEY and Handbook of the Chinese Language. 
Romanized in the Mandarin Dialect. In Two Volumes comprised in Three 
arts. By Kev. Justus Uoolittle, Author of *' Social Life of the Chinese." 
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Douglas. — Chinese-English Dictionahy of the Yeenacijlae, oe Spoken 
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Douglas. — Chinese Language and Liteeatuee. Two Lectures de- 
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and Professor of Chinese at King's College. Cr. 8vo. cl., pp. 118. 1875. 5s. 

Douse. — Grimm's Law ; A Study : or, Hints towards an Explanation 
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the Primitive Indo-European K, and several Appendices. By T. Le Marchant 
Douse. 8vo. cloth, pp. xvi. and 230. 10s. 6^. 

Dowson. — A Geammae of the Uedu or Hindustani Language. Ey 
John Dowson, M.R.A.S. 12mo. cloth, pp. xvi. and 264. 10s. ^d. 

Dowson. — A. Hindustani Exeecise Book. Containing a Series of 
Passages and Extracts adapted for Translation into Hindustani. By John 
Dowson, M.R.A.S., Professor of Hindustani, StaflF College. Crown 8vo. pp. 
100. Limp cloth, 2s. Qd. 

Early English Text Society's Publications. Subscription, one guinea 
per annum. 

1. Early English Alliteeative Poems. In the "West-Midland 

Dialect of the Fourteenth Century. Edited by R. Morris, Esq., from an 
unique Cottonian MS. 16s. 

2. Aethue (about 1440 a.d.). Edited by E. J. Fuenivall, Esq., 

from the Marquis of Bath's unique MS. 4*. 

3. Ane Compendious and Beeue Teactate conceenyng ye Office 

AND Dewtie OF Kyngis, etc. By William Lauder. (1556 a.d.) Edited 
by F. Hall, Esq.,D.C.L. 4^. 

4. SiE Gawayne and the Geeen Knight (about 1320-30 a.d.). 

Edited by R. Morris, Esq., from an unique Cottonian MS. 10s. 

5. Of the Oethogeaphie and Congeuitie of the Beitan Tongue;' 

a treates, noe shorter than necessarie, for the Schooles, be Alexander Hume. 
Edited for the first time from the unique MS. in the British Museum (about 
1617 A.D.), by Henry B. Wheatley, Esq. 4s. 

6. Lancelot of the Laik. Edited from the unique MS. in the Cam- 

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Perry, ALA , Prebendary of Lincoln. 7s. 

9. Animadversions upfon the Annotacions and Coeeections of 
SOME Impekfections of Impressiones of Chaucer's "V^^okkes, reprinted 
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Bridgewater Library. ByG. H.Kingsley, Esq., M.D., and F. J. Furnivall, 
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57 and b9, Ludgate Hilly London, E.C, 19 

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11. The Mon-aeche, and other Poems of Sir David Lyndesay. Edited 

from the first edition by Johne Skott, in 1552, by Fitzedward Hall, 
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16. A Teetice in English breuely drawe out of ]? book of Quintis 

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of Noe, fader of Philosophris, hadde by reuelaciouw of an aungil of God to him 
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17. Parallel Exteacts from 29 Manuscripts of Piees Plowman, with 

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