Java; or, How to manage a colony. Showing a practical solution to the questions now affecting British India

ttityfi

JAVA;

OK,

now TO MANAGE A COLONY.

VOL, I.

^1

- Avpav ftiv apfi6(Tao0ai Kai fitTaxftpi<'a<T9ai i/zaXrr'
ffTUTai, TToXiv ce /ucpav Kai dco^ov TrapaXa/Swv tvSoKov
aTTfpydffaaGat.— Plctakch's Thcmistocles.

JAVA;

OB,

HOW TO MANAGE A COLONY.

SHOWING

A PRACTICAL SOLUTION OP THE QUESTIONS
NOW AFPECTING BRITISH INDIA.

BT

J. W. B. MONEY,

BAEBISIBE-AT-LAW.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

MR. H.WALLER.
KORTE-NIEUWSTRAAT. 7.

LONDON :
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,

SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN,

13, GEEAT MAELEOROUGH STEEET.

1861.

The tight of Translation it reserred.

Ds

'IS
v./

LONDON :

SAVILL AND EDWAEDS, PBINTEES, CHANDOS STBEET,

COVENT GAEDEN.

THAT GEEAT STATESMAN,

GENERAL JOHANNES VAN DEN BOSCH,

GOVEENOE-GENEEAL AND COMMISSAEY-GENEBAL OF
THE DUTCH EAST INDIES

FKOM: 1830 TO 1834r,

AUTHOE OF THE JAVA CULTTJEE SYSTEM,

THE EESULTS OF WHICH ABE DESCEIBED IN THE FOLIOWING

PAGES.

*:

PREFACE.

The following pages describe a country and a people
whose present state is but little known, and whose
system of government is generally misunderstood
and maligned. The condition of Java is the best
vindication of the Dutch East Indian policy, but
a more accurate knowledge both of the country
and of the system may be of paramount importance
to the future of our Empire in the East.

India is now at the crisis of her fate, either
to enter gradually the great comity of nations,
or to sink back into the semi-barbarism of two
thousand years of discord and oppression. This
hangs on the continuance of English rule. The
late rebellion revealed the rottenness of our present
hold upon the country, except by the maintenance
of a European force, which the undeveloped resources
of India are incompetent to support. Not only
have the expenses suddenly increased so far beyond

Viu PREFACE.

tlie revenue, as to cause a large deficit, and great
increase of debt, but the stationary condition of the
people, and the inelasticity of the production of the
country, offer no scope for the largely increased
resources which our continued rule and the expand-
ing ideas of the country's necessities must require.
The vital question therefore is to enable India to
pass through the next fifty years without exhaustion,
and under circumstances to make its retention not
only possible but convenient to England.

It is for this reason that the example of Java
mav be so useful,

. A quarter of a century ago Java was, and had
been for many years in a condition similar to the
present chronic state of India. Poverty, crime, and
dissatisfaction among the Natives, failing means and
general discontent among the Europeans, a large
debt and yearly deficit in the income of the country,
both trade and revenue at the same low figure per
head of the population, and absence of good feeling
between European and Native existed in Java till
1832, as they now exist in India.

A new system was then inaugurated, which, in
twenty-five years, quadrupled the revenue, paid off
the debt, changed the yearly deficit to a large yearly
surplus, trebled the trade, improved the adminis-

PREFACE. IX

tration, diminished crime and litigation, gave peace,
security, and affluence to the people, combined the
interests of European and Native, and, more won-
derful still, nearly doubled an Oriental population,
and gave contentment with the rule of their foreign
conquerors to ten millions of a conquered Mussul-
man race. The only English aim it did not attain
was, what the Dutch had no wish to secure, the
religious and intellectual elevation of the Native.
But those benefits were all obtained by means not
only compatible with that object, but which have
involuntarily operated in that direction, and have so
far produced a firmer and more natural basis for
future improvement than is shown by any of the
results of our educational and missionary efforts in
India.

These are the great desiderata of India, the con-
ditions of continued English rule, and of increasing
light and civilization to the people. A knowledge of
the means by which these ends were attained in Java
cannot but be useful to English statesmen, whatever
may be thought of the application of similar pro-
cesses to India.

These benefits are due to the culture system,
established by General Van den Bosch in 1832,
acting on the relics of the English rule in Java,

X PREFACE.

as modified by the Dutch on their return in
1816.

The chief results of General Van den Bosch's
policy in 25 years may be thus specified.

The revenue raised from 24 millions of florins,
equal to 2 millions sterling, to 115 millions of florins,
equal to 9^ millions sterling.

Instead of the former yearly deficit, a yearly net
sm"plus revenue of upwards of 45 millions of florins,
equal to 3| millions sterling, out of a gross revenue
of 9^ millions sterling.

Net surplus revenue paid to Holland to a far
larger amount than the principal and interest both
of the old debt and of all advances for the culture
system.

The unproductive expenditure for the adminis-
tration of the country raised from about 2 millions
sterling to about 3 millions sterling, with a corre-
sponding increase in the number and efficiency of
the public servants.

The reproductive expenditure for public works,
and for developing the resources of the country,
raised from a mere trifle to over 2 millions sterling
annually.

The imports raised from a yearly average of about
If millions sterling to over 5 millions sterling.

PREFACE. xi

The exports raised from a yearly average of about
2 millions sterling to over 8^ millions sterling.

Crime and litigation so diminished, that the judicial
sittings of the local courts are reduced to an average
of about 30 days in the year.

The population raised from about 6 millions
in poverty, paying a revenue of about 2 millions
sterling, or 6^. 86?. per head, to Hi millions
of the richest peasantry in the East, paying a
revenue of 9^ millions sterling, or I6s. 6d. per
head.

Those who are best acquainted ^yith the results of
the culture system in Java have called its author
the master of statesmen, and I have ventured to
apply to him the proud vaunt of Themistocles which
stands as a motto to this book.

Let any statesman among his peers, whose
measures have produced larger results for the good
of his countrv, and for the welfare of the people
under his rule, bear away the palm from General
Van den Bosch.

CONTENTS TO VOL. I.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

Batavia — Java Posting — Roads — Country Inns — Tjiandjoer
Races — Bandong — Java Nautch — Bandong Stag Hunt —
State of the Country — Europeans — Native Chiefs —
Peasantry — Cottages — Mistaken Idea of Native Hatred of
the Dutch — The Java Administration at least successful —
Mistaken Charges of Secrecy — Of Tyranny — Real Grounds
for Censure — Advantages of the Culture System — Sources
of my Information pp. 1 — 53

CHAPTER II.

JAVA BEFORE 1830.

SECTION I. — ITNDER THE DUTCH TILL THE ENGLISH CONQUEST

IN 1811.

Monopoly Revenue — State of the People — Expected Results of
Pree Trade and Pree Labour pp. 55—59

SECTION n. — UNDER THE ENGLISH FROM 1811 TO 1816.

New State of the People — ^English Revenue — Rights in the
Soil — Ryotwarree Established — Ryotwarree Rent — Justice
— Police — Sale Laws— Their Partial Repeal by the Dutch

pp. 59—71

xiv CONTENTS.

SECTION III. — UNDER THE DUTCH rKOM ISIG TILL 1S30.

Trade— Customs — Shipping— Land Tax — Ryotwarree abolished

Old Land Tenure and Rent under Native Rule — Landlord

Property— Peasant Property — Present Java Land Tenure —
Labour Rent — Produce Rent— Large European Landowners

Impediments to European Landed Property in India —

Contrast between Revenue Land Sales in Java and in India

Different Operation of Decree Land Sales in the two

Countries — Benefit to Java of European Landowners — No
Middlemen — Revenue from 1817 to 1830 — Population —
Deficit and Debt— Analogy of Java before 1830 with India in
1850— Attempts at Retrenchment — Expenditure still in
Excess of Income pp- 71 — 102

CHAPTER IIL

THE CULTURE SYSTEM.

General Van den Bosch — Principles of Culture System — Building
Advance — Yearly Advance — Mode of carrying out the System
— Divisions of the Culture System — Control over the Rela-
tions of European and Native — Articles best produced
with and without European Contractors — Contract Sugar
Culture — Peasant's Profit — Land Tax — Contrast in Peasant's
Profits under Old and New Systems— Culture Wages —
Official Percentage — Copper Coin — Contractor's Profit —
Profit to Government — Statistics of Sugar Culture — Contract
Indigo Culture — Independent Planters — Contrast of Java
Culture System with European Cultures in India — Indian
Indigo Culture — Former Mode of Establishing a New Indigo
Pactory — Indian Legislation for Indigo Culture — Difference
between Hindoo Cottier and English Parmer — Means of
making Indigo Culture less objectionable — Indian Cotton
Culture 103—157

CONTENTS. XV

CHAPTER lY.

THE CULTURE SYSTEM.

The Culture System by Village Labour without a Contractor —
Preanger Coffee — Marshal Daendels— His great Java Roads
^Coffee Culture ou the Old Plan — Coffee under the Culture
System — Peasant's Profit — Contrast of Coffee Produce under
Old and New Systems — Statistics of Coffee Culture — Coffee
Percentage — Coffee Transport — Over-weight — Cmnamon
Culture — In Ceylon and Java — Pepper Culture — The Pepper
Plant — Culture System by a Contractor with Day Labourers
— Cochineal Produce — The Cochineal Insect — Tobacco Cul-
ture— Its Profit to the Grower — Quinine Culture — Tea
Culture — Contrast of Tea Culture in Java and in India —
— Java Tea — Indian Tea — Supply of Capital to Planters in
Java and in India— Hesult pp. 158—189

CHAPTER V.

JAVA OFFICIALS.

Civil Servants — Resident — Assistant-Resident — Secretary —
Controleurs— Government through Native Chiefs— Regent —
Wedana—Mantries— Salaried Mantries— Village Chiefs-
Military Civilians— The Executive— Tlie Legislature—
Governor-General— The Council— The Secretariat— Directors
of Departments — Chamber of Accounts — Mining and
Telegraph Departments pp. 190 — 240

CHAPTER VI.

GENERAL SOURCES OF REVENUE.

Revenue and Expenditure — I. Farms — Head Money — Bazaars
— Opium — Gambling Licences. — II. Taxes — Customs —
Transfer and Succession Tax — Impost on Slaves — Taxes on
Houses and Estates.— HI. Land Revenue. — IV. Trade —
Spices— Birds' Nests — Salt — Revenue in Holland — Tin.

pp. 241— 2G2

xvi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VII.

FINANCE.

General Effect of the different Government Cultures — Area and
Population— Revenue— Financial Effect of the Culture
System — Diminution of Local Taxation — Increase of Culture
Revenue — Proportions of Direct and Indirect Taxes — Land
Revenue — Comparative Proportions of the Land Revenue in
Java and in India — Comparative Proportions of the Java
Land Tax to the Revenue and to the Population — Increased
Expenditure — Proportions of Reproductive and Unproductive
Expenditure — Culture Outlay — Public Works — Mode of
Accounting with HoUand — Yearly Colonial Reports — The
Dutch East Indian Debt — Residue of Culture Debt — Surplus
Revenue — Culture Revenue alone equal to Total Expendi-
ture pp. 263—303

CHAPTER VIIL

TRADE.

Government Trade — The Netherlands Trading Society — Private
Trade uru-estricted — Present State of Java Trade — Imports
— Exports — Shipping — Proportion of Trade to Population —
Disproportion of Imports and Exports — Comparison of Java
Trade with that of India — Japan Trade — Java Customs and
Shipping — Effect of the Culture System and Government
Export of Produce on the Private Trade . pp. 304 — 331

JAVA.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

BATAVIA — JAVA POSTING EOADS — COUNTET INN S — TJIAND-

JOER EACES — BANDONG — JAVA NAUTCH — BANDONG STAG
HUNT — STATE OF THE COUNTEY — EUEOPEANS — NATIVE

CHIEFS — PEASANTEY — COTTAGES MISTAKEN IDEA OF

NATIVE HATEED OF THE DUTCH — THE JAVA ADMINISTBA-
TION AT LEAST SUCCESSFUL — MISTAKEN CHAEGES OF SECEECY
— OF TYEANNY— EEAL GEOUNDS FOE CENSUEE — ADVAN-
TAGES OF THE CULTUEE SYSTEM — SOUECES OF MY INFOEMA-
TION.

The Mutiny in India called attention to the real
working of the Company^s Government_, and to the
benefits and disadvantages of the existing state of
things, in the Native as well as in the European point
of view.

Every branch of the administration was discussed,
and different changes proposed, which, however ad-
mirable, were all untried and uncertain in their re-
sults. What seemed most certain was, that the
present system was satisfactory neitlier to Europeans
nor to Natives, to rich nor to poor, that the expenses
of India were increasing faster than the revenue, that

VOL. I. B

3 DISCUSSION OF INDIAN QUESTIONS.

the mutiny was partly social as well as militaiy, and
that the feeling between European and Native had
been long growing less cordial, and was intensely
embittered by the rebellion. It was clear that some
change was desirable ; there was no doubt what
were the pet grievances of both Native and European,
or that money was the great want of the state, but
it seemed impossible to abolish the Native grie-
vances without diminishing or imperilling the reve-
nue, or to increase the revenue without adding to the
general discontent.

These questions were argued as if the English
Government of India were a subject on which any
inquiry or experience but our own was unattainable.
We were clearly the first of European powers ruling
Orientals, and the idea of learning from the Erench,
the Dutch, or the Spanish Oriental colonies probably
occurred to as few as did the idea of correcting our
system by that of Aurungzebe or Akbar.

Four years' residence in Calcutta, and a habit of
inquiring into Native ideas on different subjects, had
made me tolerably acquainted with the general out-
line of things in India, and with the wishes and
grievances of the Natives of Bengal, while the general
discussion of Anglo-Indian theories at that time put
me au fait as to the proposed alterations. In the
middle of these discussions, my wife's health re-
quiring change, we selected Java for a trip in the
summer of 1858, more from hearing that it was a

ENGLISH INFORMATIOM ON JAVA. 3

beautiful island, with a fine climate: easv travellins',
and an opera, than with any idea of acquiring useful
information from an examination of the Dutch colo-
nial system.

Before leaving Calcutta I made inquiries, and found
that the English information, on the subject of the
Dutch East Indies, was generally limited to a recol-
lection of Sir Stamford Raffles^s account of Java in
1815. The impression seemed to be, that the pro-
duce of the island, berond what was necessary for the
consumption of the people, was still taken by Govern-
ment under severe penalties ; that such portions of
the spices as exceeded the demand were still de-
stroyed by the Dutch, to maintain a higher price for
the remainder ; that no trade with foreigners Avas al-
lowed ; and that the Natives were oppressed by forced
labour, and by other hardships and exactions. I
could find but one recent vrork, with the affected
title of " De Zieke Reisige" (Dutch for " The Sick
Traveller"), or "Rambles in Java in 1852 by a
Bengal Civilian," containing descriptions of the
goodness of the roads, the beauty of the scenery, the
wonderful costume and alleged want of delicacy of the
Dutch, both ladies and gentlemen, and the abomi-
nable Dutch cookery, which, according to this Bengal
civilian's own account, had driven him from the
island, leaving a great pnrt of its beauties unexplored.
This book is a source of constant annoyance to
the English traveller in Java. The author, judging

B 2

4 BATAVIA.

everything by Anglo-Indian ideas, writes of the
manners and costumes of tlie Europeans there, uho
have adopted habits suited to a hot country, in a
manner ^vhich has not only caused general indigna-
tion throughout the island, but has shut the doors
of every house against English strangers, during the
familiar hours of homely deshabille.

On our arrival at Singapore I renewed my in-
quiries, but our countrymen there seemed hardly
better acquainted with the state of Java. They told
me that the Dutch Colonial Government was a secret,
monopolizing, and tyrannical Government, of which
little was knoAvn, except that it was said to be hated
,by its Native subjects, who only wanted encourage-
ment to throw off the Dutch yoke and to return to
English rule.

We arrived in Java, therefore, expecting to find
an oppressed aud poverty-stricken peoT)le, with gene-
ral marks of misgovernment by the Europeans, and
of discontent among the Natives.

Batavia. — On lauding at Batavia, the capital of
Java, we found a state of things not easily recon-
cileable with these anticipations. A large and
flourishing mercantile community of English, French,
and Germans, with general comfort and apparent
cheerfulness among the Natives in the town, some-
what contradicted the accounts we had heard. The
lower classes, composed of Chinese, Javanese, and
Malays, were evidently well off, but there are no

ITS SANITARY CONDITION. 5

Natives in Batavia living in the luxury, and display-
ing the pomp, of the rich Baboos in Calcutta.

Batavia itself is one of the cleanest and prettiest
of cities. The lower or business part of the town,
where the tide rises and falls in the canals, and which
is near the seashore marshes, was formerly very
unhealthy, and is still objectionable at night. The
upper or European part, where the hotels, the clubs,
the opera, and the concert rooms are situated, is
some two miles from the Lower Town ; the canals
there are clear flowing streams ; and epidemical dis-
ease is now rare, even in the Lower Town, and
almost unknown in the Upper.

The frightful periodical mortality, which made
Batavia a by-w^ord under our rule, called for large
sanitary measures. Such have been strictly carried
out by the Dutch since their return, till continual
cleaning, sweeping, and draining have made the
most deadly city in the world an agreeable and
healthy residence.

The municipal regulations on this head, though
stringent, are cheerfully complied with, experieuce
having shown their effect in diminishing disease.
Cleanliness and tidiness are enforced with that scru-
pulous care peculiar to the Dutch; while the ap-
pearance of the streets and houses affords ample
testimony to their constant observance of the excel-
lent Dutch proverb, that " Paint costs nothing.''
Every house and wall, and even the native mat huts.

6 APPEARANCE OF BATAVIA.

must Ijc -wliiteMashcd twice a year ; while dirt,
neglect, and the accumulation of refuse are punish-
able by fine as petty police offences. This penalty,
■which applies equally to unoccupied premises, is
strictly enforced in every case in which a violation
of a law so essential to the health of the community
is discovered by the numerous European police
of the capital ; so that all buildings and yards, as
Avell as all garden and other grounds within the city,
have necessarily to be kept clean and in good order.
The streets are alternately swept and watered three
times a day, and, above all, the drains are carefully
attended to, and constantly flushed. During the
whole period of our stay in Batavia, we were never
oJSended by auy of those offensive smells so frequent
in other Eastern cities.

Batavia has none of the fine houses which give
Calcutta the name of the City of Palaces ; for Java
being subject to earthquakes, the houses are built of
only one story, and consequently have nothing grand
or imposing in their appearance. That perfect order
and strict cleanliness, however, in which they are
kept, compensates in a great measure for their
inferioritv of size.

The Dutch have carried their love of canals with
them to the East ; and, as in the towns of Holland,
a canal forms the centre of every principal street in
Batavia. The carriage way on each bank of the canal
is bordered by rows of trees, and is backed by villas

VILLAS AND GARDENS. 7

and gardens. The villas are low, tile-roofed, one-
storied houses, as bright and dazzling as green paint
and -whitewash can make them. The gardens are
generally laid out in plots of beautiful flowers, set
in emerald-green turf, the rich and variegated colours
of Avhich are brought out by contrast with the
bright yellow of the neatly-kept gravel drives. The
houses and gardens are not shut in by high walls of
masonry, as in Indian towns, but are open to the
road, from which they are only divided by a ditch,
and by a low, well-cHpt Hibiscus hedge, or by a
light railing of small posts, with pendent black
chains. The large trees, in the Batavia streets,
form as peculiar a feature of the town as those on
the Paris Boulevards used to do before they were
cut down, to be made into barricades.

The trees, planted at regular intervals between
the roadway and the canal, are generally young, but
many of those which overhang the gardens are the
most magnificent specimens I have seen of tropical
vegetation. They are of various kinds, but all
selected for beauty of form and of foliage. The
palm species, from which our only English concep-
tion of tropical vegetation is derived, is carefully
excluded] but the peepul, the acacia, and other
large and leafy Indian forest trees have a few re-
presentatives. The great majority of these trees,
however, are of kinds peculiar to the Eastern
Archipelago, with whose names and speciesi am

8 EUROPEAN HOUSES.

unacquainted. A great favourite, and perhaps the
handsomest of all, is a magnificent species, with
bright leaves, like those of the silver birch, while
in height, in spread, and in mass of foliage, it
resembles, but exceeds, the largest elm. These
trees generally stand on each side of the entrance
from the street into the grounds, spreading their
giant arms and their dense shade across the road,
and over a large portion of the garden. Man and
beast, flowers and turf, all seem equally to luxuriate
in their shade; while at a little distance, the
sparkling of their leaves in the sun, as they rustle
in the breeze, makes them sometimes appear like
large pillars of light.

The European houses in Java are all built with
deep front and back verandas, joined, through the
centre of the house, by a wide, open gallery, with
rooms on each side. The usual sitting room in the
evening is the front veranda, in which, always
brilliantly lighted up, the family collect after dinner
to receive visits. The whole interior of the house
is lit with argand lamps, an imusual number of
which give light to the apartment in which the
family are sitting, eight hanging and four moderator
lamps frequently burning in the front veranda alone.
Driving at night along the streets of Batavia, in tlie
European quarter, you are carried past a succession
of such houses, lighted as if for an illumination,
with the family visible in the front veranda, a short

THE ENGLISH IX BATAYIA. D

distance from the road, all, quite regardless of lookers-
on, engaged in their usual occupations, some
reading, some working, and others talking.

The usual dinner hour is half-past six, and from
eight till eleven are the visiting hours. At certain
houses there are fixed evenings in the week for general
reception, but a visit is always welcome on other
days, when the family are at home. The custom
is for young men, after dinner, to drive along the
streets, whence, observing which of their friends'
houses are lighted up, they are enabled, without the
trouble of previous inquiry, and without giving
offence to those whose houses are passed by, to
determine where their evenings may be spent.

I was astonished to find that the English in
Batavia apparently looked upon their residence in
the island with pleasure, and did not consider it
necessary to abuse the country, or to bewail their
exile from England. Some even, of large Oriental
experience, went so far as to say that, for a Dutch
burgher, Java was the earthly paradise, and that,
although strangers do not there possess the same
advantages as Dutchmen, it was a more agreeable
abode, and both as healthy and as profitable for
Englishmen as British India. One English gentle-
man, indeed, who had long lived in Batavia, was in-
dignant at any comparison with Calcutta, saying that
during three Aveeks there spent he had never been
able to breathe comfortably j but he only laughed

10 HEALTHINESS Or CALCUTTA AND BATAVIA.

Avhen I suggested that the reason might be, that he
had inhaled mephitie air so long as to be unable to
endure a purer atmosphere. Monsieur de Castelnau^
the distinguished traveller who headed the French
exploring expedition through South America, and
who was passing through Batavia on a special mis-
sion to Siam, declared that our dispute about the
relative healthiness and comfort of Calcutta and
Batavia as residences, was a strong instance of the
force of habit, and reminded him of the fever-struck
dwellers on the Mississippi, who, though shaking
with ague, would never admit that the locality where
they lived was unhealthy, but always pointed to
some spot farther off, along the river, as the place
where the fever and ague M^re so bad.

Though the English public may perhaps agree
with Monsieur de Castelnau, my Indian readers will
reject the comparison with the scorn which it
deserves, when I inform them that, at Batavia and
along the coast, the heat is no greater than at
JSIadras, and that the hilly interior of Java is blessed
with the delicious climate of the Neelgheries.

After a short stay in Batavia, we proceeded to
make a trip through the hilly interior of the western
end of the island, among high mountains, still
smoking volcanoes, grand and rugged scenery, varie-
gated by the dense foliage and the beautiful flowers
of the Java forests. The exhilarating, bracing air
peculiar to the highlands of tropical countries, the

JAVA POSTING. 11

diversified impressions produced by cliauge of scene,
and, more than all, the ease and comfort of travelling
in Java, are admirably adapted to Indian invalids.

Java Posting. — The means of locomotion in Java
are as good as they were on the Continent before
railways were introduced, and the contrast Avith
India in that respect cannot but strike an English-
man with surprise and regret. The Dutch Govern-
ment takes a comprehensive view of the duties of
the State in this respect, although, like that of
India, it derives no direct benefit from the traffic
which it thus encourages. In Java, all w^ho are
able to afford the expense post in their own car-
riages with government horses. The traveller pays
for the horses at the post-office, the expenses, vrhicli
are considerable, being about four shilHngs a mile.
The chief local Em-opean official, the resident, regu-
lates the traffic along the road, so as to secure to
each set of post-horses six hours^ rest between each
journey. Notice of each traveller's movements is
sent on beforehand to the other residents, that they
may make such preparations as will prevent the
traveller from being delayed by a counter traffic so
large or so frequent as to interfere with the supply
of post-horses.

At the end of each stage, which is generally only
five miles, there is a large tile-roofed shed, built
across the road, sufficiently high for a well-laden
coach to pass under. The coachman pulls up to

1.2 SHED rOR CHANGING HORSES.

change horses beneath this, so that the traveller can
get out of the carriage where he is protected from
the heat of the sun. On each side of the shed are
good stableSj -with raised brick and mortar flooring,
and the neat cottage of the Native in charge of the
posting-station, to whom all complaints are to be
made, and who is bound to render immediate assis-
tance. The horses stand ready harnessed, under the
shed, at the time of your expected arrival, with their
accoutrements in perfect order, all blacked and
polished, and in excellent repair. The change of
horses is effected nearly as quickly as it used to be
in a fast coach in the best of the old coaching days,
» and unless the traveller wishes to alight for refresh-
ment, the journey is continued without much more
than a minute's interruption.

'We used frequently to avail ourselves of the oppor-
tunity of getting out under this large shed, and
while they were changing horses, we made a most
enjoyable breakfast. The large wooden table which
stands at one side was soon decked by the willing
natives with the large, clean, freshly-cut leaves of
the plantain tree. On these the fresh bread, the hard-
boiled eggs, the cold chicken, and the bottle of
claret, which we had brought from our last night's
resting-place, made a tempting display. The post-
master's cottage supplied milk and hot water for the
tea, and generally also fresh eggs for an omelet.
These, and a most commendable Lyons sausage,

PURCHASE OF A CARRIAGE. 13^

which had accompanied iis all the Tray from Batavia,
were rendered doubly acceptable by the improving
health and growing appetite of our dear invalid.
Vi'e used to return to our comfortable English
barouche, and to emerge from the protection of the
shed into the bright sunny landscape beyond, with
grateful hearts and in a happy spirit. L^illustrissima
Dona Carolina Maria de Pinto de Cruz, our Portu-^
guese maid, was sent to sit with her mistress inside,
and a cigar, in the covered rumble of the carriage,
formed the pleasant but prosaic close to our poetie
repast.

If the traveller has no carriage of his own, which
is requisite in posting, he can easily buy one at any
of the large towns, for many good English second-
hand ones are sent out yearly to Java, where a
great demand for them exists, as well by the Dutch
in the island as by travellers. After having finished
his journey he has no difficulty in selling his
carriage again with more or less loss. Ours cost
us 850 florins, or £70 IGs. Sd., and we were lucky
enough on our return to Batavia to sell it for 800,.
but after travelling in the interior a carriage gene-
rally sells for from 200 to 300 florins less than was
given for it.

The form universally used is a barouche on C
springs. Iron rods are fitted to the back of the
front seat, which are carried over and screw on to
bolts fastened to the front of the hood, and over

14 A JAVA CATIIIIAGE.

which a moveable thick double tarpaulin is fitted,
falling at the sides^ and capable of being buttoned
to the edge of the hood. This protects all inside
during the heat of the day or in case of rain, but,
in the morning and evening, the iron rods and tar-
paulin are taken down and stowed away, the hood
is thrown back, and you travel, through beautiful
gcenery, in your comfortable open English barouche,
with six Java ponies galloping merrily along with
you at tea miles an hour. A mat hood is fastened
on the rumble behind, to protect its occupants
during the day. Below^, on irons projecting from
over the axle of the hind wheels, is fixed a long
broad board, about eighteen inches from the ground,
on which the three grooms, or loopers, for the three
pair of Java ponies, jump up behind the carriage.
The coachman drives the whole six in hand, as on.
the Continent, chiefly by great cracking of his whip,
but the grooms watch the horses from their board,
which protrudes enough to enable them to see along
the side of the carriage, and, when necessary, they
jump down, run forward, and flog up the ponies
with the short cart whip which each groom
carries.

The expenditure of horse flesh on the roads, and
generally throughout the island, owing to the active
habits which the Dutch system has introduced among
the better classes of Natives, exceeds the produce of
Java, and large importations of ponies are made

TRAVELLING BY NIGHT. 15

yearly from the neighbouring island of Sandalwood,
and from the province of uNIaugkassar in the island
of Celebes. These and the Java ponies are excellent
animals, strong, sturdy, and fleet, generally from
twelve to thirteen hands high, larger and lighter made
than Burmah ponies, and hardly so stout, but in
other respects much like them.

If you travel by night, an excellent kind of torch
throws a bright light over the carriage and horses,
and over the road in front, without inconveniencing
the traveller either by smell or by smoke. It is
made of long thin slits of dry bamboo, tied up into
a pole as thick as a strong man's arm, and about
eight feet long. This torch burns brightly, and is
kept alight by the quick passage through the air,
being held high up by one of the grooms behind,
who leans it over to one side to let the sparks and
burning embers fall clear of the carriage.

As the whole hilly interior of the island is very
broken, with deep gorges and rushing streams, the
constant help of buffaloes, and of coolies, is required
in the steep passes, and of ferry boats in crossing
the mountain torrents. Admirable arrangements
are made for the immediate supply of all such re-
quirements, and generally for forwarding the traveller
on his journey without delay. Every part of the
road is in charge of a petty native official, answer-
able that everything is kept in constant preparation,
and punishable for all shortcomings, while the

16 FACILITIES rOR TRAVELLING.

wliolc is kept ill a liigli state of efficiency by con-
tinuous European supervision, and by the frequent
unannounced passage of the high European and
native officials of the district.

The Dutch Government considers it one of the
first duties of the State to facilitate the locomo-
tion of the country by rendering it as easy and
agreeable as possible, even though the expense of so
doing should exceed the return, and the State conse-
quently derive no benefit from tHs source. Not- ^^
•withstanding the high price of Government posting
and the large relative number of Europeans in Java,
the traffic of the country is not sufficient to repay
the Government outlay. Where there is most travel-
ling, as near Batavia and the other capitals, private
individuals or companies put post horses on the road,
%Yhich they let out for half the Government price,
or one florin (one shilling and eightpence English)
per mile instead of two, which, with presents for the
grooms and thebuffiilo men, brings Government post-
ing to about 4s. per mile. This of course reduces
the demand for the Government post horses, just
where the large traffic would make the posting pro-
fitable, and "would help to cover the loss on other
districts where there is less travelling. Though the
expenses of Government on the roads, and on
posting establishments, thus exceed the receipts, the
Dutch say that the indirect benefits gained by every
Government, from easy and constant traffic, are

ROADS. 17

such as to make the direct loss a matter of little
comparative importance.

This outlay on island traffic is all the more
praiseworthy, since Java requires it far less
than India. It is a long narrow island. Its
area is, with jNIadura, about 52,000 square miles,
or someM'hat less than England and Wales, the
combined area of Avliich is about 58,000 square
miles ; but its length of 666 miles is rather greater
than that of England and Scotland together, which
are 635 miles. Its breadth varies from 56 to 136
miles, so that no part of the interior is very far
from the sea, Mhich is as native an element to
Dutchman and to Malay as to ourselves, and a few
roads to the sea-coast would have given Java much
better communication than India now enjoys. As
it is, most of the traffic between the three capitals
of Batavia, Samarang, and Soerabaja (pronounced
Soorabaya) goes by sea.

Roads. — The main roads through the Avhole
length of the island, and across it in some places,
were originally made, at the beginning of this
century, by INIarshal Daendels, who had learnt the
importance of roads from Napoleon ; and the other
cross roads have been made at different periods
since we restored Java to the Dutch in 1816.
Along the chief lines of communication the roads
are double, one for cattle, and one for horse and
carriage traffic. The carriage roads are macada-

TOL. I. c

^

18 COUNTRY INNS.

raized, and both the carriage and cattle roads are
kept in excellent order. "With the exception of the
few short lines of railway in India^ Java posting is
the only civilized mode of land travelling in the
East.

Coimiry Inns. — Every twenty, thirty, or forty
miles the traveller comes to a civil station, where he
invariably finds a comfortable country inn, well sup-
plied with wine, beer, European as well as Native
vegetables, good fresh bread, excellent poultry of all
kinds, and occasionally beef.

The hotels are all kept by Europeans appointed by
Government, who are paid a monthly stipend to keep
up a comfortable, well-provided hotel for the conve-
nience of travellers, at fixed prices, the scale of which
is hung up in each room. The cookery, however, is
very unsuited to English tastes, and I should recom-
mend any invalid or delicate lady, going from India
to Java, to take with her an active Portuguese ayah
and a good mug cook. All admit the Java cooks to
be so bad that the hotel-keepers are ouly too glad to
let the Indian cook prepare the dinner, and if he likes
to stay in Java, when his master leaves, he can at
once get employment at high wages. A Portuguese
ayah is less troublesome than an English maid, as
she can stand the sun, and absence of caste is indis-
pensable to make servants, travelling in Java, any-
thing but a nuisance. Most Europeans there
speak French more or less, while none but the most

MOUNTAIN SCENERY. 19

highly educated gentlemen speak English, so that
if either the ayah or the cook came from one of the
French settlements in India, where the Natives talk
French, the convenience of the whole party would be
much promoted. The ayah and cook would travel
in the rumble behind, and the cook would also be
useful in packing the carriage, about which a reason-
able amount of luggage can be easily disposed.

The light swing of a good English barouche, the
change of place and of scenery without eflfort or
fatigue, and the delicious climate of the hilly interior,
act like magic on an invalid.

The morning journeys in the open carriage over
the mountain passes, stamp on the memory many a
picture of gorges and of towering crags to mingle
•with and to rival the recollections of Switzerland.
The former, however, far exceed the latter, in the
beautiful accessories of dense Eastern foliage, and of
bright tropical flowers, sparkling in a far more pearly
dew, and in the magnificence of a far more lordly
sun, throwing the first rays of his rising power over
chequered field and broken valley below. The merry
gallop of the horses gladdens the heart, and calls
back colour and brightness to the faded cheek and
eye that so lately seemed as if never to bloom again.
The beautiful scenery and the fresh crispy air add
zest to returning health and to reviving hope.

The regulations adopted to facilitate travelling in
Java prevent those irritating delays and petty aunoy-

f '>

20 RIDING HORSES AND PALANQUINS.

anccs which nowhere more frequently or more rudely
break the charm of scenery and of clime than in the
gorgeous realms of Hindostan.

Riding horses and palanquins are also provided for
travellers in Java; the former being used chiefly
by young men who wish to avoid expense in travel-
ling, the cost, with coolies to carry their luggage, being
only about threepence or fourpence per mile. Pa-
lanquins and sedan-chairs are used only in cross
districts where there are neither roads nor post horses,
but as these are to be obtained along all the ordinary
lines of communication, this mode of travelling is but
seldom resorted to. The riding of post horses from
stage to stage is unknown in India, palanquins or
palkees being the ordinary means of locomotion over
the largest portion of our Eastern territories. The
]ialkee of Java, however, is superior to that of India
in ease and security. The chief peculiarity which
strikes the Anglo-Indian is that the European offi-
cials in Java do not consider it beneath their dignity
to take care, as required by Government, that even
the humblest palkee traveller who has paid for his
journey shall find the bearers awaiting his arrival at
every stage. These are provided and kept in atten-
dance by the petty native manager of the post stage,
to whom complaints can be made, and who, being
responsible for any default, is bound at once to repair
any mismanagement that may be brought to his
notice. How superioi^ is this to travelling in India,

LOCOMOTION IN INDIA. 21

wliere^ whether in palanquin or in dawk carriage^ so
much discomfort and delay have to he endured, and
where, to meet the deficiencies of those wretched
caravansaries called dawk bungalows, the traveller is
compelled to carry with him his own supplies. The
disgraceful condition of our Indian means of loco-
motion may be further estimated from the fact that,
with the exception of the grand trunk road, most of
the Indian roads are unmetalled, and impassable for
wheeled carriages, v/hile the traffic and the means
provided for its transit are still in the barbarous and
imperfect state in which we found them one hundred
years ago.

Under Native rule, if the roads were bad and
progress slow, the only means of transit being a
rude box carried on men's shoulders, the authority
of the local officials extended to both the roads and
the bearers, and was exercised in favour of the
traveller. At present in Bengal even this security
is wanting, palanquin travelling being in the hands
of the post-office authorities, who have no power or
influence over the people, no control over the state
of the roads, and no interest in rendering the journey
rapid and easy to the traveller.

The Indian postal authorities, when taking your
money, give you a notice that, '' although Govern-
ment permits certain arrangements to be made for
your convenience, it derives no benefit from the
traffic, and that neither it nor its servants can

22 DEFECTIVE ARRANGEMENTS.

be ans^verable for the inconveniences incident to
travelling.^' I will do our Indian postal authorities
the justice to say that^ at least near Calcutta, they
are careful not to disappoint the traveller who may
be anticipating those inconveniences of which they
have spoken, and which will certainly be experienced
by him. The taking of the money, however, is the
main point with them ; your subsequent journey is
apparently left much to hap-hazard. Some postal
Native servant will be permitted, to make such
arrangements for you as he pleases, and you will
probably find that while at some stages bearers are
ready for you, at others you will be set down in
the middle of the road, with the intimation that
there are none. You will then have to stay there
for some hours, till you have succeeded in bribing
some men out of the next village to carry you on.
The native post-ofSce clerks, who are supposed to
provide porters for your palanquin, live at the
station towns, and are not even under the control of
the European oflScials there, so that there is no one
to whom complaint can be made, or througli whom
immediate remedy can be obtained. At the same
time, the repair of the roads is not confided to the
local authorities at the termini between which the
roads run, but each part of a road is under the
officials of the district within whose nominal limits
it happens to be situated. The consequence of thus
neglecting to place the roads and the trafiic upon

CONDITION OF THE EOADS. 23

them under the care of some department of the
Indian Government^ or of some local official, is seen,
in the present deplorable state of Indian communi-
■cation. The condition of the roads, indeed, is
partly due to "want of funds, but the traffic is
greatly impeded by sheer neglect. For this the
Indian Government is directly blaraeable, and, still
more so, for the absence of all control over the
post-office authorities, Tvho, after taking your mouey
on the pretence of providing for your transit, practi-
cally give you up to be plundered by Native clerks
and bearers, "tvithout even a Native local official of the
lowest rank to appeal to through a journey of sixty
or seventy miles. After having paid Government
once for your journey, you often, at least in Bengal,
have to pay much of it over a second time to the
bearers, who have been cheated by the Native
post-office clerk, while complaint seldom brings any
remedy. I know of numerous cases in which claims
have been made on Government for money thus
actually paid twice over, on the roads within eighty
miles of Calcutta, and I have only heard of one
instance in which even a high European official ever
received back anything from the post-office, and
never of any case in which the malpractices of the
post-office clerks were traced back to the culprit and
punished.

When I asked in Java whether, if you had to pay
over again for bearers or for ponies, the money you

24 THE DUSTOOREE TOLL.

originally paid to Government would be returned
to you, I -was told tliat such a thing could hardly
occur ; but that, if it did, not only would your
money be returned to you, but the most searching
scrutitiy -would be made personally by the European
and Native officials, and that the Native Regent and
Wedana would soon discover Avhere the fault lay,
when woe betide the Native who had dared to ap-
propriate money given him to pay to others, or
even to reduce that payment by the slightest
amount.

The abominable Dustooree habit formerly existed
in Java, as it still does in India. It consists in every
Native, through whom any payment is made to
another, levying toll on the money passing through
his hands. The Dutch resisted it, and by making
every instance of it punishable as a petty theft, under
the Regent's or Resident's police powers, at last suc-
ceeded in abolishing it. The consequence was, that
the grinding of the peasant, or the reduction of the
poor man's salary, involved results which were not
willingly braved for such small gains, and that
gradually the habit died out. Now in Java, there-
fore, the peasant or trader generally gets what you
pay for him, without being mulcted by your servants,
and without consequently charging more than he will
take, to cover the perquisite which he knows your
servants will exact.

TJiancljoer Races. — During our journey in the

LOTTERY AT THE REGENt's. 25

interior, I associated with the Dutch officials,
planters, and landed proprietors, as well as with
Englishmen settled in Java, many of whom were
then travelling along the same road as ourselves for
the Tjiandjoer races. These we were fortunate
enough to see, and were astonished to find horses,
trained by the neighbouring regents and other
Native chiefs, competing with the horses of Euro-
peans with success. The Regent of Tjiandjoer and
the Regent of Baudong, who had come to Tjiandjoer
for the race week, each gave a cup ; and they or
some of their chiefs had horses entered for most of
the races.

The evening after our arrival, we English were
invited to meet the other Europeans and the Native
chiefs at the Regent^ s, to draw for the running horses
in a lottery. I found a large assembly of men at
the Regent^s house, which Avas comfortably furnished,
and arranged in the manner of the European houses
in Java. The Regents and the Europeans took their
seats round a table at one end of the long room, and
a number of Native chiefs were seated on chairs at
the other end. The chiefs did not approach the end
of the room where the Regents were, as that would
have involved the necessity of going down on their
knees, the only position in which any Native of in-
ferior rank can approach a Regent ; but the Euro-
peans went among the chiefs at their end of the
room, shaking hands, renewing old acquaintances,.

2G EniOPEAN AND NATIVE INTERCOURSE.

and talking and laughing in a friendly and cordial
manner. I saw the Resident, the only man there
of higher rank than the Regents, holding a long and
lively confabulation with, apparently, one of the least
exalted of the chiefs.

The whole scene was an instance of the genuine-
ness and cordiality of the friendly intercourse
between European and Native, with which I was
much struck.

A lottery Avas drawn for each race, aniid much
laughing at the unfortunate drawers of blanks. The
whole conversation was in Malav, which most of the
Europeans there, even the English, spoke well, but
»\vhicli the Dutch seemed to sj)eak like their mother
tongue ; jokes flew about in Malay, from Native to
European, and vice versa, amid shouts of laughter.
I was lucky enough to draw a horse in one of the
races. After the lottery was over, the horses drawn
were successively put up for sale by auction, and
knocked down to the highest bidder, Avho paid the
amount of the bid, minus a small discount for the
race fund, to the drawer of the horse. As I could
not understand the bidding, which was all carried
on in ]\Ia]ay, I entrusted the sale of my horse to one
of the Dutch gentlemen, who managed it for me so
successfully, as to repay me for all the other lottery
tickets which I had drawn blank.

It did not, however, need any polyglot acquire-
ments to understand the state of feeling between

TJIANDJOEll RACES. 27

Natives and Europeans, -uliicli was^ to me, the most
important part of the scene.

The tAYO days' races showed the same state of
friendly feeling, and of intercourse between Euro-
peans and chiefs, who walked about the stables
together, till the latter retired to their private
stands, whence they could see the races, with their
wives and families, Avithout the etiquette and re-
straint caused by the presence of the Regents and the
official Europeans. In the race-stand, which was
very prettily ornamented with flags and flowers, and
set out with sofas, chairs, and tables covered with
refreshments, were the Europeans, gentlemen and
ladies, as well as the two Regents and their chief or
State wives, who sat among us with unveiled faces,
perfectly at their ease.

The Natives of Java are all Mussulmans, aud the
higher classes do not generally allow their women
to be seen, though the seclusion is much less strict
than in India ; but the Regent's chief wife, who is
always a woman of the highest birth — generally
another Regent's daughter — seems to form an excep-
tion to this rule. At all the Regent's parties she
receives the European ladies aud gentlemen, and
goes unveiled at all times both at home and abroad.
Many of the State wives ride well, and accompany
their husbands out hunting, sitting astride like
Persian women, but without any pretence of cover-
ing their faces. Pride seems to be the cause of this

28 THE REGENTS AND THEIR EAMILIES.

curious exception, it 1)eing assumed that a Momau
of such high rank, l)oth by birth and marriage,
cannot be looked on but with the eyes of respect.

With the Regents and their wives were one or two
of their half-grown children, as well as their nume-
rous Native attendants and a court dwarf to each
Regent. The Regent's immediate people of high
rank, such as his Wuzeer and Jacksa, or minister of
justice, did not squat on the floor like the servants,
but sat on chairs at the back of the stand, unless
called by the Regent, when they approached him,
like all others, on their knees. I was amused to
see the Regent of Bandong's son and heir, a boy
>about ten years old, when called bv the Resent of
Tjiandjoer, whose daughter is the Regent of Ban-
dong's wife, approach crawling on his knees, and
Avhen the old man lifted him to his feet and held
him by his side talking to him, the boy was con-
stantly trying to get down on his knees again.

The Regent of Tjiandjoer is a fine, kind, fatherly
old man, and the open affection which he and his
good homely old State wife showed to their
daughter, and to her gallant and energetic husband,
was a very agreeable sight. The Ranee of Bandong
has no children, but has adopted the Regent of
Bandong's son by one of his other wives, and the
old people treat this adopted sou as if he were their
own grandchild.

After the old Ranee of Tjiandjoer had shaken

JODRNEY TO BANDONG. 29

hands ■with all the Europeans, and she and the
Ranee of Bandong had had good long talks, in
jNIalay, -with the European ladies and gentlemen
present, they retired to a sofa at the side, and had a
quiet chat together, chewing their betel-nut and
using their gold spittoons unconcernedly, but look-
ing out sharply to see if either of tlieir husbands'
horses were winning. When at last one did win, it
was quite pleasant to see the old Ranee, whose fat
nut-brown face shone with glee and delight as the
European ladies all ran to congratulate her, shaking
hands warmly with each, and displaying two rows of
coal-black teeth, in a broad grin of honest joy at
her husband's or son-in-law's success.

Bandong. — When the Tjiandjoer races were over,
we continued our journey to Bandong, situate in a
plain some 2400 feet above the level of the sea,
surrounded bv loftv mountains and volcanoes, and
the head quarters of sport in the western part of
the island.

The Regent and Ranee of Bandong, Avitli their
family, returned home at the same time, travelling in
comfortable English barouches with post horses, but
escorted, from stage to stage, by a mounted retinue
of the local Native officials. We met them often
at the houses of the Europeans, where they are con-
stant guests, a:> well as at the Regent's house, where
the Europeans are frequently entertained. On the
occasion of a nautch, or native ballet^ to which all

30 JAVA NAUTCH.

the ladies of the station came as well as the geutle-
mcu, we were taken by the Ranee over the private
apartments, which are but seldom seen by Europeans.
The public apartments are arranged in the European
manner, but the private apartments were richly fur-
nished with thick carpets, and with broad divans and
pillows, with a great display of krisses, and other
Native arms, rich dresses, and ornaments. These
were the private rooms of the State Ranee, who
showed us over them, but the beauties of the Regent's
harem live apart, secluded in small houses scattered
about the grounds.

Java Nautch. — The nautch was danced by six of
the Regent's private Bayaderes, in a manner differ-
ing from that of the dancing girls in India, slower,
and chiefly consisting of a series of graceful positions
and of movements of the arms and hands. Instead
of remaining on one spot, they moved slowly in two
bodies about the room, performing a series of panto-
mimic dramas. Of those we saw, the prettiest was
a scene representing six brothers, who in one of the
civil wars had taken opposite sides, and who, meeting
in battle, described their contending emotions of
brotherly love and duty to their respective parties.
The manner in which they pointed their arrows at
each other, and then let them drop from natural
affection, would not have discredited the boards of
Her Majesty's Theatre. The dress of these Bayaderes
is pretty ; a kind of gold tiara is worn on the head ;

BANDONG STAG HUNT. 31

a gold corset, tight over tlie hips, drawn in at the
waist, and crossing the breast just under the arms,
leaves the shoulders and bust free ; the JNIalay petti-
coat or sarong, folded close round the body, shows
the movements of the louver limbs, and falls below the
calf, and the naked feet and arms are set off with a
few bracelets and bangles. The dancing girls were
young, with lithe graceful forms, and with as pretty
faces as the ugly Malay type of countenance admits
of. The musical performers, who, in India, destroy
all illusion by banging their discordant instruments
close behind the dancer, and obtruding their dirty
persons on the scene, are in Java kept out of sight,
and the dancers have the stage to themselves. The
music, which mostly consists of slow movements on
large metal harmonicons, is well modulated and
pleasing. Altogether the Eegent of Baudong's nautch
was by far the best I have seen in the East.

Bandonc/ Staff Hunt. — We were fortunate also in
seeing, at Bandoug, one of the grand autumn stag
hunts peculiar to the Preanger. Most of the Euro-
peans in the neighbourhood, whether official or other-
wise, joined in the sport, together with about five
hundred mounted Natives, including the Regent
himself, and almost every Native official of the
regency, and large numbers of the peasantry. Many
of the horses were of Arab or Australian blood,
though the great majority of the Natives rode mere
Java ponies, and all were ridden without stirrups, and

32 A DAY S SPORT.

either barebacked, or uith a mere pad. Each man
cai'ried by his side the goluck, or Java knife, some
two feet long, like a short swoi'd.

We rode in detached groups over a large grassy-
plain, and -whenever a deer, buck, or doe started out
of the long grass, the nearest group rode at it. The
running Avas taken iip by every group the game came
near, till it was caught and cut down, by the first
man who could succeed in striking it across the back
with his knife. The head and neck are the sporting
perquisite of the man who cuts it down, the body
belongs to the Regent as lord of the country and of
the game. Every man in the field rode as fairly and
independently as an English farmer, regardless of
any rank but the Regent's ; European and Native
jostled and hustled for the first cut, in good humour
and without rudeness, but the Natives' horses were
so good, and they rode so well and so boldly, that
not a single European there got a head. Between
8 A.M. and noon we killed forty-nine deer of the large
Scotch red-deer kind ; but I was told that the number
was much smaller than usual, and that, at these
grand hunts, which occur periodically in September
and October, after the grass has been burnt,
there have been sometimes hundreds killed in a
day.

We then adjourned to breakfast in a summer-
house, on the top of a hill well out in the plain, where
the European ladies had been watching the sport.

I

STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 33

The breakfast was given by the Regent, who himself
presided, eating and drinking like the rest, and who
formally ofiered to each European a share of the
venison, which had been brought in by mounted
buffaloes, employed to beat the more swampy and
jungly parts of the ground.

The long lines of buffaloes beating the jungle, the
gaudy dresses, and the brightly gilt mushroom-shaped
hats, of the Natives galloping in different directions,
with perhaps a dozen deer on foot at the same time,
the deep blue sky, the glowing sunshine, and the
bright tinted hills surrounding the plain, made alto-
gether one of the prettiest scenes it has ever been my
lot to witness.

State of the Country. — I made various expeditious
to see the scenery and plantations, besides several
shooting excursions after rhinoceros, wild cattle, and
deer, all of which are numerous about Bandong, and
thus 1 had many opportunities of seeing out-of-the-
way parts of the coimtry. These excursions, together
with the general kindness and hospitality of both
oflScials and planters, my being fortunately able to
speak French and German, and the pains taken to
answer my interminable questions, and to give me
information, enabled me to form an opinion ou the
state of the country and of its inhabitants.

Europeans. — The European planters and landed
proprietors are men of education aud refinement,
holding social positions by family and by fortune,

VOL. I. D

34 NATIVE CHIEFS.

equal to tlie Dutch civilians or to the Indian civil
servants. Their plantations and estates show much
careful management^ -with considerable outlay in im-
proving the cultivation, and in adding to the material
welfare of their tenants and work-people. The Euro-
peans of all classes, who are relatively more numerous
in Java than in India, speak the native languages
fluently, and English, as well as Dutch, associate on
friendly and equal terms with the high Native offi-
cials, and treat the other Natives with consideration
and kindness.

Native Chiefs. — The Natives of rank are all chiefs,
and either present or expectant salaried servants of
the Dutch Government ; but with the exception of
the chiefs in the Preanger districts, and some very
few in other parts of the island, none of them are
landed proprietors. They are active, frank co-ope-
rators with the Europeans in business and in sport.
The Regent was consulted about the shooting expe-
ditions, and sent orders to the local chiefs to get
beaters and trackers for us, and to furnish us with
horses and buffaloes when required. I was astonished
to find that it was not the Dutch officials, but really
the Ilegent and his chiefs, wlio governed the regency,
though under the supervision of the European autho-
rities ; and few points of contrast with India struck
me more than the personally stirring habits of the
chiefs, who, so far from being sunk in sloth and sen-
suality as in Raffles' time, are now actively engaged.

PEASANTRY. 35

Avith considerable euergy, in officially governing the
people under European superintendence.

The extravagant Javan forms of respect are, with
some small modifications, still rendered to all in the
manner described in Raffles' ''History of Java,"
Natives of equal rank bowing politely to each other,
and all squatting down at the approach of a European
or of a Native superior. Near Batavia, where the
influence of the Native chiefs is counterbalanced bv
the large number of Europeans, these forms are not
so generally observed as in the interior, where the
Native officials exact their strict performance, both
towards Europeans and themselves, alleging the
maintenance of the old customary forms of respect
to be indispensable to a due regard for authority.

Peasantrij. — The lower classes of Natives are fairly
industrious, the Native cultivation is excellent, and
the artificial works of terracing and irrigation are
extensive and well looked after, while the people are
cheerful, apparently happy, and the richest peasantry
I have seen in any country but North America.
Beggars, whether religious or from want, must be
very scarce, for we did not see one during our whole
stay in the island ; the general prosperity, with
the strong ties of family affection and mutual support,
which are the most honourable characteristics of
Indian races, leaving but few objects, in Java, for the
large charity inculcated and practised by all good
Mussulmans.

D 2

3G COTTAGES.

Cottages. — The peasants' huts around Bandong,
even in out-of-the-way places, are as good as the
shop-keepers' huts in Indian villages. They arc tile
or thatch-roofed buildings with plank or mat walls,
supported on wooden frames, and raised a foot or
two from the ground by short stone or brick pillars.
Each hut stands in its own compound or yard, sur-
sounded by a low Hibiscus hedge, the entrance
through which is generally by a swing bamboo gate
under an arch of creepers. The same enclosure
contains queer upright, lozenge-shaped, mat store-
houses for grain, also raised on supports, and open
stables, with brick flooring and projecting roofs. Tlie
huts are comfortably furnished, according to Native
ideas, with many utensils and household articles, and
every peasant is clothed from head to foot, except
when actually labouring in the fields. I was assured
that almost every cottier had his own plough and
buffaloes, and that many had likewise a cart and
horse ; and the number of huts with stables, as well
as the numerous buff"aloes, carts, and ponies, all over
the country, corroborated the assertion.

The most marked peculiarity, however, is the neat-
ness, cleanliness, and good repair of the whole. Every
brick or wood post and upright is whitewashed twice a
year, while the plank walls are constantly being
scrubbed, the mat ones mended, and the roofs repaired.
The space round the house is kept free from manure or
rubbish, well swept and shaded by trees^ and the sur-

THEIR CLEANLINESS AND ORDER. 37

rounding hedge, clipped as close as privet and covered
with the red Hibiscus flower, sets off the bright foliage
and clean vista Avithin. The bamboo gate and arch are
neatly put together and well finished, and any break
in the hedge is stopped by a strong durable bamboo
fence, which has to be kept up till the hedge itself
becomes a real barrier. The various household
articles are not littered about, but ranged away neatly
in boxes and on shelves. The roads and lanes in
Baudong run, for miles, between hedges and cottages
in such perfect order, that one is almost inclined to
believe that Native makeshifts have given way to
proper appliances, and that Native disorder has been
superseded by " a place for everything, and every-
thing in its place.''

These habits were as foreign to the natives in Java,
as in India, till the Dutch made dirt and neglect
punishable as petty police offences, enforcing tidiness
and constant cleansing and repair, both for sanitary
and for civilizing purposes. The exertions and ex-
ample of the Native chiefs are still more effectual,
and the Dutch estimate the character of a Regent,
by the state of the cottages in his station town. It
is said that the peasants themselves soon learn to
appreciate the beauties of cleanliness and order, and
voluntarily apply themselves to the improvement of
their houses and gardens.

The possession of these material benefits has been
acquired by a degree of industry foreign to the Java

38 SUPPOSED NATIVE HATRED OF THE DUTCH.

peasant^s habits, hut exacted of him by his Dutch
masters. What the forced labour of the country is
will be explained hereafter, but meanwhile my readers
must be satisfied with the assurance that the Java
peasant enjoys his advantages, without being visibly
sensitive to the exactions he is supposed to endure.
From what I saw, and from what the English I met
in the interior told me, I believe that no country in
the East can show so rich or so contented a
peasantry as Java, and, though unable myself to
speak with the cottier, I was assured by the English
that his present condition is a very emdable one, and
a great contrast to his former life of poverty and
crime, under the old regime of dirt and idleness.

Mistaken Idea of Native Hatred of the Dutch. —
One English gentleman, whom I met, had been
manager for many years of the Pamanuchan estate,
one of the largest of the few private estates in Java.
I was told that he had the faculty of making himself
much loved by the ryots, and that his services were
consequently in great demand, as his management
attracted hands to the estate, thereby raising its in-
come and value. I asked him as to the truth of
what I had heard, about the Natives hating the
Dutch, for that all I had seen led to a contrary
conclusion. He told me that some of the land-
owners, planters, and managers were harsh, or less
kind than others, and therefore disliked ; but that
the limitation of the claim on the cottier, as well as

NO TRACES OF NATIVE DISCONTENT. 39

the restriction on the European's personal interference
with him, prevented active tyranny. He said that
the fear of revenge from the vindictive character of
the INIalay races, and the necessity of attracting hands
for cultivation and improvement, caused the peasant
to be almost invariably treated with kindness and
patience on private estates ; and that, on the Govern-
ment lands, the cottiers were only liable to pay their
old accustomed proportions of produce and of labour,
the latter of which was frequently remitted when
not required for public works. Of Native discontent
or dissatisfaction against the Dutch, I did not see a
trace, and he assured me he did not believe such a
feeling existed in Java. It certainly does exist in
Sumatra,in Borneo, and in other half-conquered depen
dencies, where the despotic conduct, adopted to esta-
blish Dutch power, has not been modified by the riches
and by the considerate treatment derived by the
Natives of Java from the culture and administrative
svstems. The difierence of the rule in Java and in
the half-conquered dependencies which have most
intercourse with Singapore, is the only way of
accounting for the diametrically opposite estimates
of Dutch policy made by our countrymen there
and in Batavia. In Java, as far as I could see or
learn, the Native looked to the European for help
and for advice, and the intercourse between them was
respectful on one side and kind on the other.

The Java Administration at least successful. — I felt

40 SUCCESS OF THE JAVA ADMINISTF.ATION.

convinced that the Dutch administration of the
island; except in a few points, was really excellent,
and could not but regret that it should be so little
known to Englishmen, when, at every step, I met
the solution of some present Indian difficulty, which,
whether right or wrong, was at least successful.

I was so struck with the contrast in many things,
not only to what I expected but to what T had seen
in India, that, on ray return to Batavia, I addressed
myself to Mr. Fraser, the British consul, to test. the
accuracy of my conclusions, and to learn the explana-
tion of the data on which I had formed them. This
Scotch gentleman, whose superior abilities and cha-
racter are well known to the English Foreign Office,
and whose long residence in Java, and thorough
knowledge of the people, make him a most competent
judge, assured me that the welfare which I had seen
in the Preanger and Buitenzorg residencies Avas not
only genuine, but was hardly equal to that in other
parts of the island which I had not time to visit.
He told me that the general English idea of the
Dutch Colonial Government, however true of the old
Dutch East India Company's system, which is re-
probated by none more heartily than by the modern
Dutch, is perfectly false as to the present state of
Java and its administration.

I also made inquiries on various subjects from the
merchants in Batavia, French and German as well as
English, and found a curious agreement among them.

MISTAKEN CHARGES OF SECRECY. 41

both in praise and in blame, regarcUng the policy of
the Dutch Government in Java.

Mistaken Charges of Secrecy. — The general igno-
rance existing in regard to that policy did not arise,
it was said, from secrecy ; for it was impossible to
have a larger or more exhaustive account in minute
detail than was yearly published, first in the
" Government Gazette," and afterwards in the
" Colonial Report," for the previous year, presented
to the States-General. These Dutch Parliamentary
Blue Books, with which I subsequently made
acquaintance, contain certainly such an account of
the Dutch East Indies, from vear to year, as not
a sin-?le one of England's colonies can show : and
much of the statistical information in this book is
derived from the first Dutch Colonial Report, that for
184;9, and those for 185-1, 1855, and 1857.

The yearly statement of the Colonial jMinister
to the States- General is also published, together
with the discussions thereon, which are not only
careful and exhaustive, but of such general interest
to the Dutch in Holland as to excite Parliamentary-
attention, instead of the dispersive effects produced
on our Parliament by the Indian budget. The
Java budget has the interest of announcing a yearly
subsidy, from Java to Holland, generally of about
three millions sterlincc, a subsidy which relieves the
members of the States-General, and the people of
Holland, from so much personal taxation. This

42 ANNUAL COLONIAL REPORTS.

announcement secin^es the attention of the Dutch
Parliament to the proper internal government of
Java, to its present material and social condition,
and to the future prospects of the country from
■which so important a subsidy is drawn. The home
Government is consequently obliged to present to
the home Parliament, not merely a financial budget
for the colony, but also a full and detailed account
of the agricultural, the industrial, the commercial,
and the social conditions of Java and of its
dependencies. The ample details supplied to the
Colonial Minister by the Governor-General, can
only be ascertained by examining the wonderful
, mass of colonial information contained in the yearly
published Colonial Keports.

While such are the ample means of information
yearly published to the world, the absence of local
discussion in the press prevents this knowledge
reaching either to the mass of the Dutch, or to the
inhabitants of the neighbouring colonies. Practi-
cally, Dutch public spirit does not run to print, and
the Government of Java, like that of most Conti-
nental States, keeps a firm hand on the press ; so that
the defects and advantage of the political system of
the time are not brought to notice by public criticism.

Any idea of secrecy was scouted by my informants,
but it was facetiously remarked that the Dutch could
hardly be expected to publish in English, and that
the Java Government might justly think it unfair.

GOVERNMENT MONOPOLY. 43

that, notwithstanding the minute and ample yearly
account given to the world, in Dutch, they should still
be called a secret Government, by such of the English
as are too ignorant to read Dutch, or too careless
to ascertain the real state of facts from those who
can.

Of Monojjoly. — Anything like Government mono-
poly, properly so called, exists only, as in India, in
opium and salt, and in one other article, gambier,
which is imported like opium, for Native consump-
tion, and the limited distribution of which to the
people social and sanitary considerations have deter-
mined the Government to reserve in its own hands.
The exclusive right of exporting the produce of the
Java crown lands, given to the Nederlandsche Handel
Maatschappij, or Netherlands Trading Society, has
helped to maintain the old mercantile tradition of
Government monopolies in Java. The real relations
of Government and of the Trading Society are ex-
plained in the subsequent chapter on Trade ; but the
private merchants in Java complain that about two-
thirds of the produce of the island are thus excluded
from coming to their hands for export. It was
admitted that this produce was obtained by Govern-
ment from the crown lands, as hereafter explained,
and that not only all the produce of the private estates
in Java, but a large portion of that raised on the
crown lands, came into the hands of the private trade,
and was larger than the whole produce for export would

44 THE SriCE MONOPOLY.

have been Avitliout Government outlay. But
though this monopoly of the right of export con-
ferred on one company was blamed^ it was admitted
that Government itself retained no monopoly what-
ever, except in the local distribution of salt, of opium,
and of gambler, and that the spice monopolj'', so fre-
quently imputed to the Java Government, even in
late publications, had no existence whatever. Every
one, they said, was at perfect liberty to grow any
spices he pleased, or to buy and export any spices
grown by others, but that, practically, spices paid so
much worse than anything else, that they were only
grown on the crown lands, the produce of which was
exported to Europe for sale on account of the Dutch
Government. The fact of the Dutch Government
thus being the only seller of spices, has kept up the
idea that their former spice monopoly is still in ex-
istence ; whereas, beyond all doubt, nothing of the
kind has existed in Java since the English conquest,
or in any part of the Dutch East Indies since 1824,
when the spice monopoly, in Amboyna and in the
rest of the Molucca group, was abolished. The high
differential and protective duties in favour of goods
imported direct from Holland, and on produce ex-
ported to that country, and the disabilities of
foreigners as compared with the Dutch, were blamed
by the free-traders, and supported by the protec-
tionists ; but excited no more feeling than the Corn
Law and the Navigation Laws did, in England,

TYRANNY. 45

before the agitation had begun for their repeal, or
than the Alien Act and foreigners^ disabilities do at
the present day. Whether such laws are wise or
foolish is still matter of discussion in Java, but all
agree that they do not justify any charge either of
monopoly or of tyranny.

Of Tyranny. — As to tyranny I was assured, what
indeed I had seen, that the Government was a con-
siderate paternal Government to the Natives, but
despotic in its requirements, and selfish in its ends :
descending into minute details, and applying great
wisdom and knowledge of Native character to secure
the material w^elfare of the people, but, to avoid all
risk of discontent and disturbance, refusing them
European education, or the opportunities of learning
a better creed. There are European schools and
missionaries in Java, both under charge of Govern-
ment, but their action on the Native population is
carefully controlled, and put under much restriction.
They are chiefly occupied with the half-breeds, and
with the other intermediate races at the sea-ports ;
but in the interior, the Natives are practically denied
European education, andare secured against missionary
efforts for their conversion. As to Europeans, and
particularly foreigners, the passport, police, and
security regulations Avere blamed as tiresome, incon-
veuient, and useless, but certainly not tyrannical.

The control exercised by Government over
Europeans in their dealings with the Natives, was

46 EEAL GROUNDS TOR CENSURE.

called tyrannical interference by some young Dutcli-
mcn, the value of Avhose judgment I did not
estimate highly, as they at the same time expressed
a wish for the return of English rule, on the flatter-
ing grounds, that our free and liberal policy would
at once convert the crown lands into private
estates, would deprive the Native grandees of all
power, and that every European would then be
allowed to deal as he liked with the peasantry,
instead of, as at present, being tyrannically limited
to such means of making monev as are neither
injurious nor offensive to the Native.

Real Grounds for Censure. — The complaints as to
the trade and to the treatment of foreigners are no
doubt well founded, and the Dutch regulations on
these points are the more deserving of censure as
they are purely European questions, where antiquated
measures, unsuited to the liberal ideas of the nine-
teenth century, are both uncalled for, and opposed
to the wisdom marking the administration in other
respects. Paternal despotism is not a favourite form of
Government with Englishmen in the East any more
than inEngland, but a compai-ison between the present
condition of the Natives of India, under an uncou-
trolling, or, as they consider it, a careless Govern-
ment, and the material welfare of the Natives of
Java, under a judiciously paternal Government,
cannot but suggest doubts whether our English
ideas of entire freedom of action, for right or wrong.

BENEFITS OF DUTCH GOVERNMENT. 47

are as suited to Orieutals as a European modifica-
tion of the controlling and paternal character
which they consider an attribute of all good Govern-
ment.

A stronger and juster censure is due to the
refusal of all the civilizing tendencies of European
education to the Isative of Java, and to the actual
prohibition of attempts, unconnected with Govern-
ment, to convert him from his debasing INIussulman
creed to the exalting light of Christianity.

With these exceptions, the merchants in Bata'via,
and particularly the English, spoke well of Java and
of the Dutch Government.

They said that both the Europeans and the
Natives were in a high state of material prosperity ;
that the interests of the European were much con-
sidered by Government ; and that large opportunities
were supplied to him for profitable employment,
both of his capital and his intelligence, while the
prejudices of the Native were respected, his ideal
of power and of place gratified, and all thus made
useful to the state. The difierent lines marked out
for each race, according to their peculiar require-
ments— gain for the European, power for the Native
— prevented competition or clashing interests ; while
mutual benefits, depending on common labours,
secured mutual co-operation and good will between
both. The consequence was, they said, a very
general contentment on the part of the governed

48 ADVANTAGES OF THE CULTURE SYSTEM.

uith the existing state of tilings, and on the part of
the Government, a large revenue per head, no debt,
and a yearly increasing surplus to be sent as tribute
to Holland.

Prosperity and contentment among the people,
and good will between European and Native, united
with a large revenue and surplus income for the state,
were so exactly the requirements of India, that I
anxiously inquired as to the means by which such
ends were achieved. I was told that they were due
to the culture system, to the government of the
Natives through their old aristocracy, to the absence
of competition between European and Native, to the
distinctive privileges of the high Natives, and to the
exalted prestige of the European.

Advantages of the Culture Systein. — Of these the
most important is the culture system, as the basis on
which the material prosperity of both rulers and
ruled is founded. It is merely an admirable means
of quickly developing the resources of the soil, under
such conditions as to secure large direct profits to
both Government and people. In the carrying of
it out, in Java, Government adopts one principle, to
which we should object in India, viz.. Government
trade competition with the private merchants. But,
as will be hereafter shown, that is a mere excrescence
on an excellent plan, and totally apart from the wise
principles of the culture system, which, in Java, have
raised the revenue to 16.?. 6d. per head of gross

SURPLUS REVENUE FROil INDIA. 49

income, with only Is. 6^d. per head direct land-
tax, instead of, as in India, only about os. O^d.
per head of gross revenue, of which 25. S^d. per
head is taken directly from the soil.

With the same gross revenue per head from India
which the Dutch derive from Java, not only without
impoverishing the Xative peasant but in making him
rich, we should have an income, from the 132 millions
of people under our direct rule, independent of the
Native states, of over 108 millions sterling per
annum ; not only enough to govern India effectively
and to cover it with public works, but leaving
surplus enough to pay off the Indian debt, and also
to relieve England's taxation, as the surplus revenue
from Java now does that of Holland.

It may be said that the result of the attempt to
make America contribute to the expenses of England,
would prevent the experiment being renewed in
India; but, to say nothing of the difference between
the Americans and the iNatives of India, it will be
seen by the revenue tables that the Java surplus of
3 to 31 millions sterling is about the difference
between the reproductive expenditure, the price at
which produce is delivered to Government, in re-
payment of advances, and the East India revenue in
Holland, or the price paid for the same produce by the
European consumer. In other Avords, Java does not
really pay to Holland anything but a certain amount
of coffee, sugar, Szc, for which Java receives a large

VOL. I. E

50 SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

return, and it is tlic European consumer who pays
the surplus revenue to Holland. The Java culture
system has all the advantages of the present Indian
opium system, minus the monopoly and the immo-
rality, and with the additional advantage of enriching
Native and European, as well as the Government.
No amount of revenue, derived by England from
India in that manner, could be other than a blessing
to India, and, as in Java, a cause of attachment
instead of rebellion.

As will be shown hereafter, the culture system
is carried on entirely by free labour, and this, as
well as some other parts of the Dutch policy in
» Java, might be applied to India, without infringing
any principle of English freedom, with great advan-
tage to both Europeans and Natives, and with an
immense increase of revenue.

Sources of my Information. — The more I perceived
the real, as well as apparent, contrast between the
state of the two countries, the more anxious I
became to ascertain the real causes of the difference,
and to learn the policy vthich made Java rich,
happy, and peaceful, while India was poor, discon-
tented, and in rebellion.

For this information Mr. Eraser referred me to
a gentleman whose intimate acquaintance with the
whole details of government in Java is only equalled
by his talents and courtesy. That gentleman-'s
kindness, and the pains he took in explaining to me

MY OBLIGATIONS TO JAVA OFFICIALS. 51

the Dutch system, demand ray ^varmest personal
thanks, though, I am aware, he was also actuated by
the hope that the means which had made the happi-
ness of his adopted home might tend to the welfare
of the millions of India.

Mr. Ament, whose permission I hare for giving
him as my chief authority, is a retired civilian of
the highest grade. His last appointments in the
service were those of Director of Produce and Govern-
ment Stores, and Director of Revenue and Domains
for the Dutch East Indies. His previous career,
instead of being confined to the Secretariat, had
been spent in various parts of Java, first in the
introduction and working of the culture system, and
afterwards in the go^ernment of a province for
many years, as Resident of Cheribon. Both bv
his antecedents and position, therefore, as well as by
his general acquirements, !Mr. Ament was perhaps
the most competent person to give me the fullest
and most reliable details of the nature and results
of the culture and revenue systems in Java. I have
also to express my gratitude to His Excellency the
Governor-General, Monsieur Pahud, who directed
every department of Government to supply Mr.
Eraser, for my use, with any information required.
Monsieur Van Bloemen "Waanders, Inspector of
Cultures, was so kind as to coiTCct my account of
the culture system in some points in which I had
misunderstood Mr. Ament, and to supply me with

E 3

52 SOURCES or information.

mucli useful iuformation which I had failed to
obtain during mv stay in Java. ^NIv grateful
acknowledgments are due to the Director of
Finance^ M. Diepeuheira, and to the Bookkeeper-
General^ M. Barkmeyer, for many valuable details
relating to the Dutch East Indian finances. The
accuracy of the particulars given in the chapter on
Trade is guaranteed by the Hon. A. Prins, one of
the most talented of the Dutch members of council,
and by Mr. Fraser, whose position as British Consul,
and as an English merchant largely engaged in the
Java trade, renders his judgment on all that apper-
tains to commercial matters of conclusive authority.
From Mr. Bruyin Kops I obtained much useful
information regarding the Dutch East Indian trade.
On the important heads of justice and police my best
thanks are inadequate to express my obligations to my
brother barrister M. der Kinderen, Chief Greffier of
the Supreme Court, who communicated to me a paper,
written by himself, explaining the judicial system of
Dutch India, from whicli I have derived much of
the information now given respecting that system.
As the author possesses no professional knowledge on
the subjects of the army and navy, such knowledge as
he has been enabled to obtain respecting them, may
he regarded rather as a guide to future inquiry than
anything like a satisfactory account of these most
important branches of government in the East.
In the chapters on the Treatment of Europeans,

MY OBLIGATIONS TO MR. FRASEH. 53

and on the Relations of Europeans and Natives,
derived chiefly from my own observations in the
island, I am bound to acknowledge that my remarks
on the passport and security systems, and on the
disabilities of foreigners, are considered by Mr.
Fraser as too severe on the Dutch Government ;
but the general tone of the foreigners whom I met
in Java is fau'ly represented by my comments.
This, indeed, is one of those subjects on which
Mr. Fraser can scarcely be considered a fair judge,
his high standing in the best society of Batavia
having preserved him from the annoyances suffered by
the generality of foreigners. On all other points
this book Avill owe specially to him any little value
it may possess as an accurate representation of the
country. He directed me to the best sources of
information ; and if this book should succeed in
remoA'ing some of the prejudices still entertained
against the colonial administration of the Dutch
East Indies, to ^Slr. Fraser and not to me will be
due the thanks of his adopted country.

54

CHAPTER II.

JAVA BEFORE 1830.

Section I.— UNDER THE DUTCH TILL THE ENGLISH
CONQUEST IN 1811.

MONOPOLY EEVENtTE — STATE OF THE PEOPLE — EXPECTED
EESULTS OF FEEE TKADE Ayn FEEE LABOITE.

Section II.— UNDER THE ENGLISH PRO:\I 1811 TO

1816.

NEW STATE OF THE PEOPLE — ENGLISH EEVENTTE — EIGHTS
IN THE SOIL — ETOTWAEREE ESTABLISHED — STOTWAEEEE
EENT — JUSTICE — POLICE — SALE LAAVS — THEIE PAETIAL
EEPEAL BY THE DUTCH.

Section III.— UNDER THE DUTCH FROM 1816 TILL

1830.

TEADE — CUSTOMS — SHIPPING LAND TAX — PvYOTWAEEEE

ABOLISHED — OLD LAND TENUEE AND EENT UNDEE NATIVE
EULE— LANDLORD PKOPEETY — PEASANT PEOPEETY — PRE-
SENT JAVA LAND TENURE — LABOUE EENT — PEODUCE EENT
— LAEGE EUEOPEAN LANDOWNERS — lilPEDIlIENTS TO
EUEOPEAN LANDED PEOPEETY IN INDIA — CONTEAST
BETWEEN EEVENUE LAND SALES IN JAVA AND IN INDIA —
DIFFEEENT OPEEATION OF DECREE LAND SALES IN THE
TWO COUNTRIES — BENEFIT TO JAVA OF EUEOPEAN LAND-
OWNEES — NO MIDDLEMEN — EEVENUE FEOM 1817 TO 1830
— POPULATION — DEFICIT AND DEBT — ANALOGY OF JAVA
BEFOEE 1830 WITH INDIA IN 1856 — ATTEMPTS AT EETEENCH-
MENT — EXPENDITUEE STILL IN EXCESS OF INCOME.

MONOPOLY REVENUE. 55

To show clearly the great progress made of late
years in Java, it is necessary to revert shortly to the
former condition of the island ;

1st. Under the Dutch prior to the English con-
quest in 1811 ;

2nd. Under the English from 1811 to 1816;

3rd. Under the Dutch, carrying on the English
system, to the arrival of General Van den Bosch as
Governor- General in 1830.

SECTION I.

UNDER THE DUTCH PRIOR TO THE ENGLISH CONQUEST.

The policy of the Dutch East Indian Government
and the state of the people during this first period, as
described by Sir Stamford Raffles in his " History of
Java/' and by Crawfurd in his '^ History of the Indian
Archipelago,"* may be shortly stated as follows.

Monopoly Revenue. — The revenue was entirely
derived from monopoly of two kinds, ruthlessly up-
held, viz., the Monopoly of Production of certain
more valuable crops limited in amount, so as to
maintain a high price in Etrrope, and of which all the
surplus was destroyed ; and Monopoly of Trade in all
products, which could only be sold at very inadequate
prices to the Dutch East India Company, and were

* Eaffles' History, Int. xxiii to sxsviii, vol. i. pp. 71, 214,
222, 243, 249, 256, 257, 313; vol. ii. p. 1G5. Crawfurd's
History, vol. ii. pp. 341, 344 to 348, 358 to 361, and Ibid, chap,
ix. passim. See also vol. iii. chap. 3.

■^

56 STATE OF THE PEOPLE.

either exported, or retailed by them for consumption
in the island. This monstrous system led to the
gradual ruin and destruction of the Dutch East
India Company at the end of last century, after
which the monopolies were continued by the Dutch
Government in a more mitigated form till the Eng-
lish conquest.

State of the People. — The people were left to the
uncontrolled oppression of the Native chiefs.

No security was provided for person or property,
either of the people against the chiefs, or of the
chiefs against the Native ruler, or against each other,
or against the Dutch.

The old Native corrupt and vicious administrations
of justice and police were maintained, uncontrolled
by the Dutch courts, except in the neighbourhood of
Batavia, and except in support of the monopoly laws,
breaches of which, when committed by Natives, were
severely punished, in some cases even with death.

The lower classes were subject to exactions of
labour and to forced deliveries, without limit, reason,
or mercy.

The result to the people was great misery and
constant emigration from the Dutch part of Java into
the Native states.

The result to Government was, that the population
of the Dutch part of Java, amounting to about three
millions* in joint village communities, produced a
* Raffles' History of Java, vol. i. p. 70.

EXPECTED RESULTS OF FREE TRADE. 57

gross revenue of only two and a half millions of Java
rupees in 1805.* This was raised by INIarshal
Daendels' tyrannical but energetic measures to three
and a half millions of rupees in 1810,* just before
the English conquest.

It is but right, however, to say, that the Dutch,
while admitting their old colonial rule to have been
most objectionable in many ways, deny the syste-
matic atrocities imputed to them by Raffles and
CraAvfurd, both of whom the Dutch sav distorted
the facts and working of their old Colonial Govern-
ment, which was only known to these authors by
hearsay.t The fact seems to be, that, as the finan-
cial difficulties of the Dutch East India Company
increased towards the end of last century, and the
French Revolution extended its troubles to Holland,
the Dutch Colonial Agents resorted to measures of
oppression formerly unknown, but the memory of
which was rife at the period of our conquest.

Expected Results of Free Trade and Free Labour. —
That Dutchmen then, as well as now, were actuated
by feelings of kindness to the Natives, and that some
of them possessed enlightened views, then rare in any
country, is shown by various Dutch publications of
the end of last century. Among others those of Mr.
Dirk Van Hogendorp contained advanced perceptions

* Raffles' Histoiy, vol. i. p. 343.
t Mr. C. J. Temrainck's " Coup d'ceil general sur les posses-
sions Neerlandaises dans I'lnde Archipelagique," vol. i. p. 13.

58 FREE TRADE AND EREE LABOUR.

of the advantages of free trade, free labour, and fixity
of tenure, which Sir Stamford Raffles quotes Avith
approbation.

Subsequent events will be seen to lend peculiar
interest to the following passage fi'om Mr. Hogeu-
dorp^s book, as translated in the introduction to
Raffles' " History of Java" (p. xxxix) :—" When the
exclusive and oppressive trade of the Company, the
forced deliveries, the feudal services, in short, the
whole system of feudal government is done away with,
and when the effects of this important revolution are
felt in the certain increase of cultivation and trade,
then," observes Mr. Hogendorp, " the limits of pro-
> bability will by no means be exceeded, in estimating
the aggregate of the revenues of Java^, in progress of
time, at twelve millions of rix-doUars, or twenty-four
millions of guilders, annually." To which Sir Stam-
ford Raffles, in 1817, after the experience of his own
Government, adds (p. 40) : — " This statement, calcu-
lated with reference to the comparative produce of
the West India Islands, has been generally considered
by the colonists as exhibiting a very exaggerated view
of what the island could, under any circumstances,
afford, and by many as too wild a speculation to de-
serve attention ; but to this it should be added, that
the plan on which it was founded, viz., an entire
change in the internal management of the country,
was considered as equally wild and romantic by those
Avho declaimed the loudest against the possibility of

NEAV STATE 0¥ THE PEOPLE. 59

these advantages accruing, and that, notwithstanding
the doubts then entertained of its practicability, that
measure has been actually carried into effect with-
out producing any of the consequences depicted by
the advocates of the old system, and, as far as a
judgment can yet (in 1817) be formed, -with all the
advantages anticipated by Mr. Hogendorp."

SECTION II.

UNDER THE ENGLISH FROM 181] TO 1816.

The account of this second period under the
English Government from 1811 to 1816, as described
by Sir Stamford Raffles, may be reduced to the
following summary.

Neiv State of the People. — The Natives of rank
above that of village chiefs -were deprived of their old
power, and made mere salaried pensioners, or subor-
dinate tax collectors and police superintendents.

The Indian Ryotwarree system, with separate
properly in the soil, was introduced into Java, and a
separate settlement of the land tax was made with
each peasant, instead of the former joint property
and joint taxation of the old village community.

A system of criminal and civil justice was esta-
blished after the Indian form, having a European
for sole judge, with a jury of Native assessors,
whose opinion, when contrary to his own, the
European could set aside.

GO ENGLISH REVENUE.

The old village system was maintained, but im-
proved by making the village chiefs elective, and
its action was limited to purposes of police, to petty
arbitration, and to village management.

All forced labour and compulsory deliveries were
■abolished, as well as all monopolies both of produc-
tion and of export.

The internal trade of the island, both in labour
and produce, was freed from every restriction, and
the external trade was thrown open to all on payment
of the custom dues.

Equality of rights, duties, and imposts was pro-
claimed for alb without preference of race, creed, or
family.

English Revenue, — The English rule was too short
for these measures to produce their full effect during
its continuance. The result to the people we shall
presently see ; the result to Government was that
our newly introduced land tax bore such a large
proportion to the produce of the island, that, even
when only partially applied, it raised the revenue
from the 3| millions of Java rupees in 1810 to 7^
millions of Java rupees for the English part of Java
and its dependencies in 1815.* Adding 2 millions
of Java rupees more for the Native provinces,t we
have 9^ millions of Java rupees as the revenue paid
in 1815 by the population of Java and its depen-

* Eaffles' History, vol. i. p. 343. f Ibid. p. 342.

RIGHTS IN THE SOIL. CI

dencies. Of this 9^ millions^ 8i millions were de-
rived from Java and jMadura alone, which on the
census population of 1815 (4',G15j270)"'" gives about
3^. per head.

This system, in its general features, was like our
Indian Ryotwarree system. The manner and the
consequences of its application to Java require^
remark.

Rights in the Soil. — Inquiries were set on foot,
soon after our conquest, to ascertain the proprietary
rights in the soil of the Native cultivator, the Native
chief, and the sovereign.

From this inquiry it resulted that Government
was the sole owner of about seven-tenths of the then
subject part of the island. The Preanger regents
possessed about two-tenths. Private Europeans and
Chinese were freehold owners of the whole country
around Batavia, which had been sold by the Dutch
governors before our conquest. These, together
with the crown lands granted to both Europeans and
Natives during our rule, made the private estates
about one-tenth of the whole. This one-tenth,
which to this day comprises all the private estates
on the island, lies chieflv in the residencies of Bata-
via and Buitenzorg near Batavia, and in those of
Bantam and Krawang, lying to the western and
north-western parts of the island.

* Raffles' History, vol. i. p. 70.

63 UYOTWAr.REE ESTABLISHED.

In the Sunda or Preanger districts, we seem to
have recognised and adhered to the old Dutch treaty
with the Sundanese regents, and to have left them
to govern their country and receive their revenues in
their own way, only taking the coffee tax payable by
them under that treaty, as will be subsequently
explained.

In the rest of the English part of the island the
Native chiefs had no proprietary rights in the soil
to fall back on for a livelihood as landlords. We
were obliged, therefore, to pension them when we
deprived them of office. Our determination to do
everything ourselves, and our fancied duty to protect
the peasant from his own countrymen, made us
continue the superior chiefs' salaries and lose their
services, while we employed the lesser chiefs merely
in subordinate and strictly controlled duties, without
prospect of honour or advancement.

Ryotwarree established. — Sir Stamford Raffles'
earnest desire to improve the character as well as the
condition of the Java peasant, by teaching him habits
of industry and self-reliance, seems to have deter-
mined his plan of establishing the Ryotwarree system
with each actual cultivator. Speaking according to
English instead of Anglo-Indian ideas, we proceeded
to convert the absolute property, just acquired by the
English Government in the Java crown lands, into
peasant tenures of specific fields with proprietary rights
in the new owners, subject to a land tax in monev.

CHANGES OPPOSED TO NATIVE IDEAS. 63

settled with each peasant individuallv, and fixed for
three years^ after which the assessment was to be
readjusted. This specific property was further made
liable to sale for non-payment of land tax, or in
satisfaction of the peasant ownei'^s personal debts.
The Dutch say that these changes were opposed
to the ideas both of chiefs and peasants, were
founded on misconception of Oriental character,
and were only peacefully submitted to for the
sake of the new freedom of trade and exemption
from the old forced labour. The chiefs of course
disliked the loss of the influence and position
attached to their former power ; and, even to
the peasants, protection from the chiefs was counter-
balanced by the loss of ready access to authority,
and of the support of their superiors. The cottier,
moreover, had no idea of, nor any wish for,
separate property in land, with individual liabilities
and losses or gains as the result of his own free
uncontrolled conduct. His habits made him prefer,
and use made him feel his strength to consist in,
forming part of the village community, with only a
vicarious liability to the State through the village
chief, with a yearly allotment in severalty of village
land, according to the size and labouring capacity of
his family, and with joint produce and joint labour
on the common villasre fields under the control and
direction of the elected village chief. Security was
thus obtained for the supply of his Avants according

G4 ra'OTWxViiiiEE uxsuited to java.

to liis requirements, not strictly limited to his own
capacitieSj or to the result of his own industry.

When we see such numbers of civilized Europeans
yearly becoming jMormons, chiefly from the wish
for the security to be derived from association and
from dependence on the common stock, irrespective
of individual capacities, we cannot wonder at the
separate Ryotwarree system with each individual
cultivator being generally unsuited to the Java
peasant. The Dutch say that so generally was it
disliked that, although we made a different settle-
ment with each individual villager for a separate
and particular piece of land, the old village system
, was, in fact, still carried on as before. The rent
for the Avhole village lands was still paid by the
village chief as collected by him from the chance
occupants for the year, while, as of old, the village
lands were still yearly allotted to the villagers by the
village chief, according to the size of each man^s
family, and according to a certain rotation, so as to
allow each villager, in his turn, to occupy the
better soils. Thus it was mere accident if the
villager really occupied and tilled the very fields for
which he held a separate lease, and for which he
was supposed to pay a separate rent. ) As, however,
according to our energetic English ideas, men of all
races must like independence, it was fortunate that,
in Java, our idiosyncrasy took the form of the
Ryotwarree instead of the Zemindary system. Its

FINANCIAL RESULTS. 63

subversion by the Dutch, and a return to the old
Native habits after ^e left, was easier under that
system than it would have been if, as in India, we
had converted chiefs and tax collectors into land-
owners, and had inoculated the temporary recipient
and forwarder of land revenue with ideas of fixity of
tenure and proprietary rights, f

The financial results of the two periods, as
exhibited by the table in E,affles' " History of
Java,^^"^ show that the revenue had risen from
three and a half millions of florins in 1810, to
seven and a half millions in 1815. But of this
near a million was for tin from Banka, not received
by the Dutch for some years before the British
conquest, and of the remainder, two and a half
millions are for land rent under our Ptyotwarree
system, which land rent only figures for a little over
twenty-three thousand florins in the Dutch revenue
of 1810, being in fact merely a quit rent to Govern-
ment of three-fourths of one per cent, on the value
of the European and Chinese private estates.

Previous to the English conquest the Native
cottier paid his land rent, not to the Dutch Govern-
ment, but to his Native chiefs, in whose hands the
Dutch had left the practical government of the
people. This land rent to the Native chiefs was
onlv for the rice lands, and the Dutch tax on the
peasant was limited to his forced labour on other

* Vol. i. p. 343.

VOL. I. F

GQ RYOTWARREE RENT.

lands in producing articles for export. Crawfurd
says that in Java one-half the produce of wet rice
lands, and one-third of that of dry lands, were the
long-established and well-known shares of the Native
Government.* E-affles says that .the land rent
on wet rice lands rarely exceeded half the produce,
and might fall as low as one-fourth, and on dry rice
lands varied from one-third to one-fifth of the
produce.f Besides this large proportion of the
produce for laud rent, however, both recount with
indignation other unlimited exactions on the peasant
by the Native chiefs under the old system. But
the Dutch say that the original law of the land was
always appealed to by the peasant, though ineffec-
tually, against such spoliation; viz., that the legal
reddendum was one- fifth, and one-fifth onlv, of the
produce and of the labour. By old Native custom
and law, the peasant owed to the sovereign, or to
the grantee from the sovereign, his labour every
fifth day, and one-fifth in kind of the produce of
his land, and no more.

Ryotwarree Rent. — Raffles gave up the old labour
rent of one day^s gratuitous work in five, and fixed
a money rent on each field, at the proportion of
from one-third to one-half of the estimated produce
of wet rice lands, and from one-fourth to two-fifths
for dry rice lands. J He apparently took those pro-

* Vol. iii. p. 51. t Eaffles' Hist. vol. i. p. 164.

I Ibid. p. 176.

JUSTICE. 67

portions from a combination of the former Java
rents with the Ryotwarrce system in ]\radras, the
subjects of which were then thought comparatively
the happiest peasantry in India.

Justice. — The criminal and civil courts, deciding,
not according to English laws, but according to the
custom of the district, and the system of police
through the elected village chiefs, which Sir Stam-
ford RafSes introduced, form the basis of the
present admirable systems of judicature and police
in Java, described in the regulation set out in the
appendix to his " History of Java," To judge by the
result in India, however, it seems doubtful whether
his system of justice would have given the same
universal satisfaction as at present, unless it had
been modified bv the Dutch and assimilated to
Native ideas and requirements.

In India the old Native laws and well-known
customs have been superseded by English laws,
which, however good, are new and strange. The
Englishman who is unfamiliar with Native ideas, or
the semi- educated Native deciding according to
English ideas, are still the sole sources of justice.
They act on fixed rules unsuited to an Oriental
society, and their judgments are not considered by
the Native community as any test of right, but only
of the respective ability and art of the contending
suitors and their legal advisers. Distrust of our
judges caused us to allow numerous appeals, which,

r 3

6S POLICE.

added to the difFusencss of Native pleaders and
clerks, led to the interminable length and great
number of documents in provincial law proceedings,
and combine with the stamp law to make our
Indian justice strange, uncertain, tedious, and ex-
pensive.

In Java the Dutch have not disturbed Raflies'
provision as to the old custom being maintained as
law. They abolished his sole English judge and
powerless jury of assessors, substituting a court
composed of one European and two well-paid Natives
of good family and high station, having equal voices
with the European, but in a preponderating number.
They kept unaltered Kaffles' procedure, which was
simple and quick, with but one appeal in any case.
Though they also have a stamp law for judicial pro-
ceedings, Java justice is speedy, and not too expen-
sive, while the decision is generally satisfactory, as
being in accordance with wdiat the neighbourhood
know to be the real rights of the matter in
dispute.

Police. — Raffles' Java police system was a clever
aaaptation of tbe old village watchmen, and still re-
mains unaltered in its principal features, as will be
hereafter shown. Of all the institutions of Java
the police perhaps meets the most universal approval,
as being very effective, without being burdensome to
the subject, or expensive to the State.

The above is the English account of the changes

SALE LAAV. G9

made for the benefit of Governraent and people
during our rule in Java^ and of the extent and con-
sequences of those changes.

Sale Laivs. — But besides the changes mentioned
in Sir Stamford Rafiles^ book^ the Dutch say that
the English introduced two perfectly new principles
into the government of Natives in Java, viz..
Government sale of land for arrears of land tax^ and
judicial sale of land for private debt. These prin-
ciples have always formed part of our Anglo-Indian
system, though one is practically unknown in Eng-
land to this day, and the other has only come into
full operation here of late years. We introduce
them, -with the spread of our dominion in the East,
as the just and necessary consequences of any system
of revenue or judicature, not, as they really are and
as the Natives know them to be, portentous novel-
ties in Indian life, fraught with destructive conse-
quences to the old proprietors. The Dutch allege
that if the English rule had continued in Java, as
in India, with the persistent maintenance of those
two principles, and without any limitation to the
landlord's claim upon his ryot, a verj^ few years
Mould have seen the Chinese money-lender the lord
of the soil, with the Java peasant his ground-down
and impoverished slave, in fact if not in name.

Their jJartial Repeal by the Dutch. — The Dutch,
on their return to Java, found these two principles
established all over the island. They allowed them

70 PARTIAL REPEAL OF SALE LAAVS.

to continue in force for the private estates, mostly
held by Eui'opeans_, but abolished them "with regard
both to the lands assigned for the support of Native
officials and to the lands held in peasant tenure.

'The Dutch boast, as the one thing to be proud of
in their rule, that never has the peasant's laud,
cattle, or plough, been sold by them, either for
arrears of land rent, hovrcver wilful, or to satisfy the
claim of any creditor, "who had not stipulated, in
mortgage, for its sale as security for his advance.

The individual liability of the land cultivated bv
the crown cottier, both fur Government land rent
and for his own debts, was thus abolished, with the
happiest results on the contentment of the people.

Before this was effected, however, the peasants in
many places had become involved in debts to the
Chinese money-lenders, chiefly for advances to pay
the large land rent just imposed. But, as before
explained, the old joint village system had resisted
our well-meant but inapplicable attempts to give the
cottier separate property, so that most of these debts
had been incurred by the joint village communities,
not by individual peasants.

The Dutch sav that had onr rule continued long
enough to enforce the separate property and separate
liability, the consequences would have been very
pernicious, for that the inhabitants of Java, like
most other Orientals, have a particular aversion to
usui'ious money-lenders. The Chinese are generally

TRADE. 71

hated on that account. AVith the usual improvi-
dence of Eastern races, the Natives of Java con-
stantly resort to the monev-lender for the means of
gratifying any passing wish. They do not, however,
the less resent being deprived of their lands or goods
by any usurer who has got them into his clutches,
and the giving of such powers to the usurer is con-
sidered the height of injustice to his debtoi", and to
his debtor's family. The Dutch attend to these
feelings, and refuse to excite discontent by enforcing
European ideas of justice and political economy on
a society as yet unfitted for their reception. Instead
of removing all limit of legal interest, and using the
weight and majesty of the law to hand over the
debtor with his land and chattels more helplessl "
into the creditor's grasp, they are weak enough to
side with the debtor, often resorting to summary
methods of defeating an usiu'ious claim.

SECTION III.

UNDER THE DUTCH FROM 1816 TILL 1830.

This third period extends over the time during
which the Dutch, after the restoration of their Govern-
ment, in 1816, carried on the system established
by the English, without any material alteration.

Trade. — They found that the English rulers of
Java had not entirely discarded the character of
traders. Though the monopolies and forced deli-

/ .ti CUSTOMS.

veries had been abolished, Government was still a
large recipient of produce, both from the Preauger
by treaty, and from the crown cottiers, still generally
paying their land tax in kind, on account of the
scarcity of coin. Part of this Government produce
was sold in the island, but the remainder was still
exported to Europe for sale there on account of the
Ecglish Government of Java. The trade of Java
had been thrown open to the ships of all nations, but
the English dominion of the seas practically secured
a monopoly to English ships till the peace of 181-1.
Between that time and the cession of the island on
the 19th of August, 1816, Dutch, American, and
other ships had begun to compete with the English
for the trade of the Indian Archipelago.

Customs. — The treaty of London of the 13th of
August, 1814, which restored to the Dutch their East
Indian possessions, stipulates against the Java cus-
toms duties on goods in foreign bottoms being more
than double those on goods in Dutch ships. The
ideas of the time on these subjects, in England as
well as in Holland, were far behind the enlightened
free commercial policy which Sir Stamford Raffles
had introduced into Java. We cannot, therefore,
Ijlame the Dutch Colonial Government for imposing,
soon after their return, the full differential duties
allowed by the treaty of London.

By Sir Stamford Raffles^ advice Singapore was set
up as a free port at the entrance of the Dutch East

LA^■D TAX. 73

Indies, so as to counterbalance in favour of English
shipping and commerce the Dutch differential duties.
The great success of Singapore induced the Java
Government to follow that example in 1818, by-
making Mangkassar, in the Island of Celebes, a free
port, but the superior position of Singapore, at the
mouth of the pass from the Indian to the China seas
has made it the centre of the trade to the Archipe-
lago, except as regards the Dutch trade, which goes
direct to Java bv the Straits of Sunda. It was
probably owing to the establishment of Singapore,
that, notwithstanding the differential duties imposed
in 1818, the proportions of Dutch and foreign
shipping employed in the Java trade did not mate-
rially vary from those in 1819, till after the intro-
duction of the culture system in 1830, from which
time the rapid increase of Dutch shipping was due to
causes that will be explained in the subsequent
chapter on Trade.

Land Tax. — Though Government trade still
existed when the Dutch returned to Java, it was
insufficient to serve, as formerly, for the main ele-
ment of revenue. The old exclusive Dutch mono-
polies were gone for ever. The farms and other old
heads of receipts, which had been maintained by the
English Government, were insufficient to meet the
increased expenses. Raffles^ land tax seemed the
chief resource for replacing the profits of the old
monopolies. He himself remarks that it had not

74 llYOTWxYRllEE ABOLISHED.

come fully into operation when the Britisli left
Java, but the proceeds of the tax increased largely
afterwards.

Ryotwarree abolished. — The Dutch, however, found
the separate settlement with each cottier so unsuited
to the Natives of Java, that about two years after
their return, they substituted for it the same
settlement with the village for the whole village
lands. The yearly allotment of lands was then left
to be made as before, and the legal fiction of the
separate property of each villager in certaiu specific
fields was abolished.

Gradually also between 1818 and ]830 they did
away with even this modified form of the Ryot-
warree, and reverted to the old system of a smaller
proportion of produce with a certain amount of
gratuitous labour, instead of a larger proportion
of produce without gratuitous labour. They say
they were obliged to do so for the following-
reasons : —

The old land rent, paid by the peasant to the
Native sovereign, or to his deputy, was applicable in
certain proportions, partly to the Mussulman religion,
including the Mahomedan courts of justice and the
maintenance both of the fabric and service of the
mosques, partly to the Mahomedan schools, and
partly to the support of the Native chiefs. Sir
Stamford Raffles^ land tax all came into the hands
of Government, without providing for the Mussul-

REASONS fOR THE CHANGE. 7a

man religion or education. As the regents and
chiefs, Avhom Raffles made mere pensioners, were
the spiritual priests as -well as the natural leaders of
the people, some portion of the produce generally
continued to be paid to them for those purposes,
which was still continued after the Dutch had
restored the Native chiefs to power, and had given
them salaries.

Thus the peasant had to pay from one-third to
one-half of the produce of wet rice lands_, and from
one-fourth to two-fifths of the produce of dry rice
lands to the Government, besides contributions for
religious and educational purposes to his own Native
chiefs. The Dutch say that such large proportions
of the whole produce of the country are more than
the Oriental cultivator can pay, even on the fertile
soil of Java, without permanent impoverishment.

Altogether, the Dutch say our system was fast
ruining the country. The land tax fell yearly more
and more hopelessly into arrear. The cottiers were
unable to pay their Ryotwarree rent in money, and
were yearly becoming less able to pay the same
proportion in kind. The country had lost the
benefit of the old gratuitous labour without getting
any equivalent. As the Java Government would
not sell the cottier's rights in the land, there was no
alternative but to forgive such arrears, and start
upon a more hopeful plan. Raffles' philanthropical
measures had been tried and failed. The Dutch,

■76 OLD LAND TENURE.

therefore, felt no scruple in abolishing the Eyotwarree
system, and in making the remission of arrears the
means of returning to the old custom of the country,
which it is now time to explain.

Old Land Tenure mid Rent under Native Ride. —
The old idea under the Native rule was, that the
land belonged to the prince, the usufruct of it to
the cultivator. The price of the usufruct, or the
i-ent, was one-fifth of the produce, and one-fifth of
the peasant's labour, or one day's gratuituous labour
in the Java week of five days. The Dutch, in re-
verting to the old system, logically carried out this
idea, holding that they had conquered the prince
and not the people, and therefore came into the
prince's rights. They, however, reduced the labour
Tent from one-fifth to one-seventh, substituting one
day in the European week of seven days, for one
day in the Java week of five days.

The different systems of land tenure in the island
all derive from this idea.

Landlord Property. — Where the Dutch are masters
by treaty and not by conquest, the produce rent and
the labour rent are paid, not to the Dutch but to
the Native Princes, as in the Preanger and in So-
erakarta and Djokjokarta. In the rest of the island,
where the Dutch are masters by conquest, the one-
fifth of produce and one-seventh of labour belong to
ihc Dutch Government, except on private estates,
where the Government has pro tanio granted away

PEASANT S PROPERTY. 77

its risrlits. There the one-fifth and one-seventh are
paid by the peasant to the European or Chinese-
landowner^ and the landowner pays to Government
three-fourths of one per cent, per annum on the
total value of his estate, equal at most to one-fiftlx
of the net yearly income.

Peasant's Properhj. — The pcasant^s property, under
the Native system to which the Dutch reverted, is
of three kinds.

1st. Village lands belonging jointly to the whole-
village community, to his share in which every
householder has a right. These joint village lands
are yearly partitioned and separately allotted to every
head of family according to the size of his family,
and according to their capacity to cultivate the land
so allotted.

2nd. Lands formerly uncultivated, which belong
exclusively to the peasant who brings them into cul-
tivation. For these he pays the one-fifth and one-
seventh after five years, but is exempt from all pay-
ment for them, and from all gratuitous labour what-
evex% during the first five years.

3rd. Lands which have descended from the first
cultivator to his representatives.

The first cultivator, however, and also his repre-
sentatives, Avhether by purchase or descent, have,
besides the land which is exclusively theirs, their share
as householders in the village lands, so long as they
choose to claim and cultivate such share, but na

73 PRESENT JAVA LAND TEN'URE.

longer. Either the first cultivator or his descendants
can sell any part of such their exclusive land, but
only as a peasant holding to some other cultivator,
and the purchaser stands in the seller's place, paying
his one-fifth and one-seventh. When any holder of
such exclusive land dies without heirs, his exclusive
land reverts to the common lands of the village
within whose boundaries it lies. In some districts,
by custom, the first cultivator only holds the land
exclusively rent and labour free for six years, when
it reverts to the common lands of the village.

Such were the old land tenures and land rent to
which the Dutch reverted, with the modification of
the old labour rent of one day in five being reduced
to the lesser rate of one day in seven. The Java
cottier would of course have preferred the reduction
of the produce rent without the re-imposition of the
labour rent ; but, much as the Oriental peasant
hates labour, he still more hates parting with
money. The return to the old state of things was
effected not onh' without disturbance, but, the
Dutch say, without even any visible signs of dis-
satisfaction.

Present Java Land Tenure. — This simple and well-
defined system of land tenure has ever since obtained
all through Java^ except in the Native states of
Soerakarta and Djohjokarta, districts on the
Southern Coast of Java, which still maintain a
kind of protected and controlled independence, like

LABOUR RENT. 79

many of the Native states within our Indian terri-
tory. There the okl one-fifth of produce in kind
and one-fifth of labour are still received by the
Native princes in the old manner, and applied
generally to the old purposes.

The system ^vhich the Dutch substituted for our
Ryotwarree not only applies to Government lands
and to the Preanger, but also to private estates.
The landlord's claim for rent, long limited by cus-
tom, was in 1836 expressly limited by law to one-fifth
of his tenant's produce, and to one day's gratuitous
labour in seven. The produce rent on Government
land is not expressly limited by law to one-fifth,
but is settled at that rate with the village chief for
the whole village, and must be paid in money. The
one-fifth of produce on private estates is generally
taken by the landlords from each cottier in kind.
The labour rent on crown lands is mostly employed
on the roads and public works. On private estates
the labour rent is generally applied by the
landowner to the cultivation of such parts of his
property as he keeps in liis own hand. In other
respects the produce and labom' rents are paid
to Government or to a private landlord as
follows : —

Labour Rent. — Every cottier, whether on Govern-
ment land or on a private estate, gives his one day's
gratuitous labour in every seven to his landlord,
according to the roster kept by the elected village

80 PRODUCE RENT.

chief. As this gratuitous labour is a part of the
rent for land yielding produce, it is not payable by
the artisan, or by any one holdiug house property
only. So also, as only one-seventh of labour is due
by each family, the head of the family alone is
borne on the roster, but any competent gro\7n
member of the family, or other substitute, performs
the labour for him. Although when the yearly
appropriation of village lands takes place, a large
family gets more than a small one, still only one-
seventh of one man^s labour is due by that family,
however large. The result very generally is, that,
in each village, the householders employ some few
day labourers to do the gratuitous labour for the
whole village, for which they receive a certain daily
payment from the villagers. By constant work on
the Government roads and irrigation embankments,
or on the landowner's private farm, these men
become good hands, the villagers get off their one-
seventh of labour for a small payment, and thus
every one is satisfied.

Produce Rent. — When the rice crop is ripe, but
before it is cut, it is assessed by agreement both as
to quantity and value between the cottier tenant
and the landlord. In case of agreement both as to
quantity and yalue, the peasant is left to cut down
and sell his crop, and has to pay the amount agreed
on four months after harvest. If the landlord re-
quires the one-fifth of produce to be paid in

LANDLORD AND TENANT. 81

kind, the tenant must deliver it at the landlord's
grange on the property as soon as reaped.

If landlord and tenant cannot agree as to the
number of piculs the diflPerent fields ^vill yield per
bahu, the rest of the villagers are called in, the
crop is at once cut down, tied np in geddings or
bundles of padi as big as can be held in the two
arms, and put up in heaps of five geddings each.
The landlord or his agent then takes one geddiug
from every heap. The villagers get a certain pro-
portion of the geddings for cutting down and stack-
ing the crop, which makes it the tenant's interest to
agree to a rather higher assessment in quantity, so
as to be left to cut down his crop himself. The
landlord is subject to the disadvantage, in thus
having the crop cut down by the villagers, of having
to cany away his own share, which also induces him
not to insist on quite the highest valuation in quan-
tity he thinks the crop can bear.

If the landlord and tenant agree as to quantity,
but cannot agree as to the market price, the peasant
is left to reap his crop himself, and has to deliver to
the landlord one-fifth of the stipulated quantity
of padi in kind, for the safe delivery of whicii the
village chief is also responsible.

The value to be agreed on is the current market
value of the neighbourhood in full harvest, and when
consequently the price is lower than the average
throughout the year. The cottier knows that if the

VOL. T. G

82 LAllGE EUROPEAN LANDOWNERS.

landlord and he can agree as to value, he will have
four months time to pay in. He knows that as soon
as the harvest is all in, and the produce rent of the
neighbourhood has either been sold on the spot or
been sent away for export, produce will rise again
to the usual price through the year in his locality.
It is the tenant's interest, therefore, to agree to both
the assessed quantity and value if not exorbitant,
while the landlord's estimate is kept Avithin bounds
by the tenant's right to pay the actual one-fifth in
kind.

Large European Landowners. — Although, as pre-
viously mentioned, the English Government of Java
found on inquiry that the Native chiefs did not even
claim any proprietary rights in the soil, yet in some
few instances considerable tracts of crown land were
bestowed by us on Natives as private estates. On
the return of the Dutch all our grants and aliena-
tions of crown land were recognised, but from that
time the Java crown lands have only been leased out,
and never granted away. The few Natives, whom
■we thus made landed proprietors, then entered into
the same condition as the old European and Chinese
landed proprietors, and their estates became liable
to sale for arrears of land tax or for mortgage debt.
The reckless and extravagant habits of these Native
landowners have gradually alienated most of their
properties, and there are now not above half-a-dozen
Natives, out of the Preanger and other Native

EUROPEAN ESTATES IX INDIA. S3

states^ irho are still owners of land. There is no
prohibition against any Native buying any private
estate which is for sale, but the practice is discouraged
by the Dutch Government.

Impediments to European Landed Property in
India. — "When I told the Dutch that there were
hardly any large European estates in India, they
naturally wished to know the reason. I explained
that a European's estate was liable to be sold during
his absence for any accidental neglect of his agent,
and that one man^s interest in land was liable to be
sold for another man's default. I urged that the
security of the revenue required this anomaly, -when
co-sharers' estates remained undivided on the col-
lector's books, or when one estate was an under-
tenure of the other. Notwithstanding all I could
say, however, the astonishment of the Dutch was so
great, and their comments on what they called such
perverse and absurd injustice were so strong, that I
thought it best to say no more at that time about
this little incident in our domestic economy.

Contrast betiveen Revenue Land Sales in Java
and in India. — In Java the land tax on private
estates is only three-fourths of one per cent, on the
value of the property estimated every three years,
which can at most come to one-fifth of the net profits.
Such a light impost is of course but seldom in arrear,
and, when so, is easily realized by mild means. No
estate can be sold for arrears of land tax till every

84 REVENUE LAND SALES,

other means of recovering it has been tried in vain.
An absentee proprietor would have full notice before
anything of the kind could occur. And no estate
is liable for any but its own land tax, or can possibly
be lost for the default of others. Such I was told
by landowners was the greatest danger their estates
could incur.

In India, on the contrarj^^ the land tax on the
landholder varies from one-half to three-fourths of
the net profits of the estate, except in Bengal, where
the great improvement of the country under the
perpetual settlement is supposed to have generally
reduced the fixed land tax below half the net in-
come. The payment of such a heavy impost can of
course only be secured by stringent measures, of
which sale of the land for arrears is the most general.
If the land tax is not paid by sunset of the last day
for payment, and it is not afterwards received, the
estate is ordered to be sold.

An absentee may have left ample funds with his
manager, or the rents collected from the estate may
be far more than is required to pay the land tax,
but any neglect or fraud by the agent loses the
estate before the absent proprietor knows it to be
in danger. In the beginning of this century the
revenue sale law was much used in this manner by
unjust stewards, in collusion with the Native clerks
of the local courts, and many of the large Bengal pro-
prietors were thus robbed of most of their property.

CO-SIIARES AND UNDER-TENURES. 85

The estates of co-sharers in India are also sold
for the default of any one co-sharer^ so long as the
shares remain undivided on the collector's books.
The impediments in the way of partitioning estates
are at the same time so numerous that it can only
be done at considerable expense and with great
delay.

A revenue land sale also destroys all under-
tenures but old peasant tenures dating from last
century^ and rack-rent leases. Under-tenures could
not be partitioned from the parent estate. The great
majority of under-tenures, and the most valuable,
those for which large foregifts had been given, could
not consequently be preserved from the danger of
being destroyed by the perhaps wilful default of the
head landlord who had received the foregift.

This destruction of co-shares and undertenures
was always admitted to be a cause of regret, but it
was officially supposed to be the only means of pre-
venting the defaulter, before his default, transferring
away the chief benefit of the estate, keeping the
onus of the Government land revenue on an inade-
quate interest retained. Unless co-shares and
under-tenures were destroyed, it was said, such small
retained interest, when forfeited by the defaulter,
would be saddled with so excessive a burden
of Government revenue, that no one would take it,
while the most beneficial interests in the estate
would be practically freed from tax altogether.

86 JAVA AND INDIAN LAND TAX.

After the Return of the Dutch, tliis was done to
some extent^ under the Partition Law. Sharers in
an estate applied for division, and for the allotment
of Government revenue on the respective shares in
certain proportions, which were really very heavy on
one share, and very light on the other. After this
division and allotment of Government revenue had
become unalterable by the lapse of twelve years,
default was made of the heavy burdened share. The
family then remained in possession of the more
valuable portion of the estate very lightly assessed,
while Government found that the default only
brought it for sale an estate so heavily taxed, that
no one would buy it or take it cum onere. This
fraud threw additional difficulties on the division of
estates, as the collector now has to see that the
real values of the shares correspond with the proposed
allotment of Government revenue.

The fundamental diflFerence is, that the Java land
tax is a small proportionate impost, and thus adapts
itself naturally and without the possibility of fraud
to indefinite subdivisions of property. The Indian
land tax on the contrary is a fixed sum, either for
ever or for a term, and consequently each separation
requires, for the equitable allotment of land tax, a
degree of time and attention for which our Indian
officials have seldom sufficient leisure.

The evils and difficulties attendiiig the sale of
laud for non-payment of land tax have been so

WORKING OF INDIAN REVENUE SALE LAW. 87

exemplified in Bengal, that the gordian knot has
been cut in the Upper Provinces, by not allowing
any sales of land on that account, except after
reference to the Revenue Board. This practically
prevents any revenue land sale there in the case of
Natives, but, as the liability to sale still exists, it
has not been found to conduce much to the
purchase of land in those districts by Europeans.

The effect of such laws in creating much ill-will
among the Natives to us and our institutions, and
in preventing the acqiiisition of land by Europeans
for permanent settlement, may be easily inferred.

The laws of India have heretofore been made by
men of a high calibre, but whose practical experience
as rulers necessarilv influenced their acts more than
their mere philanthropic regard for the ruled. They
were legislators without any personal interests in land
or in trade, without any experience collateral to that
of the great mass of the people under their rule, and
with only a theoretical knowledge and imperfect
perception of the great consequences involved in
their legislation. It is no disparagement to them
therefore to say, what cannot be denied, that the
practical effect of the Indian laws is more in favour
of Government than of the subject, and more
adapted to the convenience of the officials than to
the welfare of the country.

Any further explanation of the working of the
Indian revenue sale law is now unnecessary, as since

88 INDIAN LEGISLATION.

my return from Java the Indian Legislature has for
the first time grappled with its difficulties, and by
Act XI. of 1859 has removed to a certain degree
the above objections. Their mode of doing so is
however very illustrative of the common assertion,
that the inefficacy of such Indian laws is due to the
absence of personal interest in the legislator.

The law producing such results as above was the
development of Lord Cornwallis's wise re-enactments
bv official bureaucrats, who could not realize what
serious injury tliey Avere inflicting on the people by
merely, as they would have said, giving additional
security and facility to Government in realizing its
land tax. The old prejudice against adventurers
and interlopers would probably have made those
gentlemen rather approve than otherwise of a Ian-,
the practical effect of which was to impede the
acquisition of land by Europeans, The monstrous
evils of this law continued unchecked for sixty years,
till the change of public opinion had begun to look
to adventurers and interlopers for prosperity to
India. The officials composing the Indian Legis-
lature have at last so far recognised themselves for
the servants, instead of the masters, of the public,
as to condescend to consult English gentlemen
interested in Indian land culture, by whom a partial
remedy at least was soon suggested.

An English gentleman and a Native landowner
petitioned Government, saying that the Native was

SECURITY OF LAND FROM SALE. SD

■VTilling to lease, and the Englishman Avas willing to
take, a large tract of waste land for the purpose of
covering it with the sugar date palm, but that the
Englishman would not incur the risk of the large
outlay, unless he could be secured against the
forfeiture of his lease, should the Native fail to pay
the Government land tax. This seems to have
brought practically home to the Legislative Council
the evil effect of the revenue sale law in preventing
improvement. The Indigo Planters Association at
the same time pointed out the practical remedies for
the existing evils. Some of their suggestions were
embodied in Act XI. of 1859, which repeals the
former sale law, and re-enacts its provisions, subject
to the new means of working it with less injustice.
The absentee can now secure his land from sale,
thi'ough the neglect of his agent, by depositing
Government securities sufficient to meet the demand
for land tax. Co-sharers and under-tenants can
protect their interests from forfeiture, through the
default of their co-sharers or landlords, by registering
separately and paying a separate land tax on their
respective shares or under-tenures. These are great
improvements, but the practical adoption of them
is still cumbered Avith difficulties, among which is
the usual fond resource of Indian legislators, viz.,
referring parties to a civil suit. European enterprise
will hardly be much encouraged by the necessity of
depositing available capital to obtain safety. Native

00 DECREE LAND SALES.

carelessness and want of foresight require a simpler
machinery, one Avhich Arill adapt itself to the varying
changes of property, instead of requiring trouble and
expense to secure the benefit of the law.

Different Operation of Decree Land Sales in the
ttvo Countries. — Besides the liability of private
estates to sale for arrears of land tax, they are also
liable, both in Java and in India, to be sold for the
debts of the proprietor. This is much less unsuited
to the thrifty and intelligent European and Chinese
landowners of Java than to the ignorant and
reckless feudal chiefs of India. The operation of
this law is now known to be one of the main causes
of discontent among the most influential classes of
our Native subjects in the East. A small Dutch
detail, however, in the mode of executing decrees is
even more eflPective than the difference in civilization,
towards preserving the estates of landed proprietors
from the grip of the professional usurer. When a
money-lender in India once gets the Native land-
holder into his books, his object is not to receive
back the money lent, nor even the high interest on
it, but to make it the means of buying his debtor^s
laud as cheap as possible, and far below its real
value. For this purpose he professes himself the
ready slave of his debtor, only too highly honoured
to be allowed to supply the noble landowner's
temporary wants. He is perpetually urging upon
his debtor that his izzut, or personal dignity, that

:money-lendees ix india. 91

mainspriug of Xative action, requires extra show
and expense, and at the same time offering the
means of supplying this extravagance. Should the
debtor propose to pay off the debt when the next
rents come in, the creditor refuses the money, begs
the debtor to keep it, or suggests other ostentatious
employment for it. He thus leads the poor flattered
landowner blindly into the net, exactly in the
manner shown in the old comedies and novels,
which portrayed an analogous state of society in
Europe. Meanwhile the several loans, with compound
interest at twelve per cent., and monthly rests, run
up in a manner that would have astonished even
Gil Blas^ Spanish noble, w^ho borrowed his own
money " au denier cinq." The play goes on in
true fifteenth century fashion, till the landowner
is so involved that his debtor knows he cannot pay.
Thereupon the scene changes, and the incongruous
machinery of the nineteenth century is called in for
the dmouement. The cringing creditor suddenly
demands his money, . sues his debtor, and proceeds
to advertise his land for sale. He gives out among
the Native community his determination to buy
the estate, and that any one who bids against him
he shall consider and treat as his deadliest enemy.
He has the advantage over all other bidders, of not
having to deposit at once a large portion of the
purchase-money, and, as the debtor and his family
have not the means of doing so, the creditor generally

92 USURY IX JAVA.

buys the estate at the auction sale far belo\y its
value. If possible, the estate is bought for less
than the original debt, so that the debtor's personal
liability for the remainder may be used as an engine
for maintaining possession against the ill will of the
ruined landowner, and of his old tenants and
retainers. The whole object, therefore, is to force
the land from the debtor at the lowest possible rate
at which the creditor can avoid having his object
defeated by being paid his debt.

In Java the usurer is not allowed to attain
indirect objects by such means. The law helps
him to recover his money and nothing else. The
> debtor's personalty must be first exhausted. Every
article seized must be valued by both debtor and
creditor, or by their agents, and the European civil
servant, who is obliged to preside at the seizure,
decides between them, and fixes without appeal the
value of each article. The goods are put up for sale
in such order as the debtor chooses to direct, but any
article, for which the bidding does not rise to the
estimated value, is delivered to the creditor in
discharge of so much of his debt. Should the perso-
nalty fail to satisfy the claim at these rates, the land
may then first be seized. The same process is there
carried out; the debtor directs into what lots the
land is to be divided, and in what order the lots are
to be sold ; the value of each lot is estimated, and
the creditor has to take such of the lots at that

EUROPEAN LANDOWNERS IN JAVA. 93

value as fail to realize it at the sale. However
iucouvenient and uudesirable the possession of these
lots may be to the creditor, he can of course sell
them by private contract, so as to realize on the
whole the amount of his claim. The debtor feels
that he has not had his property sacrificed, and that
at least his enemy the creditor has had to pay full
value for all he got.

It is evident that if the Indian money-lender
knew that he would thus have to pay the full value
for the most inconvenient and least valuable part of
his debtor's property, his present worst motives
for encouraging extravagance would cease. Loans
would be made on the ordinary mercantile footing
of profit, and not for the collateral object of tricking
the landowner out of his land at a very inadequate
price.

Benefit to Java of European Landoivners. — The
security and convenience of real property in Java
under these conditions, and the influx of European
capital, have so raised the price of land there, that
estates can hardly be bought to pay four per cent.
The purchaser looks to his own improvements, and
to raising the value of the estate by inducing
emigration from Government land, to bring the
rental up to the ordinary' interest for money, which
in Java is about eight per cent.

The European landowners and many of the
planters are doing all they can to add to the popu-

94 NO MIDDLEMEN.

lation on their estates. Every landlord knows that
any of his peasantry who choose to go over to his
neighhour's property can get land, buffaloes, and
money at once, and he is also aware that the
peasants themselves know it. Every proprietor,
therefore, is obli<^ed for his own sake to treat his
cottiers with kindness and consideration. The
Dutch Government has been often pressed to make
this alluring away of peasants an offence. But
thou"h the Government suffers more from this cause
than an}^ other landholder, inasmuch as there is a
constant emigration from crown land to private
estates, the Dutch have always wisely refused to
'interfere with the peasant's free choice of his land-
lord. They say that if old associations will not
prevent his going over, there must be either incon-
venience where he is, or great advantages where he
is going, so in neither case will they interfere.

ISiO Middlemen. — The system of sub-tenures or
middlemen which we have allowed to grow up in
India, Putnee, Durputnee, Seputnee, Izara, &c., is
unknown in Java. These numerous Native middle-
men, Avho do nothing for the estate or its cultivators,
but each of whom lives on the difference between
what he pays and what he can underlet the same
interest for, are the drones of society. The Dutch
say that their existence cannot but be ir)jurious,
even where, as in Java, the peasants' payment is
limited to a small proportion of the produce, which.

MIDDLEMEN IN INDIA. 95

therefore, is all these middlemen can divide between
them. When I explained that we had allowed
unlimited numbers of these middlemen to grow up in
Bengal, -without any practical limit to their exactions
for rent, except perhaps in one case in fifty, -where the
cottier may be still able to prove tenure since last
century, the Dutch anticipated my account of the
poverty of the Bengal ryots. They suggested, how-
ever, that since the Irish famine had shown the
danger of numerous middlemen over a cottier
peasantry, -^thout any limit to the claim on the
peasant, we must have adopted some measures to
prevent the further extension of a like state of
things in India. I contrived to evade a direct
answer to this question by the usual Indian formula,
" that it had formerly been forbidden, but was
practised by the Natives in spite of the prohibition,
till juster and larger views of the rights of property
caused its practice to be admitted and legalized/'

In Java the peasant is not ground down to a
bare subsistence by the ever-increasing exactions of
an ever-lengthening series of middlemen. He has
only to pay one fixed and unalterable rent, viz., one-
fifth of the produce and one -seventh of his labour
for nothing. There is still, however, a difference.
In the Preanger and in Soerakarta and Djokjokarta
the one-fifth of produce is api^lied in the old "way,
partly to religion, partly to education, and partly to
support of the Native chiefs, and the peasant pays

96 REVE!s'UE— 1S17 TO 1S30.

no more. In the rest of the island, tliougli the
peasant has ouly to pay one-fifth to his landlord,
whether Government or a private person, yet the
priests and Native chiefs generally exact some
further portion of his pi'oduce for religion and
education. Though the Dutch do not enforce the
latter payment, they wisely abstain from forbidding
it, not considering such a customary payment in the
light of extortion. At the worst, however, this
leaves, as the Java peasant's own, a proportion of
his crop far exceeding that retained by the Indian
cottier.

Revenue from 1817 to 1830. — Though the old
monopolies were gone, the Dutch Government on
their return in 1816 found most of the other old
sources of internal revenue besides the land tax.
The Preanger, where the one-fifth and one-seventh
were still paid to the regents under the old treaty,
continued to supply large quantities of coffee at the
low prime cost of three florins and fifty cents per
picul. After being dried, cleaned, and sorted, at a
further expense of about two florins per picul, this
coff'ee was worth in the market twenty-five or thirty
florins per picul. The large coffee plantations also,
which had been made by ^Marshal Daendels, and
which had been much neglected during the English
Tule, wTre restored.

After the restoration of the island, the Dutch con-
tinued the English system of finance without any

REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. 97

change of importauce, except that above described in
the land tax. The revenue at first rose rapidly,
chiefly from the land tax having come into full
operation. The income sprung at once from seven
and a half millions of florins in 1814-]5j but which
did not include the whole of the dependencies
restored to the Dutch, to upwards of eighteen
millions in 1817. The expenditure rose from about
nine millions of florins in 1814-15 to upwards of
seventeen millions in 1817. The revenue continued
to increase till it attained twenty-nine millions of
florins in 1824, but by 1826 the commotion caused
by the Java war with the Native powers reduced
the revenue to twenty millions of florins_, from which
it again struggled up to thirty millions in 1833.
The yearly revenue of the Dutch East Indies from
1817 to 1830 averaged a little below the sum of
twenty.four millions of florins^ the income predicted
by ]\Ir. Hogendorp, and, as related by Sir Stamford
Raffles, then considered an exaggerated estimate of
what the island could, under any circumstances, pro-
duce. This revenue was, however, only obtained by
straining to the uttermost the tax-paying powers of
a poor country, and the greatly increased expenditure
even exceeded the enlarged income. The great
deficit was caused bv the Java war, but the chief
increase of expenditure arose from the more nume-
rous and more efficient European instruments re-
quired for the systems of justice and administration

VOL. I. H

98 DEFICIT AND DEBT.

introduced by the English. The maintenance of the
English system, therefore, necessitated an outlay,
which the existing resources of the country were
scarcely competent to supply.

Population. — The English census of 1815 gave a
population for Java and Madura of 4,615,270. The
Dutch census of 1826 gave a population of
5,403,786, or a decimal increase of only about six-
teen per cent.

Deficit and Debt. — From 1817 to 1824, there was
a considerable surplus of revenue over expenditure.
From 1824 to 1833 there was a const-ant deficit.
Altogether, from the return of the Dutch till 1833,
the aggregate excess of expenditure over receipts
came to 37,700,000 florins, or ^£3,141,666. This
deficit, equal to about one and a half year's income,
was supplied by Holland, and thus formed the Java
debt. The interest for this debt having to be sent
out of the country, was, of course, a greater drain on
the finances of Java than a larger amount of debt
held in the island would have been.

After the trial and rejection of various schemes
for obtaining a larger revenue from an idle and im-
provident peasant population, who had no money to
give, and had but little market for such small por-
tions of their idle crops as were not absolutely
absorbed by the land tax and by their own necessi-
ties, the limits of taxation seemed to have been
reached in Java.

THE ENGLISH SYSTEM. 99

lu fact, the English had introduced a system,
representing the enlightened but expensive ideas of
the nineteenth century, into a state of society
resembling that of Europe from the thirteenth to the
sixteenth century. The Dutch found in Java, as
we find in India, that the undeveloped resources of
even such fertile countries, in that state of society,
will not suffice to meet the exigencies of an adminis-
tration three centuries more advanced.

The population and revenue of Java were both
nearly stationary. There was an increase of expense,
a constant deficit, and a yearly growing debt. This
debt, external to Java, and therefore exhaustive, had
risen in eight years between 1825 and 1833 from
nothing to one and a half year's revenue. The
people were living in great poverty, with, in some
places, a bare subsistence. An increasing deficiency
in cattle and other means excited fears as to the
future prospects of the country. No rich Native
middle or upper class existed as a last resort. There
was oppression by the chiefs, and much violent and
organized crime among the poor. The Government
appeared to be falling into decay. Notwithstanding
the lari;e increase of revenue, the Dutch East Indies
seemed destined to continue a burden on the small
mother country instead of an assistance.

The average revenue of the Dutch East Indies per
head from 1817 to 1833 was 7*. l^d. per annum,
ranging in different years from os. 5d. up to 9*. 3^d.

h3

100 REVENUE FROM JAVA AND INDIA.

I could not help smiling when Mr. Ament said
to me, " Java, sir, v\as then in the same miserable
condition that India is now," an opinion which
I afterwards heard repeated by others. How a
this is true I must leave to the decision of those
who are better acquainted with the real state of
India in all its parts than I can pretend to be.
Some points of the analogy, however, are striking,
if not even then more favourable to the Dutch than
to ourselves.

Analogy of Java before 1830 ivith India in 1856. —
The largest revenue of British India previous to my
visit to Java was in 1856-57, when it reached rather
over 33j millions sterling. The population of our
Indian territories, exclusive of Native states, is given
in MilFs " India in 1858," as about 132 millions of
souls. The amount of the Indian revenue for
1856-57 came to 5*. Qic? per head. The average
revenue per head in Java from 1817 to 1833, was
therefore more than one-third larger than the Indian
revenue per head in 1856.

Of the Java revenue, however, the average land
tax from 1821 to 1833 was only l5. 8c?. per head
per annum out of a total average of 7s. \\d., or less
than one-fourth. The Indian land tax in 1856-57 was
2s. per head out of 5s. O^c?. per head of gross revenue,
or between one-half and two-thirds of the whole.
The direct compulsory tax per head now in India is
therefore more than one-half heavier than the direct

ATTEMPTS AT RETRENCHMENT. 101

compulsory tax on the Javanese peasant, at the
worst period of the Dutch financial embarrassments
in Netherlands India.

At the same period, however, with a poor popula-
tion, no rich middle class, and consequently but
small demand for European articles, the Dutch had
found the means of raising by indirect taxation
nearly four times the amount of the direct com-
pulsory land revenue. In India as yet every effort
has failed to raise the indirect taxation to the same
amount as the land tax.

So far the comparison is in favour of the Dutch.
But in the broad features, coiumon to Java till
1833, and to India at the present day, of a poor
peasantry, organized crime, taxation carried to the
limit of the country's ability to bear, an annual
deficit, and a large debt, the analogy more nearly
justifies the Dutch comparison than is agreeable to
admit, and its remedy in Java should be instructive.

Attempts at Retrenchment. — The first vigorous
effort to change this state of things was made from
1827 to 1830 by Le Vicomte du Bus de Gisignies,
■who was sent to Java for that purpose in 1826, as
the King of Holland's Commissary- General ; an
office conferring on the holder a power superior to
that of Governor-General, and absolutely untram-
melled. Being a man of energy, and determined to
achieve his object, so far as the means he saw were
adapted to that end, Le Yicomte de Gisignies resorted

102 EXCESS OF EXPENDITURE.

to strong measures for reducing the expenses. He
cut down salaries to a degree, wliich hardly left the
Dutch civilian or officer the means of living in an
expensive country, as every Oriental country must
be to a European of civilized tastes and habit.
His reductions, which involved all officials, European
or Native^ and all branches of the expenditure,
were pushed to extreme limits, caused universal
dissatisfaction, and, as the Dutch themselves admit,
much impaired the efficiency of both the military
and ci^il services.

Expenditure still in Excess of Income. — The expen-
diture, however, still remained in excess of the income
in 1830, and Java would probably have continued a
burden on Holland, with its internal condition
causing constant anxiety and expense, but for the
culture svstem, to which both the Government and
the people owe their present peace and prosperity.

103

CHAPTER III.

THE CULTURE SYSTEM.

GENEEAL XAJ!! DEN BOSCH — PBINCIPLES OF CULTITEE SYSTEM
— BUILDING ADVANCE — TEAHLY ADVANCE — MODE OP
CABBTING OUT THE SYSTEM — DIVISIONS OF THE CULTUBE
SYSTEM — CONTEOL OVEE THE EELATIONS OF EUEOPEAN AND
NATIVE — AETICLES BEST PEODUCED "tt'ITH AND WITHOUT
EUEOPEAN CONTEACTOES — CONTEACT SUGAE CULTUBE —
peasant's PEOFIT — LAND TAX — CONTEAST IN PEASANT'S
PEOFITS UNDEE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS — CULTUBE WAGES
— OFFICIAL PEKCENTAGE — COPPEE COIN — CONTEACTOE's
PEOFIT — PEOFIT TO GOVEENMENT — STATISTICS OF SUGAE
CULTUBE — CONTEACT INDIGO CULTUBE — INDEPENDENT
PLANTEBS — CONTEAST OF JAVA CULTUBE SYSTEM WITH
EUEOPEAN CULTUEES IN INDIA — INDIAN INDIGO CULTUBE
— FOEMEE MODE OF ESTABLISHING A NEW INDIGO FACTOBY
— INDIAN LEGISLATION FOE INDIGO CULTUBE — DIFFEEENCE
BETWEEN HINDOO COTTIEE AND ENGLISH FAEMEE —
MEANS OF MAKING INDIGO CULTUBE LESS OBJECTIONABLE
— INDIAN COTTON CULTUBE.

General Van den Bosch. — Atthis juncture in 1830
it pleased God, in mercy to a suffering people, to
inspire the King of Holland with confidence in ap-
parently the wildest schemer of his realm.

General Van den Bosch was known to entertain
projects for the increase of the revenues of Java to

104 PRINCIPLES or CULTURE SYSTEM.

fabulous proportions. He asserted that, if properly
administered, the same small country and popula-
tion might be made to yield a revenue sufficient to
supply the expense of a much more efficient admi-
nistration, and to give a large surplus to the mother
country, with a great increase of welfare to the
people of Java. He proposed to offer culture con-
tracts on liberal terms, and large advances of public
money without interest to the respectable European
inhabitants of Java. His scheme resolved itself into
making the crown cottiers plant such portions of the
crown lands as were not required to grow rice for
their own subsistence, with the colonial products in
demand in Europe, and best suited to the soil. He
proposed to divide the profits of these more valuable
crops in such proportions, between the grower^ the
manufacturer, and the Government, as to give the
two former the larger share, leaving the Government
a small direct profit on the culture, besides the large
indirect profits certain to accrue from the prosperity
of the inhabitants of Java.

General Van den Bosch left Holland in 1830 as
Governor- General of the Dutch East Indies, taking
with him the funds, and also new instruments, in the
shape of a number of young Dutchmen of good edu-
cation, free from the prejudices of the colonial service,
and impressed with confidence in his plans, who were
to work the new system as controleurs.

Principles of Culture System. — The principles on

BUILDING ADVANCE. 105

which General Van den Bosch founded the success of
his plans are said to have been : —

1. Profit to the peasant, so as to make the new
culture system acceptable.

2. Profit to the contractor, so as to induce its
extension by private enterprise.

3. A percentage to the ofiicials, so as to secure
their active support.

4. Personal interest of the village community in
its success, so as to secure careful cultivation.

5. Improvement in the tax-payers^ means, so as
to increase the revenue and facilitate its payment.

The organized plan took effect in the following
manner : —

Building Advance. — Every contractor was credited
in the books of a branch of the administration, ex-
pressly created for the purpose, with a building ad-
vance of the amount required to start his manufac-
ture. This was at first calculated at two lacs of florins
copper, or 200,000 F. C, equal to £13,888 17*. ^\d.
Of these two lacs of florins copper the contractor
was allowed to draw what he required meanwhile for
the maintenance of his family, not exceeding 1500
florins copper per mensem. This building advance
was made for twelve years, without interest, but re-
payable by instalments of one-tenth in the third and
in every succeeding year. It was to be applied by
the contractor under Government superintendence in
building his mill, in bringing water to it as a motive

106 APPLICATION OF BUILDING ADVANCE.

power, and in buying and importing from Europe the
proper machinery. A sufficient amount of the gratui-
tous labour, furnished by the neighbouring peasants to
Government, was put at the contractor's disposal for
the first two years. He took what timber and mate-
rials he required from Government land for nothing.
His machinery was imported duty free. And his
general supervision was facilitated by the gratuitous
use of the Government post horses. The special
culture department assisted in procuring machinery
from Europe, gave the contractors advice and infor-
mation, supplied them with the best works relating
to their respective manufactures, and applied each
man's building advance in a liberal spirit to the pre-
paration of his mill, as the contractor and his super-
vising official required.

The object sought was to inspire the contractor
with the feeling that the advance would be his own
in future, and he richer or poorer as it was well or
ill applied. He laid it out as he thought best.
Provided the supervising controleur certified that it
was employed in the preparation of the mill, the cul-
ture department paid without inquiring as to whether
such outlay was judicious or otherwise. This secured
the beneficial action of the contractor's private en-
terprise and care for his own interest in the applica-
tion of borrowed money, instead of the costly and
inefiective results of mere official employment of
Government funds.

YEARLY ADVANCE. 107

Yearly Advance. — General Van den Boscli also
undertook that, by the time the mill was ready to
•work, the surrounding villages should have a certain
area planted with the crop to be manufactured ready
for cutting. About 400 bahus. or 600 acres, it was
calculated, would be generally sufficient to give full
employment to the mill. Government was also to
advance yearly beforehand to the contractor, ivithout
interest, the whole sum required for the purchase and
manufacture of the crop. These advances were to
be repaid to Government in the produce of the mill.

At first the contracts required the manufacturer
to deliver to Government the whole produce of his
mill at a fixed rate, about one-third above the cost
price. These original contracts were afterwards
varied. It was made optional with the contractor
to insist on Government buying the whole produce
of his mill at the contract rates, or only to deliver
to Government so mucli as, at the contract rates,
would repay the yearly advance and one-tenth of the
original building advance.

The respectable Dutchmen, to whom General Van
den Bosch first off'ered his contracts, estimated the
amount of the produce on a given area, and the cost
of the manufacture at the old rates, under careless
cultivation and idle habits. These, added to the
unusually high price to be paid for the raw material,
were expected to raise the cost to the full contract
rate. The necessity of delivering to Government

108 CALCULATIONS OF GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

the whole manufactured produce at the contract rates
would, in this case, of course leave the contractor
no profit, while the repayment of the advances in
kind at that rate might even cause the contractor a
loss. Such considerations prevented the respect-
able inhabitants of Java accepting the Government
contracts.

The new contractors fortunately were not of a
calibre to make these calculations for themselves.
They took the contracts on the assurance of the
Governor- General that they would make their for-
tunes, and left him to devise the means to so agree-
able an end. His calculations all turned on the
different results of industry and idleness. He as-
sumed that high wages^ with official encouragement
and supervision, would lead to contented and care-
ful cultivation, yielding a proportionately larger pro-
duce on a given area. This would increase the
material over which to spread the cost of manufac-
ture. There being no interest on the advances, no
commission to agency houses, and no outlay for
freight or transport, would make the cost of manu-
facture the only expense to the contractor. By
these means General Van den Bosch believed it
possible to secure large profits to both grower and
manufacturer at contract rates, which should still
leave Government a good margin on the sale of the
article.

The arcount to be paid for the purchase of each

MODE OF CARRriNG OUT THE SYSTEM. 109

crop was fixed, so as to make its cultivation more
profitable than rice. The expenses of manufacture
were estimated at a sum equal to the amount to be
paid to the grower. And the contract rate was fixed
about one-third higher than the product of those two
suras. The product of those two sums would be the
yearly advance of Government for the cost price of
the whole crop, so that, if the estimates proved
correct, the delivery to Government of two-thirds
of the manufactured article at the contract rate would
repay the yearly advance, leaving the contractor one-
third of his manufacture for his profit. As the
original and yearly advances were to be made by
Government, without interest, such surplus would cost
the contractor nothing but time and labour.

Mode of carrying out the System. — The crown
villages, whose situation and soil seemed best adapted
for the success of the enterprise, were selected.
During the building of the mill, the ofiicial contro-
leur was employed in making himself acquainted
with the number of the neighbouring Government
cottiers, and in examining the village lands suited to
the proposed crop. The amount of land required to
be under rice, to provide for the wants of the sur-
rounding population, was ascertained. The people
were told that this amount of rice land should never
be intruded upon. They were further shown the
pecuniary advantages to be derived by them from
the culture system, without additional labour or

110 ISATIVE INSTITUTIONS.

taxation. The increased facility Mliich it would afford
them in paying the Government land rent was also
explained. And, lastly, they were ordered to plant
one- fifth of their lands with the contractor's crop.

In Java the landlord has the right of directing
his tenant's cultivation, according to the old custom
of most Eastern nations. The villagers on the crown
lands therefore saw nothing either tyrannical or
intrusive in this order. To render this new cultiva-
tion acceptable, however, the gain to the cultivator
was purposely made so large and clear as to be plain
to the most ordinary capacity.

General Van den Bosch carefully analysed the
popular household institutions of the Javanese, of the
well-known old patriarchal character which has
always marked the early stages of society in the
East. The Native's dawdling idleness, natural to
the climate of Java, was also taken into con-
sideration. The culture svstera was based, not on
the improvement, but on the recognition of those
facts. A village which set apart one-fifth of its
rice fields for the cultivation of a crop suited to the
market of Europe, not requiring more labour than
the cultivation of rice, was to be exempted from the
payment of land rent. The village was further to
receive any value above the amount of the remitted
land rent which the contractor's crop should turn
out to be worth. Bad crops were to be at the risk
of the Government, in so far, at least, as these should

REMISSION OF LAND RENT. Ill

not be owing to want of zeal and labour on the
part of the Javanese. And four men were to be
told off to do the work of one. It required no
evidence to prove that these principles were entirely
in the interest of the Javanese, and the plan was
thus made acceptable to the peasants.

In working the system, however, it was found,
that the remission of the land rent, in return for
the contractor's crop, would lead to an unfair taxa-
tion of the individuals composing the village com-
munity. Some of these by the remission of the
land rent to the village, would be relieved from tax
without rendering any equivalent. Such would be
the case with those who, according to Javanese
ideas, were above work and independent, having
separate rice fields of their own which they culti-
vated by day labourers. Those, again, who turned out
to work on the contractor's crop (the poorer classes)
would be the only members of the community on
whom the tax of the whole village would fall. This
part therefore of the culture system was only carried
into effect in two residencies (Madioen and Kediri).
Even there it was very soon abandoned for the
present system, which is to collect the land rent
from the whole village community, and to pay
each man individually for his work on the contrac-
tor's crop.

Under this system the land rent on the whole of
the village cultivated lands is still taxed, only at the

112 DIVISIONS or CULTURE SYSTEM.

old rate and in the old manner^ as if all under rice
as before. The price of the contractor's crop, on
the conti'ary, is fixed so high, that the money re-
ceived for its growth, on one-fifth of the village lands,
must be more than double the land rent on the
whole village lands. This leaves the villagers a
large cash balance in hand, after paying their land
rent, besides the whole rice produce of the four-fifths
of their land for their own consumption. It relieves
them from the former necessity of having to meet
the Government demand by selling part of their
rice crop, probably at inadequate rates, or by bor-
rowing money, certainly at exorbitant interest.

Divisions of the Culture System. — Such are the
main features of one branch of the culture system —
that carried on by village labour with the intervention
of a contractor to manufacture the raw article. The
second applies to products which either require no
manufacture of the raw material, or in which the
treatment of the product for export is easy and
simple enough to be carried out by the Native
grower ; and the third to tea, tobacco, and cochineal.

Control over the Relations of European and
Native. — The relations between the European con-
tractor and the Native cultivator were carefully
regulated, so as to protect the Native from force,
and the European from fraud. Large opportunity
and every security and assistance were given to all
Europeans seeking wealth by developing the resources

EUROPEAN CONTRACTORS. 113

of the soil. Certain limits were, however^ imposed.
No European was allowed to seek wealth at pleasure,
by foisting his own terms on the Natives, and by-
using his superior strength, knowledge, and capital,
to gain advantages at the Native's expense. On
the other hand, the Native was required to assist in
developing the resources of the soil. He was held
strictly to the fulfilment of his engagements, but
was secured large profits for so doing. His share
in the culture system, both of labour and reward,
was regulated by fixed rules plainly beneficial to
him. His cultivation of the contractor's crop was
carried out under the orders and supervision of
his Native chiefs. The price for the contractor'^
crop was arranged by him with the European offi-
cials. And till the crop was cut and carried to the
mill, the contractor neither had nor was allowed
to usurp other control over the cultivator, than to
report to the officials such neglect or misconduct as
he thought likely to injure the crop. By these
means, while the European was secured from loss
to arise by the Native's evasion or infringement of
his engagements, the Native was protected from
violence on the part of the European.

Articles best produced iv'ith and without Euro-
pean Contractors. — The form of the culture system
with the intervention of a contractor has been
applied on the crown lands in diflerent parts of
Java to sugar, indigo, cochineal, tea, and tobacco.

VOL. t. I

114 CONTRACT SUGAR CULTURE.

The other Government cultures of coffee^ cinnamon,
and pepper have always been carried on by Native
labour without a European contractor. Experience
has shown that three principal articles, viz., sugar,
tobacco, and tea, can be most profitably produced by
means of intelligent European contractors applying
large Government funds to their cultivation on crown
lands, and to their subsequent treatment by expen-
sive processes. On the other hand, it has been
found that Java indigo and cochineal hardly require
and cannot bear the expense of a European con-
tractor. Like coffee, cinnamon, and pepper, these
articles are most profitably cultivated and prepared
by the crown peasants, under the immediate super-
intendence and control of the Government officials.
Practice has suggested modifications in the manner
of producing and treating each of these articles
under the culture system, but the broad principles of
General Van den Bosch's plan are still unchanged.

Its effects upon the country and people, as well
as the details of the respective advantages to peasant
and contractor, will, however, best be seen by
examining the figures of the sugar contracts, by far
the most important culture of this kind in Java.

Contract Sugar Culture. — The price to be paid to
the villagers was fixed at three and a half florins
copper for each picul of sugar produced from the
canes grown by them. It was expected that the
average yield would be thirty piculs of sugar to the

peasants' profit. 115

bahu of canes. This would give the villagers yearly
105 florins copper per bahu of one and a half
acre, or £4 17*. 9d. per acre. The peasants were
told that the canes, when ripe and before they were
cut, would be estimated as to their yield by the
Taxation Committee, in the same manner as the
rice crop was yearly accustomed to be estimated for
land rent. The villagers were assured that they
should be at once paid three florins copper and fifty
doits per picul of the estimated yield. They were
also promised that, as soon as their canes had been
crushed, they should receive a further sura of three
florins copper and fifty doits for every picul of the
actual yield above the estimate.

Peasants' Profit. — Let us suppose that the village
had 100 bah us or 150 acres of rice land. The
villagers were told they must plant one-fifth, or
twenty bahus, with sugar cane, which, if they took
pains in its cultivation, would probably yield 600
piculs, or thirty piculs of sugar per bahu. At
three florins copper fifty doits per picul, this
would give 2100 florins copper, which the peasants
were to have paid to them in cash by the Govern-
ment controleur before the canes were cut, and
which they might keep whether the canes gave the
estimated yield or not. The land under sugar was
to be taxed for land rent only as if under rice.
Thus the amount of the land rent was to remain the
same as before, and was of course well known to the

I 2

116 EUROPEAN AND NATIVE SUPERVISION.

peasants. As will be seen presently, it could not
amount for the whole 100 bahus to more than about
half the money to be received for the twenty bahus
under sugar.

The vigilance and active exertions of the Euro-
pean and Native officials were secured by a small
percentage to each on every picul of sugar made in
his district. Under their supervision the canes
were carefully cultivated. After a few years' expe-
rience and improvement they were found to yield,
on the best lands where the sugar mills were first
established, an average of forty piculs per bahu,
instead of thirty. The villagers actually received in
hard cash, for the twenty bahus of canes, first, the
value of the estimated yield, say at thirty piculs,
2100 florins copper, and some two or three months
later, when the real yield was known, the further
sum of 700 florins copper, as the price at the same
rate of the extra ten piculs per bahu above the
estimate.

This system works well, since, besides enriching
the labouring classes, it gives each man an interest
in the planter having a good crop, his pay being so
much per picul of sugar made at the mill. If the
crop does not come to maturity, or is burned or
washed away before the canes are ripe, and therefore
before the estimation of the yield, the peasants get
nothing for their labour. Self-interest thus teaches
them to use care and caution to provide against

CASH RECEIPTS. 117

accidents. If they had not to receive payment ac-
cording to the result of the sugar crop, but had only
to work for their village to which the land rent had
been remitted, and if the bad crops were still taken
on account of Government, the ryot could not
be expected to care much whether the cane fields
succeeded. As it is, the villagers take active pre-
cautions against the canes being burnt up for want
of irrigation, or washed away by the violent rains
for want of protection, and in most cases with success.
But, besides the sums to be received by the vil-
lagers according to the out-turn of the sugar crop,
they are further paid by the contractor for cutting
the canes and carrying them to his mill. For this
purpose the contractor has to make agreements with
the villagers, which, under the supervision of the
controleur, are generally made at such rates as to
come to about one florin copper per picul of the
yield. Thus the villagers further receive from the
contractor, in cash on delivery, 800 florins copper
for cutting and carrying the canes of their twenty
bahus, at forty piculs per bahu. Their actual cash
receipts for growing, cutting, and carrying twenty
bahus of canes thus become —

r. c.

Value at estimated yield of 30 piculs . . 2100
Value of surplus yield of 10 piculs. . . 700
For cutting and carrying, at 40 piculs . . 800

Total Florins Copper 3600

118 LAND TAX.

This is equal to 3000 florins silver, or .€250, for
twenty bahus, or for about thirty acres of land.

The villagers^ culture wages for sugar thus vary
with the yield from about &1 to over £8 per acre.

Land Tax, — The land rent, as it is more correctly
named in Java, is the same as what is called the
Ryots^ Land Tax to Government in India. The
amount of the land rent is not deducted by the
Dutch Government out of the culture wages, but
most of the villagers doubtless pay it from that
source. A comparison of the amount of the culture
wages with the ordinary land rent will show approxi-
mately the result to the village.

The land rent may vary slightly every year. It
is calculated by having the produce of the village
lands, when the March rice crop is ripe and before
it is cut, yearly estimated by the Taxation Committee.
The European controleur, the Native chief of the
district, the village chief, and a certain number of
Native mantries, or petty chiefs, compose this Taxa-
tion Committee. These examine the crop on the
land in presence of the villagers, and calculate the
number of piculs of padi or pari (rice in the husk),
and whether of first, second, or third quality, which
the crop will give per bahu. The average is about
20 piculs of padi per bahu, and in rare cases it will
go as high as 30 piculs. In Java the padi gives
about half its own weight in rice, though in India, I
am told, the rice is seldom more than two-fifths of

PADl AND RICE PRODUCE. 119

the padi. This padi is valued at the market price
in harvest time, which, in the interior, is generally
from two to three florins per picul of first-rate padi,
but in the neighbourhood of towns wiU rise to four
or even five florins per picul.

In ]8o4 the highest average produce of padi in
any residency was SOyito piculs per cultivated balm,
while the lowest was 5-f^^ piculs per bahu. The
average all round was 17-^^ piculs per bahu. The
highest average price of padi in any residency was
four florins eighty doits per picul, and the lowest
was one florin thirteen doits per picul. The highest
average price all round was three florins five doits
per picul, and the lowest average price all round was
1 florin 113 doits per picul. The rice produce all
round in 1857 was IZ-rg-o piculs per bahu, while in
that year the highest average price all round was
two florins forty-seven doits per picul, and the
lowest average price all I'ouud was one florin
eighty-five doits per picul. Let us suppose, there-
fore, that of the eighty bahus under rice ten give
per bahu thirty piculs of first-rate padi, worth three
florins per picul. Twenty of the other bahus would
probably give per bahu twenty piculs of second-
rate padi, worth two florins sixty doits per picul.
And the remaining fifty bahus may be taken as
giving per bahu fifteen piculs of third-rate padi,
worth one florin eighty doits per picul. The twenty

120 LAND RENT ACCOUNT.

balms under sugar are calculated as rice land,
giving the same quantity and quality as the best of
that village land really under rice.

The village land rent account, therefore, would
stand as follows : —

Pic Padi.
30 Bahus (10 Rice and 20 Sugar) at 30 Pic Padi per

bahu 900

20 Bahus at 20 Pic Padi per bahu 400

50 Bahus at 15 Pic Padi per bahu 750

Total produce of 100 Bahus . . . 2050
900 Pic Padi at 3 florins per picul . . . Fls. 2700
400 Pic Padiat 2 florins 60 doits per picul „ 1000
750 Pic Padi at 1 florin 80 doits per picul „ 1250

Total value of produce . . . 4950

Of this the land rent is one-fifth in money, or
990 florins.

The cultivated area of rice fields on the Java
crown lands in 1854 was 1,712,312 bahus. Of this,
less than -^th, or 63,868 bahus, was planted for
Government under the culture system, and 1,678,444
bahus were cultivated by the people for themselves.
The imaginary rice produce of the area cultivated
for Government gave land rent 622,282 florins
thirty-nine droits, or at the rate of 974 florins per
one hundred bahus. The land rent on the actual
rice crops cultivated by the people for themselves
was 7,995,689 florins 114 doits, or at the rate of

CONTRAST OF OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS. 121

only 485 florios per one hundred bahus. The total
land rent was 8,617,972 florins thirty- three doits,
or at the rate of 503 florins per one hundred bahus
on the whole cultivated area. In 1857 the cultivated
area of rice fields in the Java crown lands was
1,896,177 bahus, or 275,797 acres more than in
1854, showing an extension of cultivation not far
short of 100,000 acres per annum. The total land
rent in 1857 was florins 9,659,794-44, or 509 florins
per one hundred bahus on the whole cultivated
area.

Thus it will be seen that only in exceptional
cases can the land rent on the one hundred bahus
come to 1000 florins silver, or 1200 florins copper.
Even at that rate the culture wages, averaging from
2250 to 3000 florins, for growing, cutting, and
carrying twenty bahus of sugar cane, are more than
double the land rent.

Contrast in Peasants' Profits under Old and New
Systems. — The diS'erence to the villagers between
the old system and the new will be best seen by the
following comparison. I have made the rice produce
of the one hundred bahus the same in amount and
value in 1830 as in 1857 j whereas in truth both
amount and value were smaller in 1830. This
makes the diflierence less favourable than is really
the fact. The benefit caused by the culture system
is thus understated, -but still the contrast is remark-
able.

122 1830 COMPARED WITH 1857.

In 1830. Pic Fadi. Florins.

30 Bahus, at 30 Pic Padi per

bahu 900 at fl. 3— 0 2700

20 Bahus, at 20 Pic Padi per

bahu 400 at fl. 2—60 1000

50 Bahus, at 15 Pic Padi per

bahu • 750 at fl. 1—80 1250

2050 4950

Deduct one-fifth to be sold for

land rent 410 or 990

Left the village for consump-
tion and sale one crop of Padi,
ofPiculs 1640 wortt 3960

In 1857. Pic Padi. Florins.

20Bahus Sugar, with cuttingand

carrying, at least F.C. 2700 . equal to 2250

10 Bahus Eice, at 30 Pic per

bahu 300 at fl. 3— 0 900

20 Bahus ditto, at 20 Pic per

bahu 400atfl. 2— 60 1000

50 Bahus ditto, at 15 Pic per

bahu 750 at fl. 1—80 1250

60 Bahus same land, second crop

of Tobacco, &c., worth say . 1800 4950

1450 4950 7200

Land rent same as above, paid

out of the Sugar Money . . 990

Left the village for consump-

tion or sale two crops worth. . 4950

Cash in hand 1260

6210

Or 6210 florins clear in 1857 against 3960 florins
clear in 1830.

ADVANTAGES OF THE NEW SYSTEM. 123

Under this new system, with such large yearly
cash balances, the villagers soon relieved themselves
from the grip of the Chinese money-lenders. The
power to purchase gave rise to new wants, and the
indulgence of those wants led to increased industry.
The culture villages have now risen to a condi-
tion of great prosperity, and their large outlay
has extended that prosperity to neighbouring
districts not directly benefited by the culture
system.

Besides the direct advantages in money, both the
people and the country gained immensely by the
increase of employment. The idle months, between
the harvest in June and the sowing in November,
used to be the period for regularly organized
burglaries and other violent crimes, formerly as
prevalent in Java as they still are in India. Em-
ployment at good wages during those months is
secured to part of the population in the manufacture
of sugar at the mill. The rest of the population
are also thereby provided with employment during
the same period on their own village lands. The
water-course, made by the contractor to turn his
own mill, supplies them with constant irrigation not
dependent on the rains, and thus enables ihe village
lands to bear a double instead of a single crop.
The mill also is a ready market for the village
produce, such as fuel, padi, rattans, bamboos, &c.,
and for the village manufactures, such as oil, pots,

124 CULTURE WAGES.

bricks, and wooden and iron tools, the creation of
which also helps to give constant employment to the
village labour.

The rice lands and sugar lauds are differently
cultivated. Each householder of the village has
allotted to him, every year, his proportionate share
of the four-fifths of the village lands which are to
be planted with rice, and then he and his family
separately cultivate his allotted rice lands for
themselves. This yearly division and allotment are
made by the koewoe, or village chief, with the help
of the council of village elders. The one-fifth
under sugar, which is changed every year, so as to
let the same land carry sugar only once in five
years, is not allotted, but the whole of the cottiers
work at that by turns under the orders of the
koewoe.

Culture Wages. — When the canes are to be paid
for, the money is taken to the place where the
wedana, or chief of the district, lives. Lists have
been prepared beforehand for each village, — so many
bahus, estimated at so many piculs, at three E. C. fifty
doits per picul, so much — so many villagers worked
in the sugar canes, (excluding the priests, the
infirm, and those of rank above work,) to divide so
much, will get, per man, so much — and then seriatim
the names of the workmen, with each man^s amount.
The village is summoned, perhaps with five or six
other villages.

DEALING or THE DUTCH WITH NATIVES. 125

The heading of the list^ showing the calculation and
the amount per man^ is read out to the villagers in
the presence of the assistant resident, the controleur
in charge of the village, the regent in whose regency,
the wedana in whose district, and the salaried
mantrie in whose sub-district the village is situated,
and of the koewoe or elected chief of the village.
Each man's name is then called out, and the money
is paid by the controleur into his own hand. The
assistant resident has to report to the resident the
whole circumstances of the payment of each village,
with the names of each official present, and the
name of the person by whose hand the money was
paid to the villagers.

I was much struck, at this point of the process,
with the wisdom of the Dutch mode of dealing with
Natives. Mr. Ament told me that, although each
man's money was paid into his own hand, it was
notorious that the whole sum was, on the return to
the village, paid by the peasants to the village chief
and council of elders, who redistributed it, according
to the account kept by them of every man's daily
work in the canes, or of the supply of carts and
buffaloes for the purposes of the sugar cultivation.
These latter are often provided by people of rank or
of age above work, whose names even are conse-
quently not on the Government list.

If any further payment has to be made from the
yield of sugar exceeding the amount estimated, the

126 OFFICIAL PERCENTAGE.

whole process is gone over again, and before the
same persons each man is paid his share of the
three florins copper and fifty doits per surplus
picul.

The Dutch say that no great progress can ever be
made among an Oriental people towards an extensive
development of the resources of the country, unless
not only the support of Government be given,
but the active help and countenance of the local
officials be secured. This is attained by giving them
a personal interest in the success of such efforts.
Many of the official salaries are doubled by their
percentages. At the same time, the Dutch say, the
public weal requires the motives for such support
not to be strong enough to supersede the general
protection which the childish Native agriculturist
requires in his dealings with a superior of whatever
race or colour.

These opposite results are sought by making the
percentage universal but very small. The aggregate
forms a respectable sum, securing general support
and active efforts for its attainment.

In some districts the resident's percentage of 10
doits per picul will amount to as much as from 1200
to 1500 florins per month, or between £1200 and
£1500 a year besides his salary. Of course every
other 10 doit percentage will yield the same among
those whose area conjoined equals the resident's.

COPPER COIN. 127

Thus, if his residency is divided into four regencies
equally stocked with contractors^ each regent would
get from i£300 to £400 yearly percentage.
In the case of every official, both European and
Native, this percentage is over and above the salary,
and not counted in any way against the recipient.
The resident pays to himself and to the other officials
the 50 doits per picul on the whole produce of his
residency, charging the Government this percentage
on every picul delivered in payment by the con-
tractor, and charging the contractor in account
with this percentage on every picul of his
surplus.

Copper Coin. — To facilitate the operation of the
culture system, General Van den Bosch imported
from Europe many millions of copper coin, in which
the advances to the contractors for expenditure in
Java were made. This was intrinsically worth
only 40 centimes, or 8c?. per 100 copper coins
called doits, but the Government made it a legal
tender in Java at the rate of 120 doits to a silver
florin worth 20c?. English. The copper coin was
advanced by Government to the contractor, and
paid by him to the peasant, at that rate, the contrac-
tor repaying the nominal amount of the advance in
sugar at the contract price. Thus the advances
made by Government really cost it less than half
the nominal amount of the advance. This copper

128 COPPER COINAGE CALLED IN.

coinage in that state of society had many of the

•

advantages of a paper currency. It was not hoarded,
it represented a conventional value far above its real
cost, and it had the extra advantages of not being
constantly returned to Government for silver, and of
being a circulating medium better adapted to the
uses of a poor people than paper of even the lowest
denomination. It had, of course, the disadvantages
of bulk, and of being easily counterfeited, and the
difference between its real value and that for which
it was a legal tender in Java gave rise to smuggling,
in the introduction of large quantities of the same
inferior copper coin into the island. By these
means, to which even the smuggling was advan-
tageous in one point of view, a large circulating
medium was provided, suited to the wants of the
country. This tended to facilitate operations, and
to raise the value of all the produce of the island,
the Government wisely receiving the whole or any
part of the land tax, or of any other payments, in
the same copper coin at its legal rate. The loans
raised in Holland, to start the system, thus produced
an effect, in Java, equal to double their amount.
This inferior copper coinage, having effected its
purpose, has lately been called in, and replaced by
copper and small silver coins of proper intrinsic
value.

While the peasant's interest was thus carefully

contractor's profit. 129

looked after, the contractor's profits were equally
secured.

Contractor's Profit. — As the whole building and
yearly advances were derived from Government
without interest, the contractor risked nothing but
time and labour. A less wise governor than General
Van den Bosch would have increased the direct profits
of Government, by reducing the contractor's profits to
something above an equivalent for the time and
labour of such inferior men as the first contractors.
But General Van den Bosch foresaw that the great
benefit to the country would arise from the exten-
sion of the system by private enterprise. He knew
that such extension would depend upon this liberal
scale of remuneration to the peasant being shown to
be consistent with large and rapid fortunes to the
contractors. He agreed, therefore, to allow the
contractor to pay in sugar, at such prices as to
leave him a large share of the profits of the manu-
facture. He fixed the contract rate at which the
sugar was to be delivered to Government in the
neighbourhood of the mill at ten florins copper per
picul. This is equal to 13*. \0\d. for 136 lbs. avoir-
dupois, or just under \\d. per pound.

The contractor's calculation was also made on the
expectation of thirty piculs of sugar to the bahu of
canes. The usual amount of land in each contract
was 400 bahus, divided among the difierent culture

VOL. I, K

130 contractor's account.

villages attached to that sugar mill. At these
rates the contractor's account would stand as fol-
lows : —

F. C. Pic. Sug.

400 Balms, at 30 piculs of Sugar per bahu 12,000

Yearh'^ advance for Canes, at 3 florins copper

50 doits per picul of Sugar 42,000

Yearly advance for cutting and making, at 3

florins copper 50 doits per picul .... 42,000
Eepa}' one-tenth of original building advance 20,000

To be repaid, Florins copper . . . 104,000

This the Contractor would repay by delivering

to Government at 10 florins copper per picul Pic. Sug. 10,400

Estimated surplus for Contractor's profit, Piculs of Sugar 1,GOO

This account was a gauge, both for Government
and the contractor, as to the amount of the yearly-
advance. According to the number of bahus in his
contract, the contractor was to receive yearly advance
for the expenses of manufacture, including cutting
and carrying, three florins copper and fifty doits per
picul on the whole of his produce, estimated at
thirty piculs to the bahu. A similar three florins
copper and fifty doits per picul was to be paid by
Government on his account for the canes to the
peasant. His Government yearly advance would
thus be equal to seven florins copper per picul of
sugar. The contract rate for delivery to Govern-
ment, being ten florins copper per picul, would
enable the contractor to repay the yearly advance

RESULT OF THE CONTRACTS, 131

and one-tenth of the building advance, and yet leave
him a considerable surplus for his profit.

The results, however, in the contractor's case, as
in the peasant's, were much increased by the canes
yielding 40 piculs per bahu instead of 30. The con-
tractor's account on the real production, then
stood as follows : —

F. C, Fie. Sug.
400 Bahus, at 40 piculs per bahu .... 16,000

Canes at 3 F. C. 50 doits per picul . . ; 56,000
Cutting and making (less per picul for a

larger amount), 3 F. C. per picul . . . 48,000
Repay one-tenth of building advance . . . 20,000

To be repaid, F. C. . 124,000= 12,400

Real surplus for contractor, Fie. Sug. 3,600

These 3600 piculs of sugar, if badly made and sold
at 12 florins per picul, gave 43,200 florins, or £3600.
If well made and of superior quality, so as to bring
15 florins per picul, they gave 51,000 florins, or
£4353. In either case the contractor had bought
one-tenth of his mill, worth £1381 17^. 9f/. This,
with from £3600 to £4350 cash surplus, made in all
from about £5000 to £5600 per annum as the con-
tractor's actual yearly profit for his time and labour.

It may be well conceived that, when tliis result
of the contracts became known, the Governor- General
found no difficulty in getting responsible persons to
take any further contracts he had to give. As the
advances to the original contractors began to come

K 2

132 FIRST SUGAR CONTRACTS.

in, by the sale of the produce delivered to Govern-
raeiit, the Governor-General was able to extend the
contract sugar cultivation rapidly to the different
parts of the island, where there was sufficient popu-
lation, and where the soil was suited to the growth
of sugar. The Government in selecting from among
the now numerous candidates for contracts, wisely
made intelligence and a gentlemanly education, with
refined and conciliatory manners towards the Natives,
more a test than the possession of means. The
system was not allowed to degenerate into mere in-
vestments for moneyed men, to be carried on by
managers. The contracts were made personal to the
contractor, and ceasing on his absenting himself for
more than a certain short period. Leave of absence to
Europe in case of illness was, however, freely given,
Government appointing a substitute. The sale of
the contract to any approved purchaser was also
generally allowed to the contractor, and never re-
fused to his family in case of his death.

Such were the terms of the first sugar contracts,
to last for twenty years, during which period the con-
tractors made large fortunes. Most of these contracts
have, however, now expired, and been again renewed
for a further period of years on nearly the same
terms. The contractor now has to deliver somewhat
less than two-thirds of his sugar to Government at
7^ florins per picul, equal to 8 florins copper and 75
doits, instead of at 10 florins copper per picul as

IMPROVEMENT IN MACHINERY. 133

before. This, with the various expenses of packing,
forwarding, percentage to officials, commission to
agents, &c., all borne by Government, raises the cost
of the contract sugar to nearly 10 florins silver per
picul in the Government stores for export. The
average cost in 1854 was 9 florins and 106 doits per
picul, and in 1857 exactly 10 florins per picul.

The remaining advances, if any, are paid in money
from the proceeds of the remaining one-third of the
sugar, which the contractor sells on his own account.
By the improvement of the culture, and particularly
of the manufacturing processes, the sugar can be now
produced so much cheaper as to enable large profits
still to be made on these terms. Some idea may be
formed of the improvement in the machinery which
has occurred since the introduction of the culture
system, by the common estimate in Java of the value
of the mills. Those which were at first built,
machinery bought, and watercourse made for two
lacs of florins copper, equal to £13,888, are now worth
generally as they stand five lacs or .£31,722. This
improvement has mostly been made by fresh building
advances from Government, repaid by yearly instal-
ments in the same manner as the original building
advance. These mills are the private property of
the contractors, whose permanent interests in their
contracts have been thus largely increased.

The Java Government has furnished me with a
form of the late sugar contracts, in which the above

134 STATISTICS OF SUGAR CULTURE.

principles are carefully preserved. Such slight mo-
difications only have been introduced as experience
has shown to be advisable for the general success of
the enterprise, and particularly for the welfare of
the labouring population. The stipulations of the
Java culture contracts would be useful in any appli-
cation of the culture system to India, as embodying
the results of experience on the subject. They are
of no material interest, however, unless required for
such a purpose, in which case they would be readily
supplied by the Java Government.

Statistics of Sugar Culture. — The general result
seems to be that the sugar culture in Java is highly
profitable to all. Government, besides its direct
profit, derives still larger indirect advantages from
the welfare and contentment of the people. The
Government's outlay on the sugar culture gives
large wages and profits to the peasant grower, and
secures to the European contractors yearly increasing
quantities of sugar for sale in the open market. In
1857 the sugar produce of the Java crown lands at
the free disposal of the manufacturer amounted to near
three-quarters of a million of piculs. Pai't of this
was the produce of independent planters, but the
larger portion of it was sold by Government con-
tractors, thus realizing large profits at no cost but
time and labour.

Contract Indigo Culture. — The indigo culture,
under contract, was established at the same time and

CONTRACT IXDIGO CULTURE. 135

on the same principles as the contract sugar culture.
It was limited to the surplus village lands above the
population's requirements for rice. It was to be paid
for by Government at a price far more remunerative
to the peasant than rice. All advances were to be
made to the contractor without interest. And he
was to repay these advances in indigo at contract
ratesj leaving him a large profit.

The whole indigo produced on the crown lands is
delivered to Government. This is partly on account
of the contract rate being now higher than the
market price in Java, so that the contractors^ accord-
ing to the power reserved to them, put off their
whole produce on Government. It is also partly
due to much of the indigo cultui'e on crown lands
being now carried on by Government without con-
tractors. The superior quality of Bengal indigo and
its large increase during the last thirty years reduced
the price of Java indigo, till its cultivation could
only be advantageously continued by diminishing the
expense of production. Java indigo thus became an
article no longer able to bear the extra cost of the
contractor's profit.

Indigo is the blue dye extracted from the sap of
the indigo leaf, and is made into the cakes, which
form the indigo of commerce, by an easy process.
"When the necessity arose for reducing the cost of
indigo production, it was found that the same indigo
could be produced as well and cheaper without a

136 INDEPENDENT PLANTERS,

contractor. Government consequently refused to
renew the original indigo contracts. As these
expired by lapse of time, the contractors and their
families were otherwise provided for. Government
bought back the factories and plant, and carried on
the indigo culture directly by the crown peasants
under the supervision of their Native chiefs. Some
few of the original contracts, I believe, have not yet
run out, but practically the indigo culture has now
passed to the branch of the system carried on
without the intervention of a European con-
tractor.

Independent Planters. — When the culture system
had been thus established in different parts of the
island by Government advances, and the large
fortunes made by the contractors had called forth
private enterprise, the Java Government refused any
further sugar or indigo contracts. Independent
planters were then encouraged to settle on the
crown lands in the districts where the culture
system had not been introduced, and where there
was consequently no Government contractor to be
interfered with. The first independent crown leases
■were granted for the culture of sugar. These leases
did not include any portion of the existing village
lands, but only the neighbouring uncultivated crown
lands, though these latter had very often, no doubt,
been used by the villagers for the collection of
timber or other purposes. Here a lease for twenty

LEASES. 137

years raiglit be obtained of 300 or 400 babus of
ground or more. At first a rent was paid to
Goverument of one picul of sugar for eacb planted
bahu. This was afterwards commuted to a fixed
yearly payment in money of six florins silver per
bahu, equal to C^. 8c?. per acre. The planter has iu
this case to find his own capital and machinery.
He has to plant, grow, cut, and manufacture the
cane into sugar with labour procured and paid for
by himself, without the interference or control of
the Government oflQcials, except in matters of police
and justice. These leases were first granted in
1839 and 1840, in accordance with the policy preva-
lent in Java before 1830, and iu India at the
present day. Their introduction was considered by-
many as a dangerous deviation irora the principles
on which the culture system had been introduced
by General Van den Bosch, the results of which-
had, even by that time, won it universal approbatioa
in the island. By others these independent leases-
were supported as the crowning object of the
General's measures, the encouragement of a large
and free private unprotected enterprise, for the
attainment o." which the culture svstem had been
intended to serve as a stepping-stone. The result
has not been in favour of the independent planters^
Their leases do not yield by any means such profi-
table results as the same culture under Government
contracts, although the rate at which they hold their

138 LEASES OF WILD CROWN LANDS.

lands is comparatively so much lower. This seems
chiefly to arise from the want of official support
among a Native population, whose ideas require
authoritative explanation and persuasion to secure
continued application even for their own good.
The high rate of interest also for the borrowed
funds, with which most of the independent planta-
tions are carried ou, leaves but little surplus profit
for the planter. These, and especially the latter, are
the great impediments to the success of private
European enterprise in India. The concurrence of
the same cause and effect, both in India and in Java,
seems to show that, undoubtedly true as are the
principles of free, competitive, unprotected, and
uncontrolled industry, in an advanced state of
society with great realized capital, like that of
England, those principles must be modified in their
application to countries with but little available
capital, and to semi-barbarous races of ignorant, idle,
and suspicious Natives.

In these leases of wild crown lands, the rent of
six florins per bahu does not begin for some years,
and is only gradually extended to the whole of the
land rented. The length of the lease varies from
tw enty to forty years, according to the time required
by the proposed new culture to yield produce. The
Java Government has supplied me with a form of
their leases for w aste crown lands. This shows the
same careful stipulations as the sugar contracts,

PEIVATE PLANTERS. 139

both for the probable success of the enterprise and
for the protection of the Native labourers from ill-
treatment or improper interference. The only reflec-
tion to which it gives rise is the difference between
the two countries, when in Java Government can
easily let wild lands at such high rents for such
short periods, while our Indian Govei'nment cannot
find grantees for such fruitful land as the Soonder-
buns at the low rent of one rupee per acre for ever.

No private planter is allowed to settle on Govern-
ment land in districts where the Government system
of cultures under contract is in operation, unless he
agrees to pay the ryots the same rates, and to treat
them in the same manner, under the same Govern-
ment superintendence and support, as has been
found so beneficial in the case of the contractors.
Many complain of the amount of the rent to Govern-
ment, but no independent planter in Java complains
of this part of his agreement. All admit, and the
experience of the independent planters in the other
parts of the island shows, that, without Government
superintendence and support, the peasants would
neither cultivate so largely or so carefully, nor
would the intercourse between planter and cottier be
so easy or so pleasant.

The above is a bare and very inadequate descrip-
tion of the means by which the great European
sugar and indigo cu.ltivation of Java were introduced
and extended. Carefully weighed fixed principles.

140 EUROPEAN CULTURES IN INDIA.

adapted to the existing state of society and to both
the present and future relations of Europeans and
Natives, prevented the introduction of European
enterprise by means of Native labour being injurious
to any, maintained the culture in favour as profit-
able to all, extended it to its present enormous
dimensions, and -will continue to extend it, to the
mutual benefit of the Government and of the
people.

Cont7'asi of Java Culture System ivith European
Cultures in India. — Let us now compare with the
above the cultures by Europeans in India. These
were introduced on the theory of free bargaining
between European and Native, were carried on ac-
cording to the laws of -supply and demand, and were
extended by the direct action of the European on
the Native, according to the most advanced doctrines
of unprotected and uncontrolled private enterprise.
We shall then see how different is the action of
these principles, so admirable among homogeneous
races like the people of Europe, when applied to
races and classes as opposed in their respective
qualities as in their colour. The Anglo- Indian and
the Native each have the vices and the virtues of
their respective qualities of strength and weakness,
and of their respective stages of civilization. The
Englishman, like most strong races, is honest and
energetic, determined to make his fortune, but
equally determined not to be cheated, and prepared

THE ANGLO-INDIAN AND THE NATIVE. 141

to employ violence, if necessary, for the attainment of
his ends. The Native, like most weak races, is
apparently submissive and docile, but really obsti-
nate in his prejudices and in his determined avoid-
ance of new modes of labour, equally grasping and
without foresight for the future, and using deceit
and lying in all its forms to get some temporary
advantage from the stronger race, and afterwards to
evade the bargain for which such advantage was
given.

Leaving these two races to uncontrolled action
on each other naturally leads to violence on one
side to secure benefits or rights, which deceit on
the other side is called in to evade or deny. Our
Indian Government, instead of recognising the fact
of European supremacy, and modifying the relations
between the races so as to protect the Native from
force and the European from fraud, has generally
left these relations uncontrolled to settle themselves
on the ordinary principles of political economy.
Our Indian officials, however, are mostly subject to
humanitarian outbreaks of sympathy for the Native,
taking the form of measures, more or less direct, to
prevent the extension of European enterprise in
India. !Many of them act as if the natural mastery
of strength and knowledge over weakness and igno-
rance were to be suppressed by the puny efforts of
philauthropical sentirnentalism.

In Java, where Government makes the advances

142 CULTURE or INDIGO.

and controls the dealings, the peasant, the planter,
and the commonwealth are rich, peaceful, and con-
tented ; while the resources of the crown lands are
largely deA'eloped, and the cultivation of private estates
is constantly extended by individual enterprise,
following in the wake of the Government example,
to the benefit and satisfaction of all. In India,
where the advances are left to private individuals and
the dealings are uncontrolled, the peasant is poor,
and only cultivates for the planter by compulsion,
theplanter is forced to resort to objectionable means of
protecting his own interests, and the commonwealth
is neither rich, peaceful, nor contented. Under this
system the immense resources of India are not only
undeveloped, but the Natives and their warmest, if
not their wisest, friends oppose the only means to
that end — the extension of European enterprise.

Indigo is the chief culture by Europeans in British
India. The manner in which the cultivation of
indigo was principally extended to its present limits,
at least in Bengal, illustrates the result of conflict-
ing interests between European and Native, where
Government does not interpose to secure the Native
from encroachment, and at the same time to give
the European a fair field for his industry.

Former Mode of Establishing a New Indigo
Factory. — The men who formerly established new
indigo factories were like the American pioneers to
the far "West. They had an unpleasant task before

ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INDIGO FACTORY. 143

them, only to be acliieved by deterrainatiou, by
reckless treatment of the Xatives, and by disregard
of consequences either to others or to themselves.
If successful, the speedy results made a valuable
property, which could be sold high to the more quiet
and respectable members of the community who
followed.

Some strong-bodied, energetic Anglo-Saxon, with
a due contempt for niggers, and a little money of his
own, would go to some agency or other house of
business for the necessary advances. The house
knew the process he would have to go through, but
that was his affair, not theirs. If his character led
them to think he would succeed, they made him the
advances, at high interest, for the benefit they were
to derive from the sale of his indigo.

With this borrowed money he would go and settle
on the selected locality, buy or lease a bit of land^
and build on it a house for himself, and outhouses
with vats for the manufacture. He would then apply
to the peasants on the surrounding estates to enter
into contracts to plant indigo for him, and would
have it intimated to the zemindar, or Native land-
lord, that he was prepared to make such advances to
the ryots or Native cottiers as would enable them to
discharge all arrears of rent.

The zemindar would probably send for the ryots,
and command them to take the plantei-^s money, and
pay their arrears. The ryots might perhaps object

144 CONDUCT OF THE ZEMINDAR.

that the planter would only advance the money on
their entering into contracts to plant indigo at prices
less remunerative than rice, and which would,
perhaps, not leave them land enough to grow rice
for themselves, or not give them enough money
both to buy rice and pay rent. The zemindar would
direct the ryots to sign the contracts, to take the
money and indigo seed, to pay both to him for
arrears, and then to plant rice for themselves. He
would inform them, as the fact was and is, that the
planter had no other remedy than bringing actions
against each of them for breach of contract, in which
their zemindar would assist them, and which, with
appeals, could not be decided for a considerable
time. The ryots, only too willing to spoil the
Feringhee, would sign the contracts, take the money
and seed, pay both to the zemindar, get receipts for
their arrears, and plant their land with rice.

If the zemindar did not thus urge the ryots to
take the planter's advances, the servants of the
factory would be employed to persuade the neigh-
bouring villagers to enter into agreements to sow
indigo. In one way or another, the improvident
ryots would be induced to take advances and to
sign contracts. If not incited to fraud by their
zemindar, they would then generally proceed to
perform their contracts. Sooner or later, however,
unless the planter could get the zemindar to lease
him the land, the struggle between zemiudar and

BREACH OF CONTRACT. 145

planter must come, and the latter's power over the
ryots, so as to ensure the continuance of the indigo
culture, could seldom be established till this battle
had been fought and won. Sooner or later the
time arrived when the ryots would try to resist the
planter, and, after taking their advances, to evade
their engagements.

The planter would ride round and would either
find his contractors refusing to plant indigo, or
would hear and see that they had planted rice
instead of indigo. He then generally went to the
nearest judge with his contracts in his hand, and
asked for relief. He was told that it was a mere
breach of contract, for which, if proved, he could
recover damages by civil suit, but that he had no
other remedy.

His only lawful resource, therefore, was the
hopeless attempt to recover damages from paupers.
If he submitted to that course^ he was ruined and
laughed at. Zemindars and ryots knew that he
was embarked on a sea of litigation, where all the
chances of perjury and forgery, as well as the
probable sympathies of the judge, were in their
favour. At the best, he must eat his heart out
with protracted litigation, which, even if successful,
would bring him no solid compensation. The
attempt to establish a new indigo concern had failed.
He lost the confidence of his employers, or of those
who had made him advances, and was soon turned

VOL. 1. L

146

ZEMINDAR AND PLANTER.

out of his house and factory by their foreclosing
their mortgage against him, and putting some other
adventurer into his place to try and recover their
money.

But he generally either foresaw this result or
had it explained to him. His Anglo-Saxon energy
would then make him prefer the more hopeful but
lawless process of helping himself. He collected
bands of latteals, or fighting-men, numbers of whom
are to be hired in all parts of the country. Under
their guard, his servants pulled up the rice and
planted in fresh indigo seed. The zemindar would
see that his influence and rent were equally in
danger. He also collected latteals, and sent them and
his men to pull up the indigo and re-plant rice, which
the planter's people and his latteals would equally
resist. A pitched battle would ensue, where some
perhaps would be killed and more wounded. The
police hearing of the affray, the darogah, or head of
the police station, and perhaps the magistrate, would
go on to the spot and make a local investigation.
The ryots, the planter's and zemindar's servants, and
probably the zemindar himself, would be seized,
together with as many of the latteals on both sides
as had not made themselves scarce. The planter
would remain at liberty, for, being a European,
he was not subject criminally to the mofussil or
provincial jurisdiction. The zemindar and the
servants on both sides, the ryots, and the latteals

THE planter's INFLUENCE. 147

would be kept in arrest till tried for the affray, and
then mostly be sentenced to further long terms of
imprisonment.

During this time the indigo would grow, and the
planter, with new servants, would extend it to the
surrounding patches of land best suited, making
large advances meanwhile to the families of the
imprisoned ryots. When fit, it was cut by the
planter's new people, and by such of the ryots as had
not been seized, or had been acquitted, with all of
whom the free planter's influence had meanwhile
superseded that of the imprisoned zemindar. On
each ryot's account being made out, he was univer-
sally shown to be in debt, sufficient advances having
been purposely made to him to produce that result.
A bond was then taken from him, or, if he was
convicted of the affray and in prison, from the
managing member of his family, for the amount,
with a tacit understanding that it would not be
enforced so long as the land was devoted to grow
indigo. Fresh advances were made and fresh seed
given for planting, with an intimation that any
new attempt to evade their engagements would be
followed by a repetition of the same process, which
had already proved so hurtful to the ryots and to
the zemindar, and so innocuous to the planter.
Zemindar and ryots yielded to their fate, and the
indigo culture was extended to that district.

When the process had got this length, it was

L 2

14S THE FACTORY ESTABLISHED.

deemed successful. The new indigo factory was
considered as firmly established. The planter
repaid his advances ; secured the confidence of those
who had lent the money; could command any
further advances he required ; and, after two or three
years of firm-handed rule, could sell at a high
price a well-established and valuable concern to
some respectable quiet gentleman.

It was, of course, not agreeable to any man, how-
ever rude or coarse-minded, to go through this pro-
cess. Any Englishman would rather have paid the
zemindar a fair rent for the land, and the ryots a
fair price for their crop, and have himself had the
benefit of a contented and careful cultivation. But
the state of society in India makes other motives
more powerful than the ordinary principles of poli-
tical economy. The Native landlord, while unable
or unwilling to develop the resources of his own
property, will not let the planter do so, for fear of
the planter's influence over the cottiers superseding
his own, the maintenance of power being to most
Natives more important than a mere increase of
rent.

The high interest and other charges of agency
houses from whom the planters derive their funds,
and the uncertainty of the indigo crop in Bengal,
partly from natural causes and partly for want of
Government support, prevent the planters generally
from paying to the ryots enough to make the culti-

LEGISLATION FOR INDIGO CULTURE. 149

vatiou of indigo more profitable than rice. The
planter is also cheated in every possible manner.
He has to pay high rents to the Native zemindar
for short leases, with exorbitant bonuses at each re-
newal. He is further put to great expense by con-
stant inevitable litigation, and he gets no return for
a large portion of his advances, the outstanding
balances against rvots always amounting after a few
years to many thousands of pounds sterling. The
planter, however, will not of course give up his
factory or conduct it at a loss. He is consequently
driven to resort to means of getting a hold over both
Native landowner and cottier, such as will enable
him to continue the cultivation at rates which will
make up for losses and expenses, and leave him a
profit. Violence at first, and keeping the cottiers
in the planter's debt afterwards, thereby reducing the
landlord's rent till he consents to lease the land to
the planter at a fair rate, are the only practical
means of obtaining and retaining such hold over
tenants belonging to another estate, or over the
Native owner of land required for indigo cultivation.
Indian Legislation for Indigo Culture. — The
serious notice of the Indian Government was
attracted by this state of things. In 1823, a law.
Regulation VI. of that year, was passed, giving the
planter a summary remedy, either by a decree for
specific performance, or by speedy damages for
breach of contract. One of the most ordinary

150 INEFFECTUAL REMEDIES.

modes of attack or resistance by tlie zemindar on
the planter, was to get from the ryot a similar con-
tract ante-dated, and then to raise a dispute with
the planter in court as to which was entitled to the
indigo. Sometimes also the ryot himself really took
advances from two different persons, unknown to
each other, for the same indigo crop. Power was,
therefore, also given, by that Act, to decide such
rival claims to the indigo summarily.

These remedies, like so many other points of our
Indian legal legislation, were excellent in intention
but ineffectual in practice, from inattention to details,
and from the want of trustworthy instruments in
the minor departments. The most useful of them
ought to have been the decree for specific perform-
ance, but the mode of carrying this out was rendered
objectionable by the necessity of either trustiug it to
the planter himself, or to the subordinate Native
officers of the court, whose action in the matter de-
pended solely on the amount of bribes from either
side. The power to decree specific performance was
subsequently repealed, and indigo cultivation is still
in India a constant source of dissatisfaction, affray,
and litigation. The suit, so called summary, is
spun out by Native arts ; and practically the planters
admit that they have no chance in the provincial
courts against the wily Hindoo, unless they supply
their Native pleader with any sums required, and
shut their eyes to its employment, and to the evidence

HINDOO COTTIER AND ENGLISH FARMER. 151

produced, or the means adopted by their Native legal
agents, to carry on and win their suits.

Difference between Hindoo Cottier and English
Farmer. — The fundamental error arises from treat-
ing the Hindoo cottier like the English farmer, and
assuming that, so long as he pays his rent to his
landlord, he is free to plant his land with what he
pleases for any stranger. Both zemindar and ryot
consider this a matter peculiarly within the cogni-
zance and direction of the landlord or his manager,
the rent being calculated on that assumption.
Wherever an indigo concern has to depend on any
but its own tenants, there are constant quarrels and
intrigues, and the only peaceful indigo cultivation is
where the cottiers growing the indigo hold imme-
diately under the planter.

To attain this end, most of the planters in
Bengal have gradually either bought the estates on
which their indigo is grown, or have paid the Native
landowner large sums to make them middlemen
between himself and the peasantry. The planter's
influence, as landlord, is sutScient to make the
cottiers grow indigo for him, if not Avillingly, at
least without complaint. He is then able either
to dispense with the system of advances, or other-
wise to protect himself from loss, paying his ryots
in one way or another fairly for the crop. By care
and kindness he often makes his estate and people
an example to the neighbourhood. The same effect

152 LESS OBJECTIONABLE MEANS.

is produced, iu a lesser degree, -n-hen the planter
has got the landlord to make him a middleman
between himself and the cottier tenants. Accordinsr
to Native ideas, this transfers the power of directing
the cultivation to the middleman, the landowner
then becoming, in fact, a mere annuitant. In this
case, however, the planter must be constantly pre-
pared to pay the Government land tax on the estate,
or be liable to be dispossessed by a Government sale
for the Native landowner's wilful default.

Means of making Indigo Culture less objectionable.
— The Government in India will not give the planter
encouragement, because it is known that the
peasants only grow indigo for him on compulsion,
and generally at prices less remunerative than rice.
For want of the simple order of Government, which
would be cheerfully obeyed by both Native land-
lord and tenant, and would enable the planter to
secure a better cultivation by paying a remunerative
price, he is driven, in spite of himself, to resort to
other means. It is not open to Government to
decide whether any other motive than an en-
lightened view of their own interests shall or shall
not be employed to induce Natives to allow of the
improved cultivation of their land, where both the
country's and the European's interests require it.
It is too much to expect of Englishmen that they
should give up the industry to which they have
devoted their lives and fortunes, because the soil

DUTCH SYSTEM OF CONTRACTS. 153

suited to indigo is in possession of an ignorant
zemindar, unwilling to allow the development of its
resources unless he can retain nearly the whole
benefit, or because the ryots will not cultivate
indigo except on advances entailing great losses, or
at rates leaving no profit. Other means will be
employed sufficient to produce the effect, but it is
open to the Government of India to make those
means objectionable or harmless. When the late
Governor- General of the Dutch East Indies,
Monsieur Rochussen, ^-isited Bengal on his return
to Europe, he is reported to have said that " in
Java there was no compulsion, but the Natives were
told they must."

The Dutch system gives European energy ample
field and opportunity on crown lands. On private
estates planters are not allowed to make culture
contracts with the cottiers, except with the landlord's
consent. No contracts made on advances to Natives
are either allowed or enforced. Culture contracts
are only recognised when made personally before a
European official and registered. The registry of
inconsistent contracts for the same laud and crop is
prevented. But, when registered, the specific per-
formance of contracts is summarily enforced. On
complaint without proof, a European gentleman,
with a special knowledge of the subject, the district,
and the parties, and with a private interest in the
general success of the local cultivation, is sent to

154 INDIAN COTTON CULTURE.

the spot to examine and report. If any further
measures are required, which is but seldom the case,
the delinquent is made to fulfil his engagements, by
means of his own countrymen having the same local
knowledge and interest.

This system has not yet been tried in India, though
parts of it were formerly employed with success. It
may perhaps be said that such means are too rude
and primitive for our present enlightened legislation
for India. Those, however, most deeply interested
think that such means would be more efficacious, and
less injurious to the public, than the very cautious
legislation of late years. At all events, no Indian
legislation has as yet succeeded in solving the pro-
blem of prosperous and peaceful indigo cultivation.

The Indian Government has repeatedly made
experimental attempts to introduce improved cotton
cultivation, but without much practical success.
In 1841 Government brought out to India ten
cotton planters from the States. Though they were
not generally of the class of educated gentlemen,
whom the Dutch have found to make the best con-
tractors, they might have succeeded more or less,
but that their operations were limited to experimental
farms, without either the capital or the official sup-
port necessary for success on an appreciable or en-
couraging scale. The Court of Directors, not being
then aware of the Dutch system in Java and its
success, could hardly be expected to emulate the

THE DUTCH EXPERIMENT. 155

bold wisdom of such a man as General Van den
Bosch. They would probably have been equally
horrified and amused by a proposal to give each of
these cotton planters two lacs of rupees to start him,
and a lac per annum to keep him going, the whole
without interest or other condition than that he
should repay in cotton of a certain quality, leaving
it to him to discover the means of so doing, under
Government support, but with precautions against
his adopting measures injurious to the country or
to the Natives. The Dutch experiment, however,
shows that this plan, adopted in 1841, and repeated
in a few instances, would probably long ere this have
introduced a large and improved European culture
of cotton in India, as perfect as the soil and climate
can produce.

We should then know to a certainty whether
India can or cannot grow cotton equal to America.

If so, the contractors would have made large
fortunes, and private European planters, unless
thwarted by the local officials, would have spread an
improved cotton culture over all the cotton districts
of India. The period which has elapsed since 1841
would then have made us independent of America,
and would have given us as good cotton from India
as we now get from the States, and at lower rates
than slave-grown cotton can be made. Slavery
would have received its deadliest blow. We should
have turned the tables on the States by sending

156 ■ CULTIVATION OF FLAX.

them cotton instead of taking it from them. And
the manufacturing districts of England would have
had the pick of a siipply which, if it could be pro-
duced as good, would be cheaper, safer, and in quan-
tities only limited by the demand.

If, on the contrary, we found that India could not
produce long staple cotton equal to the American,
we should merely have misapplied a few lacs of
rupees without loss, for the common Indian cotton
of their plantations would always have more than
repaid the Government advances made to the con-
tractors. We should then have to make up our
minds to continued dependence on America, and
must make our arrangements accordingly.

The experiment is still worth trying, and the
certainty alone would be well worth the money.
The Dutch culture system has never yet failed in
Java, not even in the unpropitious tea experiment
hereafter described. And the best cotton districts of
India are Government lauds, with the peasant paying
direct to Government in the same relations as the
crown lands in Java, on which the culture system
was so easily introduced, and where it worked such
marvels.

The same arguments apply to the cultivation of
flax, the European demand for which has lately
increased so largely, while the Irish and Russian
supplies have at the same time fallen off. The
demand in India will produce Native grown and

ADOPTION OF THE SYSTEM IN INDIA, 157

cleaned flax, but the quality will hardly attain its
perfection till European intelligence and capital are
applied to its preparation.

Surely, with the Dutch example under analogous
circumstances so perfectly successful as that will be
seen to have been, England, offic'ma gentium, can do
for India what Holland has done for Java. The
adoption of means for supplying European energy
with cheap capital and careful labour would make
India the storehouse of England. And provisions
securing to the Native a fair share of the profit,
with protection from European violence, would
prevent the necessary extension of European enter-
prise being disgraced by the scenes, and burdened
with the discontent, attending the introduction and
working of the Indian indigo cultivation.

158

CHAPTER IV.

THE CULTUEE SYSTEM.

THE CtTLTrEE SYSTEM BY VILLAGE LABOUE WITHOTTT A CON-
TKACTOE — PEEANGES COFFEE — MAESHAL DAENDELS — HIS
GEEAT JAVA EOADS — COFFEE CULTUEE ON THE OLD PLAN —
COFFEE UN DEE THE CULTUEE SYSTEM— PEASANTS* PEOFIT
— CONTBAST OF COFFEE PEODUCE UNDEE OLD AND NEW
SYSTEMS — STATISTICS OF COFFEE CULTUEE — COFFEE PEE-
CENTAGE — COFFEE TEANSPOET — OVEE-WEIGHT — CINNA-
MON CULTUEE — IN CEYLON AND JAVA — PEPPEB CULTUEE
— THE PEPPEE PLANT — CULTUEE SYSTEM BY A CON -
TEACTOB WITH DAY LABOUEEES — COCHINEAL PEODUCE
— THE COCHINEAL INSECT — TOBACCO CULTUEE — ITS
PEOFIT TO THE GEOWEE — QUININE CULTUEE — TEA CUL-
TUEE— CONTEAST OF TEA CULTUEE IN JAVA AND IN
INDIA — JAVA TEA — INDIAN TEA — SUPPLY OF CAPITAL TO
PLANTEES IN JAVA AND IN INDIA — EESULT.

The Culture Si/stem by Village Labour without a
Contractor. — Many of the products of Java, suited to
the European market, require such slight and easy
treatment before becoming articles for export, that
the intervention of a European contractor would be
a waste of power, to the importance of which the
Dutch are as keenly alive as the Americans. Of

PREANGER COFFEE. 159

these articles^ coffee, cinnamon, and pepper are
grown for Government on the Java crown lands,
without other European assistance than the general
supervision of the European officials.

Preanger Coffee. — Till the beginning of this cen-
tury the Java cultivation of coffee was chiefly carried
on in the Preanger, a moimtain district inhabited by
the Sundanese, who speak a different language from
the inhabitants of the rest of the island. About the
middle of last century the Dutch became masters of
the Preanger by a treaty which, while it secured to
the Native princes the government of their own
country and the receipt of the land revenues, under
Dutch protection, bound them in return to cultivate
such a number of coffee trees as the Dutch should
at any time require, and to deliver the whole pro-
duce to the Dutch Government at three florins
thirty cents per picul. This has ever since been the
only revenue derived by the Dutch from the Pre-
anger district.

This coffee culture is carried on by the Sundanese
regents, employing for that purpose the gratuitous
labour rent of their cottier tenants, under the super-
intendence of the Dutch officials. As the coffee is
delivered by the regents in the husk, the Dutch
Government has European contractors on the spot,
with mills for cleaning and sorting it.

The Preanger coffee, however, though yielding the
largest profit to Government per picul, owing to the

160 MARSHAL DAENDELS.

small price paid for it, now bears but a small pro-
portion in quantity to the coffee grown in the con-
quered parts of the island.

Marshal Daendels. — The culture of coffee was ex-
tended to the different hilly districts of the crown
lands in the interior at the beginning of this century,
and was regulated by jMarshal Daendels, the fabled
hero of Java, who deserves a word in passing.

He came out as Governor-General of the Dutch
East Indies in 1808, during the time that Louis
Napoleon was King of Holland, and proceeded at
once to correct abuses in the old Oriental fashion,
hanging peculators, European as well as Native, over
their own doors without trial. He must have been
a man of great energy and intellectual capacity. To
him Java owes the admirable svstem of roads made
all over the island in two years, by forced labour, at
a great sacrifice of life. One peculiarity of his roads
has tended, above all others, to their easy main-
tenance in their present excellent condition. Every
road is double, one for horse and carriage traffic, the
other for cart and cattle traffic. Each is wide enough
to admit three vehicles abreast, and the two generally
run alongside of each other, divided by a bank, often
with a neat well-clipped Hibiscus hedge upon it.
The horse road is now macadamized, and kept in as
good order as any coach road in England. It is
constantly attended to, and every depression is filled
up with metal, as soon as, and only to the amount.

COFFEE CULTURE ON THE OLD PLAN. 161

required. The chief part of the labour rent furnished
gratuitously by the people to Government is applied
to this purpose, and to the maintenance of the cattle
road. This is not metalled, but paved roughly with
stone like the old French chaussee, or, where stone
is scarce, with unbroken brick. Its repair is conse-
quently much less expensive than macadamizing, and
it answers equally well for the cart and cattle traffic,
while the better and more expensive horse road is
not cut up, nor the horse and carriage traffic impeded
by the large cattle conveyance of the country. Only
in some of the most difficult mountain passes do the
two roads run into one, and it is there found to be
such a practical nuisance, that heavy expense is now
being incurred to make double roads even in those
places. Not only the excellent cross roads, therefore,
to all parts of the island, as well as the main roads,
but the very existence of double roads, bring down
daily blessings on Daendels' name.

Cojfee Culture on the Old Plan. — But to revert to
Daeudels^ coffee system. Every hill village, the
land of which was suited to coffee, was obliged to
plant on the uncultivated parts a certain number of
coffee trees, generally about 1000 trees per head of
family. In the fifth year after planting the produce
was estimated, and the \dllage was required to deliver
gratuitously, into the Government stores on the sea-
shore, two-fifths of the estimated crop, properly
cleaned, sorted, and of first-rate quality. In case of

VOL. I. M

163 FAILURE OF THE OLD SYSTEM.

default^ the village had to pay to Government the
Java market price, fixed and published once a year,
generally about twenty-five florins per picul, for so
much of the two-fifths of the estimated crop as was
not delivered by the end of December. The other
three-fifths of the coffee crop were the villagers' own.
property, at their free disposal. The Dutch Govern-
ment, however, to induce them to deliver all their
coffee to itself, bound itself to pay the same fixed
market price for every picul of coflPee, above the two-
fifths, which should be delivered into the sea-shore
coffee stores, properly cleaned, sorted, and of first-
rate quality.

This system, which was expected to bring the
whole enormous coffee produce of the country into
the hands of Government, failed utterly in so doing,
for want of attention to a small matter of detail.
The Government did, in fact, get the whole of the
small amount of coffee grown near the stores on the
sea-shore, but only received a small part, much less
than the two-fifths, of the far larger coffee produce
of the interior.

The reason was, that, though the roads through
the island were many and excellent, there were of
course numerous mountain villages with but bad
communication to the roads ; and, in all cases, the
village bad no joint machinery for the transport,
even along the best roads, of large loads of coffee
for great distances. The villagers, therefore, with

DIFFICULTY OF TRANSPORT. 163

the apathy of Orientals, preferred taking- their chance ;
particularly as they well knew the Dutch Govern-
ment would neither seize nor sell land or property
for arrears of revenue. Meanwhile the coffee, badly
and carelessly cleaned and prepared, was bought by
any purchaser on the spot at very low rates ; or,
what was the general speculation up to 1830, was
exchanged for half or one-third of its weight in
salt.

Salt, being a monopoly in Java as in India, was
sold by Government at the salt stores on the sea-
shore for eight florins per picul. It was there bought
by speculators, who took it into the hills, and ex-
changed it with the hill people for two or three
times its weight in coffee, thus obtaining two or
three piculs of coffee, worth twenty to twenty-five
florins per picul, for one picul of salt worth eight
florins.

The law requiring the gratuitous delivery of two-
fifths of the hill coftee crop could not be complied
with from the difficulty of transport. Payment for
those two-fifths, at the Government rate, was at the
same time prevented by the low prices got for the
coffee in the interior. The hill villages consequently,
not being able to discharge their coffee and land tax,
only paid to the Government what money they could
well afl"ord, and let the remainder fall into arrear.

The villages near the sea-shore coffee stores, on
the contrary, being able to deliver the coffee without

M 2

164 GRATUITOUS DELIVERY OF COFFEE.

trouble for what was a very paying price to them,
took pains in its cultivation, and in the cleaning and
sorting of the berry, and delivered the whole of
their crop to Government, two-fifths gratuitously,
and three-fifths at the rate of twenty-five florins per
picul.

Thus Government received but a small portion of
the coffee-crop in first-rate condition, whilst the far
larger part, sent to Europe by its private purchasers,
was dirty, broken, and uusorted. This gave the
Java coffee a bad name in the European market, and
affected the price of the good Government coffee.
Another evil result was, that the mountain villages
got so little benefit from the coffee, as not only to
neglect the cultivation, but to require the constant
attention of the officials to prevent their allowing the
plantations to become fruitless.

During the English government the gratuitous
delivery of coffee was abolished. The consequence
was, that the villagers, being no longer under any
obligation to grow coffee, and having so little sale
lor it, neglected the coffee gardens and resorted to
crops better suited to the local market to raise
money to pay the new land tax.

On the return of the Dutch, Daendels' coffee
system was re-established. This was hailed with
pleasure by the coffee villages near the sea-shore,
who, though they had to deliver two-fifths gratui-
tously, received twenty-five florins a picul for the

COFFEE CULTURE UNDER NEW SYSTEM. 165

other three-fifths, equal to fifteen florins a picul all
round. Their proximity to the coflee stores saved
these villages any considerable expense of transport,
in which case it was found that the villagers pre-
ferred the coffee crop at these rates, as giving the
largest profit with the least trouble and without any
outlay. The re-establishment of the old coffee
system was very differently regarded by the hill vil-
lagers of the interior. There the same distance and
difficulty of transport prevented the delivery of the
gratuitous two-fifths, while the same absence of a
ready market in the hills, and the small price paid
by speculating purchasers, where the supply so
largely exceeded the demand, prevented the pav-
ment of the substituted cofiee tax. The same re-
sults followed in the hill villages; bad cultivation,
great waste, and large arrears of both coffee and
land tax.

Coffee Culture under the Neiv System. — General
Van den Bosch, while introducing the Government
sugar culture, also proposed to remedy these defects
in the coffee culture by adopting the following
principles : —

1st. To give the villagers all over the island
large profits from cofifee instead of small.

2nd. To save the villagers the transport, and
thus put all on an equality.

3rd. To get the whole cofiee crop grown on the
crown lands into the hands of Government, so as to

166 peasants' profit.

have it all properly treated^ and made of first-rate
quality, and thereby to raise its reputation in the
European market.

For this purpose General Van den Bosch made
roads into the centre of each mountain coffee district,
and built coffee stores in the neighbourhood of each
coffee plantation. Every hill village was required
to plant on the uncultivated hill sides, in four
years, 600 coffee trees per head of family, in regu-
lar gardens, and to maintain a sufficient nursery of
young trees, to keep 600 trees per head of family
in full bearing. The careful preparation of the
gardens and nurseries, and subsequent attention to
the coffee trees, were secured by the monthly super-
vision of a European controleur, who also superin-
tended the gathering of the crop, leaving the vil-
lagers to dry, clean, and sort the coffee, and deliver
it into the neighbouring Government coffee stores
at their own convenience.

Peasants' Profit. — The price was fixed at twelve
florins per picul. This price was got at by taking
fifteen florins per picul, on the whole crop, as equiva-
lent to two-fifths of the crop delivered gratis, with
twenty-five florins per picul paid on the remaining
three- fifths. From this fifteen florins per picul on
the whole crop three florins per picul were further
deducted, as the equivalent of the transport to the
sea-shore thus saved to the villagers, leaving twelve
florins in cash net to the villagers for every picul of

i

THE COFFEE PLUM. 167

coffee delivered into the coffee store in tlieir own
village. As each head of family has the care of,
and sells the produce from, GOO coffee trees,
yielding about a picul of good clean coffee per 200
trees, each family in the village averages for three
piculs of coffee thirty-six florins net per annum,
equal to about six months' wages at the ordinary
price of Java labour. Supposing the village to
consist of one hundred families, the village receives
per annum 3600 florins, equal to £'600.

Their land tax, as before explained, could not
exceed 1000 florins per annum on one hundred
bahus, the usual amount of rice land cultivated by a
hill village of one hundred families. From the low
price of rice in the hills, the land tax would probably
not amount to half that sura, thus leaving the village
upwards of £200 clear surplus cash in hand, besides
the whole produce of their cultivated lands under
rice or other crops for their own consumption.

The coffee plum, when ripe, is a red, oval fruit,
about the size of a cherry, the stone or kernel of
■which consists of two coffee beans, with the flat sides
together. The fleshy husk has to be removed, and
the coffee berries dried, when a thin skin that holds
the coffee beans together breaks and peels off, and
the coffee, after being winnowed, cleaned, and sorted,
is fit either for export or use. These various opera-
tions are pei-formed by the villagers at no further
expense than a light wooden pestle and a bag of

16S PRODUCE UNDER OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS.

buffalo skin for cleaning, and a few bamboo hurdles
and rattan trays for drying and sorting, all manu-
factured by themselves from materials at hand.
The hill peasants thus grow and prepare the coffee
at no cost but labour, and with not even much of
that. The coffee plantations in Java are made in
the tall jungle on the hill side, and but little care is
bestowed on them, further than cleaning about a
foot of ground round the stem of each tree twice a
year. This, and the plucking of 600 trees, is easily
done by each family without interfering with their
ordinary cultivation, and the women and children
pound the coffee in the buffalo bag, and sort the
berries on the rattan trays, when not otherwise
employed.

Thus, however great are the profits of the low-
land villagers from sugar, the profits of the hill
people from coffee are still greater.

Contrast of Coffee Produce under Old and New
Systems. — At the time when General Van den
Bosch made this change, the Preanger was giving
about 30,000 piculs, and the rest of the island
about 220,000 piculs per annum. Of this latter,
say two-fifths, or 88,000 piculs, about the portion
received by Government in one way or another, and
the whole of the Preanger 30,000, or 118,000 piculs
in all, were good, and therefore worth twenty-five
florins per picul gross, equal to near three millions of
florins. The other three-fifths of the 220,000 piculs

VALUE OF COITEE PRODUCE. 169

or 132^000 piculs, being badly cleaned and sorted,
were worth only about twenty florins per picul
gross, or rather more than two and a half millions
of florins. The whole coffee produce of Java, before
the introduction of the culture system, may there-
fore be taken in round numbers as worth five and a
half millions of florins, or under half a million
sterling per annum.

In 1854 the Preanger, though growing
neither sugar nor coffee under General Van den
Bosch^s system, had so far shared in the improved
welfare and industry of the surrounding districts, as
to have increased its coffee production from about
30,000 to 243,554 piculs of coffee. The rest of the
Java crown lands gave to Government 840,310
piculs. The whole 1,083,864 piculs, being superior
coffee, realized on sale in Holland 34 florins 76
cents gross, giving Government 27 florins 45 cents
net per picul, exclusive of freight and expenses of
sale. At these rates the value of the coffee
produce in 1854 was upwards of 37 millions of
florins, or over 3 millions sterling gross, and close
on 30 millions of florins, or 2? millions sterling
net. The yield of Java coff'ee, therefore, in 1854,
was more than four times as great and about
six times as valuable as the same produce before the
culture system.

Besides the above large amount of Java coffee,
however, Government further received, in 1854,

170 COFFEE PERCENTAGE.

131,522 piculs, and in 1857, 198,779 piculs of coffee
cultivated by the villagers on the crown lands in
Sumatra on the same principles as in Java. In
good years the Java Government thus receives from
the crown lands in different parts of Netherlands
India about 1,000,000 or 1,200,000 piculs of coffee,
equal to from about 60,000 to 72,000 tons, the
whole of which is exported to Holland for sale
there.

I am not aware of any statistics of the produce
on private estates, but the amount of coffee there
grown leaves, after satisfying the demand in the
island, about 150,000 piculs for export by the
private trade. Adding this to the amount of the
Government coffee from Java in 1854, the coffee
produce of the island in that year amounted to over
1,200,000 piculs, or 1,457,142 cwts. The coffee
produce of Ceylon in 1857-58 is calculated by Sir
Emerson Tennant at 424,700 cwts.,* or less than
one-third of the Java coffee produce for 1854.

Cojfee Percentage. — There is the same official
percentage on coffee and on all other Government
cultures as on sugar.

The same European and Native authorities divide
among them, in the same proportions, fifty doits per
picul of coffee delivered to Government in their
several districts. The koewoe, or head of the hill
village, also gets a coffee reward, as bis brother of
* Sir Emerson Teniiant's Cejlou, vol. ii. p. 243.

COFFEE TRANSPORT. 171

the plains does for sugar. He receives twenty-four
doits for every picul which the statement of the
briuger shows to come from his village. Thus he
encourages his villagers to cultivate well during his
year of office, and tries to get the whole village
coffee crop taken to the Government store.

Coffee Transport, — Since the establishment of the
new system, and the opening of new roads from
each hill coffee store to the old existing good roads,
the coffee is packed and transported at Government
expense by private carriers, after public competition
for a three years' transport contract. The carrier
has to furnish bags and covered carts, to pay all
expenses, and to deliver the coffee at the head coffee
stores on the sea-shore dry, and in as good condition
as he received it.

Over-Weight. — Although no allowance is made
for dryage in the transport, as during that time none
occurs, a certain reduction in weight takes place by
dryage of the coffee in the local stores. This,
however, is always more than compensated by the
numerous small over-weights arising from the small
quantities in which the different heads of families
deliver their coffee to Government. In 1854
this over-weight amounted to the large quantity
of upwards of 17,000 piculs, or about one in
sixty delivered. Unless the coffee were mostly
sent to the local store in very small quantities, there
could not possibly be this proportion of over-weight.

172

CULTURE OF CINNAMON.

Cinnamon Culture. — Cinnamon is the peeled and
dried bark of the cinnamon shrub. Cinnamon
gardens are cultivated for Government in four of the
Java residencies by village labour, and in two by
hired day-labourers. The bark is peeled and dried
by the villagers, and sold to Government in the same
manner as coffee.

There is no restriction or monoply of any kind
with regard to cinnamon or to anv of the other
spices. Still less is there any continuance of the
practice of destroying part of the crop for the purpose
of enhancing the price of the remainder. Every
person is free to grow cinnamon or any other spice,
either on private or Government lands, or to buy
and export any spices grown or gathered by others,
as freely as is the case with rice or coffee. Spices
are not grown by private individuals for the same
reason that prevents Englishmen at the free ports
and islands of Singapore and Penang growing any
but nutmegs. For years spices have been one of
the worst paying Oriental crops that land could be
devoted to. Of late even nutmegs can hardly be
cultivated to a profit, while the cultivation of other
spices entails a loss, the present prices being little
more than sufhcient to pay for the collection from
wild spice trees in the jungle.

The cultivation of cinnamon is associated with
some of the worst accusations of monopoly and
of cruelty against the Dutch colonial policy in

PEPPER CULTURE. 173

Ceylon. Its culture in Java has been entirely
free from these objections. The late losses of
Government on this article would have caused its
culture to have been given up altogether in
Java, but for the injury which would thereby
accrue to the villagers, who had been encouraged
to make cinnamon gardens. The large increase of
the produce to the area has, however, enabled the
contract price to be reduced without serious injury
to the growers. The present Dutch policy wisely
enacts that the Native's relations with Government
shall never be other than a source of advantage to
him. The cinnamon culture is therefore kept up
for the sake of the large wages paid to the villagers
in aid of their land rent.

Pepper Culture. — Pepper is grown for the Dutch
Government in the same manner as coffee and cin-
namon. The pepper plant is a shrubby creeper, and
is cultivated in Java in rows trained over trellis-work
or posts, not unlike the vine in France. The rows
of pepper creepers are frequently placed between the
rows of coffee trees, and both articles are then culti-
vated, prepared, and sold at the neighbouring Govern-
ment store by the same villagers. The pepper plant
bears short spike-shaped clusters of berries, very like
those of holly in size and colour. Their treatment for
export merely consists in plucking, drying, and sorting
them, during which they lose their smooth red
appearance, and become dry and wrinkled.

174 COCHINEAL PRODUCE.

Culture System by a Contractor ivith Day
Labourers. — The third branch of the culture system
comprises those articles which are cultivated on the
Java crown lands by contractors with day labourers
instead of bv ■sillag-e labour. Under this head come
cochineal, tobacco, and tea. !Many of the cochineal
and tobacco plantations are cultivated by ^-illage
labour in the same manner as sugar, though some
are carried on entirely by the contractor with day
labourers. The tea plantations, however, are all
carried on by day labourers, except to a slight extent
in the Preanger regencies.

Cochineal Produce. — The Government cactus
culture for the production of cochineal is an ano-
malous one in Java. It is partly carried on by
European contractors, either with village labour like
sugar, or with paid day labourers like tea, and partly
by Government itself, both with village and day
labour. It seems, like indigo, to be gradually
passing from a culture by contractors to one without,
so as to reduce the cost of production within the
average market price.

Cochineal is the bright red dve contained in the
body of an insect that lives and reproduces itself, in
large numbers, on the broad fleshy leaves of a species
of very large cactus. The cactus plants are arranged
in rows, and when peopled with the insect look as
if they had been coarsely sprinkled with hair powder.
The insect is snow white, covered with a small downy

TOBACCO CULTURE. 175

fluff, and about the size and shape of a grain of
barley. The culture consists merely in rearing and
watering the cactus, protecting the insects by
moveable mat roofs from being washed off the plants
by the rain, and at the proper pei'iod sweeping the
insects off the plants into trays, which are then put
over an oven. The heat kills the insects and dries
their skins, preserving the red dye in the bodies,
which are then packed in bags for exportation.

Tobacco Culture. — Tobacco is mostly grown on
the Java crown lands by independent planters on
lease from Government. It is partly cultivated by
village labour, partly by day labourers. The tobacco
plant is as easy to grow as a cabbage, which it much
resembles, but its preparation for the European
market, either as leaf tobacco or as cigars, requires
constant and intelligent supervision.

Tobacco is generally a very profitable article for
the grower. Its market price has turned out much
higher than the contract rate, so that none is deli-
vered to Government which can be avoided. The
independent planters are not bound to deliver any
to Government, and even the contractors have the
entire free disposal of their tobacco produce on
certain terms, with which I am unacquainted, as to
the repayment of the Government advances other-
wise than in kind.

Quinine Culture. — A very important article of
future commerce has been lately introduced into

176 QUIKINE CULTURE.

Java by Government in the Cinchona Calisaya, from
which the best quinine is made. There is yet but
one small garden of it in the hills near Bandoug, at
an elevation of from 4600 to 4700 feet above the
level of the sea. The plants obtained from Peru
and BoliAaa have been there reared under the care of
Dr. F. W. Junghuhn, Inspector of Natural Physics,
and Professor de Yriese, Inspector of Chemical
Experiments, in Netherlands India, both men
of high scientific attainments. The latter was,
I believe, brought out to Java expressly to give
the quinine culture the benefit of his great che-
mical knowledge.

The plants had flourished well, and, just before
our arrival in Java, the first seeds had been obtained
from them ; an event which seemed to be generally
known, and to be considered by all as of national
importance. The seeds thus obtained have been
planted in various localities and at different heights,
so as to ascertain the soil and elevation best suited
to them in Java. Should they succeed, as there is
every reason to expect, a few years will enable Java
to supply the East at a low rate with this invaluable
medicine in high perfection, and in quantities only
limited by the demand.

Tea Culture. — The tea culture is carried on by
Government contractors entirely with hired labour,
except on one or two tea farms in the Preanger, where
it is grown by village labour. Most of the tea lands

TEA CULTURE IN JAVA AND INDIA. 177

are taken from the uncultivated and uninhabited hill
sides. The contractor has to allure to his tea plan-
tation the work-people required, and to keep them
there by paying high wages. This is facilitated by
the fact that such day labourers are not liable to
labour rent, even though they hold land under the
tea planters. Their liability to Government for
labour rent ceases when they cease to be direct
Government cottiers. As the tea planter is not a
landowner, but only a lessee of Government, no
labour rent is due to him, but only the one-fifth
of produce. This adds to the inducement which
high wages hold out to the neighbouring population,
and the planters thus secure a sufficient supply of
labour on spots where otherwise any improved culti-
vation would be impossible. '

The selection of a favourable site for a tea plan-
tation requires considerable experience and judgment.
The preparation of the soil, and the sowing of the
tea seed are very easy, but constant supervision and
high cultivation are required to secure the speedy
and healthy growth of the plant. The subsequent
process of making the leaves into tea, both black
and green, requires skilled labour and constant in-
telligent European management.

Contrast of Tea Culture in Java and in India. —
It must be admitted that the circumstances
under which the culture system was applied to
tea were most unpropitious. A comparison of

VOL. I. N

178

GOVERNMENT ADVANCES.

the results of the tea culture in Java with our mode
of introducing tea cultivation in India, will show the
relative value of the two svstems, even when the
former labours under such disadvantages. \

In Java, Government made the advances, without
interest, to gentlemen of education and intelligence,
repayable by delivery of tea at contract rates giving
large profits to the contractors. Government then
left the contractors to apply their superior intelli-
gence and education to the spread of the tea culture,
and to the improvement of the tea facture for their
own benefit, importing but a few men from the tea-
growing districts of China, to give the first rudiments
of information. In this way numerous tea planta-
tions were set up in different parts of the hills in
Java from 1835 to 1845, about the same time that
the East India Company had introduced tea-growing
into India.

The Java contract tea planter does not, like the
sugar contractor, merely repay the Government
advances in kind, but be sells his whole crop to
Government at contract rates.

In all new cultures Government takes the risk
upon itself, as the only means of largely introducing
a new cultivation. Contractors would be unwilling
to make contracts in a new article like Java tea, unless
assured of a good market for the surplus over the
amount required to repay the Government advances.
Where such new culture turns out a superior article,

JAVA TEA. 179

the contractor of course ouly delivers to Government
so much in kind as will repay his advances at the
contract rate, and sells the rest for himself at the
higher market price. Where it turns out unsuccessful,
the contractor of course delivers the whole crop to
Government at the contract rate, leaving Govern-
ment to bear the loss on resale at the market price.
In this particular instance, the power of selling the
whole crop to Government is the only thing that
has kept up the Java tea culture against the great
losses with which it has had to struggle.

Java Tea. — The contract rates at which the Java
tea is taken by Government vary with the kinds of
tea, but each contractor has to deliver fifty per cent,
of the tea, in certain proportions of each kind of
tea, both black and green. There are four distinct
kinds of black tea, from common congou to flowery
pekoe, and as many kinds of green tea, and fifty per
cent, of the tea delivered must consist of the whole
eight kinds in certain proportions. The other fifty
per cent, may be of any one or more of the eight
kinds, in such proportions as the planter chooses.

The larger losses of former years arose partly
from the tea being then badly made, and partly
from its being generally of such inferior quality as
hardly to meet with any sale till a market was
created for it in Germany, where the Germans were
induced to buy it in preference to China tea, by the
comparatively low rates at which it was oflered by

V 0

180

DIFFERENT CLASSES OF TEA.

the Dutch Government. At first also the largest
proportion consisted of the commonest and cheapest
kinds of teas. As the process improved, the con-
tractor made the most he could of his tea leaves
into the higher classed and more highly priced teas ;
for, though the cost of making the leaves into green
tea is considerably more than that of making them
into black tea, the cost of making high or low class
teas of either kind is much the same. The difference
in the classes of either kind of tea chiefly consists in
the quality of the leaf, while the prices at which
the Government takes the teas of different classes
per lb. range from as low as sixty cents or I*., to as
high as 120 cents or 2s. By this means every year
has brought into the hands of Government better
made teas, and a larger proportion of high class teas,
■wliich have thus gradually raised the price in Europe.
Meanwhile the tea contractors have made large
fortunes. The cost of growing, making, and packing,
&c., was in 1857 about 49 cents per lb. all round,
but was fast diminishing with the increasing produce
of the area, while, on the good plantations, the dif-
ferent prices received from Government then averaged
in the aggregate as high as 85 cents or 90 cents
per lb., in consequence of those plantations delivering
a larger proportion of high class teas. While in
Java, one plantation of 400 bahus was specified to
me, on which the half contract for the remaining
five years had been lately sold as high as £30,000.

INDEPENDENT PLANTERS. 181

Most of the existing contracts had then lasted
upwards of fifteen years, and very few had more than
four or five years longer to run. The tea planters
were looking forward to the expiration of their con-
tracts, when they expected to be left with their tea
plantations, paying a fixed rent to Government, and
having to compete in the European market with
their teas for Avhatever they could get.

Although the contractors were making fortunes,
yet as Government was losing on the tea, with the
amount of their annual loss published yearly, there
were no applications by independent planters for
leases of land whereon to grow tea, until lately,
when it is found that Government can net for the
tea in Europe, after paying all expenses, a higher
price than it costs to make in Java, and that, conse-
quently, from the improvement of the processes, from
the gradually rising price in Europe, and from the
increasing pi-oduce to the area, even the bad Java
tea can be grown for sale in the open market at a
large profit. Applications for leases by independent
planters are now beginning to pour in, and it is ex-
pected that, unless Government makes the lease
rents so high as to check the demand, a few years
will raise the tea produce of Java from its present
yield of 21 millions of pounds to 20 or 25 millions,
besides giving Government a large income from the
rent of the tea plantations.

In the meanwhile, a new industry has been intro-

182 TEA PRODUCE OF JAVA.

duced into the country on a large scale ; the people
have found a new and very profitable employment ;
some Europeans have made large fortunes ; and the
Government has derived all the indirect advantages
of this state of things at the cost of a few millions of
florins, which will be repaid a hundredfold in the
next few years.

This has been the result of the Dutch system on
a soil not so well suited to the tea plant as either
China or India, but where from high cultivation and
abundant labour, as well as partly also from the
absence of cold weather, the tea crop yields more per
acre per annum. Mr. Fortune averages the full yield
in the North-West of India at 300 lbs. per acre per
annum, which has certainly not yet been attained
generally, but may be taken as a fair estimate all
round, under future high cultivation, though in some
few places, where knowledge and sufficient labour
were available, more than double that produce per
acre has been grown in favourable soil. In Java the
tea produce in 1856 was near 700, and in 1857 just
650 Amsterdam pounds, or respectively 754 and 706
pounds avoirdupois, per bahu of Ig- acre, equal to
from 470 to 500 pounds per acre. Since 1858 im-
proved cultivation and the use of guano have raised
this average even higher.

The Java tea has a strong acrid taste, which prevents
its being drunk in the island, as the excellent Java
coffee universally is. The only market for it is

ITS INFERIORITY TO THAT OF CHINA. 183

Germany, where it was introduced as above men-
tioned, till by use the Germans acquired an actual
relish for this acrid taste, and now buy the Java tea,
at moderate prices, in preference to China teas.

This inferiority is generally admitted in Java, and
attributed by some to the nature of the soil, and by
others to the process of tea-making being in some
respects different from the Chinese mode of prepa-
ration, which is dearer than that in common use in
Java. The latter reason, however, is doubtful.
Government would hardly have patiently put up
with such losses for so many years, if Java tea could
be made equal to Chinese or Indian tea by a mere
change in the process of manufacture. It is true
that an unfortunate mistake was made in the tea
contracts by omitting all stipulation as to quality.
As the Dutch religiously adhere to the letter of
their engagements, this omission would enable each
planter to claim the contract rates for his tea in
classes, however inferior the quality might be ren-
dered by a cheaper mode of manufacture. But in
that case some of the planters would, no doubt, have
tried to propitiate Government by producing tea
of higher quality at rather more expense. The uni-
versal bad quality and acrid taste of the tea from
the several Java plantations leads to the belief that
soil and climate must be the cause, rather than any
detail in the manufacture. In this case no treat-
ment will ever enable the Java tea to compete with

184 INDIAN TEA.

the Chinese, and still less with the Indian teas, -which
bear a higher market value than the Chinese.

Indian Tea. — A friend from Hong-Kong assured
me that, in his opinion and in that of all the best
tea brokers, the tea-growiug soil of India was that, as
yet discovered, best suited to the tea plant. This
opinion would seem to be confirmed by what I have
lately learnt, that in Kumaon and other neighbour-
ing parts of the Himalayas, there is a Avild tea called,
from the colour of its infusion, loll tcha, or red tea,
which is made up by the Natives there as an old
industry, not for consumption, but actually for
export through Tartary to some part of China, where
it is preferred to the China tea. As it can only reach
China by a long land carriage on men's shoulders,
or in small Tartar sheep loads, such preference in
China cannot arise from cheapness, but must be due to
some quality in the tea itself, either unknown to or
unappreciated by us.

Let us now see what, with the superior soil of India
for tea, has been the result of our Indian system on
the tea cultivation in the same period of time. Besides
importing tea plants and Chinese workmen, we set
up experimental farms of a few acres each, in diflFerent
parts of Assam, the North-West Provinces, and the
Punjaub, superintended by Government officers with
none but an official interest in the spread of the tea
cultivation, and managed chiefly by discharged
soldiers and men of a like class. The success of

THE ASSAM COMPANY. 1S5

these experimental farms -was greater than could
have been expected with such materials, and the
fact of tea cultivation in India being both easy and
profitable was soon proved beyond doubt.

One large company was got up by private
enterprise in 1840, with a subscribed capital of
£200,000, to which the small Government tea farms
in Assam were made over. After losing the greater
part of their money, by the mismanagement of their
agents, and by peculation of all kinds, this company
succeeded, with the remainder, in extending the
Government tea farms over a large tract of country,
now amounting to about 4000 acres in Assam, and
are flourishing as the Assam Tea Company. Some
few private tea planters have been lately attracted
by this company's success, and have set up plantations
in Assam, and in Cachor, competing for the sparse
labour of the district, and trying with only moderate
success to attract more labour from other overstocked
parts of India.

The Assam Company say that until lately the
prosperity and extension of their tea farms have been
much impeded by the universal discouragement of
the local European officials. These seemed formerly
to look on the conversion of a jungle into a flourish-
ing tea garden as an injury to the half-savage
Native, not to be compensated by his profitable
employment, and by the public benefit. The favour
of late shown by Government to Indian tea-plantiug,

1S6 THE NORTH-WEST AND PUNJAUB.

and in many cases the acquisition of personal interests
in tea cultivation, have now removed much of this
ground of complaint. The doubling of the produce of
the Assam Tea Company since 1853 shows the result
of this change in the conduct of the local officials.

The experimental tea farms in the North-West
Provinces and in the Punjaub were not established
till after the success of the tea cultivation in Assam.
The tea there, however, is so superior, that it sold on
the spot at first for lOs. per lb.

This has tempted some few Englishmen within
the last ten years to begin tea cultivation in the
North- West and the Punjaub, but, as in every other
culture in India, Maut of capital, aud, until lately,
official discouragement instead of support, have so
restricted its extension, that the tea produce in the
North- West and Punjaub is not yet sufficient for the
local consumption.

The Assam Tea Company only succeeded in making
370,669 lbs. of tea in 1853. This was increased to
707,132 lbs. in 1857, and the private tea planters in
India may, in 1858, have made about another
300,000 lbs. This gives about 1 million of lbs. of
tea per annum for the whole produce of the finest
tea soil yet known, developed by English industry
and private capital, against 2j millions of pounds of
tea per annum, as the produce in the same period of
the bad tea soil of Java, developed by Dutch industry
and Government capital.

I

SUPPLY OF CAPITAL. 187

Ten years hence the comparison is likely to be
still more against India, now that the Dutch have
created a market for Java tea, and that private
enterprise is beginning to come in with capital,
either raised from other sources, or still indirectly
supplied by Government.

Supply of Capital to Planters in Java and in
India. — The Dutch Government furnishes capital
directly to the contractors, and indirectly to all
others. The departments for the administration of
deceaseds' estates and for the management of chari-
table institutions, as well as all other departments
similarly possessed of funds, lend those funds to any
person of credit for agricultural purposes. By this
means, and by the advances of houses of business
whose terms are thus kept low, young men in Java,
who have acquired reputation by a few^ years' success-
ful management of some other person's estate or
plantation, are able to borrow money on not too
exorbitant terms to set up plantations for themselves.
In India, a man must either borrow from agency
houses, whose funds are very limited and whose
terms are very high, or must resort to some means
of making money which does not require capital,
and where he is far less useful to the country than
his education and ability would have made him as a
planter, with capital enough to develop the resources
of his plantation.

We trust entirely to private capital. The Dutch

1S8 GOVERNMENT CREDIT.

admit that private capital, either created by or
accustomed to be employed in Oriental agriculture
will ultimately flow into any channel shown to be
profitable ; but they say justly, that all the reports
and arguments iu the world are not half so persuasive
as seeing your neighbour growing rich. They also
say that, if time were of no consideration, the world,
and particularly the East, might wait for the
development of its resources till rich men got tired
of Europe, and came out to devote their capital to
the improvement of India. But they assert that, as
the world now goes, the only way of making the
produce of the East advance faster than the fast
growing expenses, is to unite the elements of fruitful
land, abundant labour, educated and interested
European management and capital, by the bond of
Government credit.

All these elements exist separately in India in
large quantities, and are all wasted for want of that
union which the Dutch consider it one of the first
duties of Government to efiect. In the present
state of the world no man who has a private for-
tune will come to India to lay it out there. Euro-
peans who have made money in India, or Natives
who have money, will not leave the employments by
which they have succeeded, or lend their money to
strangers to lay out on the land, except for such
great advantages as prevent its being generally
borrowed for that purpose. Unless, therefore^

RESULT. 189

Government, either directly or indirectly, furnishes
the capital, the other elements cannot unite, except
in a few instances and to a small extent.

The result of the two systems, in the revenues of
each country, will be shown in a subsequent chapter.

Result. — The result in the matter of tea seems to
be, that the Indian tea cultivation will neither do
good to the Government nor to the country for
years after the Dutch system has enriched both the
Natives and the Europeans in Java, repaid all the
Government losses, and largely added to the
revenue. The contrast is a curious example of
the force and true meaning of the adage that
" time is money."

190

CHAPTER V.

JAVA OFFICIALS.

CIVIL SEEYANTS — BESIDENT — ASSISTANT-EESIDENT — SECEE-
TAET — CONTEOLETJES — GOVEBNMENT THEOUGH NATIVE
CHIEFS— REGENT — WEDANA — MANTEIES — SALAEIED MAN-
TEIES — TILLAGE CHIEFS — MILITAET CIVILIANS — THE EXE-
CUTIVE— THE LEGISLATUEE — GOVEENOE-GENEEAL — THE
COtTNCIL — THE SECEETAEIAT — DIEECTOES OF DEPABTMENTS

CHAMEEB OF ACCOUNTS — MINING AND TELEGEAPH

DEPABTMENTS.

Java Officials. — General Van den Boscli held
that the success of the culture system, to which
he looked for Java's relief from her financial em-
barrassments, "svould depend greatly on the con-
duct and character of the European officials work-
ing the system, and on their frequent intercourse
with the peasant.

To secure these ends the European officials were
increased in number, till the area in charge of each
man was reduced to such dimensions as he could
personally look after, and till the Avhole staff of
the country became sufficient, not only to keep the
peace and administer justice, but also to admit of

CIVIL SERVANTS. 191

every village and field being personally visited by a
European^ once a month, throughout the year. The
expense of this augmentation was great, but the
results have shown the wisdom of this, as of every
other part of General Van den Bosch's plans.

Civil Servants. — There is the same distinction of
covenanted and uncovenanted among the classes of
European oflBcials in Java as exists in India. The
distinction there, however, consists in different duties,
instead of in different emoluments for the same
duties, and the line is not impassable as in India.

European officials in Java are divided into three
classes, the first and second of which are covenanted,
like the civil service in India.

The first class is composed of men who have at-
tained to the degree of Doctor of Laws in Hol-
land. This corresponds with being called to the Bar
in England after a strict legal examination, a Doctor
of Laws requiring no further diploma to practise as
an advocate. Such of these Dutch lawvers as wish
to go to India apply to be examined at the College of
Delft. On passing satisfactorily in the different
branches of knowledge there required, they are ap-
pointed by the King of Holland to be Java ofiicials
of the first class. These are eligible to any appoint-
ment, either under the Department of Justice or in
the Government of the Interior. Some of these
ofiicials of the first class practise as advocates, and
subsequently become judges in the Dutch courts of

192 EUROPEAN OFFICIALS.

Java, which are analogous to the Supreme Courts
in India. Others begin as controleurs, and rise to
be assistant-residents or residents in the interior,
with analogous duties to those of the Indian
covenanted service. Officials of the first class have
also the power of passing from the judicial to the
administrative branches, whether in the capitals or
in the interior, and vice versa. The members of
council and heads of departments are also most
generally chosen from among these Dutch barristers,
who are in all respects the highest and most trusted
servants of the Dutch Government in Java.

The second class of European officials are more
like Indian civil servants. They pass four years at
the College of Delft, which was established in 1843
for the same purposes as Haileybury. The college
is open to all, and the vacancies in the civil service
are supplied by competition among the students of
the fourth year. These officials of the second class
are specially devoted to the government of the in-
terior. They begin as controleurs and rise in the
ordinary line of the provincial Government. They
are eligible for all situations in the service of the
interior, and in the higher administrative depart-
ments, but not for any appointments under the de-
partments of justice.

All European officials of either the first or the
second class must have passed an examination at
Delft in—

PREPARATORY STUDIES. 193

The Javanese language,

The Malay language.

Knowledge of the country and nations of '
Netherlands India,

Mahomed an justice and laws,

Dutch composition,

French, English, and German languages and
literature,

Algebra,

Geometry,

Trigonometry,

Land surveying and levelling.

Cosmography, including geology and geo-
graphy.

Experimental physics.

Natural history.

Chemistry,

Political economy,

Italian bookkeeping, and

Drawing.
On arrival in Java these young universal scio-
lists receive 150 florins per month subsistence
allowance, till placed in some appointment. As
among the Indian competitors, their usefulness and
subsequent advancement depend on the old qualities
of mens sana in corpore sano, and often bear an
inverse ratio to their acquirements.

The third class of Em'opean officials is unco-
venanted. These and the inferior unclassed Euro-

VOL. I. o

194 TJNCOVEN ANTED OFFTCIALS.

peans in Government employ form a special service
with separate duties. It is composed of men who
are not sent out as officials from Holland, like the
first and second classes, but who begin their career
in Netherlands India in some of the inferior posts
in the Government offices. It is in this capacity
that the half-castes, and those who in Java are
technically called persons assimilated with Europeans,
mostly seek Government employ. These men can
rise according to their usefulness, but without any
rank whatever, till they become clerks at 450
florins per month. Having once attained this max-
imum they cannot rise higher, unless selected to
be made officials of the third class. The most
competent are chosen by the Governor-General for
that purpose as vacancies occur, and are proposed
by him to the King of Holland for appointment.
Officials of the third class can rise to the highest
appointments in the administrative departments, but
never to any post in which they can come in contact
with the Native population, or exercise direct
authority over them. ^i-

An official of the third class may, however, obtain
permission to go to Europe to study at Delft, where,
on his passing a satisfactory examination in the
above-mentioned subjects, he rises to be an official
of the second class. For this purpose the Java
Government pays his travelling expenses, and allows
him furlough pay during his absence in Holland,

ADVANCEMENT IN THE SERVICE. 195

•which latter, however, he has to refund, if he fails in
passing the necessary examination.

The lowest grade in the covenanted service of
the interior is controleur, which grade is itself sub-
divided into controleurs of the first, second, and
third classes. The advance from controleur depends,
as in India, on a mixture of interest, ability, and
seniority. Seniority, without talents or interest,
will generally carry a man to be assistant-resident,
equivalent to an Indian judge. But either favour
or ability are required to attain the post of resident,
equivalent to an Indian commissioner, or the minis-
terial offices of the secretariat and heads of depart-
ments.

I am not aware what was the former mode of
appointment to the civil service, or when it took its
present shape. Till 1830, the old mercantile tradi-
tion was still so far kept up that a civilian began his
duties in Java as clerk in the custom-house, or in
one of the offices of the general Government, in the
same manner as men now do who afterwards become
officials of the third class. On the introduction of
the culture system, the title of the young civil
servant was changed from custom-house clerk to
controleur, and his duties were raised from the
examination of bales of goods to the superintendence
and improvement of the cultivation of the country,
in the manner hereafter explained.

I will describe, as now in full operation for some

o 2

196 THE RESIDENT.

years past, the position, duties, and power of the
local officials, European and Native.

Resident. — The resident is the first local European
authority, and the chief of the large tract of country
called a residency. His powers are judicial,
financial, and administrative. He is like an Indian
commissioner, in regard to his general control over
the whole residency, but he also performs the duties
of judge, collector, and magistrate, in one of the
regency divisions of his residency.

The first question which occurs to an Anglo-
Indian is, how one man can find time for such nume-
rous duties ? The answer is, the state of the country.

The small proportion of income payable as land
tax, and the facility of payment caused by the
culture system, reduce the resident's financial duties
to the mere receipt and payment of money.

The culture system, by raising the whole people
above want and by giving them constant employ-
ment, has almost destroyed crime. Industry and
comfort, with close European supervision, have
abolished the organized bands of robbers and
murderers, formerly as rife in Java as in India.
The control over the dealings between Natives and
Europeans, and the established scale of Native sub-
ordination and responsibility, prevent the occurrence
of aff'rays or similar acts of violence. The criminal
and police business in the interior has thus become
of the highest character.

HIS POWERS. 197

The absence of Native landlords, the large powers
of conciliation and arbitration vested in every official,
and the judicial regulations hereafter mentioned,
prevent much civil litigation, and what little occurs
is speedily and satisfactorily decided by the landraad
and other local tribunals. Nothing astonished me
more than to hear, when I expressed a wish to see
the local court, that it was not sitting because there
was no business for it, and that its sittings for
criminal and civil business did not average above
about thirty days in the year.

The resident exercises judicial powers, both civil
and criminal, as president of the landraad, and as
judge of the residency court. He also acts as
magistrate, both in committing to other courts, and
in the punishment of petty police oflences. Tlie
landraad, composed of the resident and two Native
members, and deciding by a majority, has large
criminal powers, including all cases not involving
life or transportation for twenty years. Where
acting alone, the police powers of this the head
European official are very small, being limited to
eight days' imprisonment, three days' stocks, three
months on the roads, twenty blows with a rattan,
and a fine of fifty florins, about equivalent to the
powers we entrust in India to an assistant magis-
trate. In the case of Europeans, his criminal
power is limited to a fine, and to eight days' im-
prisonment, or to forwarding the Eui'opean to one

198 SYSTEM OF REGISTRATION.

of the capitals for trial by the court of justice, com-
posed of Dutch lawyers.

The resident knows every one of the numerous
Native officials personally by sight, so as to be
cognizant of his character and abilities, and he also
knows every ascertainable detail about everyindividual
in his regency. A register with ready means of
reference is kept of the numbers of heads of families
in each village, with the names and condition of
each; of how many each family consists, and how
many of its members are grown men, women, and
children, together with any particulars affecting the
members of each family. A map register is also
kept of the exact amount and locality of land
belonging to each village in common, or to each
peasant separately. The monthly reports keep the
resident acquainted with the exact proportions of the
land cultivated and uncultivated, and under what
crops, together with the state of the cultivation and
the probable harvest yield. All this is not only
exactly registered, with easy reference to each
particular, but is also personally verified and tested
by the resident's constant visits to different parts of
his residency.

The employment and means of livelihood of each
individual, as also any change of residence, either
temporarily of the individual, or permanently of
himself and family, are also duly noted. Every
Native of the country is free to come and go where

KNOWLEDGE OF THE PEOPLE. 199

and as he pleases, first getting a pass from his
immediate Native superior. The petty chief or
head of the village from whose jurisdiction he
removes, as well as the one to whose jurisdiction he
goes, have, however, to report his departure and
arrival.

I must do the officials the justice to say that, so
far as I could ascertain, this minute and accurate
knowledge of the people is not obtained by any
system of spying, but by the constant intercourse
and friendly communion of the resident and of his
European subordinates with the Native chiefs and
peasantry.

This constant communication and friendly inter-
course, with the perfect knowledge thus acquired of
the habits, wishes, and ideas of the Natives, is con-
sidered by the Dutch one of the best results of the
culture system, from which it sprung. Anything
like Native dissatisfaction is immediately known,
its cause is investigated, and relief is at once applied
in a liberal spirit, whether to the community or to
the individual.

The salaries of residents were very large under
the English Government, and continued so till
reduced by Le Yicomte du Bus de Gisignies. A
resident's fixed salary is now 1250 florins a month,
or ,£1250 per annum, and the Government supplies
him, as it does all European officials of the first and
second class, with house and garden grounds rent-

200 ASSISTANT-RESIDENT.

free. In those residencies where the culture system
is extensively applied, the resident's percentage
will sometimes amount to more than his salary, and
this large addition to the official pay consequently
causes these residencies to be much sought after.
All admit, however, that the office is underpaid, and
the salary insufficient, in such an expensive country
as Java, to enable the holder to save a competence
wherewith to retire to Europe. The general
arrangements made for enabling the retired official
to live comfortably in Java renders this less in-
jurious than the like reduction of salaries in India
would be, where the life of a retired official, without
the means of returning to Europe, is one of un-
mitigated misery and exile.

Assistant-Resident. — Next in rank and salary to
the European resident is the Native regent, but the
next European officers are the assistant-residents,
each of whom administers, under the resident's
orders, one of the outlying regencies of the resi-
dency, and has in his regency the same powers, and
performs the same duties, as the resident does in the
regency under his peculiar charge.

A practical illustration of the minute and accu-
rate knowledge which each resident, assistant-resi-
dent, and controleur possesses of the district under
his peculiar charge, is contained in the following
story. A gentleman was travelling in the interior
when the Government post horses attached to his

I

KNOWLEDGE OF HIS DISTRICT. 201

carriage happened to knock down a child some two
or three years old, who ran suddenly into the road
at a part where no neighbouring houses were to be
seen. He took it up and carried it into the next
civil station to the assistant-resident^s house,
requesting that the child might be taken care of,
and restored to its parents, when they could be
found, with some compensation for the slight hurt
it had received. The assistant-resident sent for a
few of the young mantries or petty chiefs in the
station, and called for his register. He at once
ascertained the number and names of the families
near where the accident had happened, any of whose
children would then be from two to three years of
age. The mantries examined the appearance of the
child, galloped off to inquire among the families
designated by the assistant-resident, and before the
traveller continued his journey, he had the satisfac-
tion of restoring the child to its father.

My Indian readers who know the ISIofussil, or
interior of India, will be able to appreciate the
difference between this and what any Anglo-Indian
official could do in similar circumstances. Not that
the Indian official is to be blamed. Most Indian
civil servants work like horses, and all much harder
than Dutch officials ; doing within the limits imposed
on them all that men can do. But what is to be
expected of a magistrate whose time is mostly taken
up by judicial business, and whose district is as

202 assista;nt-resident's salary. ^

large as Yorkshire? "Whole villages might almost
die of hunger or disease without his hearing of it, or
before he could render assistance. Numerous are
the small towns, ay, even with police stations, which
remain unvisited for years, owing to the overwhelm-
ing work. And the inhabitants of many villages
grow to man's estate, and some even live and die,
without ever having seen a white face. This evil
has been long felt by the Indian Government, but
want of money has prevented its incurring the ex-
pense required for such an increase of the service
as would give each man a manageable area. In-
sufiiciency of funds in India still allows this, among
other evils, to remain unredressed, from which the
culture system with its consequent riches has re-
lieved Java.

The assistant-resident's salary was reduced in
1827-28, and is now fixed at 500 florins a month,
or £500 per annum. Besides this he receives
house and grounds rent-free, and his share of the
culture percentages in his regency, which some-
times double his salary. This is the highest post
to which the generality of civil servants attain,
and the salary afiixed to it is disgraceful to a rich
Government like that of Java. When the country
was on the verge of bankruptcy, the officials sub-
mitted to their former large incomes being reduced
to their present paltry rates. The integrity and
honour of these highly educated and high-minded

SECRETARY. 203

gentlemen have since kept the service without a
taint of the corrupt practices so rife among the
underpaid servants of the old Dutch East India
Company. Their exertions, in superintending the
culture system, have changed a yearly deficit to a
yearly surplus of over three millions sterling.
Meawhile, the first requirements of life, not to
speak of the luxuries indispensable to men of edu-
cated habits in Eastern countries, have become at
least fifty per cent, dearer. The labour required of
all European ofiicials in Java has increased at least
tenfold. And yet the Java Government, or rather
the Home Government, expects gentlemen to devote
their lives to the service of Holland's richest
colony, with no higher probable end than an in-
come of £500 a year. This part of the Java ad-
ministration is not marked with the same wisdom
as most of the rest of their policy. In the pre-
sent happy state of their finances, an adequate in-
crease of salary to their civil servants would be but
easy justice. It would not cause any appreciable
reduction in the large surplus revenue, but would
confer a great increase of comfort and happiness on
a most meritorious class of men.

Secretary. — Each resident has a secretary, who is
also a European civil servant next in rank to the
assistant-resident, and who takes the place of his
resident in presiding over the landraad, in case of
the iUness or absence of his superior.

204 DUTIES OF THE SECRETARY.

The secretary prepares all transfers of heritable
property, real or personal ; witnesses their public
execution by the parties before the resident and
himself; and alters and renews the map registers
and indexes, which show the titles in all the land
in his district. He is also the director of both
Government and judicial sales, treasurer of the pub-
lic cash, and guardian of the public records. He
acts as greffier to record in Dutch the consultative
proceedings of the landraad, as well as the viva voce
evidence, and other particulars of all civil and crimi-
nal trials, either by the landraad or by the resi-
dency court. He is also notary public to witness
and certify the numerous documents and acts re-
quiring for their validity notarial attestation. He
keeps the registers of deaths, births, and marriages,
as well as those showing the names, condition, and
particulars of each separate household. He files and
indexes the controleur^s monthly reports," and regis-
ters the state of the cultivation, and the changes in
the population, shown thereby.

For these various purposes the secretary has under
him a head clerk, and the necessary complement of
other clerks, all paid by Government. With these
he performs some clerkly duties for the whole resi-
dency, and the whole of the clerkly duties for the
regency under the resident's special charge. All
his clerks, however, are merely ministerial, with no
access to the oSicial records, and with no influence

THE CONTROLETJRS. 205

on the proceedings of the local courts. The noxious
swarm of court amlah and record-writers and
keepers, who in India batten on the suitors, and
thrive by multiplying and perverting the records of
the courts, are happily unknown in Java.

The secretary's salary is fixed at 500 florins a
month, or £500 a year, and he receives no per-
centage on the cultures. Besides his salary, how-
ever, he is entitled to fixed fees on all transactions
before him as registrar, and as notary public.
These vary in different districts from an average of
200 to 800 florins a month, thus making the secre-
tary's income range from 700 to 1300 florins a
month, or an equal number of pounds sterling per
annum. He also has house and grounds supplied
him by Government rent-free.

Many public acts, such as the transfer of landed
property, &c., can only be executed at the chief
town of the residency before the resident and secre-
tary. But for such of the secretary's duties as can
be performed in the outlying regencies of the resi-
dency, the assistant-resident in charge of each
regency has under him a European chief clerk, with
a staff of Native clerks. The duties and powers of
these Native clerks are also carefully controlled, so
as to prevent them making their position a means of
influence and extortion among the Native population.

Cyontroleurs. — The next and lowest grade of Euro-
pean officials of the first and second class are the

I

206 THE controledr's journeys.

controleurs, whose special business is to superintend
the cultivation of the country, and to watch over and
forward the welfare of the people. Every regency
is divided into controleurs' circuits of such an area
as to enable every village and field of his circuit to
be personally visited and reported on by the contro-
leur every month throughout the year. By this
arrangement every Native has constant opportunities
of seeing one of his Dutch masters^ and has monthly
brought to his door the means of remonstrance and
relief. The first five years of the young civilian's
service are thus spent in a constant course of travel
from one village to another, returning to the head
station monthly for five or six days to finish up and
give in his reports. He is early thrown alone
among the people, with whom his duties require
him to hold constant intercourse on every subject,
securing the proficiency in the vernacular, and
the thorough knowledge of the Natives, which dis-
tinguish the civil serviceof Java.

The controleur's journeys are made on horseback,
while his modest kit is carried by coolies. He is
accompanied through each of the districts that lie
in his circuit by the wedana or Native chief of the
district, and by the local Native officials of lesser
rank, also on horseback. He sleeps and lives in the
stranger's houses, of which there is one in every
village built of bamboos and mats, and at least as
comfortable as an Indian dawk bungalow.

HIS SUPERVISION. 207

Each controleur has not only the supervision of
the cultures in his circuity but also their practical
direction, by persuasion of the peasants, and by
suggestion to the local Native chiefs. He has to
see that sufficient land is cultivated by each village
vrith rice for the wants of the population, exclusive of
the one-fifth under sugar or other crop for the
contractor or planter, and that not only the sugar or
other crop, but also the rice, are planted at the
proper season, and are properly weeded and attended
to during their growth. He is the president of the
Taxation Committee that estimates the padi and
sugar-canes when ripe, both for land tax and for
payment to the villagers. He has to see that both
the village and the individual peasants possess the
proper instruments in sufficient number for planting,
cleaning, reaping, and preparing the crops. In case
the yield of rice should be insufficient for the wants
of the population, it is his duty to induce the
villagers to plant such second crop as is best suited
to the condition of the land. He has to ascertain
and report what number of coffee trees per head of
family are planted and in full bearing on the unculti-
vated lands and hill sides, and whether they are
properly cleaned and attended to, and the coffee
gathered when ripe, without being allowed to fall
and germinate, as also whether the villagers are
prepared with proper instruments for pounding,
cleaning, and sorting the coffee.

208 POWERS OF ARBITRATION.

The controleur has large powers of conciliation
and of arbitration, and is generally made the recipient
of complaints by the villagers, which he is bound to
attend to, and himself to settle amicably if possible.
In fact, he does thereby decide those numerous cases
where practically all the Native wants is to tell his
story and get advice. He has himself no judicial or
other authority or power whatever, except to con-
ciliate, examine, and report. It is his duty, however,
when he cannot succeed in settling quarrels, to try
and induce the parties to refer their differences to a
village jury or punchayet, giving him the reference
for registration, in which case the punchayet^s
decision is enforced if necessary.

He is also the general attesting witness to the
wills, contracts, and various other documents which,
by the Dutch regulations require for their validity
to be executed before a European official.

The controleur has to visit monthly the Govern-
ment coffee, salt, and other stores in his circuit, and
to make inquiry whether the Native in charge deals
with the surrounding population strictly for the
fixed Government prices, and without subjecting
them to either extortion or inconvenience. He has
also monthly to examine the books and to report
upon the accounts of the petty Native officials in his
circuit. The Native land rent collectors, who receive
the Government land rent from the village chiefs,
and are bound to pay them monthly to the secretary

MONTHLY TOUR AND REPORT. 209

as treasurer, have also to reader him their monthly
accounts, that he may test their accuracy through
the village authorities.

No direct authority is exercised by the controleur
over the Native wedana or district chief, or over the
mautries or petty chiefs who are at the orders of the
wedana, or even over any village chief in his circuit.
But his prestige as a European, and his position as
an official, are not allowed to be affected by his want
of power. He must be received and waited upon by
the wedana when entering his district, and lie must
be attended in each part of his tour by the wedana
and by the mantries and village chiefs in charge, to
•whom he remarks on any thing he sees wrong, and
suggests any improvements or alterations he thinks
desirable.

On his return from his monthly tour the con-
troleur reports to his immediate superior, whether
resident or assistant-resident, all the particulars of
the cultivation of the whole of his circuit, in printed
tabulated forms for each village filled up on the
spot. On these he also enters any matter relating
to the village or anv of its inhabitants which re-
quires remark, and the new recommendations he has
made to the Native officials, together with their com-
pliance or otherwise with his former suggestions.
The Native local officials know that the controleur's
report of any neglect or of any non-compliance with his
suggestions will be forwarded by his superior to the

VOL. I. P

210 CLASSES OF contr6leurs.

regent, and will bring down on them the wrath of
their Native master with various disagreeable con-
sequences. The controleur therefore generally finds
his suggestions carried out, except where the Native
local officials consider compliance unadvisable, in
which case they report the suggestions to the
regent with their objections. The matter is then
brought on for discussion at the next meeting
of the landraad, and orders sent to the local
officials in accordance with the decision there
come to.

It will be remembered that only European officials
of the first and second class can become controleurs.
These again rank as controleurs of the first, second,
and third class. A controleur of the third class gets
225 florins a month, or £225 a year, while he ac-
companies another controleur in his circuit for a few
months to learn his duties. He then gets a circuit to
himself, when he becomes controleur of the second
class, and gets 275 florins a month, or <£275 a year.
After some years of continual travel round his circuit
he is made controleur of the first class, when he
replaces the secretary or the assistant-resident in
their duties during absence. Till promoted to one or
the other post, he combines some of the duties of con-
troleur with such higher duties as are delegated to him
by his superiors. As controleur of the first class,
he receives 375 florins a month, or £375 a year.
The controleurs are also found house and grounds

THEIR POSITION AND PAY. 211

rent-free, two or three being generally located
together.

The pay of a controleur, with the addition of his
percentage on the cultures in his circuit, is relatively
larger than that of the higher ranks of officials.
But it is also much too small. He is necessarily
obliged to keep one or two horses, and to have a
travelling establishment of servants, and a camp
equipage. He is required always to maintain such an
appearance and position among the Native officials
with whom he makes his circuits as to uphold the
prestige and respect they are bound to pay him.
Then again Java is a very dear country, where
i6300 a year will by no means give a man as
much, even of the necessaries of civilized life, as
such an income would command in the dearest
capital in Europe. What are luxuries in Europe,
are necessities in the tropics. And distance so raises
the price of all the requirements of civilization,
that what would be a handsome competence at
home barely suffices to maintain the position of a
gentleman in the East. The consequence is that
Java controleurs are almost universally in debt,
unless they have private means, which is but seldom
the case. Even the most careful hardly ever get
over their first outlay for horses and furniture till
they are promoted from controleur.

It were much to be desired that European nations
would gauge the wages of their colonial servants

p 2

212 GOVERNMENT THROUGH NATIVE CHIEFS.

rather by the necessities of their position than by
the narrow home experience of what a particular
sum will buy. Holland would then no longer
expose her most hopeful sons to such difficulties
and dangers in Java, and the English people would
cease to envy^ and Avould desist from threatening
official salaries in India.

The above constitute in Java the European
officials of a district^ whose duty is thus to ascertain
and know every detail^ however minute, and whose
relations with the Natives are thus limited to super-
vision, advice, and assistance.

Government through Native Chiefs. — The real
government of the Natives is carried on exclusively
through the Native chiefs. The resident is only
subject to the Governor-General in council, and is
absolute master in his residency, but the Native
regent is the sole apparent soui'ce of authority.
The European officials merely examine, suggest, and
report, but have no power to issue any order or to
enforce its execution. There are strict rules for-
bidding their attempting to do either. The high
respect paid them, and the generally ready com-
pliance of the Native officials with their suggestions,
naturally prevent these rules being often infringed.

At the same time, the European officials are
always accessible and ready to listen to complaints.
They do not respond to such complaints by issuing
orders, or even by telling the complainant that they

INFLUENCE OF EUROPEAN OFFICIALS. 213

will secure him redress. This would be considered
an insult to the Native official, who would probably
resent and report it as subversive of his authority
over the people, for the Javanese are particularly
touchy on the point of honour. The European
tells the complainant he will expostulate with the
Native chief, and will show him how his orders, or
his conduct, have inadvertently caused injury or in-
justice, when, no doubt, the Native chief will be
only too happy to withdraw the order or repair the
evil. If the Native official be seriously iu fault, the
controleur's report on the subject is probably by no
means in such mild terms, and his expostulation with
the Native chief may not unlikely show his real
opinion. By these means, however, in one way or
another, the Native constantly obtains remedy or re-
lief through the European officials, while yet no
European exercises any direct authority over him.
The principle is insisted on and strictly carried out,
that all communication between the European and
the Native must be agreeable and beneficial to the
latter, and that what orders or compulsion are
necessary shall come to him solely from his own
Native chiefs.

It may be said that this is merely illusory, and
that as the Dutch are the masters of the country
the orders and requisitions must be well known to
be theirs, by whatever mouth or hand they are
carried out. But this is not so in fact any more than

214 THE RESIDENT AND REGENT.

in appearance. The resident may, and in case of
necessity does, direct the regent to issue such and
such orders to the inferior Native officials. But,;
except in sudden and extreme cases, no change is
made but on consultation between the resident, the
regent, and other members of the landraad. The
opinion of the djaksa, of the priest, and of such,
high Native officials as may be thought most com-
petent to advise on any proposed measure, are also
called for. These are the consultative meetings of
the landraad, which take place weekly, or as much
oftener as the resident may require. Besides these
consultative meetings, however, the resident and
regent meet constantly if not daily, for the numerous
occasions arising in the administration by the regent
under the direction of the resident. Thus the
government of each regency is carried on ex-
clusively by the regent and his Native subordinates,
and the regent has the power of referring to Govern-
ment any direction of the resident from which he
and his Native advisers dissent. The independent
judgment of the regent is upheld by the knowledge
that he will be made answerable for the evil conse-
quences of any order emanating from him, even
where such orders are given by direction of the
resident. At the same time, should the regent or
his Native advisers make frivolous objections to
reasonable proposals, for the purpose of avoiding
future responsibility, they would soon find them-

REAL AND OSTENSIBLE AUTHORITY. 215

selves dismissed as useless, crotchety servants. Thus
they only interpose where their knowledge of Native
character leads them to foresee danger, which occa-
sions are of course rare. To the credit of the
Dutch Government be it said, the occasions are still
rarer where the opinions of the regent and his
Native advisers as to the treatment of their own
countrymen are overruled by Government. The
consequence is, that the orders and requisitions that
ostensibly emanate from the regent are not imputed
to the Dutch so much as to him and to his council.
Such orders are probably in themselves better suited
to Native ideas, while they are certainly less offen-
sive than if believed to come from foreign rulers,
instead of from the old and revered local aristocracy.

The summary power of dismissal without trial,
retained and not unfrequently used by the Dutch
Government, prevents the Native officials from
throwing wilful or crotchety impediments in the way
of the public business, and enables a ticklish, vin-
dictive Native population to be easily governed
through their own chiefs, without animosity towards
their Dutch rulers.

Regent. — The first Native ofl&cial in each province
is the regent, who receives a large salary, generally
even higher than that of the resident, and whose rank
and right of precedence is superior to that of every
European ofiicial below the resident, except during the
time such minor European ofl&cial is presiding over

216 THE REGENT.

the landraad. The regent holds a Native court ; is
never approached by any Native of inferior rank,
not even by the members of his own family, except
on the knees ; has a large retinue, through whom he
issues all orders for the regency ; keeps up the pomp
and state of a Native prince ; has full control over
all the Native chiefs and peasants of his regency ;
and is the apparent lord and ruler of his country.

The regent is at the same time the high priest of
the regency, to whom therefore every Native is
spiritually as well as physically subject. He is also
the chief member of the landraad, and the president
of the regency court, in which capacities he exercises
large judicial powers over the Natives, in both civil
and criminal cases. His attributes in these respects
will be further explained in the chapter on Justice.

Though the island is nominally divided into
residencies, each containing three or four regencies, so
as not to multiply the superior European officers,
the practical division is the regency, the affairs of
which are all conducted within itself by its own regent.
The resident directs the general policy of the European
officials throughout the residency, but he, as well as
the assistant-residents, are each appointed by Govern-
ment to the court of the particular regent whose
regency he is to administer, and each lives in the
station town and near to the palace of the regent to
whose court he has been appointed.

The regent is always a member, though not

HIS RANK, POWER, AND WEALTH. 217

always the head, of the chief family of nobles, who,
prior to the Dutch conquest, were rulers of the par-
ticular district, under the Native sovereign. As
much as possible, the old Native divisions are pre-
served, so as to maintain the regent's authority over
the land and people that his ancestors ruled. The
old official instructions to the resident and assistant-
residents direct them, in words, to treat each regent
" as a younger brother •'' and, in fact^ the necessary
intercourse for business between the regent and the
resident or assistant-resident, both in public and
private, is apparently cordial, frank, and on equal
terms.

Besides his large salary and his share of the
culture percentages, every regent has landed pro-
perty attached to his office. The Regent of Brebes
and the former Regent of Japara have also private
landed estates, which were formerly conferred on
their ancestors by the English Government. But
with the exception of these regents, and of the
regents of the Preanger, who have a modified pro-
perty in the whole of their regencies, the regent,
with all the pomp, dignity, and influence of a Native
prince, is but a stipendiary of the Dutch Government
removeable at will.

While he remains regent he has rank, wealth,
and power, the whole affairs of the regency being
conducted exclusively by him and in his name. If
dismissed from his regency, he sinks at once into a

218 DUTCH POLICY IN JAVA.

mere member of the regent's family, and his pomp,
wealth, and power pass to such other member of
the family as the Dutch select to take his place.

The Dutch policy in Java seems to be tinctured,
in many respects, by the experience acquired in their
long residence at Desima ; and, whether from a simi-
larity of circumstances or from Dutch encouragement,
many incidents of Native life in Java resemble that
of the Japanese. In Japan the practice of abdi-
cating is common, and the Java regents and wedanas
not unfrequently, towards the close of life, surrender
the cares and emoluments of office in favour of a
son, or of some young member of the family. The
retired regent or wedana is then generally made a
member of the landraad, thus retaining high posi-
tion and honour without much care or labour, and,
though on a smaller salary, without the many calls
on the purse indispensable to the position of regent
or wedana.

It may be thought that where, as in India, the
Native nobles possess large private fortunes, they
would not accept office with such accessaries,
and with the contingency of dismissal. But the
experience of the Preanger, where the regents are
large landed proprietors, shows that the system is
equally applicable to such men. Real power, as
well as the pomp and personal dignity attached to
power in the East, will always more than counter-
balance its labours and cares, at least with such

NATIVE OFFICIALS. 219

young members of the best families as possess
qualities fitting them for office.

The regent is assisted by the pattih, who is always
an experienced Native of high family. In the
absence or temporary illness of the regent^ the pattih
takes his place, both in the landraad and in the
government of the regency. The regent has his
own Native council, composed of his wuzeer, jacksa,
and other officers, who preside over his household,
and over the diflferent departments of police, justice,
and religion. He has also a Native secretary and
clerks to transact the Native business of the regency,
as ordered by himself and by his officers, under the
supervision and direction of the resident or assistant-
resident. He has, besides, the direct supervision
and direction of the different wedanas or chiefs of
districts in his regency, to whom all orders are
issued only by him or in his name.

The wise recognition by the Dutch of the impor-
tance assigned by Natives to rank and pomp is
shown by the very first clause after the oath. The
regent is enjoined strictly to follow the particular
enactments in these respects, and to keep all other
Natives in similar conformity to the marks of their
rank. The Dutchman in Java has not yet attained
to the magnificent scorn of the Anglo-Indian for all
distinctions but those of his own country. He
does not bow abjectly before a mushroom coronet,
and then turn with contempt on men whose an-

220 THE USE or OPIUM DISCOURAGED.

cestors "were cliieftains and educated gentlemen
while ours were still only painted Picts. His posi-
tion in Java, like ours in India, tends to the en-
couragement of such feelings, but the Java Govern-
ment carefully suppresses their exhibition. The
Dutch rulers allow that the ideas of their Native
subjects are entitled to be considered in a Native,
and not in a European, point of view. They avoid
Native hatred by officially recognising the importance
of such matters, but wisely leave their enforcement
and regulation to the Natives themselves.

Another curious clause in these instructions is
that which directs the regent to discourage among
his people and subordinates the use of opium, from
which the Dutch derive a large revenue. This
conduct of the Java Government is directly opposed
to that of the Bengal Government, in refusing to
stop the growth of the poppy in Assam. Every
cottager there grows untaxed poison at his own door,
which is not only used by men and women, but
devoured by the children, till health and strength
vanish from the population, and even the chances of
continuing the race become doubtful. The tea
planters, and those interested in the population of
Assam, have urged Government to add to its revenue,
and to save the children at least from poisoning
themselves, by forbidding the growth of the poppy
there, but supplying the people with taxed opium,
which would thus confine the consumption to men

THE OPIUM QUESTION IN ASSAM. 221

and women. The Bengal Government refused to
comply Avith this request, on the ground that opium
was but a stimulant, the moderate use of which was
apparently not very hurtful. It was added that
considerations connected with the opium revenue
had formerly caused the free growth of the poppy to
be forbidden in other parts of India, Init that the
Bengal Government saw no reason for extending
such restriction to Assam. The contrast of this
application of free trade, with the illiberal Dutch
instructions to regents to dissuade their people from
the use of taxed opium, cannot but be flattering
both to our wisdom and to our humanity. The
Bengal Government would doubtless have justified
its decision, as being in accordance with the latest
truths of political economy, and as based on the
wise principle of non-interference with the free
action of the subject. I am sorry to say the Dutch
■were too narrow-minded to take this view of our
treatment of the opium question in Assam. They
are prejudiced enough to say that though, unlike
Frenchmen, Englishmen do not pretend to fight for
an idea, an idea seems to be sufficient excuse
to an Anglo-Indian statesman for desolating a
province.*

* This decision of the former Bengal Government has just
been reversed, and a weak concession of principle to common
sense has been made in 1860, by prohibiting the further growth
of opium in Assam.

222 REGENTS OF THE PREANGER.

The regent's fixed salary varies in different
regencies from 800 to 1500 florins a month. He
has also his percentage on the cultures, which in
some regencies nearly equals the salary. Most of
the regents likewise derive considerable profits from
the land in each regency specifically assigned to the
ofiice. These various sources yield a large income,
■which enables each regent to maintain his court, and
to live in pomp and affluence.

In the Preanger, where the regents are the land-
ovraers, and receive so much of the income of their
several regencies as is not appropriated to other
local purposes, such as education, religion, &c., their
incomes are much larger, though they receive no
salaries. Following out the old Native idea of the
land belonging to the prince, the receipt of the one-
fifth of produce and one-seventh of labour in the
Preanger passes from a deceased or retiring regent
to his successor, whom the Dutch, as lords para-
mount of the island, claim the right to appoint.
They do not, however, treat the regents of the
Preanger so cavalierly as the regents in the con-
quered parts of the island, who are often dismissed
on what we should consider inadequate grounds.
No instance I believe exists of a regent of the
Preanger being dismissed, though, on his death or
abdication, the Dutch sometimes interfere with the
natural order of succession, as in the case of the
present Regent of Bandong, whom they pre-

THE WED ANA. 223

ferred to the regency in the place of his elder
brother.

Wedana. — The regency is divided into five or six
districts^ each of which is presided over by a Native
chief, called a wedana. This official is also a man
of high family, but, like the regent, a mere Govern-
ment stipendiary on a large salary, -with high
position and rank among his countrymen, and
holding a kind of minor court. Instead of being
appointed by Government, however, like the regent,
the wedana is chosen by the Native community,
subject to the approval of the resident. The
Governor-General is expressly directed, by Art. 71
of " the General Regulations for the Government of
Netherlands India," to maintain this right of choice
against all ^^olation. The wedana has under him
a writer and two or three servants paid by the
Government, with which, and with the mantries or
petty chiefs at his disposal, he carries on the police
duties of the district, and executes the orders of
the regent. He is responsible for the immediate
discovery and investigation of crime, which he
reports to the regent, at the same time forwarding
the criminal, and sending up the witnesses on the
day fixed for trial.

The wedana is chief of the district court, which
judges all petty cases of assaults and quarrels among
the peasantry of the district, and all civil claims
between Natives for less than twenty florins. He is

224 MANTRIES.

always a man of liigh consideration, and the chief au-
thority on the state of his people. He has to accom-
pany the controleur every month in his tour through
the district, and to supply him with all necessary in-
formation and with the returns required. He is the
Native ofiicial to whom the controleur suggests any
alteration or improvements, which the wedana cai-ries
out by means of the mantries at his command. He is
specially charged with the control and direction of the
young mantries attached to his household, and his repu-
tation is much gauged by their capacity and conduct.

Mantries. — The mantries or petty chiefs are of
two kinds, salaried and unsalaried. The few salaried
mantries preside over and manage separate parts of
the wedana^s district under his directions, but the
far larger number of unsalaried mantries attend the
wedana^s court, carrying his messages and executing
his orders, or superintending their execution by the
village chiefs and villagers. These mantries are the
sons and relations of the regent, or of some of the
wedanas and other chiefs ; all young Natives of
family, even the regent's successor, becoming man-
tries as a matter of course.

The wedana appoints any young man he pleases a
mantrie in his district. The only remuneration the
Toung man receives in this capacity is a share in
the small mantrie's percentage on all the produce of
the culture in the wedana's district. But as it is
the only road to Government employ, and to that

THEIR DUTIES. 225

share in the rule of his fellon-countrymen which
the Native noble considers his right by birth, every
young man of good family gets made a mantrie by
some wedana or another. He then attends the
wedana's court without salary, in hopes of being
subsequently elected to one of the salaried petty
chieftainships, after he shall have shown his compe-
tence for office.

On appointment the mantrie is invested with a
kriss, or Malay dagger, with a baldric of leather
having the name of the district of which he is made
a mantrie worked upon it, and with a somewhat
better kind of the long knife or goluck worn by
noble and peasant alike in Java. He is also pro-
^ided with a Java pony, either by his own family or
bv the wedana who makes him a mantrie. From
that time till he gets promoted, and made either a
salaried mantrie in charge of a sub-district, a wedana,
or regent, as the case may be, he is constantly
riding about the country. He lives in the wedana^s
house, or, if he can afford it, in a house of his own
close by, and is liable to be sent off, at any hour of
the day or night, to any place the wedana chooses.
Perhaps he is despatched to see to the execution of
some suggestion made by the controleur, or of some
order given by the regent through the wedana.
Whatever message has to be taken or inquiry
made, whatever order has to be given or work
to be superintended, falls necessarily and natu-

VOL. I. Q

226 INDIAN MESSENGERS.

rally to the well-born and influential young
mantrie.

The Java Government thus saves the cost of the
large number of peons or messengers who in India
attend on the European and Native ofiicials. These
are mere servants on small salaries, but the united
amount of their wages all over the country makes a
large item of expense to our Indian Government.
These Indian messengers are low-born men, without
any natural or legitimate influence over the people.
They know, however, how to make their position, and
the orders they have to carry, a means of emolu-
ment. In India this large class of official messengers
all live far above their small wages, which can only
be done by their making their duties the means of
extorting perquisites from the people. Their employ-
ment as messengers is also injurious to the country,
by converting a considerable body of men, who
naturally belong to the productive classes, into
mere unproductive consumers. In Java the employ-
ment of other motives has substituted for these
common runners a far superior class, who not only
carry messages and orders gratuitously but also see
to their due execution, forming a great element in
the prosperity of the country by actively and eco-
nomically helping to develop its resources.

The consequence is that, although the peasant of
Java is the laziest of created mortals, the young
noble, of the same race and habits, is active and

i

SUPERIORITY OF THE MANTRIES. 227

energetic alike in business and in sport. These are the
men who are constantly looking up the villagers, and
who contrive to rouse them from their indolence, not
only to the proper cultivation of their own and of the
contractor's crop, but to the maintenance of the ter-
racing and irrigation works necessary for the cultivation
of a large part of the island. These are the men w^ho,
mounted on the best horses of the Regent of Bandons:
and of the neighbouring wedanas, outrode the Euro-
peans at the great autumn stag-hunt which I saw, and
carried off for themselves the heads and necks of all the
deer. These also are the men who, thus educated, have
gradually come to form a class of gentlemanly officials,
neither cringing while mantries, nor presuming when
appointed regent or wedana. With full knowledge
of the wants and wishes of the locality, they thus
become competent to associate with Europeans on
pleasant terms, and help to carry on the administra-
tion of the country with submission, but at the same
time with respectful independence.

Formerly these mantries were the curse of the
country. All the oppression and extortion to which
the villagers were subject came from them, and
Raffles speaks of them with just horror and indigna-
tion. He destroyed their power, only keeping a few
employed in police and tax-collecting duties. The
Dutch restored them to power, but controlled and
regulated their demands. The mantrie, on arriving
at a village, goes to the stranger's house. The

q2

228 MATS TRIES IN THE WED ANA S COURT.

village chief is bound to wait upon him, and tO
supply him gratis with certain specified provisions
for himself and his horse for twenty-four hours.
After this, if he remains, he must pay daily a fixed
price for the same provisions, with which the village
chief is bound to supply hira as long as his errand
requires his stay. These provisions are levied by the
village chief from the villagers, by turns as to the
gratis provisions, and by purchase for the rest. Any
oppression or extortion by the mantrie would be
probably discovered by the controleur on his next
monthly visit, when woe to the mantrie, and adieu to
all prospect of promotion. ^

The young mantries about the wedaua's court are
in somewhat the same position as young men of
family used to occupy in a knight's household in the
Middle Ages, except that they are not employed in
menial domestic duties.

They are the companions, the followers, and the
supporters of the wedana, who prides himself on
their number and appearance, and on his mantries
bearing a higher reputation than those of other
wedanas. The consequence is that a public opinion
has gradually grown up among them, and any man-
trie's conviction of tyranny or extortion reflects dis-
grace on his wedana and on his fellow mantries, as
well as on himself. The Dutch say that, although
undoubtedly oppression and extortion do still occur,
\hey are not only much rarer than formerly, but

SALARIED MANTRTES. 229

that, since the growth of this feeling, they are daily-
becoming rarer still. They attribute the few in-
stances that are still occasionally discovered, to the
desire of these young men to do honour to their
wedana's court, and to the small means which so
many of them possess. The higher Natives having
no other fortunes than their official emoluments,
which are barely more than enough to provide for
the requirements of their positions, have hardly any
thing to spare for a son who is a mantrie at the
wedana's court. That son has no salary but his
small share of the man trie's percentage, and yet he
has certain expenses, not large, it is true, but still
often more than his small allowance can well supply.
Salaried Mantries. — The wedana's district is
divided into sub -districts, each of which is in charge
of a salaried mantrie. The salaried mantrie, like
the wedana, is chosen by the Native community
from the unpaid mantries, subject to the approval
of the resident. After appointment the salaried
mantrie administers his charge under the wedana's
orders, and is specially entrusted with the police
duties of his sub-district. Although the wedana
can make any number of mantries he pleases, the
selection for promotion and salary is made by the
Native community from the mantries, not only of the
district, but of the whole regency. Thus the man-
trie's promotion depends, not so much on his gain-
ing the good will of his own immediate wedana, as

230 THE VILLAGE CHIEF.

oa his general reputation among liis fellow-country-
men, and on the opinion of the European contro-
leurs. This prospect, of course, tends to keep the
mantrie from exercising oppression or extortion on
those by -whose fiat promotion will be granted or
withheld, and urges him to gain the good will of all
with whom he is brought into contact. Dependence
on the public, more than on the individual, and the
wandering, energetic lives they have to lead, prevent
the mantries generally from sinking, towards their
wedana, into the shameless vile race of parasites
and flatterers that in India batten upon our rich
and objectless Rajahs and Baboos.

Village Chief. — The salaried mantrie's sub-dis-
trict is divided into village communities, each of
which is governed by a village chief, appointed by
the resident on the free election of the villagers.

The village chief must be a villager himself, cul-
tivating his share of the village land by himself or
his family. He is elected for only one year, during
which he is a salaried Government official, receiving
eight per cent, on the land tax paid by the village,
and his percentage on the culture, in the manner
before described. The villagers are under his
orders, are employed by him in the cultures, and
have to furnish their one-seventh of gratuitous
labour, or their one day^s gratuitous supply of pro-
visions to the mantries, according to the roster kept
by him. Thus the village chief's power over his

HIS AUTHORITY. 231

villagers is great during his one year of office.
This and his emoluments of course make him
anxious to be re-elected^ of which he has but little
chance unless both just and considerate. To pre-
vent that re-election being secured by power, the
same individual can only be re-elected after the
lapse of one year from his last term of office. In
fact the election depends much on the opinion of
the controleur, who consults with the village elders,
and the villagers generally of course elect the person
recommended.

The village chief is responsible for everything in
his village, and is specially charged with the admi-
nistration of the police. Every crime or offence in
his village is at once reported by him to the mantrie
and to the wedana, immediate search and pursuit
being meanwhile made by him and his villagers.
He has the management of the village watch-houses
or gardos, which are posted at short distances from
each other all over the country. The village watch-
men are not paid, but every man in the village
takes his turn, which counts for him in the one-
seventh of gratuitous labour he has to furnish to
Government. These watchmen keep their twelve
hours' watch both day and night in the gardo,
which is a kind of large open sentry box, placed
along the roads and at the corners of villages, so as
to form a line of communication from one village to
the other all over the island. The gardo system

232 HIS POWERS OF CONCILIATION.

will be further described in the chapter on Criminal
Justice and Police.

In like manner the village chief is answerable
for the land tax for the whole village lands. This
is collected by him rateably from the casual occu-
pant of each field, according to the estimate of the
Taxation Committee, which, being made publicly, is
equally well known to all the villagers.

Like every other official, the village chief has
large powers of conciliation, and every quarrel
among his villagers must first go to him and to the
council of village elders, but he has no powers of
punishment or of deciding any question but by
consent. If he fails to settle any quarrel amicably,
the complainant proceeds to institute his suit, at
the trial of which the village chief has to bring up
the witnesses, and to speak to the character of each
of his villagers, so as to enable the court to estimate
the credit due to each witness, as explained in the
chapter on Justice. He has a Native clerk to help
him in keeping the roster and the village accounts,
and is entitled, during his term of office, to marks
of respect from the villagers, and to be consulted in
all matters relating to the village by the superior
authorities.

These are the proper Native officials of the
regency, all under the exclusive order of the regent,
though all removable at will by the Dutch Govern-
ment. A comfortable inn for European travellers

MILITARY CIVILIANS. 233

and the post-ofl&ce for letters in each station town,
the care of the Government post horses, the super-
intendence of the roads, and similar duties, are all
under charge of Europeans paid by Government, but
who are not dignified with the name of officials.
Old soldiers or European servants, and men of that
class, generally fill these posts, and act under the
orders of the resident. There are also the Native
land rent collectors, and the Natives in charge of the
local Government stores, who are directly under the
orders of the resident, and not amenable to the
Native officials. In the same position stand the
petty Native mandors in charge of posting stations
along the road, or in other subordinate collateral
employments under Government. These, and
private servants, are the only Natives who receive
their orders direct from Europeans. When any of
the European officials require public messages to be
sent, or inquiries to be made, they have only to
inform the regent or the nearest wedana, who imme-
diately sends mantries to execute their orders.

Military Civilian. — This system of officials applies
with modifications to the twenty-four residencies of
Java and Madura, to the three dependent residencies
of Benkoelen, Lampong, and Palembang, at the
southern end of the island of Sumatra, as well as
to the three island residencies of Banka and Riow
ofl^" the east coast of Sumatra, and of Timor to the
east of Java, which places the Dutch have really

234 DUTCH CIVIL ESTABLISHMENTS.

got peaceful possession of. There are also Dutch
civil establishments at the three residencies of the
Government of the west coast of Sumatra, at the
three residencies of the Government of Borneo, at
the residency of Makassar iu the Government of
Celebes, and at the four residencies in the Govern-
ment of the Moluccas, one of which is the north-
east corner of the island of Celebes. AVith the
exception of the Moluccas, however, most of the
stations of these dependent Governments are really
only smaller or larger military posts, surrounded by
enemies and held by the sword, where most even of
the civil duties are conducted by military officers in
command of troops.

In Java, and in those dependencies which have
been brought under the same peaceful system, few
military officers are ever appointed to civil duties.
When one is so appointed from some special capacity,
he leaves his regiment at the same time as he leaves
his military duties, his place in the ranks being filled
up. The expense no doubt is greater than our
Indian plan of withdrawing officers from theii* regi-
ments, and employing them in civil duties at but a
slight increase of pay, sending them, in case of war,
to command the regiments or companies that have
forgotten them. I failed to convince the Dutch of
the wisdom or economy of our system in this respect,
which I regret to say they designated a make-shift
equally injurious to the army and to the general

I^v THE LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE. 235

administration of the country. I was obliged to
confess that the mutiny was partly imputed to this
removal of the best officers from their regiments,
whereupon the Dutch asked me satirically what
would be the economy to India, after the expenses
of the mutiny had been set off against the saving of
military pay obtained thereby.

I have hitherto in this chapter only described the
composition of the government of the interior of Java,
specially with reference to the culture system. It may
not be amiss, before closing, to give a short account
of the Supreme Government of Java in the capital.

The Legislature. — The constitutional principles
on which Java and its dependencies are governed are
laid down in " the Regulations for the Government of
Netherlands India," passed by the King and States-
General of Holland in 1854. The Gavernor-General
has the power of passing local regulations on his own
authority, after hearing the council on the matter.
These remain in force until allowed or disallowed by
the legislature in Holland. The residents and other
provincial authorities have also entrusted to them cer-
tain local legislative authority on matters of police.

The Executive. — After the old Dutch East India
Company had closed its two centui'ies of misrule in
1798, the colony passed over to the crown as the
property of the sovereign, and was governed by the
King of Holland through his colonial minister till
18-18. By the new Dutch constitution of that year

236 THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

the Government of all the Dutch colonies was trans-
ferred from the sovereign, personally, to the sove-
reign as head of the' state, to be carried on " as re-
gulated by law/' Since that time the supreme
Government of Netherlands India, though nominally
vested in the king, can only be exercised in his name
bv the Governor- General according to the laws.

Governor-General. — The Dutch Governor- General
has at present the administration of Java itself, as
well as that of the far more troublesome outlying
provinces of Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, and various
other islands and places in the Archipelago, where
the Dutch either have or claim a right of possession.
It is proposed, however, to appoint a Lieutenant-
Governor- General for Java, as the Governor-General's
time is fully occupied by the administration of the
whole Dutch East Indies. The outlying depen-
dencies particularly require his attention, as the
Dutch are there constantly fighting with the Native
chiefs in the interior, and reducing the people to
subjection in a series of glorious campaigns, for
which medals are duly given, but which the distant
locality, and the European indifference to the ex-
tension of Dutch rule in the East, have unfortunately
prevented obtaining, even in India, the notoriety and
appreciation which they doubtless deserve.

The Governor- General chiefly lives at the Palace
of Buitenzorg, about forty miles from Batavia. He
spends about a week of every month in Batavia for

THE COUNCIL. 237

puUic audiences^ conferences with tlie heads of the
departments, and other business requiring his personal
presence. His powers and those of the Council,
Supreme Court of Justice, and Heads of Depart-
ments, are generally defined in " the Regulations for
the conduct of the Government of Netherlands India,'^
which became law on the 1st of May, 1855.

The Council. — The Governor-General is assisted
by the Council of Netherlands India. This is com-
posed of a vice-president and four members.

The Council is simply a Court of Advice for the
Governor-General, and has no share in the executive.

In Java, as in India, " the CounciP^ is the highest
post to which the civil servant can generally aspire.
The appointment is there made by the King of
Holland from a list of four sent by the Governor-
General, which, in rare cases, the King orders to be
renewed until it contains such names as he approves.

The present Governor-General, Mr. Pahud, is,
however, an instance of a Dutch Java civil servant
rising higher than the Council. He began his
career as a clerk in the Custom-House under the
old system, and rose through the collateral secre-
tariat branches of the Civil Service till he became
Director of Produce and Government Stores, when
he went to Holland, and was made Colonial ^Minister
in 1848. In 1856 he was appointed Governor-
General of the Dutch East Indies, much to the
astonishment of the good people of Java, who con-

233 THE SECRETARIAT.

sider a Governor- General from their own Civil
Service as strange a phenomenon as it would be
thought in India. ^j^

The Secretariat. — The Governor- General is further
assisted by a Secretary- General, who has under him
three secretaries of Government, and a large staff of
clerks. The archives of the Government are kept
in his office, and petitions or addresses to the
Governor- General on all subjects must first enter
this office. Every document is duly registered,
classified by the secretaries, and circulated in the
different departments whom it may regard. It is
then submitted with recommendations to the
Governor-General, who finally disposes of it by
resolution.

The supreme courts of justice and the army and
navy form separate departments, which will be further
noticed in the chapters devoted to those subjects.

Directors of Departments. — Next in order come
the Directors of Departments. These perform
duties very similar to those of the Secretaries of
State in England. These heads of departments
unite in one court for consultation at the order of
the Governor- General, whenever their advice is
required, but otherwise their duties and functions
are quite distinct. The directors are five in number,
and preside over the following departments : —

1. Finance, under which comes the preparation
and comparison of estimates, with a continuous

DIRECTORS OF DEPARTMENTS. 239

audit and control over every part of the public
receipts and expenditure^ the general and provincial
treasuries, the general books, &c., &c.

2. Revenue and Domains, under which are the
Government farms and taxes, the custom-house
departments, and the export and import duties.
Trade, shipping, harbour and anchorage dues, the
Government auction office, the sale and management
of crown lands, of tin mines, and of birds' nest
caves ; the salt monopoly, the stamp duties, fines and
confiscations, registers for ships, &c., are also in
charge of this department.

3. Direction of Produce and Government Stores,
to which belong principally the receipt of the
produce of the Government cultures, and the
management of the stores in which the Government
produce is housed till shipped to Holland. This
department also provides for goods required or
supplied by the Government, superintends the
purchase and sale of Government goods, produce,
and teak timber, and sees to the chartering and
loading of vessels for the transport of the Government
produce. The administration and sale of salt in the
interior, the post office, the post horse establishment,
and the Government printing office, are likewise in
charge of this department, by which also the trade
with Japan was formerly managed.

4. Direction of Cultures, to which belongs the
duty of caring for the proper cultivation of rice all

240 DIRECTION OF PUBLIC WORKS, ETC.

over the island, for the cultivation of all the produce
of Government suited for the European markets, for
the preservation of the teak forests, and for the
maintenance of the stock of cattle and horses.
The agricultural and chemical laboratory at Bui-
tenzorg is also under the superintendence of this
department.

5. Direction of Public Works, the duties of which
are to construct and keep in repair all the public
buildings, roads, bridges, canals, &c,, &c.

Chamber of Accounts. — Besides the departments
presided over by directors, the public administra-
tion contains the head department of the General
Chamber of Accounts. This chamber has the
liquidation of all the public accounts, and all public
servants are accountable to it for any public money
in their charge. It also has the superintendence
of the different public charitable institutions, such
as the orphans' chambers, &c., &c.

Mining and Telegraph Departments. — Two new
departments have also been introduced within the
last few years ; viz., the direction of mining, which
has a large staff of engineers, and the direction of
the telegraph service. Telegraph lines are now at
full work all over the island of Java, and are being
fast laid by the Java Government to connect the
different parts of the Dutch East Indies, and to
bring the whole into communication with Singapore
on the north, and with Australia on the south-west.

241

CHAPTER VI.

GENERAL SOURCES OF EE VENUE.

EETEytJE AXD EXPENDITtJEE. — I, FAEilS — HEAD MOXET —
BA3AAE9 — OPIUM — GAMBLING LICENCES. — II. TAXES —
CUSTOMS — TRANSFEE AND SUCCESSION TAX — IMPOST ON
SLAVES — TAXES ON HOUSES AND ESTATES. — III. LAND
EEVENUE. — IV. TEADE — SPICES — BIEDs' NESTS — SALT. —
BEVENUE IN HOLLAND — TIN.

Revenue and Expenditure. — The local revenue
of Java is divided into seven heads, and the local
expenditure into twelve. Each of these is again
subdivided into fixed items, under one of which
every charge on both sides of the account must
be brought. In some respects the division is
not very scientific, but the forced reduction of all
charges to certain fixed items, under definite heads
of account, much facilitates general reference and
comparison with former years. The revenue and
expenditure of the Dutch East Indies in Holland is
not divided into fixed heads, but the revenue prac-
tically divides itself into '^proceeds of produce"
and " miscellaneous receipts,'' and the expenditure
into " interest'' and " home charges."

VOL. I. R

242 FARMS AND HEAD MONEY.

Farms. — The first head of local revenue, " Farms/'
is the mode by which, from time immemorial, the
indirect taxes in most Eastern countries have been
levied. The Dutch have retained this mode for
such indirect taxes as require the most varying and
constant intercourse with the people. The farmers,
who are mostly Chinese, no doubt often oppress
those in their power, still, as their profits on most
of the articles farmed depend on voluntary consump-
tion, this can but seldom occur. Practically, this
manner of collecting indirect taxes causes many of
the people's ordinary small luxuries to be hawked at
their own doors. This more than counterbalances,
in that state of society, any disadvantages inherent
in the system. The Dutch say that this is the most
efficacious and least costly means of levying these
duties, and, on the whole, supplies the wants of the
public better, and is less oppressive to them than
any other mode.

The only items farmed which call for remark are
head money, bazaars, opium, and gambling licences.

Head Money. — Head money is a poll tax confined
to the Chinese and other foreign Asiatics. Its im-
position, formerly at a high rate, seems to have had
the same motive as the imposition of the poll tax on
the Chinese at the gold diggings in California and
Australia, and to have equally failed to prevent their
intrusion. The Dutch are now wiser than to attempt
to exclude industry and energy from the country.

BAZAARS. 243

This poll tax at present is so small as to be merely
nominal, and is maintained, less for purposes of
revenue, than as a means of registration, and for the
due subordination of foreign Asiatics to their elected
chiefs among their own countrymen.

Bazaars. — The bazaars, or markets, on crown
lands, were formerly farmed at high rates, so as to
yield a revenue of upwards of three millions of
florins in 1843, Being found oppressive to the
people, the amount was reduced in 1854 to the
comparatively small sum of 207,998 florins. The
eflfect of this, however, was only to increase the
farmers' profits without relieving the people in a
corresponding degree, and therefore, when the farms
lately fell in, they were not renewed, and the
bazaars are now free all over the island. This
was a great boon to the people, whose necessary
articles of consumption had been much raised in
price by the existence of the market farms, and to
whom the farmers and their subordinates were very
vexatious. This small practical relief is also an
instance of the indirect advantages which the
Natives, as well as the Europeans, derive from the
culture system, by its enabling Government to sub-
stitute for practically obnoxious sources of revenue
the result of the increased and better applied industry
of the country.

Opium. — Opium is a Government monopoly in
Java as in India, but its supply to the people is

r2

244

OPIUM.

differently managed. The cultivation of opium is
absolutely forbidden in the island, and the Govern-
ment keeps the monopoly of its import. The
amount required for the annual consumption of
the Dutch East Indies is bought by Government,
two-thirds from India, and one-third from Turkey.
Its retail is given to a farmer in each district, who
has to buy from Government the amount of opium
which the district is estimated to require, at the
rate of 10,000 florins per picnl, or 100 florins per
catty of about Ig lb. Should the farmer re-
quire more than the estimated amount, he gets
it at the cost price of about twenty florins per
catty. The farm for one year, on these terms, is
put up to competition, and granted to the bidder of
the largest bonus for the farm at those fixed rates ;
such bonus to be paid by monthly instalments
through the year of the farm.

Though the Dutch Government thus makes the
supply of opium a source of revenue, as far as the
habits of the people absolutely require its consump-
tion, the deleterious effects of the drug are officially
recognised, and its use prevented as much as pos-
sible. The inhabitants of the Eastern Archipelago
are much more addicted to opium than the people
of India, but in the instructions to officials, referred
to in the preceding chapter, they are specially
directed to discourage the use of opium among their
subordinates.

GA^IBLING LICENCES. 245

Gambling Licences. — Gambling is sucli an invete-
rate and universal vice among the people of the
Eastern Archipelago as to have always been a great
element of taxation even by Native powers. In the
Philippine Islands, this tax yields a considerable in-
come to the Spanish Government. As a voluntary
tax on a vicious luxury, it would seem to "be one of
the most approved heads of indirect taxation ac-
cording to modern lights. On the principle, how-
ever, I suppose, of not recognising vice in any
manner, Sir Stamford RaflQes blamed the old Dutch
Government for their opium and gambling farms.
The former we retained for the revenue, but the
latter we abolished, and prohibited the practice.
Raffles says that in consequence of the prohibition,
gambling was afterwards but seldom resorted to.
The Dutch, on the contrary, allege our conduct in
that respect to be an instance of the hypocrisy
■which foreigners so unjustly impute to us. They
say we shut our eyes to what we don't like, and
choose to ignore the existence of what we disapprove.
They assert that the prevalence of untaxed gambling
was larger under our rule than either before or
since, when the vice is restrained by the extra cost,
while at the same time it is made useful to the state.

Taxes. — The next head of revenue is " Taxes,"
the most noticeable items of which are customs,
transfer and succession tax, impost on slaves, and
taxes on houses and estates.

246 CUSTOMS.

Customs. — The customs have high discriminating
dutieSj as a protection to Dutch commerce ; a policy
only so lately rejected by ourselves as to preclude
remarks on its retention in Java. The duties, both
import and export, are too high on most articles,
but prohibitory on none. The Dutch, however,
have lately repealed the difference of duties on
Dutch and foreign shipping, and promise the gradual
repeal of the different duties on goods of Dutch and
foreign origin, and the gradual reduction of all im-
port dues to six per cent, ad valorem. i!

Other questions, relating to the customs, will be
found more fully treated of in the subsequent
chapter on Trade, but the present disarmament of
India gives interest to the Dutch poHcy as to the
import and sale of fire-arms and ammunition in
Java. This is subject to certain restraints, not
strict enough to prevent the possession of fire-arms
by persons of even low condition, whose admixture
of European blood and occupations are a security
against misuse, but stringent enough to prevent any
idle Native vagabond from converting such weapons
to bad purposes. Stringent regulations also prevent
the display of fire-arms by the Native population.
The result is, that the rising generation is ignorant
of the use of arms, which their ancestors prized, if
possible, more highly than even our Native subjects
do in India. The Java goluck, or short sword, is
still used by all, both as a bill-hook and as a

TRANSFER AND SUCCESSION TAX. 247

sword, and the kriss is worn only by such Natives
as are of sufficient rank, but fire-arms are now con-
fined to the highest Native nobles, and to such as
they appoint to keep down the large and dangerous
game. One result of this restriction of fire-arms is,
however, very inconvenient to the sportsman. The
European shops in Batavia are far more numerous,
and in every respect equal if not superior to those
in Calcutta, except in the one article of gunnery,
which is utterly non-existent. A small Chinese
shop is the only place in Batavia where one can
get any repairs done, though the large English
stoi'cs generally sell fire-arms and ammunition. I
strongly advise future travellers to be prepared for
the fine sport and large game in the interior of
Java, and to make sure, before starting, that no
repairs or alterations are required, and that every
necessary is at hand. I was unable to get in
Batavia so simple an article as an iron spoon
Avherein to melt lead for bullets, and should have
been put to much trouble thereby but for the
kindness of an English brother sportsman, who,
hearing of my difficulty, lent me his own far-fetched
and much-prized iron ladle.

Transfer and Succession Tax. — The transfer of
property, both inter vivos and in succession, is admi-
rably managed in Java. All rights, both of property
and possession in land, are perfectly registered, with
map-indexes and title guaranteed. No transfer of,

248 THE SUCCESSION DUTY.

or succession to, land can occur but by public
announcement and open change at a sitting of the
courts of justice, or in the interior in the presence
of the resident and secretary. The transfer, or
succession, is at once noted on the Dutch register
by the European secretary, and the maps are altered
in accordance with the change. Till altered, or
impeached, by a direct suit for that purpose, the
register is conclusive evidence of both property and
possession in the land as shown on the maps, in the
same manner as, in England, probate is conclusive
evidence till revoked. By this means all transfers
are necessarily notorious and easily taxed. The
transfer tax in Java is very high, amounting with
stamp duty altogether to about seven per cent. The
advantages of this registry and guaranteed title are
as universally admitted as the amount of the transfer
tax is universally grumbled at.

The succession duty is also very heavy when
collateral, but all property which descends in a direct
line, and small successions of less than 300 florins
or £25, are free of succession duty. Eive per cent,
is paid on all that husband or wife obtain from each
other by death, when there are no children, and
from 6 to 10 per cent, is the duty on collateral
successions to the fourth degree. This succession
duty, however, includes all transfer dues of the same
property, though the process of transfer has to be
gone through. By this, and other means, notoriety

I'i

IMPOST ON SLAVES. 249

is secured in transfers by succession, as well as in
grants inter vivos. The large amounts of the
transfer and succession dues are at least com-
pensated for by certainty of rights, and by secure
possession without litigation.

Complaints are made as to the amount of the
transfer and succession dues, because they often
press hardly, without any appreciable benefit to the
state, the whole amount in 1854 being less than
half a million of florins. Those who complain
loudest admit that the security and the incontestable
rights given by the Dutch registry system are well
worth the money, but they urge that the same
benefits might easily be granted at less cost. All
would, however, willingly pay a far heavier tax,
rather than be remitted back to the abominable
insecurity and constant litigation which our
careless system imposes on all Indian holders of
property.

Impost on Slaves. — The impost on slaves, like the
poll tax on the Chinese, has been mainly kept up
for other than revenue purposes. Slaves were all
employed as domestic servants, but were few in
number, and their treatment was undistinguishable
from that of the other household servants. Most
likely there may have been slaves in some of the
many Dutch houses where we were kindly received,
but I am not aware of having seen one. This item
of revenue must now, however, be struck out, for on

250

TAXES ON HOUSES AND ESTATES.

the 1st of January, I860, the institution itself
ceased to exist in the Dutch East Indies. Every
slave on that day became ipso facto free, his owner
being entitled to compensation from the state. The
event, unlike Freedom-day in the West Indies, seems
to have passed off without excitement, and almost
without remark. This shows that the ordinary
treatment of the slaves by their Dutch masters must
have been kind, and that their transformation from
household slaves to household servants was probably
felt more as a change in name than as the source of
any very appreciable benefit.

Taxes on Houses and Estates. — The tax on houses
and estates is the equivalent of the Indian land tax
on the landowner. It bears an absurd disproportion
to that portentous branch of the Indian revenue.
In 1854 the tax on all the private estates in Java
only came to 517,014 florins, equal to 4 lacs and
30,000 rupees, or less than one-tenth of the
£450,000, which the Eajah of Burdwan alone pays
yearly to our Indian Government. It is true that
the rajah pays, for land tax, about half the gross
profits collected from the peasants on his gigantic
and most fertile estates, as well by all his middlemen
as by himself; while the Java landowners certainly
never pay more than one-fifth of the net rent, and
in most cases not more than one-tenth or one-
twentieth. This head of revenue is what I have

LAND REVENUE. 251

elsewhere called the land tax of three-fourths of one
per cent, on the value of the estate estimated every
three years. As it only amounts to about half a
million of florins, the whole value of the private
estates in Java, so estimated, would be under 100
millions of florins or 8| millions sterling. But if
my reader will please to remember that the island
is as big as England without Wales, and that
many of the private estates in Java give 20, 30,
and even 40,000 pounds sterling per annum, he
will be able to guess how far the Dutch Govern-
ment in Java foregoes even this light claim for the
benefit of the landed proprietors.

Some of my benignant Anglo-Indian friends will,
probably, deprecate this mild treatment of the rich
landowner. The Java Government, however, makes
from its own crown lands, and from the voluntary
consumption of luxuries by its subjects, about one-
third more than its expenditure, and that, without
taking from the crown cottier nearly the natural
rent of his holding. Under these circumstances,
there is surely wisdom in not pressing hard upon
any class, and leaving even rich landowners to feel
that the benefits they derive from the Government
of the country far more than counterbalance their
slight obligations to it.

Land Revenue. — The third head, " Land Revenues
and Cultures," include* the cash profits of all kinds

252 THE LAND TAX.

from the crown lands, and some small repayments in
cash of culture advances. Under the item of
" Cultivated and Uncultivated Lands and Gardens "
is included the land tax on the crown cottier, or the
land rent, as it is called in Java. The amount of
this land rent in 1854 was 8,617,972 florins, and the
remainder of the 9,200,802 florins opposite this item
in the revenue table for that year, was the rent paid
by independent planters for leases of crown land and
similar receipts. This land tax has been previously
described, and only requires the further remark, that
this and the land tax on the landowner together now
come to less than one-fourth of the local and one-
tenth of the total revenue. But, while thus forming
but a small portion of the income of the country,
this item of taxation is of paramount importance to
the happiness of the people. On its proportion to
the produce of the country depends the prosperity or
poverty of the cultivator. In India, where the land
tax on the crown cottier and the private landlord's
claim on the cottier tenants of his estate both
average half the produce, at least the full natural
rent of the country is taken. The remainder goes
mostly to wages for the cottier's maintenance, leaving
but little margin for profit, or for replacement of
capital, and thus for the accumulation of wealth by the
peasant. In Java, where the land tax on the crown
cottier, and the private landlord's claim on the
cottier tenants of his estate, are both limited to one-

TRADE. 253

fiftli of the produce, far less than the full natural
rent of the country is taken. The remaining four-
fifths not only pay ample wages for the maintenance
of the cottier, but leave a margin of at least one-
fifth yearly for profit, and for replacement of capital,
and thus for the accumulation of wealth by the
peasant.

Trade. — The fourth head of revenue, " Trade,"
formerly included the Government trade with Japan,
of which an account will be found in the subsequent
chapter on Trade. The other items consist of the
proceeds, from sale in the island, of so much of the
Government produce as is not exported to Holland.
These sale proceeds in Java may fairly be called
culture revenue, but have this distinguishing quality
from the proceeds of produce sold in Holland ; that
the former are paid for by the consumers in the
island, who are thereby so far indirectly taxed, and
in the case of salt rather heavily, while the culture
revenue from sale proceeds in Holland, is like the
opium revenue of India, wholly paid by the
foreign consumer without the slightest pressure
upon the people. Of the produce sold in Java only
spices, birds' nests, and salt require notice.

Spices. — Spices in Java technically mean nutmegs,
mace, and cloves. Nutmegs and mace are both the
produce of the nutmeg tree. The fruit is one of
the most beautiful in the world, in shape, colour,
and bloom like a large somewhat oblong peach.

254 SPICES.

When ripe it splits down its furrow just like an
overripe peach, and discloses the bright blood-red
mace. The nutmeg is the brown kernel of the
fruit, which is closely enveloped in thin interlaced
leaves, like rose leaves, of a bright crimson colour.
These leaves, after being detached from the nutmeg
kernel and dried, form the spice which we call mace.
The nutmeg tree grows in a full conical form, almost
in the shape that one sees trees clipped to in old-
fashioned English gardens, and bears fruit
abundantly, chiefly at the end of the branches. A
garden of such trees, arranged in rows and laden
with large velvety cream-coloured peaches, from the
split in whose sides the blood-red mace blazes out
like a star, is one of the fairest sights of cultivated
nature. Nutmeg and mace are largely grown in
the English colonies of Singapore and Penang, and
to some extent also in Java, but the chief seat of
the nutmeg produce of Netherlands India is in the
Molucca and other small islands belonging to the
Dutch in the Indian Archipelago.

I have never seen cloves growing, and cannot there-
fore describe them. They are cultivated, for the Dutch
Government, by the villagers on the crown lands in
Amboyna, and the other Molucca islands, in the
same manner as the coffee in Java. In 1824, the
former prohibitory laws against the growth of cloves
were abolished, and there does not now remain a
vestige of the old system of destroying part of the

birds' nests. 255

clove crops to enhance the value of the remainder.
Every one in Java, in the Moluccas, and in every
other part of the Dutch East Indies, is at liberty to
grow cloves, or any other spices he pleases, on his
own property, or to buy and export spices grown by
others. As before stated, the only reason why
hardly any private spices are grown is that they are
far worse paying crops than the sugar, coffee, and
tobacco, to which most of the private estates are
devoted.

Birds' Nests. — Birds' nests mav seem a curious
article to produce 60,000 florins, or £5000,
but they are the edible birds' nest in such great
demand among the Chinese. They are built by a
species of swallow in caves along the seashore, and
in the hollows of the mountains in the interior
of Java, and other islands of the Archipelago. The
nests vary in colour and in quality according to age,
and are composed of a glutinous substance in long
fibres like vermicelli. On several occasions in Java
we were treated to birds' nest soup, but I had the
misfortune not to be able to perceive its valuable
qualities. In flavour as well as in appearance it
resembled bad vermicelli soup, and I could not learn
that the Dutch generally appreciated it more than
myself, though its rarity and high money value
make it a frequent dish when strangers are invited.
The nests from the caves on the crown lands are
sold by Government like their other produce, but

256 THE SALT MONOPOLY.

many of the birds' nest caves are on private estates,
in which case the disposal of the produce belongs
to the proprietor, and is in some cases a source of
considerable income.

Salt. — Salt is a Government monopoly in Java as
in India, but its distribution is different.

The Java salt system is connected with the coffee
system. Before 1832 monopoly salt was sold by
Government only at the seashore salt stores at a
fixed price of 8 florins per picul. The purchasers
had it carried into the mountains, at a great expense
and with much spillage and waste, for want of moun-
tain roads, and from the absence of system or means
of transport. In the hills the salt was sold at from
25 to 40 florins per picul, or exchanged for coff'ee or
other produce at great loss to the producer, as has
been before explained.

Thepresent salt system in India is somewhat similar.
Government sells it wholesale at Calcutta, Madras,
and Bombay, and at the salt stores on the seashore,
and near the salt lakes and mines in the north-west,
at flxed prices, averaging from one farthing per lb.
in Madras to one penny per lb. in Bengal. The salt
at these prices is sold to some among the numerous
applicants by a kind of lottery, and the fortunate
recipients, or their transferees, disperse it through
the country for retail sale. In some of the districts
alons: the sea coast the Indian Government also sells
it retail at about the same rate. The retail price

THE SALT SYSTEM. 257

varies considerably according to the locality, but is
nowhere very high, averaging roughly in the interior
about l^d. per lb. The yearly consumption per
head, in Bengal, is calculated at about 5 days' ordi-
nary wages of a labouring man ; but as each Indian
labourer has to support a family of from 3 to 5 souls,
salt probably absorbs a far larger portion of the year's
earnings.

In Java the present salt system was organized by
General Van den Bosch at the same time as, and
in connexion with, the new coffee system before
described. The object sought was to put the hill-
man on an equality with the seashore-man in salt
as well as coffee. The Dutch Government admitted
the policy and the justice of supplying the neces-
saries of life to all on the same terras, and as cheap
as was consistent with the maintenance of the
revenue.

For this purpose salt stores were built all over the
interior of Java. Government took the cost of
transport, spillage, and wasting on itself, and sold
the salt, retail, at short distances both in the hills
and in the plains, at the same rate as on the sea-
shore. The contractor for coffee transport takes
back the salt to the hill and other salt stores, in the
carts that brought down the coffee; half load up
being enough for the requirements of the country.
He delivers it into the salt store to the petty Native
official in charge^ who at first sold it retail to all

VOL. I. S

258 REVENUE IN HOLLAND.

comers, in any quantity, however small, at tlie known
fixed rate of 8 florins per picul^ or about one penny
and three-fourths of a farthing per lb. This price
was afterwards lowered to 7 florins per picul, raised
again to 8 florins in 1852, but the price has
been again reduced since 1855 to 7 florins per picul,
or barely over one penny per 11). Considering that
the Bengal Government sells salt wholesale at one
penny per lb., the consumer in the interior can pro-
bably but seldom buy it retail so low as it is thus
sold retail over the whole island of Java by the
Dutch Government. The consumption in Java and
jMadura in 185^ was 18,409 koyangs of 30 piculs
each, or 552,270 piculs of 136 lbs. avoirdupois, which
on the population of Java and ]\[adura in 1854 gives
7 lbs. 1^ ouuceper head.

Revenue in Holland. — The revenue of the Dutch
East Indies in Holland is nearly all from sale of
Java produce there. The general considerations
afiecting the revenue, both local and in Holland, as
well as those relating to the expenditure^ the items of
which do not call for remark, will be considered in
the following chapter on Finance. Tin is the only
article in the Holland sales that calls for remark
here.

Tin. — The tin produce of the Dutch East Indies
mostly comes from the island of Banka on the east
coast of Sumatra. It is mined by associations of
Chinese under their own mining captains, with

CHINESE TIN MIXERS. 259

Government advances, and Avith the interests of the
miners as carefully and as mimately looked after as
in the case of the cultures. The Chinese are mostly
brought over from China on speculation by the
owners of junks, and, if accepted as workmen by the
Chinese mine-shareholders, receive advances from
Government for their passage and wants ; rising
after a few years to be shareholders themselves.
The shareholders deliver the tin to Government at
a fixed contract price, which leaves them a large
profit when the mine is tolerably productive. The
Chinese miners in Bauka, though kindly treated,
are strictly looked after by the Dutch officials.
They are subject to control and punishment by
their own elected Chinese captains, by the Dutch
resident, and by the local court of Europeans and
Chinese.

Fifty Chinamen from Singapore came, some years
back, to join these associations. They had been so
spoilt, however, by our precious equality system, and
had acquired such ideas of their own importance and
such insolence, as to be insufferable even to their
own countrymen, at whose request the Dutch
authorities gladly sent them away. The Dutch
gentleman, in whose district they had been
employed, told me that those 50 gave him more
trouble than the whole of the other 3000 Chinese
under his charge.

The Chinese at Singapore are energetic and

s 2

2G0

CHINESE CLUBS AND TACTIONS.

industrious as elsewhere, but many of them are the
lawless scum who have long united with the Malays
in making piracy the stigma of the Eastern Archi-
pelago. Cases not unfrequently occur, even in the
harbour of Singapore, of boats being pillaged and
their crews murdered. As we apply the same
ideas to the most dissimilar nations, the mild control
which has sufficed for the Hindoo is all we extend
to the turbulent Chinaman. The Chinese of Singa-
pore are governed by a few Anglo-Indian Officials,
to whom our suspicious Indian Government will not
entrust sufficient powers either to protect or to
awe such violent races. The consequence is that
their incomprehensible clubs and factions so
tyrannize each other, that, shortly before my visit
to Singapore, they had applied for the protection of
being enrolled under Chinese captains, to whom
they begged might be entrusted power to control
and punish, and who were to be answerable for the
conduct of all the Chinese under their charge. This
would probably give them sufficient protection
against each other, but the Chinese captains' respon-
sibility should be made also applicable to the pro-
tection of the English. Our poor countrymen are
there daily insulted with impunity by both Chinese
and Malays. These ruffians abstain from a blow
as involving a penalty, but freely indulge in abuse,
and in every other outrage against the white skin.
The European is constantly being jostled out of his

ENGLISH RULE IN SINGAPORE. 261

path by half-naked Chinese coolies, and haA'ing cabs
purposely driven across his toes by insolent Malay
cabbies, with indefinite and loud abuse from the
latter on all and every occasion. If the European
lifts his hand against those who thus insult him, he
is immediately summoned to the police court and
fined accordingly. After a course of such treat-
ment, Englishmen have been known so far to forget
themselves as almost to wish that the Dutch might
take temporary possession of Singapore, for at least
sufficient time to appoint Native captains, and
through their means to bring these ruffians to their
bearings.

The contempt for their rulers engendered by such
unpunished insolence has now become a source of
serious danger. There are about 100,000 Chinese
at Singapore and on the opposite coast of Joliore ;
some 20,000 Malays live in the island; with only
about 14,000 of all other nationalities, including
English and Sepoy troops. The present bearing of
the Chinese and JNIalays gives rise both to anxiety
and expense. Government is building fortifications
to command the town and harbour, much to the
satisfaction of the English inhabitants. These how-
ever say that the danger would probably be averted,
and the comfort of all would be certainly increased,
if the insolence of Malays and Chinese, instead of
being as free as the trade, was at least subject to
the same restraints and punishments as the insolence

262 INSOLENCE OF MALAYS AND CHINESE.

of cabmen in England. A re-enactment for Singa-
pore of the London cab acts would be a blessing to
the community ; and even the most ardent advocate
of liberty to the Native could hardly complain of
Chinamen and Malays being under the same
restraint, and liable to the same penalties, as are
borne by the London cabby, with great advantage to
the community, and without injustice to himself.

263

CHAPTER VII.

FINANCE.

geneeal effect of the different governmext cultitres
— area and population — revenue — financial effect
of the culture system — diminution of local taxation
— increase of culture revenue — proportions of
direct and indirect taxes — land revenue — com-
parative proportions of the land revenue in java
and in india — comparative proportions of the java
land tax to the revenue and to the population — in-
creased expenditure — proportions of reproductive
and unproductive expenditure — culture outlay —
public works — mode of accounting with holland —
yearly colonial reports — the dutch east indian
debt — residue of culture debt — surplus revenue —
culture revenue alone equal to total expenditure.

The preceding chapters have explained the culture
system, as either introduced or perfected by General
Van den Bosch between 1830 and 183i^ together
with the official organization by which it has since
been kept in active operation. The broad effect of
the different crown cultures in Java is apparently as
follows.

General Effect of the different Government Cultures.
— Sugar being found profitable to Government, as

264 GOVERNMENT CULTURES.

well as much more so to tlie European contractor,
and to the Native cultivator, is largely extended for
the benefit of all.

Indigo culture, being found unprofitable to the
Government, and not very remunerative to the
European contractor, has changed its form, so as to
maintain the profit derived therefrom by the Native
cultivator without causing injury to the state.

Coffee, which is the most profitable of all the
cultures to Government, and fairly remunerative to
the Native cultivator, is maintained for the benefit
of the revenue, and for the general relief of the
people from taxation.

Cinnamon, pepper, and cochineal have never
exceeded the dimensions of experimental cultures in
Java, and are being gradually abandoned, as causing
loss to Government without compensating advantages
to the people.

Tobacco is a culture from which Government
derives little benefit, but which is highly remunera-
tive to the Native labourer, and to the European
master of labour, for whose benefit it is being largely
extended.

Tea has been a continuous heavy loss to Govern-
ment, but such loss is ungrudgingly borne for the
great advantages this culture has conferred on all
the other parties to its production, and for the
general benefit thereby bestowed upon the country.

A wise policy, thus dealing boldly with large

THE FINANCES OF JAVA. 265

consequences, lias achieved results in the present
financial, commercial, and social condition of Java,
which I will now endeavour to portray.

Numerous as have been the advantages of the
culture system, its effects have been nowhere more
direct, or more marked, than in the finances of
Netherlands India.

From the return of the Dutch till 1830, the
books Avere both carelessly and inaccurately kept,
and some of the old journals have been lost. The
local and Holland accounts were also mixed up
together, so that the perfect accuracy of the revenue
and expenditure during that period cannot be so
implicitly relied on as the accounts for subsequent
years. Still it is certain that, from 1817 to
1830, the average revenue was under twenty-
four millions of florins, or two millions sterling
per annum. During the greater portion of that
period, the Dutch Government in Java incurred
great expenses from the war with the Sultans of
Soerakarta and Djockjokarta, and was in. the same
normal state of yearly deficits and fast swelling debt
as our Indian Government now is. The stationary
condition of the Java revenue, though partly due to
the Java war, is considered in the island to show
that the natural limits of taxation, in an Oriental
country with undeveloped resources, had in fact
been reached. The operation of our land tax was
to absorb so large a portion of the yearly produce of

266 AREA AND POPULATION.

the island as to leave little more than enougli for
the subsistence of the people, with but small margin
for any increased taxation to operate upon.

Area and Population. — The area of Java and
Madura, given in the colonial report for 1849, is
2,444-6 square Dutch geographical miles, or 51,790
square English miles. Java, without Madura, is
estimated by Raffles at about 50,000 square miles,
and its area is given in the 8th edition of the
" Encyclopaedia Britannica" as 50,260 square miles.
Java and Madura may therefore be safely taken as
rather larger than England, whose area is given in
the census of 1851 as 50,922 square miles.

The area of the remaining Dutch East Indian
territories is very uncertain. Not only are the
dependencies too unsettled to allow of their area being
well ascertained, but there is also much difference
between the large Dutch claims in the Archipelago
and their much smaller actual possessions. The area
of the Dutch dependencies of Java, as given in
round numbers in the first colonial report, that for
1849, is about eleven times larger than Java and
Madura. On this computation the area of Nether-
lands India would be not much smaller than British
India without the Native States. This may agree
with the Dutch claims, but certainly not with their
possessions. In the same report the whole popula-
tion of this enormous tract of country, exclusive of
Java and INIadura, is roughly taken at about ten

Area of Netherlands India, according to the Dutch
Colonial Report of 1849.

Square Dutch
Geographical Leagues.

Java without Soerakarta and Djokjokarta . 2,\7Q'7

Soerakarta and Djokjokarta 170 6

Madura 97-3

Java and Madura 2,444'6

Sumatra's West Coast 2,200-6

Benkoelen 455"6

Lampong Districts 475 "0

Palembang 1,340-0

Djambi 1,218-4

Banka 356-0

Riouw 148-6

Borneo 9,3737

Celebes with Soembawa and Bootan . . 2,149-9

Moluccas — Amboyna 4789

Banda 411-3

Ternate 1,129-7

Menado 1,267-2

New Giiinea 3,210-0

Timor 7908

Soemba 251-8

Bali and Lombok 1900

Total 27,892-1

JAVA AND DEPENDENCIES. 267

millions. The colonial reports since 1854^ however,
make the number of the dependencies much smaller,
and, Avithout giving their area, make their popula-
tion about only half that amount.

The coloured maps of Netherlands India, pub-
lished by Professor Pijuappel, of the Royal Univer-
sity at Delft, represent as Dutch much more than
the population returns since 1854 make any
pretence at claiming. The real possessions of the
Dutch in the Eastern Archipelago are also shown by
the "Almanac and Register of Names for Netherlands
India in 1858." The register enumerates the diflferent
dependencies, with the names of the stations, and
the names of the Dutch officials, whether European
or Native, at each station. These agree tolerably
■with the particulars of the population in the depen-
dencies, returned for 1857, where the proportion of
the noted and registered population shows, approx-
imately, the actual possessions of the Dutch, and
the proportion of the population added by guess
shows the neighbouring Native states over which
the Dutch have more or less control. Even allowing
these Native states to rank as Dutch possessions,
the area depicted in Professor PijuappeVs maps
as theirs, would still have to be curtailed by much,
both of Borneo and of Celebes, by the whole of
New Guinea, by some of the jMolucca group, and
by a part of the residency of Palembang, on the
east coast of Sumatra. The actual Dutch posses-

268

INCREASE OF TOPULATION.

sioas on the west coast of Sumatra, and in the
Eiow group, seem to be more fairly represented on
the map.

This much reduces the area of the Dutch East
Indian possessions, but still the large remaining
extent of territory, exclusive of Java and Madura,
makes such a small amount of population as only
about five millions very curious in such fruitful
countries. The people of the dependencies, however,
I was told, are uutractable and violent, much more
lazy, independent, and difficult to manage than the
people of Java, and without that comparative peace
and material prosperity which have so much raised
the Javanese. They represent, apparently, the
worst types of the Malay character, which are any-
thing but conducive either to the well-being or to
the increase of the population.

In Java, on the contrary, the population is large
and rapidly increasing, though, as in India, the great
mass of the people is irregulaijly distributed in dense
patches with intermediate wastes, over a wide
extent of country, and more than half the cultivable
surface is as yet uninhabited.

In 1826 the census gave a population for Java
and Madura of about 5i millions of souls (5,403,786).
As far as can be judged from the estimates made at
the end of the last and the beginning of this century,
with the subsequent census taken at two periods
before 1826, the population of Java and Aladura

Result of various esti-
mates of different parts
of Java and Madura, as
given in " Le Moniteur
des Indes," vol. ii. p. 27.

Marshal Daendels' Es-
timate of Population,
1808.

English Census.

Dutch Census.

Colonial Keport.

•

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RATE OF INCREASE. 269

was then doubling itself in about 60 years. The
census of 1826 gives an increase of 51 per cent, in
31 years over the 3,559,611, which is the estimate
made of the population between 1754 and 1795, from
the data shown in the second volume of " Le
Moniteur des ludes," p. 27. If no more than the
same rate of increase had been maintained since
1826, the population would, by 1856, have grown to
but little over 8 millions of souls.

The riches derived by the peasantry from the
culture system, however, gave such an impetus to the
general welfare, that from 1826 to 1855 the popu-
lation increased cent, per cent, instead of only about
50 per cent., doubling itself in 29 years instead
of 60. The Dutch colonial report for 1855 gives
the population of Java and Madura for that year at
10,916,158, or double the census of 1826. By 1857
the population had risen to 11,594,1 58.

The proportion of the Java population to the area
in 1826 was about 105 to the square mile. By 1856
this proportion had risen to 218, and by 1857 to 223
souls to ^he square mile. The assumed population
of British India in 1856 gives to the area only 157
souls per square mile. The culture system, there-
fore, raised the Java population in 30 years from
one-third below to one-fourth above our Indian
standard.

Revenue. — From 1817 to 1833, tlie average rate
of Java revenue per head was 7s. X^d. At the old

270

THE REVENUE.

rate of increase the population of 1856, giving
revenue at 7s. Ijd. per head, would have only pro-
duced about 34 millions of florins. Less than 3
millions sterling is thus calculated as the utmost
average that could have been obtained in 1856 from the
people of Java and Madura under the old system, with
the resources of the country remaining undeveloped.
Even with the far larger increase of population, how-
ever,if the revenue had remained at the same stationary
rate of 7s. l^d. per head, the total income of Java
and Madura would, in 1856, have been only about 48
millions of florins, or 4 millions sterling. In fact,
however, the people of Java and Madura in 1856
were only taxed at the lower rate of 6s. 5^d. per
head, giving thereby a local revenue, produced almost
entirely by Java and Madura, of 43,741,404 florins,
or £3,645,117. But besides increasing the popu-
lation, the culture system had added to the local
imposts further revenue without taxation to the
amount of nearly 60 millions of florins, making the
real income of 1856 come to 82, instead of only 4
millions sterling.

Financial Effect of the Culture System. — Since
the introduction of the culture system the revenue
has more than quadrupled in amount, and more than
doubled in the rate per head of the population. The
expenditure has meanwhile been also more than
doubled, notwithstanding which the revenue has in-

FINANCIAL EFFECT OF CULTURE SYSTEM. 271

creased so much faster as to leave a yearly surplus
instead of a deficit.

The gross revenue has risen rapidly from an
average of about 24 millions of florins to upwards of
102 millions of florins in 1856^ and to 115 millions
in 1857. The Dutch East Indian revenue was in
1857 over 9i millions sterling, and since 1855 has
heen increasing at the rate of about one million
sterling per annum.

The relative reveniae has risen from an average
rate of 75. Ifd. per head between 1817 and 1833, to
155. 2\d. per head in 1856, and to 16s. 6d. per head
in 1857. The taxation revenue has, however, sunk
from its former relative rate of 7s. Iff/, per head, to
only 65. 5\d. per head in 1856, and to 6s. lOff/. per
head in 1857. Since 1836 the gross revenue has
ranged from 12*. to I85. per head per annum, while
the relative rate of the taxation revenue has remained
under 75. per head since 1818.

The expenditure has risen from its former large
war average of about 26| millions of florins per
annum, between 1825 and 1833, to an ordinary peace
expenditure, since 1839, of from 50 to 70 millions of
florins per annum. This great increase is partly
due to the enlarged reproductive expenditure in the
culture outlay, and was partly incurred to secure
the benefit of a more efficient administration.

The still greater increase in the revenue changed

272 REVENUE IN 1856.

the serious deficit existing at the introduction of the
culture system into a speedy surplus, constantly
increasing through the 23 years from 1834 to 1857,
till it attained close on 38 millions of florins in 1856,
and 45 millions in 1857. The net surplus in 1857
was over 3^ millions sterling, or more than one-third
of the gross revenue of 9^ millions sterling.

The existing revenue of Netherlands India may
be divided into three and a half to four millions
sterling, raised by the taxation of about eleven
millions of people, at the rate of about 65. 6d. per
head ; four and a half to five millions sterling,
derived from the profitable cultivation of about
l-26th of the crown lands in Java and Madura ; and
about half a million sterling, from the tin mines of

•

Banka, the cofiiee of Sumatra, and the spices of the
Moluccas.

The local revenue, or the taxation of the country,
only came to 65. 5^d. per head in 1856, and to
6s. lOfd per head in 1857. On the other hand,
the sale proceeds in Holland of the culture produce,
or the revenue without taxation, derived from
developing the resources of the crown lands, came
to 8s. 8fc?. per head in 1856, and to 9^. 7ld. per
head in 1857, nearly one-third more than the
taxation of the country.

In 1856 the total gross revenue of Nether-
lands India, at the rate of 15*. 2\d. per head, was
relatively more than treble our Indian revenue in

DIMINUTION OF LOCAL TAXATION. 273

1856 of 55. O^d. per head. The Java taxation revenue
of that year was at the rate of 6s. 5^d. per head,
while the concurrent Indian taxation revenue only
came to 4*. S^c?. per head. The culture system not
only enables the people of Java to bear with great
ease this local taxation at a rate one-fourth heavier
per head than ours in India, but gave the Dutch
Government, in 1856, further revenue without
taxation at the still higher rate of Ss. 8f c?. per head,
against only 9^. per head of similar revenue in
India.

Diminution of Local Taxation. — The local revenue
attained its greatest height in 1842, when it reached
to above fifty-two millions of florins. It was then
gradually reduced to about thirty-seven millions of
florins in 18-49 and 1850, since which the increased
prosperity of the country has again forced it up to
forty-three millions in 1856, and in 1857 the
larger sales of crown produce in the island raised
it to forty-eight millions. The reason was that, in
the seven vears from 1833 to 1840 and 1841, the
culture system had already raised the gross revenue
from thirty to over ninety-three millions of florins,
and the net surplus revenue from nothing to over
forty millions of florins, showing the real mine of
wealth which had been thereby opened ; and the
Java Government was consequently enabled to make
numerous reductions in the more oppressive local
taxes. This was done in 1843, and to a still larger

YOT.. I. T

274 INCREASE OF CULTURE REVENUE.

extent in 1846, and constant small reductions have
been made from time to time ever since, thus keeping
down the local revenue, notwithstanding the great
increase both of population and general prosperity.
This reduction of local taxation would have been
carried much further, but that the necessities of
Holland required the help of a large yearly tribute
from Java, so as only to allow of the more oppres-
sive local taxes being gradually reduced in amount
and in weight of incidence.

Increase of Culture Revenue. — While the local
revenue of Netherlands India has thus been kept
nearly stationary by constant reductions in local
taxation, the revenue derived from the culture
system, by sale of the Government produce in
Holland, has gradually increased from 34,504 florins
in 1829, to about 66 millions of florins, or five and
a half millions sterling, in 1857. The whole of this
large culture revenue, like the opium revenue of
India, is of course paid by the foreign consumer.
At the same time the Government outlay of about
two millions sterling per annum, for the purchase of
that produce, under the system before described, has
greatly added to the welfare both of the Native
grower and the European manufacturer.

The rise in the direct culture revenue was very
rapid, and the indirect benefit to the taxation
revenue, caused by the large culture outlay, was
equally remarkable. The combined local and Hoi-

DIRECT AND INDIRECT TAXES. 275

land revenue, on account of Netherlands India, first
readied thirty millions of florins in 1833, but, in
the seven years from 1833 to 1840, that revenue
was trebled by the culture system. In 1840 and
1841 the gross revenue each year exceeded ninety-
three millions of florins, of which about half was
direct culture revenue, and half local taxation.
There was naturally a reaction after this great and
speedy rise, but, from 1842 to 1857, the culture
revenue increased by a slower and more healthy
action till it reached, in 1856 and 1857, a steady
rate of upwards of sixty millions of florins.

Proportions of Direct and Indirect Taxes. — The
above division of the revenue into that derived from
taxes, and that produced by the culture system,
shows that more than one-half of the revenue of
Netherlands India is not paid by the people of the
Eastern Archipelago at all. But of the local revenue
raised from taxes paid by them, three-fourths are
voluntary or indirect taxes, and only one-fourth is a
compulsory contribution.

The Dutch admit that, according to the latest
authorities on financial science, direct taxes are
thought preferable to indirect, as less costly to the
community in proportion to the amount received by
the state. So far, however, as the feelings of the
people of Java are concerned, the Dutch maintain
the old-fashioned prejudice in favour of indirect con-
tributions. Taxes on voluntary consumption, they

T 2

276 LAND REVENUE.

say, are less offensive, and therefore better in
Eastern countries, than the collection of revenue
by periodical summary demands from the tax
gatherer. Though they admit the scientific reasons
in favour of direct over indirect taxes, they say the
greatest science in finance is to make taxes pleasant.
In this process they attend to the ideas of the
ignorant Native, as well as to those of the educated
European, preferring even cumbrous expensive in-
direct taxes, which the Native either does not feel,
or fancies that he pays voluntarily, to simple and
cheap direct demands for money, which the igno-
rance of the Native considers mere stronghauded
extortion. i

Land Revenue. — The only direct contributions in
Java are the land rent paid by the crown peasant,
and the land tax paid by the landowner. Till Mr.
Wilson^s late introduction of the income tax, such
were also the only direct taxes in India. Both
these are no doubt more properly rent than tax.
They are both the surplus produce of the soil paid |p
to the crown either as direct proprietor, or as lord
paramount. It makes an important distinction,
however, whether such payments be looked upon by
the people as rent or as tax. This seems to de-
pend on the amount of property held in the soil by
those who pay. In England, as well as in the
East, the crown is the lord paramount, with the
ultimate right of reversion in the soil, but the rent

LANDLORD AND TENANT. 277

paid by the crown farmers, yeomen, and cottiers,
in the New Forest and other crown lands, is
clearly distinguishable from the land tax paid by
the freeholders over the rest of England.

In Java the relation of landlord and tenant is
carefully preserved on the crown lands. The
peasant has no proprietary rights, except that of
occupancy at a fixed proportionate rent. The very
payment is called rent, and not as in India tax. In
Java, therefore, the contributions of the crown cot-
tier to the state are considered by himself as the
rent payable by him for the occupation and use of
his landlord's property. This payment, small in
amount, and far below the natural rent of the laud,
is no more felt as a burden than the cottier's rent
to the crown for the use of a certain portion of
the New Forest. The payment to the crown by
the Java landowner, on the contrary, is called tax,
and not rent. His property in the soil is recog-
nised. He stands in the same relation to, and has
the same power over, the cottiers on his estate, as
the Government has over the cottiers on the crown
lands. His cottiers pay rent to him, and he pays
tax to Government. The proportionate amount of
this land tax is, however, so small, that its payment
excites no more dissatisfaction among the civilized
and comparatively enlightened landowners of Java
than the English land tax does among the free-
holders of England.

278 LAND REYEjS'UE IN JAVA AND INDIA.

lu India^ the Government continues to treat the
land revenue as rent, but has neglected the measures
necessary to maintain that idea among the people,
who on the contrary daily more and more regard it
as tax. This distinction will be further considered
in the last chapter of this book.

Whether considered as rent or as tax, the land
revenue is in both countries a direct compulsory
contribution, and, as such, is more or less hateful to
a people in a low state of civilization. Indirect
taxes, on the contrary, however theoretically objec-
tionable, seldom give rise to such feelings among
Natives, and least of all when levied in their most
objectionable form, by monopolies. The peasant
"who pays an extra halfpenny per lb. for salt from
the retail dealer, in the interior of India, neither
knows nor cares whether such rise in price is due
to extra duty imposed by Government, or merely to
the stock of salt in the neighbourhood having fallen
so far below the demard as to make the retail
dealers think they can levy this extra price on the
people. This latter occurs so often in the interior
of India, and the absence of roads makes the prices
of all articles, whether taxed by Government or not,
there fluctuate so much, according to whether the
local supply or the local demand is in excess, that
the effect of a slight difference in dutv is seldom
practically perceptible to the consumer.

In considering the application of taxation to

COMPARATIVE PEOPORTIONS, 279

Natives, therefore, the relative proportions of direct
compulsory and of indirect voluntary contributions
are of great importance in their effect on the con-
tentment of the people.

The relative proportions of these two branches of
revenue are also, in the East, a fair gauge of the
prosperity or poverty of the people.

The wealth-creating manufactures^ among Natives,
bear a very slight ratio to the yearly increase from
the produce of the soil. The direct land revenue is
the share of the yearly produce of the soil taken by
the state. And the amount of the indirect taxes
approximately shows what remains to the people out
of the residue after providing for their subsistence.

Comparative Proportions of the Land Revenue in
Java and in India. — In 1856 the Java direct com-
pulsory contribution was 1*. 6|</. per head, out of a
taxation revenue of 6s. 5^d. and out of a gross
revenue of 155. 2\d. per head. The Indian direct
compulsory taxation in 1856-57 was 2*. 8id. per
head, out of a taxation revenue of 4s. 3^d. and out
of a gross revenue of 5^. O^d. per head. This shows
that, to raise a revenue relatively less than one-third
that of Java, we subject the people of India to not
far from double the amount of compulsory payment
per head.

In British India the land revenue absorbs from
one-half to three-fourths of the landowner's net
profits, and from one-third to one-half of the produce

280 DIRECT LAND RENT.

of crown lands in peasant occupation. This
large proportion of the produce of the country taken
as land tax keeps the people poor, and leaves but
little margin, over the necessary consumption, for the
payment of indirect taxes by the voluntary purchase
of other articles. In India consequently the relative
proportion of the direct taxes to the population is
heavy for such a poor country, and for such a back-
ward state of society. The comparative proportion
of the direct to the indirect taxes is also large.
Rather more than one-half, or, if we exclude the
opium revenue paid by the Chinese consumer, near
three-fifths, of the Indian receipts are direct land tax.
This high proportion of the land revenue, both to
the income and to the population, accounts for the
inelastic character of the Indian finances.

In Java, on the contrary, the direct land rent
payable by the peasant, whether to Government or
to a private landlord, is only one-fifth of the produce,
and the land tax is, at most, one-fifth of the land-
owner's net profits. This leaves, to both the landowner
and the cultivator, four-fifths of their respective in-
comes for subsistence, and as a margin for the pay-
ment of indirect taxes, by the purchase of excisable
and customs-paying articles, or by voluntary resort
to pleasures taxed by the state. The comparative
and relative proportions of the direct taxes, both to
the population and to the income of Java^ are con-
sequently small, and gradually decreasing with the

JAVA LAND TAX. 2S1

extension of the culture system. This accounts for
the elastic character of the Java revenue. The dif-
ference of the largest proportion of the taxes being
thus taken at the source of supply, as in India, or
after it has had time to fructify in the hands of the
producer, as in Java or England, seems to be like the
different effects lately attained in France by damming
rivers near the spring, or in full course.

Comparative Proportions of the Java Land Tax to
the Revenue and to the Population. — The amount of
the landowner's land tax in Java, it will be remem-
bered, is one of the items of the second head of
revenue, " Taxes," to which reference was made
in the last chapter. The amount of the Dutch
crown cottier's land rent is nearly the whole of
the third head of receipts, " Land Revenue and
Cultures." The actual amount of the compulsory
payments to Government can be only seen in
the detailed revenue tables. Approximately, how-
ever, the direct contributions may be taken at the
amount of the third head, " Land Revenues, &c." This
includes all the crown peasant's land rent, besides
other small receipts from the crown lands to a some-
what larger amount than the landowner's land tax.
In comparing the direct and indirect taxation, there-
fore, I treat this head of revenue as direct, and all
other local receipts as indirect taxes.

From the return of the Dutch to the introduction
of the culture system, the land revenues had risen

282 VILLAGE LAND RENT.

from about four to about eight millions of florins.
This varied between one-third and one-fourth of
the whole revenue. On the population of 1831,
the land revenue of that year was Is. lid. per
head. From the introduction of the culture
system till 1845, the laud revenues had risen to about
twelve millions of florins. Owing, however, to the
still greater rise in the culture revenue and in the
indirect taxes, the land revenue had comparatively
sunk to below one-fourth of the local, and one-
seventh of the whole revenue of 1845. On the
population of 1845, the land revenue of that year
was 2*. 2\d. per head. In 1846 the land revenue
was assessed more lightly, and from that to the pre-
sent day it has been allowed to remain about
statiouaiy, notwithstanding a great increase in the
cultivated area, and in the value of produce.

The form of yearly estimating and assessing the
land rent on the Dutch crown villages is maintained,
so as yearly to assert the Government's right as
landlord of the crown lands. But the amount thus
fixed as land rent on each village is generally only
the same as for previous years. As this land rent
is collected rateably fi'om the villagers by their
elected village chief, each man derives some benefit
from improvements and further cultivation, for
which thus practically no further rent is paid. The
Government land rent levied, though nominally one-
fifth of the produce, is now unquestionably far less

•f

INCREASED EXPENDIirRE. 283

than that proportion of the yearly increase from the
crown lands. The culture revenue has meanwhile
increased enormouslv^ The indirect taxes, notwith-
standing numerous reductions, have, as in England,
more than supplied the income thus surrendered.
The population has progressed rapidly. The direct
compulsory land revenues have therefore yearly sunk
to a lower proportion of the Government receipts,
and to a lower ratio per head of the population. In
1857 the land revenues were less than one-fourth of
the local, and than one-tenth of the whole receipts.
On the population of 1857, the land revenue for that
year was \s. G^c?. per head.

Increased Expenditure. — The local expenditure of
Netherlands India was raised, between the introduc-
tion of the culture system and 181^3, from about
thirty to over fifty-nine millions of florins. From
1843 to date it has remained at between fifty and
sixty millions of florins. This expenditure may be
divided into the unproductive, as for administration,
army, justice, and police ; and the reproductive, as
for public works, cultures, &c. The military outlay
is more for the dependencies than for Java, but the
expenditure for administration, justice, and police is
in proportion to the population, or about twice as
much for Java as for the dependencies. The amount
per head of the unproductive expenditure conse-
quently is very uncertain, and of no material value
for argument. The reproductive expenditure, how-

284 EXPENDITURE.

ever, is almost all confined to Java and Madura, and
the amount of this per head is important.

Proportions of Reproductive and Unproductive
Expenditure. — Not more than about three-fifths of
the whole expenditure of Netherlands India is un-
productive, and the remaining two-fifths are directly
reproductive. This probably exceeds the proportion
of the reproductive expenditure of any other country
in the world, but opinions will diflPer, as to whether
this be desirable or not, according to the views
taken of the duties and ends of Government. In
British India about nine-tenths of the whole expen-
diture are unproductive, and only one-tenth is re-
productive. The proportion of the revenue laid out
in direct reproductive outlay and in public works is
about one-fourth in Java, while but little more than
one-tenth of our Indian revenue is applied to similar
purposes.

The unproductive expenditure of the Dutch
Colonial Government, for the civil and military ad-
ministration, rose with the great increase in the
oflScial staff. The tables furnished to me by the
Java Government only distinguish the reproductive
and the unproductive expenditure since 1848. The
local unproductive expenditure averaged about
twenty-eight millions of florins till 1853, though by
1857 it had risen to near thirty-four millions of
florins, or under three millions sterling. This,
though less than one-third of the gross revenue of

REPRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE. 2b 0

lSb7, is at the rate of 4s. lO^d. per head of the
populatiou of Java and Madura, or, if we add five
and a half millions for the population of the depen-
dencies, is equal to 3^. 3|c?. per head.

The rate of unproductive expenditure per head
in India, before the great increase caused by the
mutiny, was 35. 9c?., but the results to the two
countries are very different. The salaries and pay
of all branches, both in civil and military life, are
far smaller in Java than in India, in spite of which
the local administration expenditure is only about
one-ninth less per head. The military establish-
ments in the two countries bear about the same
proportion to the population, but the Java military
expenditure is relatively far less than the Indian.
The chief difference is, therefore, in the civil oflBcials,
and other expensive instruments of a more efficient
administration, whose numbers, though individually
paid less, collectively make this brancli of expense
almost counterbalance the comparative cheapness of
the army, and raise the whole unproductive expen-
diture of Netherlands India nearly as high, rela-
tively, as in British India.

But besides the unproductive expenditure common
to all Governments, there is in Java the not far
smaller reproductive expenditure. This consists of
culture outlay, and of the cost of public works in the
civil departments.

Culture Outlay. — The culture outlay was of course

286 CULTURE OUTLAY.

largest at first, when not only the yearly but also
the building advances had to be made. Till 1844,
however, this expenditure was kept in a separate
account with the Netherlands Trading Company,
from Avhom the advances were borrowed, and is not
distinguished in the colonial accounts. Since 1844
the culture outlay has been made directly by the
Government. Since 1848 it is distinguished in the
expenditure tables supplied to me, and averages
yearly about tAvo millions sterling, out of a total
expenditure of from 4^ to 5^ millions sterling per
annum. This culture expenditure is not only
directly reproductive, but adds directly to the wealth
of the country. It is exactly analogous to an
improving landlord's judicious outlay upon his
property, which, though made for his own benefit,
is also advantageous to his farmers, and to the
labourers on his estate.

According to the official Anglo-Indian view of the
ends of Government, the large Java culture outlay is
of course to be reprobated. Applying to India the
English ideas of a totally different state of society,
they expect Government to confine itself to the
higher spheres of thought and action, and to leave
the dealings of men, the production of wealth, and
the management of the state property to the unaided
and unguided development of natural causes. The
large reproductive expenditure of the Indian Govern-
ment for opium and salt, though uudistinguishable

GOVERNMENT ADVANCES. 287

in principle, seems to be considered an exception to
this rule, from some hazy idea that Government
advances to Native peasants for state monopolies are
not open to the objections justly to be urged against
Government advances to intelligent European farmers
for the purpose of freely developing the hidden
resources of the Indian crown lands. The Dutch
used to meet my recapitulation of the Anglo-Indian
arguments on this subject by an answer which may
have been wrong, but which to me at least was
convincing. They could easily, they said, give up
the two millions sterling of culture expenditure,
which was in fact no longer absolutely required for
the cultures carried on by European contractors, but
the result would be that the income derived from the
crown lands would be thereby reduced by a much
larger amount than two millions sterling, and that
the farmers and cottiers of the crown lands would be
deprived of the additional help of two millions
sterling yearly paid them in hard cash. They asked
me whether it was worth doing this, to avoid the
charge of Government derogating from its proper
functions by condescending to manage the crown
lands on the best and most liberal principles of
improving private landlords. They asked me whether
practically such a large reproductive state expen-
diture could be otherwise than beneficial to the
people ; whether the Indian Government outlay, for
opium and salt, did not add to the well-being of the

288 AMOUNT IN JAVA AND INDIA.

districts where it was disbursed ; and wliether, not-
withstanding the English view of the ends of Govern-
ment, England herself would not willitigly incur a
large outlay on the New Forest, and other English
crown lands, if the revenue of Great Britain could
be doubled thereby, while the people were also
meanwhile relieved from taxation. They persisted, ^
therefore, in maintaining that the large culture i
expenditure on the crown lands in Java was neither €
retrograde nor reprehensible, but was both politic and
praiseworthy.

As might naturally be expected from these
different opinions on the proper ends of Govern-
ment, this branch of the reproductive expenditure
bears very different proportions to the population in
the two countries. In India, it only amounts to Sd.
per head, because, in fact, the Indian reproductive
outlay of this kind is confined to certain salt
districts, and to the tract of country where the
Government opium cultivation is carried on. The
rest of India, with the exception of the compara-
tively small indigo districts, and the few spots where
tea and coffee are beginning to be cultivated by
Europeans, is alike unfertilized by either Govern-
ment or private outlay of this character. In Java, on
the contrary, the Government culture expenditure
comes to Ss. 7d. per head, or more than double the
rate per head of the whole land revenues. There the
culture expenditure is fairly spread over the whole

PUBLIC WORKS. 289

of the inhabited area of the crown lands, and the
welfare of the rest of the island is equally promoted
by a similar large culture outlay on the part of the
intelligent owners of private estates.

Public Works. — The other branch of the repro-
ductive expenditure, public works, was in 1856,
strano;e to sav, at exactly the same rate of 4</.
per head in India and in Java. In Java, however,
where the communications are excellent, and extend
over nearly all the inhabited parts of the country,
this expenditure was mostly employed in the mainte-
nance of the public works, and was in addition to the
labour ; for this, being the one-seventh of labour rent
paid for his holding by the crown peasant, caused no
outlay to the Dutch Government. In India, on the
contrary, where the whole country suffers from want
of communication, no more per head was employed
in public works, though they have to be mostly
made instead of merely maintained, and though
the labour has to be paid for as well as the materials.

Mode of accounting with Holland. — Among other
improvements. General Van den Bosch introduced
the present simple and convenient method of ac-
counting with Holland. The Java Government
reserves in the island the whole local revenue, and
receives yearly from Holland the necessary funds
for the anticipated excess of local expenditure over
local income. An administrative capital, as the
Dutch call it, of 1.2,500,000 florins, or rather more

VOL. I. u

290 YEARLY COLONIAL REPORTS.

than one million sterling, is yearly allo^ved by
Holland to Java to work -with. When the local
expenditure exceeds the local receipts by more than
that sum, the difference is drawn for by Java on
Holland, or remitted by Holland to Java in specie.
If the excess of local expenditure is less than the
amount of the yearly credit, the difference must in
like manner be remitted to Holland, or be taken as
part of the next year's administrative capital.

Yearly Colonial Reports. — The financial account
of the revenue and expenditure in Java is kept in
the island, after a fixed compulsory form, as shown in
the preceding chapter, and is yearly sent to the
Dutch Government in Holland. Detailed accounts
of the material, social, religious, and educational
condition of every part of the Dutch East Indies,
■with statistical tables of the population, trade,
cultures, cattle, produce, prices, and every other
ascertainable detail, even down to the number of
cocoa-nut trees in Java and INIadura, are also yearly
forwarded therewith. The balance sheet of receipts
and disbursements in Holland, on account of
Netherlands India, is made up by the Dutch
Colonial Minister, and sent out to Java. Both the
local and home revenue and expenditure of the
colony, together with the detailed reports as to its
condition, and the statistical tables sent from Java,
are then published by the Home Government in the
colonial report for each year, which the Dutch con-

THE DUTCH EAST INDIAN DEBT. 291

stitution of 1848 requires the ministry to present
periodically to the States-General. The Dutch,
both at home and abroad, are thus yearly furnished
with an accurate and exhaustive account of their
Eastern dominions and administration, to which our
Indian Government can show no parallel, and the
want of which tends to uphold in England a general
ignorance of India, and a comparative indifference to
Indian affairs.

The Dutch East Indian Debt. — Altogether, from
the return of the Dutch till 1833 inclusive, the
aggregate excess of expenditure over receipts,
exclusive of the sums advanced by the Netherlands
Trading Society for the establishment of the culture
system, came to 37,700,000 florins. This difference,
being supplied from Holland, then formed the real
debt of Java. By 1838 this debt of 37,700,000
florins had been reduced to 36 millions of florins.
Java was then suddenly saddled with an entirely
new debt of 200 millions of florins, with which she
had little more concern than British India has.
By the laws of 24th April, 1836, 11th March, 1837,
27th March, 1838, and 22nd December, 1838, a new
East Indian debt was created of 236 millions of
florins, or £19,800,000. Of this sum 200 millions
of florins were to bear interest at 4 per cent., which
would require 8 millions of florins yearly payment.
The other 36 millions bore 5 per cent, interest,
which would require 1,800,000 florins. A total

u 2

292 IMPOSITION OF DEBT ON JAVA.

yearly interest of 9,800,000 florins was thus charged
upon the revenues of Java. Of this sum the 36
millions were the real debt of Java to Holland
above mentioned. The 200 millions of florins
added thereto were simply the part of the Dutch
national debt formerly born by Belgium when
united with Holland, and repudiated by les braves
Beiges on the separation of the two countries.
Holland, with a reduced territory and revenue, was
then forced to provide for the payment of interest
on the Belgian as well as on its own share of the
large national debt. Fortunately the culture system
in Java already began to show signs of its sub-
sequent marvellous increase of the finances. The
mother country, while yet retaining its liability,
practically relieved itself of this extra burden, by
charging the payment of the Belgian interest on the
surplus Java revenue.

The imposition of this debt was opposed at the
time, particularly by M. Kruseman, then Director-
General of Finance, as an unjust charge on the
colony. General Van den Bosch had by that time
returned to Holland, and directed his energies to
relieve the mother country of this extra burden.
He carried his point in this, as in other matters,
against all opposition. He saw the feasibility of pro-
viding for the Belgian interest from the proceeds of
his own culture system in Java. He anticipated
that sufficient net surplus revenue would arise from

ii

Table showing the Amount overpaid by Java to Holland
from 1838 to 1857 inclusive, after deducting the
Yearly Interest on the Dutch East Indian Debt.

Date.

Net Surplus.

Interest on
Debt.

Java Overpaid to
Holland.

Java Under-
paid to
Holland.

Florins.

Florins.

Florins.

Florins.

1838

25,441,669

9,800,000

15,641,669

J

1839

27,057,494

9,800,000

17,257,494

1840

42,282,346

9,800,000

32,482,346

1841

41,985,584

9,800,000

32,185,584

i^l'

1842

15,250,400

9,800,000

5,450,400

1843

13,646,833

9,800,000

3,846,833

1844

18,091,205

9,800,000

8,291,205

1845

23,159,189

9,800,000

13,359,189

1846

19,154,071

9,800,000

9,354,071

1847

13,290,118

9,800,000

3,490,118

1848

6,630,285

9,800,000

3,169,715

^B

1849

22,924,054

9,800,000

13,124,054

1850

15,790,617

9,800,000

5,990,617

1851

15,532,455

9,800,000

5,732,455

1852

24,222,485

9,800,000

14,422,485

1853

29,763,980

9,800,000

19,963,980

1854

23,113,472

9,800,000

13,313,472

1855

26,836,964

9,800,000

17,036,964

1856

37,942,974

9,800,000

28,142,974

1857

45,387,928

9,800,000

35,587,928

Fl.

294,673,838

FI.

3,169,715

Total over

paid Fl.

291,504,123

COLONIAL REVENUE TRIBUTE. 293

the culture system^ not only to provide for this
interest, but also gradually to pay off the principal
of this comparatively large debt. The accuracy of
General Van den Bosch^s foresight in this, as in
other matters, was justified by the result. Between
1838 and 1856, the overplus Java revenue, after
paying the interest on this debt, has amounted to
more than the whole of the principal. This over-
plus, however, instead of being applied to pay off
this debt, has in fact been taken by the Dutch
Government as tribute from the colony. It has
been more profitably employed in making railways
in Holland and for other European purposes, from
which however Java derives no benefit. This large
debt and heavy interest is thus still left as a charge
on the revenues of Netherlands India. As the
payment of the interest in Holland now merely
reduces the revenue tribute of the colony from some-
what above 3 millions sterling to about 2^ millions
sterling, the whole of what is not taken as interest
being taken as tribute, its existence is immaterial to
Java so long as such surplus exists. If there
ceased to be a surplus, a question would naturally
arise whether the debt should not in equity be held
to have been liquidated by the colony, or whether
the colonists were still liable to extra taxation for
the purpose of raising the interest. But the sm-plus
is now so large and well assured, that the appro-
priate denomination of the payment is never likely

294 RESIDUE OF CULTURE DEBT.

to be more than a matter of tbeoretical disquisi-
tion.

Revenue tables were supplied me by tbe Java
Government for the purpose of showing the ac-
tion of the culture system, and the results would
have been palpably erroneous, if the interest on
such a large debt, never incurred by Java, had been
charged against the revenue. To give a fair descrip-
tion of the financial results of the culture system,
only the interest on the 37f millions of old debt and
on the advances for the culture system should be
charged, and the surplus revenue should be carried
to the credit of Java year by year. But, in fact, no
such surplus is carried over to the credit of the
colony, the whole surplus, above the expenses in
Java, being taken by Holland, as above described.
The only approximate mode therefore of showing
the real results, is to omit this item from the expenses
in Holland on account of Netherlands India, and to
treat the interest on the consolidated East Indian
debt, like the overplus, as all net surplus profit from
the culture system.

Residue of Culture Debt. — Besides the interest on
the Dutch East Indian debt, there is also the
interest on a small residue of culture debt. It
seems very doubtful, however, whether this ought
not to be omitted likewise. The advances made by
the Netherlands Trading Company for the introduc-
tion of the culture system, their yearly supply of

THE TRADING COMPANY'S ADVANCES. 295

funds to carry it on, and their charges for selling
the culture produce in Holland, were regulated by
a so-called consignment contract. The account of
these advances, and of the company's commission
and charges on sales, was kept in Holland, and only
the balances, either of advances or repayments, were
entered in the Java revenue tables. The amount
of the advances averaged about 13 millions of florins,
or rather more than a million sterling per annum
from 1832 to 1844. Of this the larger portion was
borrowed during the first few years, for the intro-
duction of the culture system, and less for the later
years of that period. The company repaid to them-
selves their advances in certain proportions, agreed
on in the consignment contract, by retaining so
much of the sale of proceeds received by them ou
account of Government. Owing, however, to the
large pecuniary transactions thus passing between
the Government in Holland and the society, it is
said not to have been unusual for the former occa-
sionally to borrow sums of money from the latter
to supply the immediate necessities of the state.
In 1844 accounts were adjusted, when a balance of
about 10 millions of florins was found to be owins:
by the Government in Holland to the society.
This balance was, by the laws of 6th March and
23rd November of that year, converted into a per-
manent loan of that amount charged against the
colony, the interest at 4i per cent, to be paid out

296 SURPLUS REVENUE.

of the colonial revenues. In 1849 the charter of
the society was renewed for a further period of 25
years, and at the same time the interest of the
above loan was reduced to 4 per cent. By a subse-
quent arrangement in 1853 the interest was further
reduced to 3i per cent. The interest at these rates,
for the years subsequent to 1844, is included in the
table (at the end of the volume) of the Revenue and
Expenditure of Netherlands India from 1817 to
1857, under the column for the East Indian Expen-
diture in Holland.

It is said in Java that this balance did not arise
from payments on account of the colonial but of the
home administration. Though conveniently got
rid of by the Home Government in this way, this
charge is alleged to be as unfair a burden on the
colonial revenues, as the charge for the old Belgian
debt. For these reasons it is urged that, by includ-
ing it in the accounts, the surplus net revenue,
really due to the culture system, is unfairly reduced
by that amount yearly.

Surplus Revenue. — The effect of the culture
system was to change deficit into surplus revenue,
immediately after its introduction. This surplus
has gone on increasing pi'ogressively, notwithstanding
the expenditure has been more than doubled.

In the comparative table of the revenue and
expenditure since 1817, the large and speedy
increase in the surplus revenue columns since 1834

THE HOLLAND SURPLUS. 297

shows remarkable results, well worthy the attention
of any Indian financier. In 1834 the first sales of
the culture produce in Holland made the East
Indian revenue there nearly 13 millions of florins,
leaving a Holland surplus of upwards of 9 millions
of florins. As there happened in that year to be a
slight local surplus as well, the net surplus from the
first returns of the culture system was above 11
millions of florins, or near one million sterling.
From that year till the present day, the culture
system has never failed to produce a yearly net
surplus more or less large. In 1835 the Holland
surplus on account of Java reached 12 millions of
florins. In 1836 it rose to 21 millions, in 1837 to
24 millions, in 1838 to 29 millions, in 1839 to
34 millions, in 1840 to 41 millions, and in 1841 to
the enormous surplus of 43 millions of florins. This
large surplus in 1841 must have arisen from high
European prices for the new Java produce, and an
extensive sale of accumulations. In the subsequent
years the East Indian surplus in Holland fell again
to from 25 to 30 millions (probably about the
normal produce of the year), from which it has been
gradually increasing up to its present amount of
about 60 millions of florins.

When the large sale proceeds in Holland of the
new culture produce were ascertained, although the
local revenue had meanwhile risen rapidly, the Java
Government, as before explained, began supplying

ri

298 LOCAL DEFICIT.

the requirements of the colouy by aa increase of
expenditure, even beyond the great increase of the
local revenue. This caused a deficit in the local
balance-sheet, to be met by a portion of the large
surplus in the Java balance-sheet in Holland. The
deficit in the local balance-sheet was further in- «^'<
creased by the above-mentioned reductions of local
taxation in 1846. Such local deficiency has since
been maintained for the benefit of the colony, and
is yearly made good out of the large surplus Java
revenue in Holland.

The difference between the local deficit and the
Holland surplus, giving of course the net surplus
revenue of Netherlands India, will be seen by the
comparative table to have gradually increased, since
first created by the culture system, to its present
enormous amount of over 3i millions sterling, out
of a gross revenue in Java and Holland combined of
9^ millions sterling.

This surplus net revenue, taken by Holland as
tribute from the colony to the mother country, or as
the Government's share of the profits of the culture
system, has been stigmatized by the author of
the article '^ Java" in the 12th volume of the
8th edition of the " Encyclopaedia Britannica."
Though the colonial reports, published yearly by the
Dutch Government since 1848, contain each year's
revenue and expenditure of Netherlands India in
detail, both in the East and in Holland, the latter

TRIBUTE TO HOLLAND. 299

part of that article, published in 1856, raises
a doubt whether the surplus revenue ever reaches
the treasury of Holland. The culture system is
described in the same paper as a return to the old
forced deliveries of agricultural products, and of
corvee labour in raising them. The introduction
into the island of tea, cinnamon, and cochiueal
cultures is also particularly blamed. The article
remarks that '' the evil effect of such a system on
that wealth, which is the only source of public
revenue, must be obvious to every enlightened
statesman." Whatever might have been the effect
of such an imaginary culture system as is there
represented, the effect of the real culture system,
described in the previous chapters of this book,
certainly realized the expectations of the master
statesman who introduced it, and of the enlightened
statesmen, both in Holland and Java, who have
carried it on. It multiplied and increased that
private wealth which is the source of public income.
It quadrupled the revenue, while easing the burdens
on the people. And it converted the Native peasant's
poverty into prosperity, and his habits of crime
and laziness into industry and order.

This tribute to Holland is admitted by the Dutch
in Java, but justified on the ground that a colony
ought to share its blessings with the mother country
on which it has long been a burden. Indirectly
also the colony derives this great benefit from the

300 BENEFIT TO JAVA AND HOLLAND.

tribute to the mother country, that it gives the
latter such a material interest in the prosperity of
Java, as to make its condition and government of
personal importance to the people, as well as to the
rulers of Holland. Every Dutchman at home
knows that the surplus revenue of Java saves him
from some personal contributions to the state, and
the prosperity of the colony is thus guarded from
the unsuitable application of philanthropical crotchets,
and of nineteenth century ideas, as well as from the
disregard of Native feelings and wishes, which seems
to be the general tendency of the European rule of
Eastern countries. The form of tribute, in the
culture produce of the crown lands, the Dutch
assert to be the least instead of the most injurious
to the colony, as thereby industry enriches both the
colony and the mother country with what idleness
would have allowed to remain undeveloped in the
soil.

Mr. MacCuUoch, in his " Commercial Dictionary,"
article "Batavia," takes a view of this subject at least
more in accordance with the opinions of all in the
island. He says that " the produce and trade of
Java have increased with a rapidity unknown in
any other colony, Cuba perhaps excepted." He
gives it as his opinion that, "provided contributions
of compulsory labour be not carried to excess, they
are at once the least onerous mode in which Natives
cau be made to pay their taxesj and the most

SYSTEM OF COMPULSORY LABOUR. 301

profitable for the Government." The foregoing
account of the working and result of the culture
system supports this view, so long as the compul-
sion is limited to the order of Government, and to
the persuasion of the officials, and so long as the
profit to the labourer exceeds that to be derived
from rice cultivation. The account, in a subsequent
chapter, of what is more properly the forced labour
of Java, will show the totally different working and
effects of even old and accustomed means of com-
pulsion exceeding those limits. Mr. MacCulloch
adds, that " it is idle to suppose that industry,
if left to itself, will ever become flourishing in a
country like Java, where the wants of the inhabi-
tants are so few and so easily satisfied, or where the
climate indisposes to exertion. No doubt the
system of compulsory labour may be easily abused
and converted into an instrument of the most
grinding oppression, but, so long as it is managed
with discretion and good sense, we are disposed to
believe, from all we can learn, that it is preferable
to every other system hitherto devised for develop-
ing the resources of tropical countries." These
remarks, which now command universal assent in
Java, are equally applicable to India, and equally
admitted by those engaged in developing the
resources of her soil. The opinions of Indian
officials on the subject are yet, however, mostly such
as General Van den Bosch had to struggle against.

\

302 CULTURE REVENUE.

and whicli, but for liis wise boldness, would still
have kept Java and her Government in the lament-
able condition of our Indian territories and
finances.

Culture Revenue alone equal to Total Expendi-
ture.— The culture revenue in 1856, from the sale
of produce in Holland alone, amounted to within
a trifle of the local expenditure of Netherlands
India. The Holland produce sale proceeds in 1857
were nearly equal to the whole expenditure of
Netherlands India, both locally and in Holland.
But besides the sale proceeds in Holland, the fourth
head of the local revenue, "Trade with Japan,
Sales of Produce, &c.," is about half culture revenue
and half salt monopoly. Including these local sale
proceeds, the real culture revenue of 1857 exceeded
the whole expenditure, both in Java and Holland.
As to the revenue for 1858, the Dutch Minister for
the Colonies lately reported to the States- General
that the net surplus for that year, after paying the i.
Java deficit and the interest on the East Indian »
debt, would not be under forty millions of florins,
in which case the produce sale proceeds in Holland
alone must have exceeded the total expenditure.

In other words, the financial result of the culture
system is such that, if Holland could do without
the surplus Java revenue, the Colonial Government
might at once abolish all taxes and charges on the
people of Java, and continue to govern the country.

APPLICATION TO INDIA. 303

on its present most etBcient footing, from the mere
profits of less than one-twentieth of the cultivated
area of crown lands applied to the production of
improved crops.

A corresponding result would obtain in India if
the profits of the opium sold to China sufficed to
enable the Government to abolish all taxes, and yet
to expend an amount equal to double the present
revenue in reproductive works, and in a more effi-
cient administration. To make the analogy correct,
however^ the sale should not contravene the laws
of any country, nor should the articles sold be in-
jurious to the consumers. The people and the
Government of India can alone perhaps say how
devoutly such a consummation is to be desired.

304

CHAPTER A^III.

TRADE.

GOTEENMENT TBADE — THE NETHEELAXDS TKADIN(J SOCIETY
— PRIVATE TEADE TJNEESTEICTED — PEESENT STATE OF

JAVA TKADE — XMPOETS — EXPOETS — SHIPPING PEOPOE-

TION OF TEADE TO POPULATION — DISFEOPOETION OF
IMPOSTS AND EXPOETS — COMPAEISON OF JAVA TEADE
WITH THAT OF INDIA — JAPAN TEADE — JAVA CrSTOMS

AND SHIPPING EFFECT OP THE CULTUEE SYSTEM AND

GOVEENMENT EXPOET OF PEODUCE ON THE PEIVATE
TEADE.

Government Trade. — The general opinion, as to
the trade of the Java Government being still a
monopoly, will have been seen by the foregoing
pages to be an error. As landlord of the greater
part of the island, Government obtains a large pro-
portion, and in some articles the whole, of the pro-
duce from the crown lands. This is exported to
Holland, and there sold by the Handel Maatschappij,
for account and risk of Government. There is no
complaint in the island as to the mode of Govern-
ment's obtaining that produce as landlord, but it is
accused of a grasping spii'it in not contenting itself

.THE NETHERLANDS TRADING SOCIETY. 305

■with the landlord's profits. The demand is that the
state should sell its produce to the merchants in
Java for private export, like other landowners, in-
stead of itself taking the merchant's profits as well as
the landlord's.

The Netherlands Trading Society. — The whole of
the Government produce, except the very small
portion sold in the island, is exclusively exported by the
" Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij," or " Nether-
lands Trading Society." This company, from having
the monopoly export of the crown produce, is very
generally, but erroneously, considered a Government
institution. At no period has it had any concern in
the government of the colony, or any further con-
nexion with the state than as mere agents for Govern-
ment. The Netherlands Trading Society is nothing
but a chartered joint-stock company with limited
liability. It possesses a large capital, and has its
head office and direction in Amsterdam, and its
principal factory in Batavia, with agencies at the
chief ports in Java, and in other parts of Nether-
lands India.

The Trading Society was established at Amster-
dam in 1824. Its original capital was 37 millions
of florins, or upwards of 3 millions sterling. This
was reduced in 1827 to 24 millions of florins, and in
1835 to 23 millions. The company's first charter
was for a term of twenty-five years, and an interest
of 41 per cent, per annum was guaranteed by King

VOL. I. X

306 PRIVATE TRADE.

William I. of Holland, who was himself one of
the principal shareholders. The early adventures of
this company appear not to have been successful.
In 1827 part^ and in 1830 the whole of the gua-
ranteed interest had to be paid by the King. It was
in this year that the new Java culture system was
introduced by General Van den Bosch, and from
this period also dates the prosperity of the company,
which has ever since been uninterrupted.

The advances to start and work the culture system,
to the amount of about three millions sterling before
mentioned, as made to General Van den Bosch by
this society, were at 4i per cent, interest guaranteed
by the state. In return for these advances^ the
company was appointed the sole agent of the Govern-
ment in buying and importing into Java all Govern-
ment supplies, and in exporting the Government
produce from Java and selling it in Holland. These
advances of the company were on a running account
repayable out of the proceeds of the culture system,
and were consequently discharged with interest in a
few years.

Private Trade Unrestricted. — The private trade
of Java is as unrestricted as trade in India. With
the exception of opium and salt, which are Govern-
ment monopolies in India as well as in Java, the
growth and manufacture of all articles are free.

The import of all articles, but opium, salt, fire-
arms, and ammunition, is open to all on payment

f

UNRESTRICTED IMPORT AND EXPORT. 307

of the customs dues. Fire-arms and ammunition, for
sporting purposes, may be imported under guarantees
as to their disposal and use. But the import of all
other fire-arras and ammunition is strictly prohi-
bited. Such articles, as well as opium, may, however,
be placed in bond for transit elsewhere.

The purchase of all articles in the island and
their export to any country are also unrestricted, on
payment of the export duties. This principle is not
affected by the cottiers on the crown lauds being
forbidden to sell either their contract crops or their
coffee, except to the Government or to its contrac-
tors. The same prohibition exists against the
cottiers on private estates selling the crops raised by
them for their landlord, and at his expense. In
both cases these crops are considered the property of
the landlord and not of the cottier, as having been
raised by the landowner's money on his own land,
tinder his general power of directing his tenants'
cultivation. On private estates of course, the land-
owner, or his agent, looks sharply after his crop.
But on the crown lands practically the officials do
not interfere, and Government shuts its eyes to
what it knows to occur. In the case of the contract
crops, the whole produce is secured by the contrac-
tor's mill being the only near and available means
of manufacturing and preserving the article. As
to coffee, however, the mode adopted by Govern-
ment to get into their own hands the whole crop

x3

308 PRESENT STATE OP JAVA TRADE.

grown on the crown hills is less effective. The
Government store being the nearest and the readiest
market, where the fixed and well-known price is
procurable at any moment, without trouble, acts on
the villagers as a strong incentive. This is backed
by the influence of the village chief, and of all the
other officials in the district, for the sake of their
respective percentages. At the same time the price
of twelve florins per picul is small, now that such
coffee is worth thirty florins in Batavia. It is
known as a fact that, besides the enormous quantity
of coffee delivered to Government, a large quantity
is sold privately by the hill villagers.

Present State of Java Trade. — The trade of Java
and Madura is very large, and shows a state of great
prosperity.

Its present condition will be best seen by com-
paring it with its former state, by taking its rela-
tive proportions to the population, and by comparing
such relative proportions to those of British India.

Imports. — Since 1825, the imports of merchan-
dize have nearly quadrupled, while the population
has only doubled. The consumption of goods per
head, therefore, was increased nearly twofold. As
no great change of native habits has meanwhile
taken place, this shows that, formerly, unsatisfied
wants existed, which the greater prosperity of late
years now enables the people to gratify. If we
add the imported treasure to the merchandize, and

EXPORTS. 309

compare periods of five years, the relative propor-
tions of the imports to the population are 5s. Id.
per head per annum for the five years ending 1830,
7s. 9d. per head per annum for the five years ending
1855, and 95. Ifc?. per head for 1857.

As was naturally to be expected, the largest in-
crease, in the merchandize imported, has been in
the produce of Europe. The imported articles
which have most contributed to the increase, are
linen and cotton goods. The great prosperity of
the lower classes is shown by the population doubling
in thirty years, but is yet more truly gauged by
this doubled population consuming seven times the
former amount of linen and cotton goods. The im-
port trade with difierent countries has of course
correspondingly increased. The relative proportions
of the imports from each country have not, how-
ever, materially varied, except in the case of America,
whose imports into Java have fallen ofi", while those
of most other countries have risen.

Exports. — The exports of merchandize during the
same period have grown to above six times their
former amount per annum. The produce for ex-
port is, therefore, three times larger per head on
the doubled population than the former produce
above consumption. As the consumption per head
has certainly not diminished, this shows the posi-
tive increase in the better applied industry of the
country. If we add the exported treasure to the

310 SHIPPING.

merchandize, and compare periods of five years,
the relative proportions of the exports to the
population are 4*. 6c?. per head per annum for the
five years ending 1830, lis. 9d. per head per annum
for the five years ending 1855, and 15s. 2|c?. per
head for 1857.

Shipping. — There has, of course, been a corre-
sponding improvement in shipping and tonnage
during the same period. The country rigged
boats have increased about one-fourth in number,
but without any increase in tonnage. The Euro-
pean rigged Native coasters, on the contrary, have
about doubled in number, and more than doubled
in tonnage. This is due to the Java Government's
rigorous suppression of piracy, which has caused
the vessels best adapted to the coasting trade to in-
crease more than the vessels equally suited for trade
and long shore piracy, Dutch vessels trading in
Java are now ten times more numerous, and with a
tonnage fourteen times larger than in 1825. The
English shipping in and out of Java is now only
slightly more numerous, but nearly double the ton-
nage of English vessels in 1825. The ships under
other European, and under American flags, on the
contrary, were in 1857 about treble in number,
with five times the tonnage of similar shipping in
1825.

Proportion of Trade to Population. — The relative

IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. 311

state of the present Java trade to the population
is unprecedented in the East. In 1857 the exports
amounted to more than eight and a half millions
sterling, and the imports to nearly five and a half
millions sterling. On the eleven and a half millions
of the Java population in 1857, the import of mer-
chandize worth 46,780,033 florins is at the rate of
6*. 8|c?. per head, and the export of produce worth
99,902,198 florins is at the rate of 145. 4^0?. per
head. Including specie, the imports and exports
together were at the rate £1 4*. 4:^d. per head.

Disproportion of Imports and Exports. — The dis-
proportion in the value of imports and exports
requires remark. Under ordinary circumstances a
country should no doubt receive back, either in
goods or money, the value of what it sends out ;
whereas Java only receives back, in goods and
money, about two-thirds of that amount. The other
one-third is avowedly tribute to Holland paid oj
Java, as explained in the preceding chapter on
Finance. While admitting the tribute, the Dutch
assert that in no other manner could it be paid so
beneficially to Java, which has, in fact, enriched
itself by the same process that has yielded this
tribute to Holland. They say that the undeveloped
resources of an Eastern country leave but a small
margin of produce for export, beyond the consump-
tion, and that consequently the imports can only

313 SURPLUS PRODUCE.

attain to the same figure as that margiu. This is
confirmed by the former imports and exports of
Java, and the present trade in and out of India, all
which average from 4*. to 5*. per head per annum.
The Dutch say, on the other haud, that the resources
of an Eastern country, developed by European
capital and skill, soon produce so enormous a margin
beyond consumption, as to cause the condition of
the people to be much improved, even where they
only receive a portion of the value of the increase.
The present Java exports are the surplus produce
of the country, raised equally by Native labour,
European skill, and Government advances. The
return for that surplus produce may be roughly
said to be made, one-third to the Native labourer,
and one-third to the European master of labour, by-
imports worth two-thirds of the exports. The
remaining one-third goes to the Dutch Government
in Holland in return for its advances of capital in
Java, without which the greater portion of such
surplus produce would have remained hidden in the
soil.

In Asia, as in Europe, self-interest will produce
such improved results as the country is capable of
giving. But the European rule of Eastern depen-
dencies creates wants beyond what the natural
state of the country is capable of supplying. The
exigencies of an enlightened Government demand
greater results than the unaided ignorance of the

TRADE AND POPULATION. 313

people can produce. The Native, though keenly-
alive to self-interest, is without the knowledge
required to develop the resources of the country.
The European colonist, who has the knowledge,
is without the necessary capital. Where, as in
India, the capital and the land are in the possession
of the conquered native, and the intelligence alone
belongs to the conquering European, tlie ordinary
motives of men prevent the combination of intelli-
gence and capital, to the improvement of the soil.
On the other hand, when native labour is directed
by European intelligence, and assisted by the capital
which in Eastern countries only European Govern-
ments have both sufficient credit to command and
sufficient knowledge to apply, the result is equally
beneficial to all the parties to its production. Such
is the case in Java, and neither the Dutch colonists
nor the natives of Netherlands India see any
reason why Holland should forego its share of the
reward, even though the value of the yearly exports
should continue to be one-third in excess of the
imports.

The relative proportions of the trade to the
population in Java and in India are not flattering to
our commercial vanity.

In 1857 the value of the Java Imports

was £5,302,047 8s. 4rf.

The value of the Java Exports was . £8,826,990 65. 8d.

ExternalJava Trade . . £14,129,037 15*. Od.

314 JAVA AND INDIAN TRADE.

The Imports were equal to 95. If c?. per head.

The Exports were equal to 15s. 2|c?. per head.

The External Trade was equal to . . . £1 4s. 4|c?, per head.

In 1856-57 the value of British Indian

Imports was £34,304,302 12s. Od.

The value of British Indian Exports

was £32,594,584 8s. Od.

External Indian Trade . £66,898,887 Os. Od.

The Imports were equal to ...... 3s. 9|c?. per head.

The Exports were equal to 3s. 7^d. per head.

The External Trade was equal to . . . 7s. 5d. per head.

Relatively to the population, therefore, the Java
trade is more than three times larger than the
Indian.

I have taken the population of British ludia at
180 millions, as given in Mill's " India in 1858."
This includes the population of the Native states
within the British territory, whose imports and
exports are made through the British ports, in the
same manner as the population of the Native states
of Soerakarta and Djockjokarta, included in the
population of Java, carry on their external trade
through the Dutch ports. Besides the British
ports, however, there are a few French and Portu-
guese ports on the Indian seaboard, whose trade is
not large, but whose imports and exports would go
towards supplying the 180 millions of Indian popu-
lation.

The far larger Singapore trade goes chiefly to the
Eastern Archipelago^ and to other countries whose

'i

THE TRADE OF SINGAPORE. 315

population forms no part of tlie 180 millions in
India. Still, that may be added to the real Indian
trade, as an equivalent for the commerce of the
French and Portuguese ports on the Indian sea-
board.

The Indian Imports in 1856-57 would

then be £40,792,336 O*. Od.

The Indian Exports £38,917,158 14y. Od.

The Total External Trade £79,709,494 14^. Od.

This would only raise the Imports to . . 4*. Q^d. per head.

And the Exports to . 4#. 3^d. per head.

Making the ratio of the whole trade . . 85. lOd. per head.

It may be objected, however, that the Java trade is
not only the trade of the eleven and a half millions
of the Java population, but also of the five and a
half millions of population in the Dutch dependencies
of Java, and of the rest of the large native popula-
tion of the Eastern Archipelago. But while the
Trade Tables show how much of the Java trade
goes to other Dutch dependencies, they also show,
that the trade of the independent part of the
Archipelago, and much even of that of the Dutch
dependencies, is carried on, as was naturally to be
expected, at the free port of Singapore, rather than
through the taxed ports of Java. In 1857 the
imported European and foreign produce re-exported,
and therefore only passing through Java, came to no
more than 4,535,997 florins. The European and
foreign produce, retained for Java consumption, was

316 VALUE OF IMPORTS PER HEAD.

worth 28^267,684 florins, or at the rate of 45. Of c?.
per head. Besides this, there was the imported
Archipelago produce, worth 13,976,352 florins, or
2*. per head.

The exported Archipelago produce was worth
95,366,201 florins. Even supposing that to include
the whole of the imported Archipelago produce,
which is certainly far from the fact, the minimum
Java produce exported was 81,389,849 florins, or at
the rate of lis. 8id. per head.

With specie, this makes the imports solely for
Java consumption 8*. 5fd. per head, the minimum
export of Java produce 12*. 6|c?. per head, and the
purely Java trade £1 Is. O^d. per head.

Thus, even after making every possible allowance
to the Indian trade, and after curtailing the Java
trade to its own narrowest limits, the relative diffe-
rence still remaining between the two is lamentable.
At 8*. 10c?. per head in India to £1 Is. O^d. per
head in Java, the Indian trade is still relatively only
just over one-third of the Java trade.

The present Java rate of 6s. O^d. per head of
imported European and Archipelago merchandize,
against the present Indian rate of 2*. 7^d. per head
of imported goods, shows that the present yearly
consumption of foreign articles in Java, per head, is
more than double the present yearly consumption
per head in India. The present minimum rate of
ll*. Sid. per head of exported Java produce, against

TRADE AND POPULATION OF INDIA. 317

the present ludian rate of 3*. 7^d. per head of mer-
chandize exported, shows that the people of Java
grow, above what they consume, more than three
times as much per head as the people of India.

There is no reliable record, even proximately, of
the population about 1825 in our own territories,
and, of course, none at all of the population in Native
States at that period. But as our only conquests, out
of India Proper, have since been Pegu, and the
Tenasserim Provinces, and as the population of India
has not sensibly increased, we shall certainly be
below the mark if we take at 150 millions the popu-
lation of British and Native India in 1825, who
drew their imports and made their exports by our
trade. On that assumption £3,332,588 of imports
were only at the rate of 5^d. per head per annum,
and £4,001,646 of exports were only at the rate of
6id. per head per annum. No wonder that as soon
as the Indian trade was thrown open it rose rapidly,
and that the imports increased from about 3 j millions
sterling to 34^ millions sterling, and the exports
increased from about 4 millions sterling to 32^
millions sterling. The relative consumption of
imports and production of exports, per head, rose
from 5g6?. and 6id. to 35. 9^d. and 3s. 7^d. ; or
adding the Straits trade, to cover the trade through
other European ports on the Indian seaboard, to
4*. 6c?. and 45. 2d. respectively.

Although, therefore, the increase in the Indian

318 JAPAN TRADE.

trade, since 1825, has been larger than that of Java,
the Indian trade has only now reached the same
point as the Java trade thirty years ago. A similar
increase in the next thirty years would go far to
relieve India of her difficulties. It would give her
in 1890 a yearly movement of trade of 240 millions
sterling, the greater part of which would, of course,
directly or indirectly, benefit England as well as
India. The similar increase in Java, from the same
rate per head, is due entirely to the development of
the resources of the soil by the culture system, and
holds out an example to be followed with equal benefit
to England and India.

Japan Trade. — The best known branch of the
Dutch colonial commerce, the Japan trade, is of very
inconsiderable importance compared with the rest of
their Eastern traffic.

The profits of the Government Japan trade have
been enormously over-rated. Of late years it averaged
only between 20 and £30,000 per annum. The
profit, in 1843, was 266,496 florins, or £22,208.
In 1848, the profit was 308,039 florins, or
£25,669 18*. M. And, in 1854, the profit was
362,737 florins, or £30,228 1*. M. I do not possess
the detailed revenue accounts for other years, from
which accounts alone these items can be gathered. But
the above results, derived from the Official Revenue
Tables, are enough to show that the real profits on this
trade were far below what was generally supposed.

JAVA CUSTOMS AND SHIPPING. 319

Java Customs and Shipping. — As before mentioned
in the second chapter, the Dutch, in 1818, imposed
differential duties on the Java trade for the protection
of Dutch shipping and commerce. The general
import duties of 6, 9, and 12 per cent, ad valorem,
established in 1818, were maintained on the occasion
of each rise in the ad valorem amount of the duty
till June, 1827, when a direct addition of 5 percent,
duty on all imports and exports was imposed. In
1837 the present duties were regulated, which may
be roughly described as a general 25 per cent, ad
valorem import duty, reducible to 12i per cent, on
goods of Dutch origin imported in Dutch ships, with,
■in any case, the added 5 per cent, imposed in 1827.
The export duties were also regulated at the same
time, and remained nearly the same as in 1819, with
the same general difference of exports in Dutch ships
only paying half the duty of exports in foreign ships,
and with the general 5 per cent, of 1827 added.

These measures in favour of Dutch shipping were
further supported by the mode of exporting the
large Government produce under the culture system.
The Netherlands Trading Society has no ships of its
own, but exports the Government Java produce ex-
clusively in Dutch ships. These are chartered, in
Holland, by the Society according to established
rules, and every Dutch ship has its turn for charter
at fixed rates. Bv this means, added to the share
which Dutch ships also have in the carrying trade of

320 INCREASE OF DUTCH SHIPPING.

private Java produce, more than two-thirds of the
large Java exports fall exclusively to Dutch shipping.
Every Dutch ship-owner, besides his ordinary carry-
ing trade at the freight of the day, can calculate on
each of his ships getting a full freight at high rates,
from the Netherlands Trading Society, once in every
two or three years.

The result has been gradually to reverse the pro-
portions of Dutch and foreign shipping. In 1819,
nearly the whole European imports of Java were
made in English ships, at which time there were
only forty-three ships under Dutch colours, and
those mostly coasters, out of a total of 171 ships
under all flags. Since the introduction of the cul-
ture system, the proportion of Dutch ships has
gradually increased, till, in 1857, there were 2375
Dutch ships out of 2634 ships of all nations. In
the same year, exclusive of the Dutch coasters, the
Dutch tonnage inwards was 97,144 lasts of two
tons each, against 57,296 lasts of foreign tonnage,
and the Dutch tonnage outwards was 83,798 lasts
against 44,886 lasts of foreign tonnage.

Thus Dutch shipping attained that degree
of prosperity which the Dutch consider requisite
to support competition. The Java Navigation
laws then met the same fate as the English
ones, and were repealed, except for the coasting
trade, which is of little consequence for foreign
vessels. By a navigation treaty, made in 1857 be-

DIFFERENTIAL DUTIES. 321

tween Great Britain and Holland, the flags of both
countries were put on the same footing in the two
countries, and in their respective colonies, only re-
serving the coasting trade of Java to Dutch ships.
Similar conventions have been since made by Hol-
land with all the other European powers but France
and Russia. Dutch, and most foreign ships are,
therefore, now on the same footing in Java, except
that the Government produce is still exclusively ex-
ported in Dutch bottoms. There is no longer any
difference of duty on goods owing to the flag
under which they are carried, but the differential
duties on the origin of goods have as yet been
maintained. A slight modification has been made
as to merchandize imported direct from its place
of origin east of the Cape of Good Hope, which,
under the present tariff, is subject to only half the
duties on goods imported from Europe, America, or
other places to the west of the Cape.

A preliminary project of law has, however, been
lately issued by the Java Government, proposing
the abolition of differential duties on the origin
of goods, and the gradual reduction of import
duties, till, in 1864, they shall have sunk to an
equalized maximum of six per cent, ad valorem on
the goods of all countries however imported. The
export duties are also proposed to be meanwhile
limited to ten of the chief products of the Archi-
pelago, and to be gradually reduced from three to

VOL. I. Y

322 A PROJECT OF LAW.

six per cent, ad valorem duty thereon, according to
the articles.

This project of law was published at Batavia for
general information, and to enable both the colonial
and Home Governments to ascertain public opinion
on the subject before the question comes on for
discussion in the Dutch Chambers, a practice which
the Government of India might adopt from the so-
called secret Dutch Colonial Government with
general approbation. It is to be feared that the
jealous interest of producers in Holland will pre-
vent the States General voting the entire abolition
of the differential duties. Many of the Dutch
merchants and landowners in Java can also not
divest themselves of their prejudices in favour of
protection. They think that a serious blow would
be thereby dealt to the industrial manufactures in
Holland, and that the national prosperity would con-
sequently suffer. This wise project of law does not
therefore meet vrith much support even in the
colony, which it is so much calculated to benefit.
The liberal policy of the present Java Government
will as yet probably only succeed in achieving a re-
duction of the tariff, without abolishing the old
differential and protective principle. Still the
duties on imports generally are likely to be so much
diminished in amount as to render the difference of
duties between Dutch and foreign goods no longer a

LIBERAL DUTCH COLONIAL POLICY. 323

serious impediment to the competition of the latter
iu the markets of Java.

If the project of law were only passed as it
stands, the present large trade would certainly be
considerably increased. The revenue could hardly
be materially reduced, and the additional imports
Ij would probably, after a short time, prevent its

being even sensibly affected. Meanwhile the
general welfare would be still further promoted by
an even greater relative consumption per head of
imported articles.

The announcement of this liberal Dutch colonial
policy was made in Calcutta only a few days before
the Indian Government doubled the Indian import
duties. It is fortunate for our pre-eminence in
freedom of trade that we are able to set oflP against
this contrast the actual abolition of the differential
duties on the origin of goods. This difference had
remained since 1845, at from three and a half to
five per cent, on British goods, against from five to
seven per cent, on foreign goods. These were
equalized on the 14th March, 1859, by a bill
■which, while it exempted certain articles, as bullion,
grain, machinery, and books, from any duties on
import, raised the import duties generally from five
to ten, and in some cases to twenty per cent., and
on articles of luxury from ten to twenty per cent.
ad valorem. The proceeds of the Indian import

y2

324 IxMPORT AND EXPORT DUTIES.

duties, it was assumed, would he doubled thereby,
for Lord Canuing, in introducing the bill, said the
late import duties gave seventy-five and a half lacs,
or j£755,000, and the additional import duty was
expected to give seventy-four lacs, or £740,000, in
addition. At the same time, the export duties,
long since abandoned by England as suicidal, were
quadrupled ou grain of all kinds, which forms so
large an item in Indian exports that the increased
duty thereon was calculated to raise the export
duties from twenty-eight and a half lacs, or j£285,000
to forty-nine lacs, or £490,000.

This increase of the Indian customs duties, at this
time, is also curiously in support of the Dutch
analogy between Java in 1827 and India in 1858,
while the simultaneous Dutch proposal for the re-
duction of customs duties speaks volumes for the
present relative positions of the two countries.

In one respect, however, we have been either
wiser than the Dutch, or the analogous state of
the two countries at those respective periods
operated difierently upon the trade. The increased
import dues imposed in 1827 do not seem to have
perceptibly affected the Java trade of the following
years. In India, however, the extra duties imposed
in 1859 caused a decrease of from twenty-five to
thirty-five per cent, in the import of the highest
taxed articles. Our Indian Government, under the
auspices of their new Finance Minister, the late

INCREASE OF PRIVATE TRADE. 325

Mr. Wilson, wisely accepted the waruing, and in
February, 1860, reduced to ten per cent, the articles
that had been raised from five to twenty per cent,
import duty.

Effect of the Culture System and of the Govern-
ment Export of Produce on Private Trade. — The
question seems to be much discussed in Java, how
far the private trade is, or is not, injured by the
Government proceedings. It is admitted, as indeed
the yearly published Trade Tables, and every private
merchant's own experience, concur in showing, that
the culture system has so increased both exports
and imports as to make the private trade alone
now about double the whole trade. Government as
well as private, before the introduction of the cul-
ture system. For the five years ending in 1830,
the yearly average of the whole imports was
£1,370,873, and of the whole exports was
£1,339,204, whereas now the imports by the
private trade alone average about two millions ster-
ling, and the free produce, for private export,
averages about two and a half millions sterling.
Still the local private trade naturally wishes to share
in the great mercantile profits derived by Govern-
ment from the sale of its produce in Europe instead
of in Java. The local agents and foreign ship-
owners trading to Java, also naturally object to the
agency and transport of about two-thirds of the
produce of the island being monopolized by the

326 DESIRED EXTE>fSION OF PRIVATE TRADE.

Netherlands Trading Society and by the Dutch
shipping.

It is said that Government has fulfilled its duties
to the now cultivated parts of the island^ and has
reaped its reward, and that it ought for the future
gradually to transfer its operations to those parts of
the island coming into cultivation by the increase of
population, making over the present old cultures to
the private planter at fixed rents, the produce of
which would then come into the hands of the private
traders. It is urged that, although Government
incurred great expense and odium in establishing
the culture system, it has been largely repaid its
advances, and that the wisdom and humanity of its
proceedings have been amply vindicated ; that the
new cultivations will give Government full scope for
continuing the system ; and that the planting and
trading interests of the island would be benefited
by Government leaving the whole produce of the
present cultures for private purchase and export.
This is particularly urged in the case of coflee, on
the gi'ound that Government never was at any
great expense in establishing the cofi'ee culture. The
best interests of all, it is alleged, would be served by
Government taking a sufficient money rent to pay
for the official supervision, and for the use of the
land, and leaving the hill villagers to sell their coffee,
as and how they can, to private traders for private
export. The monopoly profits of the Trading

GOVERNMENT PROFITS. 327

Society, it is said, have lasted long enough to more
than compensate that society for its culture advances
at low rates of interest, and the shareholders would
have no just ground of complaint if the proposed
changes left Government but little, instead of much,
produce for the society to export. The well
established organization, the large capital, and the
private interest of the shareholders would still
secure them considerable profits, by enabling them
to buy large portions of Java produce in competi-
tion with the private trade.

On the other hand, it is answered that Govern-
ment set up the culture system, not for the benefit
of the mercantile man, but for that of the peasant,
the planter, and itself; that the system ha-ving
fully attained those three direct objects, and having
besides indirectly benefited the private trade by
largely increasing the free produce for private
export, there is no reason Avhy Government should
give up its share of profit to be divided between the
planter and the private trader; that the surplus
Java revenue is necessary to Holland, and that there
is no other mode by which it could be so easily or
so beneficially raised as the present one. As to
coffee, it is answered that a practical remedy for the
evil effects of the private sale by the villagers, under
Marshal Daendels^ plan, was sought and attained
by the present system ; that those evil effects of bad
cultivation and careless preparation would again

328 CLAIMS OF THE TRADING SOCIETY.

arise from throwing its sale open to chance; while
it would deprive the peasant of his certain market
at the Government coffee store for a fixed and well-
known price, remunerative to him, though low in a
commercial point of view. Moreover, it is further
asserted that the present surreptitious sale of coffee
by the hill villagers, to which Government shuts its
eyes, is devoid of any of these evils ; but that the
small proportion of the coffee sold in this manner
shows that the private trade of the country does
not, except in a few instances, practically hold out
preferable inducements to those which the villager
finds in the fixed price to be always got for his
coffee at his own door. As to the Trading Society,
it is answered that, although the large advances
made at low rates of interest, to establish the culture
system, have been repaid, and although the society
has besides derived great profits from its monopoly
export of Government produce, still the original
obligation exists, and gives that Society preferable
claims to the profit of the Government export over
those of the private trade ; that there is a Govern-
ment necessity to preserve to Holland its present
importance as a market, which it would lose if the
export of the whole, or the greater part, of the produce
of Java were in private hands, who would export
direct to the European market requiring the article
without letting it pass through Holland ; that for
the above reasons the Java Government submits to

MONOPOLY AND PRIVATE TRADE. 329

the pecuniary loss caused by the monopoly of the
Trading Society and by their fixed rates of freight,
as, for instance, in 1858, when, to take their produce
to Holland, Government had to pay 120 florins per
last of two tons, while private merchants got their
produce home as low as 30 florins per last. Finally,
it is answered, that the whole produce of Java, in
private hands, would cause great competition in
Europe among the private traders, and great fluc-
tuations in price, from the inability of private mer-
chants to hold such large values for any length of
time ; whereas the one-third of the Java produce
now in their hands generally finds a ready market at
a paying price, in consequence of Government holding
its produce till the demand enables it to be issued
without sinking rates below remunerative values.

The truth seems to lie between the two argu-
ments. The most impartial judges seem to think
it would probably be best for the country that, in
the crown lands not converted into private estates,
the culture system should remain as at present, but
that Government should offer the whole, instead of
the present very small proportion, of its produce for
sale to the private trade of the island. TheXetherlands
Trading Society would, in that case, only monopolize
the export of what the private trade failed to buy
at a low fixed upset price, leaving to Government a
fair landlord's profit after repaying its advances and
outlay. In that case, it seems generally admitted.

330 PROPOSED SALE OE CROWN LANDS.

the Trading Society might preserve its monopoly
for the small residue with general approval.
Holland, it is thought, would retain most if not all
its present importance as a market by its natural
position, as well as by the force of commercial habits,
and by the advantages incident to a long course of
trade. The profits on the whole produce of Java
would thus be divided between the Government and
the individual landowners as landlords, and the
private dealers, the Trading Society, and the ship-
owners as merchants and carriers. The private
trade would be thereby relieved from having to com-
pete, in Europe, with the large resources of a trading
Government, to whose arguments as to the evil
results of competition, and the benefit of Government
holding the produce, the private trade seem not to
attach much importance.

As, however, there is but little prospect of the
Dutch Government surrendering the sale in Holland
of its own Java produce, the private merchants in
the colony lend all their support to the question of
Government surrendering or selling portions of the
immense tracts of crown lands in Java to be converted
into private estates. The general effects and pros-
pects of this anticipated change will be found detailed
in the subsequent chapter on the Treatment of
Europeans. Its effect on trade would be to transfer
to the private merchants the commercial products of
a far larger part of the island, while Government

THE PROSPECTS OF JAVA. 331

would still probably send to Holland the produce of
these new tracts which the increasing population
brings into cultivation.

This large self-increase of population, which, as
far as we know, is an entirely new feature in the
European rule of Natives, opens up to Java an in-
definite vista of prosperity. The ever-improving and
extending means of developing the resoiu'ces of her
fertile soil must continue to swell her trade, to
relieve her people from taxation, and to secure peace
and affluence both to Europeans and Natives.
Commerce cannot fail to cany the blessings of civi-
lization and improvement in her train, to knit closer
the present constant and cordial intercourse between
the Christian and ISIussulman inhabitants of Java, and
gradually to produce moral effects of an even more
important and lasting character.

END OF VOL. I.

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