THE LIFE AND
CORRESPONDENCE OF
JAMES McHENRY
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs of
Dr. James McHenry
(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company)
THE LIFE AND
CORRESPONDENCE OF
JAMES McHENRY
SECRETARY OF WAR UNDER
WASHINGTON AND ADAMS
BY
BERNARD C. STE1NER
UNIVERSITY
Cleveland
THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY
I 907
COPYRIGHT, 1907
THE BUKROWS BROTHERS COMPANY
CONTENTS
Preface ....... ix
I. Early Years and Medical Study, 1753-1775 1
II. Surgeon and Prisoner, 1775-1778 . . 6
III. Washington's Secretary, 1778-1780 . . 19
IV. Lafayette's Aid, 1780-1781 ... 29
V. The Maryland Senate and the Confederation
Congress, until Washington's Resignation of
his Commission in December, 1783 . . 41
VI. Marriage and Retirement from Public Life,
1784-1786 75
VII. Member of the Federal Constitutional Conven
tion, 17*7- 1788 97
VIII. Member of the House of Delegates, 1788-1790 114
IX. A Year of Retirement, 1790-1791 . . 128
X. Second Term in the Senate, 1791-1796 . 132
XI. Washington's Secretary of War, 1796-1797 . 163
XII. A Year in the War Department under Adams,
1797-1798 208
XIII. The Provisional Army and the Strife over the
Generals, 1798-1799 .... 309
XIV. Events after the Nomination of the French En
voys, 1799-1800 . . . . 370
Fries 's Rebellion and the West in 1798-1800 432
The Federalists in the Presidential Campaign
of 1800 . . . . . . 452
Retirement and Defense of his Administration
of the War Office, 1801-1803 ... 497
XVIII. The Federalists in Opposition, 1803-1812 . 520
XIX. McHenry's Last Days, 1812-1816 . . 580
Appendices ...... 619
Index 625
191190
ILLUSTRATIONS
Miniature Portrait of Washington, by William Russell
Birch ..... Frontispiece
While Dr. James McHenry was Washington's secretary of war, he
purchased a miniature portrait of Washington, painted by the
artist named above.
William Russell Birch was born in Warwick, England, April 9,
1755, and died in Philadelphia August 7, 1834. He studied enamel
painting In London, and in 1784 was awarded the silver palette by
the Society of Arts, for the production of a new enamel color — the
red-brown that he ever afterwards used in his backgrounds. He
came to America in 1794, when he ceased to use his middle name.
In regard to his miniatures of Washington he says In his MS. auto
biography :
"When he [Washington] was sitting for Stuart [1795] he [Wash
ington] told him he had heard there was another artist of merit
from London, naming myself ; that he would sit for me if I chose.
I thanked Mr. Stuart that as he had painted his picture it would
bo a mark of the highest imposition to trouble the General to sit
for me, but that when I had copied his [Stuart's] picture of him
in enamel, which was my forte, that I would show it to the Gen
eral and thank him for his kind offer, which when I had done, I
waited xipon the General with a note that an artist waited the
honor of showing personally to the General a specimen of his
talrnts. When I saw the General I put the picture into his hands ;
. he looked at it steadfastly, but, from a peculiarity of solid (stolid?)
habit of manner, left me to look at him as solid (stolid?) till
feeling myself awkward I began the history of enamel painting
which by the time I had got through he complimented me upon the
beauty of my work. I then told him how much he was beholden
to Mr. Stuart for the correctness of his likeness. I copied one
enamel from it which was purchased by Mr. McHenry. From this
portrait I made a correct drawing, the copying of which in enamel
supplied me in work for a considerable time. I painted about
sixty portraits of it from $30 tc $100 each."
The above information was supplied by Mr. Charles Henry Hart,
the recognized authority on historical portraiture in America, and
supplements very completely such information as had previously
been possessed by the family and Dr. Bernard C. Steiner, our
editor.
Mr. Hart further states that Birch brought with him from Eng
land but one letter of introduction and that was from Benjamin
West, the Pennsylvania president of the Royal Academy of Arts
in London to William Bingham of Philadelphia. It was for Bing-
ham that Stuart painted his first portrait of Washington which
is now in the collection of Marsden J. Perry, Esq., of Providence,
R. I. Tills is the one that Birch copied in enamel.
Harper's Magazine for August, 1896, in an article on Stuart's
Lansdowne portrait of Washington, says : "When William Birch
desired to make an enamel portrait of Washington, .Stuart gave
him his first head to copy and Washington stamped it with his
approval. "
This portrait Is at present owned by the heirs of Dr. James Mc
Henry.
Miniature Portrait of Margaret Caldwell McHenry
(Mrs. James McHenry) . . . facing 76
At present owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry of Baltimore.
viii Illustrations
Miniature Portrait of Dr. James McHenry . facing 160
Military secretary to Washington during part of the Revolutionary
war. .Secretary of war 1796-1800. In his honor Fort McHenry,
Baltimore, was named.
Owned at present by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry.
Portrait of George Washington . . . facing 420
Reproduction, reduced in size, of the Birch miniature of Washington which
appears in colors as frontispiece.
Profile Portrait of Dr. James McHenry . facing 580
Reproduction much reduced in size. The artist is supposed to have
been St. Memin. Owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry.
PREFACE
THE heirs of Dr. James McHenry have placed in my
hands a trunk containing the correspondence and
other manuscripts of their ancestor, with the request
that I use these papers in the preparation of his biography.
An examination of the collection showed its richness in
unpublished letters written by the greatest men of the period
of the American revolution and revealed the affection felt for
McHenry by his many friends. The varied relation to public
affairs which McHenry held during his life also made the
papers of extraordinary interest. He came to the British
North American colonies from the north of Ireland and had
just completed a course of study in medicine under Dr. Benja
min Rush of Philadelphia, when the war of independence broke
out. As a surgeon, a prisoner of war, a member of Washing
ton's military family, and an aid to Lafayette, McHenry saw
service throughout that great conflict and, at its close, became a
legislator, being a member at the same time of the Maryland
Senate, and of the Confederation Congress. In partnership
with his father and brother in a successful mercantile business
in Baltimore, he early accumulated a competence. In 1787,
he served in the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia and,
in succeeding years, was a Federalist member of the Maryland
legislature, serving in both House of Delegates and Senate.
Washington called him to become Secretary of War in January
1796, and, in that position, McHenry continued during most
of Adams's administration. He retired to private life in
May, 1800, and spent the sixteen years which still remained
of his life as a private citizen, keeping a keen interest in
politics and maintaining an active correspondence with
Federalist leaders in Congress. Throughout his whole life,
he showed himself a pure minded, high spirited, courteous,
Christian gentleman. He was a man of rare charm and
attractiveness, who gained and kept the love of the best men
of his time. A mere list of names of his intimate friends,
scores of whose letters are here published for the first time,
proves the nobleness and loveliness of his character. Wash-
x Preface
ington loved him, as he loved few men. The men with whom
McIIenry was associated in the Revolutionary army, such as
Hamilton, Lafayette and Tallmadge, never lost the esteem
they there learned to feel for him. Among the men he met
in later public life, he gained the warm friendship of persons
of such diverse characteristics as Pickering, William Vans
Murray, and Uriah Tracy. The correspondence of men wrho
played so prominent a part in affairs reveals much of import
ance upon the history of the times. I have been fortunate
enough to be able to consult the papers of Washington and
Hamilton, while these papers were in the custody of the De
partment of State in Washington, and the papers of Pickering
in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society and, so to
have seen both sides of the noteworthy correspondence of
McHenry with those men. It is a privilege to have studied
the life of so attractive and upright a man as McIIenry — one
who compelled friendship and was faithful in the performance
of every duty committed to his care.
BERNARD C. STEINER.
X CHAPTER I
EARLY YEARS AND MEDICAL STUDY
1753-1775
AMONG the Scotch Irish Presbyterian settlers who came
to America in the eighteenth century were a father and
two sons from Ballymena, near Belfast, county Antrim,
Ireland. The elder of the sons, James McHenry, came first in
1771, sent out on a voyage to the colonies, because his health
had become impaired by too close application to studies at a
classical academy in Dublin. He was a youth of less than
twenty years and was placed under the care of Captain William
Allison, of Philadelphia, whose stepdaughter, Margaret Cald-
well, he subsequently married. The date of James McHenry 's
birth is uncertain. It is usually given as November 16, 1753,
but the family records give the year as 1752, and in a letter to
Timothy Pickering in June, 1813, McHenry gave it as Novem
ber 25, 1751. The first is probably the correct date, as his only
sister, Anna, who died in 1771, was born in 1751. The parents
of James McHenry were named Daniel and Agnes and the
family traditions state that Daniel had been a merchant in
Ireland and that the McHenrys had been settled at Ballymena
for many generations. Daniel McHenry was born in 1725,
and, in 1772, was induced to emigrate to America through the
representations of his son James. With him, came his wife
and his younger son, John, the only remaining members of his
family. In the autumn of 1773, Daniel McHenry established
himself in business in Baltimore, together with his son John,
under the firm name of Daniel McHenry & Son. In the
newspapers of the day, they announce that they have just
laid in a large and various assortment of merchandise suitable
to the season in the last vessels from London, Liverpool,
Ireland, etc., consisting of Dry Goods, Cloths, Hardware,
Groceries, Spiceries, Wines, Teas, and Brandies. The store
was on the east side of Calvert street, south of Market now
2 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. 1
Baltimore street, within two doors of the corner. Mrs. Agnes
Mcllenry died, aged forty-six years, on August 16, 1774.
Daniel McHenry continued in business with his son with
considerable financial success and died November 3, 1782, aged
fifty-seven years. The newspapers describe him as "a gentle
man of respectable character." He does not seem to have
purchased any real estate in Baltimore Town but had a country
seat, probably in Anne Arundel county, as, in May, 1779, he
advertised in the "Maryland Journal" $100 reward for a horse
stolen from his plantation, eight miles from Dorsey's Ferry.
John McHenry, who was born in 1755, and was only eighteen
when the business was founded, continued it with success
until his death on May 7, 1790, when the mercantile house
ceased. In 1780, he began buying town property in connection
with his brother and in 1785, he acquired the block upon
which the postoffice now stands. As he never married, his
property passed to his brother James.
James McHenry, l with whom we are chiefly concerned, is
found in 1772, at Newark, Delaware, in connection with the
academy there, probably as a student. The Reverend Patrick
Allison and the Reverend Francis Allison, both connections of
Captain William Allison, were among the incorporators of this
academy, which fact, doubtless, explains McHenry 's presence
there. Verses are still preserved which he wrote during his
residence at Newark. His earlier biographer speaks of these
verses as "attributable perhaps rather to youth and rural
surroundings than to any decided inspiration." This taste
for versification continued throughout his life and, though he
is not known to have printed any of his verses, he left a port
folio filled with them, some of which we shall quote.
The Newark verses were sent to the "Pennsylvania
Packet," on October 12, 1772, and are an imitation of Milton's
L 'Allegro, a quotation from which was prefixed to them.
Fled's the philosophic train,
Now's the blithe vacation's reign ;
To yon owl I give my thesis,
Whilst I wheel these chance-cut mases.
1 Much of this family history was kindly given by Mr. Wilson Miles
Gary. A sketch of Dr. McHenry by Frederick J. Brown in the Md. Hist.
Soc. Fund Pub. has also proved of value. McHenry speaks of being twenty
when his wife was twelve. If this is correct he was born in 1753, as she
was born in 1762. A sketch of McHenry, which speaks of him as "of wide
information and of respectable talents but not of great abilities," is found
in Ingersoll's History of the War Department, 422, and is based on Brown.
Portraits of McHenry with brief sketches of his life are to be found in
Carson's History of the Celebration of the Hundredth Anniversary of the
Constitution in Mag. Am. Hist., xiii, 104, and ibid., vii, 104.
1753-1775] of James McHenry 3
I have read of Cam's fair rill,
Shady Windsor, Cooper's hill,
And of London, where is seen, (and of London where I ween)
Stars, and garters, and the queen; (all antiquity is seen)
And can spell of every stream
That to music owes its name.
Let the curious visit those,
With, thee, New-Ark, I'll repose,
Shun a city's circling life,
Study nature, but not strife.
Friendly Flaccus me excuse,
'Till I round these speaking views.
Dull is Plato, dry his morals,
To the forest's floating carols,
To the woodman's weighty stroke
Lev'ling low the distant oak,
To the nymphs with rustic tresses,
Dancing round the apple presses.
To the plowman's healthful toil.
Curling o'er the fallow soil ;
Now his lusty meal appears,
Now unyoked his sweating steers :
Bounteous heav'n twice he blesses,
Twice bestows the .bearer kisses.
Some are climbing chestnut trees,
Others, busy as the bees,
Culling from the roguish vine
Subject for their winter's wine. —
Boys with berry-ting§d cheeks,
Boats a rustling thro' the creeks,
Flails resounding to the beaches,
Maids with aprons full of peaches, —
Grant me oft these scenes to view
Distant from the artful crew ;
Near my Whitcclay's virgin stream,
To enjoy the mid-day dream ;
And with New-Ark will I live
Whilst her plains these pleasures give.
McHenry 's best work is seen in brief lyrics and epigrams,
like the following:
Of love, let fair Delia beware;
'Tis a charm that's destructive to ease.
That heaps on the heart but despair,
While it seems to do nothing but please.
Tho' it comes in a form th' most mild,
'Tis a quest that is sure to 'betray ;
Tho' rob'd like an innocent child
It has wings that soon waft it away.
But if it can pleasure impart
To know that your passion is known,
Then know you have pierc'd Damon's heart
With a flame that does equal your own.
What beauty could do Amarillis would try.
Would know by her absence how many must die;
So ordered her band-box, and footman and chair.
Determined to pass through a town in despair. —
'But Venus, who sometimes to mortals is kind
The scheme to defeat kept her sister behind.
4 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. I
When Cloe shone forth, what a Syren said I.
She'll murder a score at a stroke ;
She opened her lips, I was ready to die,
But love flew away when she spoke.
The radiance of beauty Corinna could boast
But managed the thing without art :
To be lov'd by a crowd, or to be the first toast
.She gave, till she lost every heart.
From Newark, he returned to Philadelphia and took up
the study of medicine under the famous Dr. Benjamin Rush.
Between the teacher and pupil a warm attachment sprang up,
as is shown by the letters which were exchanged in later years.
There is no evidence that McHenry ever practiced medicine,
save during his service as surgeon in the army. His letters
show no trace of a love for the profession, while his easy
financial circumstances did not force him to earn a livelihood
from his medical knowledge. Dr. Rush was a friend of George
Washington and it has been thought that, through the former's
influence, McHenry first formed that acquaintance with the
latter which was destined to exercise so great an influence over
the life of the subject of this work.
The patriotic fever of the times seized the young
physician and, shortly after Washington went to Cambridge,
McHenry prepared to follow him l and drew up an informal
will. The paper shows clearly the devoutness of McHenry 's
religious faith and the depth of his affection for his family.
"Being about to set off for the head Quarters in New
England, to serve as a volunteer, or Surgeon, in the American
Army, raised by order of the Continental Congress and
Provincial Conventions, to defend the liberties of Americans
and mankind, against the enemies of both — I therefore,
resign the disposal of myself and soul, in ail sincerety and
lowly reverence to their first giver. And should the events
of war number me with the dead, in the name of the disposer of
these and all other events, I will and bequeath by this writing,
all my portion of earthly possessions in the manner following.
' ' In the first place I hereby will, order, and devise that the
one third of the Principal, and the one third of the proffits
arising from my partnership with my Father Daniel McHenry
and John McHenry my Brother, both of Baltimore Towii,
Maryland, be equally and impartially divided between the
said Daniel McHenry my Father, and John McHenry my
Brother. I moreover bequeath, to my dear and well beloved
Inhere is a poem of McHenry's "To Mrs. M. on leaving Philadelphia
1753-1775] of James McHenry 5
Brother, John McHenry aforesaid — all my wearing apparel
— military habiliments — books — and physical materials, to
be disposed of as he may think proper. Preserving only out
of this bequest 'Beattie on the nature and immutability of
truth' for my good and worthy patron and friend Capt.
William Allison of Philadelphia as a slender memorial of my
gratitude and friendship Also to my much esteemed and
bosom friend James Dunlap, now apothecary to the Pennsyl
vania Hospital, the eighteen volumes of 'Van Sweeten 's Com
mentaries on the Aphorisms of Boerhaave. '
"As to the manuscript poetry and other rude sketches in
my chest &c I earnestly desire and request that they may be
all burnt.
"I enter not into the formalities of a will, because the
tender affections, and strong affinities of Father, Son, and
Brother, render it unnecessary. May every form of success
attend the struggles of liberty, and every possible felicity my
dear Father and Brother. Amen.
"Philadelphia 29 July 1775
"JAMES MCHENRY
"Witness present
"Will Blair"
CHAPTER II
,/' SURGEON AND PRISONER
1775-1778
McHENRY'S first service seems to have been without a
regular commission and we know little of his activities,
save that he was in attendance in the hospitals in
Cambridge in January, 1776, whence he thus wrote his brother :
"My very dear Brother
"Am I to conclude by my not hearing from you since the
30th. Deer. Ulto. that your desire of serving America in a
military capacity has subsided for the present. Had I
known some time ago that your thought turned this way, I
could have procured you a captaincy here. But I imagined you
were of opinion with myself that one out of our little family
was its full share. I must confess that I had much rather
see you pursuing the less hazardous business you have been
accustomed to than engaged in the army. I do not suppose
that the cause stands peculiarly in need of your assistance.
You must consider yourself as the head of a family. Your
conduct, ought, therefore be such as may be productive of the
best and most advantageous consequences. These I apprehend
cannot be obtained by adopting the military plan. Do but
reflect on the relation in which you stand and how much some
people depend on your management and prudence. During
the remainder of the suspension of our trade, our capital
cannot be much diminished. Trade must soon be again opened,
with other powers if not with European. A declaration of
Independency may not be far off. And France — Holland
&c &c will hardly abstain from a commerce which must show
a very large balance in their favour.
"As to your scheme of going home, I also confess that as
yet I have not been able to enter into its propriety. We can
hardly suppose a reconciliation between England and America.
Both are too far engaged to recede. Our terms of accommoda-
1775-1778] of James Me Henry 7
tion would be too humiliating to the false dignity of Britain,
find their 's too ignominious for the sons of freedom. Strength
must decide the present dispute. I have few fears of the
scales turning against us. We have within ourselves materials
for carrying on a war of any duration : We have many more
natural resources than the ministry will confess. And may,
if wanted, have foreign assistance. Under such circumstances,
it would be foolishness in the extreme to accept of less than
absolute independency. For in short we are only to be
subjugated by pusillanimity and disunion. I would ask you
if it is not advisable to stay where you are, and content
yourself in doing a little till a change of times put it in your
power to do more, or go home with a greater certainty of
answering the purposes of trade. If for the present you can
keep the old stock together we may be fully content. In all
probability the merchant will soon find his usual employment.
New manufactures — and trades will rise out of our confu
sions, and the calamities of war, in a short time be more than
counterbalanced by a long train of blessings and advantages.
' ' But I would not have you think from what I have said,
1hat I mean to damp your military ardor. I am willing as
soon as the cause demands it to give up my fraternal feelings.
If you suppose this to be the period, when engaged in the
service, do your duty faithfully and when called into action
let not the justice of our glorious cause, or the spirit of a
freeman forsake you. But I am sure these will not. And if
you have joined the army I doubt not but that you have put
our affairs in proper order and proper hands, as you must be
uncertain when or where you"may be called.
"If on the other hand you determine to cross the Atlantic
I also expect you to make such arrangement and disposition
of things as I mentioned in my last letter to you, thro' the
medium of Capt. Allison. But as I said there, take the
opinion of people who have more leisure to consider the step
and a more extensive knowledge of the subject or consequences
than I have.
' ' I must beg that in your future letters you will be more
particular and less desultory. This will lead to a just habit
of writing as well as thinking. You might ere now have told
me a variety of things which I want to know. You have
mentioned my father's family. Pray have I any sisters or
brothers in it? But how many or can you find time to give
me some idea of them? I thank my father for his compli-
8 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. II
ments and beg you to return him mine, with the inclosed letter.
You tell me that he lives happily. I am heartily glad of it.
He has met with some heartaches in his time, so that I am
pleased to think he is likely to finish his last act in peace and
serenity.
"I cannot conclude this long letter, without telling you
how much I am chagrined and disappointed at your writing
so seldom. At your not discharging what some may imagine a
duty which you owe in a peculiar manner, your * * and tend
erly affectionate brother.
"JAMES MCHENRY
"I wish that you would see about getting, making and
forwarding the shirts, if my father cannot. I could buy linen
but it is a most extravagant price * * that which you sold
when last with you at * * * is above a dollar per yd. ' '
He evidently continued with the army after the close of
the siege of Boston, for, on July 26, 1776, Washington gave
written consent to his application for a week 's leave of absence
before going to Canada. The trip to Canada was probably
given up and McHenry continued as a volunteer with the
army. On August 27, his preceptor, Dr. Rush, sent him the
following letter, transmitting a very commendatory resolution
of the continental congress:
"Congress Aug 26 1776
' ' Resolved that Congress have a proper sense of the merit
and services of Doctor McHenry and recommend it to the
Directors of the different hospitals belonging to the United
States to appoint Doctor McHenry to the first vacancy that
shall happen of a surgeon 's birth in any of the said hospitals.
' ' Extract from the minutes
"CHAS THOMSON Sec'y."
"Dear Sir
' ' The above resolution of Congress does you as much honor
as if they had made you a director of a hospital. I need not
hint to you after this how unjust it will be in you to desert
their Service especially at the present juncture. You will
please to furnish Dr. Morgan, Dr. Stringer, and the other
Directors of the hospitals of the States with a copy of the
above resolution. If there is at present a vacancy in any of
1775-1778] of James McHenry 9
these departments, you are authorised to demand a warrant
for it. Wishing you my dear McHenry much health, honor
and happiness I am with great regard your most Affectionate
humble Servant
"B. RUSH"
On August 10, McHenry had been appointed surgeon of
the Fifth Pennsylvania Battalion, commanded by Colonel
Robert McGaw, and stationed at Fort Washington. McHenry
remained with the command until the fort was taken by Sir
William Howe on November 16, 1776. He was one of five
surgeons taken prisoners among the 2000 Americans who were
included in the capitulation. Shortly after his captivity began
he wrote Dr. Rush:
"My very dear Sir
"In my last from F. Washington I vainly amused myself
with a prospect of seeing you in a short time. But the events
of war are uncontrolable and have taught me of how little
avail the wisdom and hardihood of a few are against the coun
cils and courage of the many.
"I have not as yet reflected so deeply on the fate of a
prisoner as to make me unhappy. And perhaps I shall not.
For I am no admirer of that philosophy which is constantly
in tears or beating itself to pieces against the impassable bars
of its prison. Methinks I feel something within me like that
kindly resignation which when duly attended to never fails
to befriend the unfortunate. But
"Altho' I am resigned with regard to my own fate, yet it
were to be wished that an exchange of prisoners could be
brought about as soon as possible. The officers thro' the
goodness of his Excellency General Howe — have the liberty
of the City — but the privates are crouded into Churches
and the like. Prodire tenus, si non datur ultra.
"Col Magaw is ill of a fever, tho' in my opinion not
dangerous. I am at private lodgings with him, Col. Miles,
Atley, Swoope &c. Their evening and morning devotions
begin and end with Horace's 0 rus, quando ego te aspiciam.
"I am Sir yours most respectfully sincerely and affec
tionately JAMES MCHENRY.
"New York 21st Novr 1776"
On this letter, McHenry endorsed the following reason
why it was not sent:
10 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, n
"The commissary of prisoners Mr. Loring rejected this
letter It would not pass"
Of his experience in captivity, we learn from a letter he
wrote in Philadelphia to Washington on June 22, 1777 :
"Observing it asserted in Gen. Howe's letter to your
Excy of the 21st April Ult. that 'one half of the sick pris
oners were rec 'd into the British Hospitals — that the re
mainder were attended in their different places of confinement
by their own Surgeons and lastly that these Surgeons, with
out restriction were supplied with medicines for this purpose
until it was discovered that they disposed of large quantities
by private sale ; ' I conceive it incumbent on me to give your
Excellency what information I can on this subject, the better
to ascertain its credibility, and that it may have its proper
influence in the settlement of the proportion of prisoners to be
accounted for.
"In the first place I would observe to your Excelly that
Gen Howe seems to have fallen into a mistake in using the
term B. II . in the sense in which he would have it understood.
If it be not appropriated to amuse, his information must have
come from persons whose interest it is that he himself should
be deceived. For your Excellency is by no means to suppose
that any of our sick prisoners were, at any one time whilst
I was in N. Y received into the B. II., or treated in the same
manner as their own sick and wounded.
' ' That great numbers of our sick and wounded were sep-
erated from the rest, and put into houses provided for their
reception is not to be doubted. But here they wanted, the
necessary attendance, comforts, and conveniencies which con
stitute a hospital : either 'through design, or neglect of reason
able and practicable care,' Whilst. On the other hand no
patients could be better taken care of, or better provided, than
those in B. Hospitals. Had ours received a similar treatment
no cause of complaint could possibly have arisen on this head.
But a detail [of] some of their sufferings, and what was
attempted for their relief in comparison to our Enemies will
better shew the discrimination. I enter upoa it with pain and
reluctance.
' ' The condition of the prisoners in gen. the want of such
assistance as G. II. had it in his power to supply, & wch was
compatible with yr situation was at several times represented
to Gen : Howe by letters from our field officers. No answer
Was received. In December, r^eir distresses became more
1775-1778] of James McHenry 11
peculiarly interesting. Heretofore the sick were under the
care of Dr Antil a refugee from . But from this per
iod to their leaving N. Y. they were principally under the
direction of a person who called himself Dr Louis Debute
a man of a most infamous and abandoned character.
' ' And It was now tho 't advisable to acquaint Doctor Mallet
(Surg. Gen. and provider to the B. H.) with their singular
distresses. Accordingly in the presence of Col. Miles, I laid
before him, and the commissary for Prisoners (Mr. Jos.
Loring) their present condition. Mentioned their want of
Hospital bed-bunks, bedding, and coverings — the almost
total want of fire, in consequence of which several of their
limbs had mortified — but more particularly their want of
nurses and tenders to give cleanliness to the place and prepare
and give them their drinks and nourishment at proper times.
In short that they in a manner wanted every thing that could
contribute to their comfort or recovery.
"Dr. Mallet reply 'd the account was affecting, and he was
very sorry to hear it. He would look into the matter. But in
the mean while could assure me that they were allowed the
same as the patients in the B. H. And because it was thought,
that it would please our officers better, they were under the
care of one of our own Doctors. If things were peculated or
misapplied — it was not his fault. This complaint, I an
swered was made to him, and Mr Loring because it was
imagined, it came more immediately under their cognizance.
My state of their cruel sufferings was a true one. The evi
dence was no further off than the Quaker meeting house
where they lay. That Louis Debute who seemed to be chiefly
intrusted with their treatment did not belong to us, nor had
ever been in our service, as I could learn. That he was notor
ious for crimes, and had been pillored some time before we
evacuated N. York. Moreover That Dr. Oliver who had the
management of our wounded had lately dismissed him upon
its being discovered that he disposed of their medicines and
necessaries. To this Dr. Mallet replied — that he was found
amongst our people; and he supposed him one of ourselves.
' ' Dr Mallet then requested me to take the direction of the
house upon myself, and said that if I could procure nurses
(which I had remarked they wanted more than medicines) ho
would willingly pay them. To this I answered, that he must
be sensible my situation in N. York was by no means cal
culated to procure nurses. But if nurses or even proper
12 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, n
tenders were provided, and Debute turned off, I would imme
diately undertake the business. But altho' bound as well by
profession as duty to render the sick service in my power, yet
the superior regard which I owed my character, must deter
mine me from the undertaking so long as he was continued.
"Mr Loring said Debute should not be suffered to pre
scribe, but as he was a useful fellow, might still be employed
as an understrapper. I could not engage in the affair, I
replied, until he was totally dismissed.
"Notwithstanding] this he was continued; tho' a Dr
Hawkins, mate in the Gen. Hospital, came now and then to
prescribe. But of his attendance or care they were little the
better. And Debute was suffered to carry on his inhumanities
and deceptions as usual 'till a more glaring act of cruelty
rendered his dismission unavoidable.
"An officer, prisoner on Long Island, came to our lodgings
to inform Cols McGaw & Miles that the Doctor who had charge
of our sick, had that morning in his presence given one of
them a blow with his stick, in consequence of which the man
died 15 minutes after.
"Upon this I renewed my complaints to Dr Mallet with
this additional circumstance of Debute 's barbarity: and beg
ged, as the officer was willing to swear to the fact, that he
might be tryed for the murder. The Doctor expressed much
concern, and accompanied me to Debute. The fellow after some
little hesitation confessed that he had that morning struck one
of his patients ; but argued that it was the man who lay next to
him who died. The first detatchment of our officers, in the
mean while was ordered over to Long Island, and unfortunate
ly amongst them the person who was to evidence this fact. And
the murdered man was already buried with a number of
others, so that no testimony could be had from inspection.
"Now Debute was dismissed from his office and com
manded never more to be seen near the sick. This compre
hends a period of six week time their crowded situation —
the effects of severe cold on their limbs — the strong symptoms
of a long deprivation of water expressed in many of their
countenances — Exclamations for drink and food, from such
as had strength left to speak — the groans of the dying — the
looks of the dead that lay mixed with the living — and the
insufferable impurity of the house, made up altogether a
scene more affecting and horrid than the carnage of a field of
battle wherein no quarter is given.
1775-1778] of James McHenry 13
"These things made impressions too strong to be forgot
ten. And I question whether the resentment of the few who
survived can end, but with their feelings.
"But from this description which includes a period of 6
weeks I would in some manner discriminate the wounded, who
were lodged in a different part of the Town; in houses pro
vided with fire places, and under the direction of Dr Oliver,
a refugee from Boston. I also make some distinction between
the usage of the sick under Dr. Antil who had charge of them
before Debute. But even under these gentlemen their state
was often grievous and distressing to contemplate.
' ' Debute left the sick in such a condition that nothing save
their immediate removal from N. York afforded the smallest
prospect of a single patients recovery. Wherefore all I could
do, was to procure that application to Gen. Howe which got
them out on parole; a copy of wrhich I inclosed to your Ex
cellency the latter end of Jany last dated from Hyde's Town
Jersey.
' ' I come now to Gen. Howe 's allegation against our Sur
geons. I imagine that upon proper enquiry it will be found
unsupported by admissible evidence: or to depend upon an
equivoque of the same nature as that on which the assertion
of our sick being reed into the B. H. is grounded. How far
the following facts may serve to clear up the matter may not
be difficult to ascertain.
"Doctor Hugh Hodge and myself made several applica
tions for medicine for our sick officers, but were always re
fused. We were obliged to buy them for their use. An
ounce or two of salts and a few nitre powders from Drs
Oliver and Antil were all we ever reed. And these we had
in consideration of our profession, not because they had orders
to deliver any. For the latter Gent, told Dr. Hodge that Dr.
Mallet had positively forbidden medicines to be given for
patients out of his own care. Moreover when Debute had
charge of our sick I bought from Dr. Brownjohn, and destri-
buted amongst them medicines in his presence from time to
time. I except here the dressings &c — which Dr. Oliver
from time to time furnished the wounded officers, who were
attended at their own lodgings. Besides Dr. Hodge and my
self there were 4 or 5 Surgeons prisoners belonging to Penn
sylvania and the New England States. It is natural to sup
pose that those were also refused. But as I was not acquainted
with them, do not affirm it.
14 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, n
"But had medicines been allowed without restriction for
the use of our sick remaining in their prisons — wherefore pre
vented from visiting them? Between the 20 November and
middle of January, I attempted it several times but never
obtained admission except in one instance, when I had reason
to believe that the guard had mistaken me for a British Surgn
"But further med. to men circumstanced as they were,
could answer no one salutary purpose. It is even illiberal
to suppose that any rational person would have prescribed
them to men so totally unfurnished with those conveniences
and necessaries, without which, they are useless, if not hurtful.
This would have been carrying cruelty to its utmost limits.
And it ought really to be considered as a mark of G. H.
humanity, that such a thing was not ordered to be done.
"This may serve as a commentary to G. Howe's third
fact. I cannot be mistaken in a single assertion. In every part
of the testimony I am clear, however it may stand contrasted
with Sir William Howes. You will therefore use it as may
best answer the course of justice. For 'Tis well I am G.
Howes prisoner But this cannot prevent me from discharg
ing the obligations I am under to truth. With all due
respect I have the honor to remain your Exl most obt and
very humble servt"
On January 27, 1777, Surgeon McHenry was paroled, l
1 A roug-h draft of the report made by McHenry to Loring, the com
missary of prisoners in New York, is among: the McHenry papers. Two
of the letters sent Howe with reference to the prisoners here follow :
"To his Excy. Sir Wm. Howe commander in chief of his majesty'3
forces in N. America may it please your Excelly.
"We being informed by several persons that the severity of the
contagion in the prisoners' hospital is such as to encrease every disease
and leave little or no probability of the unfortunate patient's recovery
while confined in that place. And notwithstanding the severity of the
season we are assured by some of the physicians that their removal will
be attended with less danger than their continuance there. We therefore
take the liberty of requesting that your Excy. will be pleased to give orders
for these to be sent away as soon as convenient under the care of some
of their Doctors, as it appears the only thing that can be done in their
favor. Signed by
"Col. Miles
"Rawllins
"And Maj. Williams"
"To his Excellency General Howe commander in chief of his magesties
forces in North America.
"We should not have presumed one moment on your Excellency's time
were we not called upon by the most powerful of motives. The state of
the sick and wounded prisoners is of too melancholy a kind for recital
and the consequences of a general contagion to be dreaded. We as
witnesses of their situation feel every principle within us interested in
their favour, and would beg leave to recommend them, in particular, as
objects not unworthy of your Excellency's clemency. This winter will
1775-1778] of James McHenry 15
as we learn from a letter writen by him to Washington four
days later from Hydestovra:
' ' In consequence of the inclosed application to Gen : Howe
the sick privates and those who remained of the well were
ordered off on parole under my care as Doctor, and the con
duct of a british officer &c. But as the officer leaves them
here, he gets no receipt. Six have died since our leaving New-
York; But I flatter myself, should the weather moderate a
little that most of the remainder will recover. There is now
Twenty five.
"May I hope that your Excellency will free me, as soon
as convenient from the restrictions of a parole. I have the
honour to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
servant. ' '
Over a year passed, however, before he was released from
parole. During this time he probably resided in Baltimore.
Then McHenry received a letter, written by his friend Hamil
ton on March 5, 1778 :
"It gave me pleasure to inform you that Mr. Boudinotte
has been able to effect your exchange for a Doctor Mentzes.
Allow me to congratulate you on the event.
"We are again on the business of a general cartel with
Mr. Howe. He seems inclined to meet us on fair ground.
' ' Commissioners from us meet on equal numbers from him
the 10th. instant. One great and preliminary point to be set
tled is the proportion of prisoners that we ought to account
for. To assist our judgment in this point — we shall be much
obliged to you by the return of this express, and without a
moments loss of time to send us your deposition, to the best of
your knowledge, on the actual state of the prisoners sent out
at the time of the delivery; and whatever else may serve to
throw light upon the subject,
"I am Sir
"Your most obedt.
"A HAMILTON Esq."
On the same day, Dr. James Hutchinson, who was a
Philadelphia surgeon, wrote McHenry from "Moorhall near
headquarters, Valley Forge : ' '
assuredly place them beyond reach of human charity. We would therefore,
whilst a parole can be of any service entreat that a proper place may be
agreed to >by your Excy. and Gen. W — n where the sick and wounded may
be conveyed they pledging their faith to continue unactive untill regularly
exchanged or laid under such restrictions and limitations as may be tho't
necessary by your Excellency and Gen. Washington. We beg that we
may be heard and are your Excellency's most obedient — humble servts."
16 Life and Correspondent [CHAP. H
"I would have wrote you long since, but was uncertain
where you were to be found, and now I only think it probable
that you may be at Baltimore ; therefore dispatch an Express
thither, after you to carry this letter, and one which his
Excellency has desired me to send you, on matters of import
ance. I sincerely congratulate you on your exchange, Mr.
Boudinot has your parole in his possession, and you are once
more at liberty to serve your Country, in such manner as
your qualifications render you eminently capable; however I
will say more to you on this subject when I have the pleasure
of seeing you, at which time I shall have an opportunity of
talking over the variety of scenes, which have passed since I
saw you in Philadelphia, and since I have entered the army.
"I beg you to repair hither as soon as you possibly can,
the Express who carries this has orders to ride night and day
till he meets you, if you should be at Baltimore, his Excellency
has Business with you of the greatest importance, and it is of
the utmost consequence that you should be in Camp in four
days from this date ; I have fifty things to say to you, but am
desired not to delay the Express, I have therefore no time to
write half I wish to or to look over what I have already
wrote. ' '
McHenry now took up duties in the hospital and on
May 17, Dr. Rush addressed a letter to him as "Senior Sur
geon of the Flying Hospital, Valley Forge," in which letter
he says : ' ' It gives me pleasure to see one whom I had any hand
in educating filling an honorable and useful post in the line
of his profession in the army. May you continue to merit
the esteem of your friends and the approbation of your coun
try." On May 15, he was appointed secretary to the com-
mander-in-chief. McHenry hesitated somewhat before he
accepted the position and wrote his father to ask his prefer
ence in the matter:
' ' I find myself much embarrassed to know how to inform
you of a matter in which my inclinations are deeply con
cerned; but in which I am not at liberty to proceed without
your concurrence. Circumstances of some delicacy put it out
of my power at present to be as explicit as I wish witty a
father — however, I hope to make it in some measure under
stood, so far as may be necessary to obtain your opinion and
consent.
1 ' I do not forget the tenderness of our parting, your last
1775-1778] of James McHenry 17
injunctions, nor my promise to avoid all places of danger
not strictly connected with the duties of my profession. It
is the observation of those which prevents me from entering
into a post of some danger till I can obtain your approbation.
The post in contemplation is one not only of the most hon
ourable but the most flattering to a young man of any mili
tary views ; or who wishes to be distinguished by the first in
the military line. The idea of my being of use in my present
station I trust will not be a reason with you why I should not
change it for one more agreeable to my wishes. But I must
not influence you in a matter which your own feelings must
determine. I would only just beg to observe that those who
believe in a superintending God can have little to fear from a
change of situation. We are all under his eye, and under
his particular providence, whether in the walks of private em
ployment, or amidst the hurry and confusion of war and
battle. We cannot die without his knowledge, nor live with
out his protection.
' ' It now rests upon you to say what I shall do. Whether
accept of a post of danger honourable beyond my deserving-
ness — or continue in a physical station wherein I think I
can be very useful to the army.
"Be good enough to write me by return of this express
and believe me to be — with all due regard and affection your
dutiful child."
Daniel McHenry 's answer has not been preserved, but
must have been favorable to McHenry 's acceptance of the
new post offered him. As secretary, he took an oath of
allegiance to the United States and renunciation of the Eng
lish king before General Nathaniel Greene on June 9. With
the appointment as secretary, McHenry gave up medical prac
tice for the rest of his life. Save for an interesting prescrip
tion given Hamilton on the following 21st of September, we
hear of no more medical work by McHenry. His advice to
Hamilton was as follows:
"In order to get rid of your present accumulations you
will be pleased to take the pills agreeable to the directions;
and to prevent future accumulations observe the following
table of diet.
"This will have a tendency also to correct your wit.
' ' I would advise for your breakfast two cups of tea sweet
ened with brown sugar, and coloured with about a teaspoon-
18 Life ujid Correspondence [CHAP, n
ful of milk. I prefer brown sugar to loaf because it is more
laxative. And I forbid the free use of milk until your stom
ach recovers its natural powers. At present you would feel
less uneasiness in digesting a pound of beef than a pint of
milk.
"You will not drink your tea just as it comes out of the
pot; let it have time to cool. The astringuency of the tea is
more than counterbalanced by the relaxing quality of hot-
water.
' ' For your dinner let me recommend about six ounces of
beef or mutton, either boiled or roasted, with eight or ten
ounces of bread. Cut the meat from the tenderest part with
little or no fat. Use the natural juice, but no rancid oily
gravy whatsoever. For some time I would prefer the beef,
because it contains more of a natural animal stimulus than
mutton. Once or twice a week you may indulge in a thin
slice of ham. Your best condiment will be salt.
' ' You must not eat as many vegitables as you please — a
load of vegitables is as hurtful as a load of any other food.
Besides the absurdity of crouding in a heap of discordant
vegitables with a large quantity of meat too much of itself for
the digestive powers. You may eat a few potatoes every day.
"Water is the most general solvent the kindliest and the
best assistance in the process of digestion. I would therefore
advise it for your table drink. When you indulge in wine
let it be sparingly. Never go beyond three glasses — but by
no means every day.
"I strictly forbid all eatables which I do not mention
principally because a formula of diet for your case should be
simple and short.
"Should this table be strictly observed, it will soon be
come of little use, because you will have recovered that degree
of health which is compatable with the nature of your consti
tution. You will then be your own councellor in diet for the
man who has had ten years experience in eating and its con
sequences is a fool if he does not know how to choose his
dishes better than his Doctor.
' ' But in case you should fall into a debauch — you must
next day have recourse to the pills. I hope however that you
will not have recourse to them often. The great Paracelsus
trusted to his pills to ^destroy the effects of intemperance —
but he died if I forget not about the age of 30 notwithstand
ing his pills. Lewis Cornaro the Italian was wiser — he
trusted to an egg, and I think lived to about ninety."
CHAPTER III
WASHINGTON'S SECRETARY
1778-1780
McHENRY now took up a position he was to fill for two
years and which determined his future life. He was
a member of Washington's " military family," in
close association with such men as Hamilton, Lafayette, and
Benjamin Talmadge, all of whom became his friends for life,
and in such relations to "the General," as McHenry always
called Washington, that McHenry grew to be one of the few
with whom that austere man could unbend. McHenry 's sin
cerity and purity of soul and his ' ' easy and cheerful temper
attracted the great man and, though Washington ever re
mained a hero to his secretary, yet the intimacy showed itself
in the easy and often playful style in their letters. McHenry l
was at the battle of Monmouth on June 28, 1778, and was
then sent to the rear to look after the baggage, in case the
result of the battle should be unfavorable to the American
forces. Before the battle, he met Lee on the march towards
the enemy and asked him if he had any information to send
back to General Washington. Lee said the enemy did not
appear well to understand the roads and that he expected to
fall in with the rear of the enemy, with great certainty of
cutting them off. McHenry started with this message, when
Lee called him back and added, "with fixed and firm tone of
voice and countenance," that General Wayne and Colonel
Butler are amusing them with a few loose cannon shot, that
the enemy are constantly changing their front, which is a
usual thing with those who retreat. After the conflict, Mc
Henry was present, when Washington asked Lee the cause
of the retreat and noticed his confusion. A third time, he
saw Lee at Englishtown later in the day, when Lee was
observing to a number of gentlemen that it was mere folly
1 Tower's Lafayette in the Revolution, 391, Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist.
Soc., ill. 77, 191.
20 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, in
to make attempts against the enemy where they possessed so
great a superiority in cavalry. 1
While the army was in winter quarters, on December 10,
Samuel Smith of Baltimore wrote McHenry from that town :
' ' I arrived here Safe on Thursday last, my Stay in Phil-
ada. was but 7 days. I was astonish 'd with the Luxuries &
extravagances of that once Federal City, it is true the At
tention they pay to officers, flatters & pleases us. but Such
prodigality of our Money depreciates it & in the end bids farr
to destroy it. they talk of thousands as we do of Doll-ars in
Camp. I lamented our Situation, & to enforce it, assur'd as
an instance of the Impossibility of our staying longer in the
Service, that my half years pay was spent on my Journey
home. I was laughed at for my parsimony. I was mistaken
it cost me 50 Dr. more. — I hope Balto was not so bad. here
it is true their living is not luxurious, but the Money is of as
little value, what think you of J. M' Lure betting 200 D. on
the throw of a Die. one thousand Dolls, to lose or win in a
Night is peddling. — The consequence of this will be very soon
felt by the Army. Pennsylvania says it can supply no flour,
on this place a very chief dependance is plac'd by the Com-
misary General, his deputy has made frequent attempts to
purchase, but to very little purpose, So Soon as he gives a price
the Speculators give a higher until at length it has got to
£7.10 & £10 & none buying for the public. A Law has pass'd
this State but it will have very little Effect, it prevents Monop-
1 After Hamilton's death, McHenry defended his reputation while in
the Revolutionary army in the following communication to "Yundt &
Brown's Gazette" :
"In the Aurora of the twenty ninth ulto. the following was inserted
as an anecdote.
" 'When Colonel Hamilton aid de Camp to General Washington forced
General Charles Lee to the field, for ridiculing that General's abilities
Lee, received his fire; but refused either to retract what he had said or
to return a shot.
You may fire at me all day Sir, (said Lee) if it will amuse you;
what I have said I am not disposed to recall ; — but I should conceive you
do your patron no great honour by thus assuming his cause ; and as for
returning your fire, I beg to >be excused. Gen. Lee can acquire no honour
by the death of Colonel Hamilton." '
"We have the authority of a gentleman whose situation in the army,
during the revolutionary war, and intimacy with the deceased Gen.
Hamilton, gave him an opportunity of knowing whether the fact related
in the above anecdote took place, to state, that General Hamilton never
did call General Charles Lee or any other officer of the revolutionary
army to the field for any cause. It is possible our informant thinks that
the mistake may have originated in the following circumstance. Col.
John Laurens and Colonel Hamilton, were at the same time aids to
General Washington, The latter Col. Laurens did call General Lee to the
field. This gentleman was a son of Henry Laurens, the well remembered
President of Congress, and was surpassed by few men in genius, aibility
and gallantry. He fell in a skirmish in South Carolina fighting for his
native country."
1778-1780] of James McHenry 21
olizers but does not prevent Millers from forestalling nor
farmers from keeping up their grain. Good Men with a part
of the Army had been Cantoon'd in Maryland. I fear it will
again want flour, its Distance from the flour Country is very
great
"The Situation of the Officers is truly distressing they
not only have the Mortification to See every thing live except
themselves, but, they see their private fortune wasting away
to make fat those very Miscreants, they See their Country
altho yet wanting their Assistance refuse to make any future
provision for them, or even to give them the Necessary Sup
plies, which their Small pittance of pay will not purchase.
Congress feels not for us, our Countrymen will soon avoid us,
that they may not be troubled with our Complaint & lest we
should want to borrow their Money from them. I cannot
bear to resign & yet what Can I do. my Fathers opulent
fortune is reduced to Nothing, it was chiefly in cash, exclusive
of my Love for my Country & the Service, my attachment to
his Excelly. makes me wish to remain & nothing but dire
necessity Shall make me resign."
After Washington and his military family reached Hav-
erstraw, McHenry wrote an account of the march which gives
glimpses of the pleasant side of the campaign.
"In our route to Paramus, where part of the army had
encamped in order to rest and refresh, we visited the falls of
Pasaic [on July 10]. We crossed the river at an old bridge
in very bad repair and in half a mile reached the falls.
"The rock to which they owe their birth is of considerable
compass (covered in general with herbage, some trees and
shrubbery). But besides the chasm into which the water
throws itself there are several other fissures and deep dismem
berments, formed as it would seem by nature in some of her
violent operations. The falls tho' curious in themselves derive
additional beauties from those objects with which they are
connected.
' ' The Pasaic appears to be about 30 or 40 yards broad —
but the water does not cover at the falls near this extent.
There a smooth and gentle sheet tumbles down into a deep
aperture or cleft of the rock, which crosses the channel, while,
at the same time, several lesser portions seem to steal thro*
different openings, rudely encountering each other in their
descent, till they arrive at the bottom where they all mix to-
22 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, ill
gether. This conflict and the dashing of the water against
the asperities and contrasted sides of the rock produces a fine
spray that issuing from the cleft appears at a distance like
a thin body of smoke. Near the bottom of the falls it exhibits
a beautiful rainbow in miniature. The aperture into which
the water falls does not seem to be more than from 21 to 22
feet wide, and about 30 feet in depth, tho' further down and
towards where the river takes a new turn the distance between
the walls of rock is much greater and the perpendicular
depth perhaps not less than 70 feet. Here the water com
poses itself as in a large basin of solid stone and then spreads
into a pretty broad channel, continuing its course uninter
rupted to New- York bay.
' ' A little above the falls the water glides over some ledges
of rock of about 3 or 4 feet perpendicular in a very pretty
manner.
"It is observable that all the clefts and dismemberments
in the several parts of the rock run in the samq direction.
You may descend into some of them by means of earth and
stones with which their entrance is made gradual and easy.
On each side of these fissures is a perpendicular wall of rock,
overgrown with moss. There one enjoys a delightful cool
ness under an intermixture of ruins and the branches of
trees that form a fine shade.
"After viewing these falls we seated ourselves round the
General under a large spreading oak within view of the spray
and in hearing of the noise.
' ' A fine cool spring bubled out most charmingly from the
bottom of the tree. The travelling canteens were immediately
emptied and a modest repast spread before us, of cold ham,
tongue and some biscuit. With the assistance of a little spirit
we composed some excellent grog. Then we chatted away a
very cheerful half hour — and then took our leave of the
friendly oak — its refreshing spring — and the meek falls
of Pasaic — less noisy and boisterous than those of Niagara,
or the more gentle Cohoes or the waters of the Mohawk.
"From hence we passed thro a fertile country to a place
called Paramus. We stopped at a Mrs. Watkins whose house
was marked for head Quarters. But the General receiving
a note of invitation from a Mrs. Provost to make her Her
mitage, as it was called, the seat of his stay while at Paramus,
we only dined with Mrs. Watkins and her two charming
daughters, who sang us several pretty songs in a very agree-
1778-1780] of James Me Henry 23
able manner. At Mrs. Provost we found some fair refugees
from New York who were on a visit to the lady of the Her
mitage ; with them we talked — and walked — and laughed —
and danced and gallanted away the leisure hours of four days
and four nights and would have gallanted — and danced and
laughed and talked and walked with them till now had not
the General given orders for our departure. We left them
however in the spirit of modern soldiership without much
sighing in pursuit of the dangers of war and pleasures of
variety.
"It was about 6 o'clock in the (15 July) morning when
we bade adieu to the Hermitage — coasting it thro ' narrow
& stony roads to a place called Haverstraw in Orange County
the state of New York.
"Our quarters was engaged at a Col Hay's. The house
stands about a mile from the North River on an eminence
commanding a large extent of water and a view of a consid
erable compass of Chester County on the opposite shore, and
some of the heights of Duchess.
' ' After dinner I took a ride to a pond or lake — about half
a mile from the West side of the North River. The lake is
greatly elevated above the level of the river and affords some
excellent fish, sun fish, carp &c. &c.
"It is formed in a bason of very high and commanding
ground — there are several farm houses along its banks —
which adds greatly to the view. To get to it you ride around
the base of a large chain of rocks — which border on the North
River. We began to ascend these very gradually after 3 miles
riding — and in a little time came to a fine level and cultivated
piece of country.
"On this elevated ground the lake forms a very pretty
bason. ' '
The harder side of the campaign is revealed in McIIenry 's
letter to his father written from headquarters on August 15.
"My very dear Father.
"I yesterday received your letter dated the 28 of last
month, your writing me tkus yourself I take very kindly and
shall consider it as a great satisfaction if you will but write
me oftener — and by post, as this conveyance is the most
constant and certain.
"The questions you have proposed to me with so mucfi
cordiality of inquiry I shall answer with very great pleasure.
24 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, in
* ' I cannot say that the fatigues of our late march has beeii
of any disservice to my constitution — in sleeping in the open
fields — under trees exposed to the night air and all changes
of the weather I only followed the example of our General.
Tho' long in the army I was but a hospital soldier. When
I joined his Excellency's suite I gave up soft beds — undis
turbed repose — and the habits of ease and indulgence which
reign in some departments — for a single blanket — the hard
floor — or the softer sod of the fields — early rising and al
most perpetual duty. These habitudes however I prefer to
those of idleness and inactivity — they are more consistent
with the profession of a soldier and repetition has now made
them agreeable.
"This however is a description of all in the General's
family. You will certainly suppose that men under these
circumstances have small demands for money. This is really
the case: with few or no opportunities to spend it, a very
little serves our turn. And this too is one capital reason why
I have no occasion to make use of your kind offer — of a
supply. I may however perhaps claim it some other time when
I have nothing to do but invent the most agreeable and in
structive ways of spending it.
"As you extended your charitable inquiries to my horses
I can do no less than let you into their history. At present
they lead a very lazy and indolent kind of life. Tom feeds
them well and I ride them but little. Perhaps once in the
two days a circuit of a few miles to the different places of
parade or round the encampment: so that upon the whole
you see the two animals have a very comfortable time of it
and are much happier than their master if idleness and ease
can make them so.
"I need not tell you what real and cordial satisfaction 1
would feel in a change of situation for a few weeks; but I
fear I must go many miles further from Baltimore before I
can see you. The English have not yet left the United States
and if they had, still the war would be unfinished. We may
therefore be separated much longer than present appearances
indicate or than either of us wish. I hope however that we
will end our days not far from each other, and that the society
of your sons will serve to make your evening hours not the
most unhappy of your life.
' ' My brother was kind enough to write me from Philada.
1778-1780] of James McHenry 25
but I have no reason to expect the pleasure of seeing him at
camp.
"There has been no accounts from Rhode Island since
the 10th inst. Should any arrive before the post sets out
which will be to-morrow evening you will have it in another
letter.
"I am dear father yours most dutifully and affectionately.
''P. S. You desire to know if I want shirts. I would
wish to have half a dozen with stocks, sent by the first safe
conveyance. There is a little lace somewhere in my trunk
wrapped up I believe in a remnant of linen."
During the whole of the remainder of the year, McHenry
remained with the army at Fishkill.
The contrast between life in Philadelphia and in the
camp, shown by Smith's letter, is also brought before us by a
letter sent McHenry at Middlebrook by Tench Tilghman from
Philadelphia on January 25, 1779:
"Dear Mac
' ' I believe I am two or three letters in your debt, which F
think is no great deal, considering you love scribbling, and
have time to indulge it. I have hunted in vain for Justa-
monds translation of Abbe Reynell. I have seen a copy in
the hands of a private Gentleman, but am told there is not a
set for sale in the city. I suppose you think we must be,
by this time, so wedded to sweet Philada. that it will break our
hearts to leave it. Far from it I assure you my Friend. I can
speak for myself, and I am pretty certain I can answer for all,
when I say, that we anxiously wait for the moment that gives
us liberty to return to humble Middle Brook. Philada. may
answer very well for a man with his pockets well lined, whose
pursuit is idleness and dissipation. But to us who are not
in the first predicament, and who are notj upon the latter
errand, it is intolerable. We seem to work hard, and yet we
do nothing ; in fact we have no time to do any thing and that
is the true reason why a great assembly do so little. A morn
ing visit, a dinner at 5 o'clock — Tea at 8 or 9 — supper and
up all night is the round die in diem. Does not the Republic
go on charmingly? By the Body of my father as honest
Sancho used to swear, we have advanced as far in luxury in
the third year of our Indepeny. as the old musty Republics
of Greece and Rome did in twice as many hundreds : But we
20 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, in
Americans are a sharp people. And we are in more senses
than one ; and if we do not keep a sharp look out we shall be
little the better for the profusion of money and no small
quantity of Blood that has been spent. All cry out that noth
ing but Oeconomy can save us, and yet no one allows that
he or she is extravagant. I will not touch upon politics.
They are too valuable to trust to paper and Wax. You shall
hear much when we fill the sociable Bunks, where all is under
the secure lock and key of Friendship. Now for domestic
matters, for we begin to look towards home. Say to Major
Gibbs that we have heard with infinite pleasure of good Mrs.
Thompson's arrival at Camp and as His Excellcy has her
ease and convenience this Winter much at heart, he wishes
she may have a warm comfortable apartment built for her
sole use and behoof in such place as he the major shall upon
due deliberation and consultation with the sage matron judge
most proper. This will be absolutely necessary, as Mrs. Wash
ington will want the Chamber, we at first occupied, for a
drawing Room, and we remove to the small back Chamber
which Gibbs lodged in.
''Make my compliments to all at home and in the neigh
borhood and believe me with sincerity Dear Mac
"Affecty. Yours
"TENCH TILGHMAN. "
Life in the camp was, however, not all hardship. Of its
pleasant side we catch a glimpse in a letter Lord Stirling, on
December 24, 1778, wrote McHenry, that he will be glad to see
Lieutenant Clive this afternoon, but "it is so cold that for
his own sake I could wish he would delay the visit till tomor
row & that both he & you would come & take Christmas din
ner with me."
From headquarters at West Point, on August 20, 1779,
McHenry wrote to his future brother-in-law, John Caldwell,
showing he already was interested in Margaret Caldwell, now
a girl of seventeen, whom McHenry married four years and a
half later:
"My dear Jack
"Since I had the pleasure of seeing you till today, there
have been no military occurrences worth mentioning. I did
not therefore think it necessary to trouble you with a letter.
Besides, Jack, we have no time to spare for letters of cere-
1778-1780] qf James McHenry 27
mony, and very little even to those of friendship. You will
not however I am persuaded, esteem mine the less, for not
writing, nor determine the number of your letters by those
from me.
"I mix my rejoicings with yours on our late accounts
from Europe and the success of our ally in the West Indies,
and let me add for the capture of above 160 of the garrison of
Powles Hook, by major Lee, on the night of the 18th instant.
This was an enterprise of great risque — conducted with great
judgment, and completed with the most inconsiderable loss.
But you will see the particulars from Congress.
"I take too much interest in your studies not to inquire
into them. I suppose them agreeable, and that you are sen
sible your reputation and future figure in the world, will de
pend on the acquirements you now make, and the conduct
you may observe for some years to come. Let nothing pre
vent you from prosecuting them.
' ' Should your sister come to reside in town, she will natur
ally claim some of your attention. The pleasure of giving a
turn, or proper bent, to her studies and amusements, must be
very agreeable to a mind like yours. I envy you the enjoy
ment. Suppose she cannot have every thing she deserves, yet
with your care she may have enough to appear very amiable.
I would not have you forget, on any occasion, that whatever
you want to obtain either in your or her favor — must be
attempted with prudence and caution. Your father may be
persuaded — but he will not be forced. On this scale every
thing in reason will be granted, with a little chiding.
' ' You will remember me to the family — to your sister —
and believe me yours very affectionately
' ' JAMES MCHENRY. ' '
We are ignorant of McHenry's life in 1779, apart from
this letter, except that he was busy drafting orders for Wash
ington and carrying out his commands. 1
Dr. Rush wrote McHenry on January 19, 1780, that he
might have to come to attend the trial of Dr. Shippen and if
he does "shall be happy in spending as much time as can be
spared from the Court in your company!"
1 On the manuscript of one of Washington's plans of campaign,
McHenry wrote : "The General's usual mode of giving notes to his
secretaries or aids for letters of business. Having made out a letter from
such notes, it was submitted to the General for his approbation and
correction — afterwards copied fair, when it was again copied and signed
by him."
28 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, in
From headquarters on March 18, 1780, McHenry wrote
a jesting letter to Hamilton, then at Amboy as a commissioner
for negotiating an exchange of prisoners :
"The family since your departure have given hourly
proofs of a growing weakness. Example I verily believe is
infectious. For such a predominance is beauty establishing
over their hearts, that should things continue to wear as
sweet an aspect as they are now beheld in, I shall be the only
person left, of the whole household, to support the dignity of
human nature. But in good earnest God bless both you, and
your weakness, and preserve me your sincere friend."
All this time, as McHenry wrote Washington on July 18,
' ' I have acted without pay & it is my intention to receive none
in future, unless some alteration in my circumstances render
it necessary," but now he desires other rank than secretary;
thinks of going to Europe, and wishes to be a volunteer in one
of the regiments. These plans he did not carry out, but the
secretaryship was nearly over. x
1 A letter from McHenry to his friend Dr. Binney speaks of this
thought of a European trip.
CHAPTER IV
LAFAYETTE'S AID
1780-1781
IN August, 1780, McHenry was transferred to Lafayette's
staff where he remained, until his resignation from the
army in the autumn of 1781.
John McHenry, a nephew of Dr. McHenry, left record1
that he had been told by his uncle, later in life, that "Wash
ington feared lest the youthful ardor of the Marquis, entrusted
when not quite 23 years of age with an important command,
might outrun his discretion & that he, accordingly, took the
precaution of placing near him, one whom he knew to be a
prudent adviser. ' ' It seems that Washington 's opinion of the
young secretary must have been that of McHenry 's grand
son, Ramsay McHenry, who wrote a century later of his
grandfather : ' ' His sagacity was very great, his intellect very
clear and of a considerable compass. He was vivacious, exact
and active in business, benevolent, prudent, and wise. ' '
McHenry wrote to Otto Holland Williams from Orange-
town on August 12. In September, Hamilton married Gen
eral Philip Sclmyler's daughter and McHenry went to Albany
for the wedding and wrote the following verses to his friend
on the morning after the ceremony:
'Tis told, my friend, In poets lore.
The muse has an exhaustless store
From which she draws with wond'rous skill
Of choicest fancies what she will.
With these she decks the heroes' hearse
Or forms with these immortal verse.
'Last night I sought her dear retreat
And laid me at the fair one's feet.
She knew my errand, sway'd her wand,
Then pointed to a rising stand,
From whence the fairy world was seen
And you embosomed with your Queen.
(As thus ye lay the happiest pair
A rosy scent enriched the air
While to a music softly sounding
Breathing, panting, slow, rebounding)
1 Brown's McHenry, 13.
30 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, iv
Love arose with pow'rful spell,
Hence, he cried, to dismal dell
Imps who haunt the gloomy breast
Ever jealous — never blest ;
This is ground for holy feet
Here the sports and pleasures meet.
Then in whispers caught the ear
What the gifted only hear.
"Chains of Priests or modes of art
"Weakly hold the human heart,
"Hence my Bloisa said
"Give me those that love has made."
Now his fluttering wings out spread
Three times he bless'd the bridal bed,
While o'er it Faith her mantle threw
And said small care would keep it new.
Last Prudence came, in sober guise
With Pilgrim's pace, and wisdom's eyee;
Forth from his stole a tablet took
Which you received with thankful look.
Genius had deeply mark'd the ground,
And Plutus finely edg'd it round.
This done, he bade you long improve
In all the sweets of mutual love.
And now would friendship's voice prevail
To point the moral of the tale.
Know then, dear Ham, a truth contest
Soon beauty fades, and love's a guest.
Love has no settled place on earth ;
A very wan'rer from his birth ;
And yet who happiness would prove,
Like you must build his hopes on love.
When love his choicest gifts has giv'n
He flies to make another heav'n ;
But as he wheels his rapid flight
Calm joys succeed and pure delight.
Faith adds to all ; for works we're told
Is love's alloy, and faith the gold.
Now genius plays the lovers part ;
Now wakes to many a throb the heart ;
With ev'ry sun brings something new.
And gaily varies every view ;
Whilst Prudence all his succour lends
To mark the point where pleasure ends.
For, borne beyond a certain goal,
The sweetest joys disgust the soul.
He too instructs us how to use,
What's more a blessing than the muse [wealth] ;
For well he knows, deprived of this
That toil and care is human bliss.
All these attendants Ham are thine,
Be't yours to treat them as divine ;
To cherish what keeps love alive ;
What makes us young at sixty five.
What lends the eye its earliest fires;
What rightly managed still inspires.
To which Hamilton answered as follows:
"I thank you Dear Mac for your poetry and your confi
dence. The piece is a good one — your best. It has wit,
which you know is a rare thing. I see by perseverance all
ladies may be won. The Muses begin to be civil to you, in
spite of Apollo and my prognosis.
1780-1781] of James McHenry 31
"You know I have often told you, you wrote prose well
but had no genius for poetry. I retract. Adieu
"Sep. 12. [1780] A HAMILTON"
Shortly after this time, McIIenry sought a more definite
military rank and Hamilton wrote to General Schuyler in his
behalf. Schuyler answered on September 16, asking Mc-
Henry to write to him directly. "Schuyler can obtain from
the Governor of New York the appointment of Lieutenant
Colonel in the State levies, which will give McHenry rank,
when the militia is in the field. While the Governor is well
disposed towards McHenry, he can not make him even a lieu
tenant in the regular forces, unless all the ensigns are pro
vided for."
On September 24, McHenry was with Lafayette as aid
and, leaving Washington and Lafayette to go on and examine
the redoubts about West Point, 1 he rode with another aid up
to Arnold's headquarters to make Washington's apologies to
Mrs. Arnold for delaying breakfast. Before breakfast was
over, came that fateful message to Arnold that his treason
was discovered, which led him to take his horse and flee to
the British lines.
A short time after this, Greene - was sent to the south
to take command of the armies there and McHenry was anx
ious to go with him. Greene, who had known McHenry for
some time, "cherished an earnest wish to have him," but
McHenry insisted that, if he went, he must not lose rank.
So Greene wrote to the president of congress, on November 2 :
"Nothing but a majority will engage him in the service,"
and, ' ' if the indulgence can be consistently granted, it will lay
me under particular obligations." It was not granted and
so McHenry took no part in the southern campaign. Greene
recurred to the matter, 3 in a letter he wrote Washington,
May 1, 1781, saying: "When I was appointed to the com
mand of this army, I solicited Congress to give Dr. McHenry
a majority, that he might serve me in the character of Aid.
This they refused. I was persuaded, when I made the appli-
1 Brown's McHenry, 15. CJiastellux Travels, i, 108, 112. On Novem
ber 23, M. de Chastellux, traveling through America, met Lafayette at his
camp near Haverstraw and thence was conducted by McHenry to Wash
ington's headquarters about two miles to the north. Chastellux saw with
McHenry. on his way, a great cataract, which much impressed him and
remarked that he did not find his companion "much versed in natural
history."
2 Greene's Greene, iii, 44.
3 Brown's McHenry, 14.
32 Life and Correspondence CHAP. IV
cation, of the necessity & since have felt it most sensibly.
Your Excellency can scarcely tell how happy you are in your
family, &, therefore, can hardly judge of my situation. I
cannot make a second application to Congress on the subject,
nor should I have hopes of succeeding if I did; but I shall
esteem it a peculiar mark of your Excellency's friendship &
esteem, if you will interest yourself in the matter & get him
a majority. Your Excellency will judge of the propriety of
my request."
This time the effort was successful and, on May 30, 1781,
McHenry was granted a commission as major to date from
October 30, 1780.
Meanwhile, McHenry was serving as the "confidential
friend" in Lafayette's military family, of whom the ardent
Frenchman had an "affecting recollection" over forty years
later. l In February, he was at home in Baltimore, whither
Lafayette addressed him the following interesting letter, com
paring French and English liberty.
"New Windsor, February the 15th 1781.
"Dear Sir
"After a Debate on french and British Liberty, I was
Collecting a few Comparisons in a Letter to a private friend,
When Happening to See them you thought they Might Be
Useful, And I Gave to You what I Had Already writen —
. You are pleased to Request A Continuation, But Having No
Copy of the part in your possession, And Many Months Being
elapsed Since it came out of My Mind, I can only add,
therefore, Broken ideas, and do not pretend to Be Answerable
for Repetitions
"I Have Been, I think Speaking of French Parliaments,
and (Correcting the Mistake Which is often Made from A
Resemblance of Names) I Said that Parliamentary opposition
was no where essential, And that in France it was More
Collectively And More Freely Expressed — These French
Courts of Justice Called Parliaments Must, in My opinion, Be
Commended for two Advantages — the 1st. that they form
Several Distinct Bodies, Most of whom Are Situated in
removed Provinces where they Can See the Social Disadvan
tages of Measures they Mean to oppose, where they more
immediately Can Collect the Sentiments of the people, where
they keep More Distant from Court Influence And Corruption
' ' The 2d is that Men'in Parliament form a kind of Sepa-
1 Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore, 411.
1780-1781] of James McHcnry 33
rate Class the Greatest part of which Have independant for
tunes, and Not Many Belong to Court Families — By their
Station they Are excluded from Emploiements At Court, in
the Navy, in the Army, From Almost every Appointment
Which in England Becomes Means of Corruption — From the
Duties of their profession they Renounce the Pleasures of Dis
sipation, their very dress imposes upon them A Sober Way of
Living Which still Renders them More independent, While
As a Body they Become Formidable And are Supported By
Illustrious Families Which ever kept Some of their Branches
in Parliamentary and Senatorial profession
"Many Great inconveniences are found in the French
Mode of Rendering Justice, And Juries are Not Without Some
— I far prefer the Later, And You Know theyr Advantages —
It might However Be Said that French Judges Must Be More
Enlightened, More Used to Business and more strangers to
Local Little Cabals, That if one of the parties think any form
Has Been Neglected, these are revoked By a Superior And
Different Board Called the Great Council — But upon the
whole, the Mode By Juries Seems to Be Preferable — Let us
now Consider A still more Important Point Viz — The Basis
itself of Justice, The Law Upon which the fate of citizens Must
Be Litteraly Decided in Both Countries
"In France Crimes Are Seldom Capital or imprisonments
Permitted to what they are in the Laws of Great Britain —
These Seem to Have Rather Trifled with the life of Men and
personal Liberty, While Both in the French Laws Have Been
Most Deliberately treated — Next to Personal Laws comes
Relligious Tolerance, and Here Also France Has the Advan-
" Tolerance is Much Commended in English writings, and
No where Less practiced than in that Country — and every
other protestant Society are persecuted By the Church to
which their King Presides — Catholics are still More partic
ularly A prey to fanaticism And the Greater part of the
inhabitants in Ireland are for Relligion Sake trampled Upon
By the minority of their Country Men — The Last Riots in
London Have Been A Wonder to All europe, and By their
Violence and Indecency Equal Any thing that Disgraced the
Barbarous Ages of Ignorance And Superstition
"In France there is also A predominant Relligion, But
persecution Has long Since Vanished, and protestants are
quiet in every part of the Kingdom — From an Ancient
34 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, iv
Institution the Military Order of St. Louis Requires a profes
sion of Catholicism, But an other Ribband to Similar purposes
with Similar Advantages Has Been Long Ago located for
Protestant officers — Great places in the Kingdom are filled
By them, And the Present Minister of France is a Calvinist
— you know how it is in England with Regard to Catholics
Many, Among their Generals and their troops are protestants,
and few Catholics are to be found in the regiment of Deux
Ponts now in Rhode Island — Jews are admitted to buy
manors while they of course Appoint Catholic Clergymen to
Churches "Within theyr possession — And to Give You an in
stance of French Tolerance, there is now A Church in th«
Large City of Strasburg Which Belongs Both to a protestant
and A Catholic Society, Where the Catholic service is per
formed Every Sunday, And when it is over the Protestants
Congregation Come in to Worship the Same God in a Dif
ferent Way
"An Additional Circumstance is that in England the
popular cry and the popular maxims are pointed towards the
Exclusion of Tolerance, While to France the Voice of the
people and the omnipotent Influence of Society are Bent to its
admission, and are Every Day Checking the Remaining priv
ileges of A predominant Relligion, In Support of measures
Which Are Conductive to the most perfect Relligious Liberty
' ' Thus far My Dear Sir, I will go for the present, And if
any other Matter Occurs to My Mind, An other Letter will
soon Follow this to Baltimore — Good News Are Coming
generally from the South Ward And as you will know the
disaster of the British Fleet, as Partout 's affairs at Mauricinia
must Have Reached the Banks of Chesapeake, My gazette of
this Day will be very insipid. — Every Body Says You are
Going to get into the Governor's Council — If You quit the
House for the field, I shall Be Very Happy to obtain the
preference in Your Military employment And Hoping You
know my tender friendship and Affectionate Regard for You,
Will not lengthen this letter with assurances from my Heart
While the Heart itself must be known to You
' ' I intend to write to You Again in a few Days and with
every Sentiment of Attachment and Esteem Have the Honor
to be
"Yours
"LAFAYETTE
"I Have Been Happy to Hear of the Success Which our friend
1780-1781] of James McHenry 35
General Greene Has obtained — The first Letter I receiv'd
from Him was intended to Give me his state of things and of
Cource Discourage my coming — The second Has Been to
announce the Affairs of Morgan, and to tell me that the Glory
Reaching from it did not Blind Him on His true Situation"
At New Windsor, just about this time, came the rupture
between Washington and Hamilton because of the stiff pride
of the young aid de camp. On February 18, Hamilton wrote
of it to his friend McHenry.
"I have, Dear Mac, several of your letters. I shall soon
have time enough to write my friends as often as they please.
"The Great man and I have come to an open rupture.
Proposals of accomodation have been made on his part, but
rejected. I pledge my honor to you that he will find me
inflexible. He shall for once at least repent his ill-humour.
Without a shadow of reason and on the slightest grounds — •
he charged me in the most affrontive manner with treating
him with disrespect. I answered very decisively 'Sir, I am
not conscious of it, but since you have thought it necessary to
tell me, so we part ! ' I wait till more help arrives, at present
there is besides my self only Tilghman, who is just recovering
from a fit of illness, the consequence of too close application
to business.
"We have often spoken freely our sentiments to each
other. Except to a very few friends our difference will be a
secret, therefore be silent.
"I shall continue to support a popularity that has been
essential — is still useful.
"Adieu my friend. May the time come when characters
may be Known in their true light. A. H.
"Madame sends her
friendship to you."
McHenry had not been wasting time in Baltimore. On
his southward route to take command of the continental
troops in Virginia, Lafayette wrote Washington from the head
of Elk on March 7, "The State of Maryland have made me
every offer in their power. Mr. McHenry has been very active
in accelerating the measures of his State." The day before
this, McHenry wrote the merchants of Baltimore, l asking
1 Scharf s Maryland, li, 437. See Sparks's Letters to Washington,
ill, 255. McHenry himself gave $110.76^.
36 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, iv
them to form a committee to give effect and furtherance to
the measures taken by the public for Lafayette's expedition.
The general was greatly disappointed by the delays which had
already occurred and, without general exertions, the expedition
might be defeated in its commencement. ' ' Such is the deranged
state of our treasury affairs that public officers find a thousand
inconveniences & obstacles in the execution of their duty.
Scarce a wagon can be put in niotion, without adding to the
powers of government that of private assistance. In such a
situation, it becomes the duty of individuals & of particular
societies of men to contribute a certain support, beyond what
may be considered their proper proportion. This is looked
for under all government, but expected more particularly in
the republican. I need not select, as an instance, the Philadel
phia merchants, who have so long kept the northern army
supplied with provisions * * * The Marquis cannot write you
himself, in the first instance, nor before he knows your dispos
ition or arrangements. If you do anything, I pray it may be
instant, that we may have it to say to ourselves, the expedition
has not failed for want of what support we could give it.
' ' As it is probable another detachment will follow this, we
shall want more vessels. Your assistance may also become
essential during the whole course of our operations."
The merchants called a public meeting in consequence
of this letter and appointed a committee, composed of Robert
Purviance, William Patterson, and Mathew Ridley to co-oper
ate with Major McIIenry in procuring supplies of clothing,
money, etc. On the 9th, the committee answered: "We are
authorized to assure you, in their [i. e. the merchants] names,
that no exertions, within the compass of their abilities, shall be
wanting to expedite the enterprise of Major General the
Marquis de Lafayette & the military subordinate to him,
they being warmly disposed to aid & give immediate energy
to his operations against the common enemy."
The story is told that l Lafayette stopped in Baltimore at
this time and, at a ball given him, was sad, because so many
of his soldiers were in want of clothes. Learning this fact,
the ladies set to work to provide for this deficiency and
Lafayette warmly thanked them in a letter he sent to Baltimore
by McHenry some time,, later.
McHenry went to Annapolis during March, and labored
to the same purpose, though impeded by illness. He kept in
1 Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore, 194.
1780-1781] of James McHenry 37
close touch with the merchants, and it was doubtless partly due
to his efforts l that Governor Thomas Sim Lee wrote the mer
chants, on March 20, that the state will repay, with interest,
the money advanced by them and said : ' ' We very much ap
plaud the zeal & activity of the gentlemen of Baltimore &
think their readiness to assist the executive, at a time when
they were destitute of the means of providing those things
which were immediately necessary for the detachment under
the command of the Marquis de la Fayette, justly entitle
them to the thanks of the public." 2 On April 14, McHenry
wrote from Baltimore to "Washington about the Virginia ex
pedition. McHenry seems to have been with Lafayette dur
ing the whole of the campaign, but we know nothing of his
services. In 1785, he furnished Dr. William Gordon, who was
writing a history of the United States, with an account of the
part taken by Lafayette in the Revolution, but the published
history contains no mention of McHenry, though it gives
some anecdotes which were probably taken from McHenry 's
sketch.
Greene's friendship and esteem for McHenry continued
and letters passed between them from time to time, especially
as Lafayette's command was nominally under Greene's orders,
as chief of forces in the southern department.
Greene wrote McHenry from
''Camp near Guilford
Court House March 22 1781
"My dear friend
"Nothing could afford me greater pleasure than the
arrival of the Marquis in this department, but I am afraid his
stay will be short. If we could form a junction of all our
forces great things might be effected. I wish the Marquis may
have a latitude equal to my wishes. A few Months may effect
a great change in this quarter.
' ' I must beg leave to refer you to Col Morris for the par
ticulars of the Southern operations. God bless you with
health and make you as happy as I wish you to be
"Yours Aff
"Doctor McHenry "N GREENE
Aide de Camp to the
Marquis De la Lafayette."
On July 8, McHenry wrote Greene3 from Ambler's
1 Vide letter to him from J. B. Cutting of March 29, 1781.
2 Scharf's Maryland, ii, 437.
3 McHenry's letter is printed in Mag. of Hist., ii, 362 (Nov., 1905).
38 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, iv
Plantation (opposite James Island) telling of a brave attack
by General Wayne's command on the British forces. This
letter was answered by Greene from the
"High Hills Santee
July 24 1781
"Dr Major
"Your letter by Mr Carlyle and those of the 12th giving
an account of the Skirmish at James town all come safe to-
hand. Upon the whole I am not sorry for the late action, tho
I confess if I have a proper Idea of the strength and constitu
tion of the Marquis's Army the maneuver was hazardous.
However in war you must always risque something and too
much caution sometimes begets contempt and brings us into
the very evils we wish to avoid. I am persuaded the enemy
from their movements, have a proper respect for you. But
be careful, for you may be assured, his Lord ship is a modern
Hannibal and is seeking for some capital advantage. I confess
I am puzzled not a little by his movements on this side of the
river. When he was returning on the other side I did not
think it proceeded from fear; or from a desire to avoid an
action, but from the operations going on against New York.
But his latter movements seem to contradict that opinion.
What are they about to the Northward; and what is your
opinion of the plan, is it serious or only a diversion?
' ' I wish you with me exceedingly ; but there is no incon
venience to which I will not subject my self to oblige the Mar
quis. I am persuaded you are useful to him, in moderating
his military ardor, which no doubt is heated by the fire of the
Modern hero, who by the by is an excellent officer; and had
he been here lately would have done something glorious.
"Dont let your partiallity deceive you, there is no danger
of my character rising so high as to be difficult to support.
We have done nothing splendid and it is only the sensible that
will give us credit, and those are more steady and uniform in
their Sentiments through all changes of fortune. —
"Yours Affectionately
"N. B. I shall pay N. GREENE
particular attention to
Mr Carlyle."
While with Lafayette at Malvern Hill on July 30, 1781,
McHenry wrote Thomas Sim Lee, governor of Maryland, as
1780-1781] of James Me Henry 39
follows: "The intelligence which remains after the General's
letter is fit only to excite conjecture. On the 27th. 19 flat
bottomed boats, with horse and foot, crossed from Portsmouth
to Norfolk, the troops there marched towards King's landing.
The day after, 2 companies of Hessians took the same rout.
This, one would say, looks to the southward. We have
nothing official from Gen. Greene, but it is reported that
affairs are again in his favor. His fortune is a perfect
resemblance of life, Gen. Wayne and Gen. Morgan are at
Good 's bridge on the South Side of James River Col. Moylan
and one regiment of light infantry will cross to-day to take a
post in front, the militia and the remainder of the infantry on
this side." Lee forwarded McHenry's letter to the congress
and wrote that body on August 4, ' ' The State is making every
exertion to collect such a force as with the regulars here,
amountingto about 600, under skilful and experienced officers,
will enable us to confine them within very narrow limits.
Our people are resolute and determined, they feel that animat
ing spirit which diffused itself through all ranks at the
commencement of this contest. The approach of the enemy
apparently has banished every sordid, avaricious, and selfish
view and we trust our people will act like men, sensible of the
blessings they are struggling for and the miseries which, by an
abject and dastardly conduct, they most deservedly will feel."
He requested help towards the arming of the militia and
reminded congress that it had not often been troubled with
applications from this state and "we flatter ourselves the
exertions of our people upon all occasions merit every assist
ance that can be afforded."
McHenry was present with the army at Yorktown. whence
he wrote Otho Holland Williams.
"Camp before York
7th Octtr. 1781.
"My dear Williams. We cannot speak sufficiently of you,
Howard and our brave troops. How happy I am at all that
has happened ; that you are safe ; and that every one of your
army deserves everything from our country.
"This seiging work is very serious business. We go on
however very briskly. Last night we broke ground upon our
/
40 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, iv
first parallel and this morning we are under cover; but we
shall not open our trenches for some days. When we do it, it
will be with about eighty pieces of cannon and mortars.
"Col. Morris is setting out. He will tell you the rest.
"Adieu
"JAMES MCHENRY"
At the surrender of Cornwallis he was also present and
among his papers is a return of the number of those who
capitulated. The service at this siege was the last of Mc-
Henry's military life.
CHAPTER V
THE MARYLAND SENATE AND THE CONFEDERATION CONGRESS.
UNTIL WASHINGTON'S RESIGNATION OP HIS COM
MISSION IN DECEMBER, 1783
OX September 17, 1781, when he must have been still
in the army before Yorktown, McIIenry was elected
to the senate of Maryland. The senate at that time
consisted of fifteen members: nine from the western shore
and six from the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay, and
was elected for a term of five years, by a body of thirty-eight
electors, chosen by the people in the counties of the state.
McHenry held his new post until he resigned early in 1786.
The acceptance of the senatorship, a noteworthy honor,
considering how little McHenry had resided in the state, was
followed by his resignation from the army on December 3.
Washington wrote him 1 on December 11, that his resignation
was delivered to the secretary at war and added, "I am con
vinced your transition from the military to the civil line
will be attended with good consequences, as you will be able
to communicate that kind of information to the body of
which you are now a member, which they often stand in need
of, in times like the present." Washington promised to cor
respond with McHenry on public affairs and with "the high
est opinion of the good will & vigor'1 of the Maryland leg
islature, urged McHenry to impress upon them ' ' that to make
a good peace, you ought to be well prepared to carry on the
war. ' '
January, 1782, found McHenry at Annapolis in atten
dance upon the senate. On the 20th, as the session closed, 2
he wrrote Washington that the "only novelty which it has
given birth to, is a man called Intendant, whom we have
vested with great powers & who is to destroy that disorder
1 Ford, ix, 418.
2 On January 19 and 21, McHenry wrote to Hamilton and Major
Edward Giles refusing to tell the name of Publius, but adding that he
would send Publius, who is not an inhabitant of the state, the proceedings
of the house of delegates, in the case of Cadwalader against Chase, and
will tell Publius's name, only In case he is willing to retract.
42 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
in our affairs, which has arisen chiefly from a bad money
& a want of money. You, who know the confusion which
reigns very generally through out the States, will suppose
that Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, the Maryland Intendant,
must have a very embarrassing time & that he shall be un
commonly fortunate, should his administration be success
ful."1
This letter of McHenry's was sent by a lady and was
answered by Washington on March 12, from Philadelphia. 2
He expresses the hope that "good laws, ample means, & suf
ficient powers were given the intendant," and speaks of the
"anxious state of suspense," in which all were with refer
ence to affairs in the West Indies. "Never, since the com
mencement of the present Revolution, has there been, in
my judgment, a period, when vigorous measures wrere more
consonant to sound policy than the present." He thinks
the British ministry "will obtain supplies for the current
year, prepare vigorously for another campaign, & then prose
cute the war, or treat of peace, as circumstances & fortuitous,
events may justify; & that nothing will contribute more to
the first, than a relaxation or apparent supineness on the
part of these States." Men and money are much needed and
it is idle now to "count merely on voluntary enlistment."
There is no other "effectual method to get men suddenly,
but that of classing the people & compelling every class
to furnish a recruit. Here every man is interested; every
man becomes a recruiting officer."
On April 5, McIIenry answered from Baltimore that he
agreed with Washington that the prosecution of the war is
intended, but feared that Maryland will not class the people,
in default of which recruiting goes on slowly. Matters were
worse on July 14, when McHenry wrote Washington, regret
ting the French defeat in the West Indies and saying: "I
do not calculate upon anything decisive on our coast from
the operations, at least this season, & how we are to provide
& carry on the war next year, if we receive no foreign money,
is to me a great political mystery." Public affairs are in a
most alarming situation for want of exertion on the part of
the states. Congress asks Maryland, as her quota, to give
nearly a million dollars and the .state treasury has barely
£2000.
1 See Sparks's Writings of Washington, viii, 254. He asks for news
and speaks of the recruiting bill.
2 Ford, ix, 459; Sparks, viii, 254.
1781-1783] of James McHenry 43
The particular request McIIenry makes is of a more
pleasing character. Mr. Lindsay, the manager of the Balti
more Theatre, bears the letter and asks that the band of music
among the prisoners at Frederick be paroled to Baltimore,
where Lindsay will employ them on a salary. This favor
will increase the pleasures of Baltimore and satisfy the anxie
ties of the ladies.
Washington answered this letter 1 on the 18th, stating
that he referred the request to the secretary at war and had
"no doubt of his acquiescence," adding: "If the ladies
should derive as much additional pleasure from the allure
ment of this band, as I wish them, they will be soon at the
summit of happiness." "At present we are enveloped in
darkness," because of the naval engagement. "Providence
has done much for us in this contest; but we must do some
thing for ourselves, if we expect to go triumphantly through
with it."
McHenry was subject to fever, probably of a malarial
type, and had been ill this summer, but was now recovered.
Washington suggests : ' ' As your fever has been obstinate,
may not change of air be of service to you? Whether for
this or other purposes, allow me to add that I should be very
happy in your spending some time with us at head quarters. ' '
McHenry seems to have been as yet uncertain as to his
future, as is shown by a letter to Hamilton:
"Baltimore llth. Aug. 1782.
"If you are not in the humor to read a long letter, do,
prithee, give this to the child to play with and go on with
your amusement of rocking the cradle. To be serious, my
dear Hamilton, I have been thinking of late upon my own
situation & this has led me as often to think of yours. Some
men, I observe, are so born & tempered, that it is not till after
long bustling & battling it in the world (and some scarcely
then) that they come to learn a little prudence. Much I be
gin to suspect that you & I want a great deal of this quality
to bring us on a level with our neighbors and to carry us
cheerfully through life. Have we not both of us continued
long enough in the service of the public? Should not I exer
cise my profession or some profitable business & should not
you, putting off the politician, exert yourself only to acquire
a profession? I find that to be dependent on a father is
irksome, because I feel that it is in my power to be indepen-
1 Ford, x, 49.
44 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
dent by my own endeavours. I see that the good things of
this world are all to be purchased with money and that the
man who has money may be whatever he pleases.
"Hamilton, there are two lawyers in this Town, one of
which has served the public in the General Assembly for
three years wTith reputation and to .the neglect of his practice.
The other has done nothing but attend to his profession, by
which he has acquired a handsome competency. Now the
people have taken it into their heads to displace the lawyer
which has served them till he is become poor, in order to
put in his stead the lawyer who has served himself & become
rich. Let me add to this anecdote a bon mot of our friend
Fleury 's. Talking to me the other day. ' You are a Senator, '
said he, 'pray what is your salary.' I told him it might
perhaps defray about two thirds of our expenses while at
tending the Senate, and that we were only paid during our
attendance, provided one was unmarried & lived frugally.
'Then,' said he, 'I pity Maryland, for her Senate must be
composed chiefly of rich fools.' What is the moral of all
this, my dear friend, but that it is high time for you and I
to set about in good earnest, doing something for ourselves.
"I hear you are chosen a delegate to Congress. Will
you forgive me for saying that I would rather have heard
that you had not been chosen. If you accept of the office,
there is a stop to any further studying of the law, which I
am desirous you should finish, because a few years practice
at the bar would make you independent, and do you more
substantial good than all the fugitive honors of Congress.
This would put it in your power to obtain them and to hold
them with more certainty should you still be inclined to
risque in a troubled sea. The moment you cease to be a can
didate for public places, the people will lament your loss and
wait with impatience till they can persuade a man of your
abilities to serve them. In the mean time, you will be doing
justice to your family. Besides, you know that there is noth
ing at present to be had worthy your acceptance. The nego
tiators for peace have been long since appointed. The great
departments of Government are all filled up. Our foreign
ministers sit firm in their seats. It is not to be expected that
any new ministers will be created before a peace. And when
this comes, be assured, "long residence and large possessions
in this country will prelude superior merits.
"I wish, therefore, my dear friend that I could prevail
1781-1783] of James McHe.nry 45
upon you to avoid a disappointment & a loss which I think
I foresee. For, should you go to Congress, you will lose an
other year of time that is become more precious than ever and
retire, perhaps in disgust, to renew your studies and to those
domestic endearments which you will regret to have forsaken.
How would it vex me to learn that you had exclaimed in the
stile of an English Cardinal — If I had best served my family
as faithfully as I have the public, my affairs would have
been today in a very different order.
1 ' It appears to me, Hamilton, to be no longer either nec
essary or a duty, for you and I to go on to sacrifice the small
remnant of time that is left us. We have already immolated
largely on the altar of liberty. At present, our country
neither wants our services in the field or the cabinet, so that
it is incumbent upon us to be useful in another line. By
pushing your studies to a conclusion, you at once perfect your
happiness. But I wonder, nor recollect, whilst my own life
runs on in idleness and small follies that I stand in most need
of the advice which I am presuming to offer. You have a
wife and an increasing offspring to urge you forward, but
I am without either — without your incitements to begin a
reform or your perseverance to succeed. Write me then, what
you are doing — What you have done and what you intend
to do, that I may endeavour to follow your example. And
be full, for I really intend to be wise and you shall be my
Apollo.
"I have been a second time on the point of gaining im
mortality by a fever. It seized me a little after the arrival
of the French troops here and has only permitted me to come
abroad a few days since. Mrs. Carter & Miss Peggy are with
us and of course you will think I have been often with them.
But I must tell you something of your relations. Mr. Carter
is the mere man of business and I am informed has riches
enough, with common management, to make the longest life
very comfortable. Mrs. Carter is a fine woman. She charms
in all companies. No one has seen her, of either sex, who
has not been pleased with her and she pleased every one,
chiefly, by means of those qualities which made you the hus
band of her sister. Peggy, though perhaps a finer woman,
is not generally thought so. Her own sex are apprehensive
that she considers them poor things, as Swift's Vanessa did,
and they, in return, do not scruple to be displeased. In short,
Peggy, to be admired as she ought, has only tb please the
46 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
men less and the ladies more. Tell her so. I am sure her
good sense will soon place her in her proper station. 1
"My dear Hamilton, adieu. Remember a man who lives
in this world, without being satisfied with it. Who strives
to seem happy among a people who cannot inspire happiness,
but who thinks it unbecoming the dignity of man to leave
his part, merely because it does not please him. I am melan-
cholly you perceive. This plaguy fever has torn me to pieces
and my mind yet shares in the weakness of my body. But
I will recover spirits, as I recover strength. In the mean
while do not fail to write me. Again my friend & philosopher
adieu. JAMES McHENRY
"I wrote you between my fevers on the affair of Chase,
which letter I inclosed to Secretary Turnbull. Has it been
received? It contains what vou asked for."
Four days later, Washington addressed two letters to
McIIenry. One of these hitherto unpublished, in playful
vein, chides him for not informing him as to matters.
"Newburgh 15th Aug., 1782.
"My dear McHenry,
"Let me congratulate you, and I do it very sincerely,
on your restoration to health. I was in pain for you. I was
in some for myself — and wished for my P T of M ;
and both my P e L in I ; resolving (like a man
in the last agony) not to follow the trade & occupation of a
G . any more.
"I attributed all the delays, & my disappointments in
this business, to your sickness; for otherwise I should de
nominate you an unfeeling — teasing — Mortal. In proof
of it, I would assert that in March last, I committed a mat
ter to your care of which you took no notice till July follow
ing — and then in such a way, as to set afloat a thousand
ideas; which resolved themselves into almost as many anxious
questions. These again, you acknowledged the rect. of on the
26th of July, — and on the 3d. of August promise an answer
— when? three or four Weeks from that date; during this
time my imagination is left on the rack. — I remain in the
field of conjecture. — unable to acct. for causes of somethings,
or to judge of their effect ; — In a word, I cannot develop
1 Mr. and Mrs. Carter are John Carter Church, an Englishman, and
General Philip Sohuyler's eldest daughter, Angelica, who eloped with
Church, then known as Carter, in July, 1777. Lossing*s Schuyler. ii, 206.
1781-1783] of James McHenry 47
some misteries, the appearance of which gave rise to those
queries which were made the contents of a letter.
"Do not my Dear Doctor tease your Mistress in this
manner — much less your wife, when you get one. The first
will pout — & the other may scold — a friend will bear with
it, especially one who assures you, with as much truth as I
do, that he is sincere.
' ' adieu
"Go. WASHINGTON."
In the other letter of the same date, Washington writes : *
''My dear Doctr.
"If the Commanders of the Fleets and Armies of our
late, most Gracious Sovereign, in America are not guilty of
more duplicity than comports with candid minds, we are now
advanced to that critical & important crisis, when our hands
are to be tried at the Arts of negotiation. —
"In a letter which I have received and forwarded to
Congress, from Sir Guy Carlton and Admiral Digby, are
these words 'We are acquainted, Sir, by authority, that ne
gotiations for a Perm't Peace have already commenced at
Paris, and that Mr. Greville is invested with full powers to
treat with all Parties at war, and is now at Paris in the exe
cution of his Commission. And we are likewise, Sir, further
made acquainted, that his Majesty in order to remove all
obstacles to that Peace which he so ardently wishes to restore,
has commanded his Ministers to direct Mr. Greville that the
Independency of the thirteen Provinces should be proposed
by him in the first instance of making it a condition of a gen
eral Treaty ; however, not without the highest confidence, that
the loyalists Shall be restored to their possessions, or a full
compensation made them for whatever confiscations may have
been taken place. ' '
Washington adds that this seems a "solid basis for our
commissioners to raise their superstructure upon, & things may
& probably soon will be brought to a speedy & happy issue."
He urges that preparations be still pressed with vigor, for noth
ing will hasten peace more, and states that news of the proba
bility of peace "spread universal consternation among all the
tribes of refugees" in New York.
The same doctrine, that we must prepare for peace by
1 Partly printed, Ford, x, 52.
48 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. V
preparing for war, 1 was taught by Washington, in his let
ter of September 12, to McHenry, when the prospects of peace
seemed less. The general wrote also:
"I am pained to find by your letter of the 30th. ulto.
that you cannot get rid of your fever. Try change of air —
come to the Camp — anything to remove a disorder which
seems to pursue you with unabating obstinacy, and may, if
suffered to run on you any longer, become too powerful for
medicine.
"The army has at length taken the Field, and is en
camped at this place; awaiting a junction with the French
Corps, which will, I expect, take effect in the course of this
week. ' '
McHenry was in wretched health all the summer and
early autumn 2 having five severe attacks of fever, but was
keenly anxious for news from Washington and hopeful for
peace. When his health was restored in October, he wrote to
Washington, asking that the general aid him to obtain pay
and depreciation certificate.
The Maryland law made no allowance to the general's
secretaries and no new law of congress can affect the exist
ing Maryland law. McHenry relied on getting this allow
ance and bought land on the Monocacy, for which he now
must pay, and asks that Washington write Robert Morris,
head of the treasury department, suggesting that McHenry be
paid out of the federal treasury, for the time of secretaryship
only, as this is all the pay McHenry will ever receive and he
will, otherwise, get nothing for seven years ' service.
Washington wrote at once to the secretary at war as
follows :
"Head Quarters 22d. Octr. 1782.
"Dear sir
"Upon your return to Philadelphia, I beg leave to re
quest your particular attention to the following matter, I
look upon myself bound to procure the Gentleman interested,
a full compensation for his services, while in my Family.
"Mr. McHenry, formerly one of my Secretaries, writes
me, that upon application to the Auditor of the State of
Maryland, of which he is a Citizen, to settle his arrearages
of Pay and depreciation, he refused to do it upon a supposi-
1 Ford, x, 77 ; Sparks, viii, 344.
2 See McHenry's letter of September 30 and October 10.
1781-1783] of James McHenry 49
tion that the Resolve of Congress recommending to the State
to make settlements of that kind, only extended to Officers
properly belonging to their respective Lines. This has in
volved Mr. McHenry in the following difficulty, — Upon a
presumption that the State would settle with and give him
Certificates, as to their Officers, he purchased a quantity of
Lands appropriated by the State to making good arrearages
of Pay and depreciation, & which were to be paid for in Cer
tificates.
" — He now finds himself like to be excluded from this
benefit, for want of the Certificates ; — If he cannot procure
them, he must give up his purchase. As there seems a doubt
whether Mr. McHenry, as one of my Secretaries, is included
in the recommendatory Resolves already passed, I could wish,
should it not be deemed improper, that you would apply to
Congress to pass a short Resolve in his favor, recommending
to the Secretary to make him the same allowance as to Officers
of their Line."
But to McHenry he wrote l : "I am pained because I
cannot answer the expectations & request of your letter * *
to your satisfaction." He knew there was no hope in applying
to the financier, for the United States had no money and he
had been told that the only mode to help McHenry is to ask
congress to recommend his case to the state of Maryland,
which he has done. He goes on as follows:
"We have been at this place, Verplank's point, ever since
the last days of August, and are upon the point of retiring
into Winter Quarters. The French Army (except the Legion
of Lauzon) have marched Eastward for theirs. We go
Northward to the vicinity of West Point. We have long
expected to hear of the evacuation of Charles Town, as the
Enemy in New York do not scruple to say that it is a measure
determined on — but how far a change of men may produce
a change of measures, you can judge as well of as I. No
man on this side of the water I believe (not even Sir Guy
Carleton himself) knows the result of the British Councils.
My opinion of the matter is that tkey are yet dependant upon
the events of the Campaign. You will readily infer from
hence that I have no idea of a speedy evacuation of New
York.
' ' Mr. Greville has certainly left Paris but he is succeeded
1 Partly printed, Ford, x, 90.
50 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
by a Mr. Fitzherbert and the negotiations are yet going on
but limpingly. * *
"P. S.
' ' Since writing this
letter I have conversed
with the Secretary at War
on the Subject of it who assures me that there will be no
difficulty at all in the way. ' '
Before he had received McHenry's letter, Washington
had written him on the 17th in answer to McHenry's letter
of September 30, stating that there is no news and that we
must not "be lulled by expectations of peace" which would
' ' prove the ruin of our cause & the disbanding of our army. ' '
The army is in hard straits and Washington writes that he
must ' ' stick very close to my flock this winter. ' ' l
On November 26, 1782, McHenry lost his father, who
died in Baltimore. With the death of the father, James
McHenry seems to have decided to take his place in the
mercantile business in partnership with his brother. The
death of his father also made him financially independent.
On February 2, 1783, McHenry writes a bright note to
Washington asking for the dismissal of Mrs. Nancy Bui any 's
negro Jacob, who >nlisted in Bradford's company in October,
1781.
' ' One of the best old ladies in the world, who has one of
the cleverest ladies for -'T °rideav-
ours for the recovery o. I
inclose you a note on the subject & have to entreat your
Excellency that you will order an inquiry & have the negro
restored. " I recollect to have been told by Major Reed in
Virginia something of that affair. At that time I could not
take the necessary steps to have justice done to the good old
lady. I need not add, if Mrs. Bulany is known to your
Excellency, how much it will oblige me to see the negro
restored, on account of her great virtues & because it will
be a great relief."
Over two months later, on April 15, McHenry wrote
Washington again from Philadelphia :
"Because I have_no reason to believe myself forgotten,
notwithstanding you have not written me for a long time, I
would not leave Philadelphia without congratulating with
1 Ford, x. 94.
1781-1783] of James Me Henry 51
you upon an event the most glorious for my general. You
have carried us through a long war ; you have not sunk under
the severest trials & you live to see a country enjoy the
blessings of peace & the result of your struggles. I know
that you will not have it in your power to return to your
seat for some time ; but, when you do, pray Stop over a day
in Baltimore. ' ' McHenry adds that he wishes to go to Europe
in the diplomatic service and requests Washington's help. *
Washington wrote at once to R. R. Livingston and James
Madison concerning the matter and told Hamilton 2 that he
spoke to them of McHenry "in warm terms and wish him
success with all my heart." He then wrote to McHenry as
follows :
"Newburgh 24th April 1783.
"Dear Sir,
' ' Immediately upon the receipt of your letter of the loth,
expressive of your wish to go to the Court of Versailles, or
London, as Official Secretary to the Embassy:, I wrote to
Messrs. Livingstone & Madison on the subject & mentioned
you in warm terms to them — the Letters will go by this days
Post.
' ' I thank you very sincerely for your kind congratulation
on the approaching Peace ; — none can enjoy it with more
heart felt satisfaction than myself; but when I shall be able
to leave this place is uncertain — there are many embarrassing
matters to settle first, and I am at this moment surrounded
by more perplexing circumstances than you can have an idea
of.
"As I shall have pleasure in spending a day at Baltimore
on my return home, I can have no merit in complying with
what you say is the wish of the Citizens of that place; from
whom I have received many marks of polite attention
"I am with much truth
"Dr Sir
"Your most obedt. & affct. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"P. S.
"The inclosed
is copy of a letter written to you agreeably to its date.
Colo. Vose is not now with the Army. ' '
1 On March 23, 1783, Washington wrote Lafayette (Ford, x, 196):
"McHenry has left the military & embraced a civil walk of life. By
which act he has disqualified himself from answering your purposes,"
whatever they may have been.
2 Hamilton's Works, i, 365.
52 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
To Washington's letter Madison answered as follows:
"Philada April 29, 1783.
"Sir
' ' I have been honored with your Excellencys favor of the
22d. inst. bearing testimony to the merits and talents of Mr.
McIIenry. the character which I had preconceived of this
Gentleman was precisely that which your representation has
confirmed — as congress has not yet fixed the peace estab
lishment for their foreign affairs and will not probably fill up
vacancies, unless there be some critical urgency — until such
an establishment be made, it is uncertain when an opportunity
will present itself of taking into consideration the wishes and
merits of Mr. McHenry. should my stay here be protracted
till that happens, which I do not at present expect, I shall feel
an additional pleasure in promoting the public interest from
my knowledge that I, at the same time, fulfill both your
Excellencys public judgment and private inclination.
' ' I have the honor to be with perfect respect and
sincere regard yr Excellencys Obedt & Hble Sv
"J. MADISON Jr."
Livingston's reply soon followed from Philadelphia on
the 2nd of May, 1783.
"I am so sensible of Mr. McHenrys merit, that even
independant of the advantagious light in which your Excel
lency's recommendation places it, I should think my self
happy to obtain his services in a line in which I am persuaded
they will do honor to his country. Congress have it not in
view at present to make an immediate appointment to London ;
and while Doctr. Franklin continues at paris it would be
painful to him to have any other secretary than his grandson,
who tho' not secretary to the embassy exercises the duties of
one, and has lately been provided for as such by Congress.
"Should any opportunity offer of sending out Mr
McHenry in such character as would be acceptable to him,
during the short time of my continuance in office, you may be
persuaded that your Excellency 's recommendation will render
me particularly attentive to avail my self of it. ' '
These letters Washington transmitted to McHenry with
the following note :
"Newburgh 14th. May 1783.
"Dear Sir,
"You will see by the inclosed Copies, which are answers
1781-17831 of James McHenry 53
to my letters to Mr. Livingston and Mr. Madison, upon what
footing the appointments to Foreign Courts stand.
"If these Gentlemen should leave Congress previous to
the taking place of the event — Your friends in Congress
should advise you thereof, & of the time at which these
elections may probably be made, — and I can facilitate your
wishes by addressing any other Members (with whom I have
an acquaintance) in your behalf you may freely lay your
Commands on
"Yr Most Obedt. and
"Affect. Hble Servt.
' ' Go. WASHINGTON. ' '
But McHenry 's desires failed of fulfilment, and he en
dorsed on the letter just quoted : 1
"N. B.
"The first foreign appt. made by Congress, was
to Mr. John Adams, then minister at the
Court of London.
"Having changed my plan of life, in other words
about to be married, I declined being a candidate,
in favour of Wm. S. Smith, who was appointed and
afterwards married one of the
ministers daughters."
Towards the end of April, McHenry left Philadelphia,
where the attractions of Miss Caldwell had made deep impres
sion on him and of his journey to Baltimore he wrote on the
first of May, 1783, to Major John Armstrong, the author
of the Newburgh addresses to Washington:
"My dear Major
"Once on a time, I remember, in a pensive route to our
modern Capua, a young lady descended from a flaming chariot,
and entered the tavern at which I had stopped. Betsy, said
she, with a look of blended gaiety and giddiness that bespoke
a heart perfectly at rest, hasten to me with paper, for I would
die were I not to write to my friend at every remove. Sweet
insensible, said I to myself, as she tripped lightly along,
followed by the girl whose face betrayed the sunshine of
better days and the deep traces of some affecting disappoint
ment — of what would you die — or of what would you write
1 Lafayette wrote Hamilton (Hamilton's Works, 1, 327), asking to
be made envoy extraordinary of the United States to Great Britain to
ratify the treaty and added "send McHenry to me."
54 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
— you who never felt the uncertainties of love — or the pains
of the wretched. But checking these reflexions — trifles, I
perceive make you happy, and sensibility, perhaps, would
render you otherwise. Go then — and write — and dress —
and talk — and throughout life think your heart interested —
but as now let it be always — by trifles. Having shook off the
dust of my journey, of which bye and bye, and being some
what in the humor of this fair itinerant, I called for my
writing apparatus — that I might trifle with you half an hour,
and that you might be able to find me when disposed either in
seriousness or levity to do the same.
"To-morrow, then, I go to be very grave at Annapolis,
and heaven knowrs, how much more I incline to be gay at
Philadelphia. For, of those few things in this world wThich
afford pleasure, I more than suspect — that solemnity and
wisdom give the least, Vive la bagatelle, said Swift, oftener
than he said his prayers — and what adds weight to this
maxim, is, that he did not venture to pronounce it — before
he had discovered by deep study and long intercourse with
mankind — that no one could get fat upon wisdom — which
between ourselves, I take to be the great cause of your leanness.
Were other authorities necessary to support this maxim,
besides the lady's I have quoted — Dean's — and my own
invariable practice — I would mention the two celebrated
Romans, spoken of by Cicero who would leave the business of
government — to play marbles, and gather shells and peri
winkles at Gaeta and Laurentium.
"Thinking in this manner I entered Phila. the capital,
and without any material change of sentiment, I mounted the
curricle that hurried me from it — satisfied that I had lost
no flesh by the visit. In a moment we were out of sight of the
ships — the buildings — the spires and the smoke. The sun
shone benignly on the earth. On each side of the road was
spring just beginning her f rolicks — behind me lay the sleep
ing beauties of Philadelphia, and before me their sisters of
Maryland — so that whichever way I looked — nothing pre
sented me but objects of pleasure. We breakfasted at Chester,
like hungry lions — passed through Wilmington, like a squib
- dined at New-port, like gluttons — ate supper at the Head
of Elk like fools for we had no appetite — and here we took
up our lodgings for the night. About eight o'clock the next
morning, fresh and cheerful as young bridegrooms, we crossed
the Susquehannah — more lovely than your Schuylkil — in
1781-1783] of James Me Henry 55
its banks — its islands — and its windings — and by evening
arrived at a place renowned for — its dirt — its dust — and
its dulness.
"And, now, Sir, will you do me the favor, while I drink
tea with some ladies, to hasten to the circle in which I lately
found you. There single out the fair who possessed you for
that evening — but do not press her hand so much — nor sit
so long near her — for, believe me, you are no anchorite thus
cautioned — assume the attitude of persuasion — awake her
feelings by gome well chosen story — take care at the same
time of your own — then pause — and while, as she is wont,
she casts her eyes thoughtfully, languishing on the ground —
tell her — that although the edges of her little silky present,
are much fretted by the attention paid to it — and here and
there a thread actually destroyed — yet what is left — which
I intend to wear round my neck as an amulet — still retains
the power which she gave it entire and undiminished. Oh
my soul I am heartily glad that her sister is at home with her
fine eyes and her penetrating Avit — because the shrewd girl is
forever suspecting insincerity under a compliment — and here
I would not have my veracity even called into question. But
my good Sir, it is time to leave this lady — as the nymph of
the fete has remarked the length of your conversation. But
— alas — my half hour is spent — and I have only time left
me — to wish you a favorable wind to clear of her spells, and
carry you round the rest of this dangerous circle — for at this
instant — one of the whitest and prettiest hands in all Balti
more — is going to pour me out a dish of imperial tea — and if
I stay another moment, I shall undoubtedly — lose the pleas
ure of drinking it. Adieu therefore — and believe me yours
very sincerely"
On April 24, 1783, the Maryland legislature was called
together, but McHenry did not appear at Annapolis until
May 6, and Governor Paca's message was received on the
following day. Five days later James McHenry and Thomas
Johnson were chosen to fill vacancies in Maryland's represen
tation in the continental congress. 1 In those days, the two
positions were not deemed incompatible and so McHenry sat
in both the confederation congress and the Maryland senate.
The news of the treaty of peace had just come and General
1 Jas. Lloyd, Nathaniel Ramsay, and Thos. Wright, were also voted
for. McHenry accepts on June 1, the last day of the session.
56 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
Greene had written him as follows from Charleston on April
28:
"My dear friend
' ' I have only a moment to salute you with congratulations
upon the joyful issue of the war; and to assure you that
however fortune may dispose of me in future I shall always
feel a lively friendship for you. Major Swan is just on the
wing and will not allow me time to say more. I expect to be
to the Northward this Summer and to have the pleasure of
taking you by the hand as well as all my other Maryland
friends."
As a representative of the commercial classes, we are not
surprised to find that McHenry introduced in the senate
tonnage and port warden's bills. Education, communication
with the west, and readjustment of relations with loyalists
receive attention at this session and Annapolis is offered the
confederation as the seat of the general government.
During the summer, McHenry joined the continental
congress at "Princetown," where he served on the committee
on foreign affairs. Congress had been driven to Princeton
by the mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops at Philadelphia.
On July 3, he wrote to Washington, as chairman of a
committee appointed to consider a letter of Washington's
which complained of his disagreeable situation, saying that
congress wished Washington to come before it. Originally
it had been planned to ask Washington about a peace estab
lishment. Rhode Island wished to have none, so the clause
was left out, but McHenry asks Washington to give his opinion
on the matter, in any case. Evidently the letter was delayed,
for Washington wrote to him on August 6, 1 asking why con
gress had sent for him, as follows :
"After a tour of at least 750 miles (performed in nineteen
days) I returned to this place yesterday afternoon when I
found your favour of the 31st ulto. intimating a resolution
to Congress for calling me to Princeton, partly as it would
seem, on my own account, and partly for the purpose of giving
aid to Congress; but the President not having sent on the
Resolution. * * *
' ' I wish you therefore, my dear Sir, to transmit to me by
the earliest opportunity, a copy of the Resolutions with an
explanation of the particular reasons & motives which have
1 Ford, x, 291; Sparks, viii, 469.
1781-1783] of James McHcnry 57
influenced Congress to pass it, that I may be enabled to regu
late my conduct accordingly.
"With the greatest esteem & much
' ' Affectionate regard
"I am Dr. Sir
"Yr. Obedt Serv.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
McHenry answered Washington's letter on the llth stat
ing that the first motive in asking him to come "was to get
you out of a disagreeable situation to one less disagreeable."
The second was "to get your assistance & advice in the ar
rangements for peace. It may be necessary besides to consult
you respecting promotions & on a variety of military sub
jects." Washington came, occupied a house provided for
him by congress at Rocky Hill, between three and four miles
from Princeton, and remained there until November.
During the debate concerning the punishment of the
Pennsylvania mutineers, McHenry spoke urging mercy:
"Before passing upon this proclamation I beg leave to
say a few words.
"It is impossible that any set of men can be engaged in a
business more serious or more solemn, than in deliberating
upon an act that is to deprive a human being of his life or
character. It wrill occur to the house that the operation of this
act does not merely respect the life or character of Casberry &
Sullivan, but extends beyond them, to their relations and even
to all those of the same name. If a soldier falls in battle — if
an honest man is killed by a robber, or murdered by his
enemy, this neither injures his fame, or reflects dishonor on
his relations. But the case is far otherwise if he dies under
the hands of the law or the executioner. His memory thence
forward is rendered infamous, and to be his relation or to bear
his name, is to carry about one a mark of indelible disgrace.
' ' These observations are recalled to the recollection of the
house, to shew us the importance of what we are about.
"Let us now for a moment consider the crime of these
unfortunate exiles. They were both officers at an early period
of the war, and uniformly and till its close, behaved with that
fortitude and patience which have so distinguished our army.
The situation and circumstances of the army before and at
the time of the meeting need not be discredited. They dis
played great virtues — they are pregnant with instruction to
this country and full of excuse for the criminals. These
58 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
unfortunates worn down by poverty and grown desperate
by necessity, that power which few persons can resist, formed
a plan to relieve their wants.
"It is certainly an extenuation of their crime, that its
object was founded in justice, and that violence was done to
either life, person, or property. It is true the soldiers, whose
motions they are said to have directed, had arms in their
hands when they surrounded the state house — but it is also
true that they did not use their arms.
"But other and more urgent reasons plead that their
crime should be forgiven. Let the services and long suffer
ings of the army be remembered ; and let the failings of these
men be forgotten in their former merits and in the merits of
the army. And let not the first fruits of their long and
perilous contest, our peace, be watered with the blood of two
of their companions.
' ' I hope it will not be urged that the measure is necessary
for the support of our national character. Our national
character can never be supported by a sacrifice of national
humanity. I have always thought, and the history of all
nations teach me that I am right that acts of mercy serve more
to dignify and raise the character of a government than acts
of Hood. It is said that Draco's laws were written in blood
— but no one has ever dared to praise them. ' '
During the autumn, McIIenry wrote to Hamilton 1
praising him and telling him that his "Congressional homil
ies" were still remembered with pleasure. Were he ten
years older (Hamilton then was twenty-six) and £20,000
richer he might have the highest office in congress's gift.
Cautious men "think you sometimes intemperate, but seldom
visionary * * *. Bold designs, measures calculated for their
rapid execution — a wisdom that would convince from its own
weight, a project that would surprise the people into greater
happiness, without giving them an opportunity to view it &
reject it — are not adapted to a council composed of discord
ant materials or to a people which have 13 heads, each
of which pays superstitious adorations to inferior divinities. ' '
The Maryland Legislature began its autumn session on
November 4, but McHenry did not take his seat until the 19th,
having been in Philadelphia in the meantime. On the 23rd he
1 J. C. Hamilton, iii, 8; Hamilton's Works, i, 411. Letter dated
October 22.
1781-1783] of James Me Henry 59
was appointed with John Smith to ask the delegates to come
and qualify the incoming governor and, on the 24th, he was
placed on the joint committee on the governor's message about
a threatened disturbance in Annapolis. Two days later, he
was nominated for congress 1 and elected with Thomas Stone,
Samuel Chase, and Edward Lloyd. The session of the legis
lature continued until December 23, and McHenry took quite
an active part, bringing in a tonnage bill and one to regulate
theatrical entertainments, and serving on the joint committee
to provide proper accommodations for Washington. The
delegates in congress were expected to report to the legisla
tures and we find that such reports were made in writing by
McHenry and Daniel Carroll at this time. Congress met at
Annapolis in November and on November 27, the senate in
vited that body to use its room, removing to the intendant's
office and, a week later, voted to encourage congress to make
their permanent seat at or near Georgetown.
From ' ' Princetown " McHenry made a trip to Philadel
phia to see Miss Caldwell whose declared lover he now was,
and to her he wrote on the 15th of July :
"When I retired from the presence of my dear Peggy,
the disquieting idea of not seeing her again for some time
became more powerful than the pleasure I had just experi
enced. The hour you had given to my affection and endeared
by your delicate sensibility served but to make me more
conscious to the approaching separation. I was going it was
true, only to Princetown, but the obstacles to a return far
exceeded the distance, and that alone was sufficient to excite
reflections inexpressibly painful. Well aware that you would
not wish me to be accused of levity in business, or suffer me
to be suspected of preferring even the gratification of my
heart to the interests of my country, I said to myself, a public
station is an enemy to peace, and there is no happiness but
in the arms of my Peggy, I will, therefore, renounce its vain
consequence to others ; I will overcome my fears and speak to
her parents tomorrow ; she shall be mine, and the rest of the
world may belong to the disciples of folly or the dupes of
ambition. An instant however told me that to please you, I
must not desert the station in which I had been placed and
incur a public censure, but relying on the promise you had
made to sweeten absence with an intercourse of letters, forbear
to be precipitate or to hurry you into a new condition of life,
1 He accepted the honor on December 2.
60 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
before I could render it agreeable to the sole guardian of my
fate. Thus my amiable and beloved charmer, I felt and I
thought till the appearance of the punctual Davy informed
me it was time to commence my journey. I stole softly to
your room door, and gently kissed it, and prayed that your
slumbers might be light, and your hours tranquil, till I again
lost my speech in looking at my Peggy, and again felt from
her head tenderly reclined on my arm, more substantial pleas
ure, than a monarch experiences when first seated on his
throne, or a conqueror enjoys in the moment of his victories.
' ' Oh ! my dear Peggy, till then, enliven the dull drudgery
I must be engaged in by your cordial letters. You are too
sensible, after my plighted faith, to think writing to me
improper, and I am too much interested in whatever you do,
to require, what if done, would diminish my regard. Will
my Peggy, too, penetrate the disposition of her mother, re
specting my passion and hasten to remove a suspense which
she must know is insufferably distressing. Let me but read
your letters and have ease on this point, and I shall count the
hours of absence as only interposed to heighten the hap
piness that awaits my return. Adieu my dear and beloved
Peggy and believe me unchangeably yours
"JAMES MCHENBY
"This is tuesday night, but as I cannot trust a letter to
my Peggy to the common stage box I must keep it for a
conveyance to which I can confide a name so very dear to my
present and future felicity. As settled between us this will
be delivered you by your brother. ' '
It is amusing to see that McHenry's love for his Peggy
did not deprive him of the ability to enjoy the society of other
women, as may be seen from verses he wrote three days later.
' ' Extempore, on a young Quaquer lady
who very reluctantly shewed some poe
try and wondered how it could be
known that she wrote any. (Miss
Horner. )
"Princetown Jersey 18 July 1783
"Bashful as a first-day bride,
With the muses at your side,
Long you could not hide your art ;
Soon you snatched them to your heart.
Prom such fondness I could tell
Without help of charm or spell,
Sweet companion of the nine.
That the laurel crown was thine."
1781-1783] of James McHenry 61
In spite of his official duties, McHenry found time to
write frequently to his betrothed. From Annapolis on the
night of the 19th of November, 1783, just after his arrival,
he sent her a letter.
"What a change has one hundred and thirty miles
wrought upon your friend. I sit down to write my dear-
Peggy under a gloom of sentiment that I have never before
experienced. The heaviness of absence has doubled with the
distance. I dined today with the Governor and he would
have it that I had met with some disappointment. In the
evening I drank tea with your great rival, and she would have
it that I was actually married — because I looked so grave. I
endeavoured in vain to recover my spirits : I attempted some
compliments to the lady: I failed however to please myself,
and took leave of the company to try the effect of conversing
with my Peggy. It is not easy, my amiable friend, all at once
to assume a careless behavior, when the heart is wrought upon
by the disquietudes of absence. I have involved myself in
politics and high stations, while to preserve the latter I do
violence to my heart. I followed a false light that never led
any person to happiness. I have been more than once tempted
to give up all public pursuits upon finding what appeared
desirable while sought after, insipid or unsatisfying when
attained. Since my affections have been interwoven with
yours the nothingness of public honors have become more
apparent, and the strongest conviction has arisen, that peace,
pleasure & content are peculiarly the inmates of a domestic
circle. Still however I continue to seek after phantoms, or
to work for what cannot increase ones happiness. How is it,
my love, that not withstanding history is filled with precepts
expressive of the delusory nature of ambitious pursuits, and
the complainings of men who have been favoured to the extent
of their projects that their successors should continue to tread
in the same path which leads to the same disappointments.
Why my Peggy have I left you — why do I remain here a day
longer — Why do I not give up all public employments and
return to the bosom of my beloved — Why do the deceitful
sounds of love of country oppose the bent of my heart, and
hold me from you even against the strong current of my
inclinations. Is there not in the human constitution princi
ples that draw contrary ways at the same time. I would go to
Philada. and yet I do not go. Your heart would persuade
you to be with me, and yet you feel the honest sensations at
62 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
the thought of separating from those connections who have
grown dear to you from habit and course of kind offices.
' ' You pereeive my charmer that I am illy at rest, and by
no means in a humor to be satisfied with my present condition.
Several circumstances besides my being forced to leave you
have associated to encourage this temper. The arrival of Mr.
Carroll and myself do not make a senate — so that no business
has been done, and we must wait here several days till our
brethren think proper to come forward to their duty. This
of course will make the session of Assembly longer than I
expected. The reception I have met with from my friends
in the house of delegates altho' very flattering does not coun
terbalance this circumstance. But I will not trouble my
Peggy with more of my complaints, but wait for that consola
tion which her promised letter will bring with it.
"One thing however I cannot but mention. When I
spoke to your mother on the subject of our marriage I sug
gested that you were desirous of delaying it till spring, but
that I had my heart fixed upon an earlier period. I then
spoke of January but at the same time told her what I told
you that I wished to have a better house to bring you to than
the one my brother lived in — but that this would be difficult
to get in the winter. Your mother who is all goodness lessened
this difficulty by proposing that I should come up as soon as I
could leave Congress and that we might then be married after
which I might return to Congress and in the mean time indulge
her with your company until spring when it would be better
traveling for you. I did not relish the idea of leaving you
behind me, but since I have considered all the objections to
your removal during the winter and that by spring I may
have every thing arranged for your reception I must plead
with my dear Peggy for her consent.
"Will you then consult with your own heart on this
question and with your mother and write me the result. I
anticipate a favorable answer to this proposal because it will
be more agreeable than an immediate separation from your
parents and because it will in a great measure lessen the
distress I must experience should our marriage be delayed
till spring or till every arrangement is complete for your
reception. We shall also be certain of your brother 's presence
and this is a circumstance which I know we both wish for.
If my dear Peggy should approve of this plan I would hope
to see her in January and would endeavour to be with her at
1781-1783] of James McHenry 63
least throughout that month. I shall bring no company but
my brother and the marriage may be conducted with that
privacy which I know is most pleasing to you. ' '
To the above letter he added a postscript on the 21st.
"To day is to bring me your letter and to carry this to
your hands. I can safely pronounce that no one can be a
philosopher and in love. To be patient and acquiescent under
every change of circumstance is not within my power. I
betray myself. I may however in a few days become more
reconciled to my situation. When we make a senate I shall
have full employment, and this will call my attention from my
own feelings to that of others. I find that it would be no
easy matter for my enemies should I have any to leave me out
of Congress. Almost every person seems pleased with my
conduct and attendance."
Early in December, McHenry determined to go to Balti
more, to make preparations for his marriage and attend to
other affairs and wrote on the 7th, Sunday morning, to Miss
Caldwell:
"Every day, my charming preacher, offers some lesson
or other, which, to use your own words, may instruct us in
our duty, and teach us to attend to it with sincerity and
diligence. He must indeed, one would suppose shut his eyes
on society who does not find its numerous follies, miseries, and
misfortunes, produce improvement, excite charity or move
compassion; who does not reflect on the provisionary steps
requisite to meet that awful change of condition, which re
peated examples prove to be inevitable. And yet so it happens
that these things though daily seen and talked of are unat
tended to and forgotten. We continue to live in the midst of
them as it were without thinking of them : we swim carelessly
down the insidious current of time, and are even observed to
put forth fresh sail on the brink of the cataract into which
we are just plunging. Hence it is, perhaps, my gentle moralist
that earthquakes, volcanoes and inundations become necessary
in the order of things to rouse men to a sense of their situation,
and accomplish by a dreadful novelty what could not be
affected by a succession of small examples.
"But, my beloved Peggy, you, and all those, who are
endeavouring to do what is right need be ashamed of no
inspection whatever, nor afraid of meeting the last convulsions
of nature, whether in a ball room or a church at a wedding
64 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
or a funeral; because, in all places you will be found in a
temper of mind, and with a purity of heart which the deity
himself cannot disapprove.
"And what is it my sweet friend, but this temper of
mind and this purity of heart that keeps one always in good
humor and without which no one can be happy.
"But I must put an end to my moralizing in ten minutes
I shall be on horseback, and in five hours I expect to be in
Baltimore. Adieu. Adieu. ' '
After arriving at Baltimore, he wrote again, on the next
evening :
"I got to this place last night, later than I said, because
I was detained some hours longer than I expected.
"To write to my Peggy from the place where I one day
hope to see her and that not a very distant one, excites sensa
tions of the most agreeable kind. Half of my business thither
was to communicate to my brother my plan of being with you
in January. He will be prepared to accompany me the
moment I can withdraw myself from Congress. How I long,
my friend for that moment — not that I want any new proof
of the sincerity of your regard, but that I wish to be yours
beyond the possibility of hazard of mischance. My Peggy
will forward and complete all those little preparations she
speaks of and if she is in sentiment with me she will also be
desirous that the wedding should rather be private than other
wise. You know your father loves economy, so that we shall
in this instance find our feelings gratified, by avoiding a very
superfluous and fatiguing parade. But I am my love wholly
under your direction."
His stay in Baltimore was short and from Annapolis on
the 14th of December, Sunday, he wrote, urging an early date
for the wedding :
' ' Let it suffice, says my charmer, that I have good reasons
for requesting you will not think of coming the first of next
month. I can assure you I did not think of doing anything
that might contravene the wishes of my Peggy. I had just
returned from disposing matters with my brother for our
being in Philadelphia tjie first of January. I had flattered
my self from some parts of former letters, unless some weighty
reason opposed it — my friend would not. My fancy had
done more ; It had placed me by your side, as I received your
1781-1783] of James McHenry 65
letter, where I was enjoying in that imaginary situation all
the waking certainties of human happiness. I made to your
letter some answer in a tumult of opposition. But you would
perceive this and forgive what sensations was hasty or im
proper. I now write in a moment of greater composure, and
may I not also add of greater submission. I know what I
ought and I do struggle to conform to your interdiction. But
my Peggy will consider, that should I leave Annapolis by the
first of January and it will be almost impossible to leave it
sooner, that I must be some days on the road, and some days
in Baltimore, all of which conjoined must put off our marriage
till within a few days of the period to which I am limited.
May I hope that this arrangement, which is so near to that of
my friends will comport with her ideas of propriety ; and that
it will not be defeated by any insurmountable obstacle. My
beloved will observe that I have not taken into this calculation
allowances for bad weather. But I fear I distress you — and
I have promised you an entertainment at the Governor's.
"Well then — I got to this place of gaiety and business
on "Wednesday. Alass Peggy I am called unexpectedly from
my promise — you will excuse me for delaying it's perform
ance till next Sunday — and believe that I regret being obliged
for today — to bid my beloved adieu. ' '
Later in the week, he wrote again :
' ' Friday morning.
"19 Deer.
' ' To day, my dear friend, I expect your letter, and with it
a fresh source of agreeable sensations. Without being much
pleased, I have been very busy since your last, and which
increases my solicitude for a new conversation because this
never failed to restore me to myself however wayward I may
be or however disposed to be dissatisfied. I find, my Peggy,
a consolation beyond expression in your visits — in hovering
round you in the hall-room, in the attentions of your Spaniard,
or waiting upon you to your own fire-side — in listening to the
little Jane and hearing her sometimes please and sometimes
alarm you. Such incidents as these bring with them a world
of satisfactions, nor would I exchange them for all the gaie
ties and pleasures of Annapolis. There are routs — dinners
and dances — but what are these when you are in Philadel
phia. There is a variety of beauty — but none of it can
satisfy. I flit through a round of company; I debate with
66 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
politicians or I converse with philosophers: I feel interested
for the moment but when I retire I do not find my charmer :
and then Peggy I grow sullen and out of humor and sometimes
desperate enough to resolve upon seeing you even against
your consent.
"But my love I am getting into a serious mood and it is
time to go to Congress. I shall take this with me and send
John to his station earlier by two hours than he went last
post day.
' ' Good morning my beloved. ' '
"Annapolis, 21 Deer.
"To-morrow carries me from this place — but the day
recalls to my mind a promise I made to my [friend] some
weeks ago of an entertainment at the governors. When I
got hither from Baltimore which was on Wednesday about
noon I found every body preparing to go with the rest. It
exhibited a strange mixture of men and characters. The
lords of the old government, with some of the sovereigns and
citizens of the new (if we may calculate on finding them
together) seemed to have forgotten all former ideas of
precedence and distinction. Sir Robert Eden would have
persuaded one by being of the party, that he had lost ail
remembrance of his having been the owner of the house iu
which he danced, and late governor of Maryland — but the
thing could not be, where every person he met, and every
picture and piece of furniture he saw, served to remind him
of the past, or brought up the recollection of pleasures he
could no longer repeat. This state has taken away his prop
erty, and a libertine life his constitution. He finds himself a
dependent on persons he despised, and insignificant on the
spot where, but lately he was every thing. He sees his old
parasites and companions enjoying places under the pres
ent government, and devoted to new interests. He is
without a train of followers obedient to his pleasing will.
He perceives, that even the hearts he is said to have subdued
by his entertainments or warmed by his gallantries have
altered by time or submitted to other seducers. If we look
for the cause of his return to this place in his pride — that
would not suffer him to sue for favors, from men he so lately
considered as rebels. If in his interest, he will be blamed for
meanness. If in his poverty, he is certainly to be pitied. So
situated and circumstanced I could neither believe him happy
1781-1783] of James McHenry 67
or at his ease, unless I had supposed, that, with his estate and
constitution he had lost his sensibility.
' ' Mr. Harf ord is a young man, and excites more favorable
ideas. He has no prejudices to encounter because this is his
first visit to America. The natural son of the late lord
Baltimore and heir to his estate which we have taken away.
He is handsome, sensible and of polite manners, and withal
seems to be governed by a discretion beyond his years. All
this speaks in his behalf, and disposes one to wish, that
amongst the virtues of the country w^ could reckon magnan
imity.
"Sir Robert danced with Mrs. Plater. Mr. Smith, his
secretary, with her daughter. Mr. Clapham formerly receiver
of rents, was at the card tables. Mr. Harford did not dance,
but was seen sometimes chatting with the ladies and sometimes
with himself.
"Such a blended assembly — men of so opposite princi
ples and manners — those who had lost estates and those who
had them, — those who were once the greatest, and who were
now among the least — those who were once nothing, and who are
now every thing — ladies who shone under the late constitution,
and some few of both sexes, whose value and merits no revolu
tions could diminish — all conspired to excite reflections and to
afford amusement. The scene did not cease to be interesting
till near twelve o'clock — when I retired to my apartment —
took out a little amulet from my bosom — kissed it twice and
went to sleep.
"But know my charmer, that the dear image the amulet
presented did not leave me, but continued almost throughout
the night to give birth to the tenderest and most agreeable
dreams.
"This being the last engagement I had to discharge in
Annapolis I hasten to join my amiable friend and interchange
those solemn vows which are to make us one throughout time
and eternity. Adieu, my beloved adieu, and may Saturday
bring your presence your truly affectionate
"MCHENRY"
When congress arrived, it found that it was necessary to
make arrangements for Washington's resignation of his com
mission as general and Jefferson, Gerry, and McHenry were
appointed a committee to attend to this. On December 10,
68 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
Washington wrote 1 McHenry from Philadelphia that, as
New York had been evacuated by the British, he was on his
way to Annapolis to "get translated into a private Citizen."
Ten days later, he notified the president of congress that he
had arrived in Annapolis and, on the 23rd, he read his address
to congress in the senate chamber of the state house. The
war was over and the commander, to whom the new country
owed so much, felt he could now take his "leave of all the
employments of public life." The original draft of the
address was given to McHenry and has been preserved by his
descendants to this day.
At this time McHenry was much distressed at not hearing
from Miss Caldwell and wrote her on Monday, December 22 :
' ' Could my love but know the uneasy hours I have spent
since last post; and the fears that have been perpetually
intrusive whenever I felt a moments serenity, I would become
the object of her utmost compassion. At this instant I am on
a rack of suspense. You may be sick and I must not know
of it ; nor have it in my power to be with you, or near you, or
where I could in any manner be administering to your relief.
Good God should this be the case, and Jack have neglected to
write me out of a mistaken delicacy, I shall become mad. But
I am nearly so at this instant. I was to have spent the evening
with some ladies but I have sent an excuse. I wonder what
they are to me. I was to assist in writing our answer to
General Washington 's resignation — but I am unfit for this
purpose. If you are not sick I know the neglect did not lay
with you. You certainly wrote me for I cannot suffer myself
to think that I am all at once become so wretched as to be
forgotten.
"Forgive me, forgive me, my love, my beloved — I am
indeed, almost beside myself by this incident. Only see what
a change it has produced in my situation. I had reconciled
myself to the time you asked for in your last letter. I had
supposed, my friend had good reasons which respected the
preparations, why I should not see her till the middle of the
next month; or perhaps, that she wished to keep me at my
duty as long as it was possible. When I admitted the latter,
I admired your Romanlike virtue: when the former I could
not be otherwise than satisfied. If it is destined, I cried,
that my Peggy should^ always have the same commanding
1 Ford, x, 336. A photographic facsimile of Washington's manu
script address on the occasion of his resigning his commission was printed
in Mag. Am. Hist., vii, 104.
1781-1783] of James McHenry 69
power over me that she now possesses I feel that I am destined
to be happy. And have I not a certainty of this, I continued,
in her gentle spirit that subdues by yielding : her delicacy, that
promises to be unchangeable in the arms of a husband: and
her good sense that will always direct her behaviour so as to
promote a constant exchange of tender and faithfully affec
tionate offices. I was lost in these delicious anticipations, and
believed myself the happiest of mortals when the post arrived
without one word from my Peggy.
''Oh Peggy Peggy — but my sufferings if you are sick
will not comfort you : and if well, as I hope and pray you are,
I do not wish to make you melancholly by their recital. Adieu
then, adieu — nor think what I shall suffer till I hear from
you."
McHenry 's account of Washington's resignation, written
to Miss Caldwell that very night, gives a vivid picture of the
scene.
' ' Had I been obliged to count the sands as they fall from
an hour glass, since last Friday, I could not have done it with
more exactness than I have counted the minutes of each day.
It is, my dear Peggy, impossible for me to tell or you to feel
the solicitudes and suspenses I have experienced. I am now
become reasonable and do not think you are sick : but this does
not relieve me. I do not think you have neglected me ; but this
does not place me at rest. I suppose that some sufficient cause
must have intervened to prevent me getting your letter, as
clouds intervene and prevent the sight of the sun. But I will
say no more on this subject, for I do not wish to communicate
any distress this incident has caused me to my affectionate
Peggy.
' ' To day my love the General at a public audience made
a deposit of his commission and in a very pathetic manner
took leave of Congress. It was a solemn and affecting spec
tacle ; such an one as history does not present. The spectators
all wept, and there was hardly a member of Congress who did
not drop tears. The General's hand which held the address
shook as he read it. When he spoke of the officers who had
composed his family, and recommended those who had con
tinued in it to the present moment to the favorable notice of
Congress he was obliged to support the paper with both hands.
But when he commended the interests of his dearest country
to almighty God, and those who had the superintendence of
70 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
them to his holy keeping, his voice faultered and sunk, and the
whole house felt his agitations. After the pause which was
necessary for him to recover himself, he proceeded to say in
the most penetrating manner, 'Having now finished the work
assigned me I retire from the great theatre of action, and
bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body under
whose orders I have so long acted I here offer my commission
and take my leave of all the employments of public life. ' So
saying he drew out from his bosom his commission and
delivered it up to the president of Congress. He then returned
to his station, when the president read the reply that had been
prepared — but I thought without any shew of feeling, tho*
with much dignity.
"This is only a sketch of the scene. But, were I to
write you a long letter I could not convey to you the whole.
So many circumstances crowded into view and gave rise to so
many affecting emotions. The events of the revolution just
accomplished — the new situation into which it had thrown
the affairs of the world — the great man who had borne so
conspicuous a figure in it, in the act of relinquishing all
public employments to return to private life — the past —
the present — the future — the manner — the occasion — all
conspired to render it a spectacle inexpressibly solemn and
affecting.
"But I have written enough. Good night my love, my
amiable friend good night."
"26 Deer.
"3 o'clock.
"Thank fortune my dearest friend that our session of
assembly is at last finished; and that there is one reason less
for my remaining much longer in this place. Having seen the
laws signed & sealed I made haste to the post office, but I did
not find there the consolation I sought. It now snows most
vehemently and this may detain the post rider perhaps till
late in the evening. This my love is no little misfortune, for
notwithstanding all I have written you, and argued with
myself still I am far from being perfectly composed. Fears
that you are sick or of some disagreeable mischance, will every
now and then intrude — but let me also tell you, that I do not
even suspect that you have been neglectful. You could not,
I am sensible, torture me, even if you did not love.
"I go to dine at the president of Congress's. John is
1781-1783] of James McHcnry 71
posted to bring your letter. Oh ! may it soon arrive, and with
it an evidence of your health and my happiness. Adieu — I
take this in my pocket — adieu.
" It is 6 o 'clock. I have your letter and am happy. You
speak tender things to me in the tenderest manner, and have
removed inquietudes which I hope never again to experience.
I will blot out nothing of what I have written. It is but
reasonable that you should know what I have felt, and
improper that I should conceal anything from you. You will
extenuate where I have exceeded or forgive where I may have
offended. I trust all to my friend.
"I have mentioned that the session is closed. I can only
be detained now by the definitive treaty. I shall however
leave this in the hands of my colleagues, and leave this the
beginning of next week. I must stay a few days in Baltimore,
where I expect to receive your next letter, or from wrhich
place I will write you the day I expect to be in Philadelphia.
"You will write me unless you hear from me.
"God almighty bless my dear Peggy, and make me to
her what will make her happy.
"I go to write a few words to Jack. Adieu my beloved
— Adieu.
"9 O'clock.
"I am in my chamber, and cannot go to sleep or close
your letter without a few words in addition to what I have
pencilled. It is most likely my dear friend that the signing
of this same definitive treaty will keep me here till the middle
or last of next week. You will therefore write me. Should
I be able to leave it sooner, you will hear from me, by a post
that leaves this on tuesday evening or Wednesday morning,
which gets to Philadelphia on Friday — If I should however
be in Philadelphia the last of next week, my beloved, will not
be surprised. I do not think however that the thing is prac
ticable; altho' it may take place. The post sets off early in
the morning."
On his return from Annapolis, McHenry wrote on Decem
ber 30, to Miss Caldwell, to tell her of his plans for the
journey to Philadelphia:
' ' See my love the use that I make of your indulgence. I
am here, but my expectations of being with you on Saturday
are not so strong as when I left Annapolis. Jack is to accom
pany me, and he has yet many things to do. He was also to
72 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
have done some business for me and that is still to be done. I
do not mean however that he is in fault altho' somebody is.
Notwithstanding this I shall endeavour exceedingly to get off
on Friday. But if I cannot accomplish this, I shall on Mon
day, and on Tuesday be in Philadelphia should the roads
admit of such traveling. It will be no crime I hope to set
out on Sunday I know that in setting out even on Monday I
encroach on your original plan, but my beloved friend will
consider my solicitudes to be with her, and those countless
anxieties and sufferings which I must continue to experience
till they are lost in her arms.
"I shall hope that my Peggy will fix upon some day in
next week for this event : for the performance of those nuptial
rites that are to give us to each other by the tenderest and
dearest of all names and affinities. I shall rest upon this
delicious hope. It will cheer me on the road and do more to
sweeten the hours which I must still be absent, than all the
amusements and philosophy in the world. Even at this
blessed instant it lights up in my bosom a flame of the purest
and most perfect delight.
"But I would upon another account entreat the day
being in next week. This would at once relieve my beloved
from those busy set of inquirers and questioners, who heed not
or feel not the pain they excite in a delicate mind by their
injudicious curiosity.
' ' I expect to arrest your letter on its passage to Annapolis.
If the return of the post does not bring you one on Monday
it will be because I shall expect to see you on Tuesday.
"My friend my beloved adieu.
"Tuesday night.
"It has snowed all day, which has detained Armstrong
and given me time to write your parents. I have mentioned
a private wedding which I know you have much at heart, and
if it can be accomplished with propriety I know they will
comply. However what they think right we must not think
wrong.
"A thousand sweet and tender agitations oppress and
delight me. I hope there ean be no reason why we should not
be married next week. I rely upon your goodness. Do not
oh do not disappoint your expecting hoping trembling '^
1781-1783] of James McHcnry 73
To Captain Allison, McIIenry wrote :
"My dear Sir
"I have taken leave of Congress for some time and
expect to see you the beginning of next week. As I wish for
many reasons to have our marriage over as early as possible.
In a letter I have written to Mrs. Allison on the subject of my
marriage, but I want also to say a few words to yourself. I
am as well as Peggy desirous to avoid as much as possible that
parade of visits which you know is common on such occasions,
but which has nothing to authorise them but custom. For my
own part I am of the opinion that a few friends and a supper
is all that is necessary or proper; and that all that follows
had much better be omitted. A private wedding would ex
clude all this foolish formality. But as I said to Mrs. Allison
I must leave all these matters to be arranged by those who
understand them much better than I do. I have only to beg
of you, that if you think as I think and see no impropriety in a
private wedding that you would add your reasons to mine,
provided Mrs. Allison is of the same opinion.
"I know not whether I shall be fortunate enough in
prevailing upon Peggy, that our marriage should be next week.
I set out however under this impression and with the hope if
ought depends upon you I will not be disappointed. ' '
The letter to Mrs. Allison was in the same vein :
"My dear Madam.
"I have got this far on my way to Philadelphia, but will
be detained in this place till the last of the week. I have in-
treated Peggy to fix some day in the next week for our mar
riage. Should my wishes meet your approbation, and prove
agreeable to her it would add greatly to my happiness. I
need not explain the reasons why the marriage should take
place as soon as may be after my coming up, as they will
occur to yourself. There is one thing however which I would
beg leave to mention and which I am extremely anxious to
have accomplished if it can be done without too great a viola
tion of established forms. If the cerimonial part of the busi
ness could end with the supper, at which I hope there will be
only a few friends, I am sure it would be relieving us all
from very idle and very useless visits. Might not these and
the parade usual on such occasions be all avoided by consid
ering the marriage as private? If private, visits would come
only from those one would wish to see or that would be in-
74 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, v
vited. But I know too little of these matters to direct, and
if I knew ever so much I should not. You will therefore
do what you please, and I will be pleased with whatever is
done.
"I hope if there is no good reason against next week
you will dispose the mind of my dear Peggy for the event
and thus give me a new motive to love and esteem you.
"Sincerely and affectionately I am my dear Mrs. Alli
son."
CHAPTEE VI
MARRIAGE AND RETIREMENT FROM PUBLIC LIFE
McHENRY reached Philadelphia safely and married on
January 8, Margaret, only surviving daughter of
David Caldwell, merchant, of Philadelphia. She was
born October 8, 1762, and died in Baltimore November 20,
1833. Her father, who died in Philadelphia, the year in
which she was born, married in Ireland Miss Grace Allison.
She married secondly, her cousin, Captain William Allison of
Philadelphia, a near relative of the Rev. Patrick Allison, first
pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of Baltimore, in
which both James McHenry and his wife were communicant
members, McHenry also serving in 1786 as one of the original
trustees of the graveyard of that church. Mrs. McHenry 's
only brother, John Caldwell, to whom frequent reference is
made in this book, was born in 1759 and died at Baltimore in
1820, leaving three sons. He married his cousin Margaret
Caldwell of Philadelphia and settled in Baltimore as a law
yer.
James McHenry and his wife had five children, who may
well be named here : Grace, the eldest, was born on November
2, 1784, baptized on December 4, and died in infancy, March
24, 1789. Daniel "William, the second child, was named for
his grandfather, was born November 12, 1786, baptized on No
vember 26, and died suddenly June 30, 1814. After his mar
riage, he removed to Allegany County where he possessed
an estate. On June 23, 1812, he married Sophia Hall Ram
say who was born on October 23, 1794, and died on December
13, 1874. She was daughter of Colonel Nathaniel Ramsay, a
distinguished officer in the American revolution. Daniel Mc
Henry had one son, Ramsay, born January 15, 1814, baptized
February 16, died August 13, 1878. He lived at Monmouth,
Harford County, as a country gentleman and never married.
He took great interest in agriculture and possessed fine herds
of imported cattle. He served several terms in the Maryland
legislature. The third child was Anna, born November 20.
76 Life and Correspondence [CHAP vi
1788, baptized January 4, 1789, married James Pillar Boyd,
an attorney of Baltimore, February 4, 1808. She died April
16, 1837, having had four children, viz: Mary, born March
2, 1810, and died October 7, 1811; James McHenry, born
December 15, 1817, died December 4, 1847, married December
4, 1847 on his deathbed Annie Eliza Hall, a granddaughter of
Colonel Nathaniel Kamsay (she is still alive, having married
again Major-General John G. Barnard) ; Andrew, born No
vember 9, 1811, died January 15, 1815 ; and John Pillar, born
August 3, 1816, died March 21, 1826.
All the living descendants of James McHenry are de
scended from his second son and fourth child, John, who was
born March 3, 1797, baptized May 7, and died at Mercersburg,
Pa., of fever on October 6, 1822. He married 1 on December
7, 1819, Juliana Elizabeth, a daughter of Colonel John Egger
Howard. She was born on May 3, 1796 and died May 22,
1821. John McHenry was educated for the bar and left one
son, James Howard, born November 11, 1820, died October
25, 1888. He married, June 25, 1855, Sarah Nicholas Gary,
the daughter of "Wilson Miles Gary of Baltimore, and had
seven children : Juliana, who died in 1900 ; James and Charles
Howard, who died in infancy; Wilson Gary, who married
Edith L. Dove of Andover, Mass. ; Ellen Carr, who married
K. Brent Keyser of Baltimore; John, who married Priscilla
Stewart of Baltimore County ; and Sophia Howard, who mar
ried Charles Morton Stewart, Jr., of Baltimore County.
James McHenry 's youngest child was Margaretta, who was
born March 7, 1794, baptized March 27, and died of consump
tion November 26, 1809.
McHenry 's marriage was very happy. His wife returned
his devotion and their love did not weaken with the passage
of the years. The wedding was a surprise to his friends. He
had written to his friend Cochran some time before:
' ' I had reasoned with myself a thousand times upon mat
rimony. You know I could not pass over this subject. That
I had gone on to build houses and plant vineyards, and after
1 Mrs. McHenry wrote thus to a friend of this marriage :
"The only information I have to give you of a pleasant kind is that of
the marriage of my son with Howard which took place last Deer. This
event did indeed produce feelings of joy & gratification which my heart
had long been a stranger to & I hope of sincere thankfulness that my
only & deservedly beloved son had been directed to so good a choice.
She is the very person we would have chosen for him ; her mind so well
improved. She is discreet & very amiable. When I say that he is
deserving of her, you will 'be pleased to know that he also is of an amiable
character. This union was long in contemplation, & much desired by the
friends on both sides for they are worthy of each other."
MARGARET CALDWELL McHENRY
(Mrs. James McHenry)
Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs
Dr. James McHenry
(Copyright, 1907, The .'Burrows Brothers Company)
1784-1786] of James McHenry 77
looking at them a little, either capriciously or wisely (I did
not say which) determined not to enter into o»e of them.
Then I went on to say that I was a poor philosopher, and that
in a hovel, with only a cabbage garden annexed to it, could
not be happy with a wife. ' '
Mrs. McHenry was a woman of a deeply religious nature,
a good mother and housewife, not greatly interested in public
affairs. To her McHenry wrote from time to time brief
poems like the following:
BLOOM-HILL.
To MRS. McHENRY.
Oh how I long my weary head to rest
On the soft pillow of my Peggy's breast :
To taste with you the warb'lings of the grove ;
The shades of Bloom-hill and the sweets of love.
To lead through clover'd fields your dewy feet,
At glimm'ring morn the opal clouds to greet ;
To help you o'er the fence and up the hill ;
And hear you talk and praise your rural skill.
To see you playful skim the banks that shelve
As when that I was twenty thou but twelve,
Just seem to fall then rise with sudden grace,
With eye averted and with blushing face !
At silent noon hard 'by the osier'd brook,
To read with you some philosophic book ;
To wring .the heart with Shakespear's glowing page
Old Lear's madness or Othello's rage.
At eve to sip the dairy's nicest cream
Or help our Grace to paddle thro' the stream;
Hear the hens cluck to roost their scatter'd brood
And distant cattle lowing o'er their food.
See the starr'd night lead forth her fairy train
And jocund hamlets smoke along the plain :
Then, to retire from ev'ry mortal view
And pass till morn the wedded hours with you.
When Uriah Forrest heard of the marriage, he wrote
McHenry thus:
"Although you do not merit it, I cannot forbear my
congratulations on your success. McHenry married ! is it pos
sible — myself & several of our friends have been years in
pursuit of that happiness without effect & the man who upon
all occasions reprobated the Idea — the first that has put it
in practice.
"What are going about now you have got married? I
do not mean to ask in what manner you mean to treat Mrs.
McHenry; but do you mean to continue Politician, return to
Physic, adopt the Law, or commence merchant. Salute Mrs.
Me for me — Say to your brother I very much respect him —
78 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. VI
& to yourself I will say you have the most perfect wishes for
every Happiness that you can desire
& be assured of the affection of me
while you possess that worth that first
commanded U. Forrest."
McHenry had known his wife from her tenth year and
some time after her marriage wrote from Philadelphia to her :
' ' My dear Peggy. I am in the old house in which I first
saw you and writing at the very desk on which I taught your
fingers to form the first letter they ever made. My feelings
correspond to my situation."
He seems to have remained in Philadelphia until the lat
ter part of March, wThen he left his wife with her mother and
came to Maryland to attend the sessions of the legislature and
of congress, both of which were to meet in Annapolis. On the
way, he stopped at Baltimore and wrote Mrs. McHenry on
March 25:
''When I left my dear Peggy, the great difficulty was
got over, and I neither cared or thought about the badness
of the roads ; they were not however as bad as we were told,
for we got that night to the Head of Elk, and yesterday morn
ing to this place. You will naturally conceive my anxiety
to hear from you, and will have written me before this can
reach you. I shall receive your letter at Annapolis where I
go tomorrow to consign myself to some weeks unavoidable
drudgery and to wait with sullen impatience that moment
when I may leave it to embrace what I hold most dear in this
world."
After arriving at Annapolis, he wrote her constantly.
Some of the letters are of interest, showing his character and
the social side of the legislative duties.
"Sunday 28th March 1784
"I have said that the great difficulty was to leave you —
but I was mistaken, for I am hardly two days in Annapolis
when I find that to keep from you, is yet more difficult. Ah
Peggy, how was I softened and tried in the moment of our
parting, by your tender embrace, your restrained emotions,
and your melting tears. Even now they speak to my very
heart, and almost persuade me to relinquish a service which
has been gradually losing its charms ever since you gave me
your love. In truth, I am no longer anxious to please my
state, seeing it cannot be done without sacrificing too much
of your company. It is time too that I should accommodate
1784-1786] of James McHenry 79
my leisure and industry to our prospects and circumstances.
Neither of us can be happy under a long separation ; nor can
our interest be promoted by my sitting in Congress. My first
object was to get you to Baltimore, to see you mistress of
your house, and pleased in your new situation — but a strong
hand restrains me where I am and delays that necessary event.
I fear my beloved that I shall not have it in my power to move
from this place sooner than the first of May. It is a tedious
period — but unless I do what I have censured others for
doing I cannot make it shorter."
"Tuesday evening. [March 30]
"Most of my visits are made, and I have received the
usual compliments and answered the usual enquiries. Your
health has been asked for by those who never saw you, and you
cannot think how prodigiously happy it made them to hear
that you were well. I often regret that so endearing a stile
should have obtained a currency, without possessing any value.
Adieu till post day.
"This is thursday night [April 1] and no post or letter
from my Peggy. It has happened to me to dine at different
houses every day this week, but I have not felt less solicitude
on account of this variety. I have also been very busy in Con
gress, but even there I found moments to be anxious and un
easy. To-morrow I. hope will bring me an evidence of your
health and console me as much as I can be consoled in your
absence. It is late and I am not quite free from a headache —
good night my friend, my beloved good night.
"The second of April is arrived without bringing the
post. It must however be here sometime to-day, so that
I go to Congress in hopes that Patton, the doorkeeper, will
bring me a letter while we are sitting. Be assured I shall
not complain if it should interrupt me in the midst of a
speech. — good morning. ' '
"Sunday morning 4th of April.
' ' When I was about to despair of the post he arrived and
brought me your letter. It was late before he came in last
night, and he goes off at nine o'clock this morning. The new
name under which you write excited a thousand new emo
tions. I no longer saw the name that I formerly kissed with
rapture, but one still more dear and interesting. I would give
a great deal to be assured that the mind of my Peggy was
80 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
composed and at ease. But now the roads are better, we
shall have two posts in the week, and this will give me an
opportunity of being frequently informed of your health.
Adieu, my beloved Peggy adieu — "
"Wednesday night 7 April 1784
"I snatched a few minutes on monday last to thank my
dear Peggy for her letter of Sunday, but I was so straitened
for time that I could not thank her enough. Indeed I feel
that I ought to be satisfied with so much tenderness and affec
tion, notwithstanding this very tenderness and affection serves
to embitter separation. But I am far from being unhappy,
nor must you think me so, since it is true that the very agonies
of parting and the distress of absence are accompanied with
some cordial emotions. At this moment however mine are
of the pensive kind, and I forbear to cast a longing look at
Philadelphia. I believe you to be well and that you will be
careful of your health; but this belief, though it may some
times soothe, is rarely satisfactory. Whenever I count the
days I have been gone from you, and the days that must
elapse before my return to you, I sit down more dissatisfied
than pleased. But I will write you no more to-night, lest
you should catch my present disposition, and be discontented
as I am. Good night then, and may you experience no tooth
ache to rob you of your rest."
"Thursday night. [April 8]
"It is exactly three months this night since my dear and
amiable Peggy relinquished the name she had from her in
fancy, for that she now bears, and I can safely say, that no
three months of my life comprehended less pain more hap
piness. But you ought not to reckon me just, were I to stop
here. It is a common opinion that lovers generally find an
abatement of their passion soon after their marriage — but
you are still to me the same charming Peggy you were before
this event, nor has marriage deprived you of one of those
maiden decencies so essential to the existence of love, and the
permanence of affection. I owed to you this little tribute
of acknowledgement, and I could not go to sleep without pay
ing it. I left a large" company of ladies at the president's
that I might not neglect it, but there was no sacrifice in this —
for you were not of the party. Adieu Adieu."
1784-1786] of James Me Henry 81
"Sunday morning 11 April.
"I removed from the tavern yesterday and am fixed in
private lodgings. The room in which I write overlooks the
Bay and discovers an agreeable corner of the country just
beginning to shew the first operations of Spring. I am of
course more at my ease and less subject to interruption : and
were the post but to arrive I should have little to complain
of to-day, except what is unavoidable, and to which it seems
I must submit. There has been no mail since last Sunday,
nor is one expected before tomorrow, after which perhaps the
post will arrive regularly and on stated days twice a week in
this place, and as often in Philadelphia. I hope to hear that
the tooth ache has been less troublesome. If it has not I
think you had better try another ounce of the bark, taking
a dose twice a day. It may do good, and it cannot do hurt.
I would also when the fit is on, hold a bit of salt petre over
the afflicted teeth, till it gradually dissolves, rincing the mouth
afterwards with a little warm water.
"Doctor Allison [Dr. Patrick Allison of Baltimore] has
been with us since thursday, and is to give us a sermon this
morning in the state house. I am going to hear him. We
dine together, and shall no doubt talk at least a little about
my Peggy. Good morning my beloved ; good morning. ' '
"Thursday morning. 13 April. —
"My Peggy who is every thing that is tender good and
affectionate has this moment blessed me with her letter, and
indeed I wanted it as much as I wished for it. If it is not
among the impossible things it is surely among the most dif
ficult, to be at peace or to be easy under my circumstances.
My only consolation is that you are in the bosom of your
friends, and that there is not one of them who does not love
you, and who will not endeavour to make you happy. I feel
that I shall love them the better for their endeavours. I hope
also that the little preparations for your removal will afford
some amusement, or employment, which as it engages the mind
is often in the place of amusement. You ask me respecting
some furniture — but I am told the post sets off immediately,
so that I must answer you in my next letter, which I sup
pose will go by Friday's post. Adieu then my dearest Peggy
adieu. ' '
"Thursday 15 April.
"Do we not possess each others affections, and are we
82 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
not inseperable though separated? In this thought there is
a shew of solace and support, there is not however enough
to satisfy the heart ; for the heart that loves cannot be satis
fied in absence. I am anxiously striving to hasten my de
parture from this place, that I may be with you by the be
ginning of May. In the mean while, my Peggy, do not suffer
the mere apprehensions of fancy to alarm you. All is as
it ought to be, and all will be well with you. Only take care of
your health, and every thing must terminate happily. But, like
you my beloved, I feel myself too tenderly interested to write
more on this subject; and shall conclude with telling you,
that I expect the post to arrive to-morrow but do not expect
any letter from you, as you may not yet be acquainted with
the days of his leaving Philadelphia; or if you were, may
not have time to write me twice a week. In this perhaps I
shall fail myself, because there are some hours that I cannot
call my own.
"But I must tell you the news, adjournment of Congress
has been tried and I believe will be carried ; so that it is likely
about the time we get settled in Baltimore the adjournment
will take place to Trenton. After leaving this town, there
will be a recess till perhaps the last of the year. A committee
of the states will be appointed, I imagine, to sit in the recess
of Congress. This is composed of a member from each state,
whose powers are denned by Congress. I write by this oppor
tunity to your father, lest he should think that I neglect
him. Adieu my dear and beloved Peggy."
"Wednesday night 21st April 1784-
" Whenever the objects around me cease to interest. I
have recourse to recollection. I was in this situation this
morning when I brought into review, the letters you have sent
me since I got to this place ; the little impression that gave me
so much pleasure at Princetown, which you have repeated;
and the new signature under which you write; but I soon
perceived, notwithstanding these precious circumstances, that
I wanted what they could not give me, that I wanted yourself.
I then said as you had instructed me, there remains only a
little interval of absence, when we shall again be with each
other: but although I believed in what I said, I found it
brought me no nearer to you. At this moment I became po
etical, and seizing a pen wrote the following lines.
1784-1786] of James McHenry 83
You, only you, with wond'rous skill
Can make my hours just what you will ;
Can soothe the troubled mind to rest,
Or raise a heaven within my breast.
I'll strive against the stream no more.
That drives me to a happier shore ;
Blow fresh ye gales, no wind alarms
That bears me back to Emma's arms.
"There is no doubt but the poetical wind would have
carried me to Philadelphia, had I not been interrupted by the
appearance of the minister of France, who convinced me that
I was still in Annapolis. Adieu."
"Friday morning 23 April
"My ever amiable and beloved Peggy thus to soothe and
delight your absent friend — but I have time at this moment to
write little more than an acknowledgement of your Sunday's
and monday's letters. The post goes out in half an hour.
I had planned to have left this to-day and felt lighter by
many pounds in consequence of it — as Mr. Chase and Mr.
Stone were both in town. But I am prevented most effec
tually by one of the delegation being taken suddenly ill, nor
can I have the smallest expectation, from the nature of his
complaint, of getting away till some time in the next week.
It may perhaps be the last of it ; and the last of the week fol
lowing (it will be necessary to stop to stop a few days in Bal
timore), I shall hope to be blessed with your presence in
Philadelphia — On this plan then, the last day of April I
shall leave this place and the last of the first week in May
be with my beloved. In the mean while, you will continue to
address your letters to Annapolis; because if I am not here,
I shall take them out at Baltimore. —
' ' Farewell my beloved, I shall write you on this subject by
the next tuesday's post. — "
"Sunday 25 April 1784
I strive, my Emma, But in vain
To lighten a-bsence, sweeten pain.
Since in whate'er I say or do
I find I'm absent still from you.
Not e'en the precious pledge I bear
The dear resemblance of my fair,
Or warms my heart or makes it beat,
For like the moon it gives no heat.
But I'll no more or say or do
But hasten back to love and you ;
For you alone can warm my heart.
Can sweeten pain or peace impart.
Who would not quit the cares of state,
The subtle crew, the vain debate :
Who would not leave a wrangling life
For such a woman — such a wife !
84 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
"I shall make no excuse to my love, for conveying my
feelings to her in this manner. I know that a kind wife can
not be a severe critic ; but what is of more consequence, I know
you will not doubt my sincerety whether I speak to you in
numbers or in prose. I shall only add, that if I can confirm
the prophetic part by tuesday's post, I shall then be your
happy as I am now your affectionate
"MCHENRY — "
"Monday morning 26th April —
"It was not till I read your letter of the 19th that I
could flatter myself that you were tolerably at ease; for
amidst all your endeavours to please me I could not find that
you were content. On this account that letter has given me
more pleasure, than any I have received from you since I
left you. You now visit and the hours are less tedious and
cumb 'rous, and yourself more lively ; in consequence of which
I am just what you wish me to be. I am not gloomy, I am
not discontented — I am not like patience on a monument, but
like one who sees happiness before him and expects soon
to enjoy it. I am strongly flattered that I shall be able to
leave town this week for Baltimore.
"As Hoffman does not leave his house before the 1st of
May, which is next Saturday, of course we cannot move into
it or make any alterations till the monday following. I shall
write you by the tuesday's mail our progress, and my time of
leaving Baltimore, should no untoward accident keep me in
this place — after f riday — Good morning my beloved. I go
to Congress, and expect a letter from you to-day — and yet
I do not expect it, for I know of many things that may pre
vent you from writing by the second post to your
"MCHENRY
"For some days past I have been troubled with a slight
inflammation in the throat, but you will conclude by my going
to Congress, without my telling you, that it is not very trouble
some. Oh Peggy, how rejoiced I am that your tooth ache has
remitted its severity. Mr. Smith — Sir Robt. Eden's secre
tary brought in from England a receipt for the toothache
which I have got from him and inclose, from which he gets
much relief. You will use it in the same manner that you
would use the liquid laudanum. Adieu again my love adieu
— I shall seal this last I should not have time in Congress
should the post arrive while we are sitting."
1784-1786] of James McHenry 85
"Annapolis 28th April 1784
"Every new day brings me a day nearer to that town
which alone can receive and return my affection: and yet
my love, every day that is still to hold us separate must seem
tedious; even the last one that gives me to your bosom. It
is true however, that the days are not so irksome now as they
were at first, and that the nearer they bring me to you, the
more I am disposed to be pleased with them: but, perhaps
this arises from my seeing, or thinking that I see, in your
letters, an air of satisfaction and resigned composure; which
while it enhances your character secretly increases my hap
piness. It is certainly among my greatest blessings, that
whether I am with you or absent from you, I find you con
stantly attentive to what is becoming and always agreeable so
that the more perfectly I know you, the more interesting and
amiable you appear in the eyes of your friend. But — It is
the hour of business — adieu — "
"Thursday 29.
"Another day, and would I could say the last, but altho'
it is not, the last is not far distant, since I expect to leave
this place on Saturday, and know of nothing to prevent me,
my colleagues being able to attend Congress, and I in perfect
health. The last then of next week (for I must spend some
days in Baltimore) I shall hope to be blessed in the sight of
my Peggy, and be restored to all the pleasures of her society.
This letter will be the last you will receive from me, (unless
I am obliged to stay longer in Baltimore than I have reason
to expect) altho' I shall perhaps get one from you to
morrow in this place, and another next tuesday in Baltimore,
which will be the last I shall receive from you. Again to
Congress, and I do assure my Peggy, that I go more light than
I have for a whole month past, adieu — adieu. — "
"30th — Friday morning 8 o'clock —
"My love. I set out in less than half an hour from An
napolis, and shall leave this in the post-office for you, lest I
should not be lucky enough to hit upon the post's hour of
passing through Baltimore. I come nearer to my Peggy, and
my heart beats with new sensations — but it will be one whole
week before I see you — but I shall be employed during that
week in hastening the preparations for your reception. God
bless my Peggy, and may our meeting be propitious. I go
to Baltimore — farewell my beloved farewell — "
86 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
While at Annapolis, McHenry received a letter sent by
his friend, Humphreys, and dated from
"New Haven April 2nd. 1784.
"Cannot the man who had so much agency in inducing
Congress 'to charge themselves with the interests &c' which
to me appear to be words of no small import have an equal
influence in persuading them to take effectual measures for
carrying their Resolution into execution? Well do it then
my dear friend! et eris mihi magnus Apollo. —
"It was extremely unfortunate for me that I had not
the pleasure of seeing you on my return from Virginia; but
you will perceive my inclination to be employed in the pub
lic service, by recurring to the files of Congress where you will
find a letter from the late Commander in Chief & another
from myself on the subject : I have addresed a second by this
conveyance to His Excellency the President in order to bring
the matter to a speedy decision.
"Relying on your patronage and friendly assistance, I
need say no more than that, I dare almost pledge myself to
accept of any Appointment which in your judgment shall be
deemed respectable & proper. —
"You will be pleased to recollect that there was some
thing in agitation respecting presenting miniature likenesses
of General Washington to the Gentlemen who composed his
family at the close of the War including the Adjutant Gen
eral; I dare say this would be esteemed by those Gentlemen
as the most grateful token of the sovereign approbation which
could possibly be conferred on them. —
"With the greatest regard and esteem I have the
honor to be
"My dear Sir
"Your most obedt. servt.
"D. HUMPHREYS.
"P. S. It is probable, I presume, that Commissioners
may be appointed to treat with the Indian Nations; or that
a Person or Persons will be commissioned to negociate some
public business in Canada or at the Western Posts, in case
nothing should occur in which I could be more usefully em
ployed, I should have no objection to either of these appoint
ments. ' '
McHenry was now4o continue his mercantile business in
Baltimore and his dual legislative office for several 1 years.
1 In the confederation, congress, McHenry seems to have been in
1784-1786] of James McHenry 87
In all these relations, he corresponded with his friend, Lafa
yette, who wrote him on December 26, 1783, from Paris :
"My dear McHenry
"Had you not Been employed in Quartering the Conti
nental Congress, I would find it very ill in you not to Have
writen By Colonel Gouvion — I wanted to Hear from you,
about you, and then I wanted to know your opinion upon
several matters — my letter to Congress will let you know
what intelligences we Have in this Quarter — my letter to
Mr Moris will acquaint them with some late measures I Have
taken Respecting American Commerce — it contains one let
ter from M. de Vergennes, two from M. de Calonne, and a
piece from me to Government which I also inclose to you,
and which, for reasons obvious, I Request may not Be spread
out of Congress — it is on that Account, and Also for a Good
translation that I send it to you, and thirdly Because that en
trusting temper which you know me to Be possessed of, Now
and then is Altered By the selfishness of others — when I Hear,
By way of example, that your plenipotentiary 's letters, Rather
Gave a Ground to think I Have not Been so Active as they
in winning the last six millions, I Cannot Help Remembering
that Jay and Adams never went to Versailles But twice, I
think, when I pushed them to it, that M. Franklin did Repose
Himself upon me who went so far as to say that I Had
Rather delay the departure of 8000 men and nine ships wait
ing for me at boat than to go without an assurance of the six
millions — in Consequence of which I went in my travelling
dress to Count de Vergennes 's and upon His table wrote a
Billet to doctor Franklin insinuating He should Have the
Money — But never mind that, and Be so kind only as to take
care my Commercial efforts Be known in America, and Also
that Congress had instructions Respecting trade, least the
matter should Be dropped as Has Been my very well Begun
Spanish Negotiations
"The institution of the Cincinnati Has pretty well suc
ceeded in France, the officers who Have Been in America set
a great value By the Mark of the society — a few objections
Have Been made By the public to some part of the institu
tion which may Be either mended or improved — But it Has
regular attendance. He voted in the negative against Daniel Carroll on
the question whether any but citizens of the United States could be con
suls. On April 1 and 2, 1784, he moved in the unsuccessful affirmative on
the report on commercial treaties ; on May 5, he was appointed on a com
mittee to determine what civil offices may be discontinued, and on June
1 and 2, he voted on questions concerning foreign relations.
88 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
Been found very interesting, and even some what affecting,
and people in General Have Been pleased with that Brotherly
Association
[One half page missing here.]
*' whereas I Have well served America in the field and Cab
inet they expect my assistance in settling their Commercial
affairs with some European Nations — my station in life,
Knowledge of Courts, and facility of accompanying those
Sovereigns Both in their Camps of peace, and in their private
parties would enable me to introduce to Advantage an Ameri
can Consul — it ought to Be immediately settled, and orders
sent by the Washington
"the second point is that I do not choose to quit the
American service — it is the only way I Have to make a kind
of official Representation in favour of America — independant
of that Affectionate love for Her which makes me proud of
Being Among Her Citizens and
[One half page missing here.]
"My letters Have acquainted you of the measures
* * * taken with respect to Madame le Vacher — there is
very little to Be got — But I am in pursuit of the affair with
the same eagerness, as if it concerned my own sister — as
to M. Chace a memorial Has Been Required from Him By the
Naval Minister
"As an ardent lover of America I am glad to Hear of the
influence you are said to Have in Congress — as your most
affectionate friend I shall Be glad whenever you Have an
opportunity to display your abilities — if Congress do not
send me any Commands, I shall most certainly embark in the
spring — if they Have Commands for me, I would Be twice
Happy to Receive you along with them, and to make with you
French and European travels. You ought to make them
charge you with some political commission to Courts in Eur
ope and I would like going as a volunteer with you.
' ' family and friends — Most affectionately I am for * * *
' ' LAFAYETTE
"the Washington will probably arrive at the end of January
— Your answers may Be Here at the end of March — for,
if I am to go, I would like embarking for America in April
— You may as soon as^ou Receive this write me By several
opportunities in such a way as I will easily understand, altho *
post offices will not understand it — By the way when I think
of it, you ought to advise Congress voting for the general's
1784-1786] of James McHenry 89
statue which Has not yet Been ordered — should Mr. Greene
Be entitled to some Honour of the kind? adieu my dear
friend."
The Maryland legislature met on November 1, 1784, and
on December 2nd, elected McHenry as delegate to congress and
granted the delegates a per diem allowance of £3 currency,
while in congress and on the way to or from that body. Mc
Henry did not come to Annapolis until December 8, and was
absent from the 18th to the 21st- The early part of the session
was largely occupied with consideration of Samuel Chase's
conduct, as agent in connection with the Maryland Stock in
the Bank of England. McHenry went to congress about Janu
ary, and does not seem to have returned to Annapolis during
the session. 1
The condition of federal affairs steadily grew more criti
cal and the point of view of the Federalists may be gained
from a letter sent McHenry by Jenifer at Annapolis on Feb
ruary 17, 1785.
"Dear Sir.
"I shall be very much obliged to you to forward the
enclosed letters by the March Packet — In consequence of a
late information from Congress to our Executive, it seems to
be the opinion of some members that the Assembly should be
called immediately. I am fearful that such a measure if
adopted would not be productive of the expected consequence,
i. e., the raising an immediate supply of money, whether this
measure be adopted or not, I shall hasten the remittanc.e of
every shilling that comes into the Treasury from the funds
appropriated to Congress which may soon amount to 80,000
dollars, from arrearages, as to this year's appropriations they
will not be paid into the Treasury till midsummer & Novem
ber, but \vhen collected wrill be considerable as % th of the
duties of 2 p. ct. on commerce besides those on enumerated
estates & 7 p. ct. upon property are to be remitted to Con
gress.
"But my friend Requisitions will never do; Congress
must have permanent funds the 5 p. ct. is the most elegible
1 In the confederation congress, he is recorded as having voted with
the minority to let Franklin come home when a successor was appointed
on January 21, 1785; to postpone fixing a term to the continuance of
foreign ministers in office and, for the three years' term of foreign min
isters proposed by Pinckney on February 17. He nominated W. S. Smith
as secretary of legation to Great Britain on March, and reported on the
ceremonial for the reception of Gardoqui, the Spanish minister, on June
17, and on the attempt to secure the free navigation of the Mississippi
on August 25. On October 27, he voted for the ordinance of consuls.
90 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
method in my opinion that can be adopted for the purpose
of raising a revenue. Cannot Rhode Island be brought in the
measure. Is that state to frustrate so salutary a measure,
is her veto to be of equal force with that of a tribune of Anct.
Rome. If this state should continue to be inflexible, I fear
there must be a new convention especially appointed by all
the states to encrease the powers of Congress, or it will be
obliged from necessity to assume them, as Politicial bodies
have heretofore generally done.
" Inform me how your friends stand, by my calculation
if you received the money for my order on Mr Mclaughlin,
you would have received an allowance to the 1st of April. I
have wrote to Messers Willing Morris & Swanwick to supply
you from that time with £90 per month you possibly may be
in want before that time if you should inform me and I shall
remit money for this purpose immediately in haste.
"I am with great respect
dear Sir
"Your obedt. servt.
"DANL. OF ST THOS. JENIFER"
On August 14, 1785, McIIenry wrote Washington from
New York, l on the proposed federal regulation of commerce
and incidentally mentioned that Lafayette is writing by every
packet and frequently tells congress news which they get
from no other quarter. Congress is about to recommend that
they be given power to regulate interstate and foreign trade
by vote of nine states, that they may retaliate for heavy for
eign duties. The eastern states, New York and Pennsyl
vania, seem anxious for this, but the southern states oppose
and McHenry joins them, fearing that the eastern states
wish to monopolize the carrying trade. Will not the southern
states have fewer purchasers if only American vessels can
transport exports, and will not the price of foreign goods be
higher, if fewer of them are imported? When the South is
as well peopled as the eastern states, naval defense will be
easily established, or will come of itself without restraint.
Till then "it would seem to be good policy in the Southern
States to encourage the number of buyers for what they have
to sell & the number of importers of those articles they must
buy." Why do we want a navy or navigation acts? When
Great Britain took the~m up, she was well peopled and had
much shipping. For a compromise, McHenry suggests a nav-
1 Sparks, ix, 501.
1784-1786] qf James McHenry 91
igation act framed so that its operation would, gradually and
slowly, tend to augment the seamen and shipping of the States,
without sensibly wounding in its progress the interests of any
state. Then the States could see what they had to give and
could repeal the law, if inconvenient.
Washington answers, on August 22, in a strong national
letter:1
"As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers in
Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall
establish a national character or be considered on a respectable
footing by the powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree
with you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regula
tion of commerce * * * . Your argument against it,
principally that some States may be more benefitted than
others by a commercial regulation, applies to every matter of
general utility * * * We. are either a United people
under one head & for federal purposes, or we are 13 inde
pendent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. Ii!
the former, whatever such a majority of the States as the
Constitution requires conceives to be for the benefit of the
whole, should in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the
minority." If the southern states were always represented
in congress and acted together, there would be no danger of
the passage of measures prejudicial to their interest. ' ' I can
forsee no evil greater than disunion, than those unreasonable
jealousies (I say unreasonable) because I would have a proper
jealousy always awake & the United States always upon the
watch to prevent individual States from infracting the Con
stitution with impunity, which are continually poisoning our
minds & filling themselves with imaginary evils to the pre
vention of real ones. ' ' Great Britain needs our trade and will
only do justice to us, when forced to do so by retaliatory
measures. Probably the carrying business will not "devolve
wholly upon" the eastern states, nor "remain long with
them, if it should." "Either Great Britain will depart from
her present selfish system," or the southern states "will de
vise ways & means to encourage seamen for the transportation
of their own produce, or for the encouragement of manufac
tures, but, admitting the contrary, if the Union is considered
as permanent &, on this I presume all superstructures are
1 Ford, x, 490; Sparks, ix, 121. Both print the letter carelessly.
From a careful comparison of the original of the letters of Washington
to McHenry, there seems little reason for Ford to be praised over Sparks
as an editor. He is little more careful and often merely builds on,
Sparks's foundation.
92 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
built, had we not better encourage seamen among ourselves
with less imports, than divide it with foreigners &, by in
creasing them, ruin our merchants & greatly injure the mass
of our citizens." Without federal commercial power we
stand " in a ridiculous point of view, in the eyes of the nations
of the earth ; with whom we are attempting to enter into com
mercial treaties, without the means of carrying them into
effect, & who must see & feel that the Union, or the States
individually, are sovereigns, as it best suits their purposes.
In a word, that we are a nation to day & 13 tomorrow — Who
will treat with us on such terms ? ' '
On November 17, 1785, the Maryland legislature met
again, but McHenry does not seem to have been present at
the session. He was ineligible for re-election to congress, in
which body his term consequently ended in December.
On January 7, 1786, McHenry resigned his seat in the
senate, because of "my long absence from my own affairs
& their absolutely demanding my presence. ' ' Of his life dur
ing this year we know almost nothing, save that he was elected
a member of the American Philosophical Society on January
20, though we have two pleasant letters from Washington to
him on private matters.
"Mount Vernon.
"My dear Sir,
"I met your favor of the 5th. in Alexandria yesterday.
To day I dispatch one of my Overseers and two Servants for
the Jack and Mules which are arrived at Baltimore. The
Pheasants & Partridge, I pray you to procure a passage for
them by water, in the Packet. To bring them by land would
be troublesome, & might perhaps be dangerous for them.
"Be so good as to let me know the expence of these and
the cost of their detention in Baltimore. It shall be imme
diately be paid, with many thanks to you, for your obliging
attention to the business. —
"If you have any particular information from my good
friend the Marquis de la Fayette, respecting the above things,
I shall be obliged to you for it; his letter to me takes * *
* * two of them, altho I had for some time expected one
Jack and two she asses through his medium — but by no
means as a present. —
"One of the Servants, who accompany my Overseer, be
longs to the Honble William Drayton of Charleston So Ca.
This Gentm spent a day or two here on his return from New
1784-1786] of James McHenry 93
York, and at Dumfries (proceeding on) the above fellow
ran away from him & came here. He goes to Baltimore
under the impression of assisting in bringing the Jack &
Mules home, but the real design of sending him there is to
have him shipped for Charleston, if the Packet (which I am
informed is regularly established between that place & Balti
more) or any other vessel is on the point of Sailing for the
former. —
"Mr. Drayton will readily pay the Captn. for his passage,
and the other incidental expences, having intimated this in a
letter to my Nephew ; but if any doubt is entertained of it, I
will see it done. —
"Under this rela- * * * * * Circumstances at
tending * * * I would beg of you, * * * (if an op
portunity presents) to have him shipped, & previously secured.
The fellow pretends a willingnes to return to his Master, but
I think it would be unsafe to trust to this, especially as he
has discovered an inclination to get back to Philadelphia
(with a view he says of taking passage from thence)
"Why will you not make a small excursion to see an
old acquaintance. It is unnecessary I hope to assure you of
the pleasure it would give.
"Yr. Obedt & affect & Hble Serv.
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"P. S.
"Engage the Master of the
Packet Boat to drop the Birds at this place
as he passes by — otherwise I shall have
to send to Alexandria for them. — "
"Mount Vernon 29th, Novr 1786.
"Dear Sir,
"Your letter of the 18th. by the Packet, & 19th. by the
Post, are both at hand — The Birds were landed yesterday.
A Partridge died on the passage. —
' ' If Monsr. Campion 's information is to be depended on,
he had no letter from the Marquis de la Fayette or any other
characters in France for me; nothing confidential therefore
could have been disclosed by the loss of his pocket book, unless
it was deposited in your letter. —
"His acct. is that he was ordered to repair to L 'Orient
with the Asses & Birds, from whence he & ihey were to be
shipped by the messrs Baraud. That the Marquis told him,
94 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
letters should follow, and he supposes they will arrive in the
French Packet. —
' ' By Monsr. Campion 1 I send the guinea you paid for
his board ; if there are any charges yet behind, I wish to be
informed of them that they may be immediately paid.
"My sincere thanks are due to you, My dear Sir, for
your kind attention to this business. Having received no
intimation at, or previous to the arrival of Monsr Campion
respecting the light in which he ought to be viewed, I thought
it best to be on the safe side, and therefore took him to my
table, where he has conducted himself with modesty & pro
priety.
"Under full conviction that the Asses were never in
tended as a present, and that the Chinese Pheasants (instead
of costing 16 Gus [ ?] a pair as the Baltimore para-
graphist has anounced to the public) came from the Kings
Aviary as a present to the Marquis for me (for so says Monsr.
Campion) I am concerned that such information should have
been exhibited in a public gazette as appeared in the B. Post,
for it may be viewed as contrivance to bespeak, what I should
industriously have endeavoured to avoid, had I supposed it
was so meant — A present — Was this publication confined
to Maryland, or over the United States, there would not be
so much in it ; but as these paragraphs for want of other mat
ter to fill a Paper, are handed from one to another, and ulti
mately get into the British & French Gazettes; the Marquis
will entertain a queer idea of it, if nothing more is meant
1 Mount Vernon May 8th. 1788.
Dear Sir,
To a letter which I wrote to you somedays ago, I beg leave to refer
you. I congratulate with you on the happy decision of your Convention ;
having no doubt of its weight on those States which are to follow.
In a letter (just received) from Colo. Spaight of North Carolina he
informs me of his having sent a small bag of peas to your care for me.
Have you received them? If so be so good as to forward them by the
stage (the cost of which I will pay; without dispatch they will come too
late) to Alexandria.
A Monsr. Campion who brought over my Asses, says he is in distress,
and has written to me for money. Pray what is his character in Baltimore,
and what has he been employed about this year and half, in that place?
Though he had no demand upon me for the service he performed, yet I
gave him a sum of money as an acknowledgment of my sense of the proper
discharge of the trust reposed in him. He told me at that time (fall
was twelve months) that he should spend the winter in Baltimore & sail
for France in the Spring. In the spring (as I was going to Phila) he
told me he should sail in the Fall. In the fall, as I returned thence, he
assured me he should sail in a fortnight. Since which I have heard noth
ing from or of him till,, now, his application to me for money. Your
answer (soon) to this part of my letter will 'be very acceptable to
Dear Sir
Yr. Most Obedt & Affect Servt.
Go. WASHINGTON.
To James McHenry
1784-1786] of James Me Henry 95
than what was promised, & expected — that is — to be the
instrument through the medium of Adm. de Suffran (Govr.
of the Island of Malta or head of the order) of procuring &
forwarding them from that place to me. That he should
have paid all the expences which attended the getting, and
shipping them is beyond a doubt — It could not well be
otherwise, as their procuration was a doubtful essay. As I
have not however received a single line respecting these ani
mals, I do not undertake to contradict the report, but think the
evidence of it — the cost &c appears to have been too slight
to hand it in such a dress to the public. —
"With sincere esteem & regard
' ' I am — Dear sir
"Yr most obedt &
"affect Servant
' ' Go. WASHINGTON. ' '
McHenry was keenly interested in the discussion as to
whether the constitution of Maryland permitted the people
to instruct the legislature. Chase held that it did; but Mc
Henry took the other side, in an article written February 20,
1787, and published in the American Museum l over a year
later. He maintained that sovereignty is lodged in the law
enacting power, that is, for Maryland, in the General As
sembly. The constitutional compact does not allow all to
participate in the government and those who may participate
by frequent elections have an opportunity to change the ' ' trus
tees of the sovereignty. ' ' " This organization fixes the de
liberative power with the sovereignty and the elective with the
people." To prevent "the abuse of this deliberative power
are the constitutional provisions and the right to amend the
constitution and to revolt. One of the privileges of the peo
ple is that to petition" and no one ever stipulates for an in
ferior privilege and expects to enjoy a superior, one "which
the right to instruct would be. If the relation of representa
tive to constituent is that of principal and deputy, the former
would be subject to recall by the people, which he is not."
The right to instruct the sovereignty places the deliberative
power in the people and brings everything back to that chaos
which existed before the compact. Even if the right of in
struction is admitted, who shall exercise the power, shall non-
voters, or even voters who are not qualified for seats in the
assembly? If so, "then are men, whom the compact disquali-
1 Am. Museum, iv, 332.
96 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vi
fies from exercising the sovereignty, greater than the sover
eignty. ' ' Further, ' ' a government by instruction is a govern
ment never ending still beginning, in which everything fluc
tuates, in which nothing is stable." Much to be preferred
to the right to instruct is the existing right to discontinue,
which gives the people efficient control over the deliberative
power.
About this time, McHenry obtained the greatest privilege
of his life, by being elected a member from Maryland of the
convention which met at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787
and drafted the United States constitution.
CHAPTER VII
MEMBER OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
McHENRY was the only one of those first elected as
delegates from Maryland to the Philadelphia conven
tion who accepted the position. John B. Cutting1
wrote Jefferson, in July, 1788, that Charles Carroll and
Thomas Johnson, the first choice, "declined quitting Mary
land, even upon the important business of new framing the
National government, Mr. Chase having just before menaced
the senate for rejecting an emission of paper money and ap
pealed to the people against them. They had joined in that
general issue and could not venture to relinquish, to a violent
and headstrong party, their active influence in the senate, as
well as in the lower house, at the very moment when it was so
essentially needed to stem the torrent of the populace and for
the paper. Those gentlemen, therefore, remained at home,
convinced their fellow citizens of their superior rectitude and
wisdom, and defeated that favorite measure of Mr. Chase."
By later elections 2 there were associated with McHenry, Dan
iel Carroll and Daniel of .St. Thomas Jenifer, who were. na
tionalist in their tendencies, and John Francis Mercer and
Luther Martin, who were so opposed to a strong federal gov
ernment that they refused to sign the constitution and strove
to prevent Maryland 's ratification of the document. Between
these two extremes, McHenry took a middle ground, though
his own views were not strongly in favor of much centraliza
tion of power. In the convention he was seldom heard3 and
an absence of two months, on account of his brother's ill
health, deprived him of the opportunity of being present dur-
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (2nd Series), xvii, <503 ; Doc. Hist. Const., iv,
770. McHenry's journal is printed in Am. Hist. Rev., xi, 595.
2 May 22, 1787, after the date of the convention's call.
3 Pierce's Notes, Am. Hist. Rev., iii, 330. "Mr. McHenry was bred a
physician, but he afterwards turned Soldier and acted as Aid to Genl.
Washington and the Marquis de la Fayette. He is a man of Specious
talents with nothing of genious to improve them. As a politician there
\f. nothing remarkable in him, nor has he any of the graces of the Orator.
He is however, a very respectable young Gentleman, and deserves the
honor which his country has bestowed on him. Mr. McHenry is about
32 years of age."
98 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
ing a large part of the sessions. l Yet several portions of
the constitution owe their present form to McHenry's efforts
and he may well be taken as a type of the average member of
the convention — one of those useful men who made it possible
by their action to have a "more perfect union." While at
Philadelphia he kept a diary for the only time in his life, so
far as I know, and its pages sho\v his influence in forming
some of the clauses regarding commerce and also give a clearer
picture than is elsewhere found of the conferences between
members from the same state which must have taken place
almost daily between the sessions of the convention.
Mr. McHenry's correspondence with his wife during the
sessions of the convention is disappointing, in that it gives
no information, except as to personal and family affairs. On
his way to Philadelphia he wrote her:
"When there is a handsome woman and opium to be had,
says a Turkish maxim, one never thinks of one 's wife. There
are at this instant two very handsome girls chattering about
sweet hearts in the next room, and wine before me, which
you know is as good as opium, and yet I could not be at rest
till I got the materials that enable me to contradict the Turk.
That people, I find, ought not, my Peggy, be considered as
judges of what constitutes happiness — or they have no good
wives in their country. But why am I at Bush town? I
will tell you. A poor devil of a traveller who had his sulky
dashed to pieces against a stump, happened to want assistance
which I forsooth most courteously giving did not arrive at this
place till the evening was shut in, and some rain had begun
to fall — so that I was fain to take up my lodging for the
night twelve miles short of the Ferry.
"This is my little history and now I have one question
to ask you. Why is it, that I who love you should wish, that
I could have got twelve miles further from you?
"Good night and God bless you, prays your
"JAMES MCHENRY"
Shortly after the opening of the convention he wrote
again :
"Philadelphia Sunday 27 May 1787.
"I would not for ten thousand pounds be the wretched
husband who can leave home without regret and return to it
1 He seems to have been paid for seventy-two days attendance at the
rate of thirty-five shillings per day by the state, which record would
show that he was paid whether present or not. The assembly had voted
to pay the delegates as delegates in congress were paid.
1787-1788] of James Me Henry 99
without pleasure. My impatience for the arrival of your let
ters, and the delight they brought with them will be a new
proof that you still retain over my heart the most interesting
influence a woman can possess. What shall we do to perpet
uate this influence?
"If we take a survey of the marriage state we shall find
this influence strongest in the first years, after which, if not
guarded with great care, it gradually diminishes and at length
disappears, leaving in its room indifference or disgust. When
the novelty of love ceases and the cares of a family succeed,
it is full time for the parties to attend minutely to every
thing which can render home a place of tranquility. They
may have studied each others character before marriage, but,
generally speaking, it is now only that they begin to know
each other and, if they do not make a proper use of this knowl
edge, they have no just cause to complain of their mutual
unhappiness. Many precepts have been administered as nec
essary at this crisis, but they may be all comprehended in
one. What the husband does not like to hear or see he should
hear or see, only when he can interfere with propriety and to
advantage ; and what his circumstances will not permit him to
alter or amend is to be endured without murmuring, unless
it is of such a nature as to affect the source of felicity, when
sympathy may abate its force or participation render it less
oppressive. The same rule applies to the husband who will
avoid complaints which can only distress, unless where they
are required by the laws of love and conjugal confidence. As
yet we are in the first stage of marriage and may think we
do not stand in need of these precepts : but while we are dear
to each other it may not be improfitable to contemplate the
rocks upon which so much human happiness has been ship
wrecked. ' '
Two days later he wrote her again:
"We are beginning to enter seriously upon the business
of the convention, so that I shall have but little leisure to give
to my Peggy, except to the reading of your letters. You are
all well, and here we are all well. Adieu affectionately"
His notes indicate that he was in Philadelphia as early
as the 14th of May, but he did not appear in the convention
until May 28, probably awaiting for some of his Maryland
colleagues. The first of these, Jenifer, did not arrive until June 2.
On the 25th of May, the convention had organized by
the election on the part of the seven states then represented,
100 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
as president of the man whom McHenry always knew as
' ' the General. ' ' In addition to Washington, McHenry found
his intimate friend Hamilton among the members. McHenry
recorded fully Edmund Randolph's speech and the resolu
tions introduced by him, but before the work of preparing
the constitution had more than begun, an "express from
home," with the news that his "brother lay dangerously sick,"
caused him to set ' ' out immediately ' ' for Baltimore.
As John McHenry grew better, it was possible for James
McHenry to leave Baltimore on August 2. Arriving at Phil
adelphia two days later, he found the committee which was
drafting the constitution ready to report and Dunlop, the
printer, striking off copies of the report for the members. On
the 6th, the report was brought in by Rutledge and the con
vention adjourned, "to give the members an opportunity for
consideration. ' ' McHenry at once proposed to the Maryland
delegates that they hold a conference and prepare to "act in
unison." At Carroll's lodgings that afternoon, McHenry
"repeated the object of our meeting" and proposed that "we
should take the report up by paragraphs and give our opin
ions thereon." All five of the delegates Were present and
Mercer at once asked McHenry whether he thought Mary
land would embrace such a system. "I do not know," was
the answer, but "I presume the people would not object to
a wise system." Mercer then asked the others their opinion.
Martin said the people would not accept it. "That he was
against the system, that a compromise only had enabled its
abettors to bring it in its present stage, that had Mr. Jenifer
voted with him, things would have taken a different turn.
Mr. Jenifer said he voted with him, till he saw it was in vain
to oppose its progress. ' ' Fearing the members would indulge
in personal controversy, McHenry "begged the gentlemen to
observe some order to enable us to do the business we had
convened upon. I wished that we could be unanimous and
would make a proposition to effect it. I would join the
deputation, in bringing in a motion to postpone the report, to
try the affections of the house to an amendment of the
confederation, without altering the sovereignty of suffrage,
which failing, we should then agree to render the system
reported as perfect as '"we could. In the mean while, to
consider our motion to fail and proceed to confer upon the
report, agreeably to the intention of our meeting, i. e. That
we should now and, at our future meetings, alter the report
1787-1788] of James McHenry 101
to our own judgement, to be able to appear unanimous, in
case our motion failed."
Carroll could not agree to this proposition, because he
did not think ' ' the confederation could be amended to answer
its intentions. ' ' McHenry said he ' ' thought it was susceptible
of a revision, which would sufficiently invigorate it for the
exigencies of the times. ' ' Mercer and Jenifer thought other
wise and so McHenry 's conciliatory resolution was rejected.
Martin now stated that he was against having two branches
of the congress, against popular elections of representatives,
and that "he wished to see the States' Governments rendered
capable of the most vigorous exertions, and so knit together
by a confederation as to act together on national emergencies. ' '
McHenry found that they could come to no conclusions
and recommended that a second meeting of the delegation be
held on the morrow, stating, "unless we could appear in the
convention with some degree of unanimity, it would be unnec
essary to remain in it, sacrificing time & money, without
being able to render any service." All agreed to this, except
Martin, who said he was going to New York for a few days.
Feeling it of " importance to know & to fix the opinions
of my colleagues, on the most consequential articles of the new
system," McHenry prepared four queries as follows: (1)
Art iv. Sec. 5. "Will you use your best endeavours to obtain
for the Senate an equal authority over money bills with
the House of Representatives?" (2) Art xii. Sec. 6. "Will
you use your best endeavours to have it made a part of the
system that no navigation act shall be passed without the
assent of two thirds of the representation from each State?"
(3) "In case these alterations cannot be obtained will you give
your assent to the 5 section of the iv. article and 6 section of
the xii. article as they stand in the report? (In other words
will you accept a greater authority over money bills in the
House of Representatives and allow a majority of the mem
bers of Congress to pass a navigation act?) " (4) " Will you also
(in case these alterations are not obtained) agree that the
ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be suffi
cient for organizing the new constitution ? "
During the interview, McHenry noticed Mercer make
out a list of the members of the convention and mark for and
against, opposite most of the names. This led McHenry to
ask, carelessly, "what question occasioned your being so
particular?" At this, Mercer said laughingly, "that it wa3
102 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
no question, but that those marked with a for were for a
king. ' ' l McHenry then asked, ' ' how he knew that, ' ' to which
he said : "No matter, the thing is so," and permitted McHenry
to copy the list. Martin saw this list and asked what it was
and learning Mercer's account, induced McHenry to let him
copy it also.
The next morning, McHenry showed his propositions to
Carroll, Jenifer and Mercer in the convention and "they said,
in general terms, that they believed they should accord" with
them. At five o 'clock that afternoon, McHenry went to
Carroll's lodgings and, finding him alone, began to discuss
the four queries. Carroll agreed with McHenry that "the
deputation should oppose a resolute face" to the provision,
lodging in the House of Representatives the "sole right of
raising and appropriating money upon which the Senate had
only a negative," as it "gave the former branch an inordinate
power in the constitution, which must end in its destruction.
The article should be rejected and its tendency was clear.
Without equal powers, the houses were not an equal check upon
each other. ' ' Carroll also agreed, that the Maryland delegates
should, in no event, consent to the passage of navigation laws
by a mere quorum of the houses, as that would place the
"dearest interest of trade" under the control of four states,
or of seventeen members in one branch and eight in the other.
The powers to regulate commerce and lay taxes were so great
that McHenry recorded that "we almost shuddered at the
fate of the commerce of Maryland, should we be unable to
make any change in this extraordinary power. "We agreed
that our deputation ought never to assent to this article in
its present form, or without obtaining such a provision as I
proposed." As to the ratification of the constitution by nine
states, McHenry said: "We had taken an oath to support
our State constitution and frame of government. We had been
empowered by a legislature, legally constituted, to revise the
confederation and fit it for the exigencies of government and
preservation of the union. Could we do this business in a
manner contrary to our constitution ? I feared we could not ;
if we relinquished any of the rights or powers of our govern
ment to the United States of America, we could no otherwise
agree to that relinquishment, than in the mode our constitu
tion prescribed for making changes or alterations in it. " Car
roll answered that he doubted the propriety of the article on
1 Carroll's name was on this list.
1787-1788] of James McHcnry 103
ratifications, "as it respected Maryland, but he hoped we
should be able to get over this difficulty. ' ' Jenifer now came
in and "agreed to act in unison" with the others, though
McHenry thought he "seemed to have rather vague ideas of
the mischief of the system, as it stood in the report."
Wishing to impress Jenifer with the necessity of support
ing ' ' them, McHenry touched upon some popular points, ' ' sug
gesting "the unfavourable impression" the new government
' ' would make upon the people on account of its expense An
army and navy was to be raised and supported, expensive
courts of judicature to be maintained and a princely president
to be provided for. That it was plain that the revenue for
these purposes was to be chiefly drawn from commerce. That
Maryland would have this resource taken from her without the
expenses of her own government being lessened. That what
would be raised from her commerce and by indirect taxation
would far exceed the proportion she would be called upon to
pay under the present confederation. An increase of taxes,
and a decrease in the objects of taxation, as they respected a
revenue for the State, would not prove very palatable to our
people, who might think that the whole objects of taxation
were hardly sufficient to discharge the State's obligations."
While McHenry was speaking, Mercer ' ' came in and said
he would go with the deputation on the points in question.
He would wish to be understood, that he did not like the
system, that it was weak. That he would produce a better one,
since the convention had undertaken to go radically to work,
that perhaps he would not be supported by any one, but, if
he was not, he would go with the stream."
It is curious to see McHenry 's objections, and the fact
that he was closely connected with a mercantile establishment
makes his objections more interesting. That so good a lover
of the Union as he should oppose so strongly the grant of
extensive powers to the central government shows clearly that
the constitution was "wrung from the grinding necessities
of a reluctant people."
On August 8, the provision giving the sole power of
raising and appropriating money to the house of represen
tatives was expunged and, on a reconsideration of the question
on the 13th, McHenry joined Carroll, in stating that the most
ingenious men in Maryland are puzzled to define money bills
and added an instance of extraordinary subterfuge, from his
104 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
experience in the state senate, to get rid of the apparent force
of the constitution. 1
We next hear of McHenry, as a member of the committeeon
the assumption of state debts,2 appointed on August 18. Three
days later,3 he showed his fear of granting too much taxing pow
er to the federal government, by seconding Martin's motion that
no direct tax be laid until a requisition on the state has been
made and failed. On the same day, he stated that he con
ceived an embargo might be laid under the war power.4
The next day,5 he joined with Gerry in proposing that
congress be forbidden to pass a bill of attainder or any ex
post facto law. The Maryland delegation, on the same day,
agreed to bring forward some restrictive clauses drawn by
Martin on the federal power to regulate commerce. These
amendments 6 were brought in by the delegation on August
25, and provided that no preference should be given to any
state in duties, nor should vessels in the coasting trade be
obliged to enter or clear, and that congress could establish
no new ports of entry unless the states failed to do so after
application made by congress.
On the 23d of August McHenry wrote his wife:
"My dear Peggy
"It is altogether uncertain when the convention will
rise ; but it is likely to be about three weeks hence. As soon
as this happens, it will be necessary for me to go to New Ark
in Jersey to settle an account with a Mr. Mackay which may
take up eight days more, so that it may be five weeks before
my return. This, you may be assured, excites no one com
fortable sensation ; yet when I cast my eyes homeward ; when
I venture to anticipate our future prospects; my heart tells
me that my dear Peggy will condense in one week as much
happiness as to countervail the pains of two months absence.'*
On the 27th, he joined with Madison to try to prevent
an increase 7 as well as a diminution in the salaries of judges.
On the 30th, McHenry tried in vain to have the commercial
questions considered 8 ' ' before the system is got through. ' '
On the following day, the convention finally voted to have the
1 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 522, Madison's Notes. ,
2 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 558.
3 Doc. Hist. Const, iii, 578. Jenifer and Carroll voted No. Mercer
was absent.
4 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 531.
5 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 592.
6 Doc. Hist. Const., iii. 619.
7 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 625.
8 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 656.
'<&• OF THE
UNIVERSITY
^
1787-1788] of James McHenryT 105
constitution go into effect, when ratified by nine states.
Washington was in favor of as small a number as seven and
Maryland was alone in striving for thirteen. In the debate,
McHenry advanced his point that the officers of government in
Maryland were under oath to follow "the mode of alteration
prescribed by ' ' the state constitution. 1
The same day, however, the Maryland men were gratified
by the adoption of part of their commercial clauses, which
prevented preference of any state and freed the coasting
trade. In the debate, McHenry remarked that the clause
would not "screen a vessel from being obliged to take an
officer on board as security for due entry," and so avoid
smuggling of goods into states below the point of entry, as
in the case of vessels bound for Philadelphia. We hear no
more from McHenry on the floor of the convention until
September 12, when he voted, vainly, to require three-fourths
of the houses to override the president's veto.
During this time, however, he was not idle but employed
himself, especially in trying to amend the commercial clauses.
On September 4, he wrote in his note book: "Upon looking
over the constitution it does not appear that the national
legislature can erect lighthouses or clean out or preserve the
navigation of harbours. This expense ought to be borne by
commerce, of course, by the general treasury, into which all
the revenue of commerce must come.
"Is it proper to declare all the navigable waters or rivers
&c. within the U. S. common highways? Perhaps a power to
restrain any State from demanding tribute from citizens of
another State in such cases is comprehended in the power to
regulate trade between State and State.
"This is be further considered and a motion to be made
on the light house &c. tomorrow. ' ' The morrow was consumed
by discussion of the election of president, but, on the 6th,
McHenry spoke to Gouveneur Morris, Fitzsimmons, and Gor-
ham, about the insertion of a "power in the confederation
enabling the legislature to erect piers for protection of ship
ping in winter & to preserve the navigation of harbours."
Gorham opposed, the others favored this and Morris thought
it might be done under the power to ' ' provide for the common
defence and general welfare." Whereupon McHenry remarked,
"If this comprehends such a power, it goes to authorize the
legislature to grant exclusive privileges to trading companies,
1 Doc. Hist. Const, Hi, 661.
106 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
etc." The commercial question still disturbed the Maryland
men and on Saturday, September 8, they gave notice that they
had a proposition of much importance to bring forward. This
was brought forward on the 15th ; but, meantime, the commit
tee on style had reported the constitution and McHenry,
making a careful study of the draft on the 13th, found the
Maryland propositions as to preference of one state over
another had been overlooked and secured their insertion in
the proper place.
Maryland's new proposition,1 introduced by McHenry
and seconded by Carroll, was that "no State shall be prohib
ited from laying such duties of tonnage, as may be sufficient
for improving their harbours & keeping up lights, but all
acts laying such duties shall be subject to the approbation or
repeal of Congress." Mason joined the Marylanders in advo
cating their proposition, because the " situation of the Chesa
peake peculiarly required expenses of this sort," and the
proposition was carried with but slight amendment, by a vote
of six states to four, with Connecticut divided.
Although the two-thirds majority for the passage of
navigation acts was defeated on the same day, Maryland had
gained so much of her desires, that Jenifer felt sure the state
would accept the constitution. When Martin said to him,
"I'll be hanged if ever the people of Maryland agree to it,"
Jenifer quickly replied: "Then I advise you to stay in
Philadelphia, lest you be hanged."
On Sunday, September 9, 1787, McHenry looked forward
to the close of the convention in a letter to his wife :
"After all the researches of ambition and curiosity, it is
only, my dear Peggy, in the bosom of one 's family where man
is born to find real enjoyment. Whenever we suffer ourselves
to be allured from this spot, the mind is dissatisfied, till we
return again to it. We may indeed flatter ourselves that every
thing ought to be sacrificed to certain popular objects ; but we
may also distrust a philosophy which is daily contradicted by
lessons of disgrace or disappointment. Home then possesses
a power over the human heart that is nearly irresistable when
aided by the endearments of an affectionate wife and the
prattle of a tender ofspring. Still however it is true, that a
home having these attractions may be left : but it will be left
with regret, and soon rejoined with increased delight. I shall
soon I hope rejoin this home as it is likely the convention will
1 Doc. Hist. Const., iii, 751.
1787-1788] of James Me Henry 107
finish their business in about eight days. In the meanwhile,
I pray God to bless my dear Peggy and our little ones. Adieu
affectionately ' '
The next Sunday on the eve of the convention's final ad
journment he wrote her:
4 ' My dear Peggy.
" Yesterday evening the plan of government passed by an
unanimous vote, and to-morrow we shall determine the mode
to promulge it and then put an end to the existence of the
convention. This done, I shall have nothing to detain me in
this place, but the repartition of the effects of the Estate which
I hope may be accomplished in time to permit me to make use
of the friday's stage. I must add, however, that I do not
expect to leave this sooner than f riday, and scarcely then ; but
I will write you by Wednesday 's mail, when, perhaps, I may be
able to speak with more certainty. ' '
On Monday, September 17, the engrossed constitution
was read and slightly amended. "Doctor Franklin put a
paper into Mr. Wilson's hand to read, containing his reasons
for assenting to the constitution. It was plain, insinuating,
persuasive," wrote McHenry, "and in any event of the system
guarded the Doctor's fame."
Then McHenry signed the constitution with Jenifer and
Carroll ; Mercer and Martin refusing to do so.
The injunction of secrecy was taken off, the convention
adjourned sine die, and the members dined together at the City
Tavern. McHenry had hesitated about signing and wrote a
justification of his course in so doing in his note book, as
follows : ' ' Being opposed to many parts of the system I make
a remark why I signed it and mean to support it. Istly. I
distrust my own judgement, especially as it is opposite to the
opinion of a majority of gentlemen whose abilities and patriot
ism are of the first cast; and as I have already frequent
occasions to be convinced that I have not always judged right.
2dly. alterations may be obtained, it being provided that the
concurrence of 2-3 of the congress may at any time introduce
them. 3dly. Comparing the inconveniences and the evils
wkich we labor under and may experience from the present
confederation, and the little good we can expect from it, with
the possible evils and probable benefits and advantages prom
ised us by the new system, I am clear that I ought to give it
all the support in my power.
"Philada. 17, Sept. 1787. JAMES McllENRY."
108 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vii
On his return, McHenry was nominated as one of Balti
more Town 's two delegates to the state ratifying convention :
and was summoned, with the other delegates to Philadelphia,
to appear at Annapolis before the house of delegates on
November 29 and report on their work. Mercer did not come,
but the other four did and all but Martin supported the new
document, though the speeches of the three Federalists have
not been preserved. 2 It is not known whether McHenry
participated in the fierce war of newspaper articles which
followed, but Daniel Carroll, Jenifer, and A. C. Hanson seem
to have led the Federalists and McHenry appears to have taken
rather a minor part in the campaign.
At the election, early in April, 1788, McHenry and John
Coulter, the Federal candidates from Baltimore Town were
elected, by votes of 962 and 958 respectively, to 385 and 380
for Samuel Sterrett and Daniel McMechen, the Anti-Feder
alists. Cries of fraud were raised by the defeated party, but
no contest was made in the convention.
Just before the state convention met, Charles Thomson,
secretary of congress, wrote McHenry:
"New York April 19. 1788.
"Dear Sir.
"I am sorry I have not been able sooner to answer your
1 See Steiner's Md.'s Adoption of the Federal Const., Am. Hist. Rev.,
v, 228-207. Tench Coxe (Doc. Hist. Const, iv, 523) wrote Madison Feb
ruary 25, 1783, that he has forwarded Contee a large packet of pamphlets
sent him by Judge Hanson who writes "there is no doubt in Maryland."
2 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 378, Samuel Powell wrote Washington from
Philadelphia on November 13, "In Maryland there is a secret opposition
from a member of the assembly but it is believed that his politics will
not succeed." Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 396, Madison wrote Jefferson on De
cember 9, that Maryland "has copied" Virginia's example in "opening a
door for amendments, if the Convention there should chuse to propose
them. . . A more formidable opposition is likely to be made In Maryland
than was at first conjectured. Mr. Mercer, it seems, who was a member
of the convention, though his attendance was but for a short time, is
become an auxiliary to Chase. Johnson, the Carrolls, Govr. Lee and most
of the other characters of weight are on the other side. Mr. T. Stone
died a little before the Government was promulged." Doc. Hist. Const.,
Iv, 408, Jefferson wrote Carmichael on December 15, "Maryland is thought
favorable to it ; yet it is supposed Chase, & Paca will oppose it." Doc.
Hist. Const., iv, 436, Washington on January 10, 1788, wrote Knox,
"Maryland must unquestionably, will adopt it;" and on the 18th wrote
Samuel Powell (Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 449) "Of Maryland there can be
little doubt." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (2nd Series), xvii, 484. Daniel Car
roll wrote on October 28, 1787, that Maryland will probably ratify the
constitution and Johnson has told him he is in favor of so doing. J. Lee
and Potts were chosen delegates in congress, with a view principally, of
preventing mischief and forwarding this great object. Chase's article,
signed "Caution," showed an adverse disposition ; but he has bound him
self to propose a state convention and, if chosen as a member of this
body, will be bound to ratify the proposed plan, "the impression in Bal
timore being so strong for it."
1787-1788] of James McHenry 109
letter of the 19 of last month. I happened to be in Philadel
phia, when it reached New York. It was transmitted to me
and, when I received it, I was in hopes I should have finished
my business & returned in a few days. Therefore I immedi
ately sent back the letter which was enclosed therein to be
forwarded by the packet and deferred writing to you until I
returned. My stay was longer than I expected, and after my
return here I rec 'd your second letter of the 12 of this month
and, at the same time, an account of your election. I hope, not
withstanding the choice made by the counties of Anne Arundel,
Baltimore and Harford, that the elections * * * are such as
will ensure the adoption of the new constitution, for, unless
that take place, I confess to you my fears for the safety,
tranquility and happiness of my country are greater than at
any period of the late war. The present federal government
is at the point of expiring. It cannot, I think, survive the
present year and if it could, experience must have convinced
every man of reflection that it is altogether inadequate to the
end designed. "What remedy then have we prepared for the
train of disastrous events which must necessarily ensue from
a dissolution of the union, what security for our independence,
peace & happiness as a nation ?
"You ask me what is the amount of the foreign and do
mestic debt. With regard to the foreign debt, I beg leave to re
fer you to the enclosed schedule of the French and Dutch loans,
shewing the periods of their redemption, the annual interest
payable thereon, & the instalments stipulated for discharging
the principal. To this, you must add about 150,000 dollars due
to Spain, 186,427 dollars due to foreign officers also a million of
florins which, from the failure of the states, congress were
under the necessity of borrowing last year to defray the
interest of the dutch loans & other demands in Europe. As
to the domestic debt, I have to inform you that, by the last
estimate which the board of treasury laid before congress, the
amount thereof, as then liquidated, is 28,340,018 dollars. How
much of this has been actually extinguished by the sale of
western territory, I cannot certainly say. The tract which
the Ohio company have in view to purchase is supposed to be
between 5 & 6 millions of acres, but I believe they have only
paid 500,000 dollars. The residue of the purchase money is to
be paid by yearly instalments and the company by their agree
ment are at liberty to confine their purchase within the com
pass of their abilities & to take no more land than they are able
110 Life and Correspondenc [CHAP vn
to pay for. The tract which Symmes has agreed for is said to
be 2 million acres & Flint Parker & Co. have applied for
the purchase of 3 million acres ; but I believe neither of these
have yet paid any money. The quantity of land purchased &
laid out into townships, agreeably to the land ordinance, is
upwards of 700,000 acres but of this there is only about
100,000 sold. As to the land unsurveyed, the quantity is
immense and, in my opinion, adequate to the extinquishment
of the whole debt of the Union, provided we can have a firm,
stable federal government ; but without this I am apprehensive
the Union will derive little benefit from it. As to the amount
of the duties on a 5 per cent import & the expense of the civil
list under the new government, it is altogether conjectural,
but of this I am confident that the new government, if estab
lished, will from prudential motives encrease the former and
lessen the latter, as much as possible, and however proper it
may have been judged to vest it with the power of direct
taxation, it will not proceed to the exercise of that power
except in the last necessity.
"Enclosed I send you the first volume of the federalist
the second volume is in the press & will, it is expected be out
in the course of a week or two. As soon as it is published I
will forward it to you."
On April 21, the convention met at Annapolis with a
decided Federal majority 1 and, in spite of the protests of
Samuel Chase and William Paca, who led the minority,
resolved to adopt the constitution. Amendments to the con
stitution were referred to a committee of thirteen, on which
McHenry served, and after considering them, the committee
voted eight to five, McHenry being in the majority, that there
be no amendments reported to the convention, but that the
constitution be ratified unconditionally without amendment.
This advice was accepted and there was no danger that the
cause of federalism in Virginia should be injured by the
recommendation of such amendments, as McHenry wrote to
Washington he had feared. 2
McHenry 's letter, dated April 20, stated that while pres
ent appearances in Maryland are flattering, he thinks that the
1 McHenry came on April 22. See JeJnifer to Washington April 15,
Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 580. Shippen to Jefferson April 22, Doc. Hist. Const.,
iv, 586. Washington to Jenifer, Doc. Hist. Const, iv. 596. Smallwood to
^President of Congress, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 604. Griffin to Madison, Doc.
Hist. Const., iv, 609.
2 Bancroft Hist, of Const, ii, 282. See Nicholas's letter of April 5
to Madison, Doc. Hist. Const, iv, 551, and of May 9. Doc. Hist. Const, iv,
«70.
1787-1788] of James McHenry 111
adjournment without ratifying the constitution would be
equivalent to rejection, both there and in Virginia, and asked
Washington how matters were in Virginia and that he give his
sentiments, which may be useful. Washington replied as
follows :
'Mount Vernon 27th. April 1788.
"Dear Sir,
"Not having sent to the Post Office for several days, your
favor of the 20th. Inst. did not get to my hand till last night.
I mention this circumstance as an apology for my not giving
it an earlier acknowledgment.
"As you are pleased to ask my opinion of the conse
quences of an adjournment of your Convention until the
meeting of ours, I shall, tho ' I have meddled very little in this
political controversy — (less perhaps than a man so thor
oughly persuaded as I am of the evils & confusions which will
result from the rejection of the proposed Constitution ought
to have done) — give it as my sincere and decided opinion,
that, a postponement of the question would be Tantamount
to the final rejection of it — that the adversaries to the plan
consider it in this light, — and for this purpose are using
every endeavour to effect it. To advance arguments in support
of this opinion is as unnecessary as they would be prolix.
They are obvious — and will occur to you upon a moment's
reflection.
"Though the period to which the adjournment in New
Hampshire was fixed, had no respect to the meeting of the
Convention in this State, but was the effect, solely, of its own
local circumstances, yet, the opposition here ascribe it wholly to
complaisance towards Virginia — make great use of it — and
undertake to pronounce that all the succeeding determinations,
preceeding hers, will be similar thereto ; — of course that those
which are to follow will take the tone from it. Should Mary
land fulfil this prognostic, So. Carolina may indeed be stag
gered, and the prediction with respect to the rejection of the
Constitution, be realized ; for the assertion, so far as it applies
to No. Carolina, I believe is well founded ; and it is well known
that the opposition in New York would catch at straws, if
they would subserve their purpose by it.
"The sentiments of the Western (or Kentucky) districts
of this State are not yet brought to my view.
"Independently thereof the majority, so far as the opin
ions of the delegates are known, or presumed, is in favor of
112 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vn
the adoption, and this spirit, according to my information, is
increasing, — but as the parties, by report, are pretty equally
poized, a small matter cast into either scale, may give it the
preponderancy. Decision, or indecision then, with you, in
my opinion, will determine the fate of the Constitution, and
with it, whether peace & happiness, or discord & confusion, is
to be our lott. The federalists here see & deprecate the conse
quences of indecision with you — their opposers, seeing that it
is the dernier resort, are using all their endeavours to effect
it. Thus stands the matter in my eye. With very great
esteem & regard
"I am Dear Sir
"Yr. Most Obedt & Affect Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON"
On this letter is endorsed in McHenry 's handwriting :
' ' The Maryland convention should not postpone its action
on the qu. of Adoption of the new Constitu. until
learning the decision of Virginia. ' ' 1
Again on May 8, Washington wrote, "I congratulate you
on the happy decision of your convention; having no doubt
of its weight on those States which are to follow. ' ' Ten days
later, McHenry answered,2 "You will have concluded from
the address of our minority that the convention was a little em
barrassed on the subject of amendments. A very good friend
of yours, for whom I have the greatest respect (i. e. Thomas
Johnson,) brought us into the difficulty & we were obliged
to leave him to get out. The amendments were intended to
injure the cause of federalism in your State &, had we agreed
to them, they were well calculated to effect it." McHenry
wrote Madison 3 on June 17 that he sends "authentic inform
ation respecting the present state of the opposition to the
Constitution in Pennsylvania," in the shape of a letter from
the chief justice and a certificate from the clerk of the general
assembly. "I find the same misrepresentations have been
played upon the uninformed with you which was practised
with us." He hoped soon to hear the "desirable news" that
Virginia had adopted the constitution. On July 27, McHenry
wrote Washington again: "It is whispered here that some
leading characters among you have by no means, dropped
1 Printed in Doc. Hisf. Const., iv, 594. See also Washington to Lin
coln May 2, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 606, and to Madison of same date. Doc.
Hist. Const, iv, 607, and to Morris of same date, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 60o.
2 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 618.
3 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 707.
1787-1788] of James McHenry 113
their resentment to the new constitution, but have determined
on some secret plan to suspend the proper organization of the
government, or to defeat it altogether. Have you heard of
this ? ' ' Anti-federalists must be kept out of the legislature. l
Four days later, Washington answered 2 that he feels deeply
the great importance of selecting proper members for the first
congress and hopes the "Omnipotent Being" will not yield
the United States a "prey to anarchy or despotism." Going
little from home, he has no news, but fears the Anti-federalists
may make combinations to change the constitution. By this
time, nine states had ratified and it was certain that the con
stitution would go into effect. In this connection, it is inter
esting to note that J. B. Cutting wrote to Jefferson ?> on July
11, "a superficial examination of the liberal and patriotic
convention of Maryland would lead to the thought that the
objections of the minority were treated with too much levity
and even disdain, but minute scrutiny disproves this. The
opposition to a thorough reform of the federal government
began in Maryland, even before the Philadelphia convention.
So far did Luther Martin proceed in his avowed hostility as
even to detail, in the face of decency, before the assembled
legislature of Maryland, the petty dialogues and paltry anec
dotes of every description that came to his knowledge in
conventional committees and private conversations with the
respective members of the convention in Philadelphia. So
when the convention at Annapolis met, whatever proposition
came from Messrs. Chase, Paca, Martin, or Mercer was
received with jealousy or disgust and generally rejected by
a great majority."4
1 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 821.
2 Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 827.
3 Doc. Hist. Const, iv, 770.
4 On October 10, 178S, Thomas Johnson wrote "Washington of his
own position in the Annapolis convention, that he does not "recollect any
conduct of mine which can be called active to bring about amendments.
I was not well pleased at the manner of our breaking up. I thought it
to our discredit and should be better pleased with the constitution with
some alterations, but I am very far from wishing all that were proposed
to take place." As a faithful friend of Washington, he says the United
States need his further services. "We cannot, sir, do without you and
I and one thousand more can explain to everybody but yourself, why wg
cannot do without you." On the Maryland ratifying convention, see also
Jefferson's letter to Dumas of May 15, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 614. Car
roll to Madison, May 28, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 636. Brooke to Stuart,
July 10, Doc. Hist. Const., iv, 769.
CHAPTEK
MEMBER OP THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES
IN the autumn of 1788, McHenry was nominated with John
Coulter by the Federalists of Baltimore town for mem
bership in the house of delegates and was elected, af
ter an exciting campaign. The opposition candidates were
Samuel Chase and David McMechen, who issued a broadside
on October 3, attacking McHenry for refusing to permit the
state convention to submit amendments to the federal con
stitution and for refusing with Coulter to make proper ar
rangements for voting in the election. 1 The Federalists, on
the other hand, scattered handbills, threatening to publish the
names of those who voted in the opposition, as enemies to the
new federal government. The election occurred from October
6 to 10 and resulted in the election of McHenry and Coulter,
who received 635 and 622 votes respectively, while Chase's
vote was only 505 and McMechen 's 494. On the first day
of the election, the Federalists paraded through the town,
carrying a ship and a pilot boat, with drums beating, fifes
playing and colors flying. The ' ' respectable characters, ' ' aid
ed by some non-voters, took possession of the polls and all
access to the hustings depended upon their pleasure. On the
second day, the Anti-Federalists did the same, but were forced
from their position by violence.
When the assembly met on November 4, a petition was
presented, praying that the election be declared void for acts
of violence committed and threats used by the Federalists to
elect their candidates. The Anti-Federalists also complained
of a large sum of money subscribed, by one of the successful
candidates, to the Federal campaign fund. On November 6,
the house voted 2 to read the petition for a second time on
the 14th, and gave notice that the parties should call wit
nesses. A vote was also passed that the contestants need not
1 Scharf s Baltimore City and County, 116.
2 The vote was 31 to 24. The house voted 35 to 20 (McHenry and
Coulter did not vote) that the contestees should not vote on any question
Concerning the contest.
1778-1790] of James McHenry 115
specify with certainty and under specific heads the particu
lar facts they meant to prove in support of their petition. 1
On the 14th, McHenry and Coulter agreed to bear the ex
penses of the contest and the hearing began. It continued
until the 21st and was then postponed until the 25th, when
it seems to have been dropped. 2 On the 20th, the house
voted that Charles Myers was a competent witness, though
he had bet a beaver hat that Chase would defeat McHenry
and another that McMeehen would defeat Coulter. 3
McHenry seems to have been particularly active during
this session. He was chairman of a committee to consider an
application for a patent, and served also on committees on
divorce and corporations. 4
The new relations of the state to the federal govern
ment demanded attention, and when the assembly had elected
John Eager Howard governor, after Thomas Johnson had
declined to return to that office, they took up the method of
electing congressmen. The committee, to which the matter
was referred, recommended that the state be divided into two
districts: the "Western Shore to elect four members and the
Eastern Shore two, but the final decision was to divide the
state into six districts, each to choose one member, while the
presidential electors were apportioned, five to the Western
Shore and three to the Eastern. On December 3, the house
resolved to take the oath to support the federal constitution
and, on the 8th, they ballotted for United States senators.
John Henry, George Gale, Uriah Forrest, and Charles Carroll
of Carrollton were nominated and all received forty-one votes,
save Carroll who received forty. The house of delegates
refused to accept the proposition of the senate and elect one
from each shore. On the second ballot, Henry received one
more vote and was chosen. On the 10th, Carroll was elected
as the second senator, receiving forty-two votes to thirty-nine
for Forrest. On the 19th, the assembly voted to petition con
gress for amendments to the constitution and, on the 22nd,
came the final adjournment.
After Washington's election to the presidency, McHenry
1 The vote on this was 29 to 26.
2 On December 20, 1789, the house of delegates voted that the costs
of this contest, £61.9, should be paid by the parties.
3 McHenry's opponents published a boardside, claiming that the
subscribers to a purse to defend his election, whom they named, were
men who had been Tories or who had come from the British Isles and
been naturalized since the Revolution, and that some of them had been
naturalized "during the election.
4 He has leave of absence on November 7 and 21.
116 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vin
wrote him on March 29, inviting him to visit him on his way
to New York and saying: "Though I may be among the
last in congratulating my dear general, upon his elevation
to a rank which few men are born to enjoy and still fewer
deserve, yet I am persuaded you will believe that I feel as
much sincere joy on the occasion, as those who may have
been earlier in their demonstrations. You are now a King
under a different name and I am well satisfied that sovereign
prerogatives have in no age or country been more honorably
obtained, or that at any time will they be more prudently
and wisely exercised. This expectation excites in every bosom
the finest sensations and I am sure had a secret and powerful
influence in disposing the minds of the people to embrace the
new constitution. That you may reign long and happy over
us and never for a moment cease to be the public favorite
is a wish that I can truly say is congenial to my heart.
Please visit me enroute to New York." Washington an
swered as follows:
" Mount Vernon April 1st. 1789.
"Dear Sir,
"With a heart duly impressed with a sense of the kind
invitation you have been pleased to give me to your House,
I received your favor of the 29th. ult, and pray you to accept
my thanks for this further testimony of your polite atten
tion to me; but at the same time I offer you this tribute of
my gratitude, I must beg your excuse for not complying with
the request. For, however pleasing it might be to me, on any
other occasion, to render this proof of my regard for you,
I cannot consistently with my ideas of propriety (under the
existing circumstances) consent to give so much trouble to a
private family. The party that may possibly attend me —
the crowd that always gathers on novel occasions — and the
compliment of visiting (which some may incline to pay a new
character) all contribute to render a public house the fittest
place for scenes of bustle & trouble.
"Mrs Washington joins me in compliments & best wishes,
and with sentiments of very great esteem & regard I remain
"Dear Sir
"Yr. Most Obedient and
Affect Hble Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
Quite fittingly we find McHenry at the head of the com-
1788-1790] of James Me Henry 117
mittee which prepared an address to Washington l on April
17. On the 8th, his brother-in-law, John Caldwell, had writ
ten him from Philadelphia, asking that McHenry recom
mend him for a position under the new government, and say
ing:
"The stage has this moment passed my window from
New York. I run to hear the news — am told that Secre
tary Thomson is on his way to escort his most serene High
ness (a title our Ch. judge has fixed on for the President
General) but who will always be better known by the name
of General Washington — an endearing name — which always
recalls the remembrance of his services and is generally re
ceived as tantamount to Saviour of his Country. Mr. Thom
son comes in the state coach — which crossed the ferry from
New York on Monday afternoon — and for the sake of dis
patch — will be drawn on by post horses supplied at the dif
ferent stages — for which arrangements are made. So that
in all probability he may be here at this moment — and will
no doubt be moved immediately forward — this I hope he
will honour with his conveyance — and a moment may lose
the opportunity.
"On monday (a passenger in the stage from whom my
information comes) tells me — the returns were opened.
The votes were for General Washington unanimous — and
for John Adams a large majority. I understood a kind of
declaration had taken place of the former as President —
the latter as V. President."
McHenry was ill in June and writing of his recovery to
Washington, on the 28th, urged him to keep old Dr. Craik
near him, as McHenry has been alarmed by accounts of Wash
ington's illness, and stated that he expects soon to leave Bal
timore for the Sweet Springs with his brother, who engrosses
much of his time. Washington answered on July 3, describ
ing his illness, praising Dr. Bard, who had attended him, and
expressing hopes that McHenry 's trip to the Sweet Springs
might be the means of restoring his brother to health. - These
hopes were vain, but the excursion to the Sweet Springs
gives us some interesting letters to Mrs. McHenry, who re
mained in Baltimore with an infant daughter, while her hus-
1 Scharf's Chron. of Baltimore, 273.
2 Ford, xi, 401 ; Sparks, x, 12. He wrote also on June 12, probably
Just before his illness, asking Washington to visit him and enclosing an
address to the president.
118 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vin
band took with him the son Daniel, who had been ailing.
From Staunton, McHenry wrote her on July 17 :
"My dear Peggy.
"I am now at Staunton where we arrived yesterday eve
ning. It is about 200 miles from Baltimore and 95 from the
Sweet Springs. We shall rest here two days. Here is some
company from Virginia on their way to the waters. My
brother continues near as he was when I left home, I am in
good health and Daniel much better.
"We came from Winchester hither in three days. The
first night we slept in Millerstown, at Crookshank's tavern,
where we had good beds and tolerable coffee: the second
night, at a kind of private house, one David Harned's where
we had indifferent beds and bad coffee: but the horses had
fine hay and good oats. The road in some places is rocky,
mountainous, and dreadfully rugged; but in general very
good. The second day we drove 40 miles and could have
easily driven fifty. When you get within a few miles of
Staunton the country rises into high mountains. Staunton
is placed in the midst of a body of them.
"This town which contains about 120 houses (all framed
except a few of stone) is remarkable for two things. 1st, a
tavern, kept by one Hiershell, equal in many respects to Mr.
Grant's, where we lodge. It is chiefly of stone, two story
high, and 85 feet front. 2dly. Every house has more or
less of a garden, and every garden a small stream of water
running through it, which has its course in one of the neigh
bouring mountains. The air, in addition to this charming cir
cumstance, seems fine and highly salubrious; not notwith
standing all this, I would not choose it for my residence. I
am in love with other scenes, and other prospects: and that
I suppose is enough to prejudice me against, the mountains,
groves, vallies, and waters of Staunton, though they frolic in
abundance of bewitching forms.
"I thought you would be glad to learn thus much of our
progress, and Mrs. Shield's, who is on her return from Ken-
tucke to Philadelphia, affords me an opportunity to Win
chester: whence this will be forwarded to Alexandria and
thence by the regular mail to Baltimore.
"Adieu my dear Peggy, the keeper and dispenser of all
my affections"
1788-1790] of James McHcnry 119
Six days later another letter was sent on Thursday, July
23, 1789, from "Warm Springs — Lewis's house":
"My dear Peggy.
"My last to you was from Staunton which I put into
the hands of Col. Knox who was on his way to Baltimore.
The day after we recommenced our journey to this place.
The roads very bad: the entertainment tolerable. Venison
very common and very good, the last four miles of the road
thither is over the highest mountain we have yet crossed.
Long before we gained the most elevated part of it where the
road runs, which is a considerable distance from its summit,
we had a very interesting view of the subjacent world. Far
below us, for an immense extent, lay an infinity of mountains,
each of them an Alp ; with corresponding, deep, and irrigu-
ous vallies ; the whole forming a prospect astonishingly great
and sublime. The sun shone upon the rocks, mountains, and
trees, which affords a variety of intermingled shades and ren
dered the scenery more picturesque and animated. The de
scent in some places is rather rapid, and somewhat danger
ous, owing to the badness of the road, which is much cut,
shelving, and only wide enough for one carriage.
"Notwithstanding it was hardly possible to deviate from
the right road, yet from the length of time it took us to
travel the last six miles, we were almost certain we had some
how or other got out of our course. About six miles from
the springs we had an opportunity of inquiring the distance
which we were informed of, and also that the road was very
good. By our calculation we had travelled nine miles, &
most of it over bad road. At length, however, late in the
evening, we reached the bottom of the mountain, and were
agreeably surprised to find ourselves at the warm springs.
' ' These springs are a great curiosity. The water is about
blood hot (96 degrees) and bathing is a very great luxury.
It is said to contain sulphur. A large quantity of air is
continually rising from the bottom in bubbles and the vapor
has a sulphurous smell. The bath is an octagonal inclosure
of stone, about eight or ten feet high, open at top, and 132
feet in circumference. Its depth between three and four feet.
The body of water it discharges forms a stream capable of
turning the largest mill. Trees flourish round the spring,
the cattle drink of its water, and it fertilizes some excellent
medow ground through which it runs.
"We bath in it twice a day. The first time Daniel went
120 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vin
into it very reluctantly; and now he leaves it with as much
reluctance, and goes to it with pleasure. I think it has been
serviceable to his complaint; but my brother has received no
seeming benefit from it. We propose two days longer stay,
and then try the Sweet Springs, which is forty three miles
from this place.
"The company here is a Mrs. Dunbar of this state, with
her daughter a Mrs. Banister, a young handsome wealthy
widow, and a Mr. Skipwith, a suitor I imagine of the latter.
"My brother has not been so well yesterday and to-day
as heretofore. He presents his respects to you and Miss Cald-
well. Adieu my dear Peggy.
"Yours affectionately
"JAMES Me HENRY"
From the Warm Springs the party went on to the Sweet
Springs, where they remained several weeks and whence Mc-
Henry wrote his wife on September 7, 1789:
"My dear Peggy.
"Mrs. Perry died on Sunday morning, and was intered
yesterday afternoon. She Avas thought to , be somewhat bet
ter on her arrival; but a few days shewed the fallacy of
hopes founded on a strong expectation of the benefit from
the waters. Perhaps the experiment was too long delayed;
or perhaps it would not at any time have proved successful.
Why are we so anxious for life? In one point of view it
hardly seems to be worth the trouble we take to preserve it.
Give to man the most extensive acquaintance and exalted
virtues, yet how seldom does he leave behind him a friend to
lament his loss or remember him when he is forgotten by the
rest of the world.
"The burying ground is at a little distance from the
springs, on the summit of a hill which is covered with large
and shady oaks. I counted eleven graves, some inclosed with
a kind of pailing, and the rest with large logs of timber, said
to be intended as a security against wolves. I could not con
template the remains of the dead quietly resting in these rude
impalements without a few mournful emotions, arising from
the reflection that all of them must have closed the last hours
of life, far from any domestic comforts, and, most of them,
perhaps, without the last kind offices of kindred attention.
There is neither stone or monumental inscription to be seen
to tell any thing respecting the dead.
1788-1790] of James McHenry 121
"When you leave this melancholly ground and get about
half way down the hill you have rather an agreeable prospect,
made up of intermingled huts and trees, The Sweet Springs,
a mess house, a dwelling house, and a corn field lay below you,
while the mountains rise amphitheatre like in a pleasing man
ner, chiefly covered with trees, but without either house, cul
tivated spot or plantation to relieve the eye.
' ' To-morrow we propose setting out, notwithstanding my
brother's state of health is but little different from what it
was when I last wrrote you. The fear of being locked up in
this place during the winter is one motive which puts him in
motion: and the convenience of the stage waggon Mr. Perry
came in another. Mr. Perry is to ride with me, and Jack can
lay at full length in the waggon. We may not however set
out to-morrow as there are strong symptoms of bad weather.
Should it rain we shall remain here till it settles. It will be
a long and tedious journey in all probability.
"Adieu my dear Peggy; and may God grant us a happy
meeting. ' '
During the return journey McHenry wrote from Staun-
ton on the 26th of September, 1789.
"My dear Peggy.
"Mrs. Pratt is to leave this town to-morrow, which re
minds me of my promise to give you some account of the
Falling Springs.
"I went from Mr. Morris's on the 12 Sept. to visit this
remarkable curiosity. It is in Augusta county about six miles
south of Morris's. After riding about four miles we en
tered the Falling Spring valley where we were entertained
with innumerable little water falls till we came in view of the
object of our visit.
"I cannot give you an adequate idea of this great work
of nature. To describe it correctly one must see it more than
once, and be provided with an apparatus to ascertain heights
and distances. Mr. Jefferson l estimates the altitude of the
rock from which the water falls at two hundred feet. It did
not strike me as so high by fifty feet. He speaks also as if
the water fell only from one part of the rock, whereas it
precipitates from five different places, each fall being dis
tinct from, and at a considerable distance from the other.
"We took our stand between the first and second cat-
1 See Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, Query 5 (ed. 1801, p. 30).
122 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vm
aract. The former hurried over the lowest part of the rock,
and dashed down an irregular and shelving surface with con
siderable noise and impetuosity : but though composed of the
largest sheet of water it was by no means the most striking.
The second certainly engaged more of our attention. It pre
cipitated itself in the air about one hundred and fifty feet
above us from the loftiest part of an almost perpendicular
rock, in five or six spouts, which suddenly uniting formed a
thin broad sheet of water that descended in a beautiful man
ner, till it reached half way down, when it dashed against the
smooth surface of the rock, and separated into millions of
drops that fell to the bottom in a kind of close heavy rain.
This is a most lively an interesting spectacle. We contem
plated it with admiration and thought nature had finished
her work, when moving on a little further round a bend of
the rock, we discovered three other cascades, the most remote
of which was just visible through the intervening rocks and
trees.
"This exhibition far exceeded the first in variety and
grandieur of expression. I do not think either of these falls
discharged more water than any of those we had just turned
from: but their different sheets were so disposed as to shew
each other to more advantage ; this part of the mountain too
was more diversified, and the shrouded cataract almost con
cealed by huge pieces of rock and fallen trees accumuiated and
congregated in a kind of horrid wildness ; whilst the two moun
tains which formed the valley approaching each other seemed
to close the scene by forbidding further investigation.
"There we remained for some time, alternately contem
plating the stupendous descent of the water, & its various ap
pearances, from its first shewing itself over the mountain till
lost among the fragments of rocks beneath. The whole, with
the face of the valley, formed a most animated and interesting
scene ; and yet the father of our guide, Mr. Morris, has resided
twenty five years within six miles of the falls, has been above
a hundred times within half a mile of them, without having
seen them. I asked him on my return how he would like to
see this circumstance mentioned in a book. I should be indif
ferent about it, he replied, as it could only mean that I was a
person of litle curiosity.
"The spring that Supplies these cataracts rises about %
of a mile from the summit of the mountain. The land through
which it runs belongs to a Major Massie whom I since met at
1788-1790] of James McHenry 123
the warm springs. This gentleman told me that twenty years
ago Dr. Bland had forced a kind of promise from him to throw
the several branches of the stream into one, for the purpose of
increasing the cataract. In my opinion it is more interesting
as it is; and Major Massie being of the same opinion has
thought proper to defer the execution of his promise, which
he says was only given to get rid of the Doctor 's importunity.
"My brother is better. We shall leave this in all prob
ability on Wednesday next. We have new wheels to get to
our carriage and my brother wants a little more strength to
enable him to make the next hundred miles. Daniel is well,
and your affectionate
"JAMES
In the autumn, McHenry was re-elected to the house of
delegates, Samuel Sterrett being associated with him. Shortly
after the election, McHenry wrote Hamilton, 1 stating that he
feared the majority of the house would be Anti-Federalist. He
rejoiced in everything that could add to Hamilton's fame or
fortune and congratulated him on his appointment as secre
tary of the treasury: "Your office is vastly important and
you are worthy of it and, what is more, equal to its duties,
but, at the same time, it is extremely hazardous." McHenry
still had thoughts of a diplomatic career and added : "I asked
appointments for some honest but poor federals of this place
and the President has been very attentive to my recommenda
tions. I asked nothing for myself; because, in fact, I am
very easy in my circumstances. Still, however, I am not wholly
lost to ambition and would have no objections to a situation,
where I might indulge and improve, at the same time, my
literary propensities, with perhaps some advantages to the
public. Will you, therefore, be good enough to feel (if a
resident or even charge des affaires is to be appointed to Lon
don or France) whether the President has thought of me or
would, in such a case, nominate me. I wish you to do this for
me, as a thing springing wholly from yourself and to write me
freely on the subject at some convenient moment."
On November 14, McHenry wrote Washington from An
napolis: "You have created a new fountain of blessings.
In your nominations and appointments, you have had respect
to want and wretchedness, where united with worth and
capacity, and have thereby drawn upon you more prayers and
1 October 27, letter partly printed In Hamilton's Works, v, 444.
124 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vm
gratitude than has ever fallen to the lot of any dead or living
sovereign, prince, or first magistrate whatever. ' ' Washington
had asked McHenry to secure an acceptance of office from
Judge R. H. Harrison. Harrison returned the commission,
because he could not keep it longer, but wished more time to
consider the offer and would probably accept, if his brother-
in-law should die. The value of Harrison, "his goodness of
heart, and unalterable attachment" to Washington are praised
by McHenry.
On November 30, Washington answered the letter and
returned the commission, hoping that Harrison would accept. 1
Thomas Johnson had declined the appointment of district
judge for Maryland and Washington does not wish to receive
another declination. He thinks of appointing Alexander
Contee Hanson and asks McHenry to ascertain whether he
would accept. Hanson was chancellor at the time and Wash
ington was in doubt whether he might prefer his present
position. If Hanson will not accept, William Paca's name
has been thought of, "although his sentiments have not been
altogether in favor of the General Government and a little
adverse on the score of Paper Emissions." Gustavus Scott
and Robert Smith have also been mentioned. The latter
seemed to Washington to be too young.
On December 10, McHenry replied that he found Hanson
preferred the chancellorship to the judgeship, but that Paca
would accept the place. He will "carry much respectability
and legal dignity into the office. " " He will make every exer
tion in his power to execute the trust in the most unexception
able manner. I believe also that the appointment will be
highly gratifying to him and, I think, it may have good polit
ical consequences."
Washington took McHenry 's advice, appointed Paca and
thus the services of one of the state's most distinguished sons
were secured for the federal government.
McHenry was then kept very busy at Annapolis and
longed "exceedingly to get back to my little garden and little
wife." 3 The house of delegates was "not very federal" but
he thought a joint address would be sent to the president.
Among the many committees on which McHenry served at this
session was one to consider amendments to the United States
constitution and another to prepare an address of congratu-
IFord, xi, 447; Sparks, x. 55.
2 Ford, xi, 449.
3 He was absent for a few days from November 30.
1788-1790] of James McHenry 125
lation to the president. The address was adopted on December
20. It is interesting to note that he voted for bills to provide
for the gradual manumission of slaves and for the admission
of Quakers to office, by permitting affirmation to be substituted
for oath.
On May 7, 1790, McHenry 's brother John died, "after a
long and painful illness, which he bore," according to the
Maryland Journal, "with uncommon patience and fortitude,
deeply mourned and regretted by his relatives, friends and
fellow citizens." He left an only son, an illegitimate child,
named John, l who was brought up in James McHenry 's
family, at the request of his brother and became a distin
guished lawyer. He edited, with Harris, the first series of
Maryland Law Reports, wrote a text book on ejectments and
was secretary of legation at the Hague in 1800. He married
Miss Martha Hall of Harford county in 1813 and later re
moved to Allegany county, where he died without issue in
1856.
The death of his brother saddened McHenry and its effect
is to be seen in a letter he wrote Washington on August 30.
' ' My own dear Sir.
' ' I am much to blame. I have neither congratulated you
on your recovery from a dangerous illness nor yet sympathised
with you in those many and perplexed labors in which you
have been involved during the late important session of Con
gress. I will tell you the truth. Every sorrow and consider
ation whatever has been swallowed up, or diminished, in the
depth of affliction I have felt on the loss of my brother. You
perhaps have heard that our friendship for each other was
uncommon and that I am still far from reconciled to this sad
shipwreck of my tenderest affections. I thought however
that I ought to venture, before seeing you, to apologise for
not mingling my congratulations with the many you must have
received, and request your forgiveness notwithstanding my
seeming neglect. I wanted besides an opportunity to inform
you of a revolution in my sentiments that in all probability
will govern the remainder of my days.
"Some years since I entertained an aversion to public
life, and was only an humble actor in it these two years from
the persuasions of the deceased. This change has been in
duced by several causes. I had met with some applause in a
1 McHenry left him a house In Baltimore in Heu of a payment of
£1000 currency which his brother had asked him to pay.
126 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, vin
few instances, but never found it compensated for the sacri
fices I submitted to in the discharge of my duty. I grew
disgusted too at perceiving, as I thought, many of those men,
who called themselves servants of the people, secretly devoted
to the promotion of their own purposes and yet continued in
the public service by the people.
"I thought also that I beheld him who profaned the name
of patriotism and country gain by the profanation and him,
who was directed by the most laudable motives, the frequent
subject of abuse on suspicion. These discoveries or supposed
discoveries were so repulsive as not to be counteracted by the
conduct of the few whom I believe act from most pure and
honorable principles, and whom I saw boldly risking their all
for the benefit of others. I hence and henceforth conceived a
settled disgust to every thing out of the line of private life,
and cherished a concealed contempt for almost every thing
save friendship. Such was the situation of my opinions for
some years before my brothers death, an event which has still
further confirmed my disrelish of public life and the vanity
of human enjoyments. I have now no longer a brother to
gratify.
' ' I have estimated the value of public applause, and well
know that neither talents nor merits insure it with posterity.
The one I do not want, the other I have not talents to attain.
I am independent in my circumstances. I have retired to the
vicinity of the Town a little spot from which I can see its
smoke and hear its noise without being offended with either.
I resist all solicitations to venture upon the ocean of politics,
and intend to devote the remainder of my time to my own ease,
to devotion, the recollections of a dear brother, the happiness
of a little family and literary amusements. In this retire
ment, I feel one misfortune only ; but that I am satisfied will
always accompany me, I feel too sensibly my loss. Will you,
after this explanation of my sin of omission, condescend to
give a sanction to my sorrow and my retreat, and visit a man
whose professions have ever fallen short of his love and affec
tion ; a man who regards and respects you, not for your high
station but your true patriotism and rare virtues. Mrs. Wash
ington has lodged a promise with Mrs. McHenry with which
I am often reminded. My house is only a mile from Grant's
Tavern and in your route. So far it can be productive of
no delay. I engage, moreover, that you shall not be troubled
with company. The prophet Elisha deigned to favor a Shun-
1788-1 790 j of James McHenry 127
amitish stranger with his company, as often as he had occasion
to pass by her house, and will not my ever respected general
find it convenient to stay one night on his way to Mount
Vernon with his sincere and devoted humble friend
" JAMES MCHENRY.
"To the President of the
United States."
McHenry 's benevolence led him to give his countenance
to the negro mathematician, Benjamin Banneker, and to write
a commendatory letter, on August 20, 1791, to the publishers
of the Almanac for 1792, which Banneker prepared. This
letter was printed in the Almanac ; gave a brief sketch of Ban
neker with especial reference to his mathematical powers, and
concluded with the following sentences, noteworthy as showing
McHenry 's wide sympathies:1 "I consider this negro as a
fresh proof that the powers of the mind are disconnected with
the color of the skin, or, in other words, a striking contradic
tion to Mr. Hume's doctrine, that 'the negroes are naturally
inferior to the whites, and unsusceptible of attainments in arts
and sciences. ' In every civilized country, we shall find thou
sands of whites liberally educated and who have enjoyed great
er opportunities for instruction than this negro, his inferiors
in those intellectual acquirements and capacities that form the
most characteristic features in the human race.
"But the system that would assign to these degraded
blacks an origin different from the whites, if it is not ready
to be deserted by philosophers, must be relinquished as similar
instances multiply; and that such must frequently happen,
cannot ,well be doubted, should no check impede the progress
of humanity, which, meliorating the conditions of slavery,
necessarily leads to its final extinction. Let, however, the
issue be what it will, I cannot but wish on this occasion to see
the public patronage keep pace with my black friend's merit."
1 The letter is reprinted in Carey's American Museum, xii, 186, and in Ty.
son's Banneker, 48.
CHAPTER IX
A YEAR OF RETIREMENT
McHENRY'S retirement from office lasted only a year
after which he was chosen again as a member of the
state senate. During this year of withdrawal from
public life, McHenry was actively engaged in mercantile busi
ness, as is shown by the following letters from Jefferson to him.
1 'Philadelphia Feb. 5. 1791.
"Dear Sir
"An extraordinary press of business, ever since the meet
ing of Congress, has obliged me to suspend all my correspon
dences, so that it is not till now that I am able to take them
up, & among the first your favor of Dec. , 14. on .the subject
of that I am obliged to ask you to name some person at Paris
who may, as your agent, attend to all the details of sollicita-
tion, as it would be impossible for Mr Short to do that, and
indeed contrary to a fixed rule which has been established of
necessity to prevent his being used as the factor of individ
uals which would be more than he could do, & lead him often
to that would be improper. I will write to him to support
your interposition at proper occasions, as far as shall be right,
and in this he will move in concert with M. de la Fayette. as
soon as you shall advise me to whom to address your papers,
I will forward them through Mr Short & with a letter to him
in the mean time they remain in my hands. I have the honor
to be with great esteem Dr Sir
"Your most obedt. humble servt
"Tn: JEFFERSON
"P. S. no time is lost as yet
he being at Amsterdam. ' '
"Philadelphia Mar. 28. 1791.
"Dear Sir
' ' Having sent your letters to Mr Short with a desire that
he will, as far as is right, patronize the application which shall
1790-1791] oj James McHenry 129
be made to the minister on your demand, instead of destroying
your first letter to Messrs Le Couteulx, I have thought it better
to return it to you, in proof that your desires have been
complied with, a murder of some friendly Indians a little
beyond Fort Pitt is likely to defeat our efforts to make a
general peace & to render the combination in war against us
more extensive, this was done by a party of Virginians within
the limits of Pennsylvania, the only news from Europe in
teresting to us is that the Brit. Parl. is about to give free
storage to American wheat carried to Engld. in British bot
toms for re-exportation — in this case we must make British
bottoms lading with wheat, pay that storage here, in the form
of a duty, & give it to American bottoms lading with the same
article, in order not only to keep our vessels on a par as to
transportation of our own produce, but to shift the meditated
advantage into their scale, at least so say I.
"I am with very great esteem Dear Sir
"Your most obedt. humble servt.
' ' THO : JEFFERSON. ' '
On private matters, McHenry writes on January 3, 1791,
to Hamilton 1 of whose wife he hears that she "has as much
merit as your treasurer, as you have as treasurer of the wealth
of the United States." McHenry states that he approves of
the plan for the United States Bank and adds : ' ' You may
think I have neglected you, from my long silence, but I can
assure you I have never forgot you. Having withdrawn my
self from everything of a public nature ; this has led me to en
deavor to reduce my pleasures as much as possible to a small
compass and thus to neglect many correspondents, for whom
I entertain the liveliest affection.
"That I love and esteem you, I know you will believe,
without my repeating it. Your career as yet has been glorious.
I wish sincerely that nothing adverse may interrupt it."
On April 26, Hamilton wrote McHenry asking him to
ascertain whether General Otho Holland Williams 2 would
accept the position of collector of the port of Baltimore.
McHenry answered on May 3, that he has seen General
Williams.
1 Hamilton's Works, edited by J. C. Hamilton, v, 462.
2 March 5, 1792, Williams wrote Hamilton on an Indian war and the
Seneca chiefs and said he had long been ill. Williams finally accepted
the collectorship.
130 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, ix
"You know his ambitious cast and that he thinks he
could be more serviceable at the head of a great department
than collector of a district. I mentioned the death of the
comptroller and the probability, in my opinion, that the Pres
ident, from the knowledge he had of the present auditor's
habits, experience, and capacities for business, would fix upon
him for a successor, in which case the auditorship, which was
a very important office, would become vacant. I observed on
the advantages of a residence at the seat of Congress, if he
still inclined to mount higher, that he knew your power and
disposition, and said, I would take upon myself to make the
necessary suggestions. The idea of the auditor 's office being a
step to a still more desirable one had its weight, but he, finally,
declined, alledging his ill state of health and the recent death
of a brother in law, Col. Stull, which has devolved upon him
the care of his children and estate. In short, he was not to
"be induced to be auditor, though I thought, could I have said
comptroller, he might, notwithstanding his present state of
health would unfit him for discharging the duties of the other.
I then called on Mr. Wm. Smith, who with his show of talents
will make a much better auditor. He will have as little to
learn as the General, is as systematic, a more correct and
perfect accountant, of great respectability and longer stand
ing in society. I found also here that the comptrollership was
a more darling object. My first conversation was yesterday
and it was not till about one half an hour ago I got him to
consent to use my discretion, so you may use yours. I was
obliged to intimate that, from the opinion you had of him,
I could entertain no doubt but his appointment would be
certain, unless the President got entangled to the Southward.
You judged right. Nay, should even what I once thought of
take place and my present temper of mind continue, I would
remain where I am. My mind in the loss of a brother has
received a severe shock. My wife, like yours, is every thing
that is kind, good, and excellent and was there only one man
more in the world I should be the happiest man in it. Adieu
and believe me yours most sincerely and most affectionately. ' '
In the autumn, McHenry wrote Hamilton again. The
letter is dated on October 15, and states that
"The electors of the Senate of Maryland have chosen
me one of the Senate of our State legislature and many of my
friends are urgent that I should accept, as yet I have given
1790-17911 of James McHenry 131
no answer. If you still entertain the project you mentioned
to me, when in Philadelphia, it may somewhat influence my
determination. Perhaps the complexion of several European
powers, as it respects France and the claims for succours she
may bring forward under the llth. article of the treaty of
alliance in case of being attacked, may render the presence
of a ministerial character necessary at the Hague, as a spot
which can afford a tolerable view of the parties likely to be
concerned. Perhaps too, it is an eligible situation to forward
our commerce with the Northern nations, as well as England,
at least it would seem a position which might enable a qualified
person to watch the course of trade and improve favorable
conjunctions. But if the chief object would be your loans or
financial operations, I think I could give you entire satisfac
tion. I have been led thus far into a change of sentiment
since we spoke together on this subject by an alteration in my
health, which I flatter myself would be benefited by the
voyage and the new materials which the employment would
furnish my mind. Should things take the turn you wish,
you will readily conceive that I ought to be allowed sometime
for preparations, as I must take my family with me. But
whether here or elsewhere, in sickness or health, I shall always,
my dear Hamilton, be your sincere friend."
To this letter Hamilton answrered on November 2, as
follows :
"My Dr. Sir
"Your letter of the 15. of October came duly to hand and
an answer has only been delayed through extreme hurry. My
views on the point you mentioned cannot have changed and I
am glad to know how you stand. All that confidence or At
tachment on my part could dictate will be employed. But
nothing is certain And nothing ought to be suspended on the
event.
"Indeed I cannot perceive how the one thing ought to
interfere with the other. A change of position upon an un-
forseen circumstance is as common in politics as in war.
"Yrs Affect. & sincerely
"A. HAMILTON."
The diplomatic project having failed, McHenry accepted
the senatorship to which he had been elected. The session
of assembly began on the 7th of November and he appeared
and qualified on the 15th.
CHAPTER X
SECOND TERM IN THE SENATE
McHENRY found a personal matter unsettled on his
second appearance in the Maryland senate. l The
attorney general had instituted proceedings against
him, as survivor of the firm of John and James McHenry, on
account of a contract made by them with the late intendant,
Jenifer, for the purchase of final settlements of revolutionary
pay. The McHenrys sold the certificates and there was some
deficiency in their returns, for which suit was brought. On
December 29, the assembly directed the attorney general to
suspend proceedings until the end of the next session. In
1792, on November 26, McHenry 's petition for relief was
finally refused.
Shortly after taking his seat, McHenry wrote Hamilton,
on November 19 :
"Since taking my seat in the Senate, which I have done
more in conformity with your opinion than my own, I have
used the opportunity it affords of conversing with Mr. Wm.
Perry, the gentleman I mentioned to you when in Philadelphia
as a person well qualified for auditor and have discovered that,
had he been appointed, he would not have refused. I have
two reasons for telling you this now. That you may keep
him in mind, should such a vacancy occur, as one that may be
fully relied on. That you may also know that, besides his
being independent or wealthy, he exerted his whole influence
to establish our government, continues to exert it for its daily
preservation, and possesses a large share of public confidence,
especially on the Eastern Shore where he resides and for
which he is senator, circumstances which might render him
peculiarly proper for an office in the excise, in case of a new
arrangement of the system. An opinion prevails in our
House of Delegates that our constitution wants mending and
Mercer, Pinkney, and Craik are to lead in the business. They
1 He was absent from November 29 to December 10, 1791.
1791-1796] of James McHenry 133
do not venture, I mean the two first, for the last is rather
federal to expose their true reason, though they have not
been able to conceal it. I cannot tell how the project may
terminate, but I like our constitution as it stands and trust
the people, having heretofore found it a good one, will not
easily be brought to any radical alterations."
At the session of 1791, 1 McHenry pushed an unsuccessful
project that Maryland should buy a house for Lafayette in
Washington City. It is impossible to trace his activity, how
ever, at this session, or at a short one from April 2 to 6, 1792.
On July 17, McHenry wrote Washington asking him to
stop in Baltimore and accept a dinner from the citizens. The
president replied on August 13.
"Dear Sir,
"Your letter of the 17th. of July came duly to hand. I
could, with pleasure spend a day in Baltimore on my return
to Philadelphia, if time & circumstances would permit; but
it is not for me at this moment to say whether either would
suit me; besides I shall confess to you candidly, I have no
relish for formal & ceremonious engagements, and only give
into them when they cannot be avoided — among other rea
sons because it oftentimes — if not always — proves incon
venient to some of the party bestowing, if it is not to the
party receiving the compliment of a public dinner — and is a
tax which I am as unwilling to impose as many are to pay, if
false delicacy would allow them to express their real senti
ments.
"If it should so happen that I can, conveniently, spend a
day in Baltimore, as I return, it would give me pleasure to
dine with yourself & a few other friends in a social way ; — &
on this footing let the matter rest, as no previous notice of my
coming is necessary in that case.
' ' Having begun a letter to you, I will add something to it
of a public nature
"Mr. Potts, the District Attorney of Maryland has re
signed that office. Who, in general estimation, is best quali
fied to fill it?
"Mr. Robert Smith has been spoken of — Mr. Hollings-
worth has been mentioned — and Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Ham-
1 He favored in principle the publication of the proceedings of the
senate though he voted against a bill to that effect sent from the house
of delegates.
134 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
mond have also been thought of, but the two last living on
the Eastern shore, and Baltimore being the theatre for the
Courts, it might be inconvenient to both those Gentlemen to
attend them; and the appointment no inducement to their
removal.
"Which then of the other two would be most eligable?
"Would Mr. Smith, if the preference is given to him, accept?
• — or is there any other person more prominently qualified
than either of the Gentlemen I have mentioned ?
"Your sentiments freely given, on these enquiries will
much oblige
"Dear Sir —
"Your Most Obedt & Affect.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
McHenry's reply was sent on the 16th. Hollingshead,
he thought, was more of a wit and not less of a lawyer than
Smith. Marriage has corrected some of his levities and study
will make him more able than Smith; but the latter is more
steady, cautious, industrious, and painstaking, and has a char
acter of perhaps greater probity in the profession. McHenry
wished Craik would settle in Baltimore. Tilghman and Ham
mond are both good. The former will sooner yield to trans
ient circumstances than the latter. Luther Martin is the
best qualified man in the state; but, through his politics, is
the last person wrho merits the appointment. If Washing
ton sees Paca or Colonel Lloyd, who possesses "vast property,"
McHenry wishes he would speak of the necessity of the lead
ing men removing misapprehensions concerning the laws. This
"may lead Paca from Mercer, who is, if possible, more des
perately mischievous, than when the open, decided, and de
clared enemy of the constitution."
Washington answered this letter as follows:
"Mount Vernon Augt. 31st. 1792
"Dear Sir,
' ' The characters given of Messrs. Smith & Hollingsworth
by you, comports very much with those I have received from
others, and therefore of the two, the preference is given to the
former. But as neither stand upon such high ground as Mr.
Tilghman or Mr. Hammond, and as it is my duty as well as
inclination to fill offices with the most suitable characters, I
1791-1796] of James McHenry 135
pray you to make all the indirect enquiry you can whether
either of the last named Gentlemen would accept; and, as
the nature of the case seems to require, would make Baltimore
the place of Kesidence.
"If the result is unfavourable, be so good as to cause
the enclosed to be delivered. This case requires a little deli
cacy in the management and I am persuaded it will receive
it from you
"I am with sincere esteem and regard —
"Your obed. & affect
"G. WASHINGTON
"James McHenry Esqr.
' ' Baltimore
"The Postmr at that place, will please to cause the deliv
ery of this letter PRESIDENT U. S."
The matter was not then settled, however, and Washing
ton wrote again on September 21 :
"Dear Sir,
"Fearing some accident may have prevented my last (en
closing a letter for Mr. Robt. Smith) from reaching your
hands, I take the liberty of giving you the trouble to receive
this, requesting to be informed if this be the fact — and if
not, what has been the result of your enquiries in the business
committed to you
' ' I have had many applications in favor of Mr. Hollings-
worth as a fit character for the attorney, and lately, one from
the District Judge in his behalf. No answer has been given
to any of them awaiting to hear from you first.
"With sincere esteem & regard
"I am — Dear Sir
"Yr. affect. & obedt servt
"G. WASHINGTON"
On the 25th, McHenry wrote that he had been very ill,
that Hammond had decided not to remove to Baltimore, and
that the merchants of the city are still anxious to tender Wash
ington a banquet.
Washington writes again on October 3 :
"Dear Sir
' ' If this letter shall have reached your hands before that
which I addressed to Mr. Robt. Smith (under cover to you)
136 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
has passed from them, I pray you to retain it until you see
me, which will be, I expect, about the middle of next week on
my return to Philadelphia (if I am not detained by the con
valescent state of two of my servants) — or, if that should
happen, till you hear further from,
"Dear Sir,
"Your obedt. & affect.
"Go WASHINGTON"
The day after Washington's letter, McHenry writes him
that Tilghman is considering whether he will settle in Balti
more. McHenry wishes more Federal lawyers would do so,
as Hollingshead is neither one nor the other.
In the congressional election of 1792, McHenry took a
warm interest. On the Eastern Shore, in the upper district,
the Federalists of Talbot and Caroline favored William
Perry 1 of Miles River. He declined and William Hindman
of Queen Anne 's was nominated. Mercer was thought by the
Federalists to be at the bottom of Tilghman 's2 running in
opposition, after he had said he would not run against Perry
or Hindman. Perry wrote McHenry on August 4, that the
Anti-Federalists were closely linked together and kept up
regular correspondence throughout the state, asserting that
they are friends of the federal constitution, but opposed to
Hamilton. They thus wound the constitution through the
secretary. Perry supports both constitution and the secre
tary and after much travel in Talbot and Caroline thinks
Hindman 's election secure.
On August 16, McHenry wrote Hamilton of state affairs
in the approaching congressional election:
' ' I mentioned Mr. Carroll 3 as proper to be brought for
ward to oppose a man whom I suspect the antifederal inter
est will unite in supporting, in case of an opportunity. I cal
culate that Mr. Carroll will not succeed, but it may produce
more votes in this State for some man who ought. I mean
also that it should operate to detach Mr. Carroll from Mr.
Jefferson, whose politics have in some instances infected him.
In all this, however, you will understand, should it be an
1 Perry was Hindman's brother-in-law and had all but one of the
electoral votes in 1791 when chosen to the senate of Maryland. See George
Gale's letter to Hamilton, December 20, 1792.
2 On November 18, McHenry wrote Hamilton that Tilghman was
connected with good Federalists yet was a disciple of Mercer. The contest
became a family affair and the heaviest weight fell on Perry.
3 Charies Carroll of Carrollton.
1791-1796] of James McHenry 137
eligible line of politics, that I do not mean to be an actor.
The interest you feel in it, more than any other considera
tion, would induce me to take a little trouble. I still think
Mercer will carry his election. I have been with Bishop Car
roll, whose friendship and intimacy I enjoy. He has much
greater control over the minds of the German Catholics than
Charles and I believe that description of men will vote for
Campbell. Col. Smith has entered for this district. Mr.
Ridgely, you know, also stands. Ridgely, I am told, is a
friend to a further assumption [i. e., of state debts]. Samuel
Smith is not. He is however a good federalist. As a mer
chant, he will dislike any increase of duties on dry goods. He
is, however, concerned in shipping in a sugar house and dis
tillery and supplies Williams & Co., contractors, with dry
goods for the Indian trade. Besides it would give him great
pleasure to get Col. Hall into office, Mr. Robert Smith his
brother, a judge, and Robert's father in law, an office of £1500
a year. On the other hand, he is largely in the iron works,
a man of great wealth, without skill in public affairs and from
habits closely connected with Chase, whom he would wish to
see noticed. Mr. Jefferson, I suspect, will say in reply to his
having been against the constitution in France, that you were
for monarchy in the convention and will take some of the
features of your systems which correspond the nearest with
the fiscal systems of England, as a commentary upon your
principles. The exposition which has been given was wanted.
God bless and preserve you."
McHenry wrote again on Sunday, September 30, stating
that he should support Adams and resist the New York pro
ject to set him aside for another.
The campaign against Mercer 1 was brisk and the elec-
1 Of Mercer's conduct William Bayly wrote Hamilton on November 4,
that Mercer had said at Upper Marlborough that he went to Hamilton's
office to get money due him and the clerks would not pay him. On his
return he met Hamilton who said he would pay the money, if Mercer
would vote for assumption of state debts. When asked whether Hamilton
had offered him money he exclaimed, "Yes, by God, he had." Walter
Bowie said, "Hamilton was jocular," and Bayly put the question to Mer
cer, "Was Hamilton serious or jesting?" to which Mercer responded that
he had a right to take It either way. About this time McHenry wrote
Hamilton : "Knowing that I was apt to lose letters out of my pocket
and recollecting that you were a little subject to lose them by not putting
them into yours, I thought it best that we should burn them," therefore he
can only say that, in his letter to Hamilton, he opposed Mercer for his
political principles, but was not influenced thereto by Hamilton. McHenry
has written an article in behalf of Adams for Goddard's paner, and has
signed the article Consistent Federalist. It will appear next Tuesday.
138 Life and Correspondence [CHAP.X
tion was to be held from Monday until Thursday. McIIenry
had written letters for Goddard's paper, the Maryland Jour
nal, signed Valerius, while he was "under a depression of
spirits and great debility," and had employed Major Hopkins
of Anne Arundel county, who was under obligations to him,
to circulate handbills with popular charges against Mercer,
"fixing on him some falsehoods." Mercer's defeat was still
possible. Ross, whose ability is not equal to his honesty and
good intention, was in Baltimore to get a reply published for
the polls, in answer to Mercer, who circulated a report that
the president wished him elected. Washington denied this
and "the lie has lodged where it ought."
McHenry had been ill and now only gets around in his
garden. General Otho Holland Williams was also very ill.
If he die, McHenry asks that John Purviance, the naval
officer of the port, may succeed him, 1 as Purviance is the
' ' natural heir ' ' of the position, is ' ' one of the first merchants
in this town, and is qualified to discharge its duties. ' ' He has
' ' never shrunk from the right cause ' ' and has a ' ' very numer
ous and young family to maintain." If Purviance is pro
moted, McHenry asks that Hamilton serve him by appointing
George Salmon in Purviance 's place. The federal government
can procure no man better qualified than Salmon. "He
is popular, a man of honor, and a respected judge in our
criminal and orphan's court." If neither appointment is
made, McHenry asks that he be informed, before any other
person is chosen. The office "nets perhaps better than £2000"
a year, possesses "vast influence, and ought not to be given
lightly." The letter closes with "Farewell, God bless my
dear Hamilton."
On October 4, McHenry -wrote Washington that Colonel
Smith would probably defeat Ridgely in the Baltimore dis
trict, but that the vote was small. It was the last day of the
election and only one-half the town and not a fourth of the
county had voted.
Later in the month, 2 McHenry wrote Hamilton that he
had been confined to his bed with fever for seventeen days,
and had sat up for the first time the day before. " If I should
1 On August 27, 1793, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton that Daniel
Delozier was the best man. for surveyor of the port of Baltimore and
John Purviance second best. The people of Baltimore would not like one
from elsewhere in the state. On August .28, James Dloyd of Chestertown
wrote 'Hamilton asking to be made surveyor.
2 October 20, Hamilton's Works, v, 536.
1791-1796] of James McHenry 139
get to heaven before you, I shall remember you. I must go
to bed. Yours affectionately," are the closing sentences.
Hamilton's letter, missent to Fayetteville, N. C., had just
reached him and he promised to show it to Bishop Carroll
on his return to Baltimore. "Your project with regard to
the President in a certain event, will I believe not have an
opportunity of being executed. Happily for the public tran-
quility, the present incumbent, after a serious struggle, in
clines, if I mistake not, to submit to another election. If it
turns out otherwise, I say, unequivocally, I will cooperate in
running the gentleman 1 you mention, as one of the two who
are to fill the two great offices. "Which of the two may turn
up first or second must be a matter of some casualty, as the
constitution stands. My real respect and esteem for the char
acter brought into, view will ensure him my best wishes in
any event. ' ' 2
The Maryland legislature met on November 5, 1792, but
the senate did not have a quorum until the 12th. On the
13th, McHenry came and was present about half of the ses
sion.3 From Annapolis, he wrote Hamilton on November
18: ""We have scattered in air the long string of amend
ments that has been proposed to be incorporated into our
constitution, by those who were no friends" to it, so "we re
main a free people and a tolerably virtuous people." After
the session4 McHenry expects to go to his "little farm with
my little wife, where, if my health returns, I shall envy no
man 's happiness. ' ' He recommended for an office, Perry, who
made uncommon exertions in the last election. Washington
did not appoint Perry to the desired post, as Hamilton ex
plained in a letter he sent McHenry.
1 Who was this man?
2 Two days later, Charles Carroll of Carroll ton, wrote Hamilton that he could
not find that the Anti-Federalists, who maintain communication through
out the United States, have whispered his (Jefferson's?) name. Carroll
does not feel sure as to his character and noticed in him a "disposition
to perplex and puzzle." "He seemed not to want talent but judgment and
steadiness. I suspect he possesses much ambition." Carroll hopes the
"friends of stability and order, 1. e., the real friends of liberty and their
country, will unite to counteract the schemes of men, who have uniformly
manifested hostile temper to the present government, the adoption of
which has rescued these States from that debility and confusion and those
horrors which unhappy France has experienced."
3 He was away on November 26 and until December 15. Session
adjourned .December 20. He was on the conference committee on the
militia bill.
4 Rowland's Carroll, il, 189, Charles Carroll of Carrollton resigned
from the United States senate, December 3, 1792, and wrote John Henry
that Potts, McHenry and Stone are the three spoken of to succeed him.
140 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
"Philadelphia
"April 5, 1793
"It is a good while my Dear Mac since I have
either written to or received a line from you. I embrace the
first moment I have been really able to spare to say some
things to you which have for some time 'lain heavy on my
mind'
"I have been conscious that I owed you an explana
tion concerning the issue of a certain Inspectorship and I
have meditated it ever since that issue took place.
"In giving it now, I must rely on your discretion and
delicacy ; for you know I have no occasion to make enemies —
and I must confide to you what in truth are in the nature of
official secrets
"The Supervisor named Perry, Richardson, and Cham
berlain; — laying most stress on Perry. I had a conversa
tion with Mr. Coxe (a matter of course in reference to his
office) and it was agreed to recommend Perry. The three
names were given in to the President (he always chooses to
have more than one) with a decided recommendation of Perry.
I thought his appointment certain.
"Coxe spoke to Murray or Murray to Coxe about this
appointment Murray recommended Richardson and Eccles-
ton, preferring rather the latter. I believe, but I do not
know it, that he rather spoke lightly of Perry. A gentleman
from Maryland (I think of the name of Hammersly) said to
Coxe several things very disadvantageous to Perry. It
seems he had opposed Mr. Tilghman's election & through dif
ferent channels, Tilghman 's Friends had approached Coxe —
who, from his connection with the family, was not difficult to
be impressed against him.
"Coxe came to me with his tone entirely altered on the
subject of Perry. He was a man not respected by respectable
men — an intriguing and rather crooked character &c &c. I
perceived the influence of the election story & no impression
was made. My byass towards Perry continued & Coxe
perceived it.
' ' The next morning I received a letter from him of which
the enclosed is a copy. This after the full conversations we
had had was rather an officious proceeding. The design of
it was not difficult to be understood.
"The same morning I had occasion to call on the Presi-
1791-1796] of James McHenry 141
dent — he had received a letter from Murray recommending
strongly Richardson and Eccleston and I found he had
through some channel been approached disadvantageously to
Mr. Perry.
' ' He expressed a wish that I should make further Inquiry
& particularly of Mr. Henry.
"I called on Mr. Henry. He was strong in favour of
Richardson & Eccleston and unusually decided against Mr.
Perry.
"Having then no clue to it and having been led from
former communication to entertain a favourable opinion of
Henry's Candor I was much struck with his decision against
Perry & I own a good deal shaken
' ' It was my duty to state facts to the President.
' ' The Argument with him stood thus ' Perry is strongly
objected to by some; Richardson is recommended by every
body — Ergo Richardson is the safest appointment'
''Much could not be said by way of direct opposition.
My own mind had been put in doubt — I took the course of
recommending delay for further Inquiry & I understood that
this idea would be pursued. I therefore wrote to you & I
believe to Mr. Gale — I received letters from both which threw
light upon the subject — but to my surprise the nomination
was put in before either letter came to hand.
"I flatter myself this detail will give you a correct idea
of the business and that you will be satisfied that I have
neither been wanting to you nor to Mr. Perry.
"But this explanation is sacredly for your own breast —
Mr. Henry's communications in particular were made under
the most precise sanction of Confidence.
"Nothing but a desire to vindicate the propriety of my
conduct towards a friend could induce me to disclose it at
any rate
"Affecty &c truly Yrs
"A HAMILTON
"What say your folks as to Peace or War in
reference to the TJ. states?"
On receiving this letter, McHenry wrote Perry as follows :
"I have had a communication upon a recent subject. Mr.
Gale actually gave you the preference in his recommendation
and the head of the treasury handed in your name to the
142 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
President under circumstances which did" not seem to leave a
doubt as to your appointment. The intrigues against you
began then to appear. Delay was proposed till further in
formation could be obtained and it was supposed was ac
quiesced in : but it so happened notwithstanding, that before
my letter Mr. Gale's letter or any other letter arrived, the
nomination was made to the senate. You see I cannot be
particular. One day I may be so. In the mean while rest
assured that every thing was done by my little friend, and
that his regret and disappointment was not less than mine.
'Patience and shuffle the cards.' '
To Hamilton, McHenry wrote on April 14, that he was
mortified and hurt, exceedingly, that Perry did not win, but
did not blame Hamilton. The Tilghmans influenced Coxe
and ' ' you had greater things to attend to. ' ' Richardson, who
had been treasurer of the Eastern Shore, is no more worthy
and less active than Perry. McHenry invites Hamilton to
visit him and says of our foreign relations that "our people
wish to be able to carry our produce freely to all the parties
at war who may want it, without having anything further to
do with the war. ' ' l
Baltimore was quite excited that summer; a number of
French refugees arrived from the island of Santo Domingo
and McHenry served on the committee to solicit subscriptions
for their relief. 2 The sudden arrival of the refugees caused
the governor to make a grant of the public arms to the Balti-
1 An interesting side light on our relation to France is found in a
letter by William Vans Murray, the member of congress from the lower
Eastern Shore district then living at Cambridge, written on May 8, 1793 ;
A British prize, taken by a French privateer, was brought past Cambridge,
under command of a citizen of the district. There was not a man in
Dorchester county who could lawfully enter on board the prize, till Colonel
Banning, an excellent officer, came from Oxford, in Talbot county, across
the Choptank, a river as wide as the Delaware at Wilmington. "So ex
tremely naked is the body of the Federal government, so wanting, not
only in clothing, but in limbs." Colonel Banning and Murray went aboard
the prize and the captain showed a commission from the French republic
authorizing Citizen Hooper to carry the prize to the nearest port. Colonel
Banning seized the vessel, Murray, the only member of congress on the
spot hazarding the step, and then writing Paca, the federal district judge.
Murray adds that the public are satisfied, as they support the neutrality
proclamation, though they are friendly to the French revolution. The
prize was lawfully taken, but unlawfully sent to a neutral country and
became subject to all the rights of dominion inherent in a neutral. Sam
uel Smith wrote Hamilton" on June 16, that a neutral should not permit
the sale of prizes. Hooper is suspected to own a share in the privateer
which he fitted out in Charleston and sold it to the French who may bring
up other prizes. He is an ignorant young man and is much alarmed, say
ing that the great men and governor at Charleston misled him.
2 Scharf s Chron., 266.
1791-1796] of James McHenry 143
more volunteer companies, which action was ratified by the leg
islature in November. On November 29, the assembly voted
that a committee be appointed in Baltimore, with power to
draw on the treasurer of the Western Shore, weekly for $500,
from December 1 to February 2, "for the subsistence of the
distressed French citizens now in this State from St. Do
mingo," unless congress should make earlier provision. On
the 30th, John Ganevain and William Du Bourg thanked the
assembly for the relief, in the name of the refugees. On De
cember 23, the house of delegates asked the senate to join in
an address to Maryland's representatives in congress, to have
the state recompensed for relief given 1,200 persons from San
to Domingo who arrived in Baltimore, "destitute of every ne
cessity of life, without money and unskilled in our language."
Reference is made to the glory England received from rescuing
such fugitives as the Huguenots and Palatines. On August
11, McHenry wrote Washington that the French minister had
made a requisition on the French merchant fleet in Baltimore
harbor for 600 seamen to rendezvous at Philadelphia and had
ordered the consul at Baltimore to furnish each volunteer
with $5. The greatest part had already 1 left town.
On August 20, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton, support
ing the president 's action in the Genet matter, 2 and saying
that an Irishman, desirous of custom, hung out the tricolor
on July 17, but, finding he did not attract French customers,
pulled it in again. Robert Smith, Captain Strieker, and two
magistrates went to Fell 's Point and found that there was no
foundation for the report that there was a French rendezvous
there. Only one privateer was in the harbor. Kilty seized
her, but found she had on board only the arms which she
had brought, and on sailing, her captain promised to take
off the French that are a burden and one young Irishman.
Six days later, Colonel John Eager Howard wrote Hamil
ton that, while he approved Hamilton's instructions concern
ing privateers, there is so much money to be made from them,
1 On August 27, Samuel Smith wrote Hamilton that there was no
truth in a report that an expedition against Providence in the Bahamas
would set forth from Baltimore.
2 The governor, he writes, is sound In principles, but Annapolis, the
seat of government, is not the seat of trade and he is not well informed.
The English at New York hurt their own cause. On the 27th, he wrote
that Governor Lee has been long opposed to French measures, the mali
cious say because the revolutionists seized the priests' property, Lee having
become a Roman Catholic, "I believe, from principle." He refused to give
Thornton, the British consul, an exequatur, when in Baltimore, as every
thing must be done in council at Annapolis.
144 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
that some persons are discontented, and that the conduct of the
English privateers makes us wish for peace. l
The general assembly met on November 4, but McHenry
did not attend until the 30th. On that day, he introduced a
bill for a health officer in Baltimore, a city then regarded as
very unhealthy in summer and where "malignant contagious
fever" had raged that year. On December 3, he was ap
pointed one of a committee of five to bring in a bill to erect
Baltimore into a city. 2 This question of incorporation was
a very live one in local politics and Fell's Point was anxious
to be excluded from the city limits. A charter was proposed
and passed the senate on December 24, but was lost in the
house, and, when the charter was finally passed in 1796, it
is said that the representatives from Baltimore had no small
ado to reconcile the city to it. 3
The militia bill was also discussed. McHenry voted with
the majority to exempt minor apprentices, agricultural la
borers, students under twenty-one, and teachers, and that
volunteer companies be given up, save in Baltimore, where the
" public interest requires that energy and activity of exer
tion which is best produced" by them. The assembly wras
quite strenuous on the desirability of the federal senate's sit
ting with open doors and of the enactment of the eleventh
amendment to the constitution, preventing an individual from
bringing suit against a state. The house of delegates made at
this time an assault on the annual gift to the state colleges, but
the senate refused to join in the repeal. It is interesting to
note that McHenry voted in favor of the resolution to grant
the federal government, with consent of the owner of the land,
permission to build a fort or arsenal on Whetstone Point, to
which fort McHenry 's name was later given.
McHenry wrote Washington on March 31, and April 3,
1794, asking that he be sent to France and Vienna to secure
the release of Lafayette and his family. 4 This would be like
the friendship of Achilles for Patroclus and the autumnal
fevers, from which McHenry had suffered in 1792 and 1793,
caused him to wish for a change of air.
1 On November 29, 1793, the state senate unanimously passed re
solves in favor of neutrality.
2 He was ill on the 1.0th.
3 .Scharf's Chron., 280.
4 Ford, xii, 412; Sparks, x, 397. McHenry complains of ill health.
It is interesting to note that on April 8, Monroe wrote Washington pro
testing against the appointment of Hamilton as minister to Great Britain,
which he heard was proposed.
1791-1796] of James McHcnry 145
Washington answered on April 8, breaking through his
usual rule of not replying to letters asking for appointments,
"from motives of esteem and regard and our former con
nexion in public life," and said that there would be no ad
vantage in sending McHenry, inasmuch as everything that
could be done, "without committing my public character and
involving this country in embarrassments," had already been
done. McHenry answered on April 10, regretting that the
president cannot appoint him and thanking Washington for
news of that "unfortunate person," Lafayette.
On July 17, 1794, Richard Potts, one of the federal sen
ators from Maryland, wrote Hamilton, stating that he in
tended to resign his position because of family losses and the
death of a wife, who left him with a family of small children.
He asked to be made collector of the port of Baltimore. To
fill his place in the senate, Uriah Forrest urged McHenry to
become a candidate as follows:
' ' I presume you know that Mr. Potts does not mean again
to attend the Senate. I need not I am sure observe to you
how important is the replacing of his appointment well I
am a sanguine not a desponding man — and I do in my
heart believe the time has never been nor perhaps may never
again happen, when the Choice for that House, from Mary
land was of such consequence to the happiness of this Coun
try. Presuming on Izard's successor being of Butler's senti
ments, you will find in the Senate, exclusive of Maryland, an
equal number of disorganizing with orderly Members. Then
on Maryland does every thing Hang. Under these circum
stances, fond as I know you are of retirement, I count with
firm reliance on your agreeing to serve. Should opposition
arise, You Shall be suported well from this quarter. I have
not been much in the habit of Pressing men into service —
but in times of danger, I shall always be ready to act & do
for common good, & in urging you by a regard for that Com
mon good, by a regard to your own & others safety, & by that
friendship which though for a long time not much professed
I hope never slept, I think I am doing service, because I think
it will have some influence in your determination."
As McHenry was not to be sent to Europe, he went to
the Sweet Springs again this summer for his health. Some
of his letters to his wife give interesting pictures of the life
146 Life and Correspoadence [CHAP, x
at that resort. Thus he wrote on the 8th of August, 1794 :
"My dear Peggy.
"My last letter to you was dated at the warm
springs and sent by a traveller as far as Frederick where it
was to be put into the post office.
"I arrived at this place the 4th instant in the forenoon,
and have got into a good room, near the water and have no
reason to complain of the table or general accommodations.
There are about sixty boarders, of which twelve or fourteen
are ladies. The gentlemen dine at a common table ; the ladies
in their huts or rooms.
"There are several consumptive patients at the springs;
those in the early stages of that disorder seem to receive bene
fit, those far advanced according to an observation I made in
1789, seem on the contrary to fall sooner than they would
have done by the natural course of the disease under a proper
regimen. Indeed the latter appears so well established as to
admit of little or no doubt. There may however be excep
tions to the rule arising from the species of consumption.
"The care of souls is not neglected in this quarter. I
attended a methodist sermon yesterday and heard card play
ing and dancing condemned as damnable sins. The sermon
was scarcely ended when some of the gentlemen returned to
the card-table, and others joined the ladies to receive their
approbation for an assembly. Whether the ladies were con
vinced by the arguments of the preacher or the beaux a little
time will determine. The holy men I find propose to preach
on Sunday and no doubt will resume the subject should they
hear of these attempts to mislead the fair, and perpetuate the
practice of gaming.
"The amusements of this place are neither so numerous
nor various as to draw off my attention from those affection
ate attractions I have left at home. These often make my
day dream and always my night. Fancy thus removes the
distance and brings me near to those I love with the most
tender affection. Shall I not soon receive news to realize my
hopes and convince me of your health and that of our dear
little ones? I shall then enjoy a real and solid satisfaction,
next to that of seeing^and embracing you and my children.
"Did I say amusements? Why there are none here un
less card parties are considered of that class. I have heard
of an assembly it is true, but dancing to no music or bad
1791-1796] of James McHenry 147
music can hardly be called an amusement. One may occupy
themselves however in yarious ways. First in drinking the
water, and next in riding or walking to get quit of it. Then
comes breakfast about 8 o'clock after having kept the appe
tite on the rack for an hour or more before. About eleven
0 'clock you renew your potions of water ; make little riding or
walking excursions, visit Beaver dam, or sit on benches or
chat till three o'clock when every one is anxious to hear a
horn blow which is the summons to dinner. From six to
eight o'clock there is a little more water drinking after which
those who choose coffee, tea, bread and milk or rye-mush eat
supper, and in a general way thus begins proceeds and closes
the diurnal occupations of the Sweet Springs.
"Mr. Barton has been here a few days and sets out on
his return tomorrow; so that I expect by Sunday week you
will have this letter in your possession. But when shall I
get one from you? It will be ten days at least before our
post comes from Staunton, for the arrangement fell some
what short in point of expedition of what I have described it
to you. Instead of being here once a week it will be once a
fortnight only. Continue however to write me once a week,
and let them be put into the post office the evening before the
mail is closed for Winchester by the way of Alexandria, which
1 imagine to be the shortest route to Staunton.
"God bless my dear Peggy and our little one, with our
dear Jane, to whom remember me.
"Your affectionate
"JAMES MCHENRY"
"Sweet Springs 18th Augt. 1794.
"My dear Peggy.
"My last letter mentioned to you my excursion to Bote-
tourt, and a hurried account of the aspect of the country
through which I passed. The town of Botetourt was erected
about twenty years since; contains about one hundred and
thirty houses; has a church without a clergyman; a court
house and goal in good order; a tolerable tavern, and four
teen stores or shops. It and the neighbourhood furnishes a
scanty practice for one Doctor, and sufficient employment for
several lawyers.
"Two miles on this side of the town is a plantation late
the property of one Carper, now Mr. Breckenridges, with
whom I had some business that led me to Botetourt. What
148 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
induces me to notice this plantation is a kind of circular mole
or monticello which commands a fine view of the whole vale
below, a meandring stream, and numerous surrounding moun
tains. Upon the summit of this hill, which attracts the atten
tion from all other objects is Carper's house; but if this
Dutchman has discovered taste in the choice of ground it
stands on, it is to be regretted that he has left neither tree
nor shrub visible from the road that might have afforded
shade or shelter, or added by their arrangement to the natural
charms of the place. The road from whence I contemplated
this beautiful spot lays about one quarter of a mile from the
house. To arrive here from the Sweet Springs you must ride
twenty three miles over stupendously high and rugged moun
tains, where a horse never trots, by a pathway sometimes bor
dering on precipices and sometimes winding on the steep
banks of rivers, with not more than three or four small pieces
of cultivated ground to relieve the eye during the whole dis
tance. It is more than likely that such a journey prepares
the mind to reject none of the beauties of Carper's hill, nay,
may do more, serve to enhance them
"Seated again at the springs I wish I could find where
withal to amuse you. Here everything wears the same face
as when I left them save some changes the company have
undergone by departures and arrivals. The preachers have
all withdrawn except one, and seemingly yielded to the as
cendency of loo and whist. Much of the female youth and
beauty which supported the hopes of future assemblies have
also disappeared whilst in addition to this stroke the sudden
conversion of the only fidler in these parts to methodism, has
effectually destroyed all expectation of their renewal during
the season.
"You will be surprised perhaps to hear that I have spent
a part of this morning and yesterday in the examination of
ancient and modern inscriptions, or to learn that so remote
a quarter of the world should contain any food for the an
tiquarian. Here the stool you sit on, the table you eat off,
the walls and door of the room or hut you sleep in present
you with the names of persons who have visited these waters,
and in many instances- with the place of their abode and dates
of their arrival and departure, carved, some in Eoman and
some in Italian characters with much apparent labour and
pen-knife ingenuity. I find that I am acquainted with sev-
1791-17%] of James Me Henry 149
eral of these candidates for distinction and immortality; but
it is greatly to be apprehended that the whole group may be
gradually lost to posterity in proportion as the materials they
have made the vehicle of their fame shall moulder and decay.
One thing is very remarkable in these records, that no lover
should have carved the name of his mistress, nor any mis
tress that of her lovers or her own.
"To you my dear Peggy who loved me early and who
loves me still I inscribe myself on paper your still fond and
affectionate lover and husband JAMES Me HENRY"
"Sunday — Sweet Springs 24 Augt. 1794.
"My dear Peggy.
"I have been this morning to hear a very animated ser
mon delivered by Bishop Maddison upon the excellency of the
Christian worship ; the superiority of the morality it pre
scribes, the hope it inspires, and the means it enjoins to attain
its end. As the shortest route to persuasion seems to have
been intended he was no ways sparing in rhetorical figures
allusions and similes, most of which appeared to be happily
placed and some of the last perhaps new. On the whole I
felt pleased as well with the sentiments and turn of expres
sion as general texture of the discourse, and could have lis
tened to another of the same kind without danger of falling
asleep. I can further say, that of five sermons by different
persons which I have heard since my arrival here, the Bishop 's
notwithstanding Pope's irony is decidedly the best.
A judge is just a chancellor juster still
a gownman learn'd, a Bishop what you will,
"But as Mr Maddison is a philosopher as well as Bishop
we propose to renew our chemical experiments to-morrow on
the Sweet Spring water.
"Your absent and affectionate
"JAMES MCHENRY"
"Sweet Springs Sept. 7th 1794.
"My dear Peggy.
' ' The first of this month I used the bath for the first time
and have repeated it every morning since, but make the exper
iment under circumstances which render its utility doubtful.
I do not know as yet whether I shall continue to use it. One
thing I can say, that I have as yet perceived no inconvenience
from the experiment. I get up about 5 o'clock; wrap my
cloak round me, and in that dress go down to the bath house
150 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
which is within one hundred yards of my room: I stay in
the bath about five minutes return and dress myself; ride
three or four miles immediately after, drink about a quart
of the red-spring water (a mile from the Sweet Springs) and
return to breakfast which is generally on table between eight
and nine. About eleven o'clock I ride six miles drink again
of the red spring water, and dine about 3 o'clock. I ride
no more during the day, and generally spend the afternoon
in sauntering or making experiments on the waters.
' ' Adieu my dear Peggy adieu and God bless you and our
dear little ones."
"Sweet Springs 16 Sept. 1794.
"My dear Peggy.
" Yesterday I visited some thermal waters on the edge
of Snake-run about five miles from this place and four miles
nearer to Baltimore. As far as one can judge by the eye taste
and sensible effects of these waters they possess at least in as
great a degree the same operative principals as the Sweet and
Red Spring waters; of course are no less valuable in a med
icinal point of view. The one whose qualities are similar to
the Red Spring water gushes out of a rock at the base of a
mountain into a large natural bason with an aperture in it
like the lip of a jug through which its contents pass into
Snake-run colouring the stones and sides of the bason with an
ochry matter such as the Red-spring exhibits.
' ' Close by this is another gaseus water from which fixed
air rises abundantly in bubbles, and which tastes as acidulous
as the water of the Sweet Spring; while a few yards further
on there rises from the same mountain a stream of pure com
mon spring water devoid of the medicinal qualities of either
of the others. Thus has bountiful Providence in a small
compass given to his creature man two invaluable gifts, and at
the same time placed them in a salubrious climate and fertile
soil; for altho' the land in the vicinity of these waters is
chiefly high and mountainous much of it is nevertheless cap
able of being converted into fine upland meadow and corn
and wheat fields.
' ' Snake-run which is considerably increased by these ther
mal waters, meanders through a narrow vale formed by tw^o
opposite mountains whose sides and summits are covered with
large trees. After it gets about a quarter of a mile from the
1791-17%] of James McHenry 151
springs the fixed air of the thermal waters which held in dis
solution their saline and calcarious matters, having chiefly
evaporated, these matters precipitate and adhere to whatever
obstruction they find to cross the stream, and form by gradual
and successive accumulations masses of a porous stoney sub
stance ranged in order like the seats of a theatre, over which
the water tumbles and murmurs and whitens into foam, giv
ing an image in miniature of the roarings and dashings of
gigantic Niagara.
' ' To this fine spectacle is subjoined another perhaps more
beautiful, but more concealed from observation and difficult
of access. Having clambered up about the third part of a
very high rugged and rocky mountain adjoining the medicinal
springs, you descend (taking with you lights) a kind of shaft
about twenty feet in depth, \vhen there opens to the right and
left several suits of subterranian appartments, repeated and
extended much further than I chose to penetrate. Some of
these are very lofty and spacious and all of them adorned
and incrusted, tho' with unequal elegance, with pillars and
wainscotting composed of a depositum of a christalline ap
pearance. This substance or depositum is in many of the
compartments of a snowy whiteness and fleecy. Many of the
pillars which it forms are ornamented with great fancy and
exhibit, as well as the pitted vaults and sides of the rooms and
passages various natural and fantastical figures. Over a hor-
isontal projection seems to hang a young child not badly
expressed, while at a small distance, a half-pillar, which stands
as if it had been placed by design to assist you to descend from
one appartment to another, represents the bald head of an old
man. Some of these pillars and their plates which fall like
curtains from the walls are sonorous when struck, and gently
echo the gurgling of a stream of water (supposed to be Snake-
run) which takes its dark and devious way through these
abodes of eternal dampness, darkness and solitude. You know
my dear, that this subterranean creation so various and inter
esting is produced by means apparently the most simple. You
know that the water which is continually filtering through
the mountain above into the cave through the crevices of its
rock brings with it matter that christallises into this assem
blage of pillars, wThite roofs and fleecy wainscotting ; and that
each new addition of christalline fluid which distills from the
incumbent rocks changes and varies the size and appearance
152 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
of the pillars, the roof, the wainscotting and all the figures
that adorn and embellish this beautiful assemblage.
"There is another cave in the vicinity of this one, but as
it exhibits only inferior beauties you will not be displeased
at me for omitting its description.
"Would you believe it that the medicinal waters of
Snake-run and about two hundred and fifty acres of land con
taining all these interesting spectacles could be bought for
about £250. Whereas I have no doubt considering the
probable progress of population and wealth that at no very
remote period the purchase will require two or three thousand.
' ' I have only one intimation to give you should curiosity
ever lead you to view this cave: do not venture into it when
heated by the exercise of ascending the mountain, but patiently
saunter about till you acquire somewhat of the coolness of its
atmosphere otherwise you may pay too dear for a view of its
beauties.
' ' Thus my dear Peggy I have given you a faithful trans
cript of my yesterday's excursion and survey. To-morrow
Mr. Richie who accompanied me from Frederick leaves me and
will carry this letter; but as he talks of some delays on the
road, it may not reach you in the usual time by some days.
Adieu my dear Peggy far dearer than the medicinal waters
of Snake-run, its caves and their christalline beauties to your
affectionate
"MCHENRY"
"Sweet Spring 28th Sept. 1794
"My dear Peggy.
"Yesterday I received Mr. Jorri's letter of the 9th inst.
which you may be certain gave me pleasure inasmuch as it
assured me you and our children were well when he wrote ;
but had it been convenient for you to have said so yourself my
pleasure would have been much more perfect.
"How embarrassed with sick servants, and overloaded
with fatigue for want of assistants since I left you ! Under
such accounts I cannot stay longer here and be at rest in my
mind; I shall therefore leave this place so as to arrive at
Staunton Wednesday next which is the post day when I hope
to find a letter fr©m yourself of a later date than that from
Mr. Jorri. Why did you not give ten dollars a month rather
than be without servants? Why subject yourself to fatigues
in hot weather, which might be injurious to your health?
1791-17%] of Jamcx McHenry 153
"The waters are at present in their best state and will
continue so throughout October ; and yet the company have al
most all disappeared, even those who found most benefit from
them, or rather stood most in want of their assistance. It
would seem that the idea of solitude was more dreadful to
some than the prospect of disease. The appearance of the
place it is true is very different from what it was a few weeks
ago. A village deserted by its inhabitants whose houses are
falling into ruin gives a faint idea of the deserted and ruinous
state of the huts at the Sweet Springs. You walk through
them without seeing any of their late inhabitants and hear
nothing to disturb the silence that universally reigns save the
noise of the wood pecker, the falling of the leaves of trees or
the murmuring of the hollow wind among the neighbouring
mountains and everlasting forests.
"Can one find any amusement amid such scenes? Yes
my Peggy, were I but certain, that you were well, at your
ease, and our children so also, I should like to remain an in
habitant of these solitary places during the month of October.
The wind should answer to my love murmurs, while echo
would carry your name through the mountains, and the falling
leaves speak to my soul most excellent morality. He is poor
in ideas and barren in resources indeed who sees in solitude
nothing but frightful chimeras, and in these mountains no
amusement whatever.
"But whatever praise may be due to solitude, and what
ever entertainment these places may contain, I yield all with
pleasure for you and Fayetteville.
"God bless you my Peggy and make our meeting happy
prays your affectionate
' ' JAMES MCHENRY ' '
On November 2, the day before the assembly should meet
at Annapolis, Chase wrote McHenry on the projected incor
poration of Baltimore City as follows:
"Balto. Sunday Noon.
"Dear Sir,
' ' The place of the Clerk of the Senate will be solicited by
several Gentlemen. Mr. Ninian Pinkney, brother of Mr.
William Pinkney, my friend, will be one of the applicants,
and I wish he may meet your Approbation. I have no doubt
that he is every way qualified to execute the Duties of the
154 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
Office, and therefore I earnestly recommend him to your pa
tronage and friendship, — if you should be pleased to honour
him with your Vote You will confer on Me a personal obli
gation.
"I only returned yesterday afternoon from Annapolis,
and have no Information of any thing intended by the friends
of the proposed Bill for the incorporation of Balto Town. I
have seen the thing proposed by the united Committees, and
your strictures on it. I imagine it would be proper to draw
instructions to the Representatives of this place, directing
them to ratify the Bill and altho I am inclined [ ?] to propose
to the Senate certain amendments, to agree to such others as
will effectuate the great object of the original Bill, the estab
lishment of an energetic Government for Baltimore founded
with principles of a Republican Government.
"It appears to Me from the Numbers (500) who last year
petitioned for a law of Incorporation, a fourth Thing was
proposed by the Senators, that all kinds of Citizens agree in
the Necessity of incorporating the Town, but differ about the
form of the Government. I return to Annapolis on tomorrow
Week. I am
' ' With great respect
"Yr. Hble. Obedt Servt.
"SAM. CHASE."
McHenry did not appear in the senate until the 17th,
but this delay seems to have been a characterisiic of most of
the members; for, frequently, two weeks passed before a
quorum was secured and the body organized at this time, on
the day when McHenry came.
On December 3, he introduced a bill to establish a bank
in Baltimore and on the 16th, with Carroll of Carrollton, he
voted in the minority against ratifying the eleventh amend
ment. 1
He had but one voting with him, while ten were against
him, on the adoption of the following resolutions, which he
offered on the 18th :
"Resolved that the situation and circumstances of the
people of this State make it expedient to frame a system of
county schools, as subsidiary to the colleges and the more
expensive promulgating of learning.
l He was absent on December 24.
1791-1796] of James McHenry 155
"Resolved that a committee from the Senate should be
appointed to confer with a committee from the House of Dele
gates in order to obtain their sentiments on the subject and
what taxes might be with propriety laid to support the said
schools. ' '
He stood with nine others against the two who voted to
take the annual grant from St. John's College, voted with
four others, against seven, to destroy the governor's council
and brought in a bill to permit members of the legislature to
affirm instead of taking an oath.
Washington had great trouble with his cabinet in his
second administration. Hamilton and Knox resigned in the
winter of 1794-95, and the feeling in Philadelphia about
the secretaryship is clearly shown in two interesting letters
William Vans Murray, a member of congress, sent McHenry at
the time.
"Philad. 16 Dec. 1794.
"Dear Sir,
' ' There has nothing new come forward lately from Eng
land. It would appear as though the publication (by Mr.
R[andolph]) of the two official notes from Mr. Jay & Lord
Grenville were an untimely gratification of public curiosity.
It show'd the feebler part, the mere introduction of the busi
ness, of a scheme in which vigour appeared necessary, at least
appeared so to the public mind here which was greatly excited
by recent injuries. — & a proper regard to silence on an
uncertain event necessarily prevented a further publication of
that part. The effect was not happy here as they did not
see all, they ought perhaps to have seen nothing — and yet
directions, or rules, might have been given by the Secretary
of State for the guidance of the sufferers or claimants agree
ably to Mr. J 's ideas — but the murmur soon subsided The
impression of the [whiskey] insurrection aided in smoothing
down every asperity. It has been deep, & effective, it is to
be hoped. The roots of the cause however are perhaps to be
looked for if any where existing in the remnant of the Demo
cratic clubs. These will I am convinced still go on. They
assume a ground so plausible in a free country that they will
still flourish & ocassionally produce convulsions, or rather
prepare the public mind for them. The present time how
ever is certainly propitious to a sober examination of their
tendency, & perhaps of their Objects. Every thing is to be
156 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
hoped for from the good sense of the public when so lately
roused into reflexion.
"That your old Military comes Col Hamilton should be
about to retire from office must give you & every friend to the
country much regret. Knox too talks of resigning. In fact
the government does not seem to grow better, as to its agents,
In every part of it — instead of growing more mellow — it
seems more crude & green. The prospect of the new elections
too for the next Congress presents no consolation — much I
fear that the Majority in this house at least if not in the
Senate will be wrong, to say no more. That is they will be
composed of a majority who will be composed of two sorts
of men. A few who were anti in 87 — and are so still —
and those also were Federal in 87 — and also think themselves
to be so still — men who do not wish to overturn the govern
ment — but who by an undue infusion of new f angled disor
ganizing principles are outrageously wild in their theories &
practice, & who wish to make the constitution the post on
which they would hang up these new principles — These men
would ruin this or any other energetic system by their mode
of administering & working it. They sail down a current —
and mean to stop at the cataract. They would unintention
ally go down the cataract at last. For I can not believe that
you can find twelve men in the government who would by one
decisive blow destroy it. But the other description are &
will be too much guided by these.
"Between our selves, there is ground to expect that this
late affair to the Westward will produce a sort of crisis in the
parties of the ancient Dominion — where a respect for the
personal private characters of some pretty eminent men has
hitherto evaded an open & marked line between the puzzlers
& disorganizing politicians & the sober, good & firm Federalists.
I rejoice that my name has not been brought forward agt
Mr. Henry or to the slightest interruption of his re-election —
& am much flattered by the kind manner in which you mention
the circumstance"
"Philad. 1. Jany 1795.
"Dear Sir,
"The stream of time running on silently for ages would
be a dutch canal, tame & insipid were it not intersected by here
& there a point of flowers and verdure to enliven its banks.
1791-1796] of James McHcnry 157
Sundays — months & years — even fasts as well as festivals
aid the mind & spirits like these resting points. I can easily
conceive why the ladies & fine gentlemen drop the ceremony
of gratulation on the birth of the new year & it is for the
reason you have given — wrinkles — We love the new year
perhaps because not to have reached it would have been a
greater evil than to grow old. Like you I had rather enjoy
it at home in the true Maryland feudal like style of the E.
Shore. To make the Banjo (in lieu of the Hall's Harp, or
the Bagpipe) drone away in the Kitchen — to give out brandy
to the poor slaves & see them eat blood puddings as a luxury.
But Mrs. Murray is with me & I am consoled. Though the
beating of the drums near us & the firing of guns & ringing
of bells at Twelve o'clock last night were not absolutely]
necessary to that repose which is so necessary before a man
starts on the long journey of a full year. But I am well to
day — & what is better the President is in fine health & seems
to defy the ravages of time during life as much as his name
certainly will after death. We all went to see him to day —
& he so little understands the taste of politicians as to have had
a treat of sweet cake & wine ready for his 'faithful commons.'
"The subject which engages the House is a Naturalization
bill — we would lengthen the time of residence. The flood
of men & of their opinions is to be feared by all who can trace
the fitness of the people to their governments, and of those
to the People — most of this fitness perhaps arises more from
the peculiar composition of the Society than from any exercise
of the will of the people. So naturally & essentially do the
Theories belong to the opinions habits & immemorial practice
of the citizens of the U. S. that their General and particular
modes of Government can hardly be said to have been Willed.
What ever will materially affect or suddenly derange this com
position perhaps ought to be guarded against. It is fair to ex
pect probably one million of souls here in less than three years,
let the contest end as it may in France. Ought we not to set a
high price on a participation of citizenship where an easy
acquisition of it, by those who must have very different ideas
from those of our citizens, might affect the political complexion
of the mass & of course be felt in the government.
"I am so much flattered by an agreement with you in
former opinions, that you see I venture to go on in giving mine
freely — indeed this is the line I have taken in the Debate.
158 JLife and Correspondence [CHAP, x
Giles has made a very frivolous motion relatively to the bill
wh. you will see in the enclosed paper of Brown's. Wishing
you & Mrs McHenry a happy new year in a continuance of
all your own blessings I am with sincere esteem Dear Sir
"respectfully yrs
"W.V.MURRAY.
"Genl. Knox resigned yesterday — Pickering is talked
of — a sober man & accurate but not so known on the broad
scale — we certainly are retrograding as to characters. Jef
ferson succeeded by R. — Knox by P. — Hamilton by — any
body no — I have no reason to believe that Mr. J. has been
thought of seriously — once I heard his name out of Doors. ' '
In consequence of Hamilton's retirement, McHenry wrote
him on February 17, 1795, the first letter he had sent, since
Perry failed to receive the desired appointment. l Though
not writing ' ' I have not ceased to love you, nor for a moment
felt any abatement of my friendship." He had not written,
for he thought thus to free Hamilton from embarrassment and
that, if Hamilton wished his services, he would write for them.
"You see how well I have persevered in this determin
ation and that it is only now, when I can have nothing to
expect and you nothing to give, that I recall you to the remem-
berance of our early union and friendship. It is during this
period, my dear Hamilton, that you will find unequivocal in
stances of the disinterested friendship I feel for you and which
ought to convince you, how well I am entitled to a full return
of yours. The tempest weathered and landed on the same
shore, I may now congratulate you upon having established
a system of credit and having conducted the affairs of our
country upon principles and reasoning, which ought to insure
its immortality, as it undoubtedly will your fame. Few pub
lic men have been so eminently fortunate, as voluntarily to
leave so high a station with such a character and so well
assured a reputation and still fewer have so well deserved the
gratitude of their country and the eulogiums of history. Let
this console you for past toils and pains and reconcile you to
humble pleasures and a private life. What remains for you,
having ensured fame, but to ensure felicity? Look for it in
the moderate pursuit of your profession or, if public life still
flatters, in that office most congenial to it and which will not
1 Hamilton, v, 623 ; J. C. Hamilton, Life of Hamilton, v, 194.
1791-1796] of James McHcnry 159
withdraw you from those literary objects that require no
violent waste of spirits and those little plans that involve
gentler exercise and which you can drop or indulge in without
injury to your family. I have built houses. I have culti
vated fields. I have planned gardens. I have planted trees.
I have written little essays. I have made poetry once a year
to please my wife, at times got children and, at all times,
thought myself happy. Why cannot you do the same? for,
after all, if a man is only to acquire fame or distinction by
continued privations and abuse, I would incline to prefer a
life of privacy and little pleasures."
On June 14, McHenry wrote Washington 1 expecting soon
to start for the Sweet Springs and recommending Samuel
Chase for a position on the federal bench, without his knowl
edge, saying, ' ' Chase and I are on neither good nor bad terms,
neither friends nor enemies. To profound knowledge, he adds
a valuable stock of political science and information."
In that summer, which McHeury spent in Virginia, came
the scandal about the French dispatches, followed by Ran
dolph's resignation, which led Murray to write McHenry aa
follows :
"Dear Sir,
"Your letter I answered by Doctor Sulivan who went to
the Berkley Springs as he had no opportunity of delivering
it — he brought it back. Since that period you have I hope
found your old friends the mountains and cascades true to
their promises of health as well as pleasure & now enjoy. in
the rosy cheeks of your little ones the best evidence the nature
of such friendship will admit.
"You are — you must be very solicitous to know some
thing of the mysteries of Fauchet's letter. I have seen it's
copy in english. It is a most curious affair — & highly dis
graceful to certain men in this country. He declares that
Randolph 2 came to him during the critical appearances of
the Insurrection and made him the offers — referring to No. 6
wh. I have not seen. This No. 6 must have contained something
wh. he (F.) deemed infamous — for, after the reference to
No. 6 — he bursts into an apostrophe. Thus the consciences
of these pretended patriots have their price (tariff). Thus
1 He asks information about Lafayette.
2 On this episode see Conway's "Omitted Chapters of History."
which is a defense of Randolph's acts.
160 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, x
for a few thousand dollars the Kepublic wd., had she been
disposed to pay men for doing their duty, have decided on
peace or a Civil War — (by duty he means from the preceed-
ing speculations on the degeneracy & aristocracy of the Govt
— to have supported the Insurrection). (What will be the
old age of this country if its infancy is thus decrepid ! ) . He
says R. came to him (in another part of his long letter) and
told him the GOVT. was determined to push these people into
open violence that a pretext might be obtained for force &
the establishment of despotic principles. He says the explo
sion was too soon. That the excise was the ostensible motion
& the habits of the W. people gave a fitness for the workings
of party. That they expected friends in the East & South
nay even in the bosom of the Govt itself !
"This letter is a valuable comment upon many appear
ances at that period & since & before — to preserve the alli
ance of the French Govt. wth. the antis * * * here for the
purpose of overturning the Govt. — he says to confine the
actual crisis (of the Insurrection) to the simple question of
the excise is to reduce it much below its real scale. It is con
nected with a general explosion long since prepared in the
public mind but wth. this local & precipitate eruption ren
dered abortive or at least put back for a long time.
"If Mr R. is innocent he will clear himself at least I
hope so — but he must have a power over the Science of Con-
struction more than is conceivable to me if he can hold out
even a shadow of vindication. His defence is not out. It
will be an attack on the administration — & a slurring of the
president." 1
1 On December 24, 17&5, W. V. Murray wrote McHenry in reference
to Chase and Randolph as follows :
"I have several times brought up Mr. Chace to view while the official
wheel was in motion. I have taken pains to place his & Martins politics
in the true point of view — as yet no consequence has follow'd except
perhaps a preparation. Yes — Rutledge was rejected. It is said openly
that he is in an unhappy State of mind — & often deranged — by gentle
men immediately from his own country.
"I have always been of your opinion with respect to foreign ministers,
& have constantly avoided any intercourse more than formal visits &
even those I have not gone into more than two years past. Not having
been visited by any British minister for two years nor by any French min
ister for two years — nor having seen the first at his own house or my
own for three winters nor the second but once at his own house at dinner
once Fauchet — nor having dined with the Spanish minister these three
years though I shall next monday dine with him — in a gala style. 'Hav
ing not been of consequence enough to be sought — & being too proud
unsought to be won. I am but little known to them Genet & Fauchet
never returned my visit. Nor that of many others of my complexion —
& last winter not having even paid the visit of ceremony to Hammond of
course I had no visit from him. I have waited on Adet — but he has not
DR. JAMES McHENRY
Reproduced in original size from miniature owned by the heirs of
Dr. James McHenry
(Copyright, 1907, The Burrouls Brothers Company}
1791-1796] of James McHenry 161
Washington offered the place left vacant to Thomas
Johnson, who declined it in a letter of August 29, shortly after
returning from a visit to the Old White Sulphur Springs : "I
am far from being out of humor with the world on my own
account. It has done me more than justice, in estimating
my abilities and more justice than common in conjecturing
my motive. I feel nothing of fear, either, in hazarding again
the little reputation I may have acquired; for I am not con
scious of having sought or despised applause. But, without
affectation, I do not think I could do credit to the office of
Secretary, I cannot persuade myself that I possess the neces
sary qualities for it and I am sure I am too old to expect
improvement. My strength declines and so too probably will
my mental powers soon, my views 151 this world have been for
sometime bounded chiefly to my children ; they, yet for a little
while, may have me to lean on, being constantly with them
adds to their happiness and makes my chief comfort. Most
sincerely wishing you less alloy in the Returns of this world
and the fullness of joy in the next, I remain with truth your
affectionate and most obedient servant. ' ' *
While Washington was trying to fill the place, Hamilton
wrote him, on November 5, making a number of suggestions.
Among them, he said, not letting his friendship cause him to
praise over much: "McHenry, you know. He would give
no strength to the administration, but would not disgrace the
yet called on me — upon Le Freire I have called and he on me — upon
Bond as charge des affaires I have called — he not yet on me. You will
pardon this monstrous egotism, when I tell you that Forrest once told me
this time two years that a man told him that a baker in this town said
(to his Son who told F. ) that the british minister & consul were night &
morning at my lodgings in Union Street. I told F. to tell the baker's Son
that his Father Lied — from me if he saw him again — & showing Forrest
a note In which I stated the fact of his (Mr Forrest's report) & that he
was a liar. F. wd. not let me send it — as a thing perfectly beneath my
notice. Neither Bond nor Hammond having been once in my lodgings
that winter & spring. Such stories were industriously circulated I believe
through the town where Madison's propositions had been a little in dis
cussion.
" 'Randolph's Vindication of his Resignation' is out & much read. In
vain I looked into F's explanation for an innocent meaning of terms so
portentous of infamy — not that I think R. received money but that the
passages still impress the conviction of his duplicity & of some sort of
corruption.
"Do you remember anything of a letter on the Secret flies of the old
Congress — written by Marbois & intercepted? a chain of evidence rises
gradually to view highly illustrative of the old policy of the French
Court & connects their policy as one & indivisible with that wh. I firmly
believe actuates the Republican court of Paris. In this the nation has
little to do.
"I thank you for your good intentions towards Mr Robertson & can
only lament that circumstances deprived him of the benefit I intended him"
1 Hamilton, xi, 63.
162 Life and Correspondence CHAP-X
office. His views are good. Perhaps his health &c would
prevent his accepting."
Three days later, McHenry wrote Washington that he
was going shortly to Annapolis and would there favor the ap
plication to the state for a loan towards public buildings in
the District of Columbia. He enclosed a prospectus of a new
"bank proposed to be established in Baltimore and had written
an address which appeared in the Winchester (Va.) papers
of October 15, on political matters. "Let me add," he con
tinues, "my humble intreaty to that of the prayers of all
good men that the publications pointed at yourself with the
evident intention to induce you either to resign or withdraw
from another election may not be permitted to have that effect.
You know the force and danger of the present crisis and how
indispensible your remaining at the helm is to subdue it and
give permanence to our prosperity and government."
The assembly met at Annapolis on November 2, but Mc
Henry did not attend l until the 16th. Shortly afterwards a
declaration of confidence 2 in Washington was introduced in
the house of delegates by William Pinkney, "a man of real
talents and genius and a fascinating speaker" and was sup
ported "beautifully and irresistibly" by him, as McHenry
wrote Washington on December 5. "His influence and conduct
on the occasion overawed some restless spirits and reached even
into the Senate," which body passed it with the same unan-
imitv as the house.
1 He was absent on December 7, l-S and 19. He voted to enlarge
the state's investment in the Potowmack company.
2 Ford, xi, 138, 140. Washington thanked Governor John H. Stone
for this declaration of confidence.
CHAPTER XI
WASHINGTON'S SECRETARY OF WAR
WASHINGTON 'S difficulties as to his cabinet increased
towards the end of his second administration. Pick
ering was finally transferred from the department
of war to that of state, leaving the former department vacant,
General Pinckney of South Carolina, Colonel Edward Carring-
ton of Virginia, and Governor John Eager Howard of Mary
land all declined it. Washington now thought of his old secre
tary, McHenry, and, on January 20, 1796, wrote him l "that it
would now give me sincere pleasure if you will fill the office
of Secretary of War. ' ' 2 With frank candor and friendliness,
the president tells of the three previous tenders of the office,
but states : ' ' Let this letter be received with the same friend
ship and frankness with which it is written ; — nothing would
add more to the satisfaction this would give me than your
acceptance of the offer. ' ' He pressed McHenry for an ' ' imme
diate reply" and, if the reply be favorable, for an immediate
journey to the seat of government, even though Mrs. McHenry
and the family be not brought along ' ' in the present State of
the roads."
Washington further asked McHenry to ascertain whether
Samuel Chase will accept a seat on the "Supreme judicial
bench of the United States."
McHenry 's answer was dated 9 P. M., January 21, and
said : "I have this moment received your favour of the 20th
and am truly sensible of the sincerity of your wishes that I
should accept of the war office department. On my part, I beg
you to believe that nothing could give me more pleasure than
to be near you for a few years, independent of public motives
or considerations. I must, however, pray you to allow me till
Mondav to reflect on the offer and determine whether I can
1 Ford, xiii, 113; Sparks, xi. 106.
2 Brown's McHenry. 21. Me Henry's nephew, John, wrote that he
felt Washington's letter was "an injunction that he could not refuse and
most reluctantly accepted the appointment, leaving his pleasant retire
ment to embark in the troubled sea of politics."
164 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. XI
with propriety and, as it respects my family, venture upon a
change of position, which, by bringing me into public life,
must necessarily bring with it much care and trouble and
uneasiness. My inclination is to accept, but I shall be definite
by next post. In the meantime, I shall obtain Mr. Chase's
sentiments, which shall accompany my letter."
On Monday, January 24, McHenry wrote again, accepting
the office that was for more than four years to bring him from
his quiet home into the rush and glare of public life : " I re
sume the answer to your letter. I cannot say that I have ever
experienced so much hesitation between giving way to inclin
ation and attachment to you personally and my own interest
and ease, as has taken place during the two past days. It is
now, however, all over and it is right I should confess that the
soothing idea of serving under you, more particularly at this
crisis, has effectually and irresistibly silenced all opposition.
Such then as I am and with a heart truly devoted to you and
the public good, dispose of as you please.
"I shall commence tomorrow to prepare everything to
facilitate my departure hence as soon as it is practicable after
hearing from you and, in the meanwhile, have obtained Mrs.
M's. consent to remain here, till I can get & house in Philadel
phia and the necessary furniture for her reception and accom
modation. Chase will accept too. Thus, sir, you see what
you have done, you have made an old veteran very proud and
happy and one not very young to approach the station you
have assigned him with fear and trembling, for who, hereafter,
may hope to escape without a wound, while there are men to
be found who could aim poisoned arrows at yourself?"
On the receipt of McHenry 's letter, his nomination was
at once sent to the senate and promptly confirmed, as was
Chase's which was sent in at the same time. Williamson and
Murray wrote warm letters of congratulation as follows :
"Philada. 27th Jany 1796.
"Dear Sir
"You will probably learn from another Hand by this
days Post that you are nominated and appointed Secy at War.
Your friends and many Persons who know you only by Char
acter hope that you may serve in this Office although it is
known that you have "generally been averse from public Em
ployment. Knox, as you know, was considered to be a Man
who went on a most expensive Scale. The follies of a gamb-
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 165
ling wife were passed to the Debit of her Husband, in Addition
to his own — no great Stock of Talents. Pickering was con
sidered to be a firm & frugal Man and the Appointment I
think gave much satisfaction. Since he had been advanced,
Terror has siezed the public mind from the apprehension that
we should be reduced to a State of insolvency by Genl. Wayne
or Govr. Lee in the Character of Secy, of War. Both of them
have been spoken of and both are supposed to have been seek
ing the Place. And within a few hours I have seen several
countenances illuminated with the Idea of being again out of
danger. Nothing is so fervently desired by Eastern men & by
Southern Men wrho take the trouble of thinking as that in our
War Department, the Channel through [which] the greater
Part of our Treasure goes, we may have a prudent, firm, frugal
Officer who in private Life having shown that he knows the
Value of money may be expected to be equally attentive to the
National Property. When you cast an eye on the two Can
didates here named and the ci-devant Secy, you will readily
discover the former cause of apprehension, a present Cause of
Satisfaction.
"Believe me to be
' ' Dr. sir With great sincerity
"Your obedt Servt.
"Hu. WILLIAMSON."
"Philadelphia,
"Thursday Evening January 28 1796.
"Dear Sir,
"To day the Senate, I hear, unanimously, concurred in
the Presidents nomination of you as Secretary at War. I
know not whether the President had previously obtained your
consent. This however I can assure you of that he is exceed
ingly solicitous that you should come into the administration.
Many names pretty high in military rank, and some in that of
Talent too, were in view, & yours among them. You will, I
know, not misconstrue me when I venture to urge you to ac
cept. I do not think, upon my honour, that you will consult
your own glory in accepting this tribute of confidence from
the first of men, after an intimate knowledge of you for so
many years, part of which time, the most trying too, was past
in his own family. Till the present administration, He has
always had some of his old family with him. I think he still
wishes to have his old inmates with him. This is certainly a
habit that grows out of time, that no sudden confidence, how-
166 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
ever solid & merited, comes up to, as it respects the affections.
Since Hamilton 's days he has not had one of his old set. The
Two gentlemen, l confidentially, though men of honour, and
capacity and of clear judgement & of very improvable minds,
are without doubt your inferiors as Cabinet ministers — in
That & that only is the present admon. weaker than Hamil
ton's — a more various reading & more general knowledge of
mankind would make them strong in this point for each has
strength & vigor of mind.
"The more disagreeable part of official business in the
War Department is infinitely lessened by the present & pros
pective State of affairs — and yet such is the political ticklish-
ness of it that a steady policy in the admon. will be essential
for three or four years. Cabinet business is conducted by
the Three conjointly — for instance Randolph was directed
by the P. to address the B. minister in a memorial on the provi
sion orders — & was desired to lay it before the other heads
of Departt & the attorney Genl. — & they thought it too fiery
& hostile for that season of our negociation & refused their
consent.
"You have this consolation, & it ought to be a great one
to you, certain I am it will be so to your boys when they grow
up & Washington shall be gone, that your nomination was the
Presidents own act — & the original conception of it entirely
his OAvn. After he had determined, he sent for me, & I found
it was to know if I thought you would accept. I stated to
him that though you found your own home extremely endeared
to you, I firmly believed that your affectionate respect for him
& good wishes to the Fedl. Govt. would supersede every other
consideration & that you would. He then talked a great deal
about you &, on the whole, I am convinced has felt no common
emotion in the nomination.
"Depend on this, that men long known to the public must
accept these high offices or the Govt. dwindles into insignifi
cance — and what public duty is there wh. to a certain degree
does not demand some sacrifice of predetermined schemes of
life & personal quiet? Vanity & ambition I know you will
say will always supply candidates enough. I know that, &
that is the reason why such candidates shd. not be accepted.
"Education is here at your door. Mrs. McHenry would
be happy in her native place — as to the Salary (though it
will be increased, if not" this, the next session) it will maintain
1 Timothy Pickering and Oliver Wolcott
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 167
you in that easy style of elegant but quiet accomodation wh. I
think you love — at all events it does Wolcott & Pickering.
The first lives in Fourth South, at the corner of Spruce, in a
neat house of two rooms, one small, on a floor and must I
think live wh in his means. He is a very worthy man & quite
equal to his duty — his wife one of the mildest & most amiable
women in town — an excellent manager, kind but economical.
Col. P., Sec. of State, you must have known — • a plain, indus
trious, well informed man — with a wife & four or five child
ren. They see little company. I have never been at his house
as a visitor — he lives plainly but quietly. Both these men
are practicable men to deal with to work with — without hu
mours or caprice & perfectly agreeable, I think they wd. prove
to you as associates in business.
' ' Another reason for your accepting. You are known as
an officer connected wt. the Genl. during the war — as a mem
ber of our Senate — a member of the old Congress — a mem
ber of the convention — at present a Senator. These extrinsic
circumstances become intrinsic fitnesses, & do more; they
enable a man to do what is right in his own opinion. This
a character however intentionally great wh. has been but just
built up can not always do.
"Besides you will be gratify 'd with that literary treasure
"Wh though certainly not full is here more copious than in
Baltimore. You renew that intercourse of mind with Hamil
ton Wh. ever must have been a source of consolation. So large
& changed is the city that a man may be retired if he please.
"In fact my dear Sir, if you review your life or look
forward, you belong to that Federal Interest wh. you are called
on in the most flattering wray to support — & you will obey the
call.
"AT ALL EVENTS COME UP HERE! if it be only
for three days.
"I have been confined to my room since Sunday by an
inflamation in my jaw that obliges me Literally to hide my
face. S. Smith's motion will be on next Monday. Strange
work at such a time to make such a motion !
"If the President consulted you — you will laugh at all
this — if he did not — be contented to be Secretary at Warl
of the most flourishing and free people on earth.
"Yours, Dear Sir, Sincerely
"WM. V. MURRAY."
168 Life and Correspondence [CHAf>. xi
Washington repeated the urgency of his first letter, when
the nomination had been confirmed.
"Philadelphia 28th. Jan 1796
"Dear Sir,
"Your letters of the 21st & 24th. instant have been duly
received. The last, in time on tuesday, to give in the nomina
tions of yourself & Mr. Chase for the offices contemplated. The
day following they were advised & consented to by the Senate,
— and the commissions will be ready for the reception of you
both on your arrival in this city — of this be so good as to
inform Mr. Chase ; and, if he is still at Baltimore, to remind
him, that monday next is the day appointed for the sitting of
the Supreme Court, and without him, there is no certainty
of a sufficient number of Judges to constitute it
"For the reasons assigned in my last to you, and which
press more & more every day, I shall look anxiously for your
arrival. Always & affectly
"I am — Yours
"Go. WASHINGTON"
McHenry replied, on the 31st, that he expected to leave
Baltimore on horseback on the following Wednesday and to
be in Philadelphia by Friday or Saturday. He had a bad
cold and so must take lodgings before sundown and start after
sunrise each day. He perceived the incompatibility of public
office and private business and told the president that, "hav
ing been connected in two mercantile partnerships, I have
thought it fit to enter into my office totally free from any such
connection. One of them I have settled yesterday at an
actual loss of about £3,000. The other, which has netted me
for five years past £1,000 annually, I expect will be finally
adjusted tomorrow, after which I shall meet you with a disem
barrassed mind and rich enough to require no increase of
salary and, by no means, displeased at any sacrifice I have
made that approached me at this moment to your labours and
cares. ' '
On the 8th of February, McHenry took the oath of office
before Chase and entered upon his duties, which included the
care of military and naval affairs and of Indian relations.
It is of Indian affairs that we first have information in
the following letter from Washington.
- "Tuesday Morning — 28th Feb.
"Dear Sir
"Let me entreat you to attend early this morning to a fit
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 169
character as a Comr. to attend the proposed Treaty with the
Indians, by Mr. Morris — and, on this head, and on the mes
sage proper to accompany the nomination, I wish you would
advise with Col. Pickering, who has had more to do in Indian
affairs than any other officer now in the Government, and
perhaps may more readily think of a proper person to be
entrusted.
"As it is several days since the application was made, I
wish to make the nomination without further delay. If a
gentleman from New Jersey, Delaware, or Maryland could be
obtained it wd. be desirable — or from Connecticut, and I
believe Mr. Larned is in Town — so is Mr. Dexter both good
characters. Something must also be done with the Military
Bill, this day
' ' Yours always
"Go. WASHINGTON''
It may be convenient to survey McHenry's relations to
Indian affairs under Washington, at this place. On March
10, Pickering wrote him to accept the accounts of Chapin, the
Indian superintendent, without vouchers as the Indians can
give none. A payment had been made to Captain Joseph
Brant (Thayendanega) l at the treaty of 1794 and was not
certified to by Jasper Parish, the interpreter, as Brandt under
stood English pretty well and his character is too well known to
Pickering to believe that he would ' ' have received the present,
but in absolute privacy." The supplies for the Iroquois
should be gradually reduced to the fixed annuity of $4,500,
especially since the Western war is over, but we have made too
many professions of warm friendliness for the six nations,
suddenly to abandon them and, particularly, to neglect the
chiefs. A few days later, Pickering wrote again to Wash
ington on the affairs 2 of the Iroquois.
"The Secretary of State respectfully returns to the Pres
ident his report on the claims of the Cohnawagos, or Seven
Nations of Canada, with the draught of a letter which he
thinks proper to go from the department of war, with the
report to the Governor of New- York. The Secretary also
transmits a press copy of the report, to be lodged in the war-
office, which will enable the Secretary of War to dispatch the
original this day by post. The Governor may then be pre-
1 Konondaigua, Pickering calls him.
2 A second letter on this subject was sent on April 18.
170 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
pared to give an answer to the deputation as soon as they reach
New- York. And it is of consequence to the deputation not to
be detained in that city; because the Commissioners of the
State, at the treaty, told the Cohnawagos that they were not to
reckon on the State to defray the expenses of any more of their
deputations.
"The Secretary supposes it will be necessary to make a
present of two hundred and fifty or three hundred dollars to
Colo. Louis and the rest of the deputies, to enable them to
return to Cohnawaga. And if this be given them to-day, they
may certainly leave this city to-morrow-morning. Mr. Fran
cis, on notice, will have their passages engaged.
"TIMOTHY PICKERING.
"March 21. 1796."
On April 25, the Caughnawaga question was still unset
tled and Pickering wrote McHenry :
' ' Finding no such paper as the Cohnawagos now call for,
I returned from my house to examine once more at my office :
but no such paper appears : and I am confident I never saw
any paper purporting to be a power from the Chief to Colo.
Louis and others; for when by their speeches they declared
they were impowered to make a final agreement for their
nation, I recollect that the idea was perfectly new to me.
"I think however, that the final settlement may be made
in the way I suggested. I am disposed to believe the present
deputation to have been empowered, as they declare. The
negotiation then may be held with them, and the terms agreed
on. They may then return to their nations, and the State of
New- York suspend the payments stipulated, until agents duly
empowered shall come to receive them. To make the transac
tion still more satisfactory, New- York might send an agent
with the deed or treaty which the present deputies shall con
clude, and obtain a formal ratification by the signatures of all
the Chiefs of the Seven Nations."
It was with the Western Indians that McHenry was
chiefly concerned however, especially in connection with the
transfer of the Western military posts from Great Britain to
the United States as a consequence of the Jay treaty. 1 The
1 "June 8. 1796.
"Dear Sir,
"I have received from a highly respectable source the following ob
servations.
" 'It certainly is desirable that the officers commanding the detach-
1796-1797] qf James McHenry 171
frontiersmen were, of course, hostile to these Indians and, on
May 22, Thomas Dillon wrote McHenry from Nashville, urg
ing him to invest in "Western lands and saying that he had been
at several forts, at each of which ' ' are stationed about fifteen
men, altho not under that regular discipline or subordination
as might be expected, many of them being commonly absent,
from which a body might be apt to infer, that supporting the
Garrisons were useless and unnecessary ; but the fact is other
wise ; I think them highly necessary, and very proper barriers
between the whites and Indians. These garrisons are very ill
supplied with provisions owing in some measure to the econ
omical ideas of Col. Henly, the agent for Indian affairs at
Knoxville. The people murmur very much. These parsimon
ious ideas ought not to prevail, so as to injure the public credit.
Many of the whites are disorderly and licentious and would be
glad to seek an opportunity of kicking up a dust with the
Indians, but these are of a class that have nothing to lose or
that have lands within the Indian boundaries; the more re
spectable and thinking part, however, are highly averse to any
proceedings that might have a tendency to involve the Country
in a war. In Cumberland, I believe they are possessed of
these sentiments to a man. Those on Holstein 1 are less or
derly" and have recently killed some Indians.
On Indian relations, we find a very interesting letter writ
ten to McHenry by Bishop John Carroll, of the Roman
Catholic church.
" Baltimore May 29th 1796.
"Dear Sir
"Your kind favour of April 23d. inclosing one from the
Rev. Mr. Rivet, Missionary on the Ouabache and among the
merits who are to occupy tl-e posts, should be moderate and discreet men.
I have heard that a Capt. Bruff is to be one of them — that he is violent
& precipitate ; and also warm in his resentments to the British. All this
may not be accurate ; but I mention it as worthy of attention & enquiry ;
not conceiving myself at liberty to mention whence I had these hints,
I mention them in confidence, & only as inducements to enquiry.'
"I am inclined to suspect the character of Capt. B. may warrant the
above remark : but if he has been designated, as I suppose is the fact,
for that service, I do not see how any change can be made : But a very
serious caution may be given to him and to every other officer, to avoid
every cause of irritation, and on the contrary, to study on all occasions
to conciliate, and establish a friendly intercourse, so far as any inter
course shall arise out of the service : a very familiar intercourse would
be too expensive for the American officers.
"Sincerely yours
"T. PICKERING"
A letter from General Anthony Wayne to McHenry about the equip
ment of the Western posts, dated Philadelphia, February 24, 1796, was
printed in 2nd series Hist. Mag., ii.
1 Holston River.
172 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. XI
Illinois and neighbouring Indians, was received some time ago,
and gave me new reason to regret my absence from Baltimore
at the time, when you received your appointment; because I
should have taken the liberty of making you acquainted with
his merit, and sollicitude to render important services to the
United States, by humanising & moralising the Indians; and
of interesting your sensibility for him and his companion who
have undergone the greatest hardships, by an unfortunate
delay of payment, and other disappointments. But that, which
seems to affect him the most, is, that tho' he is engaged in a
pursuit so useful and humane, he does not meet with that
support and consideration from the officers of the United
States, which, he thinks, it would be proper for them to afford
to him, whilst he is acting under public authority, & for a
public purpose, as well as the benefit of those wild savages.
He says: 'je suis id sans conseil, sans credit, sans moiens
quelconques pour parvenir aux fins, que le gouvernement
paroit s'etre propose. Ce n'est pas ainsi, que la France est
parvenue a civiliser et reformer entierement plusieurs de ces
tribus. Ausi ma commission est elle id dans un discredit
total. Le commandant du poste tie m'a appelle d aucun
conseil des Savages tenus au fort, quoiqu'il me I'eut promis
lors de mon arrivee, et que cela se fut toujours pratique sous
les Francois. J'ai ecrit au General d Greensville pour les
objects tres essentiels; je n'en ai eu aucune reponse; aussi je
n'ose presque plus faire un pas, former une demande, ou offrir
une reflexion &c. ' After citing thus his own words, allow me
to submit to your prudence and discretion the propriety of
recommending him to the countenance and regard of those,
who may contribute to the good purposes of his mission: to
which will greatly contribute some good regulations, faithfully
executed, with respect to the furnishing of the Indians with
spirituous liquors. Every person must be sensible of the diffi
culty of this measure ; but, as it appears from your letter to
have engaged your attention, it may be reasonably hoped that
all will be effected, that is possible under our laws.
"Mr. Rivet requested, for the sake of greater security to
letters for him, that they might be sent by the same convey
ance if possible as those from your department ; and with your
recommendation of them. I adopt this method with diffidence,
and shall not persist in it, if there be the least impropriety.
' ' Receive, Dr. Sir, tho ' late my cordial congratulation for
the distinguished testimony of esteem and confidence bestowed
1796-1797] of James McHenry 173
on you by him by whom it is so honourable to be esteemed : and
assure yourself, that I feel the more pleasure at your being
raised to your present station, not merely because it is a public
acknowledgement of your merit, but because I believe in my
heart that you are, in every respect, worthy of it
' ' I am with great esteem and respect,
1 'Dr. Sir,
"Your most obedt. & humble St.
" J. Bishop of Baltimore.
"P. S. I have been addressed to provide Clergymen at
tached to the United States, for the stations, which are now
to be ceded by the British, and I have taken already some
measures to that effect: and you may rest assured, that the
persons appointed will make it their endeavour to reconcile
the inhabitants to our Government and interests. Amongst
other places requiring such provision there is one, including, I
believe, the rapids of the Miami, and called la riviere aux
raisins. The parish priest residing there, under the British,
is called Edmund Burke; and I am informed, that he was
obnoxious to General Wayne & our officers, from a persuasion,
they were under, that he instigated the Indians to enmity with
the United States. I have reason to think nevertheless that
Mr. Burke wishes to become a citizen with us : and in a letter
to me he denies in the most peremptory manner, the charge
brought against him ; which, he says, has no other foundation,
than his having opposed, with success, the machinations of
inflammatory emisaries from the faction of Genet, who has
penetrated to Fort Detroit and its neighbourhood, to produce
anarchy and insurrection. I take the liberty of mentioning
this, that if there be, in your office, any certain documents of
Burke 's enmity to the United States, you may be pleased to
advise me thereof. & I may know, how to proceed with him."
On May 9, "Washington wrote McHenry to facilitate the
march of troops to Western posts, but to proceed with cau
tion. 1 On June 28, McHenry wrote Washington, describing
the reception in Quebec of Major Lewis with dispatches con
cerning the Western posts. 2 He ' ' was treated with much
civility by Lord Dorchester's family" and reported "that the
people seemed everywhere pleased with the prospect of a
friendly intercourse with our citizens. ' ' Dorchester was par-
1 Sparks, xi, 125.
2 Ford, xiii, 222. Dorchester, formerly Sir Guy Carleton, was gov
ernor of Canada.
174 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
ticular in his inquiries as to Washington's health, and, at the
dinners, which were so numerous that Major Lewis could have
dined out for a month in Quebec, ' ' the first toast was The King
of Great Britain, the second, invariably, the President."
Washington, in his answer on July 1, referred to these ac
counts as "very pleasing," as they point toward the realization
of "that tranquility and peace with the Indians, which, in
itself, is so desirable and has been so much wished and sought
for." In the same letter, he directed McHenry, "by civil
expressions, to stimulate the present Governor of Tennessee
to an effectual repression of encroachments on Indian terri
tory (secured to them by treaties)." If he will not act, "the
honor of the government and the peace of the Union require ' '
that the laws be "promptly and energetically (with temper
and prudence) enforced."
On August 8, Washington informed McHenry 1 of the oc
cupation of Fort Ontario and discussed sending supplies to
that post. The Federalists felt the transfer of the posts re
dounded much to their credit and Murray wrote on August 21 :
"Would it not be a good thing to paragraph & press a
little the late events in the delivery of the posts. A manner
pointedly conciliatory & even handsome seems to have char
acterised all the several surrenders — as we hear — much
might be made of this at least as fringe work to the Triumphs
of the Treaty & its friends. Events strike more powerfully
than systems. Wayne ! ah could we both have but seen W 's
Entre into Detroit ! when he pranced over the Barbacon. ' '
Troubles with the Creeks 2 and with the Cherokees,
1 Sparks, xi. 159.
2 The Secretary of War.
Sir,
Your letter of the 18th Instant with its enclosures, came to hand
by the last Mail. Such of the latter, as are original, I herewith return
to your Office.
It would appear from the extract of Mr. Habersham's letter, that
the Treaty (or rather meeting) between the Georgians and Creek In
dians, has terminated unfavourably, and will tend, it is to be feared, to
hostilities. A favorable result could not have been predicted from the
speech of the Georgia Commissioners, at their commencement of the
business with the Indian chiefs ; and it having ended without a cession
of Land, I shall be agreeably disappointed if there are not other means,
soon used, to get possession of them.
By the letters from General Wilkinson and Captn. Bruff, I expect the
Western Posts will soon be in our possession ; and I hope proper measures
will be adopted to keep the- Garrisons well supplied with provisions and
Military Stores.
Mount Vernon 22d July
1796
Go. WASHINGTON
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 175
also occupied McHenry's thoughts. 1 As to the former tribe,
McHenry wrote Washington on August 3, urging him to place
regulars rather than militia in the Indian country. For the
latter tribe, McHenry drafted a talk which he sent Washing
ton - on August 24, recommending instructions to Dinsmore,
the agent, and adding, "I have consulted him upon the prae-
ticableness of teaching the women to spin and weave and he
thinks it may be accomplished." Pickering, in a letter to
Washington of September 2, criticised the talk as not digni
fied. Shortly afterwards McHenry wrote certain instructions
to Hawkins, 3 which Washington returned with the follow
ing note:
"Wednesday Morning [September 7, 1796.]
"Private
"Dear Sir,
"The principles of the Enclosed Instructions I approve;
and since they are drawn, I shall not object to the Phraseol
ogy ; tho ' considering that it is addressed to our Agent, for his
Government, part of them, I think is too much in the stile of
a talk to the Indians. And I think too, as it is intended for
the general superintendent his attentions seems to be too much
confined to the Creek Nation
' ' Yours always — & sincerely
"Go. WASHINGTON."
1 Pickering wrote McHenry :
"Department of State July 8. 1796.
"Dear Sir
"The President, In two letters I have received this week, mentions
these points for consideration —
"1. 'How soon & in what manner' the Cherokee boundary can and
ought to be run & marked, agreeably to the treaty of Holston.
"2. What can be done relative to the appointment of an Indian agent
(superintendant) in the room of Governor Blount; and of the Agents
for carrying on the Indian Trade."
2 Washington wrote McHenry on July 18 (Ford, xiii, 246), regret
ting that the boundary of their reservation could not be marked before
spring, as no commissioners to superintend it could be appointed in the
recess of the senate. He also stated that he hoped the visit of the
Cherokee chiefs might be deferred until November.
A short note from Washington about this time reads thus :
"Sir,
"The enclosed Conditions appear proper — but as there are certain
principles I practice that govern in such cases — it would be too hazard
ous to Give an opinion with out consulting them — and it is impossible
for me to go into such detail.
"Philadelphia t4th. Sep.
"1796
"Go. WASHINGTON."
3 Benjamin Hawkins was born in North Carolina in 1754, gradu
ated at Princeton, served in the Revolutionary War, was a delegate in
the confederation congress, was United States senator from North Caro
lina during the years 1789-95, and then became agent for superintending
all the Indians south of the Ohio River.
176 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
On September 13 and on October 13, Pickering wrote
McHenry about the Oneida and Stockbridge Indians and their
annuities. Among those tribes, the Quakers had built a grist
mill and a meeting house.
McHenry had much at heart the improvement of the In
dians' condition, as is shown by a letter sent him by Murray
in October.
' ' Of the policy which you are now organizing, the civiliza
tion of the Savages, great doubts may be entertained without
an affront to the Czar who attempts so much glory. From
what is known of the progress of nations from infancy to man
hood may it not be ventured as a general proposition that the
means which have drawn out the social character have been
such as were congenial to the State in wh. any nation was, to
whom they were applyd.
''Every one of the European nations was martial. It is
thus that of their Savage State we know nothing. We have
testimonies of their barbarism or second state only, but from
the data which these furnish, something may be learned of
that scheme wh. might most probably draw them from the
savage to the barbarous. One engine of incalculable powers
is now possest by the civilizing hand that was not known in
the early ages, the art of printing, yet this affords not a ready
source of those habits which constitute Society as it stands
any where. An individual may acquire learning by it — but
it would teach the indian scholar things applicable to refined
Society not to his own — were it possible to digest a plan of
Property for them in Land agreeably to the Feudal earlier
ideas, the most congenial to their present State, it appears
probable that it would not last long. The existence of nations
behind this belt of civilization which you would stretch along
the Frontier would hold out a tempting asylum for original
habits & manners & the belt would be gradually depopulated.
Were there an ocean interior of a Mississippi a plan of coarse
& improving principles might possibly be formed — as it is, I
confess, I almost despair — because I can find nothing like it
elsewhere. I fear that the only way to civilize savages is to
first enslave them — all nations have so advanced. It is dread
ful — but I fear true. Peter & the following Czars, for some
time, seemed inclined to consider the vast nation they owned
as capable of any civil impressions they might choose to give.
They found this not the case — that a half savage nation have
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 177
habits as inveterate as a refined nation & perhaps the habits
of such a nation are more so — & that to advance Such a
nation it was necessary not to consider it as a blank paper
upon wh. any thing might be written, but to ascertain the last
step it had taken in its progress & only invite the foot a little
forward in what was the most natural attitude. I have all
along imagined it a useless attempt to make the Indians like
a white nation — my humble (& I own it may be a crude) plan
is if any attempt is made, to make them as much as possible
like the Barbarians of Germany — first, still infusing that
milder tinge into their character that would follow the art of
printing — one mistake in all the plans I have seen seems to
me to be that the whole was predicated upon what could be
done upon one or two individuals educated in a white country.
Were it possible to bring a tribe of infants & educate them in
Philad. it would prove nothing that was not as well known
before. The difficulty is in rearing a nation from old habits
by attracting them to higher habits, analogous to those they
are invited to forsake. But you are fatigued by objections
without reasoning that points to any alteration — & all must
[be] jejune to you who have been turning the subject over and
over for some time. I write for the mere pleasure of having
conversation with you & always in strict confidence — so it is
like a fire side chat."
By the admission of the Southwest territory, on June 1,
1796, as the state of Tennessee, the office of superintendent of
Indian affairs there ceased. McHenry 1 wished to appoint
agents for carrying on commerce with the Indian tribes, in
accordance with a recent act of congress, but Wolcott said he
had no money for that purpose. In that case, said Washing
ton in his letter of July 18, we can have no agents, but a
temporary regulation of the trade in the hands of some one
man may be made. 2
In his report to congress, 3 McHenry opposed a petition
favored by Andrew Jackson, to pay a claim for militia called
out in 1793 to act offensively, but said congress must decide
1 He estimated the six nations as 3580 in number. A drunken
smith is complained of.
2 Ford, xiil, 246.
3 State Papers, Indian Affairs, i, 585, 621. In November, 1796.
John D. Chisholm (Am. Hist. Rev., 595) brought with him to Phila
delphia about twenty-two Indians and a petition of about twenty"five
British residing in the territory of the Indian nations asking to be made
United States citizens. He presented this petition to McHenry, who
treated it with coldness and said he would refer it to Hawkins.
178 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
how far the Indian aggressions constituted an imminent dan
ger, or whether the expedition was a just and necessary meas
ure.
In relation to appointments to office McHenry appears to
have had but little trouble under Washington. Only two let
ters have been found on this subject and one of them is an
answer to a tender of an office made by Washington through
McHenry. 1
1 Pinkney was offered the position of commissioner under the Jay
treaty to adjust claims between Great Britain and the United States.
Another letter respecting an appointment reads thus :
"New York llth April 1796.
"Dear Sir
"A Letter reed, the oth inst. intimating that one of my little Boys
was ill of a Fever occasioned my sudden Departure for the Place. The
child is happily recovered and runs about as usual.
"It is high Time that my little Boys went to School and I wish if
possible to have them under my own Eye but how to effect that Arrange
ment is the Question If I was to remove them to Carolina and either
of them to sink under the Climate I should never forgive myself knowing
the Climate there to be very unfavourable to Children. To settle in the
Country might not be agreeable to a person accustomed to converse with
Men of good Information and my finances on the present Scale of Prices
are not quite equal to a City Establishment. 8 or 10 hundr. additional
Dollars per Annum would answer my Purpose but I cannot submit to
any subordinate Station and higher ones are generally Objects of much
Competition. There is a Bill now before the Senate for opening a land
Office It contemplates a Surveyor Genl. I have not heard what Salary
he is to have. I am informed that Ellicot will be appointed to run the
Line between Spain & the U. S. viz the boundary of Florida. The Sur
veyor Genl. ought to be fully acquainted with Geometry. I think I
should not greatly overrate my Abilities in supposing that on the meer
Question of Capacity to execute the Office I should not have many Rivals.
I should not refuse the Place if it was offered and presume you could
with a safe Conscience before the President has fixed on any Person,
intimate that I might be considered capable of executing such an Office.
I know that if the Salary is respectable Members from the several States
will be pressing the Interest of some of their Constituents. The North
Carolina Members are I believe without exception desirous to do any
thing that in their Opinion would be profitable or acceptable to me, but as
they are at present every one in Opposition to the Measures of Govt
I know they would not willingly ask favours. Wherefore I have never
intimated to any one of them that I would accept of any Employment.
If the President, when the Object is simply presented to his View, does
not make the appointmt. he ought not to be solicited, but as he probably
may never have heard that Geometrical Calculations had formed part
of my Study, you probably will have no Objection to mention to him
what You take to be the general Opinion on this Head.
"I find people here very anxious concerning the Determination of
Congress on the Subject of Treaty appropriations.
"I have no pretentions to Prophecy but believing that things will
happen as they usually have happened and having read from History to
be informed how they have evented, I am under strong Impressions that
if French Obstinacy or Pride of conquest produces another Campaign the
Republican Governmt. of that Country will be in great Danger. French
Arms have uniformly proved unfortunate across the Rhine.
"I am Dr sir with great Respect
"Your obedt. hble. Servt.
"Hu WILLIAMSON."
1796-1797] of James Me Henry 179
' ' Susquehanah Ferry
"March 21st 1796.
"Dear Sir.
"Your friendly letter has found me at Mrs. Rodger's, at
a distance from my Family, excessively fatigued and somewhat
indisposed ; and you will of course perceive that I ought not
to determine conclusively on the subject of it until I reach
Annapolis, for which place I am under the necessity of setting
out Tomorrow.
"I will, however, state to you my private Impressions;
and hope that a definite Answer may be dispensed with for a
few Days.
"The Veneration and Attachment I have always felt for
the President of the United States can hardly admit of addi
tion ; but I confess to you that I have never experienced any
gratification superior to that which results from this flattering
Proof of his Confidence. Without Expectations of any Sort
from the Federal Government I had not for a Moment turned
my views to any appointment under it; but I have felt an
uniform Anxiety to obtain the good opinion of the President
as a valuable Testimony that I have not lived in vain. Your
Letter, affords me this Testimony in a Way so honorable to
myself that I cannot express to you the pleasure it affords me.
"My inclinations lead me to avail myself, immediately,
of the Presidents favourable Intentions — and I believe it to
be my Interest to do so. If I should decide finally, at this
Time, I should undoubtedly declare my ready Acquiescence.
But as the Acceptance of this Trust might, and certainly
would, materially change my future Prospects, and, during
a considerable period, suspend my professional pursuits, it
will be prudent to reflect a little on its Consequences before I
act definitely. I shall not require more than four or five days
for this purpose and will communicate the Result by Express.
' ' I cannot avoid expressing the grateful sense I feel of the
Interest you are good enough to take in my concerns.
"You may be assured that I shall not easily lose the Re
membrance of it and that I shall seek opportunities of mani
festing the Value I place upon your Friendship.
"I am, Dr Sir, with sincere Esteem
"V. Obedt Servt.
"WM. PlNKNEY."
180 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
On the side of his naval duties, 1 McHenry 's chief care
was the superintendence of the disgraceful task of building
the frigate which the country gave the Dey of Algiers and
which Pickering, on August 11, recommended to be built at
Portsmouth, as it could be completed there in twelve months,
while it would take sixteen months in New York. The "ma
terials must be durable, or we shall, in a few years, have to
build another frigate for the same use. ' ' McHenry was slight
ly uncertain at .first, whether he or Pickering should built it,
though he thought it fell in his province and wrote Washing
ton who was at Mt. Vernon on July 7, asking 2 about it.
Twice, on July 8, Pickering wrote McHenry on the general
plan of the ship :
"I have conversed with Mr. Wolcott: We are both of"
opinion that the first step towards building the frigate, is to
send Mr. Fox to the different Navy Yards, to take an account
of the timber, and to converse with the principal builders, to
see on what terms & within what time they will, any of them,
undertake to have her completed. We think it ineligible and
fruitless to advertise for a contract. The explanation which
Mr. Fox can give to the master builders,, will enable them
to state their terms, which he will bring back with him, & then
a choice may be made. I am convinced that it will be in vain
to seek a substitute for Mr. Fox : & I beg you to decide thereon
that his instructions may be prepared to enable him to start,
by farthest on Monday."
' ' In answer to your enquiries relative to the dimensions of
the frigate for the Mediterranean service, I have to inform
you, that she is to carry 36 guns, of which 24 are to be nine
pounders, and the other twelve six pounders. On these
grounds, I desired Mr. Humphreys to calculate the proper
dimensions of the hulk, and to make a draught of the same.
The draught I presume Mr. Fox has completed, in which the
dimensions must be accurately stated. Independently of
which however, Mr. Humphreys made the inclosed statement :
but if it varies from the draught (for it was written you will
see on the 29th of June, when the draught was only begun)
the latter must be the guide. Her masts, spars, sails and cor
dage may be calculated after Mr. Fox 's return, as well as the
1 On February 21, 1797, he suggested to Hamilton the establish
ment of a permanent navy yard, and enclosed a draft of his departmental
report in which he tried not to censure his predecessors.
2 Wolcott also wrote Washington on the 7th, asking whether he,
McHenry, or Pickering should superintend the building. Sparks, xi, 147.
1796-1797] of James McHenry 181
anchors and all her other equipments. The guns, powder &
shot, you will perceive by the inclosed letter & estimate of Mr.
Hodgdon, are on hand. The guns, however, ought to be criti*
cally examined, and proved: they ought also, I think, to be
uniform; and if those we have are not so, it may be best to
cast a new set at Cecil furnace, and to have them turned (to
take off the most considerable roughness at least) while they
are boring. ' ' 1
Washington answered2 McHenry 's note on the 13th,
expressing his surprise and displeasure that the frigate had
not already been begun, but not answering McHenry 's question
and saying, ' ' Let me, in a friendly way, impress the following
maxims upon the Executive Officers. In all important mat
ters, to deliberate maturely, but to execute promptly and vig
orously, and not to put things off until the morrow which can
be done and require to be done today. Without an adherence
to these rules, business will never be well done, or done in an
easy manner, but will always be in arrear; with one thing
treading upon the heels of another." Five days later,3 he
wrote again, stating that he approved McHenry 's plans for
the frigate and directing him to sell all timber and plank
owned by the government and not needed for the building of
the Algerine frigate or the three which were to be constructed
for our own navy. 4
On July 12, McHenry ordered Josiah Fox to inspect the
1 Cecil furnace was probably that at Principio, in Cecil county,
Maryland. Another letter of Pickering is as follows :
"Department of State July 14, 1796.
"Sir,
"The following are the articles about the procuring of which it is de
sirable that Mr. Fox may make enquiry, as to the places where, and the
terms on which they can be obtained.
"60 masts, 90 feet long, 3.2 inches diameter; 110 spars, 80 feet long,
20 inches diameter; 1500 pine planks)
1500 oak planks) 44 feet long, 6 inches thick, 200
pieces of pine scantling.
"I suppose pine planks should be hard pine. No breadth is mentioned
In the stipulation for planks, nor any dimensions for the pine scantling.
The oak planks should doubtless be of white oak. It may be practicable
to procure some of the spars, plank and scantling without delay ; and
it Is much to be desired that at least one ship load may be obtained to
be sent to their destination the ensuing autumn. If some of the planks
were shorter and some longer, so as to average 44 feet in length, I
should imagine the purpose would be answered.
"Your obt. servt.
"T. PICKERING"
2 Sparks, xi, 146.
3 Ford, xiii, 246.
4 Three frigates formerly planned had been discontinued by a re
cent act of congress. Six frigates were ordered to be built against the
Algerines by act of March 27, 1794,
182 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
navy yards and on September 13, tke specifications for can
nons for the frigates were issued. 1
When McHenry came to the department of war he found
the army organized in a legion composed of the three branches
of the service.
McHenry 's first report was made to a senate committee
on March 14. He advised against reducing the military force
of the United States, placing the necessity of a military estab
lishment on the following grounds: It enables us to repel
insult and invasion and maintain our dignity, it counteracts
the influence of the British and Spanish armies in exciting
Indian hostilities, it serves as a model or school for an army
and furnishes experienced officers to form one in case of war,
and it supplements the inadequacy of the militia. The diffi
culty is to avoid useless expense and yet secure these advan
tages. The British and Spanish forces in North America are
probably greater than ours and are not likely to be contracted
on the evacuation of the posts, for England will not wish to
lessen her influence over the Indians and will try to preserve
the influence and safety of Canada, where she finds a link in
the great chain of her dependencies, especially important in
respect to the West Indies, while Spain has even stronger rea
sons, for the new treaty will bring our citizens near her posses
sions. He thought there was no need of a judge advocate at
present and that, probably, there could be no saving in the
quartermaster's department, for the expenses of transport to
the Western posts will be great, whether by land or water.
On May 30, 1796, a law was passed changing the organi
zation of the army into one of four regiments of infantry, a
troop of dragoons, and a battery of artillery. This reorgani
zation was clearly a result of McHenry 's suggestion, as Wash
ington's letter of July 1st to him shows. 2 The arsenal at
Harper's Ferry had been begun. 3
1 State Papers, Milit. Aft., i, 114. Naval Aff., 44, 54.
2 Sparks, xi, 132 ; Ford, xiii, 222.
3 Mount Vernon 16th Oct 1797.
Dear Sir,
Your favour of the 2d instant, came duly to hand. For the perusal of
the enclosure I thank you. It is returned.
We heard with much concern, but long after the thing had hap
pened, of the accident which befel your son. we hope he is perfectly re
covered from the fall, and you from your bilious attack.
Having no news to entertain you with, and could only fill a letter
with the perplexities I experienced daily from workmen, and other oc
currences of little moment to any besides myself, I shall conclude this
letter with best respects — in which Mrs. Washington and Nelly Custis
nons for the frigates were issued. 23
1796-1797] of James McHenry 183
During the summer, charges were laid against General
Wayne, the head of the army, by General James Wilkinson.
Washington, in his letter of July 1, directed McHenry to
obtain the opinion of the other heads of departments as to the
proper course for him to pursue. He doubts whether a court
martial can be called. In any case, he thinks Wayne should
have a copy of all the charges made against him, and Wilkin
son should be furloughed. For advice as to what should be
done in reference to these charges, McHenry wrote to Hamil
ton, Chase, Murray, and Charles Lee, the attorney general,
from all of whom he received replies. Hamilton, on July 15,
answered that the president might order a general court mar
tial, but it would be preferable for him to examine into the
charges as commander in chief and displace Wayne, as holding
his commission "during pleasure," if he found him guilty,
Chase, in an extra judicial opinion, on July 22, held that
Wayne might ask for a court of inquiry, or be tried by a court
martial. Murray, on August 6, held that there could be no
court martial of the commanding general and seemed to think
there was no legal method of action. l Lee, on November 22,
not yet having seen the charges, wrote that either a court of
inquiry or a court martial could be held. Before any steps
could be taken, however, Wayne 's death, on December 15, put
an end to the controversy.
unite — to Mrs. McHenry and yourself — and with assurances of being
Dear Sir
Your Affecte friend
Go. WASHINGTON.
P. S. My mind during the last days of my remaining in Philadelphia was
so much occupied with public & private concerns taat I always forgot,
when I was in your company, to enquire whether Mr. Lear had accounted
to the War Office for the money he had received to purchase the site for
the Arsenal on Potomac. As I was, in some measure the cause of his
Agency in that business, I wish to know whether it is settled to your
satisfaction.
Be so good as to send the letter for Mr. Dandridge to his lodgings
if he has not sailed, or left the City.
Private Tuesday llth. Jan. 1797.
Dear Sir,
I shall have occasion to write to Mr. Lear by tomorrow's Post, and
would thank you to let me know (in a summary way) what money he has
drawn on acct. of the Arsenal on the Potomack ; and what report he has
made to the War Office of his proceedings in that business ; for I shall
take an occasion (as from myself) to ask him what has been done
therein Yours always
Go. WASHINGTON.
McHenry answered this letter.
1 "Upon the point which you told me to write an opinion on (W's
trial) I can collect nothing but from unaided reflexion for I have no books
at command in which I could find Precedents — if I had you (know) I
would search with — pleasure & alacrity." See "Army and Navy Journal,"
xlii, 195.
184 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
How well McHenry succeeded in smoothing over difficul
ties between officers and how tactful he was in so doing, may
be seen from the letter he addressed Captain Decius Wads-
worth, on July 1, in response to a letter from the captain ask
ing that papers making charges against him be sent him.
"I well know, having often witnessed the struggles of
high minded men in the course of that obedience which mili
tary subordination exacts, how difficult it is to bear with the
neglects and sometimes rude ignorance of superior rank, or
to suppress the idea of revenge for matters which torture the
soul without their coming under the description of noticeable
insult. These are among the incidental evils of a military life,
which to support, requires magnanimity, joined to patience,
which looks forward for better things, while it submits to what
it cannot avoid. It is in the service, we expect to find an
honor that shrinks from every thing mean and, at the same
time, a respect to rank and strict conformity to the right
principles of subordination, without which an army must soon
become one huge mass of discontent and sedition. If men of
sense, on such occasions, will not give up every consideration
but their honor, if they will not make sacrifices of feelings for
the sake of their country, I must relinquish the idea of being
useful to the corps, but I trust, without fear of being disap
pointed, upon receiving assistance of men of your under
standing to calm the spirits which have been excited, to re
store the harmony which has been disturbed, and save the
corps from dissolution. Relying on your cooperation in these
particulars, you will at once perceive that it will be best that
the request which you have made me for a copy of Col. Roche-
f ontaine 's defence should not be urged. It is a writing, com
posed when the Colonel's sensibilities were high, and if it
includes any observation to which you could take exception,
consider that it is not intended for publication, that it can not
escape from my keeping, and, above all, that it contains noth
ing which has produced any change in the good opinion I had
formed of your understanding and honor."
With Washington, the secretary's relations were pleasant
and even in rebuke the chief was thoughtful and considerate.
When Lafayette's son came to Philadelphia, Washington wrote
McHenry on April llr 1796.
"Dear Sir
"Young Fayette and his friend are with me. Come &
1796-1797] of James McHenry 185
dine with them to day at 3 o'clock if you are not otherwise
engaged
"Yours always
"Go. WASHINGTON."
When Washington 1 wrote his official letter of July 1,
previously referred to, he also wrote a personal letter which
follows :
"By the Post, rather than by the Express, you will re
ceive my Official letter, and its Enclosures. For the differ
ence of a few hours, in a case that is not urgent, I would have
you avoid sending an Express to me. The latter does not
travel faster than the mail; of course there cannot (unless
Sunday intervenes) be more, in any case (supposing an occa
sion to arise in one hour after the mail was closed) than the
difference of 48 hours in the receipt of the dispatches; as I
send regularly, every Post day, to Alexandria for my letters.
Your Express came in yesterday at 5 o'clock in the afternoon,
and if you had sent the letters by the mail of Wednesday, they
would have been here at 9 o'clock this afternoon, a difference
of 28 hours only.
' ' The information brot. by Captn Lewis is very pleasing ;
and I hope the orders on both sides will go smoothly into
effect: but the Aurora will have doubts, that all is not well,
notwithstanding. This, however, is a matter of course; for
the Executive Acts must be arraigned.
"I hope you have got perfectly recovered, and that Mrs.
McHenry and the rest of your family are well also.
"When I left Philadelphia, it was expected that Mr. &
Mrs. Liston (and from their own declaration) was to follow,
on a visit to this place, in ten days ; an interval of a few days
— and then the Chevr. de Freire & Lady were to follow them ;
and altho' Mr. Adet gave me (tho' asked) no assurance that
he would make me a visit, yet to Mr. Fayette he said he should
set out in ten days — since which I have heard nothing from,
1 "Return the enclosed as soon as Mr Ross (under strong injunc
tions) has read it. Never put papers, improper to be sent, under a cover
sealed with a wafer — at any time, but especially when wet. the contents
may be seen and the cover closed again without suspicion, or appearance
of being opened.
«G W N"
This note is thus docketed :
"This enclosed the information given by Mr Wolcott respecting [Col-
lot Waren] &c — which I communicated to Mr Ross
"4 June 179«
"J McH"
186 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
or of any of them, which occasions suspence, that impede other
arrangements.
' ' If you could, therefore, indirectly, or at least informally,
ascertain whether and when, I am to receive these visits, I
should be obliged to you; as it wrould enable me to regulate
some other matters which depend thereon.
"With sincere esteem & regard
"I am — Dear Sir
"Yr. Affectionate
"Go. WASHINGTON
"Friday
"7 oclock in the morng.
"Have you allotted any Infantry for the Posts of Oswego &
Niagara ? How many, & when will they be there ? ' '
On July 5, McIIenry writes that the Chevalier Le Freire
and Listen will soon start to visit Washington, at Mount Ver-
non, but that he has no news as to Adet. 1 Two days later, he
writes that Chevalier Freire will not come, as his wife thinks it
is too hot for the journey. McHenry himself was somewhat un
well at the time and shortly afterwards writes that he has heard
a rumor that Washington had been thrown from his phaeton,
and is glad it is false. "I know not what new sacrifices we
may yet have to require of you. The world grows older and
republics occupy more and more of its surface but I do not
find that it becomes better. ' ' Washington seems to have been
quite offended at the rumor of his injury and replied on July
18.
"18th. July 96.
"Private
"Dear Sir,
' ' I have not sagacity enough to discover what end was to
be answered by reporting — first, that I was to be in Phila
delphia on the 4th July and secondly, when that report was
contradicted by my non-appearance, then to account for it
by a fall from my Phaeton.
' ' If any scheme could have originated, or been facilitated
by these, or any other reports, however unfounded, I should
not have been surprised at the propagation of them ; for evi
dence enough has been^given that truth or falsehood is equally
1 On July 11, Washington wrote (Ford, xiii, 214) that he invited
Adet, as cordially as he did the others, and trusts that McHenry will re
peat to him the invitation. Listen was the British minister.
1796-179?] of James McHenry 187
•used, and indifferent to that class of men, if their object can
be obtained.
' ' I wish you well & am always your
' ' Affectionate
"GO. WASHINGTON."1
As early as August, "Washington began to consider the
framing of his message to congress 2 and wrote McHenry on
the 8th.
''Dear Sir,
"Your private letter of the 3d. instant, accompanying
the Official one of the same date, came to hand by the last
Post. The draught of the letter to the Governor of Georgia
is approved. I have added a word or two to the last para
graph but one — by way of hint, where we shall look for the
cause, if Peace is not preserved on the frontier of that State.
"I request that you would begin to note the occurrences
that have happened in the War Department (since the ad
journment of Congress) which will require to be communi
cated to that body in the Speech, or by messages, at the next
Session. It is from the materials furnished by each Depart
ment, and the Memorandums taken by myself, that the first is
framed; and it will be an omission, not to commit these to
writing in the moment they occur; it being much easier to
select, than to collect matter, for these purposes, when the
hour arrives for digesting them into form. If other things
(although they may be extraneous to your department) should
occur let them be noted also. It is better to have them in all
than to escape all the Memorandums I shall be furnished with.
"I am always & sincerely
"Your Affectionate
"Go. WASHINGTON."
Relations with France were growing more strained. On
1 Private Mount Vernon 1st. Augt. 1796.
Dear Sir,
This letter will be presented to you by Mr. Dandridge, who has
rejoined my family and proceeds to Philadelphia in order to facilitate the
recording of my loose flies.
As he left my family a little suddenly I thought it necessary to men
tion this matter to you, lest that circumstance should be ascribed to un
worthy motives none of which I have to charge him with ; as I always
had and still have a high opinion of his honor and integrity.
I am your sincere friend
and affectionate Servt.
Go. WASHINGTON.
2 Mount Vernon 19th. Oct. 1796.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 14th. came duly to hand. On the contents of the
188 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
June 1, Hamilton wrote l telling McHenry that he writes to
him rather than Adams or Pickering, as his information is not'
official, but that he hears that the Directory complain of
Parish, the American consul at Hamburg, and adds : ' ' We
must not quarrel with France for pins and needles. Tis a
case for temporizing, reserving our firmness for great and
necessary occasions." Monroe was not satisfactory as our
minister at Paris and, on June 15, Hamilton wrote Wolcott:
" After turning the thing over and over in my mind, I know
of nothing better that you have in your power than to send
McHenry. He is not yet obnoxious to the French, and has
been understood, formerly, to have had some kindness towards
them. His present office would give a sort of importance to
the mission. If he should not incline to an absolute relin-
quishment, his mission might be temporary, and Col. Pickering
could carry on his office in his absence. He is at hand and
might depart immediately; and I believe he would explain
very well and do no foolish thing. ' ' 2
On July 2, Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry united in
recommending to Washington Monroe's recall. Washington
answered McHenry on the 8th:
"Dear Sir;
' ' Having written a great many letters for this day 's Post,
and being a good deal fatigued thereby and with the heat of
the weather, I shall do no more at present, than to inform you
that your letters of the 2d. and 3d. instant with the enclosures
of the first came perfectly safe, and that my letter to the
Secretary of State of this date, will inform you confidentially
of my decision with respect to the recall of Colo. Monroe and
the measures which I am pursuing to provide a Successor
"I am sorry to hear you have been [unjwell, and glad to
enclosure I shall make no comments 'till I see you ; — which, probably,
will be on, or about, the first part of next month.
Let me remind you of what I have before requested — namely, — to
have noted against my arrival, all those things which will be fit and proper
subjects for my communication to Congress (in the Speech) at the
opening of the session ; that I may have time to consider and digest such
of them as are proper for that occasion, before the meeting of it.
I, am always and sincerely
Your affectionate
GEORGE WASHINGTON
1 Hamilton, vi, 127. Lodge's Hamilton, x, 171.
2 Gibbs, i, 359.
1796-1797] of James McHenry 189
hear you are better. Keep so — one well day is worth a dozen
sick ones
"I Am
"Yours always
"Go. WASHINGTON"
Hamilton wrote McHenry on July 15, "Have you de
vised any means of ensuring an explanation to the French
Government ? If it be not done and anything amiss happens,
I don 't know what will befall you all. ' ' On news of Monroe 's
recall, France at once suspended her embassy to the United
States, summoning Adet to return.
Murray wrote, on August 29, concerning the recall of
Monroe :
' ' The executive may be abused, as no doubt they will be
by the Jacobins, on the Eecall of Monroe, but the measure is
perfectly proper. Surely unless there was perfect confidence
in a co-operation from a foreign minister in the systems &
designs of his government well known & openly manifested,
that minister can be no longer a fit instrument of the country 's
affairs. Now, in this case, there can hardly be a doubt that
there was no co-operation in the part of the system lately ex
hibited, the Treaty. A new minister will be able to conciliate
this late event, with explanation, with the duties the U. S. owe
as an ally to France. This, it may be suspected, has not been
M. inclination & conduct — yet considering the pains taken
in this country by our precious fellows to misrepresent the
temper of Govt. towards France & stir up her indignation,
it wd. appear as a measure of prime consequence to have a
man who would counteract, not increase these impressions.
I do rejoice at the measure — one of the Pinkneys is a man
of capital parts it is said. I only hope it may not be the anti
Treaty spouter. I doubt not, however, it is the Mr. P. of
whose genius & learning I have heard much — & who will
be an ornament to the corps. You will be brilliant as well
as strong in the foreign corps. I had hoped that Ames would
have been the man, if a move took place & was yet aware of
the obstacle in his seat."
On November 22, 1796, Murray wrote again from Cam
bridge, Md. :
"To day I received yours of the 12th. and, after some
recollection, have been able to get the paper containing the
190 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
address of the French Directory, (not embassador, as I be
lieve I had it) to the Spanish nation &c. This is better than
I had imagined. Yes I have seen, & twice or thrice read,
the answer to Adet — and I & others too believe it to be yours
— & I can assure you it gives pleasure — concise, clear — firm
& temperately retortive. It is the first opening of the present
administration on great ground with foreign nations that has
been published. I was very much pleased to hear from Ship-
pen that it was supposed to be yours — as it proved my pen
etration. If all the Union were as we are here and for Fifty
miles on each side, you might utter strong things to the citi
zen & his treacherous directory. My fears are unaffected
about the views of France upon us. Canada, Nova Scotia,
Newfoundland, & the Floridas Hers, a disorganised public
mind within the union ! where are we ? Fisheries — posts —
& a mighty influence more powerful than armies in the very
bosom of the Union ! Yet do I believe that, in a crisis,
the PEOPLE so well understand her & their own good that
they would follow their Govt. "
Hugh Williamson wrote on the same subject from Phila
delphia on the 21st of November, after the publication of a
letter from Adet attacking the administration.
"I have noted writh Indignation, I had almost said with
Surprise, the Manifesto of Mr. Adet published this Morning,
for there are some Points of extravagance to which the wildest
Citoyen francais could hardly be expected to attain. I am
aware that Mr. Pickering cannot return an Answer to a dead
or sleeping Minister and yet I have Reasons for thinking that
a solid and speedy answer to this Manifesto would have most
salutory Effect on the public Mind. Though an official an
swer cannot come out, any Citizen has a right, at this Hour,
to publish his Remarks on that Insult on the rights of an in
dependent nation, who ought not, it seems ever to make a
Treaty with Pirates without consulting France. Clear solid
and conclusive answers have been given by Jefferson and
others to most of the acts complained of in this long address
to the Passions of the People, but those answers are detached
and in few hands. A<- clear and general answer, conclusive
to every mind, as was Mr. Pickering's last Note to the French
Minister, is now wanted. Such a piece, if published, might
1796-1797] of James McHejiry 191
soon be circulated with equal speed and universality to that
with which the Manifesto is now propagated.
' ' I have strong and some very particular Reasons for say
ing that such a Publication as I have been describing is greatly
needed & cannot fail of having salutary Effects on the Minds
of People in the southern & Western Part of the Union. I
confide that some of you who have every necessary Informa
tion on the Subject will give dispatch to this, as I believe,
necessary work."
On January 25, 1797, Isaac McKim, a Baltimore mer
chant, wrote McIIenry from Philadelphia regarding the vex
atious conduct of the French in the West Indies in seizing
our merchantmen:
"Having lately arrived from the city of Cape Francois
in Saint Domingo, I beg leave to inform you some intelli
gence of a private nature which I heard during my stay
there, viz. that between the 6th & 12th day of December last,
being in company with a Mr Labigar, a merchant of the Cape,
he informed me that he had heard the Commissary Sothonax
declare that, if Mr. Jefferson was elected president of the
United States, he would annul all those decrees lately passed,
so injurious to the American Commerce, but if Mr. Adams was
elected President they should all be continued in force, as
also on the 23d day of Deer, last, I was informed by Mr
Carriere that he had heard one of the officers of Government
say that the French minister Adet wrote out to them that
they could not possibly treat the Americans too bad, this in
telligence I believe was received by a French gentleman who
came passenger with Captain Decosta from this place, and
brought dispatches from the French minister here to the Di
rectory, Capt. Decosta left Philadelphia about the 20th No
vember & arrived in Cape Francois on the 8th of December.
It was not believed in Cape Francois that the island Directory
condemned our vessels & property by orders received from
France, but had done it from seeing the decree issued by
the National Directory, respecting the treatment of neutral
powers, and which decree they received by the schooner, Gen
eral Green, who arrived from here about the 5th of Novem
ber. Previous to this vessel's arrival, we had been assured
by the Directory that all our vessels should be restored, pro
vided we had no contraband articles on board, and a decree
had been passed forbidding the privateers of the Republic to
192 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
capture any more of our vessels, and their conduct in other
respects to the Americans was friendly — the correspondence
between the Secretary of State and the French Minister here,
arriving shortly after the schooner Genl. Green by the Brig
Abigail of New York, there was an immediate change took
place in the conduct of the Directory towards the Captured
vessels and those daily arriving from the Continent, by the
cargos of those vessels arrived, being put in requisition for
the Republic, and if the owner of them refused selling them
to the Administration, the cargo was taken by force for the
use of the Republic. I left Cape Francois on the 24th of
December, at which time their cruisers was daily sending in
our vessels, either from or bound to English ports, and there
had been no instance of any of the vessels under these cir
cumstances being cleared."
On the same subject Pickering wrote McIIenry on Feb
ruary 2, 1797:
' ' I showed you Mr. Swan 's letter to Gen. Smith, in which
the former would have it understood that the conduct of
Santhonax and the other agents of the French Governments
have not determined on their late depredations on American
Commerce in consequence of any orders or letters from M.
Adet, and that he has no communications from France that
authorize the conduct now followed there, and that he (M.
Adet) believes that it can never have entered into the 'Heads
of power' (by which it must be presumed he means the Direc
tory in f ranee) to make such a regulation.
''Without enquiring whether Mr. Swan's statement is or
is not correct, I will just remark, that the first captures made
of American vessels by order of Victor Hugues for having
Horses and other contraband articles on board, are expressly
grounded, by that 'Special Agent' of the French Directory,
on the advices he had received from M. Adet, under the date
of the Messidor or 2nd. of July last, and that twelve days
after (July 14th.) M. Adet, in answer to a number of ques
tions I had proposed to him relative to any new orders which
might have been issued by the French Government, or any
branch of it for capturing American Vessels, professed en
tire ignorance on the subject.
"I will further inform you that the capturing of Ameri
can Vessels going to or from British ports is not confined (as
1796-1797] of James McHenry 193
M. Adet seems inclined to have us believe) to the West Indies;
the same Game is playing in Europe : and not against Amer
icans only: for the French Privateers, beside two of these,
had captured three Swedes and two Danes and carried them
into Spain, or the Spanish port of Ceuta on the Barbary
Coast and the French Consul at Cadiz avowed his determina
tion to condemn all neutral vessels going to or coming from
ports of any of the enemies of France; adding that he had
authority so to do. Such was the State of things agreeable to
my latest information from Spain.
"Thusmuch I thought it would be agreeable to you to
know after Swan 's letter to General Smith. ' '
Meanwhile Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, who had been
appointed to succeed Monroe, arrived in Paris on December
3, and presented his credentials on the 12th. He was soon
notified that no minister could be received from the United
States. Monroe was still in Paris, of which place he took
public leave on December 30. Pinckney remained over a
month longer, but, in February, was told to leave France.
News of this insult did not come to the United States until
after the close of "Washington's presidency.
Washington had made up his mind to decline a third
term and on this matter McHenry wrote him from Phila
delphia on September 25 : "I thought best to wait till I could
ascertain the full expression of the public sentiment, before
I should comply with your request, to tell you all and conceal
nothing from you. Your address, on the first day of its pub
lication, drew from the friends of the government through
every part of the city, the strongest expressions of sensibility.
I am well assured that many tears were shed on the occasion
and propositions made, in various companies, for soliciting your
consent to serve another term, which were afterwards dropped,
on reflecting that nothing short of a very solemn crisis could
possibly lead to a change of your determination. The ene
mies of the government, upon their part, discovered a sullen-
ness, silence, and uneasiness that marked a considerable por
tion of chagreen and alarm, at the impression which it was cal
culated to make on the public mind.
' ' Such have been the 1st . effects of an address which still
continues to be a subject of melancholy conversation and re
gret, and I think I may safely add that, what has been ex
hibited here, will be found to be a transcript of the general
194 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
expression of the people of the United States. I sincerely
believe that no nation ever felt a more ardent attachment to
its chief and 'tis certain that history cannot furnish an ex
ample, such as you have given. The men who have relin
quished sovereign power have done it under circumstances
which tarnished more or less the glory of the act, but in the
present case, there is no circumstance which does not serve
to augment it."
There had been much interest in the question as to who
would be president, if Washington should refuse a third term.
The bitter opposition aroused to him by the Jay treaty had
not shaken his position with the mass of the people. From
Baltimore, James "Winchester wrote 1 McHenry on April 22,
1796. He had thought the treaty a "bad one," but has nn
doubt that "the Legislature possesses, neither expressly or in
cidentally, any authority to give effect to or oppose the opera
tion of treaties." In the city, great alarm had been occa
sioned by the "disorganizing system" of the opposition and
General Samuel Smith, who had opposed the treaty in the
house of representatives and who represented the Baltimore
district, was made conscious that his conduct opposed the
sense of his constituents and that his popularity received a
severe blow. Instructions to him to vote for the treaty were
circulated, which instructions contained "strong indirect cen
sure of his past conduct. ' ' He came to Baltimore and exerted
himself to have them suppressed. Failing in this, he "set
on foot a counter instruction (if I may so call it) expressing
approbation of his conduct and reliance on his prudence,
judgement, and integrity." It would not have done to have
proposed an address against carrying the treaty into effect.
Twenty signers could not have been obtained. "Washington
and peace" was "the exclamation in every Circle and in every
street of the Town." The prospect of defeating Smith, if
he should stand for re-election, was a good one. Winchester
or Howard was talked of for his opponent and, as Winchester
found his professional engagements rendered it impossible to
engage in any representative office, Howard would probably
be chosen.
After congress had ratified the treaty, made the neces
sary appropriations, and adjourned on June 24, Murray wrote
1 In a second letter dated May 1, Winchester stated that public
feeling ran still higher against Smith.
1796-1797] of James McHenry 195
from Cambridge that he longed for news, would retire from
congress at the end of the term and found that the Eastern
Shore of Maryland "had been more agitated on the late crisis
than I expected." "Delaware was in a perfect ferment and
are yet so at their member, Mr. Patton. Young Bayard, a
fine young man of parts, and the right sort of parts well
directed, will succeed him."
Three days later, Murray wrote again of his own pros
pects, of his wife's health, and of the capture of a merchant
man by a French privateer.
"27. June 96. Cambridge.
"My dear Sir,
"My best friend is better and, to keep her so, I have in
dulged her not in a sea voyage, wh. she declines, but in bar
gaining for the most beautiful farm in this shore. It is about
a mile from the village lower down & upon the river — it
stands with an elevation & boldness & variety of view worthy
of a better country — & will be, I am certain, healthy. It
contains 150 acres — 40 of wh. are woods — in these woods
I shall soon give the raccoons & squirrel 'notice to quit,'
that I may burn brick to advantage on the spot for the foun
dation of a small neat house. The lady who owns it is at
George Town &, by the Packet of this morning, Col. Harrison,
who is her friend here, writes that he has accepted my terms
of purchase — which is 800 £ at two equal payments by quar
terly instalments. By next April, I shall be there — I should
have been mortify 'd, had you not missed me very much —
yet well do I know soon the water closes upon the oar — how
soon in such a city so throng elegant and various a man 's space
is occupy 'd. I have felt that myself in London & without
blame — for I was acted upon naturally by the genius of the
place — & when I left it the thought struck upon my heart, as
if it had been new, that in that great place where I had never
missed any one, in two weeks' time, I too should not be
missed — but so it is. A large city is a bad scene to illustrate
any state of Constancy in.
"We had heard of the capture — at first that it was a
clear violation — that the eaptn went out of the city to take
the ship, knowing her destination & that she was genuine
American property — but since we heard that the captors
knew that she belonged to Mr Dunkinson, a british subject,
— my remark to others is that it is to be expected that the
196 Life and Correspondence [CHAP. XI
French Jacobin faction in this country will, if possible, induce
the french government to wink at such acts, as some indemni
fication for our having adopted our real independence in the
Treaty — wh. is my real fear. This idea struck me too in
hearing of this capture. The U. S. will not vindicate the
rights of citizenship acquired by british subjects, since the
peace by their acts of naturalizn — because the british say these
persons are still british subjects, now if the French take the
vessels or property of such trading firms residing in this coun
try, & we should complain of this as a wrong done to our citi
zens, they will say, no — we take the property of british sub
jects, not of American citizens — not regarding their rights
as neutral burghers as is done by every nation, as last war
those of ostend — St Thomas 's &c. "What could you say in
such a case ? could you allow the british to treat these persons
as subjects & yet insist on the French treating them as Amer
ican citizens ? I should not be surprised, if our patriots were
to adopt some mode of treating this case like that wh. I have
mentioned. ' '
Several times during the summer, Murray wrote. On
August 8, he said, "My declaration is public that I decline
to serve their majesties the people longer," and on the 21st
he answered one of McHenry's letters:
"I was so fortunate as to receive yours of the 13th to
day, inclosing a Minerva whom Jupiter serve in all her attri
butes. Except Fox's speech, the Minerva show'd herself to
be as dull as wise; for She attended to little more than that
lucrative walk of Literature vulgarly called advertisements.
"You know me too well not to give me credit for all due
sensibility towards you & Mr. "Wolcott for your kind wishes
respecting my future views & opinions on my past life. If
personal good falls on my shoulders I shall rejoice. If it
do not, I am only in the situation of an hundred worthier
men & I know that there are a great many who expect — &
not an abundance from which to gratify. I will confess my
weakness to you when I express a fear that, though I can not,
with any convenience, continue in Congress, my habits may
not have exactly fitted me to enjoy much in a very retired
life, without mental "enjoyment of a masculine & energetic
Kind. Of this, however, & other things, we will hold a con
versation in Deer., when you shall philosophise me into as
1796-1797] of James McHenry 197
real a love of Retirement as his worship Gil Bias felt when
Liberated from the Tower of Segovia & exiled from court.
Pray remember me cordially to Mr. Wolcott.
"Some time since I sent down an address to their majes
ties the people of Somerset & Worcester, on my declining to
serve — no candidate has yet been mentioned. We shall have
excellent & trusty Electors of a Presdt., the worst come to the
worst. It is said that the great Hindman has lately divided
a regiment in Queen Anne's & left his opponent in a small
minority. H. addressed them — he is an excellent man.
' ' I need not say that the people here are right & are deep
ly affected by the idea of the President 's declining or even the
chance of it. I wish he would terminate his great career by
handing the government to its permanent seat — it would be
a fine finish."
When the news of Washington 's declination of re-election
reached Murray, he wrote on September 9 :
"Of the President in future — It is in vain to lament
that the President will not longer serve at least till the war
is over. The timing of the exertions of the Fedd party seems
to me very important. This will come from you & Mr W.
& Col. P., for a party dispersed act without concert, unless
a rallying point is understood among them. I know the deli
cacy of such a proceeding, but a hint might I suppose be con
fidentially dropt to fit persons. However you will be the best
judge. I have mentioned Mr A [dams] as the man. our elec
tors from this shore, at least for three counties, will be good
men. Done, Eccleston, & Hemsley."
Later in the month, 1 he wrote again on the election,
stating that the Maryland senate was Federal.
"24. Sep 1796.
"My dear Sir.
' ' The address of the President I have seen from Annapo
lis. Though this important event had been familiarized to my
mind, Yet its actual happening affected me with a fear some
thing like that produced by an unlocked for evil. It is an
epocha in the affairs of America & will be a point for future
dates to be graduated by. Venerable man. The effect of his
piece has been immense, considering the tranquility of Vil
lage understandings. The men, who can think at all, feel &
1 September 24.
198 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
acknowledge the force of his advice & maxims. Could this
effect be rendered general, his retiring might prove a new
good to his country, as it has produced the public adoption
of those important truths that are essential to the U. S.
Truths which are felt with the strength of conviction of en
thusiasm, because they are delivered by that man in the situa
tion most affecting to his country & which I hope will pro
duce a death bed effect upon all. He may yet live to recall
us all to their value, perhaps in some day of distraction. This
is the only consolation the public mind can feel at such a
loss.
"Forrest writes me that if this Shore is right, Mr. A.
will lose not more than two, if those — an elector just from
Annapolis however tells me that a great many talk of Mr. J.
A man just from the Delaware says they talk of three there.
Mr A. Mr Jeff & Mr Jay. The first or last would do here.
But I understood that Mr A. was the man, if they divide
the friends of the Govt, the State of Virginia will again have
a President. ' '
In October, Murray writes twice, telling the good news
of Hindman's election to congress by the Federalists from
the upper district of the Eastern Shore, complaining of lack
of news and speaking of Jefferson's weakness in Dorchester
county.
"2d day of Election
"We just hear from Talbot that Hindman goes a head of
Wright 3 to 1. — fair speed the worthy member of the red
rose.
"Jefferson will be pushed in this State on the W. S. par
ticularly — but Mr. A. will, undoubtedly, have greatly the
majority — but J. ought not to get more than two, or he will
be elected. No Vice is yet mentioned here.
"Christie I hear certainly goes out & Matthews comes
in — a better member all hollow. Smith & Young Sprigg are
not opposed. T. S. declines & Bear runs against Ringold —
Crabb resigned & W. Dorsey a good man succeeds him. So
F. writes me from the City."
"9. Oct. 96. Cambridge.
"Hindman is elected — considering the State of parties,
this is an important thing. W. beat him 45. in Q. A. H.
1796-1797] of James McHenry 199
above him in Caroline 27. In Talbot 697. so we beat him
hollow. Christie I hear will be ousted too. This will be pleas
ant to you and Mr "Wolcott I know. One gentleman & only
one in this county is for Mr Jeffn. I know not how the re
port got about, but the answer is common, when his name
is mentioned, that he is in debt to the English largely. Of
the State of parties Eastd. or Southwd. I hear nothing — no
one hears of such things except at Philad. &, as I have no
correspondent there who ought to trust to a letter by post, I
am in the dark — indeed light would be of no service to me
nor to any one else if I had it — more than it could be to a
man confined in a hogshead. — the hogshead, for a hogshead,
might be light enough, but it could not extend its light far."
All the Federalists rejoiced that Gabriel Christie was de
feated in Baltimore and succeeded by Matthews, "a better
member all hollow." Hindman himself wrote McHenry after
the election:
"Bellfield Oct. 13th. 1796.
"My dear McHenry
"That I have been remiss in not writing you before,
I do admit, I have frequently determined it, & have been as
often prevented. I presume You have heard tne Issue of the
Election between Mr. Wright and Myself, I had a Majority
in the District of 672, & a Majority in Talbot & Caroline.
He was 45 Votes a Head in Queen Annes, where I am con
vinced He was fairly beaten, as one of his Men had the Ef
frontery to declare, that He had voted five times for Mr.
Wright under different Names. My Friend Mr. Edwd.
Wright voted for Me, the only One of that Name; this has
increased my Sollieitude for his obtaining some satisfactory
Office, & I must beg You not to forget Him. I am afraid
Messrs. Sedgwick & Goodhue's Successors are not Sound men
— & I Find We are on the Point of loosing that best of Men,
our amiable President, a Loss never to be repaired. I wish
not to anticipate Evil, I cannot however help dreading the
Consequence — God send us a Federal Successor. I sincerely
pray that little Swanwick may be overthrown. I lament much
that Murray declined; it is however said that almost every
Man in his District is Federal, if so, We must have a good
Man. Mr. Dennis, who was in the House of Delegates, I hear
200 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
in his Successor. I have not heard whether Christie l is re-
elected, I have been unwell for nearly four Weeks with the
bilious & Ague & Fever."
Yet the result of the presidential election was far from
certain and, practically, there was no unanimous decision a3
to whom the members of each party should support for vice
president. Williamson wrote from New York on October 20 :
"Yesterday I returned from the Eastern States, having
been about 200 miles beyond Boston. Nothing was talked
of six weeks ago, but the measures of placing federal Members
in the Place of those who voted against supporting the Treaty.
The New Englanders seem, on that head, to be nearly unani
mous.
"Who is to be our next President? has been the universal
Question, ever since the President's Resolution was published
of not serving again. I have, uniformly, ventured to predict
& have been ready to support my Opinion, in the true Eng
lish mode, by a bet — that John Adams will out poll Mr. Jef
ferson as 7 to 5 nearly and that he will be chosen by the Elec
tors. Great Pleasure has been expressed by many People on
bearing so clear & positive a prediction, and they have given,
as a Reason for the Pleasure they felt, that they conceived that
my very extensive acquaintance through the Country gave me
good means of forming a well founded Opinion. But there
are People who think different from me on the head of Ma
jorities. Col. Burr was in Boston when I left it & his In
formants, it seems, had induced him to conclude that the votes
would be nearly equal — and yet we both converse with the
World. How is it that, from the same Informant, we draw
different Conclusions? I have just heard of a strange Dis
pute between Greenleaf and Nicholson, but what is doing in
Philada., or in the Seat of American Govt., I have heard as
little as concerning the Govt. of Persia. I have only heard
of and seen the Presdts. Address."
Shortly afterwards, 2 Murray wrote that a Federal elector
would be chosen from his district. "In this county, I think
I never knew an election so much of principles. General
1 Theodore Sedgwick of ^-Connecticut and Benjamin Goodhue of Mas
sachusetts were elected to tfee federal senate. From Pennsylvania John
Swanwick was reelected. Gabriel Christie was representative from Mary
land from 1793 to 1797 and 1799 to 1801.
2 November 2.
1796-1797] of James McHenry 201
Eccleston (the Federal candidate) is obnoxious to about one
half the county and is to be opposed next year by them in a
sheriff's election, yet the language is, our choice is a party
question, not a personal matter — this, for a Southern election,
is a pleasing feature of the People's goodness." Murray
feared French aggression on neutral trade and asked, ''Who
is thought of for a Vice President?"
On the ninth, when the election was over, Murray wrote
again :
"I inclose you a Herald — our election closed this eve
ning The Jefferson candidate got one vote. The Adams can
didate 582 — no riots — noise or seduction. The farmers came
in without leaders to support government, they said, by vot
ing for a Fedl. man as Presdt. I assure you I never saw an
election before, in which real good sense appeared unmixed.
We do not know how the polls go in the other counties —
Eccleston wt. out doubt is elected.
"A foolish report circulates that the F. minister is or
dered by his govt. to leave U. S. instantly & that they offer
us the alternative of fighting them or the british. A wheat
job I suppose. Adet's letter to Col. Pickering is a curious
circumstance in diplomatic business I shd. think — pretty
much the Spargere Voces inter vulgus, in Genet's way of
appeal. I hope no answer will be given to it — public or pri
vate — whatever may be done on the subject of it. He wd.
love a newspaper dispute — so wd. Dallas, his counsel.
"I dare say I am very very troublesome to you — but
I ease myself — & must say or write — & I have more to say
to & you only to write to — & this is the season of fires wherein
my scrawl can be most conveniently deposited. ' '
As late as the 15th, however, Murray was uncertain of
the general result, and felt that no effort ought to be omitted.
Winchester wrote, a day later, that he believed Jefferson would
have but three electoral votes in Maryland and that he was
anxious for news from outside of the state. He was too
sanguine; on the 22nd, Murray wrote: "We shall be, to my
mortification, half and half, a punster would say quite drunk,
as we shall be 5 for A. and 5 for J."
Murray had been writing articles, signed Union, in the
newspapers in Adams's behalf and, in answer to McHenry 's
202 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
information in reference to the vice presidential candidate,
wrote :
" If it is thought best, Smith & others in Philad. ought to
take care & write to every seat of Govt. where the Electors
meet, to run Pinckney as Vice, that we may have two strings.
His Christian name too would be necessary — though I could
find it, yet I forget it.
"If you like unions & get a Georgetown paper & Ed
wards 's of B. you will find them there. I sent several — one
in E's (7 think signed Union) particularly on Mr. A's Dutch
Services & a little upon his book — the first I had an oppor
tunity in Holland of getting some ideas of that probably else
had not reached us — & I thought it important, in Speaking
of the man, to associate him with Revolution Services as most
unquestioned & most splendid & long past."
When the state legislature met at Annapolis, McHenry
sent Philip Key letters "covering the communications made
by Mr. Adet to our government" and Key answered from
Annapolis on November 28th, 1796 :
"I am obliged to you for your two letters covering the
communications made by Mr. Adet to our Government. Vio
lent men think them improper — and indeed all agree that
they contain untruths — & evidently shew a meddling — that
ought to be frowned out of countenance. He has lost all
character and irretrievably diminished that good will felt for
his Government & the people of France by most people here
— fortunately, however, his appeal is made at a time when
public opinion is too well matured for any injury to result
from such conduct. The answer of our Senate & the House
of Delegates to Govr. Stone's address (which I inclose you) has
an indirect alusion to Mr Adet's communication. Our Legis
lature has been very much employed in local matters — Colo.
Howard is appointed a successor to Mr. Potts resigned — in
the Senate of the U. States ; it's probable his place in our State
Senate will be filled by some character from Baltimore — &
McMechen is talked of."
Carroll of Carrollton on the 28th, still uncertain of th«
result of the presidential election, echoed the same sentiments
from Annapolis:
"I need not therefore tell you that Adet's note, assign-
1796-1797] qf James Me Henry 203
ing the reasons for suspending his functions, is not at all
relished with us. If Adet has reed, orders to resume his
functions, why not notify the orders to our Government?
does he wait for a reply to his last note, before he gives of
ficial notice of those orders? does our Govt mean to answer
his last note, wli Includes an appeal from The Governt. to the
People? We suspect that ye enemies of ye present admin
istration have Stimulated Adet to this measure, to have an
influence on the elections of electors of a Presdt. & Vice Presdt.
the timing of this note gives room for the conjecture.
"I hope the Legislature, in imitation of the Jersey As
sembly, will pass some resolves highly approving the Presdt 's.
address to the People, & perhaps some occasion may be taken,
besides the one already mentioned, of reprobating the interfer
ence of foreign Ministers with our Govt.
"I fear Jefferson will be elected Presdt. if left to him
self he may act wisely: but, as he will be elected by a fac
tion, it is apprehended he will consider him self rather as
the head of that faction, than the first magistrate of the
American People: may the good Genius of America avert
from us so great an evil & may ye event prove these conjec
tures groundless. If you have a little leisure, do answer the
queries in this letter, if you are at liberty to answer them."
Chase, too, in a letter sent from Baltimore on December
4, warmly supported the administration against Adet.
"I thank you for the Aurora, but my absence prevents
Me from any knowledge of the sentiments of the People here,
respecting Mr. Adet's abuse of our whole Administration, and
Appeal to the People. I think the Printer ought to be in
dicted for a false & base Libel on our Government. A free
Press is the Support of Liberty and a Republican Govt., but
a licentious press is the bane of freedom, and the peril of So
ciety, and will do more to destroy real liberty than any other
Instrument in the Hands of knaves & fools. I see no Differ
ence between Genet and Adet. For the opinion of our Leg
islature, I refer you to the Resolution of both Houses for per
petuating the presidents Address, but more particularly to
the joint Answer of the Senate & House of Delegates to the
Governor's Address, which I enclose you. You may be as
sured there is but one opinion in Maryland out of this Town. '*
He added that there would be seven electors from the
204 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
state who would vote for Adams and four for Jefferson, one
of the electors voting for both men.
On December 2, Carroll wrote again :
"Notwithstanding the Pen 'a ticket is gone in favor of Jef
ferson, those who pretend to have good information say that
Adams will be elected by a majority of 6 votes. I rather
think the probability is that no election of President will be
made by the electors, as, probably, several of the electors may
not be able to attend at the seats of Gov 't, many of them being
at a great distance from those seats, sickness and badness of
the roads may prevent their attendance.
"We are anxious here to know what notice, if any, our
Gov 't will take of Adet 's last note, assigning reasons for your
suspension of his functions."
So strong a Federalist as Carroll was anxious that the leg
islature should not go too far in passing resolutions against
Adet and wrote, on December 5, when he thought the chances
for Adams's election were brighter:
"I reed, the 4th instant, your letter of the 2d. I per
fectly approve the determination of the executive not to deign
to answer Adet 's last note. I have not heard myself a single
person speak of him with out expressing great disapprobation ;
yet I am told these are who excuse it, alfeging he has Said
nothing but the truth. You may readily guess what sort of
men these are.
"Mr Key I believe means to move some resolutions re
specting the President's address, expressive of the same Sen
timents with those in our answer to the Governor's address.
"I do not see how the Legislature can with propriety go
far there. The Individual States, as Such are not known to
foreign powers; We have nothing to do with them, nor they
with us. Should we pointedly notice & disapprove of Adet's
proceeding, might we not be accused of reaching in upon the
boundary & province of another Legislature Solely entrusted
with the management of our external relations. 8th Decem
ber Yesterday all the Electors met. Mr. Adams got 7 votes
Mr. Jefferson 4, Mr. Pinkney 4, Mr. Burr 3 votes; & Mr.
Jno. Henry 2. Three •eastern shore electors voted for Mr.
Adams; one (Gilpin) for Jefferson; Deakins, Murdock, &
Lynn voted for Adams, Duvall, Archer for Jefferson ; Plater
1796-1797] of James McHenry 205
for both. It is said, but upon what foundation I know not,
how neither Adams or Jefferson will get any votes in S. Caro
lina. It is confidently asserted that Mr. Adams will be elected
by a majority of at least 3 votes. I have my fears, Should
Jefferson be elected, or, if no election takes place by the Elec
tors, I suppose he will be elected by present house of Repre
sentatives. Great anxiety prevails, generally, respecting the
future President, the friends of the Government, dread the
election of Jefferson ; they fear he will pursue a very different
line of conduct from the present President. You intimate
that the Secretary of State 's communications to Mr. Pinckney
relative to Adet's proceedings will be laid before Congress,
the french party, it is probable, will not approve the Secre
tary's communications: however, I flatter myself the real
friends of their country are the strongest party in Congress ;
You may be assured that, among the People, they are much
the strongest: there are, no doubt, many in all the States
wishing for a revolution & war, but I am confident the great
body of the people are attached to the Governt., approve its
measures, & wish to remain at peace with the nation.
' ' 9th Deer. We have this day reelected Col. Howard into
the Senate of the U. S. to serve 6 years from the 4th of next
March, he may be said to have been unanimously elected : there
were 5 blanks & 4 votes for Mr. Richd. Sprigg, altho ' no other
person was in nomination but Col. Howard. I am with much
respect & regard."
Resolutions, however, were adopted by the assembly and
forwarded from Baltimore by Chase on December 10. In the
letter conveying them, Chase said:
"I believe the enclosed conveys the Real Sentiments of
the People of Maryland, the Resolutions were adopted, moved
and carried by Mr. Key of Annapolis. I expect the Senate
will accede, with some few amendments which will improve
them — when our assembly first met there were 8 or 10 Dele
gates who objected to that Part of the answer to the Gov
ernor's address which spoke of the Conduct of foreign agents
— but even they are now convinced or Silent, the Charge of
a fraudulent Neutrality, the indecent language to the Execu
tive, and the appeal to the People agt their whole Govern
ment is such a breach of truth & good manners, and such an
inter-meddling in our Government as wound the feelings &
ruins the Dignity of our People. I am greatly pleased with
206 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xi
the answer of our National Senate. I wait with Impatience
for that of our Representatives. I hope they will feel as
their Constituents. I believe and expect the assemblies of a
great majority of the States will concur with the President.
I still think my old friend the Vice President will be elected
president"
Even yet the election was uncertain, and on December
12, Carroll of Carrollton answered, as follows, McHenry's let
ter, in which was sent a copy of Washington's address at the
opening of congress :
"I rec'd, by this day's post, yr letter of the 9th, covering
the Presidents speech, with wh I am much pleased, particu
larly the part relating to Adet's conduct, it contains a due
mixture of temper & firmness. May I hope the Congress will
be unanimous in expressing their disapprobation of the min
ister's proceedings? surely they must be offensive to every
good American.
"The resolution you speak of was brought in by Mr.
Bobt. Smith, when in the house of delegates ; it will make way
for one drawn up by Mr. Key, & which will be discussed to
morrow, & I expect will pass unanimously — I think you will
prefer it to the one brought in by Mr. Smith.
"Wednesday, the application of the commissioners for
the loan 140,000 of 6 p. ct. stock will be taken up by the
house of Delegates. Mr. Scott the attending commissioner
says a majority of 10 will be in favor of the loan — you know
I mix little with the members, & am therefore less able to
judge whether Scott's calculation is to be relied on. It is
conjectured with us that Mr. Pinkney will be elected Presi
dent; if the eastern electors have generally voted for him,
the conjecture may be realized. Some think this event would
be a fortunate one, as his administration would be less op
posed than that of Mr. Adam's: however, not so much the
man as measures occasioned opposition : It was not Washing
ton, but his measures that were opposed; his great sin was
the preventing his country from becoming a party in the war
with France, and being involved in the same calamities which
afflict that country. A man must be blind indeed not to see
thro ' the designs of the- party. I hope, yet do not expect it,
that peace will save us from serious discussions with the Di
rectory. I am with respect"
1796-1797] of James McHenry 207
Key also acknowledged Washington's address thus:
. "Annapolis 13th Deer. 96.
"Dear Sir
"I thank yon for your favor of the 9th. The President's
speech is extremely satisfactory — and an additional evidence
of his Paternal regard for the welfare & prosperity of our
Country — the enclosed Resolutions passed our House this day
& tomorrow will certainly pass the Senate unanimously. The
House of Delegates — have voted 100,000 dollars 6 pet. for
the use of the F [ederal] City — this aid could only be obtained
in our House, by the Commissioners making themselves an
swerable, in their individual capacity, for the repay 't — in
case the funds pledged under the act of Congress should prove
inadequate — so powerfully does Potomack & this City com
bine against Baltimore that I very much suspect no money
will be invested in the New Bank. ' ' 1
I This city is Annapolis. Potomac refers to the Potomac company
whose plans for improving the navigation of that river were then much
discussed.
CHAPTER XII
A YEAR IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT UNDER ADAMS
ADAMS kept in office all of his predecessor's secretaries :
Pickering, Wolcott, McHenry and Lee. Almost at
the opening of the administration, came news which
made the difficulty with France acute. Shortly after the
inauguration, there arrived a letter sent Pickering from Lon
don on February 6, by Rufus King, our minister to Great
Britain :
"Dear Sir
"Mr Sands of New York has this morning shown me a
letter that he had just received from Mr. Pitcairn, dated
Paris, Jany. 28. which states, that General Pinckney has been
ordered by the Directory to leave Paris, and that he would
depart for Amsterdam on Tuesday the 31. ult.
"Knowing that it was the General's intention (in case
he received such an order) to go to Amsterdam, and being
apprehensive, that such an order might be issued in the mo
ment of elevation that followed the news of Buonaparte 's late
victories, I entertain no doubt of the authenticity of this very
unpleasant intelligence.
"With perfect respect and esteem
' ' I have the honor to be, Dear Sir,
"Yr. ob. sert.
" RUFUS KING."
This news was soon confirmed and created a great ex
citement throughout the United States.
From Murray, McHenry heard by note sent from Cam
bridge on March 10:
"Our Packet just brought us the news, Norfolk news,
that Pinckney is refused! I do not credit it. The people
from one end to the other of this Shore Are right as to France.
Some even think a war would do well. ' '
Hindman wrote McHenry twice from the Eastern Shore
1797-1798] of James McHenry 209
The first letter was written at Bellfield on March 21st, 1797,
and is as follows :
"I reach 'd Home on the Tuesday after I left Philadel
phia, having had a very tempestuous and rather a cold Ride.
Since my Return I have dispatched Burke 's two Letters & Mr :
Pickering 's to Mr : Pinckney, the last is most highly thought
of by both parties & will have a most excellent Effect as it
must & will open the Eyes of the People towards the French,
from what I can hear it has already made a good Impression.
I find that Burke 's Letters are not approv'd, particularly by
those who are tinged with Jacobinism, they say it is a low
dirty Performance & very unworthy of the Author, it will not
be prudent to distribute Them here. As I fear 'd, Phocion will
not be read, being too lengthy, tho' of high & acknowledged
Merit.
"The last papers received here say, that Mr: Pinckney
was denied an Audience by the French Directory & was on
his way back to this Country, if this should be true, Congress
I suppose will be called before the Time to which They Stand
adjourned. Surely We shall be unfrenchified & as becomes
Us, feel ourselves as Americans only."
The second letter written from Bellfield on April 1st,
1797, stated that
"I see by the last Papers, that the President has decided
Congress to meet on the 15th. May, so that my Suspicions are
verified. What will the high toned Jacobins now Say of their
good Friends the French, they will not surely have the Ef
frontery still to justify them, there is scarcely any Calamity
so bad, but what some good may be drawn from it, I take
it for granted, that the unwarrantable, shameless Conduct of
the French towards Us, must & will alienate the Regards which
the Americans have heretofore had For that Nation. As far
as I can hear the Sentiments of the People here, they say War
must be the Consequence, & some I find are extremely anxious
for it, viewing Us in a worse Situation, than if We were actu
ally at War, as, in that Event, We could afford some protec
tion to our Commerce."
To Washington, on March 24, McHenry wrote of the re
fusal to receive Pinckney. It was the first letter he had sent
his former chief since Washington's return to Mount Vernon,
210 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
and McHenry mentioned that : ' ' You have witnessed on your
route the great affection and attachment of the people and
the sound part of the community, which is still visible in
every company I go into and which, I am persuaded, will not
diminish, though the external marks of it may, gradually,
be less strongly expressed. This is the last reward you would
have received, or the country could have given you. It is,
nevertheless, a precious one." Turning to foreign affairs, he
writes: "Every step on the part of the Directorial minister
is insulting and the form of the rejection, passing through
Mr. Munroe, not the least so."
"I presume Congress must be called and that immedi
ately and that it may also be expedient in the mean time to
direct Mr. Pinckney to make another effort, such as may not
commit the dignity of the United States and, if unsuccessful,
retire to Hamburg, or some other place, to wait events, or
a better disposition on the part of France."
Washington answered McHenry 's letter on April 3, l
thanking him for the news and asking his former secretary:
"to communicate to me, occasionally, such matters as are in
teresting and not contrary to the rules of your official duty
to disclose. We get so many details in the Gazettes, and of
such different complexions that it is impossible to know what
credence to give to any of them." Washington has arrived
home safely, avoiding all the "parades or escorts" he could,
and is very busy, preparing a place for the security of his
papers and making needed repairs. He has workmen of all
kinds at Mount Vernon and has "scarcely a room to put a
friend into, or to sit in myself, without the music of hammers,
or the odoriferous smell of paint."
"The conduct of the French government" appeared to
Washington "beyond calculation" and "unaccountable, upon
1 Sparks, xi, 196. Ford, xiii, 381. The following paragraphs are
omitted in both collections :
"I will make no apology for putting the enclosed under cover to you,
If General Lee should have left Philadelphia, let me request the favor of
you to open the letter to him and cause the one under that cover to be
delivered to Messrs Reed & Ford by a person you can inform me with
certainty, has done so; that I may know to what cause to ascribe (should
it happen) any delay in their answer; and add, if you please, whether
there be any cause to suspect a failure of the Gentlemen.
"You will readily perceive that what is said of them, and what
write to Genl. Lee is of^a private nature, and not to be mentioned unless
the reports respecting Reed & Ford are facts of notoriety. . . . Dear
Sir,
"Tour sincere friend & affectionate
"Go. WASHINGTON."
1797-1798] of James McHenry 211
any principle of justice, or even of that sort of policy which
is familiar to sound understanding."
On the 6th, McHenry replied that he found having noth
ing to do a great enemy to happiness. "I very well remem
ber that, before you brought me back into public life, I always
experienced somewhat of restlessness in the interval between
dropping one pursuit and finding out another."
Strong words came to McHenry from the Federalist
leader, James Ross, at Pittsburg, in a letter written on April 3 :
"Not a word of news here, & from the public papers it
would seem that even at the seat of Government, you must be
in Considerable uncertainty respecting our European power.
Will an envoy extraordinary of the tribe of Virginia, satisfy
the Jacobins of France & this country ! — or must the Direc
tory have a negative upon our laws ? I will agree to the first
for peace Sake, but I cannot go further."
Samuel Smith, however, whose sympathies were always
more with the French, wrote from Baltimore on April 5, still
in doubt as to the truth of the refusal to receive Pinckney:
"Your Letter to Mr Oliver has tended to Increase the
present Alarm. It says positively that Mr. Pinckney was
Ordered from Paris by the Directory; Have you this from
himself? or only from London. If the latter I shall still
doubt, — because the Inclosed Extract from Mr Jas Calhoun's
Letter seems fully to explain the report which had at first
prevail 'd.
"I am deeply interested & might Solicit your Immediate
Answer — that is — Are your Accts. from Mr. Pinckney, if
not, from whom1 & what London Dates."
Adams summoned an extra session of congress to meet
on May 15 and discuss the question on which subject Ham
ilton wrote McHenry 2 a most important letter.
1 The enclosure In Smith's letter Is as follows:
"Extract of a Letter from James Calhoun dated Liverpool
16 Feby 1797
" 'Premiums of Insurance at Lloyds have been very fluctuating, a
report was circulated that an Errbargo was laid in France on all Ameri
can Vessels, & Insurance rose tD ten Guineas from hence to America,
on Goods by American Vessels, this being contradicted, they had fallen
to six Guineas ; when Mr. Pinckney, who had never yet been acknowl
edged by the Directory ; finding the situation at Paris unpleasant, asked
Passport to go to Amsterdam, & set out on the 7th Inst ; his request for
a Passport, was Imm'y stated at Lloyds to have risen from an order
of the Directory that he should quit Paris ; & the alarm threw every
thing again into confusion — the Underwriters for a day or two refused
to write, they then asked ten Guineas & within a few days some Policies
have been done at six' "
2 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 241, prints a different and briefer text of this
letter.
212 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
"My dear friend,
"Take my ideas and weigh them, of a proper course of
conduct for our administration on the present juncture. You
have called Congress, 'tis well. When the Senate meets
(which I should be glad to see anticipated) send a Commis
sion extraordinary to France. Let it consist of Jefferson or
Madison, Pinckney, and a third very safe man, say Cabot.
Proclaim a Religious Solemnity, to take place at the meet
ing of Congress. When Congress meets, get them to lay an
embargo, with liberty to the executive to grant license to de
part to vessels armed and sailing with Convoys. Increase
the Eevenue vigorously and provide naval force for Convoys.
Purchase a number of vessels now built, the most fit for sloops
of war and cutters, and arm and commission them to serve
as Convoys. Grant qualified letters of mark to your Mer
chantmen to arm, defend themselves, and capture those who
attack, but not to cruise or attack. Form a provisional army
of 25,000 men to be engaged eventually and have certain
emoluments. Increase your cavalry and artillery in imme
diate service.
"Or do as much of all this as you can. Make a last
effort for peace, but be prepared for the worst.
"The Emperor Paul is at best equivocal. A successor is
apt to differ from a predecessor. He seems .to be a Reformer
too. Who can say into what scale his weight may be finally
thrown? If things shall so turn that Austria is driven to
make peace and England left to contend alone? Who can
guarantee us that France may not sport in this country a
proseliting army? Even to get rid of the troops if it fails,
may be no bad thing to the Government of that Country.
There is a possible course of things which may subject us
even to an internal invasion by France. Our calculations,
to be solid, should contemplate this possibility.
"I know, in your administration, there is a doubt about
a Commission or Envoy Extraordinary. I am very sorry for
it, because I am sure it is an expedient measure. But, per
haps, France has said she will receive no Minister, till her
grievances shall be redressed. 'Tis hardly possible this can
refer to any but a Minister who is to reside. A special extra
ordinary mission cannot be intended to be excluded, because
it is at least necessary to know what measure of redress will
satisfy, if any is due. But grant she will refuse to hear.
Still the great advantage results of showing in the most glar-
1797-1798] of James McHenry 213
ing light to our people her unreasonableness, of disarming a
party of the plea that all has not been done which might be
done, of refuting completely the charge that the actual admin
istration desires war with France.
"But the enemies of the Government desire the measure.
'Tis the strongest reason for adopting it. This will meet them
on their own ground and shut their mouths.
"But to answer the end, a man who will have their con
fidence must be sent, Jefferson or Madison. To do this and
to be safe others must be united, say Pinckney and Cabot.
Thence the idea of a commission.
' ' I am, really, my friend, anxious that this should be your
plan. Depend on it it will unite the double advantage of
silencing enemies and satisfying friends.
' ' I write you this letter on your fidelity. No mortal must
see it or know its contents. Yours A. HAMILTON. ' '
On April 14, Adams called together the heads of depart
ments and asked them a series of questions on relations with
France. 1 McHenry sent the queries to Hamilton, asking his
opinion upon them and received the following answer, written
on April 29 :
"I now send you a cursory answer to certain questions
They are imperfect &, probably, may come too late. But court
avocations and distress in the family have prevented any
thing better — General Schuyler has been critically ill, though
now, as I hope, out of danger. My brother in law, Mr. Rens-
selaer, has just lost a favourite Daughter, one and the eldest
of two children, without a prospect of more. The whole has
thrown a gloom upon the family & my health is not the stout
est. I shall answer your last by the next post
"Ade
"A H"
"DrSir
"Situated as I am at this moment I am obliged to con
fine myself to very general hints respecting the paper of the
15 of April.
"As to the first head — I think it will be adviseable that
the speech should be confined to the foreign affairs of the
Country, giving the primary & prominent place to those with
1 J. Adams, viii, 540.
214 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
France. This will make the main business the more striking.
Domestic matters may follow in messages &c
"As to the second head — Announcing his intention to
have recourse to the measure of an extraordinary mission — to
endeavour, by an earnest and amicable appeal to the justice,
candour, and friendship of the French government, to rectify
misapprehensions, to satisfy them of the good faith and
friendly sentiments which have always directed the U. States,
to endeavour, by a revision and readjustment of the Treaties
between the two Nations, as far as shall consist with the en
gagements of the U. States towards other nations and the
duties which their neutral position enjoins, to obviate causes
of discontent and restore and confirm cordial harmony, to
dismiss and settle amicably the topics of the mutual com
plaints and thereby to obtain a revocation of those acts on the
part of France and of her Agents in her colonies which have
oppressed our Trade and injured our Citizens and with it
retribution for the losses which they have suffered from depre
dations, contrary alike to the laws of Nations and the faith
of Treaties.
"The speech should proceed to say that inasmuch as
depredations by the cruisers of France continue to go on, of
a nature to destroy the mercantile capital, ruin the commerce
of the country and depress its agriculture & industry gen
erally, and, inasmuch, as it is impossible to foresee the issue
of the attempt, by negotiation, to avert the consequences of
the serious misunderstandings which exist — it is matter of
necessity, with regard to the interest, honor, present and
future security of the U. States, to adopt and carry into exe
cution, without delay, vigorous measures of defensive pre
caution.
"These measures to consist of the prompt equipment of
a naval force, sufficient to serve as convoys to our Trade and
protect it against the spoliations of petty cruisers.
"Permission to our vessels to arm for their own defence
under proper guard and restrictions to prevent their cruising
and acting offensively.
4 ' The intermediate passing of an embargo till these meas
ures can be matured — with a discretion vested somewhere to
grant licenses to sail to such ports & under such circum
stances as may be deenied safe.
"Arrangements which, in case of emergency, will give
the Government the prompt command of an efficacious force
1797-1798] of James McHenry 215
with a particular view to Artillery and Cavalry ; corps which
require considerable time for forming them and which in case
of need will be of the most peculiar and essential utility
"The more complete & effectual fortification of our sea
ports, especially the principal ones.
"The increase of our Revenue, as far as shall be prac
ticable without overburthening our Citizens, to an extent
which shall be equal to the additional expense of these pro
visions, avoid an increase of the National debt, and prepare
the Country for the exigencies which may arise.
"Whether it will be expedient for the President to go
into detail, or deal with energy in generals embracing the
great points, is a serious question. The inclination of my
opinion is towards the fence, dealing in generals in Speeches
& having reports from departments either to be communicated
afterwards, or to be transmitted with the Speech by a gen-
eral reference.
"As to Instructions to the extraordinary Minister or
Ministers, they should embrace the following objects —
"I. Explanation of the real views & intentions of the
Government of the U. States during the present war, so as
to satisfy France that they have aimed at a sincere neutrality
and have been influenced by no spirit partial to her enemies
or inimical to her.
"II. The Discussion, if necessary, of the constructions
of the Treaties between the two countries in the points which
have been litigated, insisting upon our own, but not refusing
to agree to any measures consistent with our constitution, for
avoiding an inconvenient or abusive application of them.
' ' III. The remodification of the Guarantee in our Treaty
of alliance into a stipulation of specific succours having ref
erence to future wars and defining the casus foederis to be,
that where the war has begun by the commission upon the ally
of some actual military hostility, by sea or land. The suc
cour on our part may, in the next fifteen years, be five sail
of the line to be furnished once for all, or an equivalent sum
of money to be defined (with option to pay in provision or
military stores) — after the fifteen years, ten sail of the line,
or an equivalent sum of money — The remaining vessels to
return at the conclusion of the war.
"IV The remodification of our Treaty of Commerce, so
as to accommodate it to that with G. Britain, having regard
to duration as well as other things
216 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
"V Reparation for spoliations & payment of sum due by
Contract and other damages. A Commission or Commissions
may be agreed to but carefully restricted to compensation to
Individuals on either side. For
"VI There should in no event be admitted the idea of
compensation or contribution from the Government of the U.
States to that of France, Nor
''VII. Any admission, secretly or indirectly, that they
are Aggressors with regard to France
"VIII To avoid every stipulation in any shape incon
sistent with our other Treaties, or that may compromit our
neutrality in the present \var
"IX To steer clear of particular or exclusive privileges
or preferences in Trade which are always precarious, & em
barrassing; occasioning dissatisfaction at home & jealousy
abroad
"X To consent, if desired by France, to the annulling
of the Treaties between the two Countries — altogether
"This last idea is a delicate one & it is only, if at all,
to be so suggested as that our Minister may, in no case, appear
to contend for the continuance of these Treaties as a favour
to the U. States — as France may consider her guarantee of
our sovereignty and independence as a thing of importance
to us.
"Yrs truly
"AH"
Hamilton later elaborated his views in a second paper,
which he sent McHenry:
"Answer to questions proposed by the
Prest of the U. States.
"To the first. It is difficult to fix the precise point
at which indignity or affront from one State to another ceases
to be negotiable without absolute humiliation and disgrace.
It is for the most part a relative question — relative to the
comparative strength of the parties — the motives for peace
or war — the antecedent relations — the circumstances of the
moment, as well with regard to the nations as to those be
tween whom the question arises. The conduct of France, ex
clusive of the refusal of Mr. Pinckney, is no doubt very vio
lent, insulting, and injurious. The treatment of Mr. Pinck
ney, if it does not pass, certainly touches upon the utmost
1797-1798] of James McHenry 217
limit of what is tolerable. Yet it is conceived that, under
all the singular and very extraordinary circumstances of the
case, further negotiation may be admitted, without that ab
solute humiliation and disgrace which ought perhaps never
to be incurred — to avoid which it is, probably, always wise
to put even the political existence of a Nation upon the hazard
of the die.
"The triumphs of France have been such as to confound
and astonish mankind. Several of the principal powers of
Europe, even England herself, have found it necessary, or
expedient, in greater or less degrees, to submit to some humili
ation from France. At the present juncture, the course of
her affairs and the Situation of her enemies, more than ever,
admonishes those who are in danger of becoming so and who
are not able to oppose barriers to her progress, to temporise.
The mind of mankind, tired with the suffering, or spectacle,
of a war, fatal beyond example, is prepared to see more than
usual forbearance in powers not yet parties to it, who may
be in danger of being involved. It is prepared to view, as
only prudent, what, in other circumstances, would be deemed
dishonorable submission.
"The U. States have the strongest motives to avoid war.
They may lose a great deal; they can gain nothing. They
may be annoyed much and can annoy comparatively little.
Tis even a possible event that they may be left alone to con
tend with the Conquerors of Europe. When interests so
great invite and dangers so great menace, delicacy is called
upon to yield a great deal to prudence. And a considerable
degree of humiliation may, without ignominy, be encountered
to avoid the possibility of much greater and a train of in
calculable evils.
"The former relations of the U. States to France — the
agency of that power in promoting our revolution — are rea
sons, in the nature of things, for not lightly running into a
quarrel with — even for bearing and forbearing to a consid
erable extent. There is perhaps in such a case peculiar dig
nity in moderation.
"France, in declining to receive Mr Pinckney, has not
gone to the ne plus ultra. She has declined to receive a min
ister till grievances, of which she complains, are redressed.
She has not absolutely ordered away a minister as the prelim-
218 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
inary to war. She has mingled some qualifications. It is not
even clear that she means to say she will not receive an extra
ordinary minister. This leaves some vacant ground between
her act and rupture. The U. States may occupy it by a
further attempt at negotiation. This further attempt seems
to be that which must carry us to the point beyond which we
cannot go.
''Besides the object of explanation to satisfy France, we
have the most serious grievances to complain of and of which
to seek redress. This last will be a principal object of an ex
traordinary mission. It will not be to make submissions but
to explain and to demand reparation. This double object con
tains a great salvo for the national honor.
"We have just seen, in the case of Sweden, the negotia
tion, in some way or other, of a similar insult. Though the
refusal of our minister, as being mere pretext, is more offen
sive — Yet the forbearance of Sweden is a precedent of some
force for us.
" As to our own Country — There is a general and strong
desire for peace — and, with a considerable party, still a par
ticular repugnance to war with France. The state of public
opinion is not likely to consider a further attempt at negotia
tion as too humiliating. It may be safely taken for granted
that it will approve such an attempt as prudent — & that at
home it will have no other effect than to lay the foundation
for greater Union, and Constancy in case of failure.
' ' But to preserve character abroad — and esteem for the
Government at home, it is essential that the idea of further
negotiation be accompanied by measures that shall demon
strate a spirit of resistance in case of failure — that shall
yield present protection — and promote future security.
"With this adjunct, it is believed that the Government,
in pursuing the plan of further negotiation, will raise rather
than depress the character of the Nation & will preserve the
dignity of the American mind & the esteem of the American
people.
' ' The enunciation of one measure by the Executive ought,
therefore, to be accompanied with a decisive recommendation
of the other course. In doing this, however-, it will be wise
1797-1798]
of James McHenry
219
"*in reference
to the actual
& ruinous depre
dations
of our Trade.
to avoid all expressions that may look like menacing France
with what we intend to do. The attempt to negotiate must
be put upon the foot of an appeal to her justice and friend
ship. The recommendation of preparatory & defensive pre
cautions be put on the foot of present necessity &* the possi
bility of future dangers which it may not be in our power
to avert
' ' To the second — It will be expedi
ent to declare to France that if there
be any thing in the Treaty with G.
Britain which France is desirous of
incorporating in the Treaty with her
— The U. States are ready to do so
— having no wish to give any other
power privileges which France may
not equally enjoy on the same terms.
This general offer seems the most un
exceptionable & will stop as well the
mouths of France as of her partisans
among ourselves. The duration of
privileges should also be in both cases
the same.
"To the third It does not occur
that it will be expedient to propose the
abolition of any of the articles of our
Treaties with France further than
may be implied in the above general
offer. To propose the abolition of
things inconvenient to us would con
firm the suspicion that we were dis
posed to narrow the privileges of
France and would do harm there and
here* The only thing that can be done
with advantage is to propose to liquidate
the meaning and effect of the mutual
guarantee in the Treaty of Alliance.
"That Guarantee is now general.
The obligation it impresses on France
towards us is essentially nominal in
future, because our sovereignty and
' independence can hardly again come
in question. That which it lays upon
us would expose us to a general war
"* The desiring
of some of the stip
ulations, accord
ing to our practice
upon them, would
be desirable if
obtainable, but
it is better to
leave them as they
are, than desire
the other way.
And the probability
is that the def
inition would end
in the last way
which might com-
promit us with other
powers
220 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
with the enemy of France, as often as,
in a purely defensive war, her West
India possessions should be attacked.
This is a great evil. The alternative,
in such a case, is to chicane our en
gagements and risk war with France
for not performing them — or to per-
"*A definite succour form them, if called upon, and en-
is not a cause of war, counter war with her enemies. It
if previously would be a great point gained to re-
stipulated, duce this general guarantee to a treaty
of mutual, Specific, definite, Succour*
excluding the present war and defin
ing the casus foederis to be that case,
in which the first act of actual hos
tility by Sea or land is committed
against the ally — without reference
to antecedent motives and causes,
which are ever vague & complicated.
"To the fourth — If an amicable course of negotiation
should take place, modifications in the Convention may be
proposed. Not having it by me, the desireable alterations do
not occur further than the restraining the mutual right of
jurisdiction in questions between the citizens of either power
to cases between the Officers & Crews of Vessels. Beyond
this it works ill — establishes an imperium in imperio — ex
tends foreign influence &, indirectly, injures our own Citizens
& preventing efficacious justice between French Citizens who
are often their Debtors &c. Particularly, it is ill to insert
foreign jurisdiction in our Country.
' ' To the fifth — It does not appear expedient to propose
or agree to such new articles. In general it is wisest neither
to give nor take peculiar privileges — but equalize our com
mercial system with all nations. Indeed, it will be very dif
ficult to adjust new articles without interference with other
Treaties. The only method of favouring France is to stipu
late that certain articles of her production or manufacture,
not common to Great Britain, which enter largely into our
possessions should be admited without duty, or on light duties
to be specified. This applies principally to her brandies and
wines; but even there they must be on the same footing, if
coming through G. Britain, as if coming directly from France.
Yet the essential & utimate benefit would accrue to France, as
1797-1798] of James McHenry 221
favouring the vent & consumption in our Country of her pe
culiar commodities. But all this is far better avoided. The
diminution of our Revenue and jealousies in other powers
will be certain evils, for which France will & can give no real
equivalent.
' ' To the 6th. What was done in the case of Great Britain
will be a good precedent for this case.
' ' To the seventh. The terms of the remonstrances against
spoliations should be mild and calm without offensive epi
thets, but serious and depicting strongly the extent of the
evil. They should suppose the West India constructions to
be abuses of the Orders of the directory; but they should
notice that these were so vague and indefinite in themselves
as to be naturally liable to abuse. They should urge a revo
cation of these orders and compensation for the injuries they
have produced, as due from good will, Justice, and Friendship
of France to the violated rights of the U. States and their
Citizens — and to restoration of cordial harmony between
the two nations, which might otherwise suffer a deep and per
haps incurable wound.
"To the 8th. This is answered in the answer to the
seventh. To the 9th. This claim of our Citizens ought to be
noticed and urged as a great and serious one, having, from
the motives of the individuals in the greatest number of cases,
a title to peculiar attention. Yet the whole ought to be so
managed, as not to compromise the Government for the ulti
mate vindication of the claim. It is very questionable wheth
er it be not such a one (as far as credit was voluntary) as
that those who gave it ought finally to be left to the honor of
the Government to which they trusted.
"To the 10th. This is answered in the Affirmative in
the answer to the seventh question. There is no solid dis
tinction between captures and seizures by private vessels or
public vessels. The Government which gave the Commission
to cruise is liable in both cases. This observation has reference
to those depredations which result from vague orders of the
Government, or the abusive constructions of its Agents entrust
ed with local jurisdiction, as Governors, Commissioners &c.
"To the llth. A Commission, like that with England,
ought to be agreed to, as a very happy issue out of the embar
rassment.
"To the 12th. This is answered in the answer to the
second question. The equivalent privileges in the French
222 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
East India Trade will be the analogous compensation, though
not of equal extent. But situated as we are with France, it
seems proper to be content with less. If privileges on her
West India Trade could be obtained, it would be desireable
But this ought not to be a sine qua non. A limitation of the
duration of a new Treaty, if made is a great desideratum. 1
"To the 13th. It scarcely seems adviseable to offer the
project of such a new Treaty. It opens at once all the cards.
It is better to deal in generals. This will leave less hi the
power of France or her partisans.
"To the 14. It is conceived most adviseable to follow
former precedent in this respect, which may avoid much de
lay and embarrassment. In the exercise of this branch of
Executive Power, it will be found the best course to reduce
the Cooperation of the Senate to the appointment of the Ne
gotiator and the ultimate fiat or negative. Much has been
done to this end & it will not be expedient to relinquish the
ground which has been gained."
McHenry's opinion, filed with the president, is interest
ing to compare with the preceding letter, as showing the
measure of the secretary 's reliance upon Hamilton. McHenry
decidedly favored further negotiations and proposed that we
offer to modify every commercial inequality between France
and England. He was averse to changes in old treaties with
France, save the mutual guarantees, and opposed saying any
thing concerning a consular convention. He proposed the
same course with reference to evidences of insult and injuries
against American commerce by France, as was pursued in
case of Great Britain; a remonstrance against French out
rages to be made in mild and calm terms. Payment of claims
for property purchased by the French government in Europe,
East or West Indies should be urged but not demanded.
France should be asked to pay for vessels and cargoes cap
tured and seized by ships of war or private ships and a com
mission of inquiry, like that with England, should be agreed
to. No project of a new treaty, abolishing the old one,
should be proposed to France nor laid before the senate. In
many sentences McHenry quoted Hamilton's exact words.
The perturbed condition of the public mind, when the
extra session was called, is clearly shown by the letter John
Henry, one of the senators from Maryland, wrote:
1 "Bridge for both," in McHenry's handwriting, is written on the
letter here.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 223
"3 Apr. 1797
"My dear Sir,
"Can you inform me what is the immediate object of
the meeting of Congress. Is it probable that the session will
be long. The attendance of the southern gentlemen, who are
engaged in agricultural pursuits is very inconvenient, at this
season of the year ; and if the session is to be of any continu
ance, it will be oppressive.
"As you are in possession of the grounds of issuing the
proclamation, you will oblige me by giving such information
as you are at liberty to state.
"Is the object an embargo, or does the state of our for
eign concerns, call for other measures, more injurious to our
tranquility. Will the folly and madness of France force us
into offensive acts. Altho' in my apprehension their ves
sels in some instance, have been hardly treated, and detained
on grounds not satisfactory to my understanding of the treaty,
yet these trifles will never be seriously stated as the cause of
war; nor I trust will the treaty with Britain, be urged in
the face of the world, as grounds of offensive operations
against this country.
"If your leisure will permit, do drop me a line, my
solicitude is great & in the present state of imperfect health,
not a little injurious to me.
' ' In the warmth of ancient friendship, I am sincerely
"Yrs. JNO. HENRY."
On May 14, McHenry wrote Hamilton that he had added
to, but changed naught of the latter 's draft. The president 's
speech, to be read to congress at the special session, 1 "exten
uates nothing, recommends proper measures, promises a fresh
attempt at negotiation and declares the principles by which
administration mean to be governed, in other words that the
President will follow the principles of the late administration.
It is not, perhaps, precisely such a speech as you would have
written — a little too plain. It may, however, be better fitted
on that account for the occasion. ' ' On the next day he wrote
again 2 that a quorum was expected on the morrow. The em
peror has not made peace, had he done so, "it ought to have
augmented our endeavours to meet hostility. As it is, proba
bly a new character will be given Pinckney with a secretary. ' '
On the 14th, McHenry had written Washington of the
T~Hamilton, vl, 250.
2 Hamilton, vi, 250.
224 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
speech and added: "Mr. Craik says you look well, God send
that you may long look well and enjoy good health and that
nothing that is to happen may be of such a nature as to disturb
your consoling privacy and retirement. France, however, is
playing a great game and has views perhaps little less exten
sive than those which opened upon the Roman Republic and
deluged so great a portion of the world with blood. She does
not appoint consuls over the countries she conquers, but she
does what is as effectual, permits them to erect themselves
into republics and governs them by their own passions, or
she annexes them to her own territory and governs them in
Paris."
Washington answered on the 29th, describing the daily
routine of his life at Mount Vernon and apologizing for not
answering several of McHenry's letters. 1
Adams now called together the cabinet and suggested
sending a mission of three ambassadors to France, adding to
Pinckney, Marshall of Virginia, and Gerry of Massachusetts.
Fifteen years later, McHenry thus recalled the occasion in a
letter to Pickering: "I well remember the meeting, for I
have often thought of it since. It was composed of Mr. Wol-
cott, yourself [Pickering] , Mr. Lee, and myself. Mr. Adams,
in a familiar way, said 'Gentlemen, what think you of Mr.
Gerry for the mission?' None of the gentlemen offering to
speak, I observed: 'I have served in the old Congress with
Mr. Gerry. If, sir, it was a desirable thing to distract the
mission, a fitter person could not perhaps, be found. It is ten
to one against his agreeing with his colleagues.' Mr. Wol-
cott made some remark. Mr. Lee and you were silent. Mr.
Adams replied: 'Mr. Gerry was an honest and firm man
on whom French acts could have no effect. He had known
him long and knew him well. ' Nothing more was said on the
letter to Pickering : 2 "I well remember the meeting, for I
was next to incurring his enmity."
A fortnight 3 after the letters to Hamilton and Washing
ton, McHenry wrote Pickering, after failing to find him at
home when he called: "The more I weigh the measure of
adding to the mission, instead of clothing Mr. Pinckney with
a new character, the more I am inclined to distrust its policy
and utility.
1 Sparks, xi, 203. Ford, xiii, 391.
2 February 23, 1811. Lodge's Cabot, 204.
3 May 28, 1797.
1797-1798] oj James McHenry 225
"The mere addition, in the first place, will convey an
idea to Mr. Pinckney's friends that the President does not
(for some reason or other) like to trust him alone; or that
he thinks him incompetent to so important a transaction.
This suspicion will operate mischievously on the relations of
Mr. Pinckney: on the whole of the Rutleges and generally
to the Southward, where they have great influence. In this
point of view, it will certainly do no good. In the second
place, the addition will serve to conciliate no person, or de
scription of men in the United States. The friends of the
government have full confidence in Mr. Pinckney; and the
enemies of it have acknowledged in the House of Representa
tives their reliance upon his integrity and honour; and have
not suggested an idea that they wish for any other. On what
ground then, it will be asked, and for what purpose, are two
negotiators added to his mission, when both parties are satis
fied with the same man ? It will be remembered also that the
idea of a commission of three took its rise from the supposed
policy of incorporating into it a man of the opposition. In
the third place, both parties in the House of Representatives
have conceded and expressed in their speeches, in my hear
ing, that should Mr. Pinckney be clothed with new and extra
ordinary powers and be refused, that it would be sufficient
cause of war. Having no expectation of getting an envoy of
their own cast, they appear to have given up all idea of any
addition to the mission. Both parties, therefore, seem to have
relinquished the project of a plurality of negotiators for the
present occasion. In the fourth place, the mission will be con
sidered defective, in as much as it will possess no merchantile
character, being composed of lawyers only, neither of which
have as yet acquired much continental reputation. Fifthly,
it will be charged, as being expensive to the United States
without apparent necessity, or advantage to countervail the
expense. Sixth, it will be charged with being calculated to
delay the negotiation, inasmuch as Mr. Pinckney must wait at
Amsterdam, till the arrival of his coadjutors, by their refusal
to serve, or by their requiring time, should they accept, to
arrange themselves for the voyage. On the whole, I wish
you to consider, whether it might not be expedient to have the
nomination suspended till the President can review the sub
ject. For my own part, I have not been able to discover any
advantage attending a trio. It will please nobody, not even
those that may be nominated and will not ensure the United
226 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
States against a single possible evil, nor create to government
one additional friend."
This letter shows that McHenry did not always follow
Hamilton as has been alleged, for Hamilton favored a com
mission, as we have seen.
Adams later charged 1 that the secretaries, spurred on by
Hamilton, showed inveterate prejudice against Gerry. This
is clearly incorrect, as is shown by McHenry 's letter. Lodge,
in his life of Cabot, 2 says McHenry 's account of the trans
action is at least perfectly natural and does not require a
strong effort of the imagination from the reader. Either
McHenry, a perfectly honorable man, has wilfully and know
ingly lied, or the inveterate prejudice against Gerry is greatly
exaggerated by Adams.
One of McHenry 's intimate friends and correspondents,
Murray, was not allowed to remain long in retirement. His
congressional term ended on March 4, and on April 10, Mc
Henry wrote "Washington of his embarkation for Amsterdam.
Later in the same month, Adams 3 wrote to his son, John
Quincy Adams, from Philadelphia: "Mr. Murray of Mary
land, your old friend, with whom you formed your first ac
quaintance at the Hague is to succeed you," as minister to
Holland, as Adams had been appointed minister to Portu
gal. "That gentleman [Murray] has been so long a mem
ber of Congress and has given such proofs of talents, amiable
dispositions, and patriotic sentiments, as qualify him to do
honor to the mission, as well as to his predecessor."
This sending of Murray to Holland was destined to be
of considerable importance to the United States government
and gave rise to a series of long news letters from him to Mc
Henry, describing with great frankness the passing events,
as they appeared to an observer at the Hague. The letters
are of importance because they were written, not merely from
one friend to another, but by the United States minister to
a member of the president's cabinet. As soon as Murray
landed he began writing and continued to send letters of
great length with considerable frequency.
The first of these letters is written at Helder (Texel),
on June 9, 1797 :
1 J. Adams, i, 287. Adams also mistakenly speaks of five heads of
departments ; there were but four.
2 Pages 104, 204. McHenry to Pickering, February 23, 1811.
3 J. Adams, viii, 537. March 31.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 227
"My dear Friend,
"After two months precisely it pleased god that we
should land safely — & we are this moment come on Shore
Finding a ship to N. York that sails this night & it is now
seven — I seize the moment to drop a line to the Sec. of State
— one to you & one to my brother, a british officer, who
boarded us about two hours, since told us that it was re
ported the Emperor had made peace — That G. B. was treat
ing through Hammond — & the King of Prussia dead — but
as this is not authentic enough for Col. P 's office I said noth
ing of it. Mrs. M. sends her love to Mrs. McH. We were ter
ribly sick all the way. Dfandridge] is well. In real haste
I pray god to bless you. always &
"most affectionately yrs.
"WM. V. M."
A week later, in the first of his news letters, he thus ex
pressed himself on our relations with France:
"The Hague 22d. June 1797.
"My dear Sir,
"I just informed you from the Helder on the 9th. that
on that day we arrived. Fortunately Mr. Adams was not gone
— & I had the pleasure of meeting him at Amsterdam. This
was lucky for me both because to meet so amiable and intelli
gent a man at all is desirable, & that the conversations I have
had with him are to prove the only chance & resource . of
know [ledge] upon any of the foreign affairs connected with
the U. S. that I am to enjoy & draw from independent of my
own apprenticeship & experience — for the U. S. have never
had a single book, paper — register or archive kept at this
court that I can hear of and each successor is to take up
business wh. may have been left unfinished — unless he has
a copy of a memorial or two — either at the right or wrong
end, or according to the light which doubtful intelligence on
the spot may enable him.
"From all I can collect however the government here
is as well disposed as they durst appear to be towards the
U. S. — & of course there will not be many occasions of great
delicacy with them. They say nothing lately of a renewal
of our treaty. Did I not hear that from the manner in which
my appointment was taken up in the national assembly I
should suppose they meant to have their American ministers
228 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
at the Hague with out business — for Mr. Adams has deliv
ered his letter of Kecall. I hear that the Delay of two days
in my case arises from some papers that they have to make
out — this is but report.
"The french still preserve their piratical practices agt.
our trade and probably will continue to do so until a spirit of
Union shall display itself against them in America. This,
united with the growing disposition in France for Peace, &
a necessity of regenerating their navy, to wh. their AYest In
dia colonies are essential, would produce an opportunity for
reflexion that would be embraced by parties agt. the Direc
tory and by the more worthy men of the new delegations,
many of whom, as Marbois & Barthelemi & others, are doubt
less, not friends to America, but have sense enough to see the
real policy of a good understanding with the IT. S. But de
pend upon it their object, is not now to injure Great Britain
by crippling her trade at present, than to dissolve the Union
for the purpose of directing its affairs. They dread the
growth of what they call the Anglo Americans. The tempta
tion of immediate plunder — the policy of wounding mortally
a future rival to their marine greatness and those two ideas,
coupled with a third, perhaps more precious to them, the giv
ing of a totally new direction to the commercial affairs of a
country to whose commerce & consumption they think G.
Britain must principally look for resuscitation after the war,
will & must, to a set of beings inconceivably corrupt, prove
a cause of war upon us, unless we remove the only founda
tion on wh. they can possibly expect success — internal dis
cord. They certainly govern Europe at present & are plan
ning immense schemes of grandeur. One of their means at
present, & for some time, in use is the getting possession of
the Diplomatic corps of Europe - - Sweden, Portugal (at
this place), the U. S., & the Batavian Republic have all felt
the determination. Even from the republic, they have re
jected a minister who belonged to the more worthy men &
party here, because they a M already whom they
approved — & I shall not be at all surprised if they reject
every british mission till a man who suits them shall appear.
"The british again endeavour to open negociation —
through Mr. Trevor (brother of Ld. Hamden) whom Gibbon,
in his miscellanies, talks well of. my own speculation is that
they will not make peace wt. G. B. till they shall have try'd
an invasion — from France — & This country. Here they
1797-1798] of James McHenry 229
have a larger collection of transports & about 25,000 more
ready — with 13 sail of the line besides 16 from 50 to 20
guns with in the Texel. They must know that England is
more ripe than ever for a revolution — that an invasion, if
even partially successful, would probably bring things to a
crisis. France too, in peace with the continent, may con
centrate that immense force & those ardent spirits against
Engd with a greater advantage of ground, having Batavia &
Belgium & all France in her co-operation, than she ever had.
Could she set in motion the revolutionary wheel in Engd. —
& then, leaving her to her fate, turn all her attention to
her marine & manufactures, she would have accomplished
every thing. Of the Fate of Venice, you have heard no doubt.
The plan, it seems, is to give Friuli Bergamo & some other
districts of the Venetian territories to the Emperor — & in
demnify Venice out of the Papal territories wh. are to be
divided with a ceremony as cold as the holiness used to exert
over the division of kingdoms. The Idea of an Italian Ke-
public will not be abandoned by France, it is necessary to
break the actual & family influence of the Emperor from the
Southern side of his German dominions through all Italy.
Genoa will probably go to or merge in the Sardinian Domin
ions. These are crude speculations, my dear friend — but I
cd. not help the desire I had to converse mentally with you
— • & as yet I have no arranged correspondence & am not en
train.
"I find that the idea that the P. & V. P. are cordially
united gives alarm to the enemies of our country & stability
to our prospects in the eyes of European politicians. I am
excessively anxious to hear of the proceedings of Congress —
The Speech — the answers & how far your military business
has answered.
"Pray send me a list of your library (of the office) & I
will select what is not there, if you please, & send what I get.
"I am hammering away upon French. Mrs. M. writes
to Mrs. McHenry to whom remember me with respectful
kindness — not forgetting my young friend Mr. John Mc
Henry.
' ' In writing to Col. Pickering, I have not thought myself
at liberty to indulge much in Speculation — & of facts of
authority I could not be master of them. D'Estade, I ob
serve, in his official letters reserves himself — & as short —
simple, & generally confined to what has been done — give
230 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
me your opinion on this will you. God bless you & yours,
my dear friend & believe me always
"Affectionately
"W. V. M."
President Adams wrote to Pickering from East Chester,
October 26, 1797 : "Mr. Murray 1 arrived in season to renew
his old friendship with his predecessor [ J. Q. Adams] . They
had spent some weeks together at the Hague, more than a
dozen years ago. Mr. Adams had an opportunity to intro
duce Mr. Murray to his friends and to communicate to him
the train of affairs ; an advantage which Mr. Murray earnestly
wished before he sailed from Philadelphia. ' ' 2
McHenry forwarded Murray Adams's speech to congress
on May 23 and on July 14, the latter answered as follows :
"My dear Sir,
"Your favour of the 23d May was truly a cordial to
me — as it evinced a friendship of which I never doubted
& consoled my jaded mind with the prospects of better opin
ions in my own country & of a better State of public affairs.
The Speech, we had seen through the kindness of the Bank
ers, who always get intelligence very early so propitious are
the winds from America to the views of these exceedingly
money loving politicians & financiers of private wealth — &
so very unpropitious are they to the conveyance of ministers
& dispatches to them. Genl Pinckney, who is here, immedi
ately, with his accustomed vigilance sent a copy (manuscript)
off to Paris that the Directory might be anticipated & the pub
lic get an ungarbled edition of it, neat as imported — for they
stick not at altering, omitting &c — if they get the first blow,
immediately after, I sent off to Paris through Genl. P. — (as
a friend of mine used to send to Fenno & as I used to give to
that manifest friend of brilliant paragraphs & pointed hits)
attempting to point out to the public a line of conduct which
a profound policy would dictate to the Directory, — viz — a
generous & elevated course towards the U. S. ; — pointing out
to them the egregious mistakes of G. B., both during the rev
olution & since, in not seizing upon moments favourable to
great impressions, by wh. the amity of the country might
have been secured, that this was the critical moment, in wh.
1 J. Q. Adams was almost at once transferred to Berlin.
2 On August 7.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 231
France should defeat the views of G. B. upon our affections,
by acting a handsome part ; that in such a state of things the
people & Govt. U. S. would probably receive even common
justice, as an act of grace &c — that there was no ground
of war ; & that being the case, the true policy of France was
to show so handsome a conduct towards U. S. as would place
her at least upon a footing with her rival in our opinions at
the peace : that, if the peace found us in our present irritated
State, G. B. wd. reap much more of our good opinion & of our
commerce, than she was entitled to — and that the present
state of things, being friendly between U. S. & G. B. she
wd. have some ascendancy, upon that ground, in the nego-
ciation for Peace, if France continued to have a quarrel with
a nation so vigorous & unbroken by taxes as the U. S. are &
in the vicinity of the islands wh. wd. be in a very helpless
State on the peace & need american supplies & friendly inter
course — this & much more of similar sort of prosing went
to be drest in French & to a confidential person — but wt.
out name known to any at Paris. I have not seen it since.
My anxiety is exceedingly great, indeed, upon the present
state of the question between France & the U. S. Depend
upon it that, from all I can hear of the public opinions at
paris, they have not one single sound opinion upon our sub
jects — none of them. They all, in their heart, consider us as
proper for ally'd dependants & under eternal obligations to
them and that the PEOPLE U. S. are with them, merely be
cause the great mass of the people there dislike G. Britain &
have manifested some marks of esteem for the French revolu
tion. I have seen a letter from a member of the council of
ancients explicitly upon the various questions. He thought
the Directory wrong in their rough treatment of Mr. Pinck-
ney — but through his whole letter insisted upon vague un
defined injuries wh. the U. S. had done France by the Treaty
of 19. Nov. '94 — That we must give satisfaction for these
injuries — & took it for granted that we owed our national
existence to France & a gratitude wh. rendered our late con
duct monstrous — outwardly he is a violent party man agt.
the Directory upon these points — writes against them &
speaks against them — but it is merely he hates the Directory.
If any thing is to be done, it is through the passions of such
men who would do right from spleen & to inculpate their own
executive. If, however, no language of concession is held by
Congress — (& there was in debate something like it, on or
232 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
about the 3d. June on the word "indignation"} & you arm,
provide a navy for the country & hold up, I would risk my
head that they would feel the importance of amity with the
U. S., particularly as her force thus brought upon the parade,
ought be most surely felt by the West Indies, if carry 'd into
use. Her vast maritime possessions in Europe add new im
portance to the West India Islands. She must be the rival
of England in marine — to this the islands have been & will
again be considered as necessary — I see no hold upon France
at present but our relationship to those islands.
"What can the new commission do except gain time?
I speak entirely to you. The object of France is to make
you break your treaty with G. B., or to dissolve the union,
that we may be her dependents. Her efforts will be in Amer
ica through this very negotiation to bring the Govt. of our
country & the People too to this point — a war, or an abandon
ment of the british treaty, in a proposal of such a naturet
the chances are not absolute evil to her — but merely that
negative one of disappointment. It will be success if she
breaks the Treaty, wh. I do not expect; for that wd. be Sov
ereignty over us. If she produced civil commotion (wh. I
do not expect) She Succeeds amply in her diabolical scheme.
This I do not expect — for the conduct of France to all the
Italian States, but especially to Venice demonstrates, & by
this time it must be acknowledged in all America, that she
revolutionises exclusively with a view to her own aggrandise
ment — & that, after having destroy 'd a Govt., to render the
nation impotent, she parcels out, & sells to a crowned Head! &
her bitter enemy & the enemy of the State thus sold, just what
parts and parcels of the revolutionised & subverted States may
suit her interests. Istria and all Venetian Dalmatia, and
Friuli, on the Italian side — and some other small districts,
were Sold to the Emperor, in lieu of Belgium, at the peace
of the Emperor & Buonaparte, this is, by this time, known
among you — it is not deny'd even in France that all the
north of Italy has been plundered of immense value in silver
& gold & jewels, part of which goes, & it is but a drop for
a good brother to give, from Buonaparte to his sister on her
marriage to one of his Generals, viz 500,000 Liveres in silver.
From the poor wretched Venetians, he has exacted Five
hundd. thousand Ducats & they are to maintain the French
army till it leaves them! To pay in naval stores 3,000,000 —
Six ships of the line — To say nothing of 40 of the best paint-
1797-1798] of James McHenry 233
ings — three bronze Lions & Horses of St. Marc's &c. This
after having sent in an order, during a time of Neutrality, to
the Senate to change the Govt . — and this order sent to a
Govt, wh. though certainly wretched, was the favourite of the
people, which is a Fact. In that awful moment, it will grati
fy you to know, that in such a Senatorial Herd as that which
abandoned the Government upon a Vote — Five Senators were
found to dissent — these are probably the descendants of the
Five houses whom I have heard of still living — in a right
line from the original Senate of 700 years since. This coun
try also, as an instance, must be familiar to the just fears of
our country. The French have literally plundered the pock
ets, though not the houses of Batavia. The maintenance of
an army of 25,000 men now quartered & shifted about from
town to Town — in small bodies of 1000 — or 1500 men —
must be added. These are at the expence of Batavia. They
are Fed, & enormously fed ; clothed, & elegantly clad ; paid &
generously & excessively paid, in a thousand secret [ways]
at the expence of this unhappy country. And the expence of
these over expensive men, exceeds that of an army of 35,000
during the war, of national troops. Nine million Stirling is
daily paying into the French pockets — agreeably to their
treaty, as a sort of ransom. To raise this in a country, where
taxation had reached almost every mode & article of life, be
fore their treaty wh. France, the people are literally prest to
earth. A prodigious fever is visible even among all ranks —
but the muzzle is placed Upon their lips — partly by their
own act — & partly, it is true, by such a train of events as
was not long since coming upon the U. S. — & which scarcely
anything short of the present rupture could have arrested.
After these two terrible instances, america will never lend an
ear to the wiles & the hypocrisy of France — and while her
just & correctly national opinions are Set in open day against
the influence of great Britain, she will be taught to guard that
subtle Tyger which has ravaged the liberties & wealth of ev
ery nation that has been fool enough to trust her causes, &
doctrines ; & wavering enough not to Arm & be ready. Half
measures ruined Venice — they will any nation with whom
France, Monarchy or Republic, moderates or Jacobins shall
come into unequal contact of friendship or confidence. The
passions of the people in America must be set completely
against the 'French or our independence will fall & they ought
to be excited not by Govt. as that is negociating — but by a
234 Life and Correspondence . [CHAP, xn
display of every part that illustrates the terrible consequences
of admitting them into confidence or permitting approval.
To gain time is a great deal — & I know nothing better that
could have been done, indeed it was essential, as during
this, we aim & continually put them ever in the wrong — find
ing the negociation, I expect they will attempt to show to the
people U. S. that it would be an easy thing to gain their friend
ship & support, wh. they will hold out as valuable in some
tempting shape or other ; — & they will do it for the purpose
of convulsion, if they can not drive the negociation from their
rock of right, — & probably still keep the negociation open.
If however we arm & the people are united, as I am sure from
your letter & my recollection they are, & the congress speak a
united language of support to the issue of the negociation &
particularly of the President (whom they the French hate or
late hated) their plans will fail; & though we shall never
get redress, we shall get out of this quarrel honourably, & the
national mind will become truly National. As to the negocia
tion you are very strong both in men & matter — for vindica
tion & for assertion. Genl. P. is a very clever man, shrewd &
vigilant — a good scholar & a good lawyer. I dare say — of
Judge Dana, I know nothing personally — but he of course
is skillful in the use of argument, fact &c — and as to Mr.
Marshall, they have no mettal equal to him. In fact, they are
able men & good ones. But what can they do ? can they con
vince ? Were the point, for reasoning & for Justice, they
could convince — but the dispute on their side will assume the
air of wounded Sensibility — they will not reason, but expect
a flood of Sentiment to heal this wound — &, in that healing,
no Sentiment short of an affection veryfied by concessions that
thwart our true Sovereignty, & that retrospectively disgraces
every principle of Neutral Justice for four years back will
satisfy them — as to reasoning, there could be no doubt, if
your Corps of generals, Sanctify 'd by the ermin of Justice,
would once bring them into a pitched battle — but depend
upon it they will be all nerve — all sensibility — & unless
your commis«ioners are prepared upon that tangled track,
they will not be attentively heard. What are the 'concessions'
which in one day's debate I saw alluded to by my excellent &
orthodox friend Mr. Sitgreaves, wh. he said all were agreed
upon, I can not divine^certain that the term can neither mean
the sacrifice of our Domestic honour in points of Sovereignty,
nor of our existing engagements, I can imagine but one thing
1797-1798] of James McHenry 235
which it may mean. A determination, in revising the Treaty
of Feb. 1778, to place France on the same footing with G.
Britain & Spain — or to give up, in the new treaty, those
provisions which at the time we considered as benefits to us
when Neutral — & which France may consider the surrender
of, as a concession — as Free bottoms — the list of contraband
— & the provision article &c — to give her such in the re
vised old, or the new Treaty or as in that of G. Britain — but
else what can we have to concede, as we are the grossly injured
& insulted nation. But my dear friend, I know we think
alike. We know that this noise about the British Treaty is
but rank Pretence. I have assured Genl. P. that the note
taken had not fully stated or had misrepresented the Debate
— as Mr. Sitgreaves is undoubtedly as orthodox a man as is
in the Union — & we know him to be able & sincere, and also
Firm and dignify 'd in his purposes. Dana also, a good man,
seemed to take it for granted that some concessions were to be
made — but the cursed note takers spoil every thing — yet I
would not for a million of dollars, that the paper which we
read here Should be read at Paris by the Directoire. Genl.
Smith's statement of the few vessels captured by France as
tonished us.
"Genl. P., daily almost, received letters from consuls in
France & from Paris exhibiting lists of captures — & this
sort of grievance is of so old an origin, that it is impossible
that the information shd. not have reached congress — even
the American traitors in France whose privateers, fitted out
under french commissioners from france & in France, which
weekly bring in vessels (American) from our ports, some
bound to France other to Dutch ports & some to Ostend, and
plunder them & get them condemned — on the most frivolous
pretences — even these must laugh in their sleeves at the prop
osition that few are taken. It is notorious here. I have been
apply 'd to by the house of Salomons, Amsterdam, to whom our
ship, the good friends, was consigned, to give my opinion
whether it was safe to send her, agreeably to Mr. Girard's
discretionary power to them, to Bourdeaux — on enquiry I
answered they must judge & stated these facts. ' The Mineral
Springs, Capt. Boylton, stopped at Estaples by the Commis
sary of the Navy. The Romulus of Charles Town S. C., com
ing to ostend (since released by orders of the minister of ma
rine). The William of N. P., Rhode Island, Capt. Baker,
going to Bourdeaux, Captured & sent into L 'Orient by the
236 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
Privateer Eagle, said to belong to an American of Boston, now
in Paris, the cargo of the Wm., coffee & sugar. The Briseis
of N. York bound to Rotterdam, coffee & sugar all belonging
to Messr. Seaman Rutgers & Ogden of N. Yrk, taken — carry 'd
into Nantz. Catharina of Newbury port, owned by Messr.
Anthony & Moses Davenport from Dumfries with Tobacco
shipped by Furguson, Henderson, & Gilson bound for Rotter
dam, taken & carry 'd in.' They take our ships, they say, be
cause they have no Role D ' Equipage &, by bribing part of the
crew, & if bribing will not do, condemn without the slightest
reason. The practice, it is true, varies in different ports —
but this variance, though sometimes productive of appearances
of Justice, is treacherous, for it is part of a scheme to distract
— to excite hope & attachment in some & general dread of this
power in all. It rests on the assumed position of France, that
she acts by her own rules, & liberates herself from the tyranny
of all nations, by disavowing the obligations of the law of
Nations, or of adopting its rules, according to her convenience.
Nothing can be said to such a nation, but that we wish cordial
ly for Peace with you, but we can & will injure you, if you
will injure us — & show the power to support this self -defen
sive language. Nothing else can stop that career towards gen
eral & Rome-like Dominion, but a species of universal police
and armed one too, among the nations, who shall for many
years to come have an acquaintance and a connection with
her. In fact the tendency of things flowing from this infernal
war is certainly to form all nations who are not her dependents
to introduce a greater degree of the military spirit than was
formerly necessary; to force all independent governments to
be more or less military in their character & unhappily to ren
der all her dependent friends, unmilitary. In every thing, she
preserves Roman maxims; — & the execrable corruption &
slavishness of Europe have, it seems to me, prepared them
for a fate similar to that which overwhelmed Europe, Asia, &
Africa with the stagnating & bitter waters of Roman alliance,
conquest, & subjugation — for instance, the Roman Republic
took upon herself, generously, to defend & protect her con
quered or influenced allies. In every spot, when a French
army, or her influence, has got or become from circumstances
complete, She does the same — & even, in her own country,
the people were disarmed. Paris is at this moment disarmed.
These consequences, instead of producing what the real phil
anthropists imagined, & what till three years since, I believed
1797-1798J of James Me Henry 237
would arise, a greater portion of civil liberty to Europe, will
tend, more than even the Feudal System, to enslave mankind
— for it must produce military Despotism, acting over people
who have lost the elevated tone & taste of the Feudal times —
nothing but the fear of a greater influence has prevented
Spain from calling in French troops to join in her meditated
attack upon Portugal — this fear, however, will Save Portu
gal, as Spain is unequal to its conquest.
" It is a fact that almost the whole of the Diplomatic corps
of Europe in its inferior orders, I mean as to rank, as Secre
taries, Charge Des affaires & men who are even higher, but
who were lately in that grade, are Jacobinical Philosophers — •
all clerks, servants, & the efficient men employ 'd to work the
business of affairs are so — this is the case, whether they be
long to Kepublics or to Monarchies. Every man of reflexion
seems to be endeavouring to acquire an apathy against all pos
sible contingences & changes — & a vague uncertain sort of
fear has taken possession of all men that some vast change in
human affairs is not far distant — they see that all the old
sources of power are drying up — that authority is stripped
of its weight by reasoning scepticism. That though ignor
ance & superstition seem removed by the complete diffusion
of books which reaches all sorts of people, yet real & whole
some knowledge is not increased, when it ought to be — &
that though superstition be extinguished in appearance, mor
als, instead of gaining, have lost ground by the convulsions &
habitual strokes of that violence which removed it — a gen
eral scepticism upon all things exists — and men of specula
tion are lost in the magnitude of that crisis which they think
they deserve — almost all this depends upon France. If she
got into order. If she restored the Christian religion & could
possibly restore her morals, the tide of insubordination might
stop. If she continue, as she has gone on, a great crisis must
come upon Europe, in which nothing but military despotism
will at all hold society in a tolerable state of combination. In
that country, there is nothing like a settled opinion. They
love, all of them, as they ought, France above anything imag
inable. But their love is connected with ten thousand various
directions of self interest & party views. From exceedingly
good information, it is probable, that the majority of that
nation are tired with their Theory of Republicanism, & wish
for a King — & it would not be wonderful if the Prince de
Conde or the Duke of Orleans, according to party force, were
238 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
brought into administration. The Jacobins would support
the last. Clubs are now getting head once more, though con
trary to the constitution, & are endeavouring to rouse the peo
ple of Paris, for the nation has little or nothing to do with
politics, on the score of danger arising from the royalists.
This charge is partly true, & partly owing to party hatred,
which affixes to its adversary all sorts of opprobrious names.
"The embarkation of 15,000 french & Dutch on board the
transports at the Texel & the appearance of a movement of
the dutch fleet, wh. has been kept within the Texel a long time
by a very few british ships at anchor, have excited much spec
ulation — 500,000 Guilders went to it the other day from
this place for contingent service. The real object is a secret
that I am not master of. Hoche was here some days very
lately & a few, Then, of the Dutch public men, were admitted
into his councils at the French minister 's — he has returned.
Some say this armament is against the Elbe — to block that
up — others agt. Hanover — but that can not be, as the King
of Prussia would preserve its neutrality & it has an army of
30,000 very fine troops, my own conjecture is that it is an
alarm to G. Britain — probably intending also to try the
Dutch sailors in an engagement with Duncan's squadron — •
French troops are put on board the new man of war, also.
"Lord Malmsbury & his suite and a splendid one it is,
are at Lisle with the French commissioners — Belgium, which
was a principal obstacle, is removed by its cession to the Em
peror, in Bonaparte's Peace.
"Genl. Pinckney & family — Maj. Rutledge who ought to
be secretary of Legation, as he is a very fine young man & has
had the rough of the business — & the Genl's. nephew Mr.
Hory are in lodgings near us — this Mr. Mountflorance is a
great acquisition — as he is alert & intelligent. The Genl. is
much pleased with his commissioners. I do as you tell me,
try to please the Dutch — but I must tell you entre nous (you
see I progress in french & I read nothing else) that as yet I
have, perhaps, received as little active politeness here from
any one, as ever minister or traveller did. They (the com
mittee) have, it is true, returned my visit wh. I made as is
usual — but I saw none of them, as they either sent cards,
or I was actually out when they called. They seem to me
very distant.
"We are yet in loggings at an hotel — one subject I wish
to speak to you upon particularly. The American Hotel —
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 239
as a minister I am to live in it — I so informed the Bankers
who, Mr. Adams told me, had the care of it & there were in it
two or three poor families. I, at the same time, wrote to them
to know, if they had a prospect of selling it to advantage.
They answered they had never had orders to sell it — & had
not heard a sylable upon the subject. I had heard of some
intention of selling1. Mr Van Staphorst told me they meant to
repair it, so as to preserve it from the weather, for the win
dows were rotten & the roof excessively out of repair — that
they had an original authority that extended to common re
pairs for the keeping up of the house & to prevent its abso
lute decay & they wished to put it into repair. I had prev
iously told them that I intended to repair the rooms wh. I
should use, at my own expence — & that all wh. I could expect
of them was such a repair as they wd. have given it merely to
preserve the house. He said he would do as I wished but that
they had been in the habit of giving it occasional repairs &
charged them to Govt. We got a workman & I made him
note down every repair & its place or part of the house —
that I might divide the expence with the Govt. upon the prin
ciple, that I would pay for all repairs, except such as they
considered essential to the preservation of the building —
these points are in this country particularly the windows, —
the out doors — painting of these — & mending the outside
— my part I considered to be painting in side, white washing
& papering — parts of the carpenters work inside wh. little I
considered as the Bankers affair. They said they would
charge the whole to Govt. & if they did not authorise it, I
should pay it. I agreed to this, so it stands — in fact, noth
ing will be done to it by this repair (for I intend to give it
one myself when I get in & have more time) which is not in
a degree essential to the House, either as a tenement — or a
subject of Sale. If the Govt. will sell it — It will sell best in
other times — for now it would not sell for a 20th part of its
value — as it is very large and has a garden back of it would
sell, after — even this repair, probably, for twice as much as
it would have done without it. All the ministers here have
houses belonging to the Govt. wt. the Arms over the door —
as ours has. It will be more respectable to live in it than, in
lodgings, or a hired small house in a bye part of the Town,
for a marry 'd man. I do not wish you to speak to the Secre
tary of State, on it — but to give me your opinion upon my
proceedings. If you think there will be the least emotion —
240 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
pray tell me & I will prevent the Bankers from making the
charge and pay the bill which will be about 150£ Sterl, myself.
If I am here two years, it will just be about the rent of a small
house. Though the size of it will render it to one, in my small
way, a much less comfortable residence than a small & well
finished house.
"As to Lisbon! ! — my dear friend, if it comes or not,
I feel as I ought so as you know I do with a sincere sense of
your constant kindness to me. It would be excellent — the
climate fine &c — but my humble merits have been already
over valued. I am sincere — to know myself has been a pur
suit of some standing with me. I am only astonished, some
times, when I find myself forsooth here as I am — dear me!
how this world is carry 'd on !
"As to these commissioners — believe me, I have been
relieved- from great terrors. I dreaded, lest the news of the
mutiny in the british fleet & the appearance of peace general
ly — the existing peace & triumphant one of France wt. the
Emperor all coming upon you might have damped that manly
ardour that became us & led to a concession in the appoint
ment of at least the middle commissioner whom France has
as far as she could do Dictated. I mean him who tells what
the greatest philosophers have said upon all subjects. He
could not have sustained that plan wt. out making a sacrifice
of all he has said & done for six years. His duty wd. have
led him to justify our Govt. how could he have done that!
I do rejoice — & I can see the administration all unite firmly
against a pressure of party address or influence exceedingly
powerful for his nomination.
' ' How ardently I wish to hear from you, you can not con
ceive, as you are not in a distant country — in a scene that
every moment affords visible proof of the danger we run, if
preparation, union, & especially a firm appearance are not the
result by this very day of our councils — god almighty direct
them!
"To write with more freedom you need not sign your
name. I also do not — you can put my name on the endorse
ment &c. I wrote a few days after I got here. Tell me, in
perfect confidence, if I go too much in to speculation & opinion
in my letters to Col. Pickering, my means yet are extremely
small — not that I ever expect to equal the comprehensive
digestion of my predecessor — who is really a very learned
and able man & was exceedingly cordial in his communica-
1797-1798] of James McHenry 241
tions to me — he was here but a very short time after my ar
rival. I got your letter just time to tell him, then wind:
bound at Maas-Sluys (12 miles off) of his appointment — he
sailed seven days since for London — in excellent health &
good spirits & I hope by this time marry 'd to his beautiful &
I hear very charming Miss Louisa Johnson. A young Baron
de Bielfeld is here charge des affairs from Prussia, as soon as
I saw the nomination mentioned in the paper wh. you sent me
I wrote to him a note in confidence I I Stating it. He wishes
to know if it be a steady & permanent appointment. I told
him I did not know, but it probably was. There my dear Sir
- is not that political & diplomatical intelligence ! you see I
have secrets & tell them in confidence. Baron B. is a very
clever youngish man — speaks english well — & I wanted to
give him with a proper air of mystery the opportunity of
making the earliest dispatch upon this subject — as I wish
much to gain his information &c.
' ' I wrote to Col. Pickering on the 30. June & shall write
to day, or rather to night, as this letter has cramped my fingers
— it is egregiously long — but I can not now fall in & greet &
be greeted by you & Mrs McHenry — set down to a hot supper
& preach up an austere abstinence — so I must write.
"Mr V. Polanan's memorial was not among the papers
wh. you enclosed. Don or Chevalier Yonge's was literally a
curious thing. Col. Pickering completely discomfited the Sec
retary of the council of State & the member of the distinguish
ed order of Carlos the 3d. &c &c &c Genl. P. is much pleased
with it. He laughs at 'the wheels of his carriage' which broke
down & which appear to travel throughout the U. S. as among
the most interesting parts of the detail. I wish the wheels
had been omitted in publication — unless it was intended to
show the crippled situation of his equipage & of course their
brutality in driving from France a minister whose wheels were
destroyd by their own roads.
"A few days after I received yours of the 23 May — I
heard that a ship had run ashore at the Texel from Philad.
got 3 feet water in her hold — & that dispatches for Genl P.
& myself were lost — two days after I got a letter from Mr.
Wolcott which was open at the end/ appeared to have been
wet — but of the others I can hear nothing. I subscribed to
Fenno & paid him for one year. It would be a most pleasant
thing if you would make him send them papered in strong pa
per in small bundles by ships going to any port in Holland.
242 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
''The part of your letter respecting Genl. P. & young
Rutledge gave both Genl. P. & his Secretary very great pleas
ure — as I took the liberty of reading that part to them.
' ' Pecquet & some others you shall have with pleasure —
there is not one at this place but at Ley den I shall get one. I
shall send you Mably's Droit Public de 1' Europe with notes
by Rousset — & Callier. I can not hear of the letters pub
lished at Amsterdam on Neutrality but will still seek for them.
' ' The excessive moisture of this country has affected me a
little but, thank god, I enjoy good health compared to any
thing I have tasted these two years.
"I am my dear friend with sincere
and affectionate esteem yrs always
"Genl. P. comes in and knowing that I had just written
requests his respects & compl. to you & that he will get the
books you spoke to him about — & will write in a fortnight
to you.
"The inclosed letter to the president (Mr. Adams) I will
thank you to have delivered to him — on the day when you
receive it."
On the wrapper of the letter Murray wrote urging firm
ness:
' ' In sending this large wrapper, its white surface tempted
me, as it is to go so very far to my friend, again to speak upon
the wTish nearest my heart & to which all my reflexions tend
from what I can hear & know. That you shall put the peace
of the country into a good attitude. Arm the Executive with
means to sustain a certain port & carriage with the Directory —
repress every thing in Congress that the French might mistake
for two opinions upon their conduct — you actually raise an
army & put the keels down for the Large Frigates and for
the small ones, and enable the negociators to agree as well as
to explain — then my dear Sir we shall have peace with
France — of Half measures, I mean as to preparation against
* * * & a certain decided & Avell supported purpose sufficiently
manifested, though accompany 'd by a sincere disposition at
the same time to settle & adjust amicably — of half measures,
my dear Sir, look at Venice ! It will be said this will be useless
expense and you will want an armed neutrality against that
state of things which will take place after the peace. I sin
cerely hope that, if the old treaty of 1778 is to be revived —
1797-1798] of James McHenry 243
the Free ships free goods may be omitted. The internal code
of France has always contravened it & always will — & no
nation will observe it, unless the neutrality be armed. If we
can arm & enforce, it wd. be great for us — but that can not
be expected. In 20 years, we shall be equal to its enforcement
Were we to give to France a severe lesson for this break of
that provision, we might hope to see it gratify 'd in the next
war she has — but that is not intended. She & G. Britain
must be at war in two or three years after this peace, shd. one
take place — & then we should only go through a course of
similar usage and have fresh cause of complaint & of complain
ing — again good night.
"Russia & G. B. in the month of Feb. made a commercial
Treaty, in may it was ratify 'd — upon liberal terms — but
nothing new in it."
McHenry had asked Murray to procure and forward him
some text books on the art of war. On July 18, the minister
writes, forwarding one of them. He also gives news as to
France 's position with reference to the United States.
"Myjlear Sir,
"Since I wrote the other day I have got you a second
hand Pecquet — and enclose it with a paper or two from
England wh. Mr Ross of Philad. brought over to this place.
"Nothing yet transpired as to the actual* propositions of
the Xegociaters at Lisle. "What is singularly severe is though
this Republic has provisionally appointed them commission
ers to treat in conjunction wh France, yet thgy wait for an
' invitation before they venture to send them ! There is much
t secret sensibility to this humiliating situation. I really do
wish to see my friends the Dutch, happy, independant &
Vstrong. Spain also has, it is said, been checked on her sending
on another minister, Cabarrus, to join. Her ordinary minis
ter, Marquis del Campo, I believe is not yet admitted to the
negociation. Probably France will make more money out
of both. If she chuses, she^an say to them, when the negocia
tion has advanced, you are both to take care of your selves,
unless you will do so and so for me — & force them, the Dutch
particularly, into further sacrifices. The extent of the means
of France is in her inventions — when once She has a people's
affairs in her power. Since I wrote some days since we have
the Philad. papers with the answer as carry'd — & have been
extremely exhilirated by both the answer & the Speeches of
244 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
our fine fellows — would you think it — but I panted to be in
the midst of them & to increase the dust of the race, if I could
not run as fast & well as they. Mr. Dennis's I did not see.
I am rejoiced in my successor. I knew he would be found
worthy of the District & of public confidence.
' ' I am getting more and more into the circles here. With
in these few days, means have been taken to impress me with
the persuasion that the Directory mean to conciliate towards
the U. States. A member of the national assembly visited me
the other morning and assured me that as Batavia & France
were so connected that what ever affected the last also would
be felt by the first, it became important to ascertain exactly
the intentions of France respecting the U. States — that they
had ascertained them decidedly to be not to have a rupture.
I remarked that France had taken a singular way of manifest
ing such an intention — that the U. States would seek the
means of continuing Peace & amity with sincerety — but that
she was also united & prepared for the wrorst, if her means
failed — & then spoke of the high animation that united all
men, in a band as strong in union, & greater in means, than
was seen in 76. That parties lost their distinctions in what
they considered as a second question of Independence & that
the Government was stronger than ever &c. He said he was
convinced that there would be no war. This gentleman is a
warm but honest revolutionary — Is with the French — & a
confidential man with them. I wished -this channel to carry
an impression to the French minister, who is of a conciliatory
disposition, agreeably to the principles of French conciliation
& is considered as among ,the most moderate men among them.
Since, I saw him — He exprest a wish that matters might be
made up — & his decided expectation that they would be;
that he could say so, because he had the day before (this was
yesterday) received dispatches from the Governt. to that ef
fect. I assured him that, while the United States sought
Justice, He would find that they did it in a spirit so perfectly
conciliatory that it would not be their fault, if every senti
ment of amity were not only revived, but very much encreas-
ed. God forbid that the very same sentiment of amity should
even revive, much less be encr eased! All this, however, on
the part of the French or their friends here I consider, as you
certainly will — as uSed for the purpose of abating our exer
tions — of diminishing, in our eyes, the appearances that lead
to preparation on our side — all this flummery is meted out
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 245
too at a moment when they go on, with encreased vivacity, in
both taking and condemning our vessels — & when they pub
lish in the Redacteur (the official paper) the intelligence of
the petition of the owners of privateers at Nantz, in support
of the hostile proceedings of the Directory, as A Complete
Answer to Pastorets arguments against the Directory on our
relations. Were it not monstrous, it would be ridiculous, to
hear this language of conciliation under such circumstances
of extreme insult & provocation. But they will come down
in their language, because they see we rise in ours — they
will do this, though they do not alter their conduct — & if
they find it politic to do justice, they will then say, we always
held this language, since we heard of their new negociation
that was intended & wh. show'd that the U. S. meant to ex
plain. The expense of preparation, though hard upon us all,
will be a tax upon them, as it will be in the account of national
sentiment against them & will lead to that glorious independ
ence of all European states which will make us a nation. If
it save us honourably from a war — and nothing but that can,
it will be a trifle. If it do not, it will have made us ready to
meet it.
"I write in great haste. Doubts are entertained of the
new constitution of this country. M. Noel, the French Min
ister, yesterday, wrote a note to the National assembly, in
forming them that the Directory of France felt the most earn
est wish that the new constitution may be adopted. This is
Internal Sovereignty for the national assembly. I hear that,
while they were upon the constitution, he used to send to them
to hasten the work. This was & is kind. But not essential to
their exercise of Sovereignty.
"A westerly wind actually came up to save appearances
— & prevent the Fleet from getting out of the Texel. But
they can not attempt it. I wish they were as independent &
as strong in marine as in the great days of Tromp !
"I shall write soon — very soon — if my dispatch for
the Secretary of State wh I have kept open should not arrive,
when this does, you need not say ought of this.
"Yours always my dear Sir
& most affectionately"
Some weeks later, he writes again, urging that a firm
position be taken by the United States, but saying that if
America does not take a sufficiently strong position, he, never-
246 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
theless, will try to explain a weaker attitude to his country's
advantage.
"The Hague 7. Augt. 1797.
"My dear Sir,
"At length, in an auction of old books, I picked up a
Pecquet 's Le Esprit de maxims for you & now send it. I am
looking out for Lempredi on the rights of neutral nations, wh.,
when I get, I will send also to you. I was so lucky as to get
your No. 1. — but none since & expect a line from Mr. "Wolcott
& two letters from Col. Pickering. I have not received any
thing from America. If Fenno would seal up his Week's
papers, for wh. I have paid him in advance & send each packet
to Mr. Girard, in whose ship I came — Mr. G., I am sure, would
put them in a way to some port in Holland — & I am so ex
tremely anxious sometimes upon the State of things at Philad.
that I would give their weight in gold for late papers.
"My dear Sir, I fear — much fear that nothing will be
done by congress that will bear out your negociators with
spirit. I am well aware of the folly & wickedness of any rash
step that would do mischief — but I am certain that Spirit —
guided by moderation in its display — & PREPARATION
alone can insure PEACE. A weak nation must arm as well
as negociate — a powerful one need not always. A nation sup
posed to be divided must give a testimony of its union by those
great preparatory measures, which never would be taken unless
the country was united. Preparation must be the evidence that
we are united & that we are not French. Doubtless France
has several objects. First, to destroy british commerce. Sec
ondly, to plunder, while she produces this end — thirdly, to
produce eventually disunion, that she may erect any part into
an independent government, as she has The Lombardy Re
public, Genoa & Batavia — part of the scheme she has ac
complished, the plunder of our trade — this is among her
means of forcing us to give up british commerce. If she finds
us not united, she will urge the necessity of giving up the
Treaty & of making such a Treaty with her as the Dutch have
done — & in the party struggle upon her propositions, she
will expect to see the completion of her grand scheme — a
dissolution of the union & a revolution in the U. S., in which
she would occupy all the ground she could. A united & most
decided tone, attended by armed preparation, alone can lead
her to listen to reason — our relation from situation to the
colonies, & especially to the dominions of her ally, Spain,
1797-1798] of James McHcnry - 247
would, if we arm & treat, give us very high ground. Unless
we have the virtue to encounter present evil in taxes I am
convinced we shall have to meet one much greater — War.
"There is little expectation of Peace between France &
G. B. Ceylon & the Cape of good hope are among the obstacles.
G. B. will not yield them to the Dutch — she probably might
to Portugal as Free ports. I have not, as you may have per
ceived, calculated upon Peace this Summer. This is import
ant to the U. S. The mutiny in the B. navy, I have feared,
would tend to destroy the energy in Congress, as though no
alliance was thought of, if we were forced into war, there w'd
be a national co-operation between all the enemies of France.
The british navy, however, is now more energetic than ever —
Discipline restored & even mended, neither France, Spain nor
this Republic venture their fleets out of the harbour. The
moderates too in the councils of France daily confirm their
influence over the public mind. They are rather more rational
than the others — &, of course, if we show union & can con
vince them that they have no chance of Striking a great blow
for their own country through our inviting weakness & dis
union, these men will, if any ever will in France, do us some
thing like justice. Parties are again critically high in Paris.
The army of the Sombre & Meuse advance in detachments to
the vicinity of the Capital, it is supposed to act with the
Directory against the Cinque Cents. Depend upon it that
devoted country is yet to unfold all the horrors which super
stition has accorded as the punishment of impious opinions &
dissolute moral character. I wish our exclusive patriots could
see & hear the Republicanism of Frenchmen in Europe, not as
they write it, but practice it — if they could recollect in the
most gloomy periods of Roman despotism or invent a scheme
of practices more oppressive & at the same time more ambiti
ous, more sickening to the soul of any man who can pity the
miseries & vices of the human species, I would agree to admit
of the apology — and thank the apologist. I remember noth
ing worse. But this is like canting — yet so perfectly does
the human nature appear trampled upon & so withered all
the opinions resulting from the civilized state, it is impossible
to be here & not be occasionally gloomy. The Batavians, to a
certainty, will reject the constitution which has been in truth
bastardized upon their bed by those French universal political
cuckoos — but which it had been best for them to accept. If
they reject, & to-morrow is the day of trial, the French will
248 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
force one down their throats — that they expect & lamentable !
Some of their best men wish it ! ! Such is their State — a na
tion without a political existence. By a Paris paper it is ex-
ultingly said Congress has rejected the propositions to arm —
except militia! Sorrowfully did I read this. Since I saw
this, I have said — As France had not made any great naval
preparation to act eventually agt. us, America, strong in her
self conscious of her vast internal strength, waited the result
of a conciliating negociation & that we reply on the justice of
France & on reason.
' ' I am always most affectionately my dear
"Yrs. faithfully"
Four days later Murray wrote again, still urging firm
ness and complaining of the conduct of the French towards
Americans.
"The Hague 11. Augt. 1797.
' ' I wrote to you, my dear friend, on the 7th. — and since
have seen in a N. York paper that little is to be expected from
this Session. Sincerely do I lament! Several here in public
life have asked me about this. I say to them France does not
arm against us — & we can not. That if she had seamen &
officers she has not revenue, that we are conscious of immense
internal strength & that there is a perfect sincerity in the
executive to treat amicably, that congress have gratify 'd the
views of the Executive which were but for a small beginning
- for that eight or Ten Frigates and so far ships are consid
ered as a trifle in a country whose tonnage bears near 40,000
seamen & 66,000,000 of exports — & of course feeling the
greatness & immediate readiness of resources that can be put
into array if the worst Should come, we lay upon our oars till
the disposition of France manifests itself. This is true too.
But alas, alas!
"France will urge us away the terms of returning grace
and favour a loan of ten or more million of dollars. Paine
industriously now circulates the idea that the clear unreturned
expence of France, when she gave us our Independence I I was
18,000,000 dolls. — & that it is as little as we can do to lend
her as much at present — i. e. — give her as much.
"Daily almost, I have to give passports to our citizens
with French cockades: Those who are of the true blue, or
have a special passport from M. Adet — or a letter from a
member of the Government of France can obtain the necessary
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 249
indorsement of M. Noel, the French minister here — those who
have not those mysterious recomendations are told by him,
Sir, the arrete of the Directory renders these passports from
all American ministers, nugatory — & you can not go into
France, except you have a vessel under trial. This is the policy
of France to let our citizens see & feel the importance of their
own government — that as mere Americans they are nothing
— & something only if Gallo- Americans ! Yet in the U. S.
the treaty, which the french violate in all its provisions, is
honourably maintained in all its rights!
' ' Sir, the day is past — & the Constitution, from the best
intelligence, is Kejected by a large majority. I really do pity
these good people — to be asked to quit the desk — their dykes
— their strait walks — their calculations about stocks & their
heavy taxes to study an abstruse volume of constitutional
rights ! It is impossible.
' ' About Four to one voted, of those few w'ho would vote,
against the acceptation. I went on that day to Rotterdam,
passed awhile at Delft, & returned next day to this place —
all was still & apathic (if such a word be!) at Delft, out of
1500 votes, 1100 won against adoption. Several told me they
would not vote, because they did not understand such things
— others, because the preliminary Declaration of the rights
of man excluded the Prince of Orange — & others, because
M. Noel had recommended it. Pray remember me to Mr. V.
Polanen. The French will now give them one in the stile of
the Italian Caesar. I can perceive attempts are making to
obtain M. Noel's recall. He is too good a man, I believe, for
the dirty work expected of him who is to regenerate a people
by deception & gulling or fear & peace — though he can do a
little at all — pray send the inclosed to the President — the
News papers. Yours always most affectionately my dear
"friend
During this time McHenry had been very much occupied.
He had been cheered by such tokens of popular approval of
the administration, as Hindman sent him from Bellfield on
May 7.
"I did not receive your Letter of the 22d ulto. until last
Evening, it having gone to an Office with which I have little
Intercourse .
"A considerable change of Sentiment has taken Place
here towards the French, I wish it was universal throughout
250 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
the United States, as I believe Them to be a perfidious and
abominable Nation, whose Object appears to be to lord it over
the rest of the World, I should be much gratified to hear of
their being thoroughly drubbed, as it might possibly bring
them to a Sense of Justice & Humanity. Mr: Pickering's
Letter & Phocion, if generally circulated, would do immense
Good to this Country, as They are both excellent & masterly
performances "
A month after Congress met, McHenry was disturbed by
a fear lest Canada should be yielded by England to France.
In that case, he felt that ' ' our situation would become extreme
ly critical. She will not let us alone, even if she fails to re
ceive Canada. Her internal practices upon our people go
on as usual and it seems to be the determination of a part of
Congress to do nothing." On the subject of our foreign
relations, Carroll of Carrollton wrote McHenry from Dough-
oregan on June 26 :
"I am obliged to you for the communication in your let
ter of the loth instant. Poor Spain, how art thou fallen ! Is
it possible for any Americans to wish to place their country
in the same degraded situation & miserable dependence on
France? A war with that power should be avoided by every
means which will not dishonour ourselves. I detest war, and
look upon it as the greatest calamity, which can happen to a
nation, except infamy & the want of virtue : a too passive a
conduct, even instead of averting, may court hostilities.
"Does not the tranquillity of this country depend on a
decided superiority at sea of England ? If on a general peace^
France should establish a good government, her attention will
be turned to commerce & the formation of a powerful marine ;
liberated from public debt (I consider her as bankrupt) she
will, in this respect, have a great advantage over her rival;
if hard conditions of peace be imposed on G. B.. the ill hu
mour of the nation, the heavy taxes, the irritation & discontent
of Ireland, the folly and profligacy of the heir apparent will
probably occasion some great revolution in those islands, an
event which may be productive of the most serious conse
quences to our country, as France would then be without a
rival on the seas : and I think it would be imprudent to rely
on her moderation & -justice. I am anxiously conjecturing
what measures she will adopt with respect to us on a peace
with England : compensation for depredations I do not expect ;
1797-1798] of James McHenry 251
this would be admitting she has acted unjustly, and she is now
too proud to acknowledge this — should the war with Eng
land, her only remaining enemy, be continued, may we not ex
pect every effort will be made by the Directory to cut off our
commerce with that nation and its dependencies? is there not
great danger of our being forced to become a party in the war,
and will the most extreme passiveness and servility, if we can
bare to be humbled so much, exempt us from declaring in
favor of the one power or the other ? Time, the great unf old
er of events, will clear up all these conjectures, with which I
will no longer tire you. I am with regard & respect
"Dr-Sir
"Yr most hum. Servt.
' ' CH. CARROLL of Carrollton. ' '
Xaval matters were still under McHenry 's care. The
frigate for the Dey was building and the casting of the guns
and the purchase of colors for it demanded consideration.
For our own navy, the Constitution and the Constellation wrere
under construction, 1 the work on the last vessel being super
vised by Thomas Truxtun at Baltimore. As these were the
first vessels of our permanent navy, Truxtun 's letters to Mc
Henry are of interest.
He wrote from Baltimore on the 3rd of March, 1797 :
"Agreeable to your desire, I have now the honor of trans
mitting you a list, of such officers & men as I consider neces
sary to keep employed for the care and preservation of the
frigate now building near this city ; that is to say, after she is
launched, completed and the master carpenter and other arti
ficers, &c, are discharged and the ship laid up.
' ' If the Chinese system is not to be adopted, in the United
States, and the people of our towns continue their commercial
habits of trading beyond the sea, it is evident that whenever
two European powers are at war, we shall always be subject
to insult and depredation from their Public and private ships
of war, unless we have a Navy to defend our rights, and sup
port the honor and dignity of our flag — but without officers
what can be expected from a Navy : the ships cannot manuvre
themselves : nor will the best of soldiers answer as substitutes
for seamen, this every man must be convinced of, that reads
the numerous accounts of British & French engagements at
1 'See McHenry's reports June 1<6 and December 26, in State Papers,.
Naval Affairs, pp. 28 and 32.
252 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
sea, in which we find the former always victorious, not be
cause they are a braver people, but on account of their know
ing their duty as seamen and tacticians, whereas the latter
nation is but little acquainted with either art.
"Thus, sir, it is evident that, if we are to have a Navy,
we must make officers to manage that Navy and this can only
be done by employing a few ships of war, in cruising about in
times of peace & guarding the revenue &c., for in a very few
years more there will scarcely be an officer fit for service to
be found, who acquired any practical knowledge, during our
Revolution, and to introduce foreigners into our Navy would
appear to me a very dangerous policy.
' ' For the above reasons, I should be glad to see active and
respectable men appointed as lieutenants and midshipmen, in
order that they might be brought on to learn the art of marine
science and to supply the place of those, who in a few years
will be incapable of this sort of service: But knowing the
pusillanimity of Congress, and supposing the Executive will
let the business in question remain in Statu quo, untill the
next session, I have only made out a list of such officers, as are
necessary to take care of the ship, stores, and other public
property within the Yard.
"It is always considered that even small merchant ships,
suffer more from being laid up in port, tho' under the eye of
the owner, than when in actual service, and I am convinced the
fact is so, since the necessity of having proper people to take
care of these ships when afloat is very obvious.
"This frigate, while laying in ordinary, will be moored
at the end of the wharf where she is now building (with two
anchors out) near to which are all the magazines of stores,
containing the articles of equipment, which are under care of
the clerk, and should in my opinion continue so, as he appears
to me a faithfull, honest, diligent, sober, and carefull young
man. If the arrangement I here offer, meets with your ap
probation, I will, as soon as the frigate is launched, order the
Clerk and Petty Officers and men to be employed to take up
their abode, lodge, and keep watch on board, and, by that
means, they can guard the store houses and all the other public
property within the yard, as well as the ship. But while every
thing that respects the frigate is now in motion, it will cer
tainly be most economical to completely finish them, and pro
vide every necessary article requisite for their equipment,
1797-1798] of James McHenry 253
except provisions, in order that they may be ready for any
emergency.
"When the contract was made with Stodder for his
grounds, that are now enclosed as a public yard, and on which
are several buildings for the accommodation of the materials,
it was agreed to pay him for the said lot now enclosed, a rent
of four hundred dollars per annum, during the pleasure of
the Government. I have, therefore, made a calculation of
the probable expense, that will attend this ship, while laying
in Ordinary, including the said rent.
"Rent of Navy Yard per annum $400
"One Captain 75 D per Mo. & six rations per day. . 1338
' ' One clerk to attend the yard and ship 600
"One Boatswain per month to
find himself.. ..$30
"One carpenter ditto ditto... 30
per annum 1680
' One cook ditto ditto ... 20
"Three seamen eachat$20ditto 60^
"Paints, oil, brushes, brooms, buck
ets, wind sails moorings, junk &
sundries " " " 982
"Dollars 5000
"Altho' I have contemplated that the persons employed
to attend, watch and take care of the ship while in Ordinary
should 5nd themselves provisions &c. a cook will be necessary
to dress their victuals on board, and such a person may also
be useful, in aiding the others in doing the various duties of
the ship : otherwise four seamen would be necessary instead of
three, which amounts to the same thing.
"The expense here stated will perhaps appear high to
you, but unless proper people are employed, there will always
be a waste and plunder of the public property, and I know
of no way of lessening this expence, but by assembling the
ships after they are built at one place, and then it might be
curtailed very considerably from the aforegoing calculation,
& many other savings made to the United States.
"In my report to you in December last, I stated that, if
the winter was not unfavourable to us, that this frigate would
be launched in May ensuing, but, as two months has been lost,
owing to the severity of the weather, she cannot well be put
afloat before July, unless some extraordinary efforts are made,
254 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
and the workmen augmented. Therefore, if you will be pleas
ed to refer to my said report and add ; that the bottom is now
all planked except two Streaks : the upper works the same all
but two Streaks; the orlop and lower deck beams all in and
mostly knee'd & the other deck beams ready. You will then
be completely master of the true state of this frigate : Stodder,
however, will send you a report by Monday's mail, agreeable
to your request. I have the honor to be very respectfully
your obedient & humble servant
"THOMAS TRUXTUN"
Truxtun wrote again from Baltimore on the 20th of May,
1798:
' ' Under a blank cover, but I presume forwarded by your
order for my perusal, the last mail brought me your letter and
documents, addressed to Mr Livingston, Chairman of the
Committee appointed by the house of representatives to in
quire into the expenditure of the Naval Appropriations, and
published by order of that house. Altho ' the cost of three fri
gates taken separately, was not ascertained when these papers
were published, nor perhaps very accurately estimated, on
account of the manner in which the business has been trans
acted by so many persons concerned in the arrangements &c :
I very long since anticipated, that the one built here, would
cost an immense sum of money, previous to any step being
taken, towards making preparations for laying the keel of the
constitution, I stated to General Knox that it was my opinion,
none of the ships contemplated by the Act of 1794 for provid
ing an Naval Armament, ought to be built to the southward
of Philadelphia, and, in giving that opinion, I considered the
interest of the United States alone, without any local consid
eration whatever. The Secy, received my communication
with politeness & thanked me for my attention, observing at
the same time that tho'he himself was not conversant in Marine
affairs, he was under a belief that the ships built to the south
ward, would cost- 25 prct more than the others, but that the
President was willing to make experiment, in order to ascer
tain where they could in fact be built and equipt on the most
favourable terms, and that another object with him was, in
point of policy, to harmonize and distribute the money to be
spent in the opperation- more generally through out the Union.
On these observations, it was not for me to reply, but, in short
time after I came here, I was more than ever confirmed in my
1797-1798] of James McHenry 255
opinion, of the ineligibility of this place, and regretted that
it fell to my lot to be fixed here. I found no choice of arti
ficers, labourers scarce and indolent, every article higher in
point of price than in the other parts of the United States N.
E. of this, where yards were preparing — that part of the city
called Fells Point, in point of imposition a second Wapping.
The master builder determined to make the most of the job,
as he early declared he would never build another vessel, af
ter completing the frigate. Thus circumstanced I became
early disgusted with almost every one engaged in the business
in this quarter, and wrote your predecessors and self with
candor, from the commencement of the business, up to this
time stating every thing as it really was, and to Mr. Pickering.
I proposed, at an early period, an alteration in the powers
vested in the parties concerned in building this vessel, and
have his answer now before me; he declined to acquiesce, on
the principle of not altering the original arrangement of Genl.
Knox, as I understood him afterwards ; which perhaps, in the
then state of things, he was prudent in adhereing to.
"It would be of no sort of use for me to dwell long on
this subject, or to write a lengthy epistle. I will only say, I
have by a decided conduct, and independent spirit, saved
thousands to the United States here, and I thank God I have
never touched a shilling of the publick money or derived any
advantage from the building of this ship ; but have made great
sacrifices of my time & have spent much money in attending
four years now within a few weeks on her ; not as a command
er only, but as a director to the arrangements for the Carpen
ter, Bigger, Joiner, and every other tradesmen, for they were
alike ignorant of such business ; tho ' otherwise good workmen.
' ' The agent, however, he or his brother, or others of their
friends may suppose, I have often stept out of my line or was
unauthorised in giving my opinion in matters of accounts, as
decidedly as I have done : I have, notwithstanding, never hes
itated to talk to him in plain terms, when I discovered an in
difference, as I thought, in checking, writh promptness, the
evident impositions of most or all of the tradesmen. Many
charges exhibited I have often told him he ought not to admit,
in some instances, he may have taken my advice, in others, I
believe he has not, for, as I do not see his books, I do not know,
and, if he has not, I cannot help it : but however unqualified
Sterett may be from his age, easy temper, and inexperience,
I am under a firm belief that he is a very upright, honest
256 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
young man — as I have constantly stated every thing of mo
ment, respecting this frigate and her materials & the expense
of building and equipping her, I must beg leave once and for
the last time in all probability to inform you — that the
great quantity of materials in this yard I fear will be totally
ruined, if left exposed to the sun & if they are moved, the
expense will be enormous, in fact, Sir, the salary of Mr.
Cole, and the rent of Stodder's yard, with what will be stolen
in the course of a year or two, will leave little for the United
States to calculate on receiving thereafter, and again, if in
the final settlement of Mr. Stodder's account with the agent,
care is not taken by proper precaution and advice to Mr.
Sterett, charges will be admitted that ought not to be, and
credits omitted that ought to be given, through the manage
ment of Stodder and the easy disposition of the other.
"Stodder owes the United States for iron, nails and he
now demands £50 for the use of an old Smith's shop, which
he told me at the time we first made use of it, in the presence
of the clerk and others, that the United States was welcome to
occupy it without any charge whatever. The salary of Stod
der, I suppose, was only continued, one quarter after the
first of Jany. last, as we have not employed him more than
that time. I mention these circumstances merely for your
information, and more particularly as the business to Stod
der, has not been of that nature, that he ought to receive
further compensation.
"Altho' this is a very improper place for building large
vessels, the Chesapeake turns out the finest shaped and fastest
small vessels built in America.
"Since my last I have sent down twenty men, and leave
this tomorrow for the ship myself.
"I have the honor to be sir with great respect,
"Your very obt. h. S. in haste.
"THOMAS TRUXTUN"
On June 3 and 6, 1797, McHenry recommended con
gress 1 to appropriate $2,000,000 for fortifications and $23,-
400 for repairs, etc. Forts were to be built at New York, Phil
adelphia, Norfolk, Savannah, and in North and South Caro
lina. McHenry was discouraged at the outlook in French
relations and wrote Washington on July 9: "It would seem
1 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 118.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 257
as if nothing, short of a dismemberment of the Union and
having a part of it under French protection, would satisfy
the directory. After gaining this point, at which I am sure
they aim, France will then play for the whole."
In answering the letter, "Washington asked McHenry to
have the articles left by him in Philadelphia packed for for
warding to him, except the three two bottle wine coolers, one
of which he wished given to McHenry, one to Pickering, and
one to Wolcott, " as a token of my friendship and as a remem-
berance of it."1 McHenry 's cooler is still possessed by his
descendants. Yellow fever broke out at Philadelphia in the
summer and, on August 19, McHenry wTrote Wolcott, 2 who
had gone home to nurse his sick father, that he has sent to
provide a retreat for his family forty miles away on the Lan
caster Road, but hopes "there will be no occasion to use it."
As the fever increased, he did remove to near Downingstown,
whither "Wolcott wrote him from Philadelphia on September
11:
"My Dear Sir
"I reed, your oblidging favour of Aug. 19th. which gave
me the first information that a serious state of things existed
in the city — it gives me pleasure to find that yourself and
family have removed ; I hope you have found a dry & healthy
situation ; — here I imagine we are exposed to the fever &
ague. The yellow fever, or the Doctors, or both together,
have killed poor Lewis, your messenger, and I am entreated
by a worthy old man, Mr. Borrows, the messenger to the
Comptroller's office to recommend a relation of his, William
Markworth, who lives nine or ten miles from the City — Bor
rows is one of the most exemplary men of my acquaintance
& he speaks of Markworth in decided terms as an honest,
sober, & diligent man. I could not & ought not to refuse
conveying his wishes to you, though I have been careful'not
to raise his expectations.
"My friend, I have not been here a week, & yet I have
found out that living alone, in a small room in a tavern,
with the prospect of a crooked river running through a marsh,
& occupied alternately \vith some dull job of business or con
versation respecting the distresses of a great city, is far from
1 Ford, xiii, 413, Lear's "Letters and Recollections of "Washington,"
222.
2 Gibbs, i, 559.
258 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
being in a state of perfect happiness. The contrast between
my present situation and that which I have lately left is most
impressive. I have been lately too happy; — it is just that
I should experience some reverse.
"Please to present my respects to Mrs. McHenry & be
lieve me your assured friend
"OLIV. WOLCOTT"
McHenry himself fell ill in September and, while con
valescing, wrote Wolcott 1 on September 22 : " The bilious
fever, with which I have been attacked 2 has left me weak
and subject to feverish returns that affect both my sleep and
my spirits. I flatter myself, however, that a little care and
time will enable me to enjoy the beauties of this part of the
country; which are far more numerous and interesting than
the dull, damp, sedgy, serpentine, sorrowful river, whose banks
have become your residence."
From this country retreat, McHenry wrote 3 Wolcott
again on October 2, "I am kept too busy to get well," and
on the 4th, Wolcott suggested that the president would do
well to invite congress to consider the same measures as were
introduced at the last session. McHenry agreed to this pro
position 4 and, on the 16th, Wolcott wrrote Adams that both
McHenry and Lee had favored a continuance of the former
recommendations and that he hoped the president and secre
taries may all meet together before congress convenes.
Adams, meanwhile, had started towards Philadelphia,
and wrote McHenry from East Chester, twenty miles from
New York, on October 15:
" Dear Sir
"I arrived, with my Family at this Place four days ago
and propose to remain here and at New York, till the Meeting
of Congress. Letters addressed to me, to the Care of Charles
Adams Esq., Counseller at Law in New York, will soon find
me.
"I pray you to commit to writing Such Things as you
judge necessary to be communicated or recommended to Con-
1 Gibbs, i, 563.
2 One of his sons fell and injured himself and Washington inquired
after the health of bothT in a letter sent McHenry on October 16, 1797.
Lear's "Letters and Recollections of Washington," 242.
3 Gibbs, i, 565, 566.
4 Gibbs, i, 567, 568.
1 797 - 1 798] of James Me Henry 259
gress at the opening of the Session, and convey them to me,
as early as possible — And to give me your Opinion, whether
the Prevalent Sickness in Philadelphia, is so dangerous to
the Lives or health of the Members as to make it necessary
to convene them at any other Place.
"With great regard I am Dear Sir
"Your most obedient
"JOHN ADAMS."
McHenry promptly wrote Adams and received a reply
dated from East Chester on October 27 :
"Dear Sir
' ' I last night received your favour of the 22nd and thank
you for your Sentiments, with which in general I very well
agree.
' ' At the Same time I reed your other Letter of the Same
Date with its Inclosures, all of which I return to you with
this. I thank you Sir for your indefatigable attention to all
these subjects. The Letters and Instructions to the officers,
especially to General Wilkinson, appear to me to be all well
weighed, and judiciously decided.
' ' I shall observe to put my name, on my Letters in future,
as you desire. Mr. Malcom omitted it by mistake, on one
instance only, I believe.
"My Servants are returned to Philadelphia and found
the House in Order, notwithstanding two unsuccessful attacks
upon it.
"I, Am, Dear Sir your humble servant
"JOHN ADAMS/'
The reference to Wilkinson carries us to the West, whose
affairs had pressed themselves on McHenry 's attention for
some time.
As early as April 3, James Ross, the Federal leader in
western Pennsylvania, had written from Pittsburg:
"Dear Sir
"Genl. Gibson is summoned to Attend the Federal Court
as a Witness, probably you will be making Indian Arrange
ments this Spring. If so, you will find Genl. Gibson well
informed and Useful in that department. It was always my
opinion that Congress was Starving the business & should
the French set on foot any of their projects in our Western
260 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
frontier, the Indians must infallibly Attach themselves to
their old Allies, as we have neither force, presents, agents,
government, nor any thing else to prevent it. If this gen
tleman should be invested with any Commission of the de
scription which has heretofore been contemplated, I am per
suaded you will find his industry, & Fidelity equal to that
of any of your officers & much more than equal to any Com
pensation which you can Allow him by law. I have told
him, however, that it is questionable whether the business can
assume any shape or go into operation this summer & that
he can only know from yourself how it will progress. ' '
Thomas Pinckney had made a treaty with Spain in 1796
in order to ascertain the boundary between the United States,
Florida and Louisiana and to accomplish Spain's relinquish-
ment of her forts within our territory. There was ground to
suspect that Carondelet and the Spanish administration were
having secret communication with the Cherokees. A letter
from Carondelet to one of the chiefs 1 was sent McHenry from
Tennessee in June. On June 10, Pickering 2 wrote McHenry
1 New Orleans the 2nd April 1797.
My dear son & friend,
The warrior Broom delivered to me your esteemed letter of 26th
September of the last year, I took him by the ' hand, & ordered to give
him & his young follower a little present, sending them by the Movila
on account of the war we are carrying on with the English. The same
reason prevents me to let your son go now ; it is better for him to be
acquainted with the Spanish & French & then he will be useful to your
nation & to us. We are to make our dispositions for running the boun
dary line between our territory & that of the United States.
The love I profess to you induces me to give you the advice of fol
lowing the example of those of your nation, who consulting their security
put themselves under the protection of the Spanish nation between Ar-
kansaw & New Madrid.
1 remain always with friendship and esteem for you & your nation
Tour beloved father
THE BARON OF CARONDELET.
2 Pickering's personal relations to McHenry are clearly seen from
the following letter written this summer.
"Trenton Sept. 12, 1797.
"Dr Sir
"I duly received your letter of the mentioning Mr. John
Caldwell for the office of Treasurer of the mint ; and altho' you referred
to me to say what appeared proper concerning him, I chose to forward
your letter to the President, to the contents of which I with pleasure
subscribed. The only circumstance that would excite any hesitation as
to the fitness of the appointment was his near connection with the Sec
retary of War, which might give rise to disagreeable remarks among
the enemies of the Government, to excite the disapprobation of its
friends. This circumstance a sense of duty led me to intimate for the
President's consideration. But I had better give you all that I wrote
concerning Mr. Caldwell. It here follows.
" 'Altho' Mr. McHenry, on account of his connection with Mr. John
Oaldwell (the brother of Mrs. McHenry) did not think it proper directly
to me to say what appeared proper concerning him, I chose to forward
to make known his wishes to you, yet all that he has written in his
letter to me appears so correct, I thought it best to inclose it. Mr.
Caldwell is by profession a lawyer : yet having some fortune he has very
little engaged in practice. I have known him these ten years. He is a
1797-1798] of James McHenry 261
that D'Yrujo, the Spanish minister, complained that Elli-
cott, the United States commissioner, was unsatisfactory to
Carondelet and Gayoso, and asks that he be confined to run
ning the boundary and that a discreet, cool, and prudent
officer be appointed to command the American troops who
may find quarters at Natchez, even if Spain does not at once
evacuate that post. The Spaniards do not intend to resist
our claim to possession and Carondelet has written to Spain
to Godoy, the prince of peace, as to the demolition of the
forts.
The commissioners for running the line between the Cher
okee country and that open to settlement by the whites were
at Dividing Ridge, between the waters of Cumberland and
Duck rivers on June 4, whence Silas Dinsmoor, who was in
attendance on them, wrote McHenry, expressing his distrust
of the frontiersmen and of Governor Sevier and telling of the
relations with Indians :
"I was yesterday favored with your letter of the 20th
of April enclosing a copy, of the same date, to Governor
Sevier. The occasion of my being at Jellico, at the date of
my letter, which you acknowledge, was not on account of the
danger of being in a more interior position, for, however
deceitful the Indians may be represented to be, allowing the
representation to be true, I shall still consider myself more
safe in the interior of the Indian country than on the fron
tier of our own in the time of disturbance. I was at that
time making arrangements for effecting the President's plan
of civilization, notwithstanding the disagreeable aspect of af
fairs, by procuring looms, wheels, ploughs, &c. &c. a man
& woman to go into the country to shew the Indians how to
use them. Thus far I have succeeded. I have sanguine
hopes that the wishes of government will, eventually, be an-
sensible, well-informed man, a decided federalist and supporter of our
government, with a fair moral character. He has an increasing family.
But with entire fitness for the office, perhaps the expediency of appoint
ing the brother-in-law of the Secretary of War may merit consideration.'
"All this I hope will meet with your approbation, which the confi
dence and candour that ought to subsist between us have induced me
frankly to lay before you.
"There are many other candidates, some of whom have revolutionary
merit, for their service in the American war. I forward all their appli
cations to the President, accompanied with remarks, where I have knowl
edge of the characters.
"My family is comfortably situated in this place. "We moved in good
time to save ourselves from the risk of the Philadelphia fever.
"The President highly approves the letter to Yrujo. I ordered Mr.
Fenno to send you 30 copies, agreeably to your request.
"Truly yours
"T. PICKERING."
262 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
swered, & it shall be my care to deserve success. 1 see by
your enclosure what you expect from Governor Sevier. I
most sincerely pray, that your expectations may be realized
& that mine may be happily disappointed.
' ' The early arrival and firm conduct of the commissioners
for running the Cherokee line have afforded a curious sub
ject of speculation among the half wise politicians of this
country, in which they have admitted the usual proportion of
calumny. ' '
Shortly afterwards charges 1 were made against William
Blount, United States senator from Tennessee, who was ex
pelled from the senate as a result. He seems to have
expected to induce the Cherokees and Creeks to make an inva
sion of Spanish territory under British auspices. The Span
ish minister used these revelations to justify the delay in
surrendering their posts, by the fear of British designs.
Of the charges against Blount, Washington wrote Mc-
Henry 2 on July 7. If the letter from Blount to James
Carey, the Cherokee interpreter, which was intercepted, "is
a genuine one" and Blount 's "handwriting is not easily mis
taken or counterfeited I hope that the author will receive all
the punishment which the Constitution and Laws of this coun
try can inflict and, thereafter, be held in detestation by all
good men. To seek private emolument at the expense of pub
lic peace — perhaps at the expense of many innocent lives
and to aim a stroke at the reputation of a virtuous character,
hazarding his health — probably life — to promote tranquility
between the Indians and our frontier inhabitants; by de
stroying his influence and well earned good name among the
former, to render him incapable of serving his country and
this, forsooth, because he may be a stumbling block in the
way of a plan which he has in contemplation, is a crime of
so deep a dye as no epithet can convey an adequate idea of
to my mind." On August 14, Washington wrote again : "It
will be to be regretted much if this business is not probed to
the bottom."3
All sorts of rumors flitted about, as is shown by reports
made by William H. Harrison, later to be president of the Uni
ted States, but now a lieutenant in the first regiment. He
1 McHenry wrote of them to Washington on July 3 and 9.
2 Ford, xiii, 400. See Report of .the Committee of the House of
Representatives appointed to prepare articles of impeachment against Wm.
Blount, and Am. Hist. Rev., x, 595.
3 'Ford, xiii, 413.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 263
wrote from Fort Washington on May 22, 1797, reporting
"that a certain person of the name of Hamilton, who is said
to have a major's commission in the service of Spain, arrived
in the town of Cincinnati some time in the month of Janu
ary last, and has remained, (excepting a short absence of a
few weeks,) ever since. His avowed object is to prevail on
the citizens of this territory to become settlers in the Spanish
country west of the Mississippi, offering to adventurers dona
tions of land and other inducements. Hamilton was born in
New Jersey, and was some time a merchant in New York,
from whence, after being tried for a forgery, he emigrated
to Dumfries, in Virginia, where he resided until about a
year ago; for a few months previous to his arrival here, he
was in Kentucky, where, I believe, he obtained authority to
offer lands on the Mississippi to such persons as were inclin
able to transfer their allegiance from the United States to His
Catholic Majesty. Many families have emigrated, and many
more are preparing to go the ensuing fall from this country,
in consequence of the liberal offers made them by the Spanish
agents. Hamilton has avowed himself a Spanish subject to
several persons in this towrn, but I do not believe that he has
any commission in their service ; but is, I imagine, authorized
by the Spanish consul or some other agent in Kentucky to
grant lands to persons who wish to emigrate to Louisiana. I
shall use every exertion to get information of the views of
this man and every other suspicious character who may come
within my reach."
On August 13th, 1797, Harrison wrote again :
"Sir
"I have the honor to acknowledge the recept of your
letter of the 17th. Ultimo. Since my last report on the sub
ject of suspicious persons passing through this country, I
have until now met with nothing worthy of communication.
A few days ago, a Mr Manuel de Lesa, a merchant of New
Orleans, arrived in company with Mr Knox, a person who is
charged with dispatches from the Department of State to our
Commissioner, Mr Ellicot. Mr Knox informed me that de
Lesa came with him from Philada. & was to accompany him
to the falls of Ohio & from there he intended to go to Post
Vincennes where he has a store. De Lesa was here but one
night & I believe had no communication with the Inhabitants.
264 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
Hamilton, the person mentioned in my last Report, is still
in the neighborhood & follows the occupation of a Dentist.
I do not find that he has of late done any thing* to confirm
the suspicions I had at first formed of him - - he is a man
of desperate fortune &, I imagine, it would not be difficult
to employ him in any villanous scheme which would tend to
better his circumstances.
"Whilst I am on the subject of suspicious characters I
shall take the liberty of mentioning to you some circum
stances relating to Mr David Jones, late chaplain to the Army.
this man I know to be as just a promoter of Sedition as the
world can produce. He has lately made a tour through Ken
tucky & passed this a few days ago. I endeavoured to dis
cover from him the motive of his journey but all that I could
get from him was that he descended the Ohio for the purpose
of taking up with him a mare which he had bought when he
was last in this country — it appeared to me strange that a
man of his years should have taken such a journey in bad
health for such an object — this, together with my knowledge
of the man — his violent attachment to the French Govern
ment, & dislike to our own ; together with a declaration which
he made to me, created a suspicion of his being engaged in
some agency prejudicial to the interest of the United States
— • the declaration I allude to, was, ' that if the French estab
lished a Republic west of the Missippi, he intended to
emigrate to that country.' Having lived for a considerable
time with Mr Jones in the family of the late Major Genl.
Wayne, & still being on good terms with him (for he was my
guest when he was last here) I am extremely sorry to be
the means of exciting the suspicions of Government against
him, when I have no proof of his guilt — but the times are
such, as, in my opinion, to make it the duty of every friend
of his country to keep a true look out &, if possible, discover
& expose to the detestation of the world those traitors, who
acting under foreign influence, are plotting schemes destruc
tive to the interests of their country.
"This day arrived here, Mr Pike, a Cadet in the 3rd
Regt, from Fort Massac. He informs me that Capt Guion,
after having been joined by Dember's Artillery, left that post
on the llth July. Capt G — n had communicated with the
Commdr. of New Madrid & had informed him that he ex
pected to descend the River to Natches, the Spaniards replied
that, if he passed his post, he should treat him with polite-
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 265
ness — but hinted that he had better stay where he was. They
(the Spaniards) are building a large Fort on the West side
of the Missippi, sixty miles above the mouth of Ohio. I
give you this information Sir — because I imagine you are
desirous of having the earliest accounts of the Movements of
Capt : Guion.
"I have the Honor to be with
great Respect & Esteem — Sir,
"Your very Humble Servt:
"WM. *H. HARRISON
"Capt: 1st Regt Company F."
From Detroit on July 28, 1797, Major Rivardi wrote
Pickering as to western matter^:
"The British merchants of this place seem exceedingly
opposed to every measure taken by the General, in order to
remedy the evils which actually threatened our garrison, the
greater part of which was always in a state of intoxication, on
account of the small liquor shops held under the sanction of
licenses issued by the Magistrates within the lines of our
guards and sentries. The proclamation which forbids such
intolerable abuse has occasioned many murmers and remon
strances from a set of people who have long before that de
clined being considered as American citizens, bought settle
ments on the British shore, and expressed, on every occasion,
their contempt for our Government, although our money has
enriched them since our taking possession of the Posts. The
French here are very little better, and, in my opinion, not in
the least to be trusted, happily they are indolent, cowardly,
and (with prudence) little to be dreaded. The emissaries
from their Mother Country alone are dangerous. Yesterday
we drummed out an Imposter born in Canada, who made sev
eral false depositions respecting the intentions of the Span
iards and French to attack Mackinac and Fort Wayne. He
pretended to have been a prisoner at the Illinois and gave a
spurious account of the regular forces landed there, aiming,
I suppose, to spread the alarm among the Canadians and to
lead the General into some unnecessary and perhaps improper
measures — fortunately we found that he never was, since two
years, nearer of the Illinois than three hundred leagues.
"Another man (a British subject) was detected, attempt
ing to seduce some of our soldiers from their duty, and was
266 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
punished accordingly. It is so long since we received an Ex
press that we know nothing of what passed in Congress these
seven weeks past. The Indians are still very numerous here,
owing to their receiving plenty of provisions on both shores;
but I find that they all expect to see their Fathers, the French.
The little Turtle, although peaceably inclined, cannot be per
suaded that he received false information."
While McHenry thought 1 his arrangements would keep
the Indians quiet, D'Yrujo had aroused further trouble by
charging that Pickering had entered into a conspiracy with the
British minister to have a joint expedition seize the Spanish
forts in the West. 2 Pickering answered this attack with
acerbity and printed his reply through Fenno on August 8,
sending copies to his friends. On August 19, Hamilton wrote
McHenry: "Considering how insensibly precious the friend
ship of the United States is to Spain, I can only ascribe the
late conduct of some of her officers to an influence which
controuls their better judgment. War is not desired by the
United States, they will shun it if possible and I am (sure)
Spain ought carefully to avoid forcing them into it. ' '
On September 4, Adams thanked' Pickering and Mc
Henry for their vigilant attention and judicious execution of
all the business relative to D'Yrujo. The frontiersmen were
also troublesome. One Zachariah Cox wras organizing an ex
pedition and other incursions were made into the Indian
lands, concerning which letters came to the administration,
either directly, or through General Davie of North Carolina.
Among these letters was one written by William Polk from
Charlotte, August 9, 1797, to General Davie and forwarded
by him :
"Dear Sir
"Mr. Wallace has delivered me your favor of the 22d
July, and I now, by the first Post office after the receipt of
your letter, transmit what information I have been able to
collect on the subject of the Tennessee expedition from this
country.
"Six or eight weeks ago, a Mr. John Johnson who lives
near Jonesborough in the State of Tennessee came into this
county where many •-of his & his wife's relations live and
1 Gi'bbs, 5, 559.
2 Pickering, iii, 404, 407.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 267
where he moved from about 8 years ago, his business appeared
to be of two kinds, the first to sell as much land as he could
out of a body purchased by him from a certain Zack Coxe,
said to be 30,000 acres, in payment of which he took horses,
cattle, notes & money if he could get it. The second, to en
courage persons to make a settlement somewhere in the coast
of the Tennessee on the lands of this Coxe, who by some writ
ten instrument promised to each settler 1000 acres of his
Land, on condition that they would make a settlement, cul
tivate five acres of ground in wheat or corn, live on the spil
12 months, support themselves, and defend themselves against
the enemy; how far the word enemy was to extend I don't
know, whether against the Indians only, or all who should
attempt to molest them, in either going there or whilst there,
was what nobody here, I believe, is in the knowledge of. John
son, to some, said Coxe had extinguished the Indian claim &,
to them and others, that Congress had consented to the set
tlement. I am informed Genl. Sevier, at a considerable meet
ing at his house, harangued the people in favor of the plan
&, through his influence & that of Col. Ezekiel Polk, most
of 25 persons who accompanyed the latter were induced to
proceed on this wild expedition. I am unwilling to believe
that any one of these people had any hostile views towards
the Spanish settlements or that they knew anything of
Blount's plan; it is a mere land speculation without any ex
pectation, at least by E. P., of seeing or experiencing any dan
ger. I know his weak nerves too well to believe he would
hazard himself, where there would be the most distant idea
that blood would be spilt. Mr. Polk is a man charged with
impatience, has no fortitude, fickle in the extreme, a lover of
home, and never saw blood but from a lancet or his nose in
his life, from such a leader I fear nothing — some of his
party have, a few days ago, returned who left them about 50
miles above Knoxville on the Tennessee or Holston River,
who say the party had become very impatient and uneasy,
as at that place they were to meet Coxe, whom they had not
seen or certainly heard of, some said he had gone down the
River to hasten the finishing some boats he had making to
transport stores to his settlement, by others that he had gone
to Philadelphia. Johnson was taken here and brought before
the Court, who then happened to be in Session, but through
the influence of Genl. Sevier & the ignorances of the Court
they permitted him to depart."
268 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
From the state of Tennessee, Hawkins county, on Sep
tember 14th, 1797, William Cocke wrote John Adams, pro
testing against the removal of the settlers who had encroached
upon the Indian lands:
"To inform you that a large number of respectable citi
zens of the State of Tennessee are found to be within the
limits of the Indian Claims. Justice requires that I should
speak to you in plain and decided language. When I last
had the honour to converse with you and Secretary of War
on the subject, I felt myself highly pleased at the assurance
you then gave me that you would take the matter under your
serious consideration and notify the commissioners the result
of your deliberation, from the manner you then expressed
yourself I had every reason to believe would have produced a
decision favourable to the people. Impressed with this idea, I
communicated to them what had passed between us, but to
my great mortification and surprise, I have seen an order
from Col. Butler, directing the people to prepare to remove
from their farms by the 25th of October, it will not be im
proper to remark to the President that the people of the state
of Tennessee know that they are not entirely governed by
military laws, that no citizen can be deprived of his property
for public conveniency without full compensation and that
the Courts Judicial are bound to decide all questions of right,
according to the Constitutional Laws of our country. Sir, it
is painful to me to make these remarks, but as the Constitu
tion of my country warrant them and as my fellow citizens
are likely to be injured, as I conceive contrary to law, as a
number of them possess Legal Eights to the land in question,
I submit to you whether such orders should not be counter
manded, especially at a time when Congress hath had the sub
ject before them and hath postponed it for further considera
tion, I am Sir with
' ' every sentiment of esteem &c. ' '
Meanwhile letters came from North Carolina l to Wol-
cott and were sent by him to McHenry on September 15, show
ing that Blount's influence in Tennessee was not dead. In
answering Wolcott 's -letter on September 22, McHenry ac
knowledged the continuance of Blount's influence and re-
1 Gibbs, i. 562.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 269
ferred to the troubles over the Spanish boundary l and to
the projects of Cox, against which he had taken measures
which he trusts will succeed.
On September 19, Pickering wrote McHenry that he
hears from Ellicott at Natchez that Carondelet confirmed
Gayoso's agreement with the inhabitants. Two days later,
Pickering wrote again, concerning the attempts of the Span
iards to entice Indians from our territory, with a view to
future hostilities, and on the 25th he told McHenry that
Carondelet and Gayoso disagreed, the latter, "as deficient in
understanding as in honor, ' ' does not act ' ' with the prudence
and persistency" which the baron might desire. Pickering
hears from Daniel Coxe that the grant to Great Britain by
the United States of the free navigation of the Mississippi
is the chief obstacle to Spain's giving up the posts. 2 On
the 7th of October, Pickering transmits information from
Daniel Coxe that the Spanish governors and D'Yrujo are act
ing without authority from their government, anticipating
war between the United States and France.
Meantime McHenry wrote Wolcott, on October 2, that he
thought he could settle Tennessee matters without the aid of
General Wilkinson 3 and received a reply from Wolcott 4
who thought there would be no war with Spain. "You will,
however, by Hook or by Crook, get the Spanish posts and
the Dons will be more anxious to keep what remains than to
retake them." In his answer, McHenry states he was very
busy with Blount, Cox, and the Mississippi, "the current of
which latter river you know is not so easy to stem."5 Mc
Henry sent copies of Pickering's letter to D'Yrujo, to dif
ferent army posts, including one to Ross at Pittsburg, with
the request that the letter be not published in the papers.
Somehow the letter was published and though McHenry
thought the publication did much good, Pickering was dis
turbed at it and wrote:
"Trenton Oct. 19. 1797.
"Dear Sir,
"You see by the Pittsburg paper of last week, that my
letter of Augt. 8 to Yrujo, is prematurely publishing. I
must charge some of your military friends with the communi-
1 Gibbs, i, 563.
2 On September 30, Pickering writes again of Zachariah Cox's
scheme for unlawful settlements in the Indian country.
3 Gibbs, i, 565.
4 Gibbs, i, 566.
5 Gibbs, i, 567.
270 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
cation ; as I have sent no copy to that quarter ; and wherever
I have handed it to my friends, it has been with an explicit
caution against such a publication. But I do not know that
it is to be regretted : it is an anticipation of but a few weeks ;
for I doubt not that Congress would have directed its pub
lication, as usual with documents before presented to them
on the same subject. And (as one of my friends has lately
written to me) 'Since the policy of France has dragged our
Executive into the street, it is best to make the people who
are there understand that we are wholly right, and our ac
cusers altogether wrong.' This friend thus begins his letter.
'I am greatly obliged to you for the pamphlet (letter of
Aug. 8 to Y.) you sent me, as I felt a strong desire to see the
argument, which should prove conclusively that the Knight
would be a Knave, if he were not by nature a Fool. '
"It is a good while since I heard from your or of you:
how are you? is your health restored? I shall be glad to
learn ; being very truly yours,
' ' TIMOTHY PICKERING. ' '
In his letter explaining the matter, on October 22, Mc-
Henry said that he was so much occupied with affairs in the
Northwest and the South that he was tired of life and en
closed a packet for the president, which showed that the sec
retary had "not been idle and that it requires some ham
mering to make certain heads comprehend one object, when
they have conceived another." Two days later, Pickering
wrote him:
"What do you think of the Washington news, by the
Mr. Purslie who arrived at Brownsville the 2d of Oct. in 45
days from New-Orleans — That the Posts were given up, &
the boundary line running? You will recollect that such was
Mr. Ellicott's expectation, when he conversed with D. W.
Coxe, whose narrative I sent you."
On the following day Pickering wrote again:
"Trenton Oct. 25. 1797.
"Dr. Sir,
"Last evening I received your letter of the 22d. with an
open packet for the President, which I have read, sealed, and
shall this day forward.
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 271
' ' Can the cautious restriction of Powers — the prepos
terous idea of taking the posts of St. Louis, Genevieve &
New-Madrid — be accounted for, except on the principle that
they may cover sinister views, the consciousness of which
prompts to overact his part ? But if hostilities were
to commence on the Mississippi, why not collect the utmost
force to that quarter ? Why the zeal to attack — & the con
tradictory measure of lessening the force he could command,
by remanding a company where it was not needed?
"His construction of Rivet's letter is probably just. But
if the poor missionary has two years salary in arrears, it
would seem advisable to pay him at least one, immediately.
What is become of the other priest? Jannin? I thought both
had gone to the Spaniards. Will not the retaining of his
pay, furnish an excuse for unfaithfulness & desertion? and
with the influence he has acquired over the Indians, may not
his desertion hazard mischief? Doubtless it had been better
that we had never seen either. By the overtures of R., it
is clear that he belongs to the nation of spies & intriguers
"I return Mr. Hindman's letter, & thank you for the
perusal. But how astonishing that, at this time, Jacobinism
should increase! Surely the people want information.
"Adieu!
"T. PICKERING."
On the 28th came still another letter on Western affairs
from Pickering:
"Dr Sir,
' ' The enclosed letter from Kentuckey I received last even
ing, covering one from Walter Evans to James Farris, rela
tive Z. Coxe's project of a forced settlement at the Muscle
Shoals. The 1000 men mentioned as ready to proceed must
be a monstrous exaggeration : such villains always exaggerate,
to encourage & fortify their deluded partisans, and with such
decoys to lure others into their snares.
"I do not consider the letter much consequence: but it
may afford some evidence against the wrriter this friend ad
dressed, should the scheme be prosecuted.
"I am respectfully yours
"TIMOTHY PICKERING"
The enclosed letter, written from Russess Creek, Tennes-
272 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
see, Grainger county, on August 10th, 1797, by one Walter
Evans to James Farris, Jr., stated :
"By this you may be informed that We, the Tennes
see Company, have not had access to the Musscle Shoals, and
indeed, have but a faint Idea of being admitted by Congress
to go to that Country.
"There are upwards of 1000 men who are now in readi
ness to prosecute the intended voyage to the musscle Shoal
Country. We — have 70 pieces of Cannon and other suitable
Equipage for war — at the head of which is Zacheriah Cox,
a Citizen of Georgia, who will endeavour to force his way
down to that Country, The Indian Tribes notwithstanding,
with whom I expect to go, provided we can go next winter,
otherwise not. ' ' 1
Vigilant in their endeavors to obtain information relative
to any project of France to excite the Southwestern part of
the Union and Georgia to a separation from the United States
in the winter of 1797 and 1798, McHenry and Pickering ex
pended $2,560, paid to one St. Hilaire. The account for this
was one of the causes of accusation made against McHenry,
after he left the war department and was not closed until
1810. 2
1 Fort Massac 18 February 1798.
Sir
1 find by this Mitchell that he is concerned with Cox >& his party,
that finding it impracticable to pass the Military posts upon the Tennes
see, they have altered their route, & Marched thro' Kentucky, in part,
where they are assembling at the falls of the Ohio from whence they
intend to embark for the Mouth of Cumberland River, where a Town
was to be laid out for their temporary accommodation ; Mitchell is to be,
as he says the principal surveyor, & that his business at this place was
to know from Captain Pike, where the Indian line, particularly ran, that
he wishes to know as they intended to move as near it as possible ; how
ever I am well assured that all this enquiry of W Mitchell, is nothing
more, than finesse ; I think his real object was to discover what number
of Troops the Garrison consisted of, & to know the disposition of this
detachment, particularly. Cox's Artillery consists as I am informed, of
small pieces which he has packed on Horseback to Kentucky & will em
bark them at the falls.
I have the honor to remain with great
respect & Esteem your mo.
Obt. Hble Servant
T. LEWIS.
2 City of Washington Jany. 17. 1810.
Dear Sir,
I enclose an exact copy of your certificate & receipt which I had
filed as a voucher for my payment of that sum of $2560. but which not
being certified by the President is not admitted at the Treasury depart
ment. Mr. Oallatin, whom I have just conversed with, remarked that
you were responsible for the money; but he thought you might be dis
charged in one of these two ways — Either by producing receipts or other
written acknowledgements from the person or persons to whom you actu-
1797-1798] of James McHenry 273
After the Spaniards ceded the forts, 1 Pickering wrote
McHenry on December 23, stating that the governor at Nat
chez must exercise liberal hospitality to visiting chiefs, giv
ing them some presents, "to keep the Indians in an amicable
temper and may have to call a council of the tribes. If the
governor serve in the field, what rank shall he have? These
matters should be attended to at once. ' '
The greed for Western lands led all classes to purchase
them and this complicated Indian relations, as may be clearly
seen from a letter Chase wrote McHenry on December 10:
"There is another Matter in which I wish for your ad
vise — You have heard of a Claim by Citizens of U. S. to
t wo purchases from the Indians — called the Illinois and Wa-
bash Purchase. I am entitled to a 22d or whole share in
both purchases, which cost me with interest about 1600 cury.
The Case has been sometime before Congress, & you will see
ally paid the money; or by furnishing to the existing President (Madi
son) evidence to satisfy him of the application of the money to the pur
pose specified in your certificate, so as to induce him to certify (what
President Adams should have done) that the money had been applied to
the service of the U States : conformably to the power vested in the
President by the 2d section of "the act providing the means of intercourse
between the U. States & foreign nations." Vol. IV. page 69-70 of the
Acts of Congress. If you have no such receipts — or if they were burnt
in the war-office, you will advise me. Do you suppose that Pres. Adams
possesses such a knowledge or remembrance of the transaction as to en
able him (on sight of your certificate and receipt to me) as would enable
him now to give such a certificate as, if given during his presidency,
would have been sufficient? Or can you make such a statement of facts,
times and circumstances as must bring the affair so fully to his recol
lection? If this can be done, I think it not improbable that Mr. Mad
ison may, on Mr. Adams' certificate, furnish the requisite voucher for
the Treasury.
Please to favour me with an answer as speedily as possible.
Very truly yours
T. PICKERING
James McHenry Esq.
Baltimore
This may certify that there has been expended by the subscriber
Two thousand five hundred and sixty dollars in obtaining from
information relative to a project of France to excite the So.
Western part of the Union and Georgia to a separation from the United
States.
JAMES MCHENRY
Secy, of War
Dollars 2560
19 March 179S —
Received the above mentioned two thousand five hundred and sixty
dollars this 25th of April 1798 of T. Pickering Secy, of State.
JAMES Me HENRY
1 On January 5, 1798, (State Papers, i, Milit. Affairs, 62S, 632, 638)
McHenry reported on the Cherokee boundary of 1791, on April 6, he op
posed paying militia in 1794 for an offensive expedition against the Chero-
kees and on January 16, 1799, he sent the senate papers concerning the
Cherokee treaty of 1798.
274 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
the grounds of our claim as published by the Company, &
their proposal to Congress, without examining our Right,
I wish to be quit of the Business. It is very clear that Con
gress must purchase of the Indians to extinguish their claims,
if we have no Right and as we have done it, & have their
Title, at least so far as the Right of preemption, I would
agree to relinquish all Claim for what I have paid with Inter
est, on 1600£, and I will take a Certificate payable with an
nual Interest when Congress thinks proper. I think Justice
will say that my request is reasonable. I do not wish to in
jure the claims of my Partners, but I have no inclination to
contest by suit, with Congress. Be so kind as to give me your
candid opinion whether a memorial making such an offer
would be successful. Read our Claim, which you can procure
from Dr. Smith.
"I wish you Health, & Happiness, adieu
"Your affectionate &
obedt. servt.
"SAMUEL CHASE"
From Europe news came in the autumn. Pinckney wrote
from Rotterdam on September 19, concerning military books
which McHenry desired:
"By this opportunity (the Adelaide, Capt Mann via
Baltimore) I send you the Military regulations during the
time of the French Republic; they were to have been sent
above three months ago, but by some mistake were postponed.
Briquet's Military Code is out of print, I am informed a new
edition is preparing which, when published, I will procure
and transmit to you, and anything I may meet with new and
of reputation in that line.
"Genl. Marshall and myself are now upon our progress
to Paris: you will hear by my letters and enclosed papers to
the Secretary of State, and Mr. Murray's communications to
you, of the extraordinary transactions in Paris; these trans
actions and some intimations we have received that our pres
ence at this juncture at Paris might be important, and the
delay of our journey imputed to very false and improper
motives, have induced Genl. Marshall and myself, to set out
to Paris, more particularly, as Mr. Prince, the Agent of the
Union, the vessel in which Mr. Gerry is to sail from Boston,
writes word to the Consul at Rotterdam that she is to call
1797-1798] of James Me Henry 275
at Havre; I have therefore written to that port to request
Mr. Gerry to proceed from thence to Paris, without coming
round by Holland.
"We shall not commence any direct negoeiations, before
we are joined by Mr. Gerry, without circumstances, should
indicate great probable advantages.
"These I do not expect; for so much reliance is placed
in France, on the individual divisions in America, and so large
a party is thought to be more attached to French measures
than to the interests of our Country, that, tho ' I am convinced
this opinion is erroneous, yet as it is entertained by men in
power, I am apprehensive our negociations will be very dif
ficult, and my hopes of success are not at all sanguine.
' ' I remain My dear Sir, with great regard and esteem —
"Your most obt.
"humble Servant
"CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. "
Three days later a letter was sent McHenry by Murray,
who had tried to ward off any danger of a war between Hol
land and the United States:
"Mr Gerry arrived here last night. He will proceed on
to Paris as soon as he can return from Amsterdam, whither
he must first go. The other ministers went on the 18th.
inst. The only chance it seems to me they have, is in the
renewal of the war. This would give to us, all the advan
tages of ally 'd force, without the odium. Still however to me
our affairs do appear desperate in Paris. This dreadful con
vulsion which took place on the 4th, in which all fell, upon
whose sense of justice we could have any reliance, has been
to me a most serious event. Pastoret Portalis — Boissy d'
Anglois — Dumas, Voublanc — Barbe Marbois & Pichigru —
these were men of superior cast — who wished to restore order
to the whole social & political state in France; to recall the
public bodies to a recognition of foreign nations in the good
faith of France ; & to check the Directoire, in those violations
both of the constitution & of the law of nations which had
excited alarm at home & fear & hatred abroad. These men,
confounded with the emigrants who had returned, & many
of whom had kept up a perpetual conspiracy agt. the Republi
can system, are swept off, & by this are on their way to
Madagascar. Since, the two councils, like the peasant when
276 Life and Correspondence [CHAP xn
arguing with justice, agree to every proposition, & anticipate
every wish of the Directoire. They have broken up Pastorets
committee which he had got appointed, after a most able
speech on our affairs, in which he urged the right we had to
enter with the Treaty of 94 — & held up the violence of the
Directoire & their Tribunals agt. our neutral rights in a
variety of ways, as unjust, tyrannical & impolite. The ob
ject of this committee was to report upon the existing rela
tions between the U. 8. & France & upon the injuries that had
been inflicted upon our trade. The report was delay 'd till
the arrival of our minister, & probably under the foresight of
an intervening crisis, on which they counted upon success.
They have declared the object of such committees (Zumolard
had one also, upon the transactions in Genoa Venice &c &c)
as inconsistent with the constitution & Kepublicanism, & have
expressly affirmed the respective acts of the Directory upon
our affairs. Mulin, too, the late minister of Justice, & the
official instrument of the numerous condemnations, is now a
Director, in Carnot's place. Whether you consider the acts
of the present Legislature or of the Directory & the nature
of the government, wh. is now a complete military despotism
& the characters of the men who are in the Executive, we
shall have little reason to expect justice. By a letter wh. I
received a few days since from a very intelligent man at
Paris, it appears, that the table talk in select & official parties
is, that we may have peace, but it must be upon their terms : , —
that there is a party in the United States strong enough to
controul, &, if necessary, to overthrow the government ; — &
that a six months war with France would dissolve the Union.
M. Adet 's Secretary was in this party & confirmed their asser
tions. I fear that our ministers may think that delay, and
the gaining of time, would be a good thing, my idea is that
all the speed, consistent with candour & gentleness in man
ner, is in every aspect of their & our affairs important. To
you, I can write with perfect freedom — I do not believe
they will grant us a single object of our just demands, that
they will wish to keep the negociation open, after they shall
have had use of it, to throw into discussion in America,
two or three proposals: as to give us a free West India, & a
guaranteed Mediterranean trade - - if we will abandon the
Treaty; probably with this, an assurance of indemnification,
after the war. To dissolve the Union — to revolutionize the
South & West — to place those into a State, available to them
1797-1798] of James McHenry 277
against the British, both in arms & especially commerce &
West India relations, will be the object of such offers, pend
ing the negociation. This idea I have had for months, & so
exprest myself in one of my letters to you. The pamphlets
which are published in the U. S. under French auspices of
late, tending to familiarise the breach of the Treaty of 94,
& to conciliate this with the constitution & the interests &
duties of America, I consider as mere collateral evidence,
compared with those stronger inferences, which may be drawn
from their past & present spirit & proceedings, & the connex
ion of symptoms wh. have gradually developed themselves in
America. Congress & the State Legislatures will all be in
Session at a period when they might, I should think, be
brought to a fixed complexion ; & when some definite idea
might be transmitted to you from Paris. In such a state of
things the rigour of public spirit would have something cer
tain to act upon. If it is assailed by discussions upon the
alternatives with which France will endeavour to amuse it -
& if expectation be long kept on a stretch, & raised & deprest
by an indefinite variety of news from Europe, & conjectures,
this spirit may tire, or cool, or divide into difficult points of
doctrine & policy. But surely, long before this, the mist has
been withdrawn from the eyes of thousands of our country
men who have been certainly in the most profound errors re
specting the views of France towards us & all other nations.
Her object is aggrandisement. Her means the destruction of
great Britain. Weak or infatuated neutral nations are her
stepping stones to reach at her rival. As to Republicanism —
She has it not herself — She is ruled by the Directoire through
the army. To preserve this despotism, this Directoire must
& will keep at war, as then the executive is all in all, & have
the armies more at their disposal, & more temptations to offer
them as the price of their obedience. When Buonaparte held
out his olive branch to the arch Duke, clever & great as he
is, he was in the utmost danger — Both sides gained time.
The Directoire had nothing to do with it. In this interval of
a Peace, for which all France groans the two councils set
about really organising the true principles of their constitu
tion. They wished to produce that responsibility in the Exec
utive which this expressly gave them as the source of the exec
utive, they examined into the State of the Finances, saw
confusion & penury & no system even attempted. They looked
into the expenditures & found a wider & more devouring pro-
278 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
fusion than had disgraced the ancient regime. They exam
ined into the State of the Bureaus & into the different de
partments of the Govt., and beheld a more disgusting parade,
and a more intricate chain of patronage, & a more extensive
arrangement of official & subofficial machinery than the old
court had ever been charged with by its enemies & reformers.
They then attempted -to ameliorate the revenues & to give
them system ; — to check this profusion, — & even dared to
point out the propriety of looking into the expenditure of
those vast treasures with which different generals in Italy
had been debited. They sought into the State of the colonies
& pointed out the necessity of really regenerating their lost
commercial & regular habits, as a source of maritime strength
& as generally connected with the policy of internal strength,
agriculture & manufactures. Their object, in fact was to
revive the internal happiness of France; to bring the people
to cherish order, industry & peaceful habits & to methodise
that dreadful chaos into which the relaxation of laws, &
the great irregularity in the proceedings & the principles of
the revolutionary governments, had thrown the people more
than any external force had done. Then happened, in the
election of a new Third, who were moderates (ie. Anti Jacob
ins,) and the preliminary articles of peace wth. the Empire,
a coincidence favouring this great & patriotic design. This
election gave the men who entertained these enlightened views,
the decided majority — as 3 to 1. Their efforts & objects
were of a nature to excite alarm among all who lived in
truth upon public confusion. The Directoire saw, in the line
of conduct which they promised to pursue, that check which
they were not willing to endure. The Bureaus — & all the
offices felt sore under this scrutiny into their members, inca
pacity, & profusion — the armies were stimulated by the gen
erals in a hatred against the councils &, in the same propor
tion, into a respect for the Directoire. Wth. whom it became
politic then to make a common cause. From the moment that
the Directory perceived that the Legislature resolved to act
with firmness in the reform of public abuses, & undertook to
exercise some pretence to their rights of Peace & war, agree
ably to the constitution, they excited sedition against those
councils & gradually took their measures under the pretence
of guarding against Royalism, to overthrow the moderates &
to put all power under their own, absolute direction. Pich-
igru & others foresaw this crisis — the mysterious march of
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 279
the army towards Paris & the daring language in the army
addressed to the Directoire agt. the councils, & to each other,
from Italy to the Sambre & Meuse, led that great man to
attempt those measures of safety wh. the constitution put
wt.in the reach of the councils. He set about organizing the
national guards or militia — France had been disarmed about
a year since — Not a cannon nor a musket had been permitted
to appear in Paris but those in the hands of the guards. The
sections of Paris had been disarmed on the celebrated Ven-
demiere. The Directory saw that if this national guard were
organised & armed, the Legislature wd. be supported. They
saw too that if Peace with the Emperor & G. Britain fol
low 'd such a Legislative preparation of strength, their schemes
of ambition & absolute power might be frustrated. They
anticipated the Legislature by placing peace at a distance,
and by the convulsion of the 4. Sep. triumph. Never per
haps in the Roman Senate under Tiberius, when Senators
could be nodded by the Tyrant to the Baths, was there a
bolder stroke of despotism, under the cloak of Republican
ism ! Fifty odd of the most enlightened Revolutionists in
France, seized as members of the Legislature, and ordered
for Banishment, to one of the most distant & savage scenes
upon earth — without notice — hearing or a trial ! for the
order of Banishment preceded even the frivolous & unexam-
ined scraps of inadmissible evidence which had been exhibited
against one of them, & that one Pichegru — undoubtedly
there were emigrants in France who watched & always will
watch for a crisis between the republican parties, that they
may direct the crisis to their own ends ; — but the members
of the 500 & of the ancients, except perhaps Camille Jourdan,
who had lately returned from England, were as remarkable
for their revolutionary characters, as Mr Rewbill, Mr. Barros
& Mr. Lepeaux. So also were Carnot & Barthelemy. The
real crimes of these men were attempts to put the constitu
tion in force — to execute the Laws — & to extricate the
people out of revolutionary government, in favour of Peace,
order & justice. The charge agt PicTiegru is derived from
the papers of a count D' Entrigue, an emigrant, who states
conversations with another emigrant, a count Montgaillard, ,
near two years since. These were tricks which the tories
used to play off upon the whigs with us — but america had
too much goodness & justice to credit such trumpery. From
this period, however, it is probable that very serious designs.
280 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
will be taken up by the ablest revolutionists in France, to
restore a share of monarchy to the government. My own
idea is that the different parties & generals will wait for an
opportunity of placing a King upon the throne of France.
That whatever party attempts, it will be opposed by an oppo
site party, because each will be jealous of the others ; & each
would, if it be at all done, wish to have the advantages &
emoluments of such a decisive event. But a vast & horrible
involution of party rage & personal rivalship will long con
tinue to distract them, & retard any government but a revolu
tionary & military despotism.
"Lord Malmsbury has left Lisle — This is not from pub
lic authority, but I hear it through a channel upon which I
completely rely. I do not regret this, as the war will recom
mence with vigour, & as parties are distrusted in France, &
they have no means to fit out distant expeditions, they may
be the more inclined to listen to our ministers. Still I am
convinced that they rely upon a source of transatlantic means
which they will organise in proportion as the negociation is
lengthened & spun out by their acts.
"There is a certainty that upon the Rhine at Bonn, Cob-
lentz, & Cologne, a revolutionary spirit has brought a revolu
tion to bear upon the constituted authorities. The plan is
to erect a Cis-Rhine Republic. The plan of France is not
only to avail herself of the confusion & weakness which her
enemies will feel from revolutions in their towns, but also to
surround her land — Frontier with a cordon of small repub
lics, who will be her satellites, her out guards, & whose ex
istence, as. republics, must depend upon subserviency to her
& on her protection. Her agents have produced this event.
Her force is at hand — & Though the great majority of the
people there, as here, are agt. this plan, her partizans there
will get possession of power & call their ambition Repub
licanism. Dear God! a Republic in the wealthy & corrupt
parts of Europe ! as a republican I shd. rejoice if I saw man
ners, morals, & independence in these scenes. Formerly where
luxury had totally debauched the morals of a nation they
supply 'd in energy of govt, what their vices & habits ren-
dered necessary, to hold the society at all together. At pres
ent the attempt at Liberty begins at the point of the social
state when it used to end. An impatience under moral, re
ligious, & civil institutions, arising from a knowledge of only
abstract doctrines, & stimulated by ambition, love of plunder,
1797-1798] of James McHenry 281
idleness & profligacy, is mistaken for love of Liberty. It is
in fact the restlessness of Vice — a popular path which it
takes to avoid the imputation of criminality & to enjoy all
its extravagances & profits. A dreadful anarchy is the result
— & society is thrown back into its elements, without its sim
plicity & morals, I can see no end, except that which one
man enjoys in the charge & possession of another's property.
"The revolution at Paris has affected this country but
slightly. The violent men would like to see the present inter
mediary govt. here a little more revolutionary; but the great
mass of virtuous phlegm, the fair & honest views of the very
great majority of the People & the whole genius of the nation,
incorporated as it is in a thousand circumstances & arising
out of the artificial existence of the whole Republic, are
against sudden bursts of fanaticism. Dykes which repel the
beseiging ocean are the bulwarks of the national character.
Those who exist but by the tenure of a never ending vigi
lance to sensible objects, of such importance as the whole of
their embanking system, you can readily believe, are preserv
ing — of course, patient, thoughtful — slow to alter, & fixed
when once determined — a real overthrow of things in Hol
land, in the true revolutionary sense in wh. Europe work.s
changes in Govt., would produce the catastrophe of which the
Zuyder Zee, at this moment, is an awful momento. When-
this South or Zud Zee now is, once was land! There are
records in Overyssel & Guilderland of this fact. The gre?t
exterior Dykes had been neglected — Storms had accumulated
the Ocean upon that quarter — the bottoms of the Dykes were
softened and sapped and were burst. The deluge in -four
& twenty hours destroy 'd, and in a great degree covered, &
soon obliterated many hundred Villages — ( The people live
in villages) I hear eight hundred! You have often heard,
but scarcely believed that the ocean is higher than the land
in many of the finest parts of the Seven Provinces — The
fact is so — The country rests upon a foot of soft mud -
They must have banked out first in the flats of the sea & then
pumped out all the surrounded water. This is done daily,
as to pumping; & the maintenance of wind mills for this
purpose, to keep the land dry which is below the surface of
the sea, forms a part of something like ground rent, to each
lot in the town districts. Thus it is near Leyden — & be
tween Rotterdam — the Hague. A people so placed are obliged
to be grave and steady, or drown. A Fete indeed is to take
282 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
place upon the event of the downfall of Royalism, as they
call the overthrow of the Legislature at Paris — a Speech
from the President of the assembly & from Mr Noel, the min
ister, is it is said, to manifest the sympathy of Batavia in
the triumphs of Liberty. These Fetes are useful things to
any party who use them triumphantly, they have an impos
ing effect — They strike all, & upon thousands who love bril
liance, effect, & success, but who have neither opportunity nor
power to examine into the justice of the occasion. These
fetes are to extend from the mouth of the Rhine, to the ancient
Kingdom of Ulysses in the mouth of the Adriatic, that 'Lewd
whore' — where the tri-coloured flag now waves over the
ruins of that wise king. These fetes are to pervade every
scene where France has influence or possession. They will
be attempted in america. I consider them as partly the tri
umphs over our friends & those who might, if any in France
could, do us justice. It will be highly important to destroy
the influence of these Fetes then. It is to celebrate the bru
tality of a strictly military Despotism, over a sincere & cordial
operation, through which the great experiment was to be
fairly made, whether France could endure a real republican
form of Govt. The experiment was a fair one — The people
chose their members — these now were not Jacobins — - the
Jacobins formed the club of Saline afterward Montmorency.
The Directoire grew jealous of the two new thirds — the Ja
cobins united wt. it, & with the armies agt. them — The Direc
toire turned out these men whom the people appointed and
banished the ablest of them. The elections of all men of that
description, except of those who from timidity have made
terms with the Executive, are declared illegal, & others put
in before the intelligence could have reached the communes &
Departments ! This is the Avay the Directoire secures ma
jorities ! If a proper use be made of the late event in Paris
I should suppose the eyes of many, certainly not all, in
America might be opened; & that the Deception of the Govt.
once manifested, our worthy citizens would no longer be the
dupes of the most graceful & vicious nation under the sun.
' ' I have written to Mr. Smith, the minister Plenipotent 'y
at Lisbon, congratulating him — He merited the distinction
— • I went to house-keeping as soon as I heard of his appoint
ment, & could get ready. But my dear friend, I never hear
from you — nor from a soul except Col. Pickering, in his
1797-1798] of James McHenry 283
public letters. When you write, you could omit your name
as I do.
<;I can not omit one piece of information of which I
shall also inform Col. P. The publication of Mr. Adam's
letter respecting this country does us mischief. It has ex
cited considerable heat — & is thought an insult. They wd.
certainly have demanded his recall had he been here. Yet
I will still suppose that to answer a great end, these steps
must sometimes be taken — and, in this case, whatever incon
venience arises to the minister it is his duty to bear it as
part of his official labours & troubles. Certainty of good,
however, ought always to be placed against certainty of evil.
Unless the good is great and certain from publication, I
should hope the govt. would never publish. I know that it
is to tell the truth, however unwelcome, that a minister is
sent abroad. I have not been spoken to nor written to for
mally; & have, when I saw it would be convenient, attempted
to soften the affair. The violence is pretty much against Mr.
Adams — who is out of the reach of this anger. They say
its hurts them with France & is impolitic as it enables her
to stimulate this country against us contrary to their wishes,
by appealing to the pride of the Batavian People and national
Govt. But I have no fears respecting their disposition to be
at peace, unless, shd. a war unfortunately come on with
France, they should be urged, under their Treaty offensive
& Defensive of 1795, to join F. in the war agt. us. To guard
against this probability I have for months seized & sought
occasions of supporting this proposition, when I thought it
might work to the proposed end — That it is the interest of
France to suffer the Dutch to l)e at Peace with America.
This, I believe, is true. To support this proposition I am
endeavouring to collect materials to show the importance of
the American trade to the Dutch and the bearings of the
Dutch trade and money 'd operations upon the French re
sources & affairs. The relations of the American trade with
Bremen & Hamburg & the connection of these in this trade
with Amsterdam and Rotterdam. The subserviency of the
instalments & interest to those sources of Dutch competency
which are available to France at present. The relations of
the American trade to France as diverted from English into
a Dutch channel & the importance of keeping up this diver
sion. The great importance of the American neutral bot
toms to Holland & France in the Surinam & Batavia E. India
284 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
trade — and a prodigious deal of this carrying is done now
in American ships which have not been at home for three years
— particularly those in the E. India freights. In fact, the
great value to France of an extensive Dutch trade, till she can
revive her own navigation — and the very little aid she could
derive from a power whose fleets, are year after year block
aded in the Texel — together with the loss which the Dutch
would sustain in the West Indies & South America without
benefit to the IT. S. but to the certain aggrandisement of the
great rival of France, G. Britain. In these attempts, I shall
not show, nor have I manifested, any the remotest apprehen
sion of a failure of our pacific negociation which will open at
Paris — but only urged them to lend them as far as friendly
sympathy might act, to aid the force of our reasonings & to
prevent a rupture & a good understanding with France &c.
&c &c.
"The mutiny in the British fleet is crushed, not only by
the government, but by that union in all sorts of parties which
was produced by so serious & unmetaphysical a situation & as
to the British, they behave handsomely enough to our trade,
from all I can learn — of course interest & that alone produces
this conduct & of course they wish us to go to war. There is
one thing very far from pleasant, in the prospect of the busi
ness of settlement of claims by the board of commissioners.
No case falls wth. in the cognizance of that board, but such
as can not be reached in the ordinary course of judicial pro
ceedings there — cases have to travel through certain stages
of process in the courts first — here is the approaching hard
ship. Either the courts are in justifiably slow, or their delays
are designed to take many cases out of the remedy of the
Treaty, for the commissioners, I believe, can not receive cases
longer than about the next April. In such a state of cases
undecided, they might avail themselves of circumstances, and
say, (though with chicanery) that the Treaty had been grat
ify 'd. However we have debts as a pledge — but that again
sets the old sores to running.
"Mrs M. has written I think twice to Mrs. McIIenry —
pray remember us both with the most cordial respect & kind
ness to her & accept these from us both — my compliments to
my friend Mr. John McHenry. I have written thrice to Genl.
Washington. 1. under cover a blank cover to you, soon
after my arrival. 2. inclosed by a gentleman to Baltimore
to Mr Gilmor. 3d. lately by Cap. Izard, who returns an
1797-1798] of James McHenry 285
accomplished, refined right sort of young man. One letter
from you, your first — & one from my brother are all — all
that I have seen from America! Mun's letters I have seen.
I admire the way in which Col. P. has turned aside from him
— god bless you, my dear friend, & believe me to be always
' ' Sincerely & Affectionately yrs. ' '
On October 13, another letter was sent by Murray, 1
telling of the events of the European war and saying :
"The Hague 13. Oct. 1797.
"My dear Sir,
"Were I in China I should not wonder at the total ab
sence of letters from those who are such friends as I am pos
sessed of. But so near, with such constant opportunities, I
do wonder & grieve. If you have not time, my young friend,
Mr John McHenry would write & let me know how you do &
that I am not gone from all remembrance. Mrs. M. also
grieves — for I have received but one letter from you — but
one from my brother — & a line from Harper since I became
Dutch !
"The Dutch Fleet at length resolved to try its title to the
ocean with the british. They went out on Saturday last.
Duncan 's Squadron being supposed to be in port. The Fleets
met a little South of the Texel, where, you may easily suppose,
from the map I send for your acceptance, an engagement took
place. The Dutch Fleet under Admiral De Winter, formerly
a Lieutenant of a ship, consisted of 17 of the line & ten Fri
gates & small ships. The British, it is said, of 15. of the line
& some frigates (I do not hear how many). The Dutch, as
might be expected from their inexperience & want of old
officers, & especially of old Seasoned, between-deck subal
terns, were defeated & eight fine ships of the line, some say
ten, taken. They behaved very handsomely & with the great
est bravery. De Winter & another Admiral Krayestein were
among the prisoners!
"On the sailing of the Fleet, the greatest joy prevailed
1 On October 24, Pickering wrote McHenry as follows:
"Mr. Murray's last letter is dated July 21. He mentions that last
spring certain terms had been agreed between Delacroix & the Portu
guese minister at Paris, and the treaty prepared for signing — but just
then arrived the news of Bonaparte's great successes — and the Directory
had the perfidy and the insolence, not only to abandon the treaty agreed
on, but to present a paper with very different terms to the Portuguese
minister to sign : but he refused — and they ordered him to quit Paris —
Tho' not France. He chose to go to Holland. I suppose it was from him
that Mr. M. received the account."
286 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
among the men in public life — &, on a false report of the
british flying before the Batavian flag, the guns were fired at
Rotterdam & great demonstrations of triumph took place.
The sudden reverse of fortune has affected all classes, as you
may imagine, with a steady gloom. Dead bodies, & the wreck
of masts, sails, &c &c float up hourly upon the long line of sea
coast & present a mournful detail of the defeat.
"This, though I can not help grieving for my Sober &
honest friends the Dutch, who deserve to be a free & inde
pendent nation, under present circumstances will help us ; as
that british squadron which was large & expensive, will be no
longer necessary on this coast. The French, the pivot of mod
ern speculation, will find their rival enemy so very strong by
this liberation of force from European attention in the West
Indies, as to render the vessels & supplies of the U. S. & their
neutrality, more & more essential.
' ' Parties here are differently affected by this event. The
mass of the people, who appear to be orangists, do not lament
it — • many of them are to day drinking & rejoicing in private
at this defeat, which they think will help their friend the
Prince.
' ' I have not heard from any of our Negotiators at Paris
since their arrival. I have written every post. I am almost
certain they would write. Since the publication of Mr
Adam 's letter respecting this country &c — I have reason to
apprehend a great attention on the part of the French to all
letters to a prime minister U. S. Indeed, I feel the effects of
that publication in various ways, for it has produced an un
disguised resentment in the members of the Govt. If you
would have any minister ordered off — the way would be to
publish his dispatches. I shall still do my duty, as I have told
one of the members of the Commission des Relations Exter-
ieures who, among others, spoke to me with rather a menace,
or at best a warning, agt. such communications. So, my dear
Sir, you will judge upon this affair. The minister must write
the truth & the whole of it — & I shall do so — the Govt. must
judge as to publication — always, however, under a Certainty
that from that moment any minister becomes offensive at the
place he is. As yet, from appearances, they seem to like me
very well.
"They have a committee upon another constitution. I
1797-1798] of James McHenry 287
very lately wrote by Capt. Stiles of Baltimore to you & to
Genl. W. Fayette is liberated.
"& believe me always affectionately Yrs"
These difficulties with France disturbed Lafayette, who
was now released, and wrote McHenry at the end of the year :
"Lhemkull December 26th 1797
''My Dear McHenry
" I do not know Whether or Not My former Letters Have
reached America. Should they have Miscarried I Hope the
various Dangers now attending the Navigation Will Sufficient
ly Apologize for me. This prison Scrible of Mine I Risk at
Random. Lieutenant Juimpi of the Artillery acquaints me,
in a Letter Dated October the 24th, that, in a fortnight, He
will Sail for Baltimore. I Heard of it But Lately And Depend
Upon Some Mistake in the Date or an Unforseen Delay that
May Have Detained him. I am Much obliged to Him for
the Notice He Has given Me, nor was it His fault if it Comes
too Late. To him also I owed on my passage through Ger
many the pleasing emotions I felt at the first Sight, after so
long a time, of an American Uniform. How Many Dear Ideas
it Recalls to My Mind and to My Heart ! Among Which My
Beloved McHenry Comes in for a great Share.
" I am Sick, and, for the Whole Winter, intend to Remain
in this Solitary Country Seat in Holstein, on Danish Territory,
where my fellow prisoner Latour Maubourg and our two
families are With me. You know that State of our Health,
particularly that of My Wife Has Rendered it impossible for
us to travel farther, Much more so to Embark at this Season
of the Year — we are in a Safe place, and Waiting for the
Spring. I am Now Well again — it is not Yet the case with
my two friends. My Wife, altho She is a little Better, Has
not Hitherto made great Progress towards Her Recovery. This
Captivity Has Been More Hurtful to Her than to any body
else.
"With great and Heartfelt Satisfaction I Hear that the
Dreadful Distemper in Philadelphia and Baltimore Has Sub
sided. So Many friends I Have there. So Affectionate is My
Attachement to the Mass of the Citizens, and so Difficult is it
to Hear Any thing from Your quarter that I Could not But
Be Extremely Anxious, and So shall be until I Can Come at
particulars about this Horrid Calamity.
288 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
"There is another Subject of Unhappiness to me. These
differences Between America and France. How they Damp
every enjoyment of My Eestoration to Liberty and Life, How
I r,egret not to be able to do more than write a few Letters,
How I wish it was in My Power to adjust them With Equal
Convenience and Equal Dignity to Both Countries I Need Not
talk to You, My Dear McIIenry — a Quarrell Between the two
Common Wealths is So Unnatural a thing that I Had Never
feared I Should Live to See it.
' ' Inclosed is a letter to Gl. Washington Which I also trust
to the Same very Uncertain Chance. That of Lieutenant
Juimpi's not having sailed. I also enclose two quadrupli
cates to my two Heroic friends, Bolman and Huger. Present
my Best and grateful Respect to the President, the Vice Pres
ident, and all our friends, Particularly to Your Family. I
Have not Yet Heard from My Brother Noailles. Let him
know How we are. I Hope His answers will Soon Come to
Hand. Remember me also to Gen'l Kosciusko. I Hope His
Health is Better. My Great Regard for Him Makes me More
affectionately Partake in every thing that Concerns Him. You
know, Dear McHenry, How Heartily I am forever
"Your friend
' ' LAFAYETTE ' '
Other European letters came to McHenry from Lisbon,
whither his friend, William Smith of South Carolina, had
gone in the summer of 1797 as the minister and whence he
wrote of the customs of the country and of the events of the
European wars. Smith wTas a thorough Federalist and stood
for a stern refusal to compromise with France. l
During the course of 1797, the forts in New York harbor
were begun. New York 2 appropriated $150,000 for these
fortifications, in expectation of being repaid, without reference
to the balance found due from the state to the nation, by com
missioners, and, as Adams 3 thought, did not declare that the
forts when built should belong to the United States, therefore,
he thought the money should be expended by Hamilton, with
reservation of rights of the national legislature. Pickering
wrote that the jurisdiction of the forts was ceded, but doubted
1 These letters were printed in Sewanee Review, xiv, No. 1, Janu
ary, 1906.
2 J. Adams, viii, 556. ^
3 Some interesting letters from Murray to the President are printed
in the appendix to volume 8 of John Adams's Works.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 289
whether the state intended to appropriate money to pay its
debt to the United States and suggested, on November 6, that
McHenry write Jay to direct the work to proceed, stating that
sums expended by New York should be credited on account of
the balance, to avoid a claim from the state. Winter was near,
nothing could be done until spring and, consequently, a little
delay would not hurt matters.
On June 13, 1798, McHenry wrote the military committee
of New York and sent the letter to Hamilton, asking whether
the forts should be first undertaken on the islands in the har
bor, or on Sandy Hook. A letter from Hamilton to McHenry,
dated June 1, seems to be upon this matter as follows:
"My Dear Sir
"Our citizens are extremely anxious that som^ further
measures for their defence should take place. Do me the
favour to inform me confidentially what means are actually
in the disposition of your department for this purpose, when &
how they will be apllied.
" Yrs truly &c
"A HAMILTON
"A Capt Hacker formerly of our Navy is desirous of
being employed. One or two good men have recommended
him to me. It seems, however, — that he has been heretofore
rather Democratic. I barely wish that his pretensions may be
fairly but carefully considered & that he may have such chance
as he merits
"The sooner I hear from you the better."
On February 27, 1798, McHenry reported to the house
of representatives 1 that he had expended on forts, princi
pally on Fort Mifflin, Pa., $39,400, and that there remained a
balance of the appropriation of $97,700. The delay in build
ing forts was largely caused by the tardiness of the states in
ceding sites. He suggested that, as the frontiers are likely for
a long time to need all the existing army and forts cannot be
garrisoned by militia, the army be augmented and that a re
gard to ultimate economy required that the forts be con
structed of durable materials.
From Mount Vernon, Washington wrote - McHenry on
January 28, asking many questions on public and private mat
ters, especially as to the "meaning of the calm and apparent
1 State Papers, Milit. Affairs, 5, 119.
2 Ford, xiii, 428.
290 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
harmony" in congress and whether there are "no accounts yet
from our envoys? If not, to what is their silence attributed,
when the newspapers are filled with accounts of them as late
as the middle of November from Paris, where they must have
been at least six weeks. ' ' l
1 Other unpublished letters from Washington on private matters,
are dated from this period as follows :
"Mount Vernon 7th. Feb. 1798.
"Dear Sir,
"Tour two letters, tooth dated the 1st. instant, came to hand yes
terday only. I thank you for giving me the perusal of their enclosures ;
and as I am upon the point of setting out to a meeting of the Stock
holders of the Potomack Navigation, and may be from home two or three
days, I return them without delay.
"I had, it is true, entirely forgot my old Coach until reminded thereof
by Mr. Small; upon which, I wrote to Colo. Biddle (who transacts all
matters of that sort for me in Philadelphia) to sell it for whatever it
would fetch, and took it for granted that all expences (as he had money
of mine in his hands) had been paid Let me entreat you, therefore, to
direct Mr. iSmall to that source for payment.
"As the Gout & Rheumatism are said to [be] Cousin Germans, it is no
matter on which Acct. (I hope I may) congratulate you on a recovery
from • Complims. &c. — and I am always
"Your Affecty
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"'James McHenry Esqr."
"Mount Vernon 4th. Mar. 1798.
•"Sir,
"Your favour of the 9th ult. came duly to hand & would have received
an earlier acknowledgment had not causes, of one kind or another inter
vened.
"Always desirous of promoting works which are calculated for the
use and benefit of mankind ; and believing that the one you have in
contemplation if well compiled, will contribute to this end, I readily be
come a subscriber to it.
"For the flattering terms in which you have been pleased to intro
duce the subject to me, I pray you to accept the thanks of. Sir
"Your Most Obedt. — Hble. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"Mr. John Parker
"Mount Vernon 4th. March 1798.
"Dear Sir,
"Knowing nothing of Mr. John Parker (whose letter I enclose you;)
of his fitness for the work he contemplated ; — or the utility of it when
done ; except bringing All these Matters into a connected view ; — which
indeed Might be useful — But knowing as I Well do, that many men
when they want money, and do not readily know how else to come at it,
are too apt to set projects of this kind on foot, to obtain it ; sometimes
for the mere purpose of catching a penny, without meaning more than
t6 get hold of the money; and oftentimes without abilities to execute
their designs in Useful undertakings, by which attempts, more competent
pens lye unimployed. I say, viewing things in this light, & presuming
you have a better knowledge of what is stated in his letter than I can
pretend to, — of his views ; and of the propriety of encouraging the pro
posed Undertaking; I have taken the liberty of putting along with his
letter, My answer, to be forwarded to him, or not, as in your judgment,
& from existing circumstances, you shall deem best. —
"With truth & sincerity — I am always
"Your affectionate friend
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"Are our Commrs. Guilotined? —
or what else is the Occasion
of their Silence?"
From Mount Vernon Washington wrote, on June 22, 1<98, complain-
1797-1798] of James McHenry 291
As the year 1798 began and a rejection of our envoys
seemed probable, Adams addressed a series of questions on
January 24 to the heads of departments, asking them if war
should follow such rejection. 1
Two days later McHenry wrote, enclosing the president's
queries: "My dear Hamilton, Will you assist me, or rather
your country, with such suggestions and opinions as may oc
cur to you on the subject of the within paper. Some of the
questions it contains are very important and an immature step,
or a wrong policy, pursued or recommended, respecting them
may become extremely injurious, or beget disagreeable conse
quences. I am sure I cannot do such justice to the subject as
you can. Let me, therefore, intreat you to favour me, as soon
as possible, with your ideas. Take care of the paper. I
received it only this morning. Yours most affectionately. ' ' 2
Hamilton's answer to this is as follows:
"It may serve to prepare the way for a direct answer to
the questions stated by the President to make some preliminary
observations :
"1. It is an understood fact that there is a very general
and strong aversion to War in the minds of the people of this
Country — and a considerable part of the community (though
even this part has been greatly alienated from France by the
late violent conduct towards this country) is still peculiarly
averse to a War with that Republic.
"2. A formal rupture between the two countries ipso
facto carries matters to the greatest extremity, and takes all
Ing of McHenry's failure to answer his letters and asking, "what has been
done with a letter of mine, put under cover to you (early in March last)
to be forwarded, or suppressed, at your discretion, to a Mr. John Parker ;
who exhibited Proposals to the Public, for compiling a complete Edition
of all the Journals of Congress from the earliest period of them down to
the present day?" — Lear's "Letters and Recollections of Washington." 255.
On June 26, McHenry wrote Washington apologizing for forgetting
to answer owing to a press of business, and saying that he did not give
Parker Washington's letter for Parker was working for a Democratic
printer and McHenry thought it best not to give a person the "countenance
of your name whose politics, according to my information, entitled him
to none. If this objection is not valid," McHenry will yet deliver the
letter. The objection must have been valid, for the letter to Parker re
mained among McHenry's papers to this day.
1 J. Adams, i, 515.
2 C. F. Adams, in his life of his grandfather, insinuates that Mc
Henry's plan was drawn by Hamilton with reference to Miranda and that
this explains McHenry's reference to Spain. But Adams had asked Mc
Henry to consider relations with Spain. C. F. Adams also groundlessly
insinuates that Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry knew more of Miranda's
project than they cared to disclose.
292 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
the chances of evil which can accrue from the Vengeance of
France stimulated by success.
"3. A mitigated hostility leaves still a door open to
negotiation and takes some chances, to avoid some of the ex
tremities of a formal war.
"4. By a formal war with France there is nothing to be
gained. Trade she has none — and as to territory, if we could
make acquisitions they are not desireable.
"5. These premisses if just lead to this conclusion, that
in the event of a failure of the present attempt to negotiate, a
truly vigorous defensive plan, with the continuance of a read
iness still to negotiate is the course advisable to be pursued.
"Then, if one or more of our Commissioners remain in
Europe, it may be expedient to leave them there (say in Hol
land) to have the air of still being disposed to meet any open
ing to accommodation.
"If they all return, there is an end of that question, for
they certainly are not to be sent back.
' ' The further measures presumed to be expedient for the
Government in the event supposed are:
"1. To give permission to Merchant Vessels under prop
er guards to arm for defence.
"2. To prepare as fast as possible a number of Sloops
of War, say Twenty, of from 16 to 20 guns each. Vessels
already built may be procured fit for the purpose and perhaps
in sufficient numbers.
"3. To complete as fast as possible the three remaining
Frigates.
"4. To give authority to the President, in case of open
rupture, to provide, equip &c, by such means as he shall judge
best, a number of ships of the line not exceeding ten in num
ber. 'Tis not improbable these may be procured from G. B.
— to be manned & commanded by us. A provisional negotia
tion for this purpose may be opened. The authority ought to
be broad enough, though correct in the terms, to permit the
contracting with a foreign power to take such a number of its
navy into the pay of our Government.
' ' In the first instance our Merchant & other armed vessels
should be authorised to capture and bring or send in all ves
sels which may attack them and all French privateers, which
they may find hovering within - - leagues of our Coast. The
vessels to be condemned & the crews liberated.
1797-1798]
of James Me Henry
293
"To this end and for more important
reasons, the Treaties of Alliance & Com
merce between the U. States & France
to be declared suspended.
"6. A substantial regular Force of
20,000 men to be at once set on foot and
raised as soon as may be. Of these not
"5. A Regiment to| less than 2000 to be cavalry. An auxil-
form two batalionsjiary provisional army to be likewise con-
commanded by a stituted of 30,000. Infantry on the plan
Colonel.
"Each batalion to
be commanded by a
Major & to consist of
5 Companies to have
heretofore suggested. 1
"7. To furnish the means, all the
sources of revenue to be immediately
seized and put in action with boldness
& a loan to the requisite extent on com-
a Captain two lieu-jputation to be authorised,
tenants 4 sergeants j "The more Revenue we have the more
& 100 rank & file. vigour evidently we can act with & by
taking a rank hold from the commence
ment we shall the better avoid an accu
mulation of debt. This object is all im
portant nor do I fear any serious obsta
cles from popular opposition.
"The measures to be taken by Executive will therefore
be. To Communicate to Congress with manly, but calm and
sedate firmness & without strut, the ill success of the attempt
to negotiate & the circumstances attending it. To deplore the
failure of the measure.
:To inculcate that the crisis is a verv
'*! think the ov
erthrow of England
& the invasion of
this Country very
possible so possible
serious one &, looking forward to possi
ble events in Europe, may involve the
safety, liberty & prosperity of this Coun
try.*
"That the situation points out two ob-
that any other cal-'jeots: 1. measures of immediate de-
culation for our Gov
ernment
bad one.
will be a
fence to our Commerce and 2. of ulterio>*
security in the event of open Rupture.
Towards these the above mentioned meas
ures to be recommended but without de-
jtail as to numbers of Ships, troops &c.
The idea to be thrown in that the hope of an accomoda-
1 McHenry, in his reply to the president, placed the regulars at 16,000
and the provisional army at 20,000.
294 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
tion, without proceeding to an open Rupture, ought not to be
abandoned or precluded, while measures of self preservation
ought not to be omitted or delayed & ought -to be prosecuted
with a vigour commensurable with the present injury & event
ual greatness of the danger.
"The further idea ought to be thrown out that France,
by formally violating, has in fact suspended the Treaties —
that they ought, consequently ad interim, to be suspended by
us — since the observance on one side & not on the other can
only produce inconvenience & embarrassment.
The necessity of ample provision of
revenue & force ought to be dwelt upon
' ' There has been
latterly too much
with emphasis accompanied by strong
allusions to great future possible dan-
Epigram in our Of-]gers. In all this a stile cautious, solemn,
ficial Stile. j grave, but free from asperity or insult
| is all important.
"An Embargo seems now to be out of place & ineligible.
"With regard to Spain, nothing more seems advisable at
present than to instruct our Minister at that Court to make
respectful but energetic representations, pressing the fulfil
ment of the Treaty. The less is done with her Officers here
the better.
' ' With regard to Holland or Portugal, it is not perceived
that any thing is requested except to endeavour to continue &
cultivate good understanding.
"As to England, it is believed to be best, in any event, to
avoid alliance. Mutual interest will command as much from
her as Treaty. If she can maintain her own ground, she will
not see us fall a prey — if she cannot, Treaty will be a public
bond. Should we make a Treaty with her & observe it, we
take all the chances of her fall. Should France endeavour
to detach us from a Treaty, if made, by offering advantageous
terms of Peace, it would be a difficult & dangerous task to our
Government to resist the popular cry for acceptance of her
terms. 'Twill be best not to entangle.
"Nothing more, therefore, seems proper to be done than,
through Mr. King, to communicate the measures in Train —
to sound as to cooperation in case of open Rupture, the furn
ishing us with naval force — point 'g the cooperation to the
Floridas, Louisiana, & South American possessions of Spain,
if rupture, as is probable, shall extend to her. To prevail on
Britain to lodge in her Minister here ample authority for all
1797-1798] of James McHenry 295
these purposes; but all this without engagement or commit
ment in the first instance. All on this side the Mississippi
must be ours, including both Floridas [McHenry added New
Orleans]. Twill be best to charge with the instructions a con
fidential Messenger.
"In addition to these measures, Let the President recom
mend a day to be observed as a day of fasting, humiliation, &
prayer. On religious ground, this is very proper. On politi
cal, it is very expedient. The Government will be very un
wise, if it does not make the most of the religious preposses
sions of our people, opposing the honest enthusiasm of Reli
gious Opinion to the phrenzy of Political fanaticism. The
last step appears to me of the most precious importance & I
earnestly hope, it will, by no means, be neglected."
On February 15, McHenry -1 submitted his answer to
Adams, practically embodying Hamilton's paper. Later
Adams submitted questions, when details of French news had
come, whether the particulars should be disclosed to congress
at once, and whether he should recommend a declaration of
war. McHenry answered by appealing to his former paper. -
McHenry thus spoke of alliances: "As to England.
Notwithstanding her naval victories and undisputed control
of the ocean, her fate remains yet perhaps precarious and must
continue, so as long as invasion remains practicable or possible.
This consideration may render it best to avoid entangling our
selves with an alliance." 3
On February 20, Hamilton wrote regretting he had not
found time to read a report McHenry had sent. 4 William
1 On February 13, Hamilton wrote McHenry (Hamilton, vi, 267)
in reference to his private debts.
2 J. Adams, i, 517. J. Adams, viii, 568. C. F. Adams says J.
Adams had no suspicion as to the source of McHenry's policy.
3 Hamilton, vi, 278. March 27, 1798, Hamilton writing to Pick
ering, suggests no alliance with Great Britain, J. Adams had by form
of queries opposed English alliance. See Hamilton, vi, 271, March 17.
4 ,
My Dear Friend
I regret that my occupations have not permitted me to give your
report more than a cursory reading, before my being obliged to leave the
city for Albany. I have put it under a cover addressed to you. If it
cannot conveniently wait my return, which will be in a fortnight, it will
be sent you upon a line directed to Mr. "James Inglis at Col Hamilton's
No. 26 Broadway N York." desiring him to forward you the Packet
left in his care for you which will be done.
Interpret favourably & forgive
Yr Affect
A HAMILTON
N York 20 Feb
1798
296 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
Pinkney wrote on February 26, from London, where he was
commissioner to settle claims under the Jay Treaty.
"When I had the pleasure to see you last you requested
me to write to you — and, if I have not availed myself of this
Request, it is only because I have had nothing to communicate
which wd. not come to you more promptly as well as more
satisfactorily from other channels. Of the progress of our
Commission you wd. naturally be apprized by our Dispatches
to the Secy, of State — and of the great Events of which
Europe has been the Theatre, my Letters could give you no
Information equal to that wch you have better Means of ac
quiring. I think, however, that my Silence has been blame-
able — and that I shd. have written, if it were merely to
remind you of my Claim to a place in your recollections, and
to evidence the Value I do not cease to put upon your Friend
ship & good opinion. I beg you to pardon me, if you believe
me to have been faulty in this respect — and to allow my
promise of Amendment, with this Specimen of it, to make my
peace. I am aware that, in saying this much, I appear to
make myself of more Importance than I am entitled to do — •
but you will be good enough to ascribe this seeming Vanity to
the Proofs I have heretofore received of your regard.
"You have doubtless been much gratified by observing
that, notwithstanding serious tho temporary Obstacles, the
Execution of the 7th. art. of the Treaty has equaled our best
Expectations, and you will be more gratified by learning that
the prospect of an honorable Close to our Commission becomes
every day more certain. We have supposed it probable that
we shd. differ from the B. Comn. on a point of more Conse
quence than has hitherto occurred & upon the Decision of
which wd. depend whether the article shd. be idle and illu
sory or a substantial efficacious Provision. The Treaty pre
scribes 18 Months, for the Exhibition of Claims in the first
Instance, & gives us a Discretion to receive them within 6
months after the Expiration of the 18. It is now perfectly
certain that the judicial Remedy will not have been exhausted,
in the great mass of the Cases within, either of those periods —
as the Lords of Appeal decide nothing, or at least very little.
The Treaty makes it an essential Ingredient in every Com
plaint that it shd. be shown that the Compt. cd. not procure
Redress, in the ordinary Course of judicial proceeding, —
and no Complainant can come to us, until he is in a Situation
to alledge & substantiate that Fact, of Course it wd. become
1797-1798] of James McHcnry 297
important to determine whether a Man, whose Cause is still
iubjudice, without fault on his part, at the End of the 18
Months, is not authorized to demand our Aid, upon the Ground
that he has tried the judicial Remedy to the Extent required
by the Treaty. For, if he cd. not then demand it & his Cause
shd. remain undecided by the Lords until the End of the 6
Months, it is obvious that he wd. be forever witho 't the pale of
this provision, and, consequently, the Treaty wd. be almost
a dead Letter. Upon this point, on which we had anticipated
difference of opinion, we shall probably be unanimous — and
I do not foresee any other on wch we are likely to have any
considerable Difficulty. I have Hopes of being able to return
to America in the Course of the next Year — and it will, I am
sure, give you pleasure to learn that my Health is so much
recruited as to enable me to go back to the Bar without Incon
venience. If it shall happen that our Labours here have not
been in vain (and there is every reason to hope so), I shall be
so far from having Cause to regret my absence from my Coun
try that I may justly felicitate myself upon it.
"Our Envoys at Paris are still statu quo. Tho French
Law of the last Month denouncing indiscriminate Hostility
agt. Neutral Commerce — & Talier 's late motion for another,
by which all Neutral Vessels are to be brought in for Adjudi
cation &, if armed, condemned without further Enquiry (a
regulation obviously in Aid of the former) seem to be an un
equivocal Answer to our Demands of Redress for past Injur
ies. My Information does not enable me to form any decisive
Judgment, but I shd. think our Comm'rs cannot remain much
longer in France. If a rupture with the proud Republic shd.
be unavoidable without the Sacrifice of our national Honor
and Interests (and of this there does not appear to be any
room to doubt) I hope & trust that the public Mind in Amer
ica will be prepared for it & that we shall meet the Necessity
with all the Spirit & resources of the Country. Europe pre
sents every day fresh Instances of French Ambition and the
baneful System by which it is to be gratified. Switzerland is
upon the point of being revolutionized, & probably annexed
to France not by the Troops of that Nation, but by the opera
tion of that detestable policy which plays off the lower &
unprincipled portion of Society agt the Government. Berne
is supposed to be prepared for a considerable Stand; but the
prospect of its being an efficacious one is not such as could be
wished. The Ecclesiastical States are on the Eve of being
298 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
democratized or sunk into a French province. Portugal is
menaced with a powerful Invasion — & Spain has consented to
the March of the necessary Forces thro her Territories — the
consequences of which will obviously be fatal to both. Thus
for the want of a timely Coalition among the different Powers
of the Continent, each will, in its Turn, become a Prey to the
inordinate Views of a Nation which, with Union they are still
able to resist. G. Britain alone preserves the firm attitude
with which she commenced the contest. But her Efforts can
only be defensive & can respect herself alone. The threatened
Invasion of this Country is probably mere vapouring; but if
attempted to be carried into Execution, has every possible
chance agt. it. I ought to make an Apology for troubling you
with politics. I did not intend to do so, because I can state
nothing upon these Topics but what I collect from Newspapers
& common Conversation, & because you have infinitely surer
Sources of Knowledge. Mr. King's Dispatches have, I pre
sume, made you acquainted with the State of our Claim to
the Bank Stock. His good offices have been constantly em
ployed to secure to Maryland the Effect of its Right, & it is to
be hoped will be finally successful. Every Motive of Justice
& Policy points to an absolute Transfer of the Stock to the
State's use & must ultimately produce it. ' Harper's Book has
gained uncommon Celebrity here — & is read with avidity by
people of every Description. Monroe's is re-published in
London, but I have not seen it. From what I have heard of
it, it contains that which only the Govt. of the IT. S. could give
to the world — his Instructions &c. Whence a diplomatic
Agent derived his Authority for the publication of such Docu
ments is inconceivable - — unless the Govt. has given it to him.
"I will not add more to this long & hasty Letter than to
tell you that we pass our time pleasantly enough in London &
that my Family enjoy better Health than formerly ; but that
I am anxious to return to Maryland. We do not precisely
know the Value of our Country & our Friends, till we are
separated from them. I beg you to be assured, my Dr. Sir,
that of the latter there is none whom I remember with warmer
Sentiments of Regard than you. I do not ask you to write to
me ; but I cannot help remarking that, if you shall have Leis
ure to give me a Line, you will gratify me highly by doing so.
''Yours sincerely
"WM PlNKNEY."
1797-1798] of James McHenry 299
On March 19, Adams announced to congress the failure
of the negotiators, without publishing the correspondence
showing the full details of the transactions. Not only the
commissioners had failed but also Talleyrand's minions had
demanded bribes and had been refused, Pinckney and Marshall
had retired from Paris, leaving Gerry there.
On April 12, Murray wrote from the Hague :
"My dear Friend,
"At length I have heard once more from you & Mrs M —
from her friend Mrs McHenry — yesterday I reed, your
letter of Novr. It has been almost as long in coming, as our
Envoys dispatches are in going. A year this day since we
received the last of your kind offices at the boat in wh. we
embarked ! One Year — and I shall just bear myself clear
of every expense — & that only with about 400 guilders in
Pocket — but I could not keep your commands — the
living here is as dear as in Philada — the demands from com
pany more — the necessity of attending to various people in
this & other governments, greater — & more urgent, as times
waver from critical to temperate & back again. The style of
entertaining here is heavy, ceremonious, & costly. We are
rigid economists — we go in a Treck Schuyte if we go out of
towTn — in a hack, if we go in the rain, in town. I keep old
Will & a man who speaks dutch & english — who is essential
to housekeeping. I keep no horse — nor have I been on one
since I came — though I want exercise. Yet my dear friend
furnishes as many rooms as we want only — & the noviciate
among the dealers for every thing of Life & they are all
SHARPERS: so it is your Min. Resident is pretty much as
he started — though I see there is a stir in Congress about our
Salaries. I know what you will say — retrench — but you
know not the sort of scene we are in — a marry d. minister
must, lie must see certain people at their houses & of course
at his own ! You observed once to Hollingsworth, when I men
tioned that I intended to carry Mrs. M. with me to the Springs
— 'That is bad' — but on this voyage you know I could not
help it — we are rigid economists — & I often feel very un
easy at the necessity of spending money — we live as snug as
possible — but we could not live with decency as genteel peo
ple under £800 a year Sterl — war has raised the price of
everything but house rent — we live in the house of the U. S.
— in which we have, from its size, almost died this dreadful
300 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
winter, in damp & cold. The repairs of this house cost some
money, the bankers undertook it — they said their original
powers extended to repair. I shall pay for one room — the
most expensive one.
"We trembled for you in the fever, though we heard, as
I mentioned in mine of 24. Jany — that you all were safe.
In that letter, I mentioned the Revolution here — of which I
have often written to the Secretary of State. The winds have
been furiously West & N. W. ever since the 7. Oct. That must
account, with probable captures, for your not hearing from
the Envoys at Paris up to 3. Feb. But my dear Sir ! a stroke
is struck at Paris at the Commission that will pose every body.
The Directory have selected Gerry — & will open the negocia-
tion with him. I understand from Genl. P. will order P. &
M. to quit paris. I can not understand what new property
Gerry has discovered in the mill stone ever turning & ever
grinding every thing — what new property he has discovered,
by means of algebra, in his own powers or in their plans —
but so it is. The whole 3 made one commission — one is se
lected 'whose supposed opinions they say promise most confi
dence in them ' ! ! thus my dear Sir the Directory have us ' on
the hip ' — Why Mr. G. stays after all that has past — after
the very ground of negociation is changed by acts subsequent
to their arrival, no mortal but himself I believe can divine.
I fear he is deceived in the degree of his own address & ability
to tread in a labyrinth without a clue — if he had had a clue,
his colleagues must have seen it — &, without one, I think he
will lose himself. I do fear that with all his goodness of part
he has the trick of mistaking the forms of a new & brilliant
Society for deference to himself — the lamps of Paris for il
lumination — the kiss of the Fish women for public joy &
these dames for dignify 'd matrons meeting to hail him as the
great pacificator. I fear this — of his good intentions I have
no doubt — of his knowledge of men — such men — & of
women — & such women — & of politics conducted without
chart or compass as ours are, I do doubt & he must obtain
Justice, & settle the dispute on principles warranted by the
spirit of America. And do that soon, or I shall think he
wanted common sense in separating from such men as Pinck-
ney & Marshall, under circumstances of calumny agt. the
Govt. U. S. & dishonour to them too — if any thing said
against an honest man<-by France, can be dishonour. If he
does not obtain his objects speedily, it is entirely improbable
1797-1798] of James McHenry 301
he can justify a step that places so much power, in a crisis,
in the hands of France, wh. step stagnates every measure in
America while it strengthens France & yet binds not F. to
anything but to treat with him — no principle established —
no hope of success held out that Genl. P. had heard of on the
6th. or he would have told me in his letter — in his of 23.
March — they had resolved All to reject the proposal.
"I have seen Mr. M's book — & despise it too much to
dread another, wh. I should not be surprised to see engendered
soon on the same soil & not very unlike it.
"Harper's work does me much good. It is in England
the property of a benevolent Society, the profits arising from
its prodigious Sale are devoted to a charity. Pray tell our
friend this — it has past 7. editions — & large ones.
"I will write again soon. The Govt. here are very friend
ly towards U. S. I rejoice Spain has opened her eyes as to
Limits. I have taken great pains here with her minister, an
amiable & sensible man, lately in the council of State, on this
subject, ever since last summer — but do not know that he
has communicated on it to his Court. Mr. Delacroix is very
polite to us — & all his family. Pray remember me most
kindly & respectfully to Mrs McHenry — & do also to our fair
and amiable young friend now Mrs. Marcou — and do also to
Sedgwick — Hindman — Harper — Mr. Dennis — Tracey —
Rep. — S. Smith &c &c &c & Mr. Wolcott.
"God bless, you my dear friend &
believe me always affectionatelv
"Yrs. &c &c &c"
On March 27, Washington wrote McHenry, 1 asking if
it can be true that some members of congress have had treas
onable correspondence with the Directory. ' ' On this, as upon
all other occasions, I hope the best. It has always been my
belief that Providence has not led us so far in the path of
independence of one nation to throw us into the arms of an
other. And that the machinations of those who are attempting
it will, sooner or later, recoil upon their own heads."
Some dissatisfaction had arisen as to McHenry 's admin
istration of his department and on April 27, 1798, Robert
Goodloe Harper2 wrote to Hamilton: "Could anything
prevail on you to take the war department, a war minister is
1 Ford, xiii, 493. Sparks, xi, 230.
2 Hamilton, vi, 282.
302 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
more important than a general. If Adams understood your
willingness to come forward, the arrangement would imme
diately take place, McHenry would give way and there is no
difference of opinion among the federal party on the absolute
necessity of his doing so. ' ' No answer to this letter has been
found.
The growth of the navy demanded that more attention
should be given it. On March 8, McHenry recommended that
the war department should be assisted by a commissioner of
marine and from this suggestion came the navy department. 1
The frigate United States had been launched July 10, 1797,
the Constellation on September 7 and the Constitution was to
leave the ways in April, 1798. 2
On May 12, McHenry wrote Hamilton 3 that one or two,
of the frigates will shortly be ready for sea and that Capt.
Dale will sail in the Ganges within six or seven days. He
asks for help in preparing instructions to the captains. As
there is no secretary of the navy as yet, McHenry must pre
pare instructions to guide the conduct of the men of war in
employing force to protect convoys against French ships.
Congress shows a profound reserve and makes no declaration
of war.
On May 17, Hamilton answered that the president, by the
constitution, probably has power only "to employ the ships
as convoys, with authority to repel force by force (but not to
capture) and to repress hostilities within our waters, including
a marine league from our coasts.
"Anything beyond this must fall under the idea of re
prisals and requires the sanction of that department which is
to declare or make war." The president should exercise no
"doubtful authority," but should send a message to congress,
asking for authority to give more "extensive protection" to
our shipping. This "course will remove all clouds as to what
the President will do, will gain him credit for frankness and
an unwillingness to chicane the constitution and will return
upon Congress the question in a shape which cannot be elud
ed. " A French privateer had made captures at the mouth
of New York harbor. ' ' This is too much humiliation, after all
that has passed. Our merchants are very indignant ; our gov-
1 State Papers, i, Naval Affairs, 33. 34.
2 Ingersoll's War Department, 29.
3 Hamilton, vi, 282.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 303
eminent very prostrate in the view of every man of en
ergy."1
The navy department was not long to remain vacant. Ben
jamin Stoddert of Georgetown, a merchant of moderate abil
ity, who had been a fellow member of the Maryland senate
with McHenry, was appointed secretary and assumed the du
ties in June. After accepting the office, he wrote McHenry
thus:
"Geo. Town, May 28, 1798.
"Dear Sir,-
" Unqualified, as I really think myself, I have after a
thousand struggles, accepted my honorable, and at this crisis,
important appointment. Who that has the feelings of an
American, could refuse to try, at least, to serve his country
at such a time ? I put in thus early my claim on your Friend
ship for all the assistance I shall need, and it will be a great
deal. I mean to set out for Philadelphia as early as possible.
I hope a week's delay will not be thought long, and I hope I
shall not find it necessary to bestow more than a week on my
private affairs. I go at first without my family, who are to
follow, or to wait till the Fall, as I shall determine, after get
ting to Philadelphia. You did not write me a word about
your wishes as to my acceptance or refusal — make up for the
deficiency by writing me on the receipt of this, and, if possi
ble, flatter me into a belief that I may be able to avoid merited
reproach. One letter may reach me before I leave this.
"I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem,
"y'r Serv.,
"BEN STODDERT."
We learn of Stoddert 's arrival in Philadelphia from a
letter written thence by William Hindman on June 13 :
"Our Friend Stoddart reach 'd here Tester Afternoon,
& will wait upon the President this Morning, being anxious
to be geered & enter upon the Duties of his Office ; the appli
cants for Clerkship are numerous, & some of the first Char
acters in the United States, He will not probably appoint his
principal Clerk for some Days.
"You will see by the Paper, that there is to be a special
Call of our House at after 11 Oclock to Day, as the Bills for
the direct Tax And to authorize the Defence of the Merchant
Ships of the United States against French Depredations;
1 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 281.
304 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
will be read the third Time to Day. The last is a good Bill,
tho' not so strong as some of our Friends wish'd it; I hap
pened to be out on a Visit to Mr : Stoddert, when the Yeas &
Nays were called upon an Amendment moved by Mr : Harper.
"I have just seen your Nephew — Your Family are all
well.
"I learn the joint Committee of both Houses to fix upon
the Time of adjournment, will agree to rise the last of this
Month or beginning of next, if They should thus report, I
hope it will not be concurred with, tho' my Fears are it will.
My best Respects to my much valued Friend Col Hamilton."
On April 3 the famous X Y Z dispatches were made pub
lic and, amid the patriotic furor of enthusiasm they aroused,
all were eager for action against France. 1 McHenry 's report
to the house of representatives - on April 9, 1798, contains a
clear statement of his position in relation to France. That
country "derives several important advantages from the sys
tem she is pursuing towards the United States. Besides the
sweets of plunder obtained by her privateers, she keeps in
them a nursery of seamen to be drawn upon in all conjunc
tures by her navy. She unfits, by the same means, the United
States for energetic measures and, thereby, prepares us for
the last degree of humiliation and subjection. To forbear,
under such circumstances, from taking naval and military
measures to secure our trade, defend our territory in case of
invasion, and prevent, or suppress domestic insurrection,
would be to offer up the United States a certain prey to
Europe and exhibit to the world a sad spectacle of national
degradation and imbecility. The United States possess an ex
tensive trade. Heavy expenses must be submitted to for pro
tection. The United States border upon the provinces of
great and powerful kingdoms. Heavy expenses must be in
curred, that we may be at all times in a situation to assert
our rights over our own territory." Therefore, he recom
mends an increase of the navy, by building 20 smaller ves
sels, and, in case of a rupture with a foreign power, 6 ships
of the line or frigates, and 6 galleys of one or two guns; the
increase of the army by the addition of one regiment each of
infantry, artillery, and cavalry, the first of these also to serve
as marines ; a law authorizing the President to call out
1 Hamilton, vi, 285.
2 State Paper?, i, Military Affairs, 120.
1797-1798] of James McHenry 305
20,000 men as a provisional force if needed; more forts cost
ing about $1,000,000; more supplies, such as cannon, small
arms, powder, saltpetre, copper, and military stores; and,
to pay for all these, more revenue to be raised.
From Maryland, McHenry heard during the winter and
spring. Uriah Forrest, on December 6, wrote from Annapolis
urging Adams to agree to the request of the commissioners of
the District of Columbia and ask Maryland at once for an ad
vance of money, in addition to the $100,000 loaned the year
before. Two days later, he wrote again introducing a candi
date for office and talking of the election as United States
senator of James Lloyd, who introduced the Sedition Act in
June, 1798. "I have had to make wonderful exertion to get
Lloyd elected a senator. Better might have been found, but
none would go down. He is as strictly governmental as it is
possible, a man of nice honor and pretty good judgment, slow,
and heavy." Carroll of Carrollton wrote, on the same day,
indorsing the same applicant, telling of Lloyd's election and
asking for news from Europe of the embassy to France.
On April 18, James Winchester sent McHenry a long
and important letter as to conditions in Baltimore. l
"My engagements in our County Court, which has been
in session three weeks, & a bad state of health has prevented
my hitherto acknowledging the receipt of the Communica
tions you was so kind as to enclose or to communicate the
politics of this place.
"Yesterday, we had a numerous meeting at the Court
House on the interesting situation of our affairs, and certain
resolutions were adopted — approbatory of our Government,
which you will see in the papers. Certain events, otherwise
trivial than as they serve to teach us prudence and a cautious
avoidance of the declaration of pretended reformed politi
cians, mark so strongly the views of a party here that I think
it my duty to communicate them to you. It happened that
I was selected to open the object of meeting, which I did by
a brief statement of the outrages committed on this Country
by France, and a recital of the fate of the Neutral Nations,
who had reposed confidence in them, and, calling on each
individual to declare, if any there was, his dissatisfaction at
1 Letters from McHenry's correspondence relating to Maryland
politics in 1796 are found in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., ix, 374 (November,
ISO'S), and on the same subject in 1797 in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 31 (Jan
uary, 1906).
306 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
the resolution propounded, no opposition appeared. But not
one of the name or immediate Connections of S. Smith at
tended. One of their party (I hear J. A. Buchanan) asked
tauntingly, was there any complaint of British orders? The
answer Was no. The immediate observation in reply was, It
is an electioneering stroke & has no other motive than to turn
Genl. S. out of Congress. This I have learned this evening.
They dare not face us. But they keep alive the spirit of the
party in favor of France, tho' they are ashamed to avow it.
They had rather sacrafice their Country, its honor, & national
character, than their individual popularity.
"This, connected with a circumstance which occurred
while I was at Annapolis during the last Session of Assembly
attending the House as Council for the Landlords, satisfy
me that there is a party here, however they may endeavour to
conceal their real views by hypocritical professions, who ar
dently wish a connection with France of the nearest kind.
"You know I am considered rather democratic, and,
under this impression, Govr. Henry unbosomed himself to me
after dinner at "Wharf's tavern. Thus, — 'Depend upon it,
Sir, there is a British influence in this Country. I have seen
it — yes, in this room. Mr. Jefferson is the only point to look
up to resist it. He is the only mound to prevent its over
whelming us as a torrent — wrhen I saw the British Treaty I
did not think it could be possible I could have even been
brought to vote for it — but the conduct of the late Execu
tive left us no alternative but to adopt it or go to war, — nec
essity therefore compelled assent to it.' This conversation
became public. The event was Mr. Winder's defeat & Genl.
Loyds election.
"I cannot help connecting the observation on our Town
meeting. 'Was there any complaint of British orders,' with
Mr. Henry's declaration That British influence was about to
overwhelm us and tho' they will not openly show, at this
time, their predilection for France, they will discover it in
the first calamitous event which may happen to our Country.
Depend on it they are not to be trusted. I speak of the party
here.
"I have just had a meeting with Genl. Swan, Mr Carroll,
Mr Dorsey, & Mr. Rollings worth on the subject of an address
to the Government, which we have agreed on, conformably to
the Town Resolutions,- Adding our willingness to submit to
increased taxes, and praying that consideration of expences
1797-1798] of James McHenry 807
&c may not be put in Competition with the important rights
now at stake.
"The facts I have stated relative to Gov. Henry may be
stated in any way in which they may be serviceable. Tis time
to unmask hypocrites."
On May 6, Washington wrote 1 McHenry urging the
establishment of an arsenal at Harper 's Ferry and said : ' ' The
Demo's seem to be lifting up their heads again. They were
a little crestfallen or one might say thunderstricken on the
publication of the Dispatches from our Envoys, but the con
tents of these Dispatches are now resolved into harmless chit
chat — mere trifles, less than was or ought to have been ex
pected from the misconduct of the Administration of this
Country and that it is better to submit to such chastisement,
than to hazard greater evils by showing futile resentment.
So much for a little consultation among themselves."
During the extra session of congress 2 a bill was passed,
on April 27, to add another artillery regiment and a second
one, on May 28, to provide for a provisional army. 3
Meanwhile Gerry remained at Paris, though his colleagues
had left France. The news of Gerry 's conduct aroused indig
nation on part of the administration and, on June 26, Mc
Henry wrote Washington, ' ' Gerry has been playing the double
politician and besides a very foolish and hurtful game. He
held conversations and correspondencies with Talleyrand, and,
in other respects, has conducted himself in the most excep
tionable manner. Lest he should have misconceived the dis
patch of the 28th of March, he has been addressed to day in
a manner which he will find it difficult to misconstrue and
which, while it will mortify his pride, will prevent him from
doing further mischief, or longer sporting with the honour,
dignity, and integrity of his country. I think it probable that
letters of marque and reprisal will be shortly declared. You
see how the storm thickens and that our vessel will soon re
quire its antient pilot. Will you, may we flatter ourselves,
that in a crisis so awful and important you will accept the
1 Sparks, xi, 231. Ford, xiil, 495. McHenry answered on June
26, that it was very hard to have anything done for Shenandoah, but he
will do what he can.
2 State Papers, i, Military Affairs, p. 119. McHenry's report of
March 8, and p. 123 report of April 12 on cannon contract.
3 On June 5, Hamilton sent to Wolcott to hint to the president to
moderate his tone. Hamilton, vi, 295.
308 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xn
command of all our armies? I hope you will, because you
alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that
they can be united. ' '
McHenry still hoped for the best and, on July 1, wrote
Washington : ' ' Enjoy your happy situation or, if it is to be
disturbed, let it be only by transient domestic cares and the
pain of sympathizing with those whom you have stationed in
places where there are more thorns than roses. ' ' l Only a
few days later, however, McHenry was directed to call Wash
ington into service again, that he might close his career at the
head of the army.
1 McHenry complains of rheumatism in his wrist and tells Wash
ington, "Your carriage still pays rent."
CHAPTER XIII
THE PROVISIONAL ARMY AND THE STRIFE OVER THE GENERALS
THE emergency which called George Washington into fed
eral service, as head of the Provision Army, was a
most urgent one. On July 3, McHenry wrote him : ' ' The
crisis and almost universal wish of the people to see you at the
head of the armies of the United States has been too strong
to be resisted. The President has yielded to causes so power
ful and nominated you accordingly, which has been unani
mously confirmed to-day by the Senate and thus you are
again called upon by all voices to fill a station wrhich all think
you alone qualified for at this moment. I know what must
be your feelings and how many motives you must have for
preferring the privacy you are in the enjoyment of, to the
troubles and perplexities of a commander of an army. This,
however, is the crowning sacrifice which I pray to God, you
may agree to make for the sake of your country and to give
the last finish to a fame that nothing short of such a call as
the present occasion could have been capable of increasing.
"I think it probable that the President will require
me to be the bearer of his letter to you. I shall, in that «ase,
have an opportunity to converse with you at large on sev
eral subjects relative to the army and agree with you upon
such arrangements as may leave you as long as possible at
Mount Vernon. Perhaps I shall set out on Friday or, at
farthest, Monday next."
Before he received this letter, Washington, in a letter
written on July 4, T answered McHenry 's query of June 26 as
to whether he would assume command of the Provisional
Army. In this frank communication he stated that he would
not let his love of retirement cause him to withhold any ser
vices required by his country, especially when "its dearest
rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated
power." He must have three questions answered affirma-
1 Ford, xiv, 19. Sparks, xi, 246.
310 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
tively, however, before he will accept the office : 1. He does
not believe there is a danger of invasion and inquires whether
he will be free from criticism for "appearing again on a
Public Theatre, after declaring the sentiments" of his vale
dictory address. 2. He wishes to be sure that the Americans
do not prefer juvenile generals, as the French do, but that
"it is the wish of my country, that the military force of it
should be committed to my charge. ' ' 3. He must be certain
that the army "to be formed should be so appointed, as to
afford a well grounded hope of its doing honor to the country
and credit to him who commands it in the field." A general
staff he feels to be all important and he gives his views as
to the inspector general, quartermaster general, adjutant gen
eral, and commandants of artillery and engineers.
Washington enclosed this letter in another personal one
to McHenry, written 1 on the next day, in which he asked him
to show the enclosure as from himself to Adams, to whom
Washington has "expressed tantamount sentiments, in more
concise terms, ' ' and to write him the responses, ' ' if you are at
liberty and deem it expedient." Adams had already written
Washington a letter, which "is strongly indicative of a wish
that I should take charge of the military force of the country
and, if I take his meaning right, to aid also in the selection
of the General Officers. " " The appointment of these are im
portant, ' ' Washington wrote McHenry, ' ' but those of the Gen
eral Staff are all important, insomuch, if I am looked to as
the Commander in chief, I must be allowed to choose such as
will be agreeable to me. ' ' One great difficulty concerned the
time when Washington should take command. Adams may
wish this to occur at once. Washington, however, will not
"come forward, before the emergency becomes evident," but
is willing to have it known that he "will step forward, when
it does appear so unequivocally," if the "matters, for which
I have stipulated as previously necessary, are ascertained and
accommodated." In the meantime, either the appointment
of the general staff may be postponed, or the President may
"advise with me on the appointment of them." Washing
ton refers to this matter now, as he feels sure he can secure
the services of some "very fit men," who will not serve, ex-
1 Ford, xiv, 29. Sparks, xi, 254. He thanks McHenry for informa
tion in the letter of June 26, and says that he has already been applied
to by candidates for the position of director of the hospital and has re
fused both on general grounds and because he wishes Dr. Craik appointed,
if he ever needs a surgeon.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 311
cept as his "coadjutors." As to the officers to command the
divisions and brigades, on whom much depends, Washington
suggests that they be not chosen exclusively from the "Old
Generals," several of whom are unsuitable.
On the 6th, Adams sent instructions l to McHenry, who
had been unwell, to set out at once for Mt. Vernon. The
reasons for appointing Washington can not be detailed in
writing. "As it is a movement of great delicacy, 2 it will re
quire all your address to communicate the subject in a manner
that shall be inoffensive to his feelings and consistent with
all the respect that is due from me to him."
"If the General should decline the appointment, all the
world will be silent and respectfully acquiesce. If he should
accept, all the world, except the enemies of this country, will
rejoice. If he should come to no decisive determination, but
take the subject into consideration, I shall not appoint any
other Lieutenant General, until his conclusion is known. ' '
Adams desired Washington's advice, especially as to the
inspector, adjutant, and quartermaster generals, and sug
gested certain names for military positions to be mentioned
to him. "His opinion on all subjects would have great weight
and I wish you to obtain from him, as much of his reflections
upon the times and service as you can." McHenry v^rote
Washington at once, asking that he be met at Alexandria. On
the next day, Adams wrote Washington : 3 " McHenry, the
Secretary of War, will have the honor to wait on you, in my
behalf, to impart to you a step I have ventured to take and
which I should have been happy to have communicated in
person, if such a journey had been, at this time, in my
power. Mr. McHenry will have the honor to consult you upon
the organization of the army and upon everything relating to
it. ' ' Pickering had already written Washington, 4 urging him
to insist on Hamilton as his second in command, and on the
1 Schouler, i, 407, states that Hamilton sent his letter to Wash
ington, written on June 2, to Mt. Vernon in care of McHenry. If this
be true, Hamilton kept the letter over a month before forwarding it
(Hamilton, vi, 293). This shows how baseless is one of the charges
against McHenry. Schouler probably means the letter of July 8 (Hamil
ton, vi, 389).
2 J. Adams, viii, 573. Sparks, xi, 531.
3 J. Adams, viii, 575. Sparks, xi, 5S2.
4 Pickering's Examination of Adams and Cunningham's letters, 1-161.
On July 28, Pickering wrote Jay (Hamilton, vi, 330) that Washington
was sometime balancing Hamilton and Pinckney as to priority and per
haps my letter of the 6th, which Washington did not show McHenry,
turned the scale.
312 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
llth, Washington answred, l stating that he had not yet seen
McHenry, but preferred Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to
Hamilton for second place. The same morning, Washington
sent to Alexandria for McHenry and in the evening he ar
rived. 2
On the next day, McHenry wrote Adams, 3 that Wash
ington will probably accept, provided he be not called into
active service, until his presence be absolutely needed. He
showed McHenry his letters of the 4th and 5th, which had
not arrived in Philadelphia before the secretary left that
place, and McHenry notified Adams that the letter of the
4th shall be given him, as it treats "on several points that
will require your attention." McHenry will obtain from
Washington the names of the persons he considers the best
qualified for his "confidential officers." After completing his
letter, McHenry showed it to the general, who asked him to
add to the last sentence:4 "and without whom, I think, he
would not serve."
Washington let McHenry return on the 13th with a
"full communication5 upon the several points he had in
charge. ' ' 6
On the 14th, Washington wrote Hamilton 7 that he de
sired to put him next himself and feared that by this step will
lose Pinckney. Knox, "whom I love and esteem," has been
placed last of the three. But "after all, it rests with the
President to use his pleasure." Hamilton answered this let
ter, stating that he had a great regard for Knox, but must
stand up for his own rights. Yet rather than see Washington
1 Sparks, xi, 257.
2 Mount Vernon llth. July 1798.
Dear Sir
My carriage is sent to Alexandria to bring you, and any companion
you may have to this place
I am always Yours, — and
Affectionately
GEO. WASHINGTON
James McHenry Esqr.
Secretary of War
expected to be in Alexandria
3 Adams, viii, 574. 'Sparks, xi, 533.
4 See Washington's letter of September 16.
5 Sparks, xi, 261.
'6 C. F. Adams charges, without any foundation that I can dis
cover (Adams, i, 528, 529), that Pickering and McHenry, with other
friends of Hamilton, set in motion the most extraordinary influences to
bring about Hamilton's being named as second in command and that
Washington was made to fear that Adams wished to appoint Burr as a
major general. C. F. Adams's statement is also incorrect that priority
had not been settled at the time of the nomination, though McHenry and
Pickering had invoked Washington to decide it at once.
7 Sparks, xi, 264.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 313
compromitted, 1 "I shall cheerfully place myself in your dis
posal and facilitate any arrangement you may think for the
general good." On the 17th, Hamilton wrote Pickering that
he was willing to go below Knox, but does not like to be the
third in the list of major generals. 2 Meantime Washington
had written Knox, 3 on the 16th, that Hamilton, Pinckney,
and Knox, in the order named, were selected as major gen
erals. "The first of these, in the public estimation as de
clared to me, is designated to be second in command, with
some fears, I confess, of the consequences, although I must
acknowledge at the same time, that I know not where a more
competent choice could be made."
Knox answered, 4 declining the position, on the 29th, be
fore he had heard from McHenry.
From Philadelphia, McHenry wrote on the 18th that he
had returned on Tuesday, and found the session of congress
over, but the senate still sitting to act on nominations. Be
fore he saw his family, he presented Washington's letter to
Adams, while the president and Mrs. Adams breakfasted.
Both of them were pleased.
Adams wrote a message, 5 naming the three major gen
erals, in the order which Washington gave them, though he
said Colonel Hamilton, former rank being considered, was not
entitled to stand so high and asked why Pinckney was pre
ferred to Knox. McHenry told him Washington's opinions
and showed a copy of the general's letter to Hamilton dated
July 14. While they talked, Pickering came in and said the
senate had adjourned for the day. On the morrow, Adams
said his mind had changed and he could not think of placing
Hamilton before Knox; but, finally, he agreed to send in the
names in that order, on McHenry 's statement that the parties,
if aggrieved, might appeal to a board of officers or to the
commander in chief. Pickering then came in and placed
Drayton as a brigadier general above W. S. Smith, Adams's
son-in-law. Adams grew warm and said Smith should be ad
jutant general and Drayton a brigadier. Pickering was silent
as to this, but suggested Sevier as a brigadier.
McHenry considered him unprincipled but waived ob
jections, as the appointment was one which might remain
1 Sparks, xi, 537.
2 Hamilton, vi, 326.
3 Sparks, xi, 266.
4 Sparks, xi, 534.
5 Sparks, xi, 542.
314 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
nominal and might have a good effect in Tennessee. As the
provisional officers might be wanted before fall, it was thought
best to appoint them at once. After Pickering left, he sent
McHenry word that Smith was a swindler, which piece of
information McHenry felt should have been given sooner.
Before McHenry went to Mount Vernon, Pickering had said in
McHenry 's presence, that Smith would be a good officer.
Hamilton had concurred in the propriety of appointing Smith
and neither Wolcott nor McHenry had heard of the charges
against Smith. Pickering now aided in the rejection by the
senate of Smith's nomination as adjutant general and this
exceedingly irritated Adams, who said there was an intrigue
against Smith, who was no more in debt than Lee or Knox,
who was no disorganizer and could procure proof from his
creditors of their satisfaction with his conduct.
Edward Carrington was asked by Washington if he would
accept a brigadier generalship and answered at once favorably
from Richmond on July 18, 1798. "By this evenings mail
I had the honor to receive your letter of the 15th. instant,
and am impelled, by the very great sensibility with which it
fills my mind, to reply to it immediately.
"It is impossible for me, Sir, to disobey your call to any
Station which, in the threatened crisis, you may suppose me
capable of taking: were I ever insensible to the honor result
ing from the circumstance, the example under which your
summons is made, could not but be irresistable in a mind im
pressed as that of every true American must be at this time.
I freely give my assent to be disposed of agreeably to your
judgment, with a view to the good of our beloved and injured
Country, without annexing any conditions whatever. Hav
ing said this much, It may not be improper for me to observe,
that the late increased duties of the office I hold, have brought
into operation measures which, with the old business, render
it of importance that my attention to the appointment you
have assigned, be deferred as long as possible; and it would
be my wish if the public interest admit of it, not to be called
to it until indispensably necessary."
The bill increasing the army to twelve regiments of in
fantry and a regiment of dragoons, comprising 6 troops, had
passed 1 on the 16th, and on the 20th, McHenry wrote Ham
ilton, asking him to attend at once to providing a system for
the forces. This letter-Hamilton answered on the 22nd, thus r
1 On the 16th, congress adjourned and the senate followed on the 19th.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 315
"Your letter of the 20th. instant, inclosing one from
General Washington came to hand this day.
"The object you suggest in it is one, which no doubt de
serves a primary attention ; and it will be paid to it. But it
will be useful that I should shortly confer with you fully on
a variety of subjects, and after receiving an official communi
cation of my appointment, I shall, without delay, repair to
Philadelphia.
' ' I count always upon your confidence, as well in my per
sonal friendship for you as in my zeal for the public service ;
and having no inclination to spare myself, it only remains for
us to trace together the plan in which I can best second your
operations and promote the service.
"Yrs with true attachment
"A HAMILTON
"P S
"In some instances we have missed it in our Brigadiers.
It is very essential there should be no mistake about the field
office — Festina lente in your choice of officers."
On the same day, McHenry wrote a letter to Pickering,
in which are contained germs of the ideas which resulted in the
Louisiana Purchase and in the Monroe doctrine. He en
closed a memorandum, with reference to the instructions to be
given Rufus King, our minister to Great Britain, and asked
that Pickering talk with Adams as soon as may be on these
points : "It presses very strongly on my mind that we ought
not to lose a moment in forming our resolutions relative to
the 2nd and 3d especially, as the determinations had thereon
must sensibly influence my arrangements respecting the pub
lic force. Will it not be proper that King be instructed at
once concerning the French West Indies and New Orleans?
Is it right that the measures taken by our government which
may eventuate in putting Great Britain in possession of the
French West India Islands should be productive of no equiva
lent to the United States? 2. Is it not expedient that the
United States should, in the event of the French West Indies
declaring themselves independent, be in a situation to give
them aid and that provisional arrangements be made with
England to prevent her from taking exceptions thereto or de
feating the same ? 3. Ought not Mr. King to inform the British
cabinet, without loss of time, that the United States can in no
event permit New Orleans to pass from the hands of Spain,
316 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
unless to become a possession and part of the United States. ' '
On July 22, Washington answers McHenry's letter of
the 18th. He agrees to the nominations, * though he thinks
Smith would do better in the line, than as adjutant general,
and asks why no quartermaster general 2 is named. As to
the man to be named for that office, he has a decided prefer
ence. Washington transmits an application for a commission
and states that he will not take strong ground, in general,
for any applicant. He suggests, however, that "when the
President has fixed upon officers of established character to
command companies, Gentlemen who prize their own honors
and the reputation of their company, that it would be good
policy to let them choose, or at least to recommend, their own
substitutes." This would "facilitate recruiting and contri
bute much to the harmony of the company."
For commander of cavalry, Washington is inclined to rec
ommend Major Talmadge of New York (formerly of Shel
don's horse) and suggests a number of other names for com
missions of various kinds.
On the 25th, McHenry informs 3 Washington that Adams
has gone to Massachusetts for the summer and that it is
planned to have Hamilton, the inspector general, revise the
army regulations. Adams's long and frequent absences from
the capital, while business was left in the hands of the secre
taries, who bore the responsibility without full power, was a
great cause of the administration's troubles.
On July 29, Washington answered4 McHenry's letter
1 He criticises the nomination of Sevier. Sparks, xj, 269; Ford, xlv,
47.
2 No such general was provided in the law, is McHenry's reply.
Washington wrote again upon the subject on August 2 :
"Private) "Mount Vernon, 2d Aug't, 1798.
"Dear Sir, —
''Finding that I was not altogether correct, in giving the uniform of
the Company of Greyheads in the Town of Alexandria, I amend, as soon as
possible, the mistake, by transmitting the letter of the Capt'n thereof —
Col. Simms — to Mrs. Washington.
•'Have you received my letter of the 22d of July? The enquiry then
made respecting the Quarter-Master-General is of serious, and interesting
moment to me. If the business, which my own appointment has involved
me in, increases — or even continues — I shall soon be under the necessity
of calling upon that officer, or you, for a supply of stationery : — on you
particularly for copying Paper ; who, better than he, will know, or can
direct the proper sort. I thought I came home well provided with these
articles, but shall soon run short.
"Yours affectionately,
"Go. WASHINGTON."
3 Sparks, xi, 540. He did" not apprise Pickering or McHenry of the
day of his intended departifre.
4 Ford, xiv, 55; Sparks, xi, 276.
1798-1799] of James Me Henry 317
of the 25th, thanking him for the copy of the rules and regu
lations, asking that full information on all points be given
him, and requesting that a secretary be allowed him at once,
as he is overwhelmed with applications for commissions in
the army. One of these early applications 1 for a captaincy
for Wm. Champe Carter of Albemarle assigns as a reason for
his appointment not only that it is "praiseworthy in young
men of fortune & character, at this juncture to step for
ward in defence of the rights of their country, ' ' but also that
a few commissions might well be distributed in his part of
Virginia as a "certain character [i. e. Jefferson], in his route
from Philadelphia to Monticello, used every indirect means of
damping the patriot spirit of the people. ' '
The demands for commissions to be given to friends were
many. We have already noticed that Washington, Hamil
ton, and Murray asked that certain men be appointed and
the extant letters are sufficient to show how the secretary
of war was showered with requests, as he has been at each
renewed enlargement of the army.
Washington's caution is shown in his letters of August
10, and December 14:
"Mount Vernon 10th. Aug. 1798.
"Dear Sir
"The letter from Mr. Ames to Mr. Best, containing
further evidence to his good character, I send.
1 The application is filed by his brother Chas. Carter, Jr., of Cul-
pepper, July 25.
Another of Washington's letters on the same subject was sent from
Mount Vernon, on July 30, 1798.
"Dear Sir, —
"The writer of the enclosed letter, in name and character, is an entire
stranger to me, — nor do I know whether, by the Law establishing the
Cavalry, any provision is made under which such a person could be em
ployed, tho' certain it is, if Mr. Macharg understands what he professes
to be master of, he might be employed very advantageously in training
that part of our force.
"I have wrote him to this effect : — adding, that as he is a stranger,
his application to the War Office must be accompanied by ample testi
monies, not only of his skill in the business he professes, but to his char
acter in all other respects, with which, and my letter to him, he would
come properly before you, and without which I conceived it would be use
less to apply.
"I am, Dear Sir, your ob't.,
"Go : WASHINGTON."
A number of letters with reference to appointments to army positions
from the McHenry papers are published in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., ix, 99
(March, 1905), and x, (289 (September, 1906), also in Granite Monthly,
xxxviii, 123 (April, 1906).
2 Letters from the McHenry papers concerning politics in Vir
ginia during this period will be found in William and Mary College
Quarterly, xiii, 102 (October, 1904), Virginia Magazine, xii, 2'57 (January,
1905), xii, 407 (April, 1905).
318 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
"The other letter from Mr. Carter (who married a niece
of mine) though I send also, but request it may be returned;
what he says of a certain character may be treasured up, but
not reported as coming from him.
"His brother is an utter stranger to me, and therefore
I can add nothing to what he has said of him. The family
you know, are among the most wealthy & respectable in this
State.
"My nephew Lewis might (but as he has never applied
to me, I cannot say that he would) be glad of some appoint
ment, He was an aid to Genl. Morgan in the "Western Expedi
tion.
"I am Dear Sir. Your Obedt. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
"Chester 14th. Deer. 1798.
"Private
"Dear Sir,
"Having requested that the nomination of Mr. Custis
might be with held (even if it should meet the Presidents ap
probation under any circumstances) until I could consult
his Grandmother (Mrs. Washington — ) and Mother, Mrs.
Stuart ; I further pray that no mention of his name for such
an Office may be made until the result is known ; — because,
if their consent, being an only son, indeed the only male of
his family, cannot be had, it would be better that the arrange
ment of him should pass entirely unnoticed, to prevent the
uneasy sensations which might arrise from disappointment, if
the knowledge of it should get to him.
"He now stands as Cornet, in the Troop proposed to be
Commanded by Lawrence Lewis — who was an Aid de Camp
to Genl. Morgan — on the Insurgent Expedition in 1794.
"Just as I wras leaving the City to day, I had an oppor
tunity for the first time of seeing Captn. Saml. Henley — who
is a Man of a handsome & gentlemanly appearance. Having
no evidence respecting him, except from his own letter, while
we were arrangeing the Massachusetts line, he was not in
cluded in it. Afterwards, a letter from Genl. Shepherd rec
ommended him ; — but at that time we did not conceive it
of sufficient weight to travel the ground over again. I must
acknowledge however, that his external appearance (for I had
no conversation with him) made so favourable an impression
on me, that (being an old officer too, and brother to a very
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 319
worthy man) I should be very glad if his conduct will stand
the test of investigation — to see him put as a Captain, in
place of some Captain in that line, who has not served in the
Revolutionary War. The particular one I cannot now name,
but it will not be difficult to ascertain. With very great
esteem & regard
"I am — Dear Sir
"Your Most obedt. Hble. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON.
"P. S. I know no character in the New England States
(since the declination of Genl. Knox and Brooks) that have
fairer pretensions to be appointed a Brigadier or even Majr.
General, than Genl. Cobb. And if Genl. Dayton does not
accept his appointment — pray press Colo. Howard strongly
to come forward."
McHenry wrote to Hamilton, 1 stating that he had been
appointed inspector general, with the rank of major general
and that the nominations for generals had been sent to the
senate on the same day and in the order of the annexed list,
in which order they would be registered in the department.
Adams considered that pay and emoluments of office should
not begin until the officers were called into service. Ham
ilton accepted at once, recommended his nephew for a cap
taincy, 2 and came to Philadelphia. Doubtless, from his pre
vious relations with McHenry, he expected that he would be
given complete control of matters, and when he found that
McHenry proposed to keep affairs in his own hands, he re
turned home and wrote the following most ungenerous letter 3
to Washington on July 29. He feels that he must do violence
to friendship by stating that "my friend McHenry is wholly
insufficient for his place, with the additional misfortune of
not having the least suspicion of the fact. This generally
will not surprise you, when you take in view the large scale
upon which he is now to act. But you, perhaps, may not be
aware of the whole extent of the insufficiency. It is so great,
as to leave no probability that the business of the War De
partment can make any tolerable progress in his hands. This
1 July 25 Hamilton, v, 137.
2 Hamilton, v, 138. On September 9, 1798, Hamilton wrote a second
letter recommending this nephew, Philip Church, September 30, 1798.
McHenry said he would take good care of Philip Church as of his own
son. Hamilton's acceptance dated July 28 is printed in Ix>dge, vi, 483.
3 Hamilton, vl, 331.
320 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
has been long observed and has been more than mentioned
to the President by members of Congress. He is not insen
sible, I believe, that the execution of the department does not
produce the expected results but the case is of course delicate
and embarrassing."
"My real friendship for McHenry, concurring with my
zeal for the service, predisposed me to aid in all that he could
properly throw upon me and I thought that he would have
been glad, in the organization of the army and in the con
duct of the recruiting service, to make me useful to him. With
this view," Hamilton came to Philadelphia. ''But the idea
has thus far been very partially embraced" and Hamilton,
returning to New York with little fruit of his journey, feels
that the censure due McHenry will fall on the principal mili
tary officers also. He asks Washington to write McHenry for
a statement of supplies. This will give necessary information
and prompt the secretary to exertion.
On July 30th, Hamilton, -l who had returned to New York,
wrote McHenry, asking that he and Knox be called into ser
vice. In addition to preparing the system of tactics and disci
pline, the inspector general may superintend recruiting and
be useful in other ways, while Knox would be of "extensive
service," especially in matters relating to artillery. Ham
ilton tells McHenry that "scruples of delicacy" cannot with
hold him from stating what ought to be said, through ' ' friend
ship to you or regard to the service. " "I observe you plunged
in a mass of details. I know, from experience, that it is im
possible for any man, whatever be his talents or diligence, to
wade through such a mass, without neglecting the most ma
terial things and attaching to his operations a feebleness and
sloth of execution. It is essential to the success of the min
ister of a great department that he subdivide the objects of
his care, distribute them among competent assistants, and
content himself with a general but vigilant superintendence.
This course is particularly necessary, \vhen an unforseen
emergency has suddenly accumulated a number of new objects
to be provided for and executed."
On the same day, McHenry sent Hamilton a list of appli
cants for commissions from New York and the adjoining
states and asked him to report on them and to suggest other
names.
1 Hamilton, v, 138; Lodge, vi, 483. On August 8, Pickering and Wol-
cott wrote Adams on this matter. C. F. Adams mistakenly says they an
ticipated McHenry.
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 321
McHenry 's answer to Hamilton 's letter of July 30 is not
preserved, but we find him writing on the 5th of August,
asking for a list of officers from the southern states and stat
ing that Wolcott holds back the order for clothing. On the
6th, McHenry wrote again, stating that he is indisposed and
feverish, and told of the rejection of the nomination of W. S.
Smith as adjutant general, and of the need that the appoint
ments should be hastened. Two days later, he informed
Washington that he has a bilious complaint and that yellow
fever has broken out again in Philadelphia. He has written
Adams to allow Washington a secretary and asked that he
may call Hamilton and Knox into active service, l as other
wise he will be swamped with business. 2 On the 14th, Adams
answered saying that Washington is in the public service from
the date of his appointment and should have a secretary at
once. Adams answered the other request thus : 3 " Calling
any other general officers into service at present will be
attended with difficulty, unless the rank were settled. In my
opinion, as the matter now stands, General Knox is legally
entitled to rank next to General Washington; and no other
arrangement will give satisfaction. If General Washington
is of this opinion and will consent to it, you may call him into
active service as soon as you please. The consequence of this
will be that Pinckney must rank before Hamilton. If it shall
be consented, that the rank shall be Knox, Pinckney, and Ham
ilton, you may call the latter two into immediate service when
you please. Any other plan will occasion long delay and
much confusion. You may depend upon it, the five New Eng
land States will not patiently submit to the humiliation that
has been meditated for them."
On August 6, Hamilton wrote Wolcott, urging that the
generals be called into service, and adding: "It is impos
sible for McHenry to get through all that is now upon his
hands in a manner honorable to himself, satisfactory to the
public, or proportioned to the energy of the conjuncture."
McHenry had written Knox on the 25th of July, virtually
repeating his letter of the same date to Hamilton. Knox
answered 4 from Boston on August 5, asking whether his
1 On August 20, Hamilton wrote to Washington on this matter.
Hamilton, vi, 342.
2 Hamilton, vi, 334.
3 J. Adams, viii, 580.
4 J. Adams, yili, 579. On August 11, McHcnry sends Hamilton this
letter and asks hi? opinion thereon.
322 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
revolutionary rank should entitle him to rank before the
others or not and, if not, he intimated he should not accept
the position. To Knox's letter of the 29th of July, Wash
ington answered * on August 9, repelling insinuations that his
friendship was insincere and stating that he does not think
the relative rank of much importance. Adams had nom
inated Washington without consulting him, induced, accord
ing to McIIenry, by the urgency of his friends. As congress
expected to adjourn on the Monday following Washington's
notification of his appointment and as he wished that body to
vest power in the president to make the necessary appoint
ments, he "hastened, precipitately, Mr. McHenry's return, in
hopes he might be back in time to accomplish this object,"
and, therefore, Knox 2 could not be consulted, before his
name was sent to the senate. Washington apologized for his
advocacy of Hamilton, as he had been "inundated with let
ters which said that Col. Hamilton was designated second in
command (and first if I should decline an appointment) by
the federal characters of Congress, whence alone anything
like a public sentiment relative thereto could be deduced."
To Hamilton, on the same day, Washington wrote, com
plaining that McHenry does not keep him informed and an
swering Hamilton's complaint of July 28. He added3 that
Hamilton's opinion "respecting the unfitness of a certain
gentleman for the office he holds, accords with mine and it
is to be regretted sorely, at this time, that these opinions are
so wrell founded. I early discovered, after he entered upon
the duties of his office, that his talents were unequal to great
exertions, or deep resources. In truth, they were not ex
pected, for the fact is, it was a Hobson's choice." But such
is the case and what is to be done? Hamilton must have
charge of recruiting and Washington will try to impress
McHenry with the propriety of requiring Hamilton's assis
tance. "Delicacy, if matters become serious, must yield to
expediency. ' '
Not hearing from McHenry for a while and inspired by
Hamilton 's ungenerous letter, Washington wrote 4 McHenry
the day after he had written to Hamilton. The letter is ' ' pri
vate and confidential, dictated by friendship, and flowing from
1 Sparks, xi, 280.
2 On August 8, Knox wrote Pickering that he cannot serve under
Hamilton. <-
3 Hamilton, vi. 337.
4 Ford, xiv, 67; Sparks, xi, 286.
1798-1799] of James- McHenry 323
the best intentions." If it has "too much the appearance of
plain dealing," McHenry should "look to the motives and
manner of the communication. ' ' Washington took the place
of general with the understanding that he was to be kept
apprised of what occurred, and offered to go to Philadelphia,
if necessary, though it was midsummer, but McHenry has not
written, and, fearing there may be delay, the general entreats
McHenry, who has the more responsibility, because Adams is
not a military man, to call Hamilton into service and place
him in charge of the recruiting and also to call on Knox and
to give Washington full information of what has been done.
Much of the censure bestowed on McHenry was undeserved.
He felt the danger of delay and asked l Adams on August 4,
that he, with the assistance of Knox and Brigadier General
Brooks, take under his immediate direction the Eastern States,
that McHenry himself should look to the Middle States, and
Washington care for Virginia and the South, all subject to
Adams's final determination. Four of the twelve regiments
should be raised in each quarter, and, in the hopes that Adams
would agree to his plans, McHenry wrote Hamilton on August
10, asking him to hold himself ready to come to Trenton, where
the government will remove on account of the epidemic in
Philadelphia. McHenry himself was unable to go to his office
for several days before the 13th, on account of his bilious com
plaint and, on th£ 14th, he and his family removed to Trenton.
On the 13th, Washington wrote McHenry from Mount
Vernon as follows, showing how his feelings toward McHenry
had changed on news of his activity:
"The Messenger that carried my letters of the 10th. to
the Post Office brought me your favour of the 6th. — and
yesterday I received that of the 8th.
"It gave me sincere pleasure to find by the letter, that
you had suggested to the President, prompt & decisive meas
ures for Organizing and recruiting the twelve Eegiments of
Infantry, &c ; — and the propriety also of requiring the Ser
vices of the Inspector General and Major Genl. Knox, to aid
you in arranging the details, and superintending the Execu
tion of different parts of your Multiplied duties — occasioned
by the business coming upon you en Masse.
1 Sparks, xi, 542, McHenry wrote Washington that the absence of
Adams made it impossible to organize the twelve regiments, unless Mc
Henry "concentred information, digested it," and submitted a plan such
as he did in this letter.
324 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
' ' Without such aid, & subdivision, it would be impossible,
in my opinion (in such an emergency) to carry the Act for
Augmenting the Army, into effect with the precision and
promptitude it seems to have contemplated.
"Any assistance I can give, consistently, to carry your
Plans into effect, you may command with freedom.
"It is extremely painful to hear that the Yellow fever
has again made its appearance in the unfortunate City of
Philadelphia, and is spreading its malignancy ; — and it is
with much concern I am further informed, that you have re
turn of your Billious complaint. I hope effectual measures
will be pursued to check the first; and that you are, or soon
will be, perfectly recovered of the latter. With very great
esteem and regard — I am — Dear Sir
"Your Most Obedt & Hble Servant.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
A second letter of the same date l from Washington al
most apologizes for his letter of the 10th : ' ' Finding that my
ideas accorded so much with the measures you had suggested
for the consideration of the President, filled my mind with
exquisite pleasure and it would be uncandid not to confess
that your silence and my entire ignorance of what was doing
with respect to the organization of the army and recruiting
the men, produced very disagreeable sensations." He wishes
he could obtain an adjutant general from Maryland, which
is "a respectable state well affected," but without a general
officer, and hopes for McHenry a restoration to health.
On August 19, Hamilton wrote 2 McHenry that he will
enter public service at once, if needed, but hopes he may not
have to make "immediate change of residence," though he
will "not object to a frequent attendance at the seat of gov-
1 Sparks, xi, 290, a paragraph is omitted from the printed letter as
follows :
"(Private) Mount Vernon 13th. Augt. 1798.
"My Dear Sir
"* * * The enclosed letter from the Collector of New York to me, will
show what he has done with the tin box addressed to me. Some anxiety
is felt concerning it ; for as much as it is supposed to contain a present
(prohably a valuable one) from an East India acquaintance of Mr. Laws
to Mrs. Law, and directed to me in hopes of insuring its safety.
"Always Your Affectionate
"GEO : WASHINGTON."
Lodge, x, 317, prints a letter from Hamilton to McHenry advising the
latter to communicate frequently and fully with Washington and on p. 318
one from Hamilton to Sedgwick stating that McHenry is "loaded beyond
his strength."
2 Hamilton, vi, 338, 340; Lodge, x, 307, 309.
1798-17991 of James McHenry 325
eminent. " Knox's letter, which McHenry showed Hamilton,
"occasions me no small regret and embarrassment, my esteem
and friendship for that gentleman would lead me far, but
there is a very great difficulty in waiving a station to which,
I am well convinced, I have been called, no less by the public
voice of the country, 1 than by the acts of the Commander
in Chief and of the President and Senate. The intention as
to the relative grades of the officers appointed is presumed to
be unequivocal. It is believed that the rule to which General
Knox refers can have no application to the case of the forma
tion of a new army at a new epoch, embracing officers not pre
viously in actual service." He suggests that Knox may ac
cept, with a reservation of his claim "ad referendum," en
closes a draft of a suggested letter for Knox and states that,
though he concedes a high value to Knox's merit, he cannot
abandon his own pretensions. Pickering, meanwhile, was
intriguing - against McHenry and, on the 21st, suggested to
Hamilton that Knox be put in charge of the department of
war, to solve the difficulty as to the generals, as Adams "ha)l
been informed of a very general dissatisfaction in its present
direction."
Two days later, Pickering wrote Hamilton again, 3 stat
ing that McHenry had just handed him and Wolcott his letter
to Adams, on the subject of calling the major generals into
service, and Knox's letter to him : "I am glad to see you are
tenacious." McHenry told the other secretaries that Wash
ington made Hamilton's appointment the sine qua non of his \
acceptance and that he showed Adams the letter Washington ,
wrote to Hamilton, notwithstanding which Adams placed |
Knox first. McHenry thought that the old rule as to seniority
is not in force, nor ought to be, but suggested writing to Knox I
and asking him to accept, with reservation of his claim. Why j
should we urge Knox's acceptance? Pickering asks. McHenry
is "utterly uninformed" of Pickering's correspondence with
Washington and Hamilton.
On August 22, McHenry answered Adams's letter of the
14th. stating that the choice of the major generals and their
relative military rank proceeded, "originally and exclu
sively," from Washington and that McHenry "had no agency,
direct or indirect, before or while at Mt. Vernon, in deciding
1 Against this paragraph, McHenry wrote : "Certainly true."
.2 Hamilton, vl, 343.
3 Hamilton, vi, 351.
326 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
his mind, either as to the choice or the arrangement of the
rank of those he had selected," but that he said to Wash
ington, when he "showed me his choice, that I concurred, but
that the nominations and relative rank of those nominated
must finally rest with the President." Meanwhile, McHenry
was not to be blamed so much as Adams, whose desire to put
Knox above Hamilton and whose absence in Quincy caused
embarrassment and delay. On the 25th, McHenry wrote l
Washington asking him to select cavalry officers and to find
out all he can concerning candidates for commissions from
the South, and telling him that he is authorized to employ sec
retaries and draw pay for his own services. 2 A detailed
statement of ordnance, powder, &c., is promised. Tents and
field equipage will be ready for next year's campaign and
McHenry "can give almost instant life and activity to the
recruiting service," as soon as Adams will act, if clothes are
in readiness.
On the 26th, Knox wrote Washington 3 that he will not
serve as a major general, but, if there be an invasion, he will
gladly act as aide de camp. Three days later, Hamilton
wrote 4 Sedgwick that the generals should be called into ser
vice. The decision on this point rests with Adams. "Mc
Henry, as you know, is loaded beyond his strength." On the
same day, Adams wrote McHenry, showing no signs of yield
ing : 5 " My opinion is and always has been clear that, as
the law now stands, the order of nomination, or of record
ing, has no weight or effect, but that officers appointed on
the same day, in whatever order, have a right to rank accord
ing to antecedent services. I am willing to settle all de
cisively at present (and have no fear of the consequences)
by dating the commissions, Knox on the 1st day, Pinckney on
the second, and Hamilton on the third." Gen. Washington 6
has acted with perfect honor and consistency. "The power
and authority is in the President. I am willing to exert
the authority at this moment and to be responsible for the
1 Sparks, xi, 542. McHenry to Washington, August 18, 1798. J.
Adams, viii, 582, Adams wrote McHenry, asking if the cession of Castle
Island had been accepted. Lodge, vii, 44, prints letter from Hamilton to
McHenry concerning the drafts of surveys of New York Harbor.
2 On the 25th, Hamilton wrote McHenry suggesting that it would be
well to write oftener to Washington. Hamilton, vi, 354.
3 .Sparks, xi, 538.
4 Hamilton, vi, 534.
5 J. Adams, viii, 587.
6 The sentence : "Nor Tias he ever intimated a desire of 'the kind,"
printed in Adams's Works, is not in the original letter.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 327
exercise of it. All difficulties will, in this way, be avoided.
But if it is to be referred to Gen. Washington, or to mutual
and amicable accommodation among the gentlemen them
selves, I foresee it will come to me at last, after much
altercation and exasperation of passions and I shall then de
termine it exactly as I do now. Knox, Pinckney and Hamil
ton. " Adams wrote, "I will not send either of McHenry 's let
ters to Hamilton, as neither contains sentiments that I can
approve." "There has been too much intrigue in this busi
ness with General Washington and me, l if I shall ultimately
be the dupe of it, I am much mistaken in myself." Adams
closed by expressing sympathy for McHenry 's ill health and
that of his family and stating that Mrs. Adams "has been at
the point of death, but is now a little revived."
On August 30, we find the first of many letters which
passed between Hamilton and McHenry as to details of man
agement of the army. It shows, as nearly all the correspon
dence does, how much friction there was between the various
branches of the service:
"Col. Stevens tells me he has exhausted the money you
sent him in preliminary purchase of Timber &c & is in debt
with embarrassment to pay & likely to be compelled to dismiss
workmen &c
"Such a state of things is hurtful to the public service,
discredits the Administration & increases expense. It ought
to be avoided if possible.
"Stevens says pains have been taken to excite doubts
about him — & he fears they may have some effect. In jus
tice to him I think it proper to say that I have the most
entire confidence in his political fidelity to the Government
& that, as far as my opportunity of being acquainted with his
character as a man of business goes, there is good ground of
confidence in his pecuniary fidelity also.
' ' But the plain alternative is to displace or to trust. The
necessary operations must not stagnate on account of uncer
tainty about the Agent."
Adams felt that he had settled the question of prece
dence and did not refer to it, while writing 2 on September 3,
1 C. F. Adams, in a long note to this letter, says McHenry was con
cerned in the intrigue. The only proof he gives is that Hamilton was in
Philadelphia on July 7 and sent a letter to Washington on the 8th, which.
C. F. Adams alleges to have been carried by McHenry- Sparks, xi, 533.
2 Adams, viii, 591.
328 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
of certain nominations and calling attention to the exposed
condition of Georgia. But the cabinet were not satisfied.
On the 3d, McHenry wrote his friend, Uriah Tracy, that he
has been much occupied and distressed by the humor (not a
very pleasant one) which the president has discovered since
leaving Philadelphia. If Knox be appointed second in com
mand, a "serious rupture, or at least a misunderstanding,
with Washington would follow." "All hands have been at
work to prevent so many evils befalling us, at a time when we
stand in need of the union of our best talents, men, and
means. I hope and think we shall be able to subdue this
storm, although it has blown almost a hurricane. ' ' He asked
Tracy whether he thinks W. S. Smith, Adams's son-in-law,
should have a regiment, as he sends a certificate that he did
not interfere in the election for governor of New York and
thanks Tracy for a suggested list of officers for the Connecti
cut regiment.
Writing l to Hamilton on the 10th, McHenry states he
does not blame his friend's determination, expressed in a let
ter written two days before, not to serve as third major gen
eral and that all the cabinet but the attorney general will
make respectful representation to Adams on the matter. 2
Of matters not military we learn but little from Mc
Henry 's correspondence this summer. There is extant a let
ter from Lafayette:
"Witmold — Holstein August the 30th 1798
"My dear McHenry
"When I Had last the pleasure to write to you, I was
far from thinking I should, at this period of the Year Be still
detained in Europe. The Health of my wife, the primary
cause of those delays, Has Been continually so Bad, it Had
in the Spring taken a so dangerous turn, that untill now,
there Has not Been for me a Moral possibility to embark —
even now that she is so far Recovered as to Have just Been
able to Undertake an indispensable journey, for a few
months, to France, I find that Besides tender motives not to
hasten to put Between us the Atlantic, she shall soon Be ready
to look with me. My presence on this Continent is essential to
forward Arrangements respecting Her property which she
is about to make. I need not telling you, my dear friend,
1 Hamilton, vi, 355; Lodge, x, 320.
2 Hamilton, vi, 356.
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 329
that Had I the smallest Hope to be useful in public Concerns,
no personal Considerations, nor even the Dearer ones to my
Heart could one instant detain me — may I, in my inactive
But not unconcerned retirement, Be soon Blessed with the
intelligence, now earnestly expected, of a mutual disposition
to Reestablish Harmony Between two Nations, in the fate of
whom my whole Soul is so deeply interested.
"My principles and sentiments Have long Been known to
you — the Appeal to liberty in the old world Has Reminded
you of our Conversations in the New one — in my doctrine
of opposition to long despotism, of obedience in a free Con
stitution to National laws, you could Anticipate the pain
which in the several circumstances I Have Had to Act — from
your knowledge of My Republican Heart you are sensible that
my objections to the present state of France are not owing to
Her form of Government But to Her want of freedom — while
that Government who rescued me out of prison, and with
whose Agents Abroad I Have every personal reason to be
satisfied are nevertheless far from wishing to facilitate my
return or discouraging the nonsense now and then published
against me, I am not myself in Hurry to witness measures
which I disaprouve, nor am I uncertain of the National opin
ion in my Behalf. But such as I am situated, I cannot Be
prejudiced By any other influence than my attachement to the
two Countries, When I now am persuaded that on the part of
the directory there are actual and sincere dispositions to make
up this unhappy Quarell. Hitherto I Have not, in my ex
pressed Hopes, ventured so far. But now, I repeat it, I Have
reasons to think that they are in earnest, and to flatter my
self that either directly, or through the Batavian Mediation
which I know is to Be offered to you, matters may Be properly
and Amicably adjusted.
"Thus far, altho' the Americans Have Been Materially
injured, the Moral Advantages remain theirs — it appears to
me the French Government Had caught the example not long
Ago Given By that of Britain — this system of oppression on
the part of the late plunderers and incendiaries of the Country,
the late prison-ship-managers, the constant ennemies to Ameri
can independance, unjustifiable as it was, Had some thing
less shocking than an imitation of such an unfair policy By
the early defenders, the first and essential friends of the Unit
ed States — no doubt their Rulers were led into it on a sup
position that it Had Been the means to Bring about your
330 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
English treaty — thank God, instead of submission they Have
met with Noble, Spirited Resistance — the dignity of America
Has Been asserted and a Reconciliation on proper terms can
not But leave Her with an increase of national Respectability
and political consequence — 'that situation of Hers, in which
no man can more Heartily exult than I do, would, in my
opinion, Be lost, if by a Rejection of Honourable Means to re
store Harmony Between two Republics, By a precipitation of
measures unnecessary for self defence, or an eagerness to Be
too far entangled with other European powers You did Coun
tenance the Accusation of Having seised on the faults of the
Directory to engage elsewhere that independance which you
are now so justly Applauded to defend.
' ' The British Court I Dislike and Mistrust — not for their
intrigues against me, nor for their Vindictive share in my
captivity — it is a matter of course, nor shall they ever forgive
American names formerly doomed to proscription. But I
Have Heard the boasts and Hopes of those men with respect
to America, I Have known their Machiavelism in Holland, I
Have witnessed their wicked exertions to vitiate the Revolution
of France, and while I think England Has many of the more
enlightened and virtuous friends of true liberty to Boast of,
while I glory in my obligations to Her fine characters, I am
convinced that in Her present Government no confidence is to
Be Had — on the other Hand, altho' my love to My Native
Country is unalterable, the arbitrary measures of Her Govern
ment at Home cannot agree with me, and notwithstanding 1
ever expected the doctrine of the rights of men to Be extended
from France throughout the ancient world as from the United
States to the rest of America I now Have a due respect for the
mutual independance of enfranchised nations — nay, there
Have Been in certain Revolutionary circumstances compliments,
from the United States wrhich I would not Have paid to the then
Governors of France — and while I don 't deny that the idea of
a war Between those two dear countries cuts me to the Heart,
you, my confidential friend, Have known that in every trans
action Great, or trifling, no man Has Been more than me tena
cious of the interest and Honour of the American Republics,
nor more attached to the Happy System of Federal Union.
May I not, therefore, However Averse I am to the Actual Gov
ernment of Britain, However Bound to My Native Country
By everlasting ties of duty and Affection, However anxious to
See the true American principles of liberty, Equality, and Re-
1 798- 1 799] of James McHenry 331
publicanism fairly and Honestly spred throughout the world,
may I not, says I, have my own opinion of the Dangers aris
ing from your Connection with England against France, of
the Advantages to be found in an Honourable Reconciliation,
and of the dispositions of the French directory to make for it
a sincere and proper trial.
' ' Measures, I Hear, Have Been taken with Respect to the
piracies which, I really Believe, Have far exceeded the inten
tions of Government. Letters from Paris tell me that the
Neutral Navigation shall soon Be on Better footing, was I not
fearful to lose the opportunity to write to you, I would Have
waited for answers I daily expect. I just now Have Hinted
that Besides direct Communications the Batavian Common
Wealth is ready to interfere. Mr. Murray Has acquainted
you with the changes operated in that Country — to judge the
sentiments of Her actual Governors, one private circumstance
may help you — on my emersion from the Olmuce Bastille the
Batavians intended to invite me to their Country — the Janu
ary Revolution, Long foreseen put an end to their plan —
now that the jacobines are out, the new Government Has taken
up the same idea — my going there, as in their kindness for
me, I understand it will be Agreeable to them. Appears to Be
Advantageous in many respects, particularly as it is much
nearer to my family. Yet I am not Hitherto determined.
"Notwithstanding the efforts and threats of England and
Russia, the Kings of Danemark and Sweden Have refused to
part from their system of neutrality — so Has the king of
Prussia who is satisfied with protecting the North of Germany
— at Vienna the two Hostile Courts are aided by female
Neapolitan influence, and it is probable an Austrian War may
Be Renewed, the result of which will be the Ruin of the Royal
father in law and Heavy losses to the imperial young man.
Bonaparte, after the taking of Malcha, Has arrived safely and
even uninterrupted at Alexandria — that expedition is Big
with Consequences.
"The Name and Merits of Vaublanc are not unknown to
you. He was in 92 a member of the legislative assembly,
where His virtues, eloquence, and Courage Commanded univer
sal admiration, and exposed Him to great dangers. His life,
Highly valuable to His Country and His friends, Has Been
Happily preserved to make Him Again shine in the Council
of the Cinq-Cent, and Among the most undeserving victims
of the fructidorian proscription, there is not a more illustrious
332 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
and upright statesman — this excellent patriot is now wander
ing out of France to which He shall soon or late Be gloriously
Restored. His wife and daughter, lately married to Gnl Pink-
ney's Nephew, are gone to America and intend to land some
where in Virginia. I beg you, my dear McHenry, I who re
quire all other friends to pay them the Attentions that are
due to their personal merits, and to the Husband and father
with whom they are Blest — to Him I am under great obliga
tions. He Has in 92 stood my defender. He Has Risked His
life in my Cause. Gratitude and Affection Bind me forever
to Him. I depend on you to let the two ladies experience that
my American friends feel with me on the interesting occasion.
' ' Here is an offer of a quite different Nature — a French
emigrant of the Aristocratic party Having in a letter to me,
on my Release from the Coalitionary prisons, exposed, the
state of misery to which He is Reduced, and Reminded me
of His Services in the American Army, I Regreted not to
Have it in my power to present Him with pecuniary assist
ance — to the expression of that sentiment it was Natural, to
add an offer to Carry His petition to America — the inclosed
one He sent to me. But for fear of differing too much, I
forward it to you who Best know what can be done — the part
incombent on me, I felt the readier to Act as I Spurn the idea
that His Having in Europe Belonged to a party opposed to us
Could make me forgetful of His services to our Cause Under
American Colours.
"There goes with this letter one to Gnl. "Washington. I
Beg you to present My Respects to the president, to the Vice
president, and to Remember me to all other friends about you.
I Can't know whether or not the expressions of My dutiful
patriotic Attachement, of My profound and lively Gratitude
Have Ever Reached the United States — if not, I Hope it will
not Be imputed to Any deficiency on My part. But I beg
you to let me know what Has Been received from me. I Have
written to You UnAnswered letters. My Son George requests
me to Remember Him to You. I join with Him in affectionate
Respects to Your Lady and family — adieu, My dear Mc
Henry, You know How friendly I am
"Yours
"LAFAYETTE
"Pay my Best Compliments to my Generous friends Bol-
man and Hu^er — no answer from this excellent and Heroic
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 333
Huger Has yet Reached me. How Happy I would Be to Hear
from Him!''
From Baltimore James Ash wrote on August 24, urging
that the Federalists be not too extreme in proscribing members
of the opposition:
"The judicious determination by Government, to put
ourselves in a defensive posture, preparatory for any violence
which France may offer, has been unanimously obeyed by the
people. There are however, some characters here, I am as
sured intend well towards Government, who have acted very
indiscreet and unwisely. They seemed to imagine, that noth
ing was left to be done, but to exterminate every one who had
been of the Democratic side. It is true many are to be found
in the Senate and House of Representatives, who no longer
deserve to possess the confidence of the people ; and even this
ought to be taken restrictively. For if any persons of this
description, from weakness of understanding, have been only
tools to artful and designing men, and a hope remains of poli
tical reformation, I can see no reason why they should be con
demned with the guilty. But leaving alone, those who served
in political capacities ; how must the mind and heart revolt, at
the thought of the public wickedness, of these characters, being
visited on all their dupes and followers; uninformed and mis
guided men amongst the people. The doctrine of extermina
tion would be a delightful way to introduce a civil war, while,
on the other hand, changing the deluded people by degrees
from past error, as different dispositions can bear it, will nerve
our union, Country, and Government stronger than at any
former period. A remarkable instance of this kind happened
lately. In a publication written by Mr. Martin, signed a
'Native American' one Mr. Pechin, a printer, here was Com
pletely denounced, not only as a citizen but a printer. Now
if Mr. Pechin had imprudently done wrong, would it not have
been the Wiser way to produce gradual reform in preference
to extermination1! It appeared to me a miniature of the bar
barous cruelties practised by the French. It excited much
warmth amongst about a thousand who were Pechin 's Sub
scribers. The publication of the inclosed observation, address
ed to Mr. Martin, I have reason to believe had a good effect.
This made Pechin my friend, and if he were ever hostile to
Government, he is now as warmly a friend. If extermination
334 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
be Mr. Martins policy, I shall never agree with him, because
it is much better to reform, than to destroy. The one is a
leading feature in genuine Christianity, and good Government,
the other the demon of anarchy and confusion. Before this
newspaper acquaintance I never exchanged Six words with
Pechin. He now Consults me on every movement of any im
portance. Yesterday he gave me a Manuscript pamplet to read,
and requested my opinion ; at this time he had not read it
himself. It had a disorganizing tendency, tranquilizing the
public temper as it respects us with France, and irritable in
every other respect. I gave him an opinion in writing that
no one but a Frenchman ought to publish such a Book, or some
one regardless of his Country's good. He went away well
satisfied with the impression and advice.
"I cannot either entirely agree, with some Gentlemen,
in their views of our next election. Mr. Winchester has offer
ed under their support; he comes forward and declares his
intention is to support the administration. Let us compare
his professions with his actions, and trace the corresponding
analogy. In the Day of Democratic Societies, Mr. Winchester
was not only a member, but a violent one; and I have been
lately informed from good authority, that he offered some
resolutions at a meeting, which went to the subversion of all
government. And when Electors were last chosen to elect a
President, he voted and declared himself for Mr. Jefferson,
and now he is to be the Supporter of the administration. 'Let
no such man be trusted.' The people want a man of judg
ment to form opinion, and with firmness to give that opinion
uniform Support. The whimsical and capricious character, is
little to be relied on. For these reasons I think him an im
proper choice.
"I hope Gallatin may be turned out. I have written to
several of my Correspondents, in that part of the Country, on
the Subject. His Seat as it respects virtue, will be well sup
plied by Nevill, who is a man of honor, and worth.
"From an opinion, that every one should be ready in
some Capacity, or other to serve his Country, at a period so
critical, I made a tender of my services to Gen : Washington,
with a condition that I should have it in my power to attend
the General Court twice a year, unless called into service. ' '
A fierce congressional campaign was made during the
summer of 1798 on the -Eastern Shore against Hindman, who
wrote from Bellfield in Talbot county, on August 29 :
1798-1799] of James McHenry 335
"I was very sorry to see by the Papers Some Time ago,
that You were bid up with a Fever, I hope Yon are now in
perfect Health. Have You appointed the Officers to the
Army? Col. Hindman perseveres in his military Zeal, &
would accept of a Regiment in the provisional Army, but
Nothing inferior. I wrote to You Some Time ago in Favor
of Doct: Wm. Nicholson, who wish'd a Captaincy in the P.
Army, & if not to be had would accept a Lieutenancy ; He is a
Sensible Man & of great Intrepidity, & what exalts Him in my
Estimation is his differing from his Relations in Politics, He
has always advocated my Elections, & is now among my most
active Friends & can do much; He & his Brother Jo: are So
warmly opposed, that I wish it may not produce disagreeable
Consequence, his obtaining Captain's Commission would aid
the Federal Cause here very much, & I must confess I have
his Success much at Heart.
"The cunning Jacobins discovered, that the People are
generally incensed against the French, are now the Foremost
in abusing Them, & affect much Wrath at being thought at
tach 'd to that Nation, I hope this Deception will not avail
Them. I have been laid up for some Time with a sore Leg.
it is now nearly well. My friends are getting very warm &
active, which was highly necessary to counteract the furious
Exertions & infamous Lies on the other Side, Report says
Seney is losing Ground in Consequence of correct Informa
tion respecting many Misrepresentations against Me ; & a Cut
given by a Mr : Clark in which He says that Mr : Seney avow
ed the Sentiment that Mr: Jefferson & Mr: Madison would
have done better at the Helm of Affairs than Washington &
Adams, I hear Seney denies it & wants to Strike out Washing
ton, conscious that any Thing said against Washington would
damn Him with the People, it has just transpired, & Puzzles
Them much, I flatter Myself it will do great Good. I hear
Seney has got a Cut from an Associate Justice, a poor Crea
ture of his, endeavouring to prove a Negative ; what Cheats &
Impostors these Jacobins are, From Them, good Lord, For
ever deliver us. Many Betts are laid on the Issue of the Elec
tion, a curious One of 3000 Dollars to 130, that I have not a
Majority in every County ; Some of my Friends are Sanguine
enough to think I Shall. I \vill not venture to predict the
Issue, Things look more favourably than They did, & prob
ably wrill increase.
"I have just received a Letter from Mr: Campbell &
UNIVERSITY
336 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
Doct: Harris, They both Speak doubtfully of Mr: Winches
ter's Election, & I collect They are of Opinion that Genl:
Smith will be rechosen; if this Should be the Case I shall
ascribe it to the Want of Exertion on the Federalists, whose
purses ought to be open on the Occasion.
"The Yellow Fever must have deranged You all very
much."
So bitter was the campaign against Hindman that, on
September 16, 1798, J. Sitgreaves 1 writes McIIenry from
Easton, Pa., that Edward Tilghman has written him that great
efforts are made to defeat Hindman. Consequently Sitgreaves
has written Richard Tilghman, of Queen Anne's and suggests
that McHenry also write as to Hindman 's "Estimation with
our best public men, in and out Congress, You can bear
honorable Testimony; and you can assert with equal Confi
dence that He has been Confidentially consulted on all the
Operations of the federal Interest in the House of Representa
tives."
When election came, Hindman 2 and three other Feder
alists were chosen from Maryland with four Jeffersonian Re
publicans.
McHenry was now in constant correspondence with
Washington. On September 3, the latter wrote, 3 acknowl
edging lists of applicants, complaining of illness, and asking
for a list of captains and subalterns in the revolutionary army
to help in selecting officers from the "wide expance" of the
southern district. He wished for Pinckney's presence, sug
gested that it may be well to raise all of the cavalry in the
southern states, and urged that our magazines be ' ' well furn
ished with all necessary articles of foreign dependence ; the
procuring of which, if the country should be invaded, will not
only be rendered precarious, but they must come much high
er. " The keepers of powder magazines should be directed
to be attentive to turning and proving powder, that there
may not "appear to be a store," when there is none "fit for
use." He urged rigid recruiting rules. "It is much better
to have a few good soldiers, than a multitude of vagrant and
1 A prominent lawyer who was member of congress from 1794 to
1798.
2 Letters from the McHenry papers on Maryland politics in 1798
are found in So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 101 (March, ,1906), and on Maryland
politics in 1799 in -So. Hist. Ass. Pubs., x, 150 (May, 1906).
3 Ford, xiv, 79; Sparks, xi, 292.
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 337
indifferent ones, who, besides other imperfections, may desert
their colors in critical moments. ' ' At the end, he writes : l
"If any change should take place in settling the relative rank
of the Major Generals, I shall hope and expect to be informed
of it." On the 7th, McHenry told him of Adams's deter
mination to put Knox first and, as Washington had been ill,
he added, "It will be proper you should intermit, for some
time, your attention to business and avoid the early morning
air, as well as much exposure to the hot sun." On the same
day, Washington wrote Pickering that possibly he might have
put Knox before Pinckney, if he could have gotten to Phila
delphia in July. The president ought to ponder well before
he consents to a change in the arrangement Washington sug
gested. Washington answered 3 McHenry 's letter on the
14th, regretting the delay in recruiting and appointing offi
cers. For this delay, he blamed the executive, especially as
that "spirit and enthusiasm which were inspired by the Dis
patches from our Envoys, that resentment which was roused
by the treatment of our Commissioners by the Directory," are
"evaporating fast" and it is now much harder to secure suit
able men. Two months have already been wasted. Wash
ington asked for longer letters from McHenry and fuller in
formation on certain points. His sacrifices entitle him to this
and "from McHenry, as a friend and coadjutor, I certainly,
shall look for it." Needed foreign articles should be imported
at once. If war ensues, they will cost more and "the obtaining
them at all will be attended with hazard and delay." He
objects to certain appointments, discusses the question of small
arms and so ends this "free and friendly letter." On the
10th and 12th, McHenry wrote him of the proposed address
to the president and, on the receipt of the former letter, Wash
ington said4 that the news "filled his mind with much dis
quietude and embarrassment," but he cannot make any move
at this time, "without betraying your confidential communi
cation." He perceived "pretty clearly, however, that the
matter is or very soon will be brought to the alternative of
submitting to the President's forgetfulness of what / consid
ered a compact or condition of acceptance of the appointment,
with which he was pleased to honor me, or to return him my
commission." He, therefore, asks to be furnished with a copy
1 Ford, xiv, 87.
2 .Sparks, xi, 299.
3 Ford, xiv, S7; Sparks, xi, 300.
4 Ford, xiv, 91 ; Sparks, xi, 302.
338 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
of McHenry's letter to Adams written from Mount Vernon
and of the instructions from Adams, under which McHenry
then acted.
On the 19th, McHenry conveyed to Washington an ac
count of the change of plan and the decision of the cabinet
to have Wolcott, who, having been absent in July, would not
be charged with intrigue, answer Adams's letters of August
14 and 29, which Wolcott did on September 17, urging 1 that
Hamilton be placed first. McHenry continued : 2 " Con
ceiving the whole of this business of a very serious nature and
intimately connected with the public interest, I communicated
the letters from the President to me as they were received to
Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Pickering and Mr. Stoddert, as also my
answers to him. The services of Gen. Hamilton being consid
ered too important and consequential to be easily parted with,
it was proposed that they should join in a respectful letter to
the President. After, however, a good deal of deliberation,
the idea of a joint address was relinquished for a representa
tion from Mr. Wolcott alone, who did not appear to be im
plicated in his suspicions of intrigue. This has been accord
ingly drawn up and forwarded. It contains the grounds upon
which you were induced to expect your arrangement would be
adopted and reasons resulting from the relative talents of the
generals and public opinion." On the same day, McHenry
gave Washington a detailed account of Adams's conduct. 3
Of Adams's letter of August 29, McHenry wrote4 that
part of the letter, ''being personal and unmerited, not a little
wounded my feelings." On September 6, he wrote Adams,
asking why he was accused of intrigue and said : 5 "It will
sir, be a relief to me to be assured of your opinion in this
particular, because I natter myself I can convince you that,
abhorring indirect practices, I never even contemplated any,
or shall you not be convinced, I can immediately retire from
a situation which demands perfect and mutual confidence
between the President and the person filling it."
Answer to this letter was sent by Adams on the 13th.
Adams still directed McHenry to issue the commissions on
successive days and to call Hamilton and Knox into service. 5
1 Gibbs, ii, 93.
2 Gibbs, ii, 93 ; Sparks, xi, 547.
3 Sparks, xi, 542.
4 Sparks, xi, 542.
5 Gibbs, ii, 92. Brown's McHenry, 22-34, defends him from the
charge of intrigue.
6 J. Adams, viii, 593.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 339
"Your conduct throughout the whole has been candid. I
have suspected, however, that extraordinary pains were taken \
with you to impress upon your mind that the public opinion j
and the unanimous wish of the Federalists was that General
Hamilton might be first and even Commander-in-chief, that
you might express this opinion to General Washington more
forcibly than I should have done and that this determined
him to make the arrangement as he did. If this suspicion
was well founded I doubt not you made the representation
with integrity.
"The question being now settled, the responsibility for
which I take upon myself, I have no hard thoughts concerning
your conduct in this business and I hope you will make your
mind easy concerning it."
In his letter of September 19 to Washington, McHenry
defended himself against the accusation of delay. Adams
had as yet answered only twro of the proposals McHenry made
on August 4. Arms have already been ordered. Wolcott
thinks we should fill our magazines first and raise the army
last and so objects to the purchase of clothes. McHenry
thinks both should be done at once. ' ' I should have no confi
dence in troops suddenly assembled and cannot think it good
policy to depend upon a militia to meet the first operations
of an enemy inured to war and having no better support than
such raw troops." If an invasion come from the south, no
eastern militia could be used, as eastern regulars could and
so, if we wait, we may be left, as to the south, to its own
militia and half the country may be overrun and plundered,
before anything like a regular force can be collected. Wol
cott is alarmed about finances and prefers to trust to chances,
rather than to raise and pay an army, which may never be
needed. l "These things, my dear and revered sir, are men
tioned to satisfy your solemn and affecting inquiries. You
will now see (although I may not have apprised you of all my
proceedings) the reasons, in the very nature of the transac
tions just detailed, which have prevented me from making to
you certain communications, until they became unavoidable
and necessary, as well for your information as my justifica
tion. You will also be sensible that I have not been idle, nor
inattentive to the importance of the objects which interest
our country and have drawn you into your present situation."
On the 21st, McHenry wrote again that he had made new
1 Washington in his reply agreed with McHenry's views.
340 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
representations to Adams about Hamilton and Knox, on re
ceiving Washington's letter of the 16th. Adams had shown
great obstinacy, but McHenry still counted on his acting wise
ly and yielding. He cannot resist the display of facts which
have been laid before him. Four days later, Washington
wrote 1 Adams, that he ' ' explicitly declared in July, ' ' he
accepted, provided ' ' That the general officers and general staff
of the army should not be appointed without my concur
rence." Neither McHenry nor Washington had any doubt
that this was the object of the former's mission and lest there
should be doubt, Washington asked McHenry to declare this
in his official letter to Adams, as Washington's letter might
be made public ; and, therefore, should not be encumbered
with stipulations. Washington asked McHenry to take back
the commission till Adams's reply. McHenry said that would
not be necessary, for silence would be acquiescence and, if
Adams did not agree, he would say so. Believing this and
not wishing to imply distrust of Adams's intentions, Wash
ington assented. Now Adams changes the order of the major
generals and appoints brigadiers without Washington 's knowl
edge. Washington's arrangement of major generals was de
signed. He had heard that the Federalists wished Hamilton
second and this impression had been confirmed, in most un
equivocal manner, by some respectable members of congress.
If Adams did not like the order, why did he not alter it before
submission to congress? Hamilton's place would be hard to
fill. Why does not Adams begin recruiting? The rough
draft of the letter, covering the foregoing points, Washington
sent 2 McHenry, on the next day, in strict confidence, as even
the rumor of a breach between him and the president would
be attended with unpleasant consequences. If Adams will
not yield, the people must decide between him and Washing
ton. On the 30th, Washington wrote 3 again, warning Mc
Henry against giving commissions to the brawlers against gov
ernment, ' ' who would endeavor to divide and contaminate the
army by artful and seditious discourses and, perhaps, at a
critical moment, bring on confusion. ' ' There are enough Fed
eralists to fill the places and "you could as soon scrub the
blackamoor white, as to change the principles of a profest
Democrat," who "will leave nothing unattempted to over-
1 Sparks, xi, 304 ; Ford, xiv, 92.
'1 Sparks xi, 315.
3 Ford, xiv, 104 ; Sparks, xi, 317.
1798-1799] of James McHcnry 341
throw the government of this country." On the same day,
Adams sent this curt note from Quincy :
"Quincy September 30th. 1798
"Sir
"Inclosed are the Commissions for the three Generals
Signed and all dated on the Same Day. I am Sir
"your most obedient &c
' ' JOHN ADAMS. ' '
Before this letter came, McHenry wrote 1 Washington
that, though he has received no word from Adams, he expects
the affair to terminate happily. He asked for a list of officers
for the southern regiments, and stated that he had advertised
for clothes, but that Wolcott still opposed paying for subsis
tence. There is news of a new coalition in Europe against
France. Our conduct seems to have inspired the peoples
with fresh hopes and courage.
About this time there must have arrived in Philadelphia
the letters Murray wrote from the Hague on August 20 and 30,
stating that his secretary, Dandridge, wished to return to
America and enter the army and asking that McHenry 's
nephew. John, might be sent in his place. In a later letter,
he repeats the request thus : "I am at a great loss for a rapid
French reader and a writer of that insolent language, that I
fear is to clothe every right (public) in Europe in its own
idiom, genius, and dress — curse it, I wish no body spoke
French. It is not half so vulgar not to speak Dutch — but I
do come on." The request was granted and, on April 28,
1799, Murray wrote McHenry that John McHenry arrived
at Hamburg on 13th instant, after a passage of seventy-three
days. 2 "We expect him with impatience. He has left Ham
burgh and is well."
In his letter of August 30, Murray said: "This letter
is on a subject doubly interesting to me, as it relates to the
determination of Mr Dandridge to leave me, & to the acqui
sition of another Secretary.
"Ever since we heard of the martial movements at home,
Dandridge has been desirous of going to America. He has
1 On October 1, "Washington wrote McHenry complaining of Adams's
delay. Sparks, xi, 318.
2 January 7, 1799, Pickering wrote the United States at Hamburg
to pay John McHenry ?200 travelling expenses.
342 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
at last asked my consent. I have given it on his repeated
solicitations — for from the manner in which we have lived,
he would do nothing to disoblige me in this way. He is a
most excellent & estimable man & has most fully equalled the
short but good character which our illustrious Washington
gave me of him. I have an affectionate esteem for him & a
brotherly solicitude for his happiness, prosperity & advance
ment. He looks to the military career ; & though without the
vanity of ambition, he has its better features — a wish to be
useful & an ardent desire to support the Independence &
glory of his country. Dandridge has no pretence & no affec
tation of brilliance — but he has, I undertake to say, a sound
& strong understanding cultivated beyond what his simplicity
& modesty of manners would lead a stranger at first to attri
bute to him — of this accuracy of judgement I have often
availed my self. He is completely a man for high & delicate
confidence, in fact I set a great value indeed upon him. You
know him, but not as well as I have had it in my power to do.
I do not mention him thus particularly to recommend him, as
in a mere letter of introduction, but to do him justice — & to
prove, as far as I can, his claim to a handsome & honourable
appointment in the army.
"I then present him to you as a candidate for a commis
sion. I hope & believe that you will give one suitable to him
as a man of uncommon worth — as a true American, well en
lightened on the subject matter of our dispute with France
and as the late Secretary of the late President of the United
States. I knowr that you are acquainted with my friend Dan
dridge — but I could not let him apply himself, as I feel
interested in his career & future lot & wish to give him the
proof of my esteem. He has been our inmate constantly &
Mrs. M. & myself part from him with sincere regret. He has
also been very happy with us. So much for my friend, whom
I part with & whom I commit to your kind protection.
"Now for the acquisition of another to fill his place. I
have long thought, that should anything deprive me of Dan
dridge, that I would ask you to give me Mr John McHenry,
your very promising nephew & my correspondent! as I men
tioned this to you before I left America, I hope that you have
thought over my proposal. I sincerely w*ish that nothing may
oppose itself to this object. I believe he esteems me — & you
know that he has always stood high in my regard. He shall
live with us entirely as one of my family & I undertake to say
1 798-1 799 j of James McHenry 343
that, if he can be happy out of your paternal family, he will
be so with us. Both Mrs. M. & I like our young friend ; and
his relation to you and Mrs. McHenry would endear us all to
each other & insure harmony & friendship. He will have to
find his own washing & mending and that is all. That is ar
ranged here with ease & perfect snugness — & the salary is
301. 10 Stirlg a year. He can also pursue any course of read
ing that your judgement may dictate. He may learn Italian,
Spanish, or German. Stay either as long as I do, or follow
your directions & entirely your views, without being pledged
to any time. The business is not laborious to so young &
hearty a man viz. Copying, as to the article of Dress and
clothes — it is not serious. His Philad. clothes are in a better
style than is common here. Linnen cheaper & the making of
it cheaper. At his time of life, a tour of this sort will be both
pleasant &, I should hope, advantageous — & may be so
shaped, by your advice, as not to disturb any future plans wh.
you may have in view for him. In fact, I wish to have him
with me & see no objections strong enough to oppose my plan.
He had best come direct to Hamburg, or Bremen, or Holland,
& on his landing speak to the American consul, giving his
name & I will take care to write to those at these points to
receive him & put him on the Avay to the Hague, where he
will be kindly welcomed as your nephew & my friend.
' ' Should no ship offer to these places — He had best come
through England. He can easily get a passage across to the
Tees or the Maas to Rotterdam & then he is with me. I once,
in 1784, left London at 4 o'clock in the morning, dined at
Harich, and next day dined at the Hague. A winter passage,
say in Nov. or December is not much to — England. I
came in those months in 1783-4. He can be with me by Xmas
or in January easily. However, I shall wait for him.
"Dandridge wishes a commission in the Infantry and, if
he had experience, I would say that he has character enough
to be at the head of a Regiment. I forgot to mention this in
the first part of my application for him.
"Mrs. Murray sends her love to Mrs. McHenry, pray
make my kindest compliments to her & give the enclosed (if
you please) to Mr John McHenry.
"The Three ministers viz Prince Repnin for Russia,.
Count Cobenzl for Vienna, & Lord Elgin for London, who
went not long since to Berlin to produce a new coalition have
left Berlin in utter disappointment — Ld. E. gone home — Ct .
344 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xni
C. gone to Petersburg & P. Repnin gone to Vienna. No coali
tion, general. If the war begins again, there will be one be
tween Austria & Russia.
"The energy & great respectability of the United States
have produced a State of things in the Directory at Paris
from which we may see the rights of Neutral nations, in gen
eral, respected. It would dilate every artery in you to see
the glory which is spreading over the United States at this
moment in the eyes of Europe. She comes on the stage at an
instant highly propitious to eclat. When the heart of the
continent had sunk — She plants her foot with firmness —
France recoils — and every body is revived — & in triumph
— for France does recoil — & I believe reflection will but con
firm — what astonishment first produced, & that she will recoil
further, if we will preserve a steady aspect & a vigorous prep
aration. God bless my country, she indeed acts to a charm.
I will again write, in June I wrote. I am dear friend affec-
tionly
"& truly always yrs"
Murray wrote thus two days later: "Be firm and per
severing, my dear minister, and France will recoil, we shall
triumph and once more establish the law of nations."
On October 5, the letter from Adams, of September 30,
reached Philadelphia and McHenry copied and sent it to
Hamilton, saying, "the sun begins to shine * * * This is a
regal letter and, at the same time, a loyal proceeding. Hasten
the military regulations. I shall, I expect, soon call upon
you." To this letter Hamilton thus replied:
"New York October 9. 1798
"I thank you, My Dear Sir, for the prompt communica
tion of the intelligence contained in your letter by yesterday's
Post.
"As to the regulations (if as I suppose you mean) those
for the tactics & discipline of the army — I must answer that
hitherto I have done nothing more towards it than some pre
liminary reading & reflection. The undetermined situation &
the necessity of a close attention to rny law business (which
is in such a state I could neither abandon nor diminish) has
prevented my doing more in respect to the matter in question.
It will, henceforth, engage my particular attention ; but it
ought not to be precipitated. My plan will suppose a differ-
1798-1799] of James Me Henry 845
ent organization of the troops & some previous legislative
measures to precede its execution. Besides the present sistem
must be essentially the base of another & there is no urgency
for a change. The course of the Winter will fulfill every use
ful idea — & allow time to digest well additions or innovations.
To organize & to raise the army are the immediate desiderata.
"I shall be ready to attend your call
"Yrs affectly
"A HAMILTON
"PS Young Rutledge, late Secy of General Pinckney, is
himself desirous of going into the army but he cannot, in pro
priety, decide upon an application without the previous eon-
sent of his father whose permission he has asked. In the
mean time, I would suggest for your consideration the exped
iency of keeping open for him a Captaincy of Infantry. His
connections & qualifications give him pretension to look to
this. You will understand that he cannot now ask & may not
perhaps be allowed to accept : so that whatever is done, must
be provisory Ade AH"
On October 10, Wolcott wrote x Hamilton, "You are first
Major General." "I supposed McHenry had transmitted
the commissions but find, he still hesitates. I will, however,
prevail on him to do his duty, if I can."
Adams wrote to Washington 2 on October 9. informing
him what he had done and stating that the difficulties between
the major generals will be submitted to the general, as com-
mander-in-chief, and Adams will ratify his action, though he
has no doubt that the president has authority to determine the
rank of officers. Adams thus yielded his contention. Before
the yielding was known, Washington wrote McHenry, 3 on
October 10, asking what would be the effect of his resignation,
if Adams disregarded the order of rank of the generals and
the conditions upon which Washington accepted his post.
Could Washington "with propriety and a due respect for my
own character" help from resigning. Washington wished on
this point to know Pickering's opinion and those of "the
gentlemen who act with you." Does Pickering like Hamilton,
Washington inquired, because of the "utility of the measure,"
1 Hamilton, vi, 365.
2 Sparks, xi, 548. J. Adams, vlii. 600. If North refuses the adju
tant generalship, Adams will nominate Dayton, unless Washington prefer
another.
3 Ford, xiv, 105.
346 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
or because he dislikes Knox ? "Would the New England states
be disgusted, if Hamilton precede Knox in rank?
On October 15, Washington wrote l again, with refer
ence to the appointment of officers in the engineers and in the
southern regiments, and stated that, in his view, officers should
be appointed: First, from officers in the revolutionary army,
who are in the prime of life ; and then from "young gentlemen
of good families, liberal educations, and high sense of honor, ' '
but, that care should be taken not to appoint "any, who are
known enemies to their own government, for they will, as
certainly attempt to create disturbances in the military, as
they have done in the civil administration of their country. ' '
McHenry submitted his correspondence with Knox to the
cabinet 2 on October 13 and asked whether they considered
that Adams be held to acquiesce in the settlement of relative
rank, on the principle of and agreeably to the order of nomin
ation and confirmation ; whether he should consult Adams fur
ther, or send the generals their commissions directly; and
whether he should send Adams a copy of their reply to his
questions.
Pickering, "Wolcott, and Stoddert, on the same day, 3
signed a reply stating that the only inference they can draw
is that Adams consents to the arrangement proposed by Wash
ington and followed in nomination and confirmation, and
therefore McHenry should send the commissions, directly, and
it would not be "respectful to the President to address him
again on a subject, which appears to have been attended with
difficulties in his mind and the discussion of which can pro-
1 Sparks, xi, 322. -Sparks, xi, 549, is a postscript to this loiter.
The beginning of the letter and another imprinted postscript follow :
"Mount Vernon 15th Oct. 1798.
"Dear Sir,
"Your letter of the 2d. and those of the '5th. instant came duly to hand.
"Those of the latter date were received late in the evening preceding
my visit to the Federal City, when I was detained several days on busi
ness ; and is the cause of their remaining unacknowledged so long. * * *
"P. S.
"In treating on the subjects of Regimental officers for the augmenta
tions, Colo. William Smith of New York again occurs. I know not on
what precise ground the nomination of him was rejected by the Senate,
and therefore to advise bringing him forward again might be improper, —
nor should I incline to do it, if there was just cause to impeach either his
integrity or his attachment to the measures of Government. But I have
always viewed Colo. Smith in the light of an Officer possessing military
talents, and conceive, if he would accept of it that the Command of our
Regiments about to be raised in the Middle District of the United States
could not be better bestowed.
"G. W. n."
On Col. W. S. Smith see an article by M. D. Raymond in Mag. Am,
Hist., xxii, 74.
2 Gibbs, ii, 101.
? Gibbs, ii, 1C2.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 347
duce no public advantage. We also think that no communica
tion of our sentiments will be necessary, unless the Secretary
of War shall discover, hereafter, that we have mistaken the
President's intentions, in which case it will be proper that
we should share in the censure." Guided by this opinion,
McHenry sent the commissions and wrote this information on
the 16th to Washington, 1 telling him of the course of events
and that he had written Hamilton and Knox, calling them
into service. Washington is requested to come to Philadel
phia, as soon as possible and at any rate, before November
10, at which time McHenry hoped both Adams and Washing
ton may be together at Trenton, where the government is still
carried on. This official letter was enclosed in a personal one,
which is as follows:
"You wrill see by the enclosed the step I have taken, and
the information and aid which I expect to derive from the
Major Generals, in case it is approved, and also the desire I
have to draw you for a short time to Philadelphia. I know
not how all this is to end, and feel perfectly tired of the un
certainty in which so many important measures are kept fet
tered and involved.
"I hope you will approve of the exposition I have given
of my views, and the propriety of my fortifying or correcting
my own opinions by those of the Generals. I have informed
Hamilton of the points upon which I shall look for his assist
ance that he may come prepared.
"I am extremely anxious to know the result of your let
ter to the President.
"Yours ever & affectionately"
Hamilton answered McHenry in two letters written from
New York on the 19th. In one he expressed his satisfaction
at the relative rank given him and promised to come, 2 but
did not expect to arrive at Trenton before November 10, 3 as
1 Ford, xiv, 115.
2 Hamilton, v, 141; Lodge, vi, 485.
3 Lodge's Hamilton, vi, 486. "It is my Intention," wrote Hamil
ton to Washington from New York on October 29, 1798, "to proceed on
the first of November to Trenton. My aid to the Secretary, to the full
extent of what he shall permit me to afford, will not be withheld. But every
day brings fresh room to apprehend that, whatever may be the props,
the administration of the War Department cannot prosper in the present
very well disposed but very unqualified hands."
348 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
Knox cannot arrive before that date. In the other letter, he
said:
"My Dear Sir
' ' I received yesterday your private letter of the 1 6th with
its inclosures, now returned.
"It was essential for you to take a decisive course & to
leave the blame of further delay at some other door. There
can be no doubt of the propriety of combining the aid of
General Officers. But Pinckney being now arrived, it seems
to me very proper & necessary that he also should be called
upon. You will learn with pleasure that he sent me a mes
sage by young Rutledge purporting his entire satisfaction
with the military arrangement & readiness to serve under my
command. Communicate this to our friends Pickering & Wol-
cott, as I am not well enough to write them by this post.
"Yrs Affecty
"A HAMILTON"
Though Washington wrote l Knox on October 21, urging
him to accept the commission, the latter wrote Adams, on Oc
tober 23, before he could have received this letter, 2 that it
would be impossible for him to serve under officers so much
his juniors. "No officer can consent to his own degradation."
Pinckney accepted at once and, on October 26, thanked 3
McHenry for the commission and hoped to see him in Trenton
on Monday. On the 31st, he wrote again, promising to be at
Trenton on November 10, regretting Knox's declination, and
expressing a willingness to rank below Knox, if that will
induce him to reconsider. He is glad to serve under Hamil
ton, though he outranked him in the last war. On October 21,
Washington wrote McHenry, 4 enclosing a copy of Adams's
letter of the 9th and asking him to burn the note, that its
existence might not be discovered and confirm Adams in his
ideas of intrigue. He also asked for information, as to the
captains and subalterns from the south, who served in the
revolution, which information he had already requested some
time before.
In another letter, 5 dated the same day, Washington ac-
1 Sparks, xi, 326.
'2 Sparks, xi, 550.
3 Hamilton, vi, 373. See Sparks, xi, 551.
4 Ford, xiv, 114.
5 Ford, xiv, 115; Sparks, xi, 331.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 349
knowledges McHenry 's letter of the 16th and approves of all
he has done, except the plan to officer the new corps in the
southern and western states, which relies too much on the
opinions of members of congress, who press applications often
times to get rid of them or ' ' for local and electioneering pur
poses. " Washington fears Knox's declination and asks for
information as to Pinckney, who, he hopes, will accept and be
of service in picking out southern officers. Washington had
been ill, but wrote that he would try to be at Trenton on
November 10, or about that time. On the 23d, he wrote again
from Mount Vernon :
"Dear Sir,
"It gave me very sincere pleasure to find by your letter
of the 17th reed, last night — that Genl. Pinckney accepts his
appointment in the Army of the United States.
"If it would not be too inconvenient for him to remain
at the Seat of Government until the 10th. of next month (the
ulterior day, allotted for the Assembling of the Majors Gen
eral at Trenton or Philadelphia) and you would advise me
thereof, immediately, I would make every exertion in my
power to meet them at that time.
"For a variety of reasons, which will readily occur, the
sooner such a meeting could take place the better ; — and
perhaps no time, — season — or circumstances, would be more
convenient than the one proposed : — nor more eligable for the
purpose of concerting a Plan, upon general hypothesis ; — and
rectifying, as far as possible, the evils, which have preceded
from delay in Recruitg.
"With great esteem and regard
"I am Dr. Sir. Your Most Obedt Serv.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
Adams wrote McHenry, on the 22nd, that he will confirm
any appointments which the generals and McHenry recom
mend. He cannot come on soon, on account of Mrs. Adams's
illness. He had dated the commissions on the same day and
agreed to confirm Washington's decision in the matter. *
He rather sneers at the recruiting service and says regiments
are costly and no national plan has been formed for the main
tenance of an army, so far as he has seen. Adams was already
» 1 J. Adams, viii, 612. On October 26, McHenry wrote Washington
that Adams had not answered Wolcott and is extremely guarded in his
expressions, but will not refuse your request.
350 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
preparing for congress, as is shown by his letter to McHenry
written on October 10 from Quincy:
''Dear Sir.
' ' The Meeting of Congress approaches, and it is necessary
to consider whether Philadelphia is a safe Residence for Con
gress : and also the Particulars that will be proper to com
municate and recommend to both Houses at the opening of the
Session. I ask the favour of you to revolve these sujects in
your Mind and write me the Result as soon as you can. I
have the Honor
"to be, Sir your most obedient
"JOHN ADAMS"
On October 30, McHenry wrote to Washington that Knox
declines, Pinckney will assist, Adams can not come, but "we
wish you about Nov. 10."
Amid the unpleasant affairs of the season, there were
pleasant ones and McHenry had loyal friends like Tracy, who
wrote from Litchfield on the 8th of October, 1798:
"My Dear Sir-
"Your favour of the 3d inst. is duly reed. I thank you
for it — and will endeavor to lay before you, names for an
other Corps. I conclude we shall in Connecticut be allowed
as many Officers as will organize one more Regt. — including
the provisional Army. If I am mistaken in this, please to let
me know by an early opportunity. In the mean time, Govr.
Turnbull, Col. Wadsworth, & I will be selecting the proper
characters who shall be forwarded to you, as soon as may be.
I thank you for the foreign news — & should be more thankful
for the Domestic, if it were more grateful in its Nature.
Storms we must have, & each must have his share — but it is
a consummation devoutly to be wished, that they may cease
from within our own household, as they increase from without.
"I am aware that we must undergo some difficulty, by a
hint I had from Knox in a letter, but I said nothing, hoping
it would blow over without much mischief. As to Wm. S.
Smith commandg. a Regt., you know the appointment is in
the hands of the Executive, by law; and it must take its
course ; but if all I hear of him is true, he ought, by no means,
to have a Regt. Let It be remarked, that I may be misin
formed. I only give my opinion under present impressions.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 351
Altho I am of opinion almost any compromise must be made,
rather than have on our hands so much Executive blocking
to our movements. The Officers of the 12 Regt. & of the pro
visional Army, it seems to me should now be appointed as soon
as convenience will possibly permit. The ardor of our Coun
try will I fear cool — and recruiting will drag heavily. For
God 's sake let nothing retard this matter much longer — we
must have our Army in forwardness.
"As soon as possible, we will forward you another Regt.
of Officers, you can use them as Provisional or not, as you
please. Could the Commissns. soon be sent to me, the success
of recruiting is infallible. Every thing moves at present per
fectly right in Connecticut, but too long delay will at any rate
do no good. ' There is a tide in the affairs of men. '
"I am unwilling to tax a busy useful man to write me,
but must ask you to give me a line, if any thing particular,
either foreign or Domestic, Should occur. I am Sir
"with esteem & affection yrs.
"URIAH TRACY."
McHenry wrote Washington on November 9, that he had
lodgings for him and that he proposed to bring out a few
volunteers to give him a military reception. Pinckney was
delayed, for a short time, owing to an accident to his carriage,
but, on the 10th, McHenry submitted to Washington, Pinck
ney, and Hamilton lists of officers and proposals as to the
number of officers and men to be taken from each State, ac
cording to the census. l Discussion was also had, concerning
allowances to officers detached on such services as to incur
expenses on the road and at places, where there are no mili
tary posts.
Washington answered McHenry 's proposals - in letters
written at Philadelphia on November 13 and 14. The earlier
of these letters reads thus:
1 Hamilton, v, 152 ; Sparks, xi, 552.
2 Certain other questions were submitted by McHenry to the other
secretaries about this time.
"(Private)
"Dr. Sir
"I have signed the paper upon which you requested the opinion of the
Heads of Departments. — I take the liberty to suggest however, that writ
ten official Opinions ought not in my judgement to be called for, without
the direction of the President —
"I am sir yrs. truly
"OLIV WOLCOTT
"Dec. 7, 1798.
James McHenry Esq."
352 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
"Sir,
"I observe by the concluding paragraph of your letter of
the 10th. instant, that you contemplate conferences between
the Secretaries of State and of the Treasury, and myself, for
the purpose of obtaining auxiliary information from their
departments. Several of the questions which you state, seem
indeed, to require such information. But, on reflection, it
has occurred to me, as most regular, that you should settle
with these Officers what it may be reciprocally deemed neces
sary and proper for them to communicate ; — to the end, that
they may themselves, bring forward, either through you, or
directly to me, as may be agreed upon, but without any prev
ious application from me, such communications as the case
shall be supposed to require. Whenever, too, I am to report
a formal opinion, you will, I dare say, think with me. that the
data upon which it shall be given ought, substantially, to be
deposited with me in writing. Personal conferences besides,
for more full explanation, may be useful, and will be very
agreeable to me. Allow me to request your speedy attention
to this Matter.
' ' I find also, that the Documents ref ered to in your letter
of the 10th. instant, did not accompany it. As these will be
necessary in forming an Opinion on several points submitted
to me in your aforesaid letter, and which I have communicated
to Major Generals Hamilton and Pinckney, I must beg you
to furnish me with them without delay. The documents re
ferred to are as follows — viz.
" 'List of persons who have been recommended for Com
missions in the Army, with their letters of pretensions. '
" (N. B. A list of applicants South of the Potomac, and
their letters, are in my hands. The lists and letters from the
other parts will be wanting.)
" 'Returns and Letters from Brigadr. Genl. Wilkinson,
showing the Stations and number of the Troops on the North
Western and Southern Frontiers.'
" 'Return showing the description, places of Rendezvous,
Stations and number of Troops now on our Sea-board frontier.
" 'Return from the Superintendant of Military Stores,
showing the quantity and kinds of Cannon, Field Artillery,
Military Stores, and other Articles now on hand, belonging to
the United States.'
" (N. B. This return should also exhibit the places at
which these are deposited, and the quantity at each place).
1798-1799] of James McHenry 353
"To these must be added the estimate which you had
made out of the monies which you conceived would be required
for Military service, and the times at which the same might
be wanted.
"I have in my hands a list of the General and Field
Officers who served in the Revolutionary war, and of the Cap.
tains and Subalterns from the States South of the Potomac.
You will, therefore, be pleased to add to the documents, a list
of the Captains and Subalterns from the other States, that the
whole may be before me.
"lam, Sir
"With very great esteem & regard,
"Your most Obedt. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
The second letter, written on the following day, is as
follows :
"Sir,
"In order to form an opinion on the query contained in
your letter of the 10th. instant, whether it will be best to
furnish Rations for the Troops by Contracts, or by purchasing
and issuing Commissaries, it will be necessary that I should
know the prices of Rations, now by Contract, at the several
places where Troops are Stationed.
"You will therefore be pleased to add this to the docu
ments which I Yesterday requested you to furnish.
"With great esteem & regard.
"I am, Sir
"Your most Obedt Servt.
"GEO. WASHINGTON."
These letters he followed, after a month's stay in Phila
delphia, with three long official ones dated 1 December 13 and
16, and drafted for him by Hamilton. Washington forwarded
with the letters of the 13th a brief personal note :
"Private
"Dear Sir,
"I am really ashamed to offer the letters &c herewith
sent, with so many erazures &c, but it was not to be avoided,
unless I had remained so much longer here, as to have allowed
my Secretary time to copy the whole over again ; — and my
1 Sparks, xi, 346-376.
£54 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
impatience to be on my return homewards, on Account of the
Season — the Roads — and more especially the passage of
the Susquehanna — would not admit of this. With consid
eration & respect I am Dear Sir
"Your most obedt. Servt.
"GEO. WASHINGTON.
''P. S. Mr. Lear, you are sensible, was engaged with myself
& the Genl. Officers ; — of course could not be employed in
Transcribing what you will now receive, as the result of our
deliberation at the mom 't. we wTere engaged in other matters. ' '
The difficulties connected with the appointment of Wil
liam S. Smith continued to exist and are the subject of a
letter Washington wrote l on December 13.
4 'Sir,
"You will observe that in the Arrangement of the Of
ficers allotted to New York, there is an alternative of William
S. Smith, or Abijah Hammond for Lieut. Colonel Comman
dant.
"Various considerations demand that the motive of this
hesitation should be explained.
"Had military qualifications alone been consulted, the
name of Colo. Smith would have stood singly, and he would
have been deemed a valuable acquisition to the service. Had
there been no other source of objection, than the erroneous
political opinions lately attributed to him, his honor and at
tachment to his Country would have been relied upon. But
as well myself as the two Generals, whose aid I have had in
the nominations, have been afflicted with the information,
well or ill founded, that he stands charged in the opinion of
his fellow Citizens with very serious instances of private mis
conduct ; — instances which affect directly his integrity as a
Man. The instances alleged are various; but there is one
which has come forward in a shape which did not permit us
to refuse it our attention. It respects an attempt knowingly
to pledge property to Major Burrows, by way of security,
which was before conveyed or mortgaged, for its full value,
to Mr. William Constable, without giving notice of the cir
cumstance, and with the aggrevation that Major Burrows had
become the Creditor of Colo. Smith through friendship, to an
amount which has proved entirely ruinous to him. While
1 A letter of Hamilton dated December 17, treats of the matters in
cluded in Washington's letters.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 355
the impossibility of disregarding this information forbade the
selection of Colo. Smith absolutely; Yet the possibility that
it might admit of some fair explanation, dissuaded from a
conclusion against him.
"As it will be in your power to obtain further lights on
the subject ; it has appeared adviseable to leave the matter in
the undetermined form in which it is presented, and to assign
the reason for it.
"You are at perfect liberty to communicate this letter
to the President. Candour is particularly due to him in
such a case. It is my wish to give him every proof of frank
ness, respect and esteem.
"Lest it should be supposed that Major Burrows has
officiously interfered to the prejudice of Colo. Smith, it is but
justice to him to declare that such a suspicion would be en
tirely without foundation.
"With great consideration & regard
' ' I have the honor to be,
"Sir,
"Your most Obedt. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
A week later, McHenry received Smith's defense. l He
had been speculating in western lands and his detailed ac
count of his conduct proved satisfactory, so that he was placed
in command of a regiment.
The great questions of the army were not the only ones
to occupy McHenry 's time during the summer and autumn.
On July 27, Washington wrote him to procure colors for the
"Gray-heads of Alexandria,"2 who had formed a company
for the defence of the town and its vicinity, and about the
1 See Pickering's Examination of the Adams and Cunningham letters
p. 144. Adams in his letters to Cunningham, 123, said that Pickering, "at
the instigation of Hamilton, I suppose, who was jealous of Smith as a
favorite of Washington and a better officer than himself, excited a faction
in the Senate against him and, to my knowledge, propagated many scan
dalous falsehoods concerning him and got him negatived, though Wash
ington had recommended him to me. But no personal or family consid
erations would have induced me to dismiss Pickering. My motives were
public altogether." Pickering fin "Interesting Correspondence between
his Excellency Gov. Sullivan and Col. Pickering," in which the latter
vindicates himself against the groundless charges and insinuations made
by the Governour and others, 1808, p. 32) says Adams never told him
cause of removal. Smith's defense is published in So. Hist. Assoc. Pubs,
for 1907.
2 Ford, xiv, 55. On August 13, McHenry wrote Washington that
Miss Custis's colors advance. See also note 19.
356 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
same time he received a charming letter from the fascinat
ing Eleanor Parke Custis:
"Mount Vernon July 26th 1798.
"Sir
"You will perhaps be a little surprised when you see
from whom this letter comes, as it is not very common for
Ladies to begin a correspondence, however, as I have had the
pleasure of your acquaintance some years, and I consider you
as one of my old Friends; I wave all general rules, & Avill
proceed accordingly in this my Epistle to the Secretary of the
War Department. I hope you arrived in Philadelphia with
out accident, & found your family wrell ; I assure you we re
gretted your departure but indulge the hope you will again
favor us with a visit, & bring with you, Mrs. McHenry and
your young family. I shall now take the liberty of troubling
you in regard to the Commission for a Standard, which you
were kind enough to undertake for me. One of the Volunteer
Dragoons dined with us today, he mentioned that the Com
pany had a colour Staff which from its antiquity & being
used by the first Company in which Grandpapa was, in either
the late War, or the French War (I forget which) they prized
highly, and intended to honour my gift, by placing it on that
Staff. If they send you the Staff for that purpose, will you
be so obliging as to have placed on the tops of it — The Amer
ican Eagle, hansomely carved, and gilt in the best manner in
one talon an Olive Branch, in the other, implements of War.
And also to have my favorite Motto — Conquer or Die — in
letters of Gold on the Standard, which America is represented
as presenting to the Dragoon. The uniform, I suppose you
have been informed of My Company will, I think, be very
respectable, therefore, I wish My Standard to be the han-
somest ever seen in America. If the Antique Staff is not
sent, will you have one, very hansomely made, with the orna
ment above mentioned.
"I hope you will excuse me for adding to your weight
of business, which must already be allmost too much to bear.
"I must trust your good nature, which is I believe, all-
ways gratified by an opportunity of confering favors.
' ' I amuse myself sometimes with the recollection of your
walks up Chesnut Street to your Office. & think you must
find them disagreeably warm, particularly, writh your regi
mental Coat and Large Hat.
1 798- 1 799] of James McHenry 357
"Be pleased to present my affectionate regards to Mrs.
McHenry, & your Children; & to divide with them
"The best wishes for your Health & Happiness
"from
"ELEANOR PARKE CUSTIS.
"P. S. My regards to all
the Ladies, with whom I
have the pleasure to be
acquainted. ' '
Miss Custis's desire for the standard led her to write
a second interesting letter on September 6 :
"My good friend's entertaining letter, and wise admoni
tions I received in due time, why I have not answered and
acknowledged them before this time, perhaps I might find
some difficulty in accounting for, but no doubt (as Ladies,
all ways you know are guided by good reasons) I had some
very cogent and sufficient reason for not doing that which I
now acknowledge ought to have been performed long since;
however I hope you will excuse me. I know that you have
so much good nature, and kind consideration, that I make no
ceremony of imposing upon it, allwaijs anticipating forgive
ness. I beg you will accept my sincere thanks for your very
polite and friendly expressions, I assure you, your letter gave
me infinite pleasure, and I often entertain myself with reading
it over.
"I was very sorry sometime since to learn that you were
very ill, but the clouds of regret have been chased away by the
bright sunshine of pleasure on your recovery; I sincerely
hope y»u will have no return of your indisposition, and that
yourself and family may enjoy uninterrupted Health & hap
piness. That cruel Malady, the Yellow Fever, has driven
you from Philadelphia I hear, it is a most unfortunate cir
cumstance for the poor Philadelphians, many who are now
obliged to fly from that distressed City, will probably be pre
vented from returning, by the fear of the Yellow Fever be
coming a constant Summer visitor.
"I am afraid the poor Painter who was executing the
Standard for me has gone to The land of his Fathers — and
left America, the Dragoon, and the Motto, to the mercy of
the Yellow Fever : I assure you, I begin to be a little anxious
for their fate, as I fear they will come to an untimely end.
358 JLife and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
How lamentable would such a dire event be, My Troop are
all uniformed and waiting for the Standard, which they are
determined to defend with a bravery never excelled; even
in the annals of Chivalry, and in the earliest ages of romance.
I am afraid their patience (which is already threadbare] will
be entirely worn out, if it is much longer delayed, and not
having ' Conquer or Die' before their eyes, their patriotic
and Heroic ardor may be exchanged for calculations of Loss
and Gain and a resolution, — that it is better to stay at Home,
and make money in Peace, which depends upon the caprice of
a Foreign Nation, than to fight for their insulted Country,
and a continuation of Our Independence, gain Honor and
Glory, but spend their cash and love — their Heads. I will
here take the liberty of informing you, that the Motto by you
called sanguinary, has no enigmatical meaning whatever af
fixed to it, it is simply this in the literal translation, 'Never
give up, whilst life remains, or Die rather than be conquered.'
I never intend, be assured, to die of mortification on any
account, and more particularly, for the cause you apprehend
/ mean. The Ten thousand Knights whom I carry along so
triumphantly in chains, exist only in your Brain, I am per
suaded. I beg you to believe, that my intentions are peace
ful & charitable and not murderous and monopolizing; if any
Chrysostom's wear chains, as they are forged by themselves,
and worn voluntarily, so the peril be upon their own Heads,
and the consequences, however disagreeable they may prove
to them.
"The beautiful and inexorable Marcella was unjustly
accused, I think her answer to the charges brought against
her on Chrysostom's account, is excellent. Heaven, you say,
has given me beauty, nay such a share of it, as compels you
to love me, in spite of your resolutions to the contrary ; from
whence you draw this inference, and insist upon it, that it is
my duty to return your passion. By the help of the small
capacity which Nature has bestowed upon me, I know that
which is beautiful is lovely; but I can by no means conceive,
why the object which is beloved for being beautiful, is bound
to be enamoured of its admirer. Besides, you are to consider,
that I did not chuse the beauty I possess ; such as it is, God
was pleased, of his own free will and favour, to bestow it
upon me, without any solicitation on my part. The scrip of
paper I received in due time, I am indebted to you for your
polite attention to my commission, and for employing a
1798-1799] of James Me Henry 358
Deputy, when business prevented you from attending to it
yourself; I have no doubt I shall be pleased with the execu
tion of the Standard, which I am very anxious to see unfurled
by My Troops, and I flatter myself, that should invasion im
pend, this company will be one of the first who march to
repel the daring invaders ; that they will be endued with real
spirit, and do justice to the favorite Motto. I acknowledge,
my mortification would be very great indeed, was I to hear
that the Troops had suffered this Banner to fall into the
hands of an enemy. If you can spare a few moments from
the multiplicity of disagreeable business with which you are
encompassed, you will oblige me infinitely by a hint on the
subject, with information relative to its progression, and
when I may expect to recieve it.
"My Beloved Grandparents unite in kindest regards to
Mrs. McHenry, yourself and Children, My Brother and self
unite in respects and affectionate wishes to the same.
"Be assured my respected Friend
"of the esteem and Friendship of
"ELEANOR PARKE CUSTIS. "
A rather amusing letter sent from Mount Vernon on Feb
ruary 16, 1799, shows that Miss Custis's martial ardor did
not cause her to send those she loved into the field :
"Dear Sir,
"The enclosed letter from Major Lawrence Lewis re
quires explanation, and it is the purpose of this letter to
give it.
"He had, it seems, been making overtures of Marriage
to Miss Custis some time previous to the formation of the
Augmented Corps in November last, at Philadelphia; with
out any apparent impression, until she found he was arranged
as a Captain in the Regiment of Light Dragoons, and was
about to try his fortune in the Camp of Mars. This brought
into activity those affections for him, which before she con
ceived were the result of friendship only. And I believe the
condition of the Marriage is, that he is to relinquish the field
of Mars for the sports of Venus. His own letter must speak
the result. This explanation, after what has happened, I
thought was due from
"Dear Sir- Yr. Most Obedt & Hble
"Go. WASHINGTON."
Delays still continued, so that Hamilton grew impatient.
360 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
and wrote on December 16, 1798, 1 If he is to have recruit
ing service, please let him know at once and send him instruc
tions, that he may gain for McHenry's "final decision, new
lights from officers, who have had experience in this branch
of the service." His own experience is very limited "in this
and, to form a right plan", is of "great importance."
He has been investigating tactics and will put more time
thereon but must be paid and have travelling expenses, for
his practice is falling off and he has a large family.
McHenry answered at once 2 and said that recruiting
will be wholly confided to him, but he must await supplies
of clothing. "It is certain you must have been a loser in the
way you mention, by accepting the office you now hold, and
as certain that justice requires that none of the pay or emolu
ments annexed to it should be refused. ' ' 3
Indefatigable in work, Hamilton wrote almost daily to
McHenry on all sorts of military matters and forwarded let
ters he had written to others on these subjects, as for example
his letter of December 22 to General Gunn, a senator from
Georgia :
"As to further military arrangement my ideas are these
— Considering how little has been done towards raising the
force already voted; that an important tax is yet in the first
stage of an Essay — that a prospect of peace is again pre
sented by the temporizing conduct of Fraoice — that serious
discontents exist in parts of the country with regard to par
ticular laws — it appears to me advisable to postpone any
actual augmentation of the army beyond the provisions of the
existing laws, except as to the Regiment of Cavalry, which
I should be glad to see increased, by the addition of two
troops, and by allowing it to be recruited to the complement
which has been proposed by the commander in Chief as that
of the war-establishment. What this is will probably be com
municated by the Secretary at War
"But a considerable addition ought certainly to be made
to our military supplies. The communications of the Com
mander in Chief will also afford a standard for the increase
in this respect, as far as concerns the force to be employed
1 Hamilton, v, 180; Lodge, vii, 42 vide p. 3.
2 Hamilton, vi, 374.
3 On the 19th, Hamilton wrote that he is preparing a plan for the
fortification of New York harbor and wishes certain plans to be bought
by the United States and loaned to him. Hamilton, v, 182.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 361
in the field. There are, however, some other objects of sup
ply equally essential, which were not within the view of those
communications. Heavy Cannon for our fortifications and
mortars for the case of a siege. Of the former, including
those already procured and procuring, there ought not to be
fewer than one thousand from eighteen to thirty two pound
ers, chiefly of twenty four — of the latter including those
on hand, there ought to be fifty of ten inch Calibers. This
you perceive looks to offensive operations. If we are to en
gage in war, our game will be to attack where we can. France
is to be considered as separate from her ally. Tempting ob
jects will be within our Grasp.
"Will it not likewise be proper to renew and extend the
idea of a Provisional Army? The force which has been con
templated as sufficient in every event is 40,000 Infantry of
the line, 2,000 Riflemen, 4,000* Cavalry, and 4,000 Artillery,
making in the whole an army of fifty thousand. Why should
not the provisional army go to the extent of the difference
between that number and the actual army? I think this
ought to be the case, and that the President ought to be au
thorised immediately to nominate the officers — to remain
without pay till called into service. The arrangement can
then be made with sufficient leisure for the best possible selec
tion : and the persons designated will be employed in acquir
ing instructions.
"It will likewise well deserve consideration whether pro
vision ought to be made for classing all persons from eighteen
to forty five inclusively, and for drafting out of them, by
lot in case of Invasion, the number necessary to complete the
entire army of fifty thousand. In the case of Invasion, the
expedient of drafting must be resorted to, and it will greatly
expedite it, if there be a previous classing with a view to such
an event. The measure too will place the Country in a very
imposing attitude and will add to the motives of caution on
the part of our enemies.
"These measures are all that appear to be adviseable with
regard to our military establishment under present appear
ances. A loan as an auxiliary will of course be annexed."
On the copy of this letter sent to McHenry, Hamilton
wrote :
"This is communicated in confidence. I send as well be
cause I think it proper to do so, as because I wish you to see
the train of my ideas."
362 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
Two days later McHenry's report on the reorganization
of the army was sent to Adams and was transmitted by the
president to congress on the 31st. McHenry's report is quite
elaborate and states that ' ' A very obvious policy l dictates to
us a strenuous endeavor, as far as may be practicable, to place
our safety out of the reach of casualties which may befall the
contending parties and the powers more immediately within
their vortices." He proposes to have each infantry regiment
to consist of ten companies, formed into two battalions ; each
cavalry regiment to consist of ten troops formed into five
squadrons ; each artillery regiment to consist of four battal
ions, each battalion divided into four companies. The title
ensign should be given up and that of lieutenant substituted
therefor. There should be fewer officers. Aides should have
their place filled by others in the regiment. There should be
a quartermaster general and an hospital establishment. 2 We
should bring in from the Austrian or Prussian armies one or
two engineers and artillerists as colonels and have an inspec
tor of fortifications and of artillerists. Fit clothing for the
soldiers can be made by tailors in the ranks. Regulations as
to rations should be revised. ' ' With regard to liquor, it may
be best to exclude it from being a component part of the ra
tion," while allowing a discretion to commanding officers to
cause it to be issued. Congress should make allowance for dis
banded soldiers to return home. The provisional army act
and the militia law should be revised. An especial allowance
should be made to the inspector general. There should be a
purveyor of public supplies, exclusively for the war depart
ment, that the secretary need not be occupied with details of
lesser concerns. Hamilton, when secretary of the treasury,
thought that the purchase of military stores and supplies
should be made through that department and so congress de
creed by the statute of 1792. The law was a mistaken one
and partly responsible for St. Glair's defeat. Yet Hamilton
advocated the policy thereafter, suggesting that a special pur-
1 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 124. Other minor reports of
McHenry about this time are the following:
Letter from Sec'y of War, inclosing Statement of the Number of
Cannon purchased for the use of the Frigates, Revenue Cutters and Forti
fications, since January, 1794; etc. pp. 7. Phila. [1798].
Letter from Sec'y of War, accompanying his Rep. relative to Running
of a Line of Experiment from Clinch River to Chilhowee Mountain, by
Order of Gov'r of the Terr'y of me U. S. South of the Ohio. pp. 18.
Phila. [1798].
2 Ingersoll's War Department, 212, quotes IT. B. Brown's Med. Dept.
of U. S. Army, 73, that the Medical Department was organized in 1798,.
Stat. at Large, i, 721, and enlarged in 1799, but disbanded in 1800.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 363
veyor of supplies be appointed under the secretary of the
treasury. This was done in 1794 and the conditions so con
tinued until July 16, 1798, when the new law provided that
the supplies should be purchased under the direction of the
secretary of war. After McHenry 's report, referred to above,
the act of March 3, 1799, authorized the secretary of war
directly to make such purchases. As a result of the report
the establishment of the staff departments may also be placed
to McHenry 's credit.
From New York on December 26, 1798, Hamilton wrote
to inform McHenry that General Huntingdon has been dis
pleased at not having received official notice of his appoint
ment with his commission. "I hear nothing of nominations,
what malignant influence hangs upon our military affairs l
* I left with General Pinckney a project of a Military
School which he was to have sent me ? Has he quitted Phila
delphia ? If so have you heard any thing of this paper ? I
want it."
Two days later McHenry answered that the nominations
"will probably be made to-day and Smith's will stand."
Pinckney has gone without leaving a project of a military
school. A foreigner cannot be put at the head of the second
regiment of artillery. McHenry asked Hamilton to throw the
conclusions of the report into a bill and hoped to begin re
cruiting soon. At the same time he wrote Washington con
cerning his report - and the nominations, stating that he ad
vised Smith's appointment.
"Washington had written to McHenry 3 from the east
bank of the Susquehanna on December 16, where he was de
tained by wind and tide, proposing that military affairs in
the Carolinas and Georgia be placed under Pinckney, or that
Virginia be added to the department, and General William
Washington be given South Carolina and Georgia, subject to
Pinckney. All the other troops, including Wilkinson's army
in the West, should be placed under Hamilton. The new
recruits from Tennessee and Kentucky should be under Pinck
ney. The present force there should be under Hamilton, as
part of Wilkinson's command. Washington himself will not
act until the army is in the field. Meantime it will be well
1 Lodge, vii, 47.
2 The report was sent Washington on January 5.
3 Sparks, xi, 374.
364 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xm
to concentrate responsibility and have all orders reach Mc-
Henry through the two heads.
On January 6, 1799, Washington wrote again from Mount
Vernon :
"Dear Sir,
"Your favour of the 28th Ulto. I have duly received.
"I have no wish that any sentiments of mine, handed
to you officially, should be with held from Congress, or the
Public. All I should have desired, would have been, that
such parts of my Report of the proceedings which occupied
the attention of the two Major Generals and myself in Phila
delphia, and fit for Legislative consideration, might have been
communicated entire ; — with the reasons in support of the
measures
"Extracts, without these, does not always convey the
sense, or the intention of the Reporter.
"It is unnecessary I presume, to add, that such other
parts of the Report as depend upon Executive decision, ought
not to be delayed. Many valuable Officers & Men have al
ready been lost by it ; — and if the arrangement is not an
nounced soon, more will be so. The regulations with respect
to the Uniforms, and Army distinctions, should be announced
at the same time (if approved) in clear and peremptory terms ;
to guard, in the first place, Officers against unnecessary ex-
pence — and in the second place to prevent fantastic decora
tions at the whim of Corps. I do not recollect whether it is
so expressed, but it was the meaning, that all Officers who
are not directed to be distinguished by feathers, are not to
wear any ; but if it is not forbidden at the time of the annun
ciation, to those who shall, the practice will still prevail in
the lower grades ; — such is the propensity in favor of it.
"That those who applied for higher grades than they
have been appointed to Shd. decline accepting them, was in
many instances, apprehended — but to find among others,
who were appointed, unworthy characters, is more surprising ;
although it is an evidence of the truth of the doctrine I ad
vanced, that there was no dependence (except in a few in
stances) on the mode of obtaining information — for reasons
wch. I detailed at the time.
"The Papers you have asked for went off before your
letter was received — -"and safe with you, I hope ere this.
"I ought to have taken your advice with respect to draw-
1 798- 1 799] of James McHen ry 365
ing three, in place of two months pay ; — Not keeping the
ace. of my expenditures to, from, and at Philadelphia my
self — Mr Lear paying them out of the money he received
there, on his own account. — and not coming to the knowl
edge of their amount until I got home, I presumed two months
Pay &C. would have covered all my expences — but with the
purchase of a few articles incidental to my journey, I find
that the aggregate, amounts to $1115.55-100 and the pay
drawn, to 1039. 50-100 without including in the first sum the
preparatory expence of equipment, for the jour-
*0ne item ney,*
alone of ' ' This communication is incidental ; not by
which any application for a further allowance ; — for
a horse, cost I had rather sustain the loss, and the fatigues
me $300 of the journey, than it should be thought I was
aiming to draw an Iota more from the Public,
than my declaration at the acceptance of my
Commission would authorise
"With very great esteem & regard
"I am — Dear Sir
"Your Most Obedt. and
"Affectionate Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
McHenry answered on January 10th, writing concerning
Washington's salary and stated that Kite's name was left out
of the nominations because he and his connections, "who live
in a very federal part of the country, are stated to be anti
governmented and Jacobins" so that his appointment would
excite disgust.
Hamilton was naturally worried and complained 1 on
January 7, 1799, of the unascertained situation he held. He
has lost half his emoluments and he is uncertain as to whether
he is "to derive from the scanty compensation of the office
even a partial retribution for so serious a loss."
McHenry answered - at once on January 9: "Dear Ham
ilton, An official letter of this date fixes the commencement of
your pay and emoluments. I shall, soon as possible, define
your duties and command. In the meanwhile, I should be
glad to have your own ideas on the subject. You will proceed
in your report for a system of tactics and discipline. You
1 Hamilton, v, 186; Lodge, vii, 50.
2 Hamilton, v, 188.
366 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
will also endeavor to ascertain the best positions for your re
cruiting parties and general rendezvous &c."
On the next day McHenry wrote that General Gunn of the
senate committee has asked l for a draft of two bills ; one
based on McHenry 's report as to a regular peace and war
establishment, and one on all new matters pertaining to the
provisional army. Gunn also asked that existing provisions
might be incorporated in these bills. This seemed a judicious
idea and Hamilton was requested by McHenry to incorporate
in the two bills all that ought to be retained of existing laws.
The matter was urgent and on the llth, McHenry wrote -
once more, asking Hamilton to lay aside other business and
occupy himself on the two military bills only, as the session
is short. 3 McHenry cannot tell what will be done as to appro
priations. Hamilton knows the "causes and obstructions
which have prevented me doing anything" to carry the law
for raising the army into effect during the past year. "If
you want money let me know, that I may send you your pay. ' '
Hamilton answered McHenry 's letters on the 14th from New
York :
"Dr Sir
"I received on Saturday two letters from you, desiring
that your different propositions might be thrown into two Bills
& suggesting the idea of an Incorporation of the several exist
ing laws into one system. This idea is a good one, but to ac
complish it with sufficient correctness would require several
days to examine carefully and prepare with accuracy. Be
sides this, I incline to the opinion that it will be best in the
first instance to present the alterations and additions pro
posed independently — that the progress of them may not be
embarrassed by the consideration of an entire System; and
I had even thought of a distribution into more than two divi
sions to secure at all events the passage of some things. The
organisation on my plan would form one bill comprehending
the Sections in the inclosed draft No. 1 to — — inclusively
— The Hospital department would form another Bill. The
provisional army & volunteers a third. The miscellaneous
points a fourth. The plan however of two Bills is now pur
sued, except that I shall preserve the sections for the Hos-
1 Hamilton, v, 188.
2 Hamilton, v, 189. "
3 See Ingersoll's War Dept.. 25.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 367
pital establishment separately; which with the provisional
army Bill will go by tomorrow's Post.
"I do not exactly seize your idea about the Inspector of
Fortifications and, therefore, have prepared nothing on that
point. Is it essential to have a distinct officer of this charac
ter? Or may not the objects of it be fulfilled by some one
of the Engineers of the establishment? I will endeavour to
embrace your plan on this head and, if I do, I will throw it
into the form of a Section of a Bill.
"I do not lose sight of the idea of an Incorporation of
the whole Military system into one law ; but I believe you will,
on more reflection, judge it advisable to make this a subse
quent operation of greater leisure and care.
"I remain with great esteem &
regard Dr. Sir
"Yrs. Obed
"A HAMILTON"
On the 15th, he forwarded l a provision to be incorpor
ated in the bill sent the day before and regretted that he could
not yet send the provisional army bill. He sent the medical
establishment bill 2 on the 21st.
McHenry asked 3 Hamilton on the 22nd for a proper
arrangement of the forces, since Washington declines to take
an active part. Hamilton replied on the 24th that this is a
delicate subject for him and suggests that he and Pinckney
be given authority, as Washington outlined, and that all com
munications from the West be sent open under cover of the
secretary of war, who, in urgent cases and in the absence of
Hamilton, will himself give orders and, otherwise, will leave
Hamilton to control matters under the department's instruc
tions. "You will take and reject as shall appear to you
proper, assured always that, personally, I shall be content with
any arrangement you may think advisable."
On February 4, McHenry answered, 4 giving Hamilton
instructions according to the ideas of Washington, and adding:
"Finally I cannot conclude these instructions, without express-
1 Hamilton, v, 190, McHenry wrote Tousard on the 16th to inspect
the fortifications of Newport, Boston, Marblehead, and Portland.
2 Hamilton, v, 195; Lodge, vii, 3, 54, 28, Gunn, who knew nothing
of Hamilton's hand in the matter sends Hamilton on the 23d a bill Mc
Henry had given him and asks him to prepare one for the provisional
establishment.
3 Hamilton, v, 197; Lodge, vii, 59.
4 Hamilton, v, 199; Sparks, xi, 563.
368 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xin
ing my most unlimited confidence in your talents to execute the
high trusts which the President reposes in you and my own
most perfect reliance upon your cooperation and assistance,
in everything that concerns the army establishment, and the
means to remedy whatever defects may be found to exist there
in ; and that I shall at all times recognize, in the execution of
the orders which you may receive, the most perfect evidences
of your candor and friendship. ' '
Hamilton answered on the 6th, discussing the recruiting
districts and regretting that the objection that several "char
acters proposed" were anti-federalists prevented their appoint
ment. l "We were very attentive to the importance of ap
pointing friends of the government to military stations, but
wre thought it well to relax the rule in favor of particular
merit, in a few instances, and, especially, in reference to the
inferior grades. It does not seem advisable to exclude all
hope and to give to appointments too absolute a party feature.
Military situations, on young minds particularly, are of all
others best calculated to inspire a zeal for the service and
the cause in which the incumbents are employed."
On the 7th, Sedgwick wrote 2 Hamilton that he had
been to see McHenry about hastening supply of clothing and
enlistments and found that Adams was opposed to an army
and objected to the title of general. The next day McHenry
wrote 3 Hamilton that Adams has the recruiting instructions
and seems in no hurry. They will be sent, as soon as he
decides on them. Washington had been frequently writing
to McHenry: on January 27, on the details of uniforms,4
on January 28, on the arrangement of the relative rank of
certain regimental officers;5 on February 10, again on his
own uniform. The last letter is as follows:
"My dear Sir,
"Your letter of the 1st. instant is received. Whatever
appearance or shape, the Uniform intended for me, may take,
by your direction, will be entirely agreeable to my taste. It
being the commencement of a distinguishing dress for the
Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States
1 Hamilton, v, 209; Lodge, vii, 62.
2 Hamilton, vi, 393 ; Lodge, llvii, 54, prints a letter from Hamilton
to McHenry dated January 16, 1799, and accompanying a draft of a bill
for a provisional army.
3 Hamilton, v, 211. On February 16, Hamilton (Hamilton, v. 215)
asks to have the additional regiments distributed among the states with
out delay.
4 Ford, xiv, 148; Sparks, xi, 394.
5 Sparks, xi, 396.
1798-1799] of James McHenry 369
(whom so ever he may be) and probably will be a permanent
one My wish (although as it respects myself personally I
have no choice) is, that it may be correctly executed; — for
which reason I thought it more eligable, in the first instance,
that the direction concerning it should preceed from the De
partment of War, than from myself.
"I hope it will be made & sent to me by the time men
tioned in my last ; — accompanied with the Cockades, and
Stars for the Epaulets ; without the whole of which the Dress
will not comport with the order; of course must be incom
plete.
"If my Nephew, Mr. Bushrod Washington, should not
have left Philadelphia before the above articles are ready,
and is certain of being here by the 22d. instant, it would
afford a good and safe opportunity for the conveyance of
them to me ; — but if he has doubts on this head, I would not
hazard the receipt of them by him, by that time ; as you will
perceive by the enclosed letter to Mr. McAlpin left open
for your perusal and with an excuse for troubling you with
these small matters, at a time when I presume you are pressed
by important ones. I am with esteem & regard, and much
truth
"My dear Sir
"Your Affect Hble Servant.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
While matters were thus progressing slowly, Adams, who
had never thoroughly favored war, startled the United States
on February 18 by sending the senate the nomination of Mur
ray as envoy to France.
CHAPTER XIV
EVENTS AFTER THE NOMINATION OF THE FRENCH ENVOYS
ADAMS, on June 21, 1798, had stood with the extreme
Anti-Gallican federalists l and had announced that
"I will never send another minister to France, with
out assurance that he will be received, respected and honored
as the representative of a great, free, powerful and independ
ent nation." He had signed the naturalization, alien, and
sedition bills. But he was not anxious for war. Twelve
years later, McHenry wrote: "I shall not pretend to pene
trate into all the motives that weighed with Mr. Adams to
retire from the ground of this declaration and send a third
mission to France. " 2 In his letters to the Boston Patriot
defending his administration, Adams acknowledged that he
concealed this intention from the heads of departments and
stated that he was equally careful not to inform any member
of either branch of congress. ' ' I knew, " 3 he wrote, " if I
called the heads of departments together and asked their
advice, three of them 4 would very laconically protest against
the measure and the other two5 would more modestly and
mildly concur with them." The consequence would be that
the thing would be instantly communicated to members of the
congress and a clamor raised against it in the newspapers, all
of which would probably excite the senate to put their nega
tive on the measure. It may be briefly said, in answer to this,
1 In July, 1798, Col. John E. Howard wrote a letter to Dr. Thomas of
Frederick, who printed it, stating that Gen. Samuel Smith said, at the
president's table, that he would have given the douceur demanded by Tal
leyrand as the price of hearing our commissioners, that it would have
been cheaper than war, that he was severely reprimanded by the president
for his sentiments, that no person except Mr. Bayard present supposed
him not to be in earnest, that at another time he said he would give double
the sum, or £100,000 sterling. Adams said he would not give the duty on a
pound of tea, was surprised to hear such sentiments and had hoped that
no virtuous American entertained them. (Broadside issued by Federal
ists).
2 Lodge's Cabot, 204.
3 Letter XI.
4 i. e. Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry.
5 Stoddert and Lee.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 371
that the obvious course of obtaining new advisers whom he
believed trustworthy should have been followed, if Adams
distrusted his secretaries.
The sending to the senate of Murray 's name 1 as envoy
to France aroused surprise and many objections. 2 To the
objectors to Murray's appointment to the French mission,
Adams said that he thought Mr. Murray "a gentleman of
talents, address, and literature, as well as of great worth and
honor, everyway well qualified for the service and fully ade
quate to all that I should require of him, which would be a
strict compliance with his instructions, which I should take
care to provide for him, on all points, in terms that he could
not misunderstand. That my motives for nominating him,
in preference to others, were simply because the invitation
from the French government had been transmitted through
him and because he was so near to Paris that he might be
there in three or four days, and because his appointment
would cause a very trifling additional expense." He nomin
ated an envoy because a letter written by Talleyrand to Pichon
on September 28, and sent from the Hague by Murray to
Adams, approved the preliminary overtures Pichon had made
and gave continued assurances that an American minister
would be treated with proper respect. Murray was rejected
by the senate, and Adams then nominated 3 on February 25,
Murray, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, and Patrick Henry
of Virginia. When Henry declined, he was succeeded by
William R. Davie of North Carolina. Murray's nomination
was not altogether a surprise to him, as is evident from his
letter to McHenry of January 30.
"You say nothing of my letters in Augt. respecting my
friend John whom I begged of you as my Secretary, Dand-
ridge having gone by my consent in Sept. to Mr King — & I
having taken a temporary Secretary for Three months unless
Mr. J McHenry arrived sooner. This temporary Secretary I
took (Mosr. Montflorence) from Genl. Pinckney's introduction
& because he had been very faithful to Govt at Paris in the
worst of times. I continued hin till the 20. Deer. Mr. McH
not coming. I continued him the 20. Jany. — & then till the
1 February 18. J. Adams, ix, 249. On Murray see Clement Sulli-
vane's article in Southern Historical Society Publications, v, 151, and
Carey's Am. Museum, ii, 220.
2 J. Adams, ix, 249. In his letter to the Boston Patriot.
3 McMaster, ii, 429.
372 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
20 next month — always under the terms express & ' unless
Mr. McH. should arrive sooner.' After the 20th Feb. I will
not have any Secretary, unless John come, as I sincerely hope
he will. I wish he had written five lines, by five ships, some
one would have got to me — but I every day expect to see
him enter & announced by old Will. He will be quite at
home with us — & I recall more identically our pleasant even
ings at your house — at Philada. — that charming city so dear
to my memory what dreadful affliction it has suffered! Mr
Hill I hear is dead — Miss Breck — Miss Westcot — good old
Mr Anthony and poor Fenno — Bache too has still kept him
company vis a vis ! But doubtless many others have gone whom
I knew — here I know nothing of what passes except by your
letters & one I had at the same time from Mr Bingham — I reed.
a letter yesterday from My brother of 20. May 1798 ! & I hear
from a Dutch gentleman not long from St Thomas's that the
Delaware & a 44 gun frigate were there as envoys. He seemed
almost as much delighted as I was — & from Mr Smith at
Lisbon I hear to day that a new 28 was launched & coppered
at Newbury Port in 74 days ! — from Hamburg I learn also
to day that on the 7th. Dec the President was too much
indisposed to meet the Houses & of course no speech then.
I sincerely hope that he has recovered & been strong enough
to look them full in the eye & give them a firm determination.
"My dear Sir one half of the miseries which is brought
u'pon the Sevl. nations whom french power has swallow 'd up
has been owing to the timidity of the Executive power. It is
true that generally that was the centre of all power on this
continent — this however only serves to illustrate more strong
ly the folly of timidity at all, in govt. The treasons wh. have
latterly disgraced the very species of Man were in a great
degree the consequences of this timidity in the Head of the
Govt. That timidity, temporising, shuffling & rank cowardise
could but be seen by those in places of high trust & in the
army — when discovered a new principle of calculation was
gradually formed in minds long weakened by a philosophy
that refines away the coarse but more valuable properties of
our nature, and each man becoming a politician, in the low &
selfish sense, balanced, doubled, feared the success of french
enterprise, & gradually was prepared so to act before hand as
to be in a sort of character, by wh. he might avail himself of
unlucky contingencies, if they came on. Thus Treason is
1799-1800] of James McHenry 373
really more a moral than a political disease in many of the
public functionaries all over this continent! The People, on
the contrary, true to nature, are willing & anxious for that
energy in the protecting Govt. wh. would save them from
foreign domination. The gentry, call them nobles, in general,
destitute of energy, seem to me incapable of high spirited
action — of course when a moment comes, like that the other
day at Turin & all over Piedmont, in the Roman & Neapolitan
Territory all was policy without energy — & submission wt.
out salvation !
"We have nothing official of the Neapolitan army since
3 Jany inst. Then Mack well fortify'd in Capua had offered
an armistice to Championnet wh. was haughtily refused. It
is believed that there has been immense Treason in the N.
army! That the French shd. have retired from the Tuscan
Territories, wh. it is believed they have done, is a singular
thing if true — & leads some to believe that the Emperor &
France will yet agree- — a thing wh. seems to me almost im
possible! We have as yet nothing official on these things.
' ' The insurrection in Belgium still rages — sometimes in
battles of 3 — & 4000 well fought — often in skirmishes from
woods, & harrassing better managed. The dear silky gentry
are out of the struggle — but they will not escape, many rich
men have been taken up & sent to Paris on suspicion of secret
ly aiding with money the insurgents, who are literally poor &
hardy peasants, fighting with the cross marked on their
clothes. The french suffer exceedingly in this kind of desul
tory war & the soldiers prefer any sort of battle to that with
which they are regaled if they show themselves in smaller par
ties — of this sort we could give them a plenty.
"I had written thus far when Colonel Hitchborn 1 (431.
1512. 1238. 1246. 1451. 710.) was announced. He is just
from Paris. He seems much altered in his opinions as he now
most heartily curses them. My particular reason for men
tioning him here is this — a circumstance that has made me
think with rapidity & pain! He says that after he & those
with whom he associates of our country knew ivhat the pro
posals were wh. Woodward & Mr Gerry carry 'd out last sum
mer, he & they recommended me (1050) as the person to whom
government shd. send a commission if any minister were named !
1 The numerals are written In the text of the letter and the mean
ing of the cipher was written over them after the letter was received
by McHenry.
374 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
I regret this whole affair & so told him. I know the state of
parties. I know their ways of thinking on hearing of such an
unsought unthought of thing. I feel that it is due to you &
myself (920. 1463) to declare solemnly that I (1308)
never hinted even such a thing — never expected it —
& NEVER WISHED IT! and that it is teetotally with
out a hint from or to (me) 1050! In fact I have but
one character on this great question particularly. Those
of both parties who know me, know what it is — to make
proselites to the great cause of our Govt. & our country's
Independence, I do certainly vary my small means occasion
ally & adapt them, as far as I can penetrate, to the characters
of those whom I would save if possible & bring over — but not
a moment do I disguise my opinions. This gentleman passed
a week here in Sept. on his way. I had heard of his violence
agt. our Govt. &c &c &c — he paid me a visit. I treated him
with politeness — & after that often canvassed things with
him. I found we differed — but whether his politeness short
ened the difference or whether a knowledge of what he saw
here had worked, he spoke rationally & apparently writh sound
views. I there pointed out what I believed to be the intention
of France as to general Dominion, at least in Europe. He did
not think with me. Since, to day — He has declared to me that
he is now convinced of that truth. That plunder & repine &
Dominion are their objects. That they shd. so treat us had
they the power &c &c &c.
"His son in law (612. 489. 948. 1457. 1005.) has been late
ly put in the Temple at Paris, & he (954) ordered to quit
Paris — he stay 'd at Passy a few days. As those letters from
that party at Paris may reach your ears I thought it due to
you my dear Sir & to myself & the Govt. to make this explan
ation — & Col. Pickering, who will have the goodness to
decypher for you, will also do me justice in reading this letter
Happy here — dreading storms & quicksands, my ambition
goes not higher. You wd. never hear such remarks from me,
indelicate but in such circumstances, had I not got at the in
telligence wh. I have troubled you with. I am always
' ' My dear Sir most truly & affecty yrs. ' '
"Written on cover of letter by Murray was :
"Observe my seal. Tis the old one. The
cock for a crest. The Goose — that vigilant
guardian of the Capitol, I see with pleasure,
1799-1800] of James McHenry 375
is yours. But why a wild one — for I see
it is chained! It is however a good device,
"on reflection — I wish that nothing may be said to Col. P.
or anyone on the particular intelligence which I have mention
ed. Unless circumstance render it proper — because protes
tations, even agt. such an idea are indelicate to be first men
tioned. If you copy the cypher on a bit of paper it can be
decyphered without showg the whole.
"Since writing the inclosed, there is reason to suspect that
french affairs in the Neapolitan Domn. are not so flourishing
— and it is said & believed that the French retired from Tus
cany in consequence of a threat from the imperial Genl. —
doubtful I think. A report circulates this evening that Eh-
renbritstein has surrendered. Peace appears to me impossi
ble, wrhile power remains in such hands as wield it at Paris.
Personal safety & views impel them to exterior war. They
would tear out the very vitals of F. had they exterior peace !
Feb. 1799."
Congress meanwhile considered 1 and passed the medical
establishment act on February 25 and the act for better organ
izing the troops on March 2. By the latter act the army was
directed to consist of four regiments of dragoons, one regiment
and a battalion of riflemen and forty regiments of infantry.
This act, of course, caused a great increase in efforts to recruit
troops, of which subject the following letters of Hamilton
treat.
"private New York March 10. 1799
"Dr Sir
"Ought it not to be a rule to forward from your depart
ment to the Major Generals, as they are passed, copies of all
laws respecting the military establishment? At any rate you
will oblige me by sending those of the session just finished.
' ' I believe in the 5 § of the Recruiting Instructions, filled
up in Manuscript, the term of enlistment is five years. The
Jaw for augmenting the army § 2 directs the enlistment to be
'for and during the continuance of the existing differences
between the U States & the French Republic.' If there be
any thing varying this, it has escaped me. Will you inform
me? This inquiry is suggested by a new revision of the re
cruiting instructions.
As it may yet take time to prepare for me a complete list
1 Hamilton, v, 218-233.
376 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
of the officers of the army, I should be glad to have one of the
field officers only, with a note of the stations or destinations
to which they have been assigned. I want much to place them
over the detached posts & to concenter the direction.
"I observe the XIII § of the Recruiting Instructions au
thorises the appointment of certain Courts Martial. Where
is the power for this Regulation ?
"Sometime since I requested you to send me the organ
ization of the officers, as reported by the Commander in Chief.
You replied that no such document had come to you. I
imagine that I must not have expressed myself clearly, for I
well remember that the document, which I mean, was made
out in Mr Lear's hand writing for the purpose of being sent
by you. It was an arrangement or distribution of the Officers
who were nominated into Regiments, batalions, and Compan
ies, assigning to each company, by their names, its proper
complement of Officers.
"It appears to me very important that the Regimental
Pay Masters & Quarter Masters should be designated without
delay. They are the proper organs through which all issues
of monies & supplies ought to pass. If I remember rightly, in
the late war, the Q. Master & Adjutant were appointed by the
commander of the Regiment. The Paymaster was designated
by the Officers of each Regiment. What has been the practice
lately? Whatever be the mode, I wish very much to be in
structed to have the thing done.
"Will it not be advisable speedily to direct the field Offi
cers of each Regiment to report for the consideration of the
President an arrangement of the relative rank of their officers
in the Regiment. This will not work any inconvenience as to
the corps, of which the Officers have not yet been appointed.
And it being done will facilitate future operations.
"Yrs very truly
"A HAMILTON"
"Private New York March 14. 1799
"Dear Sir
"It is a construction of the law warranted by usage that
the President shall appoint the requisite number of Lieuten
ants & leave three of them to be designated for Quarter Mas
ter & Pay Master in fhe manner practiced in the late army.
But if this is supposed not to be a good construction, the end
1799-1800] of James McHenry 377
may be produced by making it a rule that recommendations
shall come through the described Channels to the President &
that, unless for some extraordinary reason, he will, as of
course, nominate or appoint.
"But whatever be the mode, pray let it be adopted at
once & put in a train of execution that these essential officers
may be appointed. Yrs. truly
"AH
"P. S.
' ' Since writing the above, it has occurred to me as worthy
of consideration whether it will not be expedient to enlist
indiscriminately for all the corps and to insert an alternative
in the call as to the term of service thus — ' for and during the
continuance &c or for the term of five years, at the option of
the U States. ' As there are soldiers of both descriptions to be
enlisted, I incline to think the laws will bear out the alterna
tive in point of executive propriety — & the option would be
evidently valuable. The principal question is whether sol
diers would not more readily enlist for the casual duration of
existing differences than for the known time of five years."
The indefatigable Hamilton wrote daily, sometimes even
twice a day. He sent acceptable amendments l to the recruit
ing regulations, and submitted arrangements of districts - for
recruiting from Connecticut and the Middle States, offering
to do so also for all New England, Maryland, and Virginia. 3
He did not understand that he might begin recruiting at once 4
1 McHenry on the 18th accepted Hamilton's work. Hamilton, v, 23o.
2 March 15. Hamilton, v, 234.
3 Pinckney may do it for the Carolinas and Georgia, and residents
of Kentucky and Tennessee for those states. March 16, Hamilton, v, 234.
4 March 17, 1799
Dr Sir
I send you the draft of a third Bill. I shall quickly send you that of
a fourth which will comprise whatever more remain.
Yrs truly
A. H.
Private New York March 18. 1799
Dr Sir
If my memoranda be right I sent Wilkinson's letter, by 'duplicates
through you. If so I presume it is not necessary for the certainty of
conveyance to send a triplicate. If I am mistaken in the first idea, or if
any thing more is requisite, be good enough to say. If otherwise, no reply.
It is very extraordinary that I receive no acknowledgement of my
letters from the commandant at Fort Mifflin (Elliot I believe) Duplicates
went through you. Can you inform me? Has not this officer too strong
a love of independence?
Mr. Tracy seems to have understood you that it was left to my discre
tion to begin the business of recruiting whenever I thought proper. I
have so understood the matter. If this be your idea be so good as to
express it
Yrs Affecly A HAMILTON
378 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
and urged that there be an agent for the commissariat at
Philadelphia. l
McHenry's position was a hard one and he had not enough
sternness to surmount all the difficulties of a procrastinating
president and a cautious secretary of the treasury. Wash
ington again admonished him, 2 in a long letter, which was not
only private but "a friendly one from George Washington
to James McHenry. " The general added, most generously:
"If the sentiments which you will find in it, are delivered with
more freedom and candour than are agreeable, say so, not by
implication only but by explicit language ; and I will promise
to offend no more by such conduct, but confine myself, if oc
casion should require it, to an official correspondence." He
complains that commissions are kept back, the recruiting ser
vice arrested, and himself left uninformed. Washington is
not a "mercenary officer," but, came forth through a "high
sense of the Amor Patriae" and should be told all that occurs,
"though detached from the army" at present. The "golden
opportunity" for recruiting and the idle winter months have
nearly passed. In the busy summer, recruiting will be ex
tremely difficult and the "rif raf of the populous cities, con
victs and foreigners" must be taken. Such regiments are no
better than militia. Washington first intended to stop with
these remonstrances; but, reflecting that he may not again
write with such freedom, continues with the further complaint
that the five weeks' work of the two major generals and himself
at Trenton and Philadelphia has been set at nought, for "any
member of Congress who had a friend to serve, or a prejudice
to indulge." Special instances are referred to and the better
course is emphasized of following absolutely the arrangement
made by the board of general officers. The president had
power to make any promotion he pleased, but must observe
rules and attend to the feelings of the officers, if "he wishes
to preserve the peace and harmony" of the army.
' ' There is one matter more, which I was in doubt, whether
to mention to you or not, because it is of a more delicate na
ture than any I have touched upon ; but finally friendship has
got the better of my scruples. It respects yourself person
ally. 3
* Whilst I was in Philadelphia, and after the Mem-
1 Hamilton, v, 236. --March 19. "Please send list of Connecticut offi
cers. Is not the Adjutant General exofficio the deputy inspector general?"
2 Ford, xiv, 158; Sparks, xi, 406. March 25.
3 This paragraph has never before been printed.
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 379
bers of Congress had begun to assemble it was hinted to me in
pretty strong terms by more than one of them, that the De
partment of War would not, nay could not, be conducted to
advantage (if War should ensue) under your auspices; for
instead of attending to the great outlines, and principles of
your office, and keeping the Subordinate officers of the Depart
ments rigidly to their respective duties, they were inattentive,
while you were bewildered with Trifles."
Washington calls to MeHenry's attention the fact that
he had already advised McHenry to leave details to others and
"bestow your thoughts and attention to the more important
duties. ' ' These ' ' were alone sufficient to occupy the time and
all the consideration of the Secretary." The delay in issuing
commissions and beginning recruiting, which "excited general
reprobation and blame," causes Washington to recur to the
subject and to say that most people attributed the delay to
' ' the want of system and exertion in the Department of War. ' '
Washington writes this, "as a private man to his friend," and
knows such a letter would be improper from the commander
in chief to the secretary of war. If McHenry does not receive
it in good part, the purity of his intentions is the best apology
Washington can offer. In any case, he is MeHenry's "most
obedient and affectionate humble servant. ' ' 1 McHenry soon
answered, defending himself from the blame of the delay. He
was not offended at the rebuke, but wrote: "Accept my sin
cere thanks for your letter and let me intreat you to continue
to give me such proofs of your friendship, as often as you
think they will be useful to apprise me of the public expecta
tions, or any omissions or faults into which I may fall. ' ' The
delay in issuing commissions is due to the fact that ninety-five
men, to whom they have been offered, have not answered Me
Henry's letters and the relative rank can not be settled, until
all are heard from. To issue a partial list of commissions
would be a questionable proceeding. The delay in recruiting
was due, first, to the pestilence in Philadelphia; next, to the
troubles concerning Hamilton and Knox ; thirdly, to the condi
tion of the federal treasury. The United States cannot furn
ish sufficient white cloth for vests and overalls. The pur
veyor has as many men as he can get making clothes. Lastly,
the president's procrastination and opposition to the expense
of the army have delayed recruiting. Adams has said, "Why
1 Ford, xiv, 166; Sparks, xi, 413, 420. March 31.
380 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
should any one enlist for $5 per month, when he can get $15
at common work" and that "there was no more prospect of
seeing a French army here than in heaven. " " The situation
into which I have been thrown, during the past year, by others,
who prevented all those measures from being carried into ef
fect, which the public expected would necessarily take place
in conformity to the laws, could not fail to attach to me much
censure and excite in the minds of persons, who could not be
informed of the facts, that I wanted capacity for the proper
conducting of my department."
Washington was satisfied by McHenry's defense of his
official conduct and answered, "While I was at Philadelphia
and since, when I heard your conduct arraigned, for not hav
ing the augmented force organized sooner, and for the conse
quent delay in recruiting ; I did then, and on all other proper
occasions, declare that circumstances over which you had no
control were the causes thereof and that no blame ought to be
attached to you." About the delay of the commissions, how
ever, Washington felt something must be done. If the depart
ment of war waits to receive answers to its letters, "months,
nay even a year," may be consumed.
"Those who live in Post Towns — near Post Offices — or
who are in the habit of enquiring at these places for letters,
would have been enabled to answer your address to them in
time ; but a number of others may be uninformed of your letter
to them at this hour — especially as many of them have been
sent to wrong offices, & will only be heard of by the adver
tisement of them."
To avoid this delay, he suggests the insertion in the news
papers, which nearly every one sees, the names and grades of
the men from whom no answers come, with the request that
such persons reply without further delay.
On April 23, Washington sent McHenry word that he ap
proved of his plans, but regretted greatly that the favorable
moments for recruiting had passed. He spoke of certain offi
cers and assured McHenry that his own purpose was merely
to have the general good advanced. l Adams left Philadel
phia early in the season. On March 29, he wrote - McHenry
asking that a record of vacancies and recommendations be sent
him, before any army appointments be made, and, on April
1 Ford, xiv, 174; Sparks, xi, 420.
2 Adams, viii, 629.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 381
1, "Wolcott 1 wrote Hamilton, "We have no President here
and the appearances of languor and indecision are discourag
ing to the friends of the government." He complained of
McHenry who "does the best in his power, yet his operations
are such as to confirm more and more a belief of utter unfitness
for the situation."
The tireless Hamilton transmitted, on April 8, a plan 2
for improving methods of procuring and issuing military
stores, which plan McHenry approved, thinking it like that of
the Revolutionary army and thus supported by experience. 3
Courts martial caused some concern, as the United States were
not now in a state of general hostility, nor at war ; Hamilton
transmitted 4 a sentence against a deserter without acting
upon it, though he thought an example should be made, and
asked 5 that sentences be not referred to him, where the courts
were instituted by the department and not by him. Adams
was inclined to show clemency towards deserters sentenced to
death and the proceedings of courts martial, at times, showed
' ' culpable ignorance of the rules of war. ' ' On May 27, Hamil
ton wrote McHenry 6 that desertion prevailed to a ruinous
extent. The remedies for it are a greater attention to disci
pline, 7 to which Hamilton will look ; better care in furnishing
supplies, to which McHenry will doubtless see; forbearance
to enlist foreigners, and energy in punishment of offenders.
As to the last, Adams should be urged that severity is indis
pensable to uphold discipline. 8 McHenry answered at once 9
agreeing to Hamilton's arguments, stating that one of the de
serters should be executed and that apprentices should not be
enlisted. To this last point, Hamilton agreed. 10 On the
question of executing the deserter, considerable correspondence
passed. Adams wrote n McHenry, that he did not object to
sentencing such persons to death, but wished to be sure that
the officers of the court martial were regularly commissioned
and objected to the fact that it accepted a plea of guilty.
1 Hamilton, vi, 406.
2 Hamilton, v, 247 ; Lodge, vii, 69.
3 Hamilton, v, '252 ; Hamilton, v, 248. On the 17th, Hamilton notified
McHenry that he was coming to Philadelphia for a personal conference.
4 Hamilton, v, 249. April 20. Lodge, vii, 76.
5 Hamilton, v, 250. April 23. Lodge, vii, 77.
6 Hamilton, v, 263; Lodge, vii, 88.
7 McHenry had suggested this step on May 9 and Hamilton adopted
it in his letter of the 25th. Hamilton, v, 261; Lodge, vii, 87.
8 Hamilton, v, 264.
9 May 28. Richard Hunt.
10 May 29.
11 June 5. Adams, viii, 654.
382 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
McHenry was doubtful as to the regularity of the commissions
and Adams replied that he will approve the death sentence,
if the court be considered regular by the unanimous vote of the
heads of departments. l A month later, Adams wrote that
another deserter should be hung and, probably, also the one
first spoken of, but that the question should be submitted to
McHenry 's colleagues. 2
The cabinet thought the judgment of the court martial
probably legal and Adams finally left the question of clem
ency in McHenry 's and Hamilton 's hands. 3 Unless they ad
vised mercy, the man should be hung. McHenry consulted
Hamilton as to this and found the latter to incline towards len
iency. 4 "The temper of our country is not a little opposed
to the frequency of capital punishment. Public opinion in
this respect, though it must not have too much influence, is
not wholly to be disregarded. There must be some caution,
not to render our military system odious, by giving it the
appearance of being sanguinary. Considering the extreme
lenity in time past, there may be danger of shocking even the
opinion of the army by too violent a change. The idea of
cruelty inspires disgust and, ultimately, is not much more
favorable to authority than the excess of lenity. ' ' So Hamil
ton proposed merely to degrade the deserter, unless McHenry
sent word to the contrary. In the early autumn, Adams au
thorized. 5 McHenry, if he desire to do so, to pardon, at the
foot of the gallows, a soldier who was not only a deserter, but
aided two prisoners to escape from confinement, when he was
sentinel in charge of them, and lost his own arms and aecoun-
trements. A noteworthy question as to duelling led to a letter
from Lee to McHenry.
' ' Office of the Attorney General
"Philadelphia 26 april 1799
"Sir
' ' I had the honor to receive your letter of the 9th. instant
which, enclosing a statement of the case of Captain Vance,
propounded several questions to which my answer is requested.
"The challenge contained in Capt Vance's letter of the 2d.
1 Adams, vi, 659. In another irregular court martial case, which
occurred about this time, Adams instructed McHenry to approve of the
dismissal from the service of the men court martialled. Adams, viii, 656.
2 July 13. Adams, viii, 665.
3 Adams, viii, 667. ,.
4 July 29. Hamilton, v, 289; L»odge, vii, 100.
5 Adams, ix, 30.
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 383
of april to Mr. Simmons is expressly predicated by Capt.
Vance on the expressions of Mr. Simmons threatning to
punish him personally as soon as the trial before a court mar
tial should be concluded. If these expressions were used by
Mr. Simmons, I do not know how it is possible they can have
been either necessary or proper in the exercise of his official
duties as accountant in the war department, and especially if
uttered in the absence of Capt Vance. Though the latter part
of the letter alludes to the motives which he ascribes to Mr.
Simmons for the part he took in prosecuting him before a
court martial on another charge, yet the challenge appears to
me to have proceeded from the threats of personal punish
ment declared by Mr. Simmons in the presence of Capt Butler.
If these threats had not been expressed, there is no probable
cause to oelieve the challenge would have taken place. The
affair is therefore to be considered as a private one, to which
the principle of protecting civil officers in the discharge of
their official duties, from the resentment or violence of military
officers ought not to be extended. Consequently the president,
in my humble opinion, ought not to be advised to dismiss
Capt. Vance from the service of the United States before a
trial, nor ought a trial before a court martial to be ordered of
his transaction.
"The letter undoubtedly amounts to a challenge, which
is by the laws of Pennsylvania deemed an offence, that is
cognizable and punishable in the ordinary courts of common
law jurisdiction.
"There certainly are cases where an officer of the army
should be made to answer before a court martial, for his mis
conduct or crime in relation to other citizens ; as for instance
if he should, with the aid of the soldiery seize, and punish
with stripes of his own motion a citizen of the United States,
or if he should steal the property of a citizen, or commit any
other enormity manifestly degrading to the station of a Mili
tary officer : the present case is not in my opinion to be consid
ered of this kind.
"The sentence of a military court in the case of Capt.
Vance and Mr. Simmons, would not be a legal bar, to a prose
cution in a court of civil jurisdiction.
' ' I have the honor to be sir your most
"obedient servant
"CHARLES LEE"
384 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
Adams felt1 that McHenry's doubts as to whether the
president could appoint to newly created offices in the recess
of the senate were ill-founded and said such appointments were
his right and duty. Hamilton differed from this and wrote 2
McHenry that the president had no power to appoint the
new officers in the recess, as no vacancy existed. A vacancy
is a power to fill a place, after a casualty, not to make an
original appointment. Lee, the attorney general, agreed with
Hamilton, although the title of the act authorized the presi
dent to "fill certain vacancies in the army and navy," and
Adams decided 3 that, as there was a difference of opinion
and no need of haste, he would defer appointments until the
senate should meet.
McHenry, therefore, asked 4 Hamilton 's opinion as to
the best rule to be adopted, with reference to promotion of
officers in the twelve additional regiments, and received the
following replies:
"Philadelphia April 26th
"1799
"Dr. Sir
' ' I have reflected, as you have desired, on the most proper
principles for regulating the relative rank of the field officers
of the Twelve additional Regiments.
"It is always prudent, when no special reasons dictate a
deviation, to adopt for cases of this kind a rule which steers
clear of comparison of personal merit and avoids the danger
of wounding the pride of any of the parties concerned. With
this view (since I am not aware of any special reasons that
recommend a different course) I am of opinion that as to all
such of the Field officers, who have served in the army of the
U. States, it will be advisable, among those now of equal grade,
to let their relative rank at the close of the war govern. This,
according with military prepossessions, will be most likely to
be satisfactory to all.
"As to those who may not have served in the army, con
siderations of personal merit and weight of character can
alone decide, except that where they may have served in the
service or Militia, other things being equal, their relative rank
there may guide.
1 Adams, viii, 632. April 16.
2 Hamilton, v, 255. May 3. Lodge, vii, 80.
3 Adams, viii, 647. Letter of May 16.
4 Hamilton, v, 250. Letter of April 23.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 385
"As between those who have served in the army and
those who have not, it appears to me expedient to prefer the
men who have served in the army, except where very superior
qualifications may manifestly claim a superiority
"With great esteem & regard
"Yrs Obedly
"A HAMILTON"
"Philadelphia April
26. 1799
"Dr Sir
"I have a second time maturely reflected on the proper
rule for promotions in the army, and I continue to adhere to
that Avhich was adopted by the General Officers last winter, &
which is recapitulated in your letter. I am persuaded that,
in the general course of things, it will work well and satis
factorily
"A moment's hesitation as to its uni
versal application arose from the situa
tion of the four Regiments of the old
establishment. The understood rights of
The promotions the older Captains, as resulting from
to field offi- past usage may appear to be enf ringed —
cers should be But this inconvenience must be encoun-
complete before tered — perhaps mitigated by a distribu-
the rule is tion of the oldest Captains among the
applied four Regiments. There cannot with pro
priety or order be two Rules— That
which is proposed will after a little time
operate favourably every where & give
equal chances.
"With great esteem & regard
"I am Dr Sir
"Yr obed servt.
"A HAMILTON"
Hamilton was urgent, l before he left Philadelphia, that
the artillery regiments be organized into companies and dis
posed of and submitted McHenry a plan for this, asking
that McHenry settle the arrangement and communicate it to
the major generals. McHenry wrote Washington, on April
29, of the promotion plans and that he will now push the
1 Hamilton, v, 251. Letter of April 26.
386 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
recruiting and the supply of clothes. As to the speed of the
preparation of clothing, Hamilton was very sceptical and
wrote on his return to New York:
"New York April 30. 1799
""My Dear friend —
"I hear of no cloathing arrived. The recruiting service
is now actually begun here and elsewhere. I trust that the
cloathing and other articles will certainly reach the Regi
mental rendezvouses before any of the men are there. It will
be a discouraging omen, if it proves otherwise. I beg you to
appreciate the importance of having the articles forwarded
as soon as they can be, even to those places where the busi
ness is not yet completely organised, in the reliance that what
remains to be done must be quicklv completed.
"Yrs. truly
"A H"
"P. S.
"I find by a return of Cloathing just received from, Mr.
Hodgsdon that the process in preparing the Cloathing con
tinues to be very slow — proving more & more the expediency
of changing the button No. 1 on the six hundred and odd
suits — I pray you to let such articles as are ready be for
warded to the several destinations, for it will damp extremely
the recruiting service which is now begun, if the supplies for
the recruits are not ready to be delivered to them — fast as
they may be raised."
McHenry suggested, on April 29, that Hamilton corre
spond with Washington. He did not know that his friend
was so doing and that the correspondence was not always
friendly to him. Thus, on May 3, Hamilton wrote: "It is
understood that the President has resolved to appoint the
officers to the provisional army and that the Secretary has
thought fit to charge the Senators * of each State with the des
ignation of characters." The clothes are still delayed and
report states that Adams and Wolcott do not wish to accelerate
the raising of the army. Yet, if McHenry 's "energies for
execution were equal to his good Dispositions, the public
service under his care would prosper as much as could be
desired. It is only to be regretted that good dispositions will
1 This reference to senators produced trouble in New Hampshire.
Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 79; Granite Monthly, xxxviii, 123.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 387
not alone suffice and that, in the nature of things, there can
be no reliance that the future progress will be more satis
factory than the past."
On May 5, Washington wrote 1 McHenry that, while
the officers who lived near the capital should draw pay from
the time of their acceptance, they should not hold relative
rank from that date, for such a course would be most unjust
to officers appointed from a distance.
Two days later, Adams wrote concerning appointments.
il Merit I consider, however, as the only true scale of grada
tion in the army. Services and rank, in the last war or in
any other war, are only to be taken into consideration, as
presumptive evidence of merit, and may at any time be set
aside by contrary proofs. ' ' 2
Hamilton wrote constantly. What shall be the disposi
tion of troops for the summer, why does not the accountant
pay money more promptly, why should not the colonels rec
ommend officers for promotion, why not annex Maryland to
Pinckney's command and give Hamilton command of all the
forces in the West? 3 Such 'are some of the queries which
are sent during the early days of May. McHenry answers
and gives various directions that Maryland had better not be
taken away from Hamilton's command at present, that en
listments are for five years, that the colonels are to recom
mend, but that even they are not exempt from partialities,
that no foreigners are to be enlisted, if it can be avoided. 4
He is also busy making contracts for the supply of rations
to the forces. About this time, 5 Washington wrote, con
cerning the officers to be appointed from Virginia, whom he
had been asked to select. He feels not sufficiently acquainted
1 Sparks, xi, 426; Ford, xiv, 174. He approves of McHenry's plans
for promotion. May 2, McHenry wrote, asking who should suggest officers
from North Carolina, where the governor was not sufficiently impressed
with the need of real federal men.
2 Adams, viii, 640.
3 May 30, McHenry informed Hamilton that Tennessee would be
under Pinckney.
4 May 23, McHenry asks Hamilton to recommend officers from New
York.
5 May 13, Sparks, xi, 429. Sparks leaves these sentences unprinted:
"Sir,
"Your favour of the 2d. inst. concerning dispatches of the 10th ulto.
was brought to me by the messenger who carried my letters to you (of the
5th & 6th.) to the Post Office in Alexandria. * * * There are many matters
necessary for me to settle before I could leave home with any tolerable
conveniences, and many things, the providing of which would run me to an
unnecessary expence, if I am not called to the Field. * * * "
Sparks, xi, 447. August 12, Washington wrote that there was no im
mediate prospect of officering the Virginia quota unless some other method
of finding officers be provided.
388 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
with the people to do this alone, but has summoned the aid
of Generals Morgan, Lee and Marshall, and Colonels Heath
and Carrington. The task is delicate, for he must find
whether men will accept positions, which may not be offered
them. He suggests, therefore, that the war office give public
notice that it may have to raise the twenty-four additional
regiments and that it requests that "all those, who are de
sirous of serving their country on the terms specified in that
act, would signify the same" to "Washington, or to whomever
the department should appoint in any state to receive the
applications. These applications should be in writing and
accompanied by testimonials and would be of great use in
selecting persons to receive appointments. Washington
thinks, from Adams's acts, that "stronger indications of hos
tility have been received" and asks to be told at once, if this
be so, that he may prepare for active service. He also urges
that the "most prompt and pointed attention be given to the
procuring and instructing" men in artillery and engineering;
in which the "great advantage of the armies of France" lies.
McHenry answered, six days later, that he feared to adver
tise for officers, lest people should say the service was unpop
ular. To this subject, Washington recurred in a letter of
June 6, enclosing letters from Marshall and Lee, which show
they can be of little assistance. He promises to pursue the
search for officers from Virginia to the best of his ability.
Washington transmits l a number of applications for ap
pointment as officers and discusses them, reverting especially
to the position of chief of engineers, for which he thinks no
Frenchman ought to be employed at this time.
We also learn of Virginia matters from a letter sent from
Charlottesville on May 3 by John Nicholas.
"Your inclosures of the Commissions to the Officers of
Capt. Hay's company of volunteer rifleman, together with a
letter to myself, & another to Cap Hays, have been duly re
ceived ; the delay of which I can readily believe imputable to
no other cause than those you have assigned. The propriety
of the govt's giving incouragement to federalism in this quar
ter of the Union, where its' sparks, I am sorry to say, are
too rare, can not be unknown to those in the President's and
your situation. It w_as my great zeal for those principles &
that conduct which I have ever approved of in the administra-
1 Sparks, xi, 432.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 389
tion of our govt., I undertook to recommend the volunteer
corps of riflemen of Albemarle ; & am not a little gratified, I
can assure you, to find that recommendation has met the
approbation of the President & yourself, altho' all "the requi
sites of the law have not been complyed with." Those re
quests shall be attended to, & the necessity of a eomplyance
with them fully impressed on that little band, which I will
also endeavour to have encreased. But I have to inform you,
which is the principal object of troubling you at present, that
the 'printers copy of general regulations,' mentioned in your
letter to me, was not inclosed : owing, no doubt, to the variety
& multiplicity of other and more important business of your
department. You will, therefore, oblige me by inclosing a
copy of those regulations as soon as the business of your office
will admit.
"You will, before you receive this, have learnt the state
of our elections. As far as they are yet known, there is
great reason to hope we shall obtain a federal majority from
this state. At any rate we have secured Marshall (& Goode
in the room of T. Claiborne) two important changes. I have
lost my own election by a very great majority, owing to the
powerful influence, the well known opinions and great exer
tions of my good friends & much admired patriotic Country
men T. Jefferson & James Monroe; but if I mistake not, the
first of those gentlemen will feel the influence of a majority of
the citizens of his own state against him at the next election
for a vice president. I flatter myself the northern states
will join us in the election of Marshall or Pinckney to that
office ; & in case of our present good old president 's declining
(which God forbid) either those two, or Hamilton & one of
them to the two offices.
"With due consideration, I am Dr. Sir
"Your most obedient huble servant"
Washington wrote again about his uniform : on June 7.
1 Mount Vernon 7th. June 1799.
Private)
When I began the enclosed letter (left open for your perusal) I In
tended to addres it to Colo. Biddle ; who transacts all matters of that sort
for me in Philadelphia ; but as I wrote on, it occurred that, possibly.
the Quarter Master might be a more appropriate character to accomplish
my order : — for this reason, I have left the letter without a Superscrip
tion, in order that you might direct it to the one, or the other as you shall
deem best. — and I give you this trouble for the reason which is assigned
on It ; and for which, & troubling you with such trifles, I pray your excuse.
I had thoughts once, of asking Genl. McPherson to execute this
Commission for me; (believing, thereby, that it would be well done) but
never having been in' the habit of corresponding with him, I declined it,
390 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
The question of uniform was an engrossing one. Hamil
ton had written McHenry l that he did not like the hats
provided for the soldiers. "Nothing is more necessary than
to stimulate the vanity of soldiers. To this end a smart dress
is essential. The Federal government can afford to provide
this and should do so." He urged also that arms be speedily
provided and no time be lost in teaching the recruits their
use, in performing guard and other duties. The provision of
supplies was still tardy and Hamilton wrote concerning this :
"private & confidential New York June 14. 1799
"I use, my Dear Sir, the privilege of an old friend to
write to you in language as explicit as the occasion requires.
The fact is that the management of your Agents, as to the
affair of supplies, is ridiculously bad. Besides the extreme
delay, which attends every operation, articles go forward in
the most incomplete manner. Coats without a corresponding
number of vests. Cartouche boxes without belts &c &c noth
ing intire — nothing systematic. Tis the scene of the worst
periods of our revolution war acted over again even with
caricature.
' ' Col Stevens tells me that lately materials for tents were
purchased here and sent to Philadelphia. This is of a piece
with what was done in regard to cloathing and it is truly
farcical — proving that the microscopic eye of the purveyor
can see nothing beyond Philadelphia. It is idle to pretend
that the materials in such cases cannot be made as well else
where as at Philadelphia and that double transportation and
the accumulation of employment in a particular place beyond
its means can tend to economy or any other good end — and
the delay is so enormous as to overbalance any minute advan
tage, if any there be, that attends the plan.
" It is a truth, My Dear Sir, and a truth which you ought
to weigh well that, unless you immediately employ more com
petent Agents to procure and to forward supplies, the Service
will deeply suffer and the head of the War Department will
be completely discredited.
on reflection ; — and of course the Stars for my Epaulets have stood sus
pended, & I would thank you for sending them to me ; • — and if it is not
heaping too many trifles upon you, also for requesting Mr. McAlpin (if
he has been able to obtain the gold thread) for letting me have my
Uniform Cloaths by the Anniversary of our Independence — forwarded
in the manner he has heretofore been directed. I am always and very
Affectionately Yours
Go. WASHINGTON.
1 Letter of May 18. Hamilton, v, 256 ; Lodge, vii, 80.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 391
' ' The object will very soon be much enlarged to an extent
to which such men and such measures can never suffice.
"You must immediately get a more efficient Purveyor &
I believe a more efficient Superintendant — or nothing can
prosper.
"My frankness & plain dealing are a new proof of the
cordial friendship which I must always cherish for you Adieu
"Affect yrs
"A HAMILTON"
McHenry replied, on the next day, that Hamilton's at
tacks on the purveyor 1 and superintendent 2 are but too well
founded. He expects to appoint an assistant to the former
but the latter "has so strong a supporter, that I dont see how
to get rid of him."
McHenry was much interested in the development of a
permanent laboratory, or arsenal, in Philadelphia and wrote to
have Captain Elliott sent there. He also enquired why Major
Toussard should be sent to the Potomac, instead of completing
the duty which McHenry had assigned him.
Hamilton answered McHenry 's letter thus:
"New York June 17. 1799
"Dr. Sir —
"Your favour of the 15th. is received. I am very glad
you have determined on changing the Purveyor. I think it
likely that Mr. Williams will be a good substitute.
"As the subject of the Q. M. G'- — removal to the seat of
Government began with you. I think it best that you should
write the definitive order.
"My instruction to Major Toussard only communicated
his eventual destination. It was my idea that he should first
execute the duty to which you had assigned him. I shall take
care that there is no misapprehension.
"I have not time to recur to my letter ordering Capt
Elliot to Philadelphia. But I believe the idea was included
of his calling upon you for orders. The inclosed will settle
the matter Yrs. Affecly
"A HAMILTON"
In his frequent letters to McHenry, Hamilton urged the
sending of supplies and bounty money; 3 suggested that there
1 Tench Francis.
2 Colonel Stevens.
3 Hamilton, v, 272. Letter of June 18.
392 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
be fast sailing vessels and signals before the principal ports,
that we be not entirely surprised by the enemy; and, contin
ually pressed for steps to be taken to increase the supply of
clothing and tents. If blue cloth cannot be found l in suffi
cient quantity to avert the terrible delays, he proposes to take
some other color for whole regiments. The delay in raising
cavalry seemed to Hamilton especially grievous and he sug
gested raising one troop and enlisting the non-commissioned
officers of the other and then enlisting all the officers for in
struction and exercise. 2 Cavalry tactics must be established.
That arm of the service is not brought to perfection even in
England. This plan McHenry thought well of, but seems to
have done nothing at the time, from a desire to husband his
means and guard against interrupting the infantry recruit
ing. 3 Hamilton thought the engineers and artillery should
be separated and complained 4 that the artillerists were not
uniformly drilled. About this time, McHenry proposed to
offer Count Rumford the positions of lieutenant colonel and
inspector of artillery or of engineer and superintendent of the
proposed military school, a project McHenry had at heart.
Adams approved of the plan and McHenry made proposals
to Rumford, through Rufus King, but without success. Rum-
ford had written King suggesting that he would be happy to
present to the proposed military academy of which King had
told him, his collection of military books. King thereupon
wrote McHenry suggesting that Rumford wished to revisit
America and that his experience might be useful for the
academy. McHenry at once conferred with Adams and on his
consenting to the offer, asked Rumford, through King, to take
charge of the academy, but Rumford, after considering the
matter, declined to accept the position and King on September
28 transmitted McHenry this declination. 5
From Litchfield, Connecticut, Uriah Tracy sent cheerful
news of the recruiting on June 10:
" * * * The recruiting Officer in this Town has nearly his
number, & can have the whole in an hour, but I have advised
him to wait a little & pick the best. He has a fine set of stout
1 Hamilton, v, 271. Letter of June 16. Lodge, vii, 94.
2 June 21 and 25. Hamilon, v, 275, 276 and 278; Lodge, vii, 95.
July 2, Hamilton wrote again. Hamilton, v, 284.
3 July 27. Adams, ix, 4.
4. Hamilton, v, 278. Letter of June 28. Adams, viii, 660. Letter of
June 24.
5 Bllis's Life of Rumford, pp. 352 to 359.
1799-1800] of James McHcnry 393
orderly Yanky 's as you would wish to see — and the recruiting
is very successful all over the State — as I am informed."
"N B. Are we to have a minister from France? If so,
ought not the Senate to be collected?"
He wrote again from Litchfield on June 24:
* In the county where I live, there is one compleat
company raised, & three more can be raised here in a month,
altho ' the busiest season of the year — & in next autumn, I
can raise a Regt. here in this single county in a month — &
they shall all be natives, & the best of men for activity, size, &
character. This looks like bragging, but it is not so. I de
clare it is a sober statement of facts, as I really believe. Capt.
Ramsey, the recruiting officer here, informs me he is troubled
to get rid of men, who wish to inlist — & that he could have
inlisted 200 by this time, had he had money & clothing. I
will write to Mr. Sedgwick, but not disclose my knowledge of
his letter.
"If the Devil should send a French Minister to the U.
States — altho' I dread a journey to, or stay at Philada. in the
hot season, yet by all means let the Senate be convened. I
had rather risk it, than not to have it in my power to say at
once, as I will most certainly, that he ought, be he who he may,
to be sent directly back again. I will not consent to say a
word to a French Minister on the subject of negociations. 1
sincerely wish it were so, that the Executive could & would
dismiss him instanter. If he offered an indemnity for past
injuries I would accept, but go no further, we want no con
tract, league, or covt. with that set of wretches.
' ' I trouble you often, & now with a long letter, your good
ness will excuse me."
Even there, however, there was complaint concerning
supplies, as we learn from a letter written at Litchfield on
June 17, by John Allen :
"Your favour of the 12th. relative the proposed Contract
for officers shoes is duly reed. It furnishes me, too, with the
knowledge of the Cause of the very miserable manner in which
the soldiers are supplied with that article. Capt. Ramsey,
who is stationed at this place, unites his protestation with
those of his men against the scandalous frauds practiced on
them. The shoes which have been dealt out to the men here,
& I understand the same to be the fact at all the other stations,
are of the very worst leather and, worst manufacture. A
march of 20 miles would totally ruin the greater part of them
394 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
— and the heels of many of them drop off immediately on
handling them. The hats of the Soldiers are of the same
quality, a rain or two has rendered several of them utterly
useless — and the Cloaths are but little better, particularly
in the making.
"By these things the public service is discouraged, & the
Government itself discredited. Very many respectable people
impute these defects to circumstances that should not be often
named — they surely deserve, & I trust will undergo a rigid
scrutiny — they must be traced to their source.
"Permit me also to inform you that the recruiting ser
vice has met with very handsome success. Capt. Ramsey,
here, already has 56 fine fellows. But Sir, why are they not
furnished with Armsl The appearance of so many soldiers
scattered thro' the Country, part of them only properly clad,
& none of them with Arms, makes the whole business assume
too much of the air of a farce. The people call out for more
promptness & energy in their business — and really, sir, if the
Administration is to be saved from contempt & ridicule of the
Country it must be by a more vigilant & irresistable pressing
forward of the proper measures.
"I am induced to write thus plainly by the Murmurs of
both Citizens and Soldiers, and which the Interest and honour
of the Government demand there should no more causes for. ' '
There were obstacles at Philadelphia, whence McHenry
wrote Hamilton 1 that Wolcott had prejudices against aug
mentation and said the revenues were inadequate, that either
the army or navy must be suspended or dropped, and con
templated a statement on these points to Adams. McHenry
felt that "peace, honour, and respect, at home and abroad,
depends upon the permanency of our litle army" and intended
to press forward, as he could. Pickering seemed favorable
to vigorous measures and McHenry thought of wrriting para
graphs for Fenno 's newspaper, showing ' ' the necessity of our
army." He exhorted Hamilton to "keep up, among your
Eastward friends, a due sense of the propriety" of action.
At this time, Hamilton wrote: 2 "It is a pity, my dear
sir, and a reproach that our administration have no general
plan. Certainly, there ought to be one formed without de
lay." Among other things it should be agreed what precise
forces should be created, land and naval, and this should be
1 Hamilton, vi, 408. Letter of June 26.
2 Hamilton, v, 283 ; Lodge, vii, 99.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 395
proportioned to the state of our finances. We should have 6
ships of line and 20 frigates and sloops of war. He offered
to come to Philadelphia, if advisable, and try to form a gen
eral plan, in consultation with the cabinet, feeling that, if the
chief is too desultory, the ministry ought to be united and
steady. 1 "Besides eventual security against invasion, we
ought certainly to look to the possession of the Floridas and
Louisiana and we ought to squint at South America." The
United States has money enough to do what is needful. Mc
Henry felt the truth of this last statement and wrote Adams : 2
"Being a nation and, not of the lowest order, there are 3
things essential for the maintenance of our proper grade
among the powers of the earth: (1) An army and means
adequate to its support, (2) A system calculated to keep its
wants regularly supplied, (3) Genius in the general who com
mands it. If we can combine these things with a navy, and
I believe we can, we shall have nothing to fear from without
or within."
A sportive side of the war is found in McHenry 's sending
Washington and Hamilton small boxes called the game of
Tactics containing military figures, as a substitute for chess
men. In acknowledgment, Hamilton wrote:
"June 21, 1799.
"I thank you, My Dear Sir, for the military figures you
have sent me. Tactics, you know, are literally or figuratively
of very comprehensive signification. As people grow old, they
decline in some arts, though they may improve in others. I
will try to get Mrs. Hamilton to accompany in games of Tac
tics new to me. Perhaps she may get a taste for them &
become better reconciled to my connection with the Trade-
Militant.
"I will endeavour to get the Book you mention.
"Adieu Yrs.
"A. H.
"In answer to a private letter long since received from you,
I ought to tell you that I am in the habit of writing to General
Washington. ' '
The postscript shows a slight shame that he had concealed
this correspondence so long.
1 McHenry wrote Hamilton "The army and the expenses attending-
it are not to all equally desirable. The Secretary of the Navy has no
objection to a few regiments, but thinks the rest of the revenue would be
better applied to the marine. I go on."
2 Adams, viii, 662.
396 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
Another point urged by Hamilton was the promotion of
Wilkinson to the grade of major general. McHenry did not
trust Wilkinson, and even Hamilton urged the promotion,
chiefly, because it would be good policy to avoid all just
grounds of discontent and to make it the interest of the indi
vidual to pursue his duty. 1
"Half2 confidence is always bad." Hamilton wrote:
"This officer has adopted military life as a profession. What
can his ambition do better than be faithful to the government
if it gives him fair play ? ' ' McHenry answered 3 that he
would not oppose the promotion, if Washington desired it, but
wished nothing to be said of the matter to Wilkinson and
added, "until the commercial pursuits of this gentleman, with
his expectations from Spain, are annihilated, he will not de
serve the confidence of government." Washington asked Mc
Henry how the promotion would be made and was 4 told that
he should recommend it. in an official form, to be laid before
the president. Washington declined to do this, saying that
other officers had been appointed to important places, without
consulting him, and there should be consistency in the course
of the administration. He especially objected to shouldering
the responsibility, in doubtful cases such as this. 5 He also
regretted that Howard and Lloyd declined to recommend offi
cers from Maryland and said he did not know the people of
that state well enough to do it himself. Even in his own state,
as the secretary would not advertise for applicants, Wash
ington finds a difficulty in obtaining suitable men, which could
be avoided only by dividing the state into districts and com
mitting the recommendation from each district to some one
man.
1
1 Letter of June 15. Lodge, vii, 92. On promotions see Hamilton's
letter to McHenry of June 15, printed in Lodge, vii, 98.
2 Hamilton, v, 278.
3 Letter of June 27. See Washington's letter to McHenry of June 25.
4 Letter of June 29. 5 Sparks, xi, 445.
6 A little later Washington wrote :
"Private) Mount Vernon 14th. July 1799.
"My dear Sir,
"After reading, and putting a wafer into the enclosed letter, be so kind
as to send it as directed. —
"The young Cornet (in my family) is anxious to receive his Military
equipments. Daily fruitless enquiries are made of me to know when they
may be expected. —
"Perhaps if you were to jog Mr. Francis, the Purveyor, the sooner
they might be purveyed and the young gentleman gratified. —
"I wish them to be handsome and proper for an Officer, but not expen
sive. In my last on this subject I requested that the Sword might be
silver mounted. Yet any <5ther mount, such as the Officers of Cavalry use,
would answer just as well. With esteem and regard — I am always
"Your Affect Humble Servant
"Go. WASHINGTON."
1799-1800] of James McHenry 397
The plan which McHenry sent Adams on 1 June 29, for
providing and issuing military supplies, seemed to Adams one
which the presidential authority alone was not adequate to
establish and he wrote McHenry, asking whether he wished
the project adopted by congress, and that he look into it care
fully with "Wolcott and Pickering, before recommending it for
enactment as law. Adams refers to McHenry 's zeal for his de
partment thus, "As it is an excellent principle for every man
in public life to magnify his office and make it honorable, I ad
mire the dexterity with which you magnify yours, by repre
senting an army and means adequate to its support, as the first
thing necessary to make the nation respected."
McHenry - wrote to Samuel Sewall, chairman of the com
mittee of defence, on June 28, 1799, stating that, as the ord
nance is in bad condition, and the secretary of war cannot visit
foundries, etc., there should be an inspector of artillery, to see
that contracts are properly carried out. He took up the
subject of a military academy and stated that instructors in
arithmetic, geometry, mechanics, hydraulics, and designing are
needed to teach artillerists and engineers the art of forti
fication.
Matters went far too slow for the assiduous Hamilton, 3
who wrote on July 10 :
"Why, My Dear friend, do you suffer the business of
providing to go on as it does. Every moment proves the in
sufficiency of the existing plan & the necessity of auxiliaries.
I have no doubt that at Baltimore, N York, Providence, &
Boston additional supplies of Cloathing may promptly be pro
cured & prepared by your Agents & it ought to be done,
1 Hamilton, v, 285; Adams, viii, 662.
2 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 128.
3 New York July 15. 1799
My dear Mac
If Meade was here he would tell you there never was an Irishman but
would now & then discover the potatoe on his head —
I did not mention the particulars you cite in the case of the Hollander,
because the very necessity of troubling you on the subject implied that he
was not naturalised & was without the letter of the Regulation
Agreeably to your permission, I shall give a special authority to Col
Ogden to enlist the man in question.
Yrs. truly
A H
My dear Ham. If you will read your case you will perceive it was
impossible that I should find the Hollander within the spirit of the regula
tions where you seemed to have placed him. If it had been so I should
have tho't a special permission unnecessary.
Yours,
J M H
398 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
though it should enhance the expense. Tis terrible at this
juncture that there should be wants any where.
"So of Tents. Calls for them are repeated from Massa
chusetts, where better and cheaper than any where else they
can certainly be provided.
1 ' Pray take a resolution adequate to the exigency & rescue
the credit of your Department.
"Yrs Affecly
"AH"
McHenry answered at once, 1 that recruiting must stop ;
unless clothes can be provided. Last year, the contract for
clothing failed, because not enough white kersey for vests and
overalls could be found in the United States and, this year, no
person could be found to make a contract, because of a well
founded belief that not enough white and blue cloth could be
procured in the United States, in season to complete the needed
number of suits before late autumn or early winter. Most
of the cloth was imported, after the arrival of the spring ves
sels, which explains the delay. Now 400 suits per week can
be furnished. Will this number suffice ? On the 22nd, Ham
ilton replied that two-thirds of the quantity of clothes prom
ised would suffice.
Rations and winter quarters for troops also commanded
Hamilton 's attention 2 and he wrote concerning them :
"My Dear Sir
"I perceive by your letter of the 16th that mine of the
12th has not been rightly understood.
1 Hamilton, v, 288. July 8, letter from Hamilton to McHenry,
answering one on questions of rank and promotion. .Lodge, vii, 98, see
p. Ill for a similar letter of August 25.
2 July 17, he wrote McHenry about stationing troops where rations
were cheapest and July 30 (Hamilton, v, 292) he sent regulations for
delivery of fuel, stationery, and horses, and wrote concerning the barracks.
Hamilton, v, 288; Lodge, vii, 107, prints a letter of August 19 about or
ganizing supply departments, etc.
'Private "New York July 1799.
"Dear Sir
"I return you enclosed your draft of a letter dated the 25th instant to
the several contractors &c — with a paragraph at foot which is submitted
to be added for reasons that itself will announce.
"The doubts you mention are natural. They had occurred to my mind.
But considering that the Public is entirely free as to the stationing of
the troops, I think that with candour and good policy the measure may be pursued.
"I hesitate whether the invitation ought to extend to the contractors
for Massachusetts. Their price is as low as it can well be. The position
heretofore intended for three Regiments is in Massachusetts, and it seems
just that the moderation of the contractors there should be rewarded by
the enjoyment of the advantage. The competition of Connecticut New
York & New Jersey may be excited with a view to the three regiments,
which were intended to be placed in the vicinity of Brunswick.
"With great regard
"Yrs. truly
"A H"
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 399
' ' Its principal object was the supply of the present year.
This it aimed at cheapening by exciting a competition among
the actual contractors, on the ground that the troops, while
not required for actual service, might be stationed collectively
where the supply was cheapest, as at Brunswick or Trenton in
New Jersey, or East Chester in New York or Bristol in Penn
sylvania, it being immaterial whether three Regiments are at
one or the other of those places and the Government having
its option to station them at either. Thus the contractors in
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, & New York might be induced to
bid against each other. So the contractors in Maryland &
Virginia, it being indifferent whether the three Regiments
shall be on one or the other side of the Potowmack.
''In Massachusetts, the ration is Eleven cents & five Mills.
This is reasonable & shews how it may be afforded. In the
State of Rhode Island it is fourteen Cents. No reason for this
difference. In Connecticut it is still higher with still less
reason. The three Regiments for the Northern Quarter will
of course be stationed in Massachusetts in the vicinity of Ux-
bridge.
"The Price in New York where issues exceed 400 is 10
cents & 5 Mills. This is much too high though predicated on
the old ration. At Brunswick in Jersey it is 16 cents & 2l/2
Mills predicated on the New Ration. This is higher still. At
Trenton it is 16. This is still too high. But the difference
ought in my opinion to give a preference to Trenton over
Brunswick. I think, however, upon my plan a reduction may
be obtained at both places. And 'tis by care in operations
of this kind that economy on a large scale will be attained.
"I hope I have now explained myself sufficiently. If
your views vary in consequence of the explanation, you will
inform me officially — if not privately. And I shall govern
myself accordingly. It was my intention to have written
myself to the Contractor respecting Winter Quarters, after
having settled with you the General Principles. But if you
think proper to do so yourself, it will be equally agreeable to
me. But I shall be glad previously to know your intention
& submit to you some ideas.
"Yrs. Affectly
"A HAMILTON
"P S
"My suggestions as to the Contract for next year were
400 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
merely incidental. I had not seen your advertisement as I
recollect. ' '
McIIenry had written Adams, on July 12, that an army
and navy establishment is essential to the present and future
interests and greatness of the United States and that "we
must run the risks which other nations have run" and Adams
agreed to this, but still thought congress must approve the
plan for supplying the army. l He is satisfied, however, to
agree with the heads of departments, if they think the powers
already given are sufficient. 2 When dissatisfied with Mc-
Henry's department, Hamilton did not hesitate to say so, as
is shown by a letter written July 22, on which McHenry
endorsed, "This is not so, this error arises from the articles
being forwarded at different times." Hamilton's letter reads:
"The return lately sent me shows strongly the want of
system of your Agents. Instead of an equal apportionment,
while some Regiments are altogether without certain articles,
others have a full, a very ample supply of them. This ap
pears particularly as to Muskets, Cartouche boxes, Knapsacks,
& canteens — with regard to some of these articles, indeed, I
know that orders have been given for supplies which do not
appear in the return. But as to others, I am not informed
of any similar circumstance. I call your attention to these
particulars that the inaccuracy may not, in the pressure of
your business, escape your observation.
"An apportionment, where all cannot be fully supplied
tends to distribute accommodation & to prevent discontent. ' '
Still Hamilton wrote, 3 on the same day : "I count al
ways upon your confidence, as well in my personal friendship
for you as in my zeal for the public service, and having no
inclination to spare myself, it only remains for us to trace
together the plan, in which I can best second your operations
and promote the service." To this letter, he signed himself,
"Yours with true attachment."
Towards the end of July, 4 Adams wrote to McHenry
that he has no objection to raising a troop of cavalry but adds,
' ' I never think of our means without shuddering. The system
of debts and taxes is levelling all government in Europe. We
1 July 18. W. .S. Smith sent McHenry his revolutionary record
On August 10, McHenry wrote him that no allowance was made for fuel
to officers.
2 McHenry submitted the question to Pickering on the 21st
3 July 30, Hamilton wrote McHenry asking that the routine of pro
motion be followed and the rules which govern it -be promulgated.
4 July 27. Hamilton, v, 288.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 401
have a career to run, to be sure, and some time to pass, before
we arrive at the European crisis, but we must ultimately go
the same way. There is no practicable or imaginable exped
ient to escape it, that I can conceive. " At this time, McHenry
referred the question of establishing another arsenal to the
other heads of departments. The answers of Lee and Stod-
dert are preserved.
' ' Sir Philadelphia 1 August 1799
"1st. I am not satisfied that there is a necessity for estab
lishing a fourth arsenal with magazines at the present time,
when the three which have been established, are not carried
to the extent of usefulness of which they are obviously capa
ble. It appears to me to be an unnecessary expenditure of
public money, because such an establishment will not for
sometime to come be requisite, the three others answering all
the present purposes.
"2d. The buildings and alterations at Springfield should be
immediately commenced.
"3 The buildings at Harpers ferry should be prosecuted.
"4 The buildings at Rocky mount should be commenced.
' ' I have the honor to be very respectfully your most obed
ient servant.
"CHARLES LEE"
"Navy Department
"1 August 1799.
"Dear Sir
"I am unwell & cannot attend the meeting without pain.
I will however give you my opinion on the subject of a fourth
Arsenal — for I presume it is a fourth — & that neither of
the others are to be declined.
"If the three Arsenals already Fixed on, were completed
& filled with Arms, I should suppose — it might be proper to
establish a fourth a fifth & a sixth — provided there was
money — but under present circumstances, I really think it
will be most wise, to go on with great spirit, with the three
already, determined on, and which, in my opinion are properly
placed — One being to the East — One to the South — & one
in the middle of the States — and to let a fourth alone, until
these three are filled with arms.
"I think your submission contained a query, whether
Work begun at Harpers Ferry should be finished — or whether
addl. works should be made there.
402 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
' ' Judging as an officer of the United States, with a view to
the Interest of the whole — & on this principle only, will I
judge while I remain in office — it is most clearly my opinion,
that the Arsenal at Harpers Ferry, should there be an differ
ence in point of magnitude in the three, should be the more im
portant — the Mother Arsenal. It is without comparison the
most convenient of the three to the Western Country. It is
more convenient than either of the other places to all parts of
the States. It is nearly in the centre.
"Your submission also, If I recollect right, contained a
quere — whether additional Works should be made at Spring
field. There is no question with me, that all the works neces
sary to the object, should be made there, without hesitation or
delay.
"To sum up in few words — my opinion is — that the
three arsenals, in the places designated by the Genl. officers,
viewing with a military Eye, the land, should be pushed with
all possible vigor — and that, when money can be spared after
filling these, it will be time enough to think of other Arsenals.
Excuse my abruptness. I write in pain. I have the honor to
be with great respect Dr Sir Yr ms Obedt Servt.
"BEN STODDERT. "
Another difficulty with Hamilton occurred concerning one
Captain Frey whom McHenry had ordered to discharge cer
tain men and to report to Major Hoops, commandant at New
York. Of this Hamilton wrote : l
"X. Y. July 31 1799.
"You will see, my Dear friend, in the case of Capt. Frey,
the evil tendency of correspondence, by the head of the War
\ Hamilton had previously complained of McHenry's directly dealing
with officers.
"New York May 2d. 1799
"My Dear Sir
"Your letter having informed me, that you some time since encouraged
Capt Willing to expect a furlough, and having learnt from him that in
consequence of this encouragement he had made arrangements and enter
ed into engagements for the voyage, I thought it would compromit you
to refuse the request. I have therefore very much against my own judg
ment complied. The precedent in my opinion is a bad one. Let me in-
treat you on future occasions to avoid the occasion of similar embarrass
ment
"Yrs. Affectly A H"
On October 24, McHenry wrote Hamilton that Elliott wishes his
own men at the Philadelphia Laboratory and asked McHenry for them
directly. Hamilton was hurt, wished Elliott to go to the field and wrote
that, if the "representations of a particular officer, founded upon a detach
ed view of the subject ^and addressed to the Secretary of War, are to
decide in the 1st instance the propriety of the employment of any given
force, there will remain very little continuity in our military establish
ment." McHenry did not yield, but said, "Send any 25 men."
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 403
Department with inferior officers, when there is a superior.
For a thousand good reasons, it cannot be too carefully avoid
ed. Perhaps a sudden emergency, when the superior officer
is in a situation that recourse to him might defeat the object
is the only exception.
"Yrs truly
''A. H."
He also issued a general order, stating that Frey exceeded
his powers, ' ' Nor can the seeming countenance which was sub
sequently given to his acts by the department of war vary
their real nature. The circumstances which had intervened
were probably unknown and a disposition to give facility to
the service must be presumed to have caused the Secretary to
have overlooked the incompatibility of the proceedings with
his instructions." This stricture, wrote McHenry, wras not
necessary and "should have been avoided. The head of the
department of war ought not to be held up in a general order
as having been ignorant of or having been inattentive to his
duties." "I perceive you entertain an opinion that I have
wantonly or ignorantly given orders to inferior officers within
the command of their superior. This is not the case, whatever
may have been insinuated to you to the contrary." McHenry
' ' always received from his friend his intimations with, at least
a disposition to benefit by them;" but this accusation was
unjust. Hamilton's idea of the relations of the secretary and
the various officers was as follows: "In my conception, the
true rule is this, The Secretary of war and his subordinate
agents may correspond immediately on the business of ex
penditure and supply in its various branches, with all those
officers who are charged with it, such as Quartermasters, com
missaries, paymasters, and other descriptions of persons, form
ing what is commonly called the civil staff, but they ought to
hold no communication with any merely military officer, i. e.
any officer not attached to the business of expenditure or sup
ply, other than the principal officer of an army or within a
military district or command. This rule wrould confine the
communications of the Secretary of war to Gen. Washington
and the 2 Major Generals. It is true that there are special
cases, in which it may be proper to depart from the rule, such
as sudden and unforeseen emergencies, where the public inter
est or service might suffer by a delay incidental to a communi
cation with the chief and there may be geographical circum
stances which may require exceptions, but these ought to be
404 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
previously settled with the chief, defining the extent and the
objects — complaints by inferiors of injuries received or sup
posed to have been received from the chief, but the cases are
and must always be supported by some important reason of a
special nature."
He had not intended to offend McHenry and wrote :
"New York Aug. 5th. 1799.
' ' If there be any thing in my general order lately sent you
which imputes to the Secretary of War ignorance or inatten
tion, I agree with you, my Dear friend, that it ought not to
have been there. I add that, if done with design, it would be
a very culpable indecorum. But if it does bear this construc
tion, I have very clumsily executed my own intention. And I
give you my honor that so far from being sensible of it, my
aim was quite the reverse.
"I have already told you my opinion, that the letter from
you to Capt Frye was, in the view of Military Etiquette, ir
regular. It ought to have been addressed to Major Hoops.
If my memory serves me right, it refers to the matter by Capt.
Freye & thus gives him the pretext of your sanction. It was
necessary to do away this reference — and at the same time
to obviate, on the mind of the army, the idea of irregularity
on your part. My object was to reconcile these two things.
' ' The means, I employed, were these two suggestions — 1
That the intermediate circumstances were unknown to you.
In this, you see nothing amiss. 2 That from a disposition to
give facility to the service, you overlooked the inconsistency
of what was done with your instructions. Does this imply ig
norance or inattention? I think not. Every superior some
times overlooks, that is forbears to take notice of, the incom
patibility of the conduct of an inferior with his instructions,
though he clearly perceives (and, consequently, acts neither
from ignorance nor inattention) that incompatibility — but
willing to give facility to the service in the particular instance
he thinks it best to wave any objection to what has been done
& even to give effect to it. In civil & military life this has
happened to myself; and yet to have it stated would not in
my opinion charge me either with ignorance or inattention.
There may often be good reason for overlooking a fault which
we perceive. To overlook is very different from not to see or
not to attend to. It is in one sense to excuse, to forbear to
1799-1800] of James McHenry 405
punish or animadvert upon And it seems to me that it is
plainly in this sense that it is used in the general order. Most
certainly it was intended so to be.
"Now let me rebuke you in turn. How would you imagine
that I entertain an opinion that you have wantonly or ignor-
antly given orders to inferior officers within the command of
their superior? It is to injure my friendship for you to
suppose that I could think you had wantonly done so. That
you may have done so, through want of a strict habit on the
subject, or perhaps from some incorrectness of ideas with re
gard to military Etiquette, I have indeed believed but nothing
worse. And I cannot think that this belief ought to give you
pain. It only implies that you have not been long enough
called by situation to contemplate or practice upon that eti
quette to have formed exact notions of it and a habit of con
forming to it. I do not myself pretend to be an adept in this
species of knowledge; though I have endeavored to systema
tize my ideas on the subject. They are these, in brief, that
the Department of War may regularly correspond with the
Civil Staff or a officer charged with the business of expenditure
& supply in its various branches without passing through the
medium of the Chief Military Officer. But that, in all other
matters, the correspondence ought to be with them exclusively
— saving the case of sudden emergency, in which the object
would suffer by using him as the medium.
"Yrs Affecty.
"A. H."
To the latter letter McHenry thus replied on August 10,
"I am fully satisfied my dear Hamilton, from what you say,
that you had no intention to insinuate in the general order
anything that could affect my character in the eye of the
public or army and I am no longer uneasy. Upon the other
point, let me assure you that the military rule or correspond
ence, which I have departed from in some instances, as rela
tive to General Wilkinson, did not take place without sub
stantial cause. I am in possession of my justification, were it
necessary to stir the subject. There may be, however, partic
ular cases, independent of these where I have erred through
inattention and, who is it will not, with so much business to
attend to as I have." He sends a military text book and adds,
' ' The book has merit. But as Aristotle 's rules never produced
a good tragedy ; neither, in my opinion, will the best military
406 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
books produce a great general. Both characters are the result
of the energies of genius."
Meanwhile matters had gone on slowly at Paris. l La
fayette had written McIIenry on April 18, in his joy over the
news that the war had been averted for the time,2 "I must
express the happiness I have felt in hearing that plenipoten
tiary ministers are going from the United States to bring
about a reconciliation with France. I am persuaded, as I
have formerly written, that the French Government are in
earnest. ' '
McHenry 's own town of Baltimore, where a fort had been
established, called by his name, 3 and destined to become fam
ous in connection with Key 's poem, was much concerned about
the fortification and Samuel Smith wrote Adams from Balti
more on July 24 :
"I Do myself the honor to Inclose you a publication of
the Committee of this City, whether it will have the desired
effect contemplated I cannot yet determine. The following
Expression Induced me to address you. We are informed by
the Sect, of War that the Finances of the II. S. did not admit
of a larger appropriation than twenty thousand Dollars to
wards the fortifications to be erected near our City.
"This information is Certainly not Calculated to make a
very favorable impression on the public Mind. What will
foreign po\vers think when they are told from the Sect of War
that our finances are Such that more than twenty thousand
dollars Could not be Spared to fortify A City known to be of
the Commercial Consequence of Baltimore. But is the Secre
tary correct — on recurring to the Appropriation Laws, I find
that, in May 1798, the Sum of two hundred & fifty thousand
dollars were appropriated for fortifying the Ports & harbours
&, in June following, a further sum of twenty five thousand,
making together, with the Amount unexpended of former
appropriations, a sum between $420 & $440 thousand dollars,
of which there remained unexpended on the 30 September last,
agreeably to the report of the Secty. of the Treasury 326 thou
sand dolls. And of this last Sum, I am inclined to believe,
a Considerable proportion remain still unexpended. From
this Statement, I cannot but hope & believe that you will be
of Opinion that a larger Amount than twenty thousand dollrs.
1 April 20, Adams wfote Pickering approving the statements of the
heads of departmens concerning our relations to St. Domingo.
2 J. Adams, viii, 628.
3 There was also a Fort McHenry on the Mississippi.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 407
ought to be granted. I am informed that the last Estimate
States 60 thousand Dollars as the sum required — however,
I presume that twenty five thousand, in Addition to that
already expended, would be as much as Could be expended
this summer. With the greatest Respect
' ' I have the Honor to be
"your Obedt Servt"
Adams transmitted Smith's request from Quincy on Au
gust 5 :
"Sir
"I return you Col. Hawkins of 23 of May inclosed in
yours of 29. July and am happy to find that all accounts agree
in holding out expectations of a continuance of Peace with the
Indians.
"Inclosed is a letter to me from Gen. S. Smith of Balti
more, dated 24 July with an address to the Citizens of Balti
more from the Marine Committee, in a slip of a Newspaper.
I wish that Justice may be done to that City, and that it may
have its proportion of Aid in the fortification of it. I wish
also to know, What Sum is destined for the fortifications of
Castle Island & Governors Island in Boston Harbour. I wish
also to know the plan for appointing Surgeons & Mates for
Garrisons & Regiments &c.
"J. ADAMS."
Many of the Federalists were displeased with the French
mission and Robert Goodloe Harper wrote McHenry from Bal
timore on August 2 :
"* * * I always thought the mission an ill-judged &
unlucky measure, but having been adopted I think that the
policy and dignity of the government, equally demand that it
should be persued in a spirit of fairness and liberal good
faith. The question, then, is, whether the engagement of Mr.
Talleyrand such as it appears in Mr. Murray's communica
tion, does not fully imply an audience of the Directory? I
think it does; and, therefore, that a formal answer in the
affirmative, to that condition, was not necessary. He says
'they shall be received according to their functions, and re
spected according to the Law of Nations.' Can this be done
without an audience? I should suppose not, since, as far as
I am informed, an audience is one of the marks of respect in
variably allowed, to foreign ministers, by the Law of Nations.
"The French, it is true, might refute it, and shelter them-
408 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
selves under the evasive silence of Mr. Talleyrand, but it would
be a manifest and paltry quibble, which must disgrace them
still further, and add new strength to our cause : whereas
should we avail ourselves of this silence to break off the affair,
we should give them, and their party, an opportunity of
throwing the blame upon us, and charging us with insincerity
from the beginning and I confess that I should fear the effect
of this charge among our people.
"Besides, the President, in his communication to the sen
ate, wrhich will, probably & perhaps with reason, be considered
as the measure of the assurances, makes no express mention
of this audience: from whence it seems to have been consid
ered, by him, as included within the general expressions. To
insert a particular measure of it afterwards, and make their
silence upon it a ground for breaking off, would, in my
opinion, be a very hazzardous, if not a very improper conduct ;
to which, I think, it would be very difficult to reconcile the
American mind.
' ' In fine, my dear sir, I see in this silence, and in the inti
mation of Mr. Talleyrand which you have noticed, the marks
of that paltry spirit, combined with insolence, whereby the
Directorial counsels have, at all times, been distinguished.
If they mean to lay a snare for us, the best way of avoiding
it, as it appears to me, will be to accept the assurances, and
send the ministers; with instructions, at the same time, to
insist on an audience as part of the promised reception. Thus
we may save our own dignity and disappoint their acts. But
I am already of opinion that it will never do, to retain minis
ters on account of this silence, whether accidental or designed,
of Mr. Talleyrand.
"Who is to supply Henry's place? It would afford one a
pleasant opportunity of seeing France, and Europe, of judg
ing by the eyes as well as the ears.
' ' God be with you & your 's is the sincere wish of, my dear
sir, "Your friend & Hble servt."
Washington felt l that the conditions were critical and
wrote McHenry: "I think you Wisemen of the East have
got yourselves into a hobble relatively to France, Great Brit
ain, Russia, and the Porte, to which allow me the privilege of
adding our worthy Demos. All cannot be pleased ! whom will
you offend? Here then is a severe trial for your diplomatic
1 August 11. Ford, xiv, 193.
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 409
skill. But to be serious, I think the nomination and appoint
ment of Ambassadors to treat with France would in any event,
have been liable to unpleasant reflections (after the Declara
tions which have been made) and, in the present state of
matters in Europe, must be exceedingly embarrassing. The
President has a choice of difficulties before him in this busi
ness; if he pursues the line he marked out, all the conse
quences cannot be foreseen. If he relinquishes it, it will be
said to be of a piece with all the other acts of the administra
tion — unmeaning, if not wicked, deceptions, &c, &c, &c, and
will arm the opposition with fresh weapons, to commence new
attacks upon the Government, be the turn given to it, and the
reasons assigned, what they may." He asks the truth con
cerning certain charges of bribery brought against public of
ficers in the Republican newspapers and is most earnest in
urging the prosecution of the makers of false charges of this
sort. Adams 's tarrying in Massachusetts disturbs him and he
inquires, "Is the President returned to the seat of Govern
ment? When will he return? His absence (I mention from
the best motives) gives much discontent to the friends of gov
ernment, while its enemies chuckle at it and think it a favor
able omen for them."
Hamilton, still impatient over delays, 1 wrote thus: "Be
lieve me the service is every where suffering for the want of
proper organization. It is one thing for business to drag off -
another for it to go on well. The business of supply in all its
branches (except as to provisions) proceeds heavily and with
out order or punctuality — in a manner equally ill adapted
to economy on a large scale, as to efficiency and the content
ment of the army. It is painful to observe how disjointed and
piece meal a business it is : — among other evils is this that
the head of the War Department and the chiefs of the several
divisions of the army exhaust their time in details, which,
beyond a general superintendence, are foreign to them and
plans for giving perfection to our military system are unavoid
ably neglected. Let me repeat, my dear friend, my earnest
advice, that you proceed to organize without delay the sev
eral branches of the departments of supply ; that is to fix the
places and appoint the agents."
McHenry, answering on the 29th, defines what he regards
the scope of his duties; "I consider it the duty of a com-
1 Hamilton, v, 300. August 13, 1799, Hamilton to McHenry concern
ing his own position. Lodge, vii, 103.
410 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
manding general not only to make returns of all articles,
among these clothing, wanted for his troops, but to make them
in such season as to allow of making up and transporting
them to their destinations. That I consider it to be my duty
to direct as far as practicable and as promptly as may be, a
compliance with the requisitions made, by causing the deliv
ery of the articles called for to the Quartermaster General for
transportation. I suppose my duty is completed by such de
livery to the Quartermaster General and that all ulterior
orders respecting the destination and distribution of the arti
cles proportionately at different posts should exclusively
emanate from the commanding general." Any case of ne
glect should be reported to the Secretary of War. McHenry
explained the law as to pay and said he issued warrants on
the treasurer who applied moneys according to the warrants
and orders of the commanding general. Hamilton was already
considering the question of winter quarters for which he pro
posed huts to be built by the soldiers with the assistance of a
few carpenters. l He suggested that three regiments may
be quartered in the barracks at Carlisle. 2 At first McHenry
thought that place too remote, but afterwards favored placing
troops there and at New Brunswick. Hamilton also asked for
an allowance for quarters and fuel for himself. 3 He was
not rapacious, but he needed the money. The fortifications on
Governor's Island in New York harbor and the regulations
concerning promotions also occupied the joint attention of the
general and the secretary. 4 The latter wrote that the estab
lished practice was to fill vacancies in newly created regi
ments with new men and, when the regiment marched nearly
complete to headquarters, relative rank was settled according
to the officers' succession. McHenry expected to appoint two
cadets in each regiment and to promote according to merit.
Hamilton was not satisfied with the secretary's principles of
promotions to new regiments and wrote5 that commissions
ought to be held as rejected, if not accepted in three months. 6
McHenry 7 answered that the commanding general had
the declaration definitively of relative rank of majors and
1 Hamilton, v, 299, 308, 341. September.
2 Hamilton later changed his mind and preferred Greenbrook.
Lodge, vii, 105.
3 Hamilton, v, 297.
4 August 25. Hamilton, v, 303.
5 September 19. Ham-ilton, v, 331.
6 Hamilton, v, 32,6. September 11, Hamilton wrote for an allow
ance for officers' servants and that there should be a corps of invalids.
7 September 23.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 411
company officers in each regiment and that "military etiquette
on the subject of succession is the production of rank once
settled," after which settlement it "has been tenaciously ad
hered to, most probably with beneficial results."
Hamilton replied l that the introduction of new char
acters into a corps once organized should be confined within
narrow limits. The right of succession he "considered as the
primary reward of service." It "has its foundation in nat
ural justice and in very strong passions of the human heart."
As soon as a corps is organized, the expectation of promotion
arises spontaneously and the time of the definitive arrange
ment is too uncertain to make it a fit criterion of the right of
succession and would make regiments, completed at different
times, have a different relative rank, which would be preju
dicial to the service. Washington felt 2 that lieutenant col
onels and majors, who have been in service, should come first,
but wrote that his information as to others is not sufficient to
arrange them nor indeed to arrange among themselves those
who have seen service. His own position was that he was
serving the country without pay,3 other than "reimburse
ments of actual expenditures, unless, by being called into the
field, I shall be entitled to full pay and the emoluments of
office." To do otherwise, is to run into danger of miscon
struction and, though put to considerable inconvenience,
through the necessity of entertaining visitors, he declined to
take the two months' pay which McHenry offered him. Wash
ington recommended very few persons for commissions, and
at least once, in the case of John Tayloe, wrote from Mount
Vernon on the 5th of May to request that a resignation be
accepted :
1 September 27.
2 Ford, xiv, 202. September 15. An interesting unpublished letter
of Washington's follows :
"Private Mount Vernon Sept. 1st. 1799.
"Dear Sir —
"I find by looking over my files that your favour of the 14th & 24th.
of August have never been acknowledged, — I now do — the receipt of
them.
"I thank you and through you Governor Davie for his 'Instructions to
be observed for the formations and movements of Cavalry' and would ask
you to mention this to him when you shall see him which must be soon
"I pray you to direct Mr. Francis the purveyor to furnish me with the
cost of the equipment of Washington Custis as a Cavalry Officer. I have
had a small sum in the Bank of Pennsylvania locked up being afraid to
touch it lest there might not be enough left for that event & should find
difficulty in remitting the Bal'e. I regret exceedingly the cause of your
removal to Trenton and am My dear Sir — With great esteem
"Your Affct. Hble Servt
"Go. WASHINGTON."
3 Ford, xiv, 201. September 14.
412 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
"Sir,
"This letter will be presented to you by John Tayloe
Esqr. — whom the President of the United States was pleased
to nominate and appoint to a Majority in the Regiment of
Light Dragoons.
"Mr. Tayloe waits upon you to explain his motives for
declining that honor, at present, the propriety of which, I
persuade myself you will not only acquiesce in, but applaud,
as the result of laudable and Patriotic principles.
"This Gentleman is a Senator in the Legislature , of this
State — The Politics of which you are not to be informed of.
A part, however, of which, is to suffer no person to remain in
either house thereof — nor to enjoy any office under Its gov
ernment, who holds any Commission, or Appointment of
whatsoever Nature or kind, under that of the General Gov
ernment. The consequences then of his accepting the Mili
tary Appointment would be, the vacating of his Senatorial
Office; and as he informs me, the probable introduction of
an opposition Member in his place.
"Mr. Tayloe 's patriotism leads him to serve his Country
in any capacity wherein he can be most useful ; — either in
the Civil or Military line; and having been pleased to ask
my advice on this occasion, I have frankly given it as my
opinion, that under his statement, and in the present aspect
of our public affairs, I thought his services in the first — that
is in the Senate — were more immediately necessary and im
portant than they would be in the latter — because they are
now actively employed in the one case, and may lye dormant
in the other, unless hostilities on Land Should be the result
of French politics.
"To this opinion he has yielded, or seems inclined to
yield; — with a hope however (as there may be an impro
priety in keeping the vacancy open) that, if the exigency of
the times should render it expedient to raise more Cavalry, —
the service to which he is most attached — that his motives
for declining his present appointment may be not forgotten —
but aid his pretentions to, and solicitude to obtain a new one.
Having requested me to relate these circumstances, it was
but just I should do so : — and to add, that with great re
spect —
"I, am Sir
"Your Most Obedt Hble Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."
1799-1800] of James McHenry 413
From Adams and Hamilton came letters as to individual
appointments, one of which affords additional proof of the
purpose of the administration to nominate for commissions
in the army only "Federal characters."
"NewYork Jan. 19. 1800.
"Dear Sir
"The inclosed letter speaks for itself.
"I think upon the whole unless there are objections, of
which I am not aware it will be expedient to place Mr Wilson
in the new Batalion, so as to reinstate him fully in the situa
tion in which he would have been if he had not left the Ser
vice. He appears to me a genteel sensible young man — and
as to his morals has been wrell spoken of. You best know if
there are any faults in his character which render the matter
ineligible — If there are not I shall learn with pleasure that
he has been appointed.
"It seems to me a very obvious policy will lead to the
gratification of the wish expressed in the close of the letter.
This may be a means of bringing new interest to the support
of the army. And I am not afraid of introducing a propor
tion of very young men whose connections are not of very
sound politics. The Military State has a very assimilating
influence. Let me add that it may be useful to make me the
instrument of affecting this appointment. You will easily
understand my meaning.
"Yrs Affecty
"A HAMILTON."
Hamilton wras still unsatisfied and, though he admitted 1
that some of the officers' complaints are baseless, yet others
have foundation and the defects in the public plan, causing
these complaints, should be remedied. "It is an opinion of
some standing with me that the supply of the army except in
the article of provisions has been most commonly so defective,
as to render a considerable degree of discontent a natural con
sequence. In a revolution, lack of supplies may be acquiesced
in, but not in a mature state." Hamilton does not wholly
blame McHenry for this, as "I well know your disposition
to ameliorate our plan."
In another letter, Hamilton returned to the same question
1 Hamilton, v, 306. September 3, Pickering recommended that a
cargo of saltpetre at Boston be not purchased for the government.
414 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
and stated that ' ' The want of a proper organization of agents
in the various branches, of the public service of a correct and
systematic delineation of their relative duties has been a
material cause of the imperfect results, which have been ex
perienced, that it continues to embarrass every operation and
that, while it lasts, it can not fail to enfeeble and disorder
every part of the service." The amount of supplies pur
chased depends on the establishment and not on the opinion
of the commanding officer and so the Secretary of War must
gauge the amount.
Hamilton wished the forming of permanent arsenals, 1
the separation of the business of procuring and issuing sup
plies from the duty of a particular commander, and an ar
rangement of deputy paymasters.
McHenry laid this plan before Adams and he asked that
it be submitted to the heads of departments for an opinion,
as it involved much expense and possibly needed legislative
action. The old system is "defective in particulars, too
weakly manned in some of its branches and susceptible of
amelioration," but we can not change it at once*. For the
present, it must be kept. McHenry gave Hamilton a detailed
statement of his understanding of the actual conditions as to
supplies: 1. Clothing. Until recently it was the duty of
the secretary of the treasury and now it is the duty of the sec
retary of war to provide annually by contract for full comple
ment. This implies a surplus, as the army is always below the
establishment and the additional quantity is ordered for ex
igencies, deposited in the public stores and drawn through req
uisition by the commanding general on the secretary of war
and by the latter on the superintendent of military stores, who
packs, sends, and charges it to the various officers. The quarter
master general then takes and delivers the clothing to the of
ficers, who give to the soldiers, taking receipt from them.
2. Ordnance and other military stores and camp equipage.
The secretary of war has the duty to supply these in accor
dance with the appropriations. These sometimes are particu
lar and specific and sometimes aggregate, with much discre
tion. In the latter case, he should ask information from the
commanding general. These supplies are distributed in the
same manner as clothes. 3. Medicines, surgical instruments,
and hospital stores. -There is no medical purveyor or apothe-
1 Hamilton, v, 320.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 415
cary, but the senior surgeon of each hospital or garrison, etc.,
makes a return to the commanding general and he sends these
returns to the secretary of war, who directs the ordinary pur
veyor (sometimes after advice of experienced physicians) to
purchase and turn the supplies into the public store, whence
they are distributed, as are the clothes. 4. Quartermaster's
stores and means of transportation. Sometimes the quarter
master must buy directly and again he may get better prices,
etc., from the purveyor of the war department. Requisitions
are sent from the commanding general or the quartermaster
general and the quartermaster at a post, or a confidential
sergeant, if the post be small, keeps the supplies. 5. Pay of
the army. Rolls properly made out go to the paymaster gener
al and the secretary of war must put sufficient sums in his
hands to pay. There are agents in distant places, but the rolls
are never dispensed with. "The existing system of supplies,
executed as I have delineated, will bring the wants of the ser
vice, in a great degree, if not completely, before the com
manding general, consequently, will enable him to exercise
the superintendance expected from him with much effect. It
would seem too that the general superintendance of all mili
tary concerns peculiarly belongs to him, as he can exercise it
to most advantage. The observation applies to every com
mander of a separate army or great military districts." Esti
mates must be made in good season.
Pay to the soldiers fell behind. McHenry wrote l that
the treasury would not advance the money. Hamilton said,
if the muster rolls are not in good form, 2 accept them pro
visionally. The pay department needs reforms. He admitted
he drafted the form of muster rolls, when secretary of the
treasury, but thinks it may be departed from. The troops are
uneasy. McHenry 3 repeats that the treasury will not pay
without proper muster rolls.
In contrast with Hamilton's ceaseless activity, we hear
but little of Pinckney. In September, he wrote McHenry
that he was at Newport for his wife's health and wished
quarters found at Harper 's Ferry for the regiments 4 he
should command. During October, Hamilton is continually
1 .September 16. Lodge, vii, 125.
2 Hamilton, v, 334. .September 21. Lodge, vii, 141.
3 September 28, October 25, November 16.
4 Sparks, xi, 466. On November 5, Washington wrote McHenry about
the winter quarters.
416 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
writing on the brigading of the regiments, l on the disposi
tion of the permanent regiments,2 on courts martial, and
judge advocates. 3 He is often accused of British sympathies,
but his letter of October 12, on the arrangement of troops
shows he leaned to no foreign power. He therein states that
the existing "good understanding" between the United
States and Great Britain justifies an arrangement, not of the
highest efficiency, "but the permanency of friendship be
tween nations is too little to be relied upon, not to render it
prudent to look forward to more substantial precautions, than
are immediately meditated."
On August 5, Murray wrote that Talleyrand would re
ceive an embassy and some held that, as the president had
directed the commission to proceed, whatever opinions may
have been entertained respecting its original propriety, the
nation's honor and dignity demanded that it should be pur
sued in a spirit of fairness and liberal good faith. Other
Federalists dreaded sending it, as did Tracy, who wrote from
Litchfield on September 2:
"My Dear Sir —
" Is it true that Govr. Davie is appointed a French Envoy
in room of Patrick Henry ?
"Is it true that Mr. Ellsworth and he are going to
Europe? I am mortified & discouraged for fear this is all
true — and I shall be much obliged to you to let me know : — I
do not say, I will do nothing more, if they all should turn
out fact — but I am really in pain for fear they will turn out
so. Do pray, my Dear friend, let me know, if it be not a
State secret.
"I have sacrificed as much as most men or at least as
much as any individual to support this Govt. and root out
Democracy, & French principles, but, really, Sir, I feel it to
be lost and worse. What will it signify to send you on a list
of Officers ? — my time & property have been devoted to my
Country & still should be, if any good can accrue ; I will make
no rash promises now ; — but you may rely upon it, I will
know what is about to be done before I stir another step in
1 Hamilton, v, 345, 347, 355, 356. Other letters of this period are in
Lodge, vii, viz. p. 113, September 2, 134, September 17, 141, September 19,
149; October 12 (on brigading the army). 151.
2 McHenry disapproved this on November 15, but approved of another
arrangement on February 27, 1800.
3 See Am. State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 145. November 12, 1799.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 417
public business. I can & will resign, if all must be given up
to France & our Democrats.
"With much esteem I am
"Sir yr. friend & humble, servt .
"URIAH TRACY"
Fever in Philadelphia in the summer again drove the de
partments away. Trenton was again their temporary abode,
whither Adams came on October 10.
He found Hamilton and Davie there 1 and determined,
apparently with some suddenness, to dispatch the embassy at
once. Sometime previously he had sent instructions to the
envoys to Pickering for revision and had received in response
a letter of which Adams wrote, some years afterwards 2 that
it was signed by all five secretaries, earnestly entreating him
to suspend the mission. It was really signed only by Picker
ing and probably not approved of by Lee. Adams had also
received two letters from Stoddert, urging him to come to
Trenton at once and revise the instructions in person. 3 He
stated, in his later defence, that he "determined to go to
Trenton, meet the gentlemen face to face, confer with them
coolly on the subject and convince them, or be convinced by
them." Three days after Adams's arrival, Ellsworth came
rather unexpectedly and, on the 15th, Adams called the cab
inet together and carefully went over the instructions. His
later impressions were that he found all the people in a sur
prising pitch of enthusiasm and expecting immediate news of
Louis XVIII 's restoration and that he in vain argued against
the possession of such views by the heads of departments.
Both Stoddert and McHenry denied that there was any such
discussion or that the subject of suspension of the embassy
came into their meetings, which were merely devoted to revis
ing the instructions. Having "respectfully offered! their opin
ion, their duty terminated."
Hamilton had come to Trenton to consult with McHenry
about Wilkinson and McHenry wrote, in after-years, that he
had no reason to suppose that he knew Adams was coming, nor
did Hamilton ever mention to McHenry what passed between
him and Adams at that time, nor whether anything was said
respecting the mission. Adams wrote that he found Ellsworth
1 Lodge's Cabot, 206. See Adams's letter to Ellsworth of September
22. Adams, ix, 34.
2 In letters to Boston Patriot. Adams, ix, 253.
3 Adams, ix, 19 and 25.
418 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
and Davie ready to embark and that Hamilton urgently dis
suaded him from sending the mission.
On the morning of the sixteenth, l Adams sent Pick
ering orders to have the envoys depart for Europe imme
diately. The cabinet had not been consulted in regard to the
matter of the immediate sending of the envoys, though Adams
had previously left them in virtual charge of all the affairs
of government for six months.
After years had passed, McHenry wrote of this act of
Adams 's and of his defence of it with a bitterness which time
had not softened:
"Throughout these letters2 Mr. Adams affects to con
sider a President of the United States as every thing in gov
ernment and the heads of departments little more than mere
clerks. I cannot subscribe to this hypothesis. Do not the
heads of departments like him hold a high and responsible
station in government? In offering advice to a President, do
they not perform an incumbent duty. What more did we do?
Less we ought not to have done. Not, therefore, to our rec
ommendations or advice, but to his own wayward disposition,
his own wavering and changeable policy are to be charged the
humiliations our country has since experienced."
On October 18, Adams wrote McHenry thus from Tren
ton:
"Sir
"As a few Weeks only intervene between Us and the
Meeting of Congress I request the favour of you to turn your
Thoughts to the Subject of Communications both of Informa
tion and Advice necessary to be made to that Body at the
opening of the Session : and in particular I propose a Sum
mary of the Rise, Progress, declension, and Suppression of the
Rebellion in Pennsylvania. Every thing in the Indian De
partment and on the Mississippi as well as all other things
relative to military Service necessary to be laid before the
Legislature and, in general, your Sentiments on the State of
the Nation at large & abroad will be very acceptable from
Mr McHenry to his faithful humble Servant
"JOHN ADAMS"
Three days later, 3 Hamilton, who had just returned
1 Adams, ix, 39.
2 Lodge's Cabot, 206.
3 Hamilton, vi, 414.
1799-1800] of James McHenry 419
from Trenton, wrote Washington that Adams had determined
to send commissioners to France, in which step Wolcott and
McHenry were not consulted. He regrets it and hopes it
may not lead to an alliance with France against her enemies.
Pinckney, on his return from Rhode Island, wrote 1
Hamilton : "The envoys are then to sail. I presume this must
be a very deep measure — much too profound for my penetra
tion. ' ' On November 10, still smarting from the slight Adams
had put upon his cabinet by not consulting them upon this
important matter, 2 McHenry wrote Washington, having been
too busy to do so before this date. The prevailing rumor of
disagreement in the cabinet and the difference of opinion be
tween Adams and the heads of departments concerning the
French mission is true. Adams had nominated Murray, early
in the year "without any consultation, or giving the least indi
cation of his intention" to any of the secretaries. Even if
such a course were necessary, it was "such a departure from
established practice as could not fail to excite considerable
sensibility." During the summer, because of conditions
abroad, the heads of departments presented to Adams "the
propriety of a suspension of the mission." He took no no
tice of the subject of this letter, but a few days after arriv
ing at Trenton, "convened the Secretaries to agree on instruc
tions and ordered the commissioners to sail. " 3 He knew
that "three of the heads of departments have viewed the mis
sion as impolitic and unwise." Stoddert had joined in the
summer's letter, but Adams does not class him with the other
three secretaries and both Stoddert and Lee appear to enjoy
his confidence. The president seemed especially displeased with
Pickering and Wolcott, "thinking they have encouraged op
position to his plans to the eastward," but appeared to Mc
Henry less displeased with him and "received and treated"
all the secretaries with "apparent cordiality."
It is uncertain, McHenry continued, whether he wrill think
it expedient to dismiss any of the cabinet. Lee and Stoddert
are believed to think ' ' he ought, and would, perhaps, if asked,
advise the dismission at least of one. There are, however,
powerful personal reasons, especially^ at this juncture, which
forbid it : and it is more than possible, as these chiefly respect
the eastern quarter of the Union, they will prevail." Mc-
1 October 25.
2 Sparks, xi, 573.
3 See McMaster, ii, 449, 490.
420 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
Henry thinks, however, that ' ' the evil does not lie in a change
of Secretaries, as these may be replaced with good and able
men, but in the mission, which, as far as my information
extends, is become an apple of discord to the Federalists, that
may so operate upon the ensuing election of the Federalists,
as to put in jeopardy the fruits of all their past labors, by
consigning to men, devoted to French innovations and demor
alizing principles, the reins of government."
The election in Pennsylvania of October 10, in which
McKean, the Republican, defeated James Ross for governor,
showed that the anti-Federalists were most vigilant. They
have given a ' ' false coloring to the intentions of government ' '
and have made much of certain recent negotiations with Tous-
saint in St. Domingo, whereby certain merchants were en
abled to sell him various needed goods, these supplies being
sent in the same vessel which carried our agent. They also
dwelt on the charge of ' ' British influence ' ' and Adams 's letter
to Tench Coxe, stating that the appointment of Pinckney as
minister to England was due to British influence, is shortly to
be made public by the opposition. l All these causes made
McHenry "confess I see more danger to the cause of order
and good government, at this moment, than has, at any time
heretofore, threatened the country. ' ' He appealed- to Wash
ington to say what ought to be done. For his own part, he
thought the dismission of Pickering and Wolcott would be
unwise and considered the "wisest expedient" would be for
Adams "to conciliate his ministers by a conduct, which does
not reduce them, on great occasions, to ciphers in the govern
ment and, by this means, endeavor, at least, to restore mutual
confidence and harmony of action." It is uncertain whether
Adams wrill see this, or whether he will yield to ' ' the irritation
which his mind suffers from those who flatter him, or badly
advise him." "I see rocks and quicksands on all sides and
the administration in the attitude of a sinking ship. It will,
I imagine, depend very much on the President, whether she is
to weather the storm or go down."
On November 17, Washington replied, 2 in the last let
ter he ever wrote McHenry. He has "been stricken dumb"
by McHenry 's epistle and believes it better to "remain mute,
than to express any sentiment" on these important matters.
1 See C. C. Pinckney's Life of T. Pinckney, p. 170.
2 Ford, xiv, 215.
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Reduced in size from miniature owned by the heirs of
Dr. James McHenry
(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company)
1799-1800] of James McHenry 421
He has for some time 1 viewed national politics with an
"anxious and painful eye. They appear to me to be moving
by hasty strides to some awful crisis; but in what they will
result, that Being, who sees, foresees and directs all things,
alone can tell. The vessel is afloat, or very nearly so, and
considering myself as a passenger only, I shall trust to the
mariners, whose duty it is to watch — to steer it into a safe
port."
On December 14, 1799, Washington died. On the 18th,
McHenry wrote Hamilton,2 "You and I, on this solemn oc
casion, experiencing, in common with our fellow citizens, deep
regret for our country's loss, have our sorrows lightened by
a recollection of his friendship towards us both and the many
days we have spent as members of his family and sharers of
his confidence." The country should "show the most rever
ential testimonials of that profound grief with which every
good heart must be penetrated at the loss of a citizen, states
man and commander, so eminently distinguished for virtues,
talents, and services."
The following order was issued to the army: "The
President with deep regret announces to the army the death
of its beloved chief. General George Washington, sharing in
the grief which every heart must feel for so heavy and afflic
ting a public loss and desirous to express his high sense of the
vast debt of gratitude which is due to the virtues, talents,
and ever memorable services of the illustrious deceased, he
directs that funeral honors be paid to him at all the military
stations and that the officers of the army and of the several
corps of volunteers wear crape on the left arm by way of
mourning for 6 months."
Washington's death put no conclusion to the strained re
lations between Adams and his secretaries. On December
29, Wolcott wrote Fisher Ames, "The President's3 mind is
in a state which renders it difficult to determine what pru
dence and duty require from those about him. He considers
Col. Pickering, Mr. McHenry, and myself as his enemies;
his resentments against Maj. Gen. Hamilton are excessive;
1 He asks for further Information as to the British influence charge
against Pinckney, which is a "perfect enigma" to him.
2 Hamilton, v, 388.
3 Gibbs, ii, 313, Hildreth. v, 371. The attack on McHenry on p.
373 seems unfair. There is no evidence that he took the same position
as Pickering.
422 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
he declares his belief of the existence of a British faction in
the United States.
"Among the officers of government there is a sensation
of unhappiness. I do not know whether you are acquainted
with Mr. McHenry ; he is a man of honour and entirely trust
worthy; he is also a man of sense, and delivers correct opin
ions when required, but he is not skilled in the details of
Executive business and he is at the head of a difficult and un
popular department. The diffidence which he feels, exposes
his business to delays and he sometimes commits mistakes^
which his enemies employ to impair his influence."
In November and December, Hamilton and McHenry
were engaged in preparation of tactics, uniforms, and the
needed revision of the articles of war, especially as to court
martials and the punishment for desertions. l
Early in January, a number of reports were made to
congress on military affairs. 2 Adams formally recommended
a military school on the lines of Hamilton 's letter to McHenry.
There should be a fundamental school for all officers, with a
two years' course, and a subsequent course of one year each
for the navy, for cavalry, and for infantry, and of two years
for engineers and artillerists. He also recommended a modi
fication of the two regiments of artillerists and engineers and
the establishments of three regiments in their places, one of
horse artillerists, one of foot artillerists, and one of engineers.
The report recommended revision of the militia laws and dis
cussed the artillery in French and Austrian armies, 3 show
ing close reasoning on the subject. Recommendation of forti
fication of harbors and dock yards was also made. The en
listments in the twelve regiments were reported, as well as
,1 Hamilton, v, 384, 385, 386, 392. Hamilton suggests that officers
ought to be required to provide their own servants and not be allowed to
use the soldiers.
2 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 130. January 6, on expenses of
the Springfield armory since its establishment in 1795. Military Affairs,,
i, 132. January 13, refers to Military Academy report. Military Affairs,
i, 133, January 14. Military Affairs, i, 142, January 31. Annals of Con
gress, 1800, Appendix, 1397, 1800-01 Appendix, 1415. An important letter
from Hamilton to McHenry about the Military Academy is found in Lodge,
vii, 179, onei qn tactics on p. 187, one on uniform on p. 188, one on
servants for officers on p. 189, one on the articles of war on p. 194 and
two on accounting on pp. 197 and 203.
3 The President requests the Secretary at War to have an Extract
made from the Precis des evenemens militaires, translated into our lan
guage and printed of all those Parts which relate to the Horse Artillery,
and to consider whether this system cannot be introduced into our military
system and especially into a Militia Law or Volunteer Corps. When
printed in Sufficient Numbers, the public attention will be turned to the
subject and our officers will be furnished with copies.
January 9, 1800. [Note from Adams to McHenry].
1799-1800] of James McHenry 4,23
the proposed revision of the articles of war and of the tactics,
and increased pay was asked for the paymaster general. The
supplemental report on the proposed military school shows 1
wide reading. An extract from it is of interest. "Whether
our country is to be plunged into a war, or enjoy, for a
length of time, the blessings of peace and interior tranquillity ;
whether the portentous events which have afflicted Europe,
and, in their progress, threatened the United States, are to
subside into a settled state of things ; whether the blessings
of peace and the customary relations among the transatlantic
powers are to take place, or hostilities shall be continued,,
protracted, and extended beyond their present limits; in
either view, it is equally a suggestion of policy and wisdom, to
improve our means of defence, and give as much perfection
as possible to such establishments as may be conceived essen
tial to the maintenance of our rights, and security from in
sults. The unavoidable collisions growing out of trade and
the reciprocal restrictions of great commercial states; the ap
prehensions and jealousies natural to powers possessing con
tiguous territory; the inefficacy of religion and morality to
control the passions of men or the interest and ambition of
nations: the impossibility at times for governments to adjust
their differences, or preserve their rights, without making sac
rifices more to be dreaded than the hazards and calamities of
war — all these considerations, illustrated by volumes of ex
amples, teach the soundness of the axiom — si vis pacem para
helium. And what time more proper to prepare the ma
terials for war, than a time of peace, or more urgent, than
that in which a nation is threatened with war."
On receipt of McHenry 's reports, William Pinkney
wrote from London on the 20th of March, 1800:
"I am much obliged by your enclosing me your excel
lent Report to the President on the subject of our military
System. Of any thing contained in it, except its general
principles, I am a very poor judge; but, so far as an atten
tive reading of it can authorize me to have any opinion, I
should think the arrangements you propose will, if adopted,,
be beneficial to a very important Extent. The Manner in
which your Details are given must have the Merit of perspic
uity, for even I, who am as little of a military Man as it is
well possible to be, believe that I perfectly understand them.
1 Military Affairs, i, 142. January 31, 1800.
424 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
Your introductory Remarks, and those of a similar Nature to
be found in different parts of the Report, are capable of
being properly estimated by every Man of understanding —
and of their Force & Solidity there can be no Doubt. I wish
most cordially that they may produce their just Effect, and
that the country may be indebted to your labors for the se
curity you aim at giving to it.
"I w'd ask you to drop me a line now & then, when
you shall have Leisure. It has been stated to me that you
devote yourself to the Duties of your office beyond a due Re
gard to your Health — and I will not desire to put upon you
the additional Burthen of writing to me. And yet, if at any
Time a vacant moment sh'd occur in which it might be Relax
ation rather than Fatigue to tell a sincere Friend that you
continue to think of him, I cannot avoid saying that you will
gratify me much by so employing it. ' '
During January, the suspension of recruiting l was dis
cussed in congress and McHenry feared it would be ordered
by the house, as occurred late in the month. 2 On February
18, McHenry wrote Hamilton, enclosing the draft of the naval
academy bill and telling him that the senate has "yielded to
the supposed momentum of public opinion and stopped en
listments. The navy is to ingulph everything and it is cer
tain, should we give to it all our money, it cannot give us in
return adequate protection. Both establishments are indis-
pensible, I mean the military and naval. Some, however,
think one of them sufficient and that, to undo the one, is to
secure funds for the other. You find, by my report, that I
have pursued a different course and presumed both neces
sary. ' ' 3 Hamilton wrote McHenry as to the question what is
1 January 17 and 25, Hamilton, v, 400.
2 Pickering writes concerning the salary of the chief clerk in the
war department on January 22. January 13, McHenry joined all the cab
inet but Lee in signing a paper stating that John Randolph's contemptuous
language towards the President requires censure. Adams, ix, 46 ; Hamil
ton, v, 396, 397.
3 Hamilton, v, 401. On February 10, C. C. Pinckney wrote from
Shepherdstown that soldiers should not dig a canal but study tactics.
Hamilton wrote McHenry on February 19.
"New York, Feby 19. 1800.
"Dear Sir
"I have read with great pleasure your letter to the Committee of
Defence. It presents the subject in a very correct and interesting man
ner, such as I should expect much good from ; if I did not begin to think
with Chief Justice Elsworth, that there is in a government like ours a
natural antipathy to system" of every kind.
"Yrs. Affecty.
"A. H."
1799-1800] of James McHenry 425
a separate military district and on the undue care, as it seemed
to him, shown by the accountant in payment of money appro
priated to be used according to the discretion of the command
ing officer and directed by him to be disbursed by a subordin
ate agent. In such case, the "charges ought to be admitted,
without difficulty, and the superior officer made responsible for
improper directions, in his office or in his pocket, both ac
cording to circumstances." A month later, in a similar vein,
Hamilton asks for sanction of a certain account, which neither
paymaster nor accountant can adjust, l and called it a
"fresh instance of the want of some interior regulation of
your department, by which cases out of the general rules may
be decided with due dispatch. Every day shows me, more
and more, the embarrassments which, from the same cause,
perplex and distress every military agent who has anything
to do with directing or making expenditures. ' '
On March 21, Hamilton wrote 2 again that the accoun
tant was wrong in saying that no authority, short of congress,
can make allowances to an officer, beyond the emoluments
fixed to his office by law. On May 5, we find Hamilton still
objecting 3 to the accounting system of the war department
and proposing to extend the functions of paymasters to pay
ing traveling expenses, postage, and stationery of officers of
the line, expenses for apprehending deserters, etc.
On March 1, McHenry, who felt himself too busy to do
justice to the subjects, wrote Hamilton asking him to prepare
bills (1) for the modification of the two artillery regiments,
(2) for the fundamental school and the school of artillerists 4
and engineers, (3) for other matters referred to in McHenry 's
report which require legislation, (4) for a definition of the
officers who are entitled to double rations.
Hamilton wrote on that same day to Henry Lee: "Be
lieve me I feel no despondency of any sort as to the country.
It is too young and vigorous to be quacked out of its political
1 Hamilton, v, 402. February 28, 1801.
2 Hamilton, v, 409. On March 19, McHenry told Hamilton he
thought the accountant was wrong.
3 Hamilton, v, 423.
4 Ingersoll's History of the War Department, 35, states that the
reports establishing the corps of engineers and the military were more
clear and convincing than those of any other head of the War Department
from the beginning. (See Stat. at Large, i, 552) Boynton's West Point,
18, says McHenry's military academy plans were "equally illustrative of
the comprehensive and discriminating talent of their author and of the
beneficial consequences to be anticipated from the establishment of a
military academy." The bill failed in the house (Journal of 5th and 6th
Congress, 634).
426 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
health and, as to myself, I feel that I stand on ground which,
sooner or later, will ensure me a triumph over all my ene
mies." He was not sure how far enlistment had been sus
pended and wrote from New York on March 3, 1800 :
"Private
"Dr Sir,
"I am told, though I really have not seen the law, that
one has passed suspending the Recruiting Service for the
Twelve Additional Regiments. You are aware that an in
struction from your Department ought to precede my agency
upon that law.
"Yrs. Truly
"A HAMILTON."
Mcllenry replied, telling of the establishment of the
quartermaster general's office in Philadelphia and of the sus
pension of enlistment. In the twelve regiments 8,418 non
commissioned officers and men were authorized; but, by the
last returns, only 3,399 had enlisted and there was, probably,
enough clothing on hand to last through the year. As to the
bills, Hamilton wrote twice, as follows:
"March 8. 1800.
"Dr. Sir
"Herewith you have the draft of a Bill respecting the
Corps & Engineers & Artillerists. I vary in mode but not in
substance from your report by defining the Regiment of Ar
tillerists at its Complement (say four batalions &c.) and I
suspend the organising & raising of one batalion. This
comes to the same result & appears to me most correct &
systematic. I leave a blank for the privates, suppose there
may be a mistake in printing as I cannot make out the prin
ciple of 700 privates to three batalions 65 — (an odd number)
to a company. Perhaps the actual establishment is a pref
erable standard say 48 per Company excluding Artificers,
which for a full Regiment will amount to 768
"I cannot endure your two Colonels to a Regiment of
Engineers. Tis Monstrum horrendum informe &c.
"Yrs. truly
"A. HAMILTON '
"I am preparing a third Bill."
1799-1800] of James McHenry 427
"March 9, 1800.
"Dr Sir
"Some ill health joined to much occupation has delayed
longer than I wished The preparation of the Bills you desired.
Herewith I send you one of them.
' ' I regret extremely the dismembrement of the School of
the Navy from the rest. Clear I am that all ought to be
united under the Director General, wrho might himself be sub
ject to the orders of the Secretary at "War in relation to the
three first Schools, of the Navy in relation to the last. There
is a manifest incongruity in the idea of a Fundamental School
embracing the Navy and that of the Separation of the School
of the Navy. This elementary institution may without im
propriety & with much advantage be united.
" To be at the same place will facilitate instruction & con
duce to economy. To be at the same place without union will
lead to collision & disorder.
"I have not filled up the particulars to be taught in
each School Your report seems to contemplate something dif
ferent from my plan & yet does not present the detail. That
which was in my plan was maturely thought of. The most
difference seems to be that you regard the business of the
other Schools (except the fundamental) to be the application
of what is learnt in the fundamental School to the practical
purpose of the others. My plan supposes that it is not neces
sary or proper in the fundamental School to do more than
give that elementary instruction which is equally necessary
for all the corps — leaving the higher branches necessary for
particular corps to be prepared in the appropriate Schools.
The one idea or the other requires a very different distribution
of the branches to be taught. You can easily fill the blanks,
as you finally take the one or the other course. If you prefer
the scheme in my letter, you will only have to insert from it
verbatim, or nearly so, the objects to be taught in each School.
"You will observe some auxiliary ideas incorporated, but
they have an eye to the results in your report. The principal
alteration is the latitude in the first instance as to the appoint
ment of Director General. I think it very probable that a
more fit character for this important trust may now be found
out of the army than in it.
"Another difference is that small additional compensa
tions are proposed for Directors who may be Officers. It will
be, I fear, impracticable to find fit men willing to undertake
428 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
the constant drudgery of these stations without some addition
al rewards.
"Yrs truly
"A. H. "
' ' I have put between Brackets what may be omitted to accom
modate the Bill entirely to your Report"
On March 19, McHenry wrote Hamilton that he was try
ing to push the naval academy plan, but feared failure. Ten
days later, he sent a copy* of the bill, as it came from the
committee, adding the words "you forgot, when you thought to
combine all into one plan," that "the little passions are great
inter-meddlers in the most important affairs."
Of Pinckney and his forces, we have two glimpses; in a
letter from Hamilton to McHenry and in one from Pinckney
himself to the secretary concerning the dismission of an officer,
Hamilton writes:
"New York March 17, 1800.
"Dear Sir
' ' General Pinckney has transmitted me confidentially the
copy of a letter which he has written to you respecting the
employment of the troops during the Ensuing Summer. I
agree with him in the inexpediency of employing new troops
in operations not military, as the digging of Canals &c and in
the propriety of some extra compensations to any troops, who
may be so employed, as a douceur and a guard against discon
tent. This will certainly disorganise the troops, before they
are yet formed by a course of instruction and discipline, and
it will prevent the introduction of a just military pride among
them.
"If our troops are to be continued, it were most eligible
for them that they could be left without any other occupation
than that incident to a course of instruction. But I am well
aware that there are considerations which may oblige to a dif
ferent conduct. And I have reconciled my mind to the idea
of drawing them in Brigades towards the principal points to
be fortified on our Sea Coast, there to be engaged in working
upon the fortifications, by detachment. This will not violate
prejudices and the matter may be so managed as to leave a
good deal of time for exercise.
"General Pinckney has also mentioned a suggestion of
yours on the point of ,_ allowances for travelling Expences to
General Officers and their suites. The substance is that Gen
eral Officers should be allowed all reasonable extra expences &
1799-1800] of James McHenry 429
that the general regulations respecting extra compensations
shall apply to the aides. He remarks on the difficulty of sep
aration — as one table must serve all &c.
' ' I think the remark well founded & do not perceive how
the discrimination can be reduced conveniently to practice.
If adhered to — it must come to this that the Expenditures of
the General and his suite, which are inavoidably blended will
be included in an account — and credit given for the allow
ances to the aids — the ballance, if otherwise reasonable, to be
paid to the General. This would be a complication without an
object.
' ' With true esteem & regard
",I remain Dr Sir
"Yrs. Obedt Sr.
"A. HAMILTON."
On March 7, Lafayette wrote from La Grange, commend
ing Madame de Fleury to McHenry and referring to Washing
ton's death as depriving the world of "His Greatest Orna
ment."
Murray, who had been so regular a correspondent, now
writes rarely and we find only one of his letters dating from
this winter.
"The Hague 2d. Dec. 1799.
"My dear Sir
"I have received your favour of the 22d Octr. John, who
is an excellent young man, has yours. We live happily.
' ' With yours, I received some others ! ! ! I have reason to
believe that my letters to Talleyrand of 5 & 18 May last make
a noise against me.
"Why in the name of Diplomacy & of all regularity were
they given, as well as the assurances to the public, if at all
given ? Why were they not more maturely considered in their
character, properly speaking they were not — at least the first
official, but private letters. I said I wrrote by order of Gov
ernment ; but I was, in relation to the Govt. which I addressed,
an Individual, a traveller, Unknown to it officially Mr. T.
knew Mr. M. but I speak as a Diplomat, I say I was unknown
as a man having authority to communicate the intentions of
my Govt. to a foreign Govt. for the purpose of their doing a
high Governmental act in consequence of such a communica
tion ! At most it is impossible to make my letter more than
semi-official.
430 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xiv
' ' As to the air of pleasure with which it was written, I was
to presume that success would be agreeable. It was to a Gov
ernment. No matter good or bad, hated or not. The career
once opened, the incidents followed from the principle adopted.
"The air of empressement which I gave then to a thing
to be received from a man whom they did not officially know
whose authority, nor they nor any but myself had seen — that
air upon an occasion presumed to be agreeable — was, I aver in
the true spirit of an inofficial letter of that sort & not repug
nant to that of an official one !
' ' If this affair have made a noise as I rather think it has,
I beg you as a candid man — even if you too have thought
these letters improper, to show this letter or rather to mention
my grounds at least to the President & to Genl. Washington.
"As to Pichon you will hear more of him. I have writ
ten to Harper yesterday.
"Let what will come, I am ready. I have been greatly
worry 'd here & injured in health & exhausted in Spirits, I
have acted with Zeal & honour. I have not been inactive. I
was ordered to be active, So I have as little to reproach me
with as most men, who act in such times & with very little
guiding.
"It is impossible to say what Bonaparte means, ultimate
ly, he & Seyes. This is certain, that there are symptoms of a
pacific principle at work. These may be the winter curtain
to cover the preparations for another campaign ! There are
other symptoms too — more moderation, more liberality in
France — better Diplomats though Revolution men, yet mod
erates & some of the old aristocracy are sent abroad, Bour-
going goes to Copenhagen. The Jacobins displaced. Many
Emigrants of the Royal constitution of 1791 expressly rased
from the list & permitted to return as the Maubergs (son of
La Fayette) Leancourt — Genl. Valence (of Doumourier 's
family) &c &c & I believe soon La Fayette himself. No power
in Europe will be disarmed by professions, & I pray that we
may not be! however, there may actually be more decency &
more moderation of manner towards us or them.
"I am always affectionately vours
"My dear Sir"
Relations with the president continued outwardly pleas
ant although grown more formal. McHenry still attended
the drawing rooms and, at one of them in April, Mrs. Adams
1799-1800] of James Me Henry 431
told him that, if any regiment went to Rhode Island, she hoped
it would be the one W. S. Smith commanded. 1
The president requested McHenry to send him a list of
officers appointed in the recess of the senate2 and asked him
with the other heads of departments, if there should not be a
public printer. McHenry took counsel with Chase 3 on the
matter and answered, favoring the project, but doubting the
power of the president to establish an office with a fixed com
pensation and suggested the passage of a law authorizing
such an officer. The list of officers in the 12 new regiments
was transmitted to the senate 4 on April 15, with the recom
mendation that vacancies in the old regiments be filled from
the most deserving of the disbanded officers and that all vacan
cies, henceforth, be filled by promotion, as a failure to do this,
has a bad effect. 5
1 See Lodge, vii, 206.
2 March 31. Adams, ix, 48. April 23, Adams, ix, 50.
3 Samuel Chase's opinion reads as follows :
"By the Constitution Act 2. Sec. 2. The president is authorised to
nominate and with consent of the Senate to appoint certain enumerated
officers, 'And all other officers of the United States whose Appointments
are not herein otherwise provided for and which shall be established by
Law.' But Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior
officers, as they think proper, in the president alone, in the Courts of law,
or in the Heads of Departments.
"Is a printer to the President an Officer of the United States? if he
can be so considered his office must be established by law and he must
be nominated by the President to the Senate.
"It is evident that there ought to be a public Printer, not only to
publish the Laws, and Papers which either Branch of the Federal Legis
lature should direct, but also State Papers, as Treaties, proclamations
and official Papers of the different Departments, but foreign and Domestic
Intelligence which the people might consider as authentic.
"It seems to me that the President can exercise no Power as President
not granted to him by the express Words of the Constitution, or neces
sarily implied by some expressions in that Instrument, he may appoint
a Printer, to be called the Printer to the president but he can be consid
ered only as a private Person, and entitled to no Compensation, without a
law ascertaining the Sum. If the Departments employ such Printer he
will be paid for his Services and Compensation as they desire
"I would suggest — as there is no Printer at Washington whether the
Senate could not be induced to propose a .bill to request & authorise the
Senate to appoint from time to time some fit trusty or faithful discreet
Person of unquestionable attachment to the Government to be Printer
to the United States whose duty it should be to publish or to superintend
the publishing of the laws of the United States, & all Papers which either
Branch of the Legislature, or the President, or any of the Departments
of Government should direct, and that he shall receive Compensation for
all such services, and that the president ibe authorised to remove such
printer, and to appoint another in his place. It will be said that the
President wishes to create offices. If there is no appropriation of Money
by law which can be properly and clearly applied to pay a printer ap
pointed by the President, a Clamor will be raised, that he misapplies
public Money."
July 8, 1799, Chase wrote McHenry and Charles Carroll of Carrpllton
asking them to withdraw their objection to bringing water to Baltimore
from a Branch running through their lands.
4 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 146.
5 State Papers, Military Affairs, i, 152. On May 1, the war depart
ment asked the house for $100,000 for fortifications for the next year.
CHAPTER XV
FRIES 'S REBELLION AND THE WEST IN 1798 TO 1800
IN the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery,
Pa., the Germans resisted the officers, who came to meas
ure windows, preparatory to levying the new tax which
congress had put on houses. Some of the rioters were arrested
but were rescued from the marshal in Bethlehem by a party
headed by one Fries. Adams issued a proclamation, ordering
that this resistance be put down. Great alarm was felt in
many quarters as to what the troubles might portend. When
McHenry notified Hamilton of the insurrection, he acted at
once and wrote :
"New York March 16th. 1799
"Sir
"In compliance with the object of your letter of the 15.
instant, I have put in motion two companies of Artillerists
from Fort Jay (Henry's and Cochran's) who are to embark
at ten this morning for Amboy and to proceed from thence
by way of Brunswick to New Town in Bucks County. There
(at Brunswick) Lt. Boote with his party is instructed to join
them. The two companies., as they march, will exceed together
seventy men, and will go provided with all necessaries except
that the number of tents will be incomplete. If we had known
the wants of Lt. Bootes party, they could not have been sup
plied from this place. Inclosed are the directions to him.
Tomorrow you will be advised of the exact number of men
and tents.
' ' I trust you will excuse the deviation from your order as
best calculated to fulfil its object. The march from West
Point would have been attended with great difficulties and
much delay. The River will speedily open and if necessary,
the substitute can then be brought from West Point to Fort
Jay. In the mean time, no inconvenience is likely to ensue.
"A person will go" by concert between Col Stevens and
the Contractor, in the double capacity of Quarter Master and
1798-1800] of James Me Henry 433
Commissary. He can easily do both duties. Perhaps indeed,
the expense of such a person might have been saved, had there
been a sufficient number of officers with the companies. But it
has been impracticable to send more than one Captain and
two Lieutenants.
"I defer till tomorrow to give any order to Major Ford.
Were it not that the presence of Major Hoops was requisite at
a Court Martial which^is to trye Captain Frye and Doctor
Osborne, it would perhaps be more in order to send him with
the major part of his Command, But this point is reserved.
"With great respect & esteem
"I am
"Sir
"Your obed Servt.
"A HAMILTON"
A second letter from Hamilton written on March 18, l
said: "Beware, my dear Sir, of magnifying a riot into an
insurrection, by employing, in the first instance, an inadequate
force. Tis better far to err on the other side. Whenever
the government appears in arms, it ought to appear like a
Hercules and inspire respect by the display of strength. The
consideration of expense is of no moment compared with the
advantages of energy. Tis true this is always a relative ques
tion, but it is always important to make no mistake. I only
offer a principle and a caution." Auxiliary cavalry can be
gotten from middle states without interfering with farming.
Harper wrote McHenry on the 26th:
"So. 3d. Street. Mar: 26th. 1799
"My dear sir
' ' I am afraid that I shall appear importunate, but as you
have done me the honour to communicate with me on the
subject of the insurrection, I trust you will excuse me for
troubling you again with one or two remarks on the means
of suppressing it.
"I confess I shudder at the consequences wrhich may
result from attempting this business with too small a force.
The people to be dealt with, are ignorant, biggotted, numerous,
& united. Their leaders, who possess an intire influence over
their minds, are committed to the full length of treason. They
are impressed with an opinion that insurrection prevails ev
erywhere, and that the government, threatened on every side,
1 Hamilton, v, 235; Lodge, x, 349; Lodge, vii, 69.
434 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
cannot collect a force sufficient to punish them. The counties
implicated in the business contain, at least, three thousand
effective men. From recent accounts, the spirit of revolt,
and the boldness of the revolters, encrease with rapidity. Un
der these circumstances, can it be well to depend, even in the
first instance, upon 240 horse, & a few companies of regular
infantry, many of them new units, and the whole amounting,
in all probability, to not more than 2^>0 or perhaps 200 men ?
Would it not be safer & better, in every point of view, to put
in motion, immediately, the whole of the Volunteers, and the
requisite caval^? This would be a force sufficient to over
awe the rebels, and, probably, prevent resistance. Should no
more march than have been mentioned, it seems very probable
to me that resistance will take place, many valuable lives may
be lost, and the worst consequences ensue.
' ' The General, I know, is empowered to call out a greater-
force, if after he advances towards the scene of insurrection,
circumstances should seem to require it. But what effect
must this have on the rebels? When they see a small force
sent against them, and that done, halt through a sense of its
own weakness, and wait for reinforcements, will they not be
encouraged to prepare, and be allowed time for preparation?
Will it not appear to them as a proof of weakness on the part
of the government, which must encrease their audacity?
' ' Besides ought the descretion, in a case of this kind, to be
transferred from the department to the Genl? ought he to be
required to judge about the question of force?
"It is with you to decide, and I am persuaded that you
will decide wisely, on these various questions: but I cannot
help expressing, in the strongest & most decided manner, my
conviction that every principle of sound policy requires the
whole of the volunteers & regulation cavalry to be put imme
diately in motion. Perhaps, instead of marching the whole
force to the neighborhood of Bethlehem, it might be sufficient
to advance about twenty miles, to some convenient point, and
then send forward into the county a Detachment of Horse &
infantry. But I should advise marching the whole to Bethle
hem in the first instance.
' ' I am my dear sir, with great affection & esteem
"Yours most sincerely
"ROB: G: HARPER."
Hamilton wrote1 McHenry on March 29, that all the
1 Hamilton, v, 240.
1798-isoo] of James Me Henry 435
regulars but one company had reached the first points of des
tination against the insurrection. "However slightly the
present governor of Pennsylvania comes into contact with
insurrection, there is delay in quelling it." l
On March 30, Me Henry wrote Washington of the proceed
ings of the troops against the "ignorant and mulish" insur
gents.
Adams had gone toAlassachusetts, whither McHenry sent
him news of the insurrection and whence McHenry received
cordial approval of his measures. - Fearing that the two
companies of horse, which could muster only about 60 men,
would not suffice, McHenry had submitted to the heads of
the departments and the attorney general the expediency of
calling on the governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey to
hold a respectable body of militia in readiness to march against
the insurgents. The insurgents were soon dispersed, so that
shortly thereafter Adams could congratulate McHenry on
Gen. McPherson's success.
"Quincy April 19 1799
"Sir
"I reed last night your favour of the 11 and thank you
for the Copy, of General Macpherson's Letter and the list of
the Prisoners. The Generals Conduct has been prudent and
Successfull, and will terminate in the permanent tranquility
of the People.
"I return you Reeder's Letter and Jackson's address.
Have these Democrats, a morality of their own ? or have they
none? Do they really believe that lying is lawfull for the
public good and that political Lyars have no part in the Lake
of Sulphur and fire? I think that a Representative in this
part of the Country convicted of setting his hand to such a
Lye, would Suffer Something very like a roasting in the Lake,
from his own constituents.
"I inclose you Letters from Daniel Flint, John Cooper,
and H. G. Otis, which I pray vou to give the regular attention
to.
"Inclosed also is a Letter from Caleb Gibbs with Docu
ments Numbered 1-2-3-4-5-6. which you will also consider in
their turn.
"I have the honor to be, Sir your most obedient
"JOHN ADAMS"
1 McKean, a Jeffersonian.
2 Adams, viii, 632.
436 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
McPherson reported to McHenry on May 3 that he ar
rived at Reading on April 20 and found the opposition broken.
He dismissed the Lancaster troops on the 21st, but left the
regulars in Reading and thinks other troops should be sta
tioned in Allentown and Easton.
Great feeling had been aroused against Fries, as is shown
in Tracy's letters.
He wrote from Litchfield on the 6th of May :
' ' The insurrection in Pennsylvania must be treated with
severity, I suppose military execution was impracticable, but
if some executions are not had of the most notorious offenders
— I shall regret the events of lenity in '94 & '99 — as giving
a fatal stroke to Government. . . . and much time cannot
elapse before we shall all understand, that undue mercy to
villains, is cruelty to all the good & virtuous. Our people in
this State, are perfectly astonished, that cost must continually
be incurred for insurrections in Pennsylvania for which they
say they are taxed & yet no punishment is inflicted on the
offenders. I am fatigued & mortified, that our Govt., which
is weak at best, should withhold any of its strength at a time
when all its energies should be doubled.
"Have you any influence with the Prest of the United
States? Why in God's name is not the Alien Law inforced?
Why is old Letomb permitted to exercise, the functions of his
defunct Consulship — in open defiance to all the shadow of
Govt. we have ? Do, my dear friend let 'we, the people/ know
that you, the Executive, are willing to put Laws in force, at
least when they are made to last but for a season, a little sea
son. Pardon me, I cannot intend to offend you; but I will
make you & all other Secretaries accountable for all the unac-
coun tables of the Executive."
He wrote again from Litchfield on the 20th of May, 1799 :
" * * * Our Legislature is in session, Kentucky & Virginia
Resolutions will meet their just answer — and all things prop
er for sound federalism will be done. I spent 8 or ten Days
with them — in which time I did not, as I believe, weaken
their faith or measures.
' ' I thank you for the information respecting Fries &c —
but I am in fear that something will occur to release that
fellow from merited Death."
1798-1800] of James McHenry 437
On May 16, Adams congratulated l McHenry on the end
of the rebellion and, on the 29th, the latter conferred on Ham
ilton power to continue or to remove troops from Pennsylva
nia, advising that a regular force be continual there for some
time. Hamilton answered on June 6 :
"I return Mr. Patterson's letter. It is not my intention
immediately to withdraw more than Cochran's & Henry's
Companies. The other troops may remain in the insurgent
scene. I should prefer their remaining together. Perhaps
the vicinity of Easton may be the best single station. But I
am not without apprehension that the Troops may be cor
rupted by remaining long in a disaffected scene. Is there no
well affected spot in the neighbourhood of Easton where they
may answer the end?
"Yrs. affectly
"A H"
In Mar, Hamilton had recommended 2 that soldiers be not
stationed in the scene of the late insurrection and McHenry
committed the matter to his judgment, though inclining to
maintain a regular force there. In July, Capt. Adlum re
ported from Reading, recommending that the troops be con
tinued there and at Easton. The disaffected persons pass the
soldiers in sullen silence and do not associate with them. He
thinks- Bucks and Northampton Counties a strong country,
with many passes, of which it would be well to have a military
survey, for numbers would join the French, if they invaded
the country. The treason cases dragged along. Fries was
convicted, awarded a new trial and convicted again. On
Sept. 7, McHenry joined the other secretaries 3 in a letter
recommending to the president that none of those condemned
for complicity in this insurrection should now be pardoned.
Adams, however, issued a pardon, being wiser than his coun
cilors in this matter.
During 1798, no matters of much moment occurred in the
west. In the early summer, McHenry received an interesting
letter from James Ross, the Pennsylvanian federalist.
"Pittsburg. 15 June 1798.
"Dear Sir
' ' I take the liberty of enclosing to you a pamphlet which,
1 Adams, viii, 648.
2 Hamilton, v, 261, 264.
3 Adams, ix, 23.
438 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
in my Judgment, is extremely well written, and the very im
portant subject handled in Manner not to be Answered.
"The Spirit of our young men would be very easily
brought into the Measure of association in Volunteer compan
ies under the Provisional Army law : this would have an effect
upon political opinions & perhaps upon some of our Elections ;
as this subject is now occupying your Attention, will you
think of forwarding a sketch of what you would think the
necessary arrangements and bond of association, in order to
enable the President to appoint officers. It would of course be
understood that the men would not be called to serve out of
this Country except in case of extreme necessity.
' ' Genl Wilkinson sailed with his Galley a week Since and
we have heard that she passed Grave Creek on the third day
after leaving this place. The Genl. has been decided and
Zealous in his politicks here, and his examplary decision has
produced some good effects here and has made proselytes
among his friends of Kentucky who are frequently passing
thro this place. I like his present opinions respecting the
policy of strengthening the Mississippi & opposing by ail
means in our power the Introduction of the French into Flor
ida. Our people who have returned from thence lately say
that the Spaniards are much alarmed at the report of the ces
sion to France.
' ' It might be easily learned whether the Spaniards would
not thank us for a cooperation in that quarter, as there is now
a prospect of their quarrelling with France again.
' ' We hear nothing from Tennessee — nor do I learn that
any arrangements have been made by the Indians for remov
ing over the River Mississippi, as was suggested — on the
other hand, there is reason to believe that the Spaniards are
not at present in the humour of this migration. But this is
on the Report of our traders. The fact may be otherwise.
"Be so kind as to present my most respectful compli
ments to Mrs. McHenry & believe me to remain very faithfully
"Dear Sir
' ' Your most obedient
"Humble Servant
"JAMES Ross."
Early in August, Lee answered certain questions Mc
Henry asked, concerning operations in the west.
1789-1800] of James McHenry 489
"Philadelphia 2 August 1798
"Sir
"I have given Mature consideration to the questions pro
posed in your letter of yesterday.
"It is well established, as a general rule by the laws of
nations, that one enemy may not attack another in a neutral
territory ; but to this rule there are exceptions. One exception
is, if there be imminent danger of a great mischief, which may
not certainly be prevented, unless by entering into the neutral
country and here meeting the enemy. In such a case upon
the principle of necessity, this violation of neutral rights is
excusable or justifiable. It must be left to the discretion and
judgment of General Wilkinson to decide upon the circum
stances which may require an application of this exception to
the general rule before stated and for a right Decision and
conduct in this particular, he must consequently be respon
sible. At the distance of his army from the President, it is
not proper to give any instructions more precise on this
head.
"You perceive, Sir, that I understand your questions as
predicated on the idea that the french army is intended to
invade the United States and to act against General Wilkin
son 's army : and my observations have been designed to answer
both. The same necessity that will warrant our General to
enter the Spanish territory and there oppose the french army,
will certainly warrant him in opposing its passage up the
Missisipi : or rather the opposition in the latter case will
be less objectionable than in the former, for the fourth article
of our treaty with spain makes that river a high way open and
free to both nations.
"I have the honor to remain
"very respectfully sir your
' ' obedient servant
"CHARLES LEE"
McHenry wrote Wilkinson at once, to stop any French
troops ascending the Mississippi under the Spanish flag and
to advance into Spanish territory, to defeat an advancing
foe, if the danger of mischief be so imminent that it cannot
otherwise be certainly prevented. He may not call out the
militia. This must be left to the governor, but he may search
craft probably carrying prohibited articles to New Orleans
440 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
and must report as to whether there should be a new post on
the boundary, near the 31st parallel. l
Nothing more is heard from the west until November 6,
when McHenry writes Washington that Gayoso probably was
in connivance with Z. Cox and made a population project with
him. There is discontent in Natchez according to Wilkinson
and the people are moving to Spanish territory. The pres
ence of judges, the settlement of the right to the soil and
jurisdiction, the establishment of some principle by which to
ascertain and fix individual rights to the land within the terri
tory are essential matters.
On November 29, McHenry urged 2 Adams to send con
gress a message, which may lead it to declare war with France,
suggested mention of the surrender of the posts on the east
bank of the Mississippi by Spain, and recommended that the
president be invested with power to seize Louisiana and Flor
ida on behalf of Spain, in case of danger that France seize
them.
On January 31, 1799, McHenry writes Wilkinson that he
is forwarding supplies and a galley is kept ready for service.
He regrets that Wilkinson called on the governor of Louisiana
to surrender Cox, as this demand, which might become a con
gressional question, should have come from Washington. Wil
kinson must be careful not to make Gayoso unduly jealous.
"We must •consider the influence France exercises over the
councils of Spain, be at all times on our guard against hostil
ities and, as far as possible, prepared to meet them, should
the weakness of the latter oblige her to give to France posses
sion of Louisiana or the Floridas." Henceforth, Hamilton
will give Wilkinson orders. The latter must let governor Ser
geant have any buildings delivered up by Spain for a court
house, etc., if the post be not thereby deprived of necessary
accommodations.
In the west, matters were fairly quiet in the last year of
McHenry 's secretaryship. The galley, Senator Ross, caused
some correspondence.
McHenry felt Fort Massac was the better rendezvous than
Pittsburg as the want of water at the latter place at certain
seasons would prevent a descent of the river thence. He
1 J. Adams, viii, 584. C. F. Adams says McHenry's letter to Hamilton
against Wilkinson shows remarkable knowledge of projects against Spain.
2 J. Adams, viii, 604.
UNIVERSITY
OF
iV-
1798-1800] of James McHeury 441
thought Hamtranck, 1 commanding at Fort Wayne, was too
far from Ohio and that there should be a new distribution of
authority there.
Hamilton did not fear an invasion by the Mississippi and
thought that one galley would not be of much use against in
vaders. He wrote to Hamtranck and sent a copy of this letter
to Mcllenry from New York on May 2d, 1799 :
"Dr Sir
"Very much attached to the idea of leaving the com
manding officer of a distinct & distant army to regulate him
self his particular dispositions, I have referred the employ
ment of the Galley to Col Hamtranck, on the supposition that,
by the departure of General Wilkinson, the command has
devolved upon him; with the intimation only of my opinion
that probably the lower posts on the Mississippi offer the most
natural position.
"It seemed to me that this Galley would render more
service as a kind of sentinel and an auxiliary defence to those
posts than any other way — the invasion of the western coun
try, by a water expedition up the Mississippi, except the part
immediately in the neighbourhood of the Spanish Territories,
has never struck me as much to be apprehended — and if it
shall happen, it will doubtless be with means against which a
single Galley will be of little consequence. Hence the keeping
her unemployed at Massac to wait the possibility of such an
event appears to me not likely to counterract in utility the
expense of building and equipping her. As a protection to
an offensive movement on our part, the position below will
be as eligible as higher up.
"But not being aware of the views which may have influ
enced the building of the Galley, I sent a copy of my letter to
you to enable you to do what you have done. And since you
think it best that the Galley shall continue at Massac, till after
a conference with General Wilkinson, and as it is not im
portant, in my opinion, that her destination be immediately
fixed, I now send you another letter for Col Hamtranck, direct
ing him to permit her to remain at Massac till further order.
"If General Wilkinson, as directed, shall have left the
Western army for the Seat of Government, it is presumable
that Col Hamtranck will have changed his own position, so as
1 September 28, Hamtranck wrote concerning the drunkenness of the
Indians at Detroit.
442 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
to be in one more convenient for communication with this
Quarter & with the different posts under his command. I have
acted on this presumption, though my letter is addressed to
him where he was known last to be. But, at any rate, espec
ially in matters not urgent, I prefer delay to the breaking in
upon the regular Military order.
"With great esteem & regard
"Dr Sir
"Yrs Obedly
"A HAMILTON"
In the above letter the following was enclosed :
"General Hamilton respectfully transmits the Secry of
War the copy of a letter to Col Hamtranck on the subject of
the Galley. It will shew what has been deemed by him the
most eligible step"
"New York April 29th. 1799
"Sir,
"The secretary of War has informed me that a Galley
lately built at Pittsburg, called the Senator Ross, has been
by him ordered to Massac, there to receive further orders;
The commander of the Western Army being from Situa
tion most competent to judge what will be the most use
ful employment of this Galley, I leave it with you to dispose
of her, as you shall think best ; observing only that the lower
posts on the Mississippi would seem to me the most fit destina
tion. The Secretary of War having instructed the command
ant of Massac to pursue the orders I should give, I send you
a letter to.him directing him to obey your commands.
' ' I think it most expedient for the present that the Galley
should be officered and manned by officers and men to be de
tached from the line. I presume it will not be difficult to find
those who have sufficient marine knowledge to answer the
purpose.
"With great consideration
"I am Sir
"Yr. Obedient Servt.
"A HAMILTON"
McHenry gave no encouragement to white men who made
illegal purchases of land from Indians. "The persons who
1798-1800] of James McHenry 443
have speculated illegally in Indian lands and who have
excited them to complain to government, will, no doubt, con
tinue to practice upon them and even to stimulate them to
acts of hostility, should they consider such a proceeding cal
culated eventually to procure to them from the United States
a title to their purchases." Such answer he made to the
Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie chiefs who came to
Philadelphia. l
It was felt that the officers at the posts held too many
talks with the Indians and spent too much money. Hamilton
urged - purchase of lands from Indians to prevent collision
with pioneers. ' ' Temporising measures, on a distant frontier,
are often proper for a government which does not choose to
keep on foot a considerable force, effectually to awe sedition
and hostility." He wrote3 to Hamtranck, by McHenry 's
orders, that the military must not intermeddle in Indian af
fairs. The governors of the Northwest and Mississippi Terri
tories are ex-officio superintendents of Indian affairs under
McHenry and the military are only auxiliary, that is, "they
determine when and where supplies are to be furnished to
those people and what other accommodations they are to
have."
On the same day Hamilton wrote Wilkinson, who was at
Natchez :
"New York May 23d 1799.
"Sir
' ' I begin now to be anxious to learn that you had received
ray letter desiring you to repair to the seat of Government, iu
conformity with an intimation from the Secretary of War,
to the end that, with the aid of your lights and experience, a
general plan for the arrangement of the affairs of the Wes
tern army, with an eye to the existing posture of our political
concerns, might be digested and adopted. If by any accident
that letter should not have gotten to hand, I must urge you
1 May 18, May 22 Adams wrote W. S. Smith (Adams, viii, 652),
concerning an Indian agent who complained against McHenry, directing
Smith to send the papers to the Secretary. See IState Papers, Indian
Affairs, i, 645. St. Glair on Indian Affairs. He was -then superintendent
of them.
2 Hamilton, v, 259. See also Lodge, vii, 151 on situation of Western
garrisons and p. 85 on purchase of Indian lands.
3 May 23. Hamilton, v, 257. On the same day, in a third letter,
Hamilton told McHenry he had directed Colonel Strong, if necessary, to
withdraw the garrison from Mackinac. He wrote Strong on the 22nd, that
he preferred to have Detroit made safe, rather than to fortify Mackinac
and told him not to use martial law in Detroit.
444 Life and Correspondence [CHAP xv
to lose no time in complying with its object. It left to your
option to come by way of New Orleans, if you could obtain the
needful consent there, and if you should think it the most
convenient, and a perfectly safe route.
"You will, of course, previous to your departure, leave
the requisite instructions with the officer who is to succeed in
the command, making the proper reserves as to those discre
tionary powers which a confidence personal to you may have
dictated.
' ' On the presumption that you would have left the West
ern army, 1 as is shown by Hamilton's letter of May 29, to
Col: Hamtranck as the senior officer of the army.
"With great consideration
' ' & esteem I have the honor to be
"Sir —
"Yr. obedient servt.
' ' ALEXANDER HAMILTON ' '
There was some question as to what constituted the West
ern army, l as is shown by Hamilton 's letter of May 29, to
McHenry :
"The enclosed, my Dear Sir, was written on this idea
that, though the Troops in Tennessee are annexed to the com
mand of General Pinckney, as far as a distinct supervision on
the sea-board is concerned, yet they remain a part of the west
ern army and are subject to the general superintendance and
direction of the commander of that Army. This connection
seems necessary to the due course of service on the Western
Quarter. There appears to be an intimate relation of objects
between the troops in Tennessee and the other troops in the
Western Quarter — as to the Indians and as to military opera
tions — and a necessity of mutual support, perhaps occasion
ally of detaching from the one to the other. If so the Troops
in Tennessee can hardly be detached from the Western Com
mander and, in matters of common concern, he must extend his
attention to all. If your idea be not radically different, if it
1 Rivardi, the commander at Niagara, wrote Hamilton on August
8, 1799. It was very hot, the thermometer standing at 96° P. "The
surgeons of the British continue to attend our sick with the greatest atten
tion and appear to receive an obligation, while they lay me under one. I
sincerely wish, however, to- be soon able to decline their further good
offices." McHenry on August 30, wrote Hamilton that he always adds
temporary surgeons' mates when apprised that a garrison in the West or
on the frontier wants them.
1798-1800] of James McHcnry 445
extend not to a total separation of the Troops in Tennessee,
this letter is proper. If it does extend to a total separation,
then I will request you to exchange the words 'in Tennessee'
and to add after dependencies 'except the troops in Tennessee'
and then to forward the letter. As to the troops on St Mary's,
I understand that they were never considered as forming a
part of the "Western army & so not included in the letter as it
stands. Favour me with a line expressing what you shall have
done
"Yrs. Affectly
"AH"
On the Indian trade "Wolcott wrote l McHenry on Au
gust 17, "My opinion has, you know, been somewhat different
from yours on the subject of Indian trade. I consider the
public establishments as in every respect nuisances, the capital
must from the nature of things be lost. Abuses will be com
mitted by the public agents, sooner or later ; and it is impos
sible that the Indians should be well supplied. The interest
and policy of the government, in my opinion, requires that
the Indian trade should rest principally in the hands of a
few men of capital." These would be interested in preserv
ing peace, which interest pedlars do not feel. "My plan
would be to keep the trade in few but good hands, and to give
up the public stores as soon as possible." During 1799, the
boundary was being run between the United States and Spain
and between the Cherokees and the whites in Tennessee and
these matters caused McHenry much thought. The questions
he had to consider may be seen from the following letter :
"Hillsboro 30th of June 1799
"Sir
"The two letters you did me the honor to write me last
month, I did not receive till the 20th Inst. Not knowing when
the mail departed, I have lost a week in making you this
acknowledgment.
"The opinion I ventured to give you in my letter of the
30th of July, & which you think worthy of some attention, was
not without reasons, on which I thought I could rely.
"Your inquiry points to persons; to this purpose what I
am about to trouble you with, appears to me quite insignifi
cant, in your hands it may assume some value.
1 Gibbs, ii, 247.
446 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
' ' To you who know the rise and progress of the Tennessee
settlements, so much better than myself, it would be superflu
ous to mention it, however concisely. The happiness to be
attained by the orderly and peaceful establishments & pursuits
of society are not the objects those settlers were in search of
— this you have seen and felt, & against their turbulent temper
have been constrained to afford protection to the Indians —
this corrective to their conduct has worked no reformation
on their minds — they burn with indignation at the restraints
put upon their avidity for the Indian lands.
"The Indians on their part, have nothing so much at
heart as to retain their lands, & keep as far from the Tennes
see people as possible. When it is considered that, hunting
is the chief object with the Indians, whether for sustinence or
recreation, & that, as the game decreases, its value is enhanced,
it cannot be believed they will willingly contract their sphere
& diminish the chief source of all their joys and comforts.
The bloody fellow said 'We will not sell a foot of land for
that boat' (pointing to a large barge) full of dollars 'Weighty
as these reasons are on the side of the Indians, there is yet
another not less operative; the lands they part with furnish
an increase of numbers & power to those who, for many rea
sons, they regard as their principle of decay' & the probable
means of their final extinction. Ideas like these, I know,
some of the most sensible of the Cherokees do really entertain ;
Doublehead once said to me 'I know I must die by the hands
of these men, but it will be in contending for my right. ' They
know and acknowledge that the people of Tennessee are able
to destroy them, and with it are well convinced they are will
ing to do it.
' ' On the federal Government alone they build their hopes ;
they seemed confident in its justice & humanity & no way diffi
dent of its power. The last talk we gave the Indians, was of
a more serious nature than any which preceded ; the effect was
apparent. It was intimated that their friendship for the
United States was doubtful and we feared they intended to
withdraw their affections from our Father the President —
the bloody fellow was greatly affected, & with a countenance
denoting excessive anxiety & in a manner that imposed confi
dence said, ' I have taken the President fast by the hand as my
Father & I never will quit it. ' After the conference was over
the chiefs severally & at different times, said they hoped we
were yet friends, & we begged them not to doubt of it.
1798-1800] of James McHenry 447
"I had taken my leave of those with whom I was best
acquainted & never expected to see one of them again : In the
evening Bloody Fellow & Doublehead came together to our
house, saying they did not like the way in which we parted
and that they came to spend the evening with us in friend
ship. They began with some advice to Mr. Steel, respecting
his rout to Xatches, by putting him on his guard against a
danger to which he was exposed, in passing thro' the Indian
country as he had intended, & offered to conduct him a safe
way by water.
"Doublehead asked if I should return to the treaty, I
said I should not, at which he seemed sorry (for he had de
clared himself my friend) I expressed my sorrow at leaving
them in such ill temper towards our people & desired him to
think well on what I had several times mentioned to him, in
our private conversations; he said he had been doing it, &
that he & Bloody fellow, had come on purpose to let us know
it ; that they had been deceived ; Had they known at first what
they then did, they believed things would have been other
wise; that they had wished to meet again (which before they
seemed not inclined to do) & they hoped the treaty would be
happily concluded. We talked over the subject of the bound
ary, & I understood the treaty made is, in this respect, exact
ly what those two Indians seemed willing to agree to.
"I am perplexed with the Bloody fellow's story to you,
because by that, it seems, they believed the United States were
desirous to purchase their land & water too. Yet he did re
peatedly express his doubts of our Mission — required the
Commissions to be shown and read. After they were read
some of them said the white people could write anything &
impose on the Indians, who could not read; they then examin
ed the seals — & Dinsmore and Col. Butler were called on to
vouch for the authenticity of the Commissions — an argument
too was drawn, from Col Butler's attending us with the fed
eral troops — all this did not entirely dispel their doubts, for
after this, Bloody fellow said, we did not speak the language of
the President, but of 'those men' (pointing to the Tennessee
Commissioners) some notice being taken of this, he said, h^
did not mean those men, but others, pointing towards Knox-
ville.
"Doublehead, in a conversation, which I did not choose
to trust to any other interpreter than his own Nephew, inti
mated his suspicions that, the Commissioners were but lab-
448 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
curing for their own particular interest; that some of them
had larger claims on the Indian lands. I answered for my
self that, I neither had, nor intended to have, a foot of land
in that country & I believed my colleagues were equally clear ;
he shook his head & pointed to Mr. Walton and said he came
from Georgia : I told him he was wrong, but he retained his
opinion & said the President did not want to buy the land. I
asked who informed him of these things — he said my ear
could not receive anything from his mouth & this secret he
would not intrust even to his Nephew.
"I have not a paper with me relative to the Treaty of
Jellico & may have forgot some other facts, but these con
vinced me, that the Indians had been misled, respecting our
Mission. How and by whom, this has been done, you earnestly
inquire. I am unable to answer:, at least in the way that
might assist your researches & satisfy my inclinations. I will
do the best I can.
' ' On my way to the treaty I heard repeatedly that Govr.
Sevier ought to have been a Commissioner & that he was im
properly neglected by the federal Government : some added
that Mr Blount should have been appointed, on account of his
great experience in Indian affairs & his personal influence over
the Cherokees. At Knoxville I conversed with both these
gentlemen £ Mr. Blount told me the Indians would sell the
land which has since been purchased. I believe the Gov. said
nearly the same thing & believe both told me they had seen &
talked with some of the chiefs.
"It was said a Col. or Major somebody (I forget his
name) was seen at times, among the Indians & that he was
sent by the Govr. & Mr. Blount, it was said that Watts had
been with Mr. Blount & had reed, from him a good deal of
money, but this was mere report.
"Commissioners were sent to the Treaty, to watch over
the particular interest of the State of Tennessee. I under-
etood it was done by the Govr. They furnished us with sev
eral lengthy memorials, which we supposed were intended to
embarrass us. They often and at improper times, as we were
told, had the Indians with them. One of their Commissioners
was a gentleman from Georgia very recently removed to Ten
nessee. The secretary to that Commission, was also a Geor
gian adventurer with Mr. Coxe, & left intrusted very confi
dentially with the managment of his affairs.
"As the schemes of Mr. Coxe & his companions were
1798-1800] of James McHenry 449
altogether desperate, while peace remained & as something
might be hoped for from war & disturbance, their all seemed,
therefore, to depend on things being brought to this condition
to answer good purposes in the treaty a more improper person
could not have been selected, to fill the place of Secretary.
"I am at a loss to point my suspicions. Coxe's people
may have proved conspirers for their own interests. The
Govr. may, at least, have been pleased to see the treaty fail in
our hands ; so it may have been with Mr. Blount — many
others in Tennessee had views no way suited to peaceful com
pacts with the Indians — be assured they want all the land
and not a part. A militia Captain, his name I believe is Cox,
being asked what would satisfy the people, said that, for the
present they wanted all the land to the Tennessee River: but
said he, to be candid, I dont believe that will do long; we
shall force the Indians over the Mississippi & perhaps may
follow them there. Captain Cox is not singular in these senti
ments — they are not inspired by influential men ; no man will
have influence there, who does not entertain them, or some
thing like them — in this they see their exaltation and a
means of gratifying ambition & avarice ; hence springs the
under current which crosses your purposes.
"The Federal Government overshadows their firm pros
pects with a dark & deadly gloom ; while peace remains, scarce
a ray of hope appears to comfort them : their policy is to alien
ate the United States from the Indians & they will not be too
scrupulous in the means.
"Whoever shall have the address to effect this, will rise
high in the estimation of his countrymen — the very desire
to do this attacks their confidence and affection. War is de
sirable; add only the money of the United States to carry it
on and nothing more remains to be asked for, at least for the
present.
"You will not understand me to speak thus without any
exception ; doubtless, there are many who differ widely from
those I have described; but these are the active, enterprising
men, they possess the energies of the state and will govern it
— among such numbers and with such motives to thwart our
negotiation, I know not where to look for such an accumula
tion of circumstances as will mark out & distinguish particular
offenders.
"You have commanded me, Sir, to write confidentially to
you & I have done so ; this letter has insensibly grown beyond
450 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xv
my expectations : I have to regret that other duties call me off
without leaving me time to correct or make it more intelligible,
if further explanation should be required, you have only to
speak & shall be obeyed.
"Should it be thought that, for a Commissioner, I have
failed in acquiring necessary information, my apology will
be found in the peculiarity of my situation. Ignorant of the
Indian language, the Indians ignorant of mine, not an inter
preter to be trusted on either side & abstracted from every
white man who might be able & willing to give me intelligence
— such was my situation, from the first moment I heard of
any attempt to counteract us until the treaty adjourned.
"What you injoin respecting military appointments for
the eventual army, shall be obeyed: for that army you can
have whom you please. I shall soon see Govr. Davie & will
talk with him on the subject.
' ' With very great respect I am Sir
"Your most obt. sevt.
"ALFRED MOORE"
Hamilton l felt that a passion for building permanent
forts existed and should be restrained. Wilkinson had al
ready spent $80,000 on Loftus Heights, which was started im
properly and without submission to the president before Ham
ilton became major-general. McHenry would have advocated
a smaller fort there and did not believe in large forts. Ham
ilton thought, however, that McHenry was too exacting, in
wishing all plans submitted before they are carried out, and
wrote,2 "I cannot adopt the opinion that every measure, in
all circumstances, which may involve considerable expendi
ture, should be submitted through the Secretary of the ap
propriate department to the President for his approval and
that, without such approval formally and explicitly announc
ed, no act leading to its execution should take place. A precise
rule for distinguishing the different cases is impracticable; it
must be a matter of sound discretion and of fair confidence
on all sides."
McHenry stood his ground 3 and felt that too much had
1 November 10 W. S. Smith wrote Hamilton on religious services
among the troops. He had the minister of the parish in which his regi
ment is encamped preach last Sunday and wishes to employ him regularly.
He will preach cheaply and render the employment of any other chaplains
unnecessary.
2 Hamilton, v, 360, 371 ; Lodge, vii, 170.
3 .See Hamilton, v, 401. February 21, 1800. Letter to McHenry on
the Western army.
1798-1800] of James McHenry 451
been spent on Loftus Heights and that every act involving
considerable expenditure should be transmitted to the presi
dent for approval and without this approval no act should take
place. To Hamilton's claim that exceptions were necessary,
McHenry answered, "True, in the active scenes of a cam
paign amidst the hurried operations of war, in which success
often depends upon promptitude and when the general quoad
hoc is the centre of information, the rule must be often dis
pensed with and so, in a degree, upon a sudden or imminent
well grounded expectation of attack, using a sound discretion
and upon the responsibility of the officer or commissioner."
In October. Hamilton suggested that the number of west
ern posts be reduced. McHenry agreed to this, provided, (1)
we keep possession of those which, in the hands of foreign
power might be disputed as our right; (2) we keep up our
influence with Indians and in case of war check them and cov
er the settlements; (3) we keep enough to observe operations
of and in war be barrier and annoyance to white neighbors;
(4) we secure the allegiance and obedience of citizens remote
and exposed to the insinuations of foreign emissaries and mis
guided or treacherous citizens; (5) we protect the passage at
the confluence of great rivers, both with military view and
to afford facilities to and excite trading enterprise.
Just before leaving office, McHenry made a report to the
house of representatives, in which he discussed the subject of
Indian rations which are given from the army stores, l rec
ommending a separate arrangement and treating the ques
tions of the visits of Indians to the seat of government, which
McHenry had tried to render less frequent. He also tried to
establish more resident agents and discussed the cost of trans
porting the Indian annuities.
1 May 20, 1799, he wrote Winthrop Sargent, governor of Mississippi
Territory, that the federal government would reimburse him for his ex
penses for an interpreter and for provisions for the Indians, but McHenry
wishes him to keep a careful account and not be wasteful.
CHAPTER XVI
THE FEDERALISTS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1800
AS Adams's presidential term drew towards its close, the
Federalists in congress held a secret caucus in the
senate chamber, at which it was agreed that they would
support the president for reelection and would vote also for
General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina. It
was intended that Pinckney should be the vice president, but
the federal constitution at that time provided that each elec
tor should vote for two persons for president. The person
receiving the highest number of votes became president and
the one receiving the second number vice president. Thus it
was possible for either nominee to succeed to the presidency,
if the party's representatives in the electoral college did not
vote, unanimously, for both nominees.
The Federal enthusiasm produced by the X. Y. Z. let
ters had cooled, the alien and sedition acts were unpopular,
the lack of sympathy between the president and Hamilton be
came more marked, especially after the death of Washing
ton. In the cabinet, Pickering and Wolcott were unfriendly
to Adams and leant towards Hamilton. McHenry was so
upright that, though he was Hamilton's dearest friend, Adams
could make no charge of underhand dealing against him.
But the fact that he was Hamilton's friend, tended to make
him more and more distasteful to Adams. In the early days
of May, 1 came news that the election in New York had been
lost to the Federalists. This still more aroused Adams's hos
tility to Hamilton, whom he thought to have contributed to
the defeat, because of enmity towards him. It was also sug
gested that Adams thought that a breach with Hamilton and
his friends, from whom he could now gain nothing, would
help him in the South and rumors spread that Adams would
try to secure his own reelection with Jefferson as vice presi-
1 See Hildreth, v, 370; J. Adams Works, i, 566; Hamilton's works, 1,
edited by J. C. Hamilton, 714 ; Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 349.
1800] of James McHenry 453
dent. l Then too Adams must have felt that he wished ad
visers who would sympathize more closely with his views as
to the reduction of the military system.
Adams had "learned to cherish some regard" for Mc
Henry "in his personal intercourse," but felt that it was to
Hamilton that the secretary of war "habitually deferred as
the arbitrator of his official administration. To him, he looked
and not to Mr. Adams as the guide of his political system."
Yet on the morning of May 5, when Adams sent this note
to McHenry, "The P. requests Mr. McHenry 's company for
one minute," there was no new cause for a breach with him
and, but for Adams's failure to control his temper, that inter
view might have passed as many previous ones.
In a letter written, on May 20, to his nephew, John Mc
Henry, at The Hague, 3 McHenry stated that he had, ' ' with
the privity of the President, taken a house in Georgetown a
few weeks previous to the event & made arrangements for
the removal of my family thither." The cabinet had been
"disjointed" ever since Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry had
opposed the president, thinking that "the mission to France
might have been happily dispensed with, ' ' while Stoddert and
Lee agreed with Adams. McHenry thought he had perceived a
"new set of principles" introduced and that the "acts of
administration were, as far as practicable, to be made sub
servient to electioneering purposes. Every day increased
Adams's alarm on this subject and his distrust of those gentle
men near him who did not constantly feed him with news or
hopes, flattering to his election. At times he would speak in
such a manner of certain men and things, as to persuade one
that he was actually insane. For my own part, I had never
taken a single step to depreciate his character, or prevent his
election, or expressed any public disapprobation of the mis
sion." The arrangement that both Adams and Pinckney
should be supported equally for the presidency, increased
1 On July 17, C. C. Pinckney wrote to Hamilton asking if these rumors
were true. See Pickering's Examination of Adams and Cunningham's
letters, 93.
.2 Adams, i, 566. I have found no proof of C. F. Adams's statements
that McHenry's conduct was "subject to vacillation and change, under
the disturbing force applied from time to time by the will of the President
himself. The effect was to present to the world an appearance of irreg
ularity and uncertainty, which materially contributed, to shake confidence
in the system of the administration. These symptoms became more per
ceptible, as the difference between the President and Mr. Hamilton became
more wide," or that McHenry's "Deference to the wishes of Adams became
cold, reluctant and dilatory."
3 Gibbs. Administration of Washington and Adams, ii, 346.
454 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
Adams's apprehensions, as he feared it was ''an abandon
ment of his interest."
When McHenry came, Adams spoke first of business, in
connection with the purveyor of supplies, and when that was
disposed of, the president, smarting under the fresh news of
the New York defeat, ' ' was led on to say many unguarded and
some harsh things, that might have been omitted. ' ' It was a
long and stormy conversation, in which Adams seemed to
McHenry ' ' indecorous & at times outrageous. ' ' Adams charg
ed McHenry with influencing Washington to place Hamilton
before Knox on the list of generals, with eulogizing Washing
ton at Adams's expense, with failing to appoint to1 a captaincy
in the army a North Carolina elector who had voted for Adams,
and with attempting, in a report to the house of representa
tives, to eulogize Hamilton, who contributed to the loss of the
election in New York out of ill will to Adams. Further, Mc
Henry had joined with the other secretaries in signing a let
ter to Adams, concerning the suspension of the mission to
France. How should he or they, presumptuously, intermeddle
or pretend to know anything of diplomatic affairs. McHenry
had best resign. It was a pitiful exhibition of rage and
spleen and Adams afterwards regretted that he had ' ' wounded
the feelings" of McHenry. The latter promptly resigned,1
sending his letter of resignation on the sixth, and asking that
he might remain in office for a few days to complete unfinished
business. This resignation Adams accepted in the following
note of the 7th of May:
"Sir
"I have received the Letter you did me the honor to
write on the sixth day of this month, and consider the re
quests contained in it as very reasonable.
"They are readily agreed. I am Sir
"with much esteem, your most
"obedient and humble Servant
"JOHN ADAMS"
Brown well sums up McHenry 's official career in the
war office 2 in these words : ' ' His management of it was
marked more by fidelity & industry, than by any conspicuous
1 May 7, Sedgwick wrote Hamilton that Marshall had been nominat
ed as secretary of war but would not accept. "He was never consulted &
had no intimation that McHenry was to retire." Hamilton, vi, 438.
2 Life of McHenry, p. 35.
1800] of James McHenry 455
talent for conducting the complicated affairs of a great de
partment." McHenry 's letter of resignation to the president
concluded thus : ' ' Having discharged the duties of Secretary
of War for upwards of four years with fidelity, unremitting
assiduity, & to the best of my abilities, I leave behind me all
the records of the department, exhibiting the principles &
manner of my official conduct, together with not a few difficul
ties I had to encounter. To these written documents, I cheer
fully refer my reputation as an officer & a man. ' ' l
In his tract, entitled the "Public Character of John
Adams Esq., President of the IT. S.," printed six months
later, Hamilton wrote the "ill treatment of Mr. McHenry
cannot fail to awaken the sympathy of every person well ac
quainted with him. Sensible, judicious, well informed, of
an integrity never questioned, of a temper, which, though firm
in the support of principles, has too much moderation &
amenity to offend by the manner of doing it — I dare pro
nounce that he never gave Mr. Adams cause to treat him, as
he did, with unkindness. If Mr. Adams thought that his
execution of his office indicated a want of the peculiar quali
fications required for it, he might have said so with gentle
ness & he would have only exercised a prerogative, entrusted
to him by the Constitution, to which no blame could have
attached, but it was unjustifiable to aggravate the deprivation
of office, by humiliating censures & bitter reproaches."
Between McHenry 's resignation and his retirement, s
Adams and Wolcott were together and the former introduced
McHenry 's name into the conversation, stating that he con
sidered him a "gentleman of agreeable manners, of extensive
information, & of great industry: that he verily believed" Mc
Henry 's "hands were pure;" that he was "happy in under
standing" that McHenry 's "circumstances were affluent" and
that the loss of his office would not distress his family; "if
any suitable office should become vacant," Adams said "he
would with pleasure confer it upon" the late secretary of war.
Adams 's attack on Hamilton was unwise, for the latter 4
recently had written Sedgwick "To support Adams & Pinck-
ney equally is the only thing that can possibly save us from
the fangs of Jefferson. It is, therefore, essential that the
1 Unfortunately they were burned within the year, see note on page
476.
2 Hamilton, vii, 717.
SGibbs, ii. 395, 409, 410.
4 Hamilton, vi, 436.
456 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
federalists l should not separate without coming to a distinct
& solemn concert to pursue this course bona fide."
On May 7, Hamilton urged on Governor Jay2 that
the New York federal state legislature be called, before it was
succeeded by the anti-federal one just elected so as to pass a
law for ' ' the choosing of the electors by the people in districts,
a measure which he believed would secure a majority of elec
tors in the country" for a Federal candidate. He feared that
Pinckney would not be supported by the Adams men and
wrote that, if both are ''upheld in the East with entire good
faith, on the ground of uniformity, I will, wherever my influ
ence may extend, pursue the same plan. If not, I will pursue
Mr. Pinckney as my sole object."3
Just at this time, on May 7, Pickering wrote to William
Smith at Lisbon telling him of the Jeffersonian victory in
New York, whose twelve electoral votes will probably be cast
for the Republican candidate. "This will, doubtless, turn
the scale of the Union in favor of Mr. Jefferson. The only
chance for a Federal president will be by the election" of
General Pinckney. He will be "voted for in the Carolinas with
Jefferson and will be elected, if the New England states keep
him on their votes. There is some danger that part of the
Massachusetts votes may omit General Pinckney, unless the
train of information between this time and the election of
president should convince them of the impropriety of contin
uing Mr. Adams. Here we see the beginning of a plot,
which was considered all through the campaign and might
have succeeded, if Pinckney would have lent himself to it.
Adams, having begun his attack on Hamilton's friends,
continued it by asking Pickering for his resignation and,
when he refused to give it, promptly dismissed him. The
news of MeHenry's resignation came as a surprise to all. On
hearing of it, Chase wrote him on May 12 from Annapolis:
"Dear Sir,
"I was surprised to see in the Papers your Resignation.
I imagine this Resolution was suddenly taken, at least it was
to Me very unexpected. I am really sorry for it, and feel a
Wish to know the Cause. I also see in Fenno that the Anti-
federal Ticket has prevailed in N. York, & his opinion that
1 i. e. those in congress.
2 Hamilton, vi, 438.
3 Hamilton, vi, 441. Letter to Sedgwick, May 10.
1800] of James Me Henry 457
this event ascertains that Mr. Jefferson will be elected. I
wish you would give Me your Idea, and the State of the
Votes as You expect it will be in each State — I expect to
close the Session of this Court on Saturday next — direct to
Me — Baltimore, & if I am gone, I shall direct it to follow Me
to Richmond — I hope you can justify your Resignation, at
this Time."
The nobility of McHenry 's character is clearly shown in
the letter he sent to Hamilton l on May 13, conveying the
news of his resignation : "I have the honour to communicate
to you that, on the 6th. instant, I requested of the President
of the United States permission to resign my office of Secre
tary for the Department of War. To the above request, I
added a proposition that my resignation be considered as to
take place on the first of June next, in order that I might
be for a short time, in a convenient situation to explain to
him, or to my successor, any of the measures taken by me as
Secretary of War that might require elucidation & also the
inducing motives to some of them, which were known to my
self. The President answered that my requests were reason
able & readily agreed. I am making my arrangements for the
removal of myself & family to Baltimore & shall not continue
in an official station longer (if so long) than the 1st. of June. "
Such a letter naturally mystified Hamilton, who answered 2
it from New York on the 15th:
"If, My Dear McHenry, your retreat is from any cir
cumstances painful to yourself, I regret it Avith all the Sin
cerity of a real friend ; otherwise, I congratulate you. It is
impossible that our public affairs can proceed under the pres
ent chief or his Anti federal rival without loss of reputation
to all the Agents — Happy those who are released from the
fetter.
''But my friend we are not to be discouraged. Zeal and
fortitude are more than ever necessary. A new and a more
dangerous Era has commenced. Revolution and a new order
of things are avowed in this quarter. Property, Liberty, and
even life are at stake. The friends of good principles must
1 He wrote him on May 10th saying nothing of his resignation, but
stating that he still hoped for the establishment of a military academy.
If not at present, at any rate, at the next session of congress.
1 Hamilton, vi, 442. A letter from Hamilton to McHenry dated May
5, 1800, and treating of Col. Taylor's case is printed in Lodge's Hamilton,
vii, 208.
458 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
be more closely linked, more watchful and more decided than
they have been. Of this enough for the present.
' ' More hereafter — Cannot we see each other, without my
coming to Philadelphia, before you go to Maryland.
"Yrs. Affecty.
"A. HAMILTON."
On the 19th, Hamilton wrote again, urging payment of
the troops before they are finally discharged and stating that
he will defer disbanding them until they are paid, unless posi
tively ordered to the contrary. l By the 23d, however, he
must have known the cause of McHenry 's resignation,2 from
the brief note he dispatched from the camp at Scotch Plains.
"Dr. Sir
"The letter with the enclosed came to hand preceding
my leaving the City for this place. The hurry of the first
moments here prevented my sending it sooner.
"Oh mad, ! mad, ! mad, !
"Yrs. Affecty.
"A. H."
On June 1, Stoddert took charge of the war department
temporarily, soon to be succeeded by Samuel Dexter, and
McHenry returned to Baltimore, resolved to retire to private
life, from which, indeed, he never again emerged.
There were still some hopes that the New York electoral
vote might be saved for the Federalists and Robert Goodloe
Harper wrote to Hamilton, on June 5, inquiring of the pros
pects. In Maryland, 3 he thinks, the Federal party have the
entire management of affairs and warmly support Pinckney
and Adams. Most would be wrell satisfied to see Pinckney
president and even desire it, but feel that no direct attempt
can be made to supersede Adams. "It would create uncer-
tainity, division, & defeat." Therefore, let both men be up-
1 Hamilton, v, 429. The letters on pp. 435 and 437 are wrongly stat
ed to have been written to McHenry ; they were addressed to his suc
cessor. Lodge's Hamilton, vii, 215. Lodge in the letters on pages 221 and
224 makes the same mistake as J. C. Hamilton.
2 Sedgwick had written him on the 15th telling him Pickering and
McHenry were sacrificed as a peace offering. Pickering wrote W. Smith
at Lisbon on May 28 telling him of McHenry's resignation and in a letter
to Goodhue on the 26th he said, McHenry had been put out of office be
cause thought "too subservient to the views of Pickering and Wolcott."
3 July 17, C. C. Pinckney wrote to Hamilton that Maryland might
change her manner of voting.
1800] of James McHenry 459
held, till the electors come to vote, and then let those who
think Mr. Adams unfit to be president drop him silently.
Harper suspects not a few will pursue this conduct and would
do so himself, if an elector, ' ' f or I am so thoroughly impressed
with Mr. Adams's incapacity & with the mischief that must
result from an administration systematically & ably opposed
& too weak & versatile to be supported by men of sense &
principle, that I could never, under any circumstances, give
him my vote." Pinckney's own position, however, was de
cidedly against this intrigue, as was shown by two letters sent
McHenry from the camp at Shepherdstown, Va.
The first of these was headed private and dated June
10th, 1800.
"DearSr.
"Your private letters of the 19th ultimo & 1st instant
came safely to hand, for both of which I am very much
obliged to you.
"Mrs. Pinckney was last week attacked with the Ague
& Fever owing to some very unreasonable cold weather we
have lately had. I, therefore, cannot carry her to Carolina
during the Summer I shall set out with her in September,
be part of October in North Carolina, in Georgia the begin
ning of November, & in South Carolina from the middle of
November during the whole winter. I shall, in the mean
while, know as well, as if I was present, what is going on in
those States. I shall be at Mount Vernon about the 20th.
of next Month for a few days, but shall return to this place
& be principally here or in this Valley during the summer.
From what I have heard of the character of Mr : A, I am not
surprised at the very unworthy & indecorous treatment Mr.
Pickering £ you have received at his hands. If the Federal
ists will act with decision, energy, & union I have no doubt
but they will gain a complete victory at the ensuing Election
over the Jacobinical party, notwithstanding the untoward re
sult of the Election at New York and the tergiversation of
Mr: A— Can the accounts I have heard be possibly true
that he is endeavouring to coalesce with Jefferson, and that
he stigmatizes the Federalists with the odious appellation of a
British Party, and that he declares that he and Jefferson will
convince the federal junto of their joint power?
"With regard to the conduct of the Southern States at
the ensuing Election, I think they are bound fairly & candidly
460 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
to act up to their agreement entered into by the federal party
at Philadelphia, with out the Eastern States should be con
vinced of Mr: A's abandonment of federal principles, his
attempt to form a party with Jefferson, and his unfitness to
be President, and on these accounts or some of them, should
consent to substitute another Candidate in his stead. This
Event I do not think impossible, & his conduct & the critical
situation of our Country may require it. But to preserve
the Union, this must originate to the Eastward — The Middle
States can then take it up, & the Southern ones with propriety
follow.
"Marshall with reluctance accepts, but you may rely on
his federalism, & be certain that he will not unite with Jef
ferson & the Jacobins. I expected more firmness & decision
from Stoddart. I had no idea of his wavering. As you have
now leisure time on your hands, Do sometime favour me with
a line — You are in the centre of politics, I am out of them
here. Have you heard lately from our friend Murray. Do
remember me to him, wrhen you write.
' ' Mrs Pinckney unites with me in respectful Compliments
to Mrs. McHenry, & I am with great regard & esteem
"Yrs. truly
' ' CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. ' '
The second letter was sent on June 19th, 1800.
"Dear Sr.
"I am very much obliged to you for the perusal of your
exquisite Dialogue, which, agreeably to your desire, I return
in this enclosure. I had not an opportunity of availing my
self of your permission to communicate it to your friend
Brigr. Genl. Washington, as he had left the place before I
received it. He proceeded to the City of Washington, & I
gave him a letter for you, in case he should meet you, if he did
not, it was to be put in the post for Baltimore. It was dated
the same day as yours the 10th instant. I refer you to that
for my opinion of what I think the conduct of the Federalists
should be respecting the ensuing election. If any alteration
should take place in the agreement entered into by the Feder
alists at Philadelphia, it should originate and be sanctioned in
the Eastern States: otherwise we shall be inevitably divided,
and the Anti-federalists obtain that success which I am sure
they will not, if the Federalists are united, active and ener-
1800] of James McHenry 461
getic. I am told Mr. A denies the coalition with Mr. J -
stated in an article under the Trenton head. I should be glad
to know, if there is any ground for such a supposed Union.
He certainly used to speak very slightingly of J's political
talents and in the Dialogue, (and I have heard on many other
occasions) now speaks handsomely of him, as the Man in the
United States fittest for President, excepting always I pre
sume himself. I shall certainly inform you of my move
ments, but at present have no thoughts of quitting this place
till the middle or 20th of next Month, when I shall visit Mrs.
"Washington at Mount Vernon.
"Mrs. Pinckney unites with me in best respects to Mrs.
McHenry & I always am with great regard & esteem
"Yrs very sincerely
"CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY."
In spite of this, the intrigue went on. On June 18,
Jonathan R. Wilmer wrote Hamilton from Baltimore, stating
that the district system in Maryland will give Jefferson several
votes and that, if New York goes Republican, the governor of
Maryland thinks of calling the general assembly together to
afford an opportunity of changing the system.
By July 1, Hamilton 's opposition to Adams had increased,
he still doubted the support of Pinckney in New England,
wrote Carroll : that " it is not advisable that Maryland should
be too deeply pledged to the support of Mr. Adams," for
"if he is supported by the federal party, his party must in
the issue fall with him."2 He had already conceived the
idea of publishing a pamphlet showing Adams's unfitness for
reelection.
A month later, on July 18, Wolcott, who still held the
secretaryship of the treasury, though busily intriguing against
the president, wrote 3 McHenry of the campaign. ' ' The
1 Hamilton, vi. 444.
2 Oibbs, ii, 390, ff. contains a correspondence about a "sportive effu
sion," which Listen, the British minister to the United States, wrote on
July 19, 1798, to James Buchanan of Baltimore stating that he "must now
endeavour to lead Mr. Adams by the nose" and has no need to exert him
self in holding "conferences with my bosom friend the Secretary of State,
or keeping Oliver Wolcott & McHenry right," for "they are all so staunch
that I have now no occasion to look after them," etc. Buchanan showed
the letter in London, where Rufus King, the minister from the United
States, secured a copy and, thinking the letter a serious one, sent it to
Pickering. He showed it to McHenry who pronounced it a "mere piece
of sportive irony" using terms copied from the Aurora, the opposition
paper. However, to make the matter sure he showed the letter to Listen,
who pronounced it "mere badinage."
SGibbs, ii, 381.
462 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
Adamites" think they will carry all New England but Con
necticut, whose loss they attribute to Wolcott. "If you will
but do your part, we shall probably secure Gen. Pinckney's
election. At any rate, the prospect is almost certain that the
country will be freed from the greatest possible curse, a
Presidential administration, which no party can trust, which
is incapable of adhering to any system, in connection with
which no character is safe. ' '
The high-minded, honorable McHenry revolted from such
reasoning and answered "Wolcott on July 22, four days later.
"Have our 1 party shown that they possess the necessary skill
and courage to deserve to be continued to govern? What
have they done? They did not (with a few exceptions),
knowing the disease, the man & his nature, meet it, when it first
appeared, like wise & resolute politicians ; they tampered with it
& thought of palliations down to the last day of the late session
of Congress. Nay, their conduct, even now, notwithstanding
the consequences full in view, shall the present chief be re-
elected, in most if not all of the States, is tremulous, timid,
feeble, deceptive, & cowardly. They write private letters.
To whom? To each other. But they do nothing to give a
proper direction to the public mind. They observe, even in
their conversation, a discreet circumspection ill calculated to
diffuse information or to prepare the mass of the people for
the result. They meditate in private. Can good come out of
such a system? If the party recover its pristine energy &
splendor, shall I ascribe it to such cunning, paltry, indecisive,
back door conduct? Certainly I shall not, but to a kind &
watchful Providence alone, who will not punish the many for
the faults of the few, who bears with our mistakes, who winks
at our weak schemes, who overlooks our feebleness & follies,
& who guides unerringly, & according to the end he has or
dained, all the government of the world. I carry, you see,
my religious principles into my politics."
McHenry doubts of the possibility of electing Pinckney
president, since the caucus decision that both Adams and he be
equally supported has been promulgated to the people and it
is doubtful if all the Eastern electors will support Pinckney.
McHenry refers to the proposition to summon the next legis
lature of Maryland, if it be Federalist, and have it choose
electors. These wrould, doubtless, vote for both Adams and
1 Gibbs, ii, 384.
1800] of James McHenry 463
Pinckney; but, if the people elect by districts, there will be
three or four Republicans chosen. In his bitterness against
Adams, McHenry charges him with bringing the "peace &
prosperity of the country" into jeopardy ''for electioneering
purposes;" with trying, "in the government, to be everything
& do everything himself;" with lacking "the prudence & dis
cretion indispensable to enable him to conduct with propriety
& safety, even the colloquial intercourse permitted between a
President & foreign ministers;" with being "incapable of ad
hering to any system" and, consequently, "forever bringing
disgrace upon his agents & administration;" with possessing
"foibles, passions, & prejudices," which "must expose him in
cessantly to the intrigues of foreigners £ the unprincipled &
wickedly ambitious men of either party." Therefore, "the
high & dearest interests of the United States cannot possibly
be safe under his direction." l
Wolcott replied: "I think that the elements are fer
menting & that you will see sport presently. ' ' 2
In August, the plotting continued in the federalist ranks.
Cabot believed that we are pledged to give Adams the "full
chance of the United vote concerted at Philadelphia," that
"we are not strong enough to break up a new form, in the
face of our enemy, ' ' and acknowledged that the party at large
1 An unpublished letter of John Rutledge, Jr., written from Newport
July 17, 1800, to Hamilton, is of considerable interest. He states that
Adams is very strong in Rhode Island, where it is charged that Hamilton
is trying to produce a plurality of suffrages for Pinckney ; that the New
York election was lost through Hamilton, whose private pique at not suc
ceeding to Washington's rank in the army is the cause of his opposition ;
and that he supported Pinckney, because the latter will administer the
government to please him. Rutledge is trying to induce all Federalists
to support both candidates and thinks this will be done in South Carolina,
where the affection felt for Pinckney by all classes is such that he may
be voted for, even in the event of an antifederal legislature. It is doubt
ful whether all of Rhode Island votes will be cast for Pinckney. Champ-
lin said, if anything would justify Adams's friends passing by Pinckney,
it would be the plot Hamilton had contrived for excluding Adams. To
this Rutledge answered that the electors should support principles rather
than men. In Massachusetts, the "Middlesex lukewarm federalists
Adams's private friends," such as Dexter, Otis, Gushing, and Gerry try to
get Pinckney omitted, but "the Essexmen, who proceed upon true federal
principles, such as Ames, Sedgwick, Cabot, & Goodhue will outwit them &
see that both are supported. Adams has begun a hot canvass & by
civility & condescension is trying to have the Jacobins' support him with
Jefferson, but his countrymen are too cunning to be duped by him. Ham
ilton's plan for prevailing on the Maryland electors to discard Adams will
not be practicable, in spite of Charles Carroll's influence, for Stoddert,
Craik, & Chase, are attached personally to Adams, while General Samuel
Smith, & Dent, though Democrats, will support him to exclude Pinckney.
But the plan can be carried out in Pennsylvania, where Ross dislikes
Adams & likes Pinckney, or in Delaware where Bayard would follow this
course, if he knew what Hamilton told Rutledge about McHenry 's dis
missal."
2 August 2, Gibbs, ii, 395.
464 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
preferred Adams to Pinckney. 1 Fisher Ames supported
Cabot's view and said5 to Hamilton with admirable wisdom:
4 ' Sincerity will do much to extricate us. Where is the incon
sistency of saying Pres. Adams has not our approbation of
some of his measures, nor do we desire his reelection, but
many federalists do, & the only chance to prevent the triumph
of the jacobins is to unite & vote, according to the compromise
made at Philadelphia for the two candidates? I am, there
fore, clear that you ought not with your name, nor, if prac
ticable in any way that will be traced to you, to execute your
purpose of exposing the reasons for a change of the Execu
tive."
Harper wrote from Baltimore that Pinckney may count
on the unanimous vote of Maryland and the Carolinians will
support both candidates. 3 Stockton hoped that New Jersey
would be federal and was sure that the electors would
vote for Pinckney and another federalist at any rate and,
probably, for Adams. Bayard wrote Hamilton that Delaware
was safe. 4
Meanwhile McHenry remained in quiet in Baltimore,
whither Dr. Benjamin Rush wrote him on August 12 from
Philadelphia :
"Dear Sir
"The bearer has been unfortunate in business in our
City, owing chiefly to his Connection with a Man from whom
he expected better things. He wishes to try his fortune in
Baltimore, and has therefore applied to me for a letter to you
to advise him what to do. A subordinate place in your Cus
toms — or the Oversight of a farm would suit him. He has
physical energy and mind eno' for either of the above situa
tions.
"Permit me to congratulate you upon your recovering
your freedom & independance by retiring to private life.
Public measures, & public men appear very differently to per
sons who see them at a distance, from what they appear to
persons who are Actors in, or under them. If your feelings
are like mine in this relation to politics, you would not give
your present abstraction from them to be the President of
the United States. While children dispute, and fight about
1 Hamilton, vi, 459, 46-2; Gibbs, ii, 408.
2 Hamilton, vi, 464.
3 Letter to Hamilton, August 9, 1800.
4 Hamilton, vi, 456.
1800] of James McHenry 465
gingerbread, and nuts, and Party men about posts of honor, —
the pleasure of one evening's successful investigation of a
moral & physical truth — or an hour spent in literary or philo
sophical Society, will more than outweigh all that ambition
even conferred upon her Votaries.
"You carry into retirement the love and esteem of all
good Men. To me you have ever been very dear, and never
more so than at the moment I subscribe myself your ever
affectionate friend
"BENJA. RUSH"
McHenry asked l Wolcott on August 2, to write down
what Adams had said of him after his resignation, to provide
himself "with such means of defence against possible future
attacks upon my character." On the 24th, he wrote again,
regretting Wolcott 's illness, so inopportune, when the enemy
are marshaling their forces, and complaining that his succes
sor Dexter had opened a letter Murray sent him from Hol
land. Samuel Chase thinks the game is doubtful. His cousin,
Judge J. T. Chase of Annapolis, may have an eye on the fed
eral bench, so they have said much of one and little of the
other candidate in their speeches, but the former will vote for
both candidates if chosen elector. 2
On August 26, "Wolcott answered the letter, sending an
account of his conversation with Adams, but stating that Mc
Henry could never appeal to Adams's declarations in support
of his character. He thinks no improper use was made of
Murray's letter. Adams's personal friends are trying, rather
unsuccessfully, to form a new party — the constitutionalists.
Probably Jefferson will be elected and, certainly, the Chases
will be disappointed in any expectation from the administra
tion. Wolcott will "do all in my power, consistent with truth
& integrity, to promote the election of General Pinckney.
The consequence must be that I must resign next winter, un
less I shall be previously removed. Perhaps all our exertions
will not secure General Pinckney 's election ; you can, however,
when you please, secure us against the caprice of Mr. Adams,
by making known the circumstance which attended your resig
nation. " s
1 Gibbs, ii, 395, 408, 409, 410.
2 On September 3, in a letter to Philemon Dickinson, McHenry says
Samuel Chase will vote for Pinckney.
3 He slurs Stoddert's conduct. "Cunning like murder will out." Mc
Henry never made public any statement as to his resignation.
466 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
Late in August Hamilton wrote as follows, in answer to
a lost letter of McHenry 's : l
"New York. Aug. 27. 1800.
"Indeed, My Dear Mac — I have not enough the gift
of second sight to forsee what N. England will do — The mass
of the people there are attached to Adams and the leaders of
the second class pretty generally. The leaders of the first
class pretty generally promote the joint support of Adams &
Pinckney either because they dislike Adams or hate & fear
Jefferson. Upon the whole I believe, though not with per
fect assurance, that Pinckney will have almost all the votes
of N. E. — Adams will have all.
' ' The state of New Jersey is more uncertain than I could
wish. Parties will be too nicely balanced there. But our
friends continue confident of a favourable result. If the
Electors in this State are Federal they will certainly vote for
Pinckney and I rather think will do with respect to Mr. Adams
wrhat may be thought right.
' ' In New York there is no chance for any Federal Candi
date.
"I think, at all events, Maryland had better choose by
the Legislature If we have a majority of Federal votes
throughout, we can certainly exclude Jefferson &, if we please,
bring the question between Adams & Pinckney to the House
of Representatives.
' ' We fight Adams on very unequal ground — because we
do not declare the motives of our dislike — The exposition of
these is very important but how? I would make it & put
my name to it but I cannot do it without its being conclusively
inferred that, as to my material facts, I must have derived my
information from members of the Administration. Yet with
out this, we have the air of mere cabal lers & shall be com
pletely run down in the public opinion.
"I have written a letter of which I shall send a copy to
you another to Wolcott. If I am not forbidden, Col Ogden
will commit it to the News Papers
"Yrs truly & Affecy.
"A. H.
"P. S. I have concluded to send the enclosed to you
instead of Major Jackson"
1 Lodge's Hamilton, x, 388.
1800] of James Me Henry 467
Three days after Hamilton 's letter was written, McHenry
wrote Wolcott as follows : 1
"Dear Sir,
"I have reeieved your letter of the 26th inst., in answer
to the request contained in mine of the 2d, and thank you for
communicating to me the favourable things which the Presi
dent, Mr. Adams, was pleased to say of, and his kind inten
tions towards me, so immediately after insulting me in the
grossest manner, by the mean and despicable mode he adopted
to effect my resignation. I beg you will not conclude from
the desire I have expressed to ascertain a circumstance so
marked, as it is, with candour or abject duplicity upon his
part, that I ever can consider my official character in any
respect dependent upon his, then opinion of it or of me. I
merely presumed that, in the infinite vicissitudes of affairs,
it might not be improper for me, or my family, to possess the
fact authenticated by a person whose veracity no man can
question.
"It was as you well know, my constant endeavour to
conduct the business of the War Department with economy,
and to render its important expenditures of permanent utility
to the United States. I dislike the system of expediency, or
providing for every public want and necessity, as they origi
nated. I laboured therefore, incessantly, to introduce every
where a different system, and to lay at a small expense, cer
tain military foundations, capable of producing, in seasons
which must occur to all nations, the most decisive effects. It
has so happened, however, that some necessary allowances and
expense authorized by me, were misunderstood, or distorted;
that very few of the gentlemen in Congress were disposed to
an examination requisite to enable them to form just opinions
on these expenditures: and that still fewer of them were
qualified, from military experience, or knowledge of the sub
ject, to appreciate the merit or utility of my arrangements,
and propositions : or if qualified were either prejudiced against
me, or too much occupied with their own systems, or specula
tions, to attend to, or support mine.
"When, I look back on the past, I lament only, that I
did not leave the office when Gen. Washington retired from
the Presidencv. I should at least have saved mvself from a
IGlbbs, ii, 413.
468 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
most mortifying scene, and insults which I shall never for
get. I console myself, however, with the idea, that most of
what I have either done, or proposed, during my administra
tion of the department of war, will bear the strictest scrutiny ;
and one day or other (perhaps a day of trial or misfortune
to the United States,) be duly estimated and considered, and
that no successor can administer it well, and, at the same time,
more economically. : I am dear sir, with real friendship and
attachment, your ob't serv't,
' ; JAMES MCHENRY. ' '
A second letter from McHenry to Wolcott followed two
days later, 2 attacking Adams for his inaccurate statement
that Adams's term of ambassador to England was limited to
three years, because the Pinckneys wanted the place. Mc
Henry had been in the confederation congress when the lim
itation was made and had voted for it. 3 He speaks of
Adams's "Low ambition, envy, & ridiculous vanity" and
cries out, "Will any friends remain to him, after so plain &
clear an exposure by himself of his character!" Wolcott had
asked whether Carroll of Carrollton supported Adams. "No,"
answered McHenry, for he "considered him totally unfit for
the office of President & would support, as much as he could,
the election of General Pinckney. " This was proved, by a
1 In this connection, the testimony of Gibbs (vol. 2, p. 358), may be
cited, "Mr. McHenry's abilities & merits have, it is fully believed, been
greatly underrated. No man, without transcending the limits of lawful
authority, could, during the time, have more successfully managed his
office, under the disadvantages with which he labored. His personal char
acter was not only without reproach, but was worthy of all admiration.
No public man of his day possessed, more implicitly, the confidence &
affection of his friends than he did."
2 Gibbs, ii, 414. See p. 424.
3 Adams had written a letter to Tench Coxe concerning this matter
in May, 1792, and the Aurora, the opposition newspaper, now obtained a
copy and published it. In a letter to Philemon Dickinson on September 3,
McHenry wrote that the letter showed a small mind and was a proof
not of British influence but of "the eternal vanity of its writer, his inex
tinguishable thirst for office & deadly enmity to every man likely to be
come his rival or competitor." While McHenry was in congress, he knew
that there existed an opinion that Adams was not "qualified from certain
foibles & defects in character to manage, unaided & alone, prudently &
successfully the interests of the United States. Than, in the letter is it
possible for low ambition, envy, and ridiculous vanity to go further in
associating and combining malignant suspicions to wound the character
of a fellow citizen?" It is only fair to say that Adams apologized hand
somely to Pinckney for writing the letter (Gibbs, ii, 425). Hildreth, v,
378, states that Adams, during "Washington's first administration, was
inveigled into confidential tx>rrespondence with Tench Coxe, "a mousing
politician and temporizing busy body though a man of considerable finan
cial knowledge and ability, who held, at that moment, the place of As
sistant Secretary of the Treasury."
1800] of James McHenry 469
letter Carroll l wrote to Hamilton about this time, though
Carroll there strongly expressed himself as favoring the re
election of Adams with Pinckney, as the only means to de
feat the Republicans. Carroll hoped the Maryland legisla
ture would be Federal and choose the electors, but feared con
tinuance of the district system, in which at least three of the
state's electors would be Republican.
McHenry wrote to Philemon Dickinson on September 3,
that the Maryland electors would vote probably for both fed
eral candidates, but that the "growing lukewarmness" towards
Adams might continue the district system and lose the Feder
alists four votes. He has hopes that Pinckney will get a num
ber of Carolina votes. Just before this, on August 30, Ed
ward Carrington wrote to Hamilton not to calculate upon the
issue of a congressional election of president. "The Fed
eralists have one plain & easy thing to do, unite on Adams
& Pinckney, leaving the issue between them to fate." It
would be lamentable should opposition win through our di
visions. Maryland is more agitated, than ever before over
an election. Every federal elector in the South will vote for
Adams and no anti-Federal one will vote for Pinckney, save
possibly in South Carolina, so well organized are the Repub
licans. It will require a unanimous vote in the East for
the election of either Adams or Pinckney.2
The divisions of the Federalists were their destruction.
Wolcott still remained in office, though he wrote 3 Hamilton :
"The most flagrant outrage on decency attended the demand
of Mr. MeHenry's resignation." Hamilton's rage against
Adams was still increased by the latter 's discourteous failure
for two months to answer his letter, asking if Adams had
charged him with being a member of a British faction. 4 Wol
cott was now in communication with Hamilton over the word
ing of his ill-advised attack on the president. 5 McHenry had
an attack of intermittent fever in September and, on his recov
ery, wrote Wolcott that he feared the East would not vote for
Pinckney. It rests on Connecticut "to give us Adams or
Pinckney for our next President."6 The Chases support
Adams, because they think he will win.
1 Hamilton, yi, 467.
2 If Connecticut vote against Adams will not New Hampshire against
Pinckney?
3 Gibbs, ii, 415.
4 Hamilton, vi, 449, 470.
5 Hamilton, vi, 470, 471.
6 Gibbs. ii, 419. September 23.
470 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
Politics did not entirely occupy McHenry's letters to
Wolcott and he asked him to have the manufacturers of Con
necticut cider send some properly bottled to Maryland, to see
whether it could not be used as a substitute for imported
wines. 1 In the same letter, McHenry asks when trade will
be opened with Haiti and blames the South for the ratifica
tion of the treaty which Barlow made with Tripoli. That
treaty declared that "the government of the United States is
not in any sense, founded on the Christian religion." Mc
Henry's strong faith led him to exclaim: "What else is it-
founded on ? This act always appeared to me like trampling
upon the cross. I do not recollect that Barlow was ever repri
manded for this outrage upon the government & religion."
The Haitian matters were touched on by McHenry's letter 2
of October 4. Fearing an attack on the conventions made
with Great Britain and with Toussaint, he asks Wolcott to
take copy of all such papers, before he leaves the depart
ment.
The discord of the Federalists increased. Cabot wrote 3
Woicott on October 5, that the engagement to support "both
candidates should be" sacredly respected, "but is strongly
inclined to believe * * * * we should do as \vell with Jef
ferson for President & Mr. Pinckney for Vice President, as
with anything that we can now expect," and he felt that
"such an issue to the election, if fairly produced, is the only
one that will keep the federal party together." On October
12, McHenry sent word 4 to AVolcott that Maryland had pro
bably an anti-Federalist majority in her house of delegates,
so that the plan of choosing electors by the legislature must
be given up. McHenry had hoped for six or seven votes from
the state for the Federal candidates. Now he expects four
or five only. "There is every symptom of languor & inactiv
ity, with some exceptions, among the well informed federalists,
which every new recurrence to the conduct & character of the
chief seems rather to increase than diminish. Mr Charles
Carroll of Carrollton did not go down to Annapolis from his
country residence to aid in the election of members for our
legislature. I also know many others who did not vote on the
occasion. ' '
In October, McHenry received two interesting letters
1 Gibbs, ii, 420. September 26.
2 Gibbs, ii, 423.
3 Gibbs, ii, 433.
4 Gibbs, ii, 433.
1800] of James Me Henry 471
from Philemon Dickinson, who was then living in retirement
near Trenton, New Jersey.
The first letter was dated Hermitage, October 7, 1800.
"Dear Sir
"Not withstanding the unremitted exertions of the op
posite party, which greatly exceed all their former endeav
ours, we have a well formed hope that we shall have a very
handsome majority — In which case, Genr. Pinckney will get
every vote in this State.
' ' The Quakers in general, are in strong motion — altho.
we have some hike-warm Federalists, as we stile them, we
have a great number of active decided ones, to whom much
merit is due. Our Election commences this day To
night, the moment, the returns are reed, you shall hear
from me — You must have your Electors chosen by your
Legislature, to ensure a complete vote — Our Friends here,
are anxious to know your expectations generally thro, the
Union — on all great occasions, despondency should be ban
ished,, as we ought, so I trust we shall, succeed in the elec
tion of the Man we wish — You must at all events, secure to
the Genr. a majority in Cong, it may there be done with
safety, his success, depends on the accomplishment of this
measure. You know a friend of ours who can arrange this
necessary business with the most perfect suavity — I am
well informed that, tho the Legislature of Pennsl. will be
summoned, as soon as elected, it will probably end in a dis
trict law, this will give us a few votes — but it would be
more favourable to our wishes, that no law should pass —
Col. Burr is their object for Vice President — who, tis said,
is & has been very active — Give me your calculation in your
next. I think, you put down Jersey.
"I am
"Dear Sir
"With Sentiments of Esteem &
real regard
"Yours Sincerely
"P. DICKINSON."
The second letter was sent from the same place on Oc
tober 31.
472 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
''Dear Sir
"We have chosen seven Federal Electors. No doubt is
now entertained of Vermont, & strong hopes of success in
Rhode Island. The other Eastern States are too strongly
impressed with the necessity of united measures, at this im
portant period, to hesitate a moment, taking this for granted,
& judging from Southern representations, I look forward
with full confidence, to the accomplishment of our wishes —
It is expected, the Federalists in your State, will make the
most vigorous exertions, to aid the common cause — Once
more let me request that you will strongly impress on the
minds of certain Eastern Friends, the absolute necessity of
obtaining a majority (if it should only be a single vote) in
Cong, to favor the man who interests us most — there it may
be done with safety even to a greater extent.
"Hamilton's publication, no doubt you have seen, hope
it will produce the desired effect — When our friend W.
returns, I will give you particulars — If I do not in time,
pray inform me — I feel myself deeply interested, in the
issue of this business.
"I am Dr Sir
' ' truly yours
' ' PHILEMON DICKINSON ' ' *
A part of Hamilton's letter attacking Adams had ap
peared, being published from a copy secured by Burr. Ham
ilton then published it in full, and, though he urged the sup
port of both candidates, the arraignment of Adams could not
fail to injure the party's cause. Shortly thereafter Carroll
of Carrollton wrote the following very interesting letter to
McHenry :
1 Dickinson appended the following calculations of the probable
electoral vote for his party :
Federal Votes
Vermont 4
X Hampshire 6
Massa 16
Conn 9
Jersey 7
Delaware 3
Maryld 6
N. Car 7
S. Car 7
Geor 2
Tenn 2
R. Isld f 4
73
Penn will give usual Votes
if in districts —
not reckoned — a moderate calculation
1800] of James McHenry 473
"Annapolis 4th Nov. 1800
"Dear Sir
"I regret my absence from this city when Mr. Caldwell
brought your letter of the 21st inst, as it deprived me of
showing those attentions & that civility, to which his char
acter & his near connection with you justly entitled him.
"I hoped to have had the pleasure of a visit from you
at the Manor; I wished much to see you to discourse on a
variety of subjects & particularly on the present critical situ
ation of this country. The President remarks that we are
fallen upon evil times ; I fear a great part of the evil may be
attributed to his shifting conduct, his passions, his indiscre
tion, vanity & jealousy — I had a high opinion of Mr. Adams,
and I still believe him to be an honest man, but his integrity
can not compensate for his weaknesses, which unfit him for
his present station. Were a competition for places and power
between the friends and opposers of the administration the
only object of the contest, it would be a matter of indifference
to me by what party the governt. should be administered : If
Mr. Adams should be reelected, I fear our constitution would
be more injured by his unruly passions, antipathies, & jeal
ousy, than by the whimsies of Jefferson : I am not acquainted
with ye characters of the leaders of the opposition, but it is
to be apprehended, that to obtain & retain power, they might
sacrifice the true' interest & real independance of this country
to France. Judge Duvall says that no well informed man
can doubt of there being a british faction among us, wishing
to establish a monarchy in lieu of a Republican govent; if he
writes the truth, I own I am not of the number of the well
informed. I know of no such faction ; if it exists & is en
deavouring to effect such a change, its attempt should be
crushed. If our country should continue to be the sport of
parties, if the mass of the People should be exasperated &
roused to pillage the more wealthy, social order will be sub
verted, anarchy will follow, succeeded by Despotism; these
changes have, in that order of succession, taken place in
France : yet the men, so far as I am informed, who stile them
selves republicans very generally wish success to France; in
other wrords the friends of freedom here are the friends of
Buonaparte, who has established by a military force the most
despotic governt. in Europe : how are we to reconcile this con
tradiction of their avowed principles? is their aversion to
the English constitution the cause of this inconsistency, do
474 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
they consider the naval power of that nation as the strongest
barrier to yr revolutionary arts, by wh all the rulers of
France, each in their turn, have endeavoured & are endeav
ouring to weaken & subvert all other governments, that France
may establish an influence over all, & thus become all-power
ful ? They dare not avow the sentiments, yet their wishes
& their conduct point to it — I wish the british to retain the
empire of the seas, while the rulers of France are actuated by
such motives : the decided naval superiority of Britain is ye
only effectual check to ye ambition of that soi-disant Repub-
lick: the true interests, & independence of this country re
quire, that those rival nations should be balanced.
"If the people of this country were united, it would
have nothing to fear from foreign powers ; but unhappily this
is not the case; many of the opposers of ye present admin
istration, I suspect want change of the federal constitution ;
if that should be altered, or weakened so as to be rendered a
dead letter, it will not answer the purposes of its formation
and will expire from meer inanity: other confederacies will
start up & ye scene of ye Grecian States, after an interval
of more than two thousand years, will be renewed on, this
continent, & some British or Buonaparte will melt the whole
of them into one mass of despotism.
' ' These events will be hastened by the pretended Philoso
phy of France: divine revelation has been scoffed at by the
Philosophers of the present day, the immortality of the soul
treated as the dreams of fools, or the invention of knaves, &
death has been declared by public authority an eternal sleep:
these opinions are gaining ground among us, & silently sap
ping the foundations of a religion the encouragement of ye
good, the terror of evil doers, and the consolation of the poor,
the miserable, and the distressed. Remove the hope and dread
of future rewards & punishments, the most powerful restraint
on wicked actions, & ye strongest inducement to virtuous ones
is done away. Virtue may be said is its own reward ; I believe
it to be so and even in this life the only source of happiness;
and this intimate & necessary connection between virtue & hap
piness here and between vice and misery is to my mind one of
the surest pledges of happiness or misery in a future state of
existence — But how few practice virtue for its own reward !
some of happy disposition & temperament, calm reflecting
men, exempt in a great degree from the turbulence of pas
sions may be virtuous for virtue's sake: small, however, is
1800] of James McHenry 475
the number who are guided by reason alone, & who can
always subject their passions to its dictates? he, who can
thus act, may be said to be virtuous; but reason is often
inlisted on the side of the passions, or at best, when most
wanted, is weakest — Hence the necessity of a superior motive
for acting virtuously ; now, what motive can be stronger than
ye belief, founded on revelation, that a virtuous life will be
rewarded by a happy immortality? without morals a republic
cannot subsist any length of time; they therefore who are
decrying the Christian religion, whose morality is so sublime
& pure, wh denounces against the wicked eternal misery, &
insures to the good eternal happiness are undermining the
solid foundation of morals, the best security for the duration
of free governments.
"If there be force in this reasoning, what judgt. ought
we to form of our pretended republicans, who admire &
applaud the proceedings of revolutionary France!
"These declaimers in favor of freedom & equality act in
such a questionable shape that I cannot help suspecting their
sincerety.
"This is a long preaching letter: & I fear tedious & dull
one ; but you wished to know my sentiments about the present
parties & impending fate of our country, and I could not
give them, without developing the reasoning of my opinion —
you see that I almost despair of the commonwealth — The
end of every legitimate Government is the security of life,
liberty & property: if this country is to be revolutionised,
none of these will be secured. Perhaps the leaders of the
opposition, when they get into office, may be content to let
the constitution remain as it is, & may pursue the policy &
measures of Washington's administration: but what will be
come in that case of their consistency? Patriots, you will
say, are not always consistent; granted; yet other patriots
& opposers will arise to arraign this inconsistency, & the storm
once raised who will stop its fury?
"Celui qui met un pein a la fureur des flots,
"Soit aussi des medians arreter les complots.
"My only hope is in that Being, who educes good out of
evil : may he, in his abundant mercy, incline the hearts of our
countrymen to peace, justice, & concord.
"I have read Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet; the drift of
its publication at this time I conjecture was not so much with
a view of vindicating his character, as to prevent the electors
476 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
in Massachusetts from scattering their votes in order to se
cure the election of Mr. Adams in preference to Mr. Pink-
ney. All, with whom I have conversed, blame, however, Mr.
Hamilton & consider his publication as ill-timed; altho' I pay
a deference to the opinions of others, whose motives I know
to be good, yet I can not help differing from them in this
instance. The assertions of ye pamphlet, I take it for granted,
are true; and if true, surely it must be admitted that Mr.
Adams is not fit to be President, and his unfitness should be
made known to the Electors & ye Publick; I conceive it a
species of treason to conceal from the Publick his incapacity.
" Altho' your remaining rather a spectator of than an ac
tor in the passing scenes, is founded on a proper motive, yet
you will find it impossible to retain a neutral character, nor do
I think it fit you should: we ought all, each in our several
spheres, to endeavour to set the public mind right, & to admin
ister antidotes to the poison that is widely spreading through
the country.
"Excuse the interlineations, & the incoherence of this
letter. I write currente calamo, I have not time to arrange
& methodise my thoughts, or to copy. I am in the sentiments
of real regard and esteem
"Dr. Sir
' ' Yr. most hum. Servt
"On. CARROLL of Carrollton"
On the evening of November 8, the war office building in
Washington * burned, the fire destroying ' ' every paper &
1 Gibbs, ii, 446. In the General (Aurora) Advertiser, for November
12, 1800, appeared the following item:
WAR OFFICE BURNT
The following note was received yesterday morning by Colonel Patton,
esq., Postmaster at Baltimore :
"Baltimore, Nov. 9.
"The War-Office at Washington City, was destroyed by fire last eve
ning, and all the papers belonging to it, except the accountant's."
We have seen a letter dated Washington, Nov. 8, 12 o'clock at night,
confirming the above. It states, "That two small engines and about fifty
buckets of various kinds, with a bad supply of water was all the means
they possessed here to quench it — that the accountant saved the greater
part of his papers, but all the rest were burnt — One house and the only
one adjoining it was burnt ; it was owned by Jonathan Jackson, who
died but six hours previous to the fire — his body was let out of the
window — his children and furniture were saved." The writer says, "the
fire exhibited a dreadful scene, as it raged without control ; all their
efforts being ineffectual.
Extract of a letter from Washington City, dated November 8.
About 7 o'clock this evening, I was alarmed by fire in this city. We
all ran as usual, and behold it proved to be the War-Office. Before I
1800] of James McHenry 477
record of the Secretary's office," so that we can not go to the
department files for a record of McHenry 's administration.
The next day, McHenry wrote 1 to Wolcott, telling him that
"Tomorrow, the electors of this State are to be chosen by the
people in their respective districts here. We shall make little
or no exertions for the federal candidate ; not from any indif
ference to the good old cause, but from a kind of conviction
that our labour would be lost & an opinion generally imbibed
by the utter unfitness of one of the federal candidates to fill
the office of President. Indeed, almost every well informed
man, whose sentiments I have been able to ascertain, has but
one way of thinking respecting the present chief. Whether
he is sportful, playful, witty, kind, cold, drunk, sober, angry,
easy, stiff, jealous, cautious, confident, close, open, it is almost
always in the wrong place or to the wrong person. For such
a chief who has not the wisdom 'stultitia caruisse, ' who can
contend or encourage others to contend ? In truth I cannot. ' '
Dickinson still wrote hopefully on November 10:
"Dear Sir
"From the best information reed, the Legislature of
Pennsylvania will have a concurrent vote in the choice of their
Electors, for President & Vice President. This you will deem
favorable to the Federal interests — if you can secure six
votes in your State, & we should not be disappointed in our
Southern expectations, we may, with a little management, suc
ceed in the election of the man we wish.
"I did not see our Friend W. on his return, he can give
you more accurate information respecting Eastern politics,
than I possess; from what I hear Massachusetts will give to
Mr. Adams, a majority of 2 or 3 Votes. Connecticut must at
all events, give to Genr. Pinckney a majority, without which,
got there all was involved in uncontrolable flames. It fortunately hap
pened that the office had been kept in a house not adjoining any others ;
for had there been an hundred they must all have gone. The account
ant's department was in the same building ; but he had the good fortune
to save the greatest part of his papers : — the books and papers in the
war-office were entirely consumed. How it originated nobody knows —
but it is presumed, that the experience which we have had in this case of
the want of engines, buckets, &c. will induce those whom it concerns to
provide against the recurrence of such distressing calamities. We had
but too small engines, illy provided with water, and about 30 house-
buckets.
See also Am. State Papers, Claims, p. 249; Misc., i, 232. Ann. of
Cong., Sixth Cong., Second Session, vi, 1357 to 1376.
(This note is due to the courtesy of J. W. Cheney, librarian of the
war department.)
1 Gibbs, ii, 445.
478
Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
he stands no chance for the presidency — let me hear from you
within the next ten days — as I am going a journey.
"I amDr Sir,
" Truly
"Yours
"PHILEMON DICKINSON
"P. S. Our Electors tis believed will vote
for Adams & Pinckney. "
Hamilton, for some strange reason, seems to have written
nothing to McHenry until November 13, when he sent him the
following l letter :
"Dr. Sir
"You have seen my letter. You would
think the close of it temporising. But
the Federal Stomach would not bear a
stronger dose. I regret that my early
opinion was not pursued. All would
then have stood better
"The press teems with answers to my
pamphlet. I may have to reply. If so,
I shall reinforce my position by new
facts. Assist me with such as you may
possess.
"Did you yourself see the letter, in
which he declared that a single visit to
the opposition would hurl the british
Ministry from their thrones. Give me
a precise account of it?
"Is not your letter to the President
recapitulating your last conversation on
the files of the War Office?
"Yrs truly
"A. H."
To Hamilton's letter, McHenry answered that he has
read Hamilton's attack upon Adams. "Although I am not
pleased with the facts attached to my name * * * having been
1 He wrote a similar letter to Pickering on the same day. Ham
ilton, vi, 477. See Goodhue's letter of November 15, Hamilton, vi, 478.
The statement made by Cunningham in his letter to Adams (p. 147)
is false and too foolish to need refutation, that the latter's expressions cen
suring General Hamilton, which occasioned ham to write his most famous
letter, were uttered confidentially to Pickering and McHenry and "by the
latter, as you supposed, dishonorably betrayed to Hamilton.
"To prevent a mor
tal seism among the
Federalists, lie
must be voted for
by them every
where.
1800] of James McHenry 479
brought into public view," without consulting me, "I can
conceive, nevertheless, what might have prevented you from
not acquainting me with your purpose.
' ' The chief will 1 destroy himself fast enough without
such exposures. Can it happen otherwise to a man (as I
wrote the other day to Mr. Wolcott) who, whether sportful,
playful, witty, kind, cold, drunk, sober, angry, easy, stiff,
jealous, careless, cautious, confident, close or open, is almost
always in the wrong place to the wrong persons.
"My great fear is that while he is destroying himself, he
will destroy the government also.
"Those among the federalists in this State, I mean those
within my observation, the most anxious for the election of
Mr. Adams, pretend to consider the publication of your letter
rather calculated to distract than to do good. Carroll of
Carrollton. however, approves of it. Let this console you
from one of the wisest, most prudent, & best men in the Unit
ed States.
"The statement of my last conversation with the Presi
dent \vas made official and entered in the letter book appro
priated to record communications with him. I presume the
book containing it has been burned with the other records of
the department. I wish the remembrance of it, which harass
es my feelings, could have been destroyed also. The folly,
madness, & insatiable vanity of this man is excited by, and
descends to, things the most trifling.
"A few days after my dialogue with the President. Tou-
sard came & told me. ' Well, I have at last seen the President
— a very extrordinary conversation with which he has favor
ed me. You must not tell, however, that / have seen him.'
I replied I would not, as it belonged to valets de chambre
only to see great men, Among other things the President com
plained in a violent passion that he was neglected by every
officer, for that forts had been named Pickering, Hamilton &
McHenry, and that not one of them had been named Adams,
except perhaps a diminutive work at Rhode Island. The sup
ple Frenchman no doubt satisfied the angry chief, for Tousard
informs me, that before his leaving him, he put his hand on
his shoulder, & mildly assured him he should be appointed
colonel of the second regiment of Artillery & engineers in a
few days.
"When I employed Tousard on the fortifications to the
1 Hamilton, vi, 479.
480 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
Eastward, the President wrote me a surly letter upon the
subject, l which made it necessary for me to reply that Tou-
sard was employed, because I could find no other person quali
fied to send on the business. This pacified the madman, &
Tousard was permited to remain."
McHenry's letter received instant reply from Hamilton.
"New York Nov. 22, 1800.
' ' My Dear Mac
' ' I am sorry that you were not pleased with my not having
consulted you before I used your name in my publication. It
was my intention to have done it — but finding myself pressed
in point of time I concluded to wave it and on this resoning.
"The nature of the transaction is such as dispensed Mr
McHenry from any obligation of delicacy to conceal any part
of it. No blame can therefore, attach upon him for the dis
closure. By putting it on the files of the War Office, he has
made the whole conversation a public document liable to pub-
lie discussion by any body that can get at the contents. Ex
tracts from it of the most exceptionable parts have been in
free circulation and have been seen by many. My knowledge
of it comes from a variety of persons who have seen the docu
ment itself and the extracts. The subject has been matter
of conversation at various tables. Thus circumstanced, the
thing is in possession of the public & in no wise to be regard
ed as a confidential communication to me. I am, therefore,
at liberty to use it. And upon the whole — it is perhaps best
for Mr. McHenry in point of delicacy, if there be any such
point, that I should publish without than with his special
permission.
"The information as to facts which involve some official
delicacy came to me from another not from you. Here I
thought it indispensable to consult & did so.
' ' Moreover in some of your letters to me, you had declar
ed the opinion that Mr. Adams was to be openly attacked?
How was this to be done with success, but by the disclosure
of similar facts. About the expediency of certain measures,
there would be an endless diversity of opinion, but all candid
sensible men will agree in the conclusion to arise from the
particular anecdotes showing the character of the man.
1 Probably Adams's letter of September 4, 1798.
1800] of James McHenry 481
' ' You do not tell me how your election is going nor what
your electors will do.
"Yrs. truly & Affecty
"A. H."
On November 8, Wolcott resigned from the post which he
ought to have left months before. On the 19th, McHenry
wrote him l lamenting the burning of the war office, not only
from the national but also from the individual standpoint,
fearing that it will enable "calumniators" to say and insin
uate "words which can not longer be refuted." He also says
that Hamilton thinks of answering some of the replies to his
letters and asks Wolcott to get Griswold or Dana to obtain
information from the state department, as to one of Adams's
letters while minister to England. Wolcott at once answered,
stating that members of congress can no longer consult the
state department files and hoping that Hamilton will not an
swer at present.
On December 2, McHenry wrote 2 Wolcott that he had
"pointedly advised Hamilton against an answer & thinks he
will postpone" writing one. McHenry knows that members
of congress consult the state department files in spite of Wol
cott 's letter, & wrote, as to the latter 's resignation: "Let us
rejoice that your conduct & administration bids defiance to
the strictest scrutiny & that your retiring from the office you
have so long filled will not lose you one of your real friends.
As for the rest, take leave of them all kindly. I insist on
your eating dinner with me in Baltimore on your way home
& wish you so to arrange the time & company that 2 or 3 of our
Connecticut friends in Congress may accompany you. You
must not deny me this favor."
There seems never to have been ground for the rumors
which Hugh Williamson heard that McHenry and "Pickering
proposed a publication versus the President, as soon as the
Election is over." McHenry 's letter of December 1, to Ham
ilton shows his position in regard to Hamilton's use of his
name, "What is past & cannot be amended between friends
had better be forgotten. Let it be so, if you please, I am
content." He urged Hamilton that nothing further be writ
ten by him on the subject, till all answers are in. "You can
not now make more forcible impression nor prevent the elec-
1 Gibbs, ii, 447.
2 Gibbs, ii, 455.
482 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
tion, ' ' in which opinion Wolcott agreed. Maryland had already
chosen electors, five for each party, but it was not certain
until the last moment that all of the federal five would vote
for Pinckney.
By December 12, it was evident that the Federalists had
failed and Wolcott wrote bitterly, ''So much for the conse
quences of diplomatic skill. ' ' l Ten days later, Dickinson
wrote McHenry as follows :
" Dear Sir
"The event of the Election, has proved very different
from our expectations, the consequences that may follow, time
must discover. The new President will commence his career
with an overflowing treasury, having in it at present, at least,
two million & a half of dollars. Is it supposed that the most
distant attempts wrill be made, to impair the contracts already
entered into by the Government? great changes are expected
& probably will take place, from various causes — but I am
strongly inclined to believe, there will be no deviation, from
the strict & honorable line of Conduct heretofore pursued, re
specting all Government engagements. Has the change made
any impression on the Friends with you? I am informed
some British agents in Phila. have taken the alarm — but.
1 Gibbs, ii, 4;57. About this time Stoddert wrote:
Geo Town — 8. Deer. 1800.
Dr. Sir
I have requested Mr Campbell to sell to you Town lots In Baltimore
they are the same about which I sometimes spoke to you in Philadelphia —
They were taken many years ago by F & S in payment of a bill — &
have been Idle on their hands ever since — That they may be no longer
so I have desired Mr. Campbell, to take for them what you will give.
I know you like a good bargain — but I know too there is a monitor
with you, which will prevent your making too good a bargain, & there
fore scruple not to let you know the price of the lots will be in your
own power.
There is no ascertaining absolutely whether Jefferson — or Burr
will be President — I think however the chances are in favor of the
former — as to my own particular, I cannot be affected except as a
mere citizen — for I have long determined to quit office I should have
done it before March, had Mr. A — been re-elected, so that he might
have appointed a successor for me — My affairs — but still now my
health requires a different mode of life from that which I have persued
for the last 30 years —
The Senate I imagine will, after a great deal of consideration, take
the Treaty with France, Just as it is they talk of conditional rat
ification but I am inclined to think it ought to be taken as it is, or totally
rejected, carrying a condition would be to give out of our hands, to
France, to determine 6 Mo's hence whether there should be peace or
War
Mrs. S joins in respect & good wishes to Mrs McHenry — Ann —
Daniel — John, & little Margaretta, Dr Sir Yr Friend &C
BEN. STODDERT.
We know not who is to be Sec. of War — Mr Dexter has taken, the
Treasury Dept.
isoo] of James Me Henry 488
should suppose without any real cause. No Country on earth,
ever had it more in its power to discharge its debts, than
America. I hope the rulers will not want inclination, possess
ing such abundant means. Our Election begins tomorrow, &
will continue two days, I entertain no doubt of the issue —
we shall unquestionably, be decidedly Federal. When at
leisure give me your sentiments on the present situation of
our affairs."
It was soon found that Jefferson and Burr were tied in
the electoral vote and the situation is well described in a letter
Uriah Tracy wrote McHenry from the city of Washington on
December 30:
"My Dear Sir. -
"This day the Honble. Saml. Dexter has been nominated
Secy of the Treasy in room of Olivr. Wolcott Esq: resigned.
Who is to be Secy, at War in room of Mr. Dexter I know not.
Arthur St. Clair is nominated Govr. of the North Western
Territory — and it is now officially ascertained that Jefferson
& Burr have each 73 votes for Prest. & vice Prest. and that the
Democrats are in a sweat — is also ascertained, but not offi
cially, unless you consider my assertion as official. They are
in the most violent state of apprehension, for fear Burr will
be chosen, or at any rate that Jefferson will not. The calcu
lation now is — N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, Delaware, & Carolina, in favor of Burr, \rermont,
& Maryland divided. This leaves but 8 States, to vote for
Jefferson, & the probability is that N. Jersey will be for Burr
— if so ; it makes 7 for Burr & 7 for Jefferson, & two divided.
This you know, is as yet, conjecture only. But the conjecture
is founded on a probable state of things, which will be on the
2d. Wednesday of Feb. next. Burr has written to Ge.nl. Smith,
I see by a publication in the Baltimore paper — & made him
a proxy, to say that Burr, will not stand in the way of Jeffer
son &c. You, who know Burr, can perfectly understand this.
Burr is a cunning man. If he cannot outwit all the Jefferson-
ians, I do not know the man.
"It is really pleasant to see the Democrats in such a rage
for having acted with good faith, they swear they will never
do it again, & mutually criminate each other for having done
so now. Each declaring, if they had not had full confidence
in the treachery of the others, they would have been treacher-
484 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
ous themselves ; and not acted, as they promised, to act — at
Philada. last winter, (viz) all vote for Jefferson & Burr.
"The Federalists say, they like not either of the Candi
dates, but as the anti's have brought them forward, they will
take the least of two evils.
"How this momentous affair will terminate, must be left
to time.
' ' present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry -
"& believe me yr. Friend & obedt. Servt.
"URIAH TRACY"
Hamilton had written, as early as December 16, urging
the Federalists in congress to support Jefferson, rather than
Burr, and to McHenry he gave strong reasons for such con-
duet and a scathing denunciation of Burr in two letters, one
dated New York, January 4, 1801, and the other, without date,
but from internal evidence written shortly afterwards. 1
The first of these reads thus :
"My Dear Mack,
"By yesterday's post I received your letter of the 31 of
December. I was just about to write to you on the principal
subject of it.
"Nothing has given me so much chagrin as the Intelli7
gence that the Federal party were thinking seriously of sup
porting Mr". Burr for President. I should consider the exe
cution of the plan as devoting the country and signing their
own death warrant. Mr. Burr will probably make stipula
tions, but he will laugh in his sleeve while he makes them and
he will break them the first moment it may serve his purpose.
But will not his interest govern him ? It doubtless will, as he
understands it. But stable power and great wealth being his
object and these being unattainable by means that the sober
part of the Federalists will countenance, he will certainly de
ceive and disappoint them. A H — Lee &c &c may find their
account in it but good men or the Country never will. At
least such ought to be the calculation; from a profligate, a
bankrupt, a man who laughing at democracy has played the
1 As early as February 1, 1792, relations had become strained
between Hamilton and Burr, John Ledyard then wrote Hamilton that he
saw Burr, found him friendly to Hamilton and recommends him to be
supported for governor, and two days before this, Gen. Philip Schuyler
wrote Hamilton that there is no use to hold resentment against Burr for
the part he took last winter.
1800] of James McHenry 485
whole game of Jacobinism nothing better ought to be expected.
Nor should a mere chapter of accidents be hazarded ; it ought
to be enough for us to know that he is certainly one of the
most, unprincipled men in the U. States.
"Very different ought to be our game. Under the uncer
tainty of the event we ought to seek to obtain these assurances
from Mr. Jefferson as the motive of our cooperation in him.
1. The support of the present federal system. 2. An ad
herence to the present neutral plan. 3. The preservation and
gradual increase of the Navy. 4. The keeping in office all
our Federal Friends except in the Great Departments. There
and in other matters he ought to be free.
"Be assured, You cannot better serve your Country than
by exerting your influence with your friends to detach them
effectually from the idea of supporting Mr. Burr.
"Adieu Yrs truly
"A. HAMILTON.
"Private & Confidential"
On the cover of the letter is written in McHenry 's hand
writing :
"As well might be expected to measure a strait line with
a crooked rule as to find public virtue in the private profligate.
Prostrate the beauteous ruin lies and all
That shared its shelter, perish in its fall. — Burk.
"He trembled at the apprehension of his losing the Pres
idency, and he sacrificed every thing to secure it."
The second letter is more extended:
"My Dr. Sir
"I was at Albany when your letter got here. I have
snatched the first hour from my avocations to sketch to you
my thoughts in a rude shape.
"Yrs. Affecty.
"A. H.
"Very Confidential.
"He is inx-very sense a profligate; a voluptuary in the
extreme, with uncommon habits of expence; in his profession
extortionate to a proverb ; suspected on strong grounds of hav
ing corruptly served the views of the Holland Company, in the
Capacity of a Member of our Legislature (He cooperated in
obtaining a law to permit Aliens to hold and Convey lands) &
486 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
now is supposed to have been largely remunerated, and he is
understood to have been guilty of several breaches of probity
in his pecuniary transactions. His very friends do not insist
upon his integrity.
' ' 2. He is without doubt insolvent for a large deficit.
All his visible property is deeply mortgaged, and he is known
to owe other large debts for which there is no specific Security.
Of the number of these is a judgment in favour of Mr. Ang-
ersteen for a sum which with interest amounts to about 80,000
Dollars.
"3. The fair emoluments of any station under our gov
ernment will not equal his expences in that station ; still less
will they suffice to extricate him from his embarrassments and
he must, therefore from the necessity of his situation, have
recourse to unworthy expedients. There may be a bargain
and sale with some foreign power, or combination with public
agents in projects of gain by means of the public monies;
perhaps and probably, to enlarge the sphere — a War.
"4. He has no pretentions to the station from services.
He acted in different capacities in the last war, finally with
the rank of Lt. Col. in a Regiment, and gave indications of
being a good officer ; but without having had the opportunity
of performing any distinguished action. At a critical period
of the war, he resigned his commission, assigning for cause
ill health, and went to reside at Paramus in the state of New
Jersey. If his health was bad, he might without difficulty
have obtained a furlough and was not obliged to resign. He
was afterwards seen in his usual health. The circumstances
excited much jealousy of his motives. In civil life, he has
never projected nor aided in producing a single measure of
important public utility.
"5. He has constantly resided with the party hostile to
federal measures before and since the present constitution of
the United States. In opposing the adoption of this Consti
tution he was engaged covertly and insidiously ; because, as he
said at the time 'it was too strong and too weak,' and he has
been uniformly the opposer of the Federal Administration.
"6. No Mortal can tell what his political principles are.
He has talked all around the compass. At times, he has dealt
in all the Jargon of Jacobinism; at other times, he has pro
claimed decidedly the total insufficiency of the Federal Gov
ernment & the necessity of changes to one far more energetic.
The truth seems to be that he has no plan but that of Getting
1800] of James McHenry 487
power by any. means and keeping it by all means. It is prob
able that, if he has any theory, 'tis that of a simple despotism.
He has intimated that he thinks the present French Constitu
tion not a bad one.
"7. He is of a temper bold enough to think no enter-
prize too hazardous and sanguine enough to think none too-
difficult. He has censured the leaders of the federal party as
wanting in vigour and enterprize, for not having established
a strong Government, when they were in possession of the
power and influence.
"8. Deseerning men of all parties agree in ascribing to
him an irregular and inordinate ambition. Like Cataline he
is indefatigable in courting young men and profligates, he
knows well the weak sides of human nature and takes care to
play in with the passions of all with whom he has intercourse.
By natural disposition, the haughtiest of men, he is at the
same time the most creeping to answer his purposes. Cold
and collected by nature or habit, he never loses sight of his
object and scruples no means of accomplishing it. He is art
ful and intriguing to an inconceivable degree. In short, all
his conduct indicates that he has in view nothing less than
the establishment of supreme Power in his own person. Of
this nothing can be a surer index than that having in fact
high-toned notions of Government, he has nevertheless con
stantly opposed the federal & courted the popular party. As
he never can effect his wishes by the aid of good men, he will
court and employ able and daring scoundrels of every party
and, by availing himself of their assistance and of all the bad
passions of Society, he will, in all likelyhood, attempt an usur
pation.
"9. Within the last three weeks at his own table, he
drank three toasts successively. 1. The French Republic.
2. The Commissioners on both sides who negotiated the Con
vention. 3. Buonaparte. 4. La Fayette and he counten
anced and seconded the positions openly, advanced by one of
his guests, that it was the interest of this country to leave it
free to the Belligerent Powers to sell their prizes in our ports
and to build and equip ships for their respective uses, a doc
trine which evidently aims at turning all the naval resources
of the United States into the channel of France ; and by mak
ing these states the most pernicious enemy of G. Britain, to*
oblige her to go to war with us.
"10. Though possessing infinite art, cunning and ad-
488 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
dress, he is yet to give proofs of great or solid abilities. At the
bar he is more remarkable for dexterity than sound judgment
or logic. From the character of his understanding and heart,
it is likely that any innovations, which he may effect will be
such as to serve the turn of his own power rather than such as
will issue in establishments favourable to the permanent secur
ity and prosperity of the Nation, founded upon the principles
of a strong, free and regular Government."
Pickering doubted the advisability of electing Burr 1 &
Gouverneur Morris wrote Hamilton several times, stating that
he would not support Burr, though some Federalists favored
him as a vigorous, practical man. 2 The Republicans want
Jefferson and they are the majority of the people. Among
the suggestions made by the Federalists, was the wild one that
they " should prevent any election & thereby throw the gov
ernment into the hands of a President of the Senate," going
even ' ' so far as to cast about for the person. ' ' The Federalists
felt that they must choose ' ' among rotten apples, ' ' 3 but Ham
ilton had no hesitation in his choice. >He wrrote again and
again to Sedgwick, Rutledge, Marshall, and Bayard, urging
support of Jefferson. 4 In this, there was no selfishness. He
felt : "If there be a man in the world I ought to hate, it was
Jefferson. With Burr I have always been personally well.
But the public good must be paramount to every private con
sideration. " This noble stand caused the election of Jeffer
son. The majority of the Federalists favored an attempt to
make a bargain with Burr, but some wavered. McHenry, at
first, was inclined to remain neutral, as is shown by Uriah
Tracy 's letter to him on January 15 :
"My Dear Sir.
' ' Your favor of the 5th. inst. — puts me in mind of the
man, who being a lodger only, in a house on fire, refused to get
out of his bed, when informed of it, because being a lodger,
it was nothing to him. I would not, certainly, were I in your
place, fatigue myself much about politics; but as one of the
community, can you be so indifferent about public affairs?
You say 'you can neither prevent nor amend existing evils.'
What if all men should say the same ? Are there not duties,
1 Gibbs, ii, 461.
2 Hamilton, vi, 494, 503, 516.
3 Hamilton, vi, 492, Green to Hamilton.
4 Hamilton, vi, 499.
1800] of James McHenry 489
incumbent upon all, & each; when all have the power of gov
ernment in their hands? I think I know too much of your
goodness of heart, to believe you a perfect Stoic. The high
Destinies, as they are called, of this United and enlightened
people, are up; not at auction, but for speculation. Jefferson
or Burr, is the question, and a question of speculation; the
llth of February decides it, or rather begins the decision, how
soon it will end I know not, and as to this event, I am quiet
about it, for go which way it may, it is a diabolical Jacobin
trick to force either of them upon us. Either will be bad, and
it is difficult to find causes of preference. I am, upon a com-
prehendsive view of the subject, in favor of Burr : principally,
because, I think a paralytic complaint is most to be shunned,
by a popular Government.
"Govr Jay has refused the office of Chief Justice, who
will have it now is uncertain — and yet uncertain who will be
Secy at War.
"Remember me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry, & believe
me respectfully
"yr. obedt. servt.
" URIAH TRACY"
After Hamilton's scathing denunciations of Burr reached
McHenry, he seconded Hamilton's efforts and it is probable
that it was partly due to him that the Marlyland Federalists
finally abstained from voting and permitted the Republican
members from that state to cast the ballot for Jefferson. The
interest McHenry took in the matter is shown by a letter writ
ten him on January 17, from Washington, by William Hind-
man, one of Maryland's Federal representatives:
"My dear Friend
"Your Favor of the 10th came to Hand, when I was too
unwell to pay any Attention to Business, I am now barely
able to go to the Senate Room.
"I Find that You & our Friend Genl: Hamilton are
bitterly opposed to Burr's Elevation to the Presidental Chair,
& I must acknowledge that, your Reasons are very cogent, &
merit serious Consideration ; there is one Point on which You
are unquestionably mistaken, which is, that the general Opin
ion is in Favor of Mr : Jefferson ; the Federalists, almost with
one Mind from every Quarter of the Union, say elect Burr,
with a few Exceptions in New York & some other Places. I
490 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
observe You have considered only one side of the Question,
You are silent with Respect to Mr : Jefferson, the Federalists
will tell You that They must be disgraced in the Estimation
of the People, if They vote for Jefferson, having told Them
that He was a Man without Religion, the Writer of the Letter
to Mazzei, a Coward &c &c. Burr is but little known to the
People, the Antis can say Nothing against Him, as their votes
have placed Him where He is. I shall be silent as to his Virtues
or His Vices. He is a Soldier & a Man of Energy & Decision,
& as Europe is now plunged into a dreadful War, of which
We may perhaps participate, I will ask You whether it would
not be wise to have such a Character at the Head of our
Affairs. I believe, moreover, that He would support the Fed
eral Cause, as the Jeffersonians would become his bitter im
placable Enemies.
"I lament that there should be any Diversity of Senti
ment among the Federalists of this Subject.
"The Treaty is not gone thro', it is now in the Hands of
a Committee for Report."
While the country waited the action of the house of
representatives, Adams nominated to the vacant office of chief
justice, John Jay, and, on his declination, John Marshall, the
secretary of state, with whose confirmation by the senate began
the most brilliant judicial career in the nation 's history. Just
after Jay 's nomination, McHenry wrote Wolcott 1 on Jan
uary 22 :
"My Dear Sir,
"I think your last letter to me, is dated the 29th ultimo,
and you are still at Washington.
"I have presumed that one of two causes, or perhaps both
of them combined, may detain you. 1st. The tardiness of
the committee which was appointed to report, respecting trans
actions in the Treasury Department. 2d. That your co-oper
ation, or rather assistance for a time, was indispensable to
your successor. I am anxious to hear from you the true case.
Although I have made up my mind, upon the propriety of
remaining as much as it is possible, a quiet and indifferent
spectator to passing events* and have determined never to
appear in a public character, either under the authority of a
State, or the United States, I reserve, notwithstanding, to my-
1 Gibbs, ii, 468.
1800] of James McHenry 491
self the entire privilege of feeling a proper concern for those
of my friends who may be engaged in public scenes as actors
or sufferers, and of making, and communicating to my friends,
my own comments upon public occurences. Thus far, it ap
pears to me, I may indulge in public affairs, without disturb
ing the tenor of my life, or that tranquility of mind which I
aim at, and which I consider an essential ingredient in human
happiness. I knowr not what you think of the late nomination
of Mr. Jay, to be Chief Justice, so immediately after he had
publicly declared it to be his intention to spend the remainder
of his life as a private citizen. The nomination excited the
idea, that Mr. Adams considered such declarations were al
ways made without sincerity, and meant to be disregarded.
It pleased me, of course, to see Mr. Jay act as a consistent and
I think a sincere part, in refusing an appointment thus un
seasonably if not under the existing circumstance, indecor
ously offered.
' ' Mr. Adams, it strikes me, has committed another blund
er, but it is true one not altogether so rare ; I mean in reward
ing dear friends, and neglecting old ones. Here it was ex
pected by every body, that he would have named Mr. Patter
son to the vacant seat on the bench, except by Mr. , who
thought he should have been appointed, and by me, who
thought the President should have appointed himself.
"I am told that some of our statesmen have conceived a
project to convert a Jacobin of the first water, into a sound
federalist; and to convince this Jacobin, who is known to. be
well skilled in the powers of numbers, that his weight alone,
will make the lighter scale the heavier, and like a charm recov
er for them the public opinion which has been lost by the half
measures of Congress, and false measures of the President. I
certainly do not breakfast upon such chimeras. I cannot per
suade myself that public opinion is to be regained by such
means, much less that it is to be forced. A different course
must be pursued to recover what has been alienated, and to
gain upon the quiet good sense of the well-disposed part of the
community. For this purpose, time is required — a new series
of events ; and to these, the slow process of wisdom, patience,
and prudence operating upon the errors and mistakes of those
who may govern. If a shorter shall be attempted by our
statesmen, I wish them a good journey, but I do not expect
thev will arrive at the goal.
492 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
' ' Let me hear from you, and the news that may be afloat.
Yours, aff 'ly.
' ' JAMES MCHENRY. ' '
When the balloting for president began on February
11, Stoddert wrote: "It is now three o'clock & the doors of
the Capitol shut, which seems to show that the first ballot could
not determine the great question." Mcllenry seems to have
made special arrangements with his friend Tracy of Connecti
cut to have daily bulletins of the balloting sent him and these
show clearly the progress of events.
"Washington llth. Feby 1801
"My Dear Sir
' ' The votes for Prest. have this day been opened & count
ed, 73 for Jefferson & Burr, & 65 & 64 for Adams & Pinckney,
with one for Jay. The House of Reps, are now at the busi
ness of electing from these two ; they have 8 or 9 trials, alike
in result, 8 States for Jefferson, 6 for Burr & 2 divided.
' ' They have passed a vote not to separate till a President
is chosen — both parties are apparently unyielding — this is
y2 past 5 P. M. what will be done, time must discover.
"Yrs respectfully
"URIAH TRACY"
"City of Washington 12th. Feby. 1801.
"My Dear Sir
* ' ' This is one o 'clock P. M. The House of Reps, have this
moment voted, I believe the 30th. or 31th. time, & at every
time come out alike, 8 states for Jef rs. 6 for Burr, & 2 divided.
Maryland & Vermt. divided — 4 New England States, Dela
ware & So Carolina for Burr, & the residue for Jefferson. They
(the House) have been at it all night, & have now postponed
the next ballot to tomorrow noon — (13th.)
' ' The Feds, to a man vote for Burr, & the opposition to a
man for Jefferson.
"Yrs respectfully
"URIAH TRACY"
"1801
' ' Feby. 13th. Friday 15 minutes past one — P. M
' ' House of Reps — have this moment closed
1800] of James McHenry
the 2d. ballot for to-day, & come out ut supra & have post
poned the next ballot to noon of to-morrow Saturday.
"yrs. respectfully
"U. TRACY"
"City of Washington 16th. Feby. 1801.
"My Dear Sir
' ' This is !/> past 12 o 'clock — on Monday, the House of
Reps have this moment, taken another ballot and remain as
before, 8, 6, 2. They have postponed their next ballot to
tomorrow noon. (Tuesday 17th).
"yrs respectfully
"URIAH TRACY"
"City of Washington 17th. Feby. 1801.
"My Dear Sir
' ' This moment % past one — we are informed the House
on a second ballot this day, have elected Thomas Jefferson
Esqr. Prest. 10 States voting for him. They had one ballot
at noon, and were as before, but on this ballot — 4 Maryland
members, one Vermont member, & the one member from Dela
ware did not vote. Of course Lyon carried Vermt. and Mary
land was carried by its four Democrats for Jefferson & gave
him 10 states.
"yrs respectfully
"URIAH TRACY
" N B. James A Bayard the member from Maryland i
is this moment nominated by the Prest. to the Senate, Minister
Plenipo. to France!"
The long struggle was over, the Federalist party had fal
len from power forever, but they had so established the charac
ter of the government that Jefferson was to begin a period
which has well been styled a "Republican administration of
Federalist principles."
During the whole summer of 1800, the negotiations of the
American commissioners continued at Paris and two letters
from Murray to McHenry are preserved.
The earlier one was sent from Paris on the 18th of May,
1800:
"My dear Friend,
"An opportunity arises wh. enables me to thank you for
1 A mistake for Delaware.
494 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
a few lines wh. have escaped from you to me by way of intro
duction of some of our countrymen — young G. Mr R 's friend
I have reed, with the cordiality due to one honoured by your
recommendation.
"For mature information respecting the state of things
between U. S. & F. & a tableau of things generally as having a
bearing on the great questions now before the European world,
I refer you to our correspondence with the Secty. of State —
you will be charmed with it. Condense — Condense — you
told me some time since. The almanach's & court-records
style ever were to me matters of decided aversion ; — & I have
great consolation, while my plumage is plucked — to hear
even Mr A [dams] 's letters (from Berlin) acknowledged to
be at least Long letters! ! ! believe me I do not compare mine
to his, wh. to me are masterly diplomatic pieces — but it eases
me respecting criticism.
"A scrap of a news paper now & then falls in our way
from Philad. McK[ean] governor — & fed's divided on the
eve of an election of P. — ! ! in truth, I know nothing equal
to this but what is before us here not a single speck of wisdom
in a crumbling but victorious coalition — disputes on collat
eral points — Russia absolutely withdrawn — & those who re
main agt. F. uncertain of each others plans & objects even!
My dear Sir, the Fedl. men must unite in supporting the P. —
the honour of the country requires it — as far as exterior
reputation is concerned, — as to the interior motives, you
know better than I do. There could not be a more triumphant
event for F. than an abandonment of the P. by the Fedl. party.
The sting which wounds him must rejoice the enemies of the
U. S., at least those who have been mortify 'd by the only
blow which has been given to them in the U. S. during the
present war.
"I send you a news paper. Their accounts from the
Rhine are to be read with due reserve — they are, however,
lucky in one or two affairs. In Italy, Massena's fate must be
decided by the 15 inst. — the day in wh. B. declared he wd.
relieve him — B. with his usual precision & velocity lately set
off for Geneva with the army of reserve — he will try to turn
Milan — if he do, Italy will be in Jeopardy. Garrisons in
Piedmont wd. greatly- weaken the austrian army. B's exer
tions have been immense & his conduct wise since he came into
power. He negociated, till he quelled at least 60,000 chouans
— & pacify 'd them — thus liberating 50,000 seasoned troops
1800] of James Me Henry 495
for the frontier — while G. B. neglected those intrepid &
organised bauds & he has raised in two months 4 miiln. Ster
ling every shilling of which has been devoted to the armies &
to equipments. It is believed that so exactly has the new
raised money been directed to those objects that a great part
of the functionaries in the Govt. have but pay from one quar
ter of a month to another at a time. It is true, however, that
this severity ill agrees with such a people & the real spirit of
the times.
' ' I take the liberty of inclosing some letters — some were
given to me by Mr. D. from Mr. E. Mr. E believing I had
some opportunity.
' ' John is well & we all prefer Holland to France — my
health is almost a wreck — though the air here is better than
that of H. — but I was acclimated there, & the sudden change
has shaken me terribly.
' ' N. B. I rather suspect that a certain gentleman is more
satisfy 'd with the policy of the measure now, than when it
was made in Feb., 99."
The later letter is dated Paris, October 3, 1800, and reads
thus :
"My dear Sir,
"At the same time that the appearance of Mr John Mc-
Henry surprises you, it will be explained by himself. Ever
since your letter to him of May, he has expressed a wish to
return — he says en bonne foi to study law. I have recom
mended him to study merchandising, as the surest road to
wealth. We part with mutual regret — his candour, good
sense, & good manners have made him a greater favorite at
the hague than any youth of our country has had the good
fortune to be. He quits Mrs. M. & myself with our highest
esteem & I do hope will remember us with pleasure. He has,
throughout in all situations, acted with absolute propriety -
& is a most estimable young man. I think you will do me the
justice to say that he is improved — & I know & he knows that
you love him paternally.
"We have signed a convention. They apply the principle
of free bottoms free goods from the signature for tho purpose
of extricating a great number of our ships, uncondemned.
The Sea Letter alone & certificates of cargo (as relatively to
contraband) any reglement an contraire Free ship & cargo.
' ' I am so tired with being engaged day & night for twelve
496 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvi
days past I can scarcely write. I have less inclination, too —
because your nephew will tell you all he ought about every
thing.
"I set off the 10th. for the Hague. I the less opposed
John's wish to return, because in the Spring I shall probably
be recalled — & he gets his passage in the Portsmouth free.
I shall be lazy then also. Your hint having much abridged
what was really a fault — length of letters ! !
' ' Do not fear Jacobin principles by contact with the pres
ent Govt. of France. I wish we had a little more of the non
resistance principle wh our folks may learn here, & as to
Jacobinism it is detested. I give you my word, I wish we were
as quiet as they are here !
"Pray my dear Sir drop me a line at the Hague now and
then — & believe me affectionately
"& respectly always
"Yrs WM. V.MURRAY"
The long perseverance of the American commissioners was
on the point of being rewarded. On October 11, Ellsworth
wrote Wolcott from Havre, "You will see our proceedings
and their result. Be assured, more could not be done without
too great a sacrifice, &, as the reign of Jacobinism is over m
France & appearances are strong in favor of a general peace
I hope you will think it was better to sign a convention than
to do nothing." He sent a similar letter to Hamilton and, in
truth, the envoys had agreed to a treaty which removed all
present danger of a war with France.
CHAPTER XVII
RETIREMENT AND DEFENSE OF HIS ADMINISTRATION- OF THE
WAR OFFICE
1801-1803
McHEXRY was now a man of about fifty years of age
and had retired from business and politics, John
McHenry, his nephew, wrote of l him : ' ' Although
he was fond of leisure, there was nothing slothful in his tem
perament. While in office, he was indefatigable in his offi
cial duties and, after his retirement from office, he spent most
of his time in reading and keeping pace with the train of
political events in this country and Europe." He possessed
an ample competency and had built himself a country seat
which he called Fayetteville, after his French friend. The
house was situated on a tract of 95 acres, bought in 1792
from the Ridgeleys, part of a tract known as Ridgeley's
Delight, about a mile west of Baltimore as it then was, in
the neighborhood of the present Baltimore and Fremont
Streets. A part of the tract is now comprised in Alexandroff-
sky, the residence of Mr. Gaun M. Hutton. There he spent the
remaining fifteen years of his life in dignified repose, broken
only by summer visits to the Virginia Springs, 2 or by longer
stays in Youghiogheny Glades in Allegany County, where his
eldest son, Daniel William McHenry, settled. He had few
enemies and his relations to his friends were close, as may be
seen from a letter to his brother-in-law, John Caldwell :
''Baltimore 2 May 1801
"Dear Jack
"I reed yesterday evening a letter from you upon which
you will permit me to remark.
"I observe that between us, there can be no motive for
1 Brown's McHenry, 41.
2 March 15, 1S<H. T. Lewis wrote him about accommodation at
Sweet Springs for the summer.
498 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
corresponding by letters, so long as there remains to us the
opportunity of talking freely with each other every day and,
if we please, every hour of every day, and especially too, as we
ought to be sensible what we may say to each other of each
other will and should always be taken by us respectively in
good part. Now to your letter, you seem to say : 1. That under
circumstances it was improper for me to be seen in the play
house in the same box with Mr. & Mrs. McCurdy as such a
public appearance with Mr McCurdy must injure you in the
estimation of, the people of Baltimore, 2 that your councels are
disregarded by me. 3. that you cannot be an underling. 4. that
I can afford to play with the sentiments I have expressed in
writing, meaning I suppose that I can be seen with a man for
wrhom I should have no regard. 5. that being seen with this
man in a box in the play house must injure you in the eyes of
the people of Baltimore. 6. that I may treat Mr. McCurdy
with attention and politeness in private life, but not in public.
" As to the first. I do not ask Mr. McCurdy to the play,
nor did he sit in the box with me. The compliment was paid
to Grace & Jane, who were asked to partake of our ticket.
But I must observe that I should, in my humble opinion, have
done nothing to injure your interest had I ever asked Mr.
McCurdy. I consider it, connected as I am with the man, to
do nothing that may tend to widen the breach between you
and him, on the contrary, to leave a door open for a renewal
of a good undestanding between you & him, or at least to the
common intercourse usual between persons so connected. I
judge of Mr. McCurdy 's conduct as I do of every other man's,
and as I wish to have my own considered — with grains of
allowance for few of the weaknesses incident to human nature
generally and the particular prejudices, foibles, or infirmities
of the individual concerned. Right or wrong, he has conceiv
ed that you have treated him rudely and in his own house.
He acts under this impression, which time only and informa
tion gradually acquired can remove. I do not think I should
serve you or any body else by aggravating this misunderstand
ing, or by coming myself to an open rupture with him on that
account. Take an example. There is scarcely an injury,
within their power, which Gen. Smith and his brother Robert
Smith, and this is -well known to the whole city, have not
attempted to do me. Besides the latter in particular has, in
print with his name to it, called Mr. Oliver, for whom I have
a sincere friendship & to whom I am under great obligation, a
1801-1803] of James McHenry 499
thief, and it is believed, by their misrepresentations incited
Cap. Graybil to, beat and abuse Mr. Oliver in a most shameful
manner. Has all this prevented your accepting an invitation
to dine with Mr. Robert Smith? Have I ever desired that it
should prevent your being on speaking, and if you pleased,
visiting terms with him or his connections? To return, I yet
hope, that you will find the intercourse with Mr. McCurdy may
be reestablished without any improper or disgraceful con
descensions on your part. To forget and forgive is not only
a Christian duty — but calculated to promote individual inter
ests and general happiness. Independent, however, of all
such considerations how could my having Mr McCurdy in the
same box with me by invitation injure you? Be assured,
you and I are not of such consequence as to attract public
conversation from so trifling an incident. But if it did,
would not my going to his house, and talking with him at his
door produce the same effect. And if known that you and he
had disagreed upon any point, so as to prevent your sitting in
the same box together in a play house, would not a knowledge
of that circumstance alone account for my being seen with
you, at one time, and writh him, at another, without any preju
dice resulting from it to you or I hope to me.
"As to the second, that your counsels are disregarded by
me, I do not know what instances you allude to. It is, how
ever, to speak generally, to require too much to expect, that
our respective counsels should always be embraced, we ought
indeed be willing to give and receive advice or counsel. I
believe it best that we should be left reciprocally to exercise
in all cases our own judgement and to follow or not the advice
or counsel, without giving offence.
"As to the 3. that you cannot be an underling. Indeed,
my friend and brother, you will never be placed by me in so
degraded a character. We must neither of us be underlings.
We are equals and I trust we shall continue equal.
"As to the 4th. If it is to be understood as I have ex
pressed it — I do not consider my present intercourse with
Mr McCurdy, if it can be called intercourse, at variance with
any sentiments or opinions I have expressed respecting him or
with propriety.
"As to the 5th. I can see no difference, when it is known
that you and he are not on terms, between appearing with Mr.
McCurdy in a play house or in public, as in his own house.
If the one condemns, the other cannot justify you. The fact
500 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
is my behaviour to the man, has and can have no influence up
on the opinion the public or individuals may form of you.
This must principally depend not upon my conduct as it
respects Mr McCurdy or any other person but upon your own.
"And now let me close this letter by assuring you, that I
shall continue to love, respect, and aid you as far as in my
power, in the full expectation that you will endeavour to think
on common subjects and occurrences in life like the general
ity of men ; that you will make allowances for human frailties,
& cease to torment yourself by inspecting too minu.tely, or re-
f ering too metaphisically to the acts of those who may be dis
posed and who are in a situation to befriend you in your pro
fession and above all that you will labour to aid yourself, with
out which the services of your best friends must prove unavail
ing.
"Your sincere friend and brother
' ' JAMES MCHENRY ' '
A letter written by McHenry from Baltimore on the 8th
of April, 1801, to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, gives an
interesting estimate of Albert Gallatin, Jefferson's secretary
of the treasury:
"Dear Sir.
"I now send you, in conformity -with my promise, Mr.
Gallatin 's 'sketch of the finances of the U. S.' published^ in
1796. This gentleman has lately favoured the public with
another production, calculated, as I understand, to support
some of his estimates in Congress, or controvert some esti
mates made to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury, but
not having seen, I can say nothing respecting it.
" As to this sketch, you will find in it many facts, an ap
pearance of candour relative to some, and unmerited censure
and insinuations of other leading measures of finance. In
the last section particularly, you will observe, a mixture of
truth and hypothesis, of just remark and fallacious reasoning
respecting the funding system.
"I have long considered the author of these sketches, in
no other light, than that of a political adventurer; a man,
whether thrown upon our shores, by design, or who sought
them by choice, determined to make use of his talents, in the
way best adapted to the end all such adventurers have in
view, importance and office.
1801-1803] of James McHenry 501
"Mr. Gallatin, from his first entrance into Congress,
down to the present time, seems to have fixed upon the Treas
ury Department, as the ladder, by which he could with the
greatest probability of success, ascend to popularity and
power. He studied it, of course, through all its details, and
mastered it so far, as to be able, on fit occasions, to give such
colourings to its measures, and the estimates and views of our
finances, presented from time to time, to Congress, as best
comported with his ultimate object. Taxes and Treasury
operations, come into contact with so large a proportion of the
community, and with almost every measure of government,
that the knowledge he possessed of such subjects, and the
watchful attention he seemed to discover, to draw from the
people, as little money as possible, as well as to the direction
of its expenditure, could scarcely fail, with his talents, to pro
duce in time its intended effect. Mr. Madison was for a sea
son considered, by his adherents, the opposition Lord of the
Treasury domain, he could not, however, keep possession of
this territory, and yielded it up, with all its rights, privileges,
and franchises, to Mr. Gallatin, who has reigned over it, ever
since without a rival among his party.
"How will Mr. Gallatin conduct himself as Secretary of
the Treasury? "Will he not carry into practice, generally, the
maxims and principles by which he has acquired the office?
Will he not weigh against the national honour and security,
the number of dollars and cents, it may call for to maintain
them ? Will he not, in other words, endeavour to confirm his
powers by much the same process employed to obtain it?
Neckar, another political adventurer, raised himself to the
head of the finances of a great kingdom, by popular and
theoretic principles ; and was highly instrumental, by the
application of these principles, at a most critical moment to
the destruction of its government. I do not extend my ap
prehensions to so disastrous and dreadful a point as it re
spects our government under the administration of Mr. Gal
latin. Are we to enjoy a long peace, which I trust we shall,
his maxims and principles, generally speaking, may operate
to lessen the public debt, and the public expenditures, with
out, perhaps, any breach of public faith, consequently may
augment the disposable revenue of the II. S. But, under
this system, no efforts, or but feeble ones, can be made, to
strengthen the seaboard and frontiers with proper fortifica
tions, to lay up warlike stores, and form military and naval
502 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
institutions, calculated to perpetuate military knowledge, and
extend it whenever it shall be wanted for the purposes of
war. I would however hope, inasmuch as to secure the at
tachment of a majority of the people, seems to be the basis
of his system of conduct, that the good sense and present
composition of the people of the U. S., of which he cannot be
ignorant, is such that he will not find it his interest to ex
clude from the majority he may rely upon for support in
office, virtuous men of property and talents, and that he will
occasionally at least yield something to their opinions and
wishes.
"Nearly the same system and set of principles, I think
likely to influence the public conduct of Mr. Madison and
Mr. Jefferson; for they too, in one sense of the appellation,,
are like Gallatin, political adventurers on the tempestuous
sea of democracy.
"Should my conjectures be well founded respecting these
three political characters, who will be the real arbiters of
the fate of the U. S. I flatter myself, that altho' our affairs
will not be managed by men of our choice, or always per
haps as we might wish, and that many things will be left
undone, under colour of a regard to economy, which ought
to be done, yet that they will be generally, so conducted,
as to afford no glaring causes for extraordinary alarm or
complaint. This anticipation I find consolatory, and most
sincerely pray, that it may be realised; for what is it to me,
or the orderly and reflecting men of property, who value a
quiet life and are averse from taking any active part upon
the public stage, who governs, provided they are honest
men, or govern honestly.
"Having been imperceptibly led into a longer letter
than I had intended to accompany Mr. Gallatin 's book, and
to express my hopes from the new administration, I cannot
think of closing it, without also mentioning some of my great
est fears.
"During the whole of the administration of General
Washington, appointments to office, were invariably made,
not with a view to the extension of executive influence or
future elections, but upon the ground of the fitness and
qualifications of the .persons for the offices to be filled, and
a regard to an equitable distribution of them among the
several states.
"This rule was not followed with the same punctilious
1801-1803] of James McHenry 503
observance by Mr. Adarrs. He thought it an essential part
of the art of governing to apply the influence of rewards,
through the medium of appointments to offices, to future
elections.
"This new principle in our government (if I may so
express myself) is calculated to excite serious apprehen
sions. And I fear that the present President, in practicing
upon it, will go further than did his predecessor. But this
is not the worst of it. I fear above all things, the operation
of this principle upon the conduct of the needy man of
talents, who believes in no religion, the ambitious rich man
without virtue or honesty, and your political adventurers and
office hunters of every description. All of these (and they
are a numerous and encreasing brood belonging to both
parties) either see, or will see, that the direct road to public
employment, to the Presidency itself, is in and through
elections, and that whoever can influence elections (no mat
ter by what means) gains everything.
"It is in the very nature of this principle to make good
men bad, to compel them to resort to improper practices by
like practice, and to call up, and keep in perpetual activity,
all the evil spirits of the nation. And as no President can
gratify more than a small portion of these perturbed beings
under our government, in its present form, may it not, in a
little time, render everything that ought to be stable, fluctu
ating and insecure, and fill all offices, even to the first and
highest, with the most profligate, needy, desperate and un
principled men in the community?
' ' This is certainly a woful state of things which the exer
cise of the right of election, so beautiful in theory, may bring
upon a well meaning and generally virtuous republican people.
And to what does such a state of things evidently lead? I
see, said my hair dresser to me (a French Royalist)
one day, during the late contest, relative to the choice of a
President, that it is much easier for a people, to have a king
born to them, once or so in a century, than to be obliged to-
make a President themselves every four years. Does it not
lead to a change of government, and to justify the opinion-
expressed by this barber ? And what means have we to coun
teract or obviate such a state of things? We have as yet a
majority of men of property in the U. S. who have no desire-
for or longing after office, and who really wish to see our
affairs both at home and abroad well administered, and by
504 Life and Correspondence [CHAP.XVII
honest men, under our present form of government. But we
must acknowledge, that this same majority is by no means
united, is much disposed, generally, to political lethargies, and
even when perfectly free from this disease, very deficient in
foresight and energy.
"I am dear Sir with sincere regard and affectionate at
tachment.
"Your most afft.
' ' JAMES MCHENRY. ' '
The chief interest of McHenry's life, in this latter period,
lies in the correspondence he kept up with such Federalist
leaders in congress as Pickering, Tracy, and Tallmadge, which
throws considerable light on the course of events and of which
considerable portions are given. Baltimore was on the way
to Washington and McHenry was often visited by these north
ern leaders. On November 10, 1801, he writes Pickering, con
gratulating him on his expected return to Boston, reproaching
him for not visiting him on his homeward way and inviting
him to do so, when he shall have opportunity. To this letter,
Pickering replied as follows:
"Easton Nov. 10. 1801.
"Dear Sir,
"I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the
5th. — Altho ' I have not written, I have often thought of you
-latterly, with a determination to write you, as soon as I
could have the pleasure of doing it from my "native ground."
' ' The summer past I have spent at the Great Bend of the
Susquehannah (where it approaches nearest to the Delaware)
labouring to make a comfortable establishment for my son,
who- was in the Navy, and is now there a farmer: while a
surveyor was resurveying and subdividing (for convenience
of expected settlers) the parcels of land I have in that quarter,
and which my son takes under his care.
"At the receipt of your letter, I was at Philadelphia, with
my wife only: we returned immediately to Easton, and this
week shall proceed directly from hence to New York and Bos
ton. The season is too far advanced to admit of the visit you
so kindly request.
"I am gratified that my former friends retain their con
fidence : my caluminators themselves do not believe their own
slanderous tales; but these serve to mislead their followers.
1801-1803] of James McHenry 505
However, 'none of these things move me.' I shall quietly
pursue my object, to cultivate a small farm in the vicinity of
my numerous relations and friends ; and be contented to get
my bread with the sweat of my brow. Old as I am, the more
I labour, the better I endure it and the more vigorous my
health.
"You took some interest in my eldest son, who went with
Mr. Smith to Lisbon. He has spent near two years, chiefly
with Mr. King, in London, whence he has lately returned. He
resumes the study of the law, in Boston or Salem ; and I trust
with peculiar advantage; from his stock of general knowledge,
acquired, by diligent reading & observation, during near four
years residence in Europe.
"I presume you will spend much of your time in the
country, enjoying the pleasures of rural affairs. The books
you read, and the experiments you attend to, may present
some new things congenial with my pursuit : the communica
tion of them will be highly acceptable to me. Useful plants
and seeds likely to thrive near Boston, may be conveniently
sent by vessels bound to Boston or Salem.
"Mrs. Pickering desires to be affectionately remembered
to Mrsi McHenry to whom I pray you to tender my respects ;
and to accept yourself the assurances of my attachment and
esteem."
Of the letters from Hamilton, after Jefferson's election,
but one brief note is preserved.
"New York Nov. 21, 1301.
"My Dear friend,
"The Prince Bailli Ruspoli of the order of Malta, who
will deliver you this letter was strongly recommended to me
by Mr. King. He appears to me a very Gentlemanlike respect-
table man. As such I ask for him your civilities. Among
these you can do nothing more grateful to him than to give
him a letter of Introduction to some friend of yours at Wash
ington.
"Adieu my Dr. Mac.
"Yrs. ever
> "A. HAMILTON."
Hamilton's son, Philip, died in the latter part of 1801,
506 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvii
and on December 4, McHenry wrote condoling with him and
saying, "I lost my eldest child, a daughter, after she had
discovered whatever can promise to flatter parental expecta
tions. Is there ought in this world can console for such losses
and who shall dare to hope that he is to pass through it with
out tasting a portion of its afflictions ? ' '
Charles Lee, who had been attorney general in Adams's
cabinet, wrote McHenry from Alexandria on November 28,.
1801, after the news of the peace between Great Britain and
France :
"The peace will give a shock to merchants of enterprise
every where in this country : The invisible effects of uni
versal peace after such a war can be mere conjecture. I augur
good. On the part of Britain, the treaty is liberal and mag
nanimous : On the part of Bonaparte fortunate and wise
"Should Bonaparte live, which I hope, even here we
shall feel the benefit by restraining the sallies of wild irra
tional experiments upon fundamental laws & constitutions.
If your private affairs have received as much advantage by
the* leisure of private life to attend to them, as mine have,
you may be blessed as I am with the change. To each of us,
the manner has been unpleasant, but for that it is our consola-
tion _that neither is to be blamed.
7 'Should you pass through this town ever I hope again
to see you.
"I am well"
"With Lafayette there was an exchange of letters from
time to time, and a long one dates from the end of 1801.
"Lagrange 1st. Frimaire November, the 22d. 1801.
"My dear McHenry
"The arrival of a frigat with the American Ambassador
makes me hope for a Letter from you — in the mean while, I
will not Loose twro opportunities that offer to let you hear
from me — politics I shall not this time dwell upon — You
will know, before this reaches you, that a general peace has
taken place — France has been powerful at war, happy in her
treaties— From the first principles of her revolution, how
ever poisoned, disfigifred and sullied they have been, She has
derived great means of prosperity — how soon liberty, her
primary object, may become the fruit of her Triumphs and
1801-1803] of James McHenry 507
a consolation for her sufferings, Depends much upon the tem
per of one man, and its appreciation of true glory — but I am
among the few who persist to profess that the Liberal seeds
which among so much weed have been sown upon European
and particularly upon French ground cannot and shall not
be ultimately lost — I live lor my part in a rural, happy State
of retirement. The affairs of my friends or some particular
object, Such as the other day the pleasure to dine with Lord
Cornwallis, call me now and then to paris. I sometimes visit
Bonaparte my deliverer from Ollmutz whose conduct by me
is constantly obliging. I see my other acquaintances in and
out of place, but my journeys to the Capital being rare,
and my Stay very short, I spend the almost totality of my
time in my rural habitation of Lagrange forty miles from
paris, where, surrounded by my family and visited by some
friends, I am devoted to a new pursuit of mine, that of agri
culture, hitherto I have only got the ground work with a large
farm arround my Dwelling — but, if ever I can manage the
trifling remains of my fortune So as to have a sum sufficient
to stock and improve it, I shall consider it as a very happy
circumstance — but before I launch into those luxurious rural
enjoyments, I must have got rid of my debts, and insured to
myself and family, an independent, tho' modest subsistence.
You will hear that M. Otto is to go over as an Ambassador —
I think he will be a very good one — I hope my answers to
American friends respecting their idea of my going in that
Capacity have appeared to you satisfactory — the health of
my wife, family arrangements, some unsettled concerns of my
friends and companions might have proved sufficient motives
had not the first of all been very obvious viz. my old habit
of an American Citizen and Soldier, which I feel would make
me awkward in any foreign emploiement, even from my
native, which in political interest and national affection I con
sider for the United States as a Sister country Let me keep
myself to be, as soon as I can, a private Visitor to that dear,
Second home of mine, the freedom and prosperity of which is
to me a Source of the purest satisfaction, and I may add, a
not undeserved reward.
"I apply to you, my dear friend, for an object which I
have very much at heart - Bushrod Washington is writing
the memoirs of our venerated, my paternal friend — it is a
history of the American revolution — Great use will be made
of my correspondence with the General — his character will
508 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
receive a new lustre from those confidential communications —
which, particularly during the intrigue of 1777 and 1778. he
had with me. Therefrom also the Transactions with France
may be illustrated, there will be found the details of that de
cisive Campaign in Virginia which began with the general's
desire to me that Virginia might be lost as late as possible
and ended with the Capture of Lord Cornwallis. You remem
ber that on the exertions and manoeuvres of the small army
which I commanded, the fate of the Southern States and the
grand stroke of the War of 1781 did entirely depend — and,
as you have been, in these very important periods, my confi
dential aid and friend, none can give a better account of every
transaction, Indeed of every transaction during the revolu
tion, particularly those which in the Cabinet and the field have
concerned me — upon you, therefore, my dear McHenry, I
rely for your critical review, friendly assistance, interesting
illustrations for that work. I have mentioned you to Mr
Bushrod "Washington as the friend and companion whom he
ought to consult. Present my affectionate respectfull compli
ments to Mrs McHenry and family — We are very often, in
my family rural circle speaking of you and wishing you were
among us. With everlasting and most affectionate friendship
I am yours.
"LAFAYETTE."
In the beginning of 1802, Tracy, now in the United States
senate from Connecticut, wrote of the Jeff ersonians ' success
ful attempt to repeal the act creating circuit courts, of the
reduction of taxes, and of the negotiations with Great Britain. J
"Washington 30th. Jany. 1802.
"My Dear Sir
"You have all the particulars of our Senatorial struggle
upon the repeal of Judiciary Law.
"It is now resting before the Select Committee, but for
my own part, I have no expectation of saving it at last. The
party are determined to be revenged, & if they break thro'
any barriers. Constitution or not; this poor little Law must
be immolated on the altar of malice & revenge.
"Respecting Mr. -King, I am now told from authority
1 McHenry's own political positon, after Jefferson's inauguration
may best be seen from his letter to Charles Carroll of Carrollton on
April 8, 1801.
1801-1803] of James McHenry 509
which cannot be disputed that all the negociations are probably
at an end with [out] effecting any thing. What the prospect
is of beginning again, or success, if that should happen, I
cannot say, but I believe at present, the thing is at an end,
probably Mr. King will be recalled, under pretence that some
fool or knave, or both characters blended in one, of the right
''sect" may replace him.
"From 3 to 5,000,000 Dollars I understand was contem
plated as a round sum for settlemt. of British Debts, out of
this was to be deducted spoliations &c. But of this informa
tion I wish you not to feel much confidence, as I am not certain
the sources from wrhich I derive are correct. This last ob
servation only applies to sum; the first part of it, that the ne-
gociation is broken off; is I think correct.
"Apropos of this adm'n Will this enlightened people
not discover the opacity of such fools. They must repeal
taxes on rum, Carriages — loaf sugar &c — & because this
must be done, they must not regulate, lower, & accommodate
to the actual wants of the poorer class, the taxes on Salt,
broken Tea, Coffee & brown sugar & Molasses. The people
deserve all which can be put upon them if they do not see
that their interest is disgraced. 1
"Yours affectionately
"URIAH TRACY"
Later in the year Lafayette wrote :
"La Grange 18h Vendem, October the lOh 1802
"My Dear McHenry
"I am requested to forward the inclosed to Baltimore
and Beg you to Recommend it in your name and mine — An
Opportunity I eagerly seize to let you Hear from me, and to
tell you, my dear friend, that not one line from you Has since
a long while Reached my Hands — I Hope you will not Re
ceive a foolish Newspaper Report Respecting my supposed
death which Has Been Contradicted the Next day — I enjoy
a very Good Health, and Quietly Live in the midst of my
family, further than ever from wishing to abandon that life
of Retirement — two of my children are married — not yet
Virginia — they all are under my Roof — my daughter in
1 McHenry trusted that a sufficient number of Federalists is still to
be found to guard the Constitution "from the danger of innovation" and
to restore it to that state in which it came out of the hands of the con
vention.
510 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
law (whose father, formerly my colleague of Assembly and a
General officer in the Army I commanded, is now a senator
by the name of Tracy), Has every amiable qualities which can
contribute to our Happiness — the country place I in Habit is
Between thirty and forty english miles, 13 leagues, from Paris
where I go very seldom — my friends come to see me and
among them I Had lately the pleasure to Receive Mr Fox and
genl Fitzpatrick — I am very fond of farming and would
long ago Have Begun a Business in which I am sure to find
Both profit and delight — But it Requires Advances and Hith
erto I Have Had to think more of my debts than my pleasures
— altho I Had in the two Revolutions made pecuniary Sacri
fices, there Remained enough of my fortune to answer my
wishes — But it Has Been, during my proscription, dilapi
dated and sold — I found on my Return a load of creditors
- my actual abode, which I prefer to all others, Has Been
in Herited By my wife — I Have made the Best arrangements
I could — yet I am still embarrassed in an Heavy debt, the
Greatest part of which Belongs to American citizens or mer
chants — supposing it was paid, there would Remain for each
of my children, which I Have already given to two of them,
a property of Hundred and twenty Guineas a year — for my
wife and myself, including the usual military pension, about
five Hundred Guineas annual, which might Be a little e*i-
creased By good farming, Had I declared the first expenses —
under those circumstances you will approve my making some
inquiries about grants of land, state and continental, which
Have Been often mentioned to me — I Have writen about it
to my friends, Victor Dupont and Co, who offered their kind
services, and should they apply to you for information or as
sistance, I am sure they shall find it — you Remember that
the amount of my pay Has Been during my captivity sent by
Congress and employed in preservative measures — it Has
Been confidentially said to me, Between us, it wras the inten
tion of certain friends to take into consideration my former
expenses and to move Congress for some Resolution respecting
me — I shall make no application, But will consider it a duty
to my creditors and an Honourable circumstance for me to
accept whatever they would please to do under the proportion
which might Be derived from my old expenses — a small for
tune, after it Has Been cleared, will suffice for us — I do not
choose to encrease it by any of the plans to Be found in the
present institutions of France — and I think a plain life suits
1801-1803] of James McHenry 511
Better my situation than any other — But I confess I would
much wish the little I Have to Be unencombered, and I have
thought I might find some resource in the grants which, I am
told, Have Been formerly set a part for me.
"My old confidence in you, my dear McHenry, Has made
me enter those details — I Hope you Have Received letters I
wrote By duplicate Respecting the History of General Wash
ington undertaken By His nephew — you will no doubt Have,
and you may seek opportunities to see the work and make your
observations.
"Adieu, my dear friend, present my Best Respects to
Mrs McHenry — my compliments wait on the family — Ac
cept those of my wife .and children, and Believe me most
affectionately
"Yours LAFAYETTE"
Few other letters of l note date from 1802. One of these
is from Stoddert, who was in continual financial difficulties
and was interested in the investigations into the management
of the executive departments which the Republicans instituted.
"Geo Town 20 July 1802.
"Dr Sir
' ' I have ascertained the facts respecting the Secretaries of
State in regard to their accts. all monies were charged to
Pickering and to Marshall, who intended an arrangement at
the Treasury to take off the responsibility from him by charg
ing at once to the person sent the money — but this was
never done in his time — It was done since Mr Madison came
to Office, but not till after 42000 D. were charged to him, sent
by Dale to the Barbary Powers — Mr Madison took Dale's
rect. & the amt. against Mr. Madison was balanced by trans
ferring the charge to Dale— & this before Dale left this
Country, Since his return, his acct is also settled by the rec'ts
produced by him for the delivery of the stores & money or
money alone.
< ' This is the only instance of charge against Mr. Madison.
In other transactions, the money in his dept. has been at once
charged to the persons sent it — or in some way to free him
1 An indication of the kind of courtesies expected from, city friends
may be seen in W. V. Murray's letter from Cambridge on August 3,
1802. "Mrs. Murray took the liberty of sending her Piano Forte to
Mrs. McHenry with a letter requesting to have it strung and tuned. My
brother will bring it home if it be ready."
512 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
from responsibility. This is different from my impressions
I was sure this prudent arrangement had been adopted by
Genl. Marshall — & that Mr. Madison had succeeded to it.
"The President has become a great Friend to the Navy
I believe. He has a proposal for securing Ships from decay ;
& if Congress will adopt it, as I hope they will, he should not,
he says, object to building a 74 every year. It is intended
to make a dry dock for the reception of 12 ships at the Navy
yard or the Eastern Branch — on the principle of locks the
water is to be taken from the little Falls of Pato'c. carried
through Geo Town & the City, & is to fill the locks, so as to
bring the Ships into the lock, which afterwards may be made
dry — & is to be covred — the whole expense will not exceed
he thinks 200,000 Drs. If it does not exceed half a million,
the money will be well laid out, & the work will be worthy a
great nation. You know my partiallity for the Navy — My
interest in the City — both will be benefitted. and ships once
built will require little expense & be subject to no Decav in
Peace."
The investigating committee, appointed by the house of
representatives on December 14, 1801, reported April 29, and
congress adjourned on May 3. The Federalist minority of
the committee, Bayard, Griswold, and Cutter, opposed the re
port, especially as it was made very late in the session and
they were not consulted in the preparation of it. The ma
jority's report charged a "wanton waste of the public treas
ure" and the Republican newspapers said this document "ex
hibits a scene of past iniquity, much more frightful and of a
nature much more dangerous and alarming than anything yet
delineated, or conceived, of the late administration." 1
On May 1, Griswold, as a member of the committee, at
tacked the report and moved a recommitment. The charges
against McHenry 2 were that he had unsettled accounts for
$3,877,792.50 ; that $152.608 were improperly spent for a lab
oratory on the Schuylkill ; that money had been improperly ex-
1 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1st Sess., 313, 319, 1251. The in
vestigation was originally started to find irregularities in Pickering's
accounts, but the motion wfis extended so as to cover an investigation
to all moneys drawn from the treasiiry. The motion was carried with
out a division.
2 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1st Sess., 1255. The report is printed
in State Papers, Finance, ii, 752.
1801-1803] of James McHenry 513
pended for secret service l and in the Indian relations ; that
Uriah Tracy, United States senator from Connecticut, had
been improperly paid for a trip to the West, at a rate of $8
a day and his expenses ; and that the federal government had
wrongfully paid McHenry 's house rent. Griswold defended
McHenry against all the charges, especially the first two. He
explained that the "mode in which business is transacted in
the offices of the accountants of the war and navy" is this:
"Whenever a sum of money is advanced to an individual, he
is immediately charged with it and, although it may have been
advanced for services actually rendered or supplies furnished,
yet nothing passed takes credit, till a voucher is produced for
every item in the account, and the account, although nothing
is due upon it, remains unsettled and, in the sense of the
committee, a balance unaccounted for. ' ' Therefore, the quar
termaster 's department has $900,000 charged against it, on
account of a dispute as to a small part of that sum.
As to the laboratory, McHenry was a "man of liberal
mind, and of large extensive views, and disposed to found
every permanent establishment upon a scale which should, in
some measure, comport with the future prospect of this coun
try and prove them to/ be the establishments of a nation and
not of a petty corporation." He established an arsenal at
Philadelphia, because that city, as a great mercantile port,
was a fine place to collect military stores and because he found
these stores kept in private buildings and exposed to fires and
accident.
Nicholson defended the report, but his defense of the
charge of unsettled accounts was weak. As to the arsenal, he
asserted that no authority had been given to build it and that
its expense was wrongly charged against the quartermaster's
fund. 2
Bayard, a Federalist member of the committee, protested
against the report, 3 stating that the evidence was not suffi
cient to prove that McHenry owes the United States a dollar,
that a laboratory was necessary for the preservation of arms
and stores and, by analogy to the Washington navy yard just
1 Sate Papers, Finance, i, 816, 817. Letter of McHenry to Simmons,
accountant of war department, directing him to pay accounts certified by
the president for sf-cret service to James Ross and Samuel Lewis to the
amount of $1320 and saying Simmons is not comptroller of the depart
ment's disbursements, but merely a sub-auditor and countersigns checks
to preserve regularity in the finances, not to restrain advances.
2 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1267.
3 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1272.
514 L,ife and Correspondence [CHAP.XVII
built, it was right for McHenry to take the cost, $152,608,
from the quartermaster's fund. He also defended Tracy's
mission, which John Randolph especially attacked. l Ran
dolph also attacked the secretary for building the laboratory
on land leased, but not owned, by the government. After the
last speech, Griswold's motion was lost by a vote of 22 to 46.
McHenry prepared a defense of himself against the
charges made against him, which he embodied in a letter to
the speaker which was read in the house of representatives on
December 28, and was later printed for McHenry in pamphlet
form in Baltimore. 2 Some Republicans objected to its being
read and Randolph of Roanoke called it indecent, but the
house supported Macon, the speaker, and ordered it read, 3 by
a vote of 62 to 16. After reading the letter, it was laid on
the table and, on the next day, 4 Randolph offered an amend
ment to the rules that, if any paper be offered which, in the
opinion of any member, contained matter insulting to the
dignity of the house, the question of reading it shall be de
termined by vote of the house. The amendment was referred
to a committee and never reported, while no action was taken
on McHenry 's letter. In his defense, the late secretary of
war said that his disbursements were less than the appropria
tions. Of the $4,000,000 unaccounted for, $1,756,391 were
disbursed before 1797 and $1,800,000 of the remainder were
advanced before McHenry took office. The present admin
istration disbursed $700,000 ; $908,092 has been accounted for
and is improperly included and $341,854.49 was duly applied
though not accounted for, so that McHenry owes no balance.
The whole trouble came from a bad system of bookkeeping.
The accountant of the war department and the auditor and
comptroller of the treasury see that a proper account is made
and, unless the secretary of war interferes with them, he is
not liable in any event. "Advances made by the secretary of
war were always charged to the receivers of the money and
not to the secretary of war and some of these agents have not
settled." The laboratory was properly charged to the quar
termaster's fund and there had been the previous custom to
1 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1283.
2 "A letter to the honorable, the Speaker of the House of Repre
sentatives of the United" States with the accompanying documents read
In that Honorable House on the 28th of Dec, 1802, by James McHenry,
late Secretary of the Department of War, Baltimore, Printed by John
Butler, cor. Gay and Water Sts., 1803."
3 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 2nd Sess., 293.
4 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 2nd Sess., 297. .
1801-1803] of James McHenry 515
spend from that fund the sum needed to supply a place for
supplies whose purchase was authorized. While in office, Mc
Henry reported that the building was in process of construc
tion and would be paid for from the quartermaster's fund
and there was no complaint. Indian affairs and the Indian
trade were in the hands of the war department. This gave
the department a foreign side, and furthermore the laws of
the United States provide for secret expenditures in connec
tion with the Indians and arrangements had to be made with
governors of Canada and Louisiana about the surrender of
the western posts. McHenry tried to render less frequent the
visits of the Indians to the seat of government and to have
more resident Indian agents, thus bettering the moral and
physical conditions, bringing the Indians into narrower com
pass on reservations, and placing them more perfectly under
the control of the United States. On May 23, 1800, "just be
fore leaving office, he recommended that a proper person ex
amine the Indian trading houses and garrisons and that the
military leaders give the Indians as few rations as possible.
As a result of this recommendation, Tracy was sent, quite
properly. As to house rent, 1 in April, 1800, anticipating the
speedy removal of the capital from Philadelphia to Washing
ton, McHenry sent his chief clerk to the latter place to rent,
for a year, a house for the war office and a dwelling for the
secretary. This was done before Adams asked McHenry 's
resignation and after this McHenry considered "the public
bound to save me harmless from the effects of my engage
ment." The other secretaries agreed with him and so the
needed sum was paid by the federal government. McHenry 's
defense may fairly be called a successful one and we may
well agree with his summing up. ''It was my lot to be en
trusted with the direction of the Department for a course of
time, during a great part of which, the affairs of this country
were considerably agitated. Whether the Department was ad
ministered well or ill, whether such of the plans projected by
me, as were carried into execution, and others offered by me
to the consideration of the councils of the United States, have,
or would probably have, in their results, conduced to the pub
lic benefit, must be committed to time and the dispassionate
judgment of others to decide. I have not vanity sufficient to
flatter myself that, while in office, I was always right and
1 See Contract with Mrs. French for house rent. State Papers,
Finance, i, 820.
516 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
never surprised into error; too well do I know that it is im
possible to conduct a great and complicated department, so as
always to avoid mistakes. My own mind does, however, derive
satisfaction from a review of my endeavors for the public
good, and I confidently trust I have shown that any errors
justly attributed to me are not those imputed in the report of
the committee of investigation."
McHenry's defense led to several letters from his Feder
alist friends. Tracy wrote twice.
"City of Washington 3d. Jany. 1803.
"My Dear Sir
"Your favor of the 22d. Deer, has been reed, a sufficient
length of time ago, to have had an answr. before now ; but my
health is still low, & I have had an ague & fever, & have not
written since I reed, your letter, excepting once to my family.
I am somewhat better now ; but the weather is so disagreeable
that I cannot exercise sufficiently, & this incapacitates me
from writing or indeed from any enjoyment.
"No apology was requisite for not communicating your
intention of addressing Congress, on the matter or manner of
it. It seems to me perfectly correct, that it should be your
own exclusively, & delicacy dictates that you should not have
consulted your Congressional Friends.
"I have not seen your memorial, but am told by mem
bers of the House who did hear it, that it was well done, &
adapted well to its purposes. The House has taken no meas
ures with it, after struggling violently to prevent its being
read ; but it was all read however disagreeable to them. You
have probably heard the Speaker's Opinion was in favor of
reading & that the hot ones appealed, but the House supported
Macon & it was all read.
"Our Majority with pusillanimity at their head, are ap
palled at the aspect of New Orleans, they fear war, because
it costs money & blood, neither of which ought, in their Opin
ion to be expended in this reign of Parsimoney & Economy.
The Kentuckians, & Tennesseeites, & Mississippi Territorian-
ists are alive, & pushing on one side, for prompt and ener
getic measures, The Federalists are for prompt measures; &
the Jacobins talk faint & look wild.
"In this state of irresolution, the proper time to act
will pass by, & can never be recalled. The French will take
possession of Louisiana &c.
1801-1803] of James McHenry 517
"The Jacobins seem to wait for next session to communi
cate their attacks on the Constitution, & even for any further
attacks on the old ordr. of things. What may come forward
I do not know ; from present appearances they seem too irreso
lute to do any thing.
"They exult in Gallatin's Statement of a full Treasy. an
event highly honble to the old admin Vn ; but these fools claim
the credit of it themselves. It is really difficult to decide
which they merit most the appellation of fool or knave. Fools
they are, God knows; but I am, lately, more than formerly
convinced that Fool is their predominant characteristic. I
know there is no fool, but what is a knave, especially if you
trust him in public business, his very folly operates knavery
in a high degree and our Country will rue the day, in which
they drest fools with authority, it was a sorrowful act !
"Present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry & family, in
which George (my little Son) joins me, & believe
"me yours sincerely
"URIAH TRACY"
"Washington llth. Jany. 1803.
"My Dear Sir
"I expected to have found the Report you mention in
your last favor of the 4th. Jany. among my old papers, but
not being able to lay my hand upon it, I have directed a Copy
to be made out, & will forward it the moment it is finished.
"James Munroe Esqr. of Virginia, is Nominated Plenipo.
Extra to France & Spain both jointly & severally with R. R.
Livingston in the one place & with the immortal Charles
Pinckney in the other to settle all the New Orleans, & Louis
iana scrapes with these European reprobates. This our in
trepid Executive has laid before the Senate this day. "Hail
Columbia happy Land.'1
' ' Your friends all say, that your defence, which was read
before the Reps, of the Majesty of the People, much against
their will, was an able & ample defence, & the treatmt, of it
attempted by the Jacobins, proves their opinions better, than
any declaration they would make directly, as they would not
own the truth without much reluctance. It lies on the Table,
& nothing I conclude, will be done with it.
"I am confident I wrote to you upon this subject, before
I reed, your letter, & if you have not reed, it, I wish you would
let me know; as I am not confident that our Post-Offices are
518 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvn
perfectly free from mistakes with some of my Letters ; — there
are a number of unaccountable delays, & losses of my letters,
which have induced me to suspect and tho I wish not be
jealous & much less to accuse improperly, I mean to know,
or at least attempt to know, what is the difficulty.
"I cannot think myself of sufficient importance' to call
forth the talents of this Departmt. in searching for my lit
tle treasons against the present virtuous Admin 'n, but, if the
Infernal scoundrels open my letters, & put them aside, or de
stroy them, I will try to chastise them for it and sooner or
later I shall certainly effect it. The babyish conduct of our
great men, I can despise & forgive; but if villainy must be
added to a childish folly, it ought to [be] brought to condign
punishment.
"Please to say how d'do in the most friendly manner to
Mrs. McIIenry for me, & believe me your friend.
"URIAH TRACY"
Later in the year McHenry sent "Wolcott some copies of
the pamphlet, which the Connecticut man acknowledged thus :
"New York May 30th 1803.
"My Dear Sir.
"I reed, your favour of the llth instant a few days since,
accompanying a number of copies of your letter to the Speaker
of the House of .Representatives ; those addressed to your
friends in this city, have been delivered, those intended for
Massachusetts & Connecticut, shall be forwarded without de
lay.
"The perusal of your address has given me much pleas
ure. I thought I understood the Report of the Committee of
Investigation well, before, but I now understand it much bet
ter. — you have placed several matters in a new and striking
point of view, & have brought to light several documents,
which escaped former researches : — the investigators have
been well investigated : the attempt to disgrace honest men,
has covered the authors with confusion : — poor rogues — they
have only displayed an impotent malice.
"I thank you sincerely for your kind wishes for my wel
fare. I hope some part of your prediction will be verified : —
for though I do not expect nor wish to be rich, yet I hope so
1801-1803] of James Me Henry 519
far to succeed in my new vocation — as to secure a competency
for my family.
"I hope you will not so far forget your friends of the
old school, as not to drop me a line occasionally & as you have
the felicity, to be a man of independence & leisure, I pray
you to assist, in guiding us out of the turbid waves of Jeffer-
sonian liberty — . If we were on a 'tempestuous sea' of
clean salt water, I should feel more indifferent than I now
do, about being drowned, in good company : — but to be suffo
cated in a dirty goose pond, is too offensive & degrading —
Excite Maryland, if possible, to do something — almost any
movement will afford relief.
"Mrs. "W — will not come here till the Autumn — I shall
communicate Mrs. McIIenry's message to her, with the certain
knowledge that it will be very acceptable. Please to present
my best respects to her & to my young friends of your house
hold & remain assured of the sincerity, with which I continue
' ' Dr. Sir your friend
"& obed. Sert.
"Guv WOLCOTT"
CHAPTER XVIII
THE FEDERALISTS IN OPPOSITION, 1803-1812
DURING 1803, McHenry became interested in a project
to establish a college in Baltimore to bear the name
of the city and to have as its basis an academy con
ducted by Dr. James Priestley. A charter for this college was
passed by the legislature and McHenry wrote an appeal to
the citizens to support it. l This appeal was unsuccessful and
when his own son John, whom he had sent to Princeton, be
came ill and discouraged there, he was forced to send him to
St. Mary 's College on the outskirts of Baltimore, conducted by
the Sulpicians. McHenry 's tender fatherliness may be seen
in a letter sent his son on December 31, 1805.
"My dear John.
"I expect to see you, George, and Edward to-morrow.
You may, if you think proper, invite to spend the day with
you, two of your college acquaintances.
"On the eve of a new year, accept, my beloved son, of
my anxious and fervent wishes for your daily happiness. May
every new year add to your mental improvements, give
strength to your good habits, and when you shall come forth
into the world the accomplished scholar, render you dearer
and dearer to your fellow citizens. Above all things, I pray
to God, that while we remain here below, your and our lives
may be so spent as to ensure to us, through the merits of our
redeemer, a blessed hereafter.
"Your affectionate father
"JAMES MCHENRY"
News of the Louisiana treaty came during the summer of
1803 and McHenry rather disapproved it. He wrote Picker-
1 A letter written by James McHenry to his son at Princeton, and
the address to the citizens of Baltimore are printed in the Johns Hop
kins Newsletter for 1904.
1803-1812] oj James McHenry 521
ing on October 27, asking the truth of rumors about it and
said : let the Republicans amend the constitution without help
from the Federalists. Before this, he had heard from Wolcott
and Tracy on the subject as follows :
"New York Aug. 4th 1803.
"Dear Sir,
"By our friends: Mr. Harper & Mr. Thompson & Mr.
Cooke I have reed, the agreable information of your health &
prosperity, in which my feelings are deeply interested. That
nothing may happen to disturb your felicity is my ardent
wish.
"I take the liberty to ask as a favour that you would
ascertain the expence of the agency for adjusting the accounts
of the State of Maryland, before the Board of Commissioners
of the United States. If I am not mistaken, Mr. John Wright
- was the Agent — perhaps, however, he was only the Prin
cipal Clerk— What I wish to know is, the Salary & Dura
tion of the Agent — & the expence of Clerk hire, Office rent,
Contingencies &c &c. They can, I presume, be ascertained
from the person who was Agent or from the Audts. in the
State Treasury. The information will be useful to me per
sonally & is wanted for that purpose only.
' ' Is there any secret article in the Louisiana Treaty, which
will create difficulties, or has G. B. Manifested discontent in
relation to this affair? It appertains to you to discover &
reveal the mystery, if one exists — In my capacity of cidevant
Secy, of the Treasury — I promise to pass your accounts, the
Committee of Investigation notwithstanding.
"Please to present my respects to Mrs. and Miss Mc
Henry & the young Gentlemen & remain assured of the Esteem
of
"Dr Sir, yrs.
"OLIV. WOLCOTT."
Tracy's letter was sent from Washington, October 19th,
1803.
"We are, in the Senate hard at work upon the three
French Treaties, or rather one Treaty & two Conventions;
which are yet secret but will, it is presumed, soon transpire.
You have read the Message, & contemplated its contents.
"All things conspire to obtain popularity, & all exertions
are aimed at that object. How long luck will attend such
522 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
fellows is uncertain ; but it is a long road which never turns.
"I have thought in looking over the history of my fellow
men, both written & experimental, that the everlasting & un
ceasing tendency has been & still is to place rule, command, or
governmt. in the hands of unworthy men. Such are the im
perfections & I may add depravity of human nature, that the
chance is a bad one, to get a good King, Govr. Prest. or any
other character to govern men. And any good man, acting
in such conspicious capacity, has always been a light shining
in a dark place. When shall we see a Washington — Not
till we get to Heaven : — But we may see many, very many,
of a different character, who will make great pretentious to
patriotism & virtue; & even invoke Washington's name, & pro
fess to emulate his virtues. Poor human nature; this world
is thy trial, here, self denial & restraint, mortification & disap
pointment, are thy lot ; Addison says in one of his pieces in the
Spectator; "in this world our happiness1 must consist in re
straint, in the next in enjoyment."
"The bustle, intrigue, & vice, almost absolutely requisite
to obtain wealth & power, the darling objects of the human
heart, are so incompatible to a Christian & all his feelings, that
they must generally remain with those, whose want of prin
ciple will permit them to adopt any means however wicked,
to obtain their objects : — The few exceptions, seem only to
confirm the general rule.
"New Jersey you know has eome out in the last Elec
tion Democratic, the Feds say that it is owing to bad votes,
foul play &c — but you will discern that bad votes, foul play,
&c. must be expected in such a state of things, as are in exis
tence in this Country. What with bad votes, foul play &c —
we shall probably take the same course, that our predecessors
have marked out for us, their tracks lead to the grave & that
with hasty step. In contemplating our situation, I am con
vinced, that the accession of Louisiana, will accelerate a divi
sion, of these States ; whose whenabouts, is uncertain, but
somewhen is inevitable.
"North & South, with the difference of climate, produce,
population & manners, are now but just held together, with a
sense of interest & force of habit ; but only add a large acces
sion to the Southern tendency to disorganization ; & the North
ern section will fall off, by force of its own weight. This
event, I deprecate, but not so much, that I would submit to
any thing, & every thing to avoid it.
1803-1812] of Jcuties McHenry 523
"I believe, Sir, you are fatigued with this preachment,
permit me therefore to subscribe myself yr. friend.
"URIAH TRACY."
Lafayette wrote him twice in the year 1803 and McHenry
replied to these letters in a long and interesting one.
"Paris Germinal the 10th llth year
"(30 March) 1803
"My Dear McHenry
"I take the opportunity of General Bernadotte's Depart
ure to let you hear from me. You have no doubt been alarmed
with the account of my having broken my thigh in the worst
place I could chosen viz the Col du femur My cure is com
plete and I am certain that I shall not have the least lame
ness, but the new machine to which I am indebted for it has
so severely wounded me, and my lying on the back has been
so long that I must still undergo much pain and trouble be
fore I am quite well. Now permit me to introduce to you
and Mrs McHenry General Bernadotte and his lady, both
perfectly Calculated to be welcome and well pleased in Amer
ica, the glorious share that General Bernadotte had in the
triumphs of the French armies, you know perfectly well, his
private character and civic virtues are not less deserving at
tachment and regard, his personal disposition towards Amer
ica is such as we can wish, to you it is not superfluous to
add that General Bernadotte is my friend, adieu dear Mc
Henry
"I am Most affectionately yours
' ' LAFAYETTE ' '
The second letter was sent from near Paris, June 1, 1803.
"My Dear McHenry
' ' I have not this very long time received a Line from you
- I dont Know whether you have got my Letters — The Last
one was an introductory one for Gel. Bernadotte — You will
have heard that I had the misfortune to break my Thigh, at
the col du Femur The fracture has been more perfectly
mended than in any case perhaps of the kind — But the ex
tensive machine invented for that purpose having been se
verely applied, and by me Supported as long as I could, there
have resulted from it Very Deep Wounds which will Still
524 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
Keep me two or three Weeks before they are healed — I
now am at a Village where my Daughter in Law's family have
their house — her Father has left the huzzards to become
Aide de Camp to an Inspector of Cavalry. We shall all,
viz my wife, Son, Daughter in Law, two Daughters, their
husbands, and three Grand Daughters, meet again by the
middle of July at Lagrange — my beloved rural place of re
tirement Where the Whole Family Live with us.
"I am heartily Sorry for the War Between France and
England Whatever may justly be Said of the Politics of
our Goverment, it appears evident to me that, on this Side,
peace has been Sincerely wished for and that in the British
Cabinet it has been quite the reverse — They Disliked the
Treaty made by Themselves at Amiens, and they Determined
to Break it — That is the English of the Business. — We are
not without Some hopes of a Speedy reconciliation.
' ' I Seldom felt so great a Joy as I did on the accession of
Louisiana and the anticipated one of the Floridas to the free
and happy territory of the United States— The scheme of
a French Colony in that quarter I did on every Account repro
bate — It was big with Evils — The present Arrangement
is on the line of the gradual enfranchisement of the Amer
ican Continent and Secures eternal good Understanding Be
tween France and the United States.
"I have with heartfelt gratitude, pride, and pleasure
heard of the Gifts in Lands which Congress have been pleased
to grant to me — Indeed, my Dear Friend, Circumstanced as
I am, unwilling to meddle with public affairs, having found
on my return large Debts and very little property, I con
sider the Kindness of my American Fellow Citizens, either
in general Congress, or in particular States, as the most hon
ourable Way to rid myself of my embarassments, and to Se
cure the modest Situation, Which I prefer to an expensive
State — The only luxury I should like to indulge is the im
provement of my Farm as I am Fondly Devoted to Agricul
tural pleasures— Was you to ask me wrhy I would not as
well like be under the Same obligations to this other Country
of mine, for which also, in my pecuniary times, I spent a good
part of my fortune, I would Frankly Answer that here I dont
Find a true national representation, and that too many people,
friends and adversaries, have suffered, to make an exception
of the Kind in my Behalf agreeable to my feelings — Amer-
1803-1812] of James McHenry 525
lean Bounty on the contrary is freely granted, and accepted
without Scruple or inconvenience
' ' You have, I am Sure, presumed a friendly remembrance
of Gel. Chattelux : his Widow and her Son, a Very promising
Youth, both ruined by the revolution find themselves in a
particular Situation which the inclosed note, made by Madame
de Chattelux Does sufficiently explain— I assured her you
would by your Enquiries, and, if there is a chance of Success,
by your Exertions, Do for the Father's memory, and the
advantages of his Family whatever may be in your power.
"Adieu, my dear McHenry, present my respects to your
Lady — My attachments to all the Family, and think often
of your constant affectionate friend
' ' LAFAYETTE ' '
The inclosure was a curious one and gave an inaccurate
legend :
"Lord Baltimore, in consequence of a Grant issued under
the Reign of Charles the 1st. which gave to him and his heirs
the propriety of the lands Situated to the north of the River
Potowmack, as also divers privilege of Great importance laid
down the foundation of the province of Maryland in the
Year 1632.
"Upon the death of King Charles, the inhabitants of
Maryland having Submitted to the Authority of Cromwell,
Lord Baltimore was obliged to fly to Virginia; but at the
time of Charles the Second's restoration, he returned and was
reinstated in his rights and privileges. The Constitution he
had established in the Year 1638. had been revised in 1650.
and altered in Some respects: Such as it was modeled at
this last period, it remained in activity untill the Year 1776.
When the present laws, forms, and independance were pro
claimed.
"Lord Baltimore left no male issue, and his two Daugh
ters married two brothers, of the name and Family of Plunk-
ett's of Castle Plunkett in Ireland: His property and priv
ileges of every sort of nature had been entailed upon the
Eldest: but from circumstances unknown (it is supposed
owing to the Absence of the right owner & the presence of
those who had a sort of Claim) upon the death of Lord
Baltimore, his illegitimate Children usurped the property &c.
which belonged to the Legitimate Descendant and notwith
standing every Sort of application made by these, continued
526 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
to remain in possession of their Lands, original Titles, hon
or's &c. untill the revolution having taken place, their attach
ment to the English Cause was the occassion of the property
they held ittegaly being confiscated, but it Seems they re
ceived from Great Britain a large Sum as an indemnification
"The Branch of Plunkett's derived from 'Lord Balti
more's Eldest Daughter is extinct
"Alfred Chastellux Son to General Chastellux, and his
only Child, in right of his Mother Mary Plunkett, great
Grandaughter to Miss Talbot Lord Baltimore 's Second Daugh
ter is the Direct and Legitimate Descendant of Lord Balti
more : is he not entitled in justice to claim an indemnification,
as the Legal heir of him Who laid down the foundation of
the State of Maryland? & to a grant of favor, as being the
Son of General Chastellux who contributed to establish the
Independance of the United States, and whose unbounded
Attachment to the prosperity of America is Sufficiently
Known. ' '
McHenry answered Lafayette's letters from Baltimore
on October 25, 1803.
' ' Since my last I have been honoured with two letters
from you, 1 — Dated June 1st the other the 30 March. The
1st of June I received about six weeks ago, and the 30th
March which came [to] hand during the last month. The
letter of June relieved me from much uncertainty respecting
your situation. As I could not entirely discredit public
prints, which stated the accident that had befallen you, I
had become extremely anxious to learn from yourself the
extent & nature of the disaster. I thank god that you are
recovered or nearly so, and without the affliction of perment
lameness. You must indeed have suffered a great deal from
the machine, constant extension, in such a case, being equiva
lent to constant pain.
"It was the wish of your friends that Congress should
have made their grant of land to you more worthy of your
acceptance. I believe we are to ascribe the limitation en
tirely to the reigning policy, which calls for the strictest
economy in every expenditure that might attract public at
tention. Were you to come among us, you would find your
self in many points of view, as it were, in a new world. Most
of your old friends in private life, friends tremblingly alive
1803-1812] of James McHenry 527
to whatever is likely to affect their popularity. The people
too changed, that is because more democratical. Great and
lesser Demagogues in every State and districts and the preju
dices and violence of party, leaving little or no room for
moderation or social intercourse between men of opposite
politics. In such a state of things with economy the cry of
every Demagogue or seeker of popularity, I need not observe
that any application to the legislature of Maryland at this
time in favour of the son of Genl. Chastellux would be un
successful.
"These are no doubt evils in themselves, and what is
worse, may lead to still greater. We cannot tell what further
changes such democratical opinions may produce in the pub
lic mind [in] the government itself, when a people are made
to believe, that they themselves are every thing, and have
a right to have every thing fashioned to their way of think
ing, they are in the sure road of alternately ruling their
Demagogues and being ruled by them, and the fundamental
laws and institutions of the State disregarded or trampled
upon as they stand opposed to the passions or inter
ests of their leaders. Such has generally been the conse
quences of flattering the multitude in Kepublics, for in re
publics any deviations in the people from their prescribed
rights, and in the government from the free exercise of its
authorities lead rapidly to Democracy, in other words confu
sion and licentiousness.
"As yet, however, such consequences are more feared
than felt ; and feared only by the most reflecting part of the
community those in power excepted, who act as if they
thought they could be able to manage the multitude accord
ing to their views of the public interest. The people, gen
erally speaking, still preserve a degree of respect for the
forms of election and the constitution, and those in power, for
the general welfare, with this qualification, that it must be
carried and essentially connected with their popularity.
"In the mean while, the general prosperity of the coun
try is on the increase, and the laws, except perhaps where
certain political questions are concerned, executed with the
usual fidelity and integrity.
"With respect to my self I would not say that I am
an unconcerned spectator, or indifferent to all that passes.
Having an interest at stake, loving real liberty and wishing
for its maintennance, I cannot, without regret, look upon any
528 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
conduct in rulers or the people which tends to endanger and
finally destroy it. In my eyes despotism of the multitude is
the most terrible of tyrannies.
"You tell me you are in love with retirement and rural
concerns. I do not pay much attention to the latter, but
I am so great a stickler for ease and quiet, it must be a tor
nado [or] earthquake in politics indeed which would throw
me into public Life. I wish you were equally decided in your
choice of a retired life, but my dear general, you will, if I
am not mistaken, for the sake of your family your friends,
or some other good and powerful motive forego La Grange,
its fields — its fences, its shades and herds and flocks, for
public life.
"It will, however, always be a solace to me, that you are
happy & that your children connect themselves in a manner
worthy of their parents; and to receive you in the arms of
friendship should any occasion lead you to revisit the United
States.
"Mrs. McHenry prays to be respectfully presented to
Madam La Fayette, and that she will accept her constant
wishes for her happiness."
McHenry was soon to lose two of his warmest friends.
Murray died on December 11, 1803, and Hamilton's death
occurred in the next year. On January 2, Tracy wrote,
inclosing a speech he had recently made in opposition, to the
Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution.
"My Dear Sir
"I have again been guilty of almost an act of suicide,
in making a foolish speech, & more foolish publication of
it. But since it has cost me so much to bring it to light, I
am determined to tax my friends with a sight of it, whether
they will read it is left with each one, in a free Country, to
decide for him self. I have inclosed one to you, as a New
Years gift, & wish from my soul it was worthy of the person
to whom presented, & of the affectionate friendship I feel
for him.
"We have no News Yet from New Orleans; but expect it
soon. I mean Official news. There are reports, & newspaper
paragraphs; & it is probable that peaceable possession will
be given, by the Spaniards, & French Prefect L' Aussat. If
peaceable possession is obtained, there will be a triumph to
Democracy.
1803-1812] of James McHenry 529
"Had I any thing worthy of yr. attention to write, I
would make up a letter with it; but our political sense pre
sents nothing but a sameness of sterility ; one barren waste
of hypocritical pretensions to foster the liberties of the people,
while popularity is the real object.
"But I had rather be buried under the ruins of my
Country, exerting my feeble strength to support it; than to
ride in the foremost & most exalted Chariot, of him who is
laying it waste. Let Democracy tremble, for the Day of
account is at hand. If they destroy us, it will serve to ac
cumulate vengeance for themselves; and the short lived tri
umph will but aggravate their woes.
"But I am rambling into the regions of the horrible, it is
enough to tax you with a long book, & not add a long letter
to it.
"Please to present me respectfully to Mrs. McHenry &
family, & believe me yrs. sincerely
"URIAH TRACY
"N. B. I am afflicted at the death of our friend Vans
Murray; but it is the will of God. Man ought not to com
plain, when infinite Wisdom & goodness, are accompanying
infinite power!"
In New York state the acrimonious campaign carried on
by Burr for the governorship was to result in Hamilton's
death. I have found no letter from McHenry on this sad
event, but three letters from Wolcott to him are preserved
among McHenry 's papers upon that election and its melan
choly sequel.
The first letter is dated New York, April 9, 1804 :
"My Dear Sir,
"I have reed, your favour of Mar. 31. & have spoken to
Genl. Hamilton who has promised to reimburse the fee you
paid to Mr. Martin.
"The good wishes and affectionate concern of my friends,
among whom, I rank you in the first class, are more than an
equivalent for all the evils which I have experienced, from the
vindictive spirit of my political adversaries. It affords me a
high consolation to reflect, that I have not deserved this treat
ment and I firmly believe that it will not be in the power of
the Philosopher & all his Minions to break my spirit or starve
530 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
my family: they shall certainly find that I am no Quaker in
politicks, and that I mean stedfastly to resist Oppression.
"The Opposition to the Merchants Bank, which at first
originated in the private views of a few stockholders of other
Banks at length assumed a different aspect and finally de
generated into a party question : The Merchants B,ank, really
was not a political Association: being opposed however by a
number of wealthy Men, (chiefly Federalists), the Clintonians
hoped by crushing the Bank, to divide the Federal Party:
in conducting their opposition, they have, however, divided
their own Party, and have reluctantly been compelled to pass
a Bill which, on the whole, will be favourable to our Interests :
"This State is agitated to its center, with intrigues and
schemes, calculated to produce an influence on the approach
ing Election : I can give no opinion what the result will be,
but it is said to be most probable that Colo. Burr will succeed :
It is certain that he commands a numerous & intrepid party
who are not to be intimidated, or subdued: In our present
distracted situation, few men look forward to ultimate conse
quences : it is sufficient to decide most men ; that all confidence
in the prevailing faction is lost, and that Colo. Burr is from
situation and necessity the Enemy of the Enemies of good
Men.
"I remain Dear Sir, with sincerity
"Your faithful Friend
"OLIV. WOLCOTT. "
The second letter is written from New York, July 16,
1804:
"My Dear Sir,
"I have reed, your favour of the 14th: The afflicting
event you anticipated has occurred : Hamilton is no more :
I will not attempt to describe my feelings : you will learn all
the circumstances & the last acts of his life will elevate the
character of our late Friend, though they must produce con
flict of emotions, to which your bosom has been a stranger.
"Genl. Hamilton left a will by which all his property
real & personal is vested in Trustees for the payment of his
Debts: This property consists almost entirely of real estates,
chiefly new Lands and a valuable County Establishment nine
Miles from this City: This property cost about 80,000 Dol
lars & he owed about 55,000 Dollars — the Lands are rising
1803-1812] of James McHenry 531
in value but wholly unproductive of Revenue : he was appre
hensive & I believe justly, that a forced Sale, would leave
nothing for his family & perhaps not even produce enough to
pay his debts : A number of Gentlemen here have resolved to
raise a Fund among the Friends of the deed, for the payment
of these debts & to provide for the Children. The design is,
that a select number of Gentlemen of easy Fortunes, shall,
without much eclat & publicity, subscribe what may be suffi
cient. I have been desired to make this intention known, to
a select number of Friends & before I reed, your Letter had
determined to address you & Mr. Gilmore, leaving it to your
judgement, to whom the communication ought to be made in
Baltimore & not doubting your disposition to cooperate.
"I am Dr Sir, with high Esteem
"& sincere affection, yr. friend
"OLIV. WOLCOTT. "
From New York on August 2, 1804, Wolcott wrote for a
third time:
"My Dear Sir,
"I addressed you a hasty Letter the 16th. ultimo, at the
request of several Gentlemen of this City, who have proposed
to raise by contribution, a pecuniary Aid for the family of
our departed Friend Genl. Hamilton. Understanding that
doubts have existed in Philadelphia, whether this proposal
did not originate without the knowledge of the Connections of
the Family and might, therefore, offend the sensibility of
those it was intended to benefit, I have found it necessary to
make certain explanations known there, which I presume will
be fully satisfactory. It being possible that similar impres
sions have been entertained at Baltimore I must take the lib
erty to address you again on this Subject.
"The property left by Genl. Hamilton, consists almost
entirely of new Lands and a Country Seat Nine Miles from
this City. The whole valued by himself at about 80,000
Dollars. The debts are chiefly Notes discounted at the Banks
& Monies borrowed on Mortgage amounting to about 55,000
Dollars. The difference is £10,000 New York Currency.
"This brief Statement will enable you fully to under
stand, the enclosed Paper, which is a copy of one left by
Genl. Hamilton & which is now entrusted to you, on the condi
tion expressed in. Mr. Pendletons Letter to me. There is no
doubt, that the anticipations of our Friend, respecting the
582 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
consequences of forced Sales to raise Money to discharge
$55,000 in debts, would be verified. All the property would
be sacrificed & his Children deprived of every Memorial of
the labour of their illustrious Parent, except his reputation.
"Mr. Govr. Morris, Genl. Clarkson, Mr. Gracie, Mr. Bay
ard &c &c have consulted on this Subject & their joint opinion
is, that it is in every Respect, fit, proper & necessary, that a
number of Gentlemen of Fortune, should come forward &
pay these debts & provide handsomely for the family. A sum
of 100,000 Dollars is the amount proposed.
" It would be an Error to consider Genl. Hamilton 's Fam
ily as objects of public Charity, but though this is not their
Situation, it is certain that they might reasonably expect ad
vancement in Life, from the exertions of our departed Friend.
These hopes must, however, be totally disappointed, unless
the proposed aid is obtained. It is true that the provision
ought in justice to be made by Congress, or by the State of
New York, but no person acquainted with the present State
of public affairs, will place the least reliance on this resource.
Instances of similar benefactions in antient & modern times
must be familiar to your mind & it is certain that they have
always been considered equally honourable to the Receivers
& Givers. The suggestion that the Family would be offended
by such a proof of the Gratitude & Attachment of the re
spectable part of the Community, is here well understood to
be unfounded.
"The mode of giving Effect to the proposed design has
been considered & it is supposed that a medium course between
the ostentation of a public indiscriminate subscription, & the
secresy of private donation would render the provision most
munificent & of course most honourable for all Parties con
cerned. All that is proposed may be easily affected without
any sensible burthen & when the enclosed document is perused
& it is considered how greatly the men of Property are in
debted to the labours of General Hamilton, they must doubt
less be affected by his declaration, that those 'labours have
amounted to absolute sacrifice of the Interests of his Family.'
"Not doubting your disposition to exert your influence in
giving effect to the benevolent object of this Letter, I remain
"Dr Sir, Avith sincere Esteem
"& true Attachment
"yrs
"OLIV. WOLCOTT."
1803-1812] of James McHem*y 533
Of McHenry ?s life in 1805 and 1806, we know almost
nothing. McHenry wrote Pickering on February 19, 1806,
thanking him for his portrait which he had sent, and referring
both to the agitated condition of public affairs, and to the disa
greeable and contemptible position of the president. ' ' We are
threatening Europe with all possible harm and not daring to
take a single step that might materially affect the existing
revenue or render a resort to taxation necessary. The Pres
ident is enraged with Spain, even to bloodshed and prevented
by his friends from breaking the peace. Though suspected
of not being perfectly ignorant of the expedition prepared
by Miranda against the Caracas, he is obliged to de.ny any
knowledge of it. Called upon to pursue that expedition with
a naval force, he takes refuge in Congress. Contradicted and
insulted by the little Spaniard and frightened almost to death
by the more formidable Frenchman, Jefferson is pale and
trembling in his capital, filled with anxiety and looking to
Europe for events to justify his policy and extricate him from
his difficulties."
On .March 31, McHenry wrote again, telling Pickering
that the Federalists cannot forget the system instituted by
opposers of government, such as Jefferson, who set up a press
to vilify the authorities and paid for it from the public money.
In 1807, his letters to Federalist leaders begin again to
be more frequent. On January 29, he writes Pickering, ask
ing him to explain Jefferson's message about Burr's con
spiracy. Can Jefferson think the supreme court will .try
Burr? He regrets that he has not seen nor heard from Pick
ering and expects him, with Hillhouse and other friends on
their return from the session, to "spend at least one sociable
day with me."
On February 6, he writes again, as the Aurora insinuated
that James Ross, of Pittsburg, and the Western Federalists
were concerned in Burr's expedition. Ross wrote McHenry
that he had no connection with Burr. Of other western Penn
sylvania Federalists, O'Hara threatened to disinherit his son,
if he entered the expedition. Wilkins sent his son in the boat
to get his property, if possible, from Natchez and openly and
decidedly interfered to dissuade men from entering the ex
pedition. The only one of the Federalists in the expedition
was Col. Newell 's son and he promised his father to return,
if anything like hostility to the Union proved the object of
the expedition. Ross never saw nor knew of Burr's plans.
534 Life and Correspondence. [CHAP, xvm
Stirring in such matters does not mend them and, therefore,
McHenry does not intend to answer the Aurora. MeHenry
approved of Pickering- 's vote to suspend the habeas corpus
act, as there were symptoms suspiciously like rebellion, and
asked whether Randolph of Roanoke will not be apt to run
Monroe against Jefferson for the presidency, should the last
named permit himself to be nominated again.
Pickering answered three days later from Washington :
"City of Washington Feby. 9. 1807.
"Dear Sir,
"I have your letter of the 6th before me. I thank you
for the communication of what you received from Mr. Ross,
in relation to Colo. Burr's project: tho' as far as concerned
him and other respectable federalists, the declarations of the
Aurora and of all the democratic papers in the United States,
would scarcely authorise a doubt, much less fix any reproach.
"Really I had not at this place heard one word of the
adjustment of all our differences with Great Britain: our
intelligence came from Baltimore, in its news-papers. Your
letter, however, induced me this morning to ask Mr. Giles, if
the Government had rec'd. such information? They had
not (he answered) last Saturday. He added, nevertheless,
that Mr. Magruder of Georgetown, who had written to Mr.
Gilmore (of your city) to get some insurance made — had
reed, an answer, that, in consequence of the adjustment of
our differences with Great Britain, he had been enabled to
procure the insurance at 3 PCent. when prior to their intelli
gence, it could not have been obtained under 4% PCent.
"It has been said here, that the intelligence was sent to
Baltimore on the authority of General Smith. He is (or has
for several days been) with you.
"The session is drawing towards a close, and I rejoice
at it; sick at heart with the feeble administration of our af
fairs, and the impending prospect of our becoming a province
(or rather provinces, as it is his policy to divide) of the Em
peror and King. This danger must be apparent to the men of
understanding among them: but they will not hazard their
popularity by proposing adequate measures of security &
defence ; for this would require money — and money taxes.
These men know that the people are fond of peace — that they
are uniting to be deceived: and seeing it is possible that G.
Britain may weather the tempest, & that we may find safety
1803-1812] of James McHenry 535
under her wings — they are inclined to rest their hopes, as
to futurity, on that contingency; for the sake, in the mean
time, of maintaining their power, & keeping all the offices in
the Union. Perhaps before the session ends, we shall see the
pliant temper of the legislature, in relation to the interposi
tion of the French Government, in support of Beaumarchais '
claim. Glaring as is our right of rejection, I am far from
confident that the claim will not be admitted. I shall rejoice
to find myself under a mistake.
"The French Government have also made a demand, on
the Executive, for indemnity, in the value of the French ship
of the line run ashore on our coast, and there burnt by the
British. If Mr. J. should shift the decision of this claim also,
from his own shoulders to those of the Legislature, it would
not surprise me. It will ~be cheaper, more economical, to ad
mit and pay these claims, than hazard a war — especially a
war with France ! Thus is the dignity of our Nation main
tained abroad ! Such is the spirit of the supporters and pil
lars of our Government!
"I dismiss the ungrateful subject, and cordially bid you
adieu.
"T. PICKERING"
During this year, McHenry employed his leisure by com
piling and publishing the "Baltimore Directory and Citizens
Eegister for 1807. Containing the names, occupations and
places of abode, of the inhabitants, arranged in alphabetical
order, to which are added a list of the names of all the princi
pal officers employed in the service of the United States, a
calendar for the year, several useful tables, duties, &c. By
James McHenry." The introduction states, "The Public are
respectfully informed, that no effort has been spared to ren
der this work useful and worthy of public patronage. The
advantage which citizens, as well as strangers, gain from a
Directory, leaves no doubt on the mind of the Compiler, but
that he will be recompensed for his trouble, in thus presenting
them with a volume of such useful matter as cannot fail to
produce general satisfaction." The book is a duodecimo
bound in boards, containing 204 pages.
In the latter part of the year, McHenry wrote several
times to Pickering, in one letter * giving the latter a detailed
account, in answer to an enquiry, of an act of piracy on the
1 See letter also of December 22.
536 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
Chesapeake, •* by some Frenchmen, who escaped punishment,
because the federal court could take no cognizance of an act
committed within the territorial waters of a state and the
county courts could not, as their jurisdiction did not extend
into the middle of the bay.
McHenry was suspicious lest Moreau's visit to New Or
leans should lead to a possible seizure by the French of the
Mississippi mouth and, when the embargo is proclaimed, is
perplexed, finding no one who can explain the circumstances,
on which it is predicated and passed. If France threatens
and England shows every disposition to peace, why does con
gress pass an act which bears injuriously on both, as it oper
ates a complete suspension of foreign trade. McHenry wished
Pickering and the other friends would visit him on New
Year's Day and wrote that he had been little in Baltimore
for the past four months, as he had been much indisposed of
late.
Pickering answered this letter two days later :
"City of Washington Deer. 26. 1807.
"Dear Sir,
''Till last evening, when I received your letter of the
24th I had not known that you had been out of health: I am
happy to find that you are getting better, and hope for your
perfect recovery & long enjoyment of the first of earthly
blessings.
"To explain the conduct of an administration, in which
wisdom has little agency, & principle still less, would puzzle
a more sagacious head than mine. Yet I have thought, for
many months past, that the whole train of their proceedings,
since the attack on the Chesapeake, admitted of a solution ; &
till within a month I was satisfied my reasoning was correct.
I have since entertained some doubt.
"I took it for granted that Mr. Jefferson would endure
almost any thing, rather than engage ^n war : for he had placed
his greatest merit in having preserved the U. States in peace.
Peace was ever in his mouth; & it seemed to be the leading
principle in his administration. War would greatly dimin
ish, if not destroy the revenue ; — a war with England would
annihilate it. The national debt, of the gradual extinction
of which he makes his annual ostentatious parade, would rap-
1 Printed in Green Bag, xvi, 172. See also Md. Hist. Mag. for Dec.,
1906.
1803-1812] of James McHenry 537
idly be increased: and commercial revenue failing, internal
taxes must be resorted to: and all these evils combined, he
would think sufficient to destroy his popularity. And, there
fore, I had uniformly said, that he would as soon hang him
self as go to war.
' ' Such was my reasoning — and I felt vexed with my
mercantile friends in Massachusetts, for suspending their bus
iness, upon Mr. Jefferson's artificial alarm of war, merely be
cause the Leopard had attacked the Chesapeake & taken out
four deserters. But I must make this apology for them —
they supposed his proclamation to be true, in all its parts:
whereas I was morally certain, that in its most essential parts,
it was false ; & so I did not hesitate to pronounce it. I knew
the British did not and would not claim it as a right, to search
our national armed ships. I was sure that they would not
voluntarily increase the number of their enemies, especially
by a wanton attack on the U. States, their .best customers.
In the nature of things, it was impossible the attack could be
'unprovoked.' Capt. Humphrey's taking out only the deser
ters, previously and repeatedly demanded & refused, while
he left untouched other known British subjects, demonstrated
that the conduct of our government & its officers, had been
marked with aggravated insults and injuries. The President
said this attack was made, after it had been 'ascertained' that
the men taken were native citizens of the U. States. This
also I pronounced to be false ; and insidious as well as false :
Of its falsehood, the proofs are before the public. It was
insidious, because it was intended to be understood by the
people, that these men were poor impressed Americans. It
is in proof that they had all voluntarily entered on board the
British ships & two of them only American citizens.
"It was insidious, because he meant the people should
believe that the native citizenship of the deserters had beeu
'ascertained' to the British commander: otherwise the taking
them by force was not 'marked' with peculiar 'character' of
atrocity, or of blame.
"Well — the alarm of war was raised & industriously
propagated, by all the presidential partisans. Indignation
was kindled into a flame, throughout the Union. To confirm
the belief of an impending war, 100,000 militia were ordered
to be detached, to be ready to march and fight the British
Navy ! This was a measure so perfectly ridiculous, that we
should have thought no man of common sense would have
538 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
hazarded his reputation upon it. But, Visionary as he is,
Mr. Jefferson knows, incomparably better than his oppon
ents, how to address himself to the nonsense of the multitude.
And they are now so completely the dupes of his hypocrisy
that 'tho' he laugh on them, they believe it not.'
' ' The attack was on the 22d. of June. Early in July he
issued his proclamation. In that he announced his intention
to demand reparation of the British Government. The Re
venge was ordered to be got in readiness to carry his demands
to London : and, doubtless, she might have been dispatched in
eight-&-forty hours. Yet she was detained till the 28th of
July. For what reason ? To give time for the leaven he had
conveyed into the public mind to ferment. It operated to his
utmost wrish. And when at the highest point of effervescence
- he ordered the Revenge to sail : carrying with her declara
tions and demonstrations of universal wrath against Britain,
and of the disposition of the people to go to war with her,
unless she yielded all the points on which Mr. Jefferson had
insisted. The Attack on the Chesapeake, in the actual state
of the public mind, wras to be used as a political engine, to ex
tort from Great Britain, not merely the most ample reparation
for that wrong, but the favourite point of exempting from im
press all persons sailing in merchant vessels, under the Amer
ican flag. What other advantages he aimed at and insisted
on, I do not sanguinely conjecture; tho' probably, it was that
freedom of commerce which would admit us, under the title
of neutrals, to become the auxiliaries of France, in carrying
on her commerce & that of her vassal states, with one another,
with their colonies, and with the whole world. And he and
his partisans were weak enough to imagine, that with such
peremptory demands — with his hundred thousand militia —
with the people 's bullying rage — and terrible denunciations
of war — the British Ministry would be frightened into com
pliance! But, alas! they were not frightened. They mani
fested the steadiness of men of sense & firmness, and that
regard to justice and respect for our neutral rights, wrhich
ensured a fit reparation. All this was manifested before the
Revenge arrived, before any demand of reparation was pre
sented. What followed in London, all America knows. The
instructions to Mr. Munroe, to link together inseparably the
Chesapeake affair ivifh other claims, prove Mr. Jefferson's
design to extort what in fair negotiation he had found Britain
would not yield.
1803-1812] of James McHenry 539
"As soon as I saw the President's proclamation for a
premature session of Congress — I saw and declared it to be
part of the same contemptible farce. It was designed to hold
out to G. Britain, this language. 'You must make reparation
promptly, and you must concede the other points I have in
sisted on: otherwise, Congress, whom I have summoned to
meet six weeks earlier than their ordinary period, will declare
war against you. ' Now you will recollect that in his message,
on our assembling, he showed that he had not expected by
that time, an answer from London. But a special Envoy
was coming, to make, in the most respectful way, honorable
amends. With a knowledge of this, what ought to have been
the conduct of our Government ? When peace and amity and
friendly intercourse & commerce were evidently desired by
Britain ; — if we felt a corresponding disposition, should we
seize every occasion — and even without occasion, go out of
our way, for topics of abuse, for insulting language, for ir
ritating measures? However, I construed all this silly blus
ter, all this billingsgate, (as derogatory to the dignity of a
legislative body, as it was indecorous towards G. Britain) by
the same rule as I had done in regard to the previous proceed
ings of the dominant party. Unquestionably, while they gave
vent to their imbecile rage, they expected to inspire Britain
with dread of our wrath & our arms. Hence these ebulli
tions of words, were accompanied with Appearances of prep
aration for war. Gun-boats and fortifications are talked of
& talked of — and at length voted : propositions for an army
of thirty thousand men are hinted at — then made and the
Secretary of War is called on for his estimate of the expense
of raising & maintaining them for one year: and here this
mighty army still rests. In the mean time, a bill is brought
into the Senate, to add to our peace establishment, one regi
ment of infantry, one battalion of Cavalry, and one battalion
of rifle-men ! Such a bill was last year brought in by Samuel
Smith, & passed in the Senate, but was^ejected at once in the
house. Now the measure is renewed, evidently in the expect
ation, that in the midst of this military bluster, it may be
smuggled thro ' the house. It has passed the Senate, as before.
"Next comes the Embargo. For the motives — I mean
the ostensible motives of the President, I must refer you to
the article 'Embargo' in the National Intelligencer of Wed
nesday & Friday, the 23d & 25th instant. The first is an
elaborate, long-studied justification of the measure; and is
540 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
undoubtedly the work of Jefferson or Madison, or the fruit
of their joint efforts. The second is a continuation of the
same — some after-thoughts. In this, one truth has escaped
from their pen : the embargo is designed as a weapon of ne-
gociation. But I have got into a third sheet, without answer
ing your plain question. Upon what circumstances is the
embargo predicated1! Really not upon anything communi
cated to Congress, which had not been previously known, &
literally or substantially published, in all the news-papers
from Boston to Washington ! Why then so much secrecy ?
By a solemn confidential message & closed doors, within two
or three days after the arrival of Dr. Bullers from France,
with dispatches from our minister there, to raise high the
public expectation : to keep up the apprehensions of impend
ing danger & war; and so cause the mischievous measure to
go down more smoothly; and excite a belief of its indispensa
ble necessity, for the public safety; without which, the great &
good & wise Mr. Jefferson, the father of his country, — would
not have recommended it.
' ' The answer of Regnier, the Grand Judge, to the French
Atty. General, & the British proclamation of Octr. 16, calling
for a return of British subjects to their own colours & coun
try, were all the documents the President would trust the
Senate with, and all which on this occasion he laid before
Congress; excepting the letter (a short one) from Armstrong
to Champagny, & the answer of Champagny, which you will
see by his message, the President ordered to be returned, un
published. These two letters also were solely on the subject
of the imperial decree of Bonaparte, of Novr. 21. 1806. and
their contents ought to have been made public. But Cham
pagny 's contained a constriction of the decree which French
impudence only would have formally declared : and this prob
ably was the principal reason why Mr. J. did not think proper
to have the contents of the two letters published. Suppose
I should tell you that this letter, which I am now scribbling
to you, was written with red ink : would you believe me ? I
wish I was at liberty to particularize these letters.
"I just learn that Smith, the President's printer, is strik
ing off in hand-bills, immense quantities of the embargo-
law, with the two justificatory pieces (before mentioned) an
nexed, to be circulated thro 'out the U. States: to preoccupy
the public mind, and convince the people of the wisdom &
necessity of the measure. But nature will rebel against rea-
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 541
son : the actual sufferings & losses, even of good democrats,
will produce a clamour that will reach the palace: and the
act must be repealed.
"I have time to say but a word more. Mr. Jefferson is
unquestionably terribly afraid of Bonaparte — While he hates
England. The power of the latter (I have reason to believe)
he thinks cannot much longer be upheld : some of his creatures
say — not many months. He will not declare war against G.
Britain — while he provokes it — provokes her to .strike first,
to make her appear to be the aggressor. He then may mount
his war-horse; and, Britain hunted down, & gasping, he may
come in at the death- and have some merit with the world's
master.
"I commit this letter to your prudence. Very sincerely
yours
"T. PICKERING"
McHenry wrote Pickering again, before going to church,
on Sunday morning, January 3, 1808, stating that he believes
the federal administration, "whose wisdom is mystery and
whose weapons are deception," tried to force Great Britain
to declare war on us and asking if the British ministry are
sufficiently informed and enlightened to adopt a pacific policy.
Tracy has died and we have no longer his aid. All the
friends of peace in congress must declare themselves.
McHenry 's younger son, John, sailed for Europe in 1807
and spent several months on the continental tour. When he
arrived at Paris, he found that Lafayette's wife had just
died, of which event Lafayette wrote McHenry:
"Auteuil January llth 1808
"My Dear McHenry
"Your letter of an Old Date and a Card from Your Son
Were Left for me in the Most Cruel Moments that Can tear
the Heart of Man — Overwhelmed With the Loss of an Ador
able Wife Who During thirty four Years Had been the Bless
ing of My Life, I was Carried to this place, Where for Some
Days I Attended Nothing But My family and our Common
Grief, the first thing that Struck me Was Your Son's pres
ence in paris, the first thing I did Was to propose a Meet
ing the More Confidently, as I expected He Would Stay Some
time in town — it is only Last Night I Heard He Was going
the Day after this — I Went this Morning to paris, and So
542 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
did My Son — there We were told He Was at Versailles, and
intended to Set out to Morrow Very early— I still Am in
Hopes to See him, But Hasten to Send this Line to You, Ex
pressing My Heartfelt Regret not to Have Better improved
the whole time of his passage through paris — I Know, My
Dear McHenry You will sympathize With me — Most Af
fectionately Your Constant friend
' ' LAFAYETTE ' '
On March 20, Stoddert writes to McHenry from George
town to tell him of the breaking of the negotiations with the
British minister.
''Dear Sir
"I rec'd your favor by Mr Boyd — but too late to say
any thing by him. I should say nothing now, but that it
may be interesting to you or your Friends, to know, that the
neg'n with Mr Rose is certainly ended. He departs about
Wednesday, as Mr Foster, who goes with him, just informed
me. From a quarter I can rely on, I have it from Mr. Madi
son, that this important thing, has gone off in this trifling
way. Mr. Rose declared his ability & inclination to make
complete satisfaction for the Chesapeake outrage — but be
fore he could advance further, he required that the Prests
proclamation should be withdrawn — After sometime, our
Gov. yielded so far as to say it should be withdrawn after
satisfaction * * do not agree to withdraw it before —
and so the * * ended.
' ' Neither party expect it will lead to war — the King
of England is now to determine whether he will yield the
point of honor — if there is a point of honor in it.
"Do you not clearly see in this the fears of our Gov to
accomodate with England, lest France should be upon us. I
do not believe there is any love for France left. But there
is great fear. Mr Jefferson thinks the Embargo will cover
everything — on that he is willing to rely. I suspect the
People will be outrageous when they hear that Rose is gone,
& this great evil is to continue. If you want to understand
the British Doctrine in this case, look at the affair of Nootka
Sound. I have not a doubt they are right & that our Gov
knew it — but was determined to find some obstacle. Yet I
do not believe they wish the quarrel to go further with Eng
land.
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 543
"God knows what I am myself to do in these times, when
money, plenty as it is, is all locked up from any employment.
I hoped, being so very low in price, I should have sold my
little farm 'ere this — & got to Blads — but I seem further
off than ever. Yet here I cannot live — nor can I move from
hence. But I must have patience — & fortitude.
"Dr sir very sincerely yrs.
"BEN STODDERT. "
Stoddert wrote again from Georgetown on March 31,
1808:
"Dr Sir
"It may be interesting to you & your friends to know
the account of the communication from the President yester
day, with closed doors. Mr. Pinkney had had a conference
with Mr Canning on the subject of the proclamation, with
which the latter expressed himself well satisfied & reiterated
assurances of the friendly disposition of that court towards
us — the despatches from France were of a nature to excite
both indignation & alarm — In reply to several notes from
Genl Armstrong on the subject, generally as I understood of
American vessels in the power of France — Mr Champagne
had written, after communicating with the Emperor, in sub
stance to this effect — that the U. S., considering the high
provocation rec'd, should have declared war against Britain
— and associated herself with the Powers of the continent to
restore Freedom to the seas — that, in fact, the Emperor con
sidered the U. S. at wrar with England ever since the date of
certain decrees — (whether his own, or those of Britain I
know not. ) — and that as to the American vessels, they were
put in a state of sequestration & their ultimate fate would
probably be governed by the conduct of the U. S. in regard
to Britain.
"This information I collected in a way to be pretty cer
tain of its correctness except perhaps in not representing the
letter of Champagne to Armstrong, in a view quite so bad
as the truth. Yet if it goes into the papers as a letter from
this quarter, & a member should be accused of betraying a
secret, I could not give up my informant — & therefore,. I
wish you not to send it to the press, nor communicate the con-
544 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
tents as from me, except to Mr. Oliver, & your particular
Friends.
' ' There was a letter from Armstrong of 22 Jany — ac
companied by extracts of conversations held with the min
ister — either the letter, or the extracts, held up the expec
tation that the vessels were expected to be given up — Cham
pagne 's letter just mentioned was dated 15 Jany — this sub
sequent communication from Armstrong, seemed to convey
a change of disposition on the part of France — but the ex
tracts were without dates — & the members not understand
ing whether the conversations wrere before or after the 15th,
tho' certainly it was meant by the press to convey the Idea,
they were after — they passed a resolution appointing a com
mittee to wait on him for dates — this passed by a majority
not inconsiderable & is some symptom of approaching distrust
in Executive infallibility.
"All idea of war with Britain seems now at an end — &
the talk is — war with France — But if to be avoided by cun
ning without much aid from wisdom, we shall have war with
neither.
"Strong efforts will be made to have these communica
tions made public.
"You see in the whole correspondence between our Gov.
& Britain a predetermination on our part to make no ac-
comodation — yet we do not want to go to war — but to have
just so much quarrel with Britain as to prevent war with
France — but Bonaparte seems to be penetrating the views
of Mr. Jefferson, & will no longer be deluded by appearances,
however specious.
"I hope somebody will take up Mr. Madison's letter to
Rose & do Pub Justice — to me it appears destitute of truth
— & sound argument. His premises are generally false —
but it is cunning and he knew the mass were ready to swallow
any thing. Before the printing was finished, many who have
not yet read it, pronounced it to be a complete triumph over
Rose — who, by the bye, scarcely knew what to do Avith good
matter.
' ' I am still here — & God knows when I shall get away to
Blad'g — for in the present state of ihings, even men's facul
ties seem to be locked up — as well as their money, & the pro
ducts of the country. The latter would be unlocked, if the
executive could really be convinced the Embargo began to be
unpopular. I have it from good authority, that no man has
1803-1812] of James McHenry 545
yet said to Mr Jefferson, that it did not greatly please the
country.
"I am D sir very truly yrs &c
' ' BEN STODDERT. l
"I know not whether I spell the French minister's namo
right — Champagne — you know the fellow I mean."
Tallmadge also writes about this time of eongressiom 1
and New England matters :
"Washington March 25th. 1808.
"Dear Sir
"I now learn that the Monument designed to commem
orate the Name of our friend Tracy, is to be raised next week.
As Mr Blodget intends to record the names of those who con
tribute their mite to this laudable Undertaking, you will be
pleased to furnish the names of those persons in your Vicinity
who wish to promote it. I understand that his plan admits
of but one Dollar to each Subscriber.
"We have now compleated four Days in reading Docu
ments communicated to Congress by the President, on the
22d instant. Both Houses have been in conclave during the
reading, but the principle part of the papers will be printed
for the benefit of the Sovereign people. It will be a volum
inous publication, but the Senate have ordered 500 copies &
the House of Reps. 5000 do to be printed. Thus the great
Dearth, is to be succeeded by a redundance of Information^
such as it is.
"We have gone through with the papers which relate to
G. Britain, & tomorrow expect to take a peep across the Chan-
1 An undated note of Stoddert's from about this time is as follows:
"Dr Sir
"Simmons who was formerly so subservient to Wilkinson, has be
come his Enemy, which one would think was an evidence of some favor
able change in the conduct of the Genl. — and opposes all he can, the
sett! of his Public accots. The Genl. however, is likely to out general
him. He sent me this letter sometime since, I wished your reply might
reach him at Washington about the 15 Inst.
"We shall certainly have no war with Spain Pinkney I under
stand, has not raised his reputation even with the men in power. We
shall keep the country — & wait for an attack from Spain. France will
not let Spain attack while she has occasion for all the money of Spain.
In process of time when England is off her hands, it may be convenient
to set Spain upon us. At any rate, it is good, always to have a pretence
for Quarrel, to be made use of or not, as she may see occasion. These
men rely on France in this dispute — and attribute to the friendship of
France for us, what we owe only to her desire to engross all the money
of Spain.
"D sir yrs. very truly
"BEN STODDERT."
546 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
nel. I fear this information will be limited. The Letter
from Mr Munroe, of a late Date, is not much relished by the
Jeffersonian & Maddisonian party. They would be glad to
dispense both with the reading & the printing of that Letter,
which I presume will be called up tomorrow — From present
appearances, I think some noise will grow out of all this
parade of publicity &c &c.
' ' The Spirit of 76 seems to be again breaking out in New
England. In Northhampton the people have assembled &
voted on public measures like freemen, & have recommended
similar meetings through the county. In the State of New
Hampshire, the dominant party begins to take back Ground,
& hopes are entertained that the Embargo may prove an use
ful medicine. If these primary Assemblies should begin to
act with vigor, my word for it, the higher constituted Authori
ties will feel their Influence.
"I am D Sir, very affectionately
"& Sincerely yours,
"BENJ. TALLMADGE.
' ' Saturday morning 26th March
"P. S. Since I wrote the foregoing, I have procured a
No. Hampton paper which I will enclose for your perusal.
A letter from a Gentleman at N. Hampton, just reed., re
marks that, in consequence of the Notification expressed in
the 4th vote, Meetings had been legally warned & held
through Hampshire County (of which No. Hampton is the
County Town) & that between 50 & 60 Towns had united to
petition Congress &c &c. These petitions may soon be ex
pected at the seat of Government. As soon as these Events
are made known, I presume the Majority will begin to talk
about an Adjournment of Congress &c"
On March 29, McHenry introduced to Pickering Mr. Wil
liam Cook, a retired lawyer of Baltimore, a wealthy and much
esteemed man of sense, formerly a Tory, who is now presi
dent of the Maryland bank and whose son is in Paris, prose
cuting a claim against the French government. McHenry
had read gladly Pickering's letter to Sullivan, and had added
his mite of approbation in a letter sent to Wagner's paper.
Pickering replied on April 8, after the appearance of
McHenry 's article:
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 547
"Dear Sir,
"I have made inquiry for Callender's Prospect Before
Us; but have not yet obtained it. Have you the book? If
not, can you procure and send it to me immediately? If you
cannot; get the book, can you send me any extracts (some
were formerly given in News-Papers) which pointedly re
proach General Washington as well as Mr. Adams? If you
find neither book nor extracts, will you be so good as to write
me, from your recollection, the principal expressions against
one or both those Presidents ? Have you copies of Jefferson 's
two letters to Callender? I have heretofore seen the ori
ginals. My object respecting these letters is, to prove that
Jefferson encouraged Callender to write the book, and actu
ally caused 50 dollars to be paid him by Geo. Jefferson at
Richmond. Perhaps Judge Chase has the Prospect before us.
"I see, my dear friend, that the 'story' which I told
for your individual amusement, you have worked up into a
public vindication of the character of the writer: and Mr.
Dana thinks you have given a Rowland for the Oliver of my
unprincipled enemies. But When in a Second letter I re
ferred to the 'Story' it was simply to point to the applica
bility of a very local to a national subject, lest, reading it
slightly, you should think it a trifling & impertinent tale :
but I did not even dream of its ever meeting the public eye.
I do not conjecture what notice may be taken of it: but tho'
it be exactly true, perhaps Rowland may be again required
to appear on the stage to vindicate its publication.
"With great truth
"I am yours
"TIMOTHY PICKERING"
On April 11, McHenry answered that he cannot get the
book, but that the worst parts are reprinted in the reports of
Chase's trial. Two days later, McHenry wrote again, send
ing the desired extracts from a copy of the book which he has
procured and asking whether the rumor is true that Arm
strong's last dispatches are worst of all. Pickering answered
these letters on April 15:
"Dear Sir,
"Last evening I reed, your favour of the 13th. with ex
tracts from the Prospect before us, which will answer my pur
pose fully. I am very much obliged by the pains you have
548 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
taken to procure me information. I am doubtful, however,
whether I shall find time before the close of the session to
take up the Hero of Carter's Mountain. I have Sullivan at
the Post with my cat o' nine tails ready. But the first whip
ping must be at Boston : Perhaps he may be carted thro '
other States ; notwithstanding the personality of the thing.
"The scourging is for a long and impudent and false
letter which he sent in answer to my second to him ; in which
his offences are so numerous & aggravated as to demand long
& strong animadversions, my difficulty is to bring them within
a reading compass. Would you believe that this rascal in
sinuates that I was concerned in Burr's conspiracy? He got
ashamed and afraid of his own letter, and, therefore, pub
lished only some pretended extracts, to serve his then pend
ing election : But the extracts are in fact forgeries ; not one
corresponding with the original. I shall publish his whole
letter & expose his baseness and Deliberate Lying.
"This slander, joined with torrents of abuse kept up in
one continued stream since my first letter obtained so great
a run, has determined me, at length, to come forth with a
defence of my character. And this, my dear friend will con
sist of a simple narrative of my public life during the last 39
years. You will see (for I will take care to send it to you)
that the facts require no comments. Such a review I never
before took; and but for this occasion, my children & friends
would have not known my strong grounds of vindication.
The throng of business at the close of a session will probably
prevent my meditated attack on higher game than Sullivan.
My very long letter to him in answer to his of March 18th,
I commenced a few days since, at leisure hours; and now I
only want leisure to copy it. John Smith's trial cost a whole
week, six hours a day.
"Have you Jefferson's letter to Mazzei? If you have,
will you pardon me for asking the additional trouble of mak
ing out a copy for me ?
"Mr. Hillhouse has proposed some radical amendments
to the Constitution. John AVescote junr., who will be found
at the Globe tavern, Baltimore, has this morning taken the
amendments with Mr. Hillhouse 's explanatory observations.
They merit your attention. Highly republican, his proposi
tions are supported by reasons which cannot be overthrown.
Nothing will save our Kepublic but their adoption. The
1803-1812] of James McHenry 549
Printers here were so occupied with public documents &c
that it was necessary to send the amendments & explanations
to your city. 500 copies are ordered for Congressmen. If
you and your friends wish for any, the printer can strike
off any additional number you & they may wish. This public
paper ought to have a general circulation.
."Truly & affectionately yours
"T. PICKERING.
"P. S. Mr. Hillhouse's amendments and observations
are all founded on experience, and digested, as you will see
them, with long attention & labour. You can see the manu
script in Westcott's hands. I think he would find his acct.
(or the printer he employs) in printing a few hundred copies
for your city & adjacent country. You can advise him wheth
er in your opinion they would have a ready sale to indemnify
him."
As congress reopened in 1808, McHenry wrote Pickering,
on December 3, that he was sorry not to see him when he
passed through Baltimore, and wished to know if Pickering
can tell him, without violation of confidence, whether Arm
strong has advised war with France, or an arrangement with
England. McHenry suspects that those who cry for war
with both countries desire it with England alone. On the
27th he writes again, regretting the abuse of Pickering by
the government writers, thanking him for copies of speeches
sent and commenting on the disgust the administration's ad
herents show at the British victories in Spain.
On the 29th Pickering answers him as follows from
Washington :
''Dear Sir,
"Last evening I received your favour of the 27th. You
will believe me (for you know me) when I say, that in no
public act of mine have I calculated on 'future fame.' I
have only anticipated the approbation of a certain portion of
society for my well-intended endeavours to do public good;
and in general, not even that. For the most part (and al
ways at the outset) I have thought of nothing but the means of
doing that good, or of counteracting an impending evil. To
an intimate friend only would I express these sentiments.
"I am gratified to receive yours with many other testi
monies of approbation. The reproaches of my enemies pro
duce no other effect than regret that my labours are less ex-
550 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
tensively useful than my wishes would make them; and that
their perverseness and malice prompt them to sacrifice the
public interest to their resentments, and to their selfish and
ambitious views.
"Mr. Jefferson having recommended the embargo from
motives which will not bear the light, it must be continued,
in order to support his sinking reputation. His partisans
having linked their popularity with his, will go all lengths
to preserve it. Such of them as are convinced of their error,
are too proud to admit, by abandoning him, that they have
been his dupes. The evils of his administration must con
tinue a while longer, to open the eyes of the general body of
the people who can think, to see the evidence which has been
and probably will be exhibited of the greatest political im
posture that ever cursed a country possessed of the means,
like ours, of correct information.
"I am dear sir
"very truly yours
' ' TIMOTHY PICKERING. ' '
Pickering at this time strongly entertained the idea of
publishing a Federalist history of the past fifteen years and
on January 19, 1809, wrote Jacob Wagner, now publisher
of the Federalist newspaper in Baltimore, the following let
ter : l
1 On January 29, McHenry wrote Pickering and followed with other
letters on February 4, 8, and 9, attacking the administration for its
foreign policy, etc.
An unpublished letter of this period from Pickering deals with Gen.
Wilkinson :
"Washington Feby. 5. 1809.
"My dear Sir,
"Last evening I received the two parts of the Pretensions ,of Thomas
Jefferson for the Presidency, which I will take care to return to you as
I go homeward.
"The inquiry to which you refer respects the application of money
profusely, and in other cases in direct opposition to law, by the Secy, of
War, in the case of Genl. Wilkinson — and for advancing his pay up to
the 1 st day of December, 1809, when he stands charged on the account
ants books with upwards of ten thousand dollars (to Dearborne's knowl
edge) & has been repeatedly pressed to come to a settlement. In addi
tion to all this, the President about three weeks ago gave him a warrant
for secret service money to the amount of 1196 $.
"Turn to the law of March 16. 1802. and in the 4th section you will
see that Wilkinson is to receive $225. a month for pay, rations, forage
&c excluding every other perquisite or emolument. Notwithstanding"
which, Dearborn admitted .his acct. of $2033. for 36 rations a day at
Natchitoches & New Orleans, including quarters and stabling &c. for 6
months at $100. a month; the rations under a palpably false construction
of the 5th section of the same act. The accountant refused to pass the
acct. So the President & Atty. Genl. were resorted to ; and on their order
& opinion, the comptroller has admitted the claim of $2033. The Atty.
Genl. seems now to be a very convenient executive instrument to furnish
1803-1812] of James McHcnry 551
''Washington Jany. 19, 1809.
"Dear Sir,
"I want to collect materials for an investigation of the
source of the calamities which distress our country. This will
embrace men & measures ; but above all Mr. Jefferson, whom
I consider as responsible, primarily, for all. It appears to
me indispensably necessary to place the insidious policy &
conduct, & the unexampled outrages of the French in a con
spicuous point of view — looking back to the negotiation of
1782 at Paris, where but for the penetration & firmness of
Mr. Jay, we should have lost the fisheries, the western terri
tory & the navigation of the Mississippi.
"I have a number of documents in Masstts which would
be useful; but they will [be] unattainable during the present
session. Have you the instruction of the Comtee. of public Safe
ty to Genet, in which were confessed the views of the Court of
Louis XVI to keep us back and check our growth. If you
have these instructions, I wish you to send them to me by a
safe conveyance — I will return them as I go home, with any
other documents you have which can enter into the investiga
tion, in which I am about to engage. If you have not the
instructions, perhaps you may find them at Mr. McHenry's.
Perhaps too you can give me much useful information on the
subject of my inquiry, consistently with the honourable con
fidence reposed in you while in the department of State.
"I shall first publish a short answer to the charge of
keeping back dispatches from Mr Eppes, made in the House
of Representatives ; and I had thought of sending it for inser
tion in the North American — if agreeable to you. This will
be the introductory address to the people of the IT. States.
But mention this only to Mr. McHenry and it will behoof me
to be rather reserved & promise little : for it would mortify me
the form of a legal apology for illegal acts. His opinion in the cases of
Beau march a is' claim and Judge Johnson's Mandamus, I consider as of
like character.
"Dearborn was nominated to be collector for the port 'of Boston. Ac
cidentally I had heard of some of these facilities in expending the public
money, & on that ground objected to the appointment. & a comtee was ap
pointed to inquire — Giles chairman. He, however, appears to see noth
ing improper. It is wonderful that Hillhouse & I should be on the comtee.
We are investigating; and now I see that Randolph has taken up the
business in the House.
"I am, my dear sir,
"with esteem & affection
"yrs. T. PICKERING
"Another item. Of 36 agents for fortifications, old major Wescott,
a valuable revolutionary officer, and Dearborn's young son, a lawyer with
out business, were alone allowed pay as Engineers! Young Dearborn at
$3. per day, in addition to 2 P Ct. commission on expenditures."
552 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
to the last degree to begin with a flash & end in smoke. I am
disposed to think, from what I occasionally hear, that plain &
forcible statements under my signature will, at this time,
make impressions alike useful & extensive. I deprecate the
toil it will compel me to go thro', but if accomplished in some
degree adequate to my conceptions of the subject, all the other
labours of my public life will be comparatively trifling. At
no other time, since 1776, has the public mind been in a state
so impressible.
"I wish you to see Mr. Mctlenry, & show him this letter,
& pray him to excuse me for not writing to him — for I could
only have made known the same things ; & my time is limited.
I think he can furnish much useful information & some im
portant documents. All his & yours it will be best to send by
some person who is to come here & go no farther. I will care
fully return all when I go home. It is likely Judge Chase,
who was long in the Old Congress, can furnish materials for
the contemplated work.
"I am dear sir
"with sincere esteem
"yr. obedt. servt.
"T. PICKERING
"I dare say Mr. McHenry has W. L. Smith's two pamph
lets entitled Thomas Jefferson's pretensions to the Presidency,
which I wish to see."
In 1809, John Adams began to publish in the Boston
Patriot a series of letters defending his public career. Of
these letters Pickering wrote McHenry on June 4:
"Dear Sir,
"You see that Mr. Adams is giving a history of his ad
ministration, in his own way. Doubtless it may become prop
er that this history be reviewed. Perhaps you have read all
he has published; I very little. You possess probably some
documents which would be important in such a review; be
sides a recollection of many interesting facts. These I wish
you would put on paper — and collect the others. It is my
intention, at the close of this session (which I hope will hap
pen before this month expires) to pass a day or two at Balti
more — on my way home.
"Mr. Malbone, a Senator from Rhode Island, as well as
usual this morning, was going with other members from Rhode
1803-1812] of James McHe?iry 553
Island to the Hall to attend public worship. Arriving at
some rails at the foot of Capitol Hill, he stopped & leaned
upon them — saying, 'here is my usual resting-place.' The
words were but uttered, when he fell, and instantly expired.
He was a pleasant and amiable man.
"I am dear sir
"very truly yours
"TIMOTHY PICKERING."
McHenry answered the letter on June 16. He proposed
to leave home shortly with the greater part of his family for
Colonel John Lynn's in Allegany county, where they will
probably remain until the end of September. He asks wheth
er Adams 's writings are ' ' likely to become history ? Who pro
nounces the name of this calumniator of the dead with venera
tion? Who celebrates his acts? Who is emulous to tread
his footsteps? In a few years his name and his fame, if not
borne up by other pinions than his own, will sink in that
gulph destined to swallow up all memorials of merit and
demerit like his." It is not worth while to answer his let
ters. l These letters of Adams and those to William Cunning
ham which appeared in 1823 were answered by Pickering in
a volume printed in 1824.
On June 23, McHenry wrote Pickering from Hancock,
where his youngest daughter, Margaretta, who died young,
was ill with fever, commending to his friend her physician,
Dr. J. G. Scott, wrho intended to remove to North Carolina.
During his journey to Allegany county, McHenry stopped
at Bedford Springs and wrote an account of that watering
place to his daughter Anna whom he had left in Baltimore.
"Bedford Springs 4 July 1809.
"My dear Ann.
"The accommodations here are pretty good. The prin
cipal building is 70 feet by 20. There are besides it several
lesser houses appropriated for visitors. It stands in a valley
between two hills or rather mountains, (with which this coun
ty abounds) that seem to keep a northeast course. From the
house to the medicinal spring is about 150 yards. The water
seems to possess, if not the same properties, at least the same
powers, as the waters of the Sweet Springs of Virginia, or
1 Printed in J. Adams, ix, 236, and following.
554 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
those of Balstown in the State of New York. It flows from
the base of the mountain on the south side, and supplies two
shower and plunging baths, situated within 15 or 20 feet of
where it rises. There is also about half a mile distant an
artificial warm bath, and above it a billiard table. This place
affords shady walks, for lovers ; shrubs and wild flowers, for
botanists ; petrifactions for virtuosi ; streams, and trout, for
fishermen ; and pheasants, woodcocks and partridges, for gun
ners. The town of Bedford is also within two miles of the
Spring, where there are some very agreeable females and
families.
"If inclined to see us on the mountains, instead of visit
ing York Spring, three days in the public stage would bring
you to Bedford, and this place ; from whence, after a short
stay, you could easily obtain horses to carry you to Cumber
land, which is only about 30 miles distant, or Augustus could
meet you at the springs with horses from Mr. Lynn's, could
we be ascertained of the time they would be wanted. It ap
pears to me however, that a project of this duration, could
not be made to quadrate with Mr. Boyd's engagements. It
would perhaps suit John better, provided he had finished h'is
farming and other business. Give him to understand this
that he may take it into consideration.
"JAMES MCHENRY"
After a summer spent near Cumberland "amidst woods,
green glades, mountains, and solitudes, ' ' McHenry wrote Pick
ering on October 16, shortly after his return to Baltimore.
The Federalists have lost in the elections for the Maryland leg
islature, but not by a large margin, considering the mass of
influence against them and the fact that honorable men rare
ly take as much trouble as less scrupulous ones in politics.
He hints at some crooked commercial dealings of Smith and
Buchanan and adds that some Republicans in Maryland prefer
Nicholson to Samuel Smith and Gallatin likes him. but Mc
Henry does not think he will win.
The old difficulties of closing McHenry 's accounts with
the government came up again in the early part of 1810 and
Pickering interested himself in the matter, apparently with
success.
On March 15, McHenry wrote Pickering of Pinkney's
dispatches, of Macon's bill and of Secretary Smith's attempt
to prove that Jackson, the English minister, was disapproved
1803-1812] of James McHenry 555
by his government. Pickering's reply to McHenry dealt with
current politics, especially with the negotiations which Wil
liam Pinkney, our minister to England, was carrying on in
London.
"Washington March 17. 1810.
"Dear Sir,
"Last evening I received your letter of the 15th. The
supposition you put, to account for the reported declaration
of Ld Wellesley to Mr. Pinkney, of his disapprobation of
Jackson's conduct, is natural, and (if he made any declara
tion of the kind) undoubtedly just. But for my own part,
I needed no solution whatever except this — That Ld. Welles-
ley is not a fool. I would not say so much of some other
statesmen. It is not difficult to discover that some men are
defective in understanding: and that others, tho' celebrated
for learning and extensive diplomatic research, may yet want
common sense and political integrity.
"In his message at the opening of the present session of
Congress, Mr. Madison plainly insinuates — and insinuates
for the purpose of popular deception — that ' a minister plen
ipotentiary' — without any special authority, could enter into
an 'arrangement' — that is, make a treaty, which should bind
his government. This he would be ashamed to avow in explicit
terms : it would make him a subject of ridicule among all men
of information. But for temporary purposes — or rather in
expectation that a people, whom Jefferson had found it easy
to deceive for eight years, might continue the dupes of similar
artifices in his successor — he was willing to hazard not only
the above insinuation but the contempt which could not fail
of being felt towards him by all the respectable portion of
the Community at home, and of the English & other foreign
nations, as far as the correspondence, subscribed by his secre
tary, with Mr. Jackson, should extend.
"The talked of letter from Pinkney to Smith is dated
so early as the 4th of January, and declared to be only a pri
vate one — consequently not the subject of a call from any
member of Congress. I have not seen it: altho I learn that
Smith has made himself extremely busy in reading scraps of
it, here and there, to many members, federal as well as demo
cratic. A temporary purpose is to be answered by giving out
that Ld. Wellesley disapproved of Jackson's conduct: for that
implies that our administration was in the right; and there-
556 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
fore that in the pending election in Massachusetts, the people
ought to support the candidates who are ready to support the
administration. With the same view, in respect to New
Hampshire, Madison 's shameful correspondence with old Genl.
Stark was had. Genl. Stark was never capable of writing the
letters now & for a year or two past bearing his signature : and
at this time is a mere child.
"There is another answer to your question — 'Which
shall we believe?' Jackson or Smith. One we know is capa
ble of deceit : against the other we can bring no such charge.
From the view I have had of Jefferson's conduct during six
years of his administration, I feel myself warranted in pro
nouncing, That Deception has been its leading principle.
Madison was his 'zealous & enlightened cooperator' as J. him
self has testified: and by his inaugural speech, explicitly de
claring his approbation & admiration for Jefferson, is identi
fied with him. He appears to have entered into all his views,
and assisted in his plans of deception, as the printed docu
ments furnished by themselves will prove.
"It is but two or three days since, for the first time, I
was told by a member of the Senate (I think it was Anderson)
that Macon 's Bill was an ' Executive measure. ' It is hung up
for the present — and perhaps will die, as well as the non-
intercourse with the session.
"I reed, your packets of St. Hilaire's letters. The ma
terial one, with my remarks, is with the Comptroller. It is
the one in wh. he acknowledges the rect. from you of $2500.
and asks pressingly for $90. more. Your receipt to me is for
$2560. Do you recollect how you paid him the $60?
' ' I am glad to find you can write, as it proves you are
recovered from sickness.
"Believe me ever yours
" T.PICKERING.
"Our old friend W. [olcott] at New- York has avowed po
litical sentiments for a couple of years past, which astonish
all his friends : and some of them say they can resolve it only
by a supposed insanity quo ad hoc. He carries a some half
dozen men with him. ' '
On the 27th, McHenry, who sorrowed because of the death
of his daughter Margaretta, "who was very dear," wrote
Pickering again, deploring the fact that some Federalists had
been converted to Madisonianism.
1803-1812] of James McHenry 557
Stoddert became uneasy at Adams's attacks on his secre
taries and wrote as follows from Bladensburg, 14th of April,
1810:
" * * * I will not add to the length of my letter, except to
ask you are Mr. Adam's misrepresentations to remain unno
ticed by those on whom it is most incumbent to contradict
them ? He gives countenance to the most unjust opinion, that
there was British influence in his Cabinet, — leads the world
to suppose that the dissatisfaction arising from the measure
of Murray's nomination, was at the measure & not at the
manner of it — to believe that the letter from the heads of
Departments was intended to produce a relinquishment of the
negt. with France, instead of merely a short suspension of it,
in consequence of the then experiences in France — and that
there had been many meetings at Trenton between the De
partments, in which he laboured to no purpose to convince
their minds the mission ought to go on when in truth 1 believe,
a word was not said between him & any of the Departs on the
subject, their only meetings were for the purpose of agreeing
on the instructions to be given. He came to Trenton deter
mined, as was^known to the Departments — and I then thought
his determina'tion right but had no occasion to say so to him.
I am truly
"Dr Sir Yr obliged Friend &c &c
"BEN STODDERT."
Shortly afterwards Pickering wrote McHenry thus :
"Philadelphia May 7. 1810.
"Dear Sir,
' ' I trust you have received your packet of papers relative
to St. Hilaire. I left them with Gadsby's bar-keeper, sealed
up, together with two Newspapers, the Whig & Aurora, which
Mr. Wagner borrowed for me at a Coffee House & promised
to return, of which, therefore I request your particular care,
to hand Mr. Wagner.
"You will recollect that the partisans of Jefferson (and
particularly his son-in-law Eppes, in the House of Representa
tives) have charged me with keeping back from President
Adams some dispatches in 1798, the doing of which, he, Eppes,
said, had well nigh involved us in a war with France. I in
tended to have asked you whether you were acquainted with
558 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
any circumstances which could have given rise to this false
hood. Until within about two years, I never heard of such
dispatches, & now know nothing beyond the report. Adams
you know spent much of his time at Quincy ; and if the deliv
ery or communication of any dispatches to him was delayed,
of which I have no recollection, it might have been occasioned
by such absence of Mr. Adams. I can only conjecture what
they can have been — letters from Mr. Murray containing the
dishonourable & insidious overtures of Talleyrand thro' Pich-
on, whom he sent to the Hague to carry on the intrigue. Do
you recollect the expression in Talleyrand's or Pichon's letter
to Murray — 'And if the American Govt. (or President) send
such a man as you, there will be no difficulty in settling all
our difficulties : ' or words to that import ? I wish to ascertain
this. Perhaps you or your nephew may recollect the words
or the sentiment. Mr. Adams then, after his big speech that
he would never send another minister to France, until &c. —
had the meanness to let the French Govt. nominate his minis
ter I within a year or two, when thinking on his corrupt bar
gain with the Democrats to secure his second election to the
Presidency. I have not been able to repress a suspicion that
the negotiation with France originated in the same influence
& with the same ultimate views, tho' antecedent to the bargain
for my removal &c..
"You will much oblige me by giving your own recollec
tions & what other information you can obtain on this subject.
Please to direct to me at Wenham, Massachusetts.
"I remain my dear sir
"very sincerely yours.
"T. PICKERING"
McHenry answered on July 25, giving his recollection of
the matter. There is a family tradition 1 that, about 1810,
McHenry was "a good deal occupied in writing a book after
the plan of the Travels of Anacharsis, a book which he ad
mired. " The manuscript of the work was placed in a trunk
to be sent to his son 's country home and as the trunk was lost,
McHenrv was discouraged and did not resume the work. 2
1 Brown's McHenry, 42.
2 On January 13, 1810, poctor Mason of New York who planned writ
ing a life of Hamilton came to McHenry with a letter of introduction
from Mrs. Hamilton and was lent by McHenry a large number of the let
ters sent by Hamilton. The life was never written and Charles Scrib-
ner recovered for James Howard McHenry in 1844 a large number of the
letters, but some seemed to be lost, among them one of August 26,
1803-1812] of James McHenry 559
When congress met again, McHenry wrote, on December
15, of Madison 's relations with England and France and asked
why Pickering fails to visit him ? The ans\yer came two days
later.
"City of Washington Deer. 17. 1810.
"Dear Sir,
' ' I have received your letter of the 15th. It would give
me great pleasure to spend some time with my good friend be
tween Boston & Washington : but I always find so many things
to occupy my attention when about to leave home, that my
wishes & even intentions of proceeding leisurely along have
hitherto been disappointed. If practicable, I will hurry less
on my return ; especially as it may be my last.
"I send herewith the requested copy of the documents
which accompanied the President's message. His taking pos
session of West Florida may seem to be a bold step. It was
certainly a rash one; because unwarrantable on any ground
which can be assumed. I am satisfied that we have no title :
and if we had, Spain was in possession; we had acquiesced in
her keeping possession, and made it subject of negotiation,
and even to negotiation an end was put, five years ago, by a
word from France. This furnishes irrefragable proof that
the order to disposses the Spaniards now, is by the permis
sion, if not by the advice, or even direction of France : and
hence a strong presumption arises, that the revolutionary pro
ceedings in Florida have been secretly instigated by our own
administration.
"Altho' I have never felt uneasiness about my accounts
as secretary of State — because I had not charged even a cent
which had not been expended in the public service; and altho'
the Comptroller's letter to me last spring admitted that I was
not responsible for a single item which had been suspended :
yet I was pleased with the promptitude & politeness with
which Mr. Duval gave me notice, at the commencement of the
present session, that those accounts were finally closed. I
inclose a copy of his letter of the 5th inst. which, if the enemies
1800, -"containing account of birth, &c," which we would greatly like to
have. The Collection of Facts and Documents relative to the death of
Maj. Gen. A. Hamilton, printed in 1804, contains (p. 95) an article from
the Fredericktown (Md.) Herald.
560 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
of truth renew the oft repeated and refuted lie, may be pub
lished to their confusion.
' ' With sincere respect & esteem
"I remain as ever yours.
"T. PICKERING."
Tallmadge did not fail to keep McHenry informed of
the congressional proceedings and wrote him on December 21,
from Washington :
"My Dr Sir
' ' I duly reed, your Letter of the 18th inst. & it happening
to be on an Evening when a number of our federal republican
friends were convened at Col. Pinckney's room, I took the
liberty to communicate the same to them. I believe we all
view the State of our public affairs very much in the same
light as you have stated them. How we shall alter or arrest
the course of our public measures, is a Question not easy of
solution. It can not have escaped your notice that the Ex
posure which was made, at the last session of Congress, of our
Executive Conduct relative to Mr Jackson, operated manifest
ly to the Injury of the federal cause. The cry of British
Attachments, in opposition to the Interests of our own coun
try, was rung from one End of the continent to the other; &
what is one of the most prominent Evils attending every Ef
fort to throw light on any national Question, is that those
who really need Information never read a federal paper, &
the other papers are filled with attempts to mislead the Ignor
ant, & to traduce the characters of those who are able to en
lighten.
"A Resolution requesting the President to open new ne-
gociations w:ith G. Britain, would be deemed & declared an
improper Interference with Executive Duties, & a mean sub
mission to British Influence & power. I am not sure but our
cause would suffer by it, nor am I by any means certain but
we shall find it absolutely necessary to make the appeal in the
manner you have suggested, before the session shall close.
' ' On the subject of West Florida, Mr. Giles has probably
foreclosed any measure of the sort you have suggested. We
have a Bill just laid onKmr Tables, originating with Mr Giles,
declaratory of the boundary of the Orleans Territory. By this
Bill the River Perdido is fixed as the Eastern boundary. If I
can get a spare copy, I will enclose one — the fact is the
1803-1812] of James McHenry 561
President's Proclamation on this subject must be borne out, &
in this way the high Responsibility of the Executive, even if
his conduct should lead to a Declaration of war, must be as
sumed by Congress. In the same way, I presume, we shall
be called on to legislate respecting the Proclamation applying
the non Intercourse to England.
' ' I thank you for your Intimations respecting the State of
our country. They will not be overlooked nor forgotten. If
I can possibly get a spare copy of the Documents, as well as
of Mr Gallatin's Eeport, they shall be enclosed. I am truly &
"very affectionately yours
' ' BEN JN. TALLMADGE. ' '
Early in 1811, McHenry wrote Pickering, asking when
Short was sent to Russia and regretting the excessive patience
and resignation of Federalists, when courage and energy are
most needed. "In our government the multitude are every
thing." Pickering answered at once.
"Washington Jany. 5. 1811.
"Dear Sir,
"I reed, your letter of the 3d. yesterday, as I was on my
way to the palace, to dine with 'Little Jimmy,' as the stage
driver called him, on my last journey from Baltimore to this
place. That I might not forget, and so 'neglect' the object of
your request, I give you here the words of 'Long Tom' (Wil
kinson's appellation of 'the moon-shine philosopher of Mon-
ticello, ' as a gentleman of distinguished science and literature
called him in a letter to me) — 'I accordingly commissioned,
in the month of August last, William Short' — &c. His mes
sage bore date Feby. 24. 1809.
"From my childhood I was used to hear my father (a
plain farmer but a man of sense) repeat to different people,
(& particularly to clergymen who called at his house, and few
if any of whom, he thought sufficiently explicit in showing the
people their sins — ) these words of the Wise Man — ' The
fear of man bringeth a snare.' This fear is the source of the
evil you lament : the dread of slander from the vile ; or of lov
ing popularity, power, place, or interest.
"Sincerely adieu.
"T. PICKERING."
562 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
A fortnight later, Tallmadge wrote:
"Washington Jany. 16th. 1811.
"Dear Sir
"I have reed. & perused your Letter of the 14th instant
with pleasure. The Man who could devise a remedy, practic
able in its operation, for the political Evils which now hang
over us, & threaten to ingulph Us in ruin, would merit much
from this degraded Country. Notwithstanding all the Infor
mation from Genl. Armstrong, & the Declaration of our Secy,
of State that the repeal of the French Decrees is merely nom
inal, & of Course never have justified the President in issuing
his proclamation, yet the non Intercourse is to be enforced
towards G. B. with peculiar vigor. If our Democrats in Con
gress as well as in the Country will not believe their own
senses, & when such indubitable proofs are before them, will
not be convinced that the measures of the Administration are
not correct, how can you approach their understanding with
any hope of Success?
"On the subject of admiting the Terry, of New Orleans
into the Union as one of the States, the unconstitutionality of
the measure was urged with such force that it seemed as if a
Barber's block could not have misapprehended it & yet the
party to the tune of 77 in the House remained unmoved. Mr.
Quincy exhibited the Consequences of this measure in strong
Colours, for which they were angry enough to have turned
him out of the House. Will this do any good, here or else
where ?
' ' This day on a call for Information from the Secy of the
Treasury, your quondam Govr. Wright was very noisy &
very abusive towards the Directors. In my reply to his Ex
cellency, among other things I remarked that I had hopes. this
great Question renewing the Charter of the Bank of the U.
S. would have been discussed with Calmness, & free of all
party Distinction &c &c. Mr. Eppes replied, & remarked that
this Bank originated in party, that it had been supported by a
party, & that it would undoubtedly be a party Question on its
present Discussion. jNow this being the Case, what hope is
there of a renewal of this Charter ; & in fact what Question can
come forward in which the power of party will not be brought
to bear upon it : I am almost induced to believe that it would be
well for the Country, if the federal Gentlemen would let the
1803-1812] of James McHenry 563
majority pursue their own Course, & only vote on the final
passage of a bill.
"We have no news from Florida of a late Date.
"In the papers of this Day you will see the new non
Intercourse Bill. One blessing to result from it will be an
Increase of our Duties on Imports. A bill to this Effect will
be imported shortly.
"With Sentiments of respect
"& Esteem, I am affectionately yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE."
About this time, Pickering received the censure of the
federal senate l for reading in public session a letter of Tal
leyrand written in 1804, confidentially communicated to the
senate and from which the seal of secrecy was not removed.
McHenry wrote Pickering, on January 26, commending his
conduct, as there was no obligation to further concealment
and each senator is the judge, when the obligation ceases. "I
dislike confidential communications. They are great evils in a
government such as ours and may be made instruments to its
ruin. If affairs are wisely administered, there will be no need
for such communications."
Pickering answered this letter as follows :
"City of Washington Jany. 28. 1811.
"Dear Sir,
' ' I have been favoured with your letter of the 26th : and
altho' Mens conscia recti is impenetrable to the shafts of
malice, and heeds not the reproaches of slanderers; yet it
must be always sensible to the approbation of estimable and
upright friends. I thank you sincerely for the strong expres
sion of your opinion condemning the proceedings of the Sen
ate in their vote of censure, in my case ; seeing no offence had
really been committed : for the object of the rule, its very es
sence, is to prevent the disclosure of State Secrets, and it was
acknowledged that I had divulged none. But the letter of
the rule was violated : and half the Senate, every day violated
another rule — which forbids the reading of any printed pa
per or doing some other things incompatible with the proper
attention of members, while the journal is reading and busi
ness transacting. And this inattention retards business, &
1 Pickering, iv, 184.
564 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
occasions errors which might otherwise be prevented. If one
day had intervened, I have some reason to think that Clay
would not have offered his resolution, or that, finally, he would
have withdrawn it, but for the opposition of some of his party,
especially of Saml. Smith; who from the first to this last ses
sion of my having a seat in the Senate, has manifested an
asperity & ill-will towards me for wrhich, tho' perfectly indif
ferent, it did not occur to me how to account ; nor indeed did
I ever waste a single thought upon it. But I presume you
know that he was principal in the intrigue with President
Adams to effect my removal from office. Now I have more
than once met \vith the remark of some profound observers,
'That One man had injured another too much to forgive him.'
This seems a little paradoxical; yet is probably correct. In
deed it seems to have obtained the authority of a maxim. And
why should the Aggressor be implacable? Because a volun
tary aggression originates in a lad heart : and Pride joins with
malice and other base passions to urge the wrong-doer to per
sist in the error or injury once committed.
"I have two pamphlets of yours — the 1st & 2d part of
Thomas Jefferson's pretensions to the Presidency, printed in
1796. I wanted to derive some information from them, &
find what I expected: but the 2d part is imperfect, by the
omission of a half sheet, in place of which a duplicate half sheet
is inserted. Perhaps Judge Chase or other friend may have it
entire: if you can get it, have the goodness to send it to me
(taking care to have no more than 2 ounces in weight in one
packet) & I will be careful to return it, together with your
own, after the close of the session. Pray can you tell me wrho
wrote those pamphlets ? The Author held a good pen. l
"I am dear Sir
"very affectionately yours.
"T. PICKERING"
Later in the session, on February 28, Tallmadge wrote
McHenry of the progress of events.
"Washington Thursday morning
"Feby. 28th. 1811.
"My Dr Sir
"I am set down to acknowledge the Rect. of your Letter
1 On January 29, McHenry told Pickering that W. L. Smith of South
Carolina wrote the pamphlet for whose author he asked.
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 565
of the 26th. inst, but I own to you the fatigue of the two last
Days & nights has almost unfited me for mental or bodily
Exercise.
"After working at the non Intercourse Bill for several
Days, & drawing out all the force of the friends to the Bill,
we began to attack them at close Quarters, & to press the
Action very close indeed. The objects of the Bill were dis
tinctly marked 'out, showing that hostility to G. B., & Union
with France, were the prominent features of the Bill. Every
Attempt to amend the Bill failed, & even on some very plain
& necessary points, the Majority voted not to amend. The
speaking was now confined almost exclusively to the federal
side of the House, & we kept the side warm with our Artillery,
I assure you. This was on Tuesday last, & we were told that
they had determined to take the Question before they rose.
By midnight it appeared, on several collateral Questions, that
they had not a Quorum present, & by 2 o 'Clock in the morn
ing we found that without our aid, they could not make a
House for business. We began occasionally to draw off into
Committee rooms &c, when a Vote was taken to send for the
absent Members. Not one obeyed the call (for having no
Quorum, they could not form a Warrant to compel the Atten
tion of absent Members) & a little after three in the morning,
the House adjourned to the great mortification of the Major
ity. Yesterday we resumed the same subject, & continued the
Debate much in the same manner, until nearly 3 ocloek this
morning, when they determined to bring the business to a
close, & put an End to further Debate. The previous Ques
tion wras moved on every proposition, & at about Day dawn
this morning the final Question was taken & carried, & that
obnoxious Bill will go to the Senate this Day, precisely as it
came to our House, with Eppes's printed amendments. It will
undoubtedly pass in the Senate.
"Early last Evening, it was discovered that the Bill had
been engrossed for its final passage even while we were pre
paring numerous Amendments. Mr. Randolph made a ques
tion of it in the House. The Speaker plead Ignorance of the
fact, & to save the Clerk, Mr Eppes confessed that he had
requested the Clerk to have it done. This drew from R. some
severe remarks, to which E. replied, & R. rejoined in such a
manner as to wound E. severely. Our Duelists say they can
not avoid fighting. Indeed it is said that an exchange of
Cards took place promptly.
566 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
' ' I will forward such Documents as were preserved for me
during my absence.
"In this day of increasing trouble, let us not preserve
each others Letters. I am yours truly
' ' BEN JN. TALLM ADGE ' '
Pickering still retained his plan of answering Adams's,
letters and wrote McHenry as follows on February 8 :
"Dear Sir,
"Do you remember the tenor of the conversations at
Trenton, in the autumn of 1799, when President Adams came
thither from Quincy, relative to the mission to France ? You
will recollect that Judge Ellsworth came also, & Govr. Davie
— & that Genl. Hamilton was there. Mr. Ellsworth, I recol
lect, was invited by us (heads of departmts.) in the hope that
his opinion might have some weight with Mr. Adams to sus
pend the mission. But was not Hamilton's coming merely
military? Mr. Adams (in his lucubration published in the
Boston Patriot, letter VI.) expresses his astonishment at our
'obstinacy' on this subject, & mentions Who has a copy of this
letter? the letter we all signed earnestly entreating him to
suspend the mission. He says the reason we gave was — the
operations of the Austrian & Russian armies under Prince
Charles & Suwarrow, would speedily place Louis XVIII on
the throne. He mentions Ellsworth & Hamilton as expressing
the same opinion. He also intimates that two of the Heads
of Depts. (meaning Stoddert, no doubt, & Mr. Lee) had always
appeared moderate & candid. If you have not this (& the
other letters which Mr. Adams has been publishing for near
two years past) I believe Mr. Wagner can furnish you with
them". Have the goodness to recollect and communicate to
me what you can on this subject. All particulars of our con
versations with Mr. Adams at Trenton have escaped me.
"You will recollect that, in Mr. Adams' message to Con
gress June 21. 1798, He said he would never send another
minister to France, until he reed, assurances that he wd. be
reed., respected & honoured as the representative of a great,
free, powerful & independent nation. Genl. Hamilton in his
letter of 1800, on the conduct and character of John Adams,
President says that all his ministers were opposed to this
declaration that he wd. send a minister to France: though Mr.
1803-1812] of James McHenry 567
Adams was advised to say he wd. receive one from France:
Do you remember this ? I do not.
"Some time or other, if God spares my life, I purpose
animadverting on Mr. Adams' publications; and wish to
obtain authentic information on every important point. If
you can find all his letters published in the Boston Patriot &
will send them, you would be enabled to give me useful infor
mation. Some time ago, I recollect to have heard that Mr.
Stoddert asked with indignation — Whether all Mr. Adams '
misrepresentations (I do not know but he said lies) were to
pass unnoticed? In Boston, long ago, I heard it said, 'It
wd. be best to let him go through' & then answer. But he
has been at it near two years — with the vain details of his
diplomacy and has only come down to the year 1781.
"Very affectionately yours
"T. PICKERING
" P. S. I once saw your details of Mr. Adams ' insults to
you prior to yr. going out of office. I shall wish to read again
your statement on my way home.
"You doubtless have Hamilton's letter of 1800, before
mentioned : Will you read it & make remarks which may be
useful to me — especially of facts stated by Mr Hamilton."
On the 10th, McHenry answered that he had written an
article on Serrurier's mission which would appear tomorrow
in Wagner's Journal. The next day Pickering replied.
"Senate Chamber Feby. 11. 1811.
"Dear Sir
"I have before me yours of yesterday. I saw Mr. Stod
dert last week. A question I asked him, led him to say, that
he had long since read Mr. Adams first eighteen letters pub
lished in the Boston Patriot — and in consequence had written
to Mr. Adams a long letter, stating his errors or misrepresen
tations — that he had reed, a short, but polite answer — and
that he would furnish me with copies of both. He said ex
plicitly that he had no knowledge of the cause of my dismis
sion. I informed him of the corrupt motive. He then men
tioned a fact, that at some time before, Genl. Smith & his
brother-in-law Wilson Gary Nicholas spoke to him, by way of
inquiry — Whether some means could not be adopted for a
reconciliation, or union (or some such word which I do not
precisely remember) of parties: but heard no more of it.
568 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
"I have not seen the answer of either House of Masstts.
Legislature to Gov. Gerry's speech. Otis is president of the
Senate — but that body is equally divided — 20 — 20.
"I have no information relative to Serrurier's mission.
I cannot imagine that Mr. Dana can have taken offence —
because I believe you incapable of intending one — and that
he is too sensible & too candid to admit an interpretation of
an ill aspect where he must believe that a candid & friendly
face alone was intended to be presented.
"If you have not read Mr. Adams' first 18 letters (I
believe about 95 octavo pages) I pray you to read them. His
virulence against Hamilton is unexampled: but the integrity
& talents of Hamilton are above the reach of his veteran sland
er. Yet he ought to be scourged with scorpions
' ' Most truly yours
"T. PICKERING"
Two days later Pickering wrote again :
"Washington Feby. 13. 1811.
"Dear Sir,
"Yesterday I received from Mr. Stoddert the copies of
the letters mentioned in my last — which have the goodness
to return to me, when you have perused them. Perhaps they
may remind you of some things which may be useful to me
to know. I do not subscribe to all Mr. Stoddert 's opinions
on the duty of Heads of Departments. Particularly that of
implicit obedience, or resignation. On the contrary, I should
think it their duty to prevent, as far as practicable, the mis
chievous measures of a wrong-headed president. The morn
ing on which Mr. Adams nominated Mr. Murray, you know
that every body was astonished: and one of Mr. Adams's
very special friends, a member of the House of Reps., stepped
over to my office, and with an air of alarm asked me ' How this
nomination had happened ? ' I answered, that I knew no more
of it than he. 'Is the man mad?' Was his reply.
"You will notice Mr. Stoddert 's remark in his letter to
me, That while I am at liberty to make any use I please of
his letter, Mr. Adams' might require more delicacy.
.-"I am very sincerely yours
"T. PICKERING."
On February 23, McHenry wrote a long answer to Pick-
1803-1812] of James McHcnry 569
ering 1 with reference to Adams 's letters in the Boston Pa
triot, "From the cursory reading, I perceive he has fallen
into many errors, some important forgetfulness and not a
few striking misrepresentations, to say nothing of his coarse
and unmanly abuse of a deceased statesman."
"How many recollections have these puerile letters awak
ened. Still in his own opinion the greatest man of the age,
I see he will carry with him to the grave, his vanity, his weak
nesses and follies, specimens of which we have so often wit
nessed, and always endeavored to veil from the public." 2
Adams depreciated Hamilton. While not palliating his
pleasures, McHenry hesitated not to compare his public life
with Adams's and concluded: "As to their minds, abstractly
considered, Hamilton's was profound, penetrating, and in
variably sound and his genius of that rare kind, which en
lightens the judgment without misleading it; the mind of
Mr. Adams like the last glimmering of a lamp, feeble, waver
ing, and unsteady, with occasionally a strong flash of light,
his genius little and that too insufficient to irradiate his judg
ment. "
Adams's and the secretaries' foreign system for some
years was the same. "Ours was General Washington's. We
held with him that we ought never to quit our own to stand
upon foreign ground ; under no pretext to weave our destiny
with that of any European power ; that our true policy was to
avoid permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign
world ; to trust to temporary ones for extraordinary emergen
cies, and to suitable military establishments to enable us to act
up to and avail ourselves of our maxims. Three of the gentle
men who were heads of departments with Mr. Adams were also
heads of departments with General Washington. These gentle
men could never for a moment depart from his maxims, they
were the soul of their system ; they could not tear them from
their hearts and retain their honor and integrity; they held
them to be the only sound ones for their country, the only ones
proper for the guidance of our foreign affairs and, in no
instance, did they ever advise or countenance departure from
them."
Letters now passed frequently between the two friends.
Pickering wrote from Washington on the 26th of Febru~
ary, 1811 :
1 Printed in Lodge's Cabot, 204.
2 Correspondence between Adams and Cunningham, 47.
570 , Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
"Dear Sir,
"To-day I reed, your letters of the 22d & 23d. with the
mentioned inclosures.
"I had never contemplated the publishing of Mr. Stod-
dert's letter, or Mr. Adams' answer: I was glad to be pos
sessed of them — the former for the recital of what Mr. Stod-
dert knew, and the latter for the sentiments of the writer.
Mr. Stoddert told me that 7 wrote the joint letter advising a
suspension of the mission to France : if so, I doubtless have it
at home. I have not looked over my papers (of which I have
no inconsiderable quantity) since I packed them up a dozen
years ago.
"As to Gerry's nomination, I do not recollect what you
said; but I see the correctness of it, as you recite it. I well
remember Wolcott spoke against him, tho' with moderation,
While I was absolutely silent. For I had heard nothing
scarcely of Gerry's weakness & perverseness in the House of
Representatives ; and I had, during the war, when he was in
Congress, entertained a favourable opinion of him — not as a
great , but a decent man, & perfectly honest. I remember Mr.
Adams (in answer to some objections by Wolcott or you, or
both) said that Mr. Gerry was an honest, firm man, on whom
French arts would be tried in vain : or words to that effect. I
am sure of the idea.
"I must suspend other observations until we meet. I
will speak to Colo. Tallmadge for the documents.
"Your affectionate friend
"T. PICKERING.
' ' The President this day nominated Joel Barlow minister
plenipotentiary to France!"
A second letter from Pickering is dated Washington,
February 27, 1811 :
"Dear Sir,
"I have before me your note of yesterday. Whatever
you recollect to have been omitted in your letters of 22d &
23d, be pleased to write down, & retain until I call upon you ;
when, if more convenient, you can incorporate the same in
your letters already written. I troubled you for information,
to refresh my memory, which is not tenacious ; and it had that
effect ; enabling me to note to you in my answer several things
which otherwise I should not have recollected. I wish to pro-
1803-1812] of James McHenry 571
vide myself with every weapon for the combat which may
ensue between the man at Quincy & myself : for his atrocious
conduct calls for a severe scourging which he shall receive.
He little imagines that I know & have long been possessed
of the secret of my dismission ; but which I should have per
mitted to have sunk into oblivion had he not become an open
apostate, and a malignant slanderer of Hamilton.
" If I get a passage from here to Baltimore next Monday,
I shall pass Tuesday with you: if for want of a, conveyance,
I do not reach your city till tuesday evening, I must stay
there on "Wednesday — perhaps also on Wednesday — per
haps also on Thursday ; in order to take the stage to Lancaster.
"Very truly yours
"T. PICKERING."
Pickering wrote again from Philadelphia, March 12, 1811 :
"Dear Sir,
"I am again reading your long letter; and it leads me to
ask if you have recently read General Hamilton 's printed let
ter on 'the public conduct & character of John Adams Esq.
president of the United States.' If not, I wish you to do it,
I think it probable that it may bring to your recollection some
facts which may be useful in the laborious work in which I am
engaged; and which, of course, you will have the goodness to
communicate.
"In relation to Genl. Hamilton's being at Trenton, Mr.
Adams says he ought not to have been there without his per
mission; but should have remained with the troops, teaching
them military tactics; which, however, lie chose to leave with
one who understood them better or could teach them better:
Was not this the President's son-in-law, Colo. Smith? Pray
let me know.
"When Genl. Marshall was at Washington, I laid before
him Mr. Adams' first 18 letters, which he had not seen. He
carried them with him to Richmond, & returned them with a
remark — That he had read them with avidity, & equal regret.
"I am dear sir
"very sincerely yours
"T. PICKERING.
"P. S. I have just written to Mr. Wagner a paragraph
to add to my last number — VI. Do inquire if he receives it. ' '
572 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
On March 14, McHenry wrote, referring to Adams 's ignor
ance of military matters, and said of Hamilton that he "had
studied military service, practically under General Washing
ton and his advice in many instances (a fact known to myself)
had aided our chief in giving to the machine that perfection
to which it had arrived, previously to the close of the revolu
tionary war. ' ' During that year, McHenry joined with Robert
G. Harper, Charles Ridgely of Hampton, John Eager Howard,
James Howard, Walter Dorsey, and Samuel Sterrett in the call
of a " conference ' ' with reference to the approaching senator
ial election in Maryland for the state legislature.
In that year also was published in Baltimore a work en
titled ' ' The Three Patriots, or the Cause and Cure of Present
Evils, Addressed to the Voters of Maryland. ' ' This work has
been attributed to McHenry, though the identification of him
as the author is not quite clear. The work is very pessimistic
and labors to show the causes by which the United States have
been depressed in ten years to a worse condition than that
from which they had been raised and to show by what simple
means they may be restored to their once enviable situation.
The United States are called by the author "a federative re
public" and said to correspond to no one of Aristotle's forms
of government. Native Americans are then properly all Fed
eralists and all Republicans. The author discusses Freneau,
Duane, Callender and Bache, Genet and Fauchet. "He prays
that the angel, which presides over the destinies of Maryland,
may permit the voters to choose suitable electors for the State 's
Senate" and urges all to vote. Even thus early the sale of
votes and repeating were practised at elections. Many "for
a little self indulgence, to avoid a slight exertion, a walk or
ride of a few miles, will put at risk the benefit of civil liberty
and all the untold blessings that result from equal laws. ' '
As McHenry passed into the evening of his life, he still
heard from Lafayette, who wrote him from La Grange on
December 22, 1811:
" It is an Age, My Dear McHenry, Since I Had the pleas
ure to Hear from You, But Altho I Complain of Your Silence,
I Am Sure of Your friendship. Vessels, public and private,
Have Come from the Bay, Nay from Baltimore Without a Line
to me, Which Has Been a great Disappointment, there Will
Be, no Doubt, Dispatches Sent to france in the Spring — I
Beg You to improve the opportunity and to write me the par-
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 573
ticulars Concerning Yourself and family which my Heart So
eagerly wishes to know. My situation is about the Same. I
Live in Rural Retirement with fourteen Children and Grand
Children around me. Mourning the Loss in Comparison to
which all other present misfortunes are Nothing to me, and
every Day more attached to My Solitary plan of Life. We
Have Reasons to Hope from the Reception given to the Min
ister and the expectations He Has Been Authorized to form,
that the Answer to his Note Will Be Better than Any that Has
Been obtained for a long time — that You will more Certainly
Know, when this Letter Reaches You — perhaps Shall I write
another Before the frigate Sails — in the Mean while Receive,
My Dear McHenry, the Most Affectionate Wishes and Senti
ments of Your old and Best friend
' ' LAFAYETTE ' '
War was now imminent and throughout the winter, in
which the question of declaring it wras debated in congress,
Tallmadge kept McHenry informed as to the course of events.
Writing from Washington, January 16, 1812, he said :
"My Dear Sir
"I have reed your letter of the 12th. instant, & thank you
for the Extract of a Letter inclosed therein.
"The Great Question now before us is the War with G.
Britain. If we could draw any safe conclusions from the
noisy, blustering Speeches of our Kentucky & Tennessee
Bretheren, who are all alive to the Distress & sufferings of
our Seamen, & the violation of our commercial rights, we
might wrell say that war must be the result. But the more
sober, reflecting sort of folks, think that the war party must
fail for want of two much essential Ingredients, (viz) Men
& Money. A Gentleman was in our Galleries yesterday who
had come quite from N. Hampshire & heard some of our war
Gentry Declaim, & he was perfectly astonished — He said he
heard nothing of war until he reached N. York; at Philada.
but little more & at Baltimore not much more, but when he
heard such war Speeches, he knew not how to Credit his senses.
The moral of it is this, that the Country does not partake of
our ivarfire Yesterday your Representative Mr. Little, laid a
resolution on the Table calling on the President for a List of
all Vessels captured or detained by B. Cruisers since the year
574 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvui
1794 — It being objected to, as unnecessary, the reason he
offered in favor of the measure was ; 'to rouse up the dormant
spirit of the People against that Nation.'
"This Day the Prest. has sent us a message containing
a late Correspondence between Messrs Foster & Munroe — It
originated with Mr. Foster, explaining his Late Correspon
dence which he said had been misrepresented as it related
to his Demand of a Repeal of our non Importation Law, &
of his views of the repeal of the Berlin & Milan Decrees &c.
The Pt. takes occasion to call on us for renewed Exertions
&c &c — You will soon see the Letter published."
He wrote again from Washington on February 29, 1812 :
"My Dear Sir
"I have reed in due Course, your obliging Letter of the
22d. instant, & thank you very sincerely for your kind invi
tation to halt at your hospitable Mansion on my return home.
Mrs. Tallmadge unites with me in cordial respects to Mrs
McHenry, & beg you both to be assured that we shall feel
very happy in calling on you when we pass on thro' Balti
more, if we can. possibly spare the time. After our absence
of six months (& I fear we' shall continue our sessions for
that period) we are all of us very glad to use all reasonable
Dispatch in returning home.
"You have undoubtedly noticed the System of revenue
which has been reported by the Commtee of ways & means.
We have taken up the items in Commtee of the whole House,
where they passed with but little opposition. When the
Question came before the House, they fared very differently.
All that part of the Report which related to Import, Tonnage
& Drawbacks was carried by heavy majorities — As soon as
we came to the internal Taxes, Excise &c, it was manifest
that the Patriotism which they (the Democrats) had boasted
of so much, was increased very much by self Interest, popu
larity & Such sort of principles. The Debate being confined
solely to the exclusive Republicans, they began to criminate
one another with want of true patriotism, & strong Intima
tions were given that, so long as the burden could be laid on
Commerce, they were willing to support the war with great
Zeal ; but as soon as Salt was offered as a fit subject for Tax
ation, & other matters of domestic manufacture for Excise
1803-1812] of James Me Henry 575
&c &c, the war fever subsided. Such remarks from their
own friends were very grievous to be borne.
"On the Salt Tax the Phalanx broke, & if we had not
adjourned, I fully believe the Excise Duties would have
shared the same fate — If you see the N. Intelligencer, you will
find in this Days paper, the mournings, & Lamentations of
the Editor. It is said motion will be made on Monday to re
consider the Vote on the Salt Tax, but even should they carry
that Tax, I think they cannot go through with the remainder.
"As for their making war, I have never believed they
were sincere in their professions, altho there was Danger that
they should so manage the business as to get our Country into
a war. Their Chance now seems to rest upon some favorable
arrangment to be made with France by Mr. Barlow, or by
some favorable Change in the B. Council — The latter does
not look very probable & the former Event would be greatly
to be deprecated — I presume your London Correspondent
has long before this Seen Causes of Irritation in abundance
in the Presidents Message, & the proceedings of Congress to
apprehend that the orders in Council will not be speedily
removed.
"It would seem as if the madness of modern Democracy
could not wish to push this Country in a war with a Treasury
so exhausted, & a Commerce so defenseless & so nearly ruined.
"I have found it very difficult of late to get a Duplicate
of almost any Keport or Document laid on our Tables — When
extra Numbers are printed I shall not forget You — At pres
ent I have none on hand — Please to accept of the enclosed
Speech, & believe me Sincerely
' ' & affectionately Yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE."
On March 9, Madison sent congress a message trans
mitting congress the papers which he had bought for $50,000
from John Henry, showing that a short time previously he had
been sent as an emissary of Great Britain to report on the
possibility of detaching Massachusetts from the Union. Tall-
madge wrote McHenry on the 13th, concerning "this most
extraordinary communication" and McHenry at once replied
in a letter which has not been found, giving Tallmadge some
valuable information on the matter. When he received this
letter, Tallmadge sent McHenry a copy of the draft on the
576 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
treasury to pay for the papers which Madison bought, enclos
ing it in a letter dated Mardi 16 :
''Dear Sir
"I thank you most sincerely for your Letter of the 14th.
instant, with the Record Evidence which accompanied the
same — It was seasonable & useful. The pitiful & mean at
tempt of the Pt. to accomplish the desirable Object of injur
ing the Characters of honorable Men ; of endeavouring to ex
cite a spirit of Indignation against G. B., & of promoting his
own & Gerry's Elections, I hope & trust is seen thro', & will
in a great measure fail — The monstrous Sum of money paid
to this vile Swindler, Staggers & confounds many, & some
who profess to have been the friends of the Administration
- Since the Rect of your proof relative to the negociation.
"Of the D'ft on the Mechanick's Bank three Members
of our House from the three Great States (viz) Massachusetts,
N. York, & Pennsylvania, Messrs Quincy, Emmot, & Milnor
went over to the Treasury Office, determined to examine the
Books, as to the origin of this business, I mean the payment
- The result shall be annexed.
"Perhaps it may be tho't best to give a summary of this
business, as soon as the Materials are prepared.
"I am my Dr. Sir
' ' Affectionately Yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE"
Tallmadge wrote again from Washington on April 11,
1812.
"Dear Sir
"I have reed, your Letter of the 5th inst. to which I re
ply, that if any thing could be relied on from the Speeches
& solemn Declaration of those who advocated the Embargo,
while we were in Conclave, it was to be viewed as the pre
cursor of War. I have been so long worried, & wounded
with such gasconade & nonsense, that dreadful as I view the
Scourge of War, I feel sometimes almost willing that it
should take place. If a new order of things could be pro
duced by this dernier resort, Dear as the purchase would be,
the Country might perhaps venture to pay it; but I am not
so sanguine as many who fully believe that such an Event
would change the whole political face of our Country. Altho'
1803-1812] of James McHenry 577
we are wholly unprepared to enter upon a war with G. Brit
ain, & altho' I have never believed that the Administration
were seriously resolved upon war, yet I do believe if such a
proposition was laid upon the Speaker's Table, it would be
carried in the House of Kept, by a considerable Majority -
Such seems to be the madness & folly of many of our Rulers.
"Govn. Wright seems to be in a perfect phrensy because
the Commissions are not yet given out to the Officers of the
new Army, nor any recruiting orders furnished — As the
King can do no wrong, The Sect, at War takes all the weight
of the Governor's Artillery.
"A proposition to repeal the non Importation Law has
been before the House, but has been postponed to monday
after next — It met with violent opposition from the war
hawks, as base & contemptible, & calculated to abate the Zeal
for war in the Country, as well as in the House — For my
own part, I am not fully convinced that the measure is not
very deceptive. If a temporary suspension of the non Im
portation law should be intended with a Clause preparing an
Increase of Duties 100 pet., the people would thank them for
the boon, while this would only serve as a temporary relief
to the Treasury, & thereby the direct Tax, Excise &c &c, would
be suspended. The fact is, we have so long & so often been
deceived by these French politicians, that it is not amiss to
suspect & watch them.
"We have also before us a proposition for an adjourn
ment. A Commtee. of Conference has been appointed, but the
issue is quite doubtful.
"One precaution I think we shall do well to attend to,
& which I request you will observe (viz) to burn each others
Letters.
"We have no positive Intelligence from the Hornet,
altho' it is rumoured that She has passed up the Chesapeake.
"I am affectionately
"& sincerely yours
' ' BEN JN. TALLMADGE. ' '
A week later Tallmadge wrote:
"Washington Apl. 18th. 1812.
"Dear Sir
"I thank you for your Letter of the 15th. instant, the
578 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xvm
Sentiments contained in which very fully accord with my
own. I confess to You that altho' I have been repeatedly dis
appointed in my hopes & Expectations, I have neverless cher
ished the hope that when the measures of the Jeffersonians
policy become pretty fully exposed, & their deliterious Ef
fects were felt & understood by our Countrymen, they would
be induced to detect & change the advocates & Abettors of
them. The pertinacious adherence of the party to that Sys
tem of measures which the past & present Administration
have been pursuing with undeviating Steps, brings all my
hopes to a stand, & I have only to look about me with an
astonishment that I am unable to describe. I have this morn
ing been conversing with some of our Eastern Democrats,
particularly from Massachusetts, on the Question of war, &
my Soul Sickens at the prospect that these men should per
sist in the Declaration that they will vote for a Declaration
of War, altho' they are well convinced that it must bring
ruin upon themselves & their Constituents. The truth is, in
addition to the Evils which must necessarily result from the
prevalence of party Spirit, the Demos appear to me now to
he under the Influence of passion — The Defeat which their
Cause has lately reed, in Massachusetts in the Election of
Oovr. Strong, & the failure of the Henry plot so far from
disheartening them seems to whet their Appetites for revenge
-You must not therefore be surprised, if a Declaration of
War should actually be proposed in a few days. For the
present, I shall omit to remark on the political Consequences
which may possibly & not improbably result from such a
measure. I hope as one of the worst that may be feared, You
•& I may not witness the awful Calamity of seeing our own
Citizens engaged in destroying one another.
"May we always rejoice that the Lord reigns & that altho'
Clouds & darkness, as to Us, may seem to be round about
him, yet Justice & Judgment will be the habitation of his
throne forever.
"I am affectionately
"& sincerely Yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE. "
At the end of the session, this letter came from Wash
ington, June 17, 1812:
1803-1812] oj James Me Henry 579
"Dear Sir
"Having tided through a long session to very little pur
pose, in behalf of our half ruined Country, I have now de
termined to leave this place the ensuing week; believing that
before this week shall close, the important stand will be taken
by this Govt. — Heaven only knows what our Destiny is to
be ; but my fears f orbode every Evil — As the Cap to this
Climax, I dread that above all, which shall link us to the
fortunes & chain us to the Carr of the French Emperor.
"My stay in Baltimore will probably be too short to
allow me the pleasure of calling at your House — I shall do
it if I can.
"I shall enclose, by this days Mail, Copies of sundry
Documents & am
"Sincerely &
"Affectionately yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE."
CHAPTER XIX
MCHENRY'S LAST DAYS
1812-1816
IN 1812 a mob destroyed the printing office of the Federal
Republican, a bitter anti-administration paper edited in
Baltimore by Alexander Contee Hanson, killed General
Lingan, and severely injured several other men. The city
was in a turmoil for some time and just after the excitement
McHenry wrote thus to his friend, Robert Oliver, on the
eve of leaving the city for a sojourn in Allegany county :
"Near Baltimore 24 June 1812.
"Dear Oliver
"You acted nobly at the meeting at the Mayor's office,
and all day yesterday. Instruct our friends ; inf orce it upon
them, that all they hold valuable on earth depends upon a
union of force, to discountenance and put down every at
tempt against the laws and the public peace. Let them do
as you have done, face the evil, as soon as it appears. If
they shrink from it, they will quickly be made sensible, that
they walk the streets at the mercy of the secret instigaters of
misrule; that the air of Baltimore is the air of a prison;
that houses are no places of safety; that there is a mine
under them ready to explode, the moment, they shall either
by word or by look, give offence to their masters. I lament
that I am obliged to leave the City. I rejoice, however, that
the train in which things now appear, leaves me little or no
room to fear for those friends I leave behind me."
The presidential election was at hand and the Federalists
combined with the dissatisfied Republicans in the support of
DeWitt Clinton against Madison, who was a candidate for re
election. Of the Federalist position and of the nomination
of Clinton, we learn much from a letter sent McHenry by
Stoddert :
DR. JAMES McHENRY
Much reduced from painting owned by the heirs of Dr. James McHenry
(Copyright, 1907, The Burrows Brothers Company)
1812-1816] of James McHenry 581
"Blad[ensburg] 15 July 1812.
"My Dear Sir
"You will probably think, & justly that my own embar
rassed affairs were sufficient to occupy my whole mind. But
I cannot help thinking also for my Country.
"Success in this War, would most probably be the worst
kind of ruin — But we are, I believe, in no danger of being
ruined by success — For where can we hope for success ?
not surely on the Ocean. As to Canada, the taking of it
would be injury to ourselves, and would be of trifling im
portance to our Enemy — it would bring us no nearer to
Peace.
"Two years duration of this war, will produce one or
two events — Division or Alliance with France — which is
but another name for French Rule over us — another name
would be destruction to civil liberty in this hitherto Free &
happy land.
' ' There is but one way to save our Country. I am thor
oughly convinced and that is to change the administration —
and I am not less convinced that this can be affected by bring
ing forward another Virgn. as the competitor of Madison.
' ' D. Clinton can have no chance — The Democrats in
every State where they are the ruling party, will support
Madison in preference. In New York, where they have nom
inated him, they can not secure to him a vote. He has no
chance of a vote South or West of Maryland, & no chance of
general support in the East. It would be easier for the Fedts.
to elect an Eastern or Northern Fedt., but this they can not
accomplish.
"Under this impression, I have sent to the Spirit of
1776, under the signature of a Maryland Farmer, an address
to the people of the U. S. but meant more particularly for
Virga. — recommending John Marshall for Presdt. D. Clinton
or R. King as New York should decide, for Vice Presdt. —
no doubt King would be the choice — and this I have done,
because — every body else — seems to be seized with apathy,
the most unpardonable in the dangerous crisis of our affairs,
and because I felt it sacred duty & not because — I think my
talents fit me for a writer to the Public.
"There is a real change in Virga. — and it will be greater
in the Farming Country, as the Wheat is preparing for Mar
ket — and in the Farming Country there are most votes —
582 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
They vote for electors in Virga. by a general ticket, and T
am thoroughly persuaded that if the men in that State, who
prefer Marshall to Madison, can be animated into Exertion,
he will get the votes of that State.
"What little I can do by private letters to affect this
will be done I have already reed, a letter from Jo Davies to
whom, being here 10 days, I mentioned the subject, & wrho
then thought success impossible — but who now writes me,
he has entirely changed his opinion — and that if the Virgns.
have nerve to believe it will be agreeable to the Northern &
E. States, he is sure Marshall will get the Virga. votes.
' ' Should he fail there, the effort in Virga. will secure him
votes in North Carolina, & perhaps further South & in the
West — and but a few will be wanting in these quarters, if
the Fedts. every where else unite for him.
"Pinkney nor no other man out of Virga. could have a
chance of a vote in Virga. where there is more State pride
than in all the Union besides.
"It is not because I prefer Marshall to several other
men, that I speak of him — but because I am well convinced
it is vain to talk of any other man. and Marshall is a Man
in whom Fedts. may confide — Perhaps indeed he is the man
for the crisis, which demands great good sense, a great firm
ness under the garb of great moderation
"I suppose the Spirit of 1776 is taken at your Coffee
house. Pray read (perhaps it will be in Friday's paper, I
know not that it is in the paper of yesterday) the Maryland
Farmer — and if you approve it — and Hewes is not under
too much control of the Mob. let him insert it. but you must
not stop here — but by your pen support a cause, on which
all that is dear to you depends, You can not believe that the
men who have plunged us, so headlong into this War, will
make peace. War is what every act of Madison, every word,
& every thought, has long pointed at — but on wrhat Ameri
can ground, God alone can tell Jefferson too has been most
busy in urging the members with whom he could correspond —
this one of his correspondts. told me who voted for Avar di
rectly in the teeth of his own conviction of right. Our Union
is worth saving, so is civil liberty — so is the prosperity of
those who possess it. All will be swept away, if the course
of Madison & the Arch Juggler behind the curtain is not im
mediately arrested, this is not the time to object to a man,
1812-1816] of James McHenry 583
because he is a Virgn., in ordinary times a sufficient objec
tion — the only consideration now should be, who of good
men can turn out Madison ?
"Why, for the honor of Balto, is there not an associa
tion of all men of property, & all men of principle, whether
they have property or not — of the respectable Democrats
& the Fedts. to support the laws in Balto — in proportion as
this War is unpopular with thinking men, will be the efforts
of those who rule, to stifle free inquiry — the mob is the
most powerful auxiliary of the Executive, & this is known
at headquarters But the Union I speak of would overcome
the mob of Balto. — and essentially preserve the Peace, &
retrieve the Character of the City. Do not flatter yourselves
you have not lost reputation by suffering the last disgraceful
transaction. Shall the House of such a man as E. Oliver be
pulled down — & the press be muzzled & the character of
Balto sustain no injury? I do not think so poorly of the
feelings & intellect of other places.
"An association (it ought to be written & signed) by the
Fedt. alone, might lead to civil war — every good would
result from one begun by Jas Buchanan & such men — and
including the Fedts. — and I would make even all the poorer
classes sign it, then would surely J B with the least encour
agement, would take an active lead in this. I am half de
termined to go to Balto to endeavour to effect it — and should
have done it, had the expense been a very easy thing with. me.
"I am Dear Sir truly yrs
"BEN STODDERT."
Harper wrote Colonel Lynn, of Allegany county, from
Baltimore, September 25, 1812, on the same subject :
"My Dear Sir
"at the request of some of our friends in this State, I
lately attended a meeting of federal Gentlemen at New York
assembled from all the States north and East of Virginia,,
to deliberate on the conduct which may be proper for the fed
eral party to pursue, in the approaching election of Presi
dent. The meeting was very full and respectable. It was
attended by Delegates from all the States north of the Po
tomac, and from South Carolina.
"After a very full and free communication of Sentiment
and information, we found no hope nor chance of electing a
584 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
federal President. Vermont is lost to us. It is quite certain
that we could not get the votes of Maryland. Those of New
York are very doubtful, and Pennsylvania desperate. We
might hope for five or Six votes in Maryland, but cannot rely
on more than those. As to North Carolina, though we learn
that very considerable changes have taken place, yet there
does not appear, from any facts known to me, any reason to
expect, that the votes of that State could be obtained for
a federal Candidate.
"The choice of a president of our own, being thus des
perate, nothing remains for us but to acquiesce in the reelec
tion of Mr. Madison, or take the chance of getting rid of him
and his political System ; the worst part of it at least, by giv
ing our aid to Clinton.
"In favour of this policy the meeting was almost unani
mous. It consisted of more than Sixty persons, of whom Mr.
King and Mr. Radcliffe of New York, and Mr. Sitgreaves of
Pennsylvania were the only dissentients. Mr. Sitgreaves ra
ther disapproved the policy than opposed it. His opinion
was, that it would be better to take all the hazards of Mr.
Madison's reelection, including that of separation and french
alliance, than to endanger, as he thought, our own honour,
union and existence as a party, by giving our aid to Mr. Clin
ton. This opinion he expressed in conversation, but took no
part in the debate. Mr. King warmly and very eloquently
supported it in debate. With these three exceptions, the
meeting was, I believe, unanimously of opinion that we ought
to support Clinton in preference and opposition to Madison,
as the only means now in our power of averting the evils
which have assailed and still threaten us.
' ' The expectation that Mr. Clinton, if elected, will change
the present course of measures, in all essential points, rests
much more on his position, Geographical and political, than
on his professions and assurances. But they have been ample
and positive. They were made without reserve. And re
peated while I was in New York. In Substance, they amount
to this; that Mr Clinton looks with abhorrence on a french
alliance, in any form or under any circumstances; that he
holds Buonaparte and Ms views and System in Such detesta
tion as to be willing to bear a great deal from England, rather
than throw the least weight, into the french scale; that he
thinks a peace with England, upon honourable terms, is
1812-1816] of James Me Henry 585
easily attainable, and ought to be made as Soon as possible,
that he is opposed to the whole restrictive System, and thinks
that commerce ought to be fostered and protected, to which
end a navy, fully commensurable with the resources of the
nation, ought to be immediately provided and constantly
maintained; and that, while the present war continues, the
honour of the nation ought to be supported, by a vigourous and
manly exertion of its force.
"If Mr Clinton relied on federalists alone for success,
these sentiments ought to be and no doubt would be, pub
lished. But he cannot be elected without the aid of a large
portion of the Democratic party which the avowal of such
opinions, or the Knowledge that any explanation had been
made by him to the federal party, would certainly, in a great
measure, and perhaps entirely, alienate from his cause. We
must, therefore, consider the communications as strictly con
fidential, and take every precaution to prevent them from
becoming public. His sentiments are no doubt known to his
confidential friends. But we have seen the grounds on which
they have thought it best to rest his pretentions. The gen
eral probability, arising from his character Situation and
connections that he will pursue a more correct course than
Mr. Madison, is a sufficient justification to us in giving him
the preference.
' ' The hope of electing Mr. Clinton rests on this. We can
certainly give him New York, New Hampshire, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, Delaware and part of Maryland. There is a
great probability that we may, in conjunction with his Sup
porters among the Democrats, give him Massachusetts Jer
sey, Pennsylvania, and the greater part if not the whole of
Maryland. We entertain the same expectation of North Caro
lina; and his friends expect to carry Vermont and part of
Ohio.
"The meeting did not resolve to recommend the support
of Mr. Clinton. It was thought best to take a course some
what different, they resolved that it appeared impracticable
to elect and was, therefore, inexpedient to propose, a federal
Candidate; and that it should be recommended to the feder
alists throughout the United States, to exert themselves in the
approaching Election of Electors, to procure the choice of
such persons, as will be most likely to effect by their votes
a change in the present course of public Measures, They then
586 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
appointed a Committee, to collect and disseminate informa
tion on the Subject. The Committee sits in Philadelphia.
Three of its members, Mr. Hopkinson Mr. Binney and Mr.
Meredith, reside there. The other two are Mr. Sitgreaves and
Mr. Duncan of Pennsylvania.
' ' The plan of operations which appeared best to the meet
ing, and which they resolved to recommend to their friends
generally is to let the Clintonian Democrats take the lead,
in all the Democratic States and Districts, and to Support
them Silently with our votes ; while we every where exert our
selves to the utmost, to place federalists in the House of Rep
resentatives and the State Legislatures. That seemed to be
the best mode of keeping Clinton right, if he should be elected,
and of restraining Madison in his mischievous course, should
we be forced to bear him four years longer.
"The plan adopted at New York leaves us at large, to
profit by favourable events. "With as many Clintonian Elec
tors as ,we can carry where there are no hopes, or but very
faint ones, of carrying federalists, and with all the Federal
Electors that we can get, we may hold the fate of the Can
didates in our own hands, and at the decisive moment, take
the course which we may deem best for the public safety. We
do not stand committed to Mr. Clinton. He and his friends
must, therefore, do all in their power to convince us, that he
deserves the preference, in other words, that we may expect
from him a different course of measures, or else we may
drop them and try the effect of submitting four years longer
to Madison, in hopes of a complete cure in that time. We
may even bring forward a federal Candidate, should any
thing occur to warrant the attempt.
"I am my Dear Sir, with very great regard yours most
truly
"Roe: G. HARPER.
"P. S.
"If you and our friend Thomas approve the policy it
is not yet too late to make a change in your arrangements, I
submit it to your consideration whether it would not be best
for you both to decline, in favour of such Clintonian demo
cratic Candidates as may be offered in your united district.
The mere circumstance of being elected is, of course, no ob
ject with either of you. Should your election as federalists
be doubtful, of which you are the best judges, the course
1812-1816] of James Me Henry 587
which I suggest would give some additional chance for suc
cess. Let me know whether you approve it, and I will en
deavour to get Clintonian Candidates brought forward by
the chiefs of that party here, whom I know, though I have
had no sort of communication with them. Perhaps you and
Thomas can manage that point better. Tell me what you
think on that head.
"Your's most truly
"ROB: G. HARPER."
An unsigned letter written from Baltimore on September
24, 1812, gives additional information:
' ' My dear friend
"I returned a few days ago and found the town very
quiet, but no dependance can be placed on the civil authori
ties. The privateers & army, have carried off a large gang
of Ruffians, but we have still a sufficient number left to do
mischief, in case any exciting cause should occur.
"You acted wisely in leaving the town, and I advise you
to remain where you are until our elections are over.
"The meeting at N. York consisting of 64 members, de
cided almost unanimously to support C. — but for obvious
reasons their arrangement is to be kept out of view as long
as possible. He has given the necessary assurances and I
look forward with confidence to a happy change, in case C.
is elected I think Mr. Thomas, & Col. Linn, should give way
to C.'s friends, unless they are certain of success.
"It is impossible to form any correct opinion of the
issue of the Presidential election.
"If Madison is elected, & we have not a sufficient majority
in the state Govt. to secure the Gov. & Council, our situation
will be deplorable. You wrill see by the Newspapers that
every thing goes on well in Europe. I hope Bonaparte will
meet the fate of Charles the 12 of Sweden."
McHenry accompanied his son Daniel, after the latter 's
marriage, to his home in Allegany county at Cherry Tree
Meadows, expecting to return in the autumn. Mrs. McHenry
wrote several years later that "wrhile there, my dear husband
was taken with an infirmity in his legs, which, notwithstand
ing every means was used for his relief, gradually encreased
till he was entirely deprived of the use of them, the winter
588 Life and Cwrespondence [CHAP, xix
then coming on, we were obliged to remain there till the fol
lowing summer, when with great difficulty he was got home.
From the commencement of the disease he did not expect to
recover & tried to prepare his family to part with him — he
was so patient & cheerful during his illness that many who
saw him could not realize the idea that he could expect to
die with such composure ; but Blessed be God his long & pain
ful confinement was made a time of great profit to him, he
was enabled to support & improve it & to say at all times,
even in his most painful moments, when praying for relief,
or patience to endure to the end, not my will, Lord, but thine
be done. ' ' Tallmadge continued to keep him informed of the
course of events and the letters which passed between them
and which follow are important as showing the Federalists'
position.
"Washington Novr. 29th. 1812.
"Dear Sir
"I have before me your Letter of the 22d. instant.
Really you have retired pretty much from the bustle of the
wrorld, & I think your retreat very judicious at this ominous
period of the police of your quondam City. Indeed it has
seemed as if Baltimore was almost ruined, as a place suitable
for Gentlemen who loved Washington & imbibed his Senti
ments.
"Our Sessions hitherto, have been rather barren of inci
dent than otherwise. Govr. Wright has had another retal-
Hating Bill before the House which went thro' the Comtee.
of the whole, & was engrossed for its third reading — The
Govr. felt very confident of Success, & in fact his Bill had
reed, no opposition, until it was on its very last Stage, when
a few of us gave it Battle & it was negatived by a Majority
of ten.
"The House passed a Bill raising the wages of Privates
in the Army to Eight Dollars, & the non commissioned Offi
cers accordingly. It also authorises the Enlistment of Minors
above 18 Years old, & secures from Arrest Debtors of any
magnitude or Amot. who will fly to the American Standard,
as anciently Criminals were protected by the horns of the
altar. The Senate have made some material Alterations, in
this Bill, where we could effect nothing.
"I intended to forward the Presidents Message & Docu
ments accompanying the same — Also J. Russell's Correspon-
1812-1816] of James McHenry 589
dence, & last Statement, which is supposed to have been writ
ten in the Latitude & Longitude of Washington, for import
ant State purposes.
"Our Northern & Western Armies seem to be doomed to
misfortune and Disgrace — One large Item in the latter ac
count is the wonderful propensity which some of our Com
manders have to write proclamations — Alexr. Smyth has
lately issued one more replete with absurdity than any that
have preceeded it.
"Perhaps I may occasionally enclose an Eastern News
paper.
"I am affectionately Yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE.
" (Forget not to burn) "
"Washington Deer. 5th. 1812.
"Dr Sir
"The Secy, at War (Dr Eustis) has resigned & it is whis
pered that Genl. Armstrong is to succeed him — Other chang
es are said to be in Contemplation for our Cabinet.
' ' Yours in Haste.
' ' BENJN. TALLMADGE. ' '
"Washington Deer. 28th. 1812.
"Dear Sir
' ' Your Letter of the 19th. instant is before me — I take
it for granted that you have not given up your habitation
at Baltimore, but for a short time. Perhaps your Residence
on the Allegany hills, may serve to endear B. to you the more ;
provided nevertheless, the Mob of that City should not take
the police of it into their own hands. In such Event, the
frozen Coasts of Greenland would be prefered to it.
"We have passed the Bill from the Senate authorising
the Pt. to build 4 Ships of 74 Guns, & 4 Frigates of 44 Guns
Each. Ays 70 — Noes 56.
"Also the Bill to relieve the Merchants from the pay
ment of their penal bonds— Ays 64 Noes 61.
"Our Military Commtee. yesterday reported a Bill to
augment the Army 20 Regiments, making an addition of as
many thousand Men — The Mortality in the northern Army
is wonderful, & almost incredible — I should suppose, the
war party would have quite as much as they could do, to fill
up the old Establishments of 35,000 men. One thing, I be-
590 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
lieve I may assure you, those who were the most ardent for
war, at the last Session, have become greatly cooled in their
zeal.
"I am affectionately Yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE.
"P. S. As I pick up & enclose almost any papers that
remain, after the Gentlemen of our Mess house selected such
as they need, you may very probably have some in Duplicate,
& others of very little consequence. If you need the Presi
dent's Message at the Commencment of the Session, with
the Documents accompanying the same, together with Rus
sell last Communication, they can be forwarded
"I do not remember whether I have sent them or not."
"Washington Deer. 31st. 1812.
"Dear Sir
"I have just returned from the funeral of John Smilie
Esq; long a Representative from Pennsylvania. He died
yesterday at 2 oclock P. M.
"Mr. Hamilton, the Secy of the Navy, has resigned the
Seals of his Office; so that the War & Navy Departments
are now without official heads as they are said, by some, to
have been without brains.
"We are progressing with an Increase of the Army,
by adding 1 Major to each Regt. 1 third Lieut. & 1 Sergeant
to each Company, & 20 new Regts — 20,000 Men for one
Year— We have also a Bill before us for creating a long
List of General Officers — We do intend to contest the Ground
on these Bills but they will all pass.
"Was there ever such a Disgraceful Scene transacted
by any body of military men, as our Armies of the North
have exhibited — It affords serious Contemplation to our war
hawks, & they are excessively tender on that Subject.
' ' I am sincerely yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE"
Very few of McHenry's replies to Tallmadge have been
found. A long and interesting epistle was written by Mc-
Henry from Cherry Tree Meadows, January 15, 1813:
"Dear Sir,
"According to geometricians, called surveyors, this place
I now inhabit is elevated above Washington, at least three
1812-1816] of James McHcnry 591
thousand feet, and, yet, notwithstanding the advantage of
commanding ground, it is very certain I can see nothing of
what is going forward in this City. Thus situated, and hav
ing been for a fortnight past shut out from all intercourse
with friends (the severity of the weather preventing me from
sending to the post office) it entered into my mind to try
whether or not, some news could be obtained, through the
channel of dreams, to which you know wise men in all ages
of the world, as well Christian as heathen, have resorted,
without scruples and often with success. Encouraged by
such I have had a dream which, with your good leave, I shall
now relate — I fancied myself in the palace at Washington,
where my attendance had been requested by Mr. Madison.
Information, it seems, was wanted, which it was supposed I
could give, respecting certain military officers of the revolu
tion, for whom stations Avere contemplated in the army. This
business being disposed of, Mr. Madison asked me, what I
thought of the times? Perceiving that his table was covered
with federal news-papers from all parts of the union, here,
Sir, said I are intelligencers, better able to satisfy you than
I am — I acknowledged the merit of the information, he re
plied, but I cannot always rely on their reasoning or trust
to their facts. They announce that, as President, I have lost
the confidence of a vast portion of the people, of the Eastern
and middle States, and in other sections of the union, that
doubts and surmises are eating my popularity, and under
mining its very foundation. Believe them, also and the war
must soon die a natural death, from this diminution in pub
lic confidence, the impossibility of raising men and an ab
solute want of money to carry it on. In all this, I can see
the wishes of federalists, but not the truth. You are of
opinion then, said I, that the public confidence has under
gone no change, and the result of late elections, in various
districts of Country is no evidence of the fact ? If I thought
otherwise, he replied, I should think very erroniously. What
experienced mariner is alarmed by the variations of the nee
dle? It would be strange, indeed, was the art that has fixed
for so many years the character of the times, all at once to
loose its virtue. But I find, you, as well as some of my weaker
friends have mistaken the mere semblance of a change, for a
real change; not considering that this semblance being pro
duced by transient causes, like those false suns sometimes seen
592 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
in the heavens, must soon disappear. As to the war, Eng
land is too seriously occupied in Europe, to occasion us much
trouble in America. I fear nothing from want of men or
money. All this case requires, is to give to the war sufficient
duration, which without victories, many men, or much money
must secure its object. It was the voice of Mr Madison I
heard, but on looking at him he had the very form of Mr.
Jefferson. Suddenly loosing sight of the spectre, the palace,
and Washington, I imagined my self seated on the banks of
the Duero. The English army appeared at some distance,
its tryumphant ensigns waving in the wind. Alas, said I,
your victories, though splendid, have not been conclusive, and
the means of your nation for continuing this war, tho' great,
are opposed by means, perhaps greater. A train of painful
reflections now took possession of my mind, from which I
was roused by a noise on my left, that seemed to partake of
flight and dismay. On turning round, I saw Bonaparte pur
sued by a Russian bear, his guards scattered, and, the animal
gaining fast upon him. He cannot escape, I exclaimed, when,
the next instant, I saw him in Paris,- with Barlow on his
knees, in the act of presenting a letter from the President of
the United States, which read one way, congratulated him
on his successes in the North, and near approach of the free
dom of the sea, read another seemed to call for justice and
the fulfilment of a promise. Blockheads, said Bonaparte,
crushing the paper in his hand and turned from the prostrate
minister, without inviting him to rise.
"I again fancied myself in Washington, that the 13
Congress had met, and that I saw the new and old federal
members convened and deliberating together on the properest
course for them to pursue. It was under discussion, whether
or not, as a means to bring about peace (to effect which it was
observed most of them were elected) they ought to oppose
all grants of money for military purposes. The speaker
seemed to think, that appropriations for maintaining the war
should be resisted, excepting such as were required for the
protection of the frontiers and extension of the navy. This
procedure, it was argued, if it did not force the President
into a peace, would at least change the war from offensive to
defensive, and thereby^ in all probability, abridge its evils.
The debate intermitted. Mr. Randolph now rose. I could
perceive, that several members seemed surprised how this
1812-1816] of James McHenry 593
gentleman got amongst them. Without, however, noticing
their surprise, he said, he would take the liberty, in addi
tion to the proposition under debate, to offer a few reflec
tions for consideration to be cast, if they should be approved
of, into a proper form, and submitted to the President of
the United States.
"I lay it down, he said, as a great political, nay moral
maxim, that if it be in our power, it becomes our duty, to put
an end to this war. To affect this, let us, in the first place,
bring together into one account the vast sums of money al
ready expended on a war yet hardly commenced. Let us
next show, that this war, if prosecuted according to the sys
tem avowed by the late President, in one of his messages to
Congress, and practiced upon by the present President, viz,
of fighting with militia, till such time as a regular army can
be raised and disciplined for actual service, it must occasion
a most dreadful and unprofitable sacrifice of useful lives,
render, from the expensive nature of the system, the public
expenditures unsupportable, and induce, from mere deficiency
of means, a resort to foreign subsidies, and foreign troops.
Let us then state that the view of our unsettled differences
with great Britain, derived from public documents, happily
presents no obstacle to their adjustment, so obstinate, as can
not be removed; that, on the contrary, it encourages a rea
sonable expectation, that a fair trial to adjust them cannot
fail of success. Here let a mission be recommended, to con
sist of men perfectly cognizant with the commercial and other
great interests of the union, to proceed immediately to Lon
don, with authority to conclude a treaty of peace, compris
ing an arrangement of all our differences with the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. And if it so pleases
you, but this proposition perhaps you may not choose, con
sidering the crafty character of our Cabinet, let the repre
sentatives, ever true to the interest and dignity of the nation,
pledge their honour that should a negociation thus begun,
fail in attaining a settlement of differences on fair and equit
able terms, to call into action all their capacities and ener
gies, in the prosecution of a vigorous war by land and sea.
"I may gentlemen be mistaken, for who is he who may
not; but I cannot help entertaining belief, if this measure
shall be adopted without delay, and these ideas expressed, in
plain and respectful language, it cannot fail to make a strong
594 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
and salutary impression, as well on the public as on the Presi
dent. Yes, I say adopted without delay. Moments in the
present situation of things are precious. Depend upon it,
If there be a manouvre in the tactics of the palace, by which
the President can prolong the war, and yet appear to the
public most anxious to bring it to a close, it will be practiced.
Would not a proposition for an armistice be of this nature,
accompanied with an offer, if accorded to, of sending a Min
ister forthwith to London, to arrange and settle terms of a
treaty. The people would not see, that the proposition was
deceptions ; they could not be made to comprehend why, in
this stage of the business, the preliminaries or basis of a
treaty must be adjusted, between the two nations previous to
a suspension of hostilities. May not also the same purpose
be affected by a law, rendering it penal to employ on board
our ships of war or merchantmen British subjects, to take
affect whenever Great Britain should do certain things in
admissible in fact or in form.
"There is another consideration not less cogent for our
doing whatever is proper for us to do without loss of time.
The present is, perhaps, the only one that is allowed us, in
which to rescue our Country from the calamities of war, nay
from calamities still greater. Should the effort to obtain
the proposed mission be delayed, till after Great Britain shall
have settled her plan for the war, and entered upon its exe
cution, who can expect from it success? For myself, I do
not. A new obstacle will have then interposed, too obstinate
I fear, to be removed. While fiddling about Canada, and
playing the rogue, at Augustine, New Orleans will pass into
the hands of Great Britain, and be rendered impregnable
against our arms. What think you, Gentlemen ! Will not
this event stamp a new character on the war? Will not ten
thousand considerations, political and commercial, make the
English nation see in the permanent possession of this place,
complete remuneration for years of war and millions of
money. Who among us will undertake to say, when, or how,
a wTar is likely to terminate, between people, one of which,
will feel the strongest interest to retain, that which the other
has the most powerful motives to recover? This is no fancy,
no child of fairy-land. I see the reality before me. It af
fects my senses, as forcibly as did the fatal writing on the
wall, the mind of Belshazzar. Do not deceive yourselves.
1812-1816] of James Me Henry 595
New Orleans once occupied by Great Britain, the war becomes
interminable, or the United States, are no more. No matter
then who reigns as President, or what party preponderates,
that circumstance will work no change in our destiny. The
thought sickens me almost to fainting. But, he continued,
lifting up his eyes to heaven and looking beyond means and
instruments, I know there is a power which baffles devices the
most cunningly formed, against whom, no wisdom or under
standing can prevail!
"Randolph sat down, a deep & solemn pause of some
minutes ensued. Mr. Pitkin now rose. At this instant, I
was summoned to my lodgings, and before I got back, the
meeting had adjourned.
"Perceiving Mr. Dana coming out of the house, well,
said I, taking him by the arm. What is done ? Great things,
he replied, We have caught the fox, and only wait for the
arrival of your friend, Mr. Pickering, to kill him.
"I now imagined myself advanced several centuries into
futurity. The occupations and pursuits of men did not ap
pear to have undergone any change, their dress only had al
tered. Curious to learn what was said by its writers of the
transactions of the present period, I examined the most
esteemed history, and found them compressed into a very few
pages. I searched in vain for the names of the generals,
popular orators and statesmen who had occupied so great a
space in our newspapers and public dispatches, but their
names were not recorded. I observe also, that even the char
acters of our Presidents were given in a few short sentences.
The' first it was remarked possesed no splendid talents, but
shone the real 'patriot King.' The second had acted the
sage and the fool, by fits. The third, excelled in hypocrisy,
and governed by deception. The fourth had virtues, but sunk
them in the vices of his predecessor. What! I exclaimed,
not allow one genuine ray of candor and upright dealing in
the Presidential lives of two such popular statesmen ! In
saying this, the book fell from my hands, and I awoke.
"And now feeling myself no longer under the influence
of fancy, I beg you to believe, that I am not dreaming, when
I assure you, that I am very sincerely your friend & hble
serv. ' '
Tallmadge sent a brief note from Washington on Jan
uary 16, 1813.
596 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
"Dear Sir
"The Senate have ratified the Nomination of Genl. Arm
strong, Secy at War, & Wm. Jones, Secy, of the Navy. The
former rubed hard in the Senate, & it finally passed 18 to 15.
"The Bill to raise 20.000 additional Troops will probably
finally pass, altho' it had a hard time in our House. The
Debate has embraced the whole range of our foreign Rela
tions.
"I am affectionately yours
' ' BENJN. TALLMADGE. ' '
A second letter from McHenry dated Cherry Tree Mea
dows, Saturday, January 23, 1813, accompanied the longer
one written earlier in the month.
"Dear Sir
"The snow, and distance of the post office, (16 miles)
from this place, shut me out from all news for a fortnight.
Last Saturday however, my messenger surmounted all diffi
culties, and brought me next day, the accumulation of weeks.
What I did during this time you will be told by and by.
Istly. I have to acknowledge your letters under date of the
19, 28, 30, & 31st ulto. and two of the 5th. and 9th. 2dly.
To beg you to thank Mr. Davenport for the aid he has so
kindly lent to furnish amusement to a man confined to his
room, by gout, or something very like it, and unable to walk
across it without assistance. 3dly. To request you to send
me half a dozen copies of Mr. Quincy's speech on the army
bill, should it appear in a pamphlet form. The short sketch
I have seen of it in the Baltimore Federal Gazette, and your
account of its pungency & brilliancy, makes me anxious to
see it entire, and to give it circulation. Mr. Quincy adds the
graces of the elegant scholar to the talents of the statesman.
4thly. You have furnished me one copy of the President's
message &c. and Mr. Russel's Supplementary evidence, an
other will oblige me, that I may have one set to leave with
my son, and a second to take home. I shall also be grate
ful, if you can spare me copies of the printed reports made by
the heads of Departments in the course of the session. These
furnish facts, the knowledge of M'hich is necessary to a cor
rect understanding of our public affairs and the manner
in which they are conducted. And now you shall know how
1812-1816] of James McHenry 597
the interval I have spoken of has been employed. Vouch
safe to accept of the enclosed dream, not by way of a return
for your many favours, for it is no equivalent, but because I
have nothing better to send, and because I thought it, the
result of a few idle hours, was better to send than nothing
at all at all & having thus committed myself, let me entreat
you, as the dream is intended to be perused by you and your
friends only, who, occasionally, confer together how best to
promote the public good, that it may not pass this limit.
There it will be understood, elsewhere it might not"
During the year 1813, a number of additional letters from
Tallmadge have been preserved in which he speaks freely of
events at the capital. Thus from Washington, on February
8, 1813, he wrote:
"Dear Sir
"I thank you for your obliging Letter of the 23d. with
its accompanying Document. Although it comes under the
figure of a Dream, I would give more for it, as a State paper,
than any or all the Documents, relative to our foreign Rela
tions, that have been laid before us during the present reign.
In fact, it has one prominent superiority over the latter, in
asmuch as it exhibits the truth, altho' in a figure. I wish I
could with propriety say as much of the others. Be assured
that no improper use shall, on any Account, be made of it.
It has passed under the eye of some of our friends among
whom is Majr Davenport. In no case (I repeat it) shall it
be used to the Injury of the Dreamer.
"The Documents communicated at the commencment of
the Session shall be inclosed: but there are many which are
printed during the Session of which only a single Copy can
be obtained.
"We have been almost over whelmed with News from
Russia, & the last Arrivals from Europe bro't Intelligence of
the Death of Bounaparte, which gained great Credit. We
have a Rumour this day, however, that he has reached Poland.
Expectation is all alive for further Intelligence: & while
some look forward to the Death of that military Despot, as
an Event most auspicious to the peace of Europe : others view
it with foreboding apprehension. For my own part, I can
say with great truth, that if, in the Course of divine Provi-
598 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
dence, he should be taken away, I shall most heartily acquiesce
in the Dispensation. At all Events, I believe it may be re
lied on, that the loss of the F. Army in the Horses, Artillery,
Baggage, & even Men, must be immense.
"We have, for some time, been discussing the Bill, ac
companied by a Report of our Commtee on foreign Relations,
relative to Seamen — It is well understood that both of those
papers came from the Cabinet, thro the aforesaid Commit
tee, to Congress, without the alteration or addition of a single
word. Whether the Object in view is to enable the Admin
istration to open a Negociation for a peace, on liberal terms,
with frankness & sincerity; or whether this Bill is intended
to deceive the people, by apparently removing the Cause in
Dispute between the two Countries, & then throwing all the
blame of continuing the war on G. B. is not well settled. I
confess I have never doubted for a moment that the Intention
of the Admn. was to continue the wrar, if by any means they
could make it so popular as to engage the people on their
side. Unless the Bill should be considerably amended in
some of its propositions, it will get the support of the peace
party in Congress. Without their aid, it seems as if it would
not pass. The ardent warmen do not like it, lest it should
produce peace. I am Dr Sir,
"Sincerely & affectionately Yours
"B. TALLMADGE."
"Washington May 30th. 1813.
"Dear Sir
"We have yet done nothing worthy of notice, nor shall
we before the Committee shall report.
' ' Our Intelligence from Europe is highly important. We
may noAv calculate on Russia, Prussia, Sweden & Austria
having united to limit the power of Bounaparte — May
Heaven grant that they may succeed, & that our own Country
may not be found ultimately, a solitary friend of this great
Robber of Nations.
"I am affectionately yours
' ' BEN JN. TALLMADGE. ' '
"Washington June 10th. 1813.
"My Dear Sir
' ' I have been made very happy by the Reet. of your Let-
1812-1816] of James Me Henry
ter dated the 4th. instant, & hope you may continue to amend
in health — Happy is that man, who from the furnace of
affliction can look up to his merciful Protector & say 'not
my will but thine be done. ' At this trying hour the peculiar
Excellency of Religion is made manifest, & then the Be
liever is enabled to exhibit the peculiar worth of his faith,
inasmuch as it serves to support him even in the near pros
pect of Dissolution, when to the Infidel every thing must be
shrouded in Gloom & darkness & despair.
"The Mission to Russia has not yet reed, the advice &
Consent of the Senate ; not so much as to its Object, as the
means employed. In fact, it has become very questionable
whether Mr. Gallatin can execute the Office of Embassador &
still retain his hold, over the Treasury De Partment.
"The P. has also nominated Mr. Russel a Minister to
Sweden. This will not probably pass the Senate, as the Ex
pediency of such a Mission seems to be questioned, & of Course,
there being no vacancy, the Pt. had no Vacancy to fill in the
recess of the Senate.
' ' This day the Commtee of Ways & Means reported their
System for Taxes, consisting of twelve bills, all of which are
made the order of the Day for monday next, By some, it
seems to be doubted whether these bills can be carried ; &, by
others, whether the friends to the War will not move a post
ponement of them to the next Session — at any rate, they will
come up to the business with some reluctance.
"That the Admn. have no serious & cordial wish to have
a peace, I have long believed; & hence the Mission to Russia
has no very prominent features indicative of peace. Never
theless, in the present State of the European world, Peace
may come to us.
"The loss of the Frigate Chesapeake, is a most mortify
ing occurence. We have no particulars of the action, only
from those who were at some Distance, & beheld the short Con
flict. I expect shortly to get the Intelligence from Hallifax.
"New London is at this time full of apprehension, oc-
casiond. by the arrival of three of our public Ships, having
been pursued in by a superior B. Fleet. I understand there
are 4 Ships of 74 Guns lying off New London Harbour, & it
would not be very wonderful if they should enter in, & try
which can do the other the most harm. In such an Event, the-
City of N. London must suffer greatly.
600 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
"Your particular friends here are well. Col Pickering
has written to You since I reed, your last. Wishing you all
possible happiness.
"I am sincerely
' ' & affectionately yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE"
"Washington II. of Reps. June 16th. 1813
"Dear Sir
"In one of the enclosed papers, you will find an able re
port from a Comtee, made to the Genl. Assembly of Massa
chusetts. One of a similar Nature has been made to the
Legislature of Maryland. A petition has this day been pre
sented to Congress, by the Corporation of the City of N. York,
praying for assistance from the Genl. Govt. to defend that
City. I think the Admn. will have as much as they can attend
to, if the Militia are harrassed & called out by the Govt of the
States, to repel Invasions &c, from the multiplied Calls that
will be made upon the Genl. Govt. for payment & support.
This war, my friend, is a very troublesome thing & the sooner
we can be relieved from it the better.
"We have this morning reed, unpleasant Intelligence
from our Northern Army. It is said that Genl. Chandler &
Winder, with about 170 Men, were surprised & Captured.
"We seem to be doomed to suffer disgrace from that Qr.
"The Taxes remain untouched as reported.
' ' I am sincerely
' ' & truly yours
"BENJN, TALLMADGE"
"Washington June 24th. 1813
"Dear Sir
"I thank You for your Letter of the 18th. instant, &
altho' I am always rejoiced to hear from You, & especially to
get a letter written by yourself ; yet I must say to You that I
will forego that pleasure at any time, rather than have you
fatigue & injure yourself
"We are now working on the Taxes, & really they seem
to drag heavily on. The Advocates for ,the war, who have
indeed made it necessary for us to lay these burdens upon
the people, cannot agree on the principles to govern in the
direct Tax. If I could judge from what has already taken
1812-1816] of James Me Henry 601
place, I should believe the Taxes would not be laid during this
Session.
' ' The enclosed paper will give you the acct. of the Capture
of the Chesapeake, with all the particulars that have come to
hand -relative to that important Affair. That single Conflict
is enough to make a Christian mourn over this calamitous War.
"Adieu. I am affectionately
' ' BEN JN. TALLMADGE
"P. S. The Pt. continues quite unwell — it is said the
B. fleet below Menace even an approach to this place, if not
by their Ships, by their Men from on board"
"Washington July 9th. 1313.
"My Dr. Sir
"With much pleasure I acknowledge the Rect. of your
Letter dated the 22d ulto. & hope this may find You in toler
able health, & above all that you may grow in Grace, & be
ripening for a better world.
"We have now got through with the heaviest part of the
Taxes, The Land Tax & the whiskey Tax constitute more
than half the labour of the whole System. Great difficulties
have presented themselves as we progressed in the business^ &
great Inequalities & Injustice have been done in Apportioning
the Land Tax. For Instance, in the State of Ohio, the Sum
apportioned to that State was laid solely on its — population
to the amot. of $104.000. Then to make the thing go down
with the people, they laid only 42.000 on the Resident &
$62.000 on the non Resident Population. This was so enorm
ously oppressive, that it went down hard, even in our House.
"The Pt. has got so much better that he begins again to
attend, to public business. He has replied to the Senate re
specting Mr. Gallatin's Nomination on the Mission to St.
Petersburg, & pleads both precedent & the Constitution to
justify him. Whether the Senate or the Pt. will recede cannot
yet be determined. If the Senate regard their own Character
for Consistency, I think they will not easily be driven from
their Ground.
"Our War seems to go with marvelous Effect. We loose
Army after Army, & Detachment after Detachment, until I
should suppose our force must be considerably reduced. One
General passes away after another, until finally Gcnl. Wilkin
son is called to the North. Genl. Williams, (of Artillery mem-
602 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
ory) is now here. I have just been giving him a Caution not
to venture too rashly across the Niagara frontier.
"So far as I can judge, there is no disposition to relax
on the War Establishing They must have more money, &
their means of obtaining it are limited. But so long as they
will borrow on unlimited premiums, or rates of Interest, they
will probably get money.
"As I purpose to leave this place for Connecticut in a
day or two, I can only wish you the best of Heavens blessings
& am
"sincerely &
' ' Affectionately yours
"BENJN. TALLMADGE.
"P. S. It is intimated by those who peep behind the Cur
tains that Genl. Armstrong is to command the Army. Some
difficulties have arisen as to Munroe's Claims, this being a
Stepping Stone to the next Presidency."
Davenport who has been referred to by Tallmadge wrote
from Washington July 28th, 1813 :
"Dear Sir
"Your favor of the 23rd. of the present month was re
ceived yesterday. I can assure you it affords me great satis
faction that I have contributed in any degree to your grati
fication and amusement — your confinement and seclusion
from the busy world, calls loudly upon your friends to afford
you such relief as in their power and they certainly cannot be
averse to gratifying your wishes by producing to your view
the passing eventful scenes with which the world now groans
the wormwood and the gall seem to be our portion, and the vile
passions of mankind are sublimating the dose to the ruin of all
around them.
"I fear Bonaparte is again successful and that he has
made the Russians & Prussians drink abundantly of the bitter
cup, of which he has no small share himself. That he con
sents to an armistice does not prove that his victory has been
complete. Our French friends rejoice above measure and con
sider the day as theirs, and speak of a festival on the event.
In my opinion, our disasters at home call for sorrow and
mourning, rather than rejoicing at foreign success. I fear
the day of peace is far off. It must be our consolation in the
1812-1816] of James McHenry 603
day of calamity and distress that the Lord reigns, that He will
achieve good from evil, and that the rage of man shall praise
Him, and that 'the remainder of wrath he will restrain.'
"My ardent wish and prayer is that you may speedily
have restoration of your limbs to their former activity and
that your health may be again established
' ' I remain dear Sir very affectionately
"your obedt. servt.
' ' JN. DAVENPORT JR. ' '
Pickering had neglected writing to McHenry lor some
time, but did so on June 9, as follows :
"City of Washington June 9. 1813.
"Dear Sir,
' ' Colo. Tallmadge yesterday showed me your letter to him
in which you remember 'your old friend.' It was a remem
brance which I take pleasure in acknowledging; and joined
to the sentiments expressed in regard to your own situation,
afflicted with bodily infirmities, could not fail to excite reflec
tions of the most serious kind. I am some years older than
you ; but my constitution & health are unimpaired : yet not one
day passes in which I fail to think on the frailty of every
human frame ; and that, when I close my eyes to sleep, I may
not see the light of another day. If I am not depressed, it is
because my. best hopes & expectations lie beyond the grave.
Early instructed in the duties of virtue & religion, & with
pure examples, in my parents, daily before me, I have always
endeavoured to 'keep myself unspotted from the world'; yet
with a consciousness of deficiencies to humble me before the
searcher of hearts, when repeating 'forgive me my trespasses,
as I forgive those who trespass against me.'
"Such is the nature of my consolations amid the calami
ties of life & in the prospect of a future existence: and such
also must be yours. This I say, because in my whole inter
course with you, I have seen nothing but undeviating rectitude
of conduct, exemplary manners, & the serious deportment of a
Christian. I have not forgotten — I shall never forget — your
parting words at our last interview. ' If we do not meet again
in this world, I hope we shall in a better.' To which my
heart & mouth responded assent. In a volume of dissertations
by Dr. Price, there is one on the happiness of those who were
604 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
friends in this world, meeting together in another. It is a
most pleasing, cheering & animating discourse. In a note, he
quotes a passage from Cicero's works, by which it appears
that that celebrated orator & moralist, in the most feeling man
ner, anticipated the same happiness. I wish I could recollect
the whole sentence. '0 proclarum ilium diem' (he -begins)
when he should go to the assembly of departed worthies, 'et
ad Catonem meum, quo nemo vir ullus melior natus est, nemo
pietate praestantior. '
' ' The day before yesterday I met Bishop Carroll, with the
fine, calm, composed, but cheerful countenance which distin
guishes that good man. He mentioned with tender affection
& regret the situation of 'my friend Mcllenry. ' There is a
charm in the manners, & especially in the face, of Bishop Car
roll, of which I have rarely, if ever, seen the equal.
''Present my kind regards to Mrs. McHenry and believe
me ever most truly yours.
"TIMOTHY PICKERING.
"P. S. If you favour me with an answer, note the year
& day of your birth. My own are July 17. 1745."
On June 13, McHenry answered, speaking of Bishop Car
roll as a "truly good man, I can safely say, from a long and
social intercourse with him, that the benignity which you
describe as appearing so strikingly in his countenance is not
greater than the real benignity of his heart." He speaks of
his own health which is now better, and of Pickering's, and of
reunion in a future state. The universality of the opinion
that such reunion will occur is not only an expression of a
thing wished for, but also evidence of its reality.
On July 24, McHenry wrote Pickering again, "When we
labored together in the same cabinet for the public welfare, I
conceived for you a real esteem and sincere friendship. I
could not mistake your character and valued it according to its
worth. It wanted the courtly charm of pliancy but possessed,
what is better, the roughness of inflexible integrity and a
candor that defied concealment. The calumnies that have
since assailed you (in which I have also partook), as I knew
them to be unmerited and unfounded, could in no ways lessen
this esteem." These cal-umnies were exposed by McHenry 's
letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, which
McHenry had printed, but "distributed only a few of them,
with an injunction not to publish their contents. This is the
1812-1816] of James Me Henry 605
only trouble these calumnies gave me, and the only notice I
ever took of them, public or private, Keligion, I thank God,
enabled me to forgive their inventors, as for those, who, too
ignorant to discern the motives in which they originated and
the purposes for which they were propagated, and who yet
entertain them, they never stood in need of my forgiveness.
I pitied them as mistaken and deceived enthusiasts. With
respect to a different description of men, who knew their
falsity, but not, withstanding, will seize occasions, in cold
blood, to keep them alive among the populace, I forgive them
and I pray that they may be forgiven by God."
He has gained a little strength and wishes to try by short
stages to return to Baltimore, where his children anxiously
await him. "The physicians, too, urge exercise, as essential
to recovery. I have determined, therefore, to make the experi
ment and leave the issue to that Being whose providence is
like extended to individuals and nations, without whose priv
ity a sparrow does not fall to the ground. ' '
This letter Pickering answered at once:
"City of Washington July 27. 1813.
"My dear Sir,
"To-day I received your favour of the 24th. I hope it
will not be the last to me : I hope you may recover strength
'to regain your old home,' and have the happiness to see the
faces of your children : you now enjoy the greatest consolation
on this side Heaven — pious resignation to the will of the
author of our being.
"You refer to your vindicatory pamphlet : I may have it
at home; yet I should wish to have another copy set apart for
me, to be received if I should live to return hither, next
autumn, through Baltimore.
"I have had occasion, many times, to recite to different
friends, the base attempt of president Adams to degrade Ham
ilton from the rank of first to that of third major general, in
1798: that after you had made out the commissions for
; ' Hamilton
' ' Pinckney
"Knox
"you sent them to Quincy for the President's signature: that
he did not sign them, but directed you to express his opinion
606 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
to Genl. Washington, that these gentlemen ought to rank thus
"Knox
' ' Pinckney
' ' Hamilton :
"and if the General should be of the same opinion, then that
their commissions should be arranged accordingly: but that
before you had time to consult General Washington & to re
ceive his answer you received from Mr. Adams a peremptory
order to make the commissions in that order: that you of
course obeyed: but that General Washington demanded, in
strong terms — terms which Mr. Adams could not disregard —
that the commissions should conform to his original arrange
ment : — and that Mr. Adams was constrained to yield, & did
yield ; and I believe altered the commissions you had a second
time sent him, with his own hand.
"If you find yourself strong enough to favour me with
an answer — correcting errors, if there be any, and adding
facts and circumstances which it may be useful for me to
know (especially in unmasking baseness and hypocrisy) I
shall be much gratified. If your prayer for the prolonging
of my life should be answered, I mean to resume my original
design of tracing the calamities of our country to their true
source — Thomas Jefferson — exposing him & his second, Mad
ison, in all their frauds and baseness to the view of the world
— as the necessary means of undeceiving the People deluded,
by their deceitful practices, to pursue the paths which have
led to their ruin. This I shall not attempt in a weekly news
paper — but in a book deliberately reviewed and methodized.
"I believe that no one who has read my letters of 1811
can doubt that the outrages practised by Mr. Adams, towards
the close of his administration in respect to individuals among
federalists and against the federal cause, & positively my own
removal from office, were the fruit of his intrigues with the
democrats, to secure his re-election to the presidency. I have
reason to believe that Samuel Smith and Wilson Gary Nich
olas were prime agents in this intrigue, in which the old man
was their dupe. But it did not occur to me, till a year after I
wrote those letters, that the unlooked for nomination of Mur
ray to negociate a treaty with France, might probably be
ascribed to the same cause. I think it not unlikely that
Jefferson, who knew the superlative vanity of Mr. Adams,
touched that very sensitive chord ; flattering the old man with
1812-1816] of James McHcnry 607
visions of everlasting fame, added to the immediate plaudits
of the people of the II. States, hailing him the Deliverer of his
country from the calamities of war ; thus laying a sure founda
tion (as Mr. Adams would infer) for his reelection.
"I remain, my dear sir,
"ever most truly yours.
' ' TIMOTHY PICKERING. ' '
On McHenry's return to Baltimore he was somewhat re
stored to health and took his last public position, that of pres
ident of the newly organized Bible Society of Baltimore, whose
address to the public he prepared, showing a pure and elevated
Christian faith. 1
Apparently Pickering did not receive the pamphlet he
asked for until the next winter, when he wrote in acknowledg
ment :
"City of Washington Feby. 12. 1814.
"Dear Sir,
' ' Mr. Boyd sent me the printed copy of your letter to the
House of Representatives, and a pamphlet having the title of
the ' Three Patriots, ' committed by you to his care, for which I
pray you to accept my thanks. The pamphlet was printed
'for the author' I have read it with interest, and wish to
know who wrote it.
"Colo. Tallmadge & I came on together from New York,
& arriving at Baltimore to dine, intended to have called to see
you at the edge of the evening : but company detained us until
we were apprehensive it might be too late, in your particular
situation. Tho' enfeebled in body by the malady which has
so long afflicted you, I am happy to find you consoled by the
mental enjoyments which are the companions of virtue &
piety. These consolations will never desert you. Accept the
assurances of affection & esteem.
"TIMOTHY PICKERING"
From Pittsburg on the 30th of September 1813, Mc-
Henry 's old friend James Ross wrote him :
"Dear Sir
"During the summer I have been long absent from Pitts-
burg and did not receive your letter written on your departure
from the Glades Until a few days before your other of the 20th
instant reached me by last mail.
1 This address was reprinted in the 70th report of the Maryland
Bible Society in 1903.
608 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
"It gives me great pain to learn the infirm state of your
health, and the more so as your journey into the Mountains, &
the exercise necessarily attending it, might have reasonably
been expected to rouse and renovate the system: Still how
ever, the good effects of moderate exertion may be hoped for,
and may display themselves after you are settled at home:
And still you possess the Undiminished faculties of a Mind
stored with science, fortifyed by sound philosophy, and tran
quillized by all the consolation of a well spent honourable life :
A life that I ardently pray may be prolonged for the happi
ness of yourself your family & friends:
' ' I have not been forgetful of the Kenhawa lands : The
sale for U. S. direct Taxes was made to a company, that has
not chosen to disclose the persons who composed it and from
all that I have been able to learn ; one of the Company (Mr.
Jackson) now in Congress was the real purchaser who has
since disposed of these among other lands : It is in my opin
ion very certain that the sale is a Nullity, as the assessment,
entries on the Books, sales, deeds, every thing, is in a wrong
name viz. James Mitterny, instead of James Mcllenry : — of
this opinion also are all the council with whom I have con
versed ; — and some of them speak of the whole transaction at
the Sale as being defective, and clearly against the provision
of the Acts of Congress : — on that head there is nothing to
fear —
"As to the State taxes, I sent by a friend of Mine the
Abstracts of your patents, and the Surveys to enable him to
pay in Wood County where the lands lie. But no charge was
found on the Books there against you ; Altho, they had also a
charge against a certain Mitterny: At the time my friend
was making these enquiries, Mr. Caldwell Sent there also, to
pay all arrearages and wras satisfied that Nothing could be
legally demanded, Until a new assessment, after wrhich, if they
be back-Taxes reported, I shall take care that the taxes are
paid for you, should Mr. Caldwell neglect it : In future, he
will probably be More Attentive, as he has sold his Mills, &
returned to the practice of the law, which will carry him twice
a year into that County :
"Should he fail hpwever in Attention, My friend Mr.
Robinson who lives in this place, goes once a year into Wood
County where your lands lie, & he will not forget to do all
that is requisite, and it will give him no trouble, as he has a
1812-1816] of James McHenry 609
large estate there himself, and has, hertofore, very obligingly
done for you all that I requested.
' ' Mr. Caldwell is now in New Jersey, and I expect to see
him here on his return, when I will press upon him a division
of the land, and a final Settlement of the whole business:
Lest he should pass by another road to Wheeling, I will write
to him again respecting these lands, and press him to visit
them, and take from all the occupants Written lease: this he
long since engaged to do, but I fear it is yet to do :
"Should any thing else occur to me which would be Use
ful, I will have it done without waiting for your directions, &
I cannot but think that all is yet Safe.
' ' You will have heard that Commodore Perry has achiev
ed a most signal victory over the British on Lake Erie, and
captured their whole fleet on the upper lake: This in its
consequences to our frontier is little short of Genl Waynes
Victory over the Indians in 1794. The Indians must retire
and Separate before Winter, & will no more reassemble. Up
per Canada will devolve to the U. S. without any effort by
Genl. Harrison, who has always threatened Much but has done
Nothing^ Unless you call an expense of five Million, Nothing:
"It is singular, that the heroes who have excelled our
National flag triumphantly over the Enemy on the Ocean &
on the Lake, should be all federalists : Perry is so decidedly
a federalist, that his friends thought his politicks bordered
upon intolerance of his opponents.
"I observe that you expect a peace, but to me it appears
improbable that we can reckon upon a solid durable peace
being made by those who have made war merely to please
France; Unless there be general European peace: Should
Mr. Madison break off from the Confederacy, he might expect
denunciation, & exposure of all that has ever been written or
proposed between Bonaparte & Mr. Jefferson on the present
Administration, and I vehemently suspect, that rather than
see such an exposure the war would be continued by our pres
ent Rulers.
"Present me very Respectfully to Mrs. McHenry, to Mr.
& Mrs. Boyd and believe me to remain with most affectionate
regard "Dear Sir
"Your faithful friend &
"Most obedt. Servt.
"JAMES Ross."
610 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
McHenry wrote Pickering on March 10, stating that the
history of the past 12 years should be written by the federalist
minority and mentioning that he hears members of congress
suggest Dexter for presidential nominee in 1816. Though
he was but little over sixty years of age, McHenry 's health,
which had never been robust, was entirely shattered by his
attack of paralysis and from the beginning of 1814 he was
almost a helpless invalid. Mrs. McHenry later wrote :
"While he was thus suffering, our excellent son Daniel
brought his wife to her mother's to be confined, after which
owing to his reluctance to leave his Father, we cou'd not get
him to fix a day for setting out for his home. At length, my
beloved husband mentioned one, & insisted on their starting —
but oh! my dear madam, how shall I tell you, that he left us
in health in the morning, & before night was brought home a
corpse. I leave you to judge what our situation was, for I
cannot describe it, but I recollect all consideration for myself
was lost in apprehendsion of the effects of the shock, on the
dear affectionate parent then laying on a bed in extreme pain
from which he was never to rise ; for my poor Anna who was
advanced in pregnancy & my widowed daughter-in-law —
surely we should have been overwhelmed had we not been up
held by an Almighty arm — our God and Saviour sustained us
by the precious promises of the gospel & enabled us to derive
comfort from the recollection of the good and virtuous life
he had led; which gave the sweet consolation of faith, that
altho' he was suddenly & awfully taken from us, he was not
surprised & that the Redeemer, whom he trusted, would merci
fully supply whatever was wanting in his preparation for
death — He rode, unknown to us, a vicious horse who had the
habit of throwing his rider — he threw our beloved. We had
scarcely got over our first poignant distress after this sad
event, when we were thrown into great alarm by the British
Fleet & Army, threatening an attack on Baltimore. Our ter
ror was inexpressible, my husband could not be moved, my
daughter would not seek safety by leaving us, my only son
thought it his duty to leave his Father, tho' his attentions
were so needful to him, to go out in our defence, he was
foremost in battle at North Point, we thought we should
never see him alive again, when we parted with him & great
indeed must have been our desolation & suffering & that of
1812-1816] of James McHenry 611
thousands had not an Almighty & ever merciful God inter
posed in our behalf — may we ever gratefully remember this
great deliverance — my son was restored to us alive, but being
previously much weakened by his long confinement with &
watchful care over his Father, the fatigues of marching & his
laying on the ground one night in a heavy rain brought on a
billions cholic, from which he suffered much by repeated at
tacks — for many months the same fall, my daughter was
seized with billions fever during which, she gave birth to a
very delicate infant &, in two months, she was called upon
to resign it. Her health was much injured by the many se
vere trials she had experienced in body & mind. I thought
I knew all, but part was concealed from me, Mr. Boyd in
the fall was troubled with an intermittant which shook his
frame a good deal, after he got rid of the chills, he became
nervous & took a religious turn, but owing to the scene of
peculiar distress in which I was constantly engaged, I was
not aware of his real situation, indeed we were all strangely
blind to it for a long time, & my dear husband & myself
often talked of, & felt thankful for the change that had taken
place in him, seeing him more attentive to his religious duties,
and accounting for his depression by his participation in our
affliction."
It was soon found, however, that Mr. Boyd, the husband
of McHenry 's daughter Anna, was of disordered mind and
this affliction increased the family's sorrow.
On October 10, 1814, Hugh Williamson l wrote, sending
his regards and regrets on account of McHenry 's paralysis.
"We find but one more letter from Tallmadge, dated Wash
ington, March 24, 1814:
"My Dear Sir
"I am happy in receiving a letter from You dated the
llth. instant, & rejoice to find that your present State of
Health permits you to use your pen.
"The Subject most immediately in view in your Letter,
I have submitted to some of our friends, as requested. No
1 A Presbyterian clergyman and physician. In 1772, he visited Europe
to collect funds for Newark Academy. He lived in North Carolina whose
history he wrote, removed to New York in 1793 and was in congress
from 1791 to 1793.
612 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
difference of opinion exists as to the importance of preserv
ing & condensing certain public Documents for the last 12
years, so that the world, & particularly those who may suc
ceed us, might examine the measures we have been pursuing,
& if possible, profit by our Example. I fully believe many
things, literally true, will by posterity be treated as fabu
lous Such a Collection of facts, or history of the times, will
undoubtedly be furnished — It will be no easy matter to en
gage different Gentlemen to contribute their Exertions in
such a Work. A person by the name of Palmer, has already
commenced a work in the form of a history intending to em
brace the great Events which have occurred for a few years
past — My fear is that he does not commence his work far
enough back; but as I have not seen his labours, I can only
report from others — I learn that he has compleated two
Vols. & intends to progress.
"We have some reason to believe that the late friends
of the Embargo begin to doubt its Efficacy in subduing or
starving the Enemy. A proposition is before the Senate, to
be called up on Friday next, to repeal the Embargo. If
the Eastern Members should advocate the Continuance of
this System (& some begin to believe that it is doing good to
our Country) or if they should withhold their opposition to
the passage of such a law, most probably it would pass.
"We are debating the Yazoo Bill, & rather believe it will
finally pass. If this Bill could be disposed of, it seems very
probable that we might adjourn by the llth proxo. as pro
posed.
' ' I am, Dr Sir, very affectionately
"& sincerely your friend &c
"BENJN. TALLMADGE"
From Georgetown, District of Columbia, Archibald Lee
wrote on December 20, 1814, and gave a gloomy view of the
prospects for peace:
"My Dear Sir.
"I wish I could give you satisfactory intelligence upon
our foreign & Democratic relations — indeed I am sick at
heart there. I found awaiting my return a long letter from
Mr. Bayard 19th Au. He predicts a long war and assures me
'it will neither be the fault of the Administration nor the
18H-1816] of James McHenry 613
Commissioner's should the negotiation fail' --we have heard
a great deal of stuff about the polite attentions of Alexander,
He says. 'In Russia we had generally to wait two months
for an answer to a note — here we were all here more than a
month before the B. Commrs. made their appearance, and
this was nearly four months after Ghent was appointed or
fixed, by the B. Govt. So that in fact we have had our
ministers dancing attendance for 18 months on a fool's er
rand — a pretty Republican negotiation and a dignified pro
cedure for the only free people on Earth such we would be
though what course the Hartford convention may deem justi
fied by the state of the country I am unwilling to anticipate.
The characters selected to deliberate are grave and valuable
members of society, they are reflecting and prudent men, and
such are unlikely to put to risk important objects — we are
certain such men will not act upon a bare majority, and no
rash measure can probably obtain the support of a large ma
jority — there are certainly many weighty subjects deserving
consideration and there are some changes in the present tat
tered constitution certainly called for — I believe nothing
short of certain correctives will satisfy the Eastern people —
and, certainly, no measure out of God knows how many silly
projects will bring home with more force the necessity of a
change — than the power given to the President to call upon
Inferior Officers of the militia to order out the Drafts in the
event of the Governors of State refusing to obey his orders —
a pretext of law that never can be sanctioned by the States
and certainly calling for decided notice — whatever power
may be extracted from the ragged remnant of a once valuable
Constitution to countenance conscription — I should have sup
posed this creation in states of an imperium in imperio would
have been shunned' — Mr. Bayard closes his letter by observ
ing that 'after being amused as long as their purposes may
require, we shall be civilly dismissed' — no doubt this will be
the issue."
J. Foncier, the builder of Fort McHenry, wrote McHenry
on September 13, 1814, when on the eve of returning to France,
expressing his gratitude for favors and asking for a letter
of recommendation, and another French friend, Paquiet,
a former professor at St. Mary's College, wrote on September
1, 1815, from Annapolis, stating that he regrets "parting with
614 Life and Correspondence [CHAP, xix
you and your respectable family, whose kind regard to me has
been, for a number of years, the only enjoyment which allevi
ated my labors. Accept, together with them, my hearty
thanks for all that benevolence, with which you have hon
oured me ; and believe that, to whatever distance I may be re
moved, I shall ever preserve the remembrance of it, as one of
the most flattering, the most relished favours I ever received
in my life."
During 1815, McHenry continued in about the same con
dition, as is shown by letters from him and his wife on August
7 to his son John, who was summering at York Springs,
Adams county, Pennsylvania:
"My dear son
"Robinson will perhaps find a conveyance for these few
lines tomorrow, intended to express our wishes that you
should give the waters a fair chance to operate effectually on
your system, by not leaving them just when they seem to be
having the desired effect. Your Father is laid down for the
night (after having been propt on his side to take tea & for
some time after) or he would have written himself; but he
desires me to assure you that we are doing very well, he con
tinues easy, his wounds are almost healed, & he entreats you
to set your mind at rest about him, that you may receive full
benefit from your present advantages.
"Your ever affectionate
"Mother
"M. MCHENRY"
' ' Tuesday morning —
"My dear son
"By no means leave the springs before you have reaped
the benefit now promised by the use of the waters. Break
fast is on the table, and I must send this to Mr. Robinson who
goes early to town in search of a conveyance. I confirm all
your mother has written respecting me.
"Your affectionate father
"JAMES MCHENRY"
The love for the old friends continued to the last, and
on December 17, 1815, he invited Pickering to come over and
dine with him on Christmas day.
On March 28, 1816, Pickering sent the following letter
of introduction of two of his children to McHenry :
1812-1816] of James McHenry 615
"My Dear Sir,
"This will be presented to you by my youngest son,
Octavius, who is on his return, with his sister, to Massachu
setts. My daughter has seen Mrs. Boyd ; and I have a de
sire that she and her brother may be made acquainted with
the other members of your family.
"Having heard nothing to the contrary, I presume you
are as comfortable as when I had the pleasure of seeing you.
You will believe that I sincerely wish you all the enjoyment
compatible with your situation. The greatest possible hap
piness consists in the composure of mind & pious resignation
belonging to the character of a Christian.
"Adieu!
"T. PICKERING."
The letter was never presented. John McHenry wrote
Pickering on the next day that his father was ill with an
"obstinate fever."
McHenry lingered for a month longer and died on May 3.
His wife wrote of the event:
"In May 1816, my dearest and best earthly friend was
taken from me, & altho' I had been long, in a great measure,
prepared for this event, yet, when it came to the point of
separation, the loss of such a husband could not be borne
without much affliction ; but, I thank God, I had not to mourn
as one without hope. I believed he was going to the enjoyment
of that felicity we had long so fondly anticipated; Oh! how
soothing is such a hope to the mourner's heart. I sought to
rejoice that he was not only relieved from great misery here,
but received to that world of inconceivable bliss to which he
had long aspired."
Here we come to the end of the life of a courteous, high-
minded, keen-spirited, Christian gentleman. He was not a
great man, but he participated in great events and great men
loved him, while all men appreciated his goodness and the
purity of his soul. His highest titles to remembrance are that
he was faithful to every duty and that he was the intimate
and trusted friend of Lafayette, of Hamilton, and of Wash
ington.
APPENDIX I
McHenry's interests in trade and commerce and his offi
cial position as member of the congress of the confederation
led him, in March, 1784, to write a series of three articles en
titled, "Observations relative to a commercial treaty with
Great Britain."1 In these articles, McHenry forcefully ar
gued that "Peace is the moment when past injuries ought to
be forgotten * * * America experiences by the peace a new
situation ; a momentous arrangement demands her attention ;
a commercial treaty with Great Britain that may ascertain the
interests of the two nations so as to obviate future dissen-
tions. ' ' His purpose in writing was ' ' that our ardor for ob
taining an honorable treaty of commerce may not be checked,
or false resentments encouraged" and, after showing that
there was no opportunity for the peace commissioners to make
such a treaty, he stated that the British ministry "build their
expectations of leading us to their own terms * * by a pre
sumed want of unity in our councils, a factitious display of the
superior credit of their manufactures and the perfect reliance
of this country upon these; artfully concealing the absolute
dependence of England upon the United States for the con
sumption of her manufactures and prosperity of her West
India Islands." He then claimed "that America is in a situ
ation to enforce a liberal treaty." The West Indies are so
dependent upon the United States that Maryland, in 1773,
exported thither 84,500 barrels of flour; 10,333 barrels of
bread; 4,500 bushels of rye; 266,000 bushels of wheat; and
233,000 bushels of Indian corn. The United States "are alone
able to supply" these islands with such products, "at a price
necessary to their prosperity, regularly and efficaciously."
"The supplies of the British West Indies were derived, dur
ing the war, from the United States, by capture and through
neutral islands." If Great Britain cut us off from these mar-
1 Reprinted in Carey's American Museum, V, 317, 464, 550.
620 Appendix I
kets, our surplus exports may easily be sent to the continent
of Europe. There are also many articles which we can import
cheaper from other countries than from Great Britain. "We
ought to confine our imports from Great Britain to such arti
cles only as she can sell cheaper than her neighbors or other
nations, especially whilst our custom for other articles is to
remain without an equivalent. We have obtained a range of
markets as wide as our wishes and the cheapest must soon
be universally known. ' ' The British ' ' grasp at the exclusive
trade of America, even without a treaty," and "do not per
ceive that their proceedings are operating as a stamp act and
bringing the United States to act as a nation. ' '
A long list is given of articles which can be imported from
the several European nations cheaper than from England and
of the usual exports to those nations. "Charged with these
facts, our commissioners may hold a candid but decisive
language with the British administration." The taste of
America has been in favor of British manufactures in the past,
but agents from the continental nations will soon learn how to
meet this point. "But what is more than all to be heeded by
Great Britain is the establishment of manufactures in Amer
ica, for which she is so happily gifted ; and which must grad
ually take place and succeed, till at length she will find little
occasion for the manufactures of Europe. Nothing but a
commercial treaty, on the most liberal principles, can check
the progress of things in America, which is approximating
to this independent, desirable, and respectable situation."
The plausible argument that we import more from Great Brit
ain than we export to her and, therefore, are forced to con
tinue trade with her, McHenry answers by saying that, if the
imports are greater, we pay the difference by bills of exchange
drawn on countries to which our exports are greater and
might well transfer trade to these lands. The future will en-
crease our ability, by giving greater payments for greater
commerce from a greater country, which country will be
richer by the establishment of manufactures and will receive
imports at a lower price, because of the world's competition.
The states should not "leave the accomplishment of a com
mercial treaty entirely" to commissioners, but should pass
needed laws. ' ' Maryland" is proceeding in this great business
with caution ; she has laid some light duties upon goods import
ed in British bottoms, but I presume she expects the other
states will follow her example; as remaining singular would
Appendix I 621
not answer the intention of these duties. She has also, in the
same act laying the duties, proposed a new article for the
confederation; but this cannot be operative till every state
agrees to one substantially the same. The power it contains
is pointed at no kingdom, and, in its fullest extent, must in
crease our navigation; and we may reasonably expect that,
under this power, Congress would devise a navigation act
suited to the circumstances of this country."
APPENDIX II
In addition to the letters published or referred to in this work,
the following letters from Dr. James McHenry's correspondence
have been printed:
1. In a pamphlet entitled "Autograph Letters, etc.," containing
the text of a number of letters given by James Howard McHenry
to be sold for the benefit of the Maryland School for the Blind
in 1859 are found the following letters to McHenry from Wash
ington, June 26, 1799; Pickering, January 28, 1800; Charles Lee,
November 25, 1799; Lafayette, March 7, 1800; Wolcott, 'Decem
ber 12, 1800; William Pinkney, March 20, 1800; Lafayette,
August 6, 1805; Tallmadge, March 10, 1812; Rush, February 3,
1780; Jefferson, November 25, 1792; Washington, December 10,
1783; Chase, September 24, 1796; Wayne, February 24, 1796;
Charles Carroll of Carrollton, December 2, 1796; Pickering,
August 3, 1796; Hamilton, January 19, 1797; W. H. Harrison,
'May 12, 1797; Rufus King, August 4, 1797; C. C. Pinckney,
September 19, 1797; T. Pinckney, December 11, 1797; Stoddert,
May 28, 1798"; Hamilton, September 9, 1798; Washington, July
30, 1798; John Adams, September 21, 1798, and July 27, 1799;
Washington, August 2, 1798; R. G. Harper, August 16, 1799;
and from Thomas Paine to Washington, June 5, 1778. These
letters were all reprinted in Dawson's Historical Magazine, 2nd
series, ii, 363 and ff.
2. In Johns Hopkins Newsletter for March 10, 1904, vol. 8, no. 3,
Address to Citizens of Baltimore City in behalf of Baltimore
College (1804) by McHenry and his letter to his son John writ
ten about 1806.
B. In Green Bag, xvi, ('March, 1904), 172, "An Interesting Criminal
Case" containing a letter from Pickering and McHenry's answer
of December 3, 1807.
4. In 70th Annual Report of Maryland Bible Society, 1903, Address
of the Bible Society of Baltimore to the Citizens of the State
of Maryland written by McHenry, 1813.
5. In Army and Navy Journal, xlii, (October 22, 1904), 195, "The
Case of Gen. Anthony Wayne," contains letters from Hamilton
to McHenry, July 15, 1796; from Chase, July 22, 1796; from
Charles Lee, November 20, 1796; and from William Vans
Murray, August 8, 1796.
6. In William and Mary "College Quarterly, xiii, (October, 1904),
102, letters are printed from John Steele to McHenry, March 27,
1796; from Josiah Reddick to Zach. Copeland, January 25, 1799;
and from J. Parker to McHenry, April 29, 1799.
Appendix II 623
7. In Virginia Magazine, xii, (January, 1905), 257, are printed
letters from Jefferson to John Wise, February 12, 1798; from
Thomas Dillon to McHenry, May, 1796; from Charles Lee, Feb
ruary 2, 1797; from Pickering, April 23, 1796; from Joseph
Anderson, 1797 (?); from Benjamin Hawkins, May 23, 1799.
8. In Virginia Magazine, xii, (April, 1905), 406, are found letters
from Charles Carter, Jr., to Washington, July 25, 1798; from
Wolcott to McHenry, May 28", ; from Hamilton, May 15,
1799; from R. G. Harper, July 29, 1799; and from Harper to
C. C. Pinckney, July 26, 1799; from C. C. Pinckney to McHenry,
March 20, 1800.
9. In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxix, (January, 1905), 53, are found
letters from Rush, May 17, 1778; from John Beatty, October
15, 1778, and October 26, 1778; from Lord Stirling to General
Phillips, January 3, 1779; from John Cochran to McHenry,
January 29, 1779; from Rush, June 2, 1779; from a French offi
cer, November 7 and 14, 1779; from Robert Troup, November
10, 1779; from Rush, January 19, 1780.
10. In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxix, (July, 1905), 326, are found
letters from Richard HowelL, December 6, 1798; William Hind-
man, April 14 and December 17, 1794; and from John 'McHenry
to his sister Anna M. Boyd, August 1, 1809.
11. In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (March, 1905),
99, are found letters from W. B. Grove, August 20, 1798; from
Robert Adam to Grove, August 16, 1798; from Hugh Williamson,
April 29, 1800, and November 29, 1800; from D. Harris, March
3, 1796; from Mrs. A. Boyd to John McHenry, July 14 and July
15, 1809; and from Mrs. James 'McHenry to John McHenry,
August 13, 1817.
12. In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (September,
1905), 311, are found letters from Charles Carroll of Carrollton,
'March. 13, 1785; from A. Boyd to John McHenry, September 2,
18'09; from R. H. Goldsborough, etc., June 1, 1811; from J. R.
Plater, etc., June 3, 1811; from Nicholas M. Bosley, July 23,
1811; from Rev. Mr. Paquiet, September 1, 1815; and a broad
side attacking the supporters of 'McHenry and Coulter in the
Baltimore town election of 1788.
13. In Sewanee Review, xiv, (January, 1906), 76, the correspondence
of William Smith, of South Carolina, with McHenry while the
former was minister to Portugal.
14. In Southern History Association Publications, ix, (November,
1905), 374, are found letters from James Winchester, April 22,
May 1, and November 16, 1796; William Vans Murray, June 24,
September 24, October 9 and 28, November 2, 15, 20, and 23,
1796; Philip Key, 1796; Charles Carroll of Carrollton, Novem
ber 28, 1796; and Samuel Chase, December 4, 1796.
15. In Southern History Association Publications, x, (January,
1906), 31, letters from William Hemsley, November 13, 1797;
Uriah Forrest, December 6 and 8, 1797; David McMechen, De
cember 7, 1797; Samuel Chase, December 10, 1797; and Charles
Carroll of Carrollton, December 8, 1797.
624 Appendix II
16. In Southern History Association Publications, x, (March, 1906),
p. 101, letters from George Salmon, July 31, September 25, and
October 7, 1798; William Hindman, September 8, 1798; and
David Stewart, September 15, 1798.
17. In Southern History Association Publications, x, (May, 1906),
p. 150, letters from S. Chase, January 19, 1799; William Hind
man, June 1 and 7, November .'29, and December 9, 1799; John
Dennis, June 24, 1799.
18. In Southern History Association Publications, (September,
1906) p. 289, letters from John Adams, September 4, 5, 14, 17,
October 4, 5, 1798, April 14, 1799; Alexander Hamilton, Decem
ber 17, 20, 1798, January 19, June 22, 1799, March 26, 1800; and
William Vans Murray, August 20, 1798.
19. In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxx, (January, 1906), 110, letters of
Timothy Pickering to James and John McHenry, September 12,
1797, December 13, 1804, February, 1807, January 6 and 19, 1816.
In Pennsylvania Magazine, xxx, 118, Tench Coxe to the president
of the United States, April 5, 1797.
20. In Southern History Association Publications will shortly ap
pear letters from W. S. iSmith, December 20, 1798; Lafayette,
September 3 and December 3, 178- ; Margaret C. 'McHenry, 18"0-
(2 letters); Anna M. Boyd, August 28, 1809; Uriah Tracy, 1800,
(2 letters), and an anonymous letter from Cork, Ireland, in
1797.
21. In American Historical Review, xi, (April, 1906), 595, papers
on the Federal Convention of 1787.
22. In Granite Monthly, xxxviii, 123, letter from John T. Gilman,
May 22, 1799.
James McHenry's letters recorded in American Book Prices Current,
1902, p. 613, as sold at auction, 10069, A. L. S., 1 page, 4to.
Fayetteville near Baltimore, December 9, 1792, to Tench Cox«.
Henkels', November ,29, 1901. $4.00.
1905. A. L. unsigned, 3 pp., 4to. Ambler's Plantation (opposite
James Island) July 8, 1781, to Major General Greene. Henkels',
January 27, 1905. $5.50 (printed in Magazine of American
History, ii, (November, 1905).
A. L. S., 3 pp., 4to. Head Quarter's nea*r Soan's Bridge July 10,
1781, to Governor Lee. Henkels', January 27, 1905. $5.50.
A. L. S., 1 p., 4to. An address, Annapolis, October 16, 1786, to
Daniel of 'St. Thomas Jenifer asking for relief for members of
Annapolis Convention. Carson, Henkels', October 26, 1904. $3.50.
A. L. S., 2 pp., with franked address, Philadelphia, April 12, 1796,
to Peter Hoffman. Treaty with Great Britain. Carson, Hen
kels', October 26, 1904. $3.00.
A. L. S., 2 pp., 4to. Holt's Forge, July 10, 1781, to 'Governor Lee.
War letter of Greene's movements. Henkels', January 27, 1905.
$5.50.
INDEX
ADAMS, Charles, 258.
Adams, Charles Francis 453.
Adams, John 53, 87, vice president
117, 137, 188.
Adams, John, chosen president 191,
197, 198, 200, 202, 204, 205, 206,
administration 1797-1798 208, 209,
211, 213, French policy in 1797
223 to 225, 234, 242, 258, 259, 266,
268, 270, 271, 272, 283, .286, 288,
291, 295, 299, 302, 305, sends Mur
ray to Holland 226, 229, appoints
Washington General and strife ov
er precedence 309 to 311, 313 to
316, 320, 321, 323, 326 ,to 328, 335,
337, 338, 340, 341, 344 to 351, 355,
362, 368, 605, 606, 607, events af
ter sending embassy to France
370 to 372, 378, 380 to 382, 384, 386
to 389, 394, 395, 397, 399, 400,
406 to 409, 413, 414, 417 to 424,
430, 431, conduct in Fries's Rebel
lion and Western affairs 4'32, 435,
437, 438, 440, 443, 446, dismisses
McHenry 453, 454, 515, 547, 558,
564, McHenry's opinion of him
453, 463, 468, 477, 479, 553, 569,
595, in presidential campaign of
1800 452, 453, 455, 456, 458 to 461,
463 to 466, 469, 473, 474, 476. 478,
480 to 482, 492, his appointments
to office 490, 491, 503, defends ca
reer in Boston Patriot 552, 557,
566 to 570.
Adams, Mrs. John 313, 327, 349,
430.
Adams, John Quincy 226 to 228,
230, 239, 241, 494.
Adet, Pierre A. 160, 185, 186, 189
to 193, 201 to 206, 248, 276.
Adlum, Capt 437.
Albany, N. Y. 29, 485.
Albemarle Co., Va. 317, 389.
Alexander I, Czar of Russia 613.
Alexandria, Va. 9.2, 94, 118, 311,
312, 316, 355, 387, 506.
Alexandria, Egypt 331.
Algiers, Dey of, Frigate for 180,
181, 251.
Allegany County, Md. 75, 125, 397,
553, 580, 583, 587, 589.
Allen, John 393.
Allentown, Pa. 436.
Allison, Rev. Francis, incorporator
of Newark Academy 2, preaches
at Annapolis 81.
Allison, Mrs. Grace, 62, 73, 75.
Allison, Rev. Patrick, incorporator
of Newark Academy 2.
Allison, Capt. William 1, 2, 5, 6, 64,
73, 75.
Ambler's Plantation 38.
Amboy, N. J. 29.
American Museum 95, 127, 619.
American Philosophical Society 92.
Ames, Fisher 189, 421, 463, 464.
Ames, 317.
Amiens, Treaty of 524.
Amsterdam, Holland 128, 208, 211,
225, 2,26, 227, 235, 242, 275, 283.
Anderson, Joseph (U. S. Senator)
556.
Angersteen, Mr. 486.
Annapolis, Md. 36, 41, 54, 55, 59,
61, 64 to 68, 71, 72, 78, 83, 85, 89,
108. 110, 123, 124, 139, 143, 154,
162, 179, 197, 202, 205 to 207, 305,
306, 456, 4>65, 470, 473, 613.
Anne Arundel County, Md. 2, 109,
138
Anthony, Mr. 372.
Antil, Dr. 11, 13.
Appointments to office 178, 288, 345,
346, 384, 3S6, 411 to 413, 431, 490,
491, 502, 503.
Archer, ,Mr. 204.
Arkansas 260.
Armstrong, Genl. John 53, 540, 543,
544, 547, 549, 56,2, 589, 596, 602.
Army organization in 1796 182.
Army organization in 1797 288, 293.
Army organization in 1798 303, 307.
Army organization Provisional 309
to 314, 316, 317 to 327, 336 to 341,
344 to 369, 438.
Army organization in 1799 375 to
406, 409 to 418, 422 to 431.
Army organization in 1807 538.
Army organization in 1812 588 to
590, 596.
Ash, Jas. 333.
Atley, Col. 9.
Augusta Co., Va. 121.
Aurora, The 185, 203, 461, 468, 476
533, 534, 557.
Austria, 344, 374, 375, 598.
Auteuil, France 541.
BACHE 372, 572.
Bahamas 143.
Baker, Capt. 235.
Ballymena, Ireland 1.
Balston, N. Y. 554.
626
Index
Baltimore, Md. 1,152, 34, 35, 42 to
44, 64 to 66, 71, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82
to 85, 92 to 94, 100, 108, 114, 117
to 119, 129J133 to 13'6, 138, 139,
142 to 145ri67, 168, 172, 191, 194,
199, 202, 205, 207, 211, 251, 255,
274, 284, 287, 305, 333, 397, 407,
457, 458, 460, 461, 464, 476, 481,
482, 483, 497, 498, 500, 509, 514,
•52'6, 531, 534, 536, 548, 549, 561,
571 to 574, 579, 583, 587, 588, 605,
607.
Baltimore fortifications 406, 407.
Baltimore College 520.
Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert.
Baltimore Mob of 1812 580, 583,
589.
Baltimore aids continental army 35
to 37.
Baltimore incorporated 144, 153,
154.
Baltimore Theatre 43.
Baltimore in 1S14 610.
Baltimore Co., Md. 109.
Banister, Mrs. 120.
Bank in Baltimore 154, 162, 207.
Bank of U. S. 562.
Banneker, Benjamin, Negro math
ematician 127.
Banning, Col., of Dorchester Co.,
Md. 142.
Baraud, M. 93.
Barbary Powers 511.
Bard, I>r. 117.
Barlow, Joel 470, 570, 575, 592.
Barnard, Major Gen. John G. 76.
Barros 279.
Barthelemy 279.
Bayard, Jas. A. 195, 370, 464, 488,
493, 512, 513, 612, 613.
Bayly, Wm. 137.
Bear, Mr. 198.
Beaumarchais 535, 551.
Bedford Springs 553.
Belgium 229, 232, 238, 373.
Bellfield, Md. 199, 209, 249, 334.
Bergamo, Italy 229.
Berkeley Springs, Va. 159.
Berlin, .Germany 343, 494.
Berlin Decree 574.
Bernadotte, General 523.
Best, Mr. 317.
Bethlehem, Pa. 432, 434.
Bible Society of Baltimore 607.
Biddle, Col. 290, 389.
Bielfeld. Baron de 241.
Bingham, Mr. 372.
Binney, Dr. '28.
Binney, Mr. 586.
Bladensburg, Md. 543, 544, 557, 581.
Blair, Will, witnesses McHenry's
will 5.
Bland, Dr. 123.
Blodget, 545.
Blount, Gov. Wm. 175, 262, 268,
269, 448, 449.
Boissy d'Anglois 275.
Bolman 288, 332.
Bonaparte, Napoleon 208, 232, .238,
277, 285, 331, 430, 473, 487, 494,
507, 533, 540, 541, 543, 579, 584,
587, 592, 597, 598, 602, 609.
Bond, Mr., British charge des af
faires to U. S. 161.
Books bought by McHenry 229, 242,
243, 246, 274.
Boole Lt. 432.
Boston 200, 236, 274, 367, 397, 407,
413, 504, 505, 540, 551, 559, 567.
Boston Patriot 552, 566, 567, 569.
Botetourt, Va. 147.
Boudinot, Elias 15, 16.
Bourdeaux, France 235.
Bourgoing, M. 430.
Bowie, Walter 137.
Boyd, James P. 76, 542, 554, 607,
611.
Boyd, Mary 76.
Boyd, James McHenry 76.
Boyd, Andrew 76.
Boyd, John Pillar 76.
Boyd, Anna, see McHenry.
Boylton, Capt. 235.
Bradford, Capt. .50.
Brant, Joseph (Thayendanega) 169.
Breck, Miss 372.
Bremen, Germany 283, 343.
Bristol, Penn. 399.
British hospitals at New York 10
to 14.
British prisoners at Frederick 43.
Brooks, Gen. 319, 322.
Brown, F. J., author of sketch of
James McHenry 2
Brownjohn, Dr. 13.
Brownsville 270.
Bruff, Capt. 171, 174.
Buchanan, James 461, 583.
Buchanan, J. A. 306.
Bucks Co., Pa. 432, 437.
Bullers, Dr. 5~40.
Burke, Rev. Edmund 173.
Burke, Edmund 209.
Burr, Aaron 200, 204, 471, 472, 482,
483, 484 to 490, 492, campaign for
Governor and duel with Hamilton
529, 530, conspiracy 533, 534, 548.
Burrows, Major 354, 355.
Burrows, 257.
Bushtown, Md. 98.
Butler, Col. 19, 268, 447.
Butler, Capt. 383.
CABARRUS 243.
Cabot, George 212, 213, 226, 463,
464, 470.
Cadwalader, Mr. 41.
Caldwell, John 26, 75, 117, 260, 473,
497.
Caldwell, Margaret, see McHenry.
Caldwell, Mrs. Margaret 75, 120.
Caldwell, David 75.
Caldwell, 608, 609.
Calhoun, James 211.
Callender's "Prospect before Us
547, 572.
Calonne, M. de 87.
Calvert, Frederick, Lord Baltimore
fi 7
Calvert, George, Lord Baltimore
525.
Campbell, Mr. 335, 482.
Cambridge, Mass. 4, 6.
Index
627
Cambridge, Md. 142, 189, 195, 198.
.208, 511.
Campion, M. 93, 94.
Canada 86, McHenry plans trip
thither 8, fears England will cede
to France 250, named 265, 515,
581, 594, 609.
Canning, George 543.
Cape Francois 191, 192.
Cape of Good Hope 247.
Capua, Italy 373.
Caracas, Venezuela 533.
Carey, Jas. 261.
Carleton, Sir Guy, Lord Dorchester,
47, 49, 173.
Carlisle, Pa. 410.
Carlyle, Mr. 38.
Carmichael, Mr. 108.
Carnot, M. 276, 279.
Caroline County, Md. 136, 199.
Carondelet, Baron de 260, 261, 269.
Carper, Mr. 147, 148.
Carrington, Col. E. declines Sec. of
War 163, accepts brig. gen. 314,
388, on election of 1800 469.
Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, 97,
108, 115, friendly to Jefferson 136,
137, wrote Hamilton in 1792 139.
resigns from U. S. Senate 139, in
Md. Senate 154, writes of French
affairs .202, 204, 250, approves of
Washington's address 206, writes
305, named 30'6, 431, 461, 463, 468
to 470,. 472, 476, 479, 500.
Carroll, Bishop John, controls Ger
man Catholics 137, 138, writes on
Indian missions 171, 173, Picker
ing's opinion of 604.
Carroll, Daniel 59, 62, 87, 97, 100
to 104, 106 to 108.
Carter, Mrs. Angelina (Schuyler)
44, 45.
Carter, Chas. Jr. 317, 318.
Carter, John 44, 45.
Carter. Wm. Champe 317.
Cary. Wilson Miles 2, 76.
Gary, Sarah Nicholas 76.
Casberry, Mr. 57.
Caughnawaga, (Cohnawaga) 169,
170.
Cecil Furnace, Md. 181.
Ceylon 247.
Chamberlain, Mr. 140.
Champagny, M. 539, 540, 543 to
545.
Championnet, M. 373.
Champlin, Mr. 463.
Chandler, Gen. 600.
Chapin, Indian Superintendent, 169.
Charles I. King of England 525.
Charles II, King of England 525.
Charles, Prince of Austria 566.
Charles XII of Sweden 587.
Charleston, S. C. 49, 56, 92, 93, 142,
235
Charlotte, N. C. 266.
Charlottesville, Va. 388.
Chase, Samuel 41, 46, 59, 83. 88, 95,
97, 108. 110, 113, 114, 137, 153,
158, 160, 547, 552, 564, asked by
Washington through McHenry to
accept seat In Sup. Ct. 163, ac
cepts 164, 168, opinion as to
Wayne 183, of France in 1796 203.
205, invests in Western lands 273,
opinion as to printer 431, regrets
McHenry's resignation 456, In
Presidential election of 1800 463,
465, 469, impeached 547.
Chase, Jeremiah T. 7, 465, 469.
Chastellux, M. de 31, 52'5, 526.
Chastellux, Mme. 525.
Chastellux, Alfred 5.25 to 527.
Cherokee Indians 174, 175, 260 to
262, 273, 445 to 449.
Cherry Tree Meadows, Md. 587,
590, 596.
Chesapeake Bay 106, 536, 577.
Chesapeake, U. S. .S. 537, 538, 542,
599, 601.
Chester, Pa. 54, 318.
Chestertown, Md. 138.
Chippewa Indians 443.
Chisholm, John D. 177.
Choptank River 142.
Christie, Gabriel 198, 199.
Church, John Carter 44, 45.
Church, Philip 319.
Cincinnati, Ohio 261.
Cincinnati .Society 87.
Claiborne, T. 389.
Clapham, Mr. 67.
Clark, Mr. 335.
Clarkson, Genl. 532.
Clay, Henry 564.
Clinton, DeWitt 580, 581, 584, 585,
587.
Clive, Lieut. 26.
Cobb, Genl. 319.
Cobenzl, Count 343, 344.
Cochran, Capt. 432, 437.
Cochran, John 76.
Cocke, Wm. 268.
Cole, Mr. 256.
Commerce, Federal Regulation of
90, 91.
Conde, Prince de 237.
Congress, Continental, passes reso
lutions commending McHenry 8,
commissions McHenry as Major
32, Gov. Lee writes it of Md. 38,
McHenry dissuades Hamilton from
membership in it 44, peace nego
tiations 47, McHenry enters it 55.
his service in it 56, 57, 59, 62, 67,
78, 82, 83, 87, 88, Md's. contribu
tions of money to 89, regulation of
commerce .by 90.
Congressional election of 1792 136
to 139.
Congressional election of 1794 156.
Congressional election of 1796 196
to 199.
Connecticut 106, 328, 351, 377, 378,
392, 393, 398, 399, 436, 462, 469,
477, 481, 483, 508, 518, 585, 602.
Connecticut cider 470.
Constable, Wm. 354.
Constellation, Frigate 251 to 256,
302.
Constitution of U. S., Adoption of
94, 96 to 113.
Constitution. Amendments proposed
to 132, 139, 144, 154.
C28
Index
Consuls 89.
Contee, Mr. 108.
Cook, Wm. 546.
Cooke, Mr. 521.
Cooper, John 435.
Copenhagen, Denmark 430.
Cornwallis, Lord 38, 507, 508.
Coulter, John 108, 114, 115.
Coxe, Mr. 449.
Coxe, Daniel 269, 270.
Coxe, Tench 108, 140, 142, 420, 468.
Coxe, Zachariah 266, 267, 269, 271,
.272, 440, 448, 449.
Crabb, Mr. 198.
Craik, Dr. 118, 310.
Craik, Mr. 132, 134, 223, 463.
Creek Indians 174, 175, 261.
Cromwell, Oliver 525.
Crookshank's Tavern 118.
Cul pepper, Va. 317.
Cumberland, Tenn. 171.
Cumberland River 261, 272.
Cumberland, Md. 554.
Cunningham, Wm. 553.
Gushing, Mr. 463.
Custis, Eleanor P. 182, 355 to 359.
Custis, Washington P. 318, 359, 396,
411.
Cutter, Mr. 512.
Cutting, John B. 97, 113.
DALE, Commodore 302, 511.
Dallas, Mr. 201.
Dalmatia 232.
Dana, Mr. 234, 235, 481, 547, 568,
595.
Dandridge, Mr. 183, 187, ,227, 341 to
343 371
Davenport, Anthony & Moses 236.
Davenport, Major John, Jr. 596,
597, 602.
Davie, Genl. Wm. R. 266, 371, 411,
416 to 418, 450, 566.
Dayton, Gen. 319, 345.
Deakins, Mr. '204.
Dearborn 550, 551.
Debt of U. S. 109, 602.
De Bute, Dr. Louis 11 to 13.
De Costa, Capt. 191.
Delacroix, M. 301.
Delaware River & State 142, 195,
198, 463, 464, 472, 483, 492, 504.
Del Campo, Marquis 243.
De Lesa, Manuel 263.
Delft, Holland 249.
Delozier, Daniel, suggested for of
fice 138.
Dember's Artillery 26'4.
Denmark 331.
Dennis, John 199, 244, 301.
Dent, Mr. 463.
D'Entrigue, Comte 279.
Deserters 381, 382.
D'Estade, M. 229.
Detroit, Mich. 173, 265, 444, 443.
De Winter, Adml. 285.
Dexter, Samuel 169, 458, 463, 465,
482, 483, 610.
Dickinson, Philemon 465, 468, 469,
471, 472, 478, 482.
Digby, Adml. 47.
Dillon, Thomas 171.
Dinsmoor, Silas 175, 2'61, 447.
Diplomatic service 89.
Done, Mr. 197.
Dorchester, Lord, see Carleton.
Dorchester Co., Md. 142, 198, 199,
201.
Dorsey's Ferry 2.
Dorsey, Mr. 306.
Dorsey, W. 198.
Dorsey, Walter 572.
Doughoregan Manor, Md. 250.
Downingstown, Penn. 257.
Dray ton, Gen. 313.
Drayton, Wm. 92.
Duane, 572.
Du Bourg, Wm. 143.
Duck River, 261.
Dulany, Mrs. Nancy 49.-
Dumas, M. 275.
Dumfries 236.
Dumfries, Va. 93, 261.
Du Mouriez, M. 430.
Dunbar, Mrs. 120.
Duncan, Adml. ,238, 285.
Duncan, Mr. 586.
Dunkinson, Mr. 195.
Dunlap, Jas., named in McHenry's
will 5.
Dunlop (printer) 100.
Dupont, Victor & Co. 510.
Duvall, Gabriel 204, 473.
Duvall, 559.
D'Yrujo, Spanish .Minister 261, 266,
269.
EAST Chester, N. T. 230, 258, 259,
399.
Eastern Shore 132, 134, 136, 142,
157.
Easton, Pa. 336, 436, 437, 504.
Eccleston 140, 141, 197, 201.
Eden, Sir Robert 66.
Education in Md. supported by Mc-
Henry 144, 154, 155.
Ehrenbreitstein, Germany 375.
Elbe River 238.
Elk River, Head of 35, '54, 78.
Ellicott, Mr. 178, 261, 263, 269, 270.
Elliot, Capt. 373, 391, 402.
Ellsworth, Oliver 371, 416, 417, 424,
495, 496, 5'66.
Embargo of 1807 539, 542, 544 to
54'6, 550.
Embargo of 181,2 576.
Emmot, Mr. 576.
English Privateers 144.
England, Bank of 89.
Epes, Mr. 551, 557, 562, 565.
Erie, Lake 609.
Eustis, Dr., .Sec. of War, 589.
Evans, Walter 271, 272.
FALLING Springs, Va. 121.
Farris, Jas., Jr. 271, 272.
Fauchet 159, 160, 572.
Federal Gazette 596.
Federal Republican, The 580.
Federalist, The 110.
Fenno's Gazette 230, 241, 246, 266,
372. 394, 456.
Fishkill, N. Y. 25.
Fitzherbert, Mr. 50.
Index
G29
Fitzpatrick, Gen. 510.
Fitzsimmons, Mr. 105.
Fleury, Mme. de 429.
Flint, Daniel 435.
Flint Parker & Co. 110.
Florida, Boundary of 178, 261, 295.
Florida, 395, 43S, 440, 5.24, 559, 560,
562.
Foncier, J. 613.
Ford, Major 433.
Foreign trade, McHenry's views as
to 142, 619.
Forrest, Uriah 77, 115, urges Mc-
Henry for U. S. Senate 145, 161,
on Md. politics 198, writes 305.
Fort Jay 43'2.
Fort McHenry 144, 406, 613.
Fort Massac 264, 272. 440 to 442.
Fort Mifflin, Penn. 289, 377.
Fort Ontario 174.
Fort Washington 9, 261.
Fort Wayne 265, 440.
Fortifications 256, 288, 367, 406,
450.
Foster, Mr. 542, 574.
Fox, Mr. 510.
Fox, Josiah 180, 181.
France, Revolution 178, 193, 224,
237, 238, 247, 275 & ft. 329, 331.
France, foreign policy in Europe
0<)S to 234, 236 to 238, 245 to 247,
277, 341, 343, 372 to 375, 430, 506,
507, 524, 598, 602, 609.
France, relations with Indians 260.
France, intrigues in West 264 to
266, 272, 438, 439, 516.
France, privateers 142, 143, 191 to
193, 195, 235, 292, 302.
France, relations with, in 1796 187
to 195, 201 to 206.
France rejects Pinckney '208 to 222.
France, relations with. In 1797 216
to ?25, 2,28 to 235. 240, 242 to 252,
257, 276, 277, 288.
France, captures of our vessels 235,
236, 245, 276.
France, government, X. Y. Z. mis
sion 274 ff., 284, 286, 289 to 301,
304, 307.
France, relations with, in 1798 302
to 305, 315, 329, 331, 343, 370,
440.
France in West Indies 42, 43, 191.
315.
France, French Sailors recruited at
Baltimore 143.
France, relations with, after nom
ination of envoys 370, 393, 406 to
409, 416 to 420, 429, 453, 454, 473
to 475. 482. 487, 490, 493 to 496,
506, 557, 558, 5-66, 567, 570, 606.
France, relations with, in Revolu
tion 87, 94, 10'9, 508.
France, relations with, in 1806 and
following years 535, 536, 538, 540,
5-42 to 545, 549, 551.
France, relations with, under Mad
ison 559, 562, 565, 570, 573, 575,
581.
Francis. Tench 391, 396, 411.
Franklin, Benjamin 52, 87, 89, 107.
Frederick, Md. 146, 152, British
prisoners at 43.
French, Mrs. 515.
Freneau, Philip 572.
Frey, Capt. 402 to 404, 433.
Fries's Rebellion 41S, 431 to 437.
Fries. Mr. 436, 437.
Friuli, Italy 229, 232.
Furguson, Henderson & Gilson, 236.
GALE, Geo. 115, 141, 142.
Gallatin, Albert .272, 334, Mc
Henry's opinion of 500 to 502, 517,
554, 561, 599, 601.
Ganevain, John 143.
Gardoqui (Spanish minister) 89.
Gayoso, 261, 26'J, 440.
Genet 173, 201, 203, 551, 572.
Genoa, Italy 229, 246, 276.
Georgetown, D. C. 59, 195, 303, 453,
4S2, 511, 512, 534. 542, 543. 612.
Georgia 272, 328, 360, 363, 377, 448,
459.
Georgia relations with Indians 174,
186.
German Empire 229, 232, 238, 279,
331.
Gerry, Elbridge, McHenry's exper
ience with, 224, 225, on embassy
274, 275. 239, 300, 307, 373, 463,
named 67, 104, 568, 570, 576.
Ghent, Belgium 613.
Gibbon, Edward 228.
Gibbs, Major 26.
Gibbs, Caleb 435.
Gibson, Gen. 259.
Giles, Wm. B. 534, 551, 560.
Giles, Major Edward 41.
Gilmor, 284, 531, 534.
Gilpin 204.
Godoy, Prince of the Peace 261.
Goode, Mr. 389.
Goodhue, Benjamin 199, 200, 458,
463.
Gordon. Dr. William, historian 37.
Gorham, Mr. 105.
Gouvion, Col. 87.
Gracie, Mr. 532.
Grant's Tavern 118, 126.
Grave Creek 438.
Graybil. Capt. 499.
Great Britain, relations with U. S.
before 1801 166, 195, 220, 231,
232, 235, 250, 294, 295, 329, 408,
416. 470, 508, 521.
Great Britain. relations with
France 228. 229, 231. 238, 243.
247, 277, 2.80, 293, 298, 315, 330,
343. 495, 506, 524.
Great Britain, intrigues in West,
261, 265. 266, 269, 284.
Great Britain, relations with U. S.
after 1801 508, 521, 534, 536 to
545, 549, 555.
Great Britain, relations under Mad
ison, 560. 562, 565.
Great Britain. War of 1812 with
573 to 579. 581, 584. 588. 59-2, 593,
595, 598 to 601, 609 to 613.
Great Britain, peace with, in 1783
47, 48, 50, 51, 55, 71.
630
Index
Great Britain, navigation laws 90,
.91.
Great Britain, trade with 129, 131,
619.
Greenbrook 410.
Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, gives Mc-
Henry oath of allegiance 17, wish
es McHenry as aid 31, writes La
fayette of war at .South 35, writes
McHenry from Guilford Court
House 37, from high Hills of San-
tee 38, referred to 39, writes Mc
Henry 1783 56, Lafayette suggests
statue of 89.
Greenleaf, Mr. 200.
Greville, Mr. 47, 49.
Griswold, Roger 481, 512 to 514.
Guilford Court House 37.
Guion, Capt. 264, 265.
Gunn, Gen 360, .366, 367.
HABERSHAM, Mr. 174.
Hacker, Capt. 289.
Hague, The 125, 226, 228, 229, 248,
281, 285, 299, 341, 343, 371, 429,
453, 496, 558.
Hague, The, Embassy at 238, 239,
299.
Haiti, 470.
Halifax, Nova Scotia 599.
Hall, Col. J. C. 137.
Hall, Annie Eliza 76.
Hall, Martha 125.
Hamburg, Germany 188, 210, 283,
341, 37.2.
Hamden, Lord 2 28.
Hamilton, Alexander, writes Mc
Henry 1778 15, is prescribed for
by Me Henry 17, in Washington's
military family 19, McHenry de
fends his bravery 20, writes Mc
Henry 28, 31, marries 29, 30,
writes McHenry of breach with
"Washington 34. McHenry writes
him 41, 43, Washington writes
him of McHenry 51, in Constitu
tional Convention 100, congratu
lated on Treasury Secretaryship
by McHenry 123, McHenry ap
proves his plan for U. S. Bank
129, corresponds with McHenry on
appointments to office 129, 130,
138, 141, 142, McHenry asks his
advice as to accepting position
in Md. Senate 131, correspondence
on Congressional election of 1792
136, 137, slandered by Mercer 137,
instructions as to privateers 143,
Monroe protests against sending
him as minister to Great Britain
144, resigns Secretaryship 1&5,
156, 158, 159, suggests McHenry
to Washington for Secretaryship
of State 161, friendship for Mc
Henry 615, advises McHepry on
various matters 166, 167, 180, 183,
and advises sending McHenry to
France 188, warns against French
war 189, on Pinckney's reiection
212, 213 to 223, influence on Mc
Henry 225, 291, 295, writes on
Spanish relations 266, on N. Y.
forts 288, 289, on French rela
tions Jan. 1798 291, 30.2, Harper
complains of McHenry -to him 301,
named 304, 307, question of prece
dence as general 311 to 314, 321,
322, 325 to 32i8, 338 to 341, 344 to
346, 454, 605, 606, in provisional
army 315, 316, 319 to 321, 324,
325, 344, 347, 351 to 353, 360 to
363, 365 to 367, complains of Mc
Henry to Washington 319, 347,
general in army 1799 375 to 378,
381, 382, 384 to 387, 390 to 392,
394 to 400, 409 to 411, 413 to 415,
417, 418, suggested for president
389, writes on dispute with Mc
Henry as to subordinate officers
40.2 to 405, receives a game from
McHenry 395, on Washington's
death 421, commands in West 440
to 444, 450, 451, in presidential
campaign of 1800 452 to 454, 456
to 458, 461, 463, 466, 469, 478,
479, attacks Adams 455, 461, 464,
472, 475, 47*6, 480, 481, '567, op
poses Burr for President 484 to
488, named 496, 505, 50>6, attacked
by Adams 568, 569, 571, his mili
tary knowledge 572, in Army 368,
422, 424 to 426, 428, 429, 566, in
Fries's Insurrection 432 to 434,
437, his death 529 to 532.
Hamilton, Mrs. Alexander 29, 45,
129, 558.
Hamilton, Philip 505.
Hamilton, Major 263, 264.
Hamilton, Sec. of Navy, 590.
Hammersly, Mr. 140.
Hammond, Abijah 354.
Hammond, British minister to U. S.
160, 161.
Hammond, Mr. 133 to 135.
Hampshire Co., Mass. 546.
Hamtranck, Col. 441 to 444.
Hancock, Md. 553.
Hanover, 23.8.
Hanson, Alexander Contee 108, 124,.
580.
Harford Co., Md. 109, .125.
Harford, Henry 67.
Harned, David 118.
Harper, R. G. 285, 298, 301, 304,
407, 430, 434, 458, 464, 521, 572,
583.
Harper's Ferry arsenal 182, 183,
307, 391, 401, 402, 415.
Harris, Dr. 336.
Harrison, Col. 195.
Harrison, R. H. 124.
Harrison, William Henry 261, 263,
609.
Hartford Convention 613.
Harwich, England 343.
Haverstraw, N. Y. 21, 23, 31.
Havre, France 496.
Hawkins, Dr. 12.
Hawkins, Benjamin 175, 177, 407.
Hay, Col. 23.
Hays, Capt. 388.
Heath, Col. 388.
Helder, The ,226, 227.
Hemsley, Mr. 197.
Index
631
Henly, Col., Indian agt. 171.
Henley, Capt. Samuel 318.
Henry, John 115, 139, 141, 156, 204,
222, 223, 306, 307, 575.
Henry, Patrick 371, 408, 416.
Henry, Capt. 432, 437.
Hewes, Mr. 5 82.
Hierschell's Tavern 118.
Hill, Mr. 372.
Hillhouse, Mr. 533, 548, 549, 551.
Hillsboro, N. C. 445.
Hindman, Wm., candidate for Con
gress 1792 136, in 1796 197 to 199,
on Pinckney's rejection 208, writes
McHenry 249, 271, 301, 303, 334
to 336, on Jefferson's election 489.
Hitchborn, Col. 373, 374.
Hite, Mr. 365.
Hoche, Lazare 238.
Hodge, Dr. Hugh 13.
Hodgdon, Mr. 181.
Hodgsdon, Mr. 386.
Holland, 227 to 250, 274, 281, 283,
285, 300, 301, 330, 331, 343, 465,
495, debt to 109.
Holland Co. 485.
Hollingsworth, Mr. 133 to 136, 299,
306.
Holstein, Denmark 287, 328.
Holston River, 171, 267.
Holston Treaty 175.
Hooper, Mr. 142.
Hoops, Major 402, 404, 433.
Hopkins, Major 138.
Hopkinson. 586.
Horner, Miss 60.
Hornet, The 577.
Horry 238.
Howard, John Eager 39, 7€, 115,
143, declines Sec. of war 163, sug
gested for Congress 194, elected to
U. S. Senate 202, 205, named 319,
370, 396, 572.
Howard, James 572.
Howard, Juliana Elizabeth 76.
Howe, Sir William 9, 10, 13, 14.
Huger, Mr. 288, 332, 333.
Hugues, Victor 192.
Humphreys, David 86, 180.
Humphreys, Capt. 537.
Huntington, Gen. 363.
Hutchinson, Dr. James, writes Mc
Henry 15.
Hutton, Gaun M. 497.
Hydestown, N. J. 13, 15.
ILLINOIS Indians 172.
Illinois country 265, 273.
Indian affairs in 1796 168 to 178.
Indian affairs in 1797 259, 261, 262,
26« to 269, 271 to '273, 438.
Indian affiairs in 1799 407, 418, 441
to 443, 445 to 451, 513, 515.
Indian education 176, 177, 261.
Indian missions 171 to 173, 176.
Indians 86, 609.
Indians killed near Pittsburg 129.
Tntendant of Md. 41.
Ireland 525.
Iroquois Indians 169, 170.
Istria 232.
Italy 229, 232, 494.
Izard, Capt. 284.
JACKSON, Andrew 177.
Jackson, 435, 466.
Jackson, Jonathan 476.
Jackson, British minister 554 to-
556, 560.
Jamestown, Va. 38.
James River 39.
James Island 38.
Jannin, Rev. 271.
Jay, John 87, 155, 198, 289, .311,
456, 551, refuses Chief Justice
ship 489 to 491.
Jay Treaty 170, 179, 194, 200, 284r
296.
Jefferson, Geo. 547.
Jefferson, Thos. 97, 108, 113, 121,
158, corresponds with McHenry on
business 128, on politics 136, rela
tions to U. S. Constitution 137,
Chas. Carroll's opinion of 139,
named 190, 191, defeated in 1796
198 to 200, 203 to 205, 212, 213,
229, 288, 306, 317, 334, 335, 389,
in presidential campaign of 1800
45.2, 455 to 457, 459 to 461. 463,
465, 466, 473, 482 to 485, 488 to
490, 492, 493, as president 500,
502, 508, 512, 533, 534, 536 to
•542, 544 to 548, 550, 552, 556, 557,
561, 564, on war of 1812 582, 592,
593, 595, 606, 609.
Jellico 261, 448.
Jenifer, Daniel, of St. Thomas, 42,
89, 90, 97, 99 to 104, 106, 107, 132.
Johnson, John 266, 267.
Johnson, Judge 551.
Johnson, Louisa 241.
Johnson, Thomas 55, 97, 108, 112,
113, 115, 124, 161.
Jones, David 264.
Jones, Wm 596.
Jonesborough, Tenn. 266.
Jourdan. Camille 279.
Judiciary, Act of 1802 508.
Juimpi, Lt. 287, 288.
KANAWHA Lands 60S.
Kentucky 111, 118, 261, 2'64, 271,.
272, 363, 377, 438, 516, 573.
Kentucky Resolutions 436.
Key, Philip 202, 204 to 206.
Kilty, Wm. 143.
King, Rufus, writes of Pinckney's
rejection 208, named 294, .298. 315.
371, 392, 505, 508, 509, suggested
as vice president 581. 584.
Knox, Henry 108, 155, 1»6. 158,
164, 254, 255, 312 to 314, 319 to
323, 325 to 328, 337, 338. 340, 346
to 350, 378. 454, 605, 606.
Knox, Col. 119.
Knox, Mr. 261.
Knoxville, Tenn. 171, 267, 447, 448.
Kosciusko, Genl. 288.
Kreyestein, Adml. 285.
LABIGAR, Mr. 191.
Lafayette, G. M. de 19, 51, 97, I3T,
McHenry on his staff 29, writes
McHenry on French and English
632
Index
liberty 32, takes command of
forces in Va. 35, 38, stops at
Baltimore 36, has McHenry with
him in Virginia campaign 37,
wishes McHenry as secretary 53,
writes from Paris 87, 90, sends
animals to Washington 92, men
tioned 128, project to buy house
for in Washington 133, McHenry
asks to be sent to secure his re
lease 144, 145, writes McHenry
287, 328, 406, 429, 430, 487, 506,
509, 511, 523, 526, 541, 572, 615.
Lafayette, G. W. 184, 185, 332, 54:2.
Lafayette, Mme. 287, 328, 510, 528,
541.
Lafayette, JNoailles 288.
La Grange, France 429, 506, 509,
5,24, 572.
Lancaster, Pa. 436, 571.
Larned, Mr. 169.
Latour, Maubourg, 287.
L<aurens, Henry 20.
Laurens, Col. John 20.
L'Aussat, Prefect of New Orleans
528.
Lauzon, Gen. 49.
Law, Thomas 324.
Law, Mrs. 324.
Lear, Tobias 183, 354, 365, 376.
Le Couteulx, Messrs. 129.
Ledyard, John 484.
Lee, Archibald 612.
Lee, Charles, Atty. Gen. under
Washington 166, 183, under
Adams 208, 224, 258, 370, 382 to
384, 401, 417, 419, 424, 438, 453,
566, letter from 5fr5.
Lee, Gen. Charles 19, 20.
Lee, Gen. Henry 165, 210, 314, 484.
Lee, Gen. 388, 425.
Lee, J. 10'S.
Lee, Gov. Thos. Sim 37, 38, 108,
143
Le Freire, Chev. 161, 185, 186.
Leopard, H. M. S. 537.
Lepeaux, M. 279.
Letomb, M. 436.
Lewis, Capt. 185.
Lewis, Major .173, 174.
Lewis, Lawrence 318, 359.
Lewis, S. 513.
Lewis, T. .272, 497.
Leyden, Holland 242, 281.
Liancourt 430.
Liberty, French & English, com
pared by Lafayette 32.
Lindsay, Mr. 43.
Lingan, Gen. 580.
Lisbon, Portugal 240, 282, 288, 372,
456, 458, 505.
Lisle, Belgium 238, 243, 280.
Liston, British Minister 185, 186,
461.
Litchfield, Conn. 350, 392, 393, 416,
436.
Little, Mr. 573.
Livingston, Mr. 234.
Livingston, R. R. 51 to 53, 517.
Lloyd, Col. 134.
Lloyd, Edward 59.
Lloyd, Jas. 55, 138, 305, 306, 396.
Lodge, H. C. 226.
Loftus Heights 450, 451.
Lombardy, 246.
London, England 52, 53, 195, 208,
211, 296, 343, 423, 505, 538, 539,
575, 594.
L'Orient, France 93, 235.
Loring, Joseph, Commissary of
Prisoners at N. Y. 10, 11, 14.
Louis, Col. 170.
Louis XVI of France '551:
Louis XVIII of France 566.
Louisiana 260, 263, 315, 395, 440,
515 to 517, 522.
Louisiana Treaty 520, >521, 524.
Lynn, Mass. ;204.
Lynn, Col. John 553, 554, 583, 587.
Lyon, Matthew 493.
MA AS Sluys 241.
Maas River 343.
McAlpin, Mr. 369, 390.
McCurdy, Mr. 498 to 500.
McGaw, Col. Robt. 9, 12.
Macharg, Mr. 317.
McHenry, Agnes 1, 2.
McHenry, Anna 1.
McHenry, Anna [Mrs. Boyd] 75,
482, 521, 554, 609 to 611, 61o.
McHenry, Charles Howard 76.
McHenry, Daniel, settles in Balti
more as merchant 1, death 2,
James McHenry names him in will
4, receives letters from son 16,
23, dies 50.
McHenry, Daniel William 75, 118,
119, 123, 482, 497, 521, 587, 610.
McHenry, Grace 75, 77, 505.
McHenry, James, birth 1, 2, early
education 1, emigration to Amer
ica 1, at Newark Academy 2,
writes verses 2 to 4, 60, 77, 83,
portraits 2, studies medicine 4,
enters Continental army 4, will 4,
surgeon at Cambridge, Mass. 6,
receives resolution of commenda
tion from Congress 8, surgeon
Fifth Pa. Bat. (McGaw's) at Fort
Washington 9, prisoner at New
Tork 9, writes of hospital life
there 10, paroled 14, exchanged
15, summoned to Washington's
camp 16, appointed military secre
tary 16, 17, prescribes for Hamil
ton 17, at Monmouth 19, defends
Hamilton 20, marches with Wash
ington to Haverstraw 22, 23, re
ceives no pay ;28, 48, 132, plans
European trip 28, on Lafayette's
staff 29, at Hamilton's wedding
29, 30, seeks definite military
rank 31, discovers Arnold's trea
son 31, wishes to join Greene 31,
is commissioned as Major 32, re
turns to Baltimore 32, 35. entry
into political life suggested by
Lafayette 34, induces Baltimore
merchants to aid Continental
army and gives money to it him
self 35, goes to Annapolis 36, in
Virginia campaign 37 to 39, elect
ed to Maryland Senate 41, writes
G33
Hamilton of prospects in life 43,
illness 36, 43, 45, 48, 117, 138, 144,
his father dies 50, tries to enter
the diplomatic service 51, 123, 131,
elected to Congress 55, speech on
Pennsylvania mutineers 57, ser
vices in Maryland Senate 56, 58,
59 62, 70, 89, 92, services in Con
gress 56, 57, 59, 62, 78, 82, 83, 87, 89,
92, member constitutional conven
tion of 1787 96 to 107, absence
through brother's illness 100,
member in Maryland ratifying
convention 108 to 1.13, loveletters
59, 61 to 71, marriage 62, 64, 71,
73, 75 to 77, children 75, letters
while at Annapolis 78 & ff., letters
to wife from Philadelphia 98, 104,
106, from Sweet Springs, Virginia
117, 179, arranges for Washing
ton's resignation 67, member 1st
Presbyterian Church 75, salary
as Congressman 89, as delegate to
Constitutional Convention 98, cor
responds with Washington on fed
eral regulation of commerce 90,
opposes instruction of representa
tives 95, member House of Dele
gates 114, 123, 124, 145 to 153,
invites Washington to visit him
116, 117, 133, 135, retires from
public life because of brother's
death 126, 129, 130, 159, writes
Jefferson on mercantile business
In Paris 128, chosen again to
State Senate 130, corresponds with
Washington and Hamilton on ap
pointments to office 130, 132 to
136, 138 to 142, second service in
Senate 131 to 133, 139, 144, 154,
162, pushes project to buy Lafay
ette a house 133, supports Adams
in 1792, 137, atacks Mercer 136 to
138, suggested for U. S. Senate
139, 145, solicits subscriptions for
French refugees 142, asks Wash
ington to be sent to secure Lafay
ette's release 144, suggested by
Hamilton as Secretary of State
161, appointed Secretary of War
163, accepts 164, enters on office
168, attends to Indian affairs 169
to 179, naval affairs 180 to 182,
military affairs in 1796 182 to
184, 186, regrets Washington's re
tirement 193, continues in cabinet
under Adams 208, writes Wash
ington of illness in 1796 182, com
mends Banneker 127, Pinckney's
rejection 209, enjoys work 211,
consults with Hamilton as how to
advise Adams on Pinckney's re
jection 210 to 223, his opinion of
the triple embassy 224 to 226,
Murray buys him military books
°29 24,2, 243, 246, attends to na
val affairs in 1797 251 to 256, rec
ommends fortifications 256, re
ceives wine cooler from Washing
ton 257, leaves Philadelphia on
account of yellow fever 257, is ill
258, 290, 311, 321, 324, 327, con
ducts Western and Indian affairs
260, 268 to 274, buys books from
Pinckney 274, directs forts at N.
Y. 288, 289, asks Hamilton to help
as to policy 291, dissatisfaction
with 302, naval affairs 302, con
sults Hamilton May, 1798, 302,
relinquishes navy May, 1798, 303,
policy towards France 302, writes
Washington of Gerry 307, hopes
for Washington's repose 308, calls
Washington to lead army 309, vis
its Mt. Vernon 311, 312, prece
dence of generals 312 to 348, con
sults Hamilton 313, writes Wash
ington 316, 317, on appointments
319, consults with Hamilton 344,
360, procures colors for Miss Cus-
tis 3'55 to 359, his management of
war affairs in 1799 375 to 406, 409
to 416, Adams asks information
for message 418, Wolcott's opin
ion of 422, ill 469, 556, supposed
to write Three Patriots 572, dis
missed by Adams 453 to 458, 465,
467, 469, takes part in Maryland
politics in 181.1 572, in presiden
tial campaign of 1SOO 459 to 497,
complained of by Hamilton and
Washington 319, 320, 322 to 324,
corresponds with Washington 336,
339, 340, cleared of intrigue 338,
339, takes house at Georgetown
453, 513, 515, country place 397,
defends administration of depart
ment 4'67, '511 to 519, 556, 604,
compiles Baltimore Directory in
1807 535, writes book which was
lost 558, president Baltimore Bible
Society 607, owns Kanawha lands
608, is paralyzed 587, 607, 610,
611, 614, spends time in Allegany
County 586 to 607, dies 615, arti
cles on British trade in 1784 619,
letters from, printed elsewhere
622, autograph letters sold 624.
McHenry, James, Jr. 76.
McHenry, Jas. Howard 76. 558.
McHenry, John (brother of James)
settles in Baltimore as merchant
1, his mercantile career 2, James
McHenry names him in will 4, 5,
James McHenry in Jan. 1776 dis
suades him from enlistment or re
turn to Europe 6, writes James
McHenry 24, partner with him 50,
goes to his wedding 64, 71, illness
97, 100, 117, 120, 121, 123, dies
125, mentioned 132.
McHenry, John, Jr. on uncle's ac
ceptance of secretaryship 163, men
tioned 229, 284, 285, g-oes to Hol
land 341 to 343, 371, 453. 495, 496.
on uncle's character 29, 125, 497.
McHenry, John (son of Jas.) 76,
482 520, '521, goes to Europe 541,
farming &c. 554, 610, 611, 614, 6
McHenry, John (son of Jas. How
ard) 76.
McHenry, Juliana 76
G34
Index
McHenry, MargaretC. I, 53, 163, 164,
166, 183, 185, 227, 229, 241, 258,
2S4, 299, 301, 343, 357, 359, 438,
460, 461, 482, 484, 489, 505, 508,
511, 517 to 519, 521, 523, '525, 528,
529, 574, 587, 604, 609, 'birth 2,
love of James McHenry 27, 59,
61 to 71, marriage 72 to 75, child
ren 75, 76, letters from husband
78, 98, 104, 106, 117, 14« to 153,
writes of family afflictions, &c.
610, 611, 614, 615.
McHenry, Margaretta, 76, 482, 553,
556.
McHenry, Ramsay, 75, opinion of
James McHenry 29.
McHenry, Wilson Gary 76.
Mack, Gen. 373.
Mackay, Mr. 104.
McKean, Thomas 420, 435.
McKim, Isaac 191.
Mackinac, Mich. 265, 443.
McLaughlin, Mr. 89.
McLure, Jas. 20.
Macon's bill, 554, oo^.
McMechen, David, 108, 114, 202.
McPherson, Gen. 389, 435, 436.
Madagascar 27;5.
Madison, Bishop Jas. 149.
Madison, James 51, 104, 108, 112,
161, 212, 213, 273, 335. 502, 511,
512, 540, 542, 544, president of the
IT. S. 5:55, 556, 559 to 562, 573 to
579, his second election 580 to 587,
591 to 593, 595, second administra
tion 601, 606, 609, 613.
Magruder, Mr. 534.
Malcolm, Mr. 25^9.
Malbone, death of '552.
Mallet, Dr.. British surgeon gener
al at N. T. 11 to 13.
Malmesbury, Lord, 238, 280.
Malta, 94, 331.
Malvern Hill, Va., 38.
Marbois, M. 161, 275.
Marcou, Mrs. 301.
Markworth. Wm. 257.
Marshall. John 224, 274, 299, 300,
454, 460, 488, 490, 511, 512, '571,
581, 582.
Marshall, Gen. 388.
Martin, Luther, 97, 100 to 102, 104,
106 to 108, 113, 134, 160, 333.
Martin, Mr. 529.
Maryland General Assembly 41, 44,
95.
Maryland Delegates to Constitu
tional Convention 94. 100, 108.
Maryland House of Delegates 114,
123, 124.
Maryland Patriotism in 1781 39, 42.
Maryland finances 41, 42, 89.
Maryland will not pay McHenry
for Revolutionary services 49.
Maryland Senate 41, 44, 55, 56, 58,
62, 70, 89, 92, 130 to 133, 13~9, 144,
153, 162, 197, 202.
Mary-land accounts with U. S. 521.
Maryland Provincial history of 525.
Maryland Stock in Bank of Eng
land 89, 298.
Maryland appropriates money for
D. C. 305.
Maryland, Washington on 324.
Maryland in army 377, 387, 396, 399
Maryland Politics 1789 115.
Maryland Politics 1796 197 to 204.
Maryland Politics 1798 305, 333.
Maryland Politics in 1800 458, 461
to 464, 466, 469, 470, 47i2, 479,
482, 489, 492, 493.
Maryland Politics in Jefferson's ad
ministration 519.
Maryland Politics in 1809 554.
Maryland Politics in 1811 572.
Maryland Politics in 1812 581, 584,
585, 587.
Maryland Politics in 1813 <600.
Maryland trade with Great Britain,
619.
Mason, Dr. 558.
Mason, George 106.
Massachusetts 398, 399, 409, 435,
456, 472, 476, 477, 483, 518, 537,
551, 5'56, 567, 575 to 578, 585, 600.
Massena, Marshal 494.
Massie, Major 122, 123.
Matthews, Mr. 198, 199.
Mauberg, M. 430.
Mazzei, 490, 548.
Meade, Mr. 397.
Mentzes, Dr. exchanged for Mc
Henry 15.
Mercer, John T. 97, 100 to 104, 107,
108, 113, McHenry's opinion of
134, candidate for Congress 136.
137.
Meredith. Mr. 586.
Miami River 173.
Middle .States 377.
Middlebrook, N. Y. 25.
Milan, Italy 494.
Milan Decree 574.
Miles, Col. 9, 12, 14.
Miles River 136.
Military academy 363, 392, 397,
422, 423, 425, 427, 457.
Militia of Maryland 144.
Millerstown 118.
Milnor, Mr. 576.
Miranda 533.
Mississippi River and Territory 89,
263, 269, (295, 418, 438 to 441, 443,
449, 451, 516, 536, 551.
Mitchell, W. 272.
Monmouth, Battle of 19.
Monmouth, Md. 7'5.
Monroe, Jas., recall from France
188, 189, 153, 210. 298, 301, 389,
named 517, 533, 538, 546, 574, 602.
Montflorence, M. 238, 371.
Montgaillard, Comte 279.
Montgomery County, Pa. 432.
Monticello, Va. 317.
Moore, Alfred 450.
Moreau, Gen. 536.
Morgan, Dr. 8.
Morgan, Genl. 39, 318, 388.
Morris, 121, 122, 16«.
.Morris, Gouverneur 105, 488, 532.
Morris, Col. 37, 40.
Morris, Robert 48, 87.
635
Mt. Vernon 174, ISO, 182, 185 to
187, 209, 210, 224, 289, 290, 309,
311, 314, 316, 317, 325, 338, 346,
349, 356, 359, 364, 389, 396, 410,
459, 461.
Moylan, Col. 39.
Mulin, M. 276.
Murdock, Mr. 204.
Murray, Wm. Vans, recommends to
office 140, 141, writes on British
prize 142, on politics in 1794 155,
158, 174, on the Randolph dis
patches 159, 160, on visits to for
eign ministers 161, congratulates
McHenry on appointment 164, 166,
167, named 176, opinion as to
Wayne 183, writes on French cri
sis 189, will retire from Congress
195, 196, 199, writes of home af
fairs 195, writes on election of
1798, 197, 198, 200, 201, on Pinck-
ney's rejection 208, minister to
Holland 226, letters on European
affairs 227 to 250, 274 to 288, 299
to 301, 317, 331, 341 to 345, 558,
commissioner to France 370, 407,
416, 419, 429, 4.60, 465, 557, 568,
606, writes McHenry from Paris
493, writes on return 511, dies
528, 529.
Murray, Mrs. Wm. Vans 157, 195,
227, 229, 284, 299, 342, 343, 495,
511.
Muscle Shoals 271, 272.
Mutineers, Pennsylvania '56, 57.
NANTES, France 245.
Nashville, Tenn. 171.
Natchez, Miss. 261, 264, 269, 274,
440, 443. 446, 533.
Natchitoches, La. 550.
Naturalization 157.
Navy, 180 to 182, 251 to 256, 302,
303, 372, 427, 512, 589.
Neapolitan Territory 373, 375.
Nevill, 334.
Newark, Del. 2, 3.
Newark, N. J. 104.
Newburgh, N. Y. 46, 51 to 53.
New Brunswick, N. J. 39S, 399,
410, 432.
Newburyport, Mass. 236, 372.
New England 90. 377, 456, 460 to
462, 466, 492, 546.
New Hampshire 111, 386, 469, 472.
483, 546, 556, 573, 585.
New Haven, Conn. 86.
New Jersey 261, 398, 435, 464, 466,
471, 472, 483. 5,22, 585, 609.
New London, Conn. 599.
New Madrid, Mo. 260. 264. 271.
New Orleans. La. 260, 263, 270,
295, 315, 316, 439, 444, 516, 517.
528, 536, 550, 594, 595.
Newport. R. I. 415, 463.
New Windsor, N. Y. 35.
New York 38, 47, 49, 69, 90, 108,
109, 111, 137, 236, 256, 263, 288,
289, 302, 320, 326, 328, 347, 360,
363, 374, 386, 387, 397 to 399, 402,
407, 410, 426, 428, 432, 457, 480,
484, 489, 504, 305, 518, 521, 529,
531, 556, 573, 576, 581, 584, 587,
600, 607, British hospitals at 9, 10,
election in 1800 452, 454, 456, 458,
459, 461, 463, 466.
New York State politics in 1804
530.
New York State politics in 1812
585.
Newell, Col. 533.
Niagara 186, 444, 602.
Nicholas, John 388.
Nicholas, Wilson Gary 567, 606.
Nicholson 200, 513, 554.
Nicholson, Wm. 334.
Noel, French Minister to Holland
245, 248, 249, 281.
Non Intercourse bill 563, 565.
Non Importation bill 574, 577.
Nootka Sound 542.
Norfolk, Va, 39, 208, 256.
North, Gen. 345.
Northampton Co., Pa. 432, 437.
Northampton, Mass. 546.
North Carolina 111, 256, 268, 387,
454, 456, 459, 464, 472, 553, 582,
584, 585.
North Point, Md. 610.
North River 23.
OGDEN, Col. 397, 466.
O'Hara, Mr. '533.
Ohio Co. 109.
Ohio River 262, 264, 441.
Ohio, State of 585, 601.
Oliver, Dr. (refugee from Boston)
11, 13.
Oliver, Robert 211, 498, 499, 544,
580, 583.
Olmutz, 331, 507.
Oneida Indians 176.
Orange, Prince of 249.
Orange town 29.
Orleans, Duke of 237.
Orleans Territory 560, 562. -
Osborne, Dr. 433.
Os-tend, 235.
Oswego, N. Y. 186.
Otis, H. G. 435, 463, 568.
Ottawa Indians 443.
Otto, M. 507.
Oxford, Md. 142.
PACA, William 55, 61, 65, 66, 108,
110, 113, 124, 134, 142.
Palmer, Mr. 612.
Papal States 2,29, 297, 373.
Paquiet, Rev. M. 613.
Paramus, N. J. 21, 22, 486.
Paris, France 49, 52, 128, 193, 208,
211, 235, 236, 238, 247, 248, 274,
275, 277, 2T9, ,285, 290, 297, 299,
300, 344, 371, 373, 375, 494, 495,
507, 510, 523, 541, 542, 546, 551,
592.
Parish, Mr. 188.
Parker, John 290, 291.
Passaic Falls described 21.
Pastoret, M. 275.
Patterson, Mr. 437, 491.
Patterson, Wm. 36.
Patton, M. C. from Del. 195.
Patton, Col. 476.
636
Paulus Hook 27.
Pechin, Mr. 333, 334.
Pendleton, Mr. 531.
Pennsylvania 90, 112, 383, 418, 420,
436 to 437, 463, 477, 576, 584, 586, 614.
Pennsylvania Mutineers 56, 57.
Perdido River 560.
Perry, Wm., suggested for office
121, 132, 136, 139 to 141, 158.
Perry, Mrs. 120.
Perry, Commodore O. H. 609.
Perth Amboy, N. J. 432.
Philadelphia 4, 5, ,24, 25, 42, 48, 50,
52, 53, 56, 58, 61, 65, 71, 72, 75,
78, 82, 83, 96, 98 to 100, 108, 109,
118, 128, 131, 133, 140, 143, 164 to
168, 175, 183, 185 to 187, 191, 193,
199, 200, 230, 241, 243, 246, 254,
256 to 259, 287, 290, 299, 303, 313,
317, 319 to 321, 323, 324, 328, 341,
347, 349 to 351, 353, 357, 364, 365,
372, 37'8, 380, 381, 383, 389 to 391,
394, 395, 401, 402, 417, 426, 439,
458, 460, 463, 464, 482, 494, 504,
513, 515, 557, 571, 573, 586, ex
travagance at 2ft.
Pichegru, M. 275, 279.
Pichon, M. 371, 430, 558.
Pickering, Octavius '615.
Pickering, Timothy, a member of
Washington's cabinet 158, Sec. of
State 163, 165 to 167, 169 to .171, 175
176, 180, 181, 188, 190, 192, 197,
201, 205, member of Adams's cab
inet 208, 209, 224, 227, 329, 230,
239 to 241, 250, 255, 2'57, 260, 266,
269 270, 272 to 274, 28.2, 283, 285,
288, 289, 311 to 316, 320, 322, 325,
338, 341, 345, 346, 348, 352, 370,
374, 375, 394, 397, 400, 406, 413,
417 to 421, 424, dismissed by
Adams 456, in presidential cam
paign Of 1800 452, 453, 456, 458,
459, 461, 478, 479, 481, 488, In
Congress 504, 505, 59'5, censured
by Senate 563, sends portrait to
McHenry 533, defends adminis
tration of department 511, 512, 604
to 607, corresponds with McHenry
on federal politics 533 to 541, 546,
to 561, 566 to 571, 600, friendship
In McHenry 's last days 614, 615,
views on future life 602, on Mc-
Henry's health 607.
Pickering, Mrs. Timothy 505.
Pierce, Mr. 97.
Piedmont, Italy 373, 494.
Pike, Mr. 264, .272.
Pinckney, C. C. declines Sec. of
War 163, sent to France 189. re
fused acceptance 193, 205, 208 to
213, 216, 217, 223, on new embas
sy 225, 230, 231, 234, 235, 238,
241, 242, 274, 299, 300, 307, 371,
precedence as 'General 311 to 313,
321, 326, 327, 341, 605, 606", ser
vice as General 332, 336, named
345, 348 to 352, 363, 377, 387, 389,
415, 420, 421, 424, 428, 444, 517,
candidate for vice president 452,
453, 455, 456, 458 to 465, 466, 468
to 471, 476 to 478, 492, 582.
Pinckney, Mrs. C. C. 459 to 461.
Pinckney, T., Vice Presidential can
didate 1796 202, 204, 206, makes
treaty with Spain 260.
Pinckney, Col. 5'60.
Pinkney, Ninian 153.
Pinkney, Wm. 132, 153, 162, 178,
179, 296, 423, 543, 545, 554, 555.
Piracy on the Chesapeake 535.
Pitcairn 208.
Pitkin, Mr. (Congressman) 595.
Pittsburg, Pa. 129, 211, 259, 269,
437, 44<0, 442, 533, 607.
Plater 204.
Plater, Mrs. 67.
Plunkett, Mary 525, 526.
Polanan, V. 241, 249.
Poland, 597.
Polk, Ezekiel 267.
Polk, Wm. 266.
Portalis, M. 275.
Portsmouth, N. H., Navy yard 180.
Portsmouth, Va. 39.
Portugal 228, 237, 247, 285, 288,
294, 298.
Post Office 185, 380, 517, 596.
Potomac River 207, 290, 352, 353,
399, 512.
Potowmack Co. 162.
Pottawatomie Indians 443.
Potts, Richard 108, 133, 139, 145,
resigns from U. iS. Senate 202.
Powell, Samuel 108.
Presidential election of 1796 195 to
204, 454.
Presidential election of 1800 452 to
496.
Presidential election of 1812 580 to
587.
Price, Dr. 603.
Prince, Mr. 274.
Princeton College 520.
Princeton, N. J. 56, 57, 59, 60, 82.
Principle, Md. 181.
Prize vessels 142.
Providence, R. I. 397.
Provost, Mrs. 22, 23.
Prussia 238, 331, 598, 602.
Public Printer 431.
"Publius" 41.
Purslie, Mr. 270.
Purviance, John, suggested for of
fice 138.
Purviance, Robert, on Committee
to raise funds for Lafayette 36.
QUAKER missionaries to Indians
176.
Quebec 173.
Queen Anne's County, Md. 136, 197,
199, 336.
Quincy, Mass. 341, 350, 407, 435,
558, 566, 571, 604.
Quincy, Josiah 662, 576, 596.
RADCLIFFE, Mr. 584.
Ramsay, Nathaniel 55, 75, 76.
Ramsay, Sophia Hall 75, 610.
Ramsey. Capt. 393, 394.
Randolph, Edmund 100, 155, 15S
to 161, 166.
Index
637
Randolph, John, of Roanoke 514,
533, 551, 565, 592, 59-5.
Rawllins, Col. 14.
Reading, Pa. 436, 437.
Red Spring, Va. 150.
Reed & Ford 210.
Reed, Major 50.
Reeder, Mr. 435.
Regnier, M. 540.
Rensselaer, Mr. 213.
Repnin, Prince 343, 344.
Representatives, Instruction of 95.
Revolutionary Army want of sup
plies 20, 21, 35, 50.
Revolutionary War, Events of 27,
34 to 40, 42, 508.
Rhine River 280, 494.
Rhode Island 56, 89, 235, 399, 431,
463, 471, 479, 483, 532, 585.
Richardson, Mr., appointed to office
140 to 142.
Richmond, Va, 314, 457, 547, 571.
Ridley, Matthew 36.
Ridgely, Mr. 137, 138.
Ridgely, Chas., of Hampton 572.
Rivardi, 265, 444.
Rivet, Rev. Mr., Indian mission
ary 171, 172, 271.
Robertson, Mr. 161.
Robinson, Mr. 608, 614.
Rochefontaine, Col. 184.
Rocky Mount 401.
Rocky Hill, N. J. 57.
Rodgers, Mrs. 179.
Rome, Ancient 236, 279.
Rose, British minister to U. S. 542,
544.
Ross, James 138, 211, 259, 269, 420,
437, 463, 513, 533, 534, 607.
Ross, 185, 243.
Rotterdam, Holland 236, 249, 274,
281, 283, 286, 343.
Ruessess Creek, Tenn. 271.
Rumford, Count 392.
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, preceptor of
James McHenry 4, transmits vote
of Congress 8, is written by Mc
Henry while a prisoner 9, writes
McHenry 16, 27, 464, 465.
Ruspoli, Prince Bailli 505.
Russell, J. 588, 590, 596, 599.
Russia 243, 331, 343, 344, 408, 561,
597 to 599, 601, 602, 613.
Rutledge, John 160.
Rutledge family 225.
Rutledge, Major John, Jr. 238, 242,
345, 348, 463, 488.
ST. AUGUSTINE, Fla. 594.
St. Clair, Gen. Arthur 362, 443, 483.
St. Genevieve 279.
St. Hilaire 272, 556, 557.
St. John's College 155.
St. Louis, Mo. 271.
St. Mary's River 445.
St. Mary's College, Baltimore 520,
613.
St. Petersburg, Russia 344, 601.
St. Thomas 372.
Salem, Mass. 505.
Salmon, Geo., suggested for office
138.
Salomons, M. 235.
Sands, Mr. 208.
Sandy Hook, N. J. 289.
Santhonax, Commissary 191, 192.
Santo Domingo, refugees from 142,
143, trade with 191, named 406,
420.
Sardinia 229.
Sargent, Gov. 440, 451.
.Savannah, Ga. 256.
Schuyler, Angelina. See Carter 44.
Schuyler, Gen. Philip 29, on Mc-
Henry's application for a commis
sion 31, ill 213, named 484.
Schuyler, Peggy 44.
Schuylkill River 512.
Scotch Plains 458.
Scott, Mr. 206.
Scott, Gustavus 124.
Scott, Dr. J. G. 553.
Scribner, Charles 558.
Seaman Rutgers & Ogden 23*6.
Sectionalism 522.
Sedgwick, Theodore 199, 200, 301,
324, 326, 368, 393, 454, 455, 458,
463, 488.
Senator Ross, Galley 440 to 442.
Seneca Indians 129.
Seney, Mr. 335.
Serrurier, M. 568.
Sevier, John 261, 262, 267, 313,
316, 448.
Sewall, Samuel 397.
Sheldon's horse 316.
Shepherd, Gen. 318.
Shepherdstown, W. Va. 424, 459.
Shield, Mrs. 118.
Shippen, Dr. 27.
Short, Mr., U. S. representative at
Paris, 1791 128.
Short, Wm. 561.
Sieyes, Abbe 430.
Simmons 383, 513, 545.
Sitgreaves. J. 234, 235, 33«, 584,
586.
.Skipwith, Mr. 120.
.Small, Mr. 290.
Smilie, John 590.
Smith, President's printer 549.
Smith & Buchanan 554.
Smith, Mr. 67, 84.
Smith, Dr. 274.
Smith, John 59, 548.
Smith, Robert 124, 133 to 135, 137,
206, 498, 499, 554 to 556.
Smith, Gen. Samuel, writes McHen
ry, 1778 20, position in 1792 137,
elected to Congress 138, writes
Hamilton as to offices 138, as to
prizes 142, supports Washington
as to Genet 143, denies expedi
tion against Bahamas is planned
143, in Congress 167, 198, men
tioned 192, 193, opposed Jay
Treaty 194, on Pinckney's rejec
tion 211, supports French 235, 370,
named 301, 306, 336, 406, 407, 483,
498, 564, 567, 606, in Congress in
1807, 534, 539, 554.
Smith, Wm. L., 130, 202, 282, 288,
372, 456, 458, 505, 552, 564.
638
Index
Smith, Wm. S. 53, 89, 313, 314, 316,
321, 328, 346, 350, 354, 3*55, 363,
400, 430, 443, 450.
Smyth, Alexander 589.
Snake Run, Va. 150.
Somerset County, Md. 197.
South America 395.
South Carolina 111, 205, 256, 363,
452, 456, 459, 464, 469, 472, 483,
492, 583.
Southern States 90, 91.
Spaight, Col. 94.
Spain 109, 235, 237, 243, 247, 250,
260, 291, 294, 298, 301, 315, 396,
533, 545, 549, 55<9.
Spain, western intrigues 262, 265
to 267, 269 to 271, 291, 438 to 440,
445.
Sprigg, Richard 198, 205.
Springfield, Mass. 401.
Stark, Gen. 556.
Staunton, Va. 118, 119, 121, 147,
152.
Steel, Mr. 447.
Sterrett, Samuel 108, 123, 572.
Stevens, Col. 327, 390, 391, 432.
Stewart, Charles Morton, Jr. 76.
Stewart, Priscilla 76.
Stiles, Capt. 287.
Stirling, Lord, invites McHenry to
Christmas dinner 26.
Stockbridge Indians 176.
Stockton, Mr. 464.
Stodder, David 253, 2io6.
Stoddert, Benjamin 303, 304, 338,
346, 370, 395, 401, 402, 417, 419,
453, 458, 460, 465, 482, 492, 566
to 568, 570, letters in retirement
511, 542 to 545, 557, 580, 583.
Stoddert, Mrs. 482.
Stone, Gov. John H. 139, 162, 202.
Stone, Thomas 59, 83, 108.
Strieker, Capt. 143.
Stringer, Dr. 8.
Strong, Col. 443.
Strong, Caleb, Gov. of Mass. 578.
Stuart, Mrs. 318.
Stull, Col. 130.
•Suffran, Adml. de 95.
Sullivan, Mr. 57, 546, 548.
Susquehanna Ferry 179, 363.
Susquehanna River 504.
Suwarrow, Marshal 566.
Swan, Mr. 192, 193, 306.
Swan, Major 5'6.
Swanwick, John 199. 200.
Sweden, 2,28, 331, 598. 599.
Sweet Springs, Va. Ill, 118, 120,
121, 145, 159, 497, 553.
Switzerland 297.
Swope, Col. 9.
Symmes, Mr. 110.
TALBOT Co., Md. 136, 198, 199, 334
Talbot, Mrs. 526.
Talleyrand 299, 307, 371, 407, 408,
416, 429, 558, 563.
Talmadge, Benjamin 19, 316, 504,
5*5, 546, 560, 56£ to 566, 570, 573
to 579, 588 to 590, 595 to 607, 611,
612.
Talmadge, Mrs. Benjamin 574.
Taxes 509, 574, 575, 599, 600, 601.
Taylor, John 411, 412.
Tees River 343.
Tennessee 174, 177, 261, 262, 266
to 269, 271, 272, 314, 363, 377,
387, 438, 444 to 449, 472, 516. 573.
Texel, The 226, 229, 238, 241, 245,
,284, 285.
Thomas, Mr. 586, 587.
Thompson, Mrs. 26.
Thompson 521.
Thomson, Chas., Sec. of Congress,
sends extract from its minutes 8,
writes 1788 108, escorts Washing
ton to inauguration 117.
Thornton, British consul 143.
"Three Patriots" 572, 607.
Tilghman family 142.
Tilghman, Edward 336.
Tilghman, Richard 336.
Tilghman, Tench, writes McHenry
25, is with Washington but ill 35,
mentioned 133, 134, 136, 140.
Tousard, Major 367, 391, 479, 480.
Toussaint 1'Ouverture 420.
Tracy, Gen. (French) 510.
Tracy, George 517.
Tracy, Uriah 301, 328, 350, 377, 392,
416, 436, 483, 484, 488, 489, 492,
493, 504, 508, 509, 513 to 517, 521,
522, death 523, 529, monument 545.
Trenton, N. J. 82, 260, 269, 270,
3,23, 347 to 349, 378, 399, 411, 417
to 419, 461, 471, 556, 566, 571.
Trevor, Mr., British minister to
Holland 228.
Tripoli 470.
Truxton, Thomas 251 to 256.
Turin, Italy 373.
Turkey, 408.
Turn bull, Gov. Jonathan, Jr. 350.
Turnbull, Secy. 46.
Tuscany 373, 37'5.
UPPER Maryborough, Md. 137.
Uxbridge, Mass. 399.
VACHER, Mme. 88.
Valence 430.
Valley Forge, Pa. 15, 16.
Vance, Capt. 382, 383.
Van Staphorst 239.
Venice, Italy 229, 232, 233, 242, 276.
Vergennes, Count de 87.
Vermont 472, 492, 493, 584, 585.
Verplank'g Point 49.
Versailles, France 51, 87, 542.
Vienna, Austria 331, 343, 344.
Vincennes 261.
Virginia 86. 110 to 112, 317, 323,
332, 3'63, 377, 387, 388, 396, 399,
508, 517, 581, 582, 583.
Virginia Resolutions 436.
Virginia Campaign of 1781 37 to 39.
Vose, Col. 51.
Voublanc 275, 331.
WABASH River 171, 273.
Wadsworth, Capt. Decius 184.
Wadsworth, Col. 350.
Wagner, Jacob 546, 5'50, 557, 566,
567, 571.
Index
639
Wallace, Mr. 266.
Walton, Mr. 448.
War Department, administration, of
163 to 431, 480.
War Department, burning of 476,
481.
War Department, McHenry's ad
ministration of, defended 511 to
519.
Warm Springs, Va. 119.
War of 1812 589, 590, 599 to 601,
609 to 613.
Washington, The 88.
Washington, Bushrod 369, 507, 508,
511.
Washington, George 4, 97, 157,
gives McHenry leave of absence
8, McHenry writes him of British
hospitals 10, of parole 15, sum
mons McHenry as military secre
tary 16, at Mon mouth 19, march
to Haverstraw described 21, life
in his military family described
23, arrangements of winter quar
ters 26, his plans of campaign 27,
places McHenry on Lafayette's
staff 29, at West Point, Arnold's
treason 31, Hamilton writes Mc
Henry of breach with him 35,
hears from Lafayette of McHen
ry's activity 35, letter from Mc
Henry about Virginia campaign
37, writes McHenry 41 to 43, 46
to 51, at Princeton 56, resigns
commission at Annapolis 59, 67 to
€9, miniajture of 86, Lafayette rec
ommends statue of 89, corresponds
with McHenry on national regula
tion of commerce 90, 91, on ani
mals sent by Lafayette 92, in
Constitutional Convention 100,
105, 108, watches .Md. ratifying
convention 110, writes of import
ance of electing Federalists to
Congress 113, invited to visit Bal
timore 116, 117, 133, McHenry cor
responds with him on appoint
ments 123, 124, 133 to 136, denies
he wishes Mercer's election 138,
consents to reelection 139, 162, de
clines to send McHenry to secure
Lafayette's release 145, thanked
by Maryland legislature 162, ap
points McHenry Sec. of War and
consults him as to Chase in Su
preme Court 163, 168, cabinet 165,
166, 167, discusses Indians 169,
175, 177, Western forts 173, 174,
consulted as to frigate 180, 181,
affairs at Mt. Vernon 182, 210, en
tertains McHenry 184, mail to Mt.
Vernon 185, visitors there 185,
186, false rumor of inquiry 186,
frames message 187, 188, recalls
Monroe 188, declines 3d term 193,
197, address to Congress 206, 207,
esteem felt for him 210, asks for
news 210, McHenry writes him
of relation with Prance 223, 224,
gives McHenry wine coalers 257,
writes on Blount 261, named 284,
287, 288, writes .McHenry 288,
writes as to Parker's book 290,
on France 301, writes McHenry
against Democrats 307, named
308, called as head provisional
army 309, his conditions of ac
ceptance 310, visited by McHenry
311, 312, precedence of generals
311 to 314, 321 to 322, 325 to 341,
345, 347, 348, 454, 606, asks Car-
rington to be gen'l 314, named
315, 317, 334, 335, 342, writes on
army 316, 318 to 321, 323, 336,
351, 353, 354, 367, 368, censures
McHenry 322 to 324, 378 to 380,
Lafayette's message to him 332, ill
337, opinion of Democrats 340,
McHenry summons to Trenton
347 to 351, named by Miss Custis
356, writes of her manage 359,
uniform 368, communication with
McHenry on military affairs 38'5
to 389, 395, 396, 411, 415, 420, 430,
440, on European affairs 408, 419,
420, receives game from McHenry
395, recommends Taylor 412, ap
pointments to office by 502, named
467, 468, 475, 547, 569, 572, 588,
615, dies 421, 429, 453, biography
of 509, 511, his character 522, 595.
Washington, Martha 116, 126, 182,
31S, 461.
Washington, Gen. 460.
Washington, Wm. 363.
Washington City 133, 162, 206, 207,
272, 305, 346, 460, 476, 483, 492,
493, 504, :508, 515 to 517, 521, 534,
536, 540, 545, 549, 551, 555,
559, 561 to 563, 568 to 571, 573,
574, 576 to 578, 588 to 592, 595,
597, 598, 600 to 604, 607, 611.
Watkins, Mrs. 22.
Wayne, Anthony, at Monmouth 19,
in Virginia campaign 38, 39, sug
gested as Sec. of War 165, in
Western service 171, 173, enters
Detroit 174, charges laid against
him 183, named 264, 609.
Wellesley, Lord 555.
Wenham, Mass. 558.
Westcot, ,Miss. 372.
Westcote, John 548, 549.
Westcote, Major 551.
West Indies 42, 43, 49, 232, 277,
283, 315, 619.
West Point, N. Y. 31, 432.
Western Intrigues 262 to 274, 438
to 451.
Western Lands 110.
Western Posts transferred from
Great Britain 86, 170, 171, 173,
.174, 515.
Western Posts transferred from
Spain 260, 261, 269, 270, 274, 440,
Wheeling, W. Va. 609.
Whiskey insurrection 155. 320.
White Sulphur Springs, W. Va. 160.
Wilkins, Mr. 533.
Wilkinson, Gen. James 174, charges
Wayne 183, in Western army 2o9,
269, 352, 363, 377, 396. 405, 417,
438 to 441, 443, 450, 545, 550, 601.
640
Index
Williams & Co. 137.
Williams, Gen. 601.
Williams, Otho H. 29, 39, asked to
accept federal office 129, charac
terized 130, ill 138.
Williams, Major 14.
Williamson, Hugh, congratulates
McHenry on appointment as Sec.
of War K4 16".. u-»cs office 17*,
writes on French Crisis 190, elec
tion of 1796 200, on election of
1800 481, on Mctlmry's health 61].
Willing, Capt. 402.
Willing Morris & Swanwick 89.
Wilmer, Jonathan R. 461.
Wilmington, Del. 54, 142.
Wilson 413.
Wilson, James 107.
Winchester, Va. 118, 147, .162.
Winchester, James 194, 20>1, 305,
334, 336.
Witmold 328.
Winder, Mr. 306.
Winder, Gen. 600.
Wolcott, Oliver, in Washington's
cabinet 166, 167, 177, 180, 185,
188, 196, 197, 199, in Adams's
cabinet 208, 224, 241, 257, 258,
268, 301, 307, 314, 320, 32,1, 325,
338, 339, 341, 345, 346, 348, 349,
351, 352, 370, 381, 386, 394, 397,
406, 419, 420, 421, 445, in presi
dential campaign of 1800 452,
453, 455, 4'61 to 463, 465, to
470, 477, 479, 481 to 483, 490, 496,
letters from '518, 519, 521, 529 to
532, 556, 570.
Wolcott, Mrs. Oliver 519.
Wood County 608.
Woodward, Mr. 373.
Worcester County Md. 197.
Wright, Gov. 198, 199, 562, 577, 588.
Wright, Edward 199.
Wright, John 521.
Wright, Thomas 55.
YELLOW fever in Philadelphia 257,
287, 321, 323, 324, 336, 357, 378,
417.
Yazoo Bill 612.
Yonge, Mr. 241.
York .Springs, Pa. 554, 614.
Yorktown, Va. 38, 39.
Youghiogheny Glades 497.
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