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•!!DYIN  HRiT^OISM 


EDERIKA  MAGDONALD 


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after  two  weeks. 


Date  Due 


JEAN  JACQUES  ROUSSEAU 


From  a  Portrait  (if  Rousseai;  at   JSixiken 

Now  in  the  salon  of  Les  Chaniiettes.     It  has  this  inscription, 
"  Rousseau  adolescent." 

(Portrait  presume  ayant  toujours  existe  dans  la  maison  de  Jean 
Fraiicjois  Favre,  avocat  d'Annecy,  decede  le  7  mars  1855.) 

[Frontispiece  (1). 


Jean  Jacques  Rousseau 

A   NEW   CRITICISM 


BY 


FREDERIKA.  MACDONALD 


'  ILIAD    OF    THE     EAST,'     'tHE    FLOWER    AND    THE    SPIRIT,' 
'studies    in    the     FRANCE    OF    VOLTAIRE    AND    ROUSSEAU,'     ETC. 


*  II  a  deplore,  expi6,  rachetd  ses  fautes.  II  a  cherche  le  vrai,  ador^  le  Bien  ; 
proclam^  le  droit  ;  soufFert  pour  la  justice.  II  a  beaucoup  entrepris  et  beaucoup 
suscit^  ...  la  seconde  moiti6  de  sa  vie  a  ete  d^voue  aux  plus  grandes  causes. 
Qu'on  lui  maintienne  sa  place  dans  le  prytanee  des  mortels  glorieux  ;  et  qu'on  lui 
rouvre  la  porte  de  cette  enceinte,  qui  a  pour  inscription  :  'Aux  grands  ouvriers  de 
I'histoire  la  posterite  reconnaissante.' — Amiel. 

*J'ai  parle  pour  le  bien  des  hommes  : — pour  une  si  grande  cause  qui  refuserait 
jamais  de  soufFrir?' — Jean  Jacques  Rousseau. 

'Jamais  les  discours  d'un  homme  qu'on  croit  parler  centre  sa  pensee  ne  toucheront 
ceux  qui  ont  cette  opinion.  Tous  ceux  qui,  pensant  mal  de  moi,  disent  avoir  profite 
dans  la  vertu  par  la  lecture  de  mes  livres,  mentent,  et  meme  trfes-sottement.  Ce 
sont  ceux-la  qui   sont  vraiment  des  Tartufes.' — J.  J.   Rousseau,   Third  Dialogue, 


VOL.  I 


LONDON 
CHAPMAN    AND    HALL,  Ltd. 

1906 


Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited, 

bread  street  hill,  e.g.,  and 

bungay,  suffolk. 


Waterfall  near  Les  Charmettes.     (Called  after  J.  J.   Rousseau.) 
See  Confessions,  Part  I.  liv.  iv.  for  Rousseau's  deseriiition  of  it. 

(A  better  image  of  a  life  that  brought  refreshment  to  an  arid  age  than  the  stagnant  Pool, 
"affreux,  sombre  et  dormant, 
on  des  reptiles  noirs  fourmillent  vaguement.") 

[Frontispiece  (2). 


TO 

MY   HUSBAND   JOHN   MACDONALD 

i  t) emirate 

THIS   WORK,    WHICH    REPRESENTS   TWENTY   YEARS 
OP   RESEARCH 


J.  J.   Riu's.seau  at  Sixty 

'•Toutes  ces  passions  si;  peignaient  successivement  sur  son 
visage  suivant  que  les  snjets  de  la  conversation  affectai^int 
son  ame  ;  inais  dans  une  situation  calnie  sa  figure  conservait 
une  empreinte  de  toutes  ces  affections,  et  offrait  a  la  fois  je  ne 
sais  quoi  d'aimable,  de  fin,  de  touchant,  de  digne,  de  jiilie,  et 
de  respect." — Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre. 

[Frontispiece  (3). 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 

PAGE 

THE    PURPOSE   AND   THE   METHOD   OP   THIS    NEW   CRITICISM    .  .  1 


PART   I 

THE  ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  OP  THE  QUESTION 
BEFORE  MY   NEW  CRITICISM  COMMENCED 

Two  Theories 

1.  THAT  Rousseau's  disinterested  life  and  virtuous  char- 

acter LENT  authority   TO   HIS   WRITINGS 

2.  THAT  WE  SHOULD   RECOGNIZE   TWO  MEN  IN  HIM  :    A  PROPHETIC 

WRITER,    AND   A   MORAL   CRETIN 

First  Theory. — "  Le  vertueux  Citoyen  de  Geneve  " 
CHAPTER  I 

the  verdict  of  CONTEMPORARIES 11 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  JUDGMENT  OF  THE  BEST  MINDS  ON  THE  CASE  BETWEEN 
ROUSSEAU  AND  THE  ENCYCLOPiEDISTS  IN  THE  GENERATION 
AFTER    HIS    OWN  ........  17 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  OPINION  UPON  HIS  CONFESSIONS  OF  WELL-INFORMED  CRITICS 
IN  THE  EPOCH  WHEN  THE  SECOND  PART  WAS  PUBLISHED, 
COMPARED    WITH   THE   OPINION    OF   LATER   CRITICS  .  .  24 


viii  CONTENTS 

Second   Theory. — **  L'artificieux  Sc^l^rat  Jean  Jacques" 
CHAPTER  IV 

PAGE 

THE  PUBLICATION  OP  grimm's  cohrespondance  litt&raire,  1812, 

AND    OF    MADAME    d'ePINAY's    MEMOIRS,    1818,    INAUGURATED 
THE  CHANGE  OP  OPINION  WHICH  HAS  REVERSED  THE  JUDGMENT 

OP  Rousseau's  contemporaries        .....       35 
CHAPTER  V 

THE  IMPRESSION  PRODUCED  BY  THESE  WORKS,  AND  ESPECIALLY 
BY  THE  MEMOIRS,  ON  LITERARY  CRITICS,  REPRESENTS  THE 
FOUNDATIONS  OF  THE  MODERN  DOCTRINE  OP  ROUSSEAu's 
"  REPULSIVE   PERSONALITY  " 52 


PART   II 

THE  HISTORICAL  INQUIRY.  DOCUMENTARY  PROOFS 
THAT  MADAME  D'EPINAY'S  MEMOIRS  REPRESENT 
AN  INSTRUMENT  OF  THE  PLOT  TO  CREATE  A 
FALSE  REPUTATION  FOR  ROUSSEAU  AND  TO  HAND 
IT   DOWN  TO   POSTERITY. 

The  Printed  Book 
CHAPTER  I 

HISTORICAL  INQUIRY  INTO  THE  ORIGINS  OF  THE  MEMOIRS  AND  INTO 
THE  AUTHORITY  OP  THE  CLAIMS  MADE  FOR  THEM.  THE  FIRST 
EDITION  OF  THE  MEMOIRS  AND  ITS  EDITORS'  ACCOUNT 
OP  THE  WORK.  MUSSET  PATHAY's  CRITICISM,  AND  J.  C. 
BRUNET's  REPLY.  BOITEAU's  EDITION  AND  NOTES.  LITERARY 
CRITICISM  OP  SAINTE-BEUVE  AND  OP  E.  SCHERER.  CLAIMS 
MADE  BY  MM.  PEREY  AND  MAUGRAS  FOR  THE  "  VERACITY " 
OP   THE    MEMOIRS  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .71 

The  Two  Manuscripts 
CHAPTER  II 

THE  MANUSCRIPT  DIVIDED  BETWEEN  THE  ARCHIVES  AND  ARSENAL 
LIBRARIES  IS  MADAME  d'ePINAY's  ORIGINAL  WORK.       IT  SHOWS 


CONTENTS  ix 

PAGE 

THE  SUBSTITUTION  FOR  HER  OWN  STORY  OF  ROUSSEAU  OF  AN 
INTERPOLATED  HISTORY  FABRICATED  IN  A  SERIES  OF  NOTES 
DRAWN  UP  BY  GRIMM  AND  DIDEROT.  (FACSIMILES  OP  NOTES 
AND   OP   INTERPOLATIONS   SHOWN   IN   THE   MANUSCRIPT)  .  84 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  MANUSCRIPT  BELONGING  TO  THE  BIBLIOTHEQUE  HISTORIQUE, 
RUE  DE  SEVIGNE,  THE  ONE  USED  BY  J.  C.  BRUNET.  THE 
PAIR  COPY  OP  THE  ORIGINAL  IMS.  ;  IT  REVEALS  GRIMm's  CARE 
TO  PRESERVE  THE  DOCUMENT  AND  TO  PREPARE  ITS  PUBLICATION 
WHEN  ALL   CONTEMPORARIES   HAD   DISAPPEARED       .  .  .96 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE  MANUSCRIPT  OP  THE  RUE  DE  S^VIGNE  SHOWS  THE  FALSIPICA- 
TION  OP  THE  BOOK  BY  THE  EDITORS  OP  THE  PRINTED 
MEMOIRS;  WITH  THE  PURPOSE  OF  LENDING  IT  THE  CHARACTER 
OP   A   GENUINE   HISTORICAL   WORK 109 


PART   III 

CHAPTER  I 

PLAN  AND  PURPOSE  OP  FALSE  HISTORY  OF  ROUSSEAU  INTER- 
POLATED IN  MADAME  d'ePINAY's  WORK.  THE  MYTHICAL 
JEAN  JACQUES  OP  GRIMM  AND  DIDEROT,  WHOSE  ESSENTIAL 
QUALITY  IS  FALSITY.       DIDEROT's  TABLETTES  AND  THE  LEGEND 

OP  Rousseau's  seven  crimes 123 

CHAPTER  II 

STUDY  OF  HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE  WHICH  THROWS 
NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  LEGEND  OF  ROUSSEAU'S 
CHILDREN 

Evidence  in  the  Registers  op  the  "Enfants  Trouves." — See 
Appendix,  Note  E. 

THE  historical  FACTS  GO  TO  PROVE  HE  HAD  NONE  ;  ROUSSEAu's 
MORAL  CULPABILITY  OR  RESPONSIBILITY  IS    FOR   A   DOCTRINE 


X  CONTENTS 


HE  AFTERWARDS  CAME  TO  RECOGNIZE  WAS  AN  ERROR.  HE 
WAS  NOT  GUILTY  EVEN  IN  INTENTION  OF  CRUELTY  IN  EXPOSING 
ANY  INFANT  ;  OF  TYRANNY  OR  INJUSTICE  IN  FORCING  THER^SE 
TO  RENOUNCE  HER  CHILDREN  ;  OF  HYPOCRISY  IN  PROFESSING 
ONE   DOCTRINE   AND   PRACTISING   ANOTHER    ....       140 


PART   IV 

THE   LEGEND  OF  ROUSSEAU'S  SEVEN   CRIMES 

I. — Rousseau's  alleged  Crimes  against  Madame  d'Epinay 

CHAPTER  I 

KOUSSEAU'S  friendship  FOR  MADAME  d'ePINAY.  HER  PREPARA- 
TION OP  THE  HERMITAGE  AN  ACT  OP  FRIENDSHIP,  NOT  A 
BENEFIT.  PROOF  THAT  THE  STORY  AS  IT  STANDS  IN  THE 
MEMOIRS  WAS  ARRANGED  TO  PIT  IN  WITH  DIDEROt'S  AND 
GRIMm's  ACCOUNTS.  PROOF  THAT  ROUSSEAU  WAS  MADAME 
D'ePINAY'S   FRIEND    AND    NOT    HER   PBOTioE  .  .  .185 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  FIRST  YEAR  AT  THE  HERMITAGE.  MADAME  d'ePINAy's 
SYMPATHY  WITH  ROUSSEAU;  HIS  CONFIDENCE  IN  HER;  HIS 
CODE  OF  FRIENDSHIP.  THE  LEGENDARY  RENE  AND  THE  FALSE 
HISTORY   OP   HIS   SOPHISTRIES   AND    IMPOSTURES    .  .  .221 

CHAPTER  III 

MADAME  d'hOUDETOT  INTERVENES.  THE  FIRST  QUARREL.  THE 
"ANONYMOUS  LETTER  TO  SAINT-LAMBERT."  THE  STORY  OF 
IT   RELATED   IN   THE   MEMOIRS   AN   INTERPOLATED   INCIDENT    .       240 

CHAPTER  IV 

MADAME  d'ePINAy's  ATTEMPT  TO  BRING  ABOUT  A  RECONCILIATION 
BETWEEN  GRIMM  AND  ROUSSEAU  DIFFERENTLY  RELATED  IN 
THE    CONFESSIONS   AND    IN    THE    MEMOIRS         ....       261 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  V 

PAGE 

THE  JOURNEY  TO  GENEVA  AND  THE  LETTER  THAT  WAS  "A 
PRODIGY  OP  INGRATITUDE  '  EXAMINED  IN  CONNECTION  WITH 
THE  DIFFERENT  ACCOUNTS  GIVEN  IN  THE  CONFESSIONS  AND 
IN   THE   MEMOIRS 270 


APPENDIX 

Note  A.  interpretations  of  rousseau's  works  by  psycho- 
logical METHODS  ......      301 

A  A.    testimony   OF    IMPARTIAL   CONTEMPORARIES  .  .       304 

B.  LIBELS    PUBLISHED   IMMEDIATELY    AFTER   HIS   DEATH     .       320 

C.  HOLBACH's  account  OF  THE  RUPTURE  OF  HIS  INTIMACY 


WITH    ROUSSEAU 


E.    THE    REGISTERS    OF    THE    ENFANTS     TROUVllS,       JOSEPH 
CATHERINE  ROUSSEAU 


364 


CO.    LA    HARPE's    LIBELS   .......       366 

D.  MANUSCRIPTS  AND  DIFFERENT  NOTES  CONNECTED  WITH 
THEM.  DOUBLE  CAHIBRS.  ALTERATIONS  MADE  BY 
EDITORS    OF    PRINTED    BOOK.       ARSENAL    NOTES  .       368 


415 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


J.    J.    ROUSSEAU    AT    SIXTEEN.       THE    MOUNTAIN    TORRENT    (a 
BETTER  IMAGE   OP   HIS    LIFE  THAN  THE  STAGNANT  POOL). 

j.  j.  rousseau  at  sixty 

seven  facsimiles  of  pages  from  the  ms.  of  the  memoirs  : 

1.  specimen  of  handwriting    no.    1    (of    original 

narrative) 

2.  ,,  ,,  „  NO.    2    (of    THE    FALSI- 

FIED story) 

3.  „  ,,  „  NO.  1  ALTERED  BY  NO.  2 
4 

5.  „  „  „  NO.  2  AN  INTERPOLATED 

PASSAGE 

6.  „      „        „      AN  INTERPOLATED  LIBEL 

7.  „      „        ,,      AN  INTERPOLATED  RE- 

FERENCE TO  THE  LETTER 

TO  d'alembert 

8.  SPECIMEN  OF  NOTES,  WITH  ONE  IN  DIDEROT's  HNADWRITING 

9.  „  „        „         GIVING   -^  DIRECTIONS      TO      RE-WRITE 
HISTORY   OF   RENE 

LBS    CHARMETTES         .... 
MADAME   DE   WARENS'   SALON 
MADAME    DE    WARENS    AT    TWENTY-EIGHT 
MADAME   D'HOUDETOT 


Frontispiece 
To  face  ji- 


86,  87 


92,  93 

94,  95 
125 
200 
212 
251 


JEAN  JACQUES    ROUSSEAU 

A    NEW    CRITICISM 

INTRODUCTION 

THE   PURPOSE   OF   THIS   NEW   CRITICISM 

What  is  the  purpose  of  this  new  criticism  of  J.  J, 
Rousseau  ?  And  at  this  time  of  day,  what  is  my  excuse 
for  supposing  that  it  can  interest  modern  readers  ? 

The  purpose  is  to  establish  by  newly- discovered 
historical  evidence  a  fact  which,  presented  as  a  theory, 
has  been  pronounced  too  improbable  to  deserve  serious 
consideration — the  fact,  viz.  that,  as  the  result  of  a 
conspiracy  between  two  men  of  letters,  who  were  his 
contemporaries,  an  entirely  false  reputation  of  Rousseau 
has  been  handed  down  to  us.  Condemned  by  the  voice 
of  public  opinion  in  his  own  day,  and  by  the  decision 
of  the  best  minds  in  the  generation  after  his  own,  this 
false  reputation  gained  acceptance  in  an  epoch  when  the 
last  of  Rousseau's  contemporaries  had  disappeared. 
And  it  now  serves  as  the  foundation  of  the  accepted 
doctrine  of  his  repulsive  personality,  adopted  by  his 
best  known  French  and  English  biographers. 

But  if  even  the  fact  be  as  I  have  stated  it,  does  it 
constitute  a  valid  excuse  for  this  new  criticism  ?  At 
the  commencement  of  the  twentieth  century,  have  not 
all  discussions  about  Rousseau's  personality  become 
profoundly    indifferent    to    us  1      The   author    of    the 

VOL.  I,  1 


2     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Contrat  Social  and  of  Emile,  if  he  survive  at  all,  lives 
in  his  books.  And  the  worth,  or  worthlessness  of  these 
books,  tried  by  their  competency  to  meet  modern 
spiritual  needs,  remains  the  same,  whether  the  man 
who  wrote  them  had,  in  his  generation,  a  virtuous  or 
a  repulsive  character. 

When  replying  to  these  objections,  I  shall  not  attempt 
to  impose  my  own  conviction  upon  my  readers.  I  will 
merely  state  it,  and  find  my  valid  excuse  on  less 
debatable  grounds.  To  me,  then,  it  seems  that  the 
personal  character  of  a  great  writer  who  in  a  momentous 
epoch  was  a  leader  of  souls,  can  never  be  indifferent  to 
"US.  Such  a  writer,  in  so  far  as  he  has  helped  to  form 
the  mind  that  lives  in  us,  is,  as  Emerson  has  finely  said, 
"  More  ourselves  than  we  are."  When  he  falls  short 
morally,  our  ideal  interests  suffer.  And  what  is  best 
in  us,  what  is  *'more  ourselves  than  we  are,"  gains 
power,  when  the  fame  of  such  a  leader  of  souls  is 
cleansed  from  unjust  reproach. 

But,  in  this  case,  as  I  have  said,  I  may  leave  my  own 
convictions  out  of  the  argument.  I  can  find  a  sufficient 
excuse  and  reason  for  a  new  criticism  of  Rousseau  in  the 
actual  conditions  of  modern  opinions  about  the  man, 
and  about  his  books. 

These  conditions  do  not  show  that  Rousseau's  person- 
ality has  ceased  to  interest  modern  critics ;  or  that 
people  read  the  Contrat  Social  and  Emilc  to-day  with 
disinterested  forgetfulness  of  all  theories  about  the 
private  character  of  the  man  who  wrote  them. 

What  these  conditions  of  opinion  do  show  is,  that 
Rousseau's  personality  is  made  extremely  interesting  to 
psychological  and  pathological  critics,  by  the  theory 
that  a  writer  whose  distinction  was  "  depth  and  fervour 
of  the  moral  sentiment,  bringing  with  it  the  indefinable 
gift  of  touching  many  hearts  with  love  of  virtue  and 
the  things  of  the  spirit "  ^  was  himself  a  moral  cretin. 
This  theory  renders  Rousseau's  personality  valuable  to 
1  See  Life  of  Rousseau  by  Mr.  John  Morley,  vol.  i.  p.  3,  4. 


INTRODUCTION  3 

supporters  of  the  doctrine  (essentially  modern,  as  every- 
one will  admit)  that  a  corrupt  tree  brings  forth  the 
choicest  fruit,  and  that  only  a  hair  divides  genius 
from  insanity.  It  also  determines  the  method  of 
criticizing  the  author  of  the  Contrat  Social  by  jDsycho- 
logical,  instead  of  by  historical  methods.  And  that  this 
theory  of  his  personality  serves  as  the  foundation  of  the 
criticism  of  Rousseau's  life  and  doctrines  accepted  as 
authoritative  by  the  vast  majority  of  English  readers 
at  the  present  hour,  is  proved  by  the  verse  of  Victor 
Hugo's  which  Mr.  John  Morley  prints  on  his  title  page, 
as  an  appropriate  text  and  clue  to  his  study  of  Rousseau. 

"Comme  dans  les  etangs,  assoupis  sous  les  bois 
Dans  plus  d'une  Time,  on  voit  deux  choses  a  la  fois  : 
Le  ciel,  qui  teint  les  eaux,  a  peine  remuees, 
Avec  tous  ses  rayons,  et  toutes  ses  nuees; 
Et  la  vase,  fond  morne,  affreux,  sombre,  et  dormant, 
Ou  des  reptiles  noirs,  fourmillent  vaguement."  ^ 

In  other  words,  the  starting-point,  and  raisoyi  d'etre, 
of  the  accepted  method  of  criticizing  Rousseau  is  the 
extraordinary  problem  his  genius  and  his  repulsive 
personality  are  supposed  to  otier  psychologists.  And  if 
this  problem  have  no  existence,  if  there  were  no  reptiles 
swarming  in  Rousseau's  under-nature,  then  this  criticism 
is  unsatisfactory  ;  because  a  method  that  starts  with 
wrong  assumptions  will  not  reach  right  conclusions. 

On  the  other  hand,  with  regard  to  the  study  of  his 
books,  and  a  just  and  clear  understanding  of  his 
doctrines  and  influences,  these  conditions  of  modern 
opinion  show  that  the  theory  of  his  abominable 
private  life,  and  detestable  personal  character,  leads  to 

^  "  As  in  still  pools,  beneath  the  forest  green. 
In  many  a  soul,  two  things  at  once  are  seen : 
The  sky  reflected,  beauteous  to  behold, 
In  sunlit  radiance,  and  clouds  touch'd  with  gold, — 
And  sullen  depths,  of  stagnant  water,  sleeping 
Where,  swarming  in  black  slime,  reptiles  are  vaguely  creeping." 

(Free  translation.) 


4     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

the  neglect  of  his  works  by  people  formed  to  derive 
profit  from  them  ;  earnest  and  sincere  minds,  who  do 
not  count  it  worth  while  to  weigh  seriously  the  social 
theories,  or  the  philosophy  of  life,  of  a  moral  cretin. 
And  further,  they  show  that  this  theory  leads  also  to 
a  special  criticism  of  his  books  as  well  as  of  his  life  by 
psychological  biographers,  who  seek  in  them,  not  the 
author's  openly-expressed  ideas  and  convictions,  but  the 
underlying  fallacies,  veiled  sophistries,  and  extravagant 
absurdities  of  an  unbalanced  mind,  constantly,  so  it  is 
assumed,  in  contradiction  with  itself.  And  these  subtle 
interpretations  of  books  that,  read  as  they  are  written, 
present  no  contradictions  or  difficulties,  create  confusion 
in  the  minds  of  readers  incessantly  warned  that  they 
must  not  accept  the  statements  made  as  a  plain 
exposition  of  the  author's  convictions  ;  ^  and  as  a  final 
result  do  leave  "  in  a  cloud  of  blank  incomprehensible- 
ness"  the  teachings,  as  well  as  the  personality,  of  one 
of  the  most  lucid  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
of  writers. 

So  that,  accepting  the  proposition  that  Rousseau 
survives  to-day  in  his  books,  and  that  our  chief  concern 
is  with  the  serviceableness,  or  unserviceableness,  of  his 
social  doctrines  and  philosophy  of  life,  my  contention 
is  that  a  new  criticism  of  him  is  required,  where  the 
first  step  must  be  the  revision  of  the  doctrine  that  he 
was  a  moral  cretin,  because,  as  it  stands,  this  doctrine, 
when  it  does  not  lead  to  the  complete  neglect  of  his 
works,  lends  authority  to  a  false  method  of  criticizing 
them. 

But,  I  shall  again  be  asked,  in  view  of  the  adverse 
judgment  pronounced  upon  Rousseau  by  his  best  known 
French  and  English  biographers,  Saint-Marc  Girardin 
and  Mr.  John  Morley,  and  of  the  authoritative  opinion 
expressed  by  such  distinguished  men  of  letters  as 
Sainte-Beuve,  E.   Scherer,  M.   Maurice  Tourneux,   and 

1  See  Morley's  Rousseau,  vol.  ii. :  Criticism  on  the  Contrat 
Social,  pp.  127,  143,  155,  180,  195.— See  Appendix,  Note  A. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

their  modern  continuators  in  this  field  of  criticism, 
is  there  not  something  that  savours  of  presumption 
in  my  effort  to  re-open  a  question  these  eminent  judges 
pronounce  settled  ?  "  Rousseau! s  repulsive  and  equi- 
vocal personality  has  deservedly  " — so  Mr.  John  Morley 
affirms — '^  fared  ill  in  the  esteem  of  the  saner  and  moi^e 
rational  of  those  who  have  judged  him."^  How  can 
I  suppose  that  any  fresh  arguments  I  may  bring  will 
disturb  the  confidence  felt  by  modern  readers  in  the 
conclusions  reached  by  these  authorities  ? 

Here,  too,  I  have  to  make  my  own  position  plain. 

I  do  not  expect,  nor  ask,  that  any  arguments  or 
impressions  of  mine  should  be  weighed  against  the 
impressions  and  arguments  of  the  many  accomplished 
literary  critics  in  whose  esteem  Rousseau's  personality 
has  (deservedly  or  undeservedly)  fared  extremely  ill. 
My  contention  is  that  whereas  this  question  has  been 
decided  heretofore  by  arguments,  it  is  one  that  can  only 
be  finally  settled  by  historical  evidence.  And  my  claim 
is  that,  as  a  result  of  the  discovery  and  comparative 
study  of  previously  unexplored  documents,  I  am  able 
to  bring  to  its  final  solution  incontrovertible  proofs  that 
the  doctrine  of  Rousseau's  private  life  and  personal 
character  accepted  by  his  leading  French  and  English 
critics  at  the  present  hour,  has  for  its  foundation  an 
audacious  historical  fraud. 

To  establish  a  claim  of  this  sort,  I  must  of  course 
prove  the  authenticity  and  importance  of  the  docu- 
mentary evidence  that  puts  out  of  court  the  most 
subtle  arguments.  But  first  of  all,  in  connection  with 
the  weight  attributed  to  these  arguments,  it  is  necessary 
to  establish  also  that,  even  taking  the  question  as  it 
stands,  the  situation  is  7iot  correctly  summed  up  in  Mr. 
John  Morley's  sentence. 

For  who  are  the  most  sane  and  rational  judges  in  this 
particular  case  ?  If  by  this  phrase  he  intended  the 
best  informed  and  most  competent  of  Rousseau's 
^  Rousseau,  vol.  i.  p.  5. 


6     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

critics,  ought  we  to  look  for  them  amongst  modern 
men  of  letters  who,  by  their  own  admission,  have  not 
made  it  their  task  to  obtain  a  precise  knowledge  of 
facts  that  have  become  ghostly  to  them,  a  puzzle  that 
can  now  never  be  found  out,  or  (in  their  estimation)  be 
worth  findino  out  ?  ^  Should  we  not  rather  seek  these 
most  sane  and  rational  judges  amongst  critics  equally 
distinguished  by  mental  superiority,  who  judged  con- 
tradictory assertions  and  facts  in  dispute,  in  the  light 
of  their  own  recollections  and  of  the  testimony  of  still 
living  witnesses  ? 

Accepting  this  position,  we  must  not  allow  the 
authoritative  tone  adopted  by  some  modern  upholders 
of  the  doctrine  that  there  were  two  men  in  Rousseau — 
an  eloquent  writer  "  with  the  gift  of  touching  many 
hearts  with  love  of  virtue  and  the  things  of  the  spirit," 
and  a  man  whose  vile  character  "  made  his  life  a  scandal 
to  others  and  a  misery  to  himself"^ — to  conceal  from  us 
the  fact  that  there  exists  an  exactly  opposite  doctrine 
to  this — viz.  that  Rousseau's  private  life  was  an  example, 
in  an  artificial  age,  of  sincerity,  independence,  simplicity, 
and  disinterested  devotion  to  great  principles  ;  and  that 
his  virtuous  character  and  impressive  personality  lent 
authority  to  his  writings. 

Nor  between  these  two  doctrines  can  we  accept  as 
correct  the  assumption  that  the  first  theory  (of 
Rousseau's  double  nature)  is  held  by  all  jmtient  students 
of  his  life,  and  that  the  second  theory  (of  his  virtuous 
character  as  the  source  of  his  genius)  is  held  only  by 
"fanatics."  So  far  is  this  from  being  true  that,  if  we 
take  the  trouble  of  separating  into  two  classes  the 
different  critics  by  whom  "Jean  Jacques"  (as  Carlyle 
expressed  it)  "  was  alternately  deified  and  cast  to  the 
dogs,"  we  shall  find  all  students  of  the  facts  in  the  first 
class,  amongst  admirers  of  Rousseau ;  and  all  fanatics, 
in  the  sense  of  the  despisers  of  evidence  and  the  holders 

1  Morley's  Roiisseau,  vol.  i.  p.  278. 
^  Rousseau,  vol.  ii.  p,  300. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

fast  by  a  faith  they  refuse  to  verify,  amongst  the  casters 
of  Jean  Jacques  to  the  dogs. 

The  first  step  in  our  historical  inquiry  must  then  be 
to  establish  the  actual  conditions  of  the  question,  before 
our  own  new  criticism  commences.  And  to  this  end, 
let  us  examine  how  much  truth  belongs  to  the 
assumption  that  the  doctrine  of  Rousseau's  detestable 
private  character  is  supported  (1)  by  the  verdict  passed 
upon  him  by  his  contemporaries,  (2)  by  the  decision  of 
his  best  informed  and  most  competent  critics,  (3)  by 
the  judgment  passed  upon  his  Co7ifessions  by  the  best 
minds  in  an  epoch  when  the  events  and  personages 
dealt  with  were  still  kept  in  remembrance  ;  and  when 
the  book  was  tried  by  the  literary  and  moral  standards 
of  the  time  when  it  was  written. 


PART   I 

THE  ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  OF  THE  QUESTION 

{BEFORE  MY  NEW  CRITICISM  COMMENCED) 

TWO  THEORIES 

1.  That  Rousseau's   Disinterested  Life  and   Virtuous    Char- 

acter LENT  Authority  to  his  Writings. 

2.  That  His   Vile    Outer   Life    and    Repulsive    Personality 

Leave  the  Social  Prophet  in  a  "  Cloud  op  Black 
Incomprehensibleness  "  unless  he  be  Criticized  by 
Psychological  Methods. 

"All  the  faculties  of  his  mind,  his  morals,  his  writings,  bear  the  stamp  of  his 
character.  There  was  never  a  man  so  consistently  true  to  his  principles  as 
Kousseau." — Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre. 

"  Why  not  admit  once  and  for  all  that  there  were  two  men  in  Koiisseau — the  writer, 
the  thinker  to  whom  every  one  does  justice  ;  and  then  the  man,  whose  frightful 
character  is  undeniable." — L.  I'erey  and  Gaston  Maugras. 

The  first  theory  has  the  support  of  the  verdict  passed  upon  Rousseau  by  his 
contemporaries,  and  of  the  best  minds  who  judged  him  in  the  generation  after  his 
own. 

The  second  theory  is  accepted  by  modern  critics,  who  base  their  judgment  on  the 
testimony  of  Madame  d'Epiuay  in  her  Memoirs,  and  of  Grimm  in  the  Literary 
Correspondence. 


THE    FIRST   THEORY 

"Le  vertueux  Citoyen  cle  Geneve" 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   VERDICT    PRONOUNCED     UPON    J.     J.    ROUSSEAU 's    CASE 
BY    HIS    CONTEMPORARIES 

What  was  the  judgment  passed  upon  J.  J.  Rousseau's 
personal  character  by  the  voice  of  public  opinion  in 
his  own  day  ;  and  by  spectators  of  his  daily  life,  and 
listeners  to  his  familiar  conversation,  who  have  reported, 
without  prejudice  or  favour,  the  impression  he  made 
upon  them  ? 

The  popular  judgment  pronounced  upon  him  stands 
recorded  in  a  most  unmistakable  manner  in  all 
contemporary  documents  that  did  not  owe  their  origin 
to  his  personal  enemies,  the  Encyclopsedists.  Thus,  in 
the  same  infallible  way  tliat,  in  these  documents,  the 
phrase  "this  great  man,"  "  ee  grand  Iwrnme','  follows 
the  name  of  Voltaire,  the  term  "virtuous,"  "Ze  vertueitx,'' 
precedes  the  name  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau. 

But  the  public  who  described  him  as  "  the  virtuous 
citizen  of  Geneva,"  "the  virtuous  Jean  Jacques,"  "the 
virtuous  Rousseau,"  it  will  ])e  said,  knew  him  through 
his  writings.  What  was  the  opinion  of  those  impartial 
witnesses  amongst  his  contemporaries  who  enjoyed  the 
best  opportunities  of  studying  his  personal  tastes,  temper, 
and  habits,  in  his  daily  life  ? 

To  decide  this  question,  and  to  discover  whether  the 
impartial  testimony  of  his  contemporaries  confirms  the 
doctrine  of  his  repulsive  and  equivocal  personality,  we 
must  not  follow  the  example  of  writers  who,  like  the 


12     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

authors  of  those  two  widely-read  volumes  La  Jeunesse 
and  Les  Dernier es  Annees  de  Madame  d'Epinay,  look 
for  this  contemporary  judgment  amongst  the  very  men 
whom  the  author  of  the  Confessions  accused  as  associates 
in  a  plot  to  create  for  him  an  entirely  false  reputation. 

Thus  MM.  Lucien  Percy  and  Gaston  Maugras,  when 
they  have  quoted  Sainte-Beuve,  Saint-Marc  Girardin, 
and  E.  Scherer,  as  modern  supporters  of  the  theory  that 
the  author  of  the  Contrat  Social  was  a  "liar,"  an 
"  impostor,"  and  the  base  "  calumniator  of  benefactors 
who  had  overwhelmed  him  with  touching  kindnesses," 
conclude  in  this  fashion  : — 

"  Here,  then,  we  have  the  judgment  pronounced  by 
three  masters  in  modern  criticism,  upon  the  disputed 
case  between  Rousseau  and  his  benefactress.^  To  obtain 
its  conjlrmation  by  contemjioraries  tve  might  quote  a 
thousand  ]jassages  from  Voltaire,  from^  Diderot,  from, 
d^ Alembert,  from  Hume,  from  Tronchin  which  would 
testify  to  our  impartiality,  for  we  have  been  accused  of 
too  much  indulgence  for  Madame  d'Epinay  and  Grimm ; 
and  of  a  prejudice  against  Rousseau.  But  after  the 
authorities  we  have  quoted,  it  does  seem  to  us  that  a 
time  has  come  when  one  might  make  an  end  of  this 
eternal  discussion  about  Rousseau.  Why  not  admit, 
once  for  all,  that  there  were  two  men  in  him  :  the 
writer,  the  thinker,  to  whom  everyone  renders  justice — 
and  the  private  man  whose  frightful  character  one  can- 
not but  recognize  ? " 

The  selection  of  contemporary  witnesses  made  by 
MM.  Percy  and  Maugras  does  not  testify  to  their 
impartiality.  It  convicts  them  of  the  singularly  unjust 
method  of  instituting  as  judges  in  this  case  Rousseau's 
private  enemies — in  other  words,  the  very  men  who, 
taken  together,  represent  one  of  the  parties  to  the  suit. 

But  if  we  reject  the  evidence  of  Rousseau's  so-called 
"old  friends,"  who  (as  a  result,  it  is  alleged,  of  his  bad 
behaviour  to  them)  became  later  on  his  accusers  and 
^  Madame  d'Epinay. 


J.   J.    ROUSSEAU'S   CASE  13 

enemies,  do  we  not  deprive  ourselves  of  the  testimony  of 
precisely  those  contemporaries  who  knew  him  best,  and 
who  had  enjoyed  opportunities  possessed  by  no  one  else 
of  observing  his  daily  life  ? 

Here  is  an  assumption  often  taken  for  granted,  but  it 
is  one  that  investigation  shows  to  be  entirely  unsound. 

The  name  of  Rousseau's  "old  friends,"  generally 
adopted  by  Rousseau's  calumniators,  belonged  at  the 
most  to  three  persons  amongst  them — to  Madame 
d'Epinay,  Diderot  and  Grimm.  Madame  d'Epinay's 
friendship  for  Rousseau  lasted  ten  years,  and  it  will 
later  on  be  established  that  her  judgment  voluntarily 
pronounced  upon  her  old  friend  Jean  Jacques  was  not 
the  one  found  to-day  in  her  Memoii's.  Diderot's  friend- 
ship for  Rousseau  commenced  in  1741,  and  for  eleven 
years  of  the  seventeen  that  passed  before  their  open 
quarrel,  he  showed  himself  sincerely  attached  to  the 
man  he  afterwards  denounced  as  a  monster  and  an 
artificial  scoundrel.  This  intimacy  of  eleven  years  is 
not  honourable  to  Diderot,  if  the  man  he  made  his 
chosen  companion  deserved  the  epithets  bestowed  upon 
him.  As  for  Grimm's  claim  to  speak  wdth  authority 
about  Rousseau's  faults  in  the  character  of  an  "  old 
friend,"  this  "old"  friendship  dated  from  1749,  when 
Grimm  came  to  Paris  as  reader  in  the  household  of  the 
young  hereditary  Prince  of  Saxe  Gotha,  and  when 
Rousseau,  already  famous,  took  the  friendless  young 
German  by  the  hand,  and  introduced  him  to  Diderot, 
to  the  Baron  d'Holbach,  and  to  Madame  d'Epinay. 
Grimm's  friendship  towards  the  man  to  whom  he  owed 
these  introductions  lasted  until  he  had  established  his 
position  securely  amongst  the  acquaintances  thus  given 
him.  In  1754,  as  a  power  in  the  society  of  the  Baron 
d'Holbach,  and  the  preferred  friend  of  Diderot,  he  had 
become  superciliously  disdainful  of  Rousseau.  In  1756, 
as  the  accepted  lover  of  Madame  d'Epinay,  he  had 
become  rancorously  antagonistic  to  her  old  friend  Jean 
Jacques.     By  1758  he  had  succeeded  in  alienating  from 


14     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Rousseau  all  the  friends  lie  had  received  from  him. 
Here  then  was  Grimm's  authority  as  an  interpreter  of 
the  true  Rousseau. 

A  number  of  Rousseau's  contemporaries,  who  had  no 
motive  for  painting  him  other  than  they  knew  him  to 
be,  enjoyed    quite   as   good    opportunities   as   Diderot, 
Grimm,    Madame    d'Epinay,    and    David    Hume,^    for 
studying   him    in    his    daily   life ;    and    much    better 
opportunities   than   were   ever   possessed    by  Voltaire, 
Tronchin,   or  d'Alembert,  or,  for  that  matter,  by   the 
Baron    d'Holbach,    by   Marmontel,    or   by   La    Harpe, 
none  of  whom  had  ever  lived   on  terms    of  friendly 
intimacy  with  Rousseau.     The  name  of   "  old  friend  " 
belonged  much  more  correctly  to  Deleyre,  who  remained 
constantly  attached  to  Rousseau  for  twenty-five  years  ; 
to  Dapeyrou,  who  was  on  affectionate  and  confidential 
terms   with    him    for    sixteen    years;    to    the    Count 
d'Eschernay,    who   was   his   near   neighbour,    and    the 
companion    of    his    botanizing   excursions    during   his 
residence  at  Motiers  Travers ;  to  Bernardin  de  Saint- 
Pierre,  whose    sympathetic    friendship   was    Rousseau's 
chief  solace  during  the  eight  years  of  his  last  residence 
in  Paris  ;  to  Corancez,  who  by  his  own  statement  "  saw 
Rousseau  constantly  and  without  interruption,  during 
the  last  ten  years  of  his  life."     All  these  writers  have 
left  full   and   detailed  accounts  of  the  impression   he 
made  upon   them  ;  and   of  his  personal  tastes,  habits, 
temper    and     character.^      Comparing    these    separate 
portraits  together,  we  find  they  all  agree  in  attributing 
to   the   Rousseau   they  knew   not    a   repulsive,  but   a 
singularly  lovable,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an  imi^ressive, 
personality,    distinguished    by   the   very   qualities    one 
would  expect  to  discover  in  the  author  of  his  works — 
simplicity  and  nobility,  affectionateness,  and  an  amiable 
readiness  to  enter  into  and  enjoy  the  small  pleasures  of 

^  Hume,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  only  on  speaking  terms  with 
Rousseau  for  three  months,  from  December  1765  to  Mai-ch  1766. 
-  See  Appendix,  Note  A  A,  vol.  i.  p.  304. 


J.    J.    ROUSSEAU'S    CASE  15 

life,  and  to  sympathize  with  and  share  the  interests  of 
all  sorts  and  manners  of  men  and  women,  upon  the 
condition  that  they  approached  him  with  frankness  and 
confidence  ;  but  with  these  gentle  qualities,  some  sterner 
ones — impatience  of  routine  and  of  conventional 
restraints,  and  of  any  endeavour  to  bring  him  under 
their  yoke  ;  and,  especially,  uncompromising  severity 
for  all  forms,  and  amongst  them  more  than  any  other, 
for  the  benevolent  form,  of  deceit.^ 

But  what  about  the  opposite  picture  of  him,  given 
by  the  Encyclopa3dists  ?  Are  we  free  to  reject  as  a 
gratuitous  libel,  the  portrait  of  Jean  Jacques  painted 
by  Grimm,  by  Diderot,  and  by  Madame  d'Epinay ; 
where  the  prophet  of  sincerity  to  others  appears  as  an 
impostor,  devoured  by  insane  vanity  and  love  of 
notoriety  ;  a  sophist,  who  does  not  wish  to  enlighten, 
but  merely  to  dazzle,  his  readers ;  an  egoist ;  an  iugrate ; 
a  morbid  misanthrope  ;  and  the  base  calumniator  of  his 
benefactors  ? 

We  shall  be  better  able  to  answer  this  question  later 
on.  But,  in  connection  with  the  verdict  passed  upon 
Rousseau  by  his  contemporaries,  we  are  bound  to 
recognize  that  this  portrait  of  him  in  the  character  of 
an  artificial  scoundrel,  ivas  never  openly  published 
during  his  life-time,  as  the  achnoivledged  op)inion  and 
account  of  him  given  by  his  ''  old  friends"  ;  but  that 
it  tvas  circidated  by  secret  methods,  in  anonymous 
pamjohlets  and  in  secret  manuscrip)t  jouryials,  and 
tJiat  the  men  ivho  carried  on  these  attacks,  op)enly 
professed  to  believe  Jean  Jacques  insane  because  he 
suspected  them  of  being  his  hidden  persecutors. 

So  that  this  description  does  not  represent  a  con- 
temporary judgment  passed  upon  him.  What  is  more, 
it  does  not  represent  a  doctrine  that  amongst  his 
contemporaries  obtained  supporters  and  advocates  outside 

^  See  Note  A  A  for  Eousseau's  reply  to  d'Eschernay :  "  Sir,  I  do  not 
like  to  be  deceived  even  when  the  intention  is  to  serve  me,"  vol.  i. 
p.  310. 


i6     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

of  the  immediate  circle  of  the  Encyclopaedists.  And 
this  is  the  more  remarkable  when  we  recollect  the 
exceptional  opportunities  for  secretly  sowing  libels 
against  their  "  old  friend "  Jean  Jacques,  broadcast, 
possessed  by  its  two  most  active  promulgators : — by 
Diderot,  who  as  director  of  the  Eywyclopcedia  employed 
and  could  command  to  serve  his  views,  all  the  pens 
most  active  in  anonymous  journalism  throughout 
France ;  and  by  Grimm,  who  as  editor  of  the  Cor?^e- 
spondance  Litteraire,  exercised  a  strong  hidden  control 
over  opinions  in  cultivated  circles  in  all  the  courts  of 
Europe.  Notwithstanding  the  talents  and  influence  of 
both  these  men,  their  known  animosity  to  Rousseau, 
and  the  baseness  of  their  methods  of  attacking  him  in 
a  way  that  gave  him  no  chance  of  defending  himself, 
so  discredited  their  evidence,  that  the  legend  of  his 
abominable  character,  industriously  circulated  by  them, 
gained  no  serious  belief  until  the  whole  generation 
which  had  known  both  the  original  hero  and  the 
originators  of  the  legend,  had  passed  away. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   JUDGMENT    PASSED    UPON    ROUSSEAU    IN    THE 
GENERATION    AFTER    HIS    OWN 

So  mucli  then  for  the  judgment  passed  upon  Rousseau 
by  his  contemporaries.  We  have  now  to  see  what  was 
the  verdict  pronounced  upon  the  case  between  himself 
and  the  Encyclopaedists  by  the  best  minds  in  the 
generation  after  his  own. 

There  are  excellent  reasons  why,  if  we  really  wish  to 
acquaint  ourselves  with  the  decision  arrived  at  by  the 
"  saner  and  more  rational  of  those  who  have  judged 
him,"  we  should  look  for  the  authoritative  critics  of 
Rousseau  in  this  epoch. 

It  does  not  admit  of  denial  that  if  we  recognize  an 
equality  of  intellectual  and  critical  endowments  between 
judges  in  this  epoch  and  in  our  time,  the  historical 
position  of  the  earlier  judges  lends  necessarily  more 
authority  to  their  decisions  than  to  those  arrived  at  by 
men  of  letters  who,  at  a  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred 
years  from  the  person  and  events  connected  with  this 
case,  base  their  conclusions  upon  arguments  about  what 
it  seems  most  reasonable  to  suppose  true  ;  and  not 
upon  a  knowledge  of  facts  "  become,"  as  Mr.  Morley 
affirms,  "ghostly  to  us." 

Looking  back  to  judges  for  whom  the  true  facts  of 
Rousseau's  life,  and  of  the  behaviour  towards  him  of  his 
enemies,  had  not  become  ghostly,  I  shall  not  be  accused 
of  depreciating  the  intellectual  rank  of  the  three  masters 
of  modern  criticism  quoted  by  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras, 
if  I  class  with  them  four  earlier  master  critics,  whose 
historical  position  gave  them  advantages  not  possessed 
by  Sainte-Beuve,  by  Saint-Marc  Girardin,  by  E.  Scherer, 

VOL.  I.  17  2 


i8     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

or  by  Mr.  John  Morley ;  and  whose  decision,  con- 
sequently, in  this  particular  case,  must  be  recognized  as 
having  greater  authority.  These  representative  critics, 
whose  unanimous  opinion,  arrived  at  from  different 
standpoints,  may  surely  be  described  as  the  sentence 
upon  Rousseau  pronounced  by  "  the  saner  and  more 
rational  of  those  who  have  judged  him,"  are  Mirabeau, 
the  politician  of  genius ;  Madame  de  Stael,  the  accom- 
plished woman  of  the  world  as  well  as  of  letters  ; 
Emanuel  Kant,  the  philosophic  critic ;  and  Schiller,  the 
ideal  poet. 

Miraheau's  judgment.  Before  acquainting  ourselves 
with  Mirabeau's  estimate  of  the  personal  character  of  the 
author  of  the  Contrat  Social,  let  us  see  what  circum- 
stances lend  more  authority  to  his  decision  than  belongs 
to  the  convictions  and  impressions  of  a  literary  critic 
who,  like  Sainte-Beuve,  gives  it  as  his  "opinion"  that 
the  author  of  the  Confessions  was  a  liar. 

Gabriel  Honore  Mirabeau  was  born  in  1749  ;  in  other 
words,  he  entered  life  in  the  same  year  when,  at  thirty- 
seven  years  of  age,  the  author  of  the  Discourse  upon  the 
Influences  upon  Morality  of  the  Arts  and  Sciences 
commenced  his  career  as  a  social  prophet.  Gabriel 
Honore  was  ten  years  of  age,  and  old  enough  and  bright 
enough,  we  may  be  sure,  to  attend  to  the  discussions 
going  on  amongst  his  elders,  when  the  publication  of  the 
Lettre  ci  d'Alemhert  announced  to  the  public  the  rupture 
of  Rousseau's  intimacy  with  Diderot.  In  1768,  when, 
after  his  quarrel  with  Hume,  Rousseau  was  offered  by 
the  elder  Mirabeau  (the  Friend  of  Man,  but  the  enemy 
of  his  own  household)  a  retreat  in  one  of  his  chateaux, 
Gabriel  Honore  was  already  an  officer  in  the  army ;  and 
in  the  way  of  hearing  all  that  was  said  for,  and  against, 
a  famous  man  on  terms  of  intimate  correspondence  with 
his  terrible  father.  In  1778,  the  date  of  Rousseau's 
death,  Gabriel  Honore  Mirabeau  was  twenty-nine  years 
of  age.  His  mature  judgment  upon  Rousseau  pronounced 
two  years  later,  was  delivered  in  full  view  of  the  savage 


JUDGMENT   ON    ROUSSEAU  19 

attacks  made  upon  their  "  old  friend  "  Jean  Jacques,  by 
the  Encyclopaedists,  and  in  the  year  when  the  First 
Part  of  the  Confessions  was  published. 

We  have  Mirabeau's  judgment  expressed  in  one  of  his 
Letters  to  Sophie — written  from  his  Vincennes  prison. 

"  It  was  I,  my  Friend,"  he  wrote,  "  who  taught  you 
first  your  enthusiasm  for  Rousseau :  and  I  shall  never 
regret  it.  Not  for  his  talents  do  I  envy  this  extra- 
ordinary man  ;  but  for  his  virtue — the  source  of  his 
eloquence,  the  soul  of  his  works !  I  knew  Rousseau 
personally,  and  amongst  my  friends  are  many  of  those 
who  were  intimate  with  him.  He  was  always  the  same 
— full  of  integrity,  of  frankness  and  of  simplicity  ; 
without  any  sort  of  conceit  or  affectation  ;  or  any  eftbrt 
to  mask  his  faults,  or  show  off  his  own  merits.  One 
can  only  forgive  those  who  decry  him,  by  supposing 
that  they  did  not  know  him.  Every  one  is  not  able  to 
conceive  the  sublimity  of  such  a  soul ;  and  one  can  only 
be  justly  judged  by  one's  peers.  Whatever  people  may 
say,  or  think,  of  him  during  another  century  (the 
interval  of  time  envy  may  give  his  traducers),  there  was 
never  perhaps  a  man  so  virtuous  ;  for  he  continued  so, 
although  he  was  persuaded  others  did  not  believe  in  the 
sincerity  of  his  writings  and  actions.  He  was  virtuous 
in  despite  of  nature,  of  man,  and  of  fortune ;  and 
although  all  these  overwhelmed  him  with  misfortunes, 
calumnies,  sorrows  and  persecutions  ;  he  was  virtuous, 
though  suffering  from  the  most  lively  sense  of  injustice 
and  wrong ;  he  was  virtuous,  notwithstanding  the  weak- 
nesses which  he  has  revealed  in  the  Memoirs  of  his  Life, 
— for,  endowed  by  nature  with  the  incorruptible  and 
virtuous  soul  of  an  epicurean,  he  yet  observed  in  his 
habits  the  austere  morals  of  a  stoic.  Whatever  bad  use 
may  be  made  of  his  own  Confessions,  they  will  always 
prove  the  good  faith  of  a  man  who  spoke  as  he  thought, 
wrote  as  he  spoke,  lived  as  he  wrote,  and  died  as  he 
had  lived." 

Madame  de  StaeVs  judgment.     It  was  in  1789,  that 


20    A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

is  to  say  eleven  years  after  Rousseau's  death,  and  a 
year  after  tlie  publication  of  the  Second  Part  of  the 
Confessions,  that  Madame  de  Stael,  then  twenty  years 
of  age,  made  her  literary  debut  with  her  Letters  upon 
the  Confessions.  The  young  authoress  was  writing  of  a 
man  who  in  17G5  had  known  and  warmly  sympathized 
with  her  mother,  then  Mademoiselle  Curchod,  heartlessly 
treated  by  Gibbon,  who  broke  off  his  engagement  with 
her  for  reasons  of  worldly  prudence.  Later  on,  Madame 
de  Stael's  father,  Necker,  also  became  one  of  Rousseau's 
correspondents.  In  other  words,  the  authoress  of  the 
Letters  u])on  the  Confessions  had  behind  her  sources  of 
information,  in  the  way  of  family  records,  that  gave 
authority  to  her  decided  views  about  Rousseau's  sincerity. 

"  Rousseau  a  hypocrite ! "  ejaculates  Madame  de 
Stael.  "  No  !  Throughout  his  life  I  find  him  to  have 
been  a  man  who  spoke,  who  thought,  who  wrote,  who 
acted  spontaneously." 

And  she  goes  on  to  institute  a  comparison  between 
Rousseau  and  BufFon. 

"  M.  de  Buffon's  imagination,"  she  says,  "  colours  and 
adorns  his  style  :  Rousseau's  style  is  animated  by  his 
character.  The  first  writer  carefully  chooses  his  expres- 
sions— the  second  speaks  straight  from  the  heart.  A 
finished  intellect,  and  extraordinary  talents,  could  only 
produce  such  eloquence  as  M.  de  Buffon's  is ;  but  the 
source  of  Rousseau's  eloquence  is  passionate  sincerity." 

Emanuel  Kanf  s  judgment.  And  now  for  the  judg- 
ment of  the  philosopher.  Emanuel  Kant  was  born 
twelve  years  after  Rousseau ;  and  he  survived  him 
twenty-six  years.  The  author  of  the  Criticism  of  Pure 
Reason  has  acknowledged  his  intellectual  obligations  to 
the  author  of  Emile  in  the  most  generous  terms  ;  and 
the  impression  the  work  made  upon  him  at  the  first 
readinsf  stands  recorded  in  a  familiar  little  anecdote. 

In  1763  Kant  was  principal  librarian  at  Konigsberg, 
and  the  unfailing  punctuality  of  his  habits  was  such  that 
the  Konigsberg  town-folk  set  their  clocks  by  the  hour 


JUDGMENT  ON    ROUSSEAU  21 

the  Magister  Kant  took  his  afternoon  walk.  One  day, 
however,  Konigsberg  clocks  were  thrown  into  confusion. 
Its  principal  librarian  failed  to  appear  at  the  usual 
hour,  and  the  cause  of  this  falling  away  from  perfect 
punctuality  was  that  Kant  had  lost  count  of  time  when 
reading  JEmile. 

But  there  was  another  writer  besides  Rousseau  who, 
Kant  affirms,  exercised  a  strong  influence  on  his  develop- 
ment, and  this  writer  was  David  Hume.  Necessarily, 
then,  the  much  talked  of  quarrel  between  two  famous 
men,  to  both  of  whom,  he  felt  himself  spiritually  related, 
must  have  engaged  Kant's  attention  in  1767.  The 
incident,  however,  did  not  lead  him  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  were  two  persons  in  Rousseau,  the  writer  and 
thinker, in  whom  he  maintained, " intellectual j)e7ietratio7i, 
vigour  of  genius,  and  sensibility  of  soul  reached  a  degree 
of  'perfection  that  has  perhaijs  never  been  equalled  in 
any  time,  or  amongst  any  people, ^^  and  a  man  of  frightful 
character,  an  ingrate,  an  artificial  scoundrel,  etc.  On 
the  contrary,  Kant's  verdict  upon  Rousseau  was  that 
it  was  the  association  in  him  of  personal  and  moral 
excellences  with  intellectual  powers,  that  made  the 
supreme  value  of  his  influence. 

"  The  young  should  be  taught  to  prize  intellectual 
culture  for  moral  as  well  as  for  mental  reasons,"  he 
writes.  "Thus  in  my  own  case,  I  am  by  mental 
temperament  a  seeker  after  truth  ;  I  feel  very  powerfully 
the  thirst  for  knowledge  and  the  desire  for  intellectual 
progress.  There  was  a  time  when  I  believed  this 
progress  only  did  honour  to  humanity ;  and  I  despised 
the  people  because  they  cared  nothing  for  all  this. 
Rousseau  brought  me  to  a  truer  state  of  mind.  My 
foolish  vanity  has  disappeared.  I  have  learned  to  honour 
men,  and  I  should  count  myself  more  useless  than  the 
commonest  labourer  did  I  not  believe  that  intellectual 
progress  lends  value  to  every  form  of  human  progress  and 
establishes  the  rights  of  man  upon  a  secure  foundation." 

Schiller  s  judgment.     But  it  is  Schiller's  judgment  of 


22     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Rousseau  that  will  most  bewilder  people  who  accept  as 
authoritative  the  doctrine  of  his  equivocal  and  repulsive 
personality,  taught  by  modern  critics. 

Yet  here,  too,  should  it  not  be  realized  that  in  the 
character  of  a  sane  and  rational  judge  between  the  author 
of  the  Confessions  and  his  accusers,  more  weight  belongs 
to  the  decision  of  Schiller,  who  in  1782  stood  by 
Rousseau's  grave,  in  a  world  still  warm  with  memories 
of  him,  and  still  loud  with  the  voices  of  those  who 
defamed  him,  than  to  the  convictions  and  conclusions  of 
a  Sainte-Beuve,  who  in  1853,  or  of  a  Mr.  John  Morley, 
who  in  1873,  decided  this  case  in  accordance  with 
preconceived  theories  of  the  dispositions  and  circumstances 
of  the  persons  concerned  ? 

To  Schiller,  the  argument  uttered  by  Diderot  two 
years  earlier  :  "  Too  many  honest  men  would  have  been 
in  the  wrong  had  Jean  Jacques  been  in  the  right,"  did 
not  appear  convincing.  For  him,  these  self-styled 
honest  men  had  proved  themselves,  by  their  own  words 
and  actions,  the  malignant  calumniators  of  the  "  old 
friend"  whose  last  years  their  secret  persecutions  had 
embittered.  As  for  Rousseau  himself,  to  this  watcher 
in  a  place  just  left  vacant  of  his  presence,  his  vision 
reappeared,  not  in  the  repulsive  form  of  a  diseased 
sensualist,  or  of  a  mischievous  maniac,  or  of  an  atrocious 
scoundrel,  but  in  the  guise  of  a  modern  Socrates,  a 
Christ-like  soul,  teaching  Christians  true  humanity  ;  a 
lofty  spirit  and  a  gentle  heart,  at  once  too  high  and  too 
humble  to  have  found  happiness  on  earth. 

VERSES   ON    THE   OCCASION    OF   A    VISIT   TO    ROUSSEAU'S 
GRAVE   AT   ERMENONVILLE,    1782. 

{Free  translation) 

"  O  Monument !  putting  thine  age  to  shame  ! 
O  llecord  of  thy  country's  endless  l)lame  ! 
O  Grave  of  Rousseau  ! — Soil  that  I  revere  ! 
Repose  and  peace,  in  life,  he  sought  in  vain  : 
Repose  from  evil  men,  and  peace  fi'om  pain — 
Repose  and  peace  be  found  ;  but  only — here  ! 


JUDGMENT   ON    ROUSSEAU 

Ah,  when  shall  end  old  wars  against  the  right  ? 
Once  darkness  fought  with  wisdom  in  the  night : 
Now  wise  men  die,  battling  with  summer  blindness ! — 
Sophists  slew  Socrates,  professing  truth  : 
Christians  stab  Rousseau,  without  thought  of  ruth, — ■ 
Rousseau, — who  Christians  urged  to  human  kindness. 

And  who  aie  they  who  dare  to  judge  this  Sage  ? 
Half-finished  brains,  small  minds,  devoured  with  rage. 
Under  the  gaze  of  Genius,  on  them  turned : — 
Pigmies  the  Giant  Rousseau  justly  hate, 
Because  his  greatness  shows  their  mean  estate ; 
Poor  souls,  where  fire  Promethean  never  burned. 

But  not  for  this  earth  was  thy  soul  designed, 
O  Rousseau  !  still  by  evil  men  maligned. 
O  Christ-like  Soul — too  humble,  and  too  high  ; 
Let  the  world's  madness  go  the  way  it  will. 
Return  thou,  where  angelic  spirits  still 
Summon  their  Brother,  wandered  from  the  sky." 


"  Monument  von  unsrer  Zeiten  Schande, 
Ew'ge  Schmachschrift  deinem  Mutterlande 
Rousseavi's  Grab, — gegriisset  seist  du  mir  ! 
Fried'  und  Ruh'  den  Trlimmern  deines  Lebens, 
Fried'  und  Ruhe  suchtest  du  vergebens, 
Fried'  und  Ruhe  fandst  du  hier  ! 

Wann  wird  doch  die  alte  Wunde  narben  1 
Einst  war's  finster,  und  die  Weisen  sbarben  ! 
Nun  ist's  lichter,  und  der  Weise  stirbt : 
Sokrates  ging  unter  durch  Sofisten, 
Rousseau  leidet,  Rousseau  fallt  durch  Christen, 
Rousseau,  der  aus  Christen  Menschen  wirbt. 

Und  wer  sind  sie,  die  den  Weisen  richten  ? 
Geistesschwache,  dir  zur  Tiefe  fliichten, 
Vor  dem  Silberblicke  des  Genies 
Abgesplittert  von  dem  Schopfungswerke, 
Gegen  Riesen  Rousseau  Kind'sche  Zwerge, 
Denen  nie  Pi'ometheus  Feuer  blies. 

Nicht  f  lir  diese  "Welt  warst  du — zu  biedei^, 
Warst  du  ihr  zu  hoch,  vielleicht  zu  nieder, 
Rousseau,  noch  warst  du  ein  Christ, 
Mag  der  Wahnwitz  diese  Erde  gangeln  ! 
Geh  du  heim  zu  deinen  Briidern  Engeln 
Denen  du  entlaufen  bist."  ^ 

1  Schiller,  Anthologie,  1788.     Edition  Heidelberg,  1850. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE      JUDGMENT     PASSED      UPON      THE      CONFESSIONS      BY 
CONTEMPORARY    AND    BY    MODERN    CRITICS 

The  judgment  passed  upon  the  Confessions  in  the 
epoch  when  the  book  was  first  given  to  the  world,  was 
not  the  judgment  pronounced  by  modern  critics,  who 
try  the  work  by  the  literary  and  moral  standards  of  a 
different  age  to  the  one  when  it  was  written  ;  and  who 
look  back  at  its  author  across  a  century  of  libels. 

It  has  been  seen  that  for  Mirabeau  and  Madame  de 
Stael,  the  Confessions  stood  out  as  the  shining  proof  of 
Rousseau's  sincerity.  We  shall  presently  see  that  this 
was  the  general  view  taken  by  critics  who  stood  near 
to  the  events  and  personages  dealt  with  ;  l)ut  first  of 
all,  in  order  to  judge  how  the  same  things  may  wear  an 
entirely  different  air  to  people  who  look  at  them  from 
different  standpoints,  let  us  hear  a  modern  man  of 
letters,  pass  judgment  upon  a  work  that  he  admitted 
he  considered  it  "superfluous"  to  study  with  the  pur- 
pose of  testing  the  author's  veracity.  In  a  biographical 
Essay  upon  Grimm,  E,  Scherer  incidentally  favours  his 
readers  with  his  opinion  about  the  Confessions,  which 
he  describes  as  "  this  gallery  of  iniquities  and  extrava- 
gances ; — cette galerie  de  noirceurs  et  dJ extravagances.^^ 

'^1  know  nothing  more  revolting  than  the  Second 
Part  of  the  work,"  ^  wrote  M.  Scherer ;  "  the  most 
odious  ingratitude,  the  most  vindictive  malice,  here  are 
allied  with  effusions  of  sensibility  and  professions  of 
virtue.     Everything  is  base  in  this  man,  who  believes 

1  The  Second  Part  contains  Eousseau's  story  of  his  betrayal  by 
his  "friends"  ;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  everything  that  shocks  modern 
decency  is  in  the  First  Pai-t  of  the  Confessions. 

24 


JUDGMENT   ON    THE    CONFESSIONS     25 

that  lie  atones  for  disgusting  vices  by  confiding  tliem  to 
the  public ;  that  he  gets  rid  of  the  burthen  of  gratitude 
by  abusing  those  who  have  overwhelmed  him  witli  touch- 
ing kindnesses ;  and  whose  favourite  companion  is  the 
servant  girl  he  makes  the  mother  of  children,  whom  he 
packs  ofi"  as  they  are  born  to  the  Foundling  Hospital. 
In  vain  are  we  assured  that  this  man  was  mad,  and  that 
his  madness  was  of  a  kind  well  known  by  its  peculiar 
symptoms.  We  refuse  to  describe  malice,  cunning  and 
base  suspiciousness,  as  pathological  symptoms.  We  feel 
that  the  soul  of  this  author  must  always  have  been 
base,  and  we  experience  a  certain  pleasure  when  re- 
cognizing that,  with  all  his  talent,  the  writer  cannot 
conceal  his  native  vulgarity.  Eloquence  he  has  of  a 
sort,  but  no  true  nobility  of  style.  Genius  he  has  also, 
but  genius  stripped  of  the  beauty  that  should  adorn 
it.i 

"  It  is  superfluous  to  look  for  any  information  upon 
any  subject  whatever,  in  the  last  books  of  the   Con- 

^  E,  Scherer  has  not,  in  this  disparaging  view  of  Rousseau's  style, 
the  support  of  that  exquisite  litt6rateur,  Sainte-Beuve.  Here  is 
what  this  perfect  stylist  has  to  say  of  one  he  recognizes,  here,  as  his 
"  Master." 

"  Je  voudrais  parler  de  cette  langue  du  xviii*^  siccle  consideree 
dans  I'ecrivain  qui  lui  a  fait  faire  le  plus  grand  progres,  qui  lui  a 
fait  subir  du  moins  la  plus  grande  revolution,  depuis  Pascal :  une 
revolution  de  laquelle  nous  autres  du  xix''  siccle  nous  datons.  Avant 
Rousseau  et  depuis  Fenelou  il  y  avait  eu  bien  des  essais  de  maniere 
d'ecrire  qui  n'etaient  pas  celles  du  pur  xvii'"  siicle — Rousseau  parut, 
le  jour  ou  il  se  decouvrit  tout  entier  a  lui  meme,  il  rovela  du  mcme 
coup  a  son  siccle  I'ecrivain  le  plus  fait  pour  exprimer  avec  nouveaute 
avec  vigueur,  avec  une  logique  melee  de  flamme,  les  idees  confuses  qui 
s'agitaient  et  qui  voulaient  naitre.  Depuis  Jean  Jacques  c'est  dans 
la  forme  de  langage  (^tablie  et  cr6ee  par  lui  que  nos  plus  grands 
ecrivains  ont  jet6  leurs  propres  innovations  et  qu'ils  ont  tente  de 
rencherir  .  .  .  .  je  n'ai  pu  indiquer  qu'en  courant  dans  I'auteur  des 
Confessions  les  grands  cotes  par  lesquels  il  demeure  un  Maitre — que 
saluer  le  createur  de  la  reverie,  celui  qui  nous  a  inoculc  le  sentiment 
de  la  nature  et  le  sens  de  la  realite,  le  pore  de  la  litterature  intime  et 
de  la  peinture  d'intime, — quel  dommage  que  I'orgueil  misanthropique 
s'y  mcle ;  et  que  des  tons  cyniques  fassent  taches  au  milieu  de  tant 
de  beautes  charmantes  et  solides." — Causories,  Nov.  1850. 


26    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

fessions.  Resentment  here  betrays  its  own  cause  by 
the  extravagance  of  its  exaggerations." 

The  last  sentence  proves  that  M.  Scherer  did  not 
himself  examine  Rousseau's  charges,  and  that  he 
accepted  the  assertions  of  the  persons  who  professed  to 
be  Jean  Jacques'  benefactors,  because  the  story  told  in 
the  Confessions  appeared  to  him  incredible. 

But  this  was  not  the  view  taken  by  judges  who,  as 
observers  of  the  conduct  and  language  of  the  men 
denounced  in  the  Confessions,  were  better  qualified  than 
modern  critics  can  be  to  decide  whether  these  persons 
were  Rousseau's  benefactors,  or  his  betrayers. 

Such  an  observer  was  Claude  Joseph  Dorat,  the  poet 
of  Les  Baisers.  Dorat  was  born  in  1734.  He  was, 
then,  thirty-six  years  of  age  when  he  heard  Rousseau 
read  his  Confessions  in  1770.  Possessed  of  private 
means,  and  untroubled  by  ambition,  Dorat  had  not,  like 
so  many  other  young  men  of  letters  in  his  day,  to  seek 
the  patronage,  or  dread  the  displeasure,  of  the  powerful 
sect  of  the  Encyclopjedists ;  and  his  intimate  and 
independent  relations  with  the  leaders  of  the  sect 
(Diderot,  Grimm,  and  d'Holbach,  and  with  their  militant 
disciples,  Marmontel  and  La  Harpe)  enabled  him  to 
form  a  free  judgment  of  their  characters  and  sentiments. 
This  personal  acquaintanceship  with  Jean  Jacques' 
professing  "  old  friends  "  did  not  lead  Dorat  to  conclude 
that  they  were  malignantly,  or  insanely,  calumniated, 
when  accused  by  Rousseau  of  treacherously  using  the 
claims  of  their  old  friendship  to  mask  their  efforts  to 
injure  him.  We  find,  on  the  contrary,  that  Dorat 
accepted  these  charges  with  unquestioning  confidence  in 
Rousseau's  veracity.  We  find,  also,  that  this  refined 
and  over-exquisite  poet  remained  entirely  unconscious 
of  the  "revolting"  character  of  the  Confessions;  and  of 
the  "  coarseness,  baseness,  and  vulgarity  "  that  so  shock 
and  disgust  modern  critics.  In  brief,  we  find  that  the 
same  work  M.  Scherer  saw  darkly,  from  a  distance,  as  a 
"  gallery  of  iniquities,"  stood  out,   in  the  sight   of  a 


JUDGMENT   ON    THE    CONFESSIONS     27 

critic  who  judged  it  by  the  morcal  and  literary  standards 
of  his  own  and  Rousseau's  day,  as  "a  masterpiece  of 
genius,  simplicity,  candour,  and  courage." 

Dorat  was  present  at  the  second  private  reading  of  the 
Confessions  at  the  house  of  his  friend  the  Marquis  de 
Pezai.  We  have  the  description  given  in  a  letter  written 
immediately  after  the  event  by  the  susceptible  poet,  who 
imagined  himself  bound  to  share  with  a  lady  to  whom 
he  was  temporarily  devoted,  all  "  the  sweet  and  honour- 
able impressions  his  heart  experienced." 

"  I  have  come  home,  madame,"  wrote  Dorat, -^  "  intoxi- 
cated with  admiration.  I  was  prepared  for  a  sitting  of 
perhaps  eight  hours,  but  the  reading  took  between 
fourteen  and  fifteen  hours,  without  any  other  intervals 
than  those  required  for  meals  ;  and  these  interruptions, 
brief  though  they  were,  appeared  all  too  long  to  us. 
What  a  work,  madame  !  How  well  Rousseau  paints 
himself;  and  how  one  loves  to  recognize  him  in  the 
portrait  !  He  achioivledfjes  his  good  qualities  ivith  a 
nohle  frankness,  and  his  faults  with  a  frankness  more 
nohle  still.  He  dreiv  tears  from  us  hy  the  touching 
picture  of  his  tnisfortunes ;  of  his  iveaknesses  ;  of  his 
confidence  repaid  ivith  ingratitude ;  of  cdl  the  storms 
of  his  heart,  so  ofte^i  wounded  hy  the  treacherous  caresses 
of  hyp)ocritcs  ;  above  all,  of  his  softer  passions,  still  dear 
to  the  soul  they  have  made  unfortunate.  And  here, 
perchance  my  actual  state,  madame,  as  much  as  what  I 
listened  to,  intensified  my  emotion.  The  good  Jean 
Jacques,  in  his  divine  memoirs,  makes  of  a  woman  he 
adored  so  enchanting  and  so  lovable  a  picture,  that  it 
seemed  to  me  I  recognized  you  in  the  portrait,  and  I 
rejoiced  in  this  resemblance  ;  and  this  joy  was  exclusively 
my  own 

"  But  do  not  let  me  speak  of  myself,  lest  I  should  lose 

your  interest !     In  truth,  the  work   I  am  telling  you 

about  is  a  masterpiece  of  genius,  simplicity,  candour,  and 

courage.     How  many  supposed  giants  transformed  into 

^  First  printed  in  the  Journal  de  Paris,  October  9,  1778. 


28     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

dwarves  !  How  many  liumble  and  virtuous  men  justified 
and  avenged  of  the  injustice  of  the  wicked  by  the  praise 
of  one  such  honest  man  !  Every  one  is  named.  No 
one  ivho  has  done  the  author  the  smallest  kindness  is 
2)assed  over  without  achnoivledgment :  hut,  at  the  same 
time,  he  unmasks  ivith  equal  truthfulness  the  ijnj^ostors 
ivho  ahound  in  this  e^^och.  I  dwell  upon  all  this, 
madame,  because  I  have  read  your  generous,  noble  and 
delicate  soul ;  because  you  love  Rousseau  ;  because  you 
are  worthy  to  admire  him  ;  because  I  should  esteem  it  a 
sin  to  hide  from  you  any  of  the  sweet  and  honourable 
impressions  my  heart  experiences." 

We  have  now  to  see  what  was  the  judgment  passed 
upon  Rousseau's  statement  of  his  own  case  by  the  public 
at  large  when,  eighteen  years  after  the  private  readings 
and  ten  years  after  the  author's  death,  his  posthumous 
story  of  his  misfortunes  and  wrongs  was  first  given  to 
the  world. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  his  enemies'  statement  of 
their  case  had  been  already  given.  A  few  months  after 
his  death,  Diderot,  whose  attacks  upon  him  had  been 
hidden  ones  during  his  life-time,  published  in  a  note 
added  on  to  his  Essay  on  Seneca  a  savage  denunciation 
of  the  scoundrel,  hypocrite,  maniac  and  monster,  who, 
when  he  had  been  alive,  this  same  Diderot  spoke  of  as 
his  "  old  friend  Jean  Jacques."  La  Harpe,  the  exponent 
of  the  views  of  the  society  of  the  Baron  of  Holbach, 
published  in  the  Mercure  de  France  an  obituary  notice 
of  Rousseau  crowded  with  calumnies.^  In  1779, 
d'Alembert,  going  out  of  his  way  to  write  an  obituary 
notice  of  Lord  Marcchal  Keith,  took  the  opportunity  of 
introducing  into  his  article  the  entirely  false  charge 
against  Rousseau  of  base  ingratitude  and  treachery 
towards  his  benefactor." 

In  1780,^  La  Harpe,  in  conjunction  with  Pierre 
Rousseau,  the  editor  of  the  Journal  Enci/clo2^edi(jue, 
endeavoured  to  launch  the  theory  that  Jean  Jacques  had 
1  2  3  gge  Appendix,  Note  B. 


JUDGMENT   ON    THE    CONFESSIONS    29 

basely  stolen  from  an  obscure  young  composer  the  music 
of  his  opera,  the  Devin  du  Village.  Acquainted  with 
all  these  calumnies,  the  public  which  received  the  first 
editions  of  the  Confessions  in  1788  did  not  decide  that 
Rousseau's  belief  that  his  self-styled  old  friends  and  the 
society  of  Baron  d'Holbach  were  his  secret  enemies  and 
traducers  proved  the  author  of  Confessions  a  suspicious 
maniac.  But  they  held  that  these  suspicions  were  justi- 
fied by  the  behaviour  of  the  very  men  he  accused 
immediately  after  his  death. 

Ginguene's  Xe^^res  sur  les  "  Confessions,"  published  in 
1791,  represents  the  authoritative  criticisms  of  the  Second 
Part  of  the  Confessions  by  a  writer  who  was  able  to 
compare  Rousseau's  statements  with  facts  personally 
known  to  him.  In  the  estimation  of  this  competent  critic 
the  author  of  the  Co7ifcssions  had  shown  extraordinary 
moderation  and  had  studiously  respected  the  rule  he  laid 
down  for  himself  of  saying,  even  of  his  enemies,  all  the 
good  he  could,  and  only  the  evil  he  was  compelled  to 
reveal  in  order  to  explain  his  own  history. 

Ginguen^  made  it  his  task  to  show  that  no  charge 
made  by  Rousseau  was  founded  upon  mere  suspicions, 
but  that  in  every  case  his  statements  were  based  upon 
the  facts  of  his  own  experience.  And  further,  Ginguene 
proved  that  the  persons  the  author  of  the  Confessions 
accused  of  traducing  and  persecuting  him  could  in 
every  case  be  shown  to  have  acted  in  the  way  he  said, 
and  to  have  used  even  more  malice  than  he  w^as  aware 
of  in  their  efforts  to  destroy  his  reputation.  "  Take 
Voltaire,"  wrote  Ginguene.  "Was  Rousseau  wrong 
when  he  described  him  as  a  secret  and  vindictive  enemy  ? 
Consider  Voltaire's  sentiments  towards  Rousseau, 
expressed  in  different  letters  ;  consider  his  intimacy  with 
Jean  Jacques'  enemies,  in  Paris,  in  Geneva,  in  England  ; 
consider  what  he  is  known  to  have  said  and  written, 
as  well  as  all  the  writings  attributed  to  him.  How 
could  the  fugitive  and  unfortunate  author  of  Emile  fail 
to  regard  him  as  an  active  and  implacable  enemy  ?     In 


30    A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

this  epoch,  perhaps,  it  might  seem  that  there  were 
wrongs  on  both  sides.  But,  no  ;  one  grieves  to  say  it : 
nothing  even  in  the  Letters  from  the  Mountains 
affords  any  excuse  for  the  wicked  and  odious  allusions 
to  Rousseau  in  the  War  of  Geneva,  and  (since  the  time 
has  come  for  giving  all  men  their  due)  in  the  execrable 
anonymous  libel  the  Sentimerit  of  Citizens.  Without 
mentioning  here  the  name  of  a  man  who  is  still  alive, 
and  who  has  been  made  famous  only  by  Rousseau's 
accusations,^  was  not  the  philosopher  Hume  an  enemy 
of  Rousseau's  ?  Was  he  not  (at  the  very  moment  when 
he  was  posing  in  the  world's  sight  as  Jean  Jacques' 
protector  and  benefactor)  associated  in  the  composition 
of  a  malicious  letter,  contrived  to  represent  Rousseau  as 
an  impostor  ?  Was  not  the  philosopher  d'Alembert 
Rousseau's  enemy  1  Although  during  Jean  Jacques' 
lifetime  he  dissimulated  his  hatred,  were  not  Rousseau's 
suspicions  of  his  malicious  sentiments  proved  true,  by 
d'Alembert's  base  accusation  asjainst  him  of  insfratitude 
towards  Milord  Marechal,^  an  accusation  as  gratuitously 
false  as  it  was  libellous  ?  Was  not  the  philosopher 
Diderot,  Rousseau's  enemy  ?  A  secret  enemy  during  his 
lifetime,  who  unmasked  himself  after  his  death  by  his 
gross  and  outrageous  attack  upon  the  memory  of  a  man 
who  had  tenderly  loved  him  ;  and  who  even  in  his 
Confessions  accused  him  only  of  lightness  and  indiscre- 
tion, and  of  too  easily  allowing  himself  to  be  influenced 
by  others  ?  But  to  judge  between  Diderot  and  Jean 
Jacques,  what  is  needed  ?  Merely  to  compare  the  note 
to  the  Essay  on  Seneca  with  the  note  added  on  to  the 
Letter  to  (V Alemhert ;  or  with  the  (7on/emo?i5.  I  know 
all  that  our  epoch  owes  to  the  two  first  editors  of  the 
Encyclopcedia.  I  respect  their  courage,  learning  and 
literary  talents.  I  am  not  discussing  the  motives  of 
their  hatred  of  Rousseau,  I  am  merely  pointing  out 
that  the  violence  of  this  hatred,  and  the  difficulty  of 
holding  it  in  check,  are  proved  by  its  outbreak  immedi- 
^  Grimm.  -  See  Appeudix,  Note  B. 


JUDGMENT   ON   THE    CONFESSIONS    31 

ately  after  his  death  ;  and  that  this  outbreak  lends  great 
probability  to  Rousseau's  belief  that  it  had  been  for  a 
long  time  beforehand  as  secretly  active  as  it  was 
implacable.  Finally,  was  not  the  reputed  good-humoured 
and  kindly  Baron  d'Holbach,  if  not  a  vindictive  and 
bitter  enemy  of  Rousseau's,  at  any  rate  a  friend  of  a  very 
singular  and  doubtful  sort  ?  But,  here,  I  will  not  go  to 
the  Confessions  for  evidence — I  will  refer  you  to  the 
letter  of  Cerutti  of  the  2nd  December,  1789.  To  this  let 
me  add  that  I  knew  M.  d'Holbach  personally,  and  that 
I  am  willing  to  agree  cordially  in  all  the  good  things  his 
friends  say  of  Lim,  but,  all  the  same,  I  would  point  out 
that  under  his  soft  and  good-natured  appearance  he  had 
a  great  disposition  to  mockery,  that  there  was  something 
spiteful  and  cruel  in  his  sarcasms,  and  that  he  had  a 
domineering  spirit.  One  fact  is  certain  :  doubtless  every 
one  does  not  love  and  admire  Rousseau  to  the  same 
extent,  yet  it  is  not  ordinary  to  hear  him  described  as 
an  impostor,  a  scamp,  a  knave,  or  an  infamous  scoundrel.^ 
Well :  but  an  observation  I  have  made,  and  from  which 
you  may  derive  any  conclusions  you  please,  is  that  I 
know  scarcely  any  one  belonging  to  the  intimate  society 
of  the  Baron  d'Holbach  who  did  not  employ  these 
epithets  when  speaking  of  Rousseau,  and  that  I  never 
heard  them  from  the  mouth  of  any  man  who  did  not 
belong  to  this  society." 

Cerutti's  letter^  alluded  to  by  Ginguene  is  worth 
quoting,  in  connection  with  the  modern  assumption  that 
the  notion  of  a  plot  against  Rousseau  amongst  les 
Holhachiens,  as  he  himself  styled  the  Baron's  society,  is 
too  absurd  to  be  considered.  It  will  be  noticed  that  in 
this  letter  d'Holbach  admits  there  was  a  conspiracy 
between  Diderot,  Grimm  and  himself  against  Rousseau 
— "  Une  conspiration  amicale','  to  serve  Rousseau,  in 
spite  of  himself,  by  the  singular  method  of  sowing 
division  in  his  household. 

^  In  1791  it  had  not  become  the  popular  doctrine. 
-  It  appeared  in  the  Journal  de  Paris,  Dec.  3,  1789. 


32     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"  In  tlie  very  hour  of  his  fame,"  Cerutti  makes 
d'Holbach  say,  "  Rousseau  had  bound  himself  to  a 
most  sordid  union.  Impossible  to  imagine  a  more 
afflicting  contrast  than  the  one  between  his  genius  and 
his  Therese.  Diderot,  Grhnm  and  I  entered  into  a 
friendly  conspiracy  against  this  ridicidous  and  bizarre 
assemblage.  He  took  offence  at  our  zeal.  But  the 
scene  which  determined  his  rupture  with  us,  you  will 
find  it  difficult  to  believe  possible." 

D'Holbach  is  here  made  to  give  a  demonstrably  false 
account  of  a  scene  made  by  Rousseau  at  his  house  in 
July  1755  1— 

.  .  .  .  "  We  thought,"  thus,  by  Cerutti's  account, 
d'Holbach  continued,  "  that  Rousseau's  rage  against  us 
would  cool  down,  and  pass  away.  But  it  only  increased 
as  time  went  on.  Diderot,  Grimm  and  I  sought  vainly 
to  regain  him.  He  fled  from  us.  Then  his  misfortunes 
began.  Our  only  part  in  them  was  the  affliction  they 
gave  us.  But  he  thought  our  affliction  a  pretence,  and 
believed  we  were  the  cause  of  all  the  evil  that  befell  him. 
One  had  to  renounce,  not  indeed  pitying  and  admiring 
him,  but  loving  him,  or  at  least  showing  him  love." 

This  account  of  d'Holbach's  professed  "  affliction  "  at 
Rousseau's  misfortunes,  and  of  the  pity  and  admiration 
he  and  his  associates  continued  to  feel  for  the  unreason- 
able man  who  made  it  impossible  for  his  old  friends  to  go 
on  loving  him,  must  not,  of  course,  be  taken  literally.  We 
know  that  what  d'Holbach,  Diderot  and  Grimm  actually 
professed  to  believe  was  that  Rousseau's  misfortunes 
were  either  imaginary  or  contrived  by  himself  and  his 
admirers  to  stimulate  public  sympathy,  and  win  him 
notoriety.  The  epithets  that  Ginguene  quote  as  fami- 
liarly employed  by  d'Holbach  and  his  intimates  about 
Rousseau  do  not  express  admiration  and  pity,  but 
contempt  and  abhorrence.  But  the  date  of  this  letter 
must  be  remembered.  In  1789,  and  still  more  in  1791, 
it  was  unsafe  to  describe  the  author  of  the  Contrat 
^  See  Appendix,  Note  C,  vol.  i.  p.  364. 


JUDGMENT   ON    THE    CONFESSIONS    z?> 

Social  as  "  Un  gueux,  un  drole,  tm  vil  coquin,  un 
scelerat,"  etc. 

Cerutti's  letter  to  the  Journal  de  Paris  is  the  first 
public  announcement  of  the  revised  doctrine,  wherein  it 
is  no  lonojer  all  Rousseau's  old  friends  who  had  abandoned 
him  because  he  had  committed  actions  rendering  him 
unworthy  to  associate  with  honest  men,  but  Rousseau 
who  had  abandoned  his  old  friends ;  not  because  he  was 
really  wicked  or  malicious,  but  because  he  was  mad. 

It  is  important  to  establish  the  true  origins  of  this 
doctrine — often  favoured  by  the  most  indulgent  of  those 
modern  critics  who  agree  in  the  view  that  it  is  "  super- 
fluous to  investigate  the  charges  made  by  the  author  of 
the  Confessions  against  his  old  friends,  because  they  stand 
condemned  by  their  extravagance." 

"  All  the  partisans  of  Rousseau,"  state  the  authors  of 
Les  Dernieres  Annees  de  Madame  d'Epi7iay,  "  excuse 
him,  by  maintaining  that  he  was  mad.  Let  them,  have 
it  so.  But  why  then  impose  upon  us  as  articles  of  faith, 
the  visions  of  a  madman  ?  For  how  should  one  fail  to 
recognize  the  crazy  extravagance  of  these  perpetual 
accusations  against  his  friends  ?  There  is  no  way  out  of 
this  dilemma.  Either  Jean  Jacques  was  mad,  and  his 
allegations  have  no  value ;  or  he  was  in  his  right  mind, 
and  the  calumnies  he  heaped  on  his  friends  justify  the 
epithet  of  '  monster  '  Hume  applied  to  him." 

Attention  to  evidence  shows  that  the  dilemma  pre- 
sented to  their  readers  by  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras 
has  no  historical  existence  :  inasmuch  as  the  partisans 
of  Rousseau  do  not  attempt  to  excuse  him  by  maintain- 
ing that  he  was  mad.  The  originators  of  this  theory 
were  not  his  partisans,  but  his  old  traducers  ;  the  same 
men,  and  the  associates  of  the  same  men,  who,  in  the 
days  when  it  was  safe  to  do  so,  described  him  as  an  arti- 
ficial scoundrel,  but  who,  in  full  Revolution,  found  it 
more  prudent  to  adopt  a  different  theory  and  profess  the 
belief  that  the  author  of  the  Confessions  was  mad. 

To  sum  up  the  conclusions  reached  : — it  has  been  found, 

VOL.   I.  3 


34     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

1st,  that,  tried  by  the  moral  and  literary  standards  of 
the  epoch  when  the  book  was  written,  the  Confessions 
was  not  judged  a  "revolting"  work,  proving  the 
author's  depravity,  but  that  the  work  was  pronounced  a 
"  masterpiece  of  genius,  sincerity,  and  courage." 

2nd.  That  judged  by  critics  wlio  knew  personally  the 
men  accused  by  Rousseau  as  his  secret  persecutors  and 
calumniators,  his  accusations  were  not  considered  either 
extravagant  or  exaggerated  ;  but  were  pronounced  en- 
tirely credible,  and  confirmed  by  actions  of  these  same 
men  after  Rousseau's  death. 

3rd.  The  theory  that  Rousseau's  assertions  have  no 
value  because  they  w^ere  the  allegations  of  a  madman 
has  been  found  to  represent  not  a  doctrine  invented  by 
apologists  of  Rousseau,  but  an  apology  made  for  them- 
selves by  the  Holbachians  still  alive  at  the  time  of  the 
Revolution. 

In  brief,  the  opinion  of  the  best  qualified  judges  of  the 
Confessions  does  not  support  the  modern  opinion  that  this 
book  alone  proves  the  man  who  wrote  it  a  monster  of 
depravity  ;  and  in  addition  to  this,  "  a  liar  "  with  regard 
to  his  old  friends  Grimm  and  Diderot ;  but  the  verdict 
of  these  judges  leaves  undisturbed  the  theory  that 
Rousseau's  character  and  life  lent  authority  to  his 
writings. 


THE    SECOND    THEORY 

The  Sophist  and  Impostor  Jean  Jacqiies  :  or  else  The  double-natured  Rousseau 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE    ORIGINS    OF,  AND    THE    AUTHORITY   FOR,  THE  MODERN 

DOCTRINE. GRIMm's       LITERARY       CORRESPONDENCE, 

1812. — MADAME    d'ePINAY's    MEMOIRS,    1818. 

AVe  have  now  to  see  how  and  why  the  judgment 
passed  upon  Rousseau  and  upon  his  Confessions  by  his 
contemporaries,  and  by  the  best  minds  in  the  generation 
after  his  own,  came  to  be  reversed  ;  and  by  what  circum- 
stances and  processes  of  reasoning,  distinguished  men 
of  letters,  who  were  not  historical  researchers,  arrived  at 
an  exactly  opposite  doctrine  of  Rousseau's  character  to 
the  one  supported  by  Mirabeau,  Kant  and  Schiller. 

Let  us  trace  back  to  its  commencement  the  turning  of 
the  tide  of  public  favour  against  Rousseau,  and  the 
resuscitation,  as  a  sound  argument,  of  Diderot's  once  un- 
successful plea — "  too  many  honest  men  would  be  in  the 
wrong,  if  Jean  Jacques  were  in  the  right."  We  shall  find 
that  the  starting-point  of  the  change  was  the  effect  pro- 
duced by  a  series  of  publications  that  followed  each 
other,  at  short  intervals,  during  a  period  of  six  years, 
from  1812  to  1818. 

The  two  most  important  of  these  publications  were  :  a 
printed  edition  of  Grimm's  secret  manuscript  journal,  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire;  and  the  posthumous  work 
of  Madame  d'Epinay's,  incorrectly  described  as  her 
Memoirs.  But  we  have  also  to  count  as  helpful  to 
the  impressions  these  books  produced  a  series  of  articles 
published  in  the  first  edition  of  the  BiograjjJiie  Uni- 
verselle,  where,  under  the  headings  d'Epinay,  Grimm, 

35 


36     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

George  Keitli,  and  J.  J.  Rousseau,  old  discredited  libels 
were  revived  ;  and  a  volume  entitled  Nouveau  Supple- 
ment au  Cours  de  Litter ature  de  M.  de  la  Harpe, 
where  La  Harpe's  former  attacks  upon  Rousseau  in  the 
Merciire  were  reproduced. 

If  we  examine  under  whose  auspices  these  publica- 
tions were  made,  we  shall  find  ourselves  amongst  a  group 
of  literary  editors  and  bibliographers  who  have,  no  doubt, 
rendered  valuable  services  to  students  of  France  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  but  who,  in  so  far  as  the  deliberate 
defamation  of  J.  J.  Rousseau  with  the  purpose  of  justify- 
ing Grimm  and  Diderot  is  concerned,  were,  beyond  doubt, 
the  continuators  in  the  nineteenth  century  of  the  work 
done  before  the  Revolution  by  the  society  of  the  Baron 
d'Holbach. 

Four  master  editors  stand  out,  amongst  a  group  of 
men  of  letters,  as  the  direct  heirs  of  the  Encyclopsedists  ; 
heirs  not  merely  of  their  sympathies  and  antipathies, 
but  also,  oddly  enough,  of  their  position  of  influence,  as 
well  as  of  their  entirely  unfair  and  dishonest  methods  of 
utilizing  it.  For,  like  the  director  of  the  Encyclopcedia 
and  the  editor  of  the  Correspo7idance  Litteraire,  in  their 
day,  these  leaders  of  a  new  campaign  of  calumny  against 
Rousseau,  in  an  epoch  when  those  who  remembered 
the  real  man  had  disappeared  (or  were  soon  to  disappear), 
exercised,  as  editors  of  the  Biographie  Universelle,  the 
Manuel  des  Libraires,  and  the  Dictionnaire  des  Ano- 
7iymes,  the  powers  of  commanders-in-chief  over  a  large 
army  of  contemporary  writers,  actually  working  under 
their  directions ;  but  who,  in  the  eyes  of  the  public, 
appeared  as  the  independent  supporters  of  the  views  they 
promulgated. 

These  four  leading  editors  and  publicists  were — 

1.  Michaud,  director  and  editor-in-chief  of  the 
Biographie  Universelle ;  also  one  of  the  editors  of  the 
nine  printed  volumes  of  the  first  edition  of  Grimm's 
Correspond ance  Litteraire. 

2.  J.  C.  Brunet,  author  of  the  Manuel  des  Libraires ; 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  z7 

also  the  purchaser  of  the  original  manuscript  from  which  in 
1818  he  produced  the  three  printed  volumes  he  published 
under  the  title  of  Memoires  de  Madame  d'Epinay. 

3.  Autoine  Alexandre  Barbier,  the  most  active  and 
notable  of  the  four.  A.  A.  Barbier  was  Librarian  to  the 
Council  of  State  under  Napoleon  ;  and,  after  the  Restor- 
ation, Director  of  the  King's  library.  He  is  chiefly 
known  to-dav  as  the  author  of  the  Dictionnaire  des 
Anonymcs;  but  he  was  also  an  assistant-editor  with 
Midland  of  the  Biographie  Universelle,  and  one  of  the 
editors  of  the  Correspondance  Litteraire.  Querard  in 
his  France  Litteraire,  and  Boiteau  in  the  preface  to  his 
second  edition  of  the  Memoirs,  report  that  it  was  to  A.  A. 
Barbier  in  the  first  instance  that  the  manuscript  of 
Madame  d'Epinay's  posthumous  work— afterwards  pur- 
chased by  J.  C.  Brunet — was  offered,  and  that  he  kept  it 
for  some  time  and  wrote  an  analysis  of  the  nine  volumes.^ 
He  wrote,  at  any  rate,  in  the  guise  of  a  preface  to  his 
Nouveau  Supplement  au  Cours  de  Litterature  de  la 
Harpe,  a  laudatory  introductory  advertisement  for  J.  C. 
Brunet's  edition  of  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay. 

4.  Jean  Baptiste  Suard,  a  member  of  the  French 
Academy,  before  the  Revolution,  and  its  secretary,  under 
Napoleon,  and  after  the  Restoration.  J.  B.  Suard,  al- 
though more  than  seventy  years  of  age  in  1812,  was  not 
only  one  of  the  most  active  editors  of  the  Correspond- 
ance Litteraii'e  ;  he  appears  to  have  been  the  originator  of 

^  This  analysis  of  the  original  manuscript  by  A.  A.  Barbier  would 
be  of  extreme  interest  could  it  be  discovered.  I  have,  up  to  the 
present  moment,  hunted  vainly  through  the  public  libraries  in 
Pai'is  for  any  cojjy  of  a  work  which  is  nevertheless  given  by 
Querard  and  Vapereau  amongst  the  published  books  of  A.  A. 
Barbier.  My  own  experience  teaches  me  caution  in  the  way  of 
positive  assertions  about  the  impossibility  of  recovering  lost  docu- 
ments ;  but  Barbier  would  seem  to  have  withdrawn  his  own  analysis 
of  Madame  d'Epinay's  original  work  out  of  consideration  for  J.  C. 
Brunet  and  Parison,  who  had  transformed  it  into  the  printed 
Memoirs.  Nevertheless  if  this  analysis  ever  was  printed  and 
published,  it  is  hardly  probable  that  every  copy  could  have  been 
destroyed. 


38     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

the  literary  enterprise  of  collecting  and  printing  this  secret 
chronicle  that  throughout  the  eighteenth  century  was 
read  only  by  its  abonnes.  It  was  Suard  who  obtained 
(from  what  sources  have  not  been  disclosed)  the  portion 
of  the  Correspondance  and  the  private  letters  of  Grimm 
that  were  reproduced  in  a  supplement  to  the  first  edition/ 
The  reader  has  to  recollect  that  this  is  the  same  Jean 
Baptiste  Suard  who  in  1767  had  assisted  d'Alembert  to 
translate  into  French,  and  introduce  by  a  jDreface,  Hume's 
"Succinct  Exposure"  of  the  dispute  between  himself 
and  J.  J.  Rousseau,  and  that  in  the  biography  of 
Suard  by  Garat,  it  stands  stated,  that  the  Baron 
d'Uolhach  loved  him  as  a  brother  ("  le  Baron  d'Holbach 
le  cherissait  comme  un  frere  "). 

Here  then,  if  proofs  were  needed  of  a  fact  that  be- 
comes palpable  when  we  attend  to  the  methods  of  these 
editors,  we  have  established  the  connection  between  the 
literary  coterie  in  the  eighteenth  century  where  (and 
where  only  by  Ginguene's  account)  Jean  Jacques  was 
habitually  described  as  an  impostor,  a  scoundrel,  and  a 
calumniator,  and  the  group  of  editors  in  the  first  quarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  who  were  responsible  for 
the  collection  and  dissemination  of  libels  calculated  to 
produce  upon  the  public  mind  the  impression  that 
Rousseau  had  really  deserved  these  names. 

Let  us  now  see,  in  connection  with  the  most  important 
of  these  publications,  viz.  the  Corres^^ondance  Litteraire 
and  the  Memoirs  of  MadaTYie  d'Epinay,  both  the  claims 
made  for  them  and  the  authority  for  these  claims. 

The  Correspondance  Litteraire  represented  (as  has 
been  said)  a  chronicle  of  literary,  social  and  political 
gossip  sent  away  from  Paris  every  fortnight  during  a 
period  of  thirty-seven  years  (1753-1790).  Grimm,  the 
responsible  editor,  had  the  active  assistance  of  Diderot 
and  Madame   d'Epinay  throughout  the   period    of  his 

^  See  in  the  excellent  edition  of  the  Correspondance  Litteraire, 
edited  by  M.  Maurice  Tourneux,  his  introductory  notice,  vol.  i.,  and 
also  vol.  xvi.  for  the  best  account  of  this  publication. 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  39 

secret  campaign  of  calumny  against  Rousseau.  From 
1770  onwards  the  laborious  duties  of  editorship  were 
taken  ofi'  his  hands  by  Mercier,  a  Swiss  of  Zurich,  but 
the  new  editor  of  the  Correspondance  still  acted  under 
his  predecessor's  direction. 

The  essential  characteristic  of  this  secret  manuscript 
journal,  in  an  epoch  when  the  activity  of  the  censorship 
made  secret  journalism  almost  a  necessity,  was  that  the 
ahonnes  to  the  Correspondance  Litteraire  were  the 
ruling  Sovereigns  in  Europe,  and  a  select  circle  of 
Ministers,  leading  politicians,  queens  of  society,  and 
conspicuous  men  of  letters,  who,  taken  together,  repre- 
sented the  material  and  intellectual  controllers  of  the 
prosjDerity  or  adversity  of  any  marked  individual  in 
Europe.  Mr.  Morley  does  not  adequately  describe  the 
position  of  influence  held  by  the  editor  of  this  secret 
journal,  when  he  affirms  that  Grimm  "  became  the  literary 
correspondent  of  several  German  sovereigns."  He  was 
the  literary  correspondent,  in  the  first  place,  of  Frederick 
of  Prussia  and  of  Catherine  of  all  the  Russias ;  those 
powerful  rulers  who  made  it  their  pride  to  be  protectors 
of  letters,  and  of  persecuted  authors  of  genius.  After 
these  potentates,  George  the  Third  of  England  certainly 
received,  if  he  did  not  subscribe  to,  the  Correspondance 
Litteraire.  The  King  of  Poland  and  Queen  of  Sweden 
were  ahonnes.  The  reigning  Duchess,  and  after  her  the 
reigning  Duke  of  Saxe-Gotha  were  its  constant  sup- 
porters ;  so  were  the  Prince  of  Hesse  Darmstadt,  the 
Margrave  of  Anspach,  the  Duke  des  Deux  Fonts ;  the 
Prince  of  Brunswick  Wolfenbiittel.  It  will  be  under- 
stood that  the  secrecy  upon  which  the  existence  of  the 
manuscript  journal  depended,  stood  in  the  way  of  any 
precise  record  of  the  editor's  most  important  patrons 
amongst  Royal  people.  But  I  am  printing  here  for  the 
first  time  a  list  given  in  a  document  that  will  be  found 
amongst  Grimm's  papers  preserved  at  the  Bihliotheque 
Nationale,  of  the  ahonnes  who  had  paid  their  subscrip- 
tions during  the  years  1 763-1 7G6  : — 


40     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

Ducliesse  de  Saxe-Gotha 
Baronne  de  Buchwald  .... 
Princesse  Palatine,  Duchess  des  deux  Ponts 
Prince  Hereditaire  Hesse  Darmstadt 
Princes  et  Princesses  (enfants  de  la  Princesse 

Hereditaire) 
Marquise  de  la  Ferte  Imbault 
Marquise  de  Polignac  (Dame  d'honneur  de  la 

Ducliesse  d'Orleans) 
Madame  la  Princess  de  B 
M.  and  Mme.  Necker  . 
M.  Bcthuen  de  Bordeaux 
M.  Bergerat 
Mile,  de  Marx      . 
M.  Helvetius 
Une  Societe  de  Messieurs 
M.  Delorme,  Maitre  des  Eau 
M.  Gatti,  medecin  du  roi 
H.  Walpole 
M.  le  Porteur 
M.  de  la  Fosse     . 
Le  Comte  de  Creutz 
Comte  de  Wertlier 
Marquis  de  Tavistock  . 
Comte  de  Pleard . 
M.  de  la  Live 
Diderot 

Commission  de  Geneve 
Le  Porteur  . 
Mme.  de  B. 
S.    A.     Prince     Hereditaire 

Wolfenbiittel 120 

Mozart,  Maitre  de  Chapelle  ....  6 

Ducliesse  d'Enville  i 1200 

4020 


X  et  des  Forets 


de 


Brunswick 


1  The  Duchess  d'Enville,  who  rented  Voltaire's  house  at  Geneva, 
was  no  doubt  as  the  patroness  of  the  Correspondance  Litteraire  a 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  41 

This  list  as  it  stands,  although  it  is  Dot  to  be  accepted 
as  a  complete  one,  sufficiently  indicates  the  different 
spheres  of  influence  thrown  open  to  the  editor.  If  he 
chose  to  use  his  opportunities  for  sowing  false  statements 
against  a  private  enemy,  the  victim,  although  ignorant 
of  the  calumnies  circulated  against  him,  would  never- 
theless feel  their  results  in  rumours  and  evil  reports 
of  him,  current  in  different  countries ;  and  in  the  sus- 
picious or  malevolent  behaviour  towards  him  of  persons 
who  had  received  these  libels  as  secret  information,  that 
could  not  be  verified,  because  the  sources  it  came  from 
were  confidential  and  personal. 

But  are  we  free  to  assume  that  Grimm  did  use  his 
position  of  editor  of  a  secret  journal  whose  ahonnes  were 
the  Rulers  of  Europe,  to  circulate  malignant  and  gratui- 
tous calumnies  against  Rousseau  ?  Is  it  not  more 
reasonable  to  suppose  that,  called  upon  as  a  chronicler 
of  passing  events  to  keep  his  patrons  informed  of  the 
doings  and  writings  of  a  much-talked-of  man,  he  said 
what  he  honestly  thought  about  a  personage  he  disliked, 
and  about  an  author  whose  genius  he  was,  by  his  own 
positive  and  logical  temper,  unable  to  appreciate  ? 

We  are  free  to  assume  nothing  in  this  inquiry.  The 
only  way  of  determining  whether  Grimm  was  a  truthful 
critic  or  a  gratuitous  calumniator  of  Rousseau  is  to 
compare  his  statements  about  his  old  friend  Jean 
Jacques  in  the  Coi'respondance  Litteraire,  ivith  the 
facts  of  Rousseau's  life  as  Grimm,  kneiv  them  to  he ;  and 
the  criticism,  of  his  hooks,  with  the  hooks  themselves. 
The  results  obtained  (as  we  shall  presently  see)  are  con- 
clusive.    They  show  that  Grimm  attributed  to  Rousseau 

screen  for  Yoltaire  himself.  See  in  Moultou's  letters  to  Eousseau 
from  1762  to  1765,  the  frequent  references  to  the  salon  of  the 
Duchesse  d'Enville  as  the  place  where  Voltaire,  Tronchin,  and  other 
enemies  of  Rousseau  discuss  him  :  thus  Letter  xix,  p.  50  (July  7, 
1762),  Letter  xxiv,  p.  57  (August  21,  1762),  Letter  liv,  p.  100  (July 
15,  1763),  /.  J.  Rousseau,  ses  Amis  et  ses  Ennemis.  Streckeisen- 
Moultou. 


42     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

actions  he  knew  well  his  old  friend  had  never  committed; 
and  that  he  condemned  and  ridiculed  in  his  writings 
principles  and  opinions  which  are  nowhere  professed  by 
Rousseau.  They  show,  too,  that  the  purpose  of  these 
falsehoods  was  to  create  in  the  minds  of  high  and  mighty 
personages  on  whom  a  persecuted  author  would  neces- 
sarily depend  for  protection,  the  impression  that  here 
was  a  mischievous  sophist  and  a  dangerous  demagogue 
who,  wherever  he  settled,  created  quarrels  and  disorder. 

Unfortunately,  however,  this  method  of  inquiry,  al- 
though a  simple,  is  a  laborious  one.  It  was  not  the  one 
adopted  when  the  publication  of  the  Correspondance 
Litteraire,  in  1812,  gave  to  the  world  for  the  first  time, 
thirty-four  years  after  Rousseau's  death  (that  is  to  say, 
when  the  true  man  was  forgotten),  the  whole  collection 
of  libels  against  him  that  Grimm  had  industriously 
circulated  amongst  his  illustrious  patrons  during  a  period 
of  thirty-seven  years ;  and,  moreover,  gave  these  libels 
as  unanswered  statements  ;  because  (as  has  been  said) 
neither  Rousseau  nor  any  of  his  defenders  knew  about 
this  undero-round  stream  of  calumnies  flowino;  in  hidden 
places.  For  judges  who  based  their  opinions  on  what  it 
seems  most  reasonable  to  suppose,  it  may  easily  be 
understood  that  the  conclusion  reached  was  that  a  man 
incessantly  represented  upon  all  manner  of  different 
occasions  as  false,  treacherous,  ungrateful,  must,  if  even 
he  did  not  deserve  all  the  evil  said  of  him,  have  deserved 
a  goodly  portion  of  it. 

Yet  the  impression  produced  by  the  Corresiwndance 
Litteraire  would  hardly  have  sustained  itself,  and  espe- 
cially it  would  not  have  affected  the  opinions  of  the 
large  number  of  readers  for  whom  criticism  is  always 
tiresome,  and  only  narrative  entertaining,  had  not  these 
nine  volumes  sown  with  libels  been  soon  followed  by  a 
shorter  work,  where  all  the  charges  against  Rousseau 
reappeared  interwoven  amongst  the  incidents  of  a  viva- 
cious and  well- written  story.  This  novel  with  a  purpose 
was  published  in  1818,  under  the  title  of  Memoires  de 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  43 

Madame  cVEpinay.  The  manuscript  employed  by  J.  C. 
Brunet,  the  editor,  professed  he  had  purchased  in  1817, 
from  the  heirs  of  a  person  unknown  to  fame  but  de- 
scribed as  a  former  secretary  of  Grimm's,  and  called 
Lecourt  de  Villiere.  Querard  and  Boiteau,  it  has  been 
seen,  affirm  that  before  being  acquired  by  Brunet,  the 
manuscript  had  been  offered  to  A.  A.  Barbier,  and  we 
shall  presently  find  it  proved  that  before  1815  the 
editors  of  the  Biogi^aphie  Univei^selle  must  have  been 
familiar  with  the  manuscript  afterw^ards  used  by  the 
editor  of  these  so-called  Memoirs.  By  the  account  given 
in  a  preface  which  introduced  this  edition,  Madame 
d'Epiuay's  posthumous  work  was  said  to  represent  her 
reminiscences ;  containing  her  own  justification  and  the 
justification  of  her  lover  Grimm  from  the  charges  brought 
against  them  by  the  author  of  the  Confessions.  It  was 
further  alleged  by  the  writer  of  this  preface  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  had  not  intended  this  work  for  publication, 
but  that  it  was  written  by  her  for  the  entertainment  of 
a  chosen  circle  of  friends  to  whom  she  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  reading  it  aloud,  during  the  last  years  of  her  life. 
Grimm,  who  had  inherited  it  after  her  death,  had  not 
only  neglected  to  publish  it,  but  had  contemptuously 
described  it  in  the  account  he  gave  of  the  manuscripts 
left  by  Madame  d'Epinay,  as  the  sketch  of  a  long  novel, 
— "  rebauche  d'un  long  romanJ' 

"  This  novel,"  affirmed  the  editor  of  the  printed 
book,  "  was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  lady's  Memoirs.'^ 
Why  Grimm  should  have  described  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoirs  as  the  "  sketch  of  a  novel,"  and  why  especially 
he  did  not  publish  a  work  full  of  literary  merit,  and 
which  seemed  especially  written  for  his  own  (Grimm's) 
glorification,  J.  C.  Brunet  did  not  attempt  to  explain. 
Nor  did  he  explain  how  he  himself  came  to  discover  this 
very  interesting  manuscript  thus  late  in  the  day,  in  the 
possession  of  persons  whom  he  did  not  name  otherwise 
than  as  "  the  heirs  of  Lecourt  de  Villiere." 

But  here,  too,  the  Memoirs  were   accepted  by  the 


44    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

general  reader  in  good  faith ;  and  the  delay  in  publica- 
tion was  supposed  to  have  arisen  naturally  as  a  result 
of  the  motive  of  the  authoress  to  justify  herself  in  the 
eyes  of  her  private  friends  only,  in  a  journal  written 
without  any  notion  that  it  would  ever  be  made  public, 
still  less  be  handed  down  to  posterity.  Evidently  also 
the  accidental  character  attributed  to  the  discovery  of 
the  manuscript  enhanced  the  value  of  Madame  d'Epinay's 
testimony  as  that  of  a  witness  taken  unawares,  and  off 
her  guard  ;  and  whose  corroboration  of  the  charges  made 
by  the  editor  of  the  Correspondancc  Litter  aire  was 
consequently  a  proof  of  their  veracity. 

We  shall  have  by  and  by  to  examine  whether  atten- 
tion to  the  facts  of  the  case  allows  us  to  believe  that  it  was 
by  accident  that  the  discovery  of  the  manuscript  work 
left  by  Madame  d'Epinay  followed  immediately  after  the 
death  of  the  last  person  amongst  Rousseau's  con- 
temporaries who  could  have  contradicted  the  account 
given  in  it  of  the  quarrel  between  Rousseau  and  his  old 
friends. 

But  here  we  must  attend  to  the  other  writings,  pre- 
pared to  appear  in  such  a  way  as  to  lend  support  to  the 
theory  of  Rousseau's  character  set  forth  in  the  Corre- 
spondancc Litteraire,  and  in  the  Memioirs;  and  to 
strengthen  the  impressions  these  works  produced. 

Different  articles  in  the  Biographic  Universellc  and 
in  the  Manuel  des  Lihraires  were  used  to  revive  old 
discredited  libels  against  Rousseau,  refuted  and  rejected 
by  his  contemporaries  ;  but  which,  resuscitated  when  the 
disputes  that  had  once  occupied  public  attention  were 
forgotten,  served  to  give  new  force  to  the  argument  that 
where  there  is  smoke  there  is  fire ;  and  that  if  Rousseau 
were  innocent,  it  seems  strange  so  many  different  persons 
should  unite  to  describe  an  honest  man  as  an  impostor. 

Amongst  the  articles  in  the  Biogi^aphie  Universelle 
containing  allusions  to  Rousseau,  the  notice  upon 
Madame  d'Epinay  is  especially  important :  because  it 
confirms  the  statements  that  the  manuscript  employed 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  45 

for  tlie  production  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs  was, 
before  its  purchase  by  J.  C.  Brunet,  in  the  possession 
of  A.  A.  Barbier. 

Barbier,  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  was  one  of  the 
editors  of  the  Biograpliie  Universelle ;  and  we  feel  this 
editor  at  the  elbow  of  the  contributor  Laporte,  who 
writes  and  signs  the  notice  upon  Madame  d'Epinay, 
giving  him  special  information,  intended  to  prepare  the 
way  for  the  publication  that  was  to  be  made  three 
years  later.  It  may  safely  be  affirmed  that  when  the 
first  edition  of  the  Biograpliie  Universelle  appeared,  no 
one  had  ever  heard  of  the  existence  of  a  work  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  destined  to  serve  as  a  rejDly  to  the  author  of 
the  Confessions.  A  sufficient  proof  exists  of  the  falsity 
of  the  statement  tha.t  Madame  d'Epinay  was  in  the 
habit  of  reading  this  work  to  a  private  circle  of  friends, 
and  that  its  existence  and  purpose  were  open  secrets. 
When  the  Second  Part  of  the  Confessions  appeared,  in 
1789,  Ginguene,  as  we  have  seen,  directly  challenged 
Grimm  and  Grimm's  friend,  to  defend  him  against  Rous- 
seau's charges,  if  they  were  false.  Can  it  be  supposed 
that  if  the  secret  that  Madame  d'Epinay  had  written  a 
reply  to  the  Confessions  had  been  an  open  one,  no 
defender  of  Grimm's  would  have  reminded  Ginguene  of 
the  existence  of  this  work  ? 

"Some  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  contemporaries  affirm," 
wrote  Laporte  in  the  Biograijliie  Utiiverselle,  "  that 
they  knew  the  Memoirs  of  her  life,  a  work  apparently 
intended  to  destroy  the  displeasing  impressions  of  her  left 
by  Rousseau's  account  of  her  given  in  the  Second  Part  of 
the  Confessions.  This  work  was  kept  for  a  long  time  in 
manuscript  form,  and  the  authoress  was  in  the  habit 
of  reading  it  aloud  to  a  number  of  her  most  assiduous 
friends.  It  is  further  said  these  very  interesting 
Memoirs  were  suppressed,  either  by  Madame  d'Epinay 
herself,  or  by  Grimm.  One  cannot  but  regret  it  !  Who 
would  not  have  wished  to  hear  the  two  society  women 
upon  whom  this  famous  author  has,  with  such  grave 


46     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

indiscretion,  fastened  public  attention,  not  indeed 
defend  themselves,  for  neither  Madame  d'Epinay  nor 
Madame  d'Houdetot  appear  to  have  merited  any  blame 
— but  relate  their  version  of  the  story,  and  reply  to  a 
man  who  had  on  his  side  the  huge  advantage  of  pleading 
his  own  cause  unanswered  and  with  all  the  force  lent 
him  by  the  most  seductive  style  ?  " 

It  will  be  observed  that  no  attempt  is  made  by 
Laporte  to  specify  who  were  the  contemporaries  who 
affirmed  that  they  had  known  the  Memoirs  of  Madame 
d'Epinay.  In  the  conditions  of  prevailing  ignorance  of 
the  author's  intention,  his  affirmation  provoked  neither 
comment  nor  inquiry.  It  was  only  three  years  later 
that  the  object  of  these  affirmations  might  (had  any 
critic  been  on  his  guard)  have  been  discovered.  In 
the  preface  to  J.  0.  Brunet's  edition  of  the  printed 
Memoirs,  the  editor  quotes  the  author  of  the  notice  on 
Madame  d'Epinay  in  the  JBiograjDhie  Universelle  as  his 
authority,  and  the  only  authority  he  can  cite,  for  the 
assertion  that  Madame  d'Epinay's  contemporaries  knew 
she  had  written  the  Memoirs  of  her  life  ! 

"  Several  persons,"  wrote  the  author  of  the  preface, 
"  who  knew  that  Madame  d'Epinay  had  written  the 
Memoirs  of  her  life,  and  that  at  her  death  the  manuscript 
remained  in  Grimm's  hands,  had  appeared  to  fear  that 
Grimm  had  suppressed  the  work.  Such,  for  instance,  is 
the  opinion  of  the  author  of  the  notice  upon  Madame 
d'Epinay  in  the  Biographic  Universelle." 

Another  notice  in  the  Biographic  Universelle  affords 
proof  that  the  manuscript  used  for  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoir's  was  in  the  hands  of  the  editors.  In  the  article 
under  the  heading  "J.  J.  Rousseau,"  by  Sevelinges,^  was 
reproduced  a  libellous  story  which  is  the  original  inven- 

1  S.  V.  S.  signature.  Sevelinges  belonged  to  the  circle  of  the 
Encyclopaedists.  Diderot,  writing  to  Mile.  Voland  on  Nov.  17, 
1765,  says,  "La  Baronne  (d'Holbach)  nous  prit,  Grimm  M. 
Sevelinges  et  moi,  dans  son  carosse :  nous  allames  en  corps  entendre 
le  Pantalone,"  etc. — Corresp.  de  Diderot. 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  47 

tion  of  the  author  of  tlic  Memoirs,  and  is  found  in  no 
other  version  of  these  events — viz.  the  imaginary  incident 
of  the  anonymous  letter  sent  to  Saint-Lambert,  which 
in  Madame  d'Epinay's  story  is  made  to  explain  how  the 
Marquis  in  Westphalia  came  to  be  informed  that  Jean 
Jacques  and  Madame  d'Houdetot  were  taking  too  long 
and  too  frequent  rambles  in  the  forest  of  Montmorency. 
The  motive  of  this  invented  anonymous  letter  was  to 
find  a  method  of  escape  from  the  conclusion  that 
Rousseau's  suspicions  were  correct :  and  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  must  have  been  the  person  who  let  Saint- 
Lambert  know  that  his  mistress  was  consoling  herself 
in  his  absence  by  a  perilous  flirtation  with  Rousseau. 

The  article  by  Sevelinges  upon  J.  J.  Rousseau,  pub- 
lished under  the  direction  of  Michaud  and  A.  A.  Barbier, 
as  editors  of  the  Biographie  Universelle,  excited  a  great 
deal  of  indignation  in  circles  where  Rousseau's  memory 
was  still  respected. 

This  is  how  Querard  speaks  of  the  notice  in  his 
France  Contemporaine : — 

"  The  notice  of  J.  J.  Rousseau  in  volume  xxxix.  of 
the  Biographie  Univei'selle  is  an  infamous  libel.  It  has 
been  made  the  subject  of  a  protest  inserted  in  the  Globe, 
voL  i.  p.  335,  and  we  reproduce  it  literally,  because  it 
seems  to  us  to  describe,  m  so  far  as  Rousseau  is  con- 
cerned, the  sjnrit  M.  Michaud  has  given  his  publica- 
tion. '  A  livins;  man  who  is  calumniated  can  invoke  the 
aid  of  the  law  ;  but  calumny  in  history  can  only  be  de- 
nounced and  exposed  by  the  public.  Journalists,  who 
represent  public  opinion,  ought  then  to  punish  it  by 
denouncing  it.  In  volume  xxxix.  of  the  Biographie 
Universelle,  at  the  article  "  J.  J.  Rousseau,"  where  one 
would  expect  to  find  a  critical  appreciation  of  a  famous 
man,  one  finds  merely  a  spiteful  selection  from  his  own 
Confessions  of  the  stories  about  his  faults  exclusively. 
So  far  one  has  only  to  complain  of  the  waste  of  time  and 
the  lack  of  criticism.  But  what  is  much  graver,  two 
imputations  are  made  which,  if  advanced  at  all,  required 


48     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

to  be  supported  by  solid  proofs.  Thus  the  biographer 
affirms  that  Rousseau  was  the  author  of  an  anonymous 
letter  to  Saint-Lambert  and  that  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
lay  the  charge  of  this  base  action  to  some  one  else.  What 
authority  does  he  quote  to  prove  that  infamous  charge  ? 
The  Memoirs  of  Mwrnnontel,^  without  giving  the  f)age, 
and  the  testimony  of  a  person  he  does  not  name,  who 
had  (so  it  is  said)  as  good  opportunities  as  Marmontel 
had,  to  know  the  real  facts.  As  if  one  ever  had  good 
opportunities  for  knowing  the  author  of  an  anonymous 
letter  !  Or  as  if,  in  the  event  of  possessing  such  know- 
ledge, one  were  not  bound  to  indicate  how  one  had 
obtained  it,  when  making  one's  information  public. 
The  writer  elsewhere  insinuates  that  it  was  not  an 
old  ribbon  which  Rousseau  stole  in  the  house  of 
Madame  de  Vercellis.  At  first  sight  the  object  stolen 
may  seem  of  small  importance,  when  the  theft  is  ad- 
mitted. But  if  Jean  Jacques  imposed  upon  his  readers 
when  making  this  avowal,  the  merit  and  pathos  of  his 
repentance  would  be  spoilt  by  this  falsehood — so  thus 
one  would  naturally  expect  that  S.  V.  S.  would  bring 
some  irrefutable  proofs  in  support  of  this  grave 
allegation  1 

*' '  But  here  we  have  his  own  words  :  "  Incfiuries  made 
a  long  tim^e  since  in  the  home  of  this  event  have  led  to  the 
presumption  that  this  '  old  ribbon  '  ivas  in  reality  a 
silver  spoon ;  other  people  say,  a  diamond."  One  must 
have  a  great  taste  for  defamation  to  reproduce,  in  a  pro- 
fessedly historical  notice,  rumours  of  this  sort,  which 
have  only  one  merit — that  they  contradict  each  other. 
It  may  easily  be  understood  that  immediately  after  the 
death  of  a  celebrated  man — when  all  the  passions  that 
were  felt  and  excited  by  him  are  still  living  memories 
around  his  coffin,  people  may  eagerly  discuss  his 
character  and  actions ;    and  that  those  who  were  jealous 

^  Marmontel  says  nothing  whatever  about  an  anonymous  letter 
attributed  to  Madame  d'Epinay.  He  follows  Diderot  and  accuses 
Rousseau  of  having  written  "  an  atrocious  letter  "  to  Saint-Lambert. 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  49 

of  the  superiority  of  liis  genius,  may  studiously  hunt  up 
and  dilate  upon  his  private  weaknesses.  That  is  a 
pleasure  belonging  to  contemporaries,  which  in  this  case 
we  need  not  envy  our  fathers.  But  when  the  ashes 
of  a  great  writer  are  cold,  and  when  posterity  is  called 
upon  to  judge — to  arrive  with  the  spiteful  gossip  and 
slanders  of  the  scandal- mongers  of  fifty  years  ago,  is  to 
offend  against  the  respect  one  owes  to  genius,  to  one's 
readers  and  to  one's  self.'  The  editors  of  the  Globe  have 
added  to  this  letter  the  following  reflections :  '  After 
reading  this  letter,  we  made  it  our  task  to  look  up  the 
article  denounced.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  notice  is 
written  with  savage  hatred  (ecrit  avec  une  haine 
acharnee).  We  do  not  know  the  works  of  Monsieur 
S.  V.  S.  But  he  should  be  an  ineffably  superior  being 
who  can  wind  up  his  notice  by  such  a  sentence  as  this : 
"  The  writer  who  took  for  his  motto  Vitam  impendere 
vero  has  not  perhaps  left  behind  him  one  truthful 
utterance  useful  to  tiie  human  race."  If  S.  V.  S.  is 
merely  ridiculous,  what  are  we  to  say  of  M.  Michaud  ? ' " 

Another  publication  has  to  be  noticed.  In  1818,  a  few 
months  after  the  appearance  of  the  Memoira  of  Madame 
dEpinay  by  J.  C.  Brunet,  A.  A.  Barbier  published  a 
volume  under  the  title  of  Nouveaii  Supplement  au  cows 
de  Litterature  de  M.  de  la  Haipe. 

The  so-called  Supplement  to  La  Harpe's  Cours  de 
Litterature  represented  merely  a  reprint  from  the 
Mercure  of  his  libellous  articles  ao:ainst  Rousseau,  but 
the  volume  gains  importance  from  the  preface,  where 
we  find  it  plainly  stated  by  A.  A.  Barbier,  that,  with 
the  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  ivith  Grimms 
Correspondance,  the  Supplement  was  intended  to  pro- 
duce a  reversal  of  the  judgment  passed  upon  Rousseau 
by  his  contem^poraries. 

"  The  apology  of  the  great  men  of  the  eighteenth 
century  against  J,  J.  Rousseau,"  wrote  A.  A.  Barbier  in 
this  preface,  "  is  contained  in  the  account  given  by  M. 
de  la  Harpe  in  the  Mercure  de  France  of  M.  Ginguen^'s 

VOL.  I.  4 


50     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Letters  upon  the  Confessions.  In  these  well-written 
letters,  M.  Ginguen^  had  shown  hnnself  convinced  of  the 
real  existence  of  a  sort  of  conspiracy  amongst  the  eigh- 
teenth century  philosophers  against  the  most  eloquent 
man  amongst  them.  M.  de  la  Harpe,  who  had  remarked 
on  a  number  of  occasions  the  fatal  symptoms  of  the 
malady  by  luhich  J.  J.  Rousseau  ivas  tormented,  de- 
fended with  manly  energy  the  great  men  accused  in  the 
Confessions  and  by  M.  Ginguene.  These  articles,  five  in 
number,  form  a  work  distinguished  by  a  fine  style  and 
by  force  of  argument.^  The  malady  of  J.  J.  Rousseau 
took  such  developments  that,  in  the  last  years  of  his  life, 
he  believed  the  whole  world  conspired  against  him. 
M.  J.  C.  Brunet,  author  of  the  excellent  Manuel  des 
Libr aires,  has  just  published  the  Memoirs  and  Corre- 
spondence of  Madame  d'Epinay ;  where  the  authoress 
gives  the  details  of  her  relationships  with  Duclos,  J.  J. 
Rousseau,  Grimm,  Diderot,  the  Baron  d'Holbach  and 
other  celebrated  personages  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  details  given  by  Madame  d'Epinay  ought  to  show  in 
their  true  light  the  suspicions  and  precautions  of  J.  J. 
Rousseau  against  his  principal  friends.  Already  Grimm's 
Correspondaiice  Litter  aire  had  greatly  contributed  to 
rehabilitate  the  memory  of  this  philosophical  man  of 
letters.  Thus  it  happens  that  a  severe  and  an  impartial 
posterity  sooner  or  later  re-establishes  the  truths 
obscured  by  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  contempo- 
raries. One  experiences  a  sweet  satisfaction,  when  these 
revelations  contribute  to  the  justification  of  men  distin- 
guished by  their  talents." 

Later  on  in  this  inquiry  we  shall  discover  how  in- 
secure were  the  foundations  of  A.  A.  Barbier's  "  sweet 
satisfaction "  in  the  belief  that  the  publication  of  the 
Corresp>ondance  Litter  aire  would  serve  to  rehabilitate 
Grimm,  and  to  justify  him  from  the  charge  of  being  a 
gratuitous  calumniator  of  Rousseau  if  ever  "  a  severe  and 
an  impartial  posterity  "  took  the  trouble  to  re-establish 
^  fc>ee  Appendix,  Note  C  C,  vol,  i.  p.  366. 


THE    MODERN    DOCTRINE  51 

by  historical  investigatious  the  true  facts  of  his  treatment 
of  his  old  friend  Jean  Jacques. 

But,  first  of  all,  we  have  to  see  how  Barbier's  satisfac- 
tion was  justified  by  the  immediate  impression  these 
publications  produced,  not  only  upon  the  general  reader, 
but  also  upon  critics  who  were  men  of  letters,  and  not 
historical  researchers — literary  connoisseurs,  to  use  an 
expression  favoured  by  Saint-Beuve,  whose  special  func- 
tion was  not  to  sift  evidence,  but  to  deal  intelligently 
and  artistically  with  ideas  and  opinions  as  they  were 
presented  to  them. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   IMPRESSION    MADE    UPON  LITERARY  CONNOISSEURS    BY 
MADAME   D'ePINAy's    MEMOIRS. 

The  position  taken  up  by  literary  critics  who  formed 
their  judgment  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  upon  Grimm's 
Literary  Correspondence  and  Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs 
is  one  that  recommends  itself  at  first  sight  by  its  extreme 
reasonableness. 

With  regard  to  Grimm  first  of  all.  It  is  not  claimed 
for  him  that  he  is  an  entirely  impartial  or  a  trustworthy 
judge  of  Rousseau.  It  is  admitted  that  he  disliked  him, 
for  personal  reasons  ;  it  is  also  recognized  that  his 
position  and  practical  spirit  rendered  him  insensible  to 
Rousseau's  peculiar  merits  as  a  literary  artist.  But 
when  allowances  have  been  made  for  these  antipathies 
and  limitations,  it  is  afiirmed  that  Grimm  had  a  clear 
head  and  a  judicial  mind ;  that  he  knew  Rousseau  very 
well :  and  that  his  opinion  is  worth  considering. 

Again,  with  regard  to  Madame  d'Epinay  :  it  is  not 
claimed  that  her  Memoirs  give  us  a  faultlessly  exact  and 
an  historically  accurate  narrative  of  her  relations  with 
Rousseau.  Here,  too,  we  must  make  allowances,  and 
understand  that  when  painting  her  own  picture,  and  the 
pictures  of  the  men  and  women  of  her  society,  this  skilful 
artist  has  naturally  flattered  some  of  her  portraits,  and 
exaggerated  the  ugly  features  in  others.  In  the  case  of 
her  ungrateful  j^^'ot^ge,  Jean  Jacques,  we  may  take  it  for 
granted  that  when  describing  his  behaviour  Madame 
d'Epinay  has  heightened  the  colour  of  his  ofi"ences ;  and 
toned  down  any  causes  he  may  have  had  for  irritation 
against  Grimm  for  high-handed  treatment  of  his  foibles 
and  extravagances  ;  and  any  cause  of  dissatisfaction  with 

52  i 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS       53 

herself  for  indiscretion  or  curiosity  in  connection  with 
his  passion  for  Madame  d'Houdetot.  But  when  all  these 
admissions  have  been  made,  there  still  remains,  in 
addition  to  the  strong  argument  of  the  agreement 
between  her  own  description  and  Grimm's,  an  irresistible 
impression  (so  these  literary  critics  decide)  that  her 
portrait  is  too  vivid  and  startling  in  its  reality  not  to 
be  painted  from  the  life. 

But  about  Madame  d'Epinay's  merits  as  a  painter  of 
the  life  of  her  epoch,  and  about  the  impression  of 
essential  veracity  conveyed  by  her  Memoirs,  let  us  hear 
the  opinion  of  critics  who  were  themselves  word-painters 
of  extraordinary  merit — I  mean  the  Brothers  de 
Goncourt. 

"  We  have  a  masterpiece  produced  in  this  epoch," 
w^rote  the  authors  of  La  Femme  au  Dix-huitieme  Siecle, 
"  a  masterpiece  by  a  woman's  hands,  where  the  excellence 
is  not  due  to  imagination,  but  to  observation ;  a 
psychological  observation  which  penetrates  and 
interprets  character  and  feeling.  The  woman  who  has 
given  us  this  strange  and  fascinating  book  wrote  under 
the  charm  of  a  novel  of  Eousseau's.  She,  too,  imagined 
herself  to  be  writing  a  novel.  But  it  is  her  own  life 
she  discloses — her  own  epoch  that  she  lays  bare.  She 
had  only  aspired  to  equal  the  Nouvelle  Helo'ise — she 
succeeded  in  surpassing  the  Confessions !  For  in 
Eousseau's  Confessions  we  have  one  man,  but  in 
Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs  we  have  a  whole  society. 
Marriage  customs  and  intrigues,  domestic  life  and 
adultery,  conventions  and  scandals,  old  institutions 
and  prejudices,  and  restless  new  ideas  ;  the  whole  drama 
in  all  its  general  aspects  is  played  out  before  us,  at  the 
same  time  that  special  scenes  unravel  their  complications 
and  reach  their  climax.  And  around  these  facts  of  the 
daily  life,  the  atmosphere  of  the  century  circulates. 
Conversations  come  to  us  from  this  book  with  the  sound 
iof  voices.  We  hear  the  guests  chatter,  sittins;  round 
Mile.  Qumault's  dinner  table.     Indiscreetly,  we  listen  at 


54     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

tlie  door  to  tlie  scene  of  jealousy  between  Madame 
d'Epinay  and  Madame  de  Yersel,  an  admirable  scene — 
no  dialogue  upon  our  modern  stage  equals  it  in  natural- 
ness !  The  faces  of  the  women  stand  out  from  the  pages 
of  the  book.  Madame  d'Ai'ty,  Madame  d'Houdetot, 
Madame  de  Jully,  Mile.  d'Ette,  all  personages  who  have 
in  them  the  breath  of  life ;  and  this  warm  breath  passes 
into  their  speech.  Duclos  frightens  one  :  and  Rousseau's 
likeness  is  terrifying.  The  smaller  men  too,  Margency 
and  his  peers,  are  painted  in  a  few  words,  sketched  to 
the  very  soul  of  them,  as  they  pass.  Incomparable 
confessions — where,  from  the  study  of  the  world  around 
her,  of  her  husband,  of  her  lover,  of  herfriends,  of  her  family, 
the  woman  returns  constantly  to  the  study  of  herself : 
to  the  recomition  of  her  own  weaknesses,  searching:  out 
her  mind  and  her  heart,  counting  its  beatings,  exposing 
its  cowardice  and  frailty.  Self-knowledge,  and  the 
knowledge  of  others,  have  never  perhaps  under  any 
man's  pen  gone  so  far  as  this ;  under  no  woman's  pen 
can  they  go  further." 

Here  we  have  a  judgment  delivered  by  literary 
connoisseurs  that  all  appreciative  readers  of  the  Memoirs 
will  pronounce  correct.  It  is  true  that  this  skilful  artist 
knows  how  to  call  back  to  life  social  surroundino;s  and 
states  of  feeling  that  men  and  women  of  like  passions 
with  ourselves  once  knew,  but  which  have  ceased  to 
exist.  True,  that  she  gives  us  an  entrance  into  her 
salon,  and  that  the  conversations  oroino-  on  there  reach 
us  "  like  the  sound  of  voices."  True  that,  by  her  talent, 
the  sun  is  made  to  shine  again  upon  a  world  where  the 
sun  has  ceased  to  shine — but  (and  this  is  a  question 
that  at  once  shows  us  the  difference  between  the  purposes 
of  literary  and  of  historical  criticism)  because  she  has 
made  the  sun  shine  again  does  she  necessarily  render  a 
true  account  of  the  things  done  under  this  sun  f 

Tlie  assumption  is  that  she  does :  not  perhaps  a 
literal  and  an  exact  account,  that  can  stand  the  testing 
of  every   detail  :  but  an   account   that   leaves   a  true 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS       55 

impression.  Even  the  de  Goncourts  took  this  for  granted. 
"  Duclos,"  they  wrote  :  "  effraye.  Rousseau  ressemhle  cb 
faire  peur^  But  the  Duclos  who  frightens  one  by  his 
cynical  malice  and  wickedness  in  the  Memoirs  was,  by 
the  verdict  of  his  contemporaries,  one  of  the  most 
estimable  men  of  his  time.  But  the  sophist  and 
hypocrite  Rousseau  of  the  Memoirs,  who  so  closely 
resembles  the  "  monster"  painted  by  Diderot  and  Grimm, 
was  the  "virtuous  citizen  of  Geneva,"  painted  by 
impartial  witnesses. 

If  we  examine  into  the  matter  attentively,  we  shall 
find  that,  with  men  of  letters  especially,  it  is  before  all 
things  admiration  of  the  essential  veracity  of  Madame 
d'Epinay  (when  tried  by  literary  and  artistic  standards) 
which  convinces  them  that  the  portrait  we  have  of 
Rousseau  in  her  Memoirs  must  be  accepted  as 
historically  correct — a  portrait  painted  from  the  life. 
And  this  portrait  has  the  same  features  which  characterize 
the  picture  of  Jean  Jacques  given  by  the  editor  of  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire.  Here,  then,  we  have 
arrived  at  the  foundations  of  the  doctrine  of  Rousseau's 
repulsive  personality  held  by  Sainte-Beuve,  by  Saint- 
Marc  Girardiu  and  by  E.  Scherer,  and  after  these 
distinguished  French  critics  (counted  by  the  English 
biographer  of  Rousseau  the  saner  and  more  rational  of 
those  who  have  judged  him)  by  Mr.  John  Morley. 

In  the  case  of  Sainte-Beuve.  the  literarv  allegiance  to 
the  authoress  of  the  Memoirs  is  easily  established.  One 
has  only  to  refer  to  the  Causeries  and  to  the  incessantly 
quoted  articles — the  first,  upon  Madame  d'Epinay,  June 
1850,  where  Rousseau  is  accused  by  implication  of  having 
falsified  the  letters  he  reproduces  in  the  Confessions ;  the 
second  on  Grimm,  January  1852,  where  Rousseau  is 
frankly  called  a  liar — in  order  to  realize  that  the 
foundations  of  Sainte-Beuve's  convictions  are  upon  his 
belief  in  the  essential  veracity  of  ^ladame  d'Epinay. 

It  should,  however,  be  recognized  that  Sainte-Beuve 
himself  never  professed  to  have  pronounced  an  authori- 


56     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

tative  historical  sentence  upon  Rousseau  :  that  he  gave 
his  opinion  emphatically  in  favour  of  Madame  d'Epinay 
and  of  Grimm,  and  against  the  author  of  the  Confessions, 
as  a  conviction  that  satisfied  him,  and  not  as  a  final 
historical  judgment  that  everyone  was  bound  to  accept; 
and  that  he  prefaced  one  of  the  most  emphatic  and 
important  of  these  statements  of  his  private  opinions 
with  the  words :  "  II  ne  saurait  etre  de  mon  dessein 
d'examiner  ici  ce  proces." 

Amongst  critics  of  the  Correspondance  Litterairej 
Sainte-Beuve  distinguished  himself  by  affirming  that 
Grimm  was  not  only  honest,  but  j)Ositively  generous,  in 
his  treatment  of  Rousseau.  The  only  supposition  one 
can  make  which  expLiins  this  astonishing  assertion,  is 
that  the  author  of  the  Causeries  did  not  in  this  case, 
either,  feel  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  examine  the  facts : 
but  that  he  based  his  conclusions  solely  upon  Grimm's 
avoidance,  in  the  sort  of  biographical  sketch  he  drew  up 
of  his  old  friend's  youth  and  early  manhood,  of  all  mention 
of  the  sending  of  his  children  to  the  Foundling  Hospital. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  biographical  sketch,  as  will 
presently  be  seen,  was  especially  planned  to  produce  the 
false  impression  that  Rousseau  had  been  prepared  by 
humiliations  and  bitter  experiences  in  early  manhood 
for  the  role  of  a  mischievous  demagogue  and  a  sour- 
tempered  misanthrope ;  and  especially  for  a  secret 
malicious  hatred  of  "great  people" — such  as  were  the 
ahonyiGS  to  the  Correspondance  Litteraire.  His  hints 
about  the  domestic  life  of  one  whom  he  has  endeavoured 
to  paint  as  base  and  despicable  in  all  his  relations,  can 
hardly  be  supposed  to  indicate  respect  for  the  obligation 
of  old  friendship ;  and  we  shall  not  fail  to  discover  the 
true  reasons  for  this  apparent  reticence  later  on. 
But  let  us  hear  Sainte-Beuve  himself: — 
"  In  the  Cori^espondance  Litteraire,''  affirms  this 
critic,  "  Rousseau  is  not  badly  treated,  as  one  would  have 
expected  him  to  be.  Even  when  his  principles  and 
systems  are  condemned,  his  talents  are  highly  praised. 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS       57 

Grimm  takes  his  stand  by  the  Discourse  upon  Inequality. 
Here  he  finds  the  whole  of  Rousseau's  doctrine.  In  a 
just  and  masterly  argument,  he  fixes  the  precise  point 
where  he  considers  this  eloquent  writer  goes  astray,  and 
where  his  doctrine  lapses  into  extravagance ;  and  he 
makes  it  his  task  to  refute  what  is  false,  and  to  rectify 
the  central  idea — viz.  Rousseau's  pretension  to  lead  man 
back  to  one  knows  not  what  golden  age,  at  which  point 

he  regrets  that  human  progress  was  not  arrested 

In  the  kind  of  biography  ^  which  Grimm  gave  of  Rousseau 
at  the  time  of  Emile  (June  15,  1762),  the  author  of  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire  stops  short  in  his  reminis- 
cences at  the  point  when  they  might  lead  to  indiscreet 
revelations,  and  to  a  violation  of  the  claims  of  an  old 
friendshii^ ;  and  after  tracing  the  principal  epochs  of 
Rousseau's  life  and  his  first  more  or  less  strange  adventures, 
he  adds  :  '  His  private  and  domestic  life  would  7iot 
make  a  less  curious  story,  hut  it  is  written  in  the 
memory  of  one  or  two  of  his  old  friends  who  from  self- 
respect,  refrain  from  writing  it  elsewhere.'  Had  Grimm 
been  the  perfidious  traitor  Rousseau  believed,  what 
a  fine  opportunity  he  might  have  had  here  to  relate 
what,  in  contrast  to  the  doctrines  set  forth  in  Emile,  had 
been  Rousseau's  conduct  to  his  own  children  ;  as  well 
as  many  other  details,  that  were  only  made  known 
afterwards  by  the  Confessions.'' 

It  is  not,  however,  in  reality  Grimm  or  the  Corre- 
spondance Litteraire,  w^hich  has  produced  upon  Sainte- 
Beuve's  mind  the  impression  that  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau 
was  a  calumniator.  It  is  Madame  d'Epinay  who  fasci- 
nates this  literary  connoisseur,  as  she  fascinated  those 
other  literary  connoisseurs,  the  de  Goncourts,  with  her 
charm  as  a  maitresse  de  salon,  in  that  world  whereon  the 
sun  has  set ;  and  where  she  still  entertains  modern  guests 
able  to  feel  themselves  at  home  in  her  domain,  and  to 
accept  at  her  hands  her  introductions  to  famous  people, 
and  to  men  and  women  whose  names  have  died,  all  upon 
1  See  vol.  ii.  pp.  95-100. 


58     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

equal  terms.  Accomplished  travellers  like  Sainte-Beuve, 
E.  Scherer  and  the  de  Goncourts,  in  these  domains 
of  the  mind  where  this  typical  woman  of  good  society 
keeps  always  open  house,  show  the  sensitiveness  of 
favoured  guests  to  a  charming  hostess,  where  Madame 
d'Epinay  is  concerned.  They  are  irritated  by  a  small 
and  petty  criticism  (as  they  take  it  to  be)  which  convicts 
this  fascinating  mattresse  de  salon  of  inaccurate  state- 
ments. Let  fault-finders  leave  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoirs  alone — the  fact  that  they  find  faults  proves 
them  bad  critics. 

"  The  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'E2nnay,"  affirmed 
Sainte-Beuve,  "  are  not  a  book  only,  they  give  us  an 
epoch.  All  the  literature  of  the  time  is  in  Grimm :  all 
the  life  of  society  is  in  Madame  d'Epinay." 

Et  voild.  As  to  the  origins  of  the  book,  whether  it 
was  rightly  called  the  llemoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay ; 
whether  it  was  a  novel,  that  had  been  doctored  by  the 
editor  of  the  printed  edition  ;  whether  this  editor's  story 
of  how  the  original  manuscript  came  into  his  hands  were 
not  suspiciously  vague,  etc., — about  all  these  questions, 
the  author  of  the  Causeries  not  only  had  not  a  word  to 
say,  but  showed  no  consciousness  that  they  had  ever 
been  discussed,  or  deserved  discussion. 

It  hardly  seems  possible  that  Sainte-Beuve,  writing  in 
1850-52,  was  unaware  that  Musset  Pathay,  in  1818  and 
in  1826,  had  called  in  question  all  the  statements  made 
by  J.  C.  Bruuet,  or  by  Parison,  in  the  preface  to  the 
first  edition  of  the  Mem^oirs.  Yet  the  author  of  the 
Causeries  repeats  all  Brunet's  assertions  about  the  lucky 
discovery  of  this  work  that  "  ran  a  great  risk  of  re- 
mainius:  unknown — when  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
learned  editor,  M.  Brunet." 

Sainte-Beuve  takes  Madame  d'Epinay  as  literally  as 
her  editor.  He  bases  his  opinion  of  Grimm  on  the 
account  given  in  the  Memoirs  and  warns  readers  against 
the  falsehoods — as  he  assumes  them  to  be — told  by  the 
author  of  the  Coifessions. 


MADAME   D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS      59 

"  Grimm,"  writes  Sainte-Beuve,  ''  as  I  recognize  him 
from  the  testimony  given  by  his  friend,  is  an  upright,  a 
judicious,  a  reliable  man ;  formed  in  early  youth  for  com- 
merce with  the  world,  having  a  poor  opinion  of  men  in 
general  and  judging  them  severely,  and  with  none  of  the 
false  views  and  philanthropic  illusions  of  the  time.  Let 
us  be  on  our  guard  against  judging  him  by  Rousseau's 
account,  who  never  forgave  him  for  having  been  the  first 
to  penetrate  ivith  a  clear  and  pitiless  gaze  his  inc^irable 
vanity.  .  .  .  People  are  not  just  to  Grimm.  One  never 
hears  his  name  mentioned  without  some  displeasing 
adjective  tacked  on  to  it.  For  some  time  I  had  myself  a 
prejudice  against  him.  But  when  I  inquired  into  the 
cause  of  this  prejudice,  I  found  that  my  dislike  to 
Grimm  was  only  based  on  the  statements  made  about 
him  by  J.  J.  Rousseau  in  his  Confessions.  But  Rousseau, 
whenever  his  diseased  self-love  and  morbid  vanity  are 
concerned,  has  no  scruples  about  lying.  And  J  have 
arrived  at  this  conviction — that  with  regard  to  Grimm, 
he  was  a  liar." 

We  are  not  told  by  what  mental  process  Sainte-Beuve 
had  reached  this  conviction.  But  the  clue  is  found  later 
on  in  the  same  Causerie.  In  connection  with  the  final 
rupture  between  Rousseau  and  Madame  d'Epinay,  Sainte- 
Beuve  draws  attention  to  the  different  versions  of 
important  letters  given  in  the  Memoirs,  and  in  the 
Confessions : — 

"  It  does  not  belong  to  me  to  decide  the  case,"  he 
writes ;  "  but  when  one  reads  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoirs  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Confessions  on  the 
other,  one  discovers  that  letters  quoted  in  both  works — 
letters  that  should  serve  to  throw  light  upon  the 
questions  at  issue — are  not  reproduced  in  the  same  way  : 
in  other  words,  up)on  one  side  or  the  other  these  im- 
portaiit  letters  have  been  falsified,  and  some  one  has 
lied.     I  do  not  believe  it  was  Madame  d'Epinay.'' 

That  is  to  say,  here  again  Sainte-Beuve  had  "  arrived 
at  the  conviction  "  that  Rousseau  was  a  liar. 


6o    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

But  twelve  years  after  the  author  of  the  Causeries  had 
confided  to  the  world  his  views,  the  only  evidence  that 
could  satisfactorily  decide  the  case  proved  that  Sainte- 
Beuve's  "  conviction  "  was  a  blunder.  In  1865  M.  Streck- 
eisen-Moultou  published  from  the  original  autographs 
preserved  in  the  Neuchatel  Public  Library,  the  authentic 
letters  of  Madame  d'Epinay,  of  Rousseau,  of  Diderot  and 
of  Grimm,  differently  reproduced  in  the  Confessions  and 
in  the  Memoirs}  This  pul)lication  establishes  finally  that 
Rousseau  had  reproduced  the  true  documents  :  and  that 
the  "  some  one  "  who  had  lied,  by  falsifying  evidence 
serving  to  throw  light  upon  the  questions  at  issue,  ivas 
the  author  of  the  Memoirs. 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  methods  of  criticism  followed 
in  this  particular  case,  that  M.  Streckeisen-Moultou's 
volumes  J.  J.  Rousseau,  ses  Amis  et  ses  Ennemis,  are 
frequentl)?-  quoted  by  the  same  critics,  who  continue  to 
cite,  as  though  it  remained  an  authoritative  sentence, 
Sainte-Beuve's  "  conviction  "  that,  with  regard  to  Grimm 
and  Madame  d'Epinay,  J.  J.  Rousseau  was  a  liar. 

In  so  far  as  Sainte-Beuve  is  concerned,  he  was  justified 
in  saying  that  the  character  of  his  delightful  essays  in 
literature,  published  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes 
weekly,  under  the  title  of  "  Causeries  du  lundi,"  did  not 
pledge  their  author  to  solve  by  original  researches  vexed 
historical  questions.  The  blame  was,  therefore,  with  his 
readers,  rather  than  with  the  brilliant  essayist  himself,  if 
the  authority  of  a  decisive  judgment  was  imputed  to 
what  he  put  forward  as  a  personal  opinion  upon  a  ques- 
tion of  facts  he  was  careful  to  state  he  had  not  made  it 
his  business  to  examine  {il  7ie  saurait  etre  de  tnon 
dessein  d' examiner  ici  ce  proces).  The  same  apology, 
however,  does  not  hold  good  in  the  case  of  Saint-Marc 

1  These  letters  are  found  in  the  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  pp.  70,  71,  73. 
In  the  Confessions,  Part  II,  liv.  ix.  In  Streckeisen-Moultou's  J.  J. 
Rousseau,  ses  Amis  et  ses  Ennemis,  vol.  i.  pp.  341,  342,  343.  See  also 
Prof.  Ritter's  Nouvelles  Reciter  dies  sur  la  Correspondance  de  J.  J. 
Rousseau. 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS       6i 

Girardin ;  who,  as  the  author  of  what  professed  to  be 
studies  upon  the  Life  and  Writings  of  J.  J.  Rousseau, 
was  bound  by  the  character  of  his  work  to  acquaint 
himself  with  established  facts,  as  well  as  with  all  that 
had  been  said  and  written  upon  the  subject.  Neverthe- 
less in  1851,  that  is  to  say,  thirty-one  years  after  Musset 
Pathay's  Life  of  Rousseau,  this  new  biographer  entirely 
ignored  all  the  evidence  put  forward  by  his  predecessor 
in  proof  of  the  unreliability  of  the  so-called  Memoirs  of 
Madame  cVEpinay  (soit  que  ces  Memoires  ne  rem- 
plissent  aucune  des  conditions  exigees  pour  constater 
la  certitude,  soit  parcequ'il  y  a  des  faits  dont  la 
faussete  est  demontree).  Without  showing  any  know- 
ledge of  the  admissions  of  the  original  editor,  J.  C. 
Brunet,  that  the  printed  volumes  given  the  public 
represented  only  those  parts  of  the  original  narrative 
that  wore  an  air  of  probability,  and  that  evidently 
imaginary  and  fanciful  episodes  had  been  suppressed, 
Saint-Marc  Girardin  adopted  in  his  serious  biography 
the  same  method  that  Sainte-Beuve  had,  with  much 
more  excuse,  followed  in  the  Causeries.  Trusting  to 
his  own  personal  conviction  that  Madame  d'Epinay  was 
a  more  trustworthy  witness  than  Rousseau,  he  took  the 
Memoirs  in  one  hand  and  the  Confessions  in  the  other, 
compared  the  two  narratives,  reconciled  them  (when 
reconciliation  was  possible)  by  supposing  Rousseau's 
account  tainted  by  his  mania  of  suspicion ;  and  when 
the  different  stories  could  not  be  reconciled,  when  it 
became  evident  that  one  of  the  two  accounts  must  be 
false,  and  that  "  some  one  had  lied,"  deciding  off-hand 
that  the  "  liar  "  was  J.  J.  Rousseau. 

It  is  thus  upon  no  more  solid  grounds  than  the  asser- 
tion "  Madame  d'Epinay  tells  a  different  story  "  that  this 
biographer  rejects  as  "pure  affectation  of  simplicity  and 
awkwardness,"  Rousseau's  account  of  his  poor  perform- 
ances as  an  actor  in  the  private  theatricals  at  I^a 
Chevrette  ;  his  "  fairy-tale  "  about  Madame  d'Epinay 's 
charming  method  of  offering  him  the   Hermitage ;    his 


62     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"  novel "  (in  other  words  his  own  account,  given  in  the 
Confessions),  of  his  romantic  passion  for  Madame 
d'Houdetot. 

But  this  is  not  all.  Saint-Marc  Girardin  not  only 
prefers  to  accept  the  account  given  in  the  Memoirs 
about  events  differently  related  in  the  Confessions,  for 
no  better  reason  than  his  faith  in  the  "  essential  veracity  " 
of  Madame  d'Epinay,  but,  upon  the  same  faith,  he  bases 
assertions  about  Rousseau's  life  and  conduct  which  are 
directly  contradicted  by  well-established  facts  and  by  the 
testimony  of  contemporaries. 

Nothing,  for  instance,  is  more  certain  than  that 
Rousseau  did  practise  the  trade  of  a  copyist  of  music 
seriously  ;  that  he  supported  himself  and  Therese  by  his 
earnings  ;  and  that  without  this  supplement  to  the  sums 
paid  him  at  intervals  for  his  books  he  could  not  have 
existed  independently  of  the  pensions  and  patronage  that 
the  more  prosperous  men  of  letters  who  sneered  at  him 
— Diderot  and  d'Alembert,  to  say  nothing  of  Grimm — 
were  constantly  ready  to  accept  and  even  solicit. 

Yet,  on  the  faith  of  the  statements  of  Madame 
d'Epinay  and  Grimm,  this  biographer  boldly  affirms 
that  when  professing  to  follow  the  trade  of  a  copyist, 
Rousseau  was  an  impostor,  a  charlatan  ;  and  that  his 
anger  with  Grimm,  when  this  professed  friend  made  it 
his  task  to  decry  his  skill  as  a  copyist,  was  not 
founded  upon  the  real  injury  done  him  by  depriving 
him  of  work  he  was  honestly  ready  to  perform,  but 
was  the  result  of  vexation  at  the  exposure  of  his  sham  pro- 
fessions to  practise  any  trade  but  that  of  a  man  of  letters. 

"  What  afflicted  Rousseau,"  affirmed  Saint-Marc 
Girardin,  "  was  not  that  Grimm  criticized  his  skill  as 
a  workman,  but  that  he  put  him  to  shame  by  exposing 
him  as  a  humbug." 

No  fact,  again,  is  more  open  to  proof  than  Rousseau's 
true  love  of  independence,  and  his  consistent  rejection 
of  substantial  benefits  and  offers  of  patronage  and  assist- 
ance pressed  upon  him  (as  he  says  himself)  with  all  the 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS       63 

more  zeal  and  persistency  because  his  reluctance  to 
accept  favours  Avas  notorious.  But  all  these  proofs  of 
disinterestedness  are  ignored ;  and  Saint-Marc  Girardin 
boldly  asserts  that  Rousseau  did  not  refuse  favours,  but 
only  declined  to  be  grateful  for  them. 

"  By  way  of  a  commencement  Rousseau  accepted 
everything,"  affirmed  his  biographer ;  "  services,  benefits, 
carriages.  He  was,  if  I  may  so  express  it,  prodigal  in 
receiving.  But  on  the  very  next  day  he  began  to  make 
up  his  accounts  ;  and  sought  to  free  himself  from  obliga- 
tions by  resentuient  against  those  who  had  obliged  him. 
His  method  of  recovering  independence  was  ingratitude. 
Then  he  realized  his  poverty  and  its  inconvenience,  but 
only  as  grievances  against  others.  Thus,  with  angry 
emphasis,  he  told  how  he  had  to  clean  his  own  boots 
amongst  twenty  servants  supposed  to  be  at  his  disposal. 
Rousseau  had  in  him  every  type  of  poverty — the  poor 
man  who  is  shy  aud  awkward,  the  envious  and  un- 
grateful poor  man,  and  the  ill-natured  and  declamatory 
poor  man,  a  type  of  recent  growth  to  a  great  extent 
created  by  him." 

"  II  acceptait  tout  le  premier  jour : — services,  bienfaits, 
carrosses ;  il  etait  prodigue  a  recevoir :  mais  des  le 
lendemain  il  commencait  a  faire  ses  comptes  et  tachait 
de  s'acquitter  par  le  mecontentement." 

Here  is  a  sentence  almost  as  popular  with  modern 
critics  of  Rousseau  as  Sainte-Beuve's  vigorous  phrase 
describing  the  author  of  the  Confessions  as  a  liar.  But 
here,  also,  examination  into  the  historical  authority  for 
this  sentence  proves  it  founded  upon  an  impression 
derived  from  demonstrably  false  assertions  made  by 
Madame  d'Epinay. 

The  judgment  passed  upon  Rousseau  by  E.  Scherer 
has  also  indubitably  its  foundations  upon  belief  in 
the  veracity  of  Madame  d'Epinay.  Upon  Grimm's 
criticism  of  Rousseau,  or  calumnies  against  Rousseau, 
in  the  Correspondance  Litteraire,  E.  Scherer  has 
not  much  to  say.     "  The  quarrel,"  he  affirms,  "  with 


64     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Jean  Jacques  was  in  1757.  Before  that  date,  in  the 
first  volumes  of  the  Coy^respondance,  Rousseau  is  'the 
austere  and  virtuous  citizen  of  Geneva ' ;  but  even  in 
this  epoch  there  is  no  great  cordiality  of  tone,  and  one 
recognizes  that  decidedly  there  was  something  of  the 
philistine  in  the  temperament  of  this  critic."  But,  after 
the  quarrel,  "  Grimm  comes  honourably  out  of  this  trial 
of  his  impartiality,  when  criticizing  a  man  he  had 
personally  to  complain  of,  who  had  insulted  all  his  old 
friends  with  his  odious  suspicions  and  Madame  d'Epinay 
with  the  abominable  ingratitude  we  know." 

So  much  for  Grimm,  for  whom  E.  Scherer  had  no 
immoderate  partiality,  although  his  antipathy  to  Rous- 
seau leads  him  to  give  this  "  French  polished  German," 
"  cet  AUemandfrotte  de  Frayicais,"  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt  in  all  cjuestions  between  Jean  Jacques  and  him, 
But  M.  Scherer's  sincere  and  devoted  admiration  for 
Madame  d'Epinay,  in  the  character  of  a  literary  connois- 
seur who  has  been  entertained  by  her  in  the  epoch 
when  she  still  held  her  open  salon,  outdoes  even  Sainte- 
Beuve's  sense  of  the  oblig-ation  left  with  all  her  guests 
to  maintain  her  essential  veracity. 

It  is  thus  not  so  much  as  a  writer  who  takes  up  a 
different  point  of  view  from  his  own,  but  much  more  as 
a  mal  eleve,  an  offender  who  sins  against  the  courtesies 
of  polished  literary  criticism,  that  poor  Paul  Boiteau,  the 
editor  of  a  second  edition  of  Madame  d' Epinay  s 
Memoirs  in  1883,  is  called  to  account  by  E.  Scherer 
because  he  had  ventured  to  convict  Madame  d'Epinay 
of  different  historical  inaccuracies. 

"  M.  Boiteau,"  wrote  E.  Scherer  in  his  Etudes  sur  la 
Litterature  Contempoj^ame,  "  differs  from  most  editors 
in  that  he  professes  very  little  esteem  for  the  writer 
whose  work  he  publishes.  If  I  do  not  greatly  err,  all 
he  has  had  in  view  when  publishing  Madame  d'Ej^inay's 
Memjoirs  has  been  to  sacrifice  her  to  Rousseau.  Rousseau, 
one  needs  to  recollect,  has  his  fanatics,  who  never  speak 
of  him  without  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  who  take 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS      65 

his  hallucinations  seriously,  and  who  believe  in  the 
universal  plot  of  which  he  imagined  himself  the  victim. 
M.  Boiteau  is  one  of  these  impassioned  apologists.  The 
notes  with  which  he  has  enriched  the  Memoirs  of 
Madame  dJEpinay  have  often  no  other  object  than  to 
justify  the  calumnies  with  which  theGenevese  philosopher 
paid  the  affection  and  benefits  of  his  best  friends.^ 
Nothing  can  be  more  tiresome  than  this  commentary. 
M.  Boiteau  has  a  right  to  be  of  any  religio;i  that  seems 
good  to  him,  but  not  to  celebrate  his  faith  thus  in  the 
public  highways.  (M.  Boiteau  a  le  droit  d'etre  de  la 
religion  qui  bon  lui  semble,  mais  non  pas  de  celebrer 
ainsi  son  culte  sur  la  voie  publique.)" 

This  method  of  putting  an  end  to  the  discussion,  by 
refusing  to  believers  in  Rousseau's  impressive  personality 
and  disinterested  life  the  right  to  profess  their  faith 
openly,  comes  to  one  as  somewhat  arbitrary.  But  it 
belongs  to  the  temper  of  mind  of  a  superior  critic  who 
arrives  at  his  opinions  independently  of  evidence,  by 
methods  of  argument.  Thus  when,  between  two  con- 
tradictory theories,  he  accepts  the  one  that  on  the  face 
of  things  appears  to  him  reasonable,  and  rejects  the  theory 
that  looks  to  him  extravagant,  he  is  prone  to  feel  im- 
patience with  people  who  undertake  superfluous  inquiries 
in  connection  with  a  question  he  esteems  is  settled. 

Very  much  the  same  tone  is  adopted,  because  the 
same  critical  method  is  employed,  by  Rousseau's  English 
biographer.  But  it  is  characteristic  of  the  diflPerent 
intellectual  temperaments  of  French  and  English  critics, 
that  Mr.  John  Morley  does  not  at  all  share  the  enthusiasm 
of  Sainte-Beuve  and  E.  Scherer  for  Madame  d'Epinay, 
and  that  he  has  a  very  qualified  belief  in  the  lady's 
"  essential  veracity."  His  own  doctrine  of  Rousseau's 
repulsive  personality  is  much  more  the  result  of  the 
impression   made   upon   him   by   the    "positivity   and 

1  That  is  to  say,  the  best  friends  of  Rousseau  were,  in  E.  Scherer's 
opinion,  the  authors  of  the  Essay  upon  Seneca,  of  the  Coi'respondance 
Litteraire,  and  of  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay. 

VOL.  I.  5 


66     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

firmness"  lie  discovers  as  the  leading  characteristics 
of  the  "  coldly  upright "  editor  of  the  Correspondance 
Litter  aire. 

"  Grimm,"  affirms  Mr.  Morley,  *'  was  an  able  and 
helpful  man,  in  spite  of  his  having  a  rough  manner, 
powdering  his  face,  and  being  so  monstrously  scented 
as  to  earn  the  name  of  the  musk  bear.  He  had  the 
firmness  and  positivity  which  are  not  always  beautiful, 
but  of  which  there  is  probably  too  little,  rather  than  too 
much,  in  the  world,  certainly  in  the  France  of  his  time ; 
and  of  which  there  was  none  at  all  in  Rousseau.  Above 
all  things,  he  hated  declamation.  It  is  easy  to  see  how 
Rousseau's  way  of  ordering  himself  would  gradually 
estrange  so  hard  a  head  as  this.  It  is  possible  that 
jealousy  may  have  stimulated  the  exercise  of  his  natural 
shrewdness.^  But  this  shrewdness,  added  to  entire  want 
of  imagination  and  a  very  narrow  range  of  sympathy, 
was  quite  enough  to  account  for  Grimm's  harsh  judg- 
ment, without  attributing  to  him  sinister  motives.  .  .  . 
The  characters  of  the  two  men  were  profoundly  anti- 
pathetic. Rousseau  we  know  :  [?]  sensuous,  impulsive, 
extravagant,  with  little  sense  of  the  difference  between 
reality  and  dream.  Grimm  was  exactly  the  opposite  : 
judicious,  collected,  self-seeking,  coldly  upright.  After 
being  secretary  to  several  high  people,  he  became  the 
literary  correspondent  of  various  German  sovereigns, 
keeping  them  informed  of  what  was  happening  in  the 
world  of  art  and  letters,  just  as  an  ambassador  keeps 
his  Government  informed  of  what  happens  in  politics. 
The  sobriety,  impartiality  and  discrimination  of  his 
criticism  makes  one  think  highly  of  his  literary  judg- 
ment.  This  is  not  all,  however;  his  criticism  is 
conceived  in  a  tone  that  impresses  us  ivith  the  writer^ s 
integrity  y^ 

In  so  far  as  his  opinion  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau's 
private  character  is  concerned,  a  critic  who  comes  away 

1  Jealousy  of  Madame  d'Epinay  is  what  Mr.  Morley  intends. 

2  Vol.  i.  p.  280. 


MADAME    D'EPINAY'S    MEMOIRS      67 

from  the  Correspondance  Litteraire  impressed  by 
Grimm's  integrity,  holds  the  same  doctrine  as  critics 
who  believe  in  the  essential  veracity  of  the  portraits  of 
historical  personages  given  in  the  Memoirs  of  Madame 
d'Epinay. 

And  here  we  have  what  really  constitutes  the  funda- 
mental argument  that  serves  as  the  starting-point  of 
the  psychological  criticism  of  Rousseau. 

Considered  as  a  sound  argument,  it  is  unanswerable. 
We  are  bound  to  admit,  in  view  of  the  agreement 
between  the  portrait  of  Rousseau  found  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  Memoirs,  and  the  description  of  him  elabor- 
ated in  innumerable  anecdotes  and  criticisms  in  Grimm's 
secret  Journal,  that  one  of  two  conclusions  forces  itself 
upon  us.  Either  Rousseau  actually  was  the  repulsive 
personage  shown  us  in  both  these  pictures,  and  then 
the  resemblance  between  these  separate  portraits  is 
explained  naturally ;  or,  if  the  picture  did  not  resemble 
him,  inasmuch  as  these  different  authors  could  not  have 
accidentally  hit  upon  precisely  the  same  falsehoods, 
Grimm,  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  Diderot  were  not  only 
calumniators,  but  conspirators ;  who  must  have  consulted 
and  plotted  together  to  destroy  an  innocent  man's 
reputation. 

But  the  last  conclusion  is  pronounced  untenable  by 
literary  critics,  who  try  historical  questions  by  methods 
of  argument,  and  decide  them  in  accordance  with  their 
own  impressions  and  convictions  of  what  it  seems 
reasonable  to  suppose  true. 

If,  then,  the  case  he  settled  in  this  sense,  Jean  Jacques 
remains  prwed  to  have  been  the  7^ep)ulsive  personage 
all  these  separate  ivitnesses  descHhed. 

But  we  have  now  to  see  how  different  are  the  con- 
clusions reached  when,  discarding  arguments  about  what 
it  seems  reasonable  to  suppose,  we  make  it  our  task,  by 
an  attentive  examination  of  evidence,  to  arrive  at  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  historical  facts. 


PART  II 

THE   HISTORICAL   INQUIRY 

The  Plot,  and  the  two  Instruments  of  the  Plot,  to  create 
FOR  Rousseau  a  false  Reputation, 

The  Memoirs;  and  the  Literary  Correspondence, 

Documentary  Proofs  that  the  book  called  Memoirs  of  Madame 
d'Upinay  represents  the  Instrument  designed  and  used 
to  carry  down  this  false  history  of  rousseau  to 
posterity. 


CHAPTER    I 

HISTORICAL  INQUIRY  INTO  THE  ORIGINS  OF  THE  MEMOIRS 
AND  INTO  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  CLAIMS  MADE 
FOR   THIS   WORK 

Although  the  campaign  of  the  nineteenth-century 
editors  against  the  verdict  passed  upon  J.  J.  Rousseau 
by  his  contemporaries  commenced  with  the  publication 
of  Grimm's  Literary  Correspondence,  there  are  several 
reasons  why  our  own  inquiry  should  begin  with  an 
examination  into  the  origins  and  history  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  Mertioirs. 

Here  is  the  first  reason :  The  action  of  the  editor  of 
Correspondance  Litteraii^e  as  Rousseau's  secret  calum- 
niator and  persecutor,  is  most  sensationally  evident 
during  the  period  of  five  years,  1762  to  1767  ;  when  the 
author  of  Emile,  actively  and  openly  persecuted  by  the 
French  and  Swiss  Governments,  was  secretly  pursued 
step  by  step  along  the  path  of  his  misfortunes  by  the 
calumnies  circulated  by  Grimm,  amongst  Sovereigns, 
influential  statesmen,  and  men  of  leading  in  the  difi"erent 
courts  of  Europe  ;  in  such  a  way  as  to  rob  the  exiled 
fugitive  author  of  sympathy  and  protection. 

But  before  this  epoch  of  persecutions,  we  have  the 
still  more  important  epoch  of  six  years,  from  1756  to 
1762,  spent  by  Rousseau  at  Montmorency,  when  all  his 
greatest  books  were  produced.  What  was  his  true 
behaviour,  what  was  his  moral  and  mental  state,  in  the 
years  when  he  produced  the  Lettre  d  d'Alemhert,  the 
Nouvelle  Helo'ise,  the  Contrat  Social,  and  Emile? 
Upon  our  correct  knowledge  here  depends  our  accept- 
ance, or  rejection,  of  the  theory  that  an  impostor  led  a 
return  to  nature ;  that  an  impure  man  purified  morals 

71 


72     A   NEW  CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

and  revived  the  sentiment  of  romantic  love ;  that  a 
morbid  and  ferocious  maniac  laid  the  foundations  of 
modern  educational  and  social  systems,  and  in  every 
domain  of  human  life,  sowed  ideas  that  in  every  case 
have  come  to  flower. 

And  this  correct  knowledge  of  Rousseau's  mental  and 
moral  state  during  these  important  years  largely  dej^ends 
upon  whether  we  have  a  truthful  story,  or  a  libellous 
legend,  handed  down  to  us  in  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoirs. 

Nor  is  this  the  only  reason  why  our  new  criticism 
should  commence  with  the  examination  of  the  Memoirs. 
It  will  be  recollected  that  at  the  outset  of  this  work 
my  claim  was,  not  only  that  the  accepted  doctrine 
of  Rousseau's  character  was  a  false  doctrine,  but  also 
that  it  had  for  its  foundation  an  audacious  historical 
fraud.  The  clue  that  leads  up  to  the  exposure  of  this 
fraud  is  obtained  through  the  discovery  and  com- 
parative study  of  three  different  manuscripts  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  work — manuscripts  at  the  present  hour 
entombed  in  blue  cardboard  cases,  and  packed  away 
safely  on  "  reserve  "  shelves  in  three  public  libraries  in 
Paris.  By  the  aid  of  these  yellow  pages,  of  these  faded 
characters,  that,  when  the  revelations  they  silently  bring 
are  borne  in  on  one,  dazzle  one  as  with  excess  of  clear- 
ness, a  flood  of  light  is  let  into  the  dark  chamber.  We 
see  the  Conspirators  without  their  masks.  We  watch 
them  fabricatino;  their  fraudulent  document :  we  trace 
their  arrangements  for  its  concealment ;  and  we  discover 
in  what  hour  it  is  to  be  produced.  And,  later  on,  we 
see  the  one  surviving  Conspirator,  in  the  perilous  days  of 
the  Revolution,  hurriedly  and  resolutely,  and  certainly, 
at  the  risk  of  his  life,  carrying  through,  before  his  flight 
from  France,  the  measures  necessary  to  secure  the  pro- 
duction after  his  death  of  his  testament  of  vengeance. 

But  before  arriving  at  the  revelations  disclosed  by  the 
manuscripts,  we  have  to  sum  up  what  was  known  before 
my  own  discoveries  of  the  history  of  the  printed  Memoirs. 


THE   MEMOIRS  73 

It  has  been  seen  that  J.  C.  Brunet's  quotation  of  the 
writer  in  the  Biogra'phie  Universelle  in  support  of  his 
assertion  that  Madame  d'Epinay's  contemporaries  knew 
she  had  written  the  Memoirs  of  her  life,  only  proves 
that  this  writer  (Laporte)  knew  of  the  existence  of  the 
manuscript  which,  three  years  later,  Brunet  published. 
All  the  evidence  we  have,  on  the  contrary,  and  especially 
the  negative  evidence  afforded  by  Grimm's  silence,  and 
the  silence  of  his  friends,  after  Ginguene's  Letters,  points 
to  the  fact  that  for  thirty-two  years  after  Madame 
d'Epinay's  death  (April,  1783),  and  for  thirty-five  years 
after  the  death  of  the  author  of  the  Confessions  (1778), 
the  secret  of  this  posthumous  work  was  jealously  kept; 
and  that  no  knowledge,  or  suspicion,  of  the  existence  of 
any  reply  made  by  Madame  d'Epinay  to  J.  J.  Kousseau 
has  ever  been  traced  home  to  any  of  their  contemporaries. 
The  only  allusion  to  a  document  that  in  1782  must  have 
been  in  course  of  preparation,  is  found  in  a  sentence  of 
Diderot's — meaningless,  or  enigmatical,  to  his  contempor- 
aries— but  that,  in  the  light  of  future  events,  we  can 
now  discover  had  a  prophetic  significance.  In  Diderot's 
maledictory  note  against  Rousseau  added  on  to  his  Essay 
upon  Seneca  (Second  Edition,  1782),  we  find  this  phrase 
following  after  the  assertion  that,  when  covering  with 
opprobrious  terms  the  name  of  a  dead  man,  who  during 
his  lifetime  he  had  been  in  the  way  of  calling  his 
"  old  friend,"  Diderot  considered  he  was  accomplishing 
a  sacred  duty. 

"  If  I  did  not  fulfil  this  duty  earlier,"  wrote  Diderot, 
"  if  even  here  and  now,  I  do  not  give  full  details,  and 
unanswerable  facts,  several  of  Rousseau's  defenders  know 
my  reasons  and  approve  of  them,  and  I  would  name 
them  without  hesitation  ^  if  it  were  possible  for  them 
to  defend  themselves  without  criminal  indiscretions. 
But  Rousseau  himself,  in  a  posthumous  work  where  he 
has  just  declared  himself  to  be  mad,  proud,  a  hypocrite, 

^  Diderot  probably  means  by  Eousseau's  defenders  Saint-Lambert 
and  Madame  d'Houdetot. 


74     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

and  a  liar,^  lias  raised  a  corner  of  the  veil ;  time 
will  complete  the  work,  and  justice  will  be  dealt  out 
to  the  dead,  when  it  can  be  executed  without  afflict- 
ing the  living.  (Le  temps  achevra :  et  justice  sera 
faite  du  mort,  lorsqu'on  le  pourra,  sans  affliger  les 
vivants.)" 

Amongst  the  persons  implicated  in  the  story  of 
Rousseau's  rupture  with  his  old  friends,  well  acquainted 
with  the  true  circumstances  and  who  were  still  living  in 
1782,  we  find  that,  Madame  d'Epinay  died  in  1783; 
Diderot  and  d'Alembert  in  1784  ;  Deleyre  (Rousseau's 
old  friend  also,  and  who  would  not  have  let  calumnies 
against  him  pass  without  contradiction)  died  in  1797; 
the  Baron  d'Holbach  in  1789;  Saint-Lambert  in  1803; 
Grimm  himself  in  1807  ;  and,  last  of  all,  the  person 
most  competent  to  take  Jean  Jacques  defence  in  con- 
nectio7i  with  a  story  where  his  devotion  to  her  ivas  the 
first  cause  of  his  misfortunes,  Madame  d'Houdetot, 
died,  at  eighty-six  years  of  age,  in  1813. 

The  notice  upon  Madame  d'Epinay  in  the  Biographie 
UniverscUe  in  1815  establishes  (if  we  allow  due  time 
for  the  perusal  of  the  manuscript  and  the  production  of 
the  article)  that  the  persons  who  had  been  made  the 
depositories  of  this  secret  document  must  have  offered  it 
for  sale  immediately  after  the  death  of  Madame 
d'Houdetot. 

Although  the  Memoirs  were  accepted  in  good  faith  by 
the  public  at  large,  and  by  literary  connoisseurs  who 
admired  the  book  as  a  masterpiece  of  psychological 
insight,  historical  critics,  from  the  first,  protested  against 
the  endeavour  to  claim  for  Madame  d'Epinay's  narrative 
(arranged  for  publication  by  J.  C.  Brunet)  the  authority 
of  serious  testimony  in  the  disputed  case  between  the 
Encyclopaedists  and  Rousseau. 

Thus,  in  the  same  year  that  the  Memoirs  were 
published,  Musset  Pathay   in   his   Anecdotes   Inedites 

^  It  is  needless  to  say  that  in  no  posthumous  work  did  Rousseau 
declare  himself  any  of  these  things. 


THE   MEMOIRS  75 

'pouT  faire  suite  aux  Memoires  de  Madame  d'Ejyinay  ^ 
insisted  upon  the  fact  that  this  book  could  not  be  accepted 
from  the  hands  of  its  editors  as  a  trustworthy  auto- 
biography of  the  authoress  ;  inasmuch  as  many  familiar 
facts  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  own  life,  and  of  the  lives  of 
her  friends  and  relatives,  were  misrepresented  ;  and  the 
whole  story  of  her  relations  with  Rousseau  was  sown 
with  patent  inaccuracies.  Moreover,  Musset  Pathay 
pointed  out  that  readers  of  the  printed  volume  were  not 
able  to  form  a  correct  opinion  of  the  original  work  in 
manuscript,  which  the  editors  themselves  admitted  had 
been  arranged  by  them  for  publication. 

"When  making  these  researches,"  wrote  Musset 
Pathay,^  "  we  become  painfully  conscious  that  we  are 
only  dealing  with  the  printed  book,  and  that  all  we 
know  about  the  original  manuscript  is  what  the  editor 
has  been  pleased  to  tell  us.  But  even  so,  what  he  does 
say  suffices  to  put  the  reader  on  his  guard.  The  editor 
admits  that  he  has  restored  to  the  personages  of  the 
novel  the  real  names  which  the  author  had  disguised. 
So  then  the  Memoirs  have  undergone  important  altera- 
tions. Or,  rather,  the  title  of  Memoirs  has  been  given 
to  an  extract  from  a  novel." 

Here  was  a  serious  challenge  that  could  have  been 
taken  up  by  the  editor  satisfactorily  in  one  way  only. 
Evidently  what  J.  C.  Brunet  had  to  do,  in  order  to  prove 
that  he  had  not  made  important  alterations  in  the 
original  work,  was  to  invite  his  critic  to  compare  the 

1  "  Voi9i  les  motifs  pour  lesquels  on  pent  croire  que  Madame 
d'Epinay  n'est  point  I'auteur  des  Memoires  qui  portent  son  nom. 
Elle  ecrit  avec  inexactitude  des  localites  et  des  personnes  qu'elle 
connaissait  parfaitement.  Elle  avouait  ses  galanteries  et  accusait 
son  mari  d'improbite.  On  dit,  et  I'cditeur  repete,  que  Rousseau  avait 
assez  longtemps  parle  seul  sans  sa  propre  cause  :  qui  done  empeclia 
Grimm  et  Madame  d'Epinay  de  parler  dans  les  leurs  1  Tous  deux 
ont  survecu  a  Rousseau — Tous  deux  sont  morts  sans  dire  un  mot. 
On  sent  bien  que  dans  cette  recherche  nous  n'avons  a  notre  disposi- 
tion que  les  Memoires  imprimes  et  que  nous  ne  savons  sur  les 
pieces  originales  que  ce  que  I'editeur  veut  bien  nous  en  dire." 

2  See  Aiiecdotes  Inedites. 


76     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

printed  book  with  the  manuscript  he  still  had  in  his 
possession. 

J.  C.  Brunet  did  not,  however,  take  this  course.  On 
the  contrary,  with  conspicuous  mildness,  he  contented 
himself  with  the  reply  that  his  critic  "  committed  an 
error  "  when  accusing  him  of  editorial  dishonesty  ! 

"  The  Memoirs  of  Madame  cVEjoinay,"  wrote  J.  C. 
Brunet,  in  a  new  edition  of  the  Manuel  du  Lihraire,^'  were 
published  by  us  in  1818  with  the  assistance,  and  after 
the  revision  of  the  late  M.  Parison,^  our  regretted  friend, 
and  were  reprinted  three  times  in  less  than  six  months. 
In  connection  with  this  book  should  be  mentioned  a 
pamphlet  entitled  *  Anecdotes  inedites  ijour  faire  suite 
aux  Memoires  de  Madame  d'Epinay'  preceded  by  an 
examination  of  the  Memoirs.  The  writer  of  this 
pamphlet  commits  an  error  when  lie  contests  the 
authenticity  of  the  Memoirs  and  even  of  the  letters  from 
Rousseau,  of  which  we  possess  the  originals.^  No  doubt 
Madame  d'Epinay,  ivJio  gave  her  tvork  the  form  of  a 
novel,  did  not  always  keep  strictly  to  the  exact  facts 
{ne  s  est  pas  toujours  renfermee  dans  la  stricte  exactitude 
desfaits),  but  the  editor  having  cut  out  what  appeared 
to  him  purely  imaginary  adornments  has  kept,  without 
altering  them,^  all  the  parts  of  the  narrative  that  wore 
an  air  of  probability.  And  it  is  perhaps  this  treatment 
which  explains  the  success  of  this  singular  autobiography." 

Here,  we  recognize  a  serious  abatement  of  the  claim 
originally  put  forward  for  a  work  that  was  to  throw  new 
light  upon  Rousseau's  suspicions  of  his  old  friends,  and 
to  correct  his  Confessions — but  whose  authoress  is  now 
admitted  "  to  have  not  always  kept  strictly  to  facts." 

Musset  Pathay,  not  satisfied  with  these  concessions, 
returned  two  years  later  to  the  "  error "  inconsistently 
condemned  by  Brunet,  and  at  the  same  time  recognized 
by  him  as  true.  In  his  Life  of  Rousseau  Musset  Pathay 
again  denied  the  historical  character  of  this  work. 

"  M.      Brunet,"     wrote     Rousseau's     most     careful 

^  2  See  Appendix,  Note  D  D,  vol.  i.  p.  385.         ^  See  page  110. 


THE   MEMOIRS  yy 

biograplier,  "  has  publislied,  under  tlie  title  of  Memoirs 
of  Madame  cVEpinay,  a  work  that  will  always  be  read 
with  pleasure,  hut  ivhich  cannot  he  classed  ivith 
historical  mem^oirs,  hoth  hecause  it  has  no  title  deeds 
of  authenticity,  and  hecause  it  contains  demonstrably 
false  statements'' 

Very  much  the  same  judgment  was  pronounced  in 
1863,  by  Paul  Boiteau,  who  brought  out  a  second 
edition  of  the  Memoirs,  enriched  with  those  notes  and 
commentaries  that  drew  down  upon  him  the  reprobation 
of  E.  Scherer.^  In  so  far  as  the  text  is  concerned, 
Boiteau's  edition  was  a  literal  reproduction  of  the  original 
edition  published  in  1818.  And  the  reason  was  evident. 
J.  C.  Brunet  was  still  alive  in  1863,  and  the  possessor  of 
the  only  manuscript  then  known  to  exist.  Boiteau  says 
he  was  permitted  to  see  a  great  part  of  it.  But  it  is 
clear  he  was  not  allowed  to  see  the  part  that  would  have 
enabled  him  to  convict  his  predecessor  of  having 
falsified  the  text  he  professed  to  have  reproduced 
literally.  Boiteau,  however,  like  Musset  Pathay,  took 
the  trouble  of  comparing  the  narrative  told  by  Madame 
d'Epinay  with  contemporary  records ;  and  his  notes 
show  the  numerous  mis-statements  and  inaccuracies  of 
this  "  singular  autobiography."  Also  the  conclusion 
reached  by  Boiteau  is  the  same  as  the  one  pronounced 
by  Musset  Pathay :  that  the  title  of  Memoirs  has  been 
wrongly  given  to  a  work  correctly  described  by  Grimm 
as  a  long  novel. 

"  In  these  so  called  Memoirs^'  wrote  Boiteau,  "  what 
we  really  have  is  a  collection  of  letters,  of  fragments  of 
a  journal,  of  dialogues  between  personages  with  imaginary 
names,  the  whole  put  into  shape  by  an  able  and  a 
judicious  editor,  well  up  in  the  history  of  the  time ;  and 
who  has  cleverly  made  out  of  this  '  sketch  of  a  long 
novel'  a  work  full  of  interest,  but  one  to  which  we 
must  not  go  for  the  truth,  because  the  principal 
personages  concerned  had  no  interest  in  telling  it.     One 

^  See  page  63. 


78     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

can  only  admire  the  cuDning  of  Grimm,  who,  when 
preserving  the  document  that  came  into  his  possession 
after  Madame  d'Epiuay's  death,  called  it  the  sketch  of  a 
long  novel.  By  this  language  he  sheltered  himself  from 
all  responsibility.  If  the  facts  related  in  the  story  were 
doubted,  he  was  free  to  pretend  he  had  no  share  in  the 
work ;  but  he  calculated,  and  rightly  enough,  that  in 
spite  of  his  warning  the  story  would  be  taken  literally, 
because  people  are  always  inclined  to  believe  evil  of 
others." 

Here  then,  in  so  far  as  the  historical  criticism  of  the 
Memoirs  went,  the  question  remained  until,  in  1883, 
MM.  Lucien  Percy  and  Gaston  Maugras,  authors  of  La 
Jeunesse  et  les  Dernieres  Annees  de  Madame  d'Epinay, 
certified  their  discovery  (as  a  result  of  information  given 
them  by  M.  Maurice  Tourneux,  the  accomplished  critic 
and  litterateur  who  has  so  successfully  edited  the 
collected  works  of  Diderot  and  the  Correspo7idanee 
Litteraii'e  of  Grimm)  of  a  new  manuscript  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  Memoirs,  divided  between  the  libraries  of 
the  Archives  and  Arsenal. 

"  As  a  result  of  what  vicissitudes,"  inquire  these 
authors,  in  their  preface,  "  was  the  division  of  this 
manuscript  brought  about  ?  How  does  it  happen  that 
one  part  fell  to  the  share  of  the  Archives,  and  that  the 
other  is  found  at  the  Arsenal,  classified  amongst 
Diderot's  papers  ?  One  thing  only  is  certain  ;  and  it  is 
that  the  whole  work  was  seized  at  Grimm's  house  when 
it  was  pillaged  in  1793." 

We  shall  presently  discover  that  a  good  deal  more 
than  this  may  be  predicted  as  certain  about  this 
manuscript.  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras,  however,  felt, 
evidently,  little  interest  in  inquiries  that  would  have 
had  for  their  results  the  re-opening  of  the  "  eternal 
discussion  about  Rousseau,"  which  these  writers  hold  it 
is  time  to  make  an  end  of,  by  admitting  that  he  was  a 
frightful  character.^    In  connection  with  the  early  history 

1  See  p.  12. 


THE   MEMOIRS  79 

of  Madame  d'Epinay's  heroine,  these  critics  have 
reproduced  some  very  interesting  and  valuable  portions 
of  her  work  suppressed  by  the  first  editors.  But  they 
have  added  nothing,  in  the  way  of  fresh  information, 
or  helpful  criticism,  which  throws  new  light  upon  the 
true  story  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  attitude  towards  J.  J. 
Rousseau.  On  the  contrary,  following  the  bad  example 
of  their  predecessor,  Brunet,  they  have  ignored  the 
testimony  of  facts,  when  making  positive  affirmations 
that  cannot  stand  the  test  of  inquiry,  nor  of  exposure 
to  the  light  of  evidence. 

"  We  declare,"  these  writers  seriously  affirm,  "  that 
after  the  most  exact  and  conscientious  work,  we  have 
arrived  at  a  firm  belief  in  the  veracity  of  the  Memoii'S, 
upon  all  essential  points." 

This  sentence  occurs  in  the  preface  to  their  first 
volume.  In  the  preface  to  their  second  volume,  MM. 
Percy  and  Maugras  repeat  even  more  emphatically  these 
asseverations. 

"  As  we  have  been  led  to  speak  of  the  Memoirs,''  they 
pronounce,  "  we  take  the  opportunity  of  once  more 
affirming  their  veracity.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  the 
extent  to  which  Madame  d'Epinay  has  been  the  slave  of 
truth.  Every  time  that  chance  has  brought  under  our 
eyes,  whether  in  our  autograph  documents,  or  in  public 
collections,  the  history  of  a  fact  related  by  Madame 
d'Epinay,  ive  have  been  able  to  convince  ourselves  of  the 
perfect  exactitude  of  her  narrative.  The  passionate 
denials  of  Musset  Pathay  and  of  other  persons  can  have 
no  power  against  undeniable  facts ;  besides,  the  evident 
object  of  Musset  Pathay  was  to  glorify  Rousseau  at  the 
expense  of  Madame  d'Epinay." 

One  would  not  like  to  say  that  the  evident  object  of 
MM.  Perey  and  Maugras  was  to  justify  Madame 
d'Epinay  and  Grimm,  at  the  expense  of  Rousseau.  But 
what  can  be  safely  declared,  because  it  is  capable  of  proof 
is  that  what  these  writers  describe  as  their  "most  exact 
and   conscientious   work "    did   not    include    the   very 


8o     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

necessary  precaution  of  acquainting  themselves  with 
facts  of  public  knowledge  in  connection  with  the  subject 
upon  which  they  professed  to  be  passing  the  judgment 
of  specialists.  Thus  it  was  in  1865  that  M.  Streckeisen- 
Moultou  had  published  from  the  original  autographs 
preserved  at  Neuchatel,  the  true  letters  of  Madame 
d'Epinay,  of  Rousseau,  of  Diderot,  and  of  Grimm, 
written  in  1757,  that  are  given  differently  in  the 
Memoirs  and  in  the  Confessions}  This  publication 
established,  once  and  for  ever,  that  Rousseau  has  repro- 
duced these  letters  correctly,  and  that  those  given  in 
the  Memoirs  are  forgeries.  In  1883,  that  is  to  say, 
eighteen  years  after  the  blunder  had  become  un- 
pardonable in  any  critic  pi^ofessing  an  authoritative 
opinion  upon  this  s^ibject,  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras 
reproduced  these  forgeries  as  genuine  letters. 

In  other  words,  the  declarations  and  affirmations  of 
these  writers  about  the  veracity  of  the  Memoirs  did  not 
possess  the  authority  that  would  have  belonged  to  them 
could  one  have  reconciled  with  the  proofs  of  their  neglect 
to  acquaint  themselves  with  evidence  open  to  all  the 
world,  their  claim  to  the  most  exact  and  conscientious 
original  researches  in  connection  with  unknown  auto- 
graph documents  and  unexplored  manuscripts  in  public 
collections. 

But  did  the  second  manuscript  of  the  Memoirs  em- 
ployed by  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras  afford  any  evidence 
of  an  unexplained  character  to  justify  the  declarations 
a'nd  affirmations  of  these  writers  in  connection  with  their 
belief  in  the  veracity  of  the  work  ? 

Here  was  the  question  as  it  presented  itself  to  me 
before  my  examination  of  the  manuscripts  had  com- 
menced. The  careful  study  I  had  made  of  the  Corre- 
spondance  Litteraire  had  convinced  me  that  this  was  the 
chief  instrument  of  the  Conspirators  used  in  Rousseau's 
life-time  to  injure  his  fame,  not  only  in  France,  but 
throughout  Europe.     I  had  reached  the  conclusion,  too, 

^  See  page  59. 


THE   MEMOIRS  8i 

that  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay  was  the  second 
instrument  of  this  plot ;  and  that  its  pul^lication  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Madame  d'Houdetot  proved 
that  some  arrangements  must  have  been  made  to  hold 
the  document  concealed,  and  to  publish  it  only  when  all 
contemporaries  had  died.  But  whilst  the  conclusion 
about  the  Corres2:)ondance  Litteraire  was  based  upon 
evidence  I  was  able  to  throw  open  to  examination  with 
entire  confidence  that  every  one  who  verified  it  must 
arrive  at  one  decision — in  the  case  of  the  Mem^oirs,  my 
own  conviction  was  the  result  of  a  collection  of  scattered 
facts  and  statements,  needing  to  be  weighed  and  con- 
sidered in  relation  to  each  other  ;  facts  that,  although 
they  were  entirely  convincing  to  me,  I  knew  would  not 
convince  (but  would  rather  predispose  to  the  opinion 
that  I  was  a  "  fanatic,"  ready  to  take  up  with  extrava- 
gant theories)  the  average  fair-minded  reader ;  who  had 
not  become  familiar,  as  I  had  done  in  the  labour  of  years 
spent  in  disentangling  their  secret  methods  and  systems, 
with  the  almost  incredible  industry,  patience  and  talent, 
devoted  by  these  self-styled  honest  men,  to  the  task  of 
creating  a  false  J.  J.  Rousseau.  What  I  needed  and 
what  at  this  time  I  did  not  possess,  and,  to  tell  the 
truth,  had  very  little  hope  of  discovering,  was — 1st, 
positive  evidence  that  the  Conspirators,  Grimm  and 
Diderot,  had  taken  an  active  part  in  constructing  the 
history  of  Rousseau  handed  down  in  Madame  d'Epinay's 
posthumous  book ;  2nd,  patent  proofs  that  Grimm's 
description  of  this  work  as  the  "  sketch  of  a  long 
novel,''  and  his  neglect  to  publish  it,  concealed  the 
design  to  hold  the  work  back,  and  secure  its  publication, 
when  no  one  was  left  to  defend  Rousseau  against  his 
calumniators. 

But  could  positive  evidence,  or  patent  proofs,  be  found 
in  a  case  where  the  Conspirators  had  every  motive  for 
destroying  all  outward  signs  of  their  operations  ? 

Here  was  the  position  I  had  reached  when,  by  what 
may  be  described  as  a  happy  accident,  one  day,  when 

VOL.  I.  6 


82     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

I  was  expecting  no  sensational  discovery  of  any  sort,  in 
the  small  Reading  Room  of  the  Paris  Archives  the  talis- 
man came  into  my  hand  which  enables  me  to  elucidate 
this  mystery. 

And  here,  for  the  encouragement  of  other  travellers  by 
the  arduous  path  of  historical  research,  I  may  be  allowed 
to  record  my  own  experience.  It  is  that  the  explorer  in 
these  domains  has  to  bear  in  mind  the  same  rule  that 
gave  success  to  the  lucky  traveller  in  old  fairy  tales. 
The  youngest  brother,  in  the  story,  succeeds  in  his  quest 
where  his  predecessors  failed  :  he  lodges  at  precisely  the 
right  inn  where  puts  up  the  owner  of  the  magic  sword ; 
he  meets  at  rest  on  the  particular  mile-stone  the  pedlar 
who  sells  him  the  shoes  of  swiftness  ;  he  passes  the  one 
orchard  in  the  land  where  ripen  the  only  apples  that  can 
heal  the  king's  daughter  of  her  sickness — all  this,  and 
much  more  than  all  this,  because,  unlike  his  elder 
brothers,  he  has  known  how  to  close  his  ears  asjainst 
tempters  who  have  sought  to  lure  him  from  the  steep 
road. 

The  "  steep  road "  in  the  domains  of  historical 
research  signifies  the  exploration  of  original  documents. 
Every  one  who  has  travelled  by  it  knows  the  fatigues  by 
the  way ;  and  the  temptation  to  listen  to  counsellors 
who  persuade  one  that  the  toil  need  not  be  taken,  that 
the  work  of  exploration  has  been  done  before,  and 
done  completely ;  and  that  all  points  of  interest  have 
been  noted  down,  and  stand  recorded  in  agreeable  and 
easily-read  printed  volumes.  But  the  explorer  whose 
purpose  is  not  to  pass  time  pleasantly  in  well-worn  bye- 
ways,  but  seriously  to  pursue  his  quest  after  historical 
facts,  must  not  listen  to  tJiese  counsels.  Let  him  perse- 
vere, and  tread  the  steep  road  himself,  attentive  to  every 
bend  and  turn  in  it ;  trusting  to  no  accounts  given  him, 
but  verifying  all  that  comes  under  his  observation  as  an 
independent  inquirer,  who  renders  his  own  account  of 
things,  unknown  before  he  had  examined  them,  and  that 
must  yield  up  their  secret  to  him,  before  he  passes  on. 


THE   MEMOIRS  83 

And  following  this  metliod,  the  chances  are  all  in  his 
favour  that  the  good  luck  of  the  hero  of  the  fairy  tale 
will  befall  him  also  !  For,  dull  and  tedious  though  the 
steep  road  of  original  historical  research  may  for  long 
periods  appear,  it  is  nevertheless  a  path  sown  with 
romantic  surprises.  Upon  any  day,  the  traveller  by  it 
may  arrive  unexpectedly  at  the  Hostelry  of  Good  Ad- 
venture. At  any  hour,  he  may  pick  up,  without  search- 
ing for  it,  some  stray  object,  neglected  by  all  who  have 
gone  before  him,  but  that  excites  his  curiosity;  and, 
handling  it  for  the  first  time  in  the  right  way,  discover 
that  he  has  come  into  possession  of  the  talisman  which 
will  transport  him  where  he  needs  to  go,  or  call  up 
around  him  ghosts  from  a  vanished  world,  and  compel 
them  to  answer  his  questions. 

To  just  such  an  adventure  as  this  do  I  owe  the  dis- 
coveries which  enable  me  to  give  for  the  first  time  the  true 
history  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs,  and  to  find,  as 
the  starting-point  and  justification  of  the  new  criticism  of 
Eousseau,  what  I  had  so  long  been  in  search  of,  viz.  the 
patent  and  sensational  proof  of  the  conspiracy  against 
him,  which  modern  critics  assume  existed  only  as  "a 
spectre  of  his  diseased  imagination." 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MANUSCRIPTS 

Archives,  M.  789,  Lettres  de  Madame  de  Montbrillant. 
Arsenal,  3158.  260  bis,  B.  F.,  Histoire  de  Madame  de  Ro/mhure. 

It  will  be  already  understood,  that  the  inquiry  which 
had  for  its  results  this  important  discovery,  was  the 
examination  of  the  manuscript  which  MM.  Percy  and 
Maugras  profess  to  have  carefully  and  conscientiously 
studied. 

What  I  expected  to  find  by  the  personal  investigation 
of  these  documents  was,  at  most,  that  the  positive 
affirmations  and  declarations  of  these  writers  about  the 
veracity  of  the  Memoirs  were  based  upon  insufficient 
evidence.  What  I  did  find,  was  that  they  were  made 
in  defiance  of  a  fact  that  must  force  itself  upon  the 
attention  of  every  investigator  with  good  eyesight,  who 
looks  through  the  separate  folios  of  this  manuscript — 
the  fact,  namely,  that  this  document  has  quite  'patently 
heen  tam^pered  ivith :  and  that,  especially  the  ivhole 
story  of  Rene  (of  Rousseau)  as  it  stands  to-day  in 
the  manuscript — and  as  it  stands  also  in  the  printed 
edition  of  the  Memoirs — is  an  interpolation  that  has 
heen  substituted  for  an  earlier  history  suppressed. 

This  preliminary  discovery  is  so  unavoidably  the 
result  of  examining  the  manuscript  called  Letti^es  de 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  possessed  by  the  Archives 
Library,  that  a  simple  description  of  the  documents 
(assisted  by  the  facsimiles  of  handwritings  reproduced  at 
pages  87  to  94)  will  suffice  to  convince  the  reader  that  we 
are  dealing  with  evidence  that  demands  only  good  faith 

84 


ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.       85 

upon  the  part  of  an  investigator,  once  put  in  possession  of 
it,  to  lead  to  inevitable  conclusions  about  its  significance. 
The  manuscripts  divided  between  these  two  public 
libraries  ^  consist  of  a  hundred  and  eighty-five  small 
"cahiers"  of  the  size  of  an  ordinary  school  copybook, 
without  the  cover.  The  pages  of  each  cahier  are  tied 
together  with  a  small  favour  of  blue  ribbon.  A  hundred 
and  forty  cahiers  make  up  the  Archives  Manuscript ; 
and  in  the  blue  cardboard  case  containing  it  is  found  a 
loose  sheet  of  paper,   undated,  giving  what   must   be 

recosfnized  as  a  most  uncertain  account  of  the  orio-inal 

...  .  .  ^ 

acquisition  of  the  manuscript.     Here  is  a  literal  transla- 
tion of  this  document. 

M.  789.- 

"Letters  of  Madame  de  Montbrillant — or  Picture  of 
Manners  in  the  Eighteenth  Century — a  note  found  with 
this  manuscript,  se7it,  it  ajjj^ea^'s,  hy  the  National 
Assembly,  or  hy  the  Convention^  to  the  Committee  of 
Public  Instruction,^  gives  in  the  following  order  the 
names  of  the  most  remarkable  personages  who  are  here 
put  forward. 

Monsieur  and  Madame  Monsieur  and  Madame 

De  Montbrillant  d'Epinay 

De  Lange  d'Houdetot 

Desbarres  Duclos 

Rene  J.  J.  Rousseau 

Garnier  Diderot 

Volx  Grimm 

"  One  reads  in  the  middle  of  a  page  in  the  31st  cahier, 
in  a  letter  of  one  of  the  principal  personages  :  '  I  beg 
them '  (that  is  to  say,  the   critics   of  this  work)   '  to 

^  The  Archives,  Rue  des  Francs  Bourgeois ;  the  Arsenal  Libraiy, 
Rue  de  Sully,  Paris. 

^  Reference  to  the  Catalogue  of  the  Archives  Library. 
^  See  page  99. 


86     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

recollect  throughout  that  this  is  not  a  novel  I  am  giving 
to  the  public,  but  the  true  memoirs  of  a  family ;  and  of 
several  societies  made  up  of  men  and  women  subject  to 
the  weaknesses  that  belong  to  human  nature.' " 

Coming  now  to  the  facts  that,  as  I  have  said,  must 
force  themselves  upon  the  attention  of  every  person 
gifted  with  good  eyesight  who  examines  the  Archives 
Manuscript,  the  last  fifty  cahiers  of  the  collection  reveal 
unmistakable  signs  of  having  been  not  only  altered,  but 
to  a  great  extent  re- written ;  and  in  a  different  hand  to  the 
delicate  and  irregular  one  that  meanders  evenly  across 
the  yellow  pages  of  the  first  ninety  cahiers.  It  is  not 
as  though  the  original  handwriting  broke  off  at  the 
ninetieth  cahier,  leaving  the  story  to  the  new-comer ; 
but  this  new-comer  is  plainly  an  intruder,  who  interrupts 
the  original  narrative,  that  still  flows  on  evenly,  except 
when  the  bolder,  coarser  hand  breaks  in,  in  interpolated 
passages,  on  pages  pasted  in,  to  take  the  place  of  pages 
that  have  evidently  been  cut  out ;  or  in  long  marginal 
notes,  or  in  passages  written  over  the  fainter  writing 
barred  out.  And  the  intrusion  of  this  handwriting 
always  means  mischief.  Once  having  entered  into  the 
manuscript,  like  a  malicious  scandal-monger  into  a 
society  of  amiable  people,  this  blacker  pen  is  busy 
henceforth,  sowing  spiteful  anecdotes  in  side  notes, 
writing  cynical  reflections  upon  tender  speeches,  inserting 
indecent  or  blasphemous  remarks  in  witty  dialogues — 
but,  especially,  showing  up  as  hypocritical  impostors 
and  mercenary  schemers,  the  agreeable  and  entertaining 
people  who  had  before  been  presented  to  us  as  Madame 
de  Montbrillant's  best  friends. 

But  it  is  especially  with  Rene's  entrance  into  the  story 
that  the  malice  of  this  hand  becomes  evident ;  so  soon  as 
this  name  appears,  an  interruption  of  the  original  narra- 
tive is  certain  to  follow ;  the  scandalous  pen  dips  itself 
into  blacker  ink,  and  writes  down,  or  bars  out,  the 
delicate  pale  writing,  which,  nevertheless,  we  can  still 


1 

Specimen  of  Haniiwiutixg  of  the  Original  Narrative 

^/  ,         .    ^  .^^/^     .  ^/^/      4f^    ^^'^  £^i^^     ..Yf^-J.^^^ 

Facsimile  of  the  liandwritiiij;  (No.  1)  of  the  original  unaltered  manuscript.  This  page  is  reproduced  from  the 
132nd  cahier  of  the  Archives  MS.  It  is  a  passage  from  a  letter  where  Madame  d'Epinay  makes  the  heroine  relate— 
truthfully— her  own  efforts  to  soothe  Rousseau's  anger  after  Diderot's  offensive  letters  to  him  early  in  1757.  (For 
t><°  episode  see  p.  227,  vol.  i,  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay.) 


the 


2 

Specimkx  of  th?;  Handwiiitinc;  of  tife  Alterkd  Story 


tTs%«^  kliuvJu^.  U.,  Uwi^}  vuyu^ului  mi.iui^}  m^'^'Jo^A  dfu^^  J«^<.^- 
IM^cL^linnJ-      -t^f^nUt.  .  -  CAM.  .  ..  Ucixiiui .  eZ  !PiMA<'i-  c^  ;!<t4<7,   Jiat  c*  fji^M^U^  ■  fU  flutter  futtl, 


"//'•'•  .'<''",      f/<i','.i.      ,>;^<    .Wi  K  J     .!(.,•.       ^r\/}  OC'tU  nit  1i  1..  !■!<(» 


•  !t<. 


calirArchifes'Ms""Ti"'  ^^^  '\"'"f  "'*"'  '"^'  '"""''^^  '^-^  ^^"''^  '^f  "  «*"-'  ^Ws  page  is  frcu  the  140th 
supposed  sMfiln.  Jr  "^f '"-^^  '^'^^^  ^^-'-'"<^"  ^^•'■"'  the  purpose  of  arranging  the  story  of  Rousseau's 
supposed  selfishness  and  treachery  to  Diderot,  as  related  in  the  Tablets.     (For  incident  see  vol   ii   pp    04   .5) 


3 

Specimen  of  Early  Interpolatioxs  ix  the  Original  Narrative 


/cnl  P-O^/'J^^^   A'/f^^rU-^  :'>i<':'U''\  \ 

'  Av/.i '/./'<'^'  \  '  '^/^'^-^  '  W'fr^f  (/i^i^f^  f^-f^/  y^ ,jJ/MA'^'^Xy///g.y<^f>u/   ^.^^ 

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/ 

-       /  '  '  -  -^  '  '  r  ■  ^ 

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'       '     '  y         '    -  ■  -V 

I  ^  ("^        ,         ■ '  '      .  /    '      /     -^  '  /       '^  -  >^  ' 

'  /  •  '••->'  .        ,  ■"'  ,  ...     "''  ' 

pa^eTs  reS"'!JT''"'^!r  ',"  '''?"^T"''"-'  ^°  ''  ■'''°'''"^'  ''^'^  interpolated  sentence  in  handm-iting  Xo.  2.  Tl.e 
oSo  ti^rorS ,  "\  °?  •"'■,"■  °'  ""  ^■^•'^•"''^  '*'•  ^"^  P^^^P^^^  °^  ^'^^  interpolated  sentence  is  to  add 
><nubbSbvh't '•"•■'"';''  ■:'"'''  "''"""'  °'  ^'"'^'■^  °P'"'^"-'^  ^"  insinuation  that  he  was  disrespectfully 

^nuDDea  by  the  heroine  for  conceit  and  his  "  bizarre  theories." 


•VV$^X;5    i^     '^•>^ 


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,/a..? 


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«  S.I  I  S  J<«  .''auj/i^uiiiw  eAit^i^iit  tU  lit  ;tM>  iiUui  flvif  uik  <i^uaui  'taiinic- iSiu} 
I'f  It  '  l'<  i^mHin^^  -i^  ""«-'  «.nl5f«*'i,  ('ui^t^u  tiuVU  iatih' ^kCcIU  iL,  Pria/i'u, 
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JIfj-l  h i-wai^h-y-iiMt^tMut.  it  i'lwviitnt'^JUmMi  ^  tAnuJ-i  U*ua.&<^  1uiiAt^>  duMtt/,^ 

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Tins  double  page  is  reproduced  from  the  155th  eahier,  Arsenal  MS.,  an  old  cahier  whic 
m  No.  2  liandwriting  in  the  155th  old  cahier,  in  the  147th  cahier  enters  into  the  text  of  tl 
about  his  letter  to  Saint-Lambert  as  Diderot  has  related  it  in  his  Tablets.     (For  the  incidt 


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ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.       87 

catcli  glimpses  of  now  and  again,  in  imperfectly- effaced 
expressions  of  admiration  or  affection  for  Rend — like  a 
stolen  smile  from  Madame  d'Epinay  herself  to  her  old 
favourite  Jean  Jacques — smiled  upon  him  through  prison 
bars. 

The  Archives  Manuscript,  then,  even  taken  alone, 
proves  that  the  description  of  Rousseau  and  the 
account  of  his  behaviour  to  his  "old  friends"  found 
in  the  Memoirs  to-day,  and  used  by  modern  critics  to 
correct  the  Confessions,  is  not  the  first  account,  and 
does  not  belong  to  the  original  narrative  of  Madame 
d'Epinay. 

But  does  this  description  of  Rene,  which  tallies  so 
exactly  with  the  description  of  the  artijicieux  scelercit 
Jean  Jacques,  of  Grimm  and  Diderot,  belong  to  Madame 
d'Epinay  at  all  ?  And  if  it  does  not,  who  was  its  true 
author  ? 

Here  is  a  question  which  an  attentive  examination  of 
the  Arsenal  Manuscript  will  positively  decide  for  us. 

This  manuscript  ^  consists  of  the  forty-four  remaining 
cahiers  of  the  narrative ;  and  of  a  collection  of  old 
cahiers  and  loose  pages.  Amongst  these  last  we  have 
a  list  of  Notes  jotted  down  on  scraps  of  paper,  of  the 
very  greatest  importance.  The  cahiers  of  the  Arsenal 
Manuscript  do  not  reveal  to  an  unprepared  investigator 
the  alterations  of  the  original  story  in  the  same  startling 
way  as  do  the  Archives  cahiers ;  because  we  have  now 
reached  the  part  of  the  narrative  that  deals  with  Rene's 
misdeeds  as  the  leading  incident ;  and  accordingly  the 
handwriting  of  the  interloper  who  re-writes  the  original 
story  predominates.  But,  probably  through  an  over- 
sight, some  of  the  old  cahiers  showing  the  first  hand- 
writing  remain ;  ^    and   although   they  have  been  cut 

1  See  Catalogue,  MSS.  xviii^  siecle,  3158.  260  bis.  B.  F. 

2  Thus  we  have  an  old  cahier,  142,  which  is  the  corrected  rough 
copy  of  cahier  139  of  the  Archives  MS.,  and  cahiers  155-157,  158 
and  159  are  the  original  corrected  cahiers — reproduced  in  cahiers 
147-149,  150  and  151.  See  for  a  full  account  Appendix,  Note  D, 
vol.  i.  p.  368. 


88     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

about,  and  altered,  we  are  able  to  discover  in  them  the 
precise  moment  when  the  alterations  have  been  made, 
and  in  some  cases,  where  the  corrections  have  been 
merely  written  over  the  text,  it  is  possible  to  compare 
different  versions  of  the  same  incident — a  comparison 
which  also  leaves  more  mysterious  than  ever  the  singular 
if  involuntary  blindness  of  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras : 
who  could  not,  one  would  think,  have  proclaimed  as 
an  "  undeniable  fact "  the  "  perfect  exactitude "  and 
"  veracity "  of  the  Memoirs  had  they  examined  these 
cahiers. 

But  the  documents  of  supreme  importance  in  this 
inquiry  are  the  Notes  I  have  already  spoken  of.  Their 
purpose  is  indicated  by  the  general  heading — "Notes  of 
the  alterations  to  be  made  in  the  fable"  (Notes  des  change- 
ments  a  faire  dans  la  fable).  And  it  is  this  list  of  the 
changes  which  an  examination  of  the  Archives  and 
Arsenal  cahiers  proves  have  been  made  in  obedience  to 
the  instructions  given  in  the  Notes,  which  places  in  our 
hands  the  patent  proof  needed  to  establish  that  the 
original  story  told  by  Madame  d'Epinay  has  been  altered 
in  such  a  way  as  to  make  it  agree  with  the  description 
of  Rousseau  given  by  Grimm  and  Diderot. 

Although  these  "Notes"  are  written  on  loose  scraps 
of  paper  and  on  torn  fragments  of  old  cahiers,  and 
although  they  have  been  jotted  down  without  regard  to 
the  order  of  events,  it  is  possible  to  classify  them, 
because  each  note  is  accompanied  by  the  number  of  the 
cahier  wliere  the  alteration  had  to  be  made.  As  a  result 
of  the  alterations,  the  numbers  that  accompany  the 
Notes  do  not  correspond  exactly  to-day  with  those  of 
the  re-written  cahiers  :  but  they  do  correspond  with  the 
old  cahiers  still  preserved  ;  and  in  any  case,  by  observing 
the  order  of  the  numbers  given,  the  "Notes"  serve  as  a 
perfect  clue,  enabling  us  to  follow  the  falsification  of 
the  original  story,  and  to  assure  ourselves  that  all  the 
interpolated  passages  and  re-written  chapters  found 
in   the   manuscript   represent    "  changes "    carried    out 


ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.      89 

strictly  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  set  forth  in 
the  notes. 

The  larger  number  of  these  notes  shows  the  hand- 
writing that  alters  the  manuscript.  There  are  some 
very  important  exceptions,  however,  to  this  rule,  as  will 
presently  be  seen,  when  we  come  to  the  discovery  of 
the  particular  Note  that  does  indeed  serve  the  very 
purpose  needed — that  flings  suddenly  open  the  door  of 
this  hidden  chamber,  and,  letting  in  a  flash  of  light, 
helps  us  to  distinguish  the  features  of  the  conspirators. 

But  here,  in  connection  with  these  diff'erent  hand- 
writings which,  especially  in  the  Archives  Manuscript, 
force  themselves  upon  the  critic's  attention,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  explain  a  mistaken  conclusion  of  my  own 
about  this  question,  because  facsimiles  of  the  two  hand- 
writings were  also  reproduced  in  my  Studies  in  the 
France  of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau;  and  in  1895,  when  I 
was  at  the  outset  only  of  these  particular  investigations,  I 
held  the  opinion  that  the  delicate  faded  handwriting  of 
the  original  manuscript  (facsimile  No.  1)  was  Madame 
d'Epinay's  ;  and  that  the  bold  and  more  fresh  hand- 
writing of  Rousseau's  calumniator  (facsimile  No.  2) 
belonged  to  some  person  employed  by  Grimm  to  alter 
Madame  d'Epinay's  narrative  —  probably  after  her 
death. 

No  doubt  this  theory  was  all  the  more  readily  accepted 
by  me,  because  it  fitted  in  with  my  old  aff"ection  for  the 
amiable  woman  who  built  Jean  Jacques  his  Hermitage ; 
and  with  my  reluctance  to  believe  her  associated  in  the 
plot  to  injure  her  former  favourite.  But  my  opinion 
had  also  the  support  of  some  positive  assertions  of  MM. 
Perey  and  Maugras,  who  claim  to  have  had  original 
autographs  to  examine  confided  to  them  by  Madame 
d'Epinay's  descendants.  Speaking  with  the  authority 
their  special  private  sources  of  information  gave  them, 
these  writers  afiirm  that  a  certain  document  belonsfino:  to 
the  Arsenal  Manuscript  was  written  by  Madame  d'Epinay 
herself : — "  la  'page  suivante,''  they  stated,  when  quoting 


90    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

it — "  entierement  Scrite  de  sa  main."  Now  this  page 
shows  the  handwriting  reproduced  in  facsimile  No.  1. 
Later  researches,  however,  proved  that  even  upon  this 
simple  question  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras  mislead  their 
readers  !  The  document  they  refer  to  is  7iot  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  handwriting.  The  writer  was  a  secretary 
employed  by  her  from  1755  to  1778,  to  whom  also  she 
must  have  either  dictated,  or  given  to  copy,  the  record 
of  her  childish  memories,  and  of  her  impressions  and 
observations,  thrown  into  the  form  of  a  romantic  journal. 
It  may  here  be  remarked  that  this  particular  letter  quoted 
by  the  authors  of  La  Jeunesse  de  Madame  d^Epinay 
in  proof  of  their  assertion  that  the  lady  intended  her 
Memoirs  to  be  circulated  only  amongst  her  private 
friends,  is  shown  by  its  closing  sentence  ^  (suppressed  by 
MM.  Percy  and  Maugras)  to  belong  to  a  period  before  the 
quarrel  with  Rousseau,  and  hence  to  prove  nothing  in 
connection  with  Madame  d'Epinay's  intentions  about 
publishing  her  work  when  it  came  later  on  to  deal  with 
events  which  had  not  then  happened. 

But  the  disappointing  part  of  this  discovery  was  not 
that  Madame  d'Epinay  dictated  to  a  secretary,  instead  of 
writing  with  her  own  hand,  the  first  version  of  her  story. 
The  distressing;  fact  was  that  it  should  have  been  her 
own  hand  which,  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  later,  sowed 
with  calumnies  the  yellow  pages  which  once  held  re- 
gretful memories  of  her  former  friend. 

The  conviction  that  facsimile  No.  2,  showing  the  hand 
which  alters  and  interpolates  passages  in  the  Archives 
manuscript  must  be  recognized  as  Madame  d'Epinay's, 
came  to  me  (with  all  the  sense  of  a  personal  disappoint- 
ment) after  the  investigation  of  her  papers  possessed  by 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  confirmed  by  the  specimen 

^  Here  is  this  sentence — "  Bon,  voil^  Desbarres  (Duclos  *)  qui 
revient  me  voir — 0  cet  homme  est  odieux  !  Bonjour,  cher  Tuteur ; 
venez  demain  diner  avec  moi ;  vous  y  trouverez  St.  Urbain  {Gauffe- 
court),  Rene  {Rousseau)  and  M.  Volx  {Grimm).  Rene  peut-etre  nous 
lira  quelquechose." 

*  See  Arseiaal  MS. 


ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.       91 

of  her  handwriting  given  in  the  Dictionnaire  des  Auto- 
graphes.  No  further  doubt  was  permitted  by  the 
courteous  reply  vouchsafed  me  by  the  Director  of  the 
Neufchatel  Public  Library,  to  whom  I  wrote,  enclosing 
my  two  facsimiles,  and  begging  him  to  compare  them  with 
Madame  d'Epinay's  original  letters.  The  reply,  that 
facsimile  No.  2  is  U7miistakahly  3Iadanie  d^Epinays 
own  writing  once  and  for  ever  establishes  the  fact 
that  she  did  falsify  with  her  own  hand  her  original 
narrative. 

But  although  it  is  disappointing  to  find  Madame 
d'Epinay  to  this  extent  guilty  of  treachery  to  her  old 
friendship,  further  researches  establish,  by  quite  as  irre- 
fragable proofs,  that  she  was  not  the  author  of  the  libels 
handed  down  in  her  book,  but  only  the  passive  instrument 
of  the  inventors  of  these  libels,  who,  having  brought  their 
store  of  tares  into  her  domain,  directed  her  hand  in 
planting  them. 

That  although  her  hand  wrote  them,  Madame  d'Epinay 
did  not  herself  draw  up  these  notes,  but  that  she  took 
them  down  from  the  dictation  of  critics  whose  instructions 
she  carried  out  when  changing  her  own  story,  is  proved 
by  the  wording  of  the  notes.  The  author  of  the  story  is 
taken  to  task  by  her  critics — sometimes  with  very  little 
consideration.  Thus  in  connection  with  some  protest 
of  the  heroine's  against  the  supposition  that  she  had 
bestowed  her  favours  on  Desbarres  (Duclos),  the  critic's 
observation  is  not  respectful  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  who 
was  defending  herself  against  scandalous  reports  upon 
the  character  of  her  past  relations  with  Duclos  : — 

"  On  ne  dit  pas,"  reproves  the  critic,  "  il  ne  m'a  pas 
touche  du  bout  des  doigts,  quand  personne  ne  vous  a 
jamais  touche  du  bout  des  doigts." 

Who  the  true  authors  of  the  notes  were  might  have 
been  safely  guessed  from  the  purpose  they  reveal.  This 
purpose  is  not  the  glorification  of  Madame  d'Epinay  in 
the  character  of  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  nor  her  justifi- 
cation from  the  charges  of  treachery  brought  against  her 


92     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

by  Rousseau  in  the  Confessions.  The  purpose  is  the 
glorification  of  Grimm  and  Diderot,  under  the  names  of 
Volx  and  Garnier;  and  the  reproduction  of  the  same 
libels  against  Rousseau  that  were  circulated  in  the 
Co7'respondance  Litteraire  and  recorded  secretly  in  the 
Tablets  of  Diderot ;  and  that,  in  later  years,  were  confided 
to  personages  so  absolutely  certain  to  spread  them  abroad 
as  Marmontel  and  La  Harpe. 

But  in  deciding  this  question,  we  have,  fortunately,  not 
assumptions,  but  positive  evidence  to  rely  upon. 

Amongst  the  notes  written  by  Madame  d'Epinay  are 
found  jotted  down  additions  to  and  alterations  of  the 
original  instructions,  and  these  alterations  ai'e  in  the 
Jcnoivn  handwritings  of  Grinmn  and  Diderot. 

Upon  one  occasion  especially,  in  connection  with  a 
libellous  story  used  to  illustrate  Rousseau's  odious  selfish- 
ness, an  incident  frequently  quoted  to  serve  this  purpose 
also  by  modern  critics,  Diderot  himself  takes  the  pen  and 
carefully  writes  out  the  whole  anecdote,  that  he  had  also 
C[uoted  in  his  "  Tiblettes  "  amongst  the  list  of  "  abomin- 
able actions"  ("les  sceleratesses ")  that  proved  Rousseau 
a  monster. 

The  conclusive  character  of  the  evidence  afi'orded  by 
this  note  is  of  such  weight,  that  in  order  to  save  all 
possibility  of  any  doubt  in  the  minds  of  admirers  of 
Diderot  that  the  facts  are  as  I  am  stating  them, 
this  page  has  been  photographed  from  the  manuscript 
(the  handwriting  may  be  compared  with  the  facsimile 
of  Diderot's  autograph  given  by  M.  Maurice  Tourneux 
in  his  edition  of  Diderot's  works,  vol.  xvi. — A  specimen 
of  Grimm's  handwriting  is  given  in  the  edition  of  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire  by  the  same  distinguished 
critic.  M.  Tourneux's  editions  of  Grimm  and  of  Diderot 
can  be  consulted  by  English  readers  in  the  British 
Museum  Library). 


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ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.       93 

NOTE    BY   DIDEROT. 

"  La  femme  cle  Garnier  qui  n'est-qu'une  bonne  femme 
mais  qui  a  une  penetration  peu  commune  voyant  son  marl 
clesole  le  lendemain  lui  en  demande  la  raison,  et  I'ayant 
appris  lui  dit:  'vous  ne  connaissez  pas  cet  liomme  la,  il  en 
devore  d'envie :  et  il  fera  un  jour  quel  que  grand  forfait 
plutot  que  de  se  laisser  ignorer.  Tiens  je  ne  jurerais  pas 
qu'il  ne  prit  le  parti  des  Jesuites.'  La  femme  de  Garnier 
a  senti  juste,  mais  ce  n'est  pas  cela  que  Rene  fera  :  c'est 
centre  les  philosophes  qu'il  prendra  parti  et  finira  par 
ecrire  contre  ses  amis — tournez  cela  a  la  fa§on  de  Wolf." 

TRANSLATION. 

"  Garnier's  wife,  who  is  a  simple  woman,  but  who  has 
unusual  penetration,  seeing  her  husband  much  upset 
next  day,  asked  the  reason  ;  and,  having  heard  it,  said  : 
*  You  don't  know  this  man ;  he  is  eaten  up  with  envy. 
You  will  see  he  will  commit  a  crime  some  day  rather 
than  remain  unknown — I  wouldn't  swear  that  he  does 
not  take  the  part  of  the  Jesuits.'  Garnier's  wife  has  felt 
rightly :  but  this  is  not  what  Rene  will  do,  it  is  against 
the  philosophers  that  he  will  take  sides,  and  will  finish 
off  by  writing  against  his  friends — arrange  that  in  the 
same  way  as  the  story  of  Wolf." 

In  the  141  cahiers  of  the  Arsenal  MS.  the  story  is  told 
of  Rene's  abominable  selfishness  which  causes  Garnier's 
wife  to  show  her  unusual  penetration  (see  facsimile  5). 
The  episode  is  found  in  the  third  volume  of  the  Memoirs, 
pp.  60,  61  and  62.  In  Diderot's  "  Tablettes  "  the  anec- 
dote makes  one  of  Rousseau's  "crimes"  against  his 
"friends."  "One  evening,"  afiirmed  Diderot,  "  he  was 
in  a  mood  to  sit  up  late.  I  asked  him  to  advise  me 
about  a  phrase.  Immediately  he  said,  '  It  is  time  to  go 
to  bed.' "  It  is  not  possible  to  prove  that  Rousseau  was 
not  guilty  upon  any  occasion  of  saying  '  It  is  time  to  go 
to  bed'  when  Diderot  wished  to  read  him  his  manu- 
script, but  it  can  be  proved  that  the  story  as  suggested 
in  these  volumes,  and  reproduced  in  the  Memoirs,  was  a 
falsehood.     (See  vol.  ii.  p.  24.) 


94     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Another  page  of  the  Arsenal  Manuscript  it  has  seemed 
useful  to  photograph  is  the  one  where  the  note  occurs 
recommending  that  the  whole  story  of  Rene  should  be 
revised  from  the  commencement.  Here  is  a  translation 
of  the  recommendation  which,  as  we  follow  later  on  the 
alterations  made  in  "  the  fable,"  we  shall  find  has  been 
faithfully  obeyed. 

(Note  directing  the  re-writing  of  Rousseau's  story — 
in  Madame  d'Epinay's  work.) 

"Reprendre  Rene  des  le  commencement.  II  faut 
me  le  mettre  dans  leurs  promenades  ou  conversations 
de  defendre  quelques  theses  bizarres.  II  faut  qu'on 
s'appergoive  qu'il  a  de  la  delicatesse  beaucoup  de  gout 
pour  les  femmes  .  .  .  galament  brusque  certain  tems 
sans  le  voir.  Madme.  de  Montbrillan  demaude  raison — 
il  repond  en  faisant  le  portrait  de  tons  .  .  .  beaucoup 
d'honnetete  et  point  de  moeurs — demande  ce  qu'il  pense 
d'elle — repond  ce  qu'on  dit,  et  ce  qu'il  en  pense." 

TRANSLATION. 

"  Revise  Rene  from  the  beginninoj.  He  must  be  made 
in  their  walks  and  conversations  to  defend  fantastic 
theories.  It  must  be  perceived  that  he  has  delicacy — 
a  strong  liking  for  women  .  .  .  can  be  brusque  with  gal- 
lantry. Some  time  passes  without  seeing  him.  Madame 
Montbrillant  asks  the  reason — he  replies  by  painting 
every  one's  portrait — (they  have)  much  politeness  but 
no  morality — asks  what  he  thinks  of  her — he  replies 
what  people  say  and  what  he  thinks." 

The  first  direction  to  re-write  Rene's  story  applies  to 
the  general  alteration  of  the  whole  narrative.  But  the 
very  phrase  of  this  sophist  who  defends  "des  theses 
bizarres"  is  interpolated  in  cahier  139  thus:  "Je  ne 
sais  trop  si  je  lui  ferais  tort  de  dire  qu'il  est  plus  flatte 
du  plaisir  de  soutenir  des  theses  bizarres  que  peine  des 
alarmes  que  peuvent  jeter  ses  sophisimes  dans  le  coeur 
de  ceux  qui  I'^coutent." — Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  p.  30. 


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ARCHIVES   AND   ARSENAL   MSS.       95 

Nothing  of  course  can  be  more  evident  than  that  the 
Notes  containing  directions  for  the  "changes"  that  are  to 
be  made  in  the  fable  show  what  was  not  in  the  original 
narrative  told  by  Madame  d'Epinay.  This  original 
nai'vative,  theyi,  did  not  agree  tvith  the  account  given 
hy  Grimm  and  Diderot  of  Rousseau's  character  and 
conduct ;  and  if  we  find  that  the  Rene  of  the  Manu- 
scnpt  {or  the  Jean  Jacques  of  the  2^')''inted  Memoirs) 
resembles  the  sophist  and  impostor  described  in  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire  and  in  Diderot's  "  Tablets," 
the  explanation  is  a  simple  one ;  the  portrait  has  the 
same  features,  not  because  Madame  d' Epinay  p)(^inted 
independently  the  same  p)icture,  but  because  her  picture 
of  her  old  friend  has  been  turned  out  of  doors,  and  a 
copy  of  the  Encyclopcedists  picture  brought  in  to  take 
its  place. 

Nothing  can  be  more  certain  either  than  that  Diderot 
and  Grimm  did  not  take  all  the  trouble  to  revise  step  by 
step,  and  incident  by  incident,  Madame  d'Epinay's  story 
of  Rene  without  some  ulterior  purpose  in  connection 
with  the  future  publication  of  the  work.  What  that 
ulterior  purpose  was  we  find  indicated  in  Diderot's 
prophecy  in  his  Note  to  the  Essay  upon  Seneca;  in 
the  date  of  the  publication  of  Brunet's  Memoirs;  and 
especially  in  the  first  mention  of  the  work  in  the 
Biographic  Universelle.  But  we  shall  discover  with 
much  more  certitude  this  design,  and  the  skill  and 
trouble  used  in  carrying  it  out,  when  we  have  traced  the 
history  of  the  manuscripts  which  enables  us  to  expose  this 
imposture. 


CHAPTER  III 

HOW  THE  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPT  REACHED  THE  ARCHIVES 
AND  ARSENAL  LIBRARIES,  AND  HOW  THE  FAIR  COPY, 
BRUNET's  MANUSCRIPT,  REACHED  THE  RUE  DE  SEVIGNE 
LIBRARY  AS  A  POSSESSION  OF  THE  BIBLIOTHEQUE 
HISTORIQUE    DE    LA   VILLE    DE   PARIS. 

Whilst  examiniDg  the  cahiers  so  carefully  corrected 
under  tlie  direction  of  Diderot  and  Grimm,  so  tenderly 
handled  by  Madame  d'Epinay  herself — as  the  tying  of 
the  yellow  pages  with  the  faded  ribbons  testifies — one 
question  perplexed  me  greatly.  This  manuscript  could 
not  have  been  the  one  J.  C.  Brunet,  or  A.  A.  Barbier, 
discovered  in  the  hands  of  the  "heirs  of  Lecourt  de 
Villiere."  What  was  the  explanation  of  these  two 
manuscripts ;  and  how  were  they  related  to  each  other  ? 

MM.  Percy  and  Maugras,  with  all  their  boasted 
acquaintanceship  with  autograph  documents,  had  not 
one  scrap  of  information  to  give  about  either  manuscript. 

"  How,"  asked  these  writers  about  the  document  used 
by  Brunet,  "  did  that  document  come  to  be  in  the 
possession  of  Lecourt  de  Villiere  ?  We  have  found  it 
impossible  to  discover." 

About  the  manuscript  they  had  themselves  employed, 
it  has  been  seen,  "  the  only  thing  that  was  certain,"  for 
these  writers,  "was  that  the  whole  manuscript  (now 
divided  between  the  Archives  and  Arsenal)  was  seized 
in  Grimm's  house,  3,  Rue  de  Mont  Blanc,  when  it  was 
pillaged  in  1793." 

But  the  "pillage"  of  Grimm's  house,  to  use  MM. 
Percy  and  Maugras'  terms,  in  1793,  was  conducted  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  rules  laid  down  by  the 
Revolutionary  Government  about  the  confiscation,  and 

96 


BRUNET'S    MS.  97 

devotion  to  public  uses,  of  the  goods  left  in  France  by 
absentees  proclaimed  to  be  "  emigrants."  M.  Maurice 
Tourneux,  in  liis  valuable  notes  to  the  Correspondance 
Zdtteraire,  has  traced  the  fate  of  Grimm's  library  and 
papers.  In  the  first  place  they  were  transported  from 
the  Rue  de  Mont  Blanc  to  the  National  Literary  Depot 
of  the  Rue  de  Marc.  Here,  by  commissaries  especially 
appointed  for  the  work,  an  inventory  was  drawn  up  of 
the  "emigrant's"  books  and  other  literary  or  art  belong- 
ings ;  and  sent  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Instruction. 
In  this  first  inventory,  the  manuscript  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  work  is  included  under  the  general  heading 
of  "  thirty-four  packets  of  loose  papers,  not  worth 
descrijjtion  " — "  trente-quatre  paqucts  de  paperas^es, 
ne  TKieritajit  aucune  descrijjtio^i." 

This  item  in  the  inventory  attracted  the  attention  of 
a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Instruction,  Mho, 
a  short  time  after  the  confiscation  of  Grimm's  goods, 
was  appointed  to  examine  his  papers  in  the  interests  of 
Diderot's  daughter,  Mme.  de  Vandueil.  The  report  of 
this  personage,  an  ex-Dominican  monk  named  Poirier, 
contains  the  following  passage  :  ^ — 

"  The  thirty-four  packets  of  loose  papers  are  in  card- 
board cases.  I  opened  several  of  them.  Some  contain 
the  fair  copies  of  diff"erent  works ;  others,  letters 
addressed  to  Grimm — all  in  the  greatest  confusion.  In 
this  first  very  hurried  inspection  of  some  of  these  cases, 
I  did  not  perceive  any  letters  of  Diderot's ;  but  I  fell 
upon  one  or  two  which  concerned  him  intimately.  For 
the  rest,  it  appears  that  he  was  very  much  hound  up 
ivith  the  p)hilosophers  of  that  time ;  and  upon  terms  of 
most  intimate  friendship)  with  Madame  de  la  Live,^ 
from  ivhom  there  are  m^any  original  letters,  and  several 
other  original  tvritings." 

Now  by  Grimm's  account,  as  has  1)een  seen,  Madame 

1  Manuscripts  Bibliothique  Rationale,  Fr.  20843. 

2  La  Live  was  the  family  name  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  husband, 
called  d'Epinay  from  his  estate. 

VOL.  I.  7 


98       A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

d'Epinay  left  in  tlie  way  of  original  writings  only  an 
incomplete  continuation  to  her  Conversations  dJEmilie 
and  VEhauche  cVun  long  roman — in  other  words,  the 
work  in  manuscript  given,  after  its  publication,  the  title 
of  Memoirs  of  Madame  cTEpinay.  Dom  Poirier's 
remark  that  Diderot  {the  philosopher,  ^^ar  excellefice, 
by  the  election  of  the  sect)  "  appears  to  have  been  very 
intimate  with  the  philosophers  of  that  time," — tres  lie 
avec  les  2)^i^loso2:)kcs  de  ce  temps-Id, — proves  that  the 
ex-Dominican  monk  was  not  himself  sufficiently  familiar 
with  the  philosophers,  or  their  world,  to  have  discovered 
under  the  pseudonyms  of  Garnier,  Volx,  and  Rene,  the 
real  personages  who  figured  in  Madame  d'Epinay's 
noveL  The  manuscript  remained  then  undisturbed  in 
the  National  Depot,  Rue  de  Marc,  classified  under  the 
heading  of  "  paperasses  ne  meritant  aucune  description." 
Here  we  have  the  first  fortunate  accident  for  the  con- 
spirators. It  is  interesting  to  picture  what  would  have 
been  the  result  if  a  better-informed  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Public  Instruction  had  inspected  these 
papers,  and  discovering  the  true  character  of  the  pre- 
tended novel  had  brought  it  to  light  in  an  epoch  when 
Dupeyrou,  Deleyre,  and  Madame  de  la  Tour  de  Franque- 
ville  were  still  alive,  amongst  the  competent  and  zealous 
defenders  of  Rousseau ;  when  Madame  d'Houdetot  and 
Saint-Lambert  would  have  found  themselves  compelled 
to  testify  to  the  falsehoods  told  about  circumstances 
with  which  they  were  connected ;  when  Grimm  himself 
was  still  there,  to  be  "afflicted"  with  inquiries  about  his 
own  share,  and  Diderot's  share,  in  this  effort  to  build  up 
false  charges  against  a  dead  man  held  in  the  highest 
honour.  These  documents  would  have  secured  the  im- 
mediate and  sensational  exposure  of  the  conspiracy 
against  Rousseau  ;  and  there  would  no  longer  have  been 
any  room  lor  later  theories,  in  connection  with  his 
"  mania  of  suspicion "  and  his  hatred  of  the  bene- 
factors who  had  "  overwhelmed  him  with  touching 
kindnesses ! " 


BRUNET'S    MS.  99 

Left  at  the  Depot,  Rue  de  Marc,  for  two  years,  Grimm's 
library  and  papers  were  then  transported  to  the  Depot 
des  Cordeliers ;  where  again  they  remained  forgotten  for 
three  years. 

In  1798  Capperonier,  the  director  of  the  Bibliotlieque 
Nationale,  was  invited  by  the  Committee  of  Public 
Instruction  to  select  from  Grimm's  library  the  works  he 
considered  of  chief  public  importance.  The  list  of 
works  chosen  by  Capperonier  is  given,  with  an  account 
of  these  proceedings,  in  the  Archives  des  Dejiots 
Nationaux  preserved  in  the  Arsenal.^  The  original 
writings  of  Madame  de  la  Live  signalized  by  Dom 
Poirier  do  not  figure  in  the  list.  By  the  ordinary 
method  followed,  however,  the  Committee  of  Public 
Instruction  would,  after  the  selection  made  for  the 
Bibliothfeque  Nationale,  have  ordered  any  remaining 
books  or  manuscripts,  possessing  general  interest,  to  be 
distributed  amongst  other  public  libraries.  The  notice 
that  we  have  seen  accompanies  the  Archives  manuscript 
establishes  that  the  Lettres  de  Madame  de  Montbrillant 
reached  the  library  in  this  way.  One  remark,  however, 
may  here  be  made  upon  this  notice.  The  suggestion 
that  the  manuscript  aj^pears  to  have  been  sent  by  the 
National  Assembly  or  by  the  Convention  to  the  Committee 
of  Public  Instruction  implies  that  it  w^as  from  this  last 
institution  that  the  Library  of  the  Archives  received  it. 
But,  inasmuch  as  it  belonged  to  the  duties  of  this 
Committee  to  deal  directly  with  the  literary  and  art 
treasures  found  in  the  houses  of  emigrants,  it  does  not 
seem  probable  that  the  National  Assembly,  or  the 
Convention,  had  any  hand  in  these  arrangements.  With 
regard  to  the  division  of  the  manuscript,  it  appears  to 
me  impossible  to  suppose  it  was  the  result  of  careless- 
ness. We  have  to  appreciate  the  fact  that  the  140 
cahiers  consigned  to  the  Archives  were  accompanied  by 
a  "key"  to  the  names  of  the  real  personages  of  the 
story.  Whilst  the  collection  of  forty-five  cahiers  and 
^  Tome  xiii.  p.  352. 


loo    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

loose  papers  sent  to  the  Arsenal,  viz.  the  portion  of  the 
ivork  lohicli  contains  the  story  of  Renes  abominable 
ingratitude  to  his  benefactress,  had  no  such  key  :  and 
was  concealed  under  the  entirely  misleading  title  (which 
still  figures  in  the  Arsenal  Catalogue)   of  Histoire  de 
Madame   de   Ramhure — there   being   no   Madame    de 
Kambure  amongst  the  personages  of  the  story,  although 
the   name   does   appear   on    the    outer    sheet    of    the 
manuscript,  marked   out,  and  with   the   name    of  the 
actual  heroine,  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  written  over 
it.     At  this  time  of  day,  it  remains  an  open  question 
whether  the  attempt  to  divert  public  attention  from  this 
portion   of  the   work   was  the  inconsiderate  action  of 
some    mistaken    enthusiast   of    J.    J.    Rousseau,    who, 
perceiving   that   he   was   attacked  under  the  mask  of 
"Rene,"  wished  to  conceal  these  libels;  or  whether  the 
act  was  done  by  some  friend  of  Grimm's,  instructed  in 
his  designs,  and  in  the  plot  to  withhold  these  charges 
until  the  disappearance  of  living  witnesses,  competent  to 
refute  them.     Whatever  the  intention  may  have  been, 
the  endeavour  to  conceal  the  most  interesting  chapter  of 
the  history  was  successful.     The  Letters  of  Madame  de 
Montbrillant,  possessed  by  the  Archives,  were  identified 
after  the  publication  of  the  Memoirs  as  an  imperfect 
manuscript    of    the    same    work.^     But   VHistoire   de 
Madame  de  Ramhure  slumbered    undiscovered  in  its 
cardboard  case  for  eighty-five  years ;  until  M.  Maurice 
Tourneux,  when  pursuing  his  researches  about  Diderot, 
unearthed  it,  and  made  the  present  of  his  discovery  to 
MM.   Percy  and  Maugras — whose  unfortunate  precon- 
ception that  it  "  is  time  to  make  an  end  of  the  eternal 
discussion  about  Rousseau  "  (by  obstinately  shutting  one's 
eyes  to  patent  proofs  that  he  has  been  calumniated) — pre- 
vented them  from  turning  the  present  to  good  account. 

So  much,  then,  for  the  "  vicissitudes "  that  had  for 
their  result  the  division  of  this  manuscript  between  the 

^  For  instance,  by  F.  CauipaiJou,  in  his  rrodigalites  d'un  Fermier- 
(jenC-ral. 


BRUNET'S    MS.  loi 

Archives  and  the  Arsenal.  As  for  the  reason  that  led 
to  the  deposition  of  the  second  manuscript  with  Lccourt 
de  Villiere,  they  are  not  so  difficult  to  discover  after  the 
path  we  have  already  trodden,  as  they  were  bound 
to  appear  from  the  position  taken  up  by  MM.  Percy 
and  Maugras,  which  was  that  Madame  d'Epinay's 
work  was  not  intended,  either  by  herself  or  by  Grimm, 
for  publication.  Certain  as  we  now  are  that  the  work 
loas  destined,  and  carefully  prepared,  for  publication,  but 
only  in  an  epoch  when  all  contemporary  witnesses  had 
disappeared,  there  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  choice 
made  by  Grimm  of  Lecourt  de  Villiere,  an  obscure  and 
a  trustworthy  person,  who  had  some  special  reasons  for 
personal  attachment  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  in  whose 
household  he  had  once  held  the  position  of  steward. 
The  status  of  Lecourt  de  Villiere,  we  find,  was  not  that 
of  secretary  to  Grimm,  but  of  his  confidential  agent 
and  accountant,  very  much  the  same  post,  in  fact, 
which  he  had  once  held  when  in  the  employment  of 
Madame  d'Epinay.  Here  was  a  man  who,  entrusted 
with  the  document,  would  have  been  all  the  more  willing 
to  deal  with  it  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  given 
him  because  he  would  have  been  assured  that  the 
motive  was  to  serve  the  good  name  of  a  lady  whose 
generosity  and  kindheartedness,  we  know,  rendered  her 
dependents  devotedly  attached  to  her.  Lecourt  de 
Villiere  showed  himself  extraordinarily  loyal  and  patient, 
it  must  be  admitted,  in  leaving  to  his  "  heirs  "  (whoever 
they  may  have  been)  all  the  profits  to  be  derived  from 
this  transaction.  But  in  connection  with  this  heroic 
patience  and  self-denial  in  refraining  from  all  efforts  to 
arrange  for  the  purchase  of  a  saleable  manuscript,  it 
should  be  remembered  that,  during  the  Revolution, 
Grimm's  agent,  and  the  former  steward  of  Madame 
d'Epinay,  did  wisely  to  keep  in  the  background  all 
facts  connected  with  his  former  employment  by  the 
enemies  of  J.  J.  Rousseau ;  and  that  nothing  would 
have  been  more  dangerous  for  a  man  in  his  position 


I02     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

than  tlie  suspicion  that  he  had  been  entrusted  with  a 
document  intended  to  refute  the  Confessions. 

But  all  these  considerations,  whilst  they  help  us  to 
understand  Grimm's  dealings  with  Lecourt  de  Villiere, 
throw  no  light  upon  the  question  of  why  there  were  two 
manuscripts :  the  one  seized  in  Grimm's  house,  and  the 
other  purchased  by  J.  C.  Brunet,  and  employed  for  the 
production  of  the  printed  Memoirs. 

To  solve  this  riddle,  all  that  was  needed,  I  felt  con- 
vinced, was  to  find  and  examine  this  second  manuscript  as 
carefully  as  the  first  one,  and  in  comparison  with  it. 

The  task  ought  not  to  have  been  so  difficult  as  I  found 
it;  for  in  1896,  when  I  started  on  this  new  voyage  of 
discovery,  Brunet's  manuscript  (had  I  only  known  it) 
had  been  for  eleven  years  in  the  possession  of  a  public 
library !  No  one,  however,  appeared  to  have  any 
knowledge  of  the  facts.  At  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale, 
at  the  Archives,  and  at  the  Arsenal,  I  received  nothing 
but  discouragement  in  reply  to  my  inquiries  about  the 
destiny  of  this  manuscript.  Brunet,  who  had  very 
strong  reasons  (as  we  shall  presently  discover)  for  not 
allowing  to  pass  out  of  his  hands  the  manuscript  he  pro- 
fessed to  have  merely  abridged,  without  altering  it,  in  the 
printed  Memoirs,  kept  the  document  jealously  locked  up 
until  his  death  in  1868.  Then  it  was  put  up  for  sale, 
with  the  famous  bibliographer's  other  books  and  manu- 
scripts, by  Messrs.  Labitte,  Quai  Malaquais,  on  the  28th 
April,  1868.  The  purchaser  of  this  document  was  a  M. 
Moselmann.  Here  was  all  that,  for  a  long  time,  I  was 
able  to  discover.  Whether  M.  Moselmann  were  still 
alive  ;  what  had  been  his  motive  in  purchasing  this 
historical  document ;  whether  he  had  written  anything 
about  it,  or  shown  it  to  any  one ;  whether  it  were  in 
any  way  possible  to  approach  the  happy  possessor  of  this 
treasure,  and  obtain  his  permission  to  examine  it, — here 
were  questions  I  tormented  the  ever  courteous  but 
always  discouraging  assistant-librarians  of  these  institu- 
tions with  for  several  months.      And,  here,  too,  it  was 


BRUNET'S    MS.  103 

an  accident  that,  in  tlie  end,  brought  me  the  information 
I  wanted. 

The  advice  of  a  fellow  explorer  amongst  the  valuable 
historical  secret  documents  possessed  by  the  Arsenal 
Library  sent  me  to  the  Carnavalet  Museum,  where,  in 
1896,  the  Bibliotheque  Historique  de  la  Ville  de  Paris  was 
still  domiciled.^  What  I  went  to  look  for  was  a  manu- 
script edition  of  the  Correspondance  Litteraire;  but 
when  examining  the  catalogues  of  the  Bibliotheque 
Historique  I  discovered  that  amongst  the  documents 
in  its  possession  w^as  the  "  Original  manuscript  em- 
jyloyed  by  J.  C  Brunei  for  the  production  of  Madartie 
dEpinay' s  Memoh \s. ' ' 

Here  is  a  translation  of  the  notice  prefixed  to  the  first 
of  the  nine  handsome  volumes  containing  the  2,300 
pages  of  this  enormous  manuscript ;  it  will  be  observed 
that  the  notice  only  reproduces  the  statements  of  the 
preface  to  the  printed  book  : — 

"The  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay  were  published 
for  the  first  time  in  1818,  by  M.  J.  C.  Brunet,  from  this 
manuscript,  given  to  Grimm  by  Madame  d'Epinay 
herself,  and  left  by  him  to  his  last  secretary,  Lecourt 
de  Villiere,  when  he  had  to  quit  France.  M.  Brunet 
bought  this  manuscript  in  1817  from  the  heirs  of 
Lecourt  de  Villiere,  and  kept  it  until  his  death.  It  was 
then  acquired  by  M.  Moselmann,  who  bequeathed  it  to 
Madame  Gouetti.  At  the  sale  of  this  lady's  efi'ects,  the 
Bibliotheque  Historique  purchased  it,  on  the  21st 
February,  1885,  at  the  price  of  600  francs." 

No  doubt  the  Directors  of  the  Bibliotheque  Historique 
valued  their  acquisition  as  an  interesting  historical  docu- 
ment, as  well  as  a  fine  specimen  of  eighteenth-century 
caligraphy.  But  it  remains  a  striking  illustration  of  the 
lack  of  interest  shown  in  the  criticism  of  Rousseau,  and  in 
the  endeavour  to  find  out  whether  he  was  a  calumniator 
or  a  much-calumniated  man,  that,  until  my  own  acci- 
dental discovery  of  it,  this  manuscript  had  remained  as 

^  The  Library  has  now  quarters  of  its  own  in  the  E.ue  de  Sevigne. 


I04     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

much  a  secret  document  on  the  shelves  of  a  public 
library,  as  it  had  been  when  hidden  away  for  thirty- 
four  years  after  Madame  d'Epinay's  death,  before  the 
publication  of  the  Memoirs;  and  when  locked  away 
from  investigators  for  sixty-seven  years  afterwards,  first 
of  all  by  Brunet,  and  afterwards  by  M.  Moselmann  and 
by  Madame  Gouetti.  Nevertheless  the  question  of 
whether  the  printed  edition  of  the  Memoirs  fairly  repro- 
duces the  original  work  is  one  that  can  be  finally  settled 
only  by  the  examination  of  this  manuscript ;  whilst  by 
its  comparison  with  the  Archives  and  Arsenal  manu- 
scripts, all  doubts  (if  any  still  remained)  as  to  Grimm's 
intentions  about  the  publication  of  the  work  are  extin- 
guished. 

The  first  result  of  this  comparison  proves  the  reason 
for  the  existence  of  the  two  manuscripts.  Bru7iefs  manu- 
script is  unm,istahably  the  fair  copy  made  fr'om  the 
corrected  cahiers  of  the  original  work.  All  the  correc- 
tions and  interpolations  which  disfigure  the  old  folios  of 
the  Archives  and  Arsenal  manuscripts  are  found  neatly 
reproduced  in  the  copy  re-written  for  the  purposes  of 
publication.  The  extremely  clear  and  careful  hand- 
writing of  Brunet's  manuscript  can  be  identified  as  that 
of  one  of  Grimm's  secretaries,  employed  by  him  for  the 
Correspondance  Littei^aire ;  and  whom  we  know  to  have 
borne  the  name  of  Mailly,  because  amongst  Grimm's 
papers  preserved  at  the  Archives  are  receipts  signed  by 
this  same  Mailly,  acknowledging  the  payment  to  him,  on 
Grimm's  account,  by  Meister,  of  difi'erent  sums  owing  to 
him  in  consideration  of  copies  of  the  Correspondance 
Litter  aire  made  for  the  Empress  Catherine. 

It  becomes  evident  that  if  Grimm  charged  himself 
with  the  expense  of  having  this  tremendously  long 
manuscript  of  2,300  pages  copied  by  such  an  excellent 
penman  as  Mailly,  he  did  it  with  the  view  of  preparing  the 
work  for  future  production.  But  it  was  not  only  money 
tlie  ordinarily  cautious  Grimm  was  willing  to  sacrifice,  to 
serve  the  end  he  had  in  view.     The  facts  prove  to  us 


BRUNET'S    MS.  105 

that  this  positive  and  prudent  personage,  so  capable  (as 
the  sentimental  Madame  d'Epinay  found  to  her  grief)  of 
putting  self-interest  before  love,  in  affairs  of  the  heart, 
hecsune,  under  the  dominion  of  the  supreme  hatred  of 
Eousseau,  that  was  certainly  the  greatest  passion  he 
knew,  absolutely  self  devoted  in  his  malice ;  and  ready  to 
expose  himself  to  risks  that  might  easily  have  cost  him 
his  life. 

For,  there  can  be  no  doubt  about  it,  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  second  part  of  the  Confessions  in  1789,  and 
especially  after  the  appearance  of  Ginguene's  Letters  in 
1791,  Paris  was  not  a  safe  residence  for  the  denounced 
calumniator  and  persecutor  of  Kousseau.  He  had  felt  it : 
and  had  left  France  for  a  time.  But  he  returned,  in  as 
Cjuiet  a  manner  as  possible,  in  October  1791 ;  and  spent 
four  months  secluded  in  his  house,  3,  Rue  de  Mont 
Blanc,  seeing  no  one,  and  evidently  occupied  in  settling 
some  urgent  private  affairs.  Evidently  also  what  had 
brought  him  back  to  Paris  was  not  the  removal  of  his 
property  left  there  :  for  all  his  furniture,  clothing,  books, 
etc.,  were  seized  in  his  house  in  1793. 

In  his  Memoires  Historiques  sur  r07'igine  et  les  suites 
de  mon  attachement  pour  V Imperatrice  Catlieiine, 
Grimm  makes  the  sole  reason  for  his  return  to  Paris  his 
anxiety  to  place  in  safety  his  confidential  correspond- 
ence with  the  Empress  of  all  the  Russias. 

"In  the  course  of  this  year  1791,"  he  wrote,  "her 
Majesty  became  anxious  about  her  correspondence  and 
her  papers.  I  returned  to  Paris  in  October  1791,  not  to 
burn  them,  but  to  contrive  to  get  them  out  of  France. 
No  doubt  I  was  tempted  at  the  same  time  to  save 
many  things  that  were  precious  to  myself.  But  the 
times  were  so  troubled  it  was  easy  to  see  that  at  the 
slightest  appearance  of  a  removal,  the  first  package 
leaving  my  house  would  have  been  searched  and  pro- 
bably pillaged,  under  the  pretext  of  a  conspiracy  against 
liberty.  I  was,  I  knew,  already  denounced  in  the  sections 
and  committees,  as  engaged  in  an  intimate  correspond- 


io6    A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

ence  with  tlie  Empress,  supposed  to  be  unfavourable  to 
the  principles  of  the  Revolution.  I  gave  up,  then,  every 
idea  of  any  stir  or  bustle  in  my  house  ;  and  inasmuch  as 
I  had  made  myself  responsible  to  her  Majesty  for  the 
safety  of  her  papers,  I  esteemed  it  a  rigorous  duty  to 
sacrifice  everything  to  that  consideration.  By  force  of 
precautions  I  succeeded  in  getting  this  precious  trust 
clandestinely  out  of  my  hands,  and  beyond  the  French 
frontiers ;  and,  without  any  one's  knowledge,  placed  in 
safe  hands  in  Germany." 

Four  months  seem  a  long  time  to  have  given  to  the 
task  of  getting  letters  out  of  his  house  ;  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  also  at  this  period  that  the  manuscript  afterwards 
purchased  by  J.  C.  Brunet  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Lecourt  de  Villiere  is  affirmed  by  this  editor ;  who  pro- 
bably received  the  information  from  the  personages  in 
possession  of  the  document  when  he  obtained  it.  The 
supposition  that  it  was  during  these  four  months  that 
Mailly  completed  the  fair  copy  of  Madame  d'Epinay's 
work  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  all  the  circumstances  of 
the  case.  No  doubt  the  task  of  re-copying  the  old 
cahiers  arranged  for  that  purpose  must  have  been  com- 
menced during  Madame  d'Epinay's  lifetime ;  for  the 
first  four  volumes  of  the  nine  volumes  possessed  by  the 
Bibliotheque  Historique  show  frequent  small  corrections 
in  her  handwriting.  But  the  last  five  volumes  have  no 
such  corrections — in  other  words,  give  no  sign  of  any 
revision  by  the  author ;  and  here  we  have  reasons  for 
concluding  that  the  copying  was  completed  after  her 
death ;  and  that  the  period  when  it  was  completed 
was,  precisely,  this  interval  between  November  1791 
and  February  1792,  when  Grimm,  in  daily  peril  of 
arrest,  kept  himself  close  in  his  house,  3,  Rue  de  Mont 
Blanc,  seems  to  me  established  by  the  neglect  of  an 
obvious  precaution,  only  to  be  accounted  for  by  the 
haste  with  which  the  task  was  accomplished;  and  by 
Grimm's  acknowledged  nervousness  under  his  sense  of 
the  malevolent  curiosity  watchful  of  his  movements.     It 


BRUNET'S    MS.  107 

would  have  been  so  plainly  an  act  of  prudence,  when 
Mailly's  work  was  done,  to  have  destroyed  the  original 
cahiers  with  the  damnatory  evidence  of  his  own  and 
Diderot's  corrections,  that  the  seizure  of  these  documents 
in  his  house,  the  following  year,  can  only  be  explained  by 
Grimm's  desire  to  get  quietly  away  from  Paris,  when  his 
supreme  end  was  obtained,  without  arousing  suspicion  by 
destroying  papers.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  also  under 
the  pleasant  delusion  common  to  most  emigrants,  that 
the  revolutionary  fever  was  bound  to  spend  itself  soon  ; 
and  that,  the  old  order  restored,  he  would  be  able  to 
return  to  Paris  later  on,  and  put  his  house  in  order. 

Things  did  not,  as  we  know,  follow  this  course :  and 
Grimm  was  never  to  see  Paris  again.  When  he  heard 
of  the  confiscation  of  all  his  belong;ino;s  the  following^ 
year,  at  Dusseldorf,  his  protest  against  "  this  pillage  " 
proves  his  anxiety  to  disavow,  in  advance,  all  property 
in  the  manuscript  he  wished  to  class  amongst  papers 
"  not  belonging  to  him,"  placed  in  his  hands  by  friends. 

"  Although  for  eighteen  years,"  he  wrote,  "  I  had 
been  to  every  one's  knowledge  attached  as  the  Minister 
of  a  foreign  state  to  the  court  of  Louis  XVL,  one  day 
they  descended  upon  my  house,  without  any  preliminary 
formalities,  removed  the  seals,  and  took  possession  of 
everything,  merely  informing  my  servants  (to  this  day 
I  know  not  upon  v/hose  authority  nor  in  virtue  of  what 
law)  that  I  was  proclaimed  an  emigrant.  At  the  time  I 
was  two  hundred  leagues  distant  from  Paris.  It  did  not 
take  them  three  weeks  to  empty  my  house.  My  furniture, 
clothes,  house  and  body  linen,  a  library  it  had  taken  me 
my  life  to  collect,  my  private  correspondence,  my  manu- 
scripts, a  large  number  of  papers  ^^Zacec^  m  my  hands 
hy  friends,  which  did  not  belong  to  me,  all  was  seized 
and  carried  off  I  know  not  where,  to  be  sold  to  the 
highest  bidder,  or  by  secret  arrangements  made  by  those 
who  had  prepared  this  disloyal  pillage." 

Notwithstanding  this  misadventure,  luck  put  itself  on 
Grimm's  side,  and  averted  the  exposure,  which  seemed 


io8     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

inevitable,  of  his  secret  plot  against  Rousseau.  It  has 
been  seen  how  the  appearance  of  the  old  folios  and  loose 
papers  of  the  work  found  amongst  Grimm's  papers 
alarmed  the  indolence,  more  than  it  stimulated  the 
curiosity  of  the  commissaries  who  drew  up  the  first 
inventory  of  his  library  and  manuscripts.  It  has  been 
seen,  too,  how  ignorance  about  the  philosophers  and 
their  epoch  in  an  unfrocked  monk,  hid  from  Dom  Poirier, 
also,  the  true  character  of  the  original  writings  of 
Madame  de  la  Live.  And,  lastly,  it  has  been  seen 
how  either  the  ill-advised  timidity  of  an  admirer  of 
Rousseau,  or  else  the  cautious  craft  of  an  accomplice  of 
Grimm's,  brought  about  the  entombment  in  the  Arsenal 
Library,  of  the  important  chapters  of  this  libellous 
history  under  the  misleading  title  of  Histoire  de 
Madame  de  Ramhure.  It  remains  to  be  recognized 
how  another  accident  made  the  purchaser  of  the  docu- 
ment deposited  with  Lecourt  de  Villiere  not  only  one  of 
a  group  of  literary  editors  whose  interests  and  prejudices 
were  with  the  Encyclopsedists  and  adverse  to  Rousseau, 
but  also  a  man  well  up  in  the  history  of  the  epoch, 
who,  in  order  to  enhance  the  importance  of  the  work  he 
gave  the  world,  wilfully  tampered  with  the  text,  with  the 
purpose  of  lending  it  a  more  literal  historical  character 
than  its  original  authors  had  meant  to  claim  for  it.  And 
how,  as  a  result  of  the  fresh  falsification  of  this  already 
falsified  work,  new  complications  were  introduced  into 
the  case.  So  that  it  became  more  difficult  for  such 
honest  and  painstaking  critics  as  Musset  Pathay  and 
Boiteau  (with  only  the  printed  Memoirs  to  guide  them) 
to  arrive  at  a  clear  idea  of  the  designs  of  the  original 
conspirators. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  FALSIFICATION  BY  THE  EDITORS  OF  THE  PHINTED 
MEMOIRS  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  PURCHASED  FROM  THE 
"HEIRS  OF  LECOURT  DE  VILLIERE " — REVEALED  IN 
THE  MANUSCRIPT    OF  THE  RUE   DE    SEVIGNE  LIBRARY. 

The  corrections  made  by  Madame  d'Epinay's  hand  in 
Brunet's  manuscript  do  not  occur,  as  it  has  been  already 
said,  after  the  fourth  of  the  nine  volumes.  But  other 
and  much  more  extensive  corrections  are  found  through- 
out the  work  ;  and  when  we  compare  the  manuscript 
with  the  printed  Memoirs,  there  remains  no  doubt  that 
these  corrections  show  all  the  trouble  taken  by  the 
editors  (or,  if  J.  C.  Brunet  is  to  be  believed,  by  his 
assistant-editor  Parison,  alone)  to  arrange  the  work  for 
the  printers. 

And  this  arrangement  of  the  text,  carried  out  by 
corrections  that  appear  sometimes  written  on  the  blank 
pages  facing  the  manuscript,  sometimes  on  strips  of 
greenish  grey  paper  lightly  pasted  over  the  written  page, 
proves  how  entirely  false  w^ere  the  professions  made  in  the 
preface  to  the  printed  book.^ 

"  To  secure  the  success  of  the  work  with  readers  of  a 
different  time,"  affirmed  the  author  of  this  preface,  "  it  has 
been  found  necessary  to  suppress  frequent  repetitions, 
useless  episodes,  and  a  good  number  of  the  accusations 
against  Monsieur  d'Epinay.  But  ive  have  not  chosen  to 
change  ctnythmg,  either  in  the  somewhat  singular  form, 
of  the  work,  or  in  the  facts,  or  even  in  the  style,  luhich 
has  not  alioays  the  correctness  which  one  might  wisli 

^  In  the  Appendix,  Note  D,  will  be  found  a,  complete  list  of  the 
alterations  made  in  the  MS.  by  the  editors  of  the  printed  volume. 

109 


no    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

to  find  in  it.  And  if  we  do  not  'publish  everything 
luhich  Madame  d'Eijinay  has  ivritten,  at  least  we  pub- 
lish nothing  lohich  she  did  not  ivrite." 

Attention  to  the  corrections  and  alterations  made  by 
the  editors  in  the  text,  proves  that  every  one  of  these 
statements  is  an  untruth. 

The  editors  have  printed  as  though  included  in  the  work 
a  great  many  passages  and  several  letters  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  did  not  give  to  the  original  work  ;  and  that  we 
find  in  the  manuscript  on  inserted  pages. 

They  have  altered  a  large  number  of  statements  found 
in  the  manuscript,  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  it  appear 
that  Madame  d'Epinay  related  the  facts  truthfully, 
whereas  in  the  manuscript  it  is  apparent  that  historical 
events  were  falsely  reported.^  The  editors  have  also 
altered  different  letters  given  in  the  manuscript,  with  the 
purpose  of  making  it  seem  that  Madame  d'Epinay's 
version  of  them  was  the  same  that  we  have  in  Rousseau's 
published  correspondence ;  the  fact  being  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  gave  false  letters,  fabricated  to  suit  the  purpose 
of  her  story. 

They  have  given  an  entirely  different  form  and 
character  to  the  original  work,  by  attempting  to  lend 
it  the  authority  of  a  serious  autobiography,  where  a 
truthful  and  literal  account  was  given  of  historical  per- 
sonages and  real  events ;  whereas  the  special  character 
of  this  work  was  that  it  was  intended  for  a  novel,  in 
order  that  the  author  might  lend  freely  to  some  historical 
personages  she  placed  in  fictitious  circumstances  the 
conduct  and  qualities  it  pleased  her  to  attribute  to 
them  :  without  taking  any  pledges  to  afford  proofs  of  the 
exactitude  of  the  facts  she  related. 

And  this  deliberate  alteration  of  the  form  and 
character  of  the  original  work  has  compelled  the  editor 
of  the  printed  Memoirs  to  suppress,  not  only  repetitions 
and  tedious  episodes,  but  a  large  number  of  very  enter- 
taining and  important  narratives,  simply  because  it  was 
^  See  Appendix,  Note  D. 


THE    PRINTED    MEMOIRS  iii 

impossible  to  make  these  incidents  fit  in  with  the  theory 
that  we  have  to  deal  with  a  correct  historical  account  of 
events  that  can  be  traced  home  to  the  life  experiences  of 
Madame  d'Epinay  herself,  or  of  Grimm,  or  of  Diderot,  or 
of  Rousseau. 

And  it  becomes  evident,  if  we  compare  the  work  as  it 
came  out  of  the  nineteenth-century  editors'  hands  with 
the  work  as  the  two  manuscripts  show  it  to  us  re- 
arranged by  Madame  d'Epinay 's  first  peremptory  editors, 
Grimm  and  Diderot,  that  the  last  falsifiers  of  the  docu- 
ment have  worked  at  cross  purposes  with  the  earlier  ones. 
For  the  original  conspirators  against  Rousseau  had  a  very 
deliberate  and  well-thought-out  design  in  the  apparently 
careless  historical  blunders  that  J.  C.  Brunet,  with  his 
"  knowledge  of  the  times,"  set  himself  studiously  to 
correct.  Their  intention  was  to  establish  the  general 
impression  of  Jean  Jacques  as  an  impostor,  an  ingrate,  a 
mischievous  sophist,  a  self-centred  egotist,  in  the  end 
driven  mad  by  envy,  vanity,  suspiciousness  and  love  of 
notoriety,  but  to  escape  from  the  necessity  of  substan- 
tiating any  of  the  accusations  put  forward  in  support 
of  this  theory  of  his  character,  by  transparent  disguises 
thrown  over  these  charges,  permitting  their  authors  the 
licence  allowed  to  novelists  from  whom  exactitude  in 
matters  of  fact  cannot  be  required. 

Upon  a  different  occasion  we  find  Diderot,  whose  taste 
for  reaching  his  ends  by  circuitous  rather  than  straight 
roads  was  recognized  by  his  most  friendly  critics,  em- 
ploying the  same  plan  of  campaign  that  he  was  probably 
responsible  for  here. 

In  his  famous  Note  to  the  Essay  upon  Seneca,  Diderot 
did  not  name  the  "  artificial  scoundrel "  he  invited  the 
world  at  large  to  distrust  and  detest  as  the  calumniator 
of  his  old  friends.  And  at  the  end  of  his  denunciation 
of  the  "atrocious  man,"  the  "ingrate,"  the  "coward," 
etc.,  he  wrote,  "  But  did  such  a  monster  as  this  ever 
exist  ?     I  cannot  believe  itJ' 

Here  was  a  phrase  which,  four  years  later,  when  a  second 


112     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

edition  of  the  E^say  was  produced,  Diderot  knew  how  to 
make  good  use  of. 

"  It  has  been  said,"  he  wrote,  after  quoting  this  Note, 
"that  this  denunciation  was  meant  for  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau.  But  did  Jean  Jacques  then  write  such  a 
work  as  I  have  described  ?  Has  he  calumniated  his  old 
friends "?  Has  he  been  guilty  of  the  blackest  ingratitude 
towards  his  benefactors  ?  Has  he  left  on  his  tomb  the 
revelation  of  secrets  entrusted  to  him,  or  surprised  by 
him  ?  May  this  cruel  indiscretion  sow  trouble  in  united 
families,  and  kindle  enmities  between  people  who  before 
loved  each  other  ?  If  this  be  so,  then  1  shall  still  say, 
and  shall  still  write  on  his  monument :  This  Jean  Jacques 
was  a  perversely  wicked  man.  But  has  Jean  Jacques 
done  nothing  of  all  this  1  Then  it  ivas  not  of  him  I  tvas 
speaking.  Did  there  ever  exist  a  man  so  false  and 
wicked  as  to  accuse  himself  of  horrible  actions,  in  order 
to  obtain  belief  in  the  horrible  actions  he  laid  to  the 
charge  of  others  ?  1  have  protected  that  I  cannot 
believe  it.  Censors,  of  what  do  you  complain  then?  If 
hlame  there  he,  it  belongs  to  yourselves.  I  have  sketched 
a  hideous  head — it  is  you  ivho  have  ivritten  the  name 
of  the  model  beneath  it." 

Had  the  design  of  the  original  authors  of  the  portrait 
of  the  false  philosopher,  false  hermit,  and  false  friend  who 
behaves  so  abominably  to  his  benefactress,  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  novel,  been  carried  out,  it  would  have  been 
the  readers  of  the  book  who  would  have  been  responsible 
for  writing  the  name  of  Rousseau  beneath  the  picture  of 
the  odious  impostor,  Rene. 

One  conclusion,  to  the  credit,  in  so  far  as  it  goes,  of  the 
editors  of  the  printed  Memoirs,  may  be  deduced  from 
these  dishonest  alterations  of  the  manuscript  they  pro- 
fessed they  had  not  altered.  We  have  seen  that  Michaud, 
Suard,  Barbier  and  Brunet,  as  admirers  as  well  as  pub- 
lishers of  the  works  of  the  Encyclopaedists,  did, 
undeniably  and  by  their  own  admission,  work  together 
to  produce  a  reversal  of  the  contemporary  judgment 


THE    PRINTED    MEMOIRS  113 

passed  upon  Rousseau.  And  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
they  hunted  up  and  reproduced  libels  which  they  knew 
had  been  refuted,  and  dealt  dishonestly  with,  and  gave 
false  reports  about,  contemporary  documents  that  they 
had  in  their  possession,  and  were  well  qualified  to 
estimate  at  their  true  value,  it  is  impossible  to  suppose 
that  these  defenders  of  the  "  great  men  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,"  in  their  estimation  (viz.  the  Encyclopae- 
dists), honestly  believed  in  the  justice  of  their  cause. 
At  the  same  time,  to  appreciate  their  motives  correctly, 
we  must  recognize  in  these  clever  bibliographers  and 
collectors  and  makers  of  books,  not  the  deliberate  con- 
tinuators  of  a  plot,  but  the  unscrupulous  apologists  and 
champions  of  les  pliilosophes,  of  Diderot  and  of  Grimm 
especially,  whom  their  inherited  intellectual  aud  personal 
sympathies  taught  them  to  regard  as  the  philosophers 
of  the  eighteenth  century :  who  had  suffered  in  public 
esteem  chiefly  on  account  of  their  ill-treatment  of 
Rousseau,  and  of  his  charges  against  them,  made  in  his 
Confessions. 

The  fact  that  J.  C.  Brunet  and  his  assistant-editor, 
Parison,  did  not  understand  the  scheme  of  the  original 
conspirators  is  the  best  proof  we  could  have  that  they 
were,  if  not  innocent,  at  any  rate  ignorant,  patrons  of 
this  carefully-planned  enterprise ;  whose  success  never- 
theless they  helped  to  make  exceed  probably  the  hopes 
formed  by  its  authors.  The  Memoirs  of  Madame 
d'E'pinay,  as  Brunet  gave  them,  certainly  conquered  a 
stronger  belief  in  their  veracity  than  could  have  been 
won  by  the  Letters  of  Madame  de  Monthrillani, 
had  they  been  honestly  reproduced  from  the  manu- 
script. At  the  same  time,  certain  sacrifices  had  to  be 
made  to  maintain  the  claims  of  the  work  to  historical 
exactitude. 

Thus  we  discover  when  examining  the  manuscript 
that  the  whole  of  the  ninth  volume  of  more  than  two 
hundred  pages,  which  represents  the  conclusion  of  the 
novel,  has  been  entirely  suppressed  by  the  editor  of  the 

VOL.    I.  8 


114    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

printed  Memoirs !  And  yet,  from  both  a  literary  and  a 
critical  point  of  view,  this  last  portion  of  the  original 
work  deserved  attention. 

Readers  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs  will  recollect 
that  the  book  ends  abruptly,  after  a  letter  addressed  to 

Madame  de  H at  Geneva,  where  Madame  d'Epinay 

gives  her  reasons  for  not  desiring  the  publication  of  her 
two  little  books  Mes  Moments  Heureux  and  Lettres  a 
rtion  Fils,  which  had  been  printed  for  private  circulation 
among  the  friends  of  the  authoress. 

"  Here  end  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  cVEpinay  [Ici 

Jinissent  les  Memoires  de  Madame  Epinay),"  affirm  the 

editors :    and  they  aggravate   the    deception   practised 

upon  their  readers  by  a  long  note,  wherein  they  express 

regrets  that  the  authoress  has  not  carried  her  story  further. 

True,  Boiteau,  in  his  preface  to  the  second  edition  of 
the  Memoirs,  writes  that  J.  C.  Brunet  admitted  to  him 
that  the  original  work  did  not  end  as  the  printed  book 
does ;  but  he  states  that  Brunet  affirmed  that  the  con- 
clusion was  a  hastily  patched-up  affair,  better  omitted 
for  the  sakes  both  of  author  and  of  reader. 

"  What  would  certainly  have  displeased  every  one," 
wrote  Boiteau,  basing  his  remarks  upon  what  J.  C. 
Brunet  had  told  him,  "  was  the  manner  in  which 
Madame  d'Epinay,  at  the  end  of  her  own  stock  of 
adventures,  breathless  and  exhausted,  invented  an 
ending  for  the  novel.  For  instance,  Grim^n  becomes 
blind,  and  his  mistress  takes  care  of  him,  like  a  sister 
of  charity." 

The  invention  here  is  on  Brunet's  side ;  Madame 
d'Epinay  has  no  part  in  it.  It  is  not  true  that,  having 
brought  her  heroine,  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  back 
from  Geneva,  the  authoress  has  exhausted  her  stock  of 
adventures ;  inasmuch  as  she  carries  on  her  history 
vivaciously  through  a  volume  of  two  hundred  pages. 
Nor  by  way  of  a  conclusion  does  Volx — Grimm's 
counterpart — become  blind ;  nor  does  Madame  d'Epinay 
make  herself  for  his  sake  a  sister  of  charity. 


THE    PRINTED    MEMOIRS  115 

What  actually  happens  is  entirely  different.  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  takes  up  life  after  her  return  from 
Geneva  in  a  very  decided,  not  to  say  an  aggressive 
spirit.  This  is  the  result  of  the  invigorating  influence 
upon  the  once  too  amiable  and  generous  lady  of  the 
judiciously  tyrannical  Volx.  Cured  of  her  old  culpable 
disposition  to  live  on  pleasant  terms  with  every  one, 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  does  battle  with  every  one, 
with  her  husband  first  of  all,  and  then  with  every  separate 
member  of  the  family,  about  money  affairs. 

Monsieur  de  Montbrillant  (like  his  counterpart,  M. 
d'Epinay)  loses  his  charge  of  Fermi er-general,  as  a  result 
of  his  reckless  extravagance.  Then  all  the  heroine's 
former  friends  and  acquaintances  shamelessly  neglect 
her  ;  no  one  comes  through  the  test  satisfactorily,  except 
of  course,  Volx  and  Garnier.  Milord  Wilx  (that  is  to  say, 
the  Baron  d'Holbach)  and  his  wife ;  the  Countess  de 
Lange  and  her  lover  the  Marquis  Dulaurier  (Madame 
d'Houdetot  and  Saint-Lambert) ;  the  heroine's  brothers- 
in-law,  the  Count  de  Lange  and  M.  de  Meuil  (M. 
d'Houdetot  and  M.  de  Jidly) — all  these  people,  who 
represent  precisely  the  group  of  private  friends  to  whom, 
by  J.  C.  Brunet's  account,  Madame  d'Epinay  was  in  the 
habit  of  reading  her  Memoirs  aloud  in  the  closing  years 
of  her  life — are  painted  as  time-serving  and  treacherous 
worldlings  who  abandon  the  poor  lady  they  had  once 
flattered  and  caressed,  the  moment  fortune  ceases  to 
smile  upon  her. 

One  understands  the  necessity  for  suppressing  a  por- 
tion of  the  work  which  proved  that  it  was  not  composed 
for  the  entertainmenc  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  priva.te 
friends :  but  for  the  abuse  of  every  one  whom  Grimm 
had  quarrelled  with.  But  an  even  stronger  necessity 
existed  for  ignoring  the  last  episodes  of  the  work,  which 
no  amount  of  doctoring  could  reconcile  with  the  actual 
circumstances  of  any  of  the  historical  personages  whose 
names  Brunet  had  restored  to  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
to  Garnier,  to  Volx,  and  to  Rene. 


ii6     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

The  conclusion  of  the  novel  is  the  death  of  Madame 
de  Montbrillant,  broken-hearted;  as  the  result  of  her 
separation  from  the  incomparable  Volx.  This  virtuous 
and  even  severe  paragon  has,  nevertheless,  a  tendency 
to  pleasantry,  especially  in  correspondence  with  his 
friends ;  and  a  letter  of  a  purely  private  character  con- 
taining a  joke  at  the  expense  of  the  unsuccessful 
Commander-in-Chief,^  seized  by  the  police,  is  made  the 
excuse  for  a  charge  brought  against  him  as  a  foreign  spy, 
sending  out  of  the  country  defamatory  accounts  of 
French  generals.  Such  an  accusation  to  this  Soul  of 
honour  seems  more  bitter  than  death  !  He  is  secretly 
advised  by  his  protector,  the  Dauphin,  that  he  had  better 
fly  to  England  until  public  indignation  has  cooled  down, 
and  when,  perhaps,  he  may  get  a  chance  of  being  heard 
and  of  justifying  himself.  "  Moi  f  oblige  de  me 
justijier  ?  Et  de  quoi  f "  demands  the  outraged  paragon. 
After  many  protests,  however,  and  heartrending  scenes 
with  Madame  de  Montbrillant  and  with  Garnier,  the 
incomparable  Volx  starts  for  England.  And  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  commences  (with  a  fainting  fit)  a  very  long 
and,  it  may  be  admitted,  tedious,  method  of  dying  ;  which 
affords  her  the  opportunity  of  delivering  the  confession 
of  faith  of  a  femTne-philosoj^he,  to  compare  with  the  last 
speech  of  the  higote  Julie  in  the  Nouvelle  Helo'ise. 
As  for  the  faithful  Garnier,  he  watches  by  Madame  de 
Montbrillant's  bedside,  and  receives  her  dying  breath. 
And  then  he  himself  abandons  the  soil  of  France ;  and, 
with  his  wife  and  daughter,  settles  in  England ;  where 
he  makes  it  his  business  thenceforth  to  watch  over  the 
miserable  Volx,  and  to  prevent  him,  in  his  profound 
despair,  from  taking  his  own  life. 

It  will  be  recognized  that  the  conclusion  of  the  work 
cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  theory  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  was  the  "slave  of  truth;"  or  that  her  novel 
represents  the  authentic  memoirs  of  her  life.  But  no 
excuse  is  to  be  found  for  the  peremptory  blotting  out  of 
1  The  Due  de  BroRlie. 


THE    PRINTED   MEMOIRS  117 

these  chapters  because  they  interfere  with  an  impression 
that  the  authoress  herself  evidently  did  not  intend  to 
produce.  Let  it  be  admitted  that  the  incomparable 
Volx  might  have  taken  with  more  calmness  and  com- 
posure the  misunderstanding  of  his  harmless  joke ;  and 
that  one  does  not  feel  profoundly  touched  by  the  tragic 
scenes  which  precede  his  flight  to  England.  Let  it  be 
granted,  too,  that  there  does  not  seem  enough  reason 
for  a  lady  who  had  weathered  so  many  storms,  and 
had  got  over  so  many  love  affairs,  as  the  heroine,  to 
die  of  a  broken  heart :  and  that  even  if  the  winding 
up  of  the  novel  made  it  necessary  the  heroine  should 
die,  it  was  not  necessary  she  should  take  so  long  in 
doing  it.  But  if  we  allow  that  the  editor  of  the 
Memoirs  had  a  right  to  abbreviate  Volx's  lamentations 
and  Madame  de  Montbrillant's  agony,  he  had  no  right 
to  leave  Volx  in  France  nor  Madame  de  Montbrillant 
alive. 

And  although  the  last  two  hundred  pages  of  the 
manuscript  are  not  the  best  part  of  the  work,  it  would  be 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  critic  can  aff"ord  to  neglect 
them.  In  this  sort  of  transformation  scene  that  winds 
up  the  story,  it  is  true  that  Volx,  Garnier  and  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  lose  all  resemblance  to  Grimm,  Diderot 
and  Madame  d'Epinay  ;  but  they  take  on  an  unmistak- 
able resemblance  to  three  imaginary  personages  who  are 
familiar  to  us.  In  other  words,  readers  who  know  their 
Nouvelle  Helo'ise  cannot  doubt,  if  they  study  the  last 
volume  of  the  manuscript,  that  an  attempt  is  made  to 
outdo  Rousseau  in  his  own  domain  ;  that  we  are  intended 
to  accept  the  devoted  Garnier  as  a  type  of  the  noble 
friend  who  throws  Milord  Edouard  into  the  shade  ;  and 
Volx  and  Madame  de  Montbrillant  as  a  pair  of 
lovers,  more  pathetically  interesting  than  Julie  and 
Saint  Preux. 


We  have  now  to  recoo;uize  all  that  has  been  done  and 

O 


ii8     A    NEW    CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

proved  for  our  new  criticism  by  the  discovery,  the  com- 
jDarative  study,  and  the  examination  into  the  true  history, 
of  these  manuscripts.  First  of  all — in  connection  with 
Madame  d'Epinay's  Memoirs. 

It  is  proved  that  this  work,  accepted  by  modern 
critics  as  supplying  Madame  d'Epinay's  account  of  the 
quarrel  between  Rousseau  and  his  old  friends,  and 
as  furnishing  evidence  that  must  be  weighed  against 
the  statements  of  the  author  of  the  Confessions,  does 
not  contain  Madame  d'Epinay's  original  story.  The 
Arsenal  and  Archives  manuscript  shows  that  this  original 
story  was  "re-written  from  the  commencement"  in 
accordance  with  a  plan  dictated  to  Madame  d'Epinay 
by  Grimm  and  Diderot.  The  manuscript  of  the  Rue 
de  Sevigne  Library  shows  that  the  story  in  the 
printed  Memoirs  (that  is  to  say,  the  story  weighed  as 
evidence  against  Rousseau's  statements  by  modern 
critics)  has  been  further  falsified  by  the  first  publishers 
of  the  book. 

In  other  words,  all  arguments  derived  from  the  sup- 
posed agreement  between  the  separate  accounts  of 
Rousseau's  conduct  by  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  by  the 
Encyclopaedists,  fall  to  the  ground :  and  all  judgments 
based  upon  belief  in  the  essential  veracity  of  the 
Memoirs  are  proved  to  have  false  foundations. 

Secondly,  in  connection  with  the  conspiracy  against 
Rousseau, — it  is  proved  that  this  conspiracy  existed. 

The  different  manuscripts  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  post- 
humous Avork  and  the  history  of  these  documents,  help 
us  to  find  the  instrument  carefully  prepared  by  the  con- 
spirators to  hand  down  to  posterity  their  libellous  portrait 
of  the  man  they  hated. 

Here,  again,  arguments,  refuted  by  the  evidence 
afibrded  by  these  documents,  have  become  out  of  date. 
It  is  not  permitted,  in  view  of  this  evidence,  to  describe 
any  longer  as  "extravagant,"  or  "improbable,"  the 
notion  that  men  in  the  position  of  Grimm  and  Diderot 
would  have  had  the  malignity,  or  have  taken  the  trouble. 


THE    PRINTED    MEMOIRS  119 

deliberately  to  conspire  against  Rousseau,  with  the  pur- 
pose of  fabricating  for  him  an  entirely  false  reputation. 
It  is  proved  that  they  had  the  malignity,  and  that  they 
did  take  the  trouble. 

The  existence  of  the  plot  being  an  established  historical 
fact,  and  the  instruments  used  by  the  conspirators  having 
fallen  into  our  hands,  we  have  now  to  examine  upon 
what  plan  the  instruments  were  constructed,  and  for 
what  purposes  they  were  used. 


PART  III 

THE  MYTHICAL  JEAN  JACQUES 

"  L'artificieux  scelerat" 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   MYTHICAL    "ARTIFICIAL   SCOUNDREL,"   JEAN   JACQUES 

We  know  that  the  central  idea  of  the  conspirators 
was  to  lend  Rousseau  the  character  of  a  sophist  and  an 
impostor. 

But  there  was  one  supreme  difficulty  in  the  way.  His 
independent  and  simple  life  lay  open  to  the  world.  Here 
was  a  philosopher  who,  unlike  others  of  the  same 
fraternity,  practised  what  he  preached.  He  preached 
independence  and  the  freedom  found  by  manual  toil :  and 
he  earned  his  bread  by  the  trade  of  a  copyist  of  music. 
He  taught  that  the  patronage  of  men  of  letters  by 
wealthy  or  high-placed  personages  interfered  with  the 
free  expression  of  opinions  :  and  he  refused  all  patronage, 
and  even  the  pension  oflfered  him  by  the  king.  He  main- 
tained that  happiness  is  not  found  in  the  pursuit  of  fame 
or  in  the  distractions  and  obligations  of  the  worldly 
life  :  and  at  the  height  of  his  celebrity,  eagerly  sought 
after  by  society  leaders,  the  very  first  use  he  made  of  his 
power  to  regulate  his  life  in  the  way  that  best  pleased 
him,  was  to  abandon  Paris,  and  to  settle  down  in  the 
country  to  an  existence  of  tranquil  meditation  and 
labour,  out  of  reach  of  the  disturbing  excitement  of 
cities. 

How  was  it  to  be  maintained  of  such  a  man  that  when 
he  praised  simplicity  of  manners  and  a  natural  life  in  his 
writings,  he  was  a  hypocrite  and  an  impostor  ? 

Only  one  way  lay  open  to  the  calumniators.  The  key 
to  this  mystery  tliey  declared  to  be  the  craving  of  an 
ambitious  man  for  notoriety.  Falsity  was  the  essential 
characteristic  of  this  prophet  of  truth.  And,  conse- 
quently, by  one  plan  only  could  the  riddle  of  his  true 

123 


124     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

tastes  and  motives  be  solved.  One  had  to  take  exactly 
the  opposite  of  what  he  said,  did,  and  wrote ;  and  in  this 
ivay  0716  arrived  at  a  true  hioiuledge  of  his  character. 

Thus,  Rousseau  always  maintained  that  until  the  epoch 
of  his  celebrity  he  had  received  kindness  and  affection  from 
all  the  men  and  women  with  whom,  at  different  periods 
of  his  career,  he  was  associated.  He  affirmed  that  his 
early  manhood  spent  in  Savoy,  at  Annecy,  Chambery  and 
Les  Charmettes,  was  the  happiest  period  of  his  existence. 
His  days  of  vagabondage — days  of  romantic  adventure 
and  freedom,  which  compensated,  to  a  boy  enamoured  of 
nature  and  liberty,  for  hardships  and  privations — ended 
when  he  was  twenty  years  of  age.  During  eight  or  nine 
years  afterwards,  he  says,  followed  an  interval  when  there 
were  few  events  to  relate,  because  his  life  (first  of  all  in 
employment  of  the  Government  Survey  Office,  and  after- 
wards as  a  teacher  of  music)  was  "  as  simple  as  it  was 
happy." 

"  This  uniform  existence,"  he  says,  "  was  precisely 
what  I  needed  to  form  my  character,  which  constant 
changes  and  troubles  had  prevented  from  becoming 
settled.  It  was  during  this  precious  interval  that  my 
mixed  and  interrupted  education  gained  consistency : 
and  that  I  was  made  what  I  have  never  ceased  to  be 
behind  the  shifting  clouds  of  circumstances  that 
awaited  me." 

He  had  led  a  sociable,  as  well  as  a  tranquil,  existence 
during  these  years.  Madame  la  Baronne  de  Warens  was 
still  well  seen  by  the  "  good  society  "  of  Chambery  ;  and 
her  protege,  the  young  musician  from  Geneva,  was  made 
welcome  on  his  own  account,  as  well  as  out  of  regard  for 
his  patroness. 

"  The  ready  welcome,  the  friendly  spirit,  the  easy  good- 
nature of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  made  their 
society  delightful ;  and  the  pleasure  I  took  in  it  proves 
to  me  that  if  I  do  not  like  to  live  amongst  men,  the  fault 
is  less  in  me  than  in  themselves." 

But  the  purely  delightful  memories  of  these  years 


>  g 


g    I 


H     ^  r^  a 


c3    Sof 


THE    MYTHICAL   JEAN    JACQUES     125 

centred  themselves  in  the  summer  months  spent  at  Les 
Charmettes,  the  solitary  little  cottage  amongst  the  moun- 
tains, where  Rousseau  had  only  the  society  of  the 
adored  Madame  de  AVarens,  and  the  companionship  of 
his  own  thoughts  and  of  nature. 

"  Here,"  he  declares  in  the  Confessions,  "  commenced 
those  peaceful  but  transient  moments  which  have  left 
with  me  the  right  to  say  that  I  have  lived.  Precious 
and  ever-reofretted  moments  !  Oh,  besjin  once  asjain  for  me 
this  delicious  period  ;  and  flow  more  slowly,  if  it  may  be 
so,  through  my  memory,  than  you  passed  rapidly  through 
my  real  existence !  But  how  should  I  know  how  to 
prolong  for  my  readers,  without  wearying  them,  the 
touching  and  simple  recital  of  things  that  to  myself  it  is 
never  wearisome  to  dwell  upon?  .  .  .  I  rose  with  the  sun, 
and  I  was  happy ;  I  went  out  to  walk,  and  I  was  happy ; 
I  saw  '  Maman,'  and  I  was  happy ;  I  left  her,  and  I  was 
happy.  I  wandered  amongst  woods  and  solitary  hillsides  ; 
I  loitered  in  valleys  ;  I  read  ;  I  did  nothing  ;  I  worked  hard 
in  the  garden  ;  I  gathered  fruit ;  I  gave  a  hand  in  the 
household  ;  and  everywhere  hajDpiness  went  with  me,  for 
it  was  in  no  assiojnable  thins; — it  was  in  me :  and  did 
not  quit  me  for  one  moment." 

Such  an  interval  as  this  in  the  momentous  epoch 
between  twenty  and  thirty,  when  impressions  had  the 
vigour  of  youth  and  the  fulness  of  manhood,  established 
in  Rousseau  the  inalterable  faith  that  shines  out  in  his 
writings,  in  happiness — not  as  a  vague  and  hardly  to  be 
obtained  possibility — but  as  a  condition  natural  to  man, 
and  the  fulfilment  of  his  true  destiny. 

With  this  faith  in  his  heart,  Rousseau,  at  twenty-nine 
years  of  age,  was  thrown  into  a  world  which  had  lost  belief 
in  many  things,  and  in  happiness  especially,  as  either 
possible,  or  the  thing  to  be  chiefly  desired  in  a  society 
where  to  become  famous,  wealthy,  powerful,  admired, 
were  the  accepted  goals  of  human  destiny.  But  even 
though  a  stranger  in  this  world,  Rousseau  was  not  re- 
ceived by  it  unkindly.     Here,  too,  if  we  take  his  own 


126     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

word  for  it,  he  had  no  reasons  to  "  complain  of  either 
fate  or  men."  "A  young  man  of  passable  appearance 
and  some  show  of  talent,  who  arrives  in  Paris,"  says  the 
author  of  the  Confessions,  "is  sure  of  being  well 
received.  /  ivas:  although  it  did  not  lead  to  great 
things."  It  led,  at  any  rate,  to  his  reading  a  memoir  to 
the  Academy  of  Science  upon  his  new  system  of  musical 
annotation ;  to  many  compliments :  and  a  certificate 
accorded  him  by  the  Academy  ;  and,  of  especial  import- 
ance, it  led  to  visiting  amongst  academicians  and  men 
of  science  and  men  of  letters,  which  gained  him  the 
acquaintanceship  of  the  intellectual  leaders  of  the  epoch; 
so  that,  as  he  says  himself,  when  he  became  one  of  them, 
he  did  not  enter  their  ranks  as  a  stranger.  Then, 
through  the  interest  taken  in  him  by  two  duchesses 
(Duchess  de  Besenval  and  Duchess  de  Broglie),  he  ob- 
tained the  post  of  secretary  to  the  French  Ambassador 
at  Venice.  The  ambassador,  M.  de  Montaigu,  behaved 
badly  to  him ;  but  during  his  stay  in  Venice,  Rousseau 
formed  many  honourable  friendships,  and  he  returned 
to  Paris  conscious,  he  says  himself,  that  he  possessed 
some  talent.  Others  also  showed  themselves  conscious 
of  it.  In  1745  Voltaire  wrote  to  him  about  certain 
alterations  in  music  and  words  of  the  Princesse  de 
Navarre,  which  through  the  influence  of  the  Due  de 
Richelieu  had  been  entrusted  to  Rousseau,  15th  Dec, 
1745. 

"  You  unite,  sir,"  wrote  Voltaire,  "  two  talents  which 
until  now  have  existed  separately.  Here  are  two  good 
reasons  for  me  to  esteem  you,  and  to  desire  to  love  you. 
I  am  only  sorry  that  you  should  have  to  employ  these 
talents  on  a  work  which  is  hardly,  I  fear,  worthy  of  them. 
Some  months  back,  M.  le  Due  de  Richelieu  ordered  me 
to  produce,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  a  small  and  bad 
sketch  of  some  insipid  scenes,  which  had  to  be  fitted  on 
to  a  musical  accompaniment  not  made  for  it.  I  obeyed 
him  literally.  I  wrote  these  scenes  very  quickly  and 
very  badly.      I    sent   this    wretched  sketch   to  M.  de 


THE    MYTHICAL  JEAN   JACQUES     127 

Kiclielieu,  thinking  he  would  not  use  it,  or  that  I  should 
be  able  to  correct  it.  Happily  it  is  in  your  hands.  You 
are  absolutely  master  of  it ;  I  have  entirely  lost  sight  of 
it.  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  rectify  the  faults  necessarily 
existing  in  a  mere  sketch  thrown  off  so  rapidly,  and  that 
you  will  fill  in  details  and  do  everything  that  is  re- 
quired." 

It  was  in  this  epoch,  when  the  first  man  of  the  century 
wrote  to  him  in  these  terms,  that  Rousseau  became  the 
secretary  of  Madame  Dupin  and  of  her  stepson,  M.  de 
Francueil.  He  was  their  friend,  as  well  as  their  secre- 
tary. M.  de  Francueil  confided  to  him  his  most  intimate 
secrets.  He  introduced  Jean  Jacques  not  only  to  his 
wife,  but  also  to  his  mistress  Madame  d'Epinay.  As  for 
Madame  Dupin,  she  is  one  of  those  who  deserve  the  title 
of  Rousseau's  "old  friend."  Her  attachment  to  him, 
formed  before  he  went  to  Venice,  continued  the  same 
throughout  the  changes  of  fortune  that  befell  him : 
and  the  constant  kindnesses  she  unostentatiously  did 
him,  never  led  her  to  assume  with  him  the  airs  of  a 
benefactress. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  sum  up  these  leading  facts 
because,  taking  the  legend  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  given 
by  Grimm  and  Diderot,  and  the  story  told  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  Memoirs,  we  find  (as  we  should  expect)  the 
very  opposite  of  all  this.  Rousseau,  before  the  epoch  of 
his  celebrity,  had  a  wretched  existence  ;  the  hardships  and 
misfortunes  he  underwent  had  soured  his  character,  and 
especially  the  humiliations  inflicted  upon  him  by  Madame 
Dupin,  left  him  embittered  against  the  wealthy  and 
prosperous ! 

"  One  of  M.  Rousseau's  chief  misfortunes,"  ^  wrote 
Grimm,  in  the  Correspondance  Litteraire,  "is  to  have 
reached  forty  years  of  age  before  discovering  his  own 
talent.  He  luas  unlucky  all  his  life ;  and  because  he 
had  reason  to  complain  of  fate,  he  complained  of  Tnen. 
This  injustice  is  common  enough  in  people  who  to 
1  June,   1762. 


128     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

timidity  of  character  join  superlative  pride.  ...  In  the 
midst  of  all  these  failures,  he  attached  himself  to  the 
wife  of  a  farmer-general  once  famous  for  her  beauty.  The 
humiliations  and  restraints  he  endured  in  this  position 
contributed  not  a  little  to  embitter  his  character." 

Diderot  also  speaks  of  Rousseau  as  embittered,  soured 
by  his  early  misfortunes.  This  professed  believer  in 
happiness  and  goodness  as  conditions  of  the  simple  life 
was  a  cynic  and  a  misanthrope. 

Rousseau  asfain  affirmed  that  in  his  intercourse  with 
Society  people  he  was  forced  to  use  his  own  tone  of 
straightforward  simplicity  with  them,  because  he  in- 
variably committed  blunders,  and  became  involuntarily 
guilty  of  rudeness,  if  he  attempted  to  employ  the 
artificial  complimentary  tone  of  their  own  world. 

Grimm  said  the  opposite  of  this :  Rousseau's  simplicity 
and  brusqueness  were  affectations :  and  he  was  skilled 
in  the  complimenter's  art.  It  was  only  after  he  became 
famous  that,  having  "  nothing  natural  about  him,"  he 
assumed  the  role  of  a  cynic. 

"  Up  to  this  date,"  wrote  the  editor  of  the  Corre- 
spondance  Litteraire  (June,  1762),  "  he  had  been  full 
of  compliments,  gallant  and  exquisite ;  his  manners 
were  even  too  honeyed,  and  tiring  by  excessive  politeness. 
Then,  suddenly,  he  put  on  the  mantle  of  a  cynic,  and, 
having  nothing  natural  about  him,  he  carried  this,  too, 
to  excess.  But  when  dispensing  his  sarcasms  he  knew 
how  to  make  exceptions  in  favour  of  those  amongst 
whom  he  lived ;  and  how  to  hide  under  a  rough  and 
cynical  tone  a  good  deal  of  the  old  flattery,  and  art 
of  paying  delicate  compliments,  especially  in  his 
intercourse  with  women." 

Again,  the  author  of  the  Confessions  affirmed  that 
his  talent  as  a  writer  entirely  depended  upon  the 
strength  of  his  convictions,  and  the  interest  he  took  in 
the  subject  dealt  with.  He  had  no  eloquence  of  a 
purely  literary  character  at  his  command ;  but  language 
came  to  him  as  the  fervent  expression  of  the  enthusiasm 


THE    MYTHICAL   JEAN   JACQUES     129 

for  ideas  that  showed  him  a  nobler  and  a  happier 
destiny  for  mankind. 

Diderot  and  Grimm  asserted  the  opposite  :  Kousseau 
could  only  be  eloquent  when  his  purpose  was  to  make 
the  worse  appear  the  better  reason. 

"  Jean  Jacques  is  so  born  for  sophistry,"  wrote 
Diderot,  "  that  the  defence  of  truth  expires  in  his 
hands.  It  would  really  seem  that  to  support  his  own 
convictions  would  kill  his  talent.  His  desire  is  not  to 
be  truthful,  but  eloquent ;  not  clear,  but  fluent ;  not 
logical,  but  brilliant ;  not  to  enlighten,  but  to  bewilder 
and  dazzle  his  readers." 

"  M.  Rousseau's  great  defect,"  Grimm  repeats,  "is 
that  he  is  never  natural ;  another  even  graver  fault  is 
his  constant  bad  faith.  He  seeks  less  to  speak  the 
truth  than  to  say  and  do  differently  to  other  people."  ^ 

Rousseau's  professed  avoidance  of  patronage  with  his 
adoption  of  the  trade  of  a  copyist,  was  a  "second  folly," 
or  rather,  "falsity,"  of  this  man,  "vain  as  Satan"  by 
Diderot's  account.  In  view  of  the  undeniable  fact  that 
Rousseau  did  follow  this  trade,  the  only  method  was  to 
declare  that  he  was  so  bad  a  copyist,  and  so  dilatory, 
that  those  who  employed  him  were  only  benefactors  in 
disguise.  As  for  his  independence,  Diderot  affirmed 
that,  although  he  posed  as  more  disinterested  than 
other  men  of  letters,  he  accepted  and  solicited  from 
them  secretly  pecuniary  assistance,  'Hous  les  secours  de 
la  hienjaisance ;  "  and  although  he  declined  to  accept 
a  pension  from  the  King  of  France,  he  did  not  hesitate 
to  become  the  secret  pensioner  of  a  woman  (Madame 
d'Epinay)  whom  he  spoke  evil  of,  when  he  was  living  at 
her  expense. 

By  Grimm's  assertion  also,  Rousseau  never  honestly 
earned  his  bread,  as  he  professed  to  do,  by  copying 
music. 

"  When  putting  on  the  livery  of  a  philosopher," 
wrote  Grimm,  "  M.  Rousseau  quitted  Madame  Dupin, 

^  Correspondance  Litieraire,  July  1,  1762. 
VOL.  I,  9 


I30     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

and  made  himself  a  copyist  of  music ;  pretending  to 
follow  this  trade  like  a  simple  workman,  and  to  earn  his 
living  by  it,  for  one  of  his  follies  was  to  speak  ill  of  the 
author's  trade,  ivhilst  in  reality  he  foUoived  7io  other."  ^ 

Rousseau  said  of  himself  that  his  temperament  and 
early  experiences  (it  should  be  remembered  that  he 
was  twenty-nine  when  he  left  Savoy)  made  a  country 
life  so  necessary  to  his  happiness  that,  during  the  fifteen 
years  spent  at  Venice  and  in  Paris,  he  had  never  ceased 
to  feel  himself  an  exile  ;  and  never  renounced  the  wish 
and  intention,  as  the  goal  of  every  efibrt  to  improve  his 
personal  fortunes,  to  find  a  tranquil  retreat ;  where,  out 
of  sight  of  the  miseries  and  vices  of  city  life,  he  could 
freely  commune  with  his  own  spirit  and  with  nature, 
and  thus  gain  power  to  carry  through  the  serious  literary 
projects  that  he  contemplated. 

But  here  again  the  "  old  friends,"  who  claimed  to  be 
the  only  people  qualified  to  understand  him,  maintained 
the  opposite.  No  one  was  less  suited  than  Rousseau 
for  a  country  life,  and  to  no  oue  were  Paris,  and  the 
animation  and  adulation  he  found  there,  more  necessary. 
So  that  when,  out  of  a  spirit  of  contradiction,  and  to 
make  himself  the  talk  of  the  town,  he  buried  himself 
alive  in  his  Hermitage,  "  his  heart  became  sour,  and  his 
morals  corrupt." 

"  One  does  not  grow  better  in  woods,"  afiirmed 
Diderot,  "  with  the  character  he  took  there,  and  the 
motives  which  led  him  there.  .  .  .  Let  him  denounce 
the  corruption  of  the  city  as  much  as  he  pleases,  he 
burns  to  inhabit  it.  Let  him  shut  the  window  of  his 
Hermitage  which  opens  in  the  direction  of  Paris,  it  is 
the  only  place  he  sees.  In  the  depths  of  his  forest  he 
is  elsewhere,  he  is  in  Paris." 

Grimm  tells  the  same  story.  "  Solitude  and  the 
habitations  of  woods  suited  no  one  less  than  a  man  so 
hot-headed  and  of  such  a  melancholy  and  an  impetu- 
ous temper,"  wrote  the  editor  of  the  Correspondance 
1  Correspondance  Liiterairef  June,  1762. 


THE    MYTHICAL  JEAN   JACQUES     131 

Littercdre.  "  He  became  an  absolute  savage  there. 
His  brain  grew  more  heated,  his  temper  embittered 
asainst  himself  and  all  his  friends.  And  at  the  end  of 
a  few  months  he  quitted  his  forest,  at  war  with  all 
mankind." 

Here,  then,  we  have  in  outline,  the  sketch  of  the 
mythical  Jean  Jacques  of  the  legend,  who  serves  as  the 
model  for  the  newly  constructed  portrait  of  Rene  in 
Madame  d'Epinay's  story,  wdiich  has  been  "  re-written 
from  the  commencement."  Who  does  not  recognize  in 
the  Rene  who  is  to  throw  consternation  and  bewilder- 
ment into  the  candid  soul  of  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
by  the  bizarre  theories  which  he  defends  in  their  walks 
and  conversations,^  the  "  man  so  born  for  sophistry,"  as 
Diderot  has  it,  "  that  the  defence  of  truth  expires  in  his 
hands"  ?  Who  can  fail  to  recognize  in  the  Rene  who 
has  much  taste  for  women,  and  who  is  gallantly  brusque,^ 
the  artificial  cynic,  whose  chief  defect  is  that  he  is  never 
natural,  and  who,  under  his  mask  of  rough  sincerity, 
knows  how  to  practise  his  old  art  of  flattery,  especially 
in  his  dealings  with  women  ?  Who,  again,  does  not 
recognize  in  the  prophecy  uttered  by  Volx,  before  Rene 
takes  up  his  abode  in  the  cottage  on  the  borders  of  the 
wood,  about  the  effect  upon  a  man  of  his  hot  head  and 
impetuous  and  melancholy  temper,  of  solitude  and  a 
country  life,  the  same  ideas  and  the  same  phrases 
employed  in  1762  by  the  editor  of  the  Correspondance 
Littcrairc  when  he  recorded  the  results  of  Jean  Jacques' 
residence  in  the  little  cottage  he  had  *'  persecuted " 
Madame  d'Epinay  to  give  him  ? 

Both  Sainte-Beuve  and  Mr.  John  Morley,  accepting 
as  a  prophecy  the  speech  as  it  stands  in  the  Memoirs, 
praise  Grimm's  sagacity  in  foreseeing  exactly  what 
would  be  the  results  for  Rousseau  of  his  abandonment 
of  Paris  in  1756,  to  take  up  his  abode  in  the  country 
retreat  prepared  for  him  by  Madame  d'Epinay. 

Recognizing  that,  after  twenty  months,  Rousseau  left 

1  See  note,  page  94.  2  Jd^rui^ 


132     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

the  Hermitage,  having  quarrelled  with  all  his  self-styled 
"old  friends,"  does  the  fulfilment  of  Grimm's  prediction 
prove  his  sagacity  ?  or  his  resolute  endeavour  to  hring 
about  the  thing  ^^rec/^c^eti  f  In  other  words,  was'  the 
cause  of  the  quarrel  the  effect  produced  upon  Rousseau's 
temper  and  imagination  by  solitude  and  the  habitation 
of  woods  ?  or  was  it  the  effect  produced  upon  the 
tempers  and  imaginations  of  other  people,  by  Grimm's 
mischief-making  ? 

As  for  the  effect  upon  Rousseau's  temper  and 
imagination  of  his  abandonment  of  Paris  and  his 
return  to  a  country  life,  made  congenial  to  him  by 
natural  taste  and  force  of  early  associations,  he  has  told 
us  himself,  in  the  Confessions,  what  it  was.  It  meant 
not  only  his  recovery  of  equanimity  and  sympathy  with 
mankind ;  but  the  liberation  of  his  genius  from  the 
disturbing  influences  of  false  advisers  and  a  repugnant 
philosophy.  In  the  first  place,  it  had  been,  he  admits, 
the  mingled  anger  and  compassion  stirred  in  him  by 
contact  with  a  world  unlike  his  own,  which  had 
awakened  his  sense  of  a  vocation :  and  as  a  result  of 
this  commotion  within  him,  he  produced  the  two 
Discourses.  But  it  was  only  when  he  had  escaped 
from  this  strange  world,  and  returned  to  his  own  world, 
that  he  actually  found  his  vocation  :  and  was  "  able  to 
communicate  himself  to  others  in  his  full  stature  and 
proportion."  And  these  communications,  delivered  in 
the  six  years  that  he  spent  at  Montmorency,  were  the 
Lettre  d  cVAlemhert,  the  Nouvelle  Helo'ise,  the  Contrat 
Social  and  Emile. 

But  if  this  series  of  masterpieces  stands  to  prove  true 
Rousseau's  own  account  of  the  effect  upon  his  mind  and 
imagination  of  his  return  to  a  country  life,  we  are  given 
as  proof  of  the  demoralization  of  his  character  and  of 
the  souring  of  his  temper  by  solitude  and  the  habitation 
of  woods,  the  story  of  a  series  of  abominable  actions 
committed  by  him  during  this  period,  which  cost  him 
all  his  friends. 


THE    MYTHICAL  JEAN   JACQUES     133 

The  history  of  these  "  abominable  "  actions,  supposed 
to  have  been  committed  by  J.  J.  Rousseau  during  his 
residence  at  the  Hermitage,  represents  the  legend 
handed  down  in  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  d'Epinay  as 
the  story  of  Rene.  The  false  hermit,  false  philosopher, 
and  false  friend  of  the  story  not  only  has  all  the 
features  of  the  sophist  and  impostor  painted  elsewhere 
by  Grimm  and  Diderot,  but  he  perpetrates  also  the  seven 
deadly  sins  {les  sept  sceleratesses)  laid  to  Rousseau's 
charge  by  Diderot,  and  stated  by  him  to  have  been  the 
cause  of  the  rupture  between  Jean  Jacques  and  his 
former  friends. 

M.  Maurice  Tourneux  has  the  credit  of  havinsi" 
discovered  and  printed  for  the  first  time  from  Diderot's 
"  tahlettes,''  the  record  noted  down  there  of  Rousseau's 
supposed  "  crimes."  But  w^e  have  heard  of  these  useful 
"  tablettes  "  kept  by  the  director  of  the  EncyclopoBdia, 
from  his  contemporary  and  biographer,  Mercier,  Grimm's 
latest  assistant  upon  the  Cori^espondance  Litteraire. 

In  his  essay  entitled  Aux  Manes  de  Diderot,  written 
in  1784,  Mercier  gives  this  curious  example  of  the 
Encyclopaedist's  difficulty  in  remembering  injuries  ;  and 
of  the  still  more  curious  sense  of  duty  which  compelled 
him  to  cultivate  in  himself,  not  this  happy  forget- 
fulness,  but  an  artificial  memory  of  the  wrongs  done 
him. 

"  It  was  in  perfect  good  faith,"  wrote  Mercier,  "that 
Diderot  declared  he  found  in  himself  a  disposition  to 
love  all  his  fellow-men  until  he  discovered  some  special 
cause  for  despising  them.  Even  when  he  had  only  too 
just  cause  of  complaint  against  people,  he  ran  a  great 
danger  of  forgetting  their  misdeeds.  This  must  have 
been  so,  since  ivheiiever  he  considered  himself  seriously 
hound  to  recollect  offences,  he  had  imposed  upon  himself 
the  rule  of  noting  them  down  on  some  tablets  dedicated 
to  this  use.  But  these  tablets  remained  hidden  in 
a  corner  of  his  desk,  and  the  fancy  of  consulting  this 
singular  record  occurred  very  seldom.     I  only  saw  him 


134     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

refer  to  them  once — when  he  was  relating  to  me  the 
wrongs  done  him  by  the  unhappy  Jean  Jacques." 

Here  we  have  this  singular  record  as  M.  Tourneux  has 
reproduced  it  : 


LES    SEPT    SCELERATESSES    DE    ROUSSEAU. 

"The  citizen  Rousseau,"  pronounced  Diderot,  "has 
committed,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  seven  crimes  that 
have  alienated  from  him  all  his  friends. 

"  He  wrote  against  Madame  d'Epinay  a  letter,  which 
is  a  prodigy  of  ingratitude. 

"This  lady  had  established  him  at  La  Chevrette ;  and 
there  supported  him,  his  mistress,  and  the  mother  of  his 
mistress. 

"  He  intended  to  return  to  Geneva,  when  Madame 
d'Epinay's  health  compelled  her  to  go  there ;  he  did  not 
even  offer  to  accompany  her. 

"  He  accused  this  lady  of  being  the  wickedest  of 
women,^  at  a  time  when  he  was  falling  on  his  knees 
before  her,  and  implorins;  her  pardon,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  for  all  his  faults.  This  is  proved  by  the  date  of  a 
letter  I  wrote  to  him,  and  also  by  the  testimony  of  all 
those  who  knew  Madame  d'Epinay.^ 

"  He  spoke  of  Grimm  as  a  profound  scoundrel,  at  the 
same  time  that  he  attempted  to  get  reconciled  with 
him  ;  and  made  him  the  judge  of  the  case  between 
himself  and  Madame  d'Epinay.  And  when  he  was 
asked  what  Grimm  had  done  to  deserve  these  furious 
invectives,  he  replied  that  this  man  had  spitefully 
endeavoured  to  take  away  from  him  the  custom  of  those 
who  employed  him  as  a  copyist ;  and  notably  that  he 
had  taken  away  the  custom  of  M.  d'Epinay. 

"  He  accused  Madame  d'Epinay,  at  the  very  time  when 
he  owed  everything  to  her,  and  was  living  at  her  ex- 
pense, of  the  scheme  of  separating  M.  de  Saint-Lambert 

^  D'etre  la  plus  noire  des  fe mines. 

2  The  letter  Diderot  ineans  is  of  October,  1759.     See  page  272. 


THE    MYTHICAL  JEAN   JACQUES     135 

from  Madame  d'Houdetot,  and,  to  help  this  scheme,  of 
having  endeavoured  to  seduce  the  little  Levasseur,  and 
j)ersuade  her  to  steal  one  of  the  letters  Rousseau  wrote 
to  Madame  d'Houdetot,  or  one  of  her  answers  to  his 
letters  ;  and  of  having  said  to  the  Levasseur :  '  If  this 
is  found  out,  you  can  take  shelter  with  me,  and  there 
will  be  a  fine  commotion,' 

"This  fine  gentleman,  Rousseau,^  had  fallen  in  love 
with  Madame  d'Houdetot,  and  to  advance  his  own  ends, 
what  did  he  do  ?  He  endeavoured  to  awaken  in  this 
woman  scruples  about  her  passion  for  Saint-Lambert ! 

"  He  accused  Madame  d'Epinay  of  having  either  told 
herself,  or  got  some  one  to  tell,  Saint-Lambert  about  his 
passion  for  Madame  d'Houdetot. 

"  Embarrassed  at  the  results  of  his  own  behaviour 
with  Madame  d'Houdetot,  he  summoned  me  to  the 
Hermitage,  to  know  what  he  had  better  do.  I  advised 
him  to  write  the  whole  story  to  Saint-Lambert,  and  for 
the  future  to  avoid  Madame  d'Houdetot.  This  counsel 
pleased  him,  and  he  promised  me  that  he  would 
follow  it. 

"  I  saw  him  shortly  afterwards.  He  told  me  he  had 
followed  my  advice,  and  thanked  me  for  a  counsel  that 
only  a  good  friend  like  myself  could  have  given  him, 
and  which  restored  his  self-respect. 

"  But  nothing  of  the  sort  had  he  done  !  Instead  of 
writing  to  M.  de  Saint-Lambert  in  the  way  we  had 
decided,  he  had  written  an  atrocious  letter,  to  which 
M.  de  Saint-Lambert  said  one  could  only  reply  with  a 
stick. 

"  Having  started  for  the  Hermitage,  to  find  out 
whether  he  was  mad  or  wicked,  I  accused  him  of  the 
malicious  desire  to  stir  up  a  quarrel  between  M.  de 
Saint-Lambert  and  Madame  d'Houdetot.  He  denied 
it,  and  to  justify  himself,  drew  forth  a  letter  from 
Madame  d'Houdetot,  a  letter  which  proved  exactly  the 
treachery  I  accused  him  of !  He  blushed,  and  then 
1  Liter-ally,  Le  sieur  Rovisseau. 


136     A   NEW  CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

became  furious;  for  I  pointed  out  to  him  that  the 
letter  said  what  he  denied. 

*'  M.  de  Saint-Lambert  was  then  upon  active  service 
with  the  army.  As  he  is  a  friend  of  mine,  he  came  to 
see  me  upon  his  return.  Being  persuaded  that  Rousseau 
had  written  to  him  in  the  way  we  had  agreed  upon, 
I  spoke  to  him  about  this  adventure,  as  of  a  thing  he 
knew  even  better  than  I  did.  But  not  at  all.  He 
knew  only  half  the  story ;  so  that,  as  a  result  of 
Rousseau's  falseness,  I  fell  into  an  indiscretion. 

"  But  what  did  the  infamous  Rousseau  do  then  ?  He 
accused  me  of  having  betrayed  him  !  of  having  violated 
the  faith  of  the  confidence  he  had  reposed  in  me  !  And 
he  published  the  note  upon  this  subject,  that  may  be 
seen  in  the  preface  to  his  work  against  the  theatre  ; 
and  that,  although  he  knew  perfectly  well  I  was  no 
traitor,  not  even  indiscreet,  but  that  he  himself  was 
false  and  had  deceived  me. 

"  I  reproached  him  with  having  written  to  Saint- 
Lambert  in  a  difi'erent  way  to  the  one  we  had  chosen. 
To  that,  he  replied  that  he  had  some  knowledge  of 
characters ;  and  that  what  might  do  well  with  one 
person,  did  badly  with  another. 

"  Then  I  reproached  him  with  having  deceived  me, 
by  leading  me  to  believe  that  he  had  written  in 
accordance  with  my  advice.  To  that  he  made  no  reply 
whatever. 

"  His  note  is  a  tissue  of  villainies.  I  have  been  on 
friendly  terms  with  this  man  for  fifteen  years.  Of  all 
the  proofs  of  friendship  that  one  man  can  give  another, 
there  is  not  one  that  I  have  not  given  him ;  and  on  his 
side,  he  has  never  shown  me  any.  He  himself  has 
sometimes  been  ashamed  of  it.  Often  I  have  grown 
pale  over  his  works ;  he  admits  it,  but  only  partially. 
He  does  not  say  all  he  owes  to  my  care,  to  my  counsels, 
to  our  talks,  to  everything.  And  his  last  work  is  to 
a  great  extent  an  attack  upon  me.  He  praises  d'Alembert 
in  it,  for  whom  he  has  no  esteem,  neither  as  a  writer  nor 


THE    MYTHICAL  JEAN   JACQUES     137 

yet  as  a  man.  He  praises  Madame  cle  Graffigny, 
whom  he  does  not  respect  either  as  a  woman  of  letters, 
or  as  a  woman.  He  attacks  pathetic  comedy,  because 
that  is  my  own  style.  He  professes  to  be  pious,  because 
I  am  not.  He  drags  the  dramatic  profession  through 
the  mud,  because  I  have  said  I  love  it.  He  says  that 
he  once  believed  in  uprightness  without  religion,  but 
that  he  now  recognizes  this  as  a  delusion,  because, 
despised  by  all  who  know  him,  and  es'pecially  hy  his 
fiiends,  he  would  not  be  sorry  to  make  them  appear 
knaves. 

"  It  follows  from  all  this,  that  this  false  man  is  vain 
as  Satan,  ungrateful,  cruel,  hypocritical,  and  malicious ; 
all  his  apostasies  from  Protestantism  to  Catholicism,  and 
from  Catholicism  to  Protestantism,  without  belief  in 
anything,  sufficiently  prove  it. 

"  One  thing  always  offended  me  in  his  conduct 
towards  me,  the  slight  respect  he  showed  me  before 
others,  and  the  proofs  of  esteem  and  docility  which  he 
gave  me  when  we  were  tete-a-tete.  He  copied  me, 
employed  my  ideas,  and  affected  to  look  down  upon  me! 

"  In  truth,  this  man  is  a  monster  !  After  having 
quarrelled  with  Madame  d'Epinay,  he  made  friends 
with  her  mortal  enemies,  Mdlle.  d'Ette  and  Duclos. 

"  He  embraced  me  in  the  very  moment  when  he  was 
writing  against  me.  He  said  he  hated  all  those  who 
served  him,  and  he  proved  to  me  that  his  words  were 
literally  true. 

"  The  end  of  it  all  is,  that  he  stands  alone.  His  note 
is  all  the  more  vile,  because  he  knows  I  could  not  reply 
to  it  without  compromising  five  or  six  persons. 

"  Once  when  we  were  talking  together,  he  wished  to 
i  sit  up  late,  but  I  asked  his  advice  about  a  phrase,  and 
1  directly  he  said  :  '  Let  us  go  to  bed.' 

"  (Signed)  Diderot." 

I  The  approximate  date  of  this  document  is  established 
!by  the  allusion   in  it  to   the  Lettre  d  d' Alembert  as 


138     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

Rousseau's  "  last  work."  The  Letter  appeared  in 
November,  1758,  and  Einile  and  the  Contrat  Social 
were  published  in  1762,  So  that  it  must  have  been  in  a 
period  between  these  two  dates  that  Diderot,  to  avoid 
the  great  "  danger  of  forgetting  these  misdeeds,"  noted 
them  down  on  his  ''  tablettes,"  It  must  have  been  at 
least  eight  years  later  that  Mercier  saw  him  consult  this 
sins^ular  record:  for  it  was  not  until  1770  that  the 
young  Swiss  from  Zurich  became  assistant- editor  of  the 
Correspondance  Litteraire.  It  was  probably  later  still 
when  Diderot  must  again  have  brought  out  his  tablettes, 
to  su'pply  the  list  of  the  most  iraiwrtayit  changes  that 
ivere  to  he  made  in  Madame  d'Ep)iiiay's  fable  of 
Rene. 

The  task  that  now  has  to  be  carried  out,  is  to  examine 
the  charges  made  by  Diderot  in  comparison  both  with 
ascertainable  facts,  and  with  the  notes  and  corrected 
cahiers  of  the  manuscripts  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  work. 
We  shall  find  that  the  results  of  this  inquiry  will  be  the 
establishment  of  the  facts  :  1.  that  the  seven  crimes 
laid  to  Rousseau's  charge  represent  so  many  calumnies 
against  him ;  2.  that  these  calumnies  re-appear  to-day 
in  the  Memoirs,  as  alterations  made  in  the  original  text 
in  accordance  with  notes  dictated  by  Diderot  and 
Grimm. 

But  before  entering  upon  an  inquiry  where  the  result 
will  be  the  complete  exoneration  of  Rousseau  from  all 
the  charges  made  against  him,  we  have  to  observe  the 
absence  from  Diderot's  list  of  "  crimes," — from  the  story 
planted  in  Madame  cVEp)inays  Memoirs, — and  from 
Grimm's  malicious  biographical  sketch  of  Rousseau, 
secretly  circulated  at  the  time  of  the  condemnation  of 
Emile,  of  all  mention  of  the  one  act  in  his  life  that 
posterity,  until  recently,  was  justified  in  describing  as  a 
crime.  In  my  Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and 
Rousseau,  I  published  the  evidence  which  enables  us  to 
see  this  act  in  a  new  light,  and  to  determine  the  precise 
amount  of  moral  blame  that  remains  with  Rousseau  for 


THE    MYTHICAL   JEAN   JACQUES     139 

the  supposed  abandonment  of  his  children.  In  a  work 
where  the  purpose  is  to  clear  Rousseau's  reputation  fi-om 
false  charges  and  wrong  impressions,  it  is  so  important 
that  this  evidence  should  be  stated,  that  it  seems  to  me 
necessary  to  reprint  this  study  here. 


CHAPTER  II 

STUDY    OF   EVIDENCE    IN   CONNECTION    WITH    THE   LEGEND 
OF   JEAN   JACQUES   ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS    CHILDREN^ 

There  is  one  episode  in  Rousseau's  life  that  has  been 
made  the  subject  of  much  moralizing,  but  of  very  little 
careful  investigation.  Enemies  and  admirers  alike  have 
taken  it  for  granted  that  the  Confessions  give  a  literally 
true  account  of  Rousseau's  behaviour  to  five  children, 
born  to  him  by  Therese  Levasseur.  He  says  that  these 
five  infants  were  sent,  immediately  after  their  birth,  to 
the  "  Enfants  Trouves,"  and  he  also  states  that,  whilst  he 
learnt  afterwards  to  deplore  the  abandonment  of  his 
children,  he  regarded  his  fault,  in  this  matter,  as  an 
"  error,  and  not  as  a  crime." 

A  crime,  nevertheless,  and  one  of  the  blackest  dye, 
such  an  act  must  be  called,  if  Rousseau's  behaviour 
actually  were  what  the  popular  modern  conception  sup- 
poses it  to  have  been.  Nor,  in  a  case  of  such  gravity, 
are  we  free  to  take  the  position  assumed  by  some  of  Jean 
Jacques'  advocates.  They  would  have  us  pass  the  incident 
over  lightly,  as  a  deplorable  f^iult  committed  by  a  great 
man,  who  must  be  admitted  to  have  behaved  badly 
upon  this  occasion ;  yet  who  does  not  forfeit  by  one 
regrettable  action  all  the  gratitude  due  for  his  services  to 
mankind.  We  cannot  dismiss  carelessly  an  episode  of 
such  importance.  We  are  bound  to  recognize  that  the 
whole  question  of  Jean  Jacques'  sincerity  depends  upon 
the  true  explanation  of  this  mysterious  chapter  in  his 

1  Reproduced  from  my  Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and 
Eousseau  (with  some  additional  notes,  and  an  account  of  fresh 
researches  amongst  the  Registers  at  the  Enfants-Trouves. — See 
Appendix,  Note  E. 

140 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     141 

life.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  all  the  chapter  contains  will  leave  us  with  the 
popular  modern  impression,  that  Rousseau  treated  his 
children,  and  the  mother  of  his  children,  with  "  a  selfish 
ferocity,  below  the  instinct  of  the  brute."  That  is 
Lamartine's  forcible  description  of  Rousseau's  conduct, 
and  the  terms  are  not  too  strong,  if  the  facts  were  as 
Lamartine  represents  them,  and,  as  it  is  generally 
assumed,  the  author  of  the  Confessions  himself  admitted 
them  to  have  been.  If  Jean  Jacques  actually  ivere 
guilty  of  this  crime,  if  he  did  tear  his  newly-ho7ii  hahes 
from  the  arms,  the  breast,  the  tears  of  their  mother,^ 
and  cause  them  to  be  exposed  in  the  cold  streets,  to 
perish  unless  public  charity  came  to  their  aid  in  time, 
then  there  is  no  other  conclusion  possible  for  us  than 
that,  with  all  his  fine  talk  of  natural  obligations,  and 
natural  rights,  he  was  what  his  poet-critic  calls  him — a 
Tartiiffe  of  humanity. 

Nor,  if\iQ  were  guilty  of  these  enormities,  is  the  case 
of  this  unnatural  monster  made  any  the  better  by  the 
fact  that  he  did  not  himself  recognize  that  he  had  been 
guilty  of  "  selfish  ferocity,"  and  that  he  had  the  moral 
obliquity  to  describe  his  abominable  action  as  "  an  error 
of  judgment,  not  a  crime."  There  are  some  actions  so 
atrocious  in  themselves  that  the  worst  that  can  be  said  of 
any  man  is  that  he  was  able  to  commit  them  in  sincerity 
of  heart,  and  witiiout  any  sense  of  their  odiousness.  It 
is  evident  that,  for  seven  years,  Rousseau  knew  no  un- 
easiness of  conscience,  and  when  repentance  came  to  him, 
it  was  more  in  the  form  of  poignant  regret  for  a  mistake 
he  had  made,  than  of  overwhelming  remorse  for  a  detest- 
able crime.  If  then  he  could  regard  as  a  trifling  fault 
the  trampling  down  of  natural  feelings  of  compassion 
and  the  infliction,  upon  the  woman  he  had  made  a 
mother,  of  the  deadliest  wrong  a  male  tyrant  could  deal  a 
female  slave,  this  man,  who  appealed  so  eloquently  to  the 

^  J.  J.  Rousseau :  son  favx  Contrat  Social  et  le  wai  Contrat 
Social. — Lamartine. 


142     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

hearts  of  others,  must,  himself,  have  been  callous  and 
cruel,  and  one  who  assumed  the  mask  of  sensibility  to 
conceal  his  true  lack  of  the  ordinary  instincts  of 
humanity. 

There  is  one  difhculty,  however,  in  the  way  of  this 
conclusion. 

If  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  were  in  truth  the  unnatural 
monster  he  is  supposed   to  have  been,  then  he  cannot 
have  heeri  the  only  monster.     By  some  strange  caprice  of 
circumstances,  he  must  have  found  himself  surrounded 
by  a  group  of  men  and  women,  all  as  deficient  as  him- 
self in  natural  instincts,  all  as  callous  to  the  feebleness  of 
infancy,  all  as  blind  and  cold  to  the  natural  claims  that 
belong,  by  virtue  of  its  "  great  pains  and  perils,"  to  the 
estate  of  motherhood.     Indeed,  the  perversion  of  these 
men   and    women,    who   were    Rousseau's    enthusiastic 
admirers  and  devoted  friends,  must  have  been  deeper 
than  his  own.     No  excuse  of  self-interest  is  to  be  found 
in  the  case  of  these  personages,  many  of  them  wealthy 
and  high-placed,  for  their  affection  and  patronage  ex- 
tended to  an  abominable  man,  whom  they  knew  to  be 
perpetrating  a  series  of  cowardly   crimes,   that  should 
have  made  him  an  object  of  loathing  to  every  honest 
soul.     For  these  very  years  (1747  to  1755),  that  cover 
the  period  when  alone  the   births  and  abandonment  of 
Therese's  children  could  have  happened,  are  the  years 
belonging  to   the  brief  epoch   of  Jean    Jacques'   social 
popularity.      Even    before   the  publication  of  the  Dis- 
course upon  the  Arts  and  Sciences  (1750)  made  him 
famous,  the  "  citizen  of  Geneva  "  was  welcomed  in  philo- 
sophical circles,  and  sought  after  in  fashionable  salons,  as 
Diderot's  chosen  friend,  and  the  petted  'protege  of  two 
charming    women    of   the    world,    Madame  Dupin  and 
Madame  d'Epinay.     But  Diderot,   Madame  Dupin  and 
Madame  d'Epinay  were  all  acquainted  with  Rousseau's 
secret,  and  were  at  the  same  time  in  the  confidence  of  his 
supposed  victim,  Therese  Levasseur. 

"  The  arrangement  I  had  made  for  my  children,"  says 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     143 

Rousseau,  "  appeared  to  me  so  riglit,  so  sensible,  so  just, 
that  if  I  did  not  openly  boast  of  it,  it  was  solely  out  of 
consideration  for  the  mother.  But  I  told  it  to  all  those 
who  knew  of  our  liaison.  I  told  it  to  Diderot,  to  Grimm  ; 
I  told  it  later  on  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  later  still  to 
Madame  de  Luxembourg.  Whilst  I  was  thus  making 
confidences  on  my  side,  Madame  Levasseur  was  also 
making  hers,  but  with  less  disinterested  motives.  I  had 
introduced  her  and  her  daughter  to  Madame  Dupin, 
who,  out  of  friendship  for  me,  showed  them  a  thousand 
kindnesses.  The  mother  told  her  daughter's  secret. 
Madame  Dupin,  who  is  kind  and  generous,  and  who  did 
not  know  how  careful  I  was,  notwithstanding  the  small- 
ness  of  my  means,  to  provide  them  with  everything 
necessary,  looked  after  them  with  a  liberality  which,  by 
her  mother's  orders,  the  daughter  concealed  from  me 
through  the  whole  time  of  my  residence  at  Paris,  and 
only  confessed  to  me  some  time  afterwards,  at  the 
Hermitage.  ...  I  did  not  know  that  Madame  Dupin 
was  so  well  informed  ;  she  never  gave  me  any  sign  of 
being  so."  ^ 

Li  other  words.  Madam  Dupin's  friendship  for 
Rousseau  was  in  no  way  chilled  by  Madame  Levas- 
seur's  revelations.  Nor  did  his  own  confession  of 
the  state  of  aSairs  1:)ctween  himself  and  Therese,  to 
Madame  d'Epinay,  and,  later  on,  to  the  Duchess  of 
Luxembourg,  interfere  with  the  affectionate  enthusiasm 
these  ladies  bestowed  on  him,  in  the  days  when  he 
enjoyed  their  favour.  Even  Diderot,  the  severe  moral 
censor,  who,  later  on,  made  it  the  first  duty  of  friend- 
ship to  warn  the  unrepentant  Jean  Jacques  of  his  back- 
slidings  from  the  path  of  virtue,  even  Diderot  does  not 
seem  to  have  ever  remonstrated  with  Rousseau  upon  his 
tyrannical  treatment  of  Therese,  and  his  cruelty  in 
robbing  her  of  her  children  !  On  the  contrary,  we 
are  forced  to  conclude  that,  if  the  self-righteous  philo- 
sopher did  not  positively  approve  of  Jean  Jacques'  conduct 

I  1  Confessions,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  viii. 


144     A  NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

during  these  years,  he  saw  nothing  to  blame  in  it. 
He  vouchsafed  his  friendship  to  this  unnatural  father,  at 
any  rate,  and  was  ready  to  praise  his  private  virtues,  as 
well  as  his  distinguished  talents.  Jean  Jacques  only 
ceased  to  be  virtuous,  for  Diderot,  when  he  withdrew 
from  Paris  in  1756,  and  exchanged  the  ennobling 
influences  of  philosophic  circles  for  the  demoralizing 
atmosphere  of  a  country  life,  and  the  proofs  that 
Diderot  then  brings  forward  of  Rousseau's  moral  decline 
have  nothing  to  do  with  his  behaviour  to  his  children. 

One  other  singular  circumstance  needs  to  be  borne  in 
mind.     If  Rousseau  and  Rousseau's  friends  were  alike 
dead  and  blind   to  the  inhumanity  of  tearing  newly- 
born  babes  "  from  the  arms,  the  breast,  and  the  tears  of 
their  mother,"  that  mother  herself,  the  pitiable  victim 
of  these  repeated  acts  of  barbarity,  appears  to  have  been 
as  unconscious  as  her  tyrant  was,  that  any  especially 
odious  injustice  and  wrong  had  been  inflicted  upon  her. 
This  is  all  the  more  strange,  because  Therese  Levasseur 
was  no   patient  Griselda.     Friends  and  enemies  alike 
describe  her  as  a  woman  of  quarrelsome  temper,  always 
full  of  her  own  grievances,  and  stirring  up  sympathetic 
irritation  in  Rousseau's  mind    by  telling   him   of  the 
slights  and  insults  off"ered  her  by  his  friends.     On  the 
other   hand,   she   was   also   ready  to  narrate  to   these 
friends  the  story  of  her  trials  with  Rousseau ;  of  the 
straits  she  was  put  to  through  his  penurious  habits,  of 
the  dulness  she  suffered  from,  etc.,  etc.    And  yet,  neither 
on  the  occasion  of  any  quarrel  with  Jean  Jacques,  nor 
in  the  course  of  any  conhdential  lamentations  over  his 
peculiarities,    do    we   learn    that   Therese    taunted    or 
reproached  him  with  having  robbed  her  of  her  children. 
If  indeed  this  grievous  wrong  had  been  done  her,  what 
generosity,    wliiit   magnanimity   of   soul,    what   almost 
superhuman  self-restraint,  does  not  this  lifelong  silence 
imply  in  a  woman  who,  by  all  accounts,  was  undisciplined 
in  temper,  unguarded  in  speech,  and  mean  and  despicable 
in  soul. 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     145 

In  our  re-examination  of  this  important  episode  in 
Rousseau's  life,  two  questions  are  involved. 

There  is  first  of  all  the  question  of  facts.  What  do 
we  actually  know  of  Rousseau's  behaviour  to  Therese, 
and  to  his  children  ?  And  what  evidence  have  we  that 
these  children  were  ever  sent  to  the  "  Enfants  Trouves  "  ; 
or,  for  that  matter,  were  ever  born  ? 

And,  secondly,  there  is  the  question  of  Rousseau's 
moral  character.  What  is  the  amount  of  blame  that 
belongs  to  him,  in  the  case  that  these  children  were 
actually  disposed  of  in  the  manner  he  imagined ;  or, 
again,  in  the  event,  that  he  was  guilty  in  will  only,  and 
not  in  deed,  of  their  abandonment  ? 

Now  it  is  evident  that  whilst  the  last  question  is  the 
one  of  chief  importance,  the  answer  we  shall  make  to  it 
must  depend  upon  an  impartial  effort  to  solve  the  first. 
Rousseau's  moral  responsibility,  of  course,  is  the  matter 
with  which  we  are  chiefly  concerned.  Still,  until  we 
have  sifted  the  facts,  we  are  not  in  a  position  to  decide 
what  his  motives  and  the  influences  at  work  within  and 
around  him  really  were.  What  if  the  result  of  a 
careful  re-examination  of  all  information  available  be  to 
leave  us  with  a  large  amount  of  negative  evidence,  all 
tending  to  show  that  Rousseau  did  not  send  his  children 
to  the  "  Enfants  Trouves,"  for  the  simple  and  sufficient 
reason  that  these  children,  outside  of  Rousseau's  imagina- 
tion, and  the  audacious  fables  invented  by  Therese 
Levasseur,  had  no  real  existence  ? 

Even  so,  of  course,  Rousseau  must  be  held  morally 
responsible  for  his  intentions.^     But  these  intentions, 

1  I  would  ask  that  attention  may  be  given  to  these  statements 
because  some  critics  of  this  study  have  used  against  me  the  very 
assertions  that  I  have  here  emphatically  made  !  Eoitsseau  is  morally 
responsible  for  lohat  he  intended  to  do  and  believed  he  had  done.  But 
he  could  not  have  believed  that  he  tore  infants  from  the  mother's 
arms  if  there  were  no  infants  in  the  case.  Nor  could  he  have 
imagined  that  he  carried  these  infants  off  concealed  in  the  folds  of 
his  cloak,  as  Lamartine  describes ;  nor  if  Therese  played  off  this 
VOL.  I.  10 


146    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

also,  require  to  be  studied  in  a  new  light.  And  we 
possibly  may  discover  that  the  expressions  of  repentance 
for  his  conduct  given  in  the  Confessio7is  are  not,  after 
all,  so  inadequate ;  and  that  he  has  not  judged  his  own 
fault  too  leniently  when  he  describes  it  as  an  "  error  of 
judgment"  rather  than  a  crime;  since,  in  acting  as  he 
did,  he  believed  himself  to  be  keeping  in  view  his 
children's  interests. 

The  first  point  we  have  to  recognize  is  that  the  only 
evidence  we  have  in  this  matter  of  any  weight,  is 
afi"orded  by  Rousseau  himself.  But  for  his  own  state- 
ments, in  the  Confessions,  the  Reveries,  and  in  his 
letters  to  Madame  de  Francueil  and  to  Madame  de 
Luxembourg,  there  would  be  no  more  reason  for  believing 
that  he  had  sent  his  children  to  the  Enfants  Trouves 
than  there  is  for  supposing  that  he  allowed  Therese's 
mother  to  die  of  starvation  ;  ^  that  he  stole  the  music  of 
his  opera,  the  Devin  du  Village ;  ^  or  that  he  once  acted 

trick  upon  him,  could  she  have  ventured  upon  very  strong  or  forcible 
appeals  to  the  hard-hearted  father's  compassion ;  for  in  what  an 
embarrassing  position  would  she  not  have  found  herself,  had  the 
paternal  instincts  of  Jean  Jacques  responded  to  the  appeal,  and  had 
he  suddenly  decided  to  see  his  children. 

1  /Sentiments  des  Citoyens.  From  1743  to  1758  J.  J.  Eousseau 
supported  Therese's  mother  in  the  same  way  and  under  the  same 
roof  as  her  daughter ;  and  after  he  had  discovered  that  she  was 
false  to  him  and  in  secret  communication  with  his  enemies,  he  still 
contributed  to  her  support,  although  he  would  not  let  her  live  with 
him  (see  Con/.,  pt.  ii,  liv.  ix.  p.  265  ;  also  liv.  xi.  p.  354). 

2  Devin  du  Village.  In  April,  1763,  the  Journal  Encyclojyedique 
insinuated  that  Rousseau  had  appropriated  for  this  opera  the  music 
he  had  found  amongst  the  papers  of  one  Gauthier,  a  musician  who 
died  at  Lyons  in  1687.  In  October,  1780,  two  years  after  Jean 
Jacques'  death,  the  same  journal  and  the  same  writer  put  forward  a 
different  account ;  and  this  writer,  Pierre  Rousseau,  of  Toulouse, 
states  that  in  1750,  before  the  appearance  of  Devin  du  Village,  he 
was  aware  that  one  Granet,  an  obscure  musician  then  alive,  had 
composed  the  music  for  Jean  Jacques'  words.  But  if  Pierre 
Rousseau  knew  in  1750  that  Granet  had  been  robbed,  why  did  he 
in  1763  accuse  his  namesake  of  having  stolen  the  papers  of 
Gauthier  %  See  my  Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and  Eousseau, 
p.  162. 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     147 

as  a  commercial  traveller  to  a  lace  merchant,  and 
robbed  his  employer  of  the  goods  and  money  entrusted 
to  him.^  All  these  calumnies  were  circulated  in  much 
the  same  way  ;  and  all,  at  the  time,  obtained  the  amount 
of  belief  claimed  by  anonymous  libels.  It  is  important 
to  observe  that  the  charge  of  having  abandoned  his 
children  was  never  brought  against  Jean  Jacques  by 
those  amongst  his  contemporaries  who  had  been  his 
friends  and  intimate  associates  during  the  years  when 
these  events,  if  they  took  place  at  all,  must  have 
happened.  Although  these  friends  became  afterwards 
Jean  Jacques'  relentless  enemies,  and  did  their  utmost 
to  spread  other  evil  reports  concerning  him,  this 
particular  evil  report  was  not  started  by  them  ;  nor 
even,  when  once  started,  did  it  receive  their  support. 
The  venomous  little  pamphlet,  Le  Sentiment  des  Citoyens, 
published  anonymously  by  Voltaire  in  1765,  contains 
the  only  definite  accusation  ever  brought  against  Rous- 
seau in  his  lifetime  of  having  committed  this  particular 
crime.  But  Voltaire  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  the 
facts  of  Jean  Jacques'  private  life.  The  materials  he 
had  worked  up  to  sensational  pitch  in  this  libel  must 
have  been  derived  from  his  recollections  of  the  scandalous 
gossip  that  had  been  confided  to  him  in  1758,  by 
Madame  d'Epinay  and  M.  Melchior  Grimm,  when  the 
lady  and  her  cavalier  visited  Geneva,  fresh  from  the 
interchange  of  bitter  letters  that  had  ended  their  inter- 
course with  Rousseau.^     No  doubt,   in  discussing  the 

^  Bachaumont's  Memoires  Secretes,  July,  1766,  Unnecessary  to 
say  that  Rousseau  never  was  a  commercial  traveller,  that  he  never 
was  in  Flanders,  and  that  the  whole  story  is  a  gratuitous  invention. 

^  In  1758,  and  before  the  publication  of  the  Lettre  ct  d'Alembert, 
in  which  Rousseau  wrote  against  the  establishment  of  a  theatre  at 
Geneva,  Voltaire's  tone  with  Rousseau  is  friendly,  if  somewhat 
condescending.  Even  after  the  Lettre  a  cVAlemhert,  Voltaire  shows 
no  distinct  animosity,  until  Rousseau,  with  his  usual  incapability  of 
hiding  or  expressing  in  moderate  terms  some  perhaps  quite  passing 
fit  of  irritation,  writes  to  Voltaire  the  imprudent  letter  of  June  17, 
1760,  in  which  occur  the  words,  "  Vouz  avez  perdu  Geneve  pour  le 


148     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

atrocious  character  of  a  man  they  knew  Voltaire  detested, 
Madame  d'Epinay  and  M.  Grimm  may  have  allowed 
themselves  the  luxury  of  gratuitous  lying  as  well  as 
the  privilege  of  lending  some  colour  of  fancy  to  actual 
facts.  However  this  may  have  been,  and  whether  the 
blame  belonged  to  the  inspirers  or  the  author  of  the 
libel,  its  extreme  virulence  defeated  its  own  purpose. 
Even  Jean  Jacques'  enemies  were,  or  professed  to  be, 
scandalized.  What  was  more,  any  truth  these  charges 
might  have  contained  was  so  overloaded  with  falsehood 
that  the  man  attacked  was  able  to  give  a  categorical 
denial  to  every  one  of  them  ;  and  by  the  general  public, 
at  any  rate,  his  deniaP  that  he  had  ever  "exposed"  or 
"  caused  to  be  exposed "  his  newly-born  infants,  was 
accepted  as  literally  as  his  assertion  that  he  had  not 
allowed  Madame  Levasseur  to  die  of  starvation,  inasmuch 
as  she  was  at  that  hour  alive  and  living  upon  a  pension 
supplied  by  him ;  and  that  he  was  not  suffering  from  a 
hideous  malady,  the  result  of  his  debaucheries,  but  from 
a  constitutional  infirmity  that  made  the  dissipation  he 
was  accused  of  impossible. 

prix  de  I'asile  que  voiis  y  avez  refu ;  vous  avez  alien(i  de  moi  mes 
concitoyens.  Je  vous  hais  enfin  puisque  vous  I'avez  voulu — mais  je 
vous  hais  en  homme  encore  plus  digue  de  vous  aimer."  Voltaire, 
so  accustomed  to  flattery  and  to  be  addressed  in  tones  of  adoration, 
never  forgave  or  forgot  this  phrase.  Henceforth,  no  trouble  is  too 
great,  no  method  too  mean,  for  him  to  take  in  order  to  hurt  the  man 
who  has  ventured  to  "  hate  him." — See  Appendix,  Note  G. 

1  It  has  often  been  assumed  that  when  Rousseau  denied  having 
"  exposed '"'  his  children,  he  was  merely  quibbling  over  words,  in 
a  manner  not  worthy  of  his  respect  for  truth.  But  in  his  sight  the 
exposition  of  infants,  that  would  have  meant  risk  to  their  health 
and  life,  was  an  altogether  different  action  to  the  one  he  believed  he 
had  committed.  In  his  letter  to  Madame  de  Francueil,  written  in 
1751,  he  says,  "  Ce  mot  d'Enfants  Trouves  vous  en  imposerait  il 
comme  si  Ton  trouvait  ces  enfants  dans  les  rues,  exposes  a  perir  si 
le  hasard  ne  les  sauve  1  Soyez  sure  que  vous  n'auriez  pas  plus 
d'horreur  que  moi  pour  I'indigne  p6re  qui  pourrait  se  resoudre  a 
cette  barbarie.  li  y  a  des  regies  etablis — inf  ormez  vous  de  ce  qu'elles 
sont  et  vous  saurez  que  les  enfants  ne  sortent  des  mains  de  la  sage 
femme  que  pour  passer  dans  celle  d'une  nourrice." 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     149 

An  anonymous  article  contributed  to  the  Journal 
Encyclojpedique  of  December,  1790,  is  sometimes  quoted 
by  way  of  showing  that  Rousseau's  abandonment  of  his 
children  was  known  to  his  contemporaries  ;  and  that 
therefore  his  acknowledgment  of  his  fault  in  the 
Confessions  was  merely  a  pretended  revelation  of  what 
he  had  no  power  to  conceal.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
however,  this  letter  goes  to  show  that  if  Rousseau  had 
not  accused  himself,  no  one  would  have  believed  his 
accusers.  The  anonymous  writer  is  criticizing  Ginguene's 
Lettres  sur  les  Confessions,  and  especially  the  statement 
that  Rousseau  need  not  have  betrayed  the  secret  of  his 
behaviour  to  his  children  had  he  not  felt  morally  bound 
to  do  so. 

"  Let  me  be  allowed  to  observe,"  so  the  letter  runs, 
"  that  vague  rumours,  issuing  from  M.  Rousseau's  own 
household,  were  more  widely  known  and  more  difficult  to 
stifle  than  M.  Ginguene  supposes.  Accident  had  lodged 
me  in  the  Rue  Grenelle  Ste.  Honore,  opposite  the  house 
in  which  M.  Rousseau  had  rooms  on  the  third  storey. 
A  barber  kept  the  shop  on  the  ground  floor,  and  he 
became  my  own.  I  have  always  dreaded  the  chatter  of 
his  tribe,  and  to  protect  myself  against  it,  provide 
myself  with  a  book.  This  precaution,  however,  brought 
me  into  mischief  One  day  I  had  with  me  a  work  of 
M.  Rousseau,  and,  behold,  my  garcon  launched — 
informing  me  that  he  knows  the  author  well ;  and  is  a 
friend  of  his  housekeeper,  whom  he  pities  from  his  heart 
because  the  children  she  has  had  by  her  master  are 
barbarously  sent  to  the  Enfants  Trouves.  /  did  not 
believe  a  word  of  it,  and  hade  him  hold  his  tongue ; 
a7id  my  esteem  for  M.  Rousseau  woidd  still  have 
prevented  me  from  believing  this,  if  his  oivn  avoival 
had  not  confirmed  the  fact.  All  I  would  have  M. 
Ginguene  remark  is,  that  a  fact  divulged  in  such  a  way 
could  not  have  been  omitted  from  the  Confessions ;  and 
that  it  appeal's  the  housekeeper  made  the  less  mystery 
of  the  matter  because  she  could  hope,  by  publishing  it, 


I50    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

to  compel  her  master  to  do  ivhat  he  held  back  from, 
viz.  legalize  their  union."  Exactly  so.  But  if  even  we 
believe  this  statement  of  an  anonymous  writer,  made 
twelve  years  after  Rousseau's  death  and  more  than  forty 
years,  certainly,  after  the  events  referred  to,  all  that  is 
shown  is  that  Ther^se  told  a  barber  the  same  story  we 
know  she  disclosed  to  many  other  persons.  The  writer 
points  out,  correctly,  that  Th^rese  had  her  own  ends  to 
serve  in  making  known  her  relations  to  Rousseau — but 
he,  also,  proves  that  the  rumours  about  the  abandonment 
of  his  children  were  not  believed ;  and  that  they  would 
not  have  been  accepted  as  true,  after  his  death,  if 
Rousseau  had  not  confirmed  them  in  his  Confessions. 
The  first  six  books  of  the  Coyifessions  were  published  in 
1780 — two  years  after  the  author's  death  ;  and  then  for 
some  ten  years,  until  the  enthusiasm  of  some  of  the 
Revolutionary  leaders  for  Jean  Jacques  struck  terror 
into  the  hearts  of  his  calumniators,  these  former 
"  friends "  of  his  had  the  field  to  themselves ;  and 
D'Alembert,^  Diderot,^  Grimm, ^  and  Marmontel,^  enjoyed 

1  D'Alembert  makes  his  Eloge  de  Milord  Marechal  George  Keith, 
published  in  1779,  the  occasion  for  accusing  Rousseau  of  ingratitude 
towards  one  of  whom  he  speaks  always  with  reverence  and  love  : 
and  who  was  so  far  himself  from  considering  Rousseau  undeserving  of 
his  friendship,  that,  dying  just  before  Jean  Jacques,  he  left  to  him  the 
watch  he  always  wore,  and  which  actually  was  handed  over  to  Therese. 

2  Diderot,  in  a  note  to  his  Vie  de  Seneque,  1779,  calls  down 
execration  on  a  man  who  leaves  behind  him  memoirs  in  which 
"  honest  men  "  are  pitilessly  torn  to  rags  by  a  vile  hypocrite  who 
during  fifty  years  has  deceived  the  world.  "  Detestez,"  exclaims 
the  indignant  Diderot,  "  I'ingrat  qui  dit  du  mal  de  ses  bienfaiteui's  ; 
detestez  I'homme  atroce  qui  ne  balance  pas  a  noircir  ses  anciens 
amis ;  detestez  le  lache  qui  laisse  sur  sa  tombe  la  revelation  des 
seci-ets  qui  lui  ont  ete  confies,  ou  qu'il  a  surpris  de  son  vivant." 
Whilst  he  is  about  it,  why  does  not  Diderot  ask  us  also  to  detest 
the  man  who  abandoned  his  children  % 

2  Grimm.     On  the  death  of  Madame  d'Epinay,  1783. 

^  Marmontel,  1778,  insinuates  that  Rousseau  merely  took  the 
line  he  did  in  the  First  Biscoiirse  upon  Diderot's  advice ;  and  hence 
that  the  account  given  in  the  Confessions  is  false,  and  that  Rousseau 
himself  did  not  feel  any  strong  convictions  such  as  he  professes. — 
See  Appendix,  Note  B. 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     151 

full  freedom  to  attack  tlie  dead  man  whose  life  they  had 
helped  to  embitter.  But  even  so,  we  are  struck  by  the 
fact  that  no  fresh  information  upon  this  point  is  supplied 
by  these  competent  witnesses. 

We  shall  presently  have  to  see  how  much  the  singular 
reticence  of  these  men,  upon  this  particular  matter, 
would  seem  to  imply.  For  the  present,  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  since  the  account  given  in  the  Co7ifessions  was 
accepted  in  silence  by  these  well-informed  personages, 
who  would  not  have  hesitated  to  enlarge  the  narrative,  if 
they  had  seen  their  way  to  increase  the  sum  of  Rousseau's 
guilt,  we  may  presume  that  the  Conjessions  do  not  paint 
Jean  Jacques  conduct  in  a  too  favourable  light.  It  is 
necessary  to  realize  this  fact,  and  to  establish  plainly 
that  Rousseau' s  co7itemporaries,  and  the  generation 
that  followed,  did  not  pi'ofess  to  improve  upon  the 
narrative  of  the  "  Confessions,^'  nor  to  derive  their  in- 
formation from  any  other  source,  since  modern  popular 
conceptions  of  Rousseau's  behaviour  to  his  children,  and 
the  mother  of  his  children,  are  based  upon  a  legendary 
story  invented  some  fifty  years  ago,  the  one  that 
owes  its  existence,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  poet 
Lamartine.  In  order  to  understand  clearly  what  the 
real  charge  consists  of,  it  will  be  well,  to  begin  with, 
to  get  rid  of  this  fabulous  matter  and  of  the  purely 
gratuitous  additions  that  have  been  made  to  the  historical 
narrative. 

"  Therese  Levasseur,"  Lamartine  condescends  to  ex- 
plain to  us,^  "  was  for  Rousseau  a  pretty  slave,  of  whom 
he  made  a  concubine,  or  a  housekeeper,  at  pleasure,  for 
the  comfort  of  his  obscure  life,  but  with  whom  he  would 
recognize  no  tie  more  binding  than  his  own  caprice. 
That  caprice  over,  for  the  seduced  girl  there  would 
remain  only  the  risks  of  indigence,  and  the  cares  of 
maternity : — but  no  !  even  the  sweet  and  bitter  fruits 
of  maternity  were  not  left  her,  to  sweeten  her  life,  to 

^  Jean  Jacques  Boiosseaic:  son  faux  Conirat  Social  et  le  vrai 
Contrat  Social,  p.  55. 


152     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

console  her  misery,  to  sustain  her  age  !  We  know  that, 
with  a  selfish  ferocity  below  the  instinct  of  the  brute, 
Jean  Jacques  ivaited  at  the  foot  of  Therese's  hed  for  her 
infant  to  he  horn;  and  that  then,  regularly,  for  six  or 
seven  years,  lie  carried  off,  concealed  in  the  folds  of  his 
tnantle,  to  the  Hospital  for  Lost  Children,  the  hahes 
torn  from  the  arms,  the  hreast,  the  tears  of  their  mother. 
We  know  further  that,  with  a  refinement  of  prudence, 
this  unnatural  father  took  from  his  poor  infants  every 
token  that  might  serve  to  identify  them  by  and  by,  and 
to  bring  back  to  him  the  onerous  charges  of  paternity. 
And  whilst  he  was  accomplishing  these  acts  almost  of 
infanticide,  with  an  affectation  of  sensibility  worthy  of  a 
Tartuffe  of  humanity,  he  was  vehemently  denouncing,  in 
his  writings,  the  abominable  conduct  of  mothers  who 
neglected  to  suckle  their  own  infants  !  " 

The  last  sentence  shows  some  culpable  negligence  in 
examining  dates  and  in  stating  facts  in  their  proper 
order.  It  was  in  the  Emile  that  Rousseau,  amongst 
other  efforts  to  recall  the  men  and  women  of  his  genera- 
tion to  a  sense  of  the  duties  and  joys  of  family  life, 
endeavoured  to  convince  young  mothers  of  the  perils  of 
handing  over  their  infants  to  hired  nurses  who  could  feel 
none  of  the  devotion  inspired  by  nature.  But  the  Emile 
was  published  in  1762,  that  is  to  say,  not  at  the  time 
when  Rousseau  was  deserting  his  children,  but  at  the 
time  when  he  was  endeavouring  to  atone  for  the  fault  ^ 
he  had  learned  to  deplore,  by  a  public  recantation  of  the 
theories  that  had  misled  him.  He  had  allowed  himself 
to  be  persuaded  that,  in  his  case,  it  was  better  his 
children  should  owe  their  maintenance  to  the  State,  than 
that  they  should  be  nourished  at  the  cost  of  their  father's 
dishonour,  and  the  betrayal  of  his  principles — or,  else,  be 
exposed  to  the  poverty  and  possible  misery  that  were  the 

^  "  En  m6ditant  mon  tra,it6  de  I'Education  je  sentis,  que  j'avais 
neglige  des  devoirs  dont  rien  ne  pouvait  me  dispenser.  Le  remords 
entin  devint  si  vif  qn'il  m'arracha  presque  I'aveu  public  de  ma  faute 
au  commencement  de  1' Emile."    (Conf.,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  xii.) 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     153 

necessary  conditions  of  intellectual  independence,  for  a 
penniless  writer,  at  a  time  when  only  the  demoralizing 
patronage  of  men  in  power  made  the  profession  of  letters 
a  paying  concern.^  And  here  it  is  not  irrelevant  to  the 
subject  to  consider  Rousseau's  position,  and  the  state  of 
his  fortunes,  at  the  time  when  he  arrived  at  these  con- 
victions. The  late  Professor  Darmesteter  in  an  inter- 
esting article  contributed  to  the  Reveu  Bleue,  on  the 
Castle  of  Chenonceau,  gives  Jean  Jacques  that  royal 
place  of  abode  during  the  time  when  in  the  intervals  of 
his  not  very  onerous  duties  as  Madame  Dupin's  secretary, 
he  is  supposed  to  have  amused  his  leisure  by  writing  the 
Emile,  and  sending  off  Therese's  children,  periodically,  to 
the  Enfants  Trouves.  Now  the  Confessions  tell  us 
that  Jean  Jacques  did  pay  a  short  visit  to  Chenonceau 
in  1746  and  a  second  visit  in  1747,  and  that  it  was 
after  his  return  from  the  first  visit,  that  Therfese 
informed  him  of  her  expectations.  The  Emile  was 
written  thirteen  years  after  these  events  at  Montmo- 
rency, in  the  small  summer-house  at  Mont  Louis,  where 
often  the  ink  froze  on  the  writer's  pen,  in  winter. 
But  poor  as  were  Rousseau's  circumstances  at  Mont- 
morency, they  were  prosperous  and  assured  when  com- 
pared with  his  position  during  those  years  when  the 
faults  that  blot  his  memory  must  be  placed.  His  true 
place  of  abode,  at  this  time,  was  one  room  in  the  Rue 
Platriere,  near  Madame  Dupin's  house,  whilst  out  of  his 

^  "  Vous  connaissez  ma  situation  :  je  gagne  au  jour  la  journee  mon 
pain  avec  assez  de  peine.  Comment  nouri'irais  je  encore  une  famille  ? 
II  faudrait  done  recourir  aux  protectionsj  a  I'intrigue,  au  manege, 
briguer  quelque  vil  emploi,  enfin  me  livrer  moi-meme  a  toutes  les 
infamies  pour  les  quelles  je  suis  pen^tre  d'une  si  juste  horreur  % 
Non,  Madame !  il  vaut  mieux  qu'ils  soient  orphelins  que  d'avoir  pour 
pere  un  fripon." — Lettre  a,  Mde.  de  Francueil,  April  20,  1751. 

"  Je  comprends  que  le  reproche  d'avoir  mis  mes  enfants  aux 
Enfants  Trouves  a  facilement  d6gener(^  avec  un  peu  de  tournure  en 
celui  d'etre  un  pere  denature  et  de  hair  les  enfants :  cependant  il  est 
sur  que  c'est  la  crainte  d'une  destinee  pour  eux  mille  fois  pire  et 
presque  inevitable  par  toute  autre  voie  qui  m'a  le  plus  determine 
dans  cette  demarche." — Reveries  Neuvieme  Promenade. 


154     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

not  very  princely  income  of  thirty-seven  pounds  a  year, 
paid  him  by  Madame  Dupin  and  M.  de  Fraucueil,  con- 
jointly, he  had  to  provide  a  lodging  for  Therese  at  the 
other  end  of  Paris.  It  was  not  until  two  years  after  the 
visit  to  Chenonceau,  and  the,  alleged,  birth  of  his  first 
child,  that,  his  income  being  raised  to  fifty  pounds  a  year, 
he  was  able,  with  some  assistance  from  Madame  Dupin,  to 
furnish  two  small  apartments  in  the  Hotel  de  Languedoc, 
Rue  de  Grenelle  Saint-Honore,  where  Therese  and  her 
mother  came  to  live  with  him,  professedly  as  his  house- 
keepers. It  is  not  difiicult  to  understand  how  a  man  so 
situated,  and  whose  principles  made  it  impossible  for  him 
to  improve  his  precarious  fortunes,  might,  unconsciously, 
allow  the  practical  difficulties  of  his  position  to  lend 
their  weight  to  the  opinions  he  openly  professed  at  this 
time,  that  the  education  of  all  children  by  the  State,  and 
in  ignorance  of  their  parents,  was  the  only  method  of 
securing  equality  of  chances  to  all  men,  and  the  just 
establishment  of  diff'erences  of  rank  upon  diff'erences  in 
natural  gifts  and  personal  merit.  But  in  his  Emile  he 
puts  aside  all  these  plausible  arguments,  with  a  word.  A 
State  education  is  no  longer  possible,  because  the  State, 
in  its  ancient  sense,  has  no  lonsjer  anv  existence.  It  is 
on  the  family,  on  its  mutual  duties  and  obligations, 
recognized  and  securely  established,  that  the  health  and 
honour  of  society,  in  the  present  day,  must  be  founded. 
As  for  the  practical  difficulties,  or  public  duties,  per- 
mitted to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  recognition  of  these 
natural  claims,  Rousseau  pronounces  them  forms  of  moral 
cowardice,  and  self-deceit. 

"  Whoso  cannot  fulfil  a  father's  duties,"  he  says, 
"  has  no  right  to  become  one  ;  no  poverty,  no  work, 
no  respect  for  the  world's  opinion,  can  exonerate  a 
father  from  the  duty  of  nourishing  and  educating  his 
children.  Reader  !  you  may  take  my  word  for  it ; 
I  prophesy  for  any  man  in  whom  the  heart  lives, 
and  who  puts  these  sacred  duties  behind  him,  that 
he  will  for  long  years  weep  bitter  tears  over  his  fault ; 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     155 

and  that  he  will  never  be  consoled  for  it."  ^  These  are 
not  the  hypocritical  utterances  of  a  ^'Tartuffe  of 
humanity,"  preaching  what  he  does  not  practise.  They 
are  the  hardly-veiled  acknowledgments  of  a  heartstricken 
man  who  has  himself  put  these  duties  behind  him,  and 
who  knows,  albeit  too  late,  the  sorrow  for  his  fault  that 
cannot  be  consoled. 

But  the  error  of  making  the  publication  of  the  Emile 
a  simultaneous  event  in  Rousseau's  life  with  the  aban- 
donment of  his  children,  may  show  simple  carelessness. 
It  is  difficult  to  speak  so  indulgently  of  the  distortion  of 
facts  practised  by  Lamartine  when  describing  Rousseau's 
treatment  of  Therese.  This  "  pretty  slave  "  whom  he 
made  "  his  concubine  or  housekeeper  at  pleasure,"  and 
with  whom  he  "  would  recognize  no  tie  more  binding 
than  his  caprice,"  was  the  woman  to  whom  he  showed  a 
devotion,  that  never  varied  during  the  thirty-j&ve  years 
their  union  lasted,  a  devotion  that  was  broken  merely  by 
his  death.  So  far  from  being  willing  that  Therese  should 
be  exposed  to  the  risks  of  indigence,  Rousseau,  in  his 
dread  of  any  such  peril  for  her,  lost  his  indifference  to 
pecuniary  interests,  and  took  precautions  to  secure  her  a 
pension  from  his  publisher  Rey  ;  and  even,  on  her  behalf, 
departed  from  the  rule  he  so  scrupulously  followed  him- 
self, and  gratefully  accepted,  for  her.  Lord  Marshal 
George  Keith's  contribution  to  this  pension.^    As  to  the 

^  Emile,  liv.  i.,  p.  37.  It  should  be  remembered,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  Rousseau  was  addressing  a  society  where  parental  duties 
were  entirely  ignored,  by  those  precisely  whose  wealth  and  position 
rendered  them  especially  able  to  fulfil  them.  The  custom  of  sending 
away  infants  immediately  after  birth  to  be  brought  up  in  some 
peasant's  family  vmtil  the  fifth  year,  was  almost  universal  amongst 
people  of  position.  Then  followed  the  Convent  for  girls,  the  Jesuit 
College  for  boys.  In  the  case  of  illegitimate  children,  during  the 
reign  of  Louis  XY.,  no  obligation  of  any  sort  was  recognized. 
Louis  XIV.  had  legitimatized  his  offspring  by  various  mothers ;  but 
the  children  born  at  the  Pare  au  Cerfs  were  sent  to  the  Enfants 
Trouves. 

^  "  Ne  pouvant  exercer  directement  avec  moi  sa  gratitude  il  voulut 
me  la  temoigner  au  inoins  done  ma  gouvernante  a  la  quelle  il  (Hey) 


156     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

preposterous  picture  of  the  sinister  Jean  Jacques, 
hovering  like  an  evil  bird  of  prey  at  the  foot  of  Therese's 
bed,  ready  to  pounce  upon  the  feeble  wailing  infant  the 
instant  after  birth,  and  to  rush  off  with  it  to  the 
Enfants  Trouves,  this  is  a  flight  of  fancy  that  soars 
not  only  bej^ond  any  evidence  we  have,  but  beyond  the 
possibilities  of  the  case.  Rousseau  says  that  he  never  saio 
his  children}  They  were  born  at  the  house  of  the 
midwife,  whither  Therese  retired  upon  these  interesting 
occasions  ;  and  it  was  this  midwife  who  afterwards  under- 
took to  depose  them  at  the  Enfants  Trouves,  in  "  the 
usual  way."  ^  Lamartine  has  not  been  at  the  pains  of 
discovering  what  was  "  the  usual  way  "  of  obtaining  a 
child's  admission  into  the  "  Enfants  Trouves  "  in  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  He  is  writing  under 
the  impression  that  the  convenient  "  tour,"  or  revolving 
gate,  through  which  any  one  could  pass  the  body  of  an 
infant,  and  depart  unobserved,  was  already  in  existence. 
This  humane  device,  however,  for  putting  a  stop  to  the 
exposition  of  children  in  the  streets  was  not  established 
at  the  Paris  Institution  until  after  the  Revolution.  In 
Rousseau's  day,  although  the  exposition  of  children  was 
no  longer  a  practical  necessity,  it  was  assumed  to  have 
taken  place.  The  person  who  found — or  who  professed  to 
have  found — the  infant,  was  bound  to  carry  it  to  the  oftice 
of  the  nearest  Commissary  of   Police,   where  a  formal 

fit  une  pension  viag^re  de  trois-cent  francs.  Cette  pension  fut  une 
grande  ressource  pour  I'entretien  de  Th^rcse  et  un  grand  soulage- 
ment  pour  moi.  EUe  a  toujours  dispose  de  tout  elle  meme  .  .  . 
quelque  simplement  que  Therese  se  mette  jamais  la  pension  de  Rey 
ne  lui  a  suffi  pour  se  nipper  que  je  n'y  aie  supplee  du  mien  chaque 
annde  "  (Co??/.,pt.  ii.,  liv.  xi.  ;  also  C'onf.,  pt,  ii.,  liv.  xii.  Correspond- 
ence :  letter  to  Mdme.  de  Luxembourg  asking  for  protection  to 
Th6rese  in  case  of  his  death,  June  12,  1761  ;  to  Duclos,  August  1, 
1763). 

"  Je  pouvais  comptais  sur  une  subsistance  honnete  et  pour  moi  et 
apr6s  moi  pour  Thci'^se  a  qui  je  laissais  700  francs  de  rente  tant  de 
la  pension  de  Eey  que  celle  de  milord  Mar(k;hal."    (Con/.,  pt.  ii.,  liv. 

^  Confessions,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  vii.  ^  Cop/.,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  vii.  p.  553. 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN      157 

document,  a  proces  verbal,  was  drawn  up,  stating  the 
place  and  hour  of  the  child's  discovery.^  Information  on 
this  point  can  be  obtained  from  M.  Lallemand's  Ilis- 
toire  des  Enfants  Ahandonnes  :  "A  I'origine,"  says  M. 
Lallemand,  *'  tous  les  enfants  ^taient  exposes  dans  le 
sens  reel  du  mot.  C'est  seulement  au  milieu  du  dix- 
huiti^me  siecle  que  se  generalisent  les  abandons  directs, 
par  les  nourrices,  les  sages  femmes,  ou  les  parents.  On 
peut  affirmer  que  vers  cette  epoque  (1736)  les  personnes 
qui  ont  trouve  un  enfant  I'apporte,  habituellement,  k 
I'Hotel  du  Commissaire  de  leur  quartier.  Ilfaut  re- 
'ma7'quer  que  jamais  avant  1791  ^i7i  enfant  ne  fut  recu 
dans  cet  etahlissement  sans  un  proces  vei'hal,  dressepar 
Vautorite  competente." 

Although,  as  has  been  said,  very  few  difficulties  were 
placed  in  the  way  of  any  person  applying  for  such  a 
proems  verbal,  still  it  was  necessary  to  present  one's 
self  at  the  police  station,  to  submit  to  certain  more  or 
less  formal  interrogatories  ;  and  to  offer  some  explana- 
tion of  a  sort  concerning  the  discovery  of  the  child.  If 
even  we  had  not  been  told  in  the  Coyifessions  that  he 
never  saw  his  children,  nothing  would  be  more 
improbable  than  that  Rousseau  should  have  himself 
undertaken  these  preliminary  formalities  ;  whilst  it  was 
quite  in  the  manners  of  the  time  that,  when  the 
convenience  of  parents  required  it,  these  duties  should 
count  amongst  the  professional  services  of  the  midwife.^ 

1  *'De  I'ordonnance  de  Nous,  Charles  Daniel  de  la  Fosse,  Avocat 
en  Parlement,  Conseiller  du  Roi,  Commissaire,  Enqueteur  et  examin- 
ateur  au  Chatelet  de  Paris,  propose  pour  la  Police  au  Quartier  de  la 
Cit6 :  a  6t6  lev6  un  enfant  .  .  .  nouvellement  no,  ti'ouve  a  la  salle 
des  accouch^es  de  I'Hotel  Dieu  lequel  nous  avons  a  I'instant  envoye 
a  la  couche  des  Enfants  Trouves  pour  y  etre  nourri  et  allait6  en  la 
maniere  accoutumee. 

"  Fait  et  delivr6  en  notre  Hotel  ce  mil  sept  cent.  .  .  . 

"  Heure  d'  .  .  .  " 

This  formula  continued  the  same  throughout  the  eighteenth 
century.  M.  de  la  Fosse  was  the  Commissary  during  the  period  with 
which  we  are  concerned. 

'^  "  Les  sages-femmes  prirent  I'habitude  de  se  rendre  a  I'Hotel  des 


158     A   NEW  CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Again,  so  far  from  its  being  true  that  this  unnatural 
father  took  from  his  poor  orphans  every  token  that 
might  serve  to  identify  them,  we  have  the  account  of 
the  token  devised  by  Rousseau,  and  given  by  him  to 
Therese,  to  place  amongst  the  eldest  child's  clothing  ; 
and  if  on  the  succeeding  occasions  Therese  did  not 
carry  out  the  plan  thus  suggested  to  her,  and  agree 
with  Mdlle.  Gouin  upon  some  sign  that  would  serve  to 
identify  each  of  her  five  children,  we  must  conclude,  if 
we  accept  the  story  of  the  Enfants  Trouves  at  all,  that 
she  was  even  more  willing  than  Rousseau  was,  not  only 
that  her  infants  should  be  left  there,  but  that  they 
should  be  left  there  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  lost  to  her 
for  ever,  beyond  hope  of  discovery. 

But  if  Rousseau  never  saw  his  children,  and  the 
whole  business  of  their  abandonment  was  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  midwife,  of  Th^rese's  mother  and  Therese 
herself,  what  becomes  of  the  pathetic  picture  of  these 
infants  "  torn  from  the  arms,  the  breast,  the  tears  of 
their  mother "  ?  It  is  true  that  Rousseau,  whose  effort 
to  screen  Therese  from  all  blame  in  the  matter  is 
sufficiently  evident,  says  that  she  was  unwilling  to  part 
with  her  children.  But  apart  from  some  show  of 
regretful  emotion,  only  decent  under  the  circumstances, 
what  proofs  have  we  of  any  real  resistance  on  Ther^se's 
part;  or  of  any  objection  on  her  side  to  revive  with 
almost  phenomenal  rapidity  the  condition  of  things 
that,  in  the  course  of  some  seven  years,  necessitated  the 
desertion  of  five  children  ? 

Rousseau  himself  fixes  the  approximate  date  of  the 
first  of  these  events.  It  was,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
autumn  of  1746  that  he  spent  some  months  away  from 
Paris — and  Therese  ;  enjoying  the  festive  season  at  the 
Castle  of  Chenonceau,  where  he  was  the  favoured  guest 
of  Mdme.  Dupin  and  M.  de  Francueil,  in  the  intervals 

commissaires  enqueteurs  .  .  .  le  syst^me  primitif  d'exposition  est 
transform^  et  le  d6laissement  dans  la  rue  n'est  plusqu'une  exception." 
{Hist,  des  Enfants  Abandonnes,  de  Lallemand,  p.  160.) 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     159 

of  the  services  he  rendered  them  in  the  capacity  of 
their  secretary.  Upon  his  return  to  Paris,  he  was  told 
by  Therese  of  the  coming  event.  He  admits  that,  at 
this  time,  he  did  not  take  his  own  duties  into  serious 
consideration,^  but  decided  off-hand  that  there  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  act  as  other  men  of  his  acquaint- 
ance had  done,  under  similar  circumstances ;  and  to 
send  the  child  to  the  Enfants  Trouves.  He  adds : 
"  The  only  scruples  I  had  to  overcome  were  those  of 
Therese ;  and  I  had  all  the  trouble  in  the  world  to 
persuade  her  to  adopt  the  only  plan  for  saving  her 
honour.  But  her  another,  who  also  dreaded  the  wori'y 
of  these  neiv  nurslings,  having  come  to  my  aid,  TJierese 
allowed  herself  to  he  conquered.  A  prudent  and  trust- 
worthy midwife,  named  Mdlle.  Gouin,  was  found,  to 
whom  to  confide  this  business ;  and  when  the  time 
came,  Therese  was  taken  by  her  mother  to  La  Gouin's 
house,  at  the  Pointe  Ste.  Eustache.  I  went  several 
times  to  see  her  there,  and  took  her  a  sign  I  had  drawn 
in  double  upon  two  cards,  one  of  which  was  placed 
amongst  the  infant's  clothes  ;  and  he  was  left  at  the 
office  of  the  Enfants  Trouves  in  the  usual  way.  The 
following  year,  the  same  inconvenient  circumstances 
arose,  and  were  met  by  the  same  expedient,  except  for 
the  sign,  that  was  neglected.  No  more  reflection  on 
my  side,  no  more  approbation  on  the  mother's — she 
obeyed  whilst  groaning  over  it." 

By  all  means  let  Therese  have  the  credit  of  her 
groanings.     But  it  should  be  pointed  out  that,  however 

1  In  1750,  when  lie  had  become  a  leader  of  thought  and  a 
Reformer,  he  set  himself  to  examine  his  conduct  to  his  children  by 
"the  laws  of  nature,  justice,  and  reason."  "  Si  je  me  trompai  dans 
mes  resultats  rien  n'est  plus  etonnant  que  la  serenite  d'ame  avec 
la  quelle  je  m'y  livrai  .  .  .  jemecontenterai  de  dire  que  mes  raisons 
fut  telle  que  je  ne  regardai  plus  mes  liaisons  avec  Therese  que  comme 
un  engagement  honnete  et  saint  quoique  libre  et  volontaire  ,  .  .  et 
quant  a  mes  enfants  en  les  livrant  a  I'education  publique  faute  de 
pouvoir  les  elever  moi  meme  .  .  .  je  crus  faire  un  acte  de  citoyen  et 
de  p^re."     {Conf.,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  viii.) 


i6o    A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

profound  they  may  have  been,  they  took  place  before 
Xer  childreyi  were  horn.  Theresc,  then,  went  to  Mdlle. 
Gouin's  house  fully  aware,  even  on  the  first  occasion,  of 
what  she  was  consenting  to,  and  of  all  the  arrangements 
made  for  her.  What  was  more,  between  her  own 
mother  and  the  accommodating  midwife,  she  was  in 
no  tyrant's  hands.  If,  after  her  child's  birth,  her  heart 
had  failed  her,  and  she  had  resisted  parting  with  it, 
who  was  there,  in  Jean  Jacques*  absence,  to  compel  her 
to  a  course  that  concerned,  after  all,  chiefly  herself  ?  If 
she  had  chosen  to  give  her  child  another  destiny  than 
the  Enfants  Trouves,  and  to  keep  the  matter  hidden 
from  Rousseau,  no  serious  difficulties  stood  in  her  way. 
A  woman  of  La  Gouin's  profession  existed  only  for  the 
convenience  of  parents.  She  could  easily  have  placed 
the  child  out  to  nurse,  if  Therese  had  desired  it ;  and 
the  small  pension  that  for  some  years  would  have  been 
all  that  was  necessary,  could  have  been  extracted  as 
easily  from  Jean  Jacques'  friends,  and  from  himself,  as 
the  sums  Therese  and  Madame  Levasseur  obtained  for 
their  greedy  family. 

This  is,  supposing  that  Therfese  was  afraid  openly  to 
disobey  Rousseau's  wishes.  But  we  have  abundant 
proofs  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  she  did  not  fear  him  in 
the  least ;  and  that  she  was  quite  ready,  when  it  suited 
her  own  purposes,  to  set  his  wishes  at  defiance.^     And 

1  "  Quoiqu'on  me  cachat  bien  de  choses,  j'en  vis  assez  pour  juger 
que  je  ne  voyais  pas  tout,  et  cela  me  tourmenta,  moins  par  I'accusa- 
tion  de  connivence,  que  par  I'idee  cruelle  de  ne  pouvoir  jamais  etre 
maltre  chez  moi,  ni  de  moi.  Je  priais,  je  conjurais,  je  me  fachais,  le 
tout  sans  succes  ;  la  maman  me  faissit  passer  pour  un  grondeur 
eternel,  pour  un  bourru.  C'etait  avec  mes  amis  des  chuchoteries 
continuelles  tout  6tait  myst^re  et  secret  pour  moi  dans  mon  menage, 
et  pour  ne  pas  m'exposer  sans  cesse  a  des  orages  je  n'osais  plus 
m'informer  de  ce  que  s'y  passait.  II  aurait  fallu  pour  me  tirer  de 
tous  ces  tracas  une  fermete  dont  je  n'dtais  pas  capable."  {Conf., 
pt.  ii.,  liv.  viii.) 

"  J'avais  pri6  Th6r6se  de  n'en  faire  venir  personne  a  I'Ermitage, 
elle  me  le  promit;  on  les  fit  venir  en  mon  absence  et  lui  fit  promettre 
de  n'en  rien  dire."     {Con/.,  pt,  ii.,  liv.  ix.) 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS    CHILDREN     i6i 

yet  she  made  no  attempt  to  conquer  his  affection  and 
protection  for  her  children,  and  on  five  distinct  occasions, 
allowed  her  infants  to  be  consigned  to  the  Enfants 
Tronves,  without,  in  one  single  instance,  risking  the 
attempt,  that  every  other  young  mother  in  her  position 
would  have  made,  of  compelling  the  obdurate  father  to  see, 
at  least,  his  child  !  That  Therese  never  made  this  attempt 
— that  Rousseau  never  saw  any  one  of  his  children — 
proves  one  of  two  things.  Either  Therese  did  not  wish 
to  bring  up  her  own  children,  or  else  thei^e  ivere  no 
children  of  hers  and  Rousseau' s  requiring  to  he 
brought  wp. 

One  reason  for  accepting  the  last  alternative  is  that, 
if  we  take  the  first,  we  shall  find  ourselves  compelled  to 
regard  Therese  as  more  of  a  monster  even  than  Rousseau's 
worst  enemies  have  painted  him.  It  is  not  only  that 
for  a  mother  to  abandon  without  necessity  her  newly- 
born  infants  is  a  more  grievous  outrasre  ag-ainst  nature 
than  for  a  father  to  repudiate  the  children  whom  he  has 
not  seen,  nor  learned  to  love ;  it  is  not  even  that  The- 
rese took  no  steps  to  secure  the  means  of  identifying 
and  reclaiming  her  children — we  are  forced  to  believe, 
if  we  accept  the  circumstances  as  related  by  Rousseau 
literally,  that  Tlierese  must  deliberately  have  tliwarted 
his  attempt  to  establish  a  clue  to  the  first  child's  identity, 
by  neglecting  to  place  the  card  given  her  in  the  infant's 
clothing.  This  is  the  only  possible  explanation  of  the 
complete  absence  of  any  such  card,  or  of  any  mention 
of  this  card,  from  the  carefully-kept  registers  of  the 
Enfants  Trouves,  i.  e.  the  only  explanation  that  is 
compatible  with  the  belief  that  this  child  was  ever 
placed  there.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  care  with 
which  every  article  of  clothing,  and  every  ribbon  or 
scrap  of  paper  found  upon  the  infant  at  the  time  of 
its  reception  into  the  Enfants  Trouves  was  preserved. 
The  reason  for  this  extreme  care  was  the  same  cause 
that  led  to  the  charitable  carelessness  shown,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  accepting  the  statement  made  by  any 

VOL.  I.  11 


i62     A   NEW    CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

person  professing  to  have  picked  up  a  deserted  child. 
The  corruption  of  polite  society,  at  this  time,  made  the 
Enfants   Trouves   not    only   a   refuge   for   the    infants 
of   starving  parents,  or   for   the  illegitimate    offspring 
of  poor  and   ruined    girls  ;    it  was  also  a  convenient 
hidino'-place  for  the  too  palpable  proofs  of  the  sins  and 
follies  of  the  rich.     Members  of  the  very  best  society 
did  not  hesitate  to  use  the  Enfants  Trouves  upon  an 
emergency,^  and  it  happened  sufficiently  often  that  the 
Establishment  profited   by   the  generous   donations  of 
these  illustrious  patrons,  when  some  change  of  circum- 
stances  enabled    them   to  reclaim  and   acknowledge  a 
secretly  treasured  child.     It  was,  then,  plainly  to  the 
interest  of  the  Managers  of  this  Institution  to  use  every 
effort  to  preserve  scrupulously  every  token,  or  record, 
that  could    assist   parents    to   identify  their   children, 
and  serve  to  satisfy  them  that  no  confusion  had  taken 
place.     The  registers  of  the  Enfants    Trouves  during 
the  eighteenth  century  are  still  in  existence,   and  are 
carefully  preserved  in  strong  chests  kept  in  the  greniers 
of  the  present  Hospice  des  Enfants  Assistes,  in  the  Rue 
de  I'Enfert-Rochereau.     Thanks  to  the  kind  permission 
of  M.  Briele,  Archivist  of  the  Administration  of  Public 
Assistance,  and  to  that  of  the  Director  of  the  Hospice, 
I  have  been  allowed  to  examine  these  interesting  records, 
and   to    verify  the  minute  precautions  taken   for  pre- 
serving the  smallest  piece  of  ribbon,  medal,  or  slip  of 
paper  that  might  be  found  upon  the  infant  at  the  time 
of  its  reception  into  the  Enfants  Trouves.     Nothing  can 
be  more  pathetic  than,   in    turning  over  these  yellow 
leaves,    to   find    frequently   pasted   on   to   the   formal 
proces  verbal,  some  scrap  of  writing  or  stamped  card, 

^  The  Comtesse  de  Tencin,  mother  of  d'Alembert,  caused  him 
actually  to  be  exposed  on  the  steps  of  the  Church  of  St.  Jean  le 
Rond,  on  the  16th  of  November,  1717.  The  proc6s  verbal,  drawn 
up  on  this  occasion,  by  "  Nicolas  Delamai-e,  Conseiller  du  Roy 
Commissaire  au  Chastelet,"  may  still  be  seen  amongst  the  registers 
of  the  Eafants  Trouves, 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     163 

or  perhaps  the  careful  description  of  some  token,  or 
ornament,  left  with  the  infant  for  purposes  of  future 
identification.  The  plan  followed  was  to  preserve 
separately  the  original  proces  verbal,  drawn  up  by 
the  Commissary  of  Police  who  had  first  received  the 
child.  A  copy  of  this  document,  with  all  that  it 
contained,  was  entered  in  the  registers  of  the  Institution, 
under  the  number  and  name  of  the  child  concerned,  and 
was  also  re-copied,  and  carefully  sewn  up  in  a  sachet 
that  was  fastened  round  the  infant's  neck.  When,  as 
was  generally  the  case,  the  child  was  sent  into  the 
country  to  be  nursed  and  cared  for,  until  its  fourth  or 
fifth  year,  the  foster-mother  received  orders  to  preserve 
the  precious  sachet ;  and  she  forfeited  payment  if  she 
failed  to  produce  with  the  child  the  proofs  of  its  identity. 
This  system  was  practically  so  successful,  that  the 
registers  are  full  of  entries  relating  to  the  reclamation 
of  children. 

If  even  one  of  Therese  Levasseur's  children  had  been 
sealed  in  this  way,  the  token,  and  the  record  of  the 
token,  must  have  been  discovered  in  1761,  when  the 
Duchess  of  Luxembourg,  at  Rousseau's  prayer,  caused 
a  search  to  be  made  through  the  registers  of  the 
Enfants  Trouv^s.  The  Cimfessions  establishes  1746, 
or  the  commencement  of  1747,  as  the  date  of  Therese's 
first  visit  to  Mdlle.  Gouin.^  The  circumstances  of  Rous- 
seau's life  make  it  impossible  to  suppose  that  there 
could  have  been  any  more  of  these  visits,  or  any  occasions 
for  them,  after  he  left  Paris  for  the  Hermitage  in  1756  ; 
and  when  his  life  with  Therese  had  henceforth  spectators, 
with  the  bright  eyes  of  Madame  d'Epinay  and  the 
worldly  wise  ones  of  the  Marechale  de  Luxembourg. 
Thus  1754,  or,  at  the  latest  possible  date,  1755,  must 
be  taken  as  the  limit  of  the  period  in  which  these  five 
births  are  supposed  to  have  taken  place.  Now,  is  it 
credible  that,  given  the  care  with  which  the  books  of 
the  Enfants  Trouves  are  proved  to  have  been  kept,  no 
1  See  Note  E,  Appendix. 


i64     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

trace  should  remain  in  1761  of  any  entry  applicable  to 
any  one  of  these  five  infants  ;  all  supposed  to  have  been 
left  with  the  Commissary  by  the  same  woman,  who 
probably  was  living  at  this  time,  ^  and  should  have  been 
able  to  give  circumstantial  evidence  leading  up  to  a 
discovery  ?  If  even  in  the  case  of  the  last  four  children 
it  is  possible  to  imagine  that  no  distinguishing  sign  of 
identity  could  be  established,  there  was  the  first  child, 
who  should  have  been  easily  traced  by  means  of  the 
duplicate  card  to  the  one  still  in  Rousseau's  possession. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  person  making  these 
inquiries  on  Rousseau's  behalf,  was  the  wife  of  a  Marshal 
of  France,  and  one  of  the  greatest  ladies  of  the  day ; 
not  only  so,  this  present  Duchess  of  Luxembourg  had 
behind  her  the  reputation  of  the  former  Countess  de 
Boufflers :  that  is  to  say,  the  reputation  of  the  most 
immoral  amongst  the  many  immoral  Court  Beauties  of 
her  time.^  The  managers  of  the  Enfants  Trouves,  then, 
might  easily  have  concluded  that  the  Duchess  had  some 
especial  and  personal  interest  in  the  particular  child,  or 
children,  whom  she  desired  to  trace.  And  who  can 
doubt  of  their  zeal  to  assist  one  who  might  prove  so 
influential  and  generous  a  benefactress  to  their  Institu- 
tion ?  In  spite  of  all  this,  nothing  could  be  found.  No 
proces  verbal :  no  entry  in  the  registers  :  no  trace  of 
Rousseau's  duplicate  card  :  no  proof  that  any  infant  had 
been  received  under  corresponding  circumstances,  at  the 
Enfants  Trouves  at  all. 

But  the  mysterious  vanishing  out  of  existence  of 
these  five  infants,  and  of  all  traces  of  them,  is  not  the 
only  reason  for  concluding  that  they  never  entered 
existence.  We  have  to  weigh  also  the  significant  silence 
of  Grimm  and  Diderot ;  both  of  whom  according  to  the 

1  At  the  British  Museum  I  have  found  a  book  entitled  Etat 
Actuel  de  Paris,  1788,  that  gives  a  list  of  streets  and  inhabitants. 
At  the  entry  19,  Rue  Neuve  Pointe  Ste.  EustacLe,  I  find  M.  Goum, 
Agent  des  Villes  de  Provence. 

2  fciee  Memoir es  de  Bese-itval. 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     165 

Co7ifessions}  liad  been  told  by  Rousseau  of  the  destiny 
he  had  given  his  children.  If  these  two  most  bitter 
enemies  of  Jean  Jacques,  who  also  enjoyed  the  confidence 
of  Therfese  and  of  her  mother,  did  not  possess  information 
concealed  from  Rousseau,  it  is  difficult  to  explain  why 
they  should  have  refrained  from  betraying  just  this  one 
secret ;  when  they  unhesitatingly  published  all  others 
that  could  prove  injurious  to  their  former  friend.  It  is 
impossible  to  suppose  that  any  delicacy  about  revealing 
a  confidential  communication  kept  them  silent.  Upon 
other  occasions,  they  showed  no  such  delicacy.  Rous- 
seau's private  letters  to  them,  the  stories  of  his  boyish 
errors  related  to  them  in  hours  of  expansion,  his  unlucky 
passion  for  the  mistress  of  the  Marquis  de  Saint-Lambert, 
and  the  miseries  and  scruples  it  gave  him,  his  move- 
ments of  impatience  and  his  disturbing  suspicions  of 
Madame  d'Epinay — all  these  confidences,  from  the  very 
moment  of  their  quarrel  with  their  ''friend,"  were 
published  and  given  to  the  world.  Even  before  any 
open  rupture  had  taken  place,  Grimm,  who  owed  his 
introduction  to  Diderot  and  to  Madame  d'Epinay  to 
Rousseau,  used  these  introductions  to  teach  both  the 
Encyclopaedist  and  the  lady  to  distrust  the  man  who 
had  given  him  all  the  acquaintances  he  knew  how  to 
make  such  good  use  of.  Diderot's  correspondence  with 
Grimm  proves  that  at  a  time  when  he  professed  to  be 
still  Rousseau's  friend — "  the  only  one  left  him  " — he 
was  writing  of  him  behind  his  back  in  terms  almost  of 
loathing.  After  the  quarrel  there  was  no  pretence  of 
any  respect  for  the  past  friendship  ;  nor  of  confining  the 

^  "  Get  arrangement  me  parut  si  bon,  si  sense,  si  legitime,  que  si 
je  ne  m'en  vantai  pas  ouvertement  ce  fut  uniquement  par  6gard 
pour  la  mere  :  mais  je  le  dis  a  tous  ceux  a  qui  nos  liaisons  n'^taient 
pas  cachees,  je  le  dis  k  Diderot,  i  Grimm,  je  I'appris  dans  la  suite  a 
Madame  d'Epinay  et  dans  la  suite  encore  a  Madame  de  Luxembourg, 
et  cela  librement  franchement  sans  aucune  espt^ce  de  necessite  et 
pouvant  aisement  le  cacher  a  tout  le  monde  ;  car  la  Gouin  6tait  una 
tres  honnete  femme  tr^s  discrete  et  sur  laquelle  je  comptois  parfaite- 
ment."     {Gonf.,  pt.  ii.,  liv.  viii.) 


i66     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

attack  upon  Rousseau  to  questions  connected  with  the 
immediate  dispute. 

Thus  in  his  list  of  Rousseau's  seven  crimes,  Diderot's 
zeal  to  prove  his  chosen  companion  and  friend  of  other 
days  "a  monster,"  leads  him  to  travel  back  five-and- 
thirty  years  to  the  time  when  Jean  Jacques,  at  sixteen,  let 
himself  be  converted  from  Protestantism  to  Catholicism, 
in  order  that  he  might  find  himself  of  the  same  faith  as 
his  adored  benefactress,  Madame  de  Warens.  Diderot, 
anxious  to  make  the  most  of  this  abominable 
"apostasy,"  says  not  one  word  about  the  age,  or  the 
circumstances,  of  the  little  run-away  lad  who  committed 
it.^  Upon  other  occasions  this  indictment  shows  the 
same  excess  of  zeal  in  its  endeavour  to  give  a  false  and 
distorted  account  of  comparatively  innocent  events  ;  and 
its  efforts  to  exaggerate  faults  of  temper  and  self-control 
into  enormous  crimes.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  nothing  very 
enormous,  no  sceleratesse  worthy  of  the  name,  is  proved 
against  Rousseau.  But  what  is  abundantly  proved  is 
the  strong  and  fierce  desire  of  the  angry  man  who 
makes  these  charges,  to  use  up  every  scrap  of  evil 
evidence  he  has,  and  so  make  the  very  most,  and  very 
worst,  of  it.  How  does  it  come  about  then,  that, 
animated  with  this  honest  zeal  to  let  the  world  know 
at  last  the  atrocious  character  of  the  infamous  Jean 
Jacques,  Diderot  should  have  forgotten,  or  intentionally 
omitted,  all  mention  of  the  Enfants  Trouves  ?  Here, 
one  would  have  thought,  was  something  nearer  at  hand 
and  calling  for  more  serious  indignation  than  the  change 
of  faith  of  a  lad  of  sixteen,  for  motives  not  wholly 
religious  ;  a  more  mischievous  crime  than  his  sentimental 
love-making  to  Madame  d'Houdetot,  injurious  to  no  one 
but  himself ;  a  sin  of  blacker  dye  than  the  exclamation, 

^  Diderot "  shows  a  complete  f orgetf ulness,  too,  of  a  far  more 
discreditable  passage  in  his  own  past  when  he  obtained  1,200  francs 
from  a  certain  Fr^re  Ange  by  the  pretence  of  his  desire  to  become  a 
monk.  Diderot  was  more  than  twenty  at  the  time  of  this  escapade. 
(See  Memoires  de  Diderot,  Edition  Tourneux,  vol.  i.,  p.  xxxvi.)    . 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS    CHILDREN     167 

"  Come,  let  us  be  off  to  bed  ! "  wlien  Diderot  proposed  to 
read  him  one  of  his  works  in  MS.  Yet  Diderot  keeps 
his  eyes  steadily  averted  from  the  Enfants  Trouves.  So 
do  the  other  best-informed  of  Rousseau's  enemies,  who 
all  prefer  to  exaggerate  trifling  faults  and  to  invent 
imaginary  crimes,  rather  than  to  give  the  world  their 
personal  knowledge  of  all  the  circumstances  connected 
with  Rousseau's  inhuman  barbarity  to  his  children.^ 

What  are  we  to  conclude  then,  if  not  that  this 
hnoivledge,  these  active  enemies  of  Bousseau  jealously 
tvithheld,  ivas  favourable  to  him,  and  not  the  reverse  f 
A  curious  letter  in  the  Supplement  of  the  Journal 
de  Paris  for  December  2,  1789,^  throws  some  light 
on  the  subject.  The  author  of  the  letter  is  Cerutti, 
who  is  defending  the  late  Baron  d'Holbach  from  the 
charge  of  having  been  unfriendly  to  Rousseau.  Accord- 
ing to  Cerutti,  Holbach  was  anxious  to  rouse  the 
indolent  Jean  Jacques  to  fresh  musical  efforts;  and 
therefore  the  Baron  was  in  the  way  of  insinuating  in 
the  presence  of  the  author  of  the  Devin  du-  Village 
that  this  work  was  not  his  own.  The  unreasonable 
Jean  Jacques,  instead  of  recognizing  the  kind  intentions 
of  the  Baron,  took  umbrage  at  these  observations ! 
Then  Holbach,   again  animated  by  the  most  amiable 

1  Even  when  Le  Sentiment  des  Citoyens  appeared,  Grimm,  whom 
Yoltaire  would  naturally  have  expected  to  support  him,  had  nothing 
more  to  say  of  Jean  Jacques'  denial  of  the  chai-ge  than — "  Ceux 
qui  ne  se  paient  pas  de  mots,  diront  que  nier  n'est  pas  prouver." 
{Corr.,  February,  1765.)  Diderot  and  Grimm  were  in  close  alliance 
with  Pierre  Rousseaia  of  Toulouse,  editor  of  the  Journal  Eneyclo- 
pedique,  who  was  Voltaire's  servile  adulator.  Yet  Grimm  and 
Diderot,  who  might  so  easily  have  enlightened  Pierre  Rousseau,  let 
him  commit  the  blunder  of  professing  virtuous  indignation  at  the 
libel.  "  Ne  voudrat-on  jamais  separer  I'ecrivain  de  ses  opinions  !  " 
exclaims  the  deluded  Pierre  :  "  que  Ton  combatte  les  principes  de 
M.  Rousseau.  Nous  applaudissons  aux  citoyens  et  aux  theologiens 
qui  en  le  refutant  cherchent  a  I'eclairer,  mais  nous  respectons  trop 
ses  moeurs  dont  nous  connaissons  I'integrite  pour  ne  pas  le  defendre 
centre  toute  imputation  odieuse."  {Journal  Encyclojjedique,  Api-il, 
1765.) 

2  See  page  32,  Chap.  II. 


i68     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

feelings,  had  joined  with  Diderot  and  Grimm  in  a 
friendly  plot — "  unc  conspiration  amicale  " — that  had 
for  its  purpose  (by  his  account)  the  separation  of  Rous- 
seau from  Therese  Levasseur ;  since  the  union  between 
his  genius  and  an  attachment  so  unworthy  was  absolutely 
too  distressing  a  spectacle  for  his  friends.  Holbacli 
does  not  appear  to  have  explained  to  Cerutti  in  what 
this  "  conspiration  amicale "  actually  consisted,  but 
when  we  recollect  the  long  and  mysterious  consultations 
between  Madame  Levasseur  and  Grimm,  of  which  Rous- 
seau speaks,  and  the  private  interviews  between  Diderot 
and  Therese,  that  gave  her  the  opportunity  of  imploring 
him  to  offer  Jean  Jacques  those  counsels  of  worldly 
prudence  that  were  so  badly  received,  we  are  disposed 
to  conclude  that  the  plot  must  have  been  luith  the 
Levasseurs,  rather  than  against  them.  There  is  the 
suspicious  circumstance  too  that  Grimm,  neither  wealthy 
nor  generous,  paid  a  pension  during  many  years  to  old 
Madame  Levasseur,  whose  only  apparent  claim  upon 
him  was  that  she  was  the  mother  of  the  mistress  of  the 
man  whom  he  detested.  As  Madame  Levasseur  was 
supplied  by  Rousseau  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  simple 
humanity  could  not  have  been  the  reason  for  M.  Melchior 
Grimm's  unwonted  benevolence  ;  nor,  as  Rousseau  him- 
self observes,  could  this  old  woman's  conversation  have 
possessed  in  itself  so  great  a  charm  that  Grimm  could 
have  found  here  a  sufficient  reason  for  the  long  and 
confidential  interviews  ^  he  arranged  with  her.  All  this 
points  to  the  existence  of  some  common  secret — to  some 
services  rendered  by  Madame  Levasseur,  that  Grimm 
counted  worth  paying  for ;  or  some  information  he 
considered  it  necessary  to  bribe  her  to  withhold.  So  far 
as  Diderot  is  concerned,  it  was  quite  in  his  character  to 

^  "  Quand  nous  quitta,ines  Paris  il  y  avait  deja  longtemps  que 
Madame  Levasseur  etait  dans  I'usage  d'aller  voir  M.  Grimm  deux 
au  trois  fois  par  mois,  d'y  passer  quelques  heures  a  des  conversations 
si  secretes  que  le  laquais  meme  de  Grimm  etait  renvoy^."  {Con/., 
pt.  ii.,  liv.  ix.) 

"Le  Pere  Berthier,  y  voyait  souvent  Madame   Levasseur.     Un 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     169 

desire  to  benefit  his  friends  by  officious  interference ; 
and  also  by  secret  and  elaborate  plans  to  make  them 
happy  against  their  will/  We  know  that  Diderot 
endeavoured  to  persuade  Rousseau  that  his  notion  of 
giving  up  the  lucrative  post  he  owed  to  M.  de  Francueil's 
patronage,  and  of  refusing  the  pension  offered  him  by 
Louis  XV.,  was  insane  folly. ^  Jean  Jacques'  notion  of 
living  upon  his  own  earnings  as  a  copyist  of  music,  and 
not  by  any  profits  derived  from  his  writings,  was  equally 
an  offence  in  Diderot's  eyes.     Was  not  this  pretence  of 

jour  que  je  ne  pensais  a  rien  moins,  il  m'^crivit  de  sa  part  pour 
m' informer  que  M.  Grimm  lui  offi-ait  de  se  charger  de  son  entretien 
et  pour  me  demander  la  permission  d'accepter.  Je  compris  que  la 
bonne  vieille  ne  me  demandait  ma  permission  (une  permission  dont 
elle  aurait  bien  pu  s'en  passer  si  je  I'avais  refusue),  qu'afin  de  ne  pas 
s'exposer  a  perdre  ce  que  je  lui  donnai  de  men  cote.  Quoique  cette 
charite  me  parut  tres  extraordinaire  elle  ne  me  frappa  pas  alors 
autant  qu'elle  a  fait  dans  la  suite."    (liv.  x.) 

"  Les  longs  et  frequents  entretiens  de  Grimm  avec  Madame 
Levasseur  depuis  plusieurs  annees  avait  change  sensiblement  cette 
femme  a  mon  egard.  De  quoi  traitaient  ils  dans  ces  singuliers  tete- 
a-tete  ?  La  conversation  de  cette  vieille  etait  elle  done  assez  agreable 
pour  la  prendre  ainsi  en  bonne  fortune  et  assez  importante  pour  en 
faire  un  si  grand  secret  1"    (liv.  ix.) 

^  "  Some  of  Diderot's  benevolent  schemes  were  certainly  of  a 
dubious  character ;  there  seems  to  linger  about  them  a  touch  of  the 
sanctification  of  means  by  ends  which  we  may  attribute  to  his 
Jesuit  education.  In  his  comedy  Est  il  hon  ?  Est  il  mechant  ?  he 
has  satirized  himself  in  the  person  of  the  hero  Vlardomir,  a  man 
who  gets  into  terrible  scrapes  with  his  friends  from  the  questionable 
devices  by  which  he  tries  to  serve  them ;  obtaining,  for  instance,  a 
pension  for  a  widow  lady  by  pretending  that  her  child  is  illegitimate, 
and  causing  an  obdui-ate  mother  to  acquiesce  eagerly  in  the 
marriage  of  her  daughter  by  delicately  suggesting  she  has  been 
seduced.  We  find  Diderot  carrying  on  various  benevolent  little 
intrigues  of  this  kind  when  we  read  his  letters  to  Mdlle.  Volland." 
{The  Neio  Sjnrit,  by  Havelock  Ellis.) 

-  "  Diderot  me  parla  de  la  pension  avec  un  feu  que  sur  pareil 
sujet  je  n'aurais  pas  attendu  d'un  philosophe.  II  ne  me  fit  pas  un 
crime  de  n'avoir  pas  voulu  etre  presente  au  roi,  mais  il  m'en  fit  un 
terrible  de  mon  indifference  pour  la  pension.  II  me  dit  que  si 
j'6tais  d6sint6resse  pour  mon  compte,  il  ne  m'^tait  pas  permis  de 
Fetre  pour  celui  de  Madame  Levasseur  et  de  sa  fiUe."  {Conf.,  pt. 
ii.,  liv.  viii.) 


I70    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

being  more   disinterested,   and  independent,   tlian   the 
men    amongst   whom   he    lived    a   sign   of    concealed 
arrogance  ?     By  all  means  let  Rousseau  protest  against 
the  corruption  and  falsity  of  the  times — but  why  should 
he  injure  himself,  and  bring  rej)roacli  upon  those  who 
did  not  care  to  imitate  his  imprudence,  by  refusing  his 
share   in   the   private   favours   that,    to    some   extent, 
consoled  men  of  talent  for  the  reign  of  injustice  ?     Had 
Jean  Jacques  the  conceit  to  imagine  that  his  solitary 
example  was  of  such  importance  that  it  could  change 
the  customs  of  his  time  ?  or  was  he  so  much  nobler  a 
being,  that  what  was  moral  and  consistent  enough  to 
satisfy    other    high-minded    philosophers     (say    Denis 
Diderot,  for  instance)  was  not  sufficiently  virtuous  to 
satisfy   him  ?     This   is   the    strain    of    argument    that 
pervades  Diderot's  correspondence  with  Rousseau ;  and 
the  Levasseurs  are  constantly  being  brought  forward  as 
persons  who  have  a  stronger  claim  upon  his  consideration 
than  any  high-flown  principles.     It  was  in  keeping  with 
this  conduct  that  Diderot  should  have  been  willing  to 
countenance  a  deception  played  off  upon  this  impractic- 
able man  that  might  bring  home  to  him  a  sense  of  the 
obligation  he  was  under  to  live  more  like  other  people ; 
and  to  sacrifice   his  absurd  mania  for   consistency  to 
considerations  of  common  prudence  and  the   interests 
of  those  dependent  upon  him.     If  Th^rese,  by  posing 
as  an  injured  mother  whose  sacrifices  were  made  necessary 
by  this  stupid  obstinacy  in  the  man  who  w\as  her  natural 
protector,  could  bring  Jean  Jacques  to  his  senses,  the 
fraud  became  a  pious  one ;  and  Rousseau's  friends  had 
nothing  better  to  do  than  to  lend  it  their  support.     Let 
Therese  force  Rousseau  to  marry  her — why  not  ?   Diderot 
himself  had  married  a  woman  nearly  as  illiterate  and 
coarse,  and  had  found  consolation  for  his  wife's  short- 
comings in  a  lifelong  flirtation  with  a  better-born  woman, 
all  soul  and  sentiment.     This  course  would  be  open  to 
Rousseau  also ;  and  in  the  meanwhile  marriage  would 
compel  him  to  look  to  the  practical  side  of  things  ;  and 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     171 

to  give  up  his  exasperating  vow  of  poverty.  It  is  not 
possible,  of  course,  to  say  positively  that  this  was  the 
course  of  reflection  followed  by  Diderot.  What  we  do 
know  is  that  he  was  one  of  the  "  friendly  "  conspirators 
who  had  entered  upon  some  plot  that  was  connected 
with  Rousseau's  relations  to  Therese  ;  and  that  this  plot 
certainly  did  not  set  itself  the  task  of  lifting  any  burthen 
of  unnecessary  self-reproach  from  Jean  Jacques'  shoulders, 
but  rather  of  increasing  that  burthen,  in  order  to  compel 
him  to  prosper  at  the  expense  of  his  principles. 

And,  now,  what  could  Therese's  motive  have  been,  if 
she  deceived  Rousseau  in  this  matter "? — and  how  could 
so  stupid  a  woman  have  imposed  so  successfully  upon 
one  of  the  most  gifted  of  men  ?  The  answer  to  these 
questions  can  only  be  given  when  we  have  examined 
Rousseau's  relations  to  Therese,  the  nature  of  the 
sentiments  he  felt  for  her,  and  the  causes  of  the 
extraordinary  influence  she  undeniably  exercised  over 
him. 

To  understand  the  position  thoroughly,  we  need  to 
go  back  to  the  first  meeting  between  Jean  Jacques  and 
Therese  Levasseur,  at  the  sordid  little  Hotel  Saint 
Quentin,  in  the  year  1743.  All  we  know  of  Therese,  at 
this  time,  is  that  she  was  about  two  and  twenty  years 
of  age,  a  girl  of  pleasant  appearance  and  quiet  manners, 
but  with  a  blemished  character  and  base  connections. 
Her  position  at  the  Hotel  Saint  Quentin  was  nominally 
that  of  needlewoman  to  the  hostess  ;  but  the  solitary  girl 
was  the  object  of  the  coarse  pursuit  of  the  frequenters 
of  the  tavern,  who  were  encouraged,  rather  than  checked, 
by  the  hostess,  herself  a  woman  of  bad  character.  Of 
Jean  Jacques  at  this  time,  we  already  know  more.  But 
it  should  be  remembered  that,  in  1743,  we  do  not  know 
him,  nor  does  he  know  himself,  as  the  ardent  prophet 
,  who  feels  inspired  to  reform  a  corrupt  society  by  the 
'  force  of  principles,  that  he  has  first  accepted,  and 
resolved  to  put  in  practice  himself.  At  this  period  of 
his  life,  Jean  Jacques  was  far  from  feeling  himself  a 


172     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

prophet.  He  was  a  disappointed  dreamer,  a  man  who  at 
thirty-five  years  of  age  recognized  that  happiness,  and 
his  true  life,  lay  behind  him.  His  present  surroundings 
were  discordant,  and  he  put  no  faith  in  the  future  ; 
haunted  as  he  was  by  vain  yearnings  after  what  reason 
told  him  could  never  be  recovered,  the  freedom  and 
peace  of  mind,  the  calm  enjoyment  of  nature,  the 
perfect  human  comjDanionship,  the  beautiful  sheltered 
home  amongst  the  snow-crowned  hills — all  elements  of 
the  happiness  that  had  died  for  him  with  a  capricious 
woman's  love.  Two  years  had  sufficed  to  wear  out  the 
transient  fit  of  energy  that  had  brought  him  to  Paris  with 
his  New  System  of  Musical  Annotation,  the  wonderful 
system  that,  in  the  sanguine  opinion  of  its  author,  v/as 
to  win  him  fame  and  fortune,  and — perhaps,  forgetful- 
ness  of  his  spoiled  romance,  left  behind  him  all  withered 
and  ugly  at  Les  Charmettes.  The  New  System  of 
Musical  Annotation  had  been  rewarded  by  a  Certificate 
of  Merit ;  and  had  become  a  weariness  even  to  its  author. 
Eighteen  months  of  practical  experience  as  Secretary  to 
the  French  Ambassador  at  Venice,  had  exhausted  his 
sudden  zeal  for  political  usefulness  ;  and  the  intellectual 
ambition  his  first  contact  with  the  literary  coteries  of 
Paris  had  awakened,  was  quenched  by  the  discovery  of 
the  spiritual  dryness  concealed  beneath  the  finished 
culture  of  the  day ;  and  of  all  the  cruelty  of  this 
sparkling  wit  and  play  of  minds,  above  the  tragical 
decay  of  those  sentiments  and  beliefs  by  which  the  soul 
of  man  has  always  been  sustained.  And  now,  weary  of 
schemes  of  personal  ambition,  and  of  efforts  to  make  his 
way  in  a  world  for  which  he  felt  he  was  not  born,  he 
had  one  only  aim — to  escape  from  Paris  once  and  for 
ever.  As  a  means  to  this  end,  his  present  purpose  was 
to  complete  and  sell  the  opera  he  had  commenced,  before 
his  departure  for  Venice  ;  and  having  thus  established 
his  reputation  as  a  musician  of  merit,  he  intended  to 
withdraw  to  some  quiet  town  where  he  might  live,  as 
he  had  before  done  at  Chambdry,  as  a  teacher  of  music. 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     173 

It  was  in  this  mood  of  profound  discouragement  that 
Fate  ordained  he  should  meet  Therese.  His  first  move- 
ment was  only  to  protect  from  persecution  a  forlorn 
young  creature,  whose  modest  and  timid  bearing  excited 
interest  and  pity.  In  Jean  Jacques'  sight  Therese  was 
a  simple  and  innocent  girl,  who  called  for  this  service 
from  any  honest  man,  the  witness  of  her  defenceless 
state.  But  soon  he  became  at  once  touched  and 
attracted  by  the  discovery  that  his  chivalrous  interfer- 
ence had  won  more  than  gratitude,  and  that  the  girl's 
shy  but  tender  gaze  dwelt  upon  him,  and  followed  him 
when  he  moved.  The  simple  Jean  Jacques  takes  all 
this  shyness  and  tenderness  for  what  they  appear.  He 
does  not  think  the  worse  of  Therese  because  of  her 
equivocal  position  at  the  Hotel  Saint  Quentin,  and  he 
refuses  even  to  hold  her  to  blame  when  she  acknow- 
ledges, with  many  tears,  "  a  single  fault  "  in  her  early 
girlhood,  due  to  her  ignorance,  and  the  skill  of  a  seducer. 
He  warns  Therese  that  he  cannot  marry,  but  offers  her 
his  protection,  with  the  assurance  that,  come  what  may, 
he  will  never  abandon  her :  and  Therese  is  only  too 
happy  to  accept  these  terms.  A  liaison,  formed  in  this 
way,  might  easily  enough  in  the  life  of  a  man  destined 
suddenly  to  leap  to  fame,  have  had  so  brief  a  duration 
as  hardly  to  acquire  the  notice  of  a  biographer.  But  it 
was  not  in  Rousseau's  power  to  treat  an  attachment  of 
this  sort  otherwise  than  seriously.^     He  did  more  than 

^  See  the  Venetian  episodes  of  Zulietta  and  the  little  girl  "  pro- 
tected "  by  himself  and  Carx'io.  The  peculiarity  in  Rousseau's  case 
is  that  he  starts  in  life  not  only  without  moral  principles  of  any 
sort,  but  with  the  perverted  notions  he  owes  to  Madame  de  Warens, 
and  to  the  vicious  examples  given  him  by  the  men  and  women 
amongst  whom  he  lives.  His  experience  of  life  then  is  the  opposite 
of  that  generally  made  by  the  young,  exposed  to  temptation  without 
principles  to  protect  them.  He  is  not  corrupted  by  experience  of, 
and  contact  with  evil,  but  this  experience  and  contact  help  him  to 
know  corruption  and  evil  to  be  odious,  and  he  arrives  at  good 
principles  by  power  of  the  moral  sense.  Nothing  can  be  worse  than 
bis   intention    in    the    case  of   the    Venetian  child,   but  he  is  not 


174     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

observe  the  terms  of  his  engagement  to  Therese.  He 
did  marry  her,  at  a  time  when  they  both  were  old, 
when  any  illusion  that  may  have  blinded  him  in  the 
early  days  was  over ;  when  he  knew  the  woman,  to 
whom  he  gave  a  name  he  had  made  illustrious,  to  be 
vulgar,  shrewish  in  temper,  untrustworthy  in  money 
affairs,  and  addicted  to  drink,  amongst  other  charming 
qualities  ;  but  when  he  could  forget  all  this,  to  remember 
only  that  she  had  been  his  companion  through  long 
years  of  poverty,  anxiety  and  exile  ;  his  kind  nurse  in 
sickness,  and  (as  he  fondly  believed)  the  one  being,  in 
a  false  world,  faithful  and  true  to  him.  But,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  Rousseau  married  Therese  from  the  first. 
He  took  her,  in  those  days  of  the  Hotel  Saint  Quentin, 
"  for  better  for  worse,  for  richer  for  poorer,  and  until 
death  parted  them."  And  during  the  thirty-five  years 
that  this  union  lasted,  he  shared  his  good  fortune  with 
her,  he  protected  her  as  far  as  possible  from  evil,  he 
endured,  without  a  murmur,  her  constant  complainings, 
he  screened  her  at  his  own  expense  from  blame ;  he 
trusted  her  blindly,  believing  the  whole  world  wrong, 
since  so  only  could  she  possibly  be  proved  right. 

No  doubt,  gratitude  for  Therese's  suj^posed  fidelity, 
and  for  her  real  attention  to  him  and  care  during  his 
frequent  illnesses,  had  much  to  do  with  Rousseau's  in- 
alterable afi"ection  for  one  with  whom  he  had  no  thought, 
no  taste,  in  common.  But  gratitude  was  not  the  only 
tie.  He  never  saw  this  woman  as  she  really  was  ;  dull, 
mindless,  incapable  of  self-improvement.  He  saw  her 
in  contrast  to  the  brilliant  and  fickle  fine  ladies  who, 
since  Madame  de  Warens  betrayed  him,  had  made  such 
havoc  of  his  heart,  and  of  his  time.  He  saw  her,  also, 
in  contrast  to  himself.  With  her  contented  ignorance, 
her  tranquil  insensibility  to  the  strife  of  spirits  in  the 
air,  she  was  a  refreshment  to  the  world-weary,  thought- 
conscious  of  outraging  any  principle  in  forming  this  plan  ;  it  is 
instinctive  feeling  that  makes  the  carrying  out  of  this  plan 
impossible,  and  compels  him  to  respect  innocence  and  youth. 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     175 

weary  man,  so  keenly  and  painfully  conscious  of  division 
of  mind  in  himself  and  all  around  him,  so  athirst  for  a 
life  at  one  with  itself,  not  torn  asunder  by  the  impulse 
towards  new  ideas  and  the  lingering  tenderness  for  old 
and  cherished  associations.  Therese  was  at  one  with 
herself.  In  Rousseau's  sight,  she  was  an  innocent  and 
healthy  being,  placed  by  nature  beyond  reach  of  the 
disturbing  ideas,  and  pernicious  influences,  that  had 
poisoned  for  him,  and  others,  the  sources  of  content- 
ment. The  sophistries  that  had  misled  the  clever 
Madame  de  Warens,  the  sentimental  subtleties  that 
were  at  once  the  delight  and  the  ruin  of  the  brilliant 
Madame  d'Epinay,  would  be  empty  words  in  the  hearing 
of  Therese ;  nor  would  either  the  errors  or  the  charms 
of  the  amiable  scepticism  of  the  day  win  any  admiration 
from  this  dull  and  sluggish  mind.  The  dulness  and 
sluggishness  were,  for  Rousseau,  the  highest  form  of 
wisdom — tranquil  simplicity ;  and  the  great  secret  of 
the  power  she  possessed  over  him  was  derived  from  his 
faith  in  her  untouched  candour,  her  unspoiled  and 
unerring  sincerity  of  soul. 

Unfortunately,  this  faith  was  a  delusion.  Therese 
was  no  unspoiled  child  of  nature.  In  reality,  she  was 
much  more  essentially  the  artificial  product  of  corrupt 
social  conditions,  than  either  of  the  two  cultivated 
women  with  whom  Rousseau  especially  compared  her. 
Madame  de  Warens  and  Madame  d'Epinay  were  both 
kind-hearted,  impulsive  women,  whose  caprices  were 
rather  perversions  of  the  head  than  of  the  heart.  But 
Therese  Levasseur's  was  a  perverted  nature,  core  through ; 
her  incapacity  for  mental  growth,  her  taste  and  talent 
for  low  intrigues,  her  jealousy  and  suspiciousness,  her 
lack  of  order  and  foresight,  her  inextinguishaljle  physical 
appetites,  that,  at  a  time  when  she  was  nearly  sixty 
years  of  age,  led  her  into  the  same  sort  of  scrapes  that 
befell  her  before  she  had  reached  womanhood — all  these 
characteristics  belonged,  not  to  a  simple  and  unsophisti- 
cated being,   but   to  an  unhappy  offspring  of   vicious 


176     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

parents,  reared  amongst  the  most  sordid  aspects  of 
town  life.  Therese's  first  lessons  were  the  examples  of 
a  scheming  mother,  a  feeble  and  bankrupt  father,  and 
older  brothers  and  sisters,  who  first  ill-treated,  and 
then  robbed  her.  The  girl  herself,  neglected,  untaught, 
had  been  allowed  to  fall  the  prey  of  a  seducer  in  her 
childhood,  and  thus  degraded  and  ruined  morally  and 
physically  beforehand,  she  had  been  thrust  into  life, 
with  her  precocious  knowledge  of  evil,  her  hopeless 
ignorance  of  all  things  beautiful  and  good,  to  take  what 
fate  might  bring  her,  on  the  strength  of  her  youth  and 
some  fresh  good  looks,  in  the  capacity  of  needle-woman 
and  general  drudge  to  the  disreputable  hostess  of  a 
second-rate  tavern.  What  fate  did  bring  her  was 
what  might  least  have  been  expected — the  serious  and 
strong  affection  of  a  man  like  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  ! 
No  doubt  Therese  was  incapable  of  appreciating  the 
true  worth  of  what  she  had  won.  The  genius,  the 
extraordinary  sensibility,  the  elevation  of  soul,  the 
touching  simplicity  of  heart — to  these  gifts  of  the 
spirit  incarnate  in  the  man  Jean  Jacques,  such  a  woman 
as  Therese  would  be  blind.  But  she  had  a  sufficient 
sense  of  the  social  and  intellectual  disparity  between 
herself  and  the  much-sought-after  author  and  musician, 
who  was  pestered  and  pursued  by  the  admiration 
especially  of  ladies  of  fashion,  to  realize  at  once  the 
advantages  and  the  perils  of  this  connection.  It  would 
depend  upon  herself  to  make  it  a  durable  union  ; 
and,  in  her  own  narrow  and  suspicious  way,  she  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  only  plan  for  holding  Jean 
Jacques  securely,  was  to  make  him  feel  she  was  necessary 
to  him,  and  to  drive  away  all  the  fine  friends  who 
might  draw  his  affection  aside,  or  teach  him  to  despise 
her. 

This  we  find  to  have  been  the  ruling  motive  of 
Therese's  conduct  during  all  the  years  she  lived  with 
Rousseau.  It  is  true  that,  whilst  Madame  Levasseur 
was  by  her  daughter's  side  to  counsel  and  direct  her, 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     177 

we  find  the  second  and  simpler  aim  of  getting  as  much 
out  of  Rousseau  as  possible.  But  with  Therese  herself 
this  was  always  a  secondary  object  to  the  one  that 
consisted  in  establishing  her  claim  over  the  man  who 
alone  stood  between  her  and  a  life  of  misery  and  scorn, 
whose  bitterness  she  knew.  When  Madame  Levasseur's 
influence  was  withdrawn,  we  find  Therese  quite  ready 
to  embroil  Rousseau  even  with  people  who  had  it  in 
their  power  and  will  to  help  his  material  fortunes,  but 
whom  Therese  dreaded  as  rivals,  or  as  enemies  to  herself, 
and  her  influence. 

During  the  first  four  years  of  their  liaison  there  was 
very  little  cause  for  jealous  anxiety,  and  if  during  this 
period  Therese  had  borne  Rousseau  any  children,  it  is 
probable  that  nothing  would  ever  have  been  heard  of 
Mdlle.  Gouin,  or,  in  this  connection,  of  the  Enfants 
Trouves.  Rousseau's  proud  theories  concerning  the 
advantages  of  a  general  State  education  for  all  children, 
and  especially  in  the  case  of  a  poor  author,  for  the 
children  who  must  otherwise  be  nourished  at  the  cost  of 
their  father's  dishonour,  would  never  have  stood  against 
the  obstinate  and  fierce  resistance  they  would  almost 
certainly  have  met  with  from  Therese.  Never  was  a 
man  less  capable  of  tearing  infants  from  their  mother's 
arms  than  the  emotional  and  sensitive  Jean  Jacques,  at 
once  reduced  in  his  proudest  moods  to  helplessness  by 
the  spectacle  of  a  woman's  tears.  And  there  is  nothing 
to  show  that  Therese,  while  she  was  incapable  of  the 
higher  emotions,  was  deficient  in  those  instincts  that 
make  even  female  animals  fight  and  scratch  in  defence 
of  their  young.  Therese  might,  and  probably  would, 
have  neglected  her  children  as  they  outgrew  physical 
dependence  on  her  care ;  but  everything  we  know  of 
her  goes  to  show  that  she  would  have  clung  to  them  in 
their  infancy  with  the  same  jealous  physical  attachment 
she  displayed  for  Rousseau.  Her  feeling  for  him,  at 
any  rate  during  the  years  whilst  their  conjugal  relations 
lasted,  may  not  merit  the  name  of  love ;  but  it  was  not 

VOL,   I.  12 


178     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

a  wholly  mercenary  and  selfish  feeling.  It  has  been 
said,  she  could  forget  material  advantages  if  these  came 
into  conflict  with  her  absorbing  desire  to  hold  the  first 
place  in  Rousseau's  affections.  Again,  she  was  willing 
to  forego  her  own  ease,  and  to  nurse  him  devotedly 
through  long  and  unromantic  illnesses,  requiring  services 
that  only  affection  could  have  made  otherwise  than 
humiliating,  but  which  she  never  rebelled  against,  nor 
neglected.  And  whilst  she  was  quite  careless  of  what 
misery  of  mind  she  occasioned  him,  she  showed  herself 
honestly  distressed  and  affected  even  to  tears  by  the 
spectacle  of  his  physical  sufferings.  All  this  should 
prove  that  Therese  would  not  readily  have  consented  to 
part  with  her  children  ;  and  besides,  she  had  nothing  to 
gain,  but  everything  to  lose,  by  abandoning  them. 
Her  interest  was  to  compel  Rousseau  to  recognize  the 
tie  between  them  as  a  binding  one ;  and  nothing  could 
have  strengthened  her  claim  upon  him  like  the  birth  of 
children.  But,  at  any  rate  during  these  first  four  years, 
no  such  event  happened ;  and  Therese  may  by  this 
time  have  come  to  the  conclusion  an  eminent  physician 
has  put  forward  to-day  :  ^  the  conclusion,  namely,  that 
Rousseau's  ill-health  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
become  a  father.  But  just  when  there  was  time  for 
Therese  to  arrive  at  this  conclusion,  so  destructive  of 
the  hopes  that  would  have  confirmed  her  claim  to  be 
regarded,  and  perhaps  to  be  recognized,  by  Rousseau  as 
his  wife,  came  his  dangerous  visit  to  Chenonceau — 
amongst  brilliant  men  of  the  world,  and  worse  still, 
captivating  ladies,  all  bent  upon  pleasure  and  disposed 
to  make  much  of  the  man  of  genius  who,  by  his  gifts 
and  his  eccentricities,  helped  to  enliven  them.  No 
doubt  Jean  Jacques,  wishing  to  amuse  his  poor  Therfese, 

1  Dr.  Roussel.  See  Grand  Carteret's  Eovsseau  juge  par  les 
Francais  d'aujourdhui.  Dr.  Roussel  maintains  that  medical  science 
settles  the  question  once  for  all  by  asserting  that  sufferers  from  the 
constitutional  infirmities  afflicting  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  are 
necessarily  childless. 


ROUSSEAU    AND    HIS   CHILDREN     179 

left  all  alone  in  Paris,  would  write  her  long  accounts  of 
the  gay  doings  at  Chenonceau  ;  and  of  his  own  dramatic 
and  musical  successes.  Therese,  "no  scholar,"  would  have 
recourse  to  her  mother  to  read  her  the  letters :  and  the 
intriguing  old  woman  would  impress  upon  her  daughter 
the  importance  of  binding  to  her  more  securely  the  man 
on  whom  they  both  depended,  and  who  might  so  easily 
be  drawn  aside  from  his  attachment  to  an  uneducated 
girl  by  the  charms  and  flatteries  of  the  fashionable  and 
accomplished  women  of  his  present  society. 

"  If  only  now  you  had  children  !  "  the  mother  would 
say ;  and  the  daughter  would  echo  the  regret  implied. 

And  upon  Rousseau's  return  he  learnt  what  he  had 
before  heard  nothing  about — that  Therese  expected  in  a 
short  time  to  become  a  mother.  We  may  choose  to 
think  that  Madame  Levasseur  derived  a  profit  from  the 
arrangements  she  was  directed  to  make  with  Mdlle. 
Gouin  ;  and  as  to  the  daughter,  we  have,  at  any  rate,  a 
perfectly  intelligible  theory  of  her  motive  for  leading 
Rousseau  to  suppose  that  she  was  magnanimously 
sacrificing  for  his  sake  the  joys  of  motherhood  after 
undergoing  all  the  pains.  Thus  these  imaginary  infants 
ofi"ered  up  by  their  mother  with  "  groanings,"  but  with- 
out resistance,  might  prove  a  more  binding  claim  upon 
such  a  man  as  Rousseau  than  even  the  presence  of  real 
children  would  have  been. 

It  might  be  urged  that  the  successful  carrying  out  of 
this  scheme  requires  us  to  suppose  the  Levasseurs  more 
clever,  or  Jean  Jacques  more  stupid,  than  can  easily  be 
believed  ?  But  the  answer  to  this  objection  is  that 
Therese,  by  virtue  of  her  stupidity,  or,  as  Rousseau 
described  it,  simplicity,  was  esteemed  by  him  on  all 
occasions,  before  the  wise  and  prudent,  worthy  of  belief. 
He  had,  too,  a  most  dangerous  confidence  in  the  instinct- 
ive wisdom  as  well  as  truthfulness  of  this  "  child  of 
nature."  "This  person  so  limited,  and  if  you  like  so 
stupid,"  he  says  of  Therese,  "  can  prove  an  excellent 
counsellor  on  diflicult  occasions.     Often  in  Sivitzerlayid, 


i8o    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

in  England,  in  France,  amidst  the  catastrophes  that 
hefell  me,  she  saw  what  I  did  not  see  Tnyself;  she  gave 
me  the  best  advice  to  folloiv ;  she  drew  me  hack  from 
perils  into  which  I  shoidd  myself  have  plunged 
blindly.^' 

A  great  deal  more  needs  to  be  known  about  Therese's 
influence  in  Rousseau's  life.     But  so  far  as  the  question 
of  his  children  is  concerned,  our   conclusion   may   be 
summed  up  in  a  few  words.     The  only  evidence  for  the 
existence  of  these  children  we  have,  to  weigh  against 
the  many  arguments  that  point  to  their  never  having 
existed  at  all,  is  the  unsupported  statement  of  a  woman 
who   can   be   shown   to    have   constantly,    upon    other 
occasions,  deceived  Rousseau ;  and  who  had  a  distinct 
object  for  deceiving  him  here.     He  not  the  less  remains, 
as  has  been  said,  morally  responsible  for  the  fault  he 
was  willing  to  commit,  and  believed  had  been  committed. 
But  before  weighing  the  actual  ofi'ence  we  should  attempt 
to  realize  all  the  circumstances  surrounding  this  man, 
all  the  motives  ruling  him,  all  the  difficulties  that  seemed 
to  make  an  opposite  course  of  conduct  impossible,  all 
the  plausible  arguments  that  might  so  easily  persuade 
him  that  in  following  the  course  most  convenient  to 
himself  he  was  also  considering  the  true  interests  of 
others.     Rousseau's   fault,    and   the    amount   of  moral 
blame  that  remains  with  him,  may  be  summed  up  in  his 
own  words — he  was  to  blame,  since  he  alloived  himself 
to  run  the  risk  of  incurring  obligatioyis  that  he  could 
not  fulfil.     When  this  has  been  said,  all  is  said.     He 
did  not  behave  with  inhuman  cruelty  to  Therese,  tramp- 
ling down  her  maternal  instincts.     He  did  not  expose 
frail  and  tender  infants  to  the  risk  of  perishing  from 
cold  or  hunger ;    nor   was   there   anything   practically 
barbarous  in  the  fate  he  was  willing  to  give  his  children, 
when   he  consented  that  they  should  be  sent  to  the 
Enfants  Trouves.     He  did  not,  when  he  wrote  the  Emile, 
hypocritically  denounce  in  others  the  very  acts  secretly 
practised  by  himself ;  on  the  contrary,  he  strove  in  this, 


ROUSSEAU   AND    HIS   CHILDREN     i8i 

the  noblest  of  his  works,  to  atone,  so  far  as  he  was  able, 
for  the  sin  in  his  past  that  caused  him  bitter  remorse  ; 
and  for  which,  as  he  says  himself,  "  he  never  was 
consoled." 

And  the  fault  must  be  weighed  against  the  atonement. 
If  Rousseau  had  not  been  haunted  by  personal  remorse, 
would  his  voice,  in  the  Emile,  have  had  the  passionate 
power  that  made  it  find  its  way  to  the  hearts  of  the 
cynical,  pleasure-seeking  men  and  women  of  his  day, 
awakening  in  them,  also,  memories  of  remorseful  tender- 
ness, and  new  regrets  for  all  the  innocence  and  mirth 
and  love  banished,  with  the  child,  from  their  homes  ? 
But  the  magical  sympathy  and  enthusiasm  of  compassion 
that  thrilled  this  repentant  self-accuser  travelled  further 
yet.  Throughout  Europe,  Rousseau's  voice  went,  pro- 
claiming with  even  more  resistless  eloquence  than  it 
had  proclaimed  the  Rights  of  Man,  the  Rights  of 
Childhood.  Harsh  systems,  founded  on  the  old  mediaeval 
doctrine  of  innate  depravity,  were  overthrown.  Before 
Pcstalozzi,  before  Froebel,  the  author  of  Emile  laid  the 
foundation  of  our  new  theory  of  education  :  and  taught 
the  civilized  world  remorse  and  shame  for  the  needless 
suffering,  and  the  quenched  joy,  that  through  long  ages 
had  darkened  the  dawn  of  childhood.^ 

^  See  Appendix,  Note  E. 


PART   IV 

THE  LEGEND  OF  ROUSSEAU'S   SEVEN   CRIMES 
I.  Two  "Crimes"  against  Madame  D'Epinay. 


CHAPTER   I 

THE   OFFER   OF   THE   HERMITAGE 

"We  have  now  to  return  to  the  Legend  of  Rousseau's 
Seven  Crimes  as  set  forth  in  Diderot's  "  tablettes  "  ;  and 
as  handed  down  to  posterity  in  Madame  d'Epinay's 
Memoirs.  Diderot,  when  stating  that  Rousseau  had  been 
guilty  of  seven  crimes  which  alienated  all  his  friends,  did 
not  classify  under  seven  heads  the  very  much  larger 
number  of  charges  he  brought  against  the  "  unhappy 
Jean  Jacques."  Taking  the  "tablets"  in  hand,  we  must 
try  to  arrange  in  some  order  these  confused  accusations, 
so  that  their  veracity  may  be  tested  :  and  the  best  plan 
will  be  to  accept  this  division  into  seven  leading 
charges,  and  to  examine  them  as  incidents  of  the  Legend 
of  Jean  Jacques'  sins  against  his  "  old  friends." 

Thus  we  have :  Tivo  crimes  against  Madame  d'Ejnnay. 
1.  He  accused  her  of  wishing  to  sow  division  between 
Madame  d'Houdetot  and  Saint-Lambert,  and  for  this 
purpose  of  having  tried  by  base  means  to  obtain 
Madame  d'Houcletot's  letters  to  Rousseau,  and  to  use  this 
information  to  awaken  Saint-Lambert's  jealousy.  2.  He 
refused  to  accompany  Madame  d'Epinay  to  Geneva ; 
and  justified  this  selfish  ingratitude  by  an  abominable 
letter. 

Tivo  crimes  against  Diderot;  and  two  against 
Saint- Lambert ;  all  four  entangled  in  the  story  of  an 
"  atrocious  letter  "  to  Saint-Lambert. 

One  crime  against  Grimm, :  that  he  accused  Grimm 
behind  his  back  of  treachery,  yet  made  him  the  umpire 
in  his  dispute  with  Madame  d'Epinay. 

Commencing     our     examination     with     Rousseau's 

i8s 


i86     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"  crimes  "  against  the  "  benefactress  "  who  gave  him  the 
Hermitage,  it  will  be  noticed  that  Diderot  does  not  stay 
to  inquire  whether  Rousseau  had  good  grounds  for  his 
suspicions  against  Madame  d'Epinay  ;  or  sound  reasons 
for  neglecting  to  offer  himself  as  her  travelling  com- 
panion, when  her  health  compelled  her  to  go  to  Geneva. 
The  position  taken  up  is  that  Jean  Jacques  was  so 
indebted  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  that  he  had  no  right  to 
complain,  let  her  do  what  she  would ;  nor  to  refuse  her 
any  service  she  claimed  at  his  hands,  let  it  cost  him  what 
it  might. 

Were  these  the  actual  relationships  between  Rousseau 
and  Madame  d'Epinay  ?  AVas  she  a  thoughtful  and  an 
attentive  friend,  as  the  Confessions  states  the  case,  who 
had  sought  to  please  him  by  a  graceful  action  ?  Or  was 
she  his  benefactress,  who  "  nourished  him,  his  mistress, 
and  the  mother  of  his  mistress,"  to  take  the  affirmations 
of  Diderot  ? 

The  story  as  it  stands  in  the  Memoirs  of  Madame 
d'Epinay  is  arranged  to  support  the  last  view  of  the  case  : 
consequently,  if  it  be  a  true  story,  it  proves,  among  other 
things,  that  Rousseau  has  given  us,  what  Saint-Marc 
Girardin  (more  polite  than  Sainte-Beuve)  describes  as  a 
fairy  tale,  un  conte  defee,  in  the  Confessions. 

Readers  will  recollect  the  pretty  story  told  there  of 
Madame  d'Epinay's  offer  to  Jean  Jacques  of  the  Her- 
mitage.^ One  day,  before  his  departure  for  Geneva,  in 
1754,  Rousseau  paid  a  visit  to  La  Chevrette,  Madame 
d'Epinay's  country  house  near  Montmorency  ;  and  walk- 
ing with  her  on  the  borders  of  the  forest,  noticed  a 
small  cottage,  which  had  actually  been  the  residence  of  a 
hermit  in  earlier  days,  and  still  bore  the  name  of  the 
Hermitage.  Struck  by  the  picturesque  solitude  of  the 
situation,  Rousseau  exclaimed :  "  What  a  delightful 
abode !  Here,  Madame,  is  the  retreat  I  should  choose  ! " 
At  the  time  Madame  d'Epinay  did  not  appear  to  give 
any  attention  to  the  remark.     But  some  twelve  months 

^  Confessions,  part  ii.,   liv.  viii. 


THE   OFFER   OF    THE    HERMITAGE     187 

later,^  after  his  return  from  Geneva,  when  he  again  paid 
her  a  visit,  the  mistress  of  La  Chcvrette  took  him  for  the 
same  walk  :  and  to  his  surprise  he  found  the  ruined  hut 
that  was  the  Hermitage,  had  now  been  transformed  into 
a  well-arranged  and  pleasant  little  dwelling,  quite  suitable 
for  three  persons  to  inhabit.  Madame  d'Epinay  had 
taken  pleasure  in  carrying  out  these  repairs,  and  had 
been  the  better  able  to  do  it  because  Monsieur  d'Epinay 
was  at  the  time  employing  a  large  number  of  workmen 
to  enlarge  the  chateau  of  La  Chevrette.  Now,  in  a  kind 
little  speech,  she  offered  this  dwelling  to  Rousseau. 

"  My  Bear,  she  said  to  me,"  writes  Rousseau,  "here  is 
your  place  of  refuge  ;  you  yourself  chose  it,  and  friend- 
ship offers  it  you.  I  hope  it  may  take  away  from  you 
the  cruel  notion  of  leaving  me."  "  Never  in  my  days," 
adds  the  author  of  the  Confessions,  "  was  I  more  deeply, 
more  delightfully  moved." 

But  notwithstanding  his  emotion,  and  his  delight  at 
Madame  d'Epinay's  thoughtful  kindness,  Rousseau  did 
not  at  once  renounce  his  intended  return  to  Geneva.  He 
hesitated  for  some  time,  and  Madame  d'Epinay  used  her 
best  efforts  to  persuade  him.  Then  the  winter  arrived 
and  the  walls  of  the  newly-built  cottage  had  to  get  dry. 
Rousseau's  mind  must  have  been  made  up  some  months 
earlier,  but  he  entered  the  Hermitage  on  the  9th  April, 
1756  ;  something  less  than  two  years  after  he  had  first 
fallen  in  love  with  the  ruined  hut  on  the  borders  of  the 
forest,  and  had  exclaimed,  "  Here  is  the  retreat  for  me  ! " 

Turning  now  to  the  story  in  the  Memoirs,  the  reader 
will  not  forget  that  by  Grimm's  account  in  the  Corre- 
spondarice  Litteraire,  Rousseau  "  persecuted  "  Madame 
d'Epinay  for  a  long  time  to  lend  him  the  small  house  on 
the  borders  of  the  wood  ;  "a  refuge  entirely  unsuitable 
to  a  man  of  his  morbid,  ill-balanced  mind,  where,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  he  became  mad,  after  a  few  months,  and 
left  it,  at  war  with  himself  and  all  mankind." 

In  the  Memoirs,  Ren^  does  not  exactly  "  persecute  " 
1  Summer,  1755. 


i88     A    NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  to  give  hi^n  Les  Eoches ;  but 
he  provokes  the  offer,  by  ap^Dcaling  to  her  in  his  per- 
plexities. The  Republic  of  Geneva  has  offered  him,  so 
the  story  goes,  the  well-paid  post  of  Librarian  in  that 
city.  But  he  does  not  want  to  go  there ;  first  of  all, 
he  distrusts  his  fellow  citizens  and  then  he  does  not 
want  to  leave  her,  and  his  "  dear  friends "  Volx  and 
Garnier,  But  he  cannot  endure  Paris  any  longer  ;  and 
he  has  no  means  of  procuring  himself  a  country  residence 
in  France.     What  is  he  to  do  ? 

The  kind  lady  sets  her  wits  to  work.  She  recollects 
there  is  a  little  cottage  on  her  estate  at  Montmorency, 
which  Re7ie  has  never  seen.^  It  will  need  repair,  but 
this  can  be  done  without  letting  him  know  that  it 
has  cost  her  anything.  She  decides  to  offer  him  this 
abode ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  up  for  him,  by 
adding  to  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  his  books,  a  fund 
enough  to  secure  him  a  small  income  sufficient  for  him- 
self and  "  Les  Elois,"  i.  e.  the  Levasseurs,  described  as  his 
housekeepers. 

But  when  making  these  proposals,  the  considerate 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  ureses  Ren^  to  weiafli  them 
against  the  advantages  of  the  offer  made  him  by  the 
Republic  of  Geneva :  and  she  concludes  in  this  admirably 
judicious  manner : — 

"  In  short,  my  good  friend,  reflect,  compare ;  and  feel 
very  sure  that,  in  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  my  only  wish 
is  that  you  should  choose  the  part  that  will  render  you 
most  happy.  Certainly,  I  feel  the  value  of  your  friend- 
ship, and  the  pleasure  of  your  society  :  but  I  believe  that 
one  should  love  one's  friends  for  their  own  sakes  first  of 
all." 

Reasonableness  incarnate  !  But  the  tone  is  not  one 
that  belongs  either  to  Madame  d'Epinay's  epistolary 
style,  or  to  the  attitude  she  was  entitled  to  take  up  in 
her  relations  with  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau.  It  indicates, 
however,  the  relationships  that  we  are  meant  to  assume 
^  See  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  229. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     189 

existed  between  the  patroness,  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
and  her  poverty-stricken  and  irrational  protege,  Rene. 
This  displeasing  personage,  true  to  his  character  of  taking 
everything  and  "  asserting  his  independence  by  ingrati- 
tude," begins  by  an  ungracious  refusal :  and  ends  by 
accepting  Madame  de  Montbrillant's  offer. 

The  kind  lady  is  delighted,  and  confides  her  plans  for 
Rene's  benefit  to  his  friend,  and  her  own  lover,  Volx;  who, 
to  her  surprise,  severely  disapproves  of  the  arrangement. 
Volx  upon  this  occasion  displays  extraordinary  prophetic 
powers :  he  foretells  that  Rene  will  certainly  go  mad  at 
Les  Roches,  because  "  no  one  is  less  suited  than  he  for 
the  solitude  of  woods."  He  will  quarrel  with  all  his 
friends,  and  accuse  his  benefactress,  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant,  of  having  persuaded  him  to  renounce  his 
country  ! 

This  is  the  story  that  Sainte-Beuve,  E.  Scherer,  Saint- 
Marc  Girardin,  and  Mr.  John  Morley  all  prefer  to 
Rousseau's  charming  history  of  Madame  d'Epinay's 
offer  to  him  of  the  Hermitage. 

The  first  fact,  however,  that  is  established  by  ex- 
amination of  the  different  manuscripts  of  the  Memoirs, 
is  that  the  account,  as  it  now  exists,  of  Madame  de 
Montbrillant's  offer  to  Rene  of  Les  Roches,  is  7wt 
Madame  d'Epinays  original  story.  But  that  we  have 
to  deal  with  one  of  the  episodes  that  have  been 
"  re-written  from  the  commencement." 

The  incident  occurs  in  the  130th  cahier  of  the  Arch- 
ives MS.  :  and  it  is  plainly  an  interpolation ;  written 
upon  pages  that  are  pasted  on  to  the  margin  of  pages 
that  have  been  cut  out. 

Amongst  the  Arsenal  Notes,  we  have  a  series  of 
instructions  given,  which  indicate  the  plan  that  has 
been  followed  in  this  interpolated  passage.  It  must  again 
be  insisted  upon  that  both  here  and  elsewhere  through- 
out this  inquiry,  the  notes  indicating  the  "  changes 
that  are  to  be  made  in  the  fable,"  show  what  did  7iot 
exist  in  the  first  version  of  the  story.     In  other  words, 


igo     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

we  have  some  negative  evidence,  at  any  rate,  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  suppressed  narrative.  We  know  that  it  did 
not  contain  any  of  the  statements  made  in  the  Notes. 

Here  (literally  translated)  are  the  Notes  that  will  be 
found  amongst  the  Arsenal  cahiers  : — 

A.  '^  Bene  is  sad,  the  life  of  Paris  wearies  him,  its 
injustice  7'evoUs  him.  The  arrival  of  Tronchin.  Rene 
introduces  him.'' 

B.  "  Rene  comes  to  confide  the  propositions  of  the 
Rejjuhlic,  what  reply  is  made  to  him.  A  mystery  is 
m^ade  of  it  to  Volx — as  about  the  letter  written  to  him." 

C.  "  TJie  history  of  Rene  learnt  by  Costa.  Volx 
knows  nothing  about  the  offer  of  Les  Roches.  When 
he  hears  about  it — my  friend,  she  replied,  do  not  tell 
me  that  twice ;  for  I  have  always  had  such  bad  luck 
when  doing  good,  that  the  notion  rnight  perhaps  come 
to  me  to  do  harm  in  order  to  see  if  it  did  not  serve  me 
better," 

D.  ''Describe  the  installation  of  Rene  at  Les 
Roches: — the  old  ivoman  is  carried — show  what  is 
meant  in  a  letter  to  Rene  by  the  exchange  of  mantles.^' 

If  the  Memoirs  are  to  be  checked  by  historical  events, 
the  epoch  reached  is  established  by  the  phrase  in  Note 
A  : — Vo^rrive  de  Costa,  Rene  le  presente.  Costa  is  the 
pseudonym  given  the  Doctor  Tronchin ;  and  the  Genevese 
registers,  consulted  by  Professor  Hitter,-^  establish  that 
this  famous  physician,  who  introduced  inoculation  for 
small-pox  amongst  the  upper  classes  in  France,  left 
Geneva  for  Paris  in  the  middle  of  February,  1756, 
invited  there  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  wished  to 
have  his  children  inoculated.  Tronchin  met  Rousseau 
for  the  first  time  upon  the  occasion  of  this  visit ;  and 
presented  him  to  Madame  d'Epinay.^ 

Volx   in   the   Memoirs  holds  the   same   position    in 

^  Nouvelles  Recherches  sur  les  Confessions  et  La  Correspondance 
de  J,  J.  Rousseau. 

2  See  Appendix,  Note  F. 


THE    OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     191 

Madame  de  Montbrillant's  circle  that  Grimm,  in 
February,  1756,  held  in  Madame  d'Epinay's ;  that  is  to 
say,  he  is  the  newly-accepted  lover,  who  signalizes  his 
accession  to  favour  by  working  to  clear  the  path  of  all 
rivals.  In  the  novel,  de  For7neuse  (de  Francueil),  who 
notwithstanding  his  proved  infidelity,  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant  desired  to  retain  as  a  friend,  Volx  has  insisted 
shall  be  forbidden  the  house.  Desbarres  (Duclos), 
whom  the  heroine  had  esteemed  it  wise  to  conciliate, 
has  been  transformed  into  an  open  and  dangerous 
enemy, — remain  now  Barsin  (Desraahis)  and  Rene,  to 
be  got  rid  of.  Volx  has  already  undermined  Madame 
de  Montbrillant's  friendly  feelings  for  Barsin  by  an 
irritating  manner  towards  him,  resented  by  the  victim 
of  it,  who  fails  to  recognize  the  extraordinary  superiority 
in  Volx  which  justifies  his  want  of  manners ;  and  who 
is  in  the  end  provoked  to  break  off  his  friendship. 

(Quotation.     Archives  MS.  Cahier.  130.     Brunet  MS. 
vol.  vii.  p.  360.    Printed  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  pp.  226-227.) 


JOURNAL    OF    MADAME    DE    MONTBRILLANT. 

"  I  pity  Barsin,  but  I  am  much  more  affected  by  the 
melancholy  that  has  taken  possession  of  Rene.  He  is 
unhappy  and  does  not  himself  appear  to  know  why. 
He  is  thoroughly  dissatisjied.  Paris  ivearies  him} 
his  friends  are  m,ore  often  in  the  way  than  agr'eeable 
to  him;  evei'ything  he  sees,  eve7-ything  he  hears,  re- 
volts hira,  and  makes  him  take  a  hatred  to  mankind. 
I  advised  him  to  travel.  He  replied  that  to  do  that, 
one  needed  health  and  money,  and  he  had  neither. 
'  No,'  he  said,  '  what  I  need  is  either  the  country  or  my 
native  city  ;  but  I  cannot  yet  decide  which  it  is  to  be. 
And  then,  perhaps,  you  don't  know  how  it  often  is  a 
sacrifice  almost  beyond  human  strength,  to  give  up  for 
ever  even  the  things  that  at  times  displease  one.     The 

j      ^  "  Eene  est  triste.    La  vie  de  Paris  I'ennuie." — Appendix,  Arsenal 
Notes  Ddd. 


192     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

best  thing  is  to  pay  no  attention  to  me  :  here  would  be 
the  greatest  favour  in  the  world — but  it  is  the  very  one 
my  dear  friends,  or  those  who  call  themselves  by  this 
name,  are  least  disposed  to  grant  me.' 

"'I  understand/  I  replied,  '  that  they  cannot  do  this; 
and  I  won't  promise  you  either  that  I  can  contrive  to 
satisfy  you  in  that  way.' 

"...  Rene  has  just  left  me :  his  soul  is  perplexed. 
My  own  is  in  the  same  state  of  doubt  about  the  reply 
I  ought  to  make  to  the  advice  he  asks  for.^  He  has 
received  letters  strongly  urging  him  to  return  for  good 
to  his  native  city.  '  What  decision  should  I  take  ? '  he 
asked  me.  '  I  neither  will,  nor  can  remain  in  Paris, 
I  am  far  too  unhappy  here.  I  should  be  quite  willing 
to  take  the  journey,  and  to  pass  some  months  in  my 
Republic  ;  but  by  the  proposals  made  me,  it  is  a  question 
of  fixing  my  abode  there,  and  if  I  accept  I  shall  be 
compelled  to  remain.  I  have  some  acquaintances  there, 
but  no  intimate  ties  with  any  one.  These  persons,  who 
hardly  know  me,  write  to  me  as  to  their  own  brother ; 
I  know  this  is  the  advantage  of  the  republican  spirit, 
but  I  distrust  such  suddenly  warm  friends ;  they  must 
have  some  motive  of  their  own.  On  the  other  hand, 
my  heart  is  touched  by  the  thought  that  my  native 
city  desires  my  return ;  but  then  again,  how  hard  to 
leave  Volx,  Garnier,  and  you.  Ah  !  my  dear  friend, 
how  tormented  I  am  ! ' 

"  '  Could  you  not,'  I  asked, '  without  engaging  yourself 
definitely,  make  a  trial  of  some  months'  sojourn  there  ? ' 

"  '  No,  the  off'er  made  me  is  of  a  character  to  be 
accepted,  or  refused,  at  once  and  finally.  And  even 
were  I  to  go  there  for  some  months  independently  of 
this  offer,  what  should  I  do  here  with  my  housekeepers, 
and  about  the  rent  of  my  rooms  ?  I  can't  afi"ord  the 
double  expense.  And  if  I  give  up  my  rooms  here  and 
take  the  Elois,  mother  and  daughter,  to  Geneva,  what 

1  "  Rene  vient  confier  les  propositions  de  la  Republique  ce  qu'on  lui 
repond." — Arsenal  Note,  Appendix  Ddd. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     193 

shall  I  do  with  them  there  ?  And  where  am  I  to  go,  in 
case  I  am  not  happy  at  Geneva  ? ' 

"  '  It  is  hardly  possible,  my  friend,  to  decide  such  an 
important  matter  as  this  in  two  hours;  give  yourself  the 
time  to  think  it  over  ;  I  will  think  it  over,  on  my  side, 
and  then  we  will  see.' 

"  They  propose  to  him,"  continues  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant,  "  the  chair  of  a  professorship  in  philosopJty  ;  ^ 
and  under  this  pretext  they  offer  him  a  salary  of  1,700 
florins.  I  don't  know  whether  he  sees  through  the 
arrangement,  but  he  does  not  say  so.  It  is  clear, 
however,  that  this  off'er  is  a  mere  pretext  for  giving  him 
an  income.  Saint-Urbain  ^  has  frequently  told  me  that 
the  honourable  consideration  belonging  to  these  posts  is 
the  only  advantage  derived  from  them,  the  usual  salary 
being  a  hundred  crowns.  They  are  in  a  general  way 
bestowed  on  men  who  are  well  off",  in  order  that 
interested  motives  may  not  attract  competitors.  Saint- 
Urbain  says  that  these  posts  are  filled  by  men  who  are 
distinguished,  and  really  learned.  So  far  no  one  could 
be  more  suitable  than  Rene  ;  but  it  is  to  he  feared  that 
he  ivill  "make  himself  a  professor  of  sophistry  and 
misanthropy^ 

Here  we  have  a  confusion  as  the  result  of  J.  C. 
Brunet's  endeav^our  to  lend  historical  accuracy  to 
Madame  de  Montbrillant's  narrative.  Turning  to  the 
printed  Memoirs  (vol.  ii.  p.  228)  we  find  that  instead  of 
a  professorship  of  philosophy,  it  is  a  place  of  lih7'arian 
which  Madame  d'Epinay  is  made  to  affirm  has  been 
offered  to  Rousseau — "  On  lui  propose  une  place  de 
hihliothecaire,"  etc.,  and  as  a  librarian  has  no  special 
opportunities  for  making  himself  "a  professor  of  sophistry 
and  misanthropy,"  this  phrase  (which  indicates  the  poor 

^  On  lui  projwse  une  chaire  de  prqfessew  en  philoso2)hie,  MS.  On 
lui  propose  une  place  de  bibliothecaire,  printed  Memoirs — alteration 
made  by  J.  C.  Brunet. — See  Appendix,  Note  D. 

2  Pseudonym  of  de  Gauffecourt. 

VOL.  I.  13 


194     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

opinion  the  benefactress  has  of  the  man  she  serves)  is 
omitted.  Another  alteration,  in  a  letter  from  the  j^'^otege 
to  his  protectress,  gives  the  key  to  this  alteration.  "  II 
s'enfaut  hien  que  mo7i  affaire  avec  mapatrie  soitfaite" 
writes  Rene,  in  the  MS.  "  II  s'en  faut  bien  que  mon 
affaire  avec  M.  TroncMn  ne  soit  faite,"  alters  the  editor. 

The  editor  had  remembered  that  in  the  Confessions  it 
is  said  that  some  time  after  the  Doctor  Tronclmts  return 
to  Geneva  he  wrote  to  Rousseau,  offering  him  the  title 
of  Honorary  Librarian  of  Geneva.  Professor  Ritter,  an 
authority  upon  all  questions  connected  with  Rousseau's 
relations  with  his  native  city,  explains  that  this  purely 
complimentary  title  was  conferred  upon  Genevese  authors 
whose  works  were  held  to  do  honour  to  their  country. 
But  such  an  honour  had  neither  duties  nor  emoluments 
attached  to  it. 

We  come  now  to  Volx's  comments  upon  Madame  de 
Montbrillant's  benevolent  action ;  and  here  it  will  be 
noticed  that,  inasmuch  as  it  has  not  been  found  necessary 
to  insert  in  the  note  indicating  the  changes  that  have  to 
be  made,  Volx's  unamiable  predictions  that  Rene  will  go 
mad  and  quarrel  with  every  one,  we  may  take  it  for 
granted  that  this  speech  did  exist  in  the  first  story. ^ 

(Quotation.  Archives  Cahier  130;  Brunet  MS.,  vol. 
vii.  p.  6  ;  printed  Memoirs,'^  p.  240.) 

MADAME   DE   MONTBRILLANT'S   JOTJRNAL. 

"  Rene  told  me  yesterday  that  he  had  decided  to 
accept  the  habitation  of  Les  Roches.  He  recommended 
me  to  keep  the  matter  secret ;  and  I  should  have  done 

1  "  II  faut  que  Volx  ignore  la  proposition  des  Roches.  Quand 
il  I'apprend  .  .  .  mon  ami — r^pondit  elle — ne  me  dites  pa  cela  deux 
fois,  car  je  me  suis  toujours  si  mal  trouv^e  de  faire  le  bien  qu'il  me 
prendrait  peut-etre  envie  de  faire  le  mal  pour  voir  si  je  ne  m'en 
trouverais  pas  mieux." — Arsenal  Note,  see  Appendix  D  d. 

2  The  editor  of  the  printed  Memoirs  inserts  in  this  place  a  letter 
of  Rousseau's,  which  is  made  to  agree  with  the  one  given  in  his 
correspondence.  Rent's  letter  in  the  manuscript  differs  essentially 
from  the  authentic  one, — See  Appendix  D. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     195 

this  even  had  he  not  exacted  it.  But  the  joy  his  letter 
caused  me  made  it  impossible  for  me  to  make  a  mystery 
of  it  to  M.  Volx,  who  was  present  when  I  received  it. 

"  I  was  very  much,  surprised  to  find  him  disapproving 
of  the  service  I  am  rendering  Rene  ;  and  disapproving  of 
it  also  in  what  appeared  to  me  a  very  harsh  manner. 
I  wished  to  alter  his  opinion,  and  therefore  showed  him 
the  letters  that  have  passed  between  us. 

"  '  I  only  see,'  he  said,  '  on  Rene's  part,  intolerable 
pride.  You  are  rendering  him  a  very  bad  service  in  giving 
him  Les  Roches  as  a  habitation ;  hut  you  are  rendering 
yourself  an  even  worse  one.  Solitude  will  entii'ely 
blacken  his  imagination.  He  will  see  all  his  friends 
in  a  false  light  as  unjust  and  ungrateful,  and  you  first 
amongst  them,  if  you  ever  venture  to  refuse  to  obey  his 
order's.  He  will  accuse  you  of  having  implored  him  to 
live  near  you,  and  of  having  prevented  him  from  accept- 
ing the  offers  made  him  by  his  country.  I  see  already 
the  germs  of  these  accusations  in  the  three  letters  you 
have  shown  me.  They  will  not  be  true,  but  they  will 
not  be  entirely  false  either,  and  that  will  suffice  to 
provoke  blame  ;  and  to  give  you  the  appearance  of  a 
fault,  that  will  be  no  more  true  than  other  faults  that 
you  have  been  before  now  unjustly  accused  of.'  *  Oh, 
my  friend!'  I  replied,  '  do  not  tell  me  that  ttvice,for  it 
is  true  I  have  always  had  such  bad  luck  ivhen  doing 
good,  that  the  notion  might  perhaps  come  to  me  to  do 
har7n,  in  order  to  see  if  it  did  not  sei've  me  better.' 
'  No,'  he  replied,  '  this  notion  will  never  come  to  you  ; 
but  whilst  continuing  to  do  the  best  you  can  for  yourself 
and  yours,  give  up  mixing  yourself  up  in  the  affairs  of 
others.  The  public  is  too  unjust  towards  you — I  assure 
you  that  the  very  least  that  will  come  of  this,  will  be 
that  you  will  be  laughed  at ;  they  will  say  that  it  is  to 
get  talked  about  that  you  have  given  Rene  a  house.'  .  .  . 
*  Ah,'  I  replied,  '  promise  me  that  nothing  worse  will 
come  of  it  than  this  false  interpretation,  and  I  shall 
easily  make  up  my  mind  to  bear  it.' 


196     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"  '  So  can  1/  returned  M.  Volx ;  '  hut  if  this  inter- 
pretation comes  after  a  rupture  with  Rene,  there  may 
be  graver  consequences  than  you  think. ^ 

"  '  But  this  won't  happen/  I  said ;  '  my  friendship 
requires  no  gratitude.  It  appears  clear  to  me,  that  this 
man  will  be  unhappy  wherever  he  goes,  because  he  is 
accustomed  to  be  spoilt ;  but  with  me,  he  shall  find 
constant  indulgence.  All  of  us  will  find  it  our  duty 
and  pleasure  to  render  life  easy  to  him.' 

"  '  That  is  very  fine,'  persisted  M.  Volx ;  '  but  one 
always  has  cause  to  repent  if  one  yields  to  unreason- 
ableness ;  this  man  is  full  of  it :  and  the  more  you 
tolerate  it  in  him,  the  worse  it  will  become.  However, 
the  mischief  is  done  :  you  can't  now  undo  it — but  try 
henceforth  to  act  as  prudently  as  possible.  But  how 
will  he  live  ?     And  what  are  you  doing  for  him  ? ' 

"  '  That  is  a  secret,  my  friend,'  I  replied.  '  He  won't 
cost  me  much,  he  shall  be  well  off  and  he  shall  remain 
ignorant  of  what  I  do  for  him,  he  shall  not  suspect  it  even.' 
***** 

"  I  have  been  trying  to  persuade  Rene  that  his 
principles,  which  would  be  very  estimable  if  he  were 
free,  become  very  blameworthy  in  his  situation ; 
because  he  should  7wt  permit  himself  to  expose  to 
destitution  two  ivomen  ivho  had  saved  him  from  it,  and 
who  have  sacrificed  everything  for  his  saJce^ — Madame 
de  Montbrillant  continues  : — '  This  consideration,'  I  said 
to    him,    '  ought   to   induce    you   to   accept   the    help 

1  (Inasmuch  as  Brunet  knew  it  could  not  be  asserted  that  the 
Levasseurs  had  rescued  Rousseau  from  destitution,  he  suppressed 
this  phrase),  the  printed  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  235. — See  Appendix, 
Note  D.  The  effort  is  to  establish  for  Rousseau  the  same  obligations 
towards  Madame  Levasseur  and  Therdse  that  Diderot  had  towards 
his  mother-in-law,  Madame  Champion,  and  her  daughter,  before  his 
marriage.  These  poor  womei:  lace-menders  and  seamstresses,  nursed 
the  clever  but  penniless  young  author,  who  fell  sick  in  a  garret 
above  their  own  fifth  storey,  through  a  dangerous  illness.  Diderot 
then  actually  owed  his  life  to  them,  and  he  paid  his  debt  by  being 
far  more  inconstant  to  his  wife  than  Jean  Jacques  was  to  Th6rese. 


THE    OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     197 

friendship  offers  yon  ;  and  should  even  change  your 
repugnance  into  a  consent,  much  more  respectable  both 
in  your  own  eyes  and  in  those  of  others,  to  fulfil  a 
duty  towards  those  you  are  responsible  for.' 

"  I  had  little  influence  over  his  mind. 

"  '  And  thus  I  am  a  slave  ? '  he  replied,  '  and  I  am  to 
accept  a  subject  position  ?  No — no — that  does  not  suit 
me — I  ask  no  one  to  remain  with  me,  I  need  no  one. 
The  Elois  are  entirely  free,  and  I  claim  to  be  free  also — 
I  have  told  them  so  twenty  times ;  I  do  not  ask  them 
to  remain  with  me,  nor  to  follow  me.' 

"  This  sophistry  did  not  edify  me,  and  I  told  him  so.  He 
did  not  reply,  but  by  his  manner  of  listening,  I  suspect 
that  he  does  not  care  to  be  reminded  of  certain  truths  .  .  .' 

"  '  Come  now,'  I  said  to  him,  '  you  cannot  for  a 
moment  believe  that  your  friends  have  really  the 
intention  of  wounding  you  ? ' 

"  '  Intention  or  no,  if  they  do  it,  what  does  it  matter  ? 
But  do  not  imagine,  Madame,  that  I  am  only  revolted  on 
my  own  account.  What  have  I  not  seen  you  endure, 
also,  at  the  hands  of  people  calling  themselves  your  best 
friends  ? ' 

" '  Well  then  do  as  I  do,  my  friend.  If  they  are  false, 
spiteful,  and  unjust,  I  plant  them  there,  I  pity  them, — and 
I  wrap  myself  in  my  mantle.    Will  you  have  half  of  it  f '  ^ 

"  He  laughed  and  said,  '  I  am  not  sure  what  I  shall  do, 
but  if  I  take  Les  Roches,  I  must  resolutely  refuse  the 
funds  you  wish  to  lend  me.' " 


STORY  TOLD  BY  GUARDIAN  OF  MADAME  DE 
MONTBRILLANT.^ 

"Madame  de  Montbrillant  made  it  her  pleasure  to 
install  Rene  herself  on  the  first  day  when  all  was  ready 
for  him.     In  the  morning  she  sent  a  cart  to  Rene's  door, 

^  Appendix,  Note  Ddd. — "Voir  dans  une  lettre  a  Rene  ce  que 
c'est  que  I'echange  d'un  manteau," 

2  Appendix,  Note  Ddd. — "Faites  I'installation  de  Rene;  on 
porta  la  vieille." 


198     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

to  bring  away  what  he  wanted,  and  one  of  her  servants 
accompanied  it.  M.  Linant  ^  rode  over  on  horseback  to 
arrange  everything  early  in  the  morning.  At  ten  o'clock, 
she  drove  in  her  carriage  to  fetch  Rene  and  his  two 
housekeepers.  The  Mother  Eloi  is  a  woman  of  seventy, 
stout,  heavy  and  nearly  helpless.  The  roads  at  the 
entrance  of  the  wood  were  impracticable  for  a  carriage. 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  had  not  foreseen  that  this  poor 
old  woman  would  be  so  difhcult  to  transport  and  that  it 
would  'be  impossible  for  her  to  go  on  foot.  It  was 
necessary  then  to  get  a  chair  nailed  on  to  two  stout 
sticks,  and  to  carry  her  to  Les  Roches.  This  poor 
woman  shed  tears  of  joy  and  gratitude;  but  Rene,  after 
the  first  moment  of  surprise  and  emotion,  walked  on  in 
silence,  with  his  head  bent  down,  taking  no  notice  of 
what  was  happening.  We  dined  with  him.  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  was  so  exhausted  ^  that  after  dinner  she 
nearly  fainted  ;  she  did  all  she  could  to  hide  it  from  Rene, 
who  suspected  it,  but  who  would  not  show  that  he  did 
so.  We  returned  slowly,  and  on  the  road  back  I  said  to 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  that  I  greatly  feared  it  would 
not  be  long  before  she  came  to  repent  of  her  good-nature."  ^ 

It  remains  then,  established  by  the  comparison  of  the 
notes  with  the  manuscript,  that  the  leading  features  of 
this  story  as  it  stands  to-day  in  the  Memoirs  were  altera- 
tions suggested  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  made  by  her 
in  her  first  account  of  the  offer  to  Rene  of  Les  Roches. 
But  can  these  leading  features  be  accepted  as  historically 
accurate  ?  Let  us  before  deciding  examine  Rousseau's 
actual  circumstances  in  1756,  and  the  known  facts  of  his 
relationships  with  Madame  d'Epinay. 

To  commence  with :  what  reasons  are  there  for  sup- 

1  The  tutor  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  son. 

2  It  seems  to  be  meant  that  Madame  de  Montbrillant  had  done 
porter's  work  and  carried  Madame  Eloi ! 

2  "Nous  nous  en  revinrent  doucement ;  et  chemin  faisant  je  dis 
a  Madame  de  Montbrillant  que  je  craignais  fort  qu'elle  ne  fut  pas 
longtemps  a  se  repentir  de  sa  complaisance," 

This  phrase  is  omitted  in  the  printed  Memoirs. — See  Note  D. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     199 

posing,  or  rather  is  there  any  reason  at  all  for  supposing, 
that  in  1756  Rousseau  was  offered  the  post  either  of 
Librarian,  or  of  Professor  of  Philosophy  at  Geneva,  with 
a  salary  of  1,200  florins  ;  and  that  the  Doctor  Tronchin 
was  charged  to  convey  this  offer  to  the  author  of  the 
Discourse  upon  Inequality  ? 

The  first  reflection  that  must  occur  to  every  one  is  that, 
if  any  such  proposal  had  been  made  to  Rousseau,  it  seems 
very  strange  he  should  not  have  recorded  it  in  the 
Confessions.  On  the  contrary,  he  expresses  himself 
disappointed  by  the  cold  reception  his  Discourse  upon 
Inecpiality  had  met  with  at  Geneva ;  and  he  gives  this 
as  one  of  the  principal  reasons  why  in  1755  he  began  to 
waver  in  the  decision  he  had  arrived  at  when,  full  of 
delightful  memories  of  the  cordial  welcome  given  him 
by  his  fellow-citizens  in  1754,  he  had  returned  to  Paris, 
resolved  to  wind  up  business  matters  there,  and  then 
to  establish  himself  at  Geneva. 

In  February,  1756,  the  epoch  of  Tronchin's  visit 
to  Paris,  Rousseau  had  already  made  up  his  mind  to 
accept  the  Hermitage  ;  and  was  only  waiting  for  the  walls 
of  the  house  to  be  dry ;  so  that  even  if  Tronchin  had 
been  delegated  to  propose  to  him  the  place  of  librarian, 
left  vacant,  as  Professor  Ritter  has  discovered,  by  the 
resignation  of  a  venerable  official  of  eighty-six  (le 
Spectable  Baulacre  by  name)  on  the  28th  February, 
1756,  he  could  but  have  declined  the  offer.  Professor 
Ritter,  as  a  result  of  examining  the  registers  of  the 
Venerable  Company  of  Pastors  of  Geneva,  has  established 
that  whereas  the  resignation  of  the  "  Spectable  Baulacre  " 
was  accepted  on  the  28th  February,  the  election  of  the 
Pastor  Pictet  to  take  his  place  stands  recorded  on  the 
5th  March. 

"  Wlien  one  observes"  writes  Professor  Ritter  (who, 
like  other  readers  of  the  printed  Memoirs,  is  inevitably 
misled  by  the  editor's  substitution  of  the  word  '  librarian ' 
for  '  professor  of  philosophy'),  the  haste  at  Geneva  to 
nominate  M.  Pictet,  ivhen  there  can  have  been  hardly 


200     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

time  to  receive  the  neivs  of  the  unsuccessful  negotiations 
Tronchin  had  just  had  luith  Rousseau,  one  cannot  hut 
ask  one's  self  if  his  nomination  ivoidd  have  'pleased 
every  one  in  his  yiative  city.^' 

The  real  reply  is  found  in  the  evident  conclusion  that 
Tronchin  had  no  such  commission  to  execute;  and  that 
the  legend  of  this  post  with  a  salary  tacked  on  to  meet 
the  poverty  of  the  man  it  was  intended  to  benefit,  was 
an  invention  of  the  conspirators  to  serve  their  theory 
that  Rousseau  could  not,  and  was  not  supposed  to,  earn 
his  own  bread  as  he  professed  to  do,  by  his  trade  of  a 
copyist ;  but  that  he  was  humoured  by  his  private 
friends,  and  even  by  the  public  at  large,  in  this  im- 
posture ;  and  meanwhile,  since  it  pleased  him  to  refuse 
patronage,  means  were  contrived  to  assist  him  secretly.^ 

But  if  even  there  had  been  a  salaried  post  contrived  for 
him  at  Geneva,  would  Rousseau,  in  1756,  have  found 
himself  in  the  perplexity  attributed  to  Rene  ?  In  other 
words,  anxious  to  leave  Paris,  and  unwilling  to  go  to 
Geneva,  was  he  in  such  poor  circumstances  that  he  could 
not  have  afforded  to  rent  for  himself  a  little  cottage  at 
Montmorency,  or  elsewhere,  in  order  to  secure  for  himself 
the  tranquillity  and  refreshment  of  a  country  life  ? 

Examination  into  the  facts  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau's 
position  seven  years  after  the  publication  of  the  famous 
Discourse  crowned  by  the  Academy  of  Dijon,  and  five 
years  after  the  performance,  at  Rontainebleau  first  of 
all,  and  afterwards  at  the  Opera,  of  the  Devin  du 
Village,  proves  the  absurdity  of  imagining  that  one  of 
the  most  celebrated  and  sought-after  men  of  letters  of 
his  period  was  dependent  on  the  charity  of  the  wife  of 
a  recklessly  extravagant  farmer-general ;  and  incurred 
serious  material  obligations  to  her  because  she  gave  him 
as  a  refuge,  a  small  house  on  her  husband's  estate. 

To  commence  with,  Rousseau  stood  in  need  neither  of 
charity  nor  of  a  refuge.     He  not  only  earned  his  bread 
by  his  trade,  but  he  had  money   in  reserve  from  his 
^  See  Appendix,  Note  F. — Tronchin  and  J.  J.  Rousseau. 


THE    OFFER   OF   TME    HERMITAGE     201 

little  Opera,  which,  as  he  attirras  in  the  Confessions^ 
brought  him  more  money  than  either  the  Contrat  Social 
or  Emile.  Nor,  at  this  time,  did  he  need  a  refuge. 
The  epoch  of  his  persecutions  had  not  commenced  ;  and 
in  France  he  had  a  crowd  of  distinguished  and  influential 
admirers  who  would  have  gladly  offered  him  cottages, 
or  even  castles,  on  their  estates ;  had  it  not  been  a 
matter  of  public  knowledge  that  the  author  of  the  First 
Discourse  regarded  the  offer  of  services  as  an  affront. 

In  Madame  d'Epinay's  case,  it  was  because  the  service 
she  rendered  him  had  a  sentimental,  and  hardly  any 
material,  value,  that  it  moved  him  to  so  much  gratitude. 
It  was  not  because  the  Hermitage  was  a  valuable  gift, 
nor  because  it  solved  the  perplexities  of  his  position  for 
him,  that  Jean  Jacques  moistened  with  tears  (as  he  says 
he  did)  the  kind  hand  that  offered  it  him.  It  was 
because  the  charming  surprise  of  this  little  cottage 
where  the  ruined  hut  had  been,  showed  him  how  atten- 
tive to  his  wish,  and  how  affectionately  devoted  in  her 
effort  to  please  him,  had  been  the  friend  who  used  this 
argument  to  prevent  him  from  leaving  her. 

It  was  in  this  sense  that  Rousseau  described  Madame 
d'Epinay  as  his  "  benefactress."  In  no  other  seiise  did 
the  term  ctpply.  For  if  her  offer,  and  his  acceptance, 
of  the  Hermitage,  be  weighed  against  each  other  by 
the  scales  used  to  decide  the  relative  value  of  material 
benefits,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  person  who 
gained  most  by  Rousseau's  residence  at  the  Hermitage 
was  Madame  d'Epinay. 

But,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  true  understanding  of  the 
actual  relationship  of  these  two  friends,  behind  whom  in 
1756  lay  nine  years  of  unbroken  sympathy  and  mutual 
serviceableness,  it  will  be  useful  to  trace  back  this 
friendship  to  Rousseau's  first  acquaintance  with  Madame 
d'Epinay  in  1747. 

At  this  date  Madame  d'Epinay,  although  only  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  was  already  an  accomplished  type 
of  the  highly  intelligent,  humane,  self-controlled,  but 


202     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF   ROUSSEAU 

morally  corrupt  woman  of  good  society  in  the  France 
of  lier  epoch. 

The  wife  of  a  dissipated  and  recklessly  extravagant 
man  of  fashion,  she  had  been,  within  a  few  months  of 
her  marriage,  instructed  by  a  husband,  to  whom  she  was 
then  passionately  attached,  in  her  duties  and  rights  as 
a  charming  woman,  who  wished  to  continue  amiable 
in  her  husband's  eyes,  and  in  the  world's.  Her  duties 
were  to  ignore  her  husband's  infidelities  :  her  rights 
were  to  claim  indulgence  for  her  own. 

Madame  d'Epinay  did  not  at  once  adopt  this  code  of 
duties  and  rights.  But  after  the  birth  of  her  second  child 
— having  discovered  just  and  sufficient  reasons  to  claim  a 
separation  from  her  husband,  she  entered  upon  what,  by 
her  own  persuasion,  she  intended  should  be  a  mere 
platonic  flirtation  with  as  typical  and  accomplished  a 
man  of  the  world,  as  she  was  a  woman  of  this  world — 
M.  Dupin  de  Francueil,  the  step-son  of  the  Madame  Dupin 
to  whom  Jean  Jacques  was  secretary.  M.  de  Francueil, 
however,  was  a  man  of  his  epoch  ;  and  had  no  taste  for 
platonic  pleasures.  Notwithstanding  his  solemn  vows  to 
respect  Madame  d'Epinay's  scruples,  when  the  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself  to  ignore  them,  he  took  that 
opportunity ;  and  was  not  esteemed  less  by  Madame 
d'Epinay  because  he  was  foresworn.  Nor  did  Madame 
d'Epinay  esteem  herself  less ;  nor,  in  view  of  her 
husband's  dissipation,  did  society  esteem  her  less,  on 
account  of  the  quasi-matrimonial  alliance  which  then 
ensued  between  herself  and  de  Francueil ;  and  which 
did  not  stand  in  the  way  of  friendly  relationships 
between  these  two  amiable  lovers  and  the  nominal 
husband  of  Madame  d'Epinay. 

"  M.  d'Epinay,"  wrote  the  author  of  the  Confessions, 
"  was  a  good  musician  ;  so  was  de  Francueil ;  and  so  was 
Madame  d'Epinay.  The  passion  for  this  art  was  a  bond 
of  union  between  the  three.  M.  de  Francueil  having 
introduced  me,  I  often  supped  with  him  at  Madame 
d'Epinay's  house.     She  was  amiable,  clever,   and  had 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     203 

several  accomplisliments — an  excellent  friendship  in 
many  ways  to  make.  But  she  had  a  friend  called  Mile. 
d'Ette,  whose  reputation  was  bad,  and  who  lived  with 
the  Chevalier  de  Valori,  whose  reputation  was  not  good. 
I  believe  that  her  intimacy  with  these  people  was 
injurious  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  to  whom  nature  had 
given,  with  an  ardent  temperament,  many  excellent 
qualities  to  control,  or  at  any  rate  to  compensate  for, 
some  frailties.  M.  de  Francueil  communicated  to  her 
some  of  the  friendly  feelings  he  had  for  me,  and  confided 
to  me  his  liaison  with  her  ;  of  which  I  should,  con- 
sequently, have  said  nothing  here,  had  not  the  relations 
between  them  been  so  well  known  as  not  to  have 
continued  hidden  even  from  M.  d'Epinay.  M.  de 
Francueil  even  told  me  in  confidence  some  strange 
things  about  this  lady,  which  she  herself  never  confided 
to  me ;  and  which  she  had  no  notion  I  knew  ;  for  I 
never  opened  my  lips  to  her  upon  this  subject;  nor 
shall  I  ever  do  so  to  any  one.  All  these  confidences  on 
the  part  of  these  difi'erent  people  put  me  in  a  very 
embarrassing  position  ;  and  especially  with  Madame  de 
Francueil,  who  knew  me  too  well  to  distrust  me  in  any 
way,  although  I  was  on  friendly  terms  with  her  rival.  I 
consoled  to  the  best  of  my  power  this  poor  lady,  for 
whom  her  husband  did  not  certainly  feel  the  same  love 
she  gave  him.  I  listened  to  these  three  separate  persons, 
and  kept  their  secrets  with  absolute  fidelity,  so  that  no 
one  of  them  extracted  from  me  the  confidences  of  the 
other ;  and  without  concealing  from  either  of  these  two 
women  my  attachment  to  her  rival.  Madame  de  Fran- 
cueil, who  wished  to  use  me  for  many  things,  received 
my  firm  refusal  to  interfere  ;  and  Madame  d'Epinay, 
who  desired  to  entrust  me  with  a  letter  to  de  Francueil, 
received  not  only  the  same  reply,  but  also  a  declaration 
of  the  plainest  sort,  that  if  she  wanted  to  drive  me  away 
from  her  house  for  ever  she  had  only  to  make  such  a 
proposal  to  me  a  second  time.  Let  me  do  Madame 
d'Epinay  justice.     Far  from  being   displeased  by  this 


204     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

proceediDg,  she  sj^okc  of  it  to  de  Francueil  with  praise ; 
and  received  me  afterwards  just  as  well  as  before.  Thus, 
in  these  difficult  relationships  between  three  persons,  all 
of  whom  I  had  to  consider,  whose  good-will  was  service- 
able to  me,  and  to  w^hom  I  was  attached,  I  contrived  to 
keep  their  affection,  esteem,  and  confidence,  by  behaving 
with  mildness  and  toleration,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
firm  honesty.  In  spite  of  my  stupidity  and  awkward- 
ness, Madame  d'Epinay  wished  me  to  share  in  the 
gaieties  at  La  Chevrette,  a  chateau  near  to  Saint  Denis. 
There  was  a  theatre  belonging  to  it,  where  plays  were 
often  acted ;  they  gave  me  a  part  to  learn  which  I 
studied  with  unremittinor  dilio:ence  for  six  months  and 
had  to  be  prompted  in  from  beginning  to  end  when 
the  representation  came  off! — After  this  experiment 
they  did  not  give  me  a  role  again. ^  When  making 
Madame  d'Epinay's  acquaintance,  I  made  also  that  of 
her  sister-in-law,  Mademoiselle  de  Bellegarde,  who  soon 
afterwards  became  the  Countess  d'Houdetot.  When  I 
first  met  her  she  was  on  the  eve  of  her  marriage." 

Here  then  were  the  terms  of  friendship  established 
between  Rousseau  and  Madame  d'Epinay  nine  years 
before  she  lent  him  the  Hermitage.  They  were  terms 
of  equal  confidence  and  affection,  cemented  by  the 
essential  differences,  rather  than  the  resemblances,  be- 
tween them.  Madame  d'Epinay,  it  must  be  realized, 
had  undergone  the  formative  experiences  which  had 
decided  her  character  and  destiny,  before  she  came 
under  Rousseau's  influence;  and  she  remained  through- 
out her  life,  a  representative  woman  of  the  epoch  before 
Rousseau,  the  Voltairean  epoch. 

In  my  Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and  Rous- 
seau, I  selected  Madame  d'Epinay  as  the  type  of  the 
woman  of  society,   with    the  characteristic  faults  and 

^  "  Pwe  affectation  de  gaucherie  !  "  observes  Saint-Marc  Girardin, 
when  commenting  on  tliis  passage.  "Madame  d'Epinay  relates  things 
quite  differently."  The  Arsenal  Notes  and  altered  MS.  show  that 
what  is  accepted  as  Madame  d'Epinay's  account  is  an  alteration 
in  her  original  narrative. — Appendix,  Note  DD,  p.  379. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     205 

virtues  of  her  ;ige,  whose  phihjsoj)liy  of  life  (a  method 
of  "using  one's  reason  for  one's  happiness — unc  Jaron 
de  tirer  parti  de  sa  raison  'pour  son  honheur,''  as  the 
de  Goncourts  define  it,)  was  formed  by  the  educational 
systems,  family  customs,  and  social  conventions  prevalent 
in  the  France  of  Voltaire ;  and  also  l)y  the  spiritual 
influences  in  the  air  when  the  HeyiHade  was  the  gospel 
of  the  times,  and  when  the  Abbe  Prevost's  Manon 
Lescaut  was  queen  of  hearts.  "No  one  better  than  the 
writer  of  the  Memoirs"  I  said,  "  can  teach  us  the  short- 
comings and  the  merits  of  this  philosophy.  The  reserve 
and  premature  wisdom  of  her  girlhood  once  forgotten, 
Madame  d'Epinay  always  poses  before  us  as  an  expansive, 
emotional  creature,  driven  like  a  feather  liefore  the  winds 
of  feeling.  Nothing  is  less  true  of  her  than  this.  This 
frail,  sensitive,  sentimental  being  (by  her  own  account 
of  herself)  knows  how  to  pass  in  stern  silence  through 
disappointments,  humiliations,  reverses  of  fortune,  and 
physical  and  mental  sufferings  that  might  well  have 
broken  the  heart,  or  turned  the  head,  of  a  strong-minded 
woman  in  any  other  epoch ;  and  not  only  does  she 
know  how  to  live  through  these  trials,  and  to  keep  their 
bitterness  secret,  but  she  can  shine  iu  the  world's  sight, 
and  charm  society  with  her  almost  girlish  brilliancy,  in 
the  very  hour  when  these  tragical  secrets  are  gnawing 
at  her  heart." 

Even  in  1747,  even  when  she  was  only  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and,  in  her  first  quasi-matrimonial  alliance 
with  de  Francueil,  unreproached  by  society,  and  in  her 
own  eyes  "  bound  by  a  free  and  voluntary  engagement 
more  sacred  than  any  other,"  there  was  a  tragical  secret 
gnawing  at  Madame  d'Epinay's  heart :  the  secret  co7i- 
Jided  by  de  Frcmcueil  to  Rousseau,  ivliich  he  does  7iot 
betray,  but  ivhich  Madame  d'Epinay  herself  reveals 
in  the  Memoirs}  She  did  not  confide  her  secret  to 
Rousseau,  nor  did  she  know  he  was  acquainted  witli  it. 
But  under  the  strain  laid  upon  her  by  her  own  trained 
1  See  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  165. 


2o6    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

power  of  self-concealment,  and  by  the  trained  power  of 
inalterable  courtesy  that,  in  the  case  of  so  perfect  a 
gentleman  of  good  society  as  de  Francueil,  took  the 
place  of  chivalry,  she  found  refreshment  and  relief  in 
the  society  of  this  unworldly  man,  who  wore  no  mask, 
and  could  assume  no  disguises ;  and  in  whom  she  recog- 
nized powers  of  sympathy  and  trustworthiness  not  met 
with  in  the  men  and  women  amongst  whom  she  lived. 
There  was  consolation  in  the  friendship  of  such  a  man 
between  herself  and  the  lover,  whose  mask  of  courteous 
devotion  she  dared  not  penetrate,  lest  she  should  discover 
the  disenchantment  she  justly  suspected  it  concealed. 

But  it  was  not  only  the  sympathy  she  found,  and 
the  confidence  she  felt,  in  Rousseau,  that  ripened  this 
acquaintanceship  into  friendship.  In  her  true  character 
of  a  kind-hearted  woman,  she  felt  zealous  to  safeguard 
the  interests  of  this  impracticable  and  gifted  man,  a 
mountain- born  soul,  astray  in  the  cities  of  the  plain. 
And  the  fact  that  the  genuineness  of  her  interest  was 
recognized  by  him,  and  that  he  on  his  side  confided  in 
her,  and  claimed  her  sympathy,  ministered  to  her  active 
pleasure  in  womanly  helpfulness.  It  also — in  the  hours 
of  depression  when  she  fought  against  the  recognition 
of  her  lover's  probable  disenchantment — ministered  to 
her  self-esteem  that  she  had  won  this  confidence  which 
served  to  honour  her  in  the  world's  eyes,  and  conse- 
quently in  de  Francueil's  also. 

It  has  to  be  recognized  that  even  in  1747,  Rousseau's 
position  was  an  exceptional  one.  The  unsuccessful 
musician  who  had  become  Madame  Dupin's  secretary, 
whom  Grimm  would  have  us  believe  underwent  humilia- 
tions that  embittered  his  temper,^  was,  on  the  contrary, 
eagerly  sought  after,  flattered  and  caressed.  His  fame, 
hidden  in  the  future,  was  unforeseen  even  by  those 
who  valued  him  most.  Yet  this  man,  born  amongst 
the  mountains,  and  whose  mind  and  nature  had  some- 
thing of  the  simple  beauty  and  elevation  of  his  native 
1  See  page  134. 


THE    OFFER  OF   THE    HERMITAGE     207 

hills,  brought  a  new  sense  of  youth  and  hopefulness 
into  this  over-civilized  and  cynical  world.  In  philo- 
sophical circles,  he  was  greeted  with  pleasure,  if  with 
a  certain  veiled  condescension,  as  an  original  of  genius, 
whose  sallies  excited  admiration  and  amusement.  But, 
above  all,  amongst  the  women  of  society,  mistresses 
of  salons,  and  patronesses  of  talent,  there  was  rivalry  to 
show  favour  to  this  stranger  in  their  gates.  He  excited 
sympathy  in  these  humane  hearts,  because  they  saw 
him,  untrained  in  their  philosophy,  exposed  to  the  perils 
of  their  world.  But  what  was  more,  in  a  society  which 
dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  emiui,  he  excited  curiosity 
also.  All  manner  of  romantic  stories  were  afloat  con- 
cerning him :  legends  of  his  past  adventures,  of  an  old 
enchanting  love-story,  of  his  present  stubborn  independ- 
ence and  unworldliness  ;  of  his  bold  resolution  to  please 
himself  in  his  own  way,  and  not  in  the  way  custom  and 
public  opinion  pronounced  pleasant.  And  amongst  the 
many  more  wealthy  and  highly-placed  society  ladies, 
who  would  have  been  glad  to  tame  this  barbarian  of 
genius  and  win  him  as  their  familiar  guest  and  favourite, 
it  was  Madame  d'Epinay  who  succeeded. 

The  sincerity  of  her  attachment  to  Rousseau,  the 
disinterestedness  of  her  zeal  to  serve  him,  are  beyond 
question.  But  she  was  never  his  benefactress  in  the 
sense  intended  by  Grimm  and  Diderot — that  is  to  say, 
as  the  charitable  protectress  of  an  obscure  man,  "  seek- 
ing in  desperate  straits  how  to  avoid  dying  of  hunger." 
Enough  has  been  said  to  show  how  ready  Madame 
d'Epinay  would  have  been  to  aid  a  fellow-being  in  such 
straits.  But  she  was  not  "  benevolent "  in  her  actions 
towards  Rousseau,  for  the  simple  reason  that  there  was 
never  any  room  for  it.  Even  in  the  days  before  he 
became  famous,  Madame  d'Epinay  received  from  him 
more  than  she  gave  ; — in  sympathy,  in  counsel,  in  the 
honour  this  friendship  did  her  in  her  own  eyes  and  in 
the  eyes  of  others,  the  chief  benefits  came  to  her. 

The  benefits  that  Rousseau  derived  from  this  friend- 


2o8     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

ship  were  not  practical  ones  :  throughout  their  relation- 
ships, kindnesses  done  him  by  Madame  d'Epinay  were  of 
value  to  him  rather  as  tokens  of  her  affection,  than  as 
material  services.  But  what  he  did  owe  to  her  were 
some  of  the  most  valuable  of  those  impulses  and 
influences  that  worked  upon  his  nature — slowly  but 
incessantly — during  this  season  of  preparation,  when,  his 
heart  the  while  hot  within  him,  but  unable  to  utter  the 
thing  he  would,  he  lived  in  this  artificial  society  which 
concealed  so  much  virtue  under  the  stifling  mask  of 
elaborate  and  fantastic  vices.  Here  was  a  man  charged 
to  betray  its  secret  of  discontent,  because  he  had  entered 
upon  this  false  existence,  burthened  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  an  earlier,  a  simpler  and  a  happier  state. 

No  doubt  amongst  the  feelings  and  meditations  busy 
with  him  in  the  two  years  that  went  before  the  publica- 
tion of  his  First  Discourse,  some  of  the  most  passionate 
and  imperious  in  their  need  to  be  uttered  had  their  origin 
in  the  spectacle  that  forced  itself  upon  him  of  the  per- 
verted goodness,  wasted  heroism,  and  spoiled  senti- 
ments and  emotions  of  such  naturally  humane  and 
lovable  and  courageous  types  of  womanhood  as  Madame 
d'Epinay.  In  this  way — by  stimulating  his  sense  of  the 
falseness  and  cruelty  of  a  civilization  which  distorted 
excellent  natures,  and  used  the  finest  qualities  to  conceal 
and  almost  to  adorn,  the  disfigurements  of  vice — the  ill- 
treated  wife  of  Monsieur  d'Epinay,  and  the  deceived 
mistress  of  the  disenchanted  de  Francueil,  unc[uestion- 
ably  did  influence  the  future  author  of  the  First  Dis- 
course: and  more  especially  the  future  author  of  the 
Nouvelle  Helo'ise.  No  one  who  is  attentive  to  the  facts 
of  his  friendship  with  Madame  d'Epinay,  can  doubt 
that  Rousseau  had  the  kind  lady  of  La  Chevrette  in  his 
mind  when,  by  the  mouth  of  Saint-Preux,  he  described 
these  women  of  the  world  ;  and  maintained  that,  let  them 
pride  themselves  on  their  worst  qualities  as  much  as 
they  pleased,  they  were,  hj  virtue  of  their  excellent 
hearts,  good  women  in  their  own  despite.   .  .   . 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     209 

The  description  may  usefully  be  quoted  here,  because  it 
explains  to  us  how  much  sympathy,  as  well  as  indigna- 
tion, there  was  in  the  passion  that  transformed  this 
dreamer  into  a  revolutionary  thinker,  making  war  upon 
the  manners  of  his  time. 

"  One  of  the  great  drawbacks  of  a  large  town," 
Rousseau  makes  Saint-Preux  write  from  Paris,  to  Julie 
at  Clarens,  "  is  that  men  become  there  different  from 
themselves,  because  society  imposes  upon  them  a  different 
way  of  being.  Above  all,  is  this  true  of  Paris ;  and 
above  all  is  it  true  of  the  women  there  :  who  derive  from 
the  opinions  of  others  the  rules  of  the  only  existence 
they  care  for.  When  meeting  a  lady  in  an  assembly, 
instead  of  the  Parisienne  you  believe  you  see,  you  really 
have  before  you  an  illustration  of  the  reigning  fashion. 
Her  height,  her  size,  her  walk,  her  figure,  her  throat,  her 
complexion,  her  expression,  her  gaze,  her  language,  her 
manner,  nothing  of  all  this  is  hers  ;  and  if  you  saw  her 
in  her  natural  state  you  would  not  recognize  her  !  Now 
this  disguise  is  very  seldom  favourable  to  those  who 
assume  it ;  in  a  general  way,  one  gains  very  little  by 
what  one  attempts  to  substitute  for  nature.  Nor  can 
one  entirely  efface  the  natural  ;  by  one  outlet  or  another 
it  escapes,  and  it  is  in  a  certain  skill  in  seizing  it, 
that  the  art  of  observation  consists.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  exercise  this  art  in  the  case  of  the  women  of  this 
country ;  for  as  there  is  much  more  that  is  natural  left  in 
them  than  they  believe,  one  has  only  to  observe  them 
with  some  constancy,  and  to  separate  them,  in  so  far  as 
one  can,  from  the  eternal  representation  which  pleases 
them  so  much,  to  see  them  as  they  really  are.  Through 
this  plan,  the  aversion  which  they  at  first  inspired  me 
with,  was  changed  into  esteem  and  friendship. 

"  I  had  the  opportunity  of  observing  this  on  the 
occasion  of  a  country  excursion,  to  which  some  society 
women  had  thoughtlessly  invited  us  (myself  and  some 
other  new  arrivals),  without  first  of  all  discovering 
if  we  suited  them,  or  perhaps  with  the  idea  of  laughing 

VOL.  I.  14 


2IO     A    NEW    CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

at  us.     That  is  what  did  not  fail  to  happen  the  first  day. 
They  overwhelmed  us  with  witty  shafts  ;  which,  as  we  left 
them  without  reply,  fell  to  the  ground ;  and  soon  their 
quiver  was  exhausted.     Then  they  gave  in,  gracefully 
and  unable  to  bring  us  to  take  their  tone,  suited  their 
own  to  ours.     I  don't  know  how  they  enjoyed  the  change  : 
but  for  my  part  I  was  enchanted.     I  saw  with  surprise 
that  I  could  learn  more  in  conversation  with  them  than 
with  the  generality  of  men.     Their  wit  so  adorned  their 
good  sense,  that  I  regretted  they  should  ever  use  it  to 
conceal  it ;  and  I  deplored,  when  I  was  better  able  to 
judge  these  women,  that  so  many  amiable  persons  should 
be  wanting  in  reason,  simply  because  they  chose  to  be 
frivolous.     I    saw    also    that,    insensibly,  their    natural 
graciousness  and  charm  effaced  their  affected  airs ;  for 
without  thinking  about  it,  one  is  bound  to  make  one's 
manner  fit  the  matters  one  deals  with,  and  it  is  im- 
possible when  talking  sensibly  to  use  coquettish  grimaces. 
"  Another  incident  helped  further  to  change  my  first 
opinion.     Often,  in  the  midst  of  our  conversation,  they 
came  to  whisper  something  to  the  mistress  of  the  house. 
She  left  us,  and  shut  herself  up  to  do  some  writing,  and 
was  absent  for  some  time.     It  was  easy  to  attribute  this 
disappearance   to    some    tender   correspondence    of   the 
heart :  or  what  might  pass  for  it.     Another  woman  did 
lightly   make   the   suggestion : — which   was    so    badly 
received  that  I  was  led  to  reflect  that  if  the  absent  lady 
were  without  lovers,  at  least  she  was  not  without  friends. 
Nevertheless  curiosity  having  made  me  inquire  into  the 
case,  what  was  my  surprise  to  hear  that  these  supposed 
gay  Pari  ssuitors  w^ere  the  peasants  of  her  parish,  who 
came  to  implore  the  protection  of  their  lady  in   their 
calamities:  one  overcharged  with  taxes;  the  other  enrolled 
in  the  militia  without  consideration  for  his  age,  or  the 
children  dependent  upon  him ;   another,  crushed  by  an 
unjust  suit  carried  on  against  him  by  a  powerful  neigh- 
bour ;  another  ruined  by  a  hail-storm,  and  yet  rigorously 
kept  to  the  terms  of  his  lease,  etc.     In  short,  all  had 


THE    OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     211 

some  grace  to  ask :  and  all  were  patiently  listened  to. 
None  were  repulsed,  and  the  time  it  was  supposed  had 
been  given  to  billets-doux,  was  really  spent  in  writing 
letters  in  the  service  of  these  unlucky  people. 

"  I  cannot  tell  you  how  surprised  I  was  to  discover,  not 
only  the  pleasure  a  woman  so  young,  and  so  dissipated, 
took  in  these  good  actions,  but  also  how  quietly  and  un- 
ostentatiously she  performed  them.  From  this  time,  I 
have  only  looked  upon  her  with  respect ;  and  all  her  faults 
are  effaced  in  my  eyes.  So  soon  as  my  observations  were 
turned  in  this  direction,  I  discovered  a  thousand  things 
to  the  advantage  of  these  women,  whom  at  first  I  thought 
insufferable.  ...  A  common  remark,  often  made  to  dis- 
credit them,  is  that  in  this  country  the  women  do  every- 
thing, and  consequently  that  they  do  much  harm.  But 
what  justifies  them,  is  that  they  do  wrong,  urged  to  it  by 
men,  and  that  the  good  they  do  is  prompted  by  their 
own  hearts.  Let  us  take  it  as  we  will,  they  pride  them- 
selves on  their  worst  qualities,  but  they  are  good  in  their 
own  despite,  and  here  this  goodness  is  before  all  things 
useful.  In  every  country,  business  men  are  without 
compassion ;  and  Paris  as  the  business  centre  of  the 
largest  nation  in  Europe,  is  necessarily  the  place  where 
men's  hearts  are  hardest.  It  is  then  to  the  women  of 
this  world  that  the  unfortunate  address  themselves ; 
they  are  the  refuge  of  the  unhappy,  and  never  do  they 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  their  complaints.  They  listen  to 
them,  console  them,  serve  them.  In  the  midst  of  their 
frivolous  lives,  they  know  how  to  keep  a  portion  of  their 
time,  that  might  be  given  to  pleasure,  for  the  exercise  of 
their  natural  kindness.  And  if  some  few  amongst  them 
trade  infamously  on  the  services  they  render,  a  thousand 
others  make  it  their  daily  occupation  to  help  the  poor 
from  their  purses,  and  the  oppressed  by  their  credit. 
True,  it  may  be  said,  their  good  actions  are  not  always 
discreetly  done ;  and  that  they  are  ready  to  serve  the 
unfortunate  people  they  know,  at  the  expense  of  other 
unfortunate  people  whom  they  do  not  chance  to  have 


212     A   NEW   CRITICISM   OF    ROUSSEAU 

seen.  But,  in  such  a  large  country  as  this,  how  can 
everything  be  known  ? — and  how  can  any  amount  of 
kindness  of  heart  take  the  place  of  public  justice,  where 
the  etfort  is,  not  so  much  to  do  good  to  particular 
people,  as  to  prevent  wrong  being  done  to  any  one  ?  But 
independently  of  these  considerations,  it  is  certain  that 
the  intention  of  these  women  is  to  act  kindly ;  that,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  they  do  a  great  deal  of  good  and  with 
fulness  of  heart ;  that  it  is  they  alone  who  preserve  in 
Paris  the  sentiments  of  humanity,  which  still  reign  there  ; 
and  that  were  it  not  for  the  women,  one  would  see  the 
men,  in  their  insatiable  avarice,  devouring  each  other  like 
a  pack  of  wolves. 

" .  .  .To  conclude,  if  Julie  had  never  existed  and  my 
heart  had  been  able  to  form  another  attachment  than 
the  one  it  was  born  for,  I  should  never  have  chosen  my 
wife  in  Paris,  still  less  my  mistress  ;  but  I  should 
willingly  have  chosen  a  woman-friend  there :  and  this 
treasure  might  perhaps  have  consoled  me  for  what  1 
missed  to  find," 

Such  a  woman-friend,  certainly,  Rousseau,  for  many 
years,  recognized  in  Madame  d'Epinay.  Grimm  in  his 
Correspondance  Litterai7'e,  and  also  in  some  interpo- 
lated passages  in  the  Memoirs,  puts  forward  the  view 
that  Jean  Jacques  was  very  much  in  love  with  Madame 
d'Epinay.  But  the  author  of  the  Confessions  denies 
that  this  captivating  lady,  in  the  world's  eyes,  ever  had 
any  attractions  for  him  as  a  woman — and  we  may 
believe  him,  because  the  reasons  he  gives  are  not  of  the 
sort  people  invent :  and  also  because  on  other  occasions 
the  susceptible  man  quite  frankly  acknowledges,  not 
only  his  great  passions  for  Madame  cle  Warens  and 
Madame  d'Houdetot,  but  minor  passions,  and  senti- 
mental inclinations,  in  cases  where  there  were  fewer 
excuses  to  be  found  than  in  the  circumstance  of  his  long 
and  intimate  friendship  with  Madame  d'Epinay. 

"  Perhaps,"  wrote  Rousseau  himself,  "  /  cared  for  her 
too  sincerely  as  a  friend,  to  desire  her  for  a  mistress." 


V^'      >,    /wi-^  *^^^VJi«<i^i, 


Portrait  of  Madame  de  Warens  at  Twentv-eight 
(By  Ijargilliiire.) 

[To  fact'  yar/f  212. 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     213 

That  he  did  care  for  her  sincerely,  and  trust  her,  as  a 
friend,  is  proved  sufficiently  by  the  fact  that  he  was 
willing  (under  the  influence  of  the  emotion  her  graceful 
and  tender  act  in  preparing  this  little  cottage  as  a 
surprise  caused  him)  to  break  through  the  principle  of 
refusing  favours,  and  to  accept  the  Hermitage  from  her. 

But  it  has  been  said  that  if  material  advantages  are  to 
be  weighed,  the  person  who  was  really  a  gainer  by  Rous- 
seau's residence  at  the  Hermitage  was  Madame  d'Epinay. 

She  gained,  not  only  the  society  and  conversation  of  a 
friend  who  was  also  a  man  of  genius,  and  whose  original 
ideas  interested,  if  they  did  not  influence,  her,  but  also 
the  prestige  of  hostess  to  the  most  celebrated  author  of 
the  hour  ;  who  after  his  celebrity  was  necessarily  more 
sought  after,  and  less  accessible  to  his  admirers,  than 
ever.  Madame  d'Epinay,  at  this  time,  coveted  before  all 
things  a  literary  circle  :  and  the  presence  of  Rousseau  at 
the  Hermitage  attracted  to  her  country  house  of  La 
Chevrette  a  number  of  men  of  letters,  who  were  drawn 
there  exclusively  by  admiration  for,  or  curiosity  about, 
her  famous  guest.  Nor  was  this  all.  Madame  a'Epinay 
gained  not  only  a  reflected  literary  reputation  by  her 
position  of  Rousseau's  hostess,  but  the  moral  reputation 
of  the  "  Citizen  of  Geneva  "  served,  in  an  epoch  when 
she  needed  it,  to  re-instate  her  in  public  favour. 

In  1753  an  event  had  taken  place,  the  secret  of 
which  was  well  kept  amongst  her  contemporaries  ;  but  of 
which  readers  of  George  Sand's  Histoire  de  ma  Vie  do 
not  need  to  be  reminded.  George  Sand,  as  every  one 
knows,  was  the  grand- daughter  of  Madame  d'Epinay's 
first  lover,  M.  de  Francueil ;  who  late  in  life  (at  more 
than  sixty  years  of  age)  married  Aurora,  Countess  de 
Horn,  then  a  young  widow  of  thirty.  George  Sand, 
reviving  her  girlish  recollections  of  these  family  ties, 
which  bound  her  to  the  epoch  of  Rousseau,  speaks  of  ^'moii 
oncle  par  hdtardise,"  for  a  long  time  Bishop  of  Salgues, 
and  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Aries.  "  He  was  born  in 
1753,  and  was  the  issue  of  the  ardent  and  much  too 


214    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

freely  divulged  loves  of  my  grandfather  de  Francueil 
and  the  celehi'ated  Madame  d'llJj^inay." 

This  fresh  misadventure  had  completed  the  disen- 
chantment of  M.  de  Francueil ;  and  notwithstanding 
his  philosophy  and  good  manners,  lie  gave  in  1754, 
such  evident  proofs  of  a  desire  to  end  the  "free  and 
voluntary  engagement "  between  himself  and  Madame 
d'Epinay,  that,  true  to  her  philosophic  method  of  using 
her  reason  for  her  happiness  (or  to  combat  unhappiness) 
she  had  made  the  best  of  the  circumstances.  Unable 
— her  formative  training  havino;  been  underojone  in 
the  epoch  when  Manon  Lescaut  was  queen  of  hearts 
— to  find  compensation  for  what  she  lost  in  the  sincere 
friendship  which  Rousseau  gave  her,  she  took  the  more 
ardent  sentiment  offered  her  by  a  personage  whom 
Rousseau  had  presented  to  her  in  the  first  instance, 
viz.  the  ex-secretary  of  the  Count  de  Friesen,  M. 
Melchior  Grimm,  left,  by  the  Count's  death  in  March 
1755,  in  a  position  where  the  devotion  and  influence 
of  the  wife  of  a  farmer-general  had  advantages  for  him. 

The  view  taken  by  the  world  of  these  proceedings 
had  not  been  favourable,  or  even  just  to  Madame 
d'Epinay.  She  was  held  responsible  for  the  rupture 
of  an  alliance  she  would  not  have  asked  better  than 
to  remain  faithful  to ;  and  for  having  replaced  an 
amiable  and  a  polished  man  of  society  by  a  man  neither 
amiable  nor  jDolished, — when  this  exchange  was  deter- 
mined, not  by  free  choice,  but  by  the  philosophic 
recognition  of  the  doctrine  that  when  one  cannot  get 
what  one  loves,  one  must  school  one's  self  to  love  what 
one  can  get. 

But  in  these  conditions  of  public  opinion  towards 
Madame  d'Epinay,  the  surprise  caused  by  the  news  of 
Rousseau's  establishment  at  the  Hermitag;e  brought 
about  a  re-action.  It  was  felt  that  the  Citizen  of  Geneva 
would  not  have  given  this  signal  proof  of  esteem  and 
friendship  to  a  woman  without  moral  worth  :  and  an 
indulgent  society,  which  demanded  of  its  members  not 


THE    OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     215 

freedom  from  faults,  Ijiit  qualities  which  compensated  for 
them,  took  Madame  d'Epinay  back  into  favour. 

These  then  were  the  substantial  advantages  obtained 
by  Rousseau's  so-called  benefactress.  .  .  .  What  were 
the  advantages  obtained  by  him  ? 

It  is  not  allowable  to  describe  as  a  "  benefit "  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  permission  to  inhabit  the  Hermitage 
free  of  rent.  The  few  pounds  annually  such  an  abode 
would  have  cost  him  would  not  have  strained  his 
resources  ;  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  since  for  thirteen 
out  of  the  twenty  months  that  he  was  Madame  d'Epinay's 
guest  he  paid  the  wages  of  her  gardener,  and,  the  debt 
having  been  allowed  to  accumulate,  refused  later  on 
to  accept  the  repayment  of  it,  he  cannot  be  said  to 
have  inhabited  this  little  cottage  for  nothing.  But  in 
April  1756,  Rousseau  was  as  well  able  as  in  December 
1757,  to  keep  a  roof  over  his  head  without  assistance. 
The  far  more  roomy  and  better  situated  little  house 
of  Mont  Louis  he  took  at  his  own  expense,  when  he 
left  the  Hermitage,  and  he  spent  three  years  and  a 
half  there,  until  he  was  expelled  from  France.  Diderot's 
assertion  that  Madame  d'Epinay  supported  Jean  Jacques 
and  the  Levasseurs  at  the  Hermitage  can  only  be 
described  as  a  gratuitous  falsehood.  On  the  contrary, 
as  has  been  seen,  when  they  parted,  the  lady  owed  him 
the  wages  of  her  gardener  (a  fact  that  does  not  indicate 
any  meanness  on  her  side,  but  only  reveals  her  case  as 
that  of  one  of  those  rich  people  whose  extravagance 
leaves  them  constantly  without  ready  money — whilst 
Rousseau  was  one  of  the  prudent  poor  people  whose 
dread  of  an  emergency  leads  them  to  keep  always  a 
small  sum  in  reserve). 

True  it  is  made  evident  by  a  letter  of  Rousseau's 
(inserted  out  of  place  in  the  Memoirs)  that  in  1755, 
before  it  had  been  finally  settled  whether  he  was  to 
return  to  Geneva  or  to  take  the  Hermitage,  Madame 
d'Epinay  had  wished  to  strengthen  her  own  case  by 
making  some  proposals  to  her  "Bear"  about  a  project 


2i6    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

of  hers  for  increasing  his  income.  And  that  he  had 
replied, — not  as  Saint-Marc  Girardin  affirms,  "in  the 
tone  of  a  declamatory  porter,"  "  du  ton  d'un  portier 
declamatem%" — but  with  a  good  deal  of  stiffness ;  and 
the  evident  intention  to  make  clear  to  Madame  d'Epinay 
that  the  motives  which  led  him  to  feel  much  pleasure 
in  her  preparation  for  him  of  the  Hermitage  did  not 
signify  any  renunciation  of  his  principles.  A  second 
letter,  evidently  a  reply  to  an  apologetic  one  from 
Madame  d'Epinay,  where  she  has  expressed  regret  that 
he  is  angry,  is  written  with  the  purpose  of  toning  down 
the  severity  of  the  first  one. 

In  the  Memoirs,  as  has  been  seen,  Rousseau's  letters 
are  used  as  the  replies  made  in  February  1756  to  the 
offer  of  the  Hermitage,  in  the  brief  interval  of  time 
when,  it  is  alleged,  he  had  to  decide  between  accepting 
the  proposal  Tronchin  brought  him  of  a  salaried  post 
at  Geneva,  or  the  alternative  proposal  of  his  kind 
benefactress,  that  she  should  give  him  a  cottage,  and 
make  up  an  income  for  him,  if  he  preferred  to  stay  in 
France.  It  has  been  proved  that  this  situation  never 
existed.  That  Rousseau's  mind  was  made  up  long 
before  Tronchin  came  to  Paris ;  and  that  no  evidence 
confirms  the  supposition  that  the  Genevese  Doctor  was 
charged  in  1756  with  any  such  commission  as  the  re- 
arranged story  in  the  Memoirs  supposes.  Rousseau's 
letter  was  not  an  answer  to  Madame  d'Epinay's  offer  of 
the  Hermitage,  inasmuch  as  that  offer  was  not  made  by 
letter :  but  the  opening  sentence  indicates  that  this 
proof  of  her  attachment  to  him  made  his  friendship  for 
her  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  quitting  France 
*'  more  difficult  to  surmount  than  ever." 

"  My  plans  with  regard  to  my  country,"  writes 
Rousseau,  "are  far  from  being  settled;  and  your 
friendship  for  me  puts  an  obstacle  in  their  way  which 
now  appears  to  me  more  difficult  than  ever  to  surmount. 
But  you  have  consulted  your  heart  rather  than  the 
state  of  your  fortune,  or  my  inclinations,  in  the  arrange- 


THE   OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITAGE     217 

ment  you  propose  to  me.  This  proposition  chills  me  to 
the  soul.  How  badly  you  understand  your  own  interests 
when  you  wish  to  make  a  valet  of  a  friend  : — and  how 
badly  you  understand  me  if  you  think  that  consider- 
ations of  this  sort  can  affect  my  determination.  I  am 
not  in  any  trouble  about  living  or  dying :  but  the 
doubt  that  does  agitate  me  cruelly  is  the  part  I  ought 
to  take  which  will  secure  me,  whilst  I  do  live,  the  most 
perfect  independence.  After  having  done  all  I  could 
for  this  independence,  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  it  in 
Paris.  I  seek  it  more  ardently  than  ever,  and  what  has 
cruelly  perplexed  me  during  the  last  year  is  that  I 
cannot  make  up  my  mind  where  I  shall  find  it  possible 
to  establish  it  most  securely.  Although  the  proba- 
bilities are  for  my  country,  I  confess  I  should  find  it 
sweeter  to  live  near  you.  The  violent  perplexity  I  am 
in  cannot  endure  much  longer  :  in  seven  or  eight  days 
I  shall  have  chosen  my  fate  :  but  you  may  be  very  sure 
it  will  not  be  material  interests  that  will  decide  me ; 
because  I  have  never  yet  feared  that  I  should  want  for 
bread,  and  if  the  worst  comes  to  the  worst,  I  know  how 
to  go  without  it.  You  will  understand  I  do  not  refuse 
to  listen  to  what  you  wish  to  tell  me,  if  you  will 
remember  that  I  am  not  for  sale ;  and  that  could  this 
be,  my  sentiments  now  above  any  price  that  could  be 
placed  on  them,  would  soon  be  found  beneath  even  the 
value  put  upon  them.  As  for  what  regards  you  person- 
ally, I  feel  certain  that  your  heart  recognizes  the  value 
of  friendship  : — but  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  yours 
is  more  necessary  to  me  than  mine  to  you,  for  you 
have  compensations  that  I  am  ivithout,  and  that  I 
have  renounced  for  ever.'' 

Madame  d'Epinay's  letter  which  provoked  this  reply 
is  not  forthcoming — (it  was  probably  one  of  those  which 
mysteriously  disappeared  from  the  papers  left  with  the 
Duchess  of  Luxembourg  in  1762).  We  can  very  nearly 
reconstruct  it  by  attending  to  the  leading  points  in 
Rousseau's  answer.     Evidently,  in  order  to  strengthen 


2i8     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

her  arguments,  for  keeping  liini  in  France,  she  had  said 
that  she  would  like  to  suggest  to  him  an  arrangement 
that  would  not  only  secure  him  against  any  anxiety, 
but  might  serve  his  interests,  without  any  infringement 
of  his  principles.  And  further,  she  must  have  urged 
that  his  friendship  was  necessary  to  her  happiness. 
Rousseau's  reply  to  the  last  article  shows  both  affection- 
ateness  and  a  little  soreness.  Correctly  translated  it 
runs  : — "it  is  all  very  well,  Madame,  but  now  you  have 
got  your  new  lover,  Grimm,  you  don't  want  your  old 
friend  Jean  Jacques." 

From  Rousseau's  second  letter,  also,  we  can  easily 
reconstruct  Madame  d'Epinay's  : — she  has  clearly  written 
to  express  grief  that  she  has  made  him  angry  :  she  has 
protested  against  his  notion  that  she  could  wish  to 
make  him  a  valet,  or  that  the  proposition  which  he  has 
not  even  let  her  explain,  had  anything  of  this  character 
— as  for  the  "  compensations "  he  alludes  to,  she  has 
protested  she  does  not  know  what  he  means — that 
nothing  but  friendship  remains  to  her — and  so  forth. 

"  I  hasten  to  write  you  two  words,"  answers  Rousseau, 
"  because  I  cannot  bear  you  to  think  I  am  angry  ;  nor 
yet  that  you  should  misunderstand  my  expressions.  I 
only  used  the  term  valet  to  describe  the  debasement 
that  the  abandonment  of  my  principles  would  necessarily 
mean  for  my  soul — I  thought  we  understood  each  other 
better  than  we  do :  surely  between  people  who  think 
and  feel  as  you  and  I  do,  it  should  not  be  necessary  to 
explain  such  things  as  this  !  The  sort  of  independence 
I  mean  is  not  independence  of  work  :  I  am  willing  to 
earn  my  bread,  and  I  take  pleasure  in  doing  it ;  but  I 
do  not  wish  to  take  upon  myself  other  obligations  if  I 
can  help  it.  I  am  quite  willing  to  hear  your  proposals 
— but  prepare  yourself  at  once  for  my  refusal  of  them — 
for  either  they  are  gratuitous  or  they  involve  conditions: 
and  in  neither  case  do  I  want  them.  I  do  not  choose 
to  engage  my  liberty  either  for  my  own  maintenance  or 
for  the  maintenance  of  any  one — I  wish  to  work,  but 


THE    OFFER   OF   THE    HERMITACxE     219 

when  it  pleases  me  :  and  even  to  do  nothing  when  that 
pleases  me,  without  any  one  being  the  worse  for  it  except 
my  own  stomach.  1  have  nothing  further  to  say  about 
the  '  compensations.'  When  other  things  change  and 
pass,  true  fricndsliip  remains  :  and  it  is  when  others  fail 
that  this  sentiment  brings  one  comfort  without  bitterness 
or  stint.  Learn  to  understand  my  vocabulary  better,  dear 
friend,  if  you  wish  to  read,  my  feelings.  My  words 
must  not  he  taken  literally :  it  is  my  heart  that  talks 
with  you  :  and  perhaps  some  day  you  will  know  that 
it  speaks  more  truthfully  than  others.  Good-bye,  till 
to-morrow\" 

There  is  nothing  ungracious,  nothing  underbred,  no- 
thing of  the  tone  of  the  portier  declamateui'  in  these 
letters,  if  we  take  Rousseau's  situation  when  he  wrote 
them ;  and  recollect  that,  although  he  was  not  at  this 
time  fully  aware  of  the  persistent  endeavour  of  his  pro- 
fessing friends  to  represent  his  independence  of  patronage 
as  imposture,  he  yet  did  feel  gravely  the  necessity  for 
impressing  upon  Madame  d'Epinay  especially — that  in 
taking  the  Hermitage  from  her  as  a  token  of  her 
friendship,  he  desired  that  his  obligations  should  be 
strictly  limited  to  the  pleasure  he  warmly  acknow- 
ledged was  procured  him,  by  the  habitation  of  a  retreat 
he  had  chosen,  and  which  his  friend  had  prepared 
for  him. 

But  from  Rousseau's  point  of  view, — and  if  the  rela- 
tions of  friendship  be  recognized  as  sacred  and  serious, 
his  point  of  view  was  right, — Madame  d'Epinay,  by  the 
obligations  she  conferred,  herself  incurred  obligations. 
By  virtue  of  the  sweet  afFectionateness  which  threw  down 
his  defences,  she  stood  pledged  not  to  betray  the  confid- 
ence she  had  won.  And  when  she  did  betray  it,  her 
fault  in  Rousseau's  eyes  was  not  merely  the  injury  she 
did  him,  nor  that  she  placed  in  his  enemies'  hands  the 
power  to  misrepresent  his  confidence  in  her  as  a  renun- 
ciation of  his  princij^les  ;  the  great  fault  was  that  her 
treachery    sinned    against  those  sentiments  of  loyalty 


220    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

and  mutual  trust  which  are  the  foundations  of  noble 
friendship. 

But  did  Madame  d'Epinay  betray  Rousseau  ? — Was 
not  he  rather  the  offender  against  the  code  of  noble  friend- 
ship, in  that  he  did  not  reject  with  indignation  charges 
of  base  curiosity,  and  malicious  slander,  made  against  a 
tried  friend,  who  during  nine  years  had  proved  herself 
deservino;  of  confidence  ? 

Here  is  a  question  that  can  only  be  answered  when  we 
have  examined  the  events,  both  as  they  actually  were, 
and  as  they  inevitably  appeared  in  Rousseau's  eyes,  which 
led  him  to  believe  in  Madame  d'Epinay's  treachery. 


CHAPTER  II 

AT   THE    HERMITAGE 

Before  the  Quarrel — Rousseau's  "bizarre  Theories" — The  Quarrel 
with  Diderot — Rousseau's  Code  of  Friendship. 

During  the  first  twelve  months  of  his  residence  at  the 
Hermitage,  Rousseau's  friendship  for  Madame  d'Epinay 
remained  unaltered.  The  breach  with  Grimm  had 
widened  ;  and  there  had  been  a  quarrel  with  Diderot, 
patched  up  by  a  reconciliation ;  which  Rousseau  took 
seriously.  No  doubt,  throughout  these  months,  Grimm 
had  been  steadily  working  to  weaken  Madame  d'E^wnay's 
attachment  to  her  "  Bear,  Jean  Jacques  ;  "  but  he,  at  any 
rate,  had  felt  none  of  the  effects  of  it.  During  the 
winter  of  1756  the  author  of  the  Confessioyis  notifies 
the  constant  and  thoughtful  kindness  to  him  of  his 
hostess  :  ^  he  says  also  that  these  months  were,  on  the 
whole,  the  happiest  and  most  tranquil  he  had  known 
since  he  quitted  Savoy. 

*'  For  five  or  six  months,"  he  writes,  "  when  the 
severe  weather  protected  me  against  chance  visitors,  I 
enjoyed  more  than  I  had  ever  done  before,  or  have  done 
since,  the  independent  calm  and  simple  life  that  experi- 
ence taught  me  to  prize  more  highly  than  ever  ;  my 
only  real  companions  were  my  two  housekeepers,  my 
ideal  companions  were  the  two  cousins.^  It  was  then 
that  I  congratulated  myself,  daily,  more  and  more,  on 
the  wise  decision  I  had  taken,  notwithstanding  the 
clamorous  arguments  of  my  friends,  who  were  angry 
that  I  should  be  free  of  their  tyranny.     And  when  I 

^   Confessions,  part  ii.,  liv.  ix. 

2  The  heroines  of  La  JVouvelle  Heloise,  Julie  and  Claire. 

221 


222     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

heard  about  tlie  criminal  attempt  of  a  fanatic,^  and 
Deleyre  and  Madame  d'Epinay  described  in  their  letters 
the  trouble  and  agitation  reigning  in  Paris,  how  I 
thanked  Heaven  to  be  out  of  sight  of  the  horrors  and 
crimes,  which  would  have  fed  and  embittered  the  un- 
healthy gloom  that  the  spectacle  of  public  disorder 
before  had  plunged  me  into  ;  whereas  here,  seeing  round 
my  retreat  only  kind  and  innocent  objects,  my  heart 
could  abandon  itself  to  amiable  influences.  I  record 
with  pleasure  the  experience  of  the  last  peaceful  moments 
left  me.  The  spring  which  followed  this  calm  and  bappy 
winter,  saw  the  opening  germs  of  misfortunes,  which  I  shall 
now  have  to  describe ;  and  which,  enclosing  me  thence- 
forth, gave  me  no  such  other  interval  of  tranquillity." 

The  Memoirs,  of  course,  give  an  entirely  difterent 
account.  Here  the  false  Hermit,  for  whom  nothing  is 
so  unsuitable  as  a  country  life,  feels  the  demoralizing 
effects  of  solitude ;  he  is  rendered  "  atrabilious, 
quarrelsome  and  suspicious."  The  first  sufferers  from 
his  ill-humour  and  base  suspicions  are  the  personages 
who  stand  for  Grimm  and  Diderot.  But  his  hostess, 
also,  has  experience  of  his  misanthropy  and  cynicism. 
Unchecked  by  the  wholesome  reproof  and  mockery  of 
the  Paris  philosophers,  these  evil  sentiments  so  master 
him  that  he  repays  the  hospitality  of  his  benefactress 
by  planting  "  desolation  in  her  soul,  with  his  sophistries." 
We  are  now  dealing  with  the  "  changes  made  in  the 
fahle"  in  obedience  to  the  important  note  reproduced 
in  facsimile  at  page  94.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
after  the  general  advice  "  Revise  Rene  from  the  begin- 
ning "  come  these  special  instructions  : — 

"  He  must  he  made  m  their  loalks  and  conversations 
to  defend  some  strange  theories  (des  theses  hizarres). 

We  have  this  very  phrase  in  the  137th  cahier  of  the 
Archives  Manuscript,  where  Rene,  when  defending  the 
"  bizarre "  doctrines  which  leave  desolation  in  the  soul 
^  Damien's  attempted  assassination  of  Louis  XV. 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE 


--j 


of  that  tender  mother,  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  acts 
up  to  the  character  of  the  "  man  born  for  sophistry  " 
described  by  Diderot ;  who  "  does  not  seek  to  enlighten, 
but  to  bewilder,  his  hearers." 

The  137th  cahier  is  re- written ;  and  the  original  cahier 
142  still  exists  revealing  the  alterations  that  have  been 
made.^  In  this  older  cahier,  142,  the  passage  that  in 
the  printed  Memoirs  will  be  found  in  a  letter  given  as 
one  from  Grimm  to  Madame  d'Epinay  (vol.  iii.  p.  4)  is 
inserted  as  a  side-note.  In  the  new  cahier  137,  as  in 
Brunet's  MS.,  it  follows  the  sentence  :  "  by  treating  your 
friends  with  courtesy  and  confidence  you  will  secure  an 
agreeable  and  honest  society  ;  and  thus  obtain  from 
friendship  the  sole  advantage  you  should  expect  from  it." 

"  The  counsel  that  by  the  way  I  cannot  refrain  from 
giving  you  is  to  act  with  extreme  prudence  towards 
Rene :  ^  for  a  long  time  his  conduct  towards  you  does 
not  appear  to  me  straightforward.  He  does  not  speak 
ill  of  you  :  but  he  allows  others  to  do  so  in  his  presence, 
and  is  far  from  being  your  defender ;  this  displeases  me." 

The  lady's  reply  to  this  letter  is  in  the  139th  cahier  of 
the  MS.  (also  a  new  cahier)  (printed  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
29,  30-31). 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  writes — "What  you  have 
told  me  about  Rene,  has  made  me  examine  him  more 
carefully.  I  cannot  say  whether  it  is  an  antipathy  I 
have  taken,  or  if  I  understand  him  better  than  I  did, 
but  I  feel  this  man  is  not  sincere.  When  he  opens  his 
mouth  to  utter  something  I  know  is  false,  a  cold 
sensation  I  cannot  describe  comes  over  me ;  and  if  my 
life  depended  upon  it,  I  could  not  find  two  words  to  say. 
I  don't  think  I  wrong  him  when  saying  that  he  feels 
more  pleasure  in  defending  strange  theories  (des  theses 
bizarres)  than  pain  at  the  alarm  thrown  by  these 
sophistries  in  the  hearts  of  those    who    hear  them   so 

^  See  Appendix,  Note  D  D,  double  cahiers. 

^  Of  course  '  Rousseau  '  in  tlie  printed  Alemoirs. 


224     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

skilfully  defended.^  I  myself  experienced  yesterday 
what  I  am  saying  :  he  left  desolation  in  my  soul.  I  was 
talkinof  with  him  and  BanvaP  about  Balbi's^  method  with 
my  son  ;  we  found  some  things  that  we  approved  of,  and 
some  that  we  blamed.  Suddenly  I  was  moved  to  exclaim  : 
'  What  a  difficult  thing  it  is  to  educate  a  child  ! '  '  You 
are  right,  Madame,'  replied  Rene ;  '  and  the  reason  is 
that  fathers  and  mothers  are  not  made  educators  by 
nature,  nor  are  children  made  to  be  educated.'  This 
speech  from  him  petrified  me." 

(Madame  de  Montbrillant  is  thrown  into  greater  con- 
sternation when  Rene  goes  on  to  propound  his  theory  of 
education — or  rather  the  "  these  bizarre  "  that  no  educa- 
tion is  preferable  :  because  in  the  savage  state,  education 
is  not  needed,  man  being  trained  by  his  natural  needs  and 
desires;  and  in  the  corrupt  civilized  state,  it  is  mischievous, 
because  since  only  the  unscrupulous,  false  and  selfish 
attain  success,  to  bring  a  child  up  to  be  honest,  truthful 
and  humane,  is  to  prepare  him  for  unhappiness,  and 
ruin.     The  sophist  continues  :) 

"  '  By  the  present  education,  youth  is  spent  in  learn- 
ing what  has  to  be  unlearnt  later  on.  The  supreme  art 
in  this  education  is  to  teach  in  what  circumstances  it  is 
good  to  quote  moral  maxims ;  and  when  it  is  useful  to 
forget  them.' 

"  '  But,'  I  said,  '  do  you  really  believe  that  there  is  no 
advantage  in  being  good,  even  in  a  corrupt  state  of 
society  ? ' 

"  '  The  advantage,  Madame,'  he  replied,  '  is  one  that 
will  only  be  felt  when  this  life  is  over.' 

1  "  Je  ne  sais  trop  sije  luiferais  tort  de  dire  qu'il  est  phis  flatte  du 
plaisir  de  soutenir  des  theses  bizarres  que  jjeine  de  Vcdarme  que  peuvent 
Jeter  dans  le  coeur  de  ceux  qui  Vecoutent  des  sophismes  si  adroitement 
defendus."  The  sentence  is  a  very  awkward  one;  as  a  general  rule, 
Madame  d'Epinay,  who  writes  delightfully,  takes  very  little  trouble 
to  make  the  phrases  given  her  fit  in  with  her  own  style  ;  she  puts  the 
'  changes  '  in,  word  for  word  as  the  notes  suggest  them.  '  Tant  pis ' 
one  seems  to  hear  her  say  to  Grimm,  'have  it  any  way  you  like.' 

2  Margency.  ^  Linant. 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  225 

"  '  Oil  sir ! '  I  exclaimed,  thoroughly  angry,  '  you 
forget  that  I  am  a  mother  ;  and  that  you  drive  me  to 
despair  with  your  philosophy.' 

"  *  Madame,'  he  replied,  with  perfect  composure,  '  you 
asked  me  for  the  truth  ;  your  distress  shows  that  I  have 
told  it  you.' " 

Saint-Marc  Girardin  refers  to  this  letter,  reproduced 
in  the  printed  Memoirs,  and  finds  in  it  a  proof  that 
Madame  d'Epiuay,  even  before  her  first  quarrel  with 
Rousseau,  had  lost  her  old  admiration  for  him. 

"  It  is  curious  J'  writes  Saint-Marc  Girardin,  "  to 
trace  in  the  Memoirs  the  progress  of  this  disenchant- 
ment." 

What  is  really  curious  is  to  notice  how  critics  who 
take  the  Mem^oirs  seriously,  lose  sight  of  all  facts  which 
prove  the  statements  given  there  inaccurate. 

In  this  particular  case,  it  should  not,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  be  necessary  to  prove  from  the  manuscripts  that 
this  account  of  Rene's  want  of  seriousness  when  treating 
his  friend's  anxiety  about  the  education  of  her  son,  is  a 
pure  fable,  invented  to  discredit  the  author  of  Etnile.  It 
is  open  to  every  reader  of  Rousseau's  correspondence  to 
obtain  the  certitude  that  Rousseau  did  not  treat  in  this 
way  Madame  d'Epinay's  appeal  to  him  for  help  about 
these  questions.  We  have  a  letter  of  earnest  and  sound 
advice  dated  from  the  Hermitage,  and  written  by  Jean 
Jacques  to  Madame  d'Epinay  early  in  1757.  Madame 
d'Epinay  had  submitted  to  her  friend  a  letter  she  had 
prepared  for  her  little  son,  nine  years  old,  who  had  shown 
great  pleasure  at  receiving  letters.  His  mother  had 
conceived  the  plan  of  writing  him  letters  of  good  advice. 
Rousseau  approves  of  the  idea,  but  says  the  object  of  the 
letter  is  too  apparent. 

"  I  have  read,  madame,  with  great  attention  your 
letters  to  your  son,"  he  wrote ;  "  they  are  good, 
excellent ;  but  entirely  unsuited  to  him.  Allow  me 
to  tell  you  this  with  all  the  sincerity  I  owe  you.     In 

VOL.  I.  15 


226     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

spite  of  the  tenderness  and  earnestness  with  which  you 
adorn  your  counsel,  the  general  tone  of  these  letters  is 
too  serious.  They  show  your  purpose  is  to  improve 
him — and  if  this  purpose  is  to  succeed,  the  child  must 
not  suspect  it.  I  think  the  idea  of  writing  to  him  a 
very  happy  one,  that  may  help  to  form  his  heart  and 
mind ;  but  two  conditions  are  necessary  for  this :  he 
should  understand  you  ;  and  he  should  be  able  to  reply 
to  you.  These  letters  should  be  written  for  him  alone — 
and  those  you  have  sent  me  would  do  for  almost  any- 
one but  him  !  Believe  me,  keep  them  until  he  is  older. 
Tell  him  stories  and  fables,  that  he  can  himself  find  out 
the  moral  of,  and,  above  all,  that  he  can  apply  to  himself. 
Avoid  generalities :  one  only  arrives  at  ])oor  results,  or 
at  none  at  all,  hy  putting  maxims  in  the  place  of  facts} 
It  is  from  what  he  has  actually  seen  whether  of  right  or 
of  wrong,  that  you  must  start :  when  his  ideas  begin  to 
form  themselves,  and  when  you  have  taught  him  to 
reflect,  and  to  compare  them,  by  degrees,  you  will  change 
the  tone  of  your  letters,  suiting  it  to  his  progress,  and 
to  the  faculties  of  his  mind.  But  if  you  tell  your  son 
now  that  your  object  is  to  form  his  heart  and  mind, 
and  that  you  wish,  whilst  amusing  him  to  teach  him 
the  truth  and  his  duties,  he  will  be  on  his  guard  against 
everything  you  say  :  he  will  see  a  lesson  in  every  word 
you  utter,  everything,  even  his  top,  will  become  an 
object  of  suspicion  to  him  !  Try  to  instruct  him  whilst 
amusing  him ;  but  keep  the  secret  to  yourself. 

"  Your  second  letter  is  also  full  of  ideas  and  images, 
too  difficult  not  only  for  a  child  of  nine  but  for  one 
much  older.  Thus  your  definition  of  politeness  is 
correct  and  delicate  ;  but  one  has  to  think  twice  before 
recognizing  its  subtlety.  Does  a  child  know  what 
esteem  and  benevolence  mean  ?  Is  he  able  to  distinguish 
between  the  '  voluntary '  and  the  involuntary  expression 
of  a  good  heart  ?     How  will  you  make  him  understand 

1  "  La  veritable  Education  consiste  moins  en  preceptes  qu'en 
exercises." — Emile,  Book  I. 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  227 

that  the  body  must  uot  pursue  the  shadow ;  and  that 
the  shadow  does  not  exist  without  the  body  that  pro- 
duces it  ?  ^     Bear  in  mind,  madame,  that  by  presenting 
too  soon  to  mere  children  profound  or  complicated  ideas, 
they  need  words  defined  for  them  :  that,  as  a  rule,  these 
definitions  are  even  more  complicated  or  more  vague  than 
the  thought  itself :  children  misapply  all  this  ;  and  they 
remain  with  thoroughly  false  ideas  in  their  heads.     From 
this  follows  another  bad  result :  it  is  that  they  repeat  like 
parrots  words  to  which  they  attach  no  sense  ;  and  that  at 
twenty  they  remain  children  ;  or  become  self-sufiicient 
prigs.     You    asked    for   my   reply   in   writing.     Here, 
madame,  you  have  it.     I  hope  it  may  not  vex  you ;  for 
it  is  not  possible  for  me  to  give  you  another.     If  I  am 
not  deceived  in  you,  you  will  forgive  my  brutality ;  and 
you  will  begin  your  task  over  again  with  more  courage, 
and  more  success  than  ever." 

Rousseau  having  been  exonerated  from  the  charge  of 
leaving  desolation  in  Madame  d'Epinay's  heart  by 
sophistries  about  education,  especially  blameworthy  in 
the  future  author  of  Emile,  we  may  now  exonerate 
Madame  d'Epinay  from  the  sins  against  tact  and  kindli- 
ness attributed  to  her,  as  the  authoress  of  the  letters  that 
are  given  in  the  Memoirs,  for  her  replies  to  her  friend 
Jean  Jacques,  when  he,  in  his  turn,  sought  her  sympathy 
and  counsel. 

The  occasion  was  in  January  1757.  After  receiv- 
ing an  offensive  letter  from  Diderot,  Rousseau,  too 
wounded  and  indignant  to  trust  himself  to  reply  to  the 
man  he  still  loved  and  believed  in  as  a  friend,  poured 
out  his  griefs  to  Madame  d'Epinay  ;  throwing  himself  on 
her  judgment  for  advice  and  consolation.  No  greater 
proof  of  confidence  in  her  friendship  could  he  have  given  ; 
and  we  find  that,  in  reality,  Madame  d'Epinay  responded 

^  Madame  d'Epinay  had  wi'itten  :  "  la  politesse  est  dans  vin  cceur 
sensible  una  expression  douce  vraie  et  volontaire  du  sentiment  de 
I'estime  et  de  la  bienveillance."  She  had  also  written  :  "la  louange 
suit  la  vertu  comme  Fombre  le  corps :  mais  le  corps  ne  doit  point 
courir  apres  I'ombre." 


228     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

generously  to  the  aj^peal ;  acting  as  a  true  friend  should 
have  done,  had  the  case  been  the  one  she  was  justified 
in  believing  it  to  be : — viz, ,  the  case  of  two  men  really 
attached  to  each  other,  the  one  dictatorial,  using  a 
domineering  tone  to  compel  his  friend  to  follow  his 
advice ;  the  other  independent  and  sensitive,  offended 
at  being  abused  for  acting  as  he  thought  rightly.  Had 
this  been  the  true  position,  Madame  d'Epinay,  knowing 
well  Rousseau's  sincere  attachment  to  Diderot,  would 
have  been  a  wise  and  prudent  counsellor,  in  that  she 
tried  to  persuade  Jean  Jacques  to  see  only  zeal  of 
friendship  under  Diderot's  displeasing  style.  Rousseau's 
letter  is  given  correctly  in  the  Memoirs. 

"  My  dear  Friend, — I  should  suffocate  could  I  not  pour 
out  my  grief  in  the  bosom  of  friendship.     Diderot  has 
written  me  a  letter  that  stabs  me  to  the   heart.     He 
gives  me  to  understand  that  it  is  through  indulgence  he 
does  not  esteem  me  a  scoundrel ;  and  '  that  much  might 
be  said  in  that  direction.'     These  are  his  very  words : 
and  all  this,   do   you    know   why  ?     Because  Madame 
Levasseur  is  with  me !     Good  God !  what  worse  could 
they  say   if  she  were  not  ?     I  sheltered  them,  herself 
and  her  husband,  when  they  were  left  out  to  starve  in 
the  streets  at  an  age  when  they  could  not  earn  their 
livelihood — she  had  only  served  me  for  three  months — 
and  for  ten  years  I  have  taken  the  bread  out  of  my  own 
mouth  to  give  it  to  her.     I  bring  her  here  with  me  into 
good  air,   where  she  is  in  want  of  nothing.     For  her 
sake,  I  give  up  returning  to  my  own  country ;  she  is 
absolutely  her  own  mistress  and  gives  me  no   account 
of  her   comings  in  and   goings   out.     I  take  as  much 
care  of  her  as  though  she  were  my  own  mother.     All 
that  counts  for  nothing  ;  and  I  am  a  scoundrel  if  I  do 
not  sacrifice  my  own  happiness  and  life,  and  if  I  do  not 
consent  to  die  of  despair  myself  in  Paris,  that  she  may 
have  amusements !     Alas,  the  poor  woman  herself  has 
no  such  wish  !  she  does  not  complain — she  is  perfectly 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  229 

contented.  But  I  sec  what  it  really  is.  M.  Grimm  will 
not  he  satisfied  until  he  has  taken  away  from  me  all 
the  friends  I  gave  him.  Philosophers  of  the  town  !  if 
these  are  your  virtues,  you  leave  me  satisfied  to  be 
judged  by  you  wicked.  I  was  happy  in  my  retreat — 
solitude  is  no  hardship  to  me — poverty  does  not  frighten 
me ;  the  world's  neglect  is  indifferent  to  me ;  I  can 
endure  my  sufferings  with  patience :  but  to  love  one's 
friends  sincerely  and  to  meet  with  ungrateful  hearts  in 
return,  all  this  is,  I  feel,  insupportable.  Forgive  me,  my 
dear  friend !  My  heart  is  overcharged  with  grief ; 
and  my  eyes  burn  with  tears  I  cannot  shed.  If  I  could 
only  see  you  and  weep,  how  consoled  I  should  be.  But 
I  will  not  set  foot  in  Paris  again  :  this  time,  at  least,  I 
swear  it.  I  forgot  to  tell  you  that  the  Philosopher  even 
indulges  in  pleasantry,  he  is  barbarous  with  lightness  of 
heart  :  one  sees  how  civilized  he  has  grown." 

Here  is  Madame  d'Epinay's  real  answer  to  this  letter, 
printed  from  the  original  autograph  (preserved  at  the 
Neuchatel  Library)  by  M.  Streckeisen-Moultou. 

"  Your  letter,  my  dear  friend,  penetrates  me  with 
grief.  I  should  have  started  this  morning  to  come  to  you 
had  not  my  mother  been  ill  in  bed.  I  confess  to  you, 
my  dear  friend,  that  miless  Diderot  articulates  distinctly 
what  you  say  he  gives  you  to  understand,  I  shall  always 
think  you  have  understood  him  wrongly,  for  it  seems 
to  me  inconceivable !  On  the  other  hand,  I  heard 
yesterday  at  the  Baron's  that  he  was  going  to  see  you 
on  Saturday :  I  can  make  nothing  of  it.  Oh,  my  dear 
and  good  friend  !  why  am  I  not  with  you  ?  You  are 
in  trouble,  and  I  am  of  no  use  to  you  !  Your  letter 
made  us  weep  :  may  mine  do  the  same  for  you.  But 
what  can  I  say  to  you  ?  I  know  nothing  excej^t  that  you 
and  Diderot  love  each  other  tenderly,  and  that  some 
words  misunderstood,  afflict  you.  Take  care,  take  care, 
my  dear  friend,  not  to  let  the  seeds  of  bitterness  take 


230    A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

root;  perhaps  you  began  by  being  in  the  right,  take  care 
not  to  finish  by  being  in  the  wrong  ;  which  would 
happen  if  you  closed  your  heart  against  the  explanation 
which,  apparently,  your  friend  is  going  to  ask  for  on 
Saturday — for  a  word  of  pity  for  the  good  old  woman 
may  have  escaped  him,  without  his  attaching  to  his 
speech  the  meaning  you  see  in  it.  In  short,  it  seems 
to  me  that  thirty  complete  proofs  are  wanted  before  one 
should  venture  to  suspect  a  friend  of  iu  ten  ding  to  insult 
one.  Keep  me  the  letter  and  your  reply,  if  all  is  not 
finished  l^y  Saturday.  I  shall  come  as  soon  as  possible, 
meanwhile  my  heart  is  very  near  you. 

"  I  am  not  answering  what  you  say  about  Grimm. 
I  shall  try  to  forget  as  soon  as  I  can  that  it  is  you 
who  suspect  him  of  an  infamous  action  of  which  only 
a  wretch  could  be  capable. 

"  Good-day  to  you  a  thousand  times,  my  dear  good 
friend.  For  God's  sake,  calm  yourself;  you  are  not 
cool  enough  to  judge  correctly  :  you  must  try  to  be  so 
in  this  case,  both  as  a  friend  and  as  a  philosopher. 
I  embrace  you  tenderly  and  with  my  whole  soul." 

Here  now  is  the  letter  given  in  the  Memoirs  as  the 
heroine's  reply  to  Rene's  letter,  Cahier  132.  Archives; 
Brunet's  MS.,  vol.  vii.  ;  printed  iliemoM-.'?,  vol.  ii.  p.  273. 

"  If  the  complaints  you  make  against  M.  Garnier,  my 
friend,  have  not  more  foundation  than  your  suspicions 
against  M.  Volx,  I  pity  you  :  for  you  will  have  much 
grave  cause  for  self-reproach.  You  must  either  be  more 
just  to  the  last  person,  or  you  must  cease  to  expect  me 
to  listen  to  your  grievances  against  a  man  who  merits 
much  more  than  your  esteem,  and  who  possesses  mine. 
If  I  were  not  kept  here  by  a  bad  cold  I  would  certainly 
go  to  see  you,  and  to  give  you  all  the  consolation  that, 
with  reason,  you  can  expect  from  my  friendship.  I 
cannot  believe  that  M.  Garnier  has  directly  told  you 
that  he  thinks  you  a  scoundrel,  there  is  certainly  some 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  231 

misunderstanding  here.  My  friend,  be  on  your  guard 
against  the  fermentation  a  word  may  cause,  heard  in 
solitude,  and  received  in  a  bad  disposition  of  mind. 
Believe  me,  fear  to  be  unjust ;  of  what  importance  is 
the  expression  used,  when  the  intention  is  dear  to  one's 
heart  ?  Can  a  friend  really  offend  one  ?  Has  he  not 
always  one's  interest,  one's  happiness,  one's  good  name, 
in  view  ?  Perhaps  even  you  have  provoked  by  some 
irrital:)ility  a  reply  which  only  has  the  meaning  you  give 
it  when  it  is  isolated  from  the  context  ?  What  do  I 
know  ?  Not  having  seen  your  letters,  or  M.  Garnier's, 
I  cannot  decide  or  reason  with  any  assurance.  All 
I  know  is  that  M.  Gamier  has  the  most  sincere  friend- 
ship for  you  ;  you  yourself  have  told  me  so  a  hundred 
times.  I  am  grieved  not  to  be  able  to  come  to  you. 
I  should  soften  you  less  by  my  presence  than  by  the 
relief  you  would  find,  necessarily,  in  confiding  your 
troubles  to  one  who  feels  them  as  keenly  as  yourself. 
If  my  letter  could  make  your  tears  flow  (!)  and  procure 
you  some  tranquillity,  I  am  persuaded  you  would  see 
things  in  a  different  light.  Good-day.  Send  me  your 
letters,  and  see  always  at  the  heading  of  Garnier's  this 
important  phrase  '^9ar  Vamitie; '  here  is  the  secret  key 
to  the  true  worth  of  his  supposed  injuries." 

Had  Kousseau  really  received  such  a  letter  as  this, 
his  confidence  in  the  friendship  towards  him  of  the 
writer  would  certainly  not  have  continued.  And  yet 
this  is  one  of  the  letters  that  Sainte-Beuve  accepts  as 
throwing  light  upon  the  questions  at  issue  ! 

We  have  two  other  letters  to  compare,  the  one 
written  by  Madame  d'Epinay,  and  the  other  not  written 
by  her,  but  found  in  her  Memoirs.  Rousseau  sends  his 
friend,  Diderot's  letters,  and  a  copy  of  the  reply  he 
wishes  her  to  forward  to  Diderot  after  she  has  read  it. 
Madame  d'Epinay's  answer  discloses  that  she  is  still 
acting  upon  the  theory  that  the  friendly  part  towards 
Rousseau  is  to  persuade  him  that  he  has  misunderstood 


232     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Diderot's  expressions ;  and  is  angry  without  due  cause. 
She  tells  hini  that  she  is  not  going  to  send  his  reply  to 
Diderot ;  and  she  beos  him  to  suppress  it. 

Was  Madame  d'Epinay  acting  honestly,  in  what 
she  believed  to  be  Rousseau's  interest's  ?  I  have  said 
that  my  oum  conviction  is  that,  up  to  this  date,  she 
was  perfectly  honest.  But  this  inquiry  leaves  the 
question  unsolved,  because  our  conclusions  must  be 
based,  not  upon  convictions,  but  upon  evidence.  And 
we  have  no  evidence  to  prove  whether  the  lady  believed 
herself  to  be  serving  her  friend  Jean  Jacques,  or  whether 
she  was  already  acting  under  Grimm's  direction  and 
control,  when  endeavouring  to  foster  Rousseau's  belief 
that  Diderot  (who  was  already  his  secretly  active  enemy 
and  calumniator)  was  an  injudiciously  zealous  friend. 

"  I  am  now  in  a  better  position  to  judge  than  I  was 
this  morning,"  wrote  Madame  d'Epinay.  "  In  truth, 
my  dear  good  friend,  I  have  read  and  re-read  M. 
Diderot's  first  letter,  and  I  cannot  find  one  word  in 
it  to  justify  the  state  you  are  in.  I  see  this  first 
letter,  full  of  friendship — of  the  wish  to  see  you  ;  he 
makes  an  observation  which  is  in  no  way  offensive, 
which  has  no  weight  if  one  takes  it  simply,  but  that 
at  the  very  worst  might  be  interpreted  as  the  sort 
of  reflection  that  is  allowable  between  friends,  on  the 
drawbacks  which  out-weigh  the  advantages  of  a  decision 
taken,  or  that  one  is  about  to  take.  He  has  the  delicacy 
to  reproach  himself,  and  to  ask  you  at  the  end  to  forgive 
him.  And  from  this  you  start  off  with  the  belief  that 
he  looks  upon  you  as  a  scoundrel ;  and  to  behave  to  him 
as  though  he  had  actually  treated  you  like  one  !  I 
cannot  hide  from  you  that  you  are  in  the  wrong :  I 
profess  to  love  you  with  all  my  heart — and  it  is  because 
of  this  that  I  do  not  hesitate  to  tell  you  my  opinion 
frankly.  Yes,  my  dear  friend,  you  are  in  the  wrong. 
Heavens !  why  have  I  not  wings  that  I  might  fly  to 
you,  and  fly  back  to  my  mother  ?     I  believe  I  could 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  233 

bring  you  comfort  in  tins  trouble.  As  for  M.  Diderot's 
second  letter,  that  can  only  be  judged  in  reference  to 
the  one  you  sent  him  by  way  of  answer  to  the  first. 
I  refuse  to  send  him  the  last  you  send,  he  shall  not 
have  it :  and  I  call  upon  you  not  to  send  it.  I  take 
upon  myself  to  send  him  a  message  by  my  son,  who  is 
going  there  to-morrow,  telling  him  that  you  beg  him  not 
to  go  to  the  Hermitage  on  Saturday,  on  account  of  the 
bad  weather.  Not  that,  my  dear  friend,  I  do  not  regard 
it  as  very  essential  that  you  should  soon  see  each  other; 
but,  because,  actually,  there  are  causes  enough  to  make 
him  seriously  ill,  should  he  undertake  such  a  journey 
on  foot,  in  the  frightful  weather  we  are  having.  Write 
to  him  a  letter  dictated  by  your  own  heart,  and  I  am 
sure  it  will  speak  for  him,  as  mine  speaks  for  you. 
Confess  that  you  misunderstood  his  letter.  If  even  he 
had  been  in  the  wrong  he  would  feel  himself  all  the 
more  to  blame — and  as  he  was  not,  he  will  love  you  all 
the  better.  Put  off  until  better  weather  your  meeting, 
and  meanwhile  prepare  it  by  opening  your  heart  to  the 
consolation  of  recovering  your  belief  that  his  is  responsive 
to  your  friendship.  You  are  worthy,  both  of  you,  to 
love  each  other — ought  a  mere  phantom  to  divide  you  ? 
No,  my  dear  friend,  the  cloud-storm  has  passed  on  one 
side,  open  your  eyes,  and  you  will  see  that  in  reality 
the  sky  has  kept  calm  above  you  ;  the  passing  cloud 
has  darkened  the  air  as  it  sailed  by,  why  should  it  leave 
any  trace  behind  it '?  It  will  be  a  great  consolation 
if  you  let  me  know  you  are  tranquil,  until  M.  Diderot 
can  himself  assure  you  that  I  am  right ;  and  that  he 
said  nothing  calculated  or  meant  to  offend  you.  My 
friend,  won't  you  listen  to  me,  until  you  are  calm 
enough  to  listen  to  yourself?  Oh,  my  good  and  dear 
friend,  sometimes  you  have  listened  to  me  ere  this,  did 
you  repent  having  done  it  ?  Believe  that  I  only  guess 
at  your  own  feeling,  and  that  what  I  tell  you  to-day, 
you  will  yourself  say  two  days  hence.  As  for  Madame 
Levasseur,  the  affair  as  it  concerns  her  is  simple  enough. 


234     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Does  she  wish  to  remain  with  you  or  no  ?  If  she  wishes 
to,  all  is  said.  If  she  does  not,  I  will  undertake  the 
charge  of  her.  Let  her  come  to-morrow  and  I  will 
arrange  to  meet  her,  if  she  likes ;  and  if  she  wishes 
to  spend  the  spring  and  summer  in  the  country,  I  will 
take  her  back  to  Paris  in  the  autumn.  I  will  not  speak 
only  of  your  friends,  hut  no  one  ivho  hnoivs  you  can 
possibly  believe  that  you  keep  her  forcibly  and  against 
her  ivill  at  the  Hermitage.  In  any  case,  let  her  say 
clearly  what  she  does  want,  and  let  me  know  her 
decision  two  days  in  advance — that  is  all  that  is  neces- 
sary. Good-bye,  my  dear  and  unhappy  friend,  how 
much  I  love  you  and  how  sorry  I  am  for  you  !  If  you 
would  come  and  spend  twenty-four  hours  with  me,  and 
see  no  one  but  me,  I  would  send  you  my  carriage  on 
Monday  morning  to  Montmorency  and  it  should  take 
you  back  on  Tuesday.  My  own  position  is  this : 
my  mother's  state  will  not  allow  me  to  leave  her  for 
another  eight  days  at  least." 

And  now  here  is  the  letter  in  the  Memoirs  which 
Madame  d'Epinay  did  not  write  ;  but  which  expresses  the 
tone  of  the  superior  school-mistress,  as  well  as  benefac- 
tress, which  Madame  de  Montbrillant  assumed  to  a  man 
living  at  her  expense  ;  and  who  was  giving  her  cause  to 
regret  the  charity  she  had  bestowed  upon  an  unworthy 
object. 

^  "  And  you  pretend,"  writes  the  heroine  of  the  novel 
to  Rene,  "  that  my  letter  has  done  you  good  ?  The  one 
you  have  written  me  is  more  unjust,  more  full  of  anim- 
osity than  the  first !  My  friend,  you  are  not  in  a 
state  to  judge  !  Your  head  is  in  a  fermjcnt,  solitude  is 
fatal  to  you;  and  I  begin  to  repent  having  given  you 
the  chance  to  shut  yourself  up>  thus.  You  believe  that 
you   have   cause   to   complain   of   M.   Garnier  to-day; 

1  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  289. 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  235 

althougli  he  has  done  nothing  but  push  too  far  the 
warmth  of  expression  he  uses  always ;  and  which  has 
no  other  object  than  to  bring  you  back  to  your  friends. 
He  has  exhausted  for  this  object  in  vain  all  the  argu- 
ments relating  to  your  own  health,  safety  and  welfare  : 
then  he  tried  a  chord  which  in  all  other  periods  was 
made  to  touch  you ;  the  peace  of  mind  of  a  woman  of 
seventy -five,  who  has  had  the  goodness  ^  to  isolate  her- 
self to  follow  you.  He  perhaps  believed  that  she  secret- 
ly groaned  at  the  thouo'ht  of  passingr  the  winter  out 
of  reach  of  help  ;  that  was  only  natural ;  and  you  make  it 
a  crime  in  him  !  My  friend,  you  afflict  me,  your  state 
penetrates  me  with  grief — for  if  you  liad  said  in  cold 
blood  all  that  you  say  in  your  three  letters  —  but 
no  !  You  are  ill,  you  certainly  must  be  !  And  then — 
what  is  there  to  assure  me  that  some  fine  day  the  same 
thing  will  not  happen  to  me  as  to  M.  Garnier?  One 
owes  the  truth  to  one's  friends — so  much  the  worse  for 
the  one  who  cannot  bear  to  hear  it.  You  are  not  of 
those  who  should  misunderstand  its  language,  and  you 
do  not  deserve,  in  your  natural  state,  friends  who  can 
wound  you.  Go  back  quickly  to  that  state,  and  pre- 
pare yourself  to  open  your  arms  to  your  friend,  who 
will  not  be  long  before  throwing  himself  into  them,  by 
what  I  hear." 


The  comparison  of  the  style  of  these  letters  with 
Madame  d'Epinay's  real  letters,  charmingly  as  well  as 
amiably  expressed,  ought,  one  would  have  thought,  to 
have  told  literary  critics  that  they  were  dealing  with 
forgeries.  The  same  observation  applies  to  all  the 
interpolated  passages — they  have  the  stamp  on  them 
of  the  editor  of  the  Correspondance  Litteraire. 

^  Qui  a  eu  la  condescendance.  Where  was  the  "  condescension  "  on 
the  part  of  Madame  Levasseur?  Rousseau  supported  her  as  well  as 
Therese  ;  at  the  same  time,  it  is  clear  that  her  presence  in  the  honse- 
hold  protected  her  daughter's  good  name  :  and  hei^e  probably  was 
one  reason  for  removinoj  her. 


236    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

We  are  dealing  here  only  with  Madame  d'Epinay's 
part  in  an  episode  that  will  be  fully  examined  when  the 
time  comes  to  consider  whether  Rousseau  committed  the 
sceleratesses  against  Diderot  attributed  to  him.  But,  by 
way  of  establishing  Rousseau's  unaltered  friendship  for 
her,  and  upon  what  basis  he  founded  his  theory  of  the 
mutual  duties  of  friendship,  it  will  be  useful  to  give 
the  long:  letter  that  is  the  last  confidential  communica- 
tion  between  himself  and  Madame  d'Epinay.  We  are  at 
the  end  of  February  or  in  the  first  days  of  March  1757. 
And  in  May,  Madame  d'Houdetot  will  arrive  upon  the 
scene  :  and  their  relationships  be  disturbed. 

From  Rousseau  to  Madame  d'Epinay  : — 

"  Diderot  has  written  me  a  third  letter  returning  my 
papers.  Although  you  tell  me  in  yours  that  you  send 
me  the  packet,^  it  has  reached  me  by  another  means,  so 
that  when  I  received  it  my  answer  to  Diderot  was 
already  written.  You  must  be  as  weary  of  this  long, 
tiresome  business  as  I  am.  So  I  implore  you,  let  us 
speak  no  more  of  it. 

"  But  how  can  you  suppose  that  I  should  complain  of 
you,  because  you  scold  me  ?  Why,  truly,  you  do  well ; 
when  I  am  in  the  wrong,  I  often  need  it ;  and  even 
now,  when  I  am  in  the  right,  I  am  grateful  to  you,  be- 
cause I  see  your  motives ;  and  all  that  you  say,  because 
it  is  frank  and  sincere,  has  the  stamp  of  esteem  and 
of  friendship.  But  you  would  never  give  me  to  under- 
stand that  it  is  by  indulgence  that  you  speak  well  of 
me ;  you  would  never  say  '  and  a  good  deal  remains 
that  might  be  said.'  If  you  did,  you  would  offend  me 
deeply ;  but  you  would  commit  an  outrage  against 
yourself  too,  for  honourable  people  sliould  not  have  for 
friends  those  they   think  ill  of.     What,  madame,   you 

1  The  MS.  of  the  Nouvelle  HHo'ise.  This  phrase  is  omitted  in 
the  MSS.,  bvxt  is  re-inserted  by  tlie  editor  of  the  printed  Memoirs, 
who  probably  had  the  original  letter.     See  Appendix,  Note  D. 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  237 

call  this  merely  a  fault  in  form  ?  Let  me  make  to  you 
my  declaration  of  what  I  claim  from  friendship,  and 
what  I  exact  from  my  friends.  Find  fault  freely  with 
what  you  object  to  in  my  rules  ;  but  do  not  expect  to 
make  me  easily  depart  from  them,  because  they  are  de- 
rived from  my  character ;  and  that  1  cannot  change. 
First,  I  wish  that  my  friends  should  be  my  friends,  and 
not  my  masters  :  that  they  advise  me,  if  they  like ;  but 
that  they  do  not  wish  to  govern  me.  I  am  ready  to 
give  them  my  heart,  but  not  my  liberty.  They  may 
say  anything  to  me,  but  not  treat  me  with  contempt, 
contempt  shown  me  by  a  person  to  whom  I  am  indiffer- 
ent is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me — but  if  I  endured 
it  from  a  friend,  I  should  deserve  it.  If  they  have  the 
misfortune  to  despise  me,  do  not  let  them  tell  me  so — of 
what  use  is  that  ?  Let  them  renounce  me :  this  duty 
they  owe  themselves.  But  apart  from  this  tone  of  con- 
tempt, let  them  use  the  tone  they  please,  and  urge  what 
they  like — that  is  their  right ;  but  when,  having  listened 
to  them,  I  follow  my  own  judgment,  I  exercise  my 
own  right ;  and  when  I  have  once  decided  on  what  I 
wish  to  do,  I  find  incessant  remonstrances  or  reproaches 
useless  and  out  of  place.  Then  the  great  zeal  shown  in 
rendering  me  services  I  do  not  want  annoys  me,  and 
gives  a  certain  air  of  patronage  to  their  friendship 
which  displeases  me.  Any  one  can  help  a  fellow  man. 
I  would  rather  they  loved  me,  and  let  me  love  them  ; 
that  is  what  only  friends  can  do.  Their  caresses  alone 
could  make  me  endure  their  benefits;  and  also  if  they 
do  persuade  me  to  receive  them,  I  would  like  them  to 
consult  my  taste  and  not  their  own,  for  we  think  so 
differently,  that  what  to  them  might  seem  agreeable,  to 
me  might  be  displeasing.  If  a  quarrel  happen,  I  am 
willing  to  admit  that  whoever  is  in  the  wrong  should 
give  in ;  but,  after  all,  that  decides  nothing,  for  every 
one  thinks  himself  in  the  right.  Wrong  or  right,  it  is 
the  one  who  begins  the  quarrel  who  should  end  it.  If  I 
receive  his  blame  badly,  if  I  am  angry  without  cause, 


238    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

he  should  not  imitate  my  fault  and  get  angry,  or  if  he 
do,  he  does  not  love  me.  On  the  contrary,  I  would 
have  him  caress  me  tenderly,  kiss  me  affectionately — do 
you  hear,  madame  ?  In  a  word,  let  him  commence  by 
appeasing  my  anger — and  assuredly  it  will  not  take  him 
lonof.  For  no  anger  ever  flamed  in  me  that  a  tear 
would  not  extinguish.  Then,  when  I  am  soothed  and 
made  tender  and  contrite,  let  him  scold  me  as  he  please, 
and  show  me  where  I  was  wrong,  and  certainly  he  will 
not  find  me  obdurate.  That  is  what  I  would  wish  my 
friend  to  do  for  me :  and  what  I  am  always  willing,  in 
the  same  case,  to  do  for  him.  I  may  quote  upon  this 
subject  a  small  example  that  you  know  nothing  about, 
although  it  concerns  ourselves.  It  was  upon  the  oc- 
casion of  the  note  I  wrote  you,  when  I  spoke  of  the 
Bastille  in  a  very  different  sense  to  the  one  you  gave  my 
words.  You  wrote  me  a  letter,  very  far  from  being 
angry  or  even  impatient.  You  do  not  know  how  to 
write  such  letters  to  your  friends — but  where  I  saw  you 
were  displeased  with  mine.  I  was  persuaded,  and  am  still 
persuaded,  that  in  this  you  were  wrong,  and  I  explained 
this  in  my  reply.  You  had  put  forward  certain  maxims  : 
that  one  should  love  all  men  alike,  that  one  must  be 
satisfied  with  others  in  order  to  be  satisfied  with  one's 
self;  that  we  are  made  for  society  and  to  support  each 
other's  faults,  etc.,  etc.  You  had  precisely  started  me 
on  my  own  ground,  and  my  letter  was  a  good  one — or 
at  least  I  thought  it  so — and  certainly  you  would  have 
had  to  take  time  to  reply  to  it.  Ready  to  send  it  off,  I 
looked  through  it  again  ;  it  was  written,  you  may  be 
sure,  in  a  tone  of  friendship,  but  with  a  certain  warmth 
that  I  cannot  avoid.  I  felt  that  you  would  not  be  more 
pleased  with  it  than  with  my  first  letter,  and  that  it 
might  provoke  a  sort  of  altercation  between  us,  of  which 
I  should  be  the  originator.  Directly,  I  threw  my  letter 
on  the  fire,  resolved  to  let  the  discussion  drop.  I  can't 
tell  you  with  what  satisfaction  I  saw  my  eloquent  argu- 
ments burn  to  ashes,  and  you  know  that  I  have  never 


AT   THE    HERMITAGE  239 

touched  upon  the  subject  again.  My  dear  and  kind 
friend,  Pythagoras  said  that  one  must  never  stir  the 
fire  with  a  sword  ;  this  sentence  appears  to  me  the  most 
important  and  the  most  sacred  law  of  friendship.  I 
have  other  pretentions  with  my  friends,  and  these  claims 
grow  stronger  as  they  become  more  dear  to  me ;  also, 
I  shall  be  every  day  more  exacting  with  you !  But  I 
must  really  finish  this  letter.  Upon  re-reading  yours, 
I  see  that  you  announce  the  packet  from  Diderot,  but  it 
did  not  come  with  your  letter ;  I  received  the  packet 
some  time  before.  Do  not  wonder  if  my  hatred  for 
Paris  grows ;  except  your  letters,  nothing  but  worry 
reaches  me  from  there.  If  you  wish  to  protest  against 
my  views  on  this  matter  you  have  the  full  right  to. 
I  shall  receive  your  arguments  well,  but  they  will 
be  useless.  And  when  you  see  that,  you  will  not  con- 
tinually repeat  them." 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   FIRST   CRIME   AGAINST   MADAME    D'EPINAY  : 
THE    ANONYMOUS    LETTER 

We  now  know  tlie  true  relations  between  Rousseau 
and  Madame  d'Epinay  in  the  spring  of  1757.  From 
this  position  our  judgment  of  their  case  must  depend 
upon  the  certain  or  uncertain  grounds  of  Jean  Jacques' 
belief  that  his  friend  and  hostess  had  acted  the  part 
of  a  spy  upon  him;  that  she  had  endeavoured  to  get 
possession  of  his  private  letters ;  and  that  she  had  used 
the  information  she  had  obtained  by  these  base  means, 
maliciously  to  stir  up  jealousy  against  him ;  and  to  sow 
division  between  the  Marquis  de  Saint-Lambert  and  his 
mistress — her  sister-in-law,  the  Countess  d'Houdetot. 
If,  after  their  long  intimacy,  her  kind  and  thoughtful 
preparation  of  the  Hermitage  for  him,  her  reliance  upon 
his  counsels  in  her  difficulties,  her  readiness  to  afford 
him  sympathy  and  counsel  in  his  own  troubles,  Rousseau 
allowed  himself  without  convincing  proofs  of  her  guilt 
to  suspect  Madame  d'Epinay  of  these  detestable  actions, 
he  was  a  traitor  to  his  own  code  of  noble  friendship. 
But  if  the  evidence  put  before  him  did  not  allow  him  to 
doubt  Madame  d'Epinay's  treachery,  then  the  proofs  of 
her  affection,  which  he  had  taken  seriously,  became  so 
many  injuries ;  and  the  wound  was  the  more  cruel  and 
unforgivable,  because  it  was  dealt  him  in  the  house  of 
a  friend. 

Before  we  examine  whether  it  was  possible  for 
Rousseau  to  doubt  the  evidence  upon  which  he  based 
the  charge  he  brought  against  Madame  d'Epinay,  it  is 
necessary  to  establish  definitely  what  the   charge  was, 

240 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER  241 

For,  here,  the  Memoirs  have  introduced  a  fable,  that, 
adopted  by  Scvelinges  in  h's  libellous  notice  of  Rousseau 
in  the  Biograiyliie  Universelle}  has  assumed  the  form 
of  an  authentic  historical  fact,  so  that  we  have  it  gener- 
ally reported  by  modern  critics  ^  that  Jean  Jacques 
accused  Madame  d'Epinay  of  having  ivritten  an 
anonymous  letter  to  Saint-Lambert,  informing  him  of 
the  flirtations  going  on  in  the  forest  of  Montmorency ; 
and  that  the  true  author  of  this  anonymous  letter  ivas, 
if  not  Rousseau  himself  then  Therese. 

Now  about  this  anonymous  letter : — not  only  the 
author  of  the  Confessions  does  not  mention  it,  but 
Diderot  does  not  mention  it  either. 

"  The  fine  gentleman  Rousseau,"  wrote  the  author  of 
Les  Septs  Sceleratesses  de  J.  J.  Rousseau,  "  accused 
Madame  d'Epinay  of  having  either  instructed  M.  de 
Saint-Lambert  herself  or  having  had  him  instructed, 
about  his  passion  for  Madame  d'Houdetot." 

("  II  accusait  Madame  d'Epinay  d'avoir  ou  instruit,  ou 
fait  instruire  M.  de  Saint-Lambert  de  sa  passion  pour 
Madame  d'Houdetot.") 

If  we  consult  the  Arsenal  Notes,  we  discover  there 
the  certain  proof  that  this  story  about  an  anonymous 
letter,  received  by  Saint-Lambert,  was  not  told  by 
Madame  d'Epinay  either,  in  her  first  version  of  this  affair. 
For  we  find  it  suggested  as  one  of  the  "  changes  to  be 
made,"  in  the  following  note. 

3  Arsenal  MS.  Cahier  No.  18,  Ref.  145  (149  vieux). 

Translation. 

"  See  whether  after  the  letter  begun,  there  should  not 
be  a  narrative  of  the  guardian  which  explains  all  Rene's 
intrigue : — and  he  made  believe  to  accuse  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  of  having,  in  order  to  separate  him  from 

1  See  page  46. 

2  By  Saint-Marc  Girai'din,  by  Sainte-Beiive,  and  by  E.  Sclierer. 

3  See  Appendix,  Note  D  D  d. 

VOL.  I.  16 


242     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF   ROUSSEAU 

the  Countess,  written  an  anonymous  letter  to  Dulaurier, 
accusing  Rene  and  her  (the  Countess)  of  secret  inti- 
tnacy :  it  is  certain  that  there  ivas  an  anonymous  letter 
iV7'itten  to  Dulaurier — there  are  reasons  to  believe  that 
it  was  hy  Rene  himself.  Perhaps  from  this  should  one 
begin  here  about  the  intrigue  with  Garnier  ?  Perhaps 
for  this,  one  should  make  Dulaurier  leave  again  ? " 

These  "  perhapses "  show  the  free  scope  left  to  an 
inventor,  who  is  not  hampered  by  the  necessity  of  relat- 
ing facts  as  they  were.  We  have  the  interpolated  passage 
in  the  re- written  cahier  No.  141,  as  in  the  printed 
Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  pp.  67-69. 

Translation. 

"  For  a  right  understanding  of  what  may  follow  it 
should  be  known  that  Rene's  passion  for  the  Countess 
de  Lange  was  very  real.  He  knew  her  so  devotedly 
attached  to  Dulaurier  that  he  saw  no  other  means  of 
obtaining  any  hold  upon  her  regard,  except  by  destroy- 
ing her  faith  in  the  Marcjuis.  He  was  impeccable  :  there 
was  no  way  of  fastening  suspicion  on  him,  nor  of 
attributing  any  blame  to  him,  that  would  seem  credible. 
Not  to  alarm  the  Countess,  Rene  was  careful  at  first  to 
hide  the  love  he  had  conceived  for  her ;  and  used  all  his 
warmth  and  eloquence  to  rouse  in  her  scruples  about  her 
liaison  with  the  Marquis.  As  this  did  not  succeed,  he 
pretended  to  believe  that  Madame  de  Montbrillant  was 
also  in  love  with  the  Marc[uis ;  and  anxious  to  take  him 
away  from  her  sister-in-law.  He  gave  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  he  was  not  far  from  believing  that  the 
Marquis  was  mucli  flattered.  The  Marquis  himself 
in  vain  protested.  Rene  always  made  a  jest  of  it ; 
and  persisted  in  giving  an  air  of  reality  to  this  idea. 
He  found  a  double  advantage  in  this  plan :  for  he 
awoke  jealousy  in  the  Countess,  and  thus  separated  her 
from  her  sister-in-law,  whose  penetration  he  dreaded. 
This  jealousy  having  no  real  foundation,  was  calculated 


THE    ANONYMOUS    LETTER         243 

to  irritate  the  Marquis ;  to  produce  bitterness  and  per- 
haps a  rupture  between  him  and  Madame  de  Lange. 
Almost  at  the  same  time,  the  Marquis  received  an 
anonymous  letter  tvhich  told  him  that  Madame  de 
Lange  and  Rene  were  befooling  him;  and  lived  to- 
gether on  the  most  intimate  and  scandalous  terms.  In 
proof  of  this  charge  were  given  real  circumstances,  but 
they  were  dressed  up  in  such  a  way  as  to  serve  the 
calumnies  put  forward  by  the  author  of  the  letter.  I 
always  suspected  la  jjetite  Eloi :^  and  this  was  the  idea 
of  almost  all  the  witnesses  of  this  adventure.  Few  men 
are  sufficiently  masters  of  themselves  to  mistrust  appear- 
ances of  truth  ;  and  these  could  only  be  overcome  when 
compared  with  all  the  esteem  due  to  the  Countess. 
M.  Dulaurier  had  with  her  a  very  lively  explanation : 
after  which,  however,  he  did  her  the  justice  she  deserved. 
As  the  Countess  did  not  suspect  Rene's  sentiments 
for  her,  she  confided  to  him  the  secret  of  this  letter; 
and  he  was  thrown  consequently  into  so  much  anger 
and  grief,  that  he  became  ill.  In  the  search  for  an 
author  he  did  not  hesitate  to  name  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant.  '  Here  is  a  crime,'  he  said,  '  which  her  passion 
for  the  Marquis  has  made  her  commit.  She  no  doubt 
thought  by  these  means  she  would  separate  him  from 
the  Countess,'  In  short,  he  adopted,  or  pretended  to 
adopt,  this  idea  so  positively,  that  notwithstanding  all 
the  Marquis  and  Countess  could  do,  he  behaved  as  though 
he  had  certain  knowledge  of  it  as  a  fact." 

The  story  told  by  Rousseau  in  the  Confessions  is 
very  different.  Having  conceived  this  inopportune 
passion  for  Madame  d'Houdetot,  Jean  Jacques  persuaded 
himself  he  was  too  old  to  be  a  dang-erous  rival  to  Saint- 
Lambert ;  and  very  far  from  making  any  secret  of  the 
matter,  he  confessed  his  plight  to  Madame  d'Houdetot ; 
who  replied  that  though  he  was  the  most  lovable  man  in 
the  world,  and  though  no  one  knew  how  to  love  so  well, 

^  Ther^se  ;  the  first  notion  of  making  Rousseau  himself  the  writer 
of  the  anonymous  letter  was  probably  recognized  as  too  extravagant. 


244     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

yet — Saint-Lambert  stood  between  tliem.^  This  the 
docile  and  credulous  Jean  Jacques  accepted  cjuite  literally 
• — notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  inconstant  wife  of 
the  Count  d'Houdetot,  who  prided  herself  so  much  on 
being  the  constant  mistress  of  the  absent  Marquis  de 
Saint- Lambert,  gave  him  frequent  rendezvous  in  the 
forest  of  Montmorency  :  and  at  her  chateau  at  Eaubonne, 
where  the  submissive  Rousseau  sighed,  and  she  enter- 
tained him  by  rapturously  describing  her  ardent  passion 
for  Saint- Lambert !  In  other  words,  it  seems  impossible 
to  doubt  that  Madame  d'Houdetot — who,  like  her  sister- 
in-law  Madame  d'Epinay,  had  undergone  her  sentimental 
training  in  the  epoch  when  Manon  Lescaut  was  queen 
of  hearts,  played  off  upon  the  literal  Jean  Jacques  the 
same  (perhaps  half-conscious)  comedy  that,  in  earlier 
days,  Madame  d'Epinay  enacted  with  M.  de  Francueil ; 
when  she  had  appointed  a  moonlight  meeting,  wherein 
he  was  to  be  corrected  of  all  sentiments  that  did  not  fall 
in  with  the  scrupulously  platonic  relations  she  professed 
to  desire.^  Madame  d'Houdetot,  who  was  in  her  sister- 
in-law's  confidence,  knew  certainly  what  had  been  the 
result  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  excessive  confidence  in  M. 
de  Francueil.  Yet  this  lady,  with  a  husband  and  a 
lover  at  the  wars,  did  not  hesitate  to  repeat,  under  still 
more  perilous  circumstances,  the  same  experiment  that 
had  ended  so  badly  in  her  cousin's  case !  She  invited 
Jean  Jacques  to  sup  with  her  alone,  at  midnight,  in 
the  garden  of  her  chateau  at  Eaubonne.  Every  one 
recollects  the  memorable  scene,  described  by  the  author 
of  the  Confessions,  who  was  also  the  author  of  the 
Nouvelle  Helo'ise ;  the  dethroner  of  Manon,  and  the 
restorer  of  the  cult  of  romantic  love  : — 

^  Confessions,  part  ii. 

-  See  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  page  140.  "  II  n^est  pas  dans  mes  principes," 
said  Madame  de  Montbrillant  to  de  Formeuse,  "  de  one  croire  autori- 
sere  par  la  conduile  de  mon  mari  d\ivoir  un  amant ;  de  plihs,  je  Vaime- 
voibs  pauvez  compter  surce  que  je  vous  dis  let :  et  votes  pouvez  compter 
sur  la  tendre  amitie  que  je  vous  promets,"  and  a  great  deal  more; — 
one  thinks  one  is  listening  to  Madame  d'Houdetot ! 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER         245 

"  II  y  avait  six  mois  qu'elle  vivait  seule,  c  est  a  dire 
loin  cle  son  amant,  et  de  son  mari : — il  y  avait  trois  que 
je  la  Yoyais  prcsque  tons  les  jours,  et  toujours  Famour  en 
tiers  entre  ellc  et  moi.  Nous  avions  soupe  tete-a-tete  : 
nous  etions  seul,  dans  un  bosquet,  au  clair  de  la  lune  : 
et  apres  deux  heures  de  I'entretien  le  plus  vif,  et  le  plus 
tendre,  elle  sortit,  au  milieu  de  la  nuit,  de  ce  bosquet, 
et  des  bras  de  son  ami,  aussi  intacte,  aussi  pure  de  corps, 
et  de  coeur,  qu'elle  y  etait  entree."  {Confessions,  pt. 
ii.,  liv.  ix.) 

But  was  Madame  d'Houdetot  as  entirely  gratified  as 
Rousseau  supposed  slie  was,  by  this  docility  ?  There 
arc  verses  and  sayings  of  this  lady  which  go  to  prove 
her  a  far  less  probable  convert  to  the  cult  of  romantic 
love  than  even  Madame  d'Epinay.  In  any  case  the 
forest  walks  and  meetings  by  appointment  at  La 
Chevrette  and  at  Eaubonne,  plainly,  after  this  supper, 
began  to  pall  on  Madame  d'Houdetot :  and  they  had 
been  a  vexation  all  the  time  to  Madame  d'Epinay. 
That  lady,  too,  had  a  lover  at  the  wars.  Grimm  was 
acting  as  secretary  to  the  Marechal  d'Estrees  in  West- 
phalia ;  w^here  Saint-Lambert  was  serving  with  his  regi- 
ment. It  does  not  seem  unreasonable  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  should  have  suffered  in  her  pride,  and  in  her 
heart  too,  to  see  her  ho7i  cher  ami,  her  "  Ours,"  her 
hermit,  whose  retreat  she  had  built  for  him,  entertaining 
by  philosophic  reflections,  and  enchanting  by  romantic 
rhapsodies,  not  her  own  grass  widowhood,  but  the  grass 
widowhood  of  the  mistress  of  the  Marquis  de  Saint- 
Lambert  who  was  comparatively  a  new  friend  !  And  to 
understand  the  position  accurately,  one  has  to  realize 
that  Madame  d'Epinay  and  Madame  d'Houdetot  were 
cousins,  as  well  as  sisters-in-law ;  that  they  had  grown 
up  together;  that  no  one  can  read  the  Memoirs  at- 
tentively, especially  in  the  manuscripts,  without  dis- 
covering that,  whilst  in  almost  every  other  case  when 
the  amiable  authoress  appears  malicious,  it  is  because 
she   expresses    the    dislikes    of   Grimm,    when    she   is 


246     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

malicious  at  the  expense  of  Madame  d'Houdetot  (and 
she  is  so  very  often),  the  dislike  she  expresses  is  evi- 
dently her  own.  Here,  indeed,  we  find  the  censors  who 
undertake  the  revision  of  the  original  version  toning 
down  on  several  occasions  Madame  de  Montbrillant's 
outbursts  against  the  Countess  de  Lange  and  her 
"  insupportability." 

It  is  time  to  reach  the  denouement.  Jean  Jacques 
calls  one  day  at  Eaubonne  and  finds  Madame  d'Houdetot 
in  tears.  "  They  have  betrayed  us,"  she  says.  In  other 
words,  Saint-Lambert  has  been  informed  of  their 
frequent  walks  and  meetings :  and  he  has  written 
angrily  to  his  mistress.  Rousseau  is  full  of  self-reproach 
and  distress.  But  who  can  the  mischief-maker  have 
been  ?  Madame  d'Houdetot  at  once  settles  the  question. 
It  is  her  cousin,  Madame  d'Epinay :  who  has  before  this 
endeavoured  to  sow  division  between  herself  and  her 
lover.  Rousseau,  weighing  the  matter,  can  find  no  other 
possible  solution.  Grimm  is  near  Saint-Lambert :  and 
Madame  d'Epinay  is  certainly  in  constant  communica- 
tion with  Grimm. 

If  we  turn  to  the  Memoirs,  we  find  that  this  theory 
is  plainly  supported  by  the  evidence,  even  as  it  is  given 
there.  The  interpolated  episode  of  the  anonymous 
letter  does  not  conceal  from  the  attentive  reader  the 
fact  that  Volx  received  from  Madame  de  Montljrillant 
long  letters  giving  him  frequent  accounts  of  the  goings 
on  of  the  Countess  de  Lange ;  of  her  singular  light- 
heartedness  in  view  of  the  absence  of  her  lover ;  and  of 
her  frequent  meetings  with  Ren^,  and  their  mysterious 
intimacy.  It  is  also  said  that  Volx  and  Dulaurier 
exchange  letters.  In  these  circumstances  the  anony- 
mous letter  was  not  needed  to  arouse  the  jealousy 
of  the  absent  lover  :  it  was  needed,  in  the  stoi'y,  to 
exonerate  Madame  de  Monthrillant.  But  Rousseau's 
conviction  that  Madame  d'Epinay  was  the  mischief- 
maker  did  not  merely  rest  upon  Madame  d'Houdetot's 
assertions,  and  upon  the  difficulty  of  finding  any  one 


THE    ANONYMOUS    LETTER         247 

else  who  could  possibly  have  informed  the  Marquis  in 
Westphalia  of  what  was  taking  place  in  the  forest  of 
Montmorency.  Therese  Levasseur  now  came  forward 
with  a  strange  confirmatory  story.  She  declared  that 
Madame  d'Epinay  secretly  endeavoured  to  persuade  her 
to  steal  and  brino;  her  the  letters  Madame  d'Houdetot 
wrote  to  Rousseau  :  that  when  she,  Therese,  replied 
that  Rousseau  tore  up  these  letters  when  he  had  read 
them,  Madame  d'Epinay  urged  her  to  collect  and  bring 
her  the  pieces,  and  that  they  could  be  put  together  with 
care !  Therese  further  stated  that  upon  one  occasion 
when  Rousseau  had  slept  at  the  Chevrette,  a  letter  from 
Eaubonne  arrived  at  the  Hermitage,  and  that  she  had 
taken  it  to  the  Chevrette  ;  and  that  Madame  d'Epinay 
had  endeavoured  to  snatch  it  from  her ;  and  when  she 
had  concealed  it,  had  held  her,  whilst  she  looked  for 
it  in  her  apron.  In  the  very  hour,  as  ill-luck  would  have 
it,  when  Jean  Jacques  was  burning  with  indignation  at 
these  revelations,  came  a  caressing  little  note  from  his 
hostess,  inviting  him  to  pass  a  week  at  La  Chevrette. 
He  replied  evasively  at  first,  that  until  certain  doubts 
in  his  mind  were  cleared  away  he  could  not  meet  her ; 
she  answered  with  friendly  anxiety  for  his  distress  and 
claiming  his  confidence.  He  then  lost  his  head :  and 
replied  that  she  had  forfeited  his  confidence  and  would 
find  it  difiicult  to  recover  it :  and  he  went  on  to  explain, 
without  naming  the  personages  concerned,  that  an  eff'ort 
had  been  made  to  divide  two  lovers,  and  that  his  name 
had  been  used  to  awaken  the  jealousy  of  one  of  them. 
Madame  d'Epinay  replied  that  she  was  innocent  of  any 
eff'ort  to  divide  these  lovers,  who  were  "  as  dear  to  her 
as  to  Jean  Jacques  himself."  She  implored  her  old 
friend  to  do  her  justice  ;  and  not  condemn  her  unheard  ; 
and  she  ended  by  declaring  that  she  was  only  too 
anxious  to  forgive  him. 

Rousseau,  who  recognized  that  he  had  been  imprudent, 
went  to  the  Chevrette  in  great  alarm,  and  then — what 
one  might  expect  happened !     Madame  d'Epinay,  who 


248     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

knew  she  had  been  in  the  wrong  in  exhaling  her  im- 
patience and  irritation  against  the  flirtations  of  Madame 
d'Houdetot  in  her  letters  to  Grimm,  melted  into  tears 
when  she  saw  her  favourite  old  friend,  her  "  bear,"  whom 
she  did  not  intend  to  injure ;  and  the  poor  "  bear,"  who 
did  not  understand  how  it  had  happened,  but  who,  in 
sight  of  the  dear  lady  who  built  him  his  retreat,  could 
not  believe,  in  spite  of  the  evidence  which  stared  him  in 
the  face,  that  she  had  meant  him  unkindness,  burst  into 
tears  also.  The  two  old  friends  embraced  each  other : 
the  quarrel  was  patched  up  without  any  explanation, 
and  things  went  on  outwardly  as  before. 

Before  examining  what  Madame  d'Epinay's  faults 
really  were  against  Rousseau  upon  this  occasion,  we 
have  to  decide  the  much  more  important  question  to 
us,  of  whether  Rousseau  can  be  shown  guilty  of  the 
"  crime  "  of  base  suspiciousness  against  an  old  friend  ;  if 
not  of  insrratitude  towards  a  benefactress  ?  We  have 
to  decide  further  whether  there  were  any  grounds  for 
the  charge  made  by  Diderot  of  falsity  against  Rousseau, 
in  that  he  wept  at  Madame  d'Epinay's  feet,  and  im- 
plored her  pardon  for  his  unjust  suspicions  ;  yet  repeated 
the  same  accusations  against  her  behind  her  back. 

We  shall  find  it  proved  that  Rousseau  committed 
neither  of  these  crimes. 

He  was  not  basely  suspicious ;  nor  was  it  his  diseased 
imagination  which  suggested  to  him  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  had  been  the  tale-bearer  who  had  revealed 
to  the  Marquis  in  Westphalia  what  was  going  on  in  the 
forest  of  Montmorency.  But  Madame  d'Houdetot 
informed  him  that  her  lover  had  been  made  jealous  by 
some  tale-bearer ;  and  that  she  believed  the  mischief- 
maker  was  Madame  d'Epinay,  who  had  already  tried  to 
stir  up  strife  between  herself  and  Saint-Lambert. 

Again  Rousseau  had  no  suspicion  that  Madame 
d'Epinay  had  abused  her  position  by  endeavouring  to 
gain  over  Therese  to  her  ends  ;  hut  Thcrese  lierself 
amazed   him  by  tlie  assertion  that  the  lady  had  en- 


THE    ANONYMOUS    LETTER         249 

cleavoured  by  bribes  and  threats  to  persuade  her  to  steal 
from  him  Madame  d'Houdetot's  letters. 

lu  other  words,  Rousseau  was  compelled  to  believe 
Madame  d'Epinay  guilty  of  these  acts  of  treachery  by 
the  difficulty  of  discovering  any  one  else  who  could 
have  made  mischief  with  Saint-Lambert ;  and  by  the 
impossibility  of  supposing  that  the  "  simple  and  honest " 
Therese  was  either  intellectually  or  morally  capable  of 
fabricating  the  story  she  related  to  him. 

Again,  when  we  test  the  truth  of  the  assertion  that 
Rousseau  described  Madame  d'Epinay  as  the  blackest  of 
women  behind  her  back,  whilst  to  her  face  he  abjectly 
implored  her  pardon  for  all  his  faults,  we  find  that  the 
very  opposite  of  this  was  true. 

We  find  that  after  hearing  Therese's  story,  Rousseau 
did  not  secretly,  nor  publicly,  accuse  Madame  d'Epinay, 
but  that  with  perfect  loyalty  to  her  in  her  character  of 
an  old  friend,  he  wrote  to  her  informing  her  that  his 
confidence  in  her  was  shaken  and  that  he  suspected  her 
of  using  his  name  to  sow  disunion  between  two  lovers 
who  were  his  friends,  thus  giving  her  the  opportunity  of 
demanding  an  explanation. 

It  is  true  that  when  Madame  d'Epinay  did  not  seize 
this  opportunity,  but,  in  her  first  interview  with  him 
after  his  denunciatory  letter,  instead  of  requiring,  or 
offering  more  information,  burst  into  tears,  and  em- 
braced him,  Rousseau,  moved  by  these  signs  of  distress 
and  afiection,  had  not  the  courage  to  sift  the  matter  out 
nor  to  tax  Madame  d'Epinay  with  the  odious  action 
attributed  to  her  by  Therese. 

But  neither  did  lie  accuse  her  of  the  odious  action 
hehind  her  hack;  and  Diderot's  letter,  quoted  by  him  in 
proof  of  his  assertion  that,  after  the  temporary  reconcilia- 
tion, Jean  Jacques  had  persisted  in  accusing  Madame 
d'Epinay  as  the  blackest  of  women,  actually  proves  the 
contrary.  This  letter  (which  will  presently  be  given) 
was  written  to  urge  Rousseau  to  accompany  Madame 
d'Epinay  to  Geneva.     It  contains  this  phrase,  "  if  you 


250     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

are  satisfied  with  Madame  d'Epinay,  you  ought  to  accom- 
pany her ;  if  you  are  dissatisfied  with  her,  all  the  more 
reason  is  there  for  going."  So  that  Diderot  does  not 
know  the  position  at  the  moment ;  and  although  his 
words  indicate  that  he  is  aware  there  has  been  some 
cause  of  dissatisfaction,  they  also  prove  that  Rousseau 
could  not  have  told  him  the  facts.  For  even  the 
tyrannical  Encyclopaedist  could  hardly  have  esteemed  it 
a  reason  that  made  it  all  the  more  necessary  for  Jean 
Jacques  to  follow  this  lady  to  Geneva  that  he  knew  she 
had  bribed  a  woman  living  under  his  protection  to  steal 
his  private  letters  ? 

So  that  with  regard  to  these  charges  we  find  that 
Rousseau  was  not  guilty  of  base  or  insane  suspicions 
against  a  tried  friend,  but  that  his  belief  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  treachery  was  the  inevitable  conclusion  he 
drew  from  the  facts  disclosed  by  Madame  d'Houdetot 
and  by  Therese  ;  that  in  these  circumstances  he  was  not 
guilty  of  fiilsity,  weeping  at  Madame  d'Epinay's  knees 
and  traducing  her  behind  her  back  ;  but  that  he  behaved 
in  an  exactly  opposite  manner,  at  once  informing  her  of 
his  suspicions  ;  and  behind  her  back,  refraining  from  all 
mention  of  these  suspicious,  when  justifying  himself  to 
others  from  the  charo-e  of   inoratitude  towards  her. 

We  have  now  to  see  what  light  is  thrown  upon 
Madame  d'Epinay's  true  behaviour,  and  her  sentiments 
towards  Rousseau  and  Madame  d'Houdetot,  by  a  curious 
document  which  indubitably  belongs  to  this  period  ;  and 
which,  in  all  probability,  represents  the  identical  and 
original  cause  of  Saint-Lambert's  dissatisfaction  with  his 
mistress.  Whilst  Grimm  was  in  Westphalia,  Madame 
d'Epinay,  for  her  own  entertainment  as  well  as  his,  sent 
him  several  literary  portraits  of  their  mutual  friends,  and 
a  much  too  flattering  portrait  of  himself,  reproduced  in 
the  Memoirs.  These  portraits  (with  some  letters  of  her 
own  to  Tronchin,  a  letter  in  verse  to  the  Marquis  de 
Saint-Lambert,  a  poem  addressed  to  Grimm,  as  "Tyran  le 
Blanc,"  and  a  letter  to  her  from  Desmahis,  also  in  verse) 


Madame  d'Houdetot 
(From  a  Portrait  engraved  by  Corot.) 

The  portrait  must  be  flattered.  Rousseau  says:  "She  was  not  beautiful, 
her  face  was  marked  with  small-pox  and  her  complexion  lacked  delicacy  ;  she 
was  short-sighted  and  her  eyes  were  round  ;  but  with  all  that  she  had  an  air  of 
youthfulness,  and  her  expression,  at  once  lively  and  sweet,  was  fascinating. 
She  had  a  forest  of  dark  hair  which  curled  naturally  and  reached  to  her  knees, 
her  figure  was  charming  and  her  movements  at  once  awkward  and  graceful." — 
Confessions,  Part.  II.  liv.  ix. 

The  Countess  Allard  says  of  Madame  d'Houdetot :  "Although  Rousseau 
admits  she  was  not  beautiful,  he  saw  her  in  the  light  of  illusions.  It  should  be 
a  consolation  to  ugly  women  to  learn  that  Madame  d'Houdetot  was  very  ugly 
and  owed  to  her  wit  and  charming  character  the  passionate  and  constant  love 
she  received.  She  was  well  made,  and  as  she  had  had  the  famous  Marcel  for 
dancing-master,  she  was  graceful.  Her  bust  was  beautiful,  her  hands  and 
arms  pretty,  her  feet  very  small." 

[To  face  pasje  251. 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER         251 

Madame  d'Epinay  bad  printed  at  Geneva  in  1758,  for 
private  circulation  amonijst  her  friends,  in  a  small  volume 
entitled  Mes  Moments  Heureux. 

The  book  was  printed  in  the  interval  between  the  final 
rupture  with  Rousseau,  in  December  1757,  and  Grimm's 
arrival  at  Geneva,  in  February  1759.     One  has  only  to 

read  the  Portrait  of  Madame  H to  realize  how 

annoyed  Tyran  le  Blanc  must  have  been  at  this  impru- 
dence.    Madame  d'Epinay's  liking  for  Rousseau  and  her 

antipathy  to  Madame  H w^ere  secrets  which  lent  an 

entirely  new  aspect  to  the  quarrel  as  reported  by  himself 
and  Diderot.  The  little  volume,  too,  contained  other 
indiscretions.  Voltaire  was  lightly  treated  in  comparison 
with  Rousseau.  Madame  d'Epinay  was  shown  much  too 
interested  in  Saint-Lambert ;  and  Dcsmahis  appeared  on 
by  far  too  familiar  terms  with  a  lady  who  had  obtained 
the  distinction,  and  promotion  to  the  honourable  rank,  of 
mistress  to  M.  Grimm.  So  the  little  book  was  suppressed. 
And  it  is  with  reference  to  this  volume,  and  not  to  the 
Memoirs,  that  Madame  d'Epinay's  reply  to  Sedaine, 
quoted  by  MM.  Percy  and  Maugras,  must  be  read. 
Some  copies  of  this  rare  little  volume  exist,  and  one  can 
be  consulted  en  reserve  at  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 


POETRAIT   DE    MADAME    H- 


"  Since  my  earliest  childhood,  I  have  lived  on  intimate 
terms  with  Madame  H.  I  have  always  had  a  liking  for 
her  But  only  within  the  last  two  years  have  I  truly 
desired  to  make  a  friend  of  her.  I  have  always  recognized 
in  her  frankness,  good  faith,  sweet  temper,  patience  and 

a   trustworthiness   beyond   fault Never   any 

mischievous  gossip  from  her ;  and  her  merit  for  this  is 
all  the  greater,  because  she  is  naturally  absent-minded, 
childish  and  thoughtless.  She  was  entirely  absorbed  by 
a  passion  of  six  months'  standing  when,  in  May  1753,^  I 
invited  her  to  pass  some  time  with  me  in  the  country. 
^  The  date  of  the  birth  of  de  Francueil's  son. 


252     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

I  thought  I  should  find  in  her  an  amiable  companion,  so 
taken  up  with  her  passion  that  she  would  not  worry  me 
in  my  own  ways  of  life.  But  soon  I  felt  for  her  real 
friendship,  and  the  most  tender  interest.  In  the  end 
she  gave  me  all  her  confidence ;  and  on  my  side  I  had 
no  secrets  from  her.  I  stipulated,  however,  that  she 
should  never  talk  about  anything  that  concerned  me  to 
her  lover ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  she  kept  her  word. 
She  is  capable  of  hiding  from  him  secrets  which  do  not 
concern  him :  she  knows  even  how  to  endure  his  sus- 
picions, rather  than  to  prove  false  to  the  confidence 
shown  her.  This  time  in  the  country,  up  to  the  moment 
of  Madame  d'H.'s  departure,  appeared  charming  to  me. 
Nevertheless  some  thoughtless  and  imprudent  actions 
of  hers  r)iade  me  from  time  to  time  regret  that  I  ivas 
hi  her  confidence.  Some  fads  ivhich  I  remarked  in 
her  sometimes  irritated  me  against  her:  hut  this 
irntation  hardly  hetixiyed  itself  except  ivhen  I  was 
tormented  hy  other  troubles.  TJien,  as  these  fads  are 
entirely  opposed  to  my  own  character^  they  became 
insupportable  to  me.  Such  are,  for  instance :  her  habit 
of  never  being  ready  in  time  for  anything ;  of  waiting 
until  other  people  are  eating  dessert,  befoi^e  beginning 
her  dinner;  of  helping  herself  from  every  dish,  and 
eating  nothing ;  of  constantly  tuearing  an  absent  air, 
especially  ivhen  her  lover  is  away ;  of  leaving  about 
the  room  everything  belonging  to  her;  of  constantly 
forgetting  vjhei-e  she  is  ;  ayid  ivhat  she  has  to  do.  Here 
are  the  chief  defects  that  I  find  in  her.  She  left  me  in 
the  month  of  June  and  returned  to  her  country  seat ; 
where  I  went  to  join  her  in  the  month  of  September.  I 
found  her  much  less  glad  to  see  me  than  I  had  expected. 
Her  lover  remained  in  Paris.  She  spoke  very  little  about 
him,  and  as  she  dawdles  on  interminably  ^  upon  what 
interests  her,  I  thought  her  taste  for  him  had  grown  less. 
Two  days  after  J  found  her  in  despair  at  not  having 
heard  from  him  !  But  the  next  day,  she  was  as  gay  as 
^  "  elle  rabdclie" 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER         253 

usual !  All  this  appeared  strange  to  me.  Nevertheless 
these  observations  did  not  diminish  my  friendship  for 
her  :  they  only  decided  me  to  have  no  part  in  an  affair 
that  promised  badly,  and  where  I  might  find  myself 
compromised  without  being  of  any  use  to  my  friend. 
Above  all,  I  did  not  observe  any  very  lively  devotion 
on  the  lover  s  side  in  return  for  hers.  His  conduct  on 
severed  occasions  appeared  to  me  very  light.  I  rished 
sj^eahing  to  him  upon  the  subject  unhiovrn  to  Madame 
H.  I  was  not  satisjied  with  his  repjlies — in  short,  I 
foresaw  misfortunes.  I  returned  to  Paris,  and  eioht  davs 
afterwards  the  afiair  was  betrayed.  The  husband,  who 
saw  by  the  letters  that  fell  into  his  hands  that  I  was 
mixed  up  in  the  business,  spoke  of  me  in  an  abominable 
way.  I  had  with  him  a  conversation  of  the  sort  I  was 
bound  to  have.^  The  dansjer  where  I  saw  Madame  H. 
frightened  me  so  much  that  I  tried  to  let  her  understand 
the  judgment  I  had  formed  upon  the  conduct  of  her 
lover.  But  this  ivas  done  with  all  possible  consideration 
fm^  her  sensibility.  She  did  not  listen  to  me;  and  if 
she  understood  me  I  do  not  doubt  that  she  bore  me  ill 
ivill  for  it.  Nevertheless  I  still  tried  to  be  useful  to 
her  by  restraining  her  imj)rudence ;  but  then  the  same 
reasons  I  had  before  induced  me  little  by  little  to  lessen 
our  intimacy.  I  took  no  notice  of  her  affairs  ;  and  soon 
she  appeared  to  have  entirely  forgotten  me.  It  was 
not  that  she  loved  me  less,  but  that  she  could  not  dilate 
to  me  upon  the  love  of  what  she  held  most  dear.  As  I 
always  take  the  same  interest  in  her,  I  was  careful  from 
time  to  time  to  keep  myself  informed  of  her  situation. 

She  has  retained  her  taste  for  M ,  and  this  aft'ection 

appeared  to  me  this  winter,  on  both  sides  more  lively 
than  ever.  The  long  absence  of  her  lover  has,  it  seems 
to  me,  served  only  to  increase  it.  Two  months  ago,  as  I 
intended  to  establish  myself  at  the  country  house  earlier 
than  usual,  I  incited  Madame  H.  to  come,  seeinsf  no 
objection  in  the  way  of  yielding  to  my  pleasure  in  her 
^  J'eus  avec  lui  une  conversation  telle  que  je  la  devais  avoir. 


254     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

society.     The  absence  of  lier  lover,  and  the  permission  I 
gave  her  husband  to  visit  me  again,  removed  all  the 
obstacles  which  before  stood  in  the  way  of  these  arrange- 
ments and  the  gratification  of  my  liking  for  her.     She 
accepted  my  proposal.     I  began  to  see  her  much  oftener 
and  with  much   more  pleasure  ;    because  I   found  her 
much  more  interested  in  what  was  going  on  around  her. 
One  of  my  friends  being  at  the  time  in  a  frightful  state 
of  health,  she  apijeared  to  take  the  most  lively  interest 
in  him,  although  she  knew  him  very  slightly ;  and  she 
gave  him  iipon  this  occasion  all  the  signs  of  the  greatest 
friendshi]).     All   this   appeared   very  simple;  for  I 
know  no  creature  living  "inore  interesting  than  he  is, 
nor  more  full  of  sensibility  than  she  is.     At  the  end  of 
three  iveeks,  hoivever,  the  advances  she  made  to  him^,  and 
some  notes  that  fell  into  my  hands, ^  led  me  to  believe 
that  he  had  turned  her  head.     However,  I  noticed  no 
change  in  her,  and  I  suspected  that  she  nourished  this 
sentiment  in  secret,  and  without  herself  recognizing  it. 
But  I  have  been  cured  of  this  idea  by  an  observation  I 
have  made  since  we  came  down  to   the  country,   and 
which  is  explained  by  what  I  have  already  said  of  her 
character.     Her  imptatience  to  see  hitn  is  extreme  and 
vivacious;    but  ivhen  he  ai^rives,  and  she  has  wished 
him  good-day,  she  p)Ciys  no  m,ore  attention  to  him  and 
appeal's    to   forget   his  pi'esence — avec   elle,   pas    de 
lendem,ain.    During  the  month  we  have  passed  together 
I  noticed  that  she   has    corrected    the   indolence   that 
once   so  disjDleased  me   in  her.     Her  fads  remain  the 
same  ;  but  as  I  am  no  longer  made  irritable  by  trouble 
they  do  not  worry  me.     I  love  her  tenderly.     The  fear 
of  finding  myself  too  much  mixed   up  in  her  affairs 
when  her  lover  returns  could  alone  prevent  me  from 
giving  myself  up  to  my  inclination  for  her. 

"  I  conclude  that,  on  the  whole,  no  other  woman  can 

compare  with  Madame  H .   Her  mind  and  heart  are 

excellent,  although  her  head  might  lead  her  to  commit 
1  How  did  these  notes  fall  into  Madame  d'Epinay's  hands  1 


THE    ANONYMOUS    LETTER         255 

many  a  fault.  She  is  liglit,  but  she  is  constant.  Her 
lightness  consists  in  that  pleasure  or  pain  leave  hardly 
any  trace  ivith  her.  Every  feeling  is  effaced  all  the 
more  promptly  because  in  the  first  moment  she  feels 
vividly — avec  elle,  pas  de  lendemain.  She  is  as  true  in 
friendship  as  she  is  tender  in  love.  Never  has  she  said 
or  thought  evil  of  any  one ;  and  whoever  undertakes  to 
criticize  will  end,  as  I  do,  by  praising  her." 

In  connection  with  the  sincerity  of  the  "  tender  love  " 
professed  by  Madame  d'Epinay  for  Madame  d'H not- 
withstanding her  "  insupportable  fads,"  several  passages 
from  the  Archives  and  Arsenal  Manuscript — toned  down 
by  later  corrections — are  found  in  the  old  cahiers.  Thus 
in  142  cahier  (which  has  been  re-produced  as  the  137 
cahier)  one  reads :  "  I  have  had  a  visit  from  the 
Countess  de  Lange.  She  appeared  more  feverish  and 
haggard  than  ever,  shrieking  like  a  blind  ivoman 
[criant  comme  une  aveugle) — really  I  think  she  is  going 
mad  :  my  companion  ivas  deafened  by  her;  and  I ivas 
bored  to  extinction.  She  threatens  us  ivith  a  visitation 
of  several  days  here  ivith  her  sister-in-law,  the  Countess 
de  B.  I  shall  try  to  get  out  of  it  if  I  can  ivithout 
wounding  her  feelings.  The  countess  wishes  to  make 
the  acquaintance  of  Milord  and  Lady  Wilx.^  I  shall  not 
mix  myself  up  in  it.  Ladi,  who  has  never  seen  her, 
does  not  like  her  ;  on  the  contrary,  if  milord  speaks 
about  it  to  me  I  shall  beg  him  not  to  let  any  politeness 
towards  me  influence  him.  And  whilst  praising  the 
heart  and  soul  of  the  Countess,  I  shall  not  make  any 
secret  of  her  insupportabibty  (en  faisant  d'ailleurs  I'eloge 
du  coeur  et  de  I'ame  de  la  Comtesse  je  ne  tairai  pas  son 
insupportabilite  "). 

The  Portrait  of  Madame  H makes  quite  in- 
telligible to  us,  what  Mr.  Morley  describes  as  a  "puzzle 
that  can  never  be  found  out ;  or  be  worth  finding  out."  ^ 
It  is  worth  finding  out,  for  those  who  desire  to  know 
Rousseau  as  he  really  was,  that  he  did  not  write  an 
1  Holbachs.                             -  Vol.  i.  p.  278. 


256     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

anonymous  letter  to  the  lover  of  a  woman  he  had 
attempted  to  seduce  ;  and  then  accuse  another  person  of 
writing  it.-^  It  is  also  worth  while  to  find  out  that  he 
was  not  a  suspicious  maniac,  who  without  just  grounds 
imagined  a  tried  friend  had  betrayed  him.^  Nor  yet  an 
ungrateful  impostor  who,  to  escape  from  his  obligation  to 
a  benefactress,  invented  false  charges  against  lier.^  The 
final  dismissal  of  all  these  theories  is  the  result  of  the 
key  to  the  puzzle  given  by  Madame  d'Epinay's  own 
admission  in  this  document. 

My  discovery  in   1897    of  the   Portrait  of  Madame 

H two  years  after  the  publication  of  my  Studies  in 

the  France  of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau,  proved  to  me  that 
I  was  wrong  when,  in  that  work,  I  expressed  the  opinion 
that  though  Rousseau  could  not  be  described  as  "  basely 
suspicious"  because  he  believed  in  the  honesty  of  his 
humble  life  companion  Therese,  he  probably  did 
Madame  d'Epinay  injustice  when  he  accepted  from 
Therese  her  assertion  that  the  lady  of  La  Chevrette  had 
stooped  to  the  meanness  of  reading  l\Iadame  d'Houdetot's 
letters.  In  the  face  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  own  admission, 
found  in  this  document,  that  "  some  letters  that  fell  iyito 
her  hands  led  her  to  believe  that  Rousseau  had  turned 
Madame  d'Houdetot's  head,"  one  can  no  longer  describe 
Madame  d'Epinay  as  incapable  of  this  act.  How  should 
these  letters  have  fallen  into  her  hands,  unless  Therese 
were  mixed  up  in  it  ?  At  the  risk  of  letting  partiality 
for  Madame  d'Epinay  make  one  too  indulgent,  I  think 
we  may  still  disbelieve  the  story  that  the  lady  of 
"good  society"  attempted  either  by  bribery  or  force 
to  obtain  Rousseau's  private  letters.  As  we  have 
no  positive  evidence  to  decide  it,  the  question  re- 
mains an  open  one.  But  there  is  an  episode  in  the 
Memoirs  that  seems  to  me  to  give  a  clue  to  the  probable 
answer  : — 

^  Theory  of  Sevelinges. 

2  Theory  of  Sainte-Beuve. 

^  Theory  of  Saint-Marc  Girardin  and  of  E.  Scherer. 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER         257 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  writes  to  Volx,  telling  him 
that  Kene's  housekeepers,  mother  and  daughter,  are 
jealous,  and  mystified  by  Rene's  constant  meetings  with 
the  Countess  de  Lange. 

"  I  was  obliged,"  the  lady  writes,^  "  to  stop  them  in 
their  confidences,  which  threatened  to  become  scandalous. 
They  have  found  a  letter — what  about  I  don't  know,  for 
I  wouldn't  let  them  go  into  details.  I  said  to  the  petite 
Eloi  (Therese),  '  My  child,  when  one  finds  other  people's 
letters  left  about,  one  either  throws  them  on  the  fire 
without  reading  them  or  gives  them  back  to  those  to 
whom  they  belong.' " 

I  think  we  may  believe  that  the  Levasseurs  were 
mystified,  that  Thdrese  was  jealous  ;  that  she  took  the 
letter,  or  letters,  to  Madame  d'Epinay  ;  that  the  lady — 
jealous  also — did  not  say  what  she  ought  to  have  said, 
but  that  she  did  what  she  ought  not  to  have  done  ;  and 
read  the  letter's? 

But  if  the  extent  of  Madame  d'Epinay 's  guilt  be  an 
open  question — what  this  document  establishes  as  a 
positive  historical  fact  is  that  every  charge  brought 
against  her  hy  Rousseau  is  j^roved.  Taking  the  most 
indulgent  view  of  her  case,  her  own  admissions  show 
that  she  had  on  earlier  occasions  interfered  mischievously 
between  Madame  d'Houdetot  and  Saint-Lambert ; '"  that 
she  had  read  letters  written  by  her  cousin  to  Rousseau; 
that  upon  information  derived  by  these  dishonest  means 
she  based  the  opinion  that  he  had  turned  Madame 
d'Houdetot's  head ;  and  that  she  communicated  this 
news  to  Grimm,  whom  she  knew  as  a  hater  of  Rousseau, 
and  in  close  communication  with  Saint-Lambert.  After 
this,  who  is  going  to  deny  that  Madame  d'Epinay  was 

1  MS,  caMer  142,  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  p,  6. 

^  See  Portrait  of  Madame  H.  Madame  d'Epinay  speaks  to  Saint- 
Lambert,  unJinown  to  Madame  d'Houdetot,  about  this  liaison ;  she 
speaks  to  the  Count  d'Houdetot ;  she  speaks  to  Madame  d'Houdetot ; 
and  tries  "to  let  her  understand  the  judgment  she  has  formed  vipon 
the  conduct  of  her  lover,  viz,  that  he  is  light  and  does  not  show  a 
lively  devotion,"  etc. 

VOL.  I.  17 


258     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

responsible  for  tlie  angry  letter  from  the  Marquis  which 
threw  Madame  d'Houcletot  into  tears  ? 

But  in  all  this,  Madame  d'Epinays  spitefulness  ivas 
directed  not  against  Jeafi  Jacques  himself,  but  against 
Madame  d'Houdetot  ?  That  is  true :  and  one  feels  that 
Rousseau  himself  recognized  it,  and  that  the  tone  of  his 
indignation  would  have  perhaps  been  more  restrained  had 
he  felt  himself  the  chief  sufferer,  or  the  person  intended 
to  suffer,  at  the  hands  of  one  who  had  shown  him  much 
kindness.  PJut  the  unkiudness  done  through  him  to 
the  woman  he  loved,  did  not  allow  him  to  be  patient. 

In  this  contemporary  document,  where  Madame 
d'Epinay's  evidence  comes  to  us  before  it  had  been 
tampered  with  by  Grimm  or  Diderot,  we  find  a  key  to 
another  puzzle — this  one  :  what  did  Madam,e  d'Houdetot 
mean  hy  it  all  f 

Was  she  a  selfish  coquette,  who  fostered  Rousseau's 
passion  merely  to  gratify  her  vanity  ?  But  then  every 
one  agrees  in  describing  her  as  a  very  amiable  woman. 

Had  she,  then,  a  secret  inclination  for  Jean  Jacques  ? 
and  did  she  hope  that,  in  view  of  the  forest  walks  and 
midnight  suppers,  he  would  have  the  good  sense  not  to 
take  her  professed  constancy  to  Saint-Lambert  too 
literally  1  But  when  she  saw  how  very  literal  he  was, 
could  she  not  have  made  her  meanino;  more  clear  % 

Or  was  she  actually  an  ingenue  ?  and  did  she  honestly 
believe  that  the  way  to  cure  a  man  suffering  and  sick 
from  love  was  to  torment  his  passion  ?  But  then  she 
was  twenty-eight  years  old  ;  a  Society  woman  with  a 
distinct  talent  for  equivocal  jokes  and  licentious  poetry  ; 
and  with  a  lover  whose  powers  as  a  conversationalist 
displayed  themselves  especially  in  the  style  popularly 
known  in  French  as  the  one  that  breaks  window-panes. 

Madame  d'Epinay,  with  her  peculiar  talent  of  "  sketch- 
ing to  the  soul "  the  personages  she  calls  up  before  us, 
leaves  the  puzzle  found  out — Madame  d'Houdetot  meant 
none  of  these  things,  sim^ply  because  her  actions  had  no 
purpose ;  were  without  consequences  in  her  view  of  tliem; 


THE   ANONYMOUS    LETTER         259 

had  no  meaning.     This  casual  and  vehement  Madame 

H ,    with  her  "fads"   (ses  tics)  of  "never  being 

punctual,  of  leaving  everything  about,^  of  beginning  to 
eat  when  other  people  have  finished  ;  of  wearing  an 
abstracted  air,  and  never  hnoiving  where  she  is  or  ivhat 
she  is  doing, '^  yet  with  gusts  of  desperate  eagerness,  and 
fussy  haste  and  impatience,  how  well  one  understands 
her  "  insupportability "  to  the  vivacious  and  capable 
Madame  cl'Epinay  :  who,  for  her  part,  always  knows 
where  she  is  and  what  she  is  doing,  and  has  no  patience 
with  "  fads  "  entirely  foreign  to  her  character.  But  the 
Portrait  of  Madame  H.  not  only  helps  us  to  understand 
why  Madame  d'Epinay  couldn't  abide  her  cousin  and 
sister-in-law ;  and  why,  seeing  her  hermit  the  prey  of 
whims  he  mistook  for  sentiments,  and  preferred  to  the 
firm  affection  of  nine  years'  standing,  she  lost  her  temper, 
and  behaved  thoroughly  badly  and  meanly,  to  Madame 
d'Houdetot ;  but  not  hy  intention  to  Jean  Jacques.  It 
shows  us  also  why  Madame  d'Houdetot  behaved  so 
meanly  and  badly,  or  at  any  rate  so  mischievously,  to 
her  unlucky  adorer  :  and  how  mistaken  have  been  those 
of  his  admirers  who,  following  his  own  example,  have 
idealized  this  light-headed,  light-hearted  being ;  whose 
lightness,  as  her  clear-sighted  sister-in-law  explained, 
"  belonged  to  her  character  :  and  was  the  result  of  the 
promptitude  with  which  her  most  vehement  feelings 
were  efiaced  and  left  no  trace  behind  them."  Elle  est 
legere  en  ce  que  le  j)laisir  et  la  2')eine  ne  laisse^it  guere 
de  traces  chez  elle,  tout  s' efface  avec  d'autant  'pl%is  de 
promptitude  qu'elle  sent  vivement  dans  le  pf'emier 
instant.     Avec  elle  j^as  de  lendemain. 

In  this  way,  and  for  the  sufficient  reason  that  we  are 
dealing  with  a  lady  for  whom  there  "is  no  to-morrow," 
and  who  has  no  clear  sense  of  where  she  is  nor  what 
she  is  doing,  we  may  cease  to  ask  ourselves  ivhy 
Madame   d'Houdetot,    wishing   to   remain    constant   to 

^  "  M.  de  Saint-Lambert  ne  rend  rien  parceque  il  communique  tout 
d,  Madame  d'Houdetot  qui  perd  tout." — Diderot  a  Mile.  Volland,  1761. 


26o    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

Saint-Lambert,  made  rendezvous  in  woods  and  bosquets 
at  midnight  with  the  love-lorn  Jean  Jacques ;  why, 
having  gone  to  the  uttermost  limits  of  imprudence,  she 
suddenly  became  cold  and  prudent,  without  cause ;  why, 
having  insisted  upon  his  committing  the  error  of 
consulting  Grimm,  she  afterwards,  when  mischief  came 
of  her  advice,  turned  round  and  blamed  him  for  having 
followed  it  ?  Wliy,  having  protested  that  her  undying 
affection  and  esteem  should  always  he  his,  never  mind 
what  other  people  might  say  of  him,  at  the  very  first  hint 
that  public  favour  was  turning  against  him,  she  wrote  to 
him  to  say  that  her  reputation  required  she  should  break 
off  their  friendship  ?  The  explanation  and  exoneration 
of  this  conduct  is  given  by  Madame  d'Epinay :  it 
helonged  to  Mine,  d' Houdetoi' s  character :  "Avec  elle 
pas  de  lendemain." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE    RECONCILIATION    WITH   GRIMM 

After  Saint-Lambert's  visit  to  Montmorency,  in  July, 
and  his  return  to  join  his  regiment,  Madame  d'Houdetot 
became,  as  has  been  said,  cold  and  prudent,  all  too  late 
in  the  day.  She  reclaimed  from  Jean  Jacques  her 
letters :  and  informed  him  she  had  burnt  his.  Far 
from  arranging  romantic  meetings,  she  avoided  him. 
Rousseau,  in  his  distress  at  the  change,  and  convinced 
in  conscience  that  he  had  not  merited  it,  fretted  himself 
into  ill-health.  Madame  d'Epinay,  always  thoughtful 
and  ready  with  sympathy,  played  the  part  of  comforter : 
and  something  more  than  a  semblance  of  friendship 
between  herself  and  her  "  bear "  was  renewed.  In 
August,  Rousseau  wrote  his  letter  to  Saint-Lambert  (of 
which  more  will  be  heard  later  on).  Madame  d'Epinay 
went  to  Paris  to  be  with  the  wife  of  the  Baron  d'Holbach 
in  her  confinement :  and  the  correspondence  between 
herself  and  Rousseau  shows  that  they  had  fallen  back 
into  the  old  habits  of  affection.  But  there  was  a 
voluntary  forgetfulncss  between  them  of  doubts  and  of 
faults,  that  remained  unexplained  and  unacknowledged — 
in  short,  the  seed  of  distrust  had  been  sown  :  and  Grimm 
came  back  from  Westphalia,  in  September,  very 
determined  that  the  seeds  should  come  to  flower. 

Rousseau  says  in  the  Confessions  that  Grimm's  un- 
disguised insolence  towards  him  was  so  unendurable, 
that  it  became  impossible  to  ignore  it  longer.  He  re- 
lates how,  having  been  invited  by  Madame  d'Epinay  to 
sup  with  her,  Grimm  entered  the  room  before  they  had 
commenced  the  meal,  and  finding  only  two  places  laid, 
took  Rousseau's  seat,  unfolded  his  napkin,  and  turning 

261 


262     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

his  back  on  the  discountenanced  Jean  Jacques,  com- 
menced to  converse  with  Madame  d'Epinay  as  though  no 
one  else  were  present.  Madame  d'Epinay,  he  says, 
blushed,  rose  and  offered  Jean  Jacques  her  seat,  but 
showed  no  outward  sign  of  indignation  against  Grimm. 
Rousseau  says,  he  sought  in  vain  to  discover  upon  what 
grounds  Grimm  assumed  towards  him  this  disdainful  air. 
"  In  what  way,"  he  asks,  "  was  I  the  subject  of  this  new 
patron  ?  I  had  lent  him  money,  he  had  never  lent  me 
any  ;  I  had  watched  him  in  his  illness,  in  mine  he  never 
came  near  me  ;  I  had  given  him  all  my  friends,  he  never 
gave  me  any.  I  had  published  his  praises  in  all  direc- 
tions ;  if  he  spoke  of  me,  it  was  less  publicly  and  in 
another  sense  ;  and  the  tone  of  commiseration  he  affected 
towards  me,  served  less  to  win  me  sympathy  than  to 
depreciate  me.  He  took  from  me  even,  in  so  far  as  he 
was  able,  the  advantages  of  the  trade  I  had  chosen,  by 
describing  me  as  a  bad  copyist.  I  am  willing  to  admit 
he  may  have  been  right  to  some  extent,  but  it  was  not  for 
him  to  say  it.  He  proved,  too,  that  it  was  not  a  mere 
joke,  by  employing  a  different  copyist  himself,  and  by 
leaving  me  none  of  the  clients  he  could  take  from  me. 
All  this  in  the  end  wore  out  my  old  attachment  which 
spoke  for  him  a  long  time.  I  judged  his  character  as 
untrustworthy,  and  as  for  his  friendship,  I  decided  that  it 
was  false.  Resolved  then  to  break  with  him,  I  warned 
Madame  d'Epinay  of  this,  justifying  my  resolution  by 
several  facts  which  admitted  of  no  reply.  She  strongly 
combated  my  decision,  without  well  knowing  what  to 
say  about  my  reasons.  At  that  time,  she  had  not  yet 
talked  it  over  with  him.  But  the  following  day,  instead 
of  explaining  her  views  verbally,  slie  gave  me  a  very 
clever  letter,  where  she  insisted  upon  his  (Grimm's) 
reserved  character  as  the  cause  of  our  misunderstanding. 
In  the  conversation  that  we  had  afterwards,  I  finished  by 
letting  myself  be  convinced  that  I  had  misjudged  him."  ^ 
Rousseau  goes  on  to  say  that  he  allowed  himself  to 
1  Confessions,  part  ii.,  liv.  viii. 


RECONCILIATION   WITH    GRIMM     26 


o 


be  persuaded  to  make  the  first  advances.  That  Grimm 
received  him  as  a  schoolmaster  miorht  have  done  an 
offending  pupil,  lectured  him  upon  his  faults,  and  upon 
his  own  (Grimm's)  virtues  ;  especially  insisting  upon  the 
fact  that  he  (Grimm)  never  lost  a  friend,  whereas  Rousseau 
was  quarrelsome  ;  and  finally  dismissing  him,  with  a 
dignified  condescension  that  so  imposed  upon  Rousseau 
that  he  went  away  searching  out  his  heart  to  find  what 
could  be  the  meaning  of  this  assumed  air  of  superiority. 
The  results  of  Rousseau's  consent  to  Madame  d'Epinay's 
entreaties  were  that  he  had  to  endure  the  same  rudeness 
from  Grimm  as  before,  but  he  had  sacrificed  his  right  to 
show  indignation  or  resentment. 

The  story  of  the  Memoirs  given  in  the  144th  new 
cahier  is  different :  but  Volx  shows  the  same  temper 
of  ineffable  disdain  as  Grimm.  It  is  Rene  who  pleads 
with  Madame  de  Montbrillant  to  make  his  peace  with 
Volx.  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  with  the  displeasing  tone 
which  the  real  Madame  d'Epinay  never  employs,  tells 
the  hermit  Reu^  that  he  must  show  his  contrition  if  he 
wishes  Volx  to  receive  him  back  to  friendship.  Rene 
promises  he  will  humiliate  himself  as  required  :  but  when 
the  moment  comes,  he  merely  stretches  out  his  hand  to 
Volx  and  says,  "  Come  now,  my  dear  Volx,  let  us 
henceforth  live  on  friendly  terms,  and  forget  recipro- 
cally all  that  has  passed."  Volx  began  to  laugh.  "  I 
swear  to  you,"  he  said,  "  that  what  has  passed,  in  so 
far  as  you  are  concerned,  does  not  in  the  least  preoccupy 
me." 

Both  narratives  then  show  that  Grimm  met  Rousseau's 
advances  with  odious  insolence.  But  the  Memoirs  say 
that  Rene  felt  himself  a  culprit  towards  the  ineffable 
Volx :  and  the  Confessions  that  Madame  d'Epinay  urged 
Rousseau  to  end  the  quarrel. 

Again  we  have  documentary  evidence  to  prove  that 
the  story  given  in  the  Confessions  is  the  true  one :  the 
evidence,  namely,  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  true  letter. 


264     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

''October,  1757.1 

*'  If  you  were  in  your  natural  state  I  should  let  you 
reflect  alone  ;  but,  my  friend,  I  see  only  too  well  how 
your  soul  is  ulcerated  and  saddened  by  the  bitterness 
that  comes  from  suffering.^  I  repeat  what  I  said,  I  am 
in  your  heart,  and  I  read  it  better  than  yourself  even. 
But  that  is  not  enough  ;  I  would  wish  to  be  always  near 
you,  to  hold  the  balance  between  what  is  natural  to  you 
and  the  gloomy  humour  your  state  of  health  tends  to 
foster.  So  then  I  am  writing  to  beg  you  to  reflect.  The 
step  I  beg  you  to  take  is  also  urged  upon  you  by  your 
own  heart.  Why  will  you  not  listen  to  it  ?  You  were 
softened  for  a  few  minutes,  and  that  tells  me  enough — is 
it  worthy  of  such  a  man  as  you  to  let  sophistries  harden 
you  in  your  faults  ?  You  cannot  jpossibly  he  the  dujje  of 
the  accusatio?is  you  make  against  your  Jrie7id ;  ^  if  you 
had  any  right  to  suspect  him,  you  would  also  have  a 
right  to  despise  him,  and  you  would  not  be  the  master 
of  the  necessity  to  do  this.  Ah,  certainly  in  this  case 
nothing  could  have  softened  you,  and  you  would  be  de- 
lighted with  this  indifference  you  confess  is  the  feeling 
you  would  like  to  have  for  him,  and  which,  I  promise 
you,  you  never  will  feel.  But  examine  a  little  your 
mutual  situation.  You  have  known  him,  you  say,  your- 
self, the  most  lovable  of  men  by  the  qualities  of  his 
heart,  but  always  cold  externally.  That  is  in  him.  You 
cannot  then  expect  demonstrations  of  aff"ection  from  an 
undemonstrative  man.  You  loved  him  like  that  for  three 
years,  and  you  admit  that  he  was  the  man  whom  you 
loved  most  tenderly.  At  the  end  of  three  years,  your 
state  having  filled  you  with  bitterness,  you  found  him 
full  of  faults.  But  for  my  part,  I  don't  know  what  people 
mean  when  they  say  of  a  friend,  he  has  been  to  blame 

1  See  Streckeisen-Moultou,  vol.  i.  pp.  546-548. 
^  Rousseau's  illness  gave  him  acute  attacks  of  physical  suffering. 
'  Everything  Rousseau  suspected  is  more  than  admitted,  even  in 
the  Memoirs. 


RECONCILIATION    WITH    GRIMM     265 

with  me  in  this  way  or  tliat ;  here  he  showed  want  of 
confidence  ;  there  he  failed  in  attention  to  me  ;  he  might 
have  made  this  sacrifice  for  me,  etc. — and  then  follows  a 
coldness,  that  would  have  meant  nothing  had  all  been 
explained.  Ah,  let  all  these  small  miseries  be  left  to 
hearts  empty  of  true  sentiment,  and  heads  without  ideas 
in  them.  It  is  good  enough  for  those  vulgar  lovers 
whose  senses  only  are  agitated,  and  who,  instead  of  the 
confidence  and  delicious  emotions  that  in  souls  like  yours 
enlarge  their  sentiments  by  virtue  and  philosophy,  put 
small  quarrels,  which  straiten  the  mind  and  sour  the 
heart,  and  make  people  commonplace  when  they  don't 
render  them  ridiculous.  All  the  true  facts  that  you 
complain  of  are  small  grievances  of  this  character  ;  which 
your  black  moods  have  taught  you  to  add  up  against  him. 
As  for  your  chief  charge,^  I  won't  speak  of  it ;  it  doesn't 
exist.  That  is  proved  by  what  has  be^en  said,  and  in  your 
heart,  and  in  mine,  we  know  it  is  not  true.  But  entirely 
imaginary  as  it  be,  this  charge  has  been  made  against  him 
by  you  to  others  than  himself,  or  rather  to  all  your 
friends,  except  to  him.  He  is  then  the  one  who  is 
ofiiended,  and  he  is  all  the  more  so  because  during  two 
years  you  have  done  nothing  to  repair  this  offence.  See 
then,  my  friend,  if  you  even  leave  out  of  account  the 
sentiments  of  your  own  heart,  what,  in  justice,  you 
ought  to  do.'"^  Oh,  how  this  act  of  justice  should  not  only 
appear  easy  to  you,  but  delightful,  since  it  will  restore 
you  a  friend  you  love,  who  loves  you,  and  who  only 
waits  for  a  word  from  you,  which  he  has  a  right  to 
expect,  to  renew  a  friendship  dear  and  precious  to  you 
both.  .  .  .  See  the  facts  as  they  arc  in  what  concerns 
Grimm.  His  soul  is  true  and  upright,  but  a  little 
reserved,  naturally,  and  as  a  result  of  different  troubles 
he  has  had.     He  is  extremely  sensitive,  although  unim- 

1  That  Grimm  tried  to  discredit  his  skill  as  a  copyist :  see 
pp.  63,  64  vol.  ii. 

^  Mada^ae  d'Epinay  here  skilfully  reminds  Rousseau  of  his  own 
maxim  tha  fc  the  one  who  began  the  quarrel  is  the  one  who  has  to 
make  the  first  advances. — See  p.  237. 


266     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU       i, 

passioned,  and  born  melancholy,  which  gives  him  an  air 
of  coldness,  which,  however,  can  only  deceive  those  who 
do  not  know  him.  You  know  he  is  incapable  of  hiding 
what  he  feels  or  thinks  ;  you  have  seen  him  avoid  all 
whom  he  does  not  like,  or  remain  entirely  silent  when  he 
is  with  those  who  displease  him.  He  is  at  ease  with 
people  he  likes  ;  he  is  frank  and  free  and  shows  himself 
pleased  in  their  society.  These  are  the  only  demonstra- 
tions of  friendship  one  can  expect  from  him.  Let  the 
occasion  show  itself  where  one  needs  his  help — towards 
people  who  are  indifferent  for  him  his  natural  benevo- 
lence might  incline  him  to  help  them,  but  his  idleness 
would  prevent  it ;  but  let  the  interests  of  those  he  loves 
come  into  question,  and  his  idleness  becomes  an  activity 
that  foresees  everything,  and  leaves  no  stone  unturned. 
His  true  sentiments  for  you  are  still  in  his  heart j  twenty 
times  I  have  heard  him  say  that  had  he  known  how  much 
he  would  have  grown  to  care  for  you  he  would  have 
avoided  you,  so  deeply  did  your  sufferings  afHict  him. 
That  is  not  the  speech  of  an  indifferent  man.  Twenty 
times,  and  even  since  you  have  ceased  to  be  friends,  he 
has  talked  to  me  about  the  means  of  finding  what  con- 
solations friendship  could  bring  in  your  troubles  by 
finding  you  a  retreat  between  the  one  you  occupy  where 
in  winter  your  friends  cannot  reach  you,  and  Paris  which 
you  avoid,  and  this  shows  how  he  thinks  about  you.  I 
am  merely  performing  a  duty  I  owe  to  you  both,  and 
you  know  me  well  enough  to  be  sure  I  am  not  writing 
either  to  offend  or  to  flatter  you.  Yes,  I  will  follow  you 
in  your  reverie  to  the  full  stretch  of  your  thoughts. 
You  shall  hear  me  say,  in  agreement  with  your  con- 
science, I  am  persuaded  she  is  right.  And  then  you  will 
ask  yourself,  '  What  does  she  want  of  me  ?  That  I 
should  reconcile  myself  with  a  friend  whom  I  have 
offended,  and  who  waits,  in  spite  of  this,  with  open  arms 
to  receive  me.'  And  then  can  you  be  indifferent  to  the 
delightful  and  inexhaustible  satisfaction  of  having  accom- 
plished a  duty  of  which  the  recompense  will  be  the  happy 


RECONCILIATION   WITH    GRIMM     267 

and  tranquil  days  we  shall  all  pass  together  here.  Think 
of  the  happiness  that  will  follow  this  step.  Even  suppose 
for  a  moment  that  you  do  not  immediately  find  the  same 
tenderness  for  each  other  you  had  ^nvj,  will  it  be  nothing 
to  have  got  rid  of  the  painful  restraint  that  spoils  for  all 
three  of  us  our  enjoyment  ?  But  I  promise  you,  this 
recompense  will  not  be  the  only  one. 

"  Here,  my  dear  friend,  is  what  the  emotion  and  haste 
of  talking  about  what  I  feel  strongly,  prevented  me  from 
saying  fully  in  our  conversation ;  besides,  I  fulfil  my 
object  better  in  writing  to  you  about  it,  because  I  would 
wish  to  be  constantly  present  with  you,  as  a  shadow  of 
your  happiness  drawing  you  towards  what  is  best  for 
you  in  spite  of  yourself." 

Now,  with  regard  to  this  letter,  we  have  to  recollect 
that,  when  writing  it,  Madame  d'Epinay  knew  she  was 
(to  state  the  case  politely)  mis-stating  the  facts.  She 
knew  that  Rousseau's  charge  against  Grimm — that  he 
consistently  spoke  ill  of  him,  and  that  he  described  him 
as  a  man  who  did  not  honestly  practise  the  trade  he 
professed  to  follow — was  entirely  true.  She  knew  that 
Grimm  did  not  love  Rousseau,  did  not  desire  to  serve 
him,  was  not  waiting  open-armed  to  receive  him ;  and 
she  knew,  too,  that  Jean  Jacques  owed  Grimm  no 
apology,  but  that  the  real  offender  was  Grimm  himself. 
Inasmuch  as  we  are  not  dealing  with  an  inconsequent 
Madame  d'Houdetot,  but  with  a  lady  whose  actions  had 
a  purpose,  and  who  thought  a  good  deal  about  the  to- 
morrow, why  did  she  lead  her  poor  "bear"  into  the 
humiliations  that  followed  his  attempted  reconciliation 
with  a  man  who  hated  him  ? 

There  are  two  possible  answers.  The  first  is  that 
Grimm  told  her  to  do  this,  and  that  she  obeyed  him. 
If  we  accept  this  answer  (as  Rousseau  did),  Madame 
d'Epinay's  devotion  to  the  new  lover  does  not  palliate 
her  detestable  treachery  to  her  old  friend.  It  fits  in 
with  the  supposition  that  she  did  bribe  Therese  to  give 


268     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

up  her  protector's  letters,  and  deliberately  tried  to  in- 
jure him  with  Saint-Lambert,  not  out  of  jealousy,  and 
because  it  provoked  her  to  see  him  played  with  by  the 
empty-headed  Madame  d'Houdetot,  but  out  of  love  of 
mischief  and  malicious  spite.  It  fits  in  with  the  theory 
that,  in  the  episode  we  are  going  to  examine,  she  shame- 
fully plotted  to  compromise  Jean  Jacques  in  order  to 
screen  her  real  lover ;  and  also  with  the  theory  that  she, 
and  not  Grimm,  poisoned  the  minds  of  his  fellow  citi- 
zens and  betrayed  his  secrets.  In  other  words,  it  fits  in 
with  the  theory  that  Madame  d'Epinay  was  a  false  and 
fickle  woman,  and  that  her  professed  kind-heartedness 
was  sham  sentiment  and  vanity.  One  does  not  need  to 
be  insanely  suspicious  to  accept  this  theory ;  a  great 
many  facts  seem  to  support  it.  But  I  may  say  that  as 
the  result  of  living  many  years  in  close  and  intimate 
spiritual  relationships  with  Madame  d'Epinay,  handling 
her  letters,  following  her  in  her  weakness  and  her 
strength,  her  extraordinary  ignorance,  and  unconscious- 
ness of  many  essential  qualities  of  what  is,  rightly, 
esteemed  virtue  in  a  woman,  and  yet  in  her  unfailing 
virtues  of  a  certain  womanly  and  tender  sort — kindness 
and  friendliness  particularly — I  do  not  myself  believe 
she  ever  wished  to  injure  Rousseau  or  ever  lost  her 
regard  for  him. 

A  second  answer,  I  suggest,  fits  in  not  only  with  the 
facts,  but  also  with  Madame  d'Epinay's  temperament 
and  situation,  between  the  lover  (not  by  choice,  but 
necessity)  whose  pet  name  was  Tyran  le  Blanc,  and  the 
favourite  old  friend,  whose  own  fault  it  was  entirely  if 
he  held  the  secondary  rank.  It  is  that  Madame  d'Epi- 
nay, at  her  wit's  end,  played,  against  rules,  the  only 
strong  card  she  had:  and  lost  the  game. 

Grimm  had  come  back  determined  Rousseau  should 
go.  We  shall  presently  see  what  fresh  mischance  made 
Tyran  le  Blanc's  mastership  supreme  in  October,  1757. 
To  keep  her  ho7i  cher  ami,  her  hermit,  and  to  soften 
her  tyrant's  temper  by  flattering  his  vanity,  Rousseau 


RECONCILIATION    WITH    GRIMM     269 

was  to  be  beguiled  into  advances,  and  almost  into 
apologies,  to  a  man  who  owed  him  much  and  who  had 
paid  him  with  injuries.  Grimm  accepted  the  offering  to 
his  vanity,  and  lectured  the  illustrious  author  of  the 
Discourses,  who  stood  to  receive  his  lesson  abashed. 
But  that  was  all  that  happened  !  Madame  d'Epinay's 
ruse  had  failed.  Grimm  remained  as  fixed  as  ever  in 
his  determination ;  and  Rousseau  remained  astonished 
and  indio-nant.  And  as  he  thoug;ht  it  out,  the  slumber- 
ing  distrust  of  Madame  d'Epinay  became  uneasy,  and 
gradually  wide  awake. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   JOUENEY    TO    GENEVA 

We  have  now  to  see  whether  Rousseau  was  guilty  of 
a  "  crime  "  against  Madame  d'Epinay,  in  that  he  did  not 
offer  to  accompany  her  to  Geneva,  and  whether  the 
letter  he  wrote  to  Grimm  upon  this  subject  was  a 
"  prodigy  of  ingratitude." 

Let  us  follow  the  real  events,  as  they  are  related 
in  the  Confessions,  and  corroborated  by  evidence  which 
proves  Rousseau's  account  to  be  an  entirely  truthful 
one. 

Early  in  October,  Rousseau  learns  from  Madame 
d'Epinay  herself  that  she  intends  to  start  for  Geneva  to 
consult  Tronchin.  She  does  not  explain  herself  more 
fully,  and  he  asks  no  questions,  although  it  strikes  him 
as  strange  that  she  should  undertake  the  journey  in  the 
late  autumn.  Inasmuch  as  Madame  d'Epinay  knew 
that  he  was  almost  always  an  invalid  through  the 
winter,  and  in  any  case  liable  to  severe  attacks  of  a 
terribly  painful  character,  it  did  not  enter  his  head  to 
suppose  that  she  desired  him  to  accompany  her ;  nor  is 
there  any  reason  for  supposing  that  Madame  d'Epinay 
herself  had  any  thought  of  involving  her  friend  Jean 
Jacques  in  an  awkward  history  where  he  was  not  con- 
cerned. Rousseau,  after  hearing  from  the  lady  herself 
about  her  intended  journey,  is  told  by  Therese,  upon 
his  return  to  the  Hermitage,  what  the  motive  of  this 
journey  is.  He  does  not  further  explain  the  case  in  the 
Confessions,  and  uninitiated  readers  might  consequently 
esteem  his  indignation  excessive  at  the  effort  of  Diderot 
— prompted  as  he  believed  by  Grimm — to  make  him 

270 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         271 

Madame  d'Epinay's  travelling  companion  to  his  native 
city. 

The  reason  for  Madame  d'Epinay's  journey,  and  for 
a  prolonged  sojourn  at  a  safe  distance  from  too  curious 
friends,  who  knew  her  domestic  circumstances,  was,  by 
Therese's  account,  that  the  same  accident  which  had 
happened  in  1753  had  again  arisen,  to'  threaten  witli 
paternal  relationships  somebody — who  was  certainly 
not  M.  d'Epinay !  The  lady's  quasi-matrimonial  re- 
lationships with  Grimm  were  not  a  secret  in  her  own 
circle.  But  let  it  be  remembered  that  in  public  it 
was  better  known  that  Jean  Jacques,  the  virtuous 
citizen  of  Geneva,  had  been  for  eighteen  months  leading 
a  retired  life  in  a  hermitage  built  for  him  by  Madame 
d'Epinay,  and  then  let  it  be  denied  that  had  he  unwarily 
allowed  himself  to  have  been  persuaded  to  personally 
conduct  his  hostess  to  Geneva  in  these  circumstances, 
he  would  have  been  made  the  laughing-stock  of  Europe. 

It  has  been  said  that  Jean  Jacques  ought  not  to 
have  believed  the  story  told  him  by  Th^rese,  who 
had  gathered  this  scandalous  gossip  from  the  servants. 
The  reply  to  this  observation  is  that  the  "  gossip "  is 
almost  admitted  in  the  Memoirs  to  be  true.  We  find 
special  care  taken  there  to  mention  the  entirely  unin- 
teresting fact,  except  in  its  connection  with  the  attemj)t 
to  exjolai^i  the  birth  of  a  child  in  Madame  d''Ej)inays 
household  during  her  stay  at  Geneva^ — that  her  lady's- 
maid  Dubuisson  deceived  her  mistress  about  her  state 
of  health  before  starting  :  and  was  confined  at  Geneva  in 
June  1758,  at  the  very  time  when  her  mistress  was 
seriously  ill ;  and  had  to  be  looked  after  by  a  stranger. 

In  any  case,  Rousseau,  who  knew  all  about  M.  de 
Francueil's  case,  had  no  special  reason  for  doubting  the 
information  given  him;  and  the  very  rumour  was 
enough  to  lend  exasperation  to  a  new  attempt  of 
Diderot's  to  dictate  to  him  what  he  ought  to  do ;  and 
to  insist  that,  never  mind  what  were  his  condition  of 
health  or  his  pecuniary  resources,  he  was  bound  by  the 


272     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

overwhelming  character  of  his  obligations  to  Madame 
d'Epinay  to  accompany  her  to  Geneva. 

Here  is  the  authentic  letter  given  in  the  Confessions 
and  by  M.  Streckeisen-Moultou,  who  reproduces  it  from 
the  autograph  letter  at  Neuchatel : — 

"  Uth  October,  1757. 
"  It  is  my  fate  to  love  you,  and  to  cause  you  vexation! 
I  hear  that  Madame  d'Epinay  is  going  to  Geneva  ;  and 
I  do  not  hear  that  you  accompany  her.  My  friend, 
if  you  are  pleased  with  Madame  d'Epinay,  you  should 
go  with  her — but  if  you  are  displeased  with  her,  you 
should  go  all  the  more  cjuickly.  Are  you  over-burthened 
with  the  weight  of  the  obligations  you  have  to  her  ? 
Here  is  an  opportunity  for  partly  paying  them,  and 
thus  lightening  your  load.  Will  you  ever  find  another 
opportunity  in  your  life  for  proving  your  gratitude  ? 
She  is  going  to  a  country  where  she  will  be  as  one 
fallen  from  the  clouds  :  she  is  ill :  she  needs  amusements 
and  distractions.  It  is  winter — the  objection  of  your 
health  may  be  stronger  than  I  know  it  to  be.  But  are 
you  more  ill  to-day  than  you  were  a  month  ago,  or  than 
you  will  be  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring  ?  Will  you 
be  able  to  take  the  journey  more  commodiously  three 
months  hence  than  now  ?  For  my  part,  I  confess  were 
I  you  that  if  I  could  not  endure  the  post-chaise  I  would 
take  my  stick,  and  follow  her  on  foot.  Do  you  not  fear 
if  you  let  her  go  alone  that  your  conduct  may  be  badly 
interpreted  ;  and  that  you  may  be  suspected  of  another 
motive.  I  know  well  that  your  conscience  will  justify 
you,  but  is  that  enough,  and  is  it  allowable  to  neglect 
the  opinions  of  our  fellow  men  ? " 

When  he  had  read  this  letter,  Rousseau  admits  that 
he  was  thoroughly  indignant.  Yet  even  in  this  mood, 
his  worst  suspicion  of  Diderot  was  that  he  had  allowed 
himself  to  be  made  the  tool  of  Grimm.  He  did  not 
suspect,  what  in  all  prol^ability  was  the  fact,  that  Diderot 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA        273 

knew  perfectly  well  the  inconvenient  circumstances ; 
and  wished  to  screen  Grimm  by  putting  forward  the 
unsuspicious  Jean  Jacques.  One  cannot  otherwise  dis- 
cover any  reason  for  Diderot's  sudden  desire  to  make 
Rousseau  accompany  Madame  d'Epinay,  leaving  Therese 
and  the  old  Madame  Levasseur,  whom  he  professed  to 
be  so  interested  in,  all  alone,  "  buried  "  in  the  forest 
hermitas^e. 

Instantly  Rousseau  wrote  his  reply  to  Diderot — a 
reply  which  is  a  model  of  patience  and  good  sense,  when 
the  provocation  he  had  received  is  remembered.  "  My 
dear  friend,"  he  wrote,  "  you  cannot  know  either  the 
force  of  my  obligations  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  nor  to 
what  extent  they  bind  me  ;  nor  if  she  really  needs  me 
in  this  journey ;  nor  if  she  wishes  me  to  accompany 
her  ;  nor  if  it  is  possible  for  me  to  do  so  ;  nor  the  reasons 
I  may  have  for  abstaining  from  taking  this  step.  I  do 
not  refuse  to  discuss  all  these  points  with  you,  when 
you  have  leisure.  But,  in  the  meanwhile,  admit  that 
to  prescribe  to  me  what  I  ought  to  do,  without  having 
taken  any  trouble  to  put  yourself  in  a  position  to  judge, 
is,  my  dear  Philosopher,  a  frankly  thoughtless  way  of 
legislating." 

This  letter  and  Diderot's,  Rousseau  took  with  him  to 
La  Chevrette.  He  found  Grimm  with  Madame 
d'Epinay ;  and  he  straightway  read  aloud  to  them  both 
letters.  Grimm's  eyes,  he  said,  fell  before  his ;  and 
neither  of  the  two  spoke  a  word. 

Let  us  now  see  how  the  story  is  related  Ji  the 
Memoirs. 

The  cahier  145  has  been  re- written.  Here  arc  the 
notes,  which  indicate  in  what  sense  the  alterations  have 
been  made  (the  references  are  to  cahiers  153  and  154, 
evidently  those  that  the  new  cahier  145  replaces ;  but 
only  some  loose  sheets  of  these  older  cahiers  remain). 


VOL,  I. 


18 


274     A    NEW    CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 


Arsenal  Notes.  0  18,  ref.  153.^ 

"  When  Rene  unmasks  himself  by  Garnier's  letter 
found,  'Ob,  here  then  is  the  explanation  of  the  riddle  ; 
it  was  not  only  Desbarres,  it  was  Rene  also,  who  kept 
him  away  from  me  ! ' 

"Re- write  the  little  quarrel  with  Volx  before  her  de- 
parture— let  her  show  herself  less  childish.  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  should  not  know  what  Rene's  letter 
contains.     Volx  should  explain  in  the  154  cahier. 

"  Volx  holds  back  letters  which  would  have  caused  her 
pain,  the  guardian  says  this — 

"  '  Not  a  ivord  about  the  letter  to  Madame  de  Mont- 
hrillant,  because  Volx  has  kept  it  hack.  No  reply 
from   Volx.     All  this  m^ust  he  replaced.^ 

"  (Pasun  mot  sur  la  lettre  a  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
parceque  Volx  la  retient.  Pas  une  reponse  de  lui  (Volx) 
il  faut  remplacer  tout  cela.)  " 

This  last  note,  which  as  will  presently  be  found  is 
important,  is  in  Diderot's  handwriting. 

The  145  cahier  opens  with  the  guardian's  account  of 
Madame  de  Montbrillant's  ill-health,  and  of  the  resolution 
that,  after  much  urging  by  her  mother,  her  guardian  and 
her  devoted  Volx,  she  at  last  takes,  of  consulting  Tron- 
chin  at  Geneva.  When  relating  the  arrangements  she 
is  taking  for  her  journey,  there  is  a  note  written  in  the 
margin  of  the  arsenal  cahier,  and  incorporated  in  the 
text  of  the  re-copied  manuscript,  hut  ivhich  has  been 
sup>p)ressed  in  the  jyrinted  Memoirs.  It  had  better  be 
given  in  the  original  French.  Madame  de  Montbrillant 
writes  to  her  guardian  : 

"  J'ai  quelque  inquietude  sur  I'etat  de  ma  femme  de 

chambre.     Je  trouve  depuis  quelque  temps  qu'elle  est 

fort  changee.     Je  crains  que  la  condition  que  j'ai  mise 

au  consentement  a  son  mariage  ne  I'engage  k  me  cacher 

^  See  Appendix,  Note  D  D  d. 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         275 

une  grossesse.  Je  lui  en  ai  parle.  Elle  m'assure  quelle 
n'est  pas  grosse.  Dans  ce  cas  elle  est  bien  malade  ;  et 
dans  I'un  et  I'autre  cas,  elle  pent  me  causer  de  grands 
embarras. 

"  Je  parlai  a  sa  femme  de  chambre  comme  elle  I'avait 
desire "  (goes  on  the  serviceable  guardian),  "  cettc 
femme  nous  trompa,  autant  pas  attachment  pour  sa 
maltresse  que  pour  son  interet;  et  m'assura  de  nouveau 
qu'ellc  n'etait  pas  grosse,"^ 

"  During  the  last  days  that  Madame  de  Montbrillant 
had  to  pass  in  the  country  "  (goes  on  the  story),  "  Rene 
appeared  to  show  her  extreme  regard,  and  she  ivas 
extremely  touched  hy  this  demonstration  of  affection.'^ 
The  eve  of  the  day  of  her  departure,  whilst  they  were 
alone  together,  Madame  de  Montbrillant's  letters  were 
brouQ-ht  her.  Amongst  them  was  one  for  Rene  addressed 
to  her  care ;  she  gave  it  him.  The  reading  of  this  letter 
threw  him  into  such  a  rage,  that  forgetting  he  was  not 
alone  he  struck  his  head  with  his  clenched  fists,  and 
began  to  swear. 

"  '  What  is  the  matter  ? '  she  asked  him.  '  What 
news  have  you  received  which  puts  you  in  such  a  state  ? ' 

"'Moth  Dieu!'  he  cried,  flinging  on  the  ground 
the  letter — ivhich  he  had  torn  ivith  his  teeth — '  these 
men  are  not  friends  but  tyrants.  What  an  imperious 
tone  this  Garni er  takes  up  !  I  am  in  no  want  of  their 
counsel ! ' 

"  Madame  de  Montbrillant  picked  up  the  letter. 

"  '  I  learn,'  wrote  Gamier,  '  that  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant is  starting  for  Geneva,  and  I  do  not  hear  that 
you  are  going  with  her.  Do  you  not  see  that  if  she  has 
with  you  all  the  faults  you  imagine,  here  is  the  golden 
opportunity  to  pay  her  back  what  you  owe  her,  and 
then  to  be  able  to  break  with  her  decently  ?  If  you  do 
nothing  of  the  sort,  and  you  let  her  go  alone  in  the 
state  of  health  she  is  in,  with  her  bad  disposition  towards 

1  Brunet's  MS.,  vol.  viii.  p.  5. 

2  Omitted  in  the  printed  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  p.  116. 


276     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

you  she  will  make  out  of  it  a  charge  against  you,  you 
will  never  get  free  of.  You  are  incessantly  repeating 
that  you  want  to  return  to  your  country.  What  can 
possibly  hold  you  back,  unless  there  is  not  one  word  of 
truth  in  all  you  have  told  me  V" 

Here,  in  both  tnanuscripts,  the  letter  ends, — and  we 
have  to  recognize  one  of  the  several  grave  impositions 
practised  by  the  editor  of  the  printed  Memoirs,  in 
altering,  ivithout  ivarniiig  his  readers,  the  original 
work.  In  the  published  book  Garnier's  letter,  repro- 
duced as  Diderot's,  is  altered,  and  made  to  end  in  the 
friendly  way  of  the  identical  letter  published  by  Rous- 
seau in  the  Coiifessions — that  is  to  say,  of  the  letter 
that  was  actually  loritten  by  Diderot  to  Rousseau;  a 
fact  shown  by  the  original  autograph,  which  belongs  to  the 
Neuchatel  collection  of  letters.  In  connection  with  this 
letter  and  the  assertion  found  in  the  Memoirs  that  Rene 
(Rousseau  in  the  printed  edition,  of  course)  tore  it 
with  his  teeth,  Professor  Ritter,  of  Geneva,  gives  this 
information.^ 

"  I  testify  as  an  eye-witness  that  Madame  d'Epinay 
gives  us  a  false  story  when  she  paints  Rousseau  flinging 
this  letter  on  the  floor,  after  tearing  it  with  his  teeth. 
When  I  saw  and  handled  this  identical  letter  in  1881 
it  ivas  not  to7'n." 

Let  us,  however,  complete  the  "fable"  changed  to 
support  the  conspirators'  legend  of  the  mythical  Jean 
Jacques,  whom  we  find  subject  to  these  maniacal  fits 
of  frenzy,  that  no  reliable  witness  ever  records  of 
Rousseau. 

Madame  de  Montbrillant,  having  read  the  letter, 
asks : — 

"  '  What  is  this  supposition  ?  Why  does  M.  Garnier 
think  I  am  ill-disposed  towards  you  ?  What  faults, 
pray,  have  I  with  you?' 

"  Rene  woke  up  as  from  a  dream  :  and  remained  con- 
fused   at   the   imprudence   his   anger   had   made    him 
^  Lettres  Imdites  de  J.  J.  Rousseau. 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA        277 

commit.  He  tore  the  letter  from  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant's  hand  and  stammered  hurriedly — 

'"Oh,  nothing  in  reality  ;  my  old  uneasiness  al)out 
....  but  you  assured  me  my  suspicions  were  without 
foundation  ;  I  think  no  more  about  them.  Would  it 
really  give  you  pleasure  if  I  went  with  you  to 
Geneva  ?....' 

"  'And  so,'  said  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  '  you  actu- 
ally permitted  yourself  to  accuse  me  to  M.  Garnier  ? ' 

"  '  I  confess  it,'  he  replied,  '  and  I  beg  your  pardon. 
He  came  to  see  me  at  that  time.  My  heart  was  heavy, 
and  I  could  not  resist  the  temptation  of  telling  him  my 
trouble.    How  can  one  be  reserved  with  those  one  loves  ? ' 

"  '  You  think  it  costs  less,  sir,  to  suspect  a  friend,  and 
to  accuse  her  without  proof  or  reason  ? ' 

" '  Had  I  been  sure,  madame,  that  you  were  guilty, 
I   should  have  said  nothinof.     I  should  have  felt  too 

O 

humiliated — too  wretched.' 

"  '  Is  that  the  reason,  sir,  which  has  prevented  you 
from  justifying  me  in  M.  Garnier's  eyes?' 

"  '  No  doubt  it  is — you  were  not  guilty,  and  I  have 
no  occasion  to  speak  again  of  what  had  passed  from  my 
mind.' 

"  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  very  indignant,  wished  to 
drive  him  from  her  room.  He  fell  on  his  knees  before 
her  and  begged  her  forgiveness,  assuring  her  he  would 
at  once  write  to  Garnier  and  justify  her. 

"  '  Do  as  you  please,  sir,'  she  said  ;  '  nothing  you  can 
do  henceforth  will  aftect  me — you  were  not  contented 
with  having  done  me  a  cruel  injustice.  You  vowed  to 
me  that  your  life's  devotion  would  not  be  enough  to 
repair  it,  and  at  the  same  time,  you  painted  me  in  your 
friend's  eyes  as  an  abominable  creature ;  you  allowed 
him  to  keep  this  opinion  ;  and  you  imagine  that  all  is 
made  right  when  you  tell  him  to-day  you  were  mistaken.' 

"  '  I  know  Garnier,'  he  replied,  '  and  the  strength  of 
his  first  impressions.  I  waited  for  some  proofs  to 
justify  you.' 


278     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"  '  Sir,'  she  said,  '  leave  me ;  your  presence  is  painful 
to  me.  I  am  glad  I  am  going  away — for  I  could  not 
endure  seeing  you  again.  You  may  say  to  any  one 
who  questions  you  that  I  did  not  wish  you  to  accom- 
pany me,  because  it  could  not  be  helpful  to  either  of 
us  to  travel  together  in  view  of  your  state  of  health 
and  of  my  own.  And  now  go — and  let  me  never  see 
you  again.' 

"He  left  her,  furious;  Madame  de  Montbrillant  sent  for 
me,  and  for  M.  Volx,  who  was  walking  with  me ;  and 
we  found  her  absolutely  exhausted  by  the  impression 
this  man's  falseness  had  made  upon  her.   .  ." 

The  following  day  this  abominable  Rene  re-appears 
just  as  Madame  de  Montbrillant  is  getting  into  the 
carriage  that  is  to  take  her  to  Paris,  where  she  is  to 
spend  some  days  before  starting  for  Geneva.  Rene 
gives  his  outraged  benefactress  a  letter  which  he  begs 
her  to  send  Garnier,  and  which  contains  her  justification. 
He  then  has  the  abjectncss  to  beg  her  to  allow  him  to 
remain  at  the  Hermitage  until  the  spring.  She  answers, 
"  You  are  at  liberty  to  remain  there,  sir,  as  long  as  you 
find  yourself  comfortable ; "  and  with  that  she  leaves 
him.  The  letter  is  sent  to  Garnier,  and  the  following 
day  Garnier  shows  it  to  Volx.  Here  is  the  letter  that 
Rene  is  supposed  to  have  written  : — 

"  What  on  earth  possesses  you  that  you  will  send  the 
letters  you  write  to  me  to  Madame  de  Montbrillant? 
I  have  told  you  twenty  times  that  all  that  pass  through 
her  hands  are  opened.  This  one  has  been,  as  others 
have  been  before;  and  has  caused  me  abominable  trouble. 
There  have  been  explanations  and  I  have  had  to  endure 
false  reproaches — this  woman  has  the  craze  of  standing 
well  with  you  ;  she  will  never  forgive  me  for  having  told 
you  the  truth.  You  may  say  what  you  please  :  she  and 
I  are  quits — I  feel  in  no  way  obliged  to  follow  her ;  it's 
not  possible  for  me  to  do  it;  and  I  assure  you  she 
doesn't  want  it." 

Volx  says  nothing  of  this  detestable  letter  to  Madame 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         279 

de  Montbrillant ;  ^  but  before  the  lady  starts  on  her 
journey  he  detects  her  writing  letters  that  are  intended 
to  serve  Rene,  should  he  leave  the  Hermitage.  Volx 
now  becomes  severe ;  and  exacts  the  promise  that 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  will  do  nothino;  about  Rene 
without  consulting  him.  And  the  lady  leaves  for  Geneva 
— Rene's  letter  (the  one  written  by  Rousseau  on  the 
29th  October)  having  arrived  after  she  left :  and  the 
letter  that  was  a  "prodigy  of  ingratitude"  to  Grimm 
having  been  received  by  him  on  the  day  she  started. 

Now  that  the  events  happened  as  the  author  of  the 
Confessions,  and  not  as  the  author  of  the  Memoirs, 
described,  is  proved  by  a  phrase  in  Diderot's  reply  to 
Rousseau,  which  has  been  re-produced  from  the  auto- 
graph. 

"I  wrote  to  you,"  thus  runs  Diderot's  letter,  "as  a 
prudent  man,  a  letter  that  was  only  intended  for  you: 
and  you  communicate  it  to  Madame  d'Epinay  and  to 
Grimm ;  and  the  results  have  been  confusions  and 
questionings  and  half  truths  equivalent  to  small  lies, 
etc." 

The  story  then  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  indignation  at 
the  letter  she  picks  up  and  reads ;  of  Rousseau's  pro- 
testations, of  his  false  letter  to  Diderot,  has  no  shred  of 
truth  in  it. 

It  stands  proved,  also,  by  a  letter  from  Rousseau 
to  Madame  d'Houdetot,  that  Jean  Jacques  bade  Madame 
d'Epinay  a  friendly,  but  somewhat  cold  good-bye ;  and 
that  on  the  same  day  that  his  hostess  left  La  Chevrette 
he  called  upon  Madame  d'Houdetot  at  Eaubonne,  taking 
with  him  the  affectionate  letter  he  had  just  received 
from  Saint-Lambert ;  which  he  says  entirely  established 
him  in  the  wise  resolutions  of  henceforth  seeing  nothing 
but  a  friend  in  Madame  d'Houdetot.  It  was  on  the 
occasion  of  this  visit  that  Madame  d'Houdetot,  who 
evidently  was  alarmed  by  a  phrase  in  Diderot's  letter, 

1  See  note  :  "  Volx  holds  back  letters  which  would  have  caused 
her  pain." — Appendix,  Note  D  D  d. 


28o    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

which  she  took  to  mean  that  Jean  Jacques'  refusal 
to  quit  the  Hermitage  might  be  used  to  re-awaken  the 
now  quieted  suspicions  of  Saint-Lambert,  required  of 
Kousseau  that  he  should  commit  the  serious  blunder  of 
submitting  his  reasons  to  (of  all  persons)  Grimm  !  Here, 
again,  the  affirmation  of  the  author  of  the  Coyifessions 
is  corroborated  by  the  evidence  of  an  autograph  letter, 
that  is  in  the  Neuchatel  collection,  written  by  Madame 
d'Houdetot.     This  letter  is  dated  1st  November,  1757. 

"My  friend,"  wrote  this  lady,  for  whom  there  was  no 
to-morrow,  ^^ count  for  ever  upon  me;  and  since  my 
friendship  is  dear  to  you,  believe  that  I  am  no  more 
capable  of  being  false  to  it  than  to  love.  I  have  already 
told  you  this  :  and  all  wiy  life  shall  prove  it.  Believe 
also  that  my  sentiments  are  entirely  rndependent  of 
those  of  your  other  friends^  should  these  he  ever  false 
to  you.  I  can  always  reply  for  two  hearts,^  that  remain 
attached  to  you  by  all  that  in  you  is  tender  and  virtuous. 
A  friend  such  as  you  are,  will  always  add  to  the  esteem 
we  have  for  each  other  and  to  our  happiness.  Madame 
d'Epinay  has  left,  my  dear  citizen :  you  have  now  only 
to  tranquillize  yourself  about  the  step  you  have  taken.  I 
was  very  persuaded  by  the  force  of  the  reasons  you  had 
for  not  following  her;  but  I  desired  that  your  friends 
should  be  as  convinced  as  I  was,  because  I  find  it  hard 
that  our  friends  should  believe  we  are  in  fault.  Never 
mind  what  is  thought — one  can  console  one's  self  if  one 
has  done  no  wrong  :  the  only  grief  one  can't  escape  from 
is  self-reproach.  But  I  must  take  your  friend's^  part 
also,  my  dear  citizen,  with  a  sincerity  worthy  of  us  both 
and  of  our  friendship.  I  believe  you  misjudged  the 
motive  which  led  him  to  press  you  to  follow  Madame 
d'Epinay.  It  is  quite  easy  to  understand  that  your 
friend  feared  to  see  you  incur  the  reproach  of  having 
failed  at  a  critical  moment  to  render  essential  service  to 
a  friend  :  if  he  deceived  himself  on  the  point  of  what  he 
regarded  as  an  obligation  for  you,  his  zeal  was  not  less  a 
^  Saint-Lambert's  and  her  own.  -  Diderot's. 


THE   JOURNEY  TO   GENEVA        281 

proof  of  his  affection.  What  would  have  been  well, 
would  have  been  to  peaceably  explain  your  reasons  to 
him^  with  as  much  quietness  as  he  had  shown  vivacity; 
your  reasons  were  a  sufficient  reply,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  good  ones :  and  in  a  few  minutes  you  would 
have  brought  your  friends  to  approve  of  them  and  to 
render  you  the  justice  you  deserve.  Tliis  is  the  object 
you  fulfilled  in  what  I  advised  you  to  ivrite  to  M. 
Grimm.  Perhaps  you  put  too  much  anger  in  your  reply? 
Do  not  believe,  my  friend,  that  any  one  wished  to  exercise 
a  tyrannical  empire  over  you.  Be  free,  you  are  made  to 
be  so :  but  you  are  made  also  to  excuse  and  even  to  be 
grateful  for  the  free  counsels  of  friendship,  where  the 
chief  grief  would  be  to  find  you  in  fault.  It  suffices  to 
show  that  you  are  not  capable  of  committing  one ; 
and  you  satisfy  your  own  self-respect  without  sinning 
against  friendship."^ 

Thus,  pleased  with  her  own  wisdom,  discourses  this 
light-hearted  lady,  who  never  knows  where  she  is,  nor 
what  she  is  doing.  In  the  present  instance,  a  very  little 
attention  to  fticts  of  her  own  experience  might  have 
tauorht  her  the  mischief  she  was  workinsj.  Eousseau's 
first  reply  to  Diderot  had  been  absolutely  faultless  both 
in  tone  and  matter.  His  conduct  in  reading  both  letters 
to  Madame  d'Epinay  and  Grimm  had  left  him  master 
of  the  situation.  His  assertion  that  he  had  reasons  that 
he  did  not  refuse  to  explain  if  he  ivere  ashed  for  them, 
left  with  the  persons  who  provoked  the  explanation  all 
the  blame  for  any  revelations  that  they  might  not  be 
pleased  to  hear.  The  absolutely  unnecessary  measure  of 
making  Grimm  the  umpire  in  a  discussion  that  was 
virtually  settled  until  this  step  re-opened  it,  was  the 
first  blunder.  The  second  blunder  was  to  put  Rousseau 
in  a  position  where  he  had  either  to  betray  secrets 
injurious  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  without  any  motive  that 
sufficiently    excused   such   an   action,    or   else    to   give 

1  Precisely  what  Rousseau  oifered  to  do. 

2  See  Streckeisen-Moultou,  vol.  i.  pp.  369-370. 


282     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

reasons  that  were  not  the  real  ones,  and  that  people 
unacquainted  with  the  true  circumstances  would  esteem 
ungenerous. 

In  this  plight  Rousseau  chose  the  second  course,  which 
was  tlie  unselfish  but  not  the  politic  one.  He  made  it 
his  task  to  disprove  Diderot's  assertions  that  he  was 
under  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  Madame  d'Epinay  which 
compelled  him  to  sacrifice  his  health,  his  tastes,  his 
resources,  and  even  his  good  name  and  the  welfare  of 
those  really  dependent  upon  him,  the  moment  that  she 
required  companionship  and  entertainment.  Even  from 
this  point  of  view,  the  advantages  were  with  him,  could 
he  have  excluded  from  his  recollection  the  stronger  argu- 
ments he  was  not  at  liberty  to  use.  But  here  the  man's 
sincerity,  and  the  writer's  eloquence,  both  betrayed  him. 
As  he  thought  of  these  things,  pen  in  hand,  his  heart 
grew  hot  within  him.  How  this  gift  of  the  Hermitage 
he  had  accepted  and  valued  solely  as  a  proof  of  afiection, 
had  been  transformed  into  a  binding  and  burthensome 
obligation  !  First  of  all,  compelling  him  to  silence  before 
such  flagrant  outrages  as  the  violation  of  his  private  cor- 
respondence and  the  endeavour  to  bribe,  to  betray  him, 
the  woman  who  shared  his  life ;  then,  dragging  him 
through  the  humiliation  of  the  sham  reconciliation  with 
Grimm  ;  and  now,  seeking  to  impose  upon  him  a  task 
which  would  exjDose  him  to  ridicule  and  disgrace  !  And 
as  he  thought  of  it  all,  the  fire  kindled  ;  and,  before  it,  his 
tottering  friendship  for  Madame  d'Epinay  crumbled  down 
into  ashes  !  He  made  no  charge  against  her,  even  now 
— but  the  extinction  of  all  warmth  of  kindnesses  in  his 
tone,  when  summing  up  her  kindnesses  to  him  and  weigh- 
ing them  against  their  cost  to  him,  renders  his  letter 
harsh  and  displeasing  to  an  uninitiated  reader,  ignorant 
of  the  sense  of  burning  wrong  beneath  this  cold  repudia- 
tion of  a  claim  to  OTatitude. 

So,  that  this  letter  was  not  a  prodigy  of  ingratitude  ; 
but,  given  to  Grimm  to  circulate  freely  in  public,  with  his 
own  comments  upon  it,  it  was  a  prodigy  of  imprudence. 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         283 

Another  grave  defect  of  this  letter  is  that  it  is  quite 
four  times  too  long.  But  there  is  no  help  for  it.  By 
peo^^le  who  honestly  desire  to  arrive  at  a  clear  knowledge 
of  Rousseau's  condition  of  mind  towards  Madame 
d'Epinay,  and  of  his  honourable  observance  (towards  one 
whom  he  had  ceased  to  love  and  esteem)  of  the  duties  of 
his  extinct  friendship,  this  letter  must  be  read  through 
carefully;  and  the  fact  realized  that  such  care  is  taken  to 
avoid  one  word  of  accusation,  that  the  whole  blame,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  returns  upon  the  writer ;  who  justifies 
himself  from  the  charge  of  ingratitude,  perhaps,  but 
appears  to  every  uninstructed  reader  convicted  of  un- 
graciousness and  deficient  amiability. 

''October  19,  1757. 

"  Tell  me,  my  dear  Grimm,  why  all  my  friends 
assume  that  I  ought  to  accompany  Madame  d'Epinay  to 
Geneva  ?  Am  I  wrong  ?  Or  are  they  all  misled  ?  Have 
they  all  been  seized  by  this  base  partiality  always  ready 
to  decide  in  favour  of  the  rich,  and  to  burthen  the  poor 
with  a  hundred  duties  which  render  their  state  the 
harder  ?  I  will  only  refer  the  question  to  you.  Although 
you  are  no  doubt  prejudiced  in  the  same  way  as  the 
others,  I  believe  you  are  just  enough  to  put  yourself  in 
my  place,  and  to  judge  me  by  my  true  duties.  Listen, 
then,  to  my  reasons,  my  friend,  and  decide  for  me  what 
part  I  should  take  ;  for  whatever  you  decide,  I  declare  I 
will  do  at  once. 

"  What  is  there  that  compels  me  to  follow  Madame 
d'Epinay  ? — Friendship — gratitude — the  use  I  can  be  to 
her  ?  Let  us  examine  all  these  points.  If  Madame 
d'Epinay  has  shown  me  friendship,  I  have  shown  her 
even  more.  The  attentions  have  been  mutual ;  or,  to 
say  the  least,  as  assiduous  on  my  side  as  on  hers.  We 
are  both  ill,  and  I  do  not  owe  her  more  consideration 
here  than  she  owes  me,  unless  the  greater  sufferer  of  the 
two  is  to  be  held  bound  to  look  after  the  other.  Upon 
this  subject  I  have  only   one  word  to  say.     She  has 


284     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

friends  less  ill,  less  poor,  less  jealous  of  their  liberty,  and 
who  are,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  as  dear  to  her  as  I  am ; 
but  I  do  not  see  that  any  one  amongst  them  recognizes 
it  as  a  duty  to  follow  her.  By  what  extraordinary 
accident  does  this  duty  devolve  on  me  then,  who  am  the 
least  able  to  fulfil  it  ?  If  Madame  d'Epinay  be  so  dear 
to  me  that  I  should  renounce  everything  to  amuse  her, 
how  is  it  I  am  so  little  dear  to  her,  that  she  is  willing  to 
buy,  at  the  cost  of  my  health,  my  life,  my  peace,  my 
time,  and  all  my  resources,  a  companion  whose  care  of 
her  is  so  awkward  as  mine  would  prove  ?  I  don't  know 
whether  I  should  offer  to  follow  her  ;  but  I  know  that, 
unless  she  have  the  hard  heart  opulence  gives,  hiit 
which  has  always  seemed  to  me  remote  from  her,  she 
ought  not  to  accept  such  an  offer  if  I  made  it. 

"  As  for  benefits,  first  of  all  I  do  not  like  them,  I  do 
not  want  them,  and  I  am  not  grateful  for  those  forced 
upon  me.  I  have  explained  that  very  clearly  to  Madame 
d'Epinay  before  accepting  anything  at  her  hands.  It  is 
not  that  I  do  not  love  as  well  as  any  one  else  to  yield 
myself  up  to  those  sweet  ties  which  friendship  binds ; 
but  when  the  chain  is  too  tightly  drawn,  it  breaks  and 
leaves  me  free.  What  has  Madame  d'Epinay  done  for 
me  ?  You  know  as  well  as  any  one,  and  I  can  speak 
freely  with  you.  She  has  built  for  me  a  little  house  at 
the  Hermitage  and  has  begged  me  to  live  in  it ;  I  add 
with  pleasure  that  she  has  taken  the  trouble  to  make 
my  residence  there  agreeable  and  safe.  What  have  I 
done  for  Madame  d'Epinay  ?  At  a  time  when  I  was 
ready  to  return  to  my  own  country,  when  I  meant  and 
desired  to  do  it,  and  should  have  done  it,  she  moved 
heaven  and  earth  to  keep  me.  By  force  of  her  solicita- 
tions, and  intrigues  even,  she  succeeded,  and  she 
conquered  my  long  resistance,  my  wishes,  my  tastes,  the 
disapproval  of  my  friends.  Everything  my  heart  gave  up 
to  her  ascendancy.  I  let  myself  be  led  to  the  Hermitage  ; 
and  ever  since  I  have  always  felt  I  was  in  some  one 
else's  hands ;  and  this  moment  of  weakness  has  caused 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         285 

me  a  long  repentance.  My  dear  friends,  attentive  to 
the  task  of  constantly  distressing  me,  have  taken  care 
not  to  leave  me  the  peace  I  hoped  to  find  there. 
Madame  d'Epinay,  often  alone  in  the  country,  wished 
that  I  should  keep  her  company.  After  having  made 
one  sacrifice  to  friendship,  I  had  to  make  another  to 
gratitude.  One  needs  to  be  poor,  without  a  valet,  to 
hate  formalities,  and  to  have  a  soul  like  mine,  to  feel 
what  it  is  to  live  in  another  person's  house  !  I  have, 
nevertheless,  lived  two  years  in  hers,  always  hampered 
by  subjection  amongst  fine  discourses  about  liberty, 
waited  on  by  twenty  servants,  and  cleaning  my  own 
boots  every  morning ;  afflicted  by  sad  indigestions  and 
sighing  for  homely  fare.  You  know  that  it  is  impossible 
for  me  to  work  otherwise  than  in  my  retreat  alone,  at 
my  ease,  in  the  woods,  without  distractions  or  subjection. 
But  I  won't  speak  about  my  time  lost.  That  might  be 
got  over  by  my  being  destitute  and  naked  until  the  loss 
is  made  up.  But  try  to  reckon  how  many  crowns  could 
pay  for  an  hour  of  life  and  liberty — compare  Madame 
d'Epinay's  benefits  with  my  sacrifices,  and  tell  me, 
between  us,  which  owes  the  other  most  ? 

"  I  pass  on  to  the  question  of  utility.  Madame 
d'Epinay  goes  in  a  good  post-chaise,  accompanied  by  her 
husband,  her  son's  tutor,  her  lady's-maid,  and  five  or  six 
servants.  She  goes  to  Geneva,  a  town  largely  pojju- 
lated,  full  of  society,  where  she  will  only  have  to  choose 
her  circle.  She  goes  to  M.  Tronchin,  her  doctor,  her 
friend,  a  man  of  talent,  highly  considered,  sought  after, 
surrounded  by  the  best  people,  and  by  a  family  full  of 
merit — and  where  she  will  find  every  resource,  for  her 
health,  for  friendship  and  for  amusement.  Consider 
now  my  state,  my  sufferings,  my  disposition,  and  my 
means,  and  tell  me,  I  beg  you,  of  what  use  should  I  be 
to  Madame  d'Epinay  on  this  journey  ?  Could  I  endure 
a  post-chaise  ?  Could  I  expect  to  finish  the  journey  at 
this  season  of  the  year  without  an  accident  ?  Am  I  to 
stop  the  carriage  when  my  state  is  unendurable  1     Or 


286     A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

am  I  to  endure,  suffer,  and  die  ?  Let  Diderot  treat  my 
state  of  health,  my  life,  as  lightly  as  he  pleases.  My 
condition  is  known,  and  the  surgeons  who  have  attended 
me  can  testify  to  it.  I  assure  you  that,  suffering  as 
I  do,  I  am  not  less  weary  than  others  are  of  seeing  my 
life  prolonged.  Madame  d'Epinay  would  then  have  to 
expect  continual  annoyance,  and  possibly  some  accident 
by  the  way.  She  knows  me  too  well  to  ignore  that  in 
such  a  case  I  would  rather  go  away  and  expire  under  a 
hedge  than  cause  expense  to  others,  or  the  trouble  of 
nursing  me.  And  on  my  side,  /  hioiv  her  kind  heart 
too  ivell  to  ignore  hoiv  painful  it  ivould  he  to  her  to 
leave  me  in  such  a  state  and  continue  her  journey. 

"  I  might,  it  is  true,  follow  the  carriage  on  foot,  as 
M.  Diderot  suggests  !  But  the  wind  might  impede  my 
progress,  and  snow  and  rain  stop  it.  And  then,  let  me 
run  as  fast  as  I  may,  can  I  do  thirty  leagues  a  day  ? 
And  if  I  let  the  chaise  keep  ahead  of  me,  of  what  use 
shall  I  be  to  the  person  inside  it  ?  Arrived  at  Geneva, 
I  should  have  to  pass  my  days  shut  up  with  Madame 
d'Epinay ;  and  whatever  efforts  I  might  make  to  amuse 
her,  it  is  impossible  that  a  life  so  constrained  and 
contrary  to  my  taste  shouLi  not  plunge  me  into  a  black 
melanchoty  I  could  not  master.  When  we  are  alone 
and  happy,  Madame  d'Epinay  does  not  speak  to  me,  nor 
I  to  her.  What  would  it  be  when  I  was  sad  and 
awkward  ?  If  she  falls  from  the  clouds  in  Geneva,  so 
much  the  more  should  I ;  for  with  money  one  always 
has  friends,  but  the  poor  man  has  no  home  in  strange 
parts.  The  acquaintances  I  have  would  not  suit  her ; 
and  those  she  will  make,  most  certainly  won't  suit  me 
any  better.  I  shall  have  duties  to  fulfil,  which  will  take 
me  away  from  her ;  or  else  no  one  will  know  what  are 
the  reasons  that  make  me  neglect  these  duties,  and  keep 
me  in  her  house.  Were  I  better  dressed,  perhaps  I 
might  pass  for  her  confidential  servant.  What,  sir,  an 
unlucky  man,  borne  down  with  sufferings,  who  has 
scarcely  a  pair  of  shoes  to  his  feet,  who  has  neither 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         287 

clothes,  money,  nor  other  resources,  who  only  asks  one 
thing  of  his  friends — to  leave  him,  wretched  as  he  is,  at 
least  his  freedom,  is  necessary  to  Madame  d'Epinay, 
who  travels  surrounded  by  all  the  luxuries  of  life,  and 
who  is  attended  to  by  ten  persons  ?  Oh,  Fortune,  if  in 
thy  bosom  people  cannot  do  without  a  poor  man  such  as 
I,  I  am  at  least  happier  than  those  who  possess  thee, 
for  I  can  do  without  them  !  Ah,  but  you  will  say — the 
reason  is,  that  she  loves  you  :  she  cannot  do  without  her 
friend.  But,  my  dear  Grimm,  it  seems  she  will  have  to 
do  tvithout  you,  to  tvhom  most  certainly  I  aTU  7iot 
preferred.  Oh,  how  well  I  know  all  the  meanings  given 
to  this  word  friendship  !  Often  it  is  used  as  another 
name  for  servitude.  I  should  always  love  to  serve  my 
friend  if  he  be  as  poor  as  I  am.  If  he  be  richer,  let  us 
remain  free — or  let  him  serve  me  ;  for  as  he  has  his 
bread  without  earning  it,  he  has  more  time  to  give 
to  his  pleasures. 

•'There  remain  a  few  words  to  say  about  myself.  If 
there  are  duties  calling  me  to  attend  upon  Madame 
d'Epinay,  are  there  not  others  that  keep  me  here — or  do 
I  owe  nothing  to  any  one  but  her  ?  I  should  not  have 
travelled  six  leagues,  before  Diderot,  who  finds  it  wrong 
I  should  stay,  would  find  it  even  more  wrong  in  me  to 
have  gone  ;  and  in  this  there  would  be  some  truth. 
'Ah,'  he  would  cry,  '  you  follow  a  wealthy  woman,  ac- 
companied by  friends,  to  whom  you  owe  nothing,  and 
who  does  not  want  you,  to  leave  in  poverty  and  loneliness 
persons  who  have  passed  their  life  in  your  service  ;  and 
whom  your  departure  leaves  in  despair  ! '  If  I  allow  my 
expenses  to  be  paid,  Diderot  would  make  this  a  fresh 
obligation.  If  ever  in  the  future  I  claimed  the  right  to 
do  as  I  please,  he  would  say:  'See  this  ungrateful 
fellow  !  She  took  him  to  his  country  :  and  now  he 
leaves  her  ! '  If  I  pay  my  share  of  the  cost,  as  assuredly 
I  should  do,  where  could  I  find  so  suddenly  enough 
money  ?  To  whom  am  I  to  sell  my  books  and  furniture, 
and  all  I  have,  in  order  to  raise  it  1    I  won't  ask  what  is 


288    A   NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

to  become  of  me  afterwards,  the  journey  over  and  done  ; 
it  is  clear  that,  only  able  to  live  by  a  quiet  and  slow 
occupation,  and  having  no  time  of  my  own,  I  must  die 
of  hunger.  Whilst  I  am  away,  I  shall  have  a  small 
household  here,  which  will  be  without  means  during  my 
absence.  I  shall  be  kept  by  Madame  d'Epinay.  But 
what  does  this  mean  ?  to  stay  in  another  person's  house 
when  one  has  no  servant  of  one's  own,  and  no  authority 
over  other  people's  servants  ?  It  means  spe^iding  a 
great  deal  more  than  one  does  at  home,  to  be  uncomfort- 
able all  day  long ;  to  get  nothing  one  wants ;  to  do 
nothing  one  likes  ;  to  be  enslaved  by  a  hundred  chains 
and  to  find  ones  self  at  the  end  under  obligatiofis  to 
the  same  people  for  whose  sake  one  has  been  nearly 
ruined.  Add  to  all  this  my  case,  of  an  idle  sick  man, 
accustomed  to  leave  things  about  and  to  lose  nothing  ;  to 
ask  for  nothing  and  to  have  his  wants  supplied  ;  to  feel 
always  near  one,  some  one  who  guesses  and  does  what 
one  requires.  In  other  people's  houses  the  masters,  well 
served  themselves,  imagine  that  their  guests  are  as  well 
looked  after.  Visitors,  who  have  their  own  servants, 
can  secure  this  ;  but  a  man  of  my  sort,  whose  fortune, 
attire  and  silence  invite  neglect,  can  only  get  served  at 
the  price  of  gold  :  he  dare  not  be  his  own  valet ;  and  he 
dare  not  claim  the  service  of  other  people's. 

"  I  see  well  whence  come  all  the  griefs  I  suffer  from.  It 
is  because  I  am  in  a  society  outside  of  my  own  state ; 
and  because  all  the  people  with  whom  I  live,  judging  me 
always  by  their  way  of  life  and  never  by  my  own, 
expect  a  man  who  has  nothing,  to  act  in  the  same  way 
as  one  who  has  ten  thousand  pounds  a  year.  No  one 
puts  himself  in  my  place  :  no  one  recognizes  that  I  am 
a  being  apart ;  that  I  have  not  the  character,  the 
principles,  nor  the  means  they  have,  and  that  I  am  not 
to  be  measured  by  their  rules.  If  people  consider  my 
poverty,  it  is  merely  to  render  it  insupportable.  It  is 
thus  that  the  philosopher  Diderot  in  his  study,  at  the 
corner  of  a  good  fire,  in  a  well  wadded  dressing-gown, 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA        2S9 

wishes  me  to  do  thirty  leagues  on  foot  in  winter,  to  run 
after  a  post-chaise,  because,  after  all,  to  run  and  to  get 
bespattered  with  mud  is  the  trade  of  a  poor  mau  !  How- 
ever this  may  be,  you  may  be  quite  sure  that  the 
philosopher  Diderot,  if  he  could  not  endure  a  post-chaise, 
would  never  in  his  life  run  after  the  carriage  of  any  one  ! 
Nevertheless  there  would  be  this  difference — that  he  would 
have  good  shoes,  good  stockings,  warm  under-clothing ; 
that  he  would  have  supped  well  over-niglit ;  have  started 
thoroughly  warmed :  all  things  that  make  it  easier  for  a 
man  to  run,  than  it  is  for  one  who  has  not  money  to  pay 
at  his  inn  for  the  supper,  the  fire,  and  the  warm  clothing. 
On  my  faith  :  if  philosophy  do  not  teach  people  to  make 
these  distinctions,  what  is  it  good  for  ? 

"  Weigh  my  reasons  then,  my  dear  friend,  and  then  tell 
me  what  I  should  do  ?  1  am  ready  to  do  my  duty  ;  but 
in  my  state  in  very  truth  no  more  than  that  can  be 
asked  from  me.  If  you  decide  that  I  should  go,  tell 
Madame  d'Epinay ;  send  me  an  express,  and,  without 
further  delay,  I  will  start  for  Paris  on  receiving  your 
reply. 

"  As  for  the  residence  at  the  Hermitage,  I  feel  strongly 
that  I  should  not  remain  there,  for  even  whilst  continu- 
ing to  pay  the  gardener's  wages  it  is  not  a  sufficient 
rent ;  but  I  feel  I  owe  it  to  Madame  d'Epinay  not  to 
leave  the  Hermitage  under  circumstances  that  might 
give  the  impression  that  there  was  dissatisfaction  or  any 
quarrel  between  us. 

"  I  confess,  too,  that  it  would  be  hard  forme  to  under- 
take a  removal  at  this  season,  when  the  approach  of 
winter  makes  itself  felt ;  it  will  be  better  to  wait  for  the 
spring,  when  my  departure  will  seem  more  natural." 

In  connection  with  Rousseau's  affirmation  tliat  if,  after 
weighing  his  reasons,  Qrimm  still  decided  he  ought  to  go, 
he  would  abide  by  this  decision,  the  author  of  the 
Confessions  explains  that  he  meant  this ;  he  had  heard 
that  an  alteration  in  the  original  plan  had  been  made  as 

VOL.  I.  19 


290     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

a  result  of  his  refusal.  M.  d'Epinay,  always  amiable, 
had  been  persuaded  to  go  with  his  wife.  "  In  these 
circumstances,"  wrote  Rousseau,  "  my  journey  would 
have  worn  a  different  air  ;  whereas  in  the  first  instance 
I  was  the  person  they  wished  to  employ  :  and  the  question 
of  obtaining  M,  d'Epinay  was  only  thought  of  after  my 
refusal." 

Rousseau's  letter  to  Grimm  was  sent  on  the  day  after 
the  interview  with  Madame  d'Houdetot ;  that  is  to  say, 
on  the  26tli  October.  Grimm's  first  answer  came  two 
days  later.  It  is  given  in  the  Confessions — the 
Streckeisen-Moultou  re-productions  prove  that  this 
version  is  genuine. 

"Madame  d'Epinay's  departure  is  delayed,"  wrote 
Grimm :  "  her  son  is  ill  :  and  she  has  to  wait  until  he 
has  recovered.  I  will  dream  over  your  letter — keep 
quiet  in  your  Hermitage.  I  will  send  you  my  answer 
in  due  time.  As  she  certainly  will  not  start  for  a  few 
days,  there  is  no  immediate  hurry.  In  the  meanwhile, 
if  you  think  it  well  to  do  so,  you  might  make  your  offer 
to  her ;  although  it  seems  to  me  of  no  great  importance, 
because  as  she  knows  your  position  as  well  as  you  do, 
I  do  not  doubt  she  will  reply  in  the  way  she  should : 
and  all  that  will  be  gained  will  be  that  you  can  say  to 
people  who  comment  upon  the  fact  that  you  did  not  go 
with  her,  that  at  least  you  offered  to  go.  Besides,  I  don't 
know  why  you  take  it  for  granted  that  the  philosopher 
is  the  mouthpiece  of  every  one  ;  and  because  his  opinion 
is  that  you  should  go,  why  you  should  imagine  that  all 
your  friends  are  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  ?  If  you 
write  to  Madame  d'Epinay,  her  reply  may  give  you  your 
answer  to  all  these  friends  ;  as  you  have  it  so  much  at 
heart  to  answer  them.  Farewell.  I  salute  Madame 
Levasseur  and  the  Criminal."  ^ 

This  first  reply  of  Grimm's   is  probably    the    letter 
alluded  to  in  Diderot's  note — "pas  de  lettre  de  Volx — • 

^  Rousseau  explains  that  le  criminel  was  one  of  Grimm's  playful 
terms  for  Theresa. 


THE   JOURNEY   TO    GENEVA         291 

il  faut  remijlacer  tout  cela."  For  one  finds  in  the 
re-copied  Arsenal  Caliier  147,  and  in  Brunei's  manuscript, 
no  mention  of  this  letter ;  and  in  order  to  explain  how 
Rousseau  came  to  know  of  the  delay  in  Madame 
d'Epinay's  departure  through  her  son's  indisposition,  a 
phrase  is  inserted  in  his  letter  of  the  29th  October,  to 
Madame  d'Epinay,  making  him  assert  that  Madame 
d'Houdetot  has  told  him  about  it. 

One  can  easily  understand  that  the  revisers  of  the 
story  found  this  first  letter  inconveniently  destructive 
of  the  effect  it  was  desired  should  be  produced  l)y 
Grimm's  second  answer  to  Rousseau's  "  horrible  apology," 
received  by  Jean  Jacques  only  on  the  8th  November — 
that  is  to  say,  when  time  had  been  given  Madame 
d'Epinay  to  reach  Geneva. 

Here  is  Rousseau's  descrij^tion  of  this  second  letter, 
which  he,  imprudently,  sent  back  to  the  sender  without 
taking  a  copy  of  it : — 

"  It  was  only  seven  or  eight  lines  long,  but  I  didn't  take 
the  trouble  to  finish  it.  It  was  a  rupture,  but  written 
in  terms  that  only  the  most  infernal  hatred  could  have 
dictated,  and  that  became  positively  stuj)id  in  the  efibrt 
to  be  as  ofiensive  as  possible.  He  forbade  me  his 
presence,  as  though  he  forbade  me  his  kingdom.  The 
only  thing  that  could  prevent  one  from  laughing  at  the 
absurdity  of  the  letter  was  lack  of  sangfroid  when 
reading  it.  Without  copying  it,  or  even  reading  it  to 
the  end,  I  sent  it  him  back  immediately  with  these 
words — 

"  I  refused  to  listen  to  my  just  suspicions.  Too  late, 
I  at  last  know  you !  This  is  tlicn  the  letter  that  you 
required  to  meditate  over  at  your  leisure  ?  I  send  it 
you  back — it  is  not  for  me.  You  are  free  to  show  mine 
to  the  whole  earth  :  and  to  hate  me  openly ;  it  will  be 
in  you  one  falsity  the  less." 

The  Memoirs  give  this  letter  from  Rene  :  but  the 
letter  from  the  virtuously  indignant  Volx  which  pro- 
voked it,  is  much  longer  than  seven  or  eight  lines,  and 


292     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

does  not  correspond  with  Rousseau's  description.  But 
it  is  a  rupture  dictated  by  the  just  hatred  of  the 
righteous  Volx  for  the  monster  Rene,  and  it  has,  amongst 
other  vigorous  sentences,  this  phrase — "  If  I  could 
forgive  you  I  should  consider  myself  unworthy  to 
possess  a  friend.  I  will  never  see  you  again  in  my 
life,  and  I  shall  esteem  myself  happy  if  I  can  banish  all 
recollection  of  your  proceedings  from  my  mind.  I  beg 
you  to  forget  me  ;  and  not  to  trouble  my  soul  again. 
If  the  justice  of  this  request  does  not  touch  you ; 
recollect  that  I  have  your  letter  in  my  hands,  which  will 
justify  my  conduct  in  the  eyes  of  all  right-thinking 
people." 

Mr.  John  Morley  describes  this  second  answer  to 
Rousseau's  letter  by  Grimm,  as  "  a  flash  of  manly  anger, 
very  welcome  to  us."  But  it  has  to  be  recollected  that 
the  "  flash  "  took  twelve  days  of  "dreaming  "  over  the 
matter  to  be  produced.  And  then  again,  if  this  letter 
of  the  8th  November  exhibits  Grimm's  "manly  anger" 
at  Rousseau's  letter,  received  on  the  27tli  or  28th  of 
October,  how  are  we  to  explain  the  hypocritical  con- 
descension of  Grimm's  first  answer  of  the  28th  October  : 
with  its  dubious  suggestion  that  Rousseau  might  offer 
Madame  d'Epinay  to  accompany  her,  counting  upon  her 
refusal  of  the  offer,  as  a  sufficient  answer  to  people  who 
considered  that  he  ought  to  have  escorted  her  to  his 
native  city  ? 

"  I  wrote  to  Madame  d'Epinay,"  says  the  author  of  the 

Confessions,  "  about  the  illness  of  her  son,  with  all  the 

politeness  possible  in  the  circumstances  ;  hut  I  did  not 

fall  into  the   trap  23re2:)ared  for   me   hy   offering   to 

accompany  her  f  " 

Was  this  perhaps  the  cause  of  Grimm's  tardy  explosion 
of  "  manly  anger  "  ? 

Rousseau's  letter  to  Madame  d'Epinay  was  dated  29th 
October :  that  is  to  say,  was  written  immediately  after 
the  receipt  of  Grimm's  first  answer  :  and  two  days  before 
Madame   d'Epinay    quitted    Paris.     The    Arsenal    note 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         293 

suggesting  that  Volx  is  to  be  made  to  hold  back  letters 
likely  to  distress  the  lady  on  the  eve  of  her  journey 
is  evidently  intended  to  justify  Madame  d'Epinay's 
assertion,  when,  writing  from  Geneva  to  Rousseau  on 
12th  November,  she  affirms  that  she  only  received  his 
letter  of  the  29th  October  on  the  9th  of  November,  upon 
reaching  Geneva.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
"little  scene"  between  Volx  and  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
on  the  night  before  their  separation,  which  the  Notes 
order  to  be  re-written  :  and  where  the  heroine  is  to  be 
"  less  childish,"  ^  has  reference  to  Madame  d'Epinay's 
desire  to  answer  this  letter,  and  to  Grimm's  objections. 
The  tyrannical  lover,  of  course,  has  his  way  against 
Madame  d'Epinay's  vain  endeavours  to  resist  the  role 
imposed  upon  her  towards  the  favourite  old  friend,  for 
whom  (we  have  the  testimony  of  her  own  son  to  prove  it) 
she  always  kept  a  regretful  tenderness.  Here  is  a  passage 
from  a  letter  written  by  Volx  to  the  heroine,  that  we  may 
very  confidently,  I  think,  suppose  a  faithful  extract  from 
a  letter  of  Grimm's  in  this  epoch  to  Madame  d'Epinay. 

"  What  would  flatter  me  most  from  you  would  be  the 
boundless  confidence  that  I  try  to  deserve.  In  short,  I 
would  wish  that  there  were  no  difference  between  you 
and  me ;  that  your  most  intimate  thoughts  were  as  well 
known  to  me  as  to  yourself;  that  this  confidence 
extended  to  what  concerns  me  as  well  as  to  what 
regards  you.  If  I  had  a  moment  of  anxiety  on  the  eve 
of  our  separation,  have  not  events  proved  it  was  well 
founded  ?  It  was  not  your  heart  I  suspected :  these 
words :  '  yoii  knoiv  luhat  prevented  me,'  by  which  you 
justified  the  mysteries  which  I  reproached  you  with — 
were  they  not  bound  to  make  me  believe  that  Rousseau 
had  again  dared  to  speak  of  me  in  a  way  you  should  not 
have  tolerated,  and  that  your  true  heart  would  not  have 
hidden,  but  that  your  weakness  would  not  let  you  tell 
me   with   the  frankness  natural  to  you  ?     Had  1  not 

^  See  Note,  Ai^senal.     "  Refaiie  la  petite  querelle  le  jour  de  son 
depart ;  qu'elle  y  fait  moins  I'ei^ifant." 


294    A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

everything  to  fear  for  you,  as  a  result  of  your  desire 
to  serve  him,  ivhich  luould  have  been  a  iveapon  in  his 
hands  against  you  f  Here,  my  tender  friend,  is  what 
touches  my  heart,  that  can  no  longer  be  happy  save 
through  you.  I  have  never  loved  you  more  tenderly 
than  when  I  have  seen  you  confide  to  me  with  con- 
fusion your  mistakes  :  these  moments  are  the  finest 
triumj)h  of  virtue,  they  have  rendered  you  more  precious 
to  my  heart  than  your  beauty,  or  your  favours  to  me." 

Virtue,  manifested  in  Madame  d'Epinay's  renunciation 
of  her  own  wish  to  serve  Rousseau,  and  adoption  of 
Grimm's  will  that  he  shall  be  turned  out  of  his  Hermitage 

o 

in  mid-winter  with  insults  and  reviling,  triumphs,  as  it 
was  bound  to  do,  when  the  poor  lady's  situation  is 
considered.  AVith  the  docility  that  this  amiable  lover 
appreciates  more  highly  than  either  her  charms  or  her 
favours,  she  writes,  "  for  the  first  time  in  her  life,"  as 
Rousseau  says,  a  contemptuous  and  an  offensive  letter 
to  him :  which  he  receives  eight  days  after  his  rupture 
with  Grimm.     He  answers  it  on  the  23rd  November : — 

"  If  one  could  die  of  grief,  I  should  not  be  alive.  But 
at  length  I  have  made  up  my  mind.  Friendship  is 
extinguished  between  us,  madame ;  but  what  once 
existed  still  retains  claims  over  me  that  I  can  respect. 
I  have  not  forgotten  your  kindnesses,  and  you  can  count 
upon  all  the  gratitude  that  one  can  feel  for  one  whom  it 
is  no  longer  permitted  one  to  love.  All  further  explana- 
tion would  be  useless — I  have  for  me  my  conscience : 
and  I  can  only  bid  you  consult  your  own. 

"I  wished  to  leave  the  Hermitage  :  and  I  should  have 
done  so.  But  I  am  told  I  ought  to  stay  until  the 
spring ;  and  as  my  friends  wish  it,  I  will  remain  until 
the  spring  if  you  consent  to  it." 

We  have  not  spent  so  much  time  with  Madame 
d'Epinay  to  think  that  she  would,  of  her  own  accord, 
have  driven  this  sick  man  out  of  his  little  cottage  in 
December  !     But  Grimm's  letters  are  urgent. 

"  Your  reply    to   his    letter    is    well    enough :    but 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA         295 

Eousseau  seems  in  no  hurry  to  leave  your  house  ;  for  my 
part  I  believe  that  after  all  that  has  passed  you  cannot 
leave  him  in  it  without  loss  of  self-respect." 

And,  on  the  10th  December,  Rousseau  receives  his 
dismissal :  Madame  d'Epinay's  letter  is  dated  1st 
December. 

"  After  having  given  you  for  several  years  every 
possible  proof  of  friendship  and  interest,  I  can  now  only 
pity  you.  You  are  very  unhappy.  I  hope  your  con- 
science is  as  tranquil  as  mine  is.  This  may  be  necessary 
to  your  repose  through  life.  Since  you  wished  to  quit 
the  Hermitage,  and  since  you  ought  to  have  done  so,  I 
am  astonished  that  your  friends  should  have  kept  you 
there.  For  my  part  I  do  not  consult  them  about  my 
duties,  and  I  have  nothing  more  to  say  about  yours." 

In  this  sudden  emergency  the  little  house  of  Mont 
Louis  was  offered  to  Rousseau  by  the  agent  of  the  Prince 
de  Cond^ — in  eight  days  his  removal  was  effected,  and 
he  wrote  to  Madame  d'Epinay  : — 

"  17th  December. 

"  Nothing  is  more  simple  or  more  necessary,  madame, 
than  that  I  should  quit  your  house  directly  you  disap- 
prove of  my  remaining  there.  Upon  your  refusal  to 
consent  to  my  passing  the  remainder  of  the  winter 
there,  I  quitted  it  on  the  15th  December.  My  fate  was 
to  enter  it  against  my  will  and  to  leave  it  in  the  same 
way.  I  thank  you  for  the  residence  you  persuaded  me 
to  make  there  :  and  I  should  thank  you  more  had  it  cost 
me  less.  For  the  rest,  you  are  quite  right  to  call  me 
unhappy ;  no  one  knows  better  than  yourself  how  un- 
happy I  am.  If  it  is  a  misfortune  to  deceive  one's  self 
when  choosino;  a  friend,  it  is  a  neater  misfortune  still  to 
discover  one's  error." 

There  is  a  postscript  to  this  letter  which  the  author  of 
the  Confessions  omits — "  Your  gardener  is  paid." 

On  the  17th  January  Madame  d'Epinay  replies  to  this 
postscript :    and    here  we  find  her  departing  from  the 


296     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

"boundless  confidence"  demanded  of  her  as  her  rule  of 
life — for,  if  the  Memoirs  are  to  be  trusted,  she 
especially  assured  her  Tyrant  that  she  had  not  answered 
Rousseau's  letter  :— 

"  I  only  received  your  letter  of  the  17th  December, 
sir,  yesterday :  it  was  sent  with  a  chest  full  of  different 
things  which  has  been  all  this  time  on  the  way.  As 
for  the  letter,  I  don't  understand  it ;  and  if  we  were 
in  a  position  to  have  an  explanation,  I  should  feel 
disposed  to  attribute  all  that  has  passed  to  a  mis- 
understanding. I  will  only  reply  to  the  postscript. 
You  may  remember,  sir,  that  we  agreed  that  the  wages 
of  the  gardener  of  the  Hermitage  should  pass  through 
your  hands,  in  order  that  he  should  better  understand 
that  he  depended  upon  you,  and  to  avoid  all  risk  of  the 
ridiculous  and  improper  behaviour  of  his  predecessor. 
The  proof  of  this  is  that  the  first  quarter  of  his  wages  were 
given  you  :  and  that  I  had  agreed  with  you  some  days 
before  my  departure  to  have  you  repaid  the  advances 
you  had  made  for  me.  I  know  that  you  made  some 
difiiculty  :  but  I  had  asked  you  to  make  these  advances 
for  me  ;  it  was  surely  a  simple  matter  1  should  repay  them, 
and  we  came  to  agree  on  this  point.  Cahouet  tells  me, 
however,  you  refuse  to  take  this  money.  There  must 
surely  be  some  misunderstanding.  I  am  giving  him 
orders  to  return  it  to  you,  and  I  do  not  see  why  you 
should  pay  my  gardener  in  spite  of  our  agreement,  and 
even  beyond  the  term  of  your  occupation  of  the 
Hermitage.  I  am  taking  it  for  granted,  sir,  that  remem- 
bering all  I  have  the  honour  of  recalling  to  you,  you  will 
not  refuse  re-payment  of  the  advances  you  were  good 
enough  to  make  for  me." 

Rousseau  has  been  blamed  for  saying  that  the 
correspondence  stopped  here — inasmuch  as  he  answered 
this  letter.  His  reason  is,  nevertheless,  a  simple  matter 
of  delicacy :  he  declined  to  be  repaid  for  the  wages  he 
had  given  the  gardener,  and  did  not  wish  this  part  of 
the  discussion  made   public.     Here   is    the   last   letter 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   GENEVA        297 

whicli  Rousseau  wrote,  and  which  the  editors  of  the 
printed  Memoirs  correct  in  the  MS.  from  the  original 
letter : — 

"  I  see,  madame,  that  my  letters  have  alvva}^^  the  ill 
luck  to  reach  you  late.  What  is  certain  is  that  yours  of 
the  17th  January  was  not  given  me  until  the  17th  of 
this  month  by  M.  Cahouet — apparently  your  corre- 
spondent had  kept  it  all  this  time.  I  will  not  attempt  to 
explain  what  you  are  determined  not  to  understand  :  I 
can  only  admire  that  with  so  much  cleverness  should  be 
united  such  dulness  of  intellect ;  but  after  all,  I  ought  not 
to  be  astonished,  for  you  have  long  boasted  to  me  about 
this  defect.  My  intention  never  having  been  to  take 
re-payment  for  the  wages  of  your  gardener,  there  is  not 
much  likelihood  that  I  shall  change  my  mind  now.  The 
consent  you  speak  of  was  the  sort  of  consent  one  gives 
vaguely  to  end  a  discussion,  or  to  put  it  off,  and  that 
signifies  a  refusal.  It  is  true  that  you  sent  me  in  the 
month  of  September  1756,  by  your  coachman,  the  wages 
of  the  preceding  gardener,  and  that  I  settled  his  account. 
It  is  also  true  that  1  have  always  paid  his  successor  with 
my  own  money.  As  for  the  first  quarter  of  his  wages, 
which  you  say  were  sent  me,  it  seems  to  me,  madame,  you 
should  know  the  contrary.  AVhat  is  very  certain  in  any 
case  is  that  it  was  not  even  offered  me.  As  for  the 
fifteen  days  which  remained  to  the  end  of  the  year  when 
I  left  the  Hermitage,  you  will  agree  it  wasn't  worth  while 
to  deduct  them.  Heaven  knows  I  do  not  pretend  to  have 
paid  for  my  residence  at  the  Hermitage.  My  heart 
cannot  put  at  such  a  low  price  the  services  of  friend- 
ship ;  but  with  the  tax  you  have  put  on  them,  never 
was  the  rent  of  any  house  so  dear.  I  learn  the  strange 
discourses  your  correspondents  in  Paris  indulge  in  at  my 
expense — and  1  judge  by  these  of  those  you,  with  more 
consideration,  perhaps,  keep  afloat  at  Geneva.  There  is 
then  great  pleasure  in  hurting  others  :  and  in  hurting 
those  one  had  for  friends  ?  For  my  part  it  is  a  pleasure 
I  have  no  taste  for :  and  would  not  seek  even  in  self- 


298     A    NEW   CRITICISM    OF    ROUSSEAU 

defence.  Do  and  say  what  pleases  you  :  I  have  no  other 
reply  to  oppose  to  you  but  silence,  patience,  and  an 
upright  life.  For  the  rest,  if  you  have  any  fresh 
torments  in  store  for  me,  make  haste,  for  I  feel  that  you 
may  not  have  this  pleasure  long." 

Here  then,  on  the  17th  of  February  1758,  Rousseau's 
last  word  is  said  to  Madame  d'Epinay ;  and  during  the 
remaining  twenty  years  of  his  life  he  regarded  her  as  one 
of  his  secretly  active  enemies.  Yet  neither  in  the 
Confessions  nor  in  the  Dialogues  nor  in  any  letter 
of  confidential  communication,  did  he  reveal  what  he 
knew  of  her  past  life,  and  misadventures  with  M.  de 
Francueil  and  with  Grimm  ;  and  in  relating,  as  he  was 
bound  to  do,  the  causes  of  their  quarrel,  he  dwells  with 
so  much  pleasure  on  her  past  kindnesses,  and  spends  so 
little  trouble  in  proving  her  to  blame,  that  every  reader 
of  the  Confessions  comes  away  with  the  impression 
that  Rousseau  ought  not  to  have  suspected  of  unkind - 
ness  the  amiable  lady  who  built  him  his  Hermitage. 

Summing  up  the  position  we  find  that  Rousseau 
committed  no  crimes  against  Madame  d'Epinay. 

He  did  not  accuse  her  of  writing  an  anonymous  letter  : 
he  charged  her  with  faults  which  she  had  committed 
through  jealousy  of  himself  and  Madame  d'Houdetot. 
He  very  wisely  and  rightly  resisted  the  effort  made  by 
Diderot  to  impose  upon  him  the  obligation  of  accom- 
panying her  to  Geneva. 

He  did  not  write  to  Grimm  a  letter  that  was  a  prodigy 
of  ingratitude — but,  urged  by  Madame  d'Houdetot  to 
choose  Grimm  for  umpire,  he  wrote  an  imprudent  letter, 
where  Madame  d'Epinay  appeared  blameless,  and  he 
himself  at  fault. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

NOTE  A 

INTERPRETATIONS    OF    ROUSSEAU's    BOOKS    AND 
INFLUENCES 

"  These  interpretations  of  Rousseau's  books  leave  his 
teachings  in  a  '  cloud  of  black'  incomprehcnsibleness,' " 
see  p.  4. 

Thus,  let  us  take  the  interpretation  of  the  Contrat 
Social  delivered  to  English  readers  in  the  criticism  of 
that  work  by  Mr.  John  Morley  : — 

Readers  of  this  criticism  are  told  that  "  the  author  of 
the  Social  Contract  involuntaril);^,  and  unconsciously, 
helped  the  growth  of  progressive  ideas,  in  w^hich  he  had 
no  faith"  (vol.  ii.  p.  195).  They  are  told  that  the 
Social  Contract  was  "  the  match  which  kindled  revolu- 
tionary fire  in  generous  breasts  throughout  Europe" 
(ii,  pp.  192,  193)  ;  that  it  evoked  "virile  and  patriotic 
energy,"  that  "its  phrases  became  the  language  of  all  who 
aspired  after  freedom"  (ii.  p.  192);  that  it  produced 
"  an  enthusiastic  faith  in  the  renovation  of  society." 

But  they  are  also  told  of  the  same  book  (ii.  p. 
120)  that  it  represented  the  "  formal  denial  of  the  pos- 
sibility of  overcoming  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
reforming  society  " — that,  for  the  author,  the  "  dream  of 
human  perfectibility  was  a  sour  and  fantastic  mockery  ;  " 
(ii.  p.  119)— that  his  depressing  faith  was  "that 
the  golden  era  has  passed  away  from  our  globe " 
(ii.  p.  119)  ;  that  the  "utmost  men  could  do  was  to  turn 
their  eyes  to  the  past,  and  to  try  to  walk  for  a  space  in 
the  track  of  the  ancient  societies  :  they  would  hardly 
succeed  ;  but  endeavour  might  at  least  do  something  to 
stay  the  plague  of  universal  degeneracy." 

301 


302  APPENDIX 

About  the  Nouvelle  Helo'ise,  readers  of  Mr.  Morley's 
psychological  criticism  are  told  : — that  the  effect  of  this 
extraordinary  popular  novel  was  "  to  fascinate  the 
public  with  the  charm  of  a  serene,  well-ordered,  cheerful 
home "  (ii.  p.  47)  ;  "to  restore  marriage  to  a  rank 
amongst  high  and  honourable  obligations,  and  to  repre- 
sent it  as  the  best  support  of  an  equable  life  of  right 
conduct  and  harmonious  emotion " ;  to  "  teach  men 
some  respect  for  the  dignity  of  woman ;  and  women  a 
firmer  respect  for  themselves"  (ii.  p.  31).  Above  all, 
"  by  the  example  of  Julie's  energetic  return  to  duty,  to 
teach  the  possibility  and  the  satisfaction  of  bending 
character  back  to  comeliness  and  honour"  (ii.  p.  30). 
But  about  the  same  book  they  are  also  told  : — that  "the 
influences  of  the  work  were  mischievous,"  inasmuch  as 
its  tendency  was  "  to  divorce  emotion  (ii.  p.  55)  from 
disciplined  intelligence,  and  to  recommend  irrational 
retrogression  from  active  use  of  the  understanding  back 
to  dreamy  contemplation." 

About  Emile,  readers  of  this  criticism  are  told  : — that 
the  work  "stands  out  as  one  of  the  seminal  works  in  the 
history  of  literature "  (ii.  p.  249) ;  that  it  was  "  the 
charter  of  youthful  deliverance,  that  cleared  away  the 
clogging  prejudices  and  inveterate  usages  that  made 
education  one  of  the  dark  arts";  that  it  was  "  recognized 
by  Herder,  by  Lavater  and  by  Jean  Paul  Eichter  as  the 
most  excellent  of  all  treatises  upon  education  "  (ii.  pp. 
250,  251,  252,  253)  ;  that  it  is  the  one  "from  which  the 
most  systematic,  popular,  and  permanently  successful 
of  all  educational  reformers  (Pestalozzi)  borrowed  his 
spirit  and  principles  "  (ii.  p.  252). 

But  these  readers  are  also  told : — that  Emile  "  per- 
haps is  the  most  imperfect  treatise  ever  written  on 
this  world-interesting  subject "  ;  that  "it  is  fatally 
tarnished  with  the  cold,  damp  breath  of  isolation  and, 
at  bottom,  the  apotheosis  of  social  despair  "  (ii.  p.  236). 

So  much  for  the  interpretation  of  Rousseau's  books. 
When   appreciating   the   three   chief    articles   of  faith 


NOTE   A  7,0 


v)^v5 


proclaimed  in  the  social  "gospel  according  to  Jean 
Jacques,"  this  critic  says — of  the  first  doctrine,  the 
sovereigyity  of  2yeo2')les — that  we  have  to  recognize  as 
(ii.  p.  194)  "a  rapid  deduction  from  it,  the  great  truth 
that  a  nation,  with  a  civilized  polity,  does  not  consist  of 
an  order,  or  a  caste,  but  of  the  great  body  of  its  members  ; 
the  army  of  toilers,  who  make  the  most  painful  of  the 
sacrifices  needed  for  the  continual  nutrition  of  the  social 
organism  ;  and  that  hence,  all  political  institutions  should 
have  for  their  aim,  the  physical,  intellectual  and  moral 
amelioration  of  the  poorest  and  most  numerous  class." 

From  the  second  doctrine,  of  the  Social  Comj^acty 
that  is  to  say,  of  "  society  founded,  not  upon  a  covenant 
of  subjection,  but  upon  a  covenant  of  social  brotherhood," 
the  reader  is  told  that  he  must  trace  "  the  starting-point 
in  the  history  of  the  ideas  of  the  Revolution  of  the 
most  prominent  of  them  all  (ii.  p.  160),  that  of 
Fraternity";  and,  further,  "  gradually  following  from  the 
important  place  given  by  Rousseau  to  the  idea  of  equal 
association  (ii.  p.  195)  as  at  once  the  foundation  and 
the  enduring  bond  of  a  community,  later  schemes  of 
mutualism,  and  all  the  other  shapes  of  collective  action 
for  a  common  social  good." 

Finally,  from  the  doctrine  of  rights  (vol.  i.  p.  183), 
signifying  "  not  absolute  equality,  in  the  sense  that  all 
men  are  equal  in  capacity,  or  that  degrees  of  wealth  and 
power  should  be  actually  the  same,  but  the  moral  claim 
of  all  men  to  equal  opportunities,"  the  starting-point  "of 
movements  tha.t  have  had  all  the  fervour  and  intensity 
of  religion,  to  correct  violent  political  and  social 
inequalities  amongst  different  members  of  a  community," 
movements  "inspired  by  Rousseau's  principle  that  because 
the  force  of  things  is  constantly  tending  to  destroy 
equality,  the  force  of  legislation  should  constantly  tend 
to\ipholdit"  (i.  p.  184). 

Nevertheless,  readers  of  this  criticism  are  told  that  these 
doctrines  of  Rousseau's  social  gospel  have  "  given  no  help 
towards  the  solution  of  any  of  the  problems  of  government; 


304  APPENDIX 

and  that  they  are  "  scientifically  valueless  and  practically 
mischievous  ideas,  because  they  express  an  effort  to  base 
political  institutions  upon  figments"  (vol.  ii.  p.  186). 

It  will  be  admitted  that  these  interpretations  of 
Rousseau's  books  and  influences  supply  no  clear  con- 
ceptions, or  definite  conclusions,  upon  which  an  intelligent 
judgment  of  what  he  really  taught,  or  of  our  true 
spiritual  obligations  to  him,  can  be  founded.  In  other 
words,  the  failure  of  this  psychological  criticism  to  ex- 
plain Rousseau  to  us,  by  the  method  of  judging  him  as 
a  man  "  in  whose  soul  one  must  always  see  two  things  at 
the  same  time,"  renders  a  new  criticism  necessary. 

NOTE  A A 
TESTIMONY   OF   IMPARTIAL   CONTEMPORARIES 

"  A  number  of  Rousseau's  contemporaries  who  had  no 
motives  for  painting  him  other  than  they  knew  him,  have 
left  full  accounts  of  the  impressions  he  made  on  them," 
p.  14,  vol.  i. 

Amongst  contemporaries  who  have  left  detailed 
accounts  of  their  intimate  relations  with  Rousseau,  the 
Count  d'Eschernay,  in  his  Melcmges  de  Litterature 
d'Histoire  et  de  Philoso2'>hie  (1811)  paints  Jean  Jacques 
in  an  epoch  when  his  three  great  works  had  just  been 
produced,  in  other  words,  when  he  was  in  full 
intellectual  vigour.  Nevertheless,  had  there  been  in  him 
any  natural  disposition  to  misanthropy,  Rousseau  had 
already  good  cause  to  complain  of  fortune  and  his  fellow 
men.  In  June,  1762,  his  Emile  had  been  condemned 
by  the  Parliament  of  Paris  to  be  burnt  by  the  public 
executioner,  and  he  himself  had  had  to  fly  from  France 
to  avoid  arrest.  He  had  been  banished  from  Yverdun, 
his  first  place  of  refuge,  by  the  Senate  of  Berne ; 
condemned  at  Geneva  without  a  hearing ;  and  compelled 
to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  province  of  Neuchatel  because,  on 
Prussian  territory,  he  was  protected  from  the  persecuting 
edicts   which   pursued   him   in   France  and  his  native 


NOTE   A  A  305 

country.  In  this  position,  some  disposition  to  gloom 
and  indignant  complaint  of  liis  fellow  men  might  have 
been  looked  for  in  a  man  described  by  his  English 
biographer  as  a  "  worn-out  creature,  who  only  wanted  to 
be  left  alone. "^  We  do  not  find  that  this  modern 
description  corresponds  with  the  account  d'Eschernay 
gives  of  the  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  whose  tastes  and 
pursuits  he  studied  and  shared  at  Motiers  Travers,in  1763. 

The  Count  d'Eschernay  had  met  Rousseau  before  his 
exile,  but  had  not  then  been  admitted  to  any  intimate 
conversation  with  the  famous  author.  A  little  alarmed 
by  his  reputation  for  unsociability,  D'Eschernay  did  not 
venture  to  call  upon  him  at  Motiers,  until  he  was 
assured  by  Therfese  Levasseur,  whom  he  met  by  accident, 
that  her  master  (Therese's  recognized  post  was  that 
of  Rousseau's  housekeeper)  would  gladly  receive  him. 

"I  called  the  next  day,"  writes  d'Eschernay,  "and 
found  Rousseau  sitting  before  his  door,  on  a  little  stone 
bench,  fully  exposed  to  the  sun,  which  in  this  month 
of  February  was  not  too  powerful.  His  first  look  was  at 
me  :  his  second  at  his  own  (Armenian)  costume.^  '  It 
is  rather  mad,'  he  said  ;  '  but  it  is  convenient.'  The 
acquaintanceship  between  us  was  soon  made.  .  .  . 
What  excellent  dinners  I  had  at  Motiers  Travers, 
tete-d-tete  with  Jean  Jacques !  The  fare  was  plain,  both 
to  my  taste  and  his  own ;  but  excellently  cooked,  for  in 

^  Rousseau,  vol.  ii.  p.  96. 

2  Rousseau  adopted,  at  Motiers  Travers,  the  Armenian  dress  which 
had  already  been  suggested  to  him  by  the  Duchess  of  Luxembourg 
as  a  convenient  costume,  because  the  long  coat,  serving  as  a  permis- 
sible dressing-gown,  would  allow  him  to  go  out  of  doors  when  he  was 
compelled  by  the  constitutional  malady  that  attacked  him  every 
winter  to  be  swathed  in  flannel  bandages.  Inasmuch  as  the  reasons 
he  had  for  adopting  this  dress  are  quite  plainly  stated  in  the 
Confessions,  part  ii.  liv.  v.,  Mr.  Morley's  suggestion  that  there  was 
such  a  reason,  although  vanity  may  have  been  another  motive,  does 
not  show  the  indulgent  temper  in  the  critic  that  a  careless  reader  of 
this  biography  might  attribute  to  the  author.  "  Vanity  and  a  desire 
to  attract  notice  may,  we  admit,  have  had  somethhuj  to  do  with 
Rousseau's  adoption  of  an  uncommon  way  of  dressing.  We,  living  a 
hundred  years  after,  cavmot  2J0ssibly  know  whether  it  was  so  or  not." 
VOL.  r.  20 


o 


06  APPENDIX 


this  plain  way  Mile.  Levasseur  could  not  be  outdone. 
Succulent  vegetables  and  a  thyme-flavoured  leg  of 
mutton,  perfectly  roasted — such  was  our  fare.  As  for  the 
conversation,  it  was  before  all  things  lively,  and  turned 
upon  all  manner  of  subjects  :  there  was  never  anything 
in  it  forced  or  formal.  Mile.  Levasseur  would  come  in 
now  and  again,  and  interrupt  our  tete-cl-tete.  Rousseau 
would  joke  with  her,  and  at  her  expense ;  and  at  mine 
too  ;  and  I  would  give  him  back  as  good  as  he  gave.  1 
used  to  pay  Mile.  Levasseur  many  compliments  on  her 
cooking  ;  but  it  rather  surprised  me  that,  in  spite  of  my 
requests,  he  would  not  consent  to  her  sitting  with  us  at 
table.  He  was  perfectly  at  ease,  and  very  cheerful ; 
and  cheerfulness,  freedom,  and  a  good  appetite,  are 
necessary  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  Sometimes,  after 
dinner,  he  would  sit  down  to  his  spinette,  and  accompany 
me  or  himself,  in  some  Italian  song.  When  my  house 
was  the  place  of  meeting,  I  would  play  accompaniments 
on  the  harp  to  his  romances,  or  my  own  ;  for  there  was 
a  rivalry  between  us  as  to  who  would  set  the  same  words 
to  the  best  music.  In  the  summer  eveuings  we  would 
walk  in  the  woods.  When  there  was  moonlight,  he 
delighted  to  sit  by  the  banks  of  the  Reuse,  and  sing 
duets.  We  always  had  an  audience ;  and  especially  the 
girls  of  the  Adllage  were  sure  to  come  and  listen  to  us." 

D'Eschernay  often  went  on  botanizing  expeditions 
w4th  Rousseau,  that  sometimes  lasted  for  several  days. 

"  Who  would  believe  it,"  he  wrote.  "  This  Jean 
Jacques,  so  much  talked  of  for  his  misanthropy,  was  with 
us,  in  all  our  walks  and  excursions,  the  most  simple,  the 
most  gentle,  the  most  modest  of  men.  It  is  true  that 
he  was  in  his  element  in  a  country,  wild,  but  at  the 
same  time,  extremely  varied,  picturesque  and  romantic ; 
that  we  were  all  easy-going  people  ;  that  he  was  at  home 
amongst  us ;  that  we  were  breathing  pure  fresh  air,  in 
good  health  and  with  fine  appetites.  Our  conversation 
touched  on  all  subjects.  Rousseau  never  insisted  on 
his  oiun  opinions  ivith  bitterness  or  obstinacy :  the  tone 


NOTE    A  A 


307 


he  took  up  ivas  never  dictatorial,  and  I  remember 
that  about  French  history  the  Colonel  de  Puri  once  or 
twice  har silly  contradicted  him;  and  that  Rousseau 
boived  his  head  and  said  nothing.  One  can  judge 
from  this  hoiv  good  a  companio7i  he  tvas.  .  .  .  Often 
our  tcdks  turned  on  the  men  of  letters  and  philoso2:)hers 
in  Paris ;  he  rendered  justice  to  them  all ;  and  took  the 
most  favourable  sides  of  them,  even  in  the  case  0/ 
Voltaire,  whose  injuries  he  forgot,  to  remember  only  his 
talents.  Although  he  had  long  since  quarrelled  with 
Diderot,  he  always  spoke  of  him  with  praise.  As  I  was 
on  friendly  terms  with  both  of  them,  and  as  I  spent  my 
time  alternately  between  Switzerland  and  Paris,  Diderot 
had  asked  me  to  make  his  peace  with  Kousseau  and  to 
try  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  them.  I 
took  the  matter  up  with  great  zeal.  I  spoke  ;  I  wrote  ; 
I  entreated ;  but  Rousseau  was  inexorable.  Diderot's 
advances  did  him  honour  :  and  Rousseau's  refusal  to  meet 
them  half  way  is  not  the  best  act  of  his  life.  But  the 
vengeance  for  it  taken  by  Diderot  after  Rousseau's  death 
in  the  savage  note  added  to  the  Essay  upon  Seneca  is 
inexcusable  ;  or  would  be  inexcusable,  in  any  one  except 
Diderot." 

D'Eschernay  does  not  seem  to  have  noticed  that  one 
of  the  statements  made  in  this  savage  note  goes  to  prove 
that  Rousseau  was  perhaps  better  advised  in  refusing 
Diderot's  advances  than  the  friend  who  honestly 
believed  in  their  sincerity  supposed.  Diderot  professes 
that  Rousseau  constantly  made  advctnces  to  him,  tvliich 
he  refused  to  meet ;  he  also  states  that  Rousseau  had 
ivithdraivn  the  charge  he  had  7nade  against  him 
(Diderot)  as  a  betrayer  of  secrets;  and  Rousseau 
refused  to  withdraw  these  charges,  in  accordance 
tvith  D'JEscJiernay's  7'equest,  as  a  means  of  resp>onding 
to  Diderot's  advances. 

But  if  Rousseau  refused  to  be  reconciled  with  Diderot, 
he  also  abstained  from  all  complaints  against  him  ;  and 
spoke  of  him  and  of  Voltaire  with  praise.     Here  we  have 


3o8  APPENDIX 

a  characteristic,  noticed  by  D'Eschernay,  that  is  also 
remarked  upon  by  Bernard  in  de  Saint  Pierre,  by 
Corancez,  and  indeed  by  all  impartial  witnesses  who 
have  reported  their  impressions  of  his  familiar  conversa- 
tion. We  have  to  weigh  this  contemporary  evidence 
against  Sainte-Beuve's  assertion  that  Ronsseau  was  "  a 
bad  tongue  "  (une  mauvaise  langue).  We  have  also  to 
weigh  against  the  legendary  portrait  of  the  morose, 
bilious,  quarrelsome,  vain,  egotistical  Jean  Jacques,  the 
opposite  picture,  of  this  unworldly  but  "  companionable 
man  "  ;  who,  although  unfitted  by  love  of  independence, 
and  need  of  solitary  hours  with  his  own  thoughts  and 
with  nature,  for  life  in  a  society  which  made  such  large 
claims  on  the  time  and  freedom  of  its  members  as  the 
society  of  his  epoch,  was  admirably  fitted  for  friendship 
and  genial  intercoin^se  with  his  fellow  men,  by  his  natural 
cheerfulness,  the  absence  of  all  pretentiousness  or  the 
desire  to  impose  his  opinions  dogmatically  upon  others  ; 
and  by  the  faculty  of  entering  with  real  enjoyment  into 
the  simple  pleasures  of  life. 

But  Rousseau  had  one  misunderstanding  with  D'Es- 
chernay,  which  might  easily  have  developed  into  a 
quarrel ;  and  the  incident,  related  with  perfect  fiiirness, 
shows  us  in  what  manner  and  by  virtue  of  what  principle 
Rousseau  may  be  described  as  exacting  in  friendship. 
He  claimed  from  those  who  professed  to  be  his  friends 
one  thing  only — not  extravagant  devotion,  nor  exclusive 
affection,  nor  even  unvarying  agreement  in  his  own 
moods,  nor  patience  with  his  own  foibles : — but  he 
claimed  from  them  sincerity,  that  they  should  not  on 
any  occasion,  even  for  his  own  benefit,  deceive  him. 
l^ollowing  Rousseau's  history,  it  is  extraordinary  and 
tragical  to  discover  how  precisely  this  one  thing  he 
asked  for  from  them,  his  friends  never  gave  him  !  Not 
only  his  enemies  Grimm  and  Diderot,  who  only  wore 
the  mask  of  friendship ;  not  only  his  inconstant  ad- 
mirers, Madame  d'Epinay,  Madame  d'Houdetot,  the 
Duchess  of  Luxembourg ;  not  only  the  one  person  he 


NOTE   A  A  309 

trusted  absolutely,  Therese  Levasseur, — but  even  his 
true  friends  and  enthusiasts  and  devotees, — Moultou, 
Dupcyrou,  Milord  Marischal,  the  Countess  de  Boufflers, 
Madame  de  Verdelin,  Madame  de  la  Tour  de  Franquc- 
ville, — all  of  them,  when  dealing  with  the  man  whose 
chosen  motto  was  vitam  impendere  vero,  constantly 
deceived  him. 

"  I  may  say,"  wrote  D'Eschernay,  "  that  during  the 
fifteen  years  that  our  intimacy  lasted,  only  upon  one 
occasion  had  I  any  reason  to  complain  of  him.  It  is 
worthy  of  remark  that  I  never  found  myself  in  a  carriage 
with  Rousseau  ;  all  our  travels  were  done  on  foot.  Bie 
is  a  place  about  five  leagues  from  Motiers  Travers.  Wq 
found  ourselves  there  (upon  the  occasion  of  a  botanizing 
excursion)  amongst  a  great  number  of  people,  and  this 
being  little  to  Rousseau's  taste,  or  to  mine,  became  a 
reason  for  shortening  our  stay.  M.  Dupeyrou,  informed 
of  our  scheme,  and  anxious  to  become  intimate  with 
Rousseau,  whom  at  this  time  he  had  only  met  once, 
begged  me,  through  his  friend  the  Colonel  de  Puri,  who 
was  at  Bie,  to  direct  our  steps  towards  a  country  house 
he  possessed  at  Cressier,  between  the  Lake  of  Neuchatel 
and  the  Lake  of  Bicnne,  and  very  agreeably  situated. 
It  was  agreed  that,  having  looked  over  several  houses 
on  the  borders  of  the  lake,  I  should,  as  though  by 
accident,  conduct  Rousseau  to  the  one  at  Cressier,  and 
advise  him  to  choose  it ;  that  they  would  prepare  dinner 
for  us  there  ;  and  await  us.  We  arrived,  as  arranged,  at 
about  two  o'clock ;  and  I  pointed  out  to  him  the  advan- 
tages and  the  conveniences  of  this  abode,  and  he  seemed 
pleased  with  it.  We  entered  the  dining-room,  and 
walked  round  it.  He  examined  everything  with  ap- 
proval, when,  suddenly,  an  object  struck  his  attention, 
and  his  face,  that  had  been  smiling,  became  clouded. 
This  object  was  a  large  silver  tankard  and  goblet. 
'  What  is  this  '? '  he  exclaimed ;  '  what  does  this  silver 
mean  here  ?  Who  does  it  belong  to  ? ' — '  I  don't 
know.' — '  What  ?  in  a  house  to  let,  an  empty  house,  a 


3IO  APPENDIX 

silver  tankard  and  goblet,  left  about  in  this  way  ? ' — 
'  We  do  not  look  like  thieves :  they  have  let  us  in 
because  they  trust  us.' — '  No  :  there  is  some  mystery 
here  :  and  I  do  not  like  mysteries.  To  whom  does  this 
house  belong,  that  you  wish  me  to  take  ? ' — Questions 
succeeded  each  other,  and  I  began  to  get  embarrassed  in 
my  replies.  Then,  ujDon  a  signal  we  had  agreed  ujDon  at 
Bie,  M.  de  Puri  and  M.  Dupeyrou,  who  were  in  an 
adjoining  room,  entered  :  confessed  the  little  trick  they 
had  played,  begged  forgiveness,  and  sought  to  excuse 
me.  But  Rousseau  was  for  the  moment  inexorable,  and 
turning  to  me,  said  coldly :  *  Sir,  I  do  not  like  to  he 
deceived  even  tvhen  the  intention  is  to  serve  me'  ^  We 
sat  down  to  table,  but  the  meal  was  not  a  cheerful  one ; 
conversation  dragged  ;  Rousseau  was  moody ;  and  only 
spoke  in  monosyllables.  After  the  coffee,  wc  took  a 
walk.  Not  a  word  more  was  said  about  his  having  the 
house,  either  by  hire,  or  as  a  gift.  The  two  other 
gentlemen  left  in  a  carriage,  and  I  remained  alone  with 
Rousseau,  always  gloomy  and  badly  disposed.  We 
returned  to  Bie,  and  we  had  four  leagues  to  walk ;  the 
first  leao^ue  was  not  ao;reeable  :  for  he  turned  his  back 
on  me,  as  sulky  as  a  child.  He  had  spoken  to  me 
formerly  at  Motiers  of  the  anxiety  given  him  by  the 
fear  of  losing,  or  of  being  robbed  of  manuscripts  and 
papers,  which  he  had  wished  me  to  take  charge  of ;  but 
as  I  was  constantly  travelling  at  that  time,  between 
Switzerland  and  Paris,  he  recognized  that  I  could  not 
undertake  the  responsibility  of  such  a  charge.  By 
reminding  him  of  this  conversation,  I  succeeded  in 
getting  him  to  listen  to  me.  I  told  him,  what  was  per- 
fectly true,  that  in  proposing  he  should  take  the  house 
at  Cressier,  I  wished  to  brino;  him  into  intimate  relations 
with  a  trustworthy  man,  who  might  be  of  extreme  use 
to  him;  that  M.  Dupeyrou,  established  at  Neuchatel, 
was  exactly  the  man  he  wanted  with  whom  he  could 
deposit  his  papers ;  that  he  was  my  intimate  friend,  and 
1  See  p.  15 — vol.  i. 


NOTE   AA  311 

that  I  could  reply  for  his  honesty  as  for  my  own.  After 
having  scolded  me,  he  was  ready  to  thank  me  ;  his  good 
humour  returned,  and  we  went  our  way  to  sup  at  Bie 
more  cheerfully  than  we  had  dined.  And  this  marks 
the  commencement  of  the  friendship  between  M.  Du- 
peyrou  and  Rousseau." 

Let  us  now  hear  Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre's  account 
of  Rousseau  in  1772,  when  Mr.  Morley  paints  him  as  "  a 
mournful,  sombre  figure,  looming  sh  ado  wily  in  the  dark 
glow  of  sundown,  among  sad  and  desolate  places."  ^ 

"  The  society  of  Rousseau  was  most  agreeable  to  me," 
wrote  Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre.^  "  He  had  not  the 
vanity  of  most  great  men  of  letters,  he  shared  the  obliga- 
tions of  talker  and  of  listener,  and  joined  in  a  conversation 
with  so  little  pretentiousness  that  amongst  those  who 
did  not  know  him,  simple  people  looked  upon  him  as  an 
ordinary  man,  and  fine  talkers  held  him  very  inferior  to 
themselves.  Far  from  seeking  to  shine,  he  admitted 
himself,  with  a  modesty  very  rare,  and  in  my  opinion 

1  Vol.  ii.  p.  315. 

^  Oeuvres  de  Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre,  vol.  xii.  Mes  relations 
avec  J.  J.  Roii,sseau. 

Bernardin  de  Saint  Piei-re  composed  some  verses  which  he  wished 
should  be  insci4bed  on  a  monument  dedicated  to  Fenelon  and  to 
Rousseau — as  two  "lovers  of  men." 

"  A  la  gloire  durable  et  pure 
De  ceux  dout  le  genie  eclaira  la  vertu, 
Combattit  a  la  fois  I'erreur  et  les  abus, 
Et  tenta  d'amener  le  siecle  a  la  nature ; 
Aux  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  aux  Fran9ais  Fenelon, 

J'ai  dedie  ce  monument  d'argile. 

Que  j'ai  consacre  par  leurs  noms, 
Plus  augustes  que  ceux  de  Cesar  et  d'Achille ; 

lis  ne  sont  pas  fameux  par  nos  malheurs : 

lis  n'ont  point,  pauvres  laboureurs  ! 

Ravis  vos  boeufs  et  vos  javelles ; 

Bergeres,  vos  amants,  nourisson,  vos  mamelles, 

Rois,  les  etats  ou  vous  regnez. 

Mais  vous  les  comblerez  de  gloire 

Si  vous  donnez  a  leur  memoire 

Les  pleurs,  qu'ils  vous  ont  epargnes." 


312  APPENDIX 

mistaken,  that  he  was  not  a  good  conversationalist.  '  I 
am  only  witty/  he  said,  'half  an  hour  after  other 
people ;  and  I  know  what  I  ought  to  say  when  it  is  too 
late  to  say  it.'  But  this  slowness  in  reply  belonged  to 
his  natural  equity,  which  did  not  allow  him  to  pronounce 
an  opinion  on  any  subject  until  he  had  examined  it ;  to 
his  genius,  that  was  not  satisfied  with  commonplace  or 
superficial  views ;  and  to  his  modesty,  especially,  which 
disposed  him  to  distrust  his  powers  to  shine.  He  was 
amongst  fine  wits,  with  his  simplicity,  like  a  young  girl 
with  her  natural  complexion  amongst  women  of  the 
world,  exquisite  in  powder  and  rouge.  But  in  a  tete-a- 
tete,  in  intimacy,  and  upon  subjects  which  concern 
human  happiness,  his  soul  soared,  his  sentiments  became 
touching,  his  ideas  profound,  his  illustrations  sublime, 
and  his  language  as  impassioned  as  were  his  writings. 
But  what  I  valued  even  above  his  genius  was  his 
scrupulous  honesty.  He  was  one  of  the  few  men  of 
letters  who  have  experienced  misfortune,  to  whom  one 
could  confide  one's  intimate  thoughts  without  any  fear 
of  their  being  maliciously  reported  or  dishonestly  appro- 
priated. 

"  Kindness  of  heart  appeared  to  him  the  quality 
superior  to  all  others ;  it  was  the  foundation  of  his  own 
character.  He  preferred  a  trait  of  sensibility  to  all  the 
epigrams  of  Martial.  By  nature  he  was  gay,  confiding, 
and  open.  Four  or  five  causes,  the  least  amongst  which 
has  sometimes  sufticed  to  make  a  good  man  wicked, 
contributed  to  alter  his  original  character — persecutions, 
calumnies,  bad  fortune,  illnesses,  excess  of  brain  work — 
a  kind  of  work  that  tires  the  mind,  and  affects  the 
temper ;  but  all  these  causes  united  never  could  destroy 
in  Eousseau  the  love  of  justice.  He  carried  this  senti- 
ment into  all  his  pursuits  and  tastes.  I  have  often  seen 
him,  when  botanizing,  refuse  to  pick  a  plant  when  it  was 
the  only  one  of  its  kind.  He  has  been  accused  of  pride, 
because  he  refused  dinners  where  men  of  the  world  took 
pleasure  in  seeing  men  of  letters  struode  aojainst  each 


NOTE    AA  313 

other  like  gladiators.  He  was  proud,  but  he  was  proud 
with  all  men  alike,  recognizing  no  distinction  between 
them  save  that  of  virtue. 

"  The  proud,  also,  taxed  him  with  pride.  A  truly- 
proud  man  desires  to  subjugate  others.  Rousseau, 
alone,  without  ambition,  without  fortune,  wished  only 
to  live  freely.  He  gave  himself  a  trade  in  order  to  be 
independent.^  But  whilst  seeking  to  emancipate  himself 
from  society,  he  did  not  wish  to  emancipate  himself  from 
the  laws,  and  to  regulate  his  own  conduct  he  took  laws 
even  more  severe — the  laws  of  his  own  conscience. 

"All  the  faculties  of  his  mind,  his  morals,  his  works, 
bore  the  stamp  of  his  character.  There  was  never  a 
man  who  tried  more  consistently  to  live  in  accordance 
with  his  principles :  but  often  such  a  man  may  appear 
inconsistent,  because  all  the  circumstances  that  surround 
him  change,  whilst  he  remains  unaltered." 

A  charge  frecjuently  made  against  Rousseau  by  the 
Encyclopaedists,  and  taken  from  them  literally  by  Saint- 
Marc  Girardin  and  by  E.  Scherer,  is  that  Rousseau  did 
not  practise  seriously  the  trade  of  a  copyist  of  music ; 
that  he  professed  to  earn  his  bread  by  this  means ;  but 
that  in  reality  he  lived  upon  his  books,  and  upon  the 
gifts  that  his  admirers  had  the  simplicity  to  believe 
Therese  accepted  without  his  knowledge ;  and  that, 
further,  he  was  quite  ready  to  accept  and  solicit  help  from 
other  men  of  letters,  whilst  posing  in  the  sight  of  the 
public  as  more  disinterested  than  they  were,  by  openly 
refusing  pensions  and  patronage  which  they  found  them- 
selves compelled  to  accept. 

Elsewhere  in  this  inquiry,  it  has  been  seen  how 
much  depends  upon  the  question  of  whether  Rousseau 
did,  or  did  not,  honestly  use  the  trade  of  a  copyist  to 
procure  his  own  livelihood  and  that  of  Therese  when  we 
have  to  decide  the  case  between  himself  and  the  Ency- 
clopedists. Here,  however,  it  will  be  enough  to  give 
Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre's  account  of  what  he  saw  and 

^  The  trade  of  copyist  of  music  was  adopted  by  Kousseau  in  1750. 


314  APPENDIX 

heard  in  the  Rue  Platriere,  upon  one  occasion  when  he 
was  an  unexpectedly  early  visitor  there. 

"  I  was  with  him,  in  his  room,  upon  a  certain 
morning,"  he  wrote,  "and  thus  I  saw  the  usual  entrance, 
one  after  the  other,  of  the  servants  who  came  to  fetch 
the  rolls  of  music  he  had  copied ;  or  to  bring  him  fresh 
pieces  to  copy.  Now,  he  would  undertake  the  work ; 
and  now,  he  would  decline  it,  using  in  these  practical 
details  the  usual  civility  and  business  sense  of  a  good 
workman.  Watching  him  behave  with  this  simplicity, 
I  had  a  difficulty  to  remember  the  fame  of  this  great 
man.  When  we  were  alone,  I  said  to  him :  '  Why  do 
you  not  turn  your  talents  to  other  uses  ? '  '  Oh,'  he 
replied,  '  the  world  knows  two  Rousseaus ;  one  rich,  or 
who  might  have  been  rich  had  he  chosen  it,  a  capricious, 
singular,  fantastical  man :  this  is  the  Rousseau  of  the 
public ;  but  the  other  one  is  obliged  to  work  for  his  living, 
and  this  is  the  man  you  see.' — '  But  your  books  ought 
to  have  put  you  in  good  circumstances  ?  They  have 
enriched  your  publishers.' — '  I  have  received  from  them 
20,000  livres.^  If  I  had  been  paid  this  sum  all  at  once,  I 
could  have  invested  it :  but  I  have  spent  it  as  it  came. 
A  Dutch  publisher,  by  gratitude  for  what  he  has  gained 
from  me,  has  settled  on  me  a  life  pension  of  600  livres, 
300  of  which  will  revert  to  my  wife  after  my  death.  This 
is  all  my  fortune  :  to  keep  up  my  little  household  costs  a 
hundred  louis  more  than  I  have  ;  and  this  sum  I  have  to 
earn.' — '  Could  you  not  have  followed  some  other  oc- 
cupation than  that  of  a  copyist  of  music  ? ' — '  I  like  this 
occupation,  you  see.  It  is  work  I  find  a  pleasure  in 
doing.  Besides,  I  am  neither  sinking  beneath,  nor 
lifting  myself  above,  the  state  of  life  into  which  I  was 
born.  I  am  the  son  of  a  workman,  and  a  workman 
myself ;  I  have  always  copied  music,  for  the  matter  of 
that ;  and  I  should  probably  do  it  for  my  own  pleasure 

^  A  French  "  livre  "  was  worth  rather  less  than  a  shilling  ;  twenty- 
two  livres  to  the  pound.  In  other  words,  Rousseau  received  in  all 
from  his  publishers  less  than  a  thousand  ppunds. 


NOTE   AA  315 

even  if  I  had  no  need  to  do  it.      What  I  am  doing  now 
I  have  done  since  I  was  fourteen  years  of  age.' " 

Corancez's  account  of  Rousseau  belongs  to  the  same 
epoch,  but  extends  over  a  longer  period  of  years. 

"  I  saw  Rousseau  constantly  and  without  interruption 
during  the  last  twelve  years  of  his  life.  My  intention 
is  not  to  praise,  nor  to  justify  him ;  but  to  show  him  as 
I  knew  him,  and  to  keep  to  those  facts  of  which  I  was 
an  eye-witness.  It  will  be  seen  that  when  he  was 
himself  he  had  a  rare  simplicity  ;  with  the  ingenuous- 
ness, cheerfulness,  kindliness  and  timidity  of  a  child. 
I  remarked  in  him  a  very  rare  quality.  Throughout 
the  twelve  years  that  I  lived  on  intimate  terms  with 
him,  I  never  heard  him  speak  evil  of  any  single  person. 
Often  when  speaking  of  or  mentioning  certain  persons, 
he  would  class  them  amongst  his  enemies ;  but  even  in 
this  case  never,  at  least  in  my  presence,  did  he  allow 
himself  to  enlarge  upon  this  statement,  either  by  making 
any  imputation  or  by  employing  injurious  terms.  One 
day  I  praised  Diderot  before  him,  and  it  is  known  the 
hatred  Diderot  had  for  him.  I  added,  that  I  found  one 
grave  fault  in  him,  that  he  did  not  make  his  meaning 
clear  to  others ;  and  that  I  believed  often  it  was  not 
clear  even  to  himself.  '  Take  care,'  said  Rousseau,  '  of 
what  you  say  ;  when  Diderot  treats  any  subject  and  his 
reader  does  not  understand,  the  fault  is  not  perhaps 
Diderot's.'  This  is  the  only  harsh  thing  he  ever  said  to 
me.  The  day  after  Voltaire  was  crowned  at  the  Theatre 
Fran9ais  (only  a  brief  time  before  the  death  of  '  both 
these  great  men ')  one  of  those  personages  who  must  put 
in  their  word  everywhere,  seeking  no  doubt  to  please 
Rousseau,  began  to  relate  to  him  the  circumstances  of 
the  ceremony,  and  allowed  himself  many  mockeries  about 
this  crowning,  in  the  style  such  personages  love  to 
employ.  '  What ! '  exclaimed  Rousseau,  with  much 
heat,  '  can  you  dare  to  blame  the  honours  rendered  to 
Voltaire  in  his  temple  where  he  is  the  god ;  and  by  the 
priests  who  for  fifty  years  draw  their  living  from  his 


3i6  APPENDIX 

masterpieces  ? '  I  have  said  he  was  simple,  and  had 
certain  childlike  characteristics.  One  day  I  entered  his 
room  and  found  him  laughing  joyously,  striding  up  and 
down  his  room  and  proudly  surveying  all  it  contained. 
'  All  this  belongs  to  me,'  he  said.  It  should  be  realized 
that  '  all  this  '  signified  a  camp  bedstead,  some  rush- 
bottom  chairs,  an  ordinary  table,  and  a  writing  table  in 
walnut  wood.  '  Well,  but,'  I  asked,  '  did  not  all  this 
belong  to  you  yesterday  ?  For  cjuite  a  long  time  I 
have  known  you  as  the  possessor  of  all  I  see  here.' 
'  Yes,  but  I  owed  the  upholsterer  a  bill  that  I  have  just 
finished  paying  ofi"  this  morning.'  I  have  said,  too,  he 
was  kindhearted.  Although  surly  with  strangers  who 
intruded  upon  him,  he  was  extremely  careful  not  to 
wound  those  with  whom  he  felt  he  could  safely  follow 
the  impulse  of  his  heart.  For  some  time  he  had  left 
ofi"  keeping  me  to  dinner.  He  feared  that  I  should 
attribute  the  reason  to  a  wrong  cause.  '  I  do  not  beg 
you  to  stay  to  dinner,'  he  said  one  day,  '  because  the 
state  of  my  fortune  does  not  permit  me  to  do  so.  Never 
mind  how  little  expense  I  put  myself  to  for  you,  I 
should  be  forced  to  take  it  from  our  necessities.'  I 
wished  to  speak ;  but  he  continued  :  '  if  I  tell  you  my 
situation,  it  is  in  order  that  you  should  not  attribute 
the  change  in  my  conduct  to  any  change  in  my  senti- 
ments towards  you.'  Then,  smiling,  he  went  on  :  'I 
like  to  drink  at  my  meals  a  certain  quantity  of  pure 
wine.  First  of  all  I  invented  the  plan  of  dividing  my 
portion  into  two  equal  parts ;  but  the  result  w^as  that  at 
neither  meal  did  I  get  enough.  I  have  made  up  my 
mind  to  another  plan  :  I  drink  water  at  one  meal ;  and 
keep  the  whole  of  my  wine  for  the  other.'  How  much 
there  is  in  this  little  trait  for  an  attentive  reader  ! 
What  good  humour,  candour  and  superiority  over  other 
men  in  this  ability  to  arrange  one's  wants  by  one's 
fortune,  and  to  find  nothing  to  be  ashamed  of  in  doing 
so.  Add  to  this  the  reply  he  made  when  questioned 
upon  this  point :   '  I  am  poor ;  but  there  is  flesh  left  on 


NOTE    AA  317 

my  bones  yet.'  '  Je  suis  paiivrc  11  la  verite  ;  mais  jc 
n'ai  pas  le  cou  pele.'   .  .  . 

"  I  have  said,"  continued  Corancez,  "  that  he  was 
cheerful  by  natural  disposition.  Twenty  times  I  had 
the  opportunity  of  noticing  this  quality  in  him,  which, 
had  it  been  allowed  free  play,  would  have  made  him 
happy;  unfortunately  the  malady  he  inherited  spoilt 
his  chance  of  enjoying  life.  If  I  had  in  view  only  my 
own  pleasure,  with  what  delight  should  I  not  dwell  on 
those  anecdotes  which  recall  him  to  me  in  happy 
moments.  But  my  readers  would  complain  that  I 
talked  too  much  of  unimportant  details." 

An  anecdote  related  by  Gretry,  and  belonging  also  to 
this  epoch,  shows  how,  even  in  these  last  and  un- 
questionably saddest  years  of  his  life  in  the  Rue  Platriere, 
Rousseau's  natural  cheerfulness  and  bonhomie  survived, 
and  how  powerless  was  even  the  conviction  of  the 
injustice  towards  him  of  his  fellow  men  to  transform 
him  into  the  morose  misanthrope  painted  by  his  enemies. 

"  I  knew,"  wrote  Gretry,^  "  a  very  ordinary  sort  of 
girl  who  lodged  in  the  same  house  as  Jean  Jacques  in 
the  Rue  Platriere.  '  There  is  a  good  old  fellow  (un 
honJionime)  who  lodges  overhead,'  said  this  girl  to  me, 
'  who  often  comes  down  to  see  me  when  he  hears  me 
singing.'  (She  was  being  trained  for  the  opera.)  '  What 
sort  of  man  is  he  ? '  I  asked  ;  '  what  is  his  name  ? ' 
'  Oh,  I  don't  know  his  name ;  but  he  says  he  will  give 
me  advice  about  my  talent.  I  laughed  when  I  looked 
at  him.  "You  don't  mean  to  say  you  sing?"  I  said. 
"  Yes,"  he  replied  :  "  and  I  compose  music  sometimes." 
*  What  else  did  he  say  ? '  'I  hardly  recollect ;  he  looks 
at  me  more  than  he  talks.'  '  And  what  do  you  do  % ' 
'  My  faith !  I  go  about  my  house  work,  I  sing,  and  I 
take  very  little  notice  of  him  in  his  corner.  The  other 
day,  when  I  was  singing,  he  told  me  I  did  not  say  some 
of  the  words  rightly :  "  Oh,  about  that  I  shall  ask  my 
master,"  I  said  ;  "  I'm  not  going  to  say  it  differently  for 

1  Essal  sur  la  Musique,  vol.  ii.  p.  205. 


3i8  APPENDIX 

you."  Well,  he  laughed  like  a  silly  each  time  I  sang 
this  passage.  Only  lately  I  had  a  regular  scene  with 
him.'  'Tell  me  all  about  it;  don't  forget  anything.' 
'  Why ;  do  you  know  this  man V  'I  believe  so  :  come, 
tell  me  all  about  this  scene.'  '  Well,  he  was  sitting  on 
the  same  chair  you  have,  and  as  I  was  going  out  I  was 
putting  on  some  rouge,  "You  are  much  prettier,"  he 
said,  "without  that  varnish."  "Oh  bother,"  said  I; 
"one  doesn't  want  to  look  like  a  corpse."  "At  your 
age,  you  don't  need  art  to  look  well ;  now,  I  hardly 
know  you."  "Nonsense  !  at  any  age  when  one  is  pale, 
one  wants  rouge  ;  you  yourself  ought  to  use  it."  "  I  ?  " 
"  Yes  : "  and  with  that  I  jumped  on  to  his  lap  and  began 
to  rouge  his  face  in  spite  of  himself.  He  ran  away 
willing  his  face  ;  and  I  thought  he  would  suffocate  in 
the  staircase,  he  was  laughing  so.  Besides,  that's  the 
way  he  likes  to  be  treated.'  "  "  Silly  child,"  commented 
Gr^try,  "  how  little  she  knew  the  favour  done  her." 

Every  one  recollects  the  description  given  by  Diderot 
in  1757  of  the  horrible  expression  of  Rousseau's  counten- 
ance when  his  soul  revealed  itself  there  ;  and  which  so 
impressed  this  sensitive  atheistic  philosopher  that  it  led 
him  to  believe  in  devils  and  hell.  One  cannot  but 
feel  that  the  recollection  of  this  terrific  expression  and 
of  its  extraordinary  effect  upon  Diderot  must  have  had 
something  to  do  with  the  impression  produced  upon  Mr. 
Morley's  mind,  by  a  portrait  of  Jean  Jacques  painted 
during  his  residence  in  England,  and  which  Rousseau's 
modern  biographer  found  "  as  appalling  in  its  realism 
as  some  of  the  dark  ]jits  that  open  before  the  readers 
of  the  '  Confessions.'  "  "  AVhen  a  man's  hindrances  have 
sprung  up  from  within,"  writes  Mr.  Morley,  "and  the 
ill-fought  battle  of  his  days  has  been  with  his  own 
passions  and  morbid  broodings  and  unchastened  dreams, 
the  eye  and  the  facial  lines  tell  the  story  of  that  profound 
moral  defeat  which  leaves  only  desolation  and  the  misery 
that  is  formless."  ^ 

1  Vol.  ii.  pp.  281,  282. 


NOTE   AA  319 

It  will  he  well  to  see  how  Rousseau's  personal  appear- 
ance was  described  by  contemporaries,  who  have  recorded 
the  impression  he  made  upon  them  at  an  age  when  what 
a  man  has  habitually  thought  and  felt  and  dreamed  of 
during  years  of  intellectual  and  moral  activity  does  set 
its  stamp  upon  the  countenance. 

Here  is  Bernardin  de  Saint  Pierre's  account  of 
Rousseau's  outer  man,  at  sixty  years  of  age. 

"He  was  thin,  and  a  medium  height — one  of  his 
shoulders  appeared  slightly  higher  than  the  other ; 
otherwise  he  was  well  proportioned.  He  had  a  brown 
complexion,  some  colour  in  the  cheeks  ;  a  well-shaped 
nose,  a  beautiful  mouth ;  a  forehead,  high  and  round ; 
and  eyes  full  of  fire.  The  lines  beneath  the  nostrils 
slanting  to  the  mouth,  which  are  characteristic  of  the 
physiognomy,  in  his  case  expressed  great  sensibility, 
and  something  that  amounted  to  sadness.  In  his 
countenance  were  three  or  four  signs  characteristic  of 
melancholy ;  the  deep- set  eyes,  the  thick  eyebrows,  the 
profound  sadness  expressed  by  certain  wrinkles  of  the 
brow ;  but  much  gaiety,  and  even  some  mockery  were 
indicated  by  a  number  of  small  lines  at  the  external 
corners  of  the  eyes,  which  disappeared  entirely  when  he 
laughed.  All  the  passions  that  agitated  him  painted 
themselves  successively  on  his  face,  in  accordance  with 
the  effects  upon  his  soul  of  the  subjects  discussed  ;  in 
repose,  his  face  kept  the  imprint  of  all  these  affections, 
and  produced  an  impression  at  once  of  kindliness  and  of 
fine  intelligence ;  and  of  a  something  inexpressibly 
touching,  lovable  and  deserving  of  respect  and  pity." 

"  His  eyes  were  like  '  stars  ',"  said,  of  him,  the  Prince 
de  Ligne  ;  "  his  genius  shone  in  hi«  gaze,  and  electrified 
me." 

"  There  was  nothing  in  his  physiognomy,"  said  another 
contemporary,  Magellan,  "  which  announced  his  genius 
except  the  extreme  vivacity  of  his  eyes." 

"  In  the  days  when  I  knew  him,"  wrote  Gretry, 
"  Jean  Jacques  might  have  passed  for  a  neatly-dressed 


320  APPENDIX 

peasant.  His  eyes  were  brilliant,  but  deeply  set;  he 
walked  with  a  large  stick,  his  head  bent ;  he  was  neither 
tall  nor  short ;  he  spoke  little,  but  always  well,  and  with 
earnestness  and  vivacity." 

NOTE  B 

FOUR  PRINCIPAL  LIBELS  AFTER  J.  J.  ROUSSEAU's  DEATH, 
JULY  2nd,  1778,  AND  BEFORE  THE  PUBLICATION  OF 
THE    SECOND    PART    OF    CONFESSIONS,    END    OF    1788. 

1.  July  15,  1778.  Grimm,  in  the  Correspondance 
LitteraivG,  first  circulated  the  false  rumour  that 
EousseaU  had  committed  suicide. 

2.  October  5th,  1778.  La  Harpe,  in  the  Mercure  de 
France,  published  Diderot's  false  history  about  the  First 
Discourse;  Grimm's  falsehood  about  Eousseau's  "humili- 
ations "  suffered  at  the  hands  of  M.  and  Madame  Dupin, 
and  the  hardly  veiled  accusation  that  Jean  Jacques  had 
falsely  claimed  to  be  the  composer  of  the  Deviyi  du 
Village. 

3.  December,  1778.  Diderot's  abominable  "Note" 
added  on  to  his  Essai  sur  Semque  invited  the  world  at 
large  to  detest  an  "  artificial  scoundrel  "  and  a  "  monster  " 
who  had  left  behind  him  memoirs  destined  to  blacken 
the  characters  of  his  old  friends.  In  the  second  edition 
of  this  Essay,  given  under  the  title  of  Fssai  sur  les 
Regnes  de  Claude  et  de  Neron,  and  published  in  1782, 
Diderot  added  on  a  long  list  of  fresh  invectives  by  way 
of  justifying  his  abuse  of  Eousseau. 

4.  June,  1779.  D'Alembert,  in  his  Eloge  de  Milord 
Mai^echal,  seized  the  opportunity  of  accusing  J.  J. 
Rousseau  of  having  behaved  with  abominable  ingrati- 
tude to  his  "  benefactor." 

All  these  libels  were  refuted  at  the  time  when  they 
appeared,  and  excited  general  indignation — so  much  so, 
that  we  find  the  authors  of  them  complaining  of  the 
fanaticism  of  the  public  that  will  not  endure  adverse 
criticism  of  the  popular  favourite  Jean  Jacques.     Never- 


NOTE    B  321 

theless,  all  of  them  were  resuscitated  some  thirty  or 
forty  years  later,  and  all  of  them  at  the  present  hour  are 
repeated  by  modern  critics,  as  though  they  represented 
historical  facts  ;  or,  at  any  rate,  the  authoritative  judg- 
ments passed  upon  him  by  his  contemporaries.  It  is 
necessary,  then,  to  prove  the  true  worth  of  these  accusa- 
tions. 

Grimms  Calumny.    1.   The  alleged  "suicide"  of  J.  J. 

Rousseau. 

The  rumour  secretly  circulated  by  Grimm  amongst 
European  sovereigns,  that  "  the  circumstances  of 
Rousseau's  sudden  death  at  Ermenoneville  pointed  to 
suicide,  and  that  the  belief  that  he  had  destroyed  him- 
self was  generally  established  in  the  neighbourhood,"  ^ 
found  its  way  back  by  the  20th  July  to  the  much  less 
"  secret "  Memoirs  of  Bachaumont : — 

"  Comme  on  avait  fait  courir  des  bruits  sinistres  sur 
la  mort  de  M.  J.  J.  Rousseau,  qu'on  pretendait  volon- 
taire  "  (wrote  the  editor  of  Bachaumont's  Memoirs),''^  "  il 
se  repand  un  extrait  des  minutes  du  baillage  et  vicomte 
d'Ermenoneville,  du  Juillet  3,  1778,  par  lequel  il  est 
constate  juridiquement,  et  d^apres  la  visite  des  gens  de 
VArt,  que  Rousseau  est  mort  d'une  apoplexie  sereuse." 

The  "judicial"  publication  spoken  of  by  Bachaumont 
was  the  proces-verhal  signed  by  surgeons  who  had  ex- 
amined the  body,  and  who  certified  to  the  natural  causes 
of  death.  These  documents  were  supported  by  a  letter 
from  the  Count  Rene  de  Girardin,  who  had  given  Rousseau 
his  last  retreat  at  Ermenoneville  ;  and  by  a  second  letter 
from  the  Doctor  le  Begue  de  Presles,  who  had  visited  him 
within  a  few  days  of  his  death,  and  who  testified  to  his 
tranquillity  of  mind,  and  his  satisfaction  with  his  sur- 
roundings at  Ermenoneville.  I  am  reproducing  here  the 
legal  documents,  that  can  still  be  verified  in  the  regis- 
tries at  Ermenoneville. 

1  Corres2)ondance  Litteraire,  Juiliet  15,  1778. 
'^  Tome  xii.  p.  53. 

VOL.  I.  21 


APPENDIX 


COPIE  LITTERALE 

DU  PEOCES  VERBAL  DRESSE  PAR  LES  CHIRURGIENS,  APRES 
LA  MORT  DE  ROUSSEAU. 

Extrait  des  minutes  du  greffe  du  hailliage  et  vicomte 

d' Ermeno7wille. 

L'an  mil  sept  cent-soixante  dix-huit,  le  vendredi  trois 
jiiillet,  lieure  de  relevee  ; 

Nous  Louis  Blondel,  lieutenant  du  bailliage  et  vi- 
comte d'Ermenonville,  sur  le  requisitoire  du  procureur 
fiscal  de  ce  bailliage,  a  nous  judiciairement  fait,  a 
I'instant  qu'il  a  appris  que  la  jour  d'hier,  environ  les  dix 
heures  du  matin,  monsieur  J.  J.  Rousseau,  citoyen  de 
Geneve,  age  d'environ  soixante-huit  ans,  demeurant  en 
ce  lieu  d'Ermenonville  depuis  environ  six  semaines,  avec 
demoiselle  Tlierese  Levasseur  son  epouse,  est  tombe 
dans  une  apoplexie  cereuse  ;  qu'il  a  ete  garde  exacte- 
ment  jusqu'a  ce  jour  et  lieure,  et  que  malgre  ces  soins  et 
les  secours  qu'on  lui  a  procures,  il  est  mort  reellement : 
que,  comme  cette  mort  est  surprenante,  il  requiert  qu'il 
nous  plaise  nous  transporter,  assiste  de  lui  procureur 
fiscal,  et  de  Jean  Landru,  sergent  en  cette  jurisdiction, 
en  la  demeure  dudit  sieur  Rousseau,  etant  dans  un 
appartement  au  second,  dans  un  pavilion  du  chateau,  en 
entrant  a  main  droite,  pour  y  constater,  autant  qu'il  sera 
possible,  le  genre  de  mort  dudit  sieur  Rousseau ;  a 
i'effet  de  quoi  il  fit  comparoir  devant  nous  les  personnes 
des  sieurs  Gilles-Casimir  Chenu,  maitre  chirurgien 
demeurant  en  ce  lieu,  et  Simon  Bouget,  maitre  chirur- 
gien  demeurant  a  Montagny.  En  consequence  dudit  re- 
quisitoire,  sommes  transportes  en  la  demeure  dudit  sieur 
Rousseau,  accompagnes  dudit  procureur  fiscal,  dudit 
Landru,  sergent,  desdits  sieurs  Chenu  et  Bouvet  ;  oil 
etant  avons  trouve  ladite  dame  veuve  Rousseau,  et 
laquelle  nous  a  montre  le  corps  mort  dudit  sieur  son 
mari ;    apres  quoi  nous  avons  desdits  sieurs  Chenu  et 


NOTE    B  323 

BouvET  pris  et  recu  Ic  serment  au  cas  requis  et  accou- 
tume,  sous  lequel  ils  ont  jure  et  promis  do  bicn  et  fidele- 
ment  se  comporter  en  la  visitc  dorit  il  s'agit.  Cc  fait, 
les  dits  sieurs  Chenu  et  Bouvet,  experts  que  nous  nom- 
mons  de  notre  office,  ont  a  I'instant  fait  la  visitc  du 
corps  dudit  sieur  Rousseau ;  et  apres  Favoir  vu  ct 
examine  dans  toutes  les  parties  de  son  corps,  nous  ont 
tous  deux  rapporte  d'une  commune  voix  que  ledit  sieur 
Rousseau  est  mort  d'une  apoplexie  cereuse  ;  ce  qu'ils  ont 
affirme  veritable,  et  declare  en  leur  ame  et  conscience. 

Dont,  et  de  tout  ce  que  dessus,  nous  avons  fait  et 
dresse  le  present  proces  verbal,  pour  servir  et  valoir  ce 
que  de  raison ;  et  ont,  ledit  procureur  fiscal,  ledit 
Landru,  lesdits  sieurs  Chenu  et  Bodvet,  signe  avec 
nous  et  notre  grefficr.  Ainsi  signe  a  la  minute,  G. 
BiMONT,  Landru,  Chenu,  Simon  Bouvet,  N.  Harlet,  et 
Blondel,  avec  paraphe. 


RAPPORT 

de    M.  CASTERES,  CHIRURGIEN    A    SENLIS,  DE    l'oUVERTURE 
DU    CORPS   DE   JEAN-JACQUES. 

Je  soussigne — Casteres,  lieutenant  de  M.  le  premier 
chirurgien  a  Senlis,  ayant  ete  appele  au  chateau  d'Erm- 
enonville,  ce  jourd'liui  trois  juillet  mil  sept  cent-soixante 
dix-huit,  et  requis  de  faire  I'ouverture  du  corps  de  M. 
J.  J.  Rousseau,  de  Geneve,  decede  le  jour  precedent, 
audit  lieu,  vers  onze  heures  du  matin,  apres  environ  une 
heure  de  douleurs  de  dos,  de  poitrine  et  de  tete  ;  lequel 
avait  recommande,  tant  dans  cette  attaque  que  dans  une 
precedente  maladie,  qu'on  ouvrit  son  corps  apres  sa  mort 
pour  decouvrir,  s'il  etait  possible,  les  causes  de  plusieurs 
maux  et  incommodites  auxquels  il  avait  dte  sujet  en 
differents  temps  de  sa  vie,  et  dont  on  n'avait  pas  pu 
assurer  alors  le  siege  ni  la  nature.  J'ai,  ledit  jour,  a  six 
heures  du  soir,  precede  a  ladite  ouverture  et  recherche, 
avec  I'aide  de  mes  confreres  soussignes,  Gilies-Casimir 


324  APPENDIX 

Chenu,  chiriirgien  a  Ermenonville,  et  Simon  Bouvet, 
cliirurgien  a  Montagny,  et  en  presence  de  MM.  Achille- 
Giiillaume  Le  Begue  dc  Presle,  ecuyer,  medecin  de  la 
Faculte  de  Paris,  et  censeur  royal,  et  Brusle  de  Villeron, 
medecin  a  Senlis.  L'examen  des  parties  externes  du 
corps  nous  a  fait  voir  uu  bandage  cjui  indiquait  que  M. 
Rousseau  avait  deux  hernies  inguinales,  peu  considera- 
bles, dont  nous  parlerons  ci-apres.  Tout  le  reste  du 
corps  ne  presentait  rien  contre  nature ;  ni  taclies,  ni 
boutons,  ni  dartres,  ni  blessures,  si  ce  n'est  une  legere 
dechirure  au  front,  occasionee  par  la  chute  du  defunt  sur 
le  carreau  de  sa  cliambre,  au  moment  ou  il  fut  frappe  de 
mort.  L'ouverture  de  la  poitrine  nous  en  a  fait  voir  les 
parties  internes  tres-saines.  Le  volume,  la  consistance 
et  la  couleur,  tant  de  leur  surface  que  de  I'int^rieur, 
etaient  tres-naturels. 

En  procedant  a  Texamen  des  parties  internes  du  bas- 
ventre,  nous  avons  cherche  avec  attention  a  decouvrir  la 
cause  des  douleurs  de  reins  et  difficultes  d'uriner  qu'on 
nous  a  dit  que  M.  Kousseau  avait  eprouvees  en  differents 
temps  de  sa  vie,  et  qui  se  renouvelaient  c[uelquefois 
lorsqu'il  etait  long-temps  dans  une  voiture  rude.  Mais 
nous  n'avons  pu  trouver  ni  dans  les  reins,  ni  dans  la 
vessie,  les  ureteres  et  I'uretre,  non  plus  que  dans  les  or- 
ganes  et  canaux  seminaux,  aucune  partie,  aucun  point 
qui  fut  maladif  ou  contre  nature.  Le  volume,  la 
capacite,  la  consistance,  la  couleur  de  toutes  les  parties 
internes  du  bas-ventre  etaient  parfaitement  saines,  et 
n'avaient  point  la  mauvaise  odeur  qu'elles  exhalent 
d'ordinaire  dans  un  temps  aussi  chaud,  au  bout  de  plus 
de  trente  heures  de  mort.  L'estomac  ne  contenait  que 
le  cafe  au  lait  que  M.  Rousseau  avait  pris,  suivant  sa 
coutume,  pour  son  dejeuner,  vers  sept  heures,  avec  sa 
femme.  Les  portions  des  intestins  qui  avaient  forme 
les  hernies  ne  portaient  aucun  signe  qu'il  y  eiit  eu  ni 
inflammation  ni  e^tranglement. 

Ainsi,  il  y  a  lieu  de  croire  que  les  douleurs  dans  la 
region  de  la  vessie,   et  les  difficultes  d'uriner  cjue  M. 


NOTE    B 


;25 


Rousseau  avait  ^prouvees  en  differents  temps,  surtout 
durant  la  premiere  moitie^  de  sa  vie,  venaieiit  d'lm  etat 
spasmodique  des  parties  voisines  du  col  de  la  vessie,  ou 
du  col  meme,  ou  d'une  augmentation  de  volume  de  la 
prostase  ;  maux  qui  se  sont  dissipes  en  meme  temps  que 
le  corps  se  sera  affaibli  et  maigri  en  vieillissant. 

Quant  aux  coliques  auxquelles  M.  Rousseau  a  eto 
sujet  depuis  environs  I'age  de  cinquante  ans,  et  qui 
n'^taient  ni  fort  longues,  ni  tres-vives,  elles  dependaient, 
selon  toute  apparence,  des  hernies  inguinales, 

L'ouverture  de  la  tete,  et  I'examen  des  parties  renfer 
mees  dans  le  crane  nous  ont  fait  voir  une  quantite  tres- 
considerable  (plus  de  liuit  pouces)  de  serosite  epanchee 
entre  la  substance  du  cerveau  et  les  membranes  qui  la 
recouvrent. 

Ne  pent- on  pas,  avec  beaucoup  de  vraisemblance, 
attribuer  la  mort  de  M.  Rousseau  a  la  pression  de  cette 
sdrosite,  a  son  infiltration  dans  les  enveloppes,  ou  a  la 
substance  de  tout  le  systeme  nerveux  ?  Du  moins  il  est 
certain  que  Ton  n'a  point  trouve  d'autre  cause  apparente 
de  mort  dans  le  cadavre  d'un  grand  nombre  de  sujets 
pdris  aussi  promptement.  Ce  qui  tend  a  prouver  que  la 
cause  de  mort  a  attaque  I'origine  des  nerfs,  ou  les  parties 
principales  du  systeme  nerveux,  c'est  que  M.  Rousseau 
ne  s'est  plaint,  durant  la  derniere  heure  de  sa  vie,  que 
d'un  fourmillement  et  picotement  tres-incommode  a  la 
plante  des  pieds ;  ensuite  d'une  sensation  de  froid,  et 
d'ecoulement  de  liqueur  froide,  le  long  de  1  ei^ine  du  dos, 
puis  de  douleurs  vives  a  la  poitrine  ;  enfin  de  douleurs 
vives,  lancinantes  et  decbirantes,  dans  I'interieur  de  la 
t^te. 

Ce  3  juillet,  mil  sept  cent-soixante-dix-huit.  Signe  a 
la  minute  :  Le  Begue  de  Pkesle,  Casteres,  lieutenant ; 
Brusle  de  Villeron,  d.  m. 

Plus  bas  est  ecrit :  Controle  a  Dammartiu,  ce  deux 
Janvier  1779,  par  Ganneron,  qui  a  re9U  quatorze  sols. 
Signe  Ganneron,  avec  paraphe. 


326  APPENDIX 

PROCES  VERBAL 

DE    l'INHUMATION    DU   CORPS    DE   J.    J.    ROUSSEAU. 

La  samedi  suivant,  4  dudit  mois  et  an,  le  corps  de 
J.  J.  Rousseau,  embaume,  et  enferme  dans  un  cercueil  de 
plomb,  a  ete  inhume,  a  onze  lieures  du  soir,  en  ce  lieu 
d'Ermenonville,  dans  I'enceinte  du  pare,  sur  Tile  des 
Peupliers,  au  milieu  de  la  piece  d'eau  appelee  le  petit 
Lac,  et  situee  au  midi  du  chateau,  sous  une  tombe 
decoree  et  elevee  d' environ  six  pieds. 

Les  honneurs  funcbres  lui  ont  ete  rendus  par  Rene- 
Louis  de  Girardin,  chevalier  vicomte  d'Ermenonville, 
mestre-de-camp  de  dragons,  chevalier  de  I'ordre  royal  et 
militaire  de  Saint-Louis,  dans  le  chateau  duquel  I'amitie 
I'avait  conduit  et  fait  etablir  sa  demeure ;  et  en  presence 
des  amis  du  defunt,  qui  ont  signe  le  present  acte  d'inhu- 
mation.  Savoir :  Achille-Guillaume  Le  Begue  de 
Presle,  ecuyer,  docteur  en  medecine,  censeur  ro5''al ; 
Jean  Romilly,  citoyen  de  Geneve ;  Guillaume- 
Olivier  de  Corancez,  avocat  au  parlement,  et  Germain 
BiMOND,  procureur-fiscal.  Signe  a  la  minute,  R.  L. 
Girardin,  Olivier  de  Corancez,  Romilly,  Le  Begue 
DE  Presle,  G.  Bimond,  et  N.  Harlet,  greffier. 

ACTE  DE  DEPOT 

DU    RAPPORT    DE    M.    CASTERES,    LIEUTENANT    DU   PREMIER 
CHIRURGIEN    DE    SENLIS. 

Aujourd'hui,  deux  Janvier  mil  sept  cent-soixante  dix- 
neuf,  dix  heures  du  matin,  pardevant  nous  Louis  Blondel, 
lieutenant  du  bailliage  et  vicomte  d'Ermenonville  : 

Est  comparu  le  procureur-fiscal  de  ce  bailliage  et 
vicomte  d'Ermenonville,  lequel  a  apporte,  mis  et  depose 
es-maius  de  notre  grefiier,  un  proces  verbal  fait  le  trois 
juillet  mil  sept  cent-soixante-dix-huit,  controle  a  Dam- 
martin,  cejourd'hui,  par  Ganneron,  par  le  sieur  Casteres, 


NOTE    B  327 

lieutenant  cle  M.  le  premier  chirurgicn  a  Senlis,  et  cu 
presence  de  maitre  Achille-Guillaiime  Le  Begue  de  Presle, 
ecuyer-medecin  de  la  Faculte  de  Paris,  et  censeur  royal, 
et  de  maitre  Brusle  de  Villeron,  medecin  audit  Senlis, 
de  I'ouverture  du  corps  de  M.  J.  J.  Eousseau,  citoyen  de 
Geneve,  decede  en  ce  lieu  d'Ermenonville,  le  deux  juillet 
dernier,  pour  etre  joint  et  annexe  au  proces  verbal  qui 
constate  le  genre  de  mort  dudit  sieur  Eousseau,  du  trois 
dudit  mois  de  juillet  dernier,  et  servir  et  valoir  ce  que 
de  raisou ;  ledit  proces  verbal  etant  sur  une  feuille  de 
papier  a  lettre,  ecrit  sur  trois  pages,  et  sept  lignes  et 
demie  sur  la  quatrieme  :  la  premiere  page  commencant 
par  le  mot  "Je  soussigne"  et  finissant  par  les  mots 
"  frappe  de  mort "  ;  et  la  quatrieme  commencant  par  le 
mot  "  I'origine  "  et  finissant  par  la  date  "  ce  trois  juillet 
mil  sept  cent  soixante-dix-huit." 

Signe  au  bas  dudit  acte  de  depot:  Le  Begue  de 
Presle,  Casteres,  lieutenant,  et  Brusl^  de  Villeron, 
d.  m. 

Et  a  en  outre,  ledit  procureur-fiscal  et  notre  greffier, 
signe  avec  nous.  Ainsi  signe  a  la  minute :  G.  Bimont, 
N.  Harlet,  et  Blondel,  avec  paraphe. 

Fait,  expedite  et  delivre  par  moi  greffier  du  bailliage 
et  vicomte  d'Ermenonville,  soussigne,  et  conforme  a  la 
minute,  ce  deux  Janvier  mil  sept  cent-soixante-dix-neuf. 

Sig7i6    N.  Harlet. 

Scelle. 

EXTRAIT 

d'uNE  notice  sur  les  DERNIERS  jours  de  J.  J.  ROUS- 
SEAU, PAR  SON  AMI  M.  LE  BEGUE  DE  PRESLE,  ET 
IMPRIMEE   A    PARIS    EN    1778. 

"M.  Rousseau,  pendant  son  sejour  a  Ermenonville, 
passait  une  grande  partie  de  la  journee  a  la  ^recherche 
des  plantes,  et  aux  soins  qu'elles  exigent  pour  etre  mises 
en  herbier. 

"Le  26  juin  1778,  dit  M.  de  Presle,  il  me  demanda 
de  lui  envoyer  des  papiers  pour  continuer  son  herbier,  et 


328  APPENDIX 

de  lui  apporter  dans  le  mois  de  septembre,  des  livres  de 
voyages  pour  amuser  sa  femme  et  sa  servante,  pendant 
les  longues  soirees  d'hiver ;  et  de  lui  apporter  aussi 
plusieurs  ouvrages  de  botanique  sur  les  cliiendents,  les 
champignons  et  les  mousses.  II  m'annonca  meme  qu'il 
pourrait  se  remettre  a  quelques  ouvrages  commences,  tels 
que  I'opera  de  Dapliiiis  et  de  la  suite  d'Emile. 

"  Tous  ces  projets  demontrent  assez  que  M.  Rousseau 
jouissait  encore,  dans  les  derniers  jours  de  juin,  peu  de 
temps  avant  sa  mort,  de  la  sante  et  de  la  tranquillite 
necessaires  pour  les  former  et  les  gouter,  et  qu'il  avait 
I'esperance  de  vivre  encore  quelques  annees  dans  sa 
retraite. 

"  Le  suicide,  ajoute  M.  de  Presle,  etait  contre  les  prin- 
cipes  de  Rousseau,  et  je  me  suis  assure,  par  I'examen  le 
plus  scrupuleux  de  toutes  les  circonstances  qui  ont  accom- 
pagne,  precede  ou  suivi  sa  mort,  qu'elle  a  ete  naturelle  et 
non  provoquee." 

In  this  letter  of  the  Count  Rend  de  Girardin  to  a 
lady  (who  was  probably  Madame  d'Houdetot),  written 
immediately  after  Rousseau's  death,  we  have  the  testi- 
mony of  the  most  competent  amongst  contemporary 
witnesses  as  to  his  mental  and  moral  condition  during 
the  last  months  of  his  life. 


LETTRE  A  SOPHIE,  COMTESSE  DE  ***,  PAR  RENE  GIRAR- 
DIN, SUR  LES  DERNIERS  MOMENTS  DE  J.  J.  ROUSSEAU, 
DATEE    d'eRMENONVILLE,    LE    12    JUILLET    1778. 

*'  La  plus  grande  consolation,  madame,  de  ceux  qui 
restent  est  de  parler  de  ceux  qui  sont  partis.  La  seule 
maniere  de  faire  quelquefois  illusion  a  la  douleur  de  leur 
perte,  c'est  de  se  retracer  le  charme  de  leur  existence ; 
c'est  en  quelque  sorte  leur  rendre  la  parole  que  de  se 
rappeler  leurs  discours ;  c'est  leur  rendre  le  mouvement 
que  de  se  representer  leurs  actions ;  et  c'est  ainsi  que  le 
sentiment  est  le  feu  createur  qui  donne  la  vie  aux  objets 
inanimes,  et  qui  pent  la  rendre  a  la  mort  meme. 


NOTE    B  329 

"  Je  crois,  madame,  vous  avoir  dit,  dans  ma  dernierc 
lettre,  avec  quel  tendre  epancliement  de  coeur  le  plus 
sensible  des  liommes  avait  recu  la  proposition  do  so 
retirer  a  Ermenonville,  et  qu'il  s'y  etait  rendu  d'autant 
plus  volontiers  qu'il  lui  avait  ete  impossible  de  se  mepren- 
dre  sur  le  sentiment  qui  I'avait  dicte.  Nous  partimcs 
done  sur-le- champ  pour  lui  faire  arranger  un  petit  appar- 
tement,  sous  un  toit  de  cliaume,  situe  au  milieu  d  un 
ancien  verger.  Cette  habitation  champetre  semblait  lui 
appartenir  de  droit,  puisqu'ayant  ete  entierement  dis- 
posee  suivant  la  description  de  I'Elysee  de  Clarens,  il  en 
etait  le  createur;  mais,  quelque  diligence  qu'on  ptit 
apporter  au  petit  arrangement  interieur  qui  lui  convenait, 
Fimpatience  de  son  coeur  fut  encore  plus  prompte  que  la 
main  des  ouvriers.  Sa  2:)oitrine,  opjDressee  depuis  si  long- 
temps,  avait  un  si  grand  besoin  de  respirer  I'air  pur  de  la 
campagne,  que,  peu  de  jours  apres  notre  depart,  il  vint 
nous  trouver  avec  un  de  ses  amis  et  des  miens.  Sitot 
qu'il  se  vit  dans  la  foret  qui  descend  jusques  au  pied  de 
la  maison,  sa  joie  fut  si  grande  qu'il  ne  fut  plus  possible 
a  son  ami  de  le  retenir  en  voiture.  '  Non^  dit-il,  il  y  a 
si  long-temps  que  je  n'ai  pu  voii'  un  ay'hi'e  qui  ne  fut 
couvei^t  defumee  ou  de  poussiere !  ceux-ci  sont  sifrais ! 
Laissez-moi  m'en  approcher  le  plus  que  je  pourrai ;  je 
voudrais  nUen  pas  pei'dre  un  seuV  II  fit  pres  d'une 
lieue  a  pied  de  cette  maniere.  Sitot  que  je  le  vis  arriver, 
je  courus  a  lui.  '  Ah !  monsieur,  s'ecria-t-il  en  se  jetant 
a  mon  col,  il  y  a  long-temps  que  mofi  coeur  me  faisait 
desirer  de  veyiirici,  et  mes  yeux  me  font  desirer  actuelle- 
ment  d'y  rester  toute  ma  vie.'  Et  surtout,  lui  dis-je, 
s'ils  peuvent  lire  jusques  dans  le  fond  de  nos  ames. 
Bientot  ma  femme  arriva,  au  milieu  de  tons  mes  enfants  ; 
le  sentiment  les  groupait  autour  de  cette  douce  et  tendre 
mere  d'une  maniere  plus  heureuse  et  plus  toucliante  que 
n'aurait  pu  le  faire  le  plus  liabile  peintre :  a  cette  vue  il 
ne  put  retenir  ses  larmes.  '  Ah !  madame,  dit-il,  que 
pourrais-je  vous  dire?  vous  voyez  mes  larmes ;  ce  sont 
les  seules  de  joie  que  faie  versees  depuis  bien  long- 


330  APPENDIX 

temps,  et  je  sens  qu'elles  me  rappellent  ci  la  vie.'  II 
avait  laisse  sa  femme  a  Paris ;  elle  s'y  etait  chargee  de 
tons  les  soins  du  demenagemcnt,  afin  de  lui  en  epargner 
le  tourment  et  I'agitation ;  car  plus  il  etait  capable  de 
s'occuper  de  grandes  choses,  moins  il  I'etait  de  s'occuper 
de  petites.  II  eiit  mille  fois  mieux  gouverne  un  grand 
royanme  que  ses  propres  affaires,  et  il  ent  plus  aisement 
dicte  des  lois  a  I'univcrs  que  des  clauses  et  des  articles  a 
un  procureur  on  a  un  notaire. 

"En  attendant  que  sa  cliaumiere  fiit  arrangee,  il  se 
determina  a  s'etablir  dans  un  petit  pavilion  separe  du 
chateau  par  des  arbres,  et  manda  a  sa  femme  de  venir  le 
trouver  le  plus  tot  qu'elle  pourrait ;  car  elle  lui  etait 
devenue  si  necessaire  qu'il  n'aurait  jamais  pu  en  sup- 
porter la  perte,  et  n'en  pouvait  pas  soutenir  I'absence. 

"  Si  vous  eussiez  vu  la  joie  de  cet  liomme  si  tendre, 
lorsqu'il  I'entendit  arriver !  Nous  etions  a  table,  nous 
nous  levames,  afin  qu'il  j)1it  se  lever  lui-meme  en  toute 
liberte :  il  courut  au-devant  d'elle,  et  I'embrassa  avec  la 
plus  grande  effusion  de  tendresse  et  de  larmes. 

"  Les  sentiments  de  cet  liomme  extraordinaire  etaient 
exaltes  en  tout  point  fort  au-dela  de  ceux  des  liommes 
ordinaires.  II  aim  ait  le  genre  liumain  comme  ses  amis ; 
ses  amis  comme  sa  femme  ;  sa  femme  comme  sa  maitresse. 
De  sorte  que,  si  le  moindre  sentiment  cliez  lui  etait  un 
amour,  il  n'est  pas  etonnant  que  le  moindre  soupyon  de 
haine  ou  de  trahison  fut  pour  lui  le  meme  supplice  que 
la  jalousie  pour  un  amant. 

"  Des  qu'il  se  vit  en  pleine  possession  de  la  liberte  et 
de  la  campagne,  apres  laquelle  il  soupirait  depuis  si  long- 
temps,  sa  passion  pour  la  contemplation  de  la  nature 
se  ralluma  de  telle  maniere,  qu'il  s'y  livra  avec  des 
transports  qui  ressemblaient  a  de  I'ivresse.  Aussitot  que 
les  petits  oiseaux,  qu'il  attirait  sur  sa  fenetre  avec  un 
soin  paternel,  venaient  y  saluer  la  naissance  du  jour,  il 
se  levait  pour  aller  faire  sa  prifere  au  lever  du  soleil. 
C'est  a  ce  spectacle  solennel,  dont  les  fumees  epaisses  de 
Paris  I'avaient  si  long-temps  prive,  qu'il  allait  tons  les 


NOTE    B  331 

matins  exalter  son  ame.  II  ramassait  ensuitc  quclques 
plantes  qu'il  venait  soigneusement  rapporter  a  ses  chcrs 
oiseaux,  qu'il  appelait  ses  musiciens,  ct  venait  dejeuner 
avec  sa  femme  :  ensuitc  il  repartait  pour  clcs  promenades 
plus  eloignees.  Ce  qui  Tcncliautait  le  plus  etait  de 
pouvoir  errer  au  gre  de  la  nature,  de  sa  fantaisie,  et 
quelquefois  du  hasard.  Tantot  il  se  promcnait  dans  les 
plaines  fertiles,  tantot  dans  les  prairies  parees  de  mille 
fleurs,  dont  chacune  avait  pour  lui  son  merite ;  tantot  il 
montait  sur  les  coteaux  ou  parcourait  les  paturages 
ombrages  d'arbres  fruitiers.  Le  plus  souvent,  et 
surtout  dans  les  ardeurs  du  jour,  il  s'enfoncait  dans  la 
profondeur  de  la  foret ;  d'autrefois  il  se  promenait  en 
revant  sur  le  bord  des  eaux,  ou  bien  gravissait  sur  les 
montagnes  couvertes  de  bois  et  qui  dominent  le  village. 
Le  pays  le  plus  sauvage  avait  pour  lui  des  cb  amies 
d'autant  plus  interessants  qu'il  y  retrouvait  mieux  la 
touche  originale  et  franche  de  la  nature.  Les  roches,  les 
sapins,  les  genevriers  tortueux  y  rappelaient  de  plus  pres 
a  sa  feconde  imagination  les  situations  romcmtiques  du 
pays  bien-aime  de  son  enfance,  et  lui  remettaient  sous 
les  yeux  les  heureux  rivages  de  Vevai,  et  les  rochers 
amoureux  de  Meillerie.  Un  jour  il  decouvrit,  dans  un 
lieu  que  nous  appelons  le  raonument  des  anciemies 
amours,  une  cabane  pratiquee  dans  le  roc,  avec  quelques 
inscriptions  gravees  sur  des  rochers  qui  s'avancent  j  usque 
sur  le  bord  d'un  lac  dont  la  situation  a  quelque  res- 
semblance  avec  celle  du  lac  de  Geneve ;  je  vis  tout-a- 
coup  ses  yeux  se  mouiller  de  larmes,  tant  son  ca3ur 
eprouvait  d'emotion  en  ce  moment  a  se  retracer  le 
souvenir  des  delices  do  son  pays,  ct  le  bonlieur  pur  de  sa 
jeunesse.  II  fut  long-temps  sans  pouvoir  retrouver  de 
lui-meme  cet  endroit,  parce  qu'il  I'avait  bien  plus  senti 
que  remarque.  En  general,  il  etait  toujours  trop  occupe 
de  songer  a  autre  chose  pour  penser  a  son  chemin  ;  il  ne 
voyait  que  des  fleurs,  des  bois,  des  pres  et  des  eaux,  et 
oubliait  tons  les  points  de  la  boussole,  toutes  les  heures, 
et  jusqu'a   celle   de   son   diner.     Le    plus   souvent   sa 


332  APPENDIX 

femme  etait  obligee  de  le  chercher,  de  I'appeler  de  tous 
cotes  ;  mais  il  prenait  tant  de  plaisir  a  s'egarer  que  c'eut 
ete  une  veritable  cruaute  de  Ten  priver  a  force  de  soins 
importuns.  Tous  les  jours,  apres  son  diners  il  venait 
dans  ce  petit  verger,  semblable  a  celui  de  Clarens,  au 
milieu  duquel  est  la  chaumiere  qu'on  arrangeait  pour  lui. 
La  il  s'asseyait  sur  un  banc  de  mousse,  pour  y  donner 
aux  poissons  et  aux  oiseaux  ce  qu'il  appelait  le  diner  de 
ses  holes.  La  premiere  fois  qu'il  entra  avec  moi  dans  ce 
verger,  et  qu'il  y  vit  des  arbres  antiques  converts  de 
mousse  et  de  lierre,  et  formant  des  guirlandes  audessus 
des  gazons,  des  fleurs  et  des  eaux  qui  s'etendent  sous  ces 
ombrages  rustiques  :  Ah !  quelle  magie,  me  dit-il,  dans 
tous  ces  vieux  troncs  entr'' ouverts  et  hizarres  que  Von 
ne  manquerait  jpas  d'abattre  ailleurs ;  et  cependant 
comme  cela  parte  au  ccBur,  sans  qu^on  sache  pourquoi ! 
Ah  !  je  le  vois,  et  je  le  sens  jusqu' au  fond  de  mon  ame, 
je  trouve  ici  les  jardins  de  ma  Julie! — Vous  n'y  serez 
pas,  lui  repondis-je,  avec  elle,  ni  avec  Wolmar,  mais 
pour  en  etre  plus  tranquille  vous  n'en  serez  pas  moins 
lieureux.  II  me  serra  la  main  ;  tout  fut  dit,  tout  fut 
entendu.  Des-lors  il  fut  cliez  lui  partout,  et  il  y  fut 
plus  le  maitre  que  je  ne  I'etais  cliez  moi ;  car  il  pouvait 
etre  seul  tant  qu'il  le  voulait.  Ce  verger,  on  personne 
n'entrait  que  lui  et  nous,  ^tait  notre  point  de  reunion 
tous  les  jours  apres- diner.  Lorsqu'il  m'etait  impossible 
de  m'y  rendre,  je  lui  envoyais  le  plus  jeune  de  mes 
enfants,  qu'il  avait  pris  dans  une  grande  affection,  et 
qu'il  ajDpelait  son  gouveimeur :  il  allait  alors  se  promener 
avec  lui,  lui  faisait  remarquer  et  lui  apprenait  a  connaitre 
tout  ce  qu'il  voyait.  De  son  cdte  le  petit  bonhomme, 
plus  souple  et  plus  alerte  que  lui,  lui  servait  a  ramasser 
toutes  les  plantes  qu'il  avait  envie  de  cueillir.  Ordin- 
airement  il  venait  nous  retrouver  le  soir,  lorsque  nous 
nous  promenions  sur  I'eau,  et  il  se  plaisait  tellement  a 
ramer,  que  nous  I'appelions  notre  aniiral  d'eau  douce. 
Dans  le  calme  de  la  soiree,  oil  la  musique  cliampetre  a  tant 
de  charmes,  il  aimait  a  entendre,  sous  les  arbres  voisins 


NOTE    B  333 

des  rivieres,  le  son  de  nos  clarinettes.  Cette  melodie,  bien 
plus  toucliante  encore  lorsqu'elle  est  placec  sur  Ic  theatre 
meme  de  la  nature,  lui  rendit  bientot  le  gout  de  la 
musique,  a  laquelle  le  tintamare  actuellement  a  la  mode 
I'avait  fait  renoncer.  Deja  il  avait  compose  quelques  airs 
pour  nos  petits  concerts  de  famille,  et  il  avait  repris  la 
resolution  d'achever  cet  hiver  difFerents  morceaux  do  sa 
musique  :  musique  charmante  qui,  dictee  comme  tous  ses 
autres  ouvrages  par  le  sentiment  meme,  est  encore  plus 
faite  pour  le  coeur  que  pour  Foreille,  et  doit  etre  chantee 
bien  plus  avec  I'ame  qu'avec  la  voix.  Ma  fille  ainee,  qui 
j usque-la  n'avait  vu  dans  la  musique  qu'un  art  difficile, 
herisse  de  croches  et  de  mots  barbares,  voyant,  lorsqu'il 
cliantait  la  sienne  sans  voix  et  pourtant  de  la  maniere  la 
plus  touchante,  que  la  musique  pouvait  effectivement 
devenir  d'autant  plus  interessante  qu'on  y  mettait  moins 
de  mots  et  plus  d'idees,  plus  de  gout  et  moins  de 
bruit,  parut  desirer  alors  d'apprendre  a  chanter ;  il 
s'ofFrit  de  lui-meme  pour  lui  enseigner  son  secret,  qui 
consistait,  disait-il,  a  bien  comprendre  la  langue  de 
la  musique,  et  surtout  a  ne  pas  plus  forcer  sa  voix  en 
chantant  qu'en  parlant,  parce  que  le  moyen  le  plus  sur 
pour  se  faire  ecouter,  c'est  de  parler  bas  et  de  parler  bien. 
Je  ne  recus  point  d'abord  cette  offre,  dans  la  crainte  de 
la  peine  que  cela  devait  lui  donner ;  mais  il  insista  de 
maniere  qu'il  me  devint  impossible  de  m'y  opposer  ;  trop 
heureux,  s'ecria-t-il  avec  transport,  de  trouver  cnjin  une 
occasion  de  temoigner  sa  recomiaissance. 

"  Faire  tous  les  jours  a  peu  pres  la  meme  chose,  ne 
mesurer  le  temps  que  par  une  succession  d'heures 
heureuses  et  non  diversifiees,  n'avoir  que  des  amusements 
doux,  sans  aucune  de  ces  secousses  que  donnent  les 
grandes  peines  ou  les  grands  plaisirs,  aurait  pu  paraitre 
un  genre  de  vie  trop  monotone  pour  des  coeurs  vides  et 
des  imaginations  froides,  incapables  de  sentir  le  vrai 
bonheur;  mais  un  solitaire  tel  que  lui,  dont  le  coeur 
etait  en  paix,  I'ame  pure;  dont  le  mouvement  venait 
bien  moins  du  dehors  que  du  dedans ;  ^ont  Ic  repos  no 


334  APPENDIX 

consistait  pas  a  ne  rien  faire,  mais  a  n'avoir  rien  a  faire, 
il  n'etait  besoiii  que  du  moindre  concours  des  beautes 
de  la  nature  pour  exciter,  exalter  son  genie,  pour  le 
transporter  sur  les  ailes  de  I'imagination  au-dela  meme 
de  notre  atmosphere,  et  lui  faire  trouver  dans  la  beaute 
de  ce  qu'il  voyait  la  perfection  de  ce  qu'il  imaginait. 
C'est  parce  qu'il  ecrivait  de  grandes  clioses,  qu'il  lui 
fallait  de  grandes  impressions.  Tout  concourait  ici  a 
exciter  en  lui  le  besoin  de  se  communiquer  ses  idees. 
S'il  edt  seulement  vecu  dix  ans  de  plus,  I'univers  eut 
sans  doute  herite  d'une  bien  riclie  succession,  mais  il 
n'aurait  jamais  rien  public  de  son  vivant  car  il  s'etait 
fait,  avec  raison,  un  principe  invariable  de  ne  plus  se 
remettre  sur  la  scene  du  monde  ;  et  son  desir  etait  qu'on 
put  I'oublier  et  le  laisser  en  paix.  Cetait  assurement 
un  desir  bien  modeste  et  bien  simple ;  et  cependant, 
par  un  efiet  de  cette  cruelle  fatalite  qui  s'attache  a  la 
celebrite,  ou  plutot  par  unc  suite  de  cette  vile  per- 
secution a  laquelle  s'etaient  acbarnes  tons  les  partis,^ 
centre  un  homme  qui  n'avait  jamais  voulu  etre  d'aucun, 
et  qui  etait  au-dessus  de  tons,  a  peine  etait-il  arrive  ici, 
que  toutes  sortes  de  bruits  absurdes  se  repandaient  a 
Paris.  J'appris  qu'on  y  debitait  de  toutes  parts  que  les 
memoires  de  sa  vie  paraissaient.  Craignant  alors  qu'il 
ne  les  eut  remis  a  quelqu'un  d'assez  infame  pour  trahir 
la  confiance  de  I'amitie,  je  fus  alarme  du  chagrin  que 
pourrait  lui  causer  cette  nouvelle,  surtout  s'il  venait  a 
I'apprendre  de  quelque  bouche  indiscrete,  peu  accoutu- 
mee  a  menager  la  sensibilite ;  c'est  pourquoi  je  me 
determinai  a  lui  en  parler  moi-meme  le  premier ;  mais 
il  ne  me  parut  point  du  tout  affecte  de  cette  nouvelle ; 
il  me  dit  que  s'il  eut  ete  assez  heureux  pour  pouvoir 
passer  dans  I'obscurite  et  dans  la  paix  le  reste  de  sa  vie, 
comme  il  en  avait  passe  les  commencements,  et  que  si  la 

1  It  is  evident  that  this  well-informed  contempoi-ary  did  not  regard 
Rousseau's  persecutors  as  the  phantom  of  his  diseased  imagination. 
This  account  also  confirms  his  own  statement  that  two  years  before 
his  death  he  had  emancipated  himself  from  the  bondage  to  opinions ; 
and  that  his  enemies  had  no  longer  the  power  to  trouble  him. 


NOTE    B  335 

seconde  partie  de  ses  jours,  dcpuis  que  les  circonstancos 
Favaient  jete  dans  Paris,  et  que  la  fuueste  passion  d'ecrirc 
Tavait  environne  de  tourments  de  toute  espece,  no 
lui  eut  pas  fait  une  malheurcuse  obligation  de  justifier, 
dans  le  cas  on  il  passerait  a  la  posterite,  un  nom  qu'on 
avait  cherche  a  noircir  pendant  sa  vie,  il  n'eiit  jamais 
songe  a  en  ecrire  I'histoire ;  mais  qu'etant  sans  cesse  accuse, 
sans  savoir  de  quoi,  ni  par  qui,  il  avait  ete  force  de 
laisser  une  piece  authentique  dans  laquelle  la  posterite 
pourrait  lire  jusqu'au  fond  de  son  ame,  et  le  jugcr  du 
moins  en  connaissance  de  cause,  sur  ce  qu'il  pouvait 
avoir  eu  de  bon  et  de  mauvais  ;  que  pour  cet  effet  ayant 
ete  necessairement  oblige,  dans  la  relation  veridique  des 
faits,  en  parlant  de  lui  sans  aucune  reserve,  de  parler 
egalement  de  plusieurs  personnes  suivant  le  rapport 
qu'elles  avaient  eu  avec  lui,  son  intention  etait  qu'en 
tout  etat  de  cause  ses  memoires  ne  parussent  jamais  que 
long-temps  apres  sa  mort  et  celle  de  toutes  les  personnes 
interessees ;  et  que  pour  s'assurer  que  cette  intention  fut 
exactement  remplie,  il  avait  remis  I'uniquc  exemplaire 
de  son  ecrit  en  pays  etranger,  dans  des  mains  sur  les- 
quelles  il  croyait  devoir  compter ;  que  par  consequent 
I'ouvrage  dont  on  parlait  a  Paris,  ou  n'existait  pas,  ou 
n'etait  pas  de  lui ;  ce  qui  ne  manquerait  pas  d'etre 
reconnu  dans  un  autre  temps.  Cette  extreme  tran- 
quillite  de  sa  part  m'eut  etonne,  mais  il  etait  rendu  a 
lui  meme ;  ^  son  caractere  naturel  etait  la  gaiete,  I'liu- 
manite  et  la  tendresse ;  il  fallait  que  Forage  fut  tout 
pres  de  lui,  lorsqu'il  parvcnait  a  bouleverser  son  ame ; 
mais  lorsqu'il  se  retrouvait  avec  de  bonnes  gens,  il 
reprenait  toute  sa  bonhomie  naturelle ;  point  pliilosophe, 
bon  homme,  lyoint  cV esprit  tout-d-l'heure.  Ici  il  n'etait 
occupe  du  matin  jusqu'au  soir  que  d'amusements  doux  ; 
il  ne  recevait  aucunes  lettres,  n'avait  aucune  affaire ; 
son  unique  exercice  etait   de   ramasser   des   fleurs,  de 

1  Compare  this  with  Eousseau's  own  statement  in  the  supplement 
to  the  Dialogues,  entitled  "  Histoire  du  precedent  Ecrit."— See  p. 
243,  vol.  ii. 


336  APPENDIX 

rever  dans  les  bocages,  de  voguer  sur  les  eaux,  d'errer 
dans  les  bois ;  il  savourait  tout  a  loisir  sa  chere  nature, 
qu'il  adorait ;  s'il  n'etait  pas  aim^  par  une  seule  per- 
sonne  autant  qu'il  aurait  voulu  Fetre,  parce  que  cliacun 
de  nous  avait  d'autres  liens,  il  I'etait  par  tous  ensemble 
autant  qu'il  meritait,  et  par  aucun  comme  il  n'eut  pas 
voulu  I'etre ;  il  avait  de  sa  liberty  pleniere  un  sur 
garant,  c'est  que  nous  le  desirions  toujours  et  ne  le 
cherchions  jamais,  parce  que  c'etait  pour  nous  un  plaisir 
de  le  voir.  C'etait  uniquement  pour  lui  seul  que  nous 
I'aimions.  C'etait  rexcellence  de  son  coeur  qui  s'etait 
toujours  fait  sentir  a  moi  dans  ses  ecrits,  comme  dans 
ses  discours,  qui  avait  entraine  le  mien  vers  lui,  par  une 
attraction  toute  puissante.  Si  le  souvenir  amer  de  Tin- 
justice  des  hommes  ne  lui  permettait  pas  de  compter 
sur  un  bonlieur  permanent,  du  moins  je  suis  assure  qu'il 
jouissait  du  loisir,  et  commenyait  a  retrouver  le  repos  de 
jour  en  jour ;  sa  physionomie  se  deridait,  il  revenait  sen- 
siblement  a  lui-meme,  a  son  etat  naturel,  qui  ^tait 
d'aimer  tout  le  monde  et  de  chercher  a  repandre  sans 
cesse  son  coeur  autour  de  lui  par  des  actes  de  bien- 
faisance  et  de  charite ;  il  avait  d^ja  si  bien  repris  sa 
gaiete,  franclie  et  naive  comme  celle  de  I'enfance,  que 
souvent  sur  le  grand  banc  de  gazon  du  verger,  il  nous 
faisait  tous  rire,  petits  et  grands,  par  ses  contes  d  la 
Suisse.  S'il  etait  content  du  calme  qu'il  commen§ait  a 
retrouver,  nous  I'etions  reciproquement  de  sa  tran- 
quillity ;  il  I'avait  payee  de  peines  si  poignantes, 
d'atteintes  si  aigues,  qu'il  eut  ete  bien  juste  qu'il  eut  pu 
jouir  plus  long-temps  de  ce  faible  dedommagement  de 
toutes  les  cruelles  tortures  qu'on  avait  eu  la  barbaric  de 
faire  essuyer  a  cet  homme  trop  sensible !  Mais  lielas ! 
madame,  faut-il  done  que  le  bonlieur  ne  soit  dans  la  vie 
que  le  reve  de  quelques  instants,  et  qu'il  n'y  ait  que  le 
malheur  de  reel  et  de  durable  !  Que  ne  puis-je  m'arreter 
ici,  en  ne  vous  parlant  que  de  ce  qu'il  etait !  La  tache 
que  vous  m'avez  imposee  n'eut  ete  qu'une  consolation ; 
mais  lielas !  il  faut  que  je  vous  disc  a  present  comment 


NOTE    B  337 

il  n'est  plu'S  ;  et  c'est  ici  que  commence  veritablement  la 
peine  que  j'eprouve  h  satisfaire  votre  curiosite, 

"  Le  mercredi  1"'  juillet  il  se  promena  I'apres  diner, 
comme  de  coutume,  avec  son  petit  gouverneur ;  il  faisait 
fort  chaud ;  il  s'arreta  plusieurs  fois  pour  se  reposer,  ce 
qui  ne  lui  etait  pas  ordinaire,  ct  se  plaignit,  h,  ce  que 
I'enfant  nous  a  dit  depuis,  de  quelques  douleurs  de  colique, 
mais  elles  s'etaient  dissipees  lorsqu'il  revint  souper,  et  sa 
femme  n'imagina  meme  pas  qu'il  fiit  incommode.  Le 
lendemain  matin,  il  se  leva  comme  a  son  ordinaire,  alia 
se  promener  au  soleil  levant,  autour  de  la  maison,  et 
revint  prendre  son  cafe  au  lait  avec  sa  femme :  quelque 
temps  apres,  au  moment  ou  elle  sortait  journellemeut 
pour  les  soins  du  menage,  il  lui  recommanda  de  payer 
en  passant  un  serrurier  qui  venait  de  travailler  pour  lui, 
et  surtout  de  ne  lui  rien  rabattre  sur  son  memoire,  parce 
cjue  cet  ouvrier  paraissait  un  honnete  homme  :  tant  il  a 
conserve  jusqu'au  dernier  instant  le  sentiment  de  I'ordre 
et  de  la  justice  !  A  peine  sa  femme  avait-elle  (ite  dehors 
pendant  quelques  instants,  que,  venant  a  rentrer,  elle 
trouve  son  mari  sur  une  grande  chaise  de  paille,  le 
coude  appuye  sur  une  commode. — Qu'avez-vous,  dit- 
elle,  mon  bon  ami,  vous  trouvez-vous  incommode  ? — Je 
sens,  repondit-il,  de  grandes  anxiet^s,  et  des  douleurs 
de  colique. — Alors  sa  femme,  afin  d'avoir  du  secours 
sans  Tinquieter,  feignit  de  chercher  quelque  chose,  et  pria 
le  concierge  d'aller  dire  au  chateau  que  son  mari  se 
trouvait  mal.  Ma  femme,  avertie  la  premiere,  y  courut 
aussitot ;  et  comme  il  n  etait  pas  neuf  heures  du  matin, 
et  que  ce  n'etait  point  une  heure  a  laquelle  on  cut  cou- 
tume  d'y  aller,  elle  prit  le  pretexte  de  lui  demander, 
ainsi  qu'a  sa  femme,  si  leur  repos  n'avait  point  etc 
trouble  par  le  bruit  que  Ton  avait  fait  la  nuit  dans  le 
village. — Ah !  madame,  lui  repondit-il  du  ton  le  plus 
honnete  et  le  plus  attendri,  je  suis  bien  sensible  h  toutes 
vos  bontes,  mais  vous  voyez  que  je  souffre,  et  c'est  une 
gene  ajoutee  a  la  douleur,  que  celle  de  souffrir  devant  le 
monde;  vous-meme,  vous  n'etes  ni  d'une  assez  bonne 
VOL.  I.  22 


338  APPENDIX 

sant^,  ni  d'un  caraetere  a  pouvoir  supporter  la  vue  de  la 
sonfFrance.  Vous  m'obligerez,  madame,  et  pour  vous  et 
pour  moi,  si  vous  voulez  vous  retirer  et  me  laisser  avec  ma 
femme  pendant  quelque  temps.  Elle  se  retira  presque 
aussitot.  Des  qu'il  fut  seul  avec  sa  femme,  il  lui  dit  de 
venir  s'asseoir  a  cote  de  lui. — Vous  etes  obei,  lui  dit-elle, 
mon  bon  ami ;  me  voila :  comment  vous  trouvez-vous  ? — 
Mes  douleurs  de  colique  sont  bien  vives ;  mais  je  vous 
prie,  ma  chere  amie,  d'ouvrir  les  fenetres,  que  je  voie 
encore  une  fois  la  verdure.  Comme  elle  est  belle ! — 
Mon  bon  ami,  lui  dit  sa  pauvre  femme,  pourquoi  me 
dites  vous  cela  ? — Ma  cbere  femme,  lui  repondit-il  avec 
une  grande  tranquillite,  j'ai  toujours  demands  a  Dieu  de 
mourir  sans  maladie  et  sans  mddecin,  et  que  vous  puis- 
siez  me  fermer  les  yeux.  Mes  voeux  vont  etre  exaucds. 
Si  je  vous  donnai  des  peines,  si,  en  vous  attachant  a 
mon  sort,  je  vous  ai  cause  des  malheurs  que  vous 
n'auriez  jamais  connus  sans  moi,  je  vous  en  demande 
pardon. — Ah !  c'est  h.  moi,  mon  bon  ami,  s'ecria-t-elle 
en  pleurant,  c'est  bien  plutot  a  moi  de  vous  demander 
pardon  de  toutes  les  inquietudes  et  les  embarras  que  je 
vous  ai  causes ;  mais  pourquoi  done  me  dites-vous  tout 
cela? — Ecoutez-moi,  lui  dit-il,  ma  chere  femme,  je  sens 
que  je  me  meurs,  mais  je  meurs  tranquille  ;  je  n'ai  jamais 
voulu  de  mal  h,  personne  et  je  dois  compter  sur  la  mis(5ri- 
corde  de  Dieu.  Mes  amis  m'ont  promis  de  ne  jamais 
disposer,  sans  votre  aveu,  d'aucun  des  papiers  que  je 
leur  ai  remis.  M.  de  Girardin  voudra  bien  reclamer  leur 
parole :  vous  remercierez  M.  et  Madame  de  Girardin  de 
ma  part.  Je  vous  laisse  entre  leurs  mains,  et  je  compte 
assez  sur  leur  amitie  pour  emporter  avec  moi  la  douce 
certitude  qu'ils  voudront  bien  vous  servir  de  pere  et  de 
mere.  Dites-leur  que  je  les  prie  de  permettre  que  je 
sois  enterr^  dans  leur  jardin.  Vous  donnerez  mon  sou- 
venir h,  mon  petit  gouverneur ;  vous  donnerez  aux 
pauvres  du  village,  pour  qu'ils  prient  pour  moi,  et  a  ces 
bonnes  gens  dont  j'avais  arrange  le  mariage,  le  present 
de  noces  que  je  comptais  leur  faire.     Je  vous  charge  en 


NOTE    B  339 

outre  expressement  de  faire  ouvrir  mon  corps,  apr^s  ma 
mort,  par  des  gens  de  I'art,  et  d'en  faire  dresser  un  proces 
verbal. 

"  Cependant  ses  douleurs  augmentaient,  il  se  plaignait 
de  picotements  aigus  dans  la  poitrine,  et  de  violentcs 
secousses  dans  la  tete.  Sa  mallicureuse  femme  se  desolait 
de  plus  en  plus.  Ce  fut  alors  que,  voyant  son  desespoir, 
il  oublia  ses  propres  soufFrances  pour  ne  s'occuper  que  de 
la  consoler. — Eh !  quoi,  lui  dit-il,  ma  cli^re  amie,  vous 
ne  m'aimez  done  plus,  puisque  vous  pleurez  mon  bon- 
lieur  ?  Bonheur  eternel,  qu'il  ne  sera  plus  au  pouvoir 
des  hommes  de  troubler !  Voyez  comme  le  ciel  est  pur, 
en  le  lui  montrant  avec  un  transport  qui  rassemblait 
toute  I'energie  de  son  ame ;  il  n'y  a  pas  un  seul  nuage, 
ne  voyez-vous  pas  que  la  porte  m'en  est  ouverte,  et  que 
Dieu  m'attend  ?  .  .  .  . 

"  A  ces  mots,  il  est  tombe  sur  la  tete  en  entrainant  sa 
femme  avec  lui :  elle  veut  le  relever,  elle  le  trouve  sans 
parole  et  sans  mouvement ;  elle  jette  des  cris  ;  on  accourt, 
on  le  releve,  on  le  met  sur  son  lit ;  je  m'approclie,  je  lui 
prends  la  main ;  je  lui  trouve  un  reste  de  chaleur,  je 
crois  sentir  une  espfece  de  mouvement.  La  rapidite  de 
ce  cruel  evenement  qui  s'etait  passe  dans  moins  d'un 
quart  d'heure  me  laisse  encore  une  lueur  d'esperance ; 
j'envoie  cliez  le  chirurgien  voisin ;  j'envoie  a  Paris  chez 
un  medecin  de  ses  amis  pour  I'amener  sur-le-champ ;  je 
me  hate  d'aller  chercher  de  I'alkali-fluor ;  je  lui  en  fais 
respirer,  avaler  a  differentes  reprises  :  soins  superflus ! 
Helas  !  cette  mort  si  douce  pour  lui,  et  si  fatale  pour 
nous,  cette  perte  irreparable  etait  deja  consommee  ;  et 
si  son  exemple  m'a  appris  a  mourir,  il  ne  m'a  pas  appris 
a  me  consoler  de  sa  mort.  J'ai  voulu  du  moins  conserver 
a  la  posterite  les  traits  de  cet  homme  immortel.  M. 
Houdon,  fameux  sculpteur,  que  j'ai  envoye  avertir,  est 
venu  promptemetit  mouler  I'empreinte  de  son  bustc ;  et 
j'espere  qu'il  sera  ressemblant,  car  pendant  deux  jours 
qu'il  est  reste  sur  son  lit,  son  visage  a  toujours  conserve 
toute  la  serenite  de  son  ame ;  on  eAt  dit  qu'il  ne  faisait 


340  APPENDIX 

que  dormir  en  paix,  du  sommeil  de  rhomme  juste.  Sa 
malheureuse  femme  ne  cessait  de  I'embrasser  comme 
s'il  eut  ete  encore  vivant,  sans  qu'il  fiit  possible  de  lui 
arracher  cette  douloureuse  et  derniere  consolation.  Ce 
n'est  que  le  lendemain  au  soir  que  son  corps,  ainsi  qu'il 
avait  exige,  a  ete  ouvert  en  presence  de  deux  medecins 
et  de  trois  chirurgiens.  Le  proces  verbal  qui  en  a  ete 
fait  atteste  que  toutes  les  parties  en  etaient  parfaitement 
saines,  et  que  Ton  n'a  trouve  d'autre  cause  de  sa  mort, 
qu'un  epancliement  de  serosite  sanguinolente  sur  le 
cerveau :  tant  la  mort  pent  frapper  promptement  la 
tete  meme  la  plus  sublime !  .   .  .  . 

"  Je  I'ai  fait  embaumer  et  renfermer  dans  un  cercueil, 
du  bois  le  plus  dur,  recouvert  de  plomb  en  dedans  et 
en  dehors,  avec  plusieurs  medailles  qui  contiennent  son 
nom  et  la  date  de  son  age  et  de  sa  mort.  J'ai  prie  un 
Genevois  de  ses  amis  de  venir  ici,  afin  que  toutes  les 
formes  genevoises  puissent  etre  observes  exactement,  et 
le  samedi  4  juillet,  nous  I'avons  porte  dans  Tile  des 
Peupliers,  oil  on  lui  a  erige  sur-le-champ  un  tombeau 
avec  cette  inscription  que  j'ai  ose  y  mettre,  comme  etant 
dict^e  par  le  premier  mouvement  de  mon  coeur. 

*  Ici,  sous  ces  ombres  paisibles, 
Pour  les  restes  mortels  de  Jean-Jacques  Rousseau, 
L'amiti6  posa  ce  tombeau  : 
Mais  c'est  dans  tous  les  cceurs  sensibles 
Que  cet  homme  divin,  qui  fut  tout  sentiment, 
Doit  ti^ouver  de  son  cceur  I'eternel  monument.' " 

Notwithstanding  this  authoritative  refutation,  the 
editor  of  the  Correspondance  Litter  aire  still  contrived, 
by  the  circulation  of  different  reports,  to  keep  the  rumour 
afloat  that  Rousseau  had  committed  suicide.  In  1789 
this  theory  was  adopted  by  Madame  de  Stael :  and 
contradicted  by  the  Countess  de  Vassy,  the  daughter 
of  the  Count  Kene  de  Girardin.  In  1824,  Musset- 
Pathay,  the  most  conscientious  as  well  as  the  most 
sympathetic  of  Rousseau's  biographers,  lent  this  doc- 
trine his  support,  upon  the  strength  of  an  afiirmation 


NOTE    B  341 

said  to  have  been  made  by  the  sculptor  Houdon,  that 
the  wound  upon  the  temple  had  the  appearance  of  a 
pistol-shot.  Houdon,  still  living  when  Musset-Pathay's 
iDook  appeared,  denied  that  he  had  ever  made  this  state- 
ment ;  but  then  Musset-Pathay  insisted  that  Houdon's 
extreme  old  age  had  impaired  his  memory.  But  the 
positive  denial  of  the  story  that  Jean  Jacques  had 
destroyed  himself  was  given  by  the  Count  Stanislas 
de  Girardin,  the  son  of  Rene  de  Girardin,  who  had 
as  a  child  been  the  companion  of  Rousseau's  rambles. 
It  is  from  the  Lettre  de  Stanislas  Girardin  d  M. 
Musset-Pathay  that  the  documents  reproduced  in  this 
criticism  have  been  taken.  It  may  be  said  that,  with- 
out believing  Stanislas  de  Girardin  and  his  sister,  the 
Countess  de  Vassy,  as  well  as  their  father.  Count  Rene 
de  Girardin,  deli])erate  fabricators  of  false  evidence, 
it  is  impossible  to  find  any  justification,  either  in 
Rousseau's  circumstances  or  in  his  state  of  mind,  in 
July  1778,  for  the  theory  that  he  destroyed  himself.! 

Here,  it  might  have  been  thought,  the  discussion 
would  have  ended.  But  no !  The  rumour  of  his 
suicide  concluded  too  satisfactorily  the  legend  of  the 
double-natured  Rousseau — half  impostor,  half  maniac. 
The  testimony  of  the  Count  de  Girardin  was  put  on 
one  side  as  that  of  a  witness  who,  if  even  he  had 
known  that  his  guest  had  committed  suicide,  was  bound 
to  conceal  it.  As  for  the  j)roces-verbal,  against  the 
assertions  of  the  doctors  was  urged  the  alleged  aftirma- 
tion  of  the  sculptor  Houdon  about  the  fractured  wound 
over  the  temple,  indicating  a  pistol-shot.  The  position 
taken  up  by  modern  psychological  critics,  predisposed  to 
lend  attention  to  any  theory  about  Rousseau  indicative 
of  insanity,  is  one  of  doubt.  It  was  summed  up  by 
Mr.  John  Morley  in  1873,  and  reasserted  in  188G. 
To  accept  this  position  it  is  necessary  to  suppose  the 
Doctor  le  Begue  de  Presle,  the  surgeons  who  signed 
the  j^'^'oces-verbal,  as  well  as  the  Count  de  Girardm 
and  all  his   family,    guilty   not   merely   of  conccalmg 


342  APPENDIX 

the  truth,  but  of  fabricating  unnecessarily  elaborate 
falsehoods. 

"  A  dense  cloud  of  obscure  misery,"  aflirms  Mr.  Morley, 
"  hangs  over  the  last  months  of  this  forlorn  existence. 
No  tragedy  ever  had  a  fifth  act  more  squalid.  .  .  .  One 
day,  2  July  1778,  suddenly,  and  without  a  single 
warning  symptom,  all  drew  to  an  end.  The  sensations 
which  had  been  the  ruling  part  of  his  life  (!)  were  aflPected 
by  pleasure  and  pain  no  more,  the  dusky  phantoms  all 
vanished  into  space.  The  surgeons  reported  that  the 
cause  of  his  death  was  apoplexy ;  but  a  suspicion  has 
haunted  the  world  ever  since  that  he  destroyed  him- 
self by  a  pistol-shot.  .  .  .  We  cannot  tell.  There 
is  no  inherent  improhahility  in  the  fact  of  his  havhig 
committed  suicided     (Vol.  ii.  chap.  vii.  pp.  326,  327.) 

But  here,  once  again,  the  critical  method  which  decides 
that  (the  facts  having  become  ghostly  to  us)  we  may 
base  our  opinions  upon  the  assumption  that  there  is  no 
inherent  improbability  in  any  suspicion  that  points  to 
an  unbalanced  mind  in  Eousseau,  was  destined  to  be 
proved  a  method  which  leads  to  wrong  conclusions. 
On  the  18th  Dec.  1897,  a  commission  of  French  savants 
and  men  of  letters,  under  the  presidency  of  M.  Berthelot, 
senator  and  member  of  the  French  Academy,  undertook 
to  settle  this  question  once  and  for  ever,  by  the  methods 
of  incjuiry  and  of  verification  of  evidence  which  leave 
no  room  for  a  war  of  arojuments.  The  cofiins  of  Voltaire 
and  of  Rousseau,  consigned  at  the  time  of  the  Restoration 
to  the  vaults  beneath  the  Pantheon,  were  opened ;  with 
the  primary  purpose  of  setting  at  rest  the  mischievous 
legend  that  they  had  been  profaned ;  and  that  the 
remains  of  these  two  great  men  had  been  scattered  to 
the  winds.  Both  cofiins  were  proved  to  have  remained 
inviolate.  M.  Berthelot  has  published  a  report  of  the 
proceedings  in  a  work  entitled  Science  et  Education 
(pages  321  to  329).  On  the  23rd  Jan.  1905,  he  made  this 
statement,  in  reply  to  inquiries  addressed  to  him  by  the 
Society  of  J.  J.  Rousseau  of  Geneva. 


NOTE    B  343 

"  Le  cercueil  de  Rousseau  en  renfcrmait  deux  autres, 
emboites,  Tun  de  chene,  I'autre  de  plomb ;  ^  dont  aucun 
n'avait  ete  ouvert  depuis  I'epoque  de  la  sepulture.  11 
portait  en  rinscription : 

1778 

HIC   JACEXT   JOHANNIS   JACOBI   ROUSSEAU 

Le  squelette  de  Eousseau  gisait  au  fond,  dans  un  bon 
etat  de  conservation.  Le  crane  avait  ete  sci^  en  vue  de 
I'autopsie. — J'ai  pris  les  deux  morceaux  separes  dans 
nies  mains  en  presence  d'une  douzaine  de  personnes  et 
j'ai  constate  avec  la  certitude  que  presentent  mes  con- 
naissances  anatomiques  qu'il  ne  portait  aucune  mutilation, 
perforation,  fracture,  ou  lesion  anormale,  II  ^tait  par- 
faitement  sain." 

We  can  then  tell,  and  are  free  most  positively  and 
certainly  to  affirm,  tliat  Rousseau  did  not  destroy  him- 
self hy  a  pistol-shot.  Here  is  one  other  suspicion  that 
must  not  be  allowed  to  "  haunt  the  world  "  any  longer. 
But  that  must  be  classed  with  a  gi-eat  many  other  "  sus- 
picions "  (proved  gratuitous  calumnies  in  the  course  of 
this  inquiry)  as  a  malicious  invention  of  his  enemies. 


Let  Harpes  Calumnies. 

1st,  that  Diderot  suggested  to  Rousseau  the  side  he 
took  when  answering  the  Cjuestion  proposed  by  the 
Academy  of  Dijon ;  that  Rousseau's  first  intention  was 
to  take  the  opposite  view :  that  the  progress  of  the  Arts 
and  Sciences  had  been  favourable  to  morality. 

This  story  not  only  made  Rousseau  indebted  to  Diderot 
for  his  first  literary  success :  it  also  left  him  a  convicted 
sophist,  who  adopted  an  opinion  without  belie viug  in  it ; 
and  afterwards  professed  it  as  his  fundamental  doctrine. 

"  The  author  of  the  First  Discourse,''  wrote  La  Harpe, 
'•'  only  wished  to  be  eccentric.  The  discussion  his  work 
produced  was  even  more  useful  to  him  than  the  Dis- 

1  See  p.  3i0. 


344  APPENDIX 

course  itself,  because  controversy  was  his  element.  Thus 
this  opinion,  which  at  first  had  not  been  his,  and  which 
he  had  only  embraced  to  be  extraordinary,  became  his 
own  by  force  of  his  efforts  to  defend  it." 

Marmontel,  on  Diderot's  authority,  tells  the  same 
story. 

"Here  we  have  an  ecstacy  eloquently  described," 
observes  Marmontel,  about  Rousseau's  own  account  of 
his  sense  of  a  sudden  inspiration  beneath  the  wide- 
spreading  oak  tree,  where  he  rested  on  the  road  to 
Vincennes.  "  Here  are  the  facts  in  their  simplicity,  as 
Diderot  related  them  to  me ;  and  as  I  afterwards  related 
them  to  Voltaire. 

"  I  was "  (it  is  Diderot  who  speaks)  "  a  prisoner  at 
Vincennes.  Rousseau  came  to  see  me  there.  He  had 
constituted  me  his  Aristarchus,  as  he  has  himself  said. 
One  day  we  were  walking  together,  and  he  told  me  that 
the  Academy  of  Dijon  had  just  proposed  an  interesting 
discussion  which  he  had  a  wish  to  treat.  The  question 
to  be  discussed  was :  Has  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Arts  and  Sciences  contributed  to  the  purification  of 
morals  ?  '  What  side  will  you  take  ? '  I  asked  him.  He 
replied  to  me :  ' The  affirmative  side. '  'That  is  the  donkey's 
bridge,'  I  said  to  him ;  '  all  the  men  of  middling  talent 
will  take  that  road,  on  which  you  will  find  only  common- 
places, whilst  the  opposite  side  gives  philosophy  and 
eloquence  a  new  field  of  rich  and  fertile  ideas.'  'You 
are  right/  he  said,  after  a  moment's  reflection ;  '  I  shall 
follow  your  advice.' "  "  Thus,  and  from  this  moment,"  I 
added,  "  his  r61e  and  the  mask  he  assumed,  were  decided 
upon."  "You  do  not  astonish  me,"  said  Voltaire  ;  "this 
man  is  a  pretender  from  head  to  foot;  he  is  one  in  mind 
and  in  soul ;  but  let  him  act  by  turns  the  stoic  and  then 
the  cynic,  he  will  always  betray  himself;  and  his  mask 
suff"ocates  him." — Jfem.  de  Marmoyitel,  vol.  ii.  liv.  vii. 
pp.  189,  190. 

Diderot  had  also  evidently  taken  care  to  instruct  his 
daughter   in   the   same   narrative.    "  Mon  pere,"  writes 


NOTE    B 


345 


Madame  de  Vaudiieil,  "  a  donne  a  Rousseau  I'idee  dc  son 
Discours  sur  les  Arts,  qu'il  a  revu,  ct  peut-etre  (!)  corrige." 
He  liad  also  recommended  the  story  to  Madame  d'Epinay, 
for,  amongst  the  Arsenal  notes,  one  discovers  the  follow- 
ing directions : 

"  Put  in  its  proper  place  the  remark  of  Rene  about 
his  Discourse  for  the  Academy  of  Dijon.  "Which 
(argument)  should  one  defend  ?  The  one  which  has  no 
common  sense." 

(Mettre  a  sa  place  le  propos  de  Rene  sur  son  discours 
sur  r Academic  de  Dijon :  Lequel  faut-il  defendre  ? 
Celui  qui  n'a  pas  le  sens  commun.) 

Madame  d'Epinay  did  not  find  room  for  this  particular 
"propos  de  Rene."  If  this  falsehood  needed  refutation 
one  might  quote,  in  proof  of  the  fact  that  Rousseau's 
mind  was  made  up  before  he  discussed  the  matter  with 
Diderot,  his  statement  in  the  Confessions  that  he  read  to 
Diderot  the  "  Prosopopee  de  Fabricius  "  :  which  he  had 
written  in  pencil  beneath  the  spreading  oak  tree  where 
he  had  rested  on  his  road  to  Vincennes,  Conf.  part  ii. 
liv.  viii.  Fabricius  laments  that  Rome,  proud  of  her 
luxury  and  splendour,  has  forgotten  that  she  was  once 
proud  only  of  her  austerity  and  virtue. 

2.  La  Harpe,  in  his  second  libel,  attempted  to  lend 
weight  to  Grimm's  assertion  that  Rousseau  was  disposed 
to  hate  men  of  letters  who  had  obtained  recognition  be- 
fore himself,  by  the  humiliations  he  underwent  when  he 
was  employed  by  the  Dupins. 

"II  n'oublia  pas,"  wrote  La  Harpe  in  October  1778, 
"  que,  lorsqu'il  etait  commis  chez  Monsieur  Dupin,  il  ne 
dinait  pas  a  table  le  jour  que  les  gens  de  lettres  s'y 
rassemblaient." 

We  have  the  original  version  of  this  falsehood  in 
Grimm's  Corresj^ondance  Litteraire,  1767. 

"  M  Dupin,  ancien  fermier-g^neral,  vient  de  mourir 
dans  un  age  avance,"  wrote  Grimm.  "  II  laisse  ^  unc 
veuve,  celebre  jadis  par  sa  beaute ;  elle  avait  aussi  des 
pretentions  au  bel  esprit.     Elle  avait  pris  Jean  Jacques 


346  APPENDIX 

Rousseau  pour  son  secretaire  ;  et  je  crois  que  les  ouvrages 
que  ce  petit  secretaire  ecrivait  sous  la  dictee  de  Madame 
Dupin  ne  valaient  pas  tout  a  fait  ceux  qu'il  a  compost 
depuis  lui-meme.  Une  anecdote  des  plus  curieuses  c'est 
que  Madame  Dupin  donnait  une  fois  par  semaine  a 
diner  k  Fontenelle,  Marivaux,  Mairan,  et  autres  gens 
d'esprit ;  et  que  ce  jour-la  Rousseau  avait  son  conge 
tant  on  etait  eloigne  de  se  douter  de  ce  qu'il  etait." 

Here  is  another  "  curious  anecdote  "  which,  like  the 
anecdote  about  Diderot's  counsels,  and  the  story  illus- 
trating the  unusual  penetration  of  Diderot's  wife,  might 
henceforth  be  eliminated  from  serious  works  about 
Rousseau.  The  falseness  of  this  particular  "  anecdote  " 
stands  revealed  in  the  fact  that  Fontenelle,  Marivaux  and 
Mairan  are  amongst  the  men  of  letters  mentioned  by- 
Rousseau,  with  whom  he  made  acquaintance  at  the  time 
when  his  Dissertation  on  a  new  method  of  musical  anno- 
tation was  read  before  the  Academy  of  Sciences  (1742). 
He  became  Madame  Dupin's  secretary  only  in  1747, 
that  is  to  say,  after  he  had  been  on  friendly  terms  with 
her  for  five  years,  and  a  condition  that  he  made  before 
accepting  these  duties  was,  that  M.  de  Francueil  should 
employ  his  influence  to  obtain  a  rehearsal  of  his  opera, 
Les  Muses  Galantes,  by  the  company  of  the  opera. — 
Confessions,  part  ii.  liv.  vii.  A  secretary  who,  before 
accepting  the  post,  dictates  such  terms  to  his  employers, 
is  not  a  man  degraded,  or  embittered  by  disdainful  treat- 
ment at  their  hands,  nor  one  whom  they  would  esteem 
unfit  to  mix  with  men  of  letters.     See  vol.  i.  p.  108. 

3.  La  Harpe's  method  of  intimating  that  Rousseau 
was  not  the  author  of  the  music  of  the  Devin  du  Village 
skilfully  avoids  making  any  direct  charge  in  connection 
with  the  supposed  wrong  done  the  real  author  of  the 
opera. 

"  II  donnait,"  wrote  the  editor  of  the  Mercure,  "  le 
Deviyi  du  Village  petit  drame  plein  de  grace  et  de 
melodic,  qui  eut  un  succes  prodigieux.  On  a  remarque 
que  le  charme  de  cet  ouvrage  naissait  surtout  de  I'accord 


NOTE    B  347 

le  plus  parfait  entre  les  paroles  et  la  musique,  accord  qui 
semblerait  ne  pouvoir  se  trouver  au  meme  degrt^  que 
dans  un  auteur  qui,  comme  Rousseau,  aurait  con§u  h  la 
fois  les  vers  et  les  chants. 

"  Mais  ceux  qui  savent  que  le  fameux  duo  do  Silvain 
n'est  pourtant  qu'une  parodie,  et  que  le  poetc  travailla 
sur  des  notes,  conclueront  qu'il  est  possible  que  le  poiite 
et  le  musicien  n'aient  qu'une  meme  ame  sans  etre  reunis 
dans  la  meme  personne." 

Gretry,  the  composer,  wrote  to  the  Journal  de  Paris 
to  protest  against  this  base  insinuation,  and  for  the  time 
being  La  Harpe  let  the  matter  drop.  In  1780,  how- 
ever, the  accusation  of  having  appropriated  the  work  of 
one  Grauet  of  Lyons,  was  definitely  brought  against 
Rousseau  by  Pierre  Rousseau,  in  the  Journal  Encyclo- 
pedique.  I  have  given  the  complete  history  of  this  libel 
in  my  Studies  in  the  Frayice  of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau, 
chapter  Devin  du  Village. 

La  Harpe's  attack  upon  Rousseau  was  answered  by 
Corancez  in  the  Journal  de  Paris,  1st  November  1778  ; 
and  by  Madame  de  la  Tour  de  Franqueville  in  the 
Annee  Litteraire,  15th  November  1778. 

3. 

Diderot's  Essay  upon  Seneca,  with  the  violent  note 
against  Rousseau,  appeared  in  December  1778. 

The  falsehoods  in  connection  with  Rousseau's  alleged 
"  ingratitude  to,"and  "  betrayal  of"  his  "  old  friends,"  re- 
quire no  answer  ;  nor  do  the  assertions  that  he'attempted 
to  be  reconciled  with  Diderot,  that  Diderot  advised  him 
as  to  the  side  he  was  to  take  in  the  discussion  sug- 
gested by  the  Academy  of  Dijon,  that  the  solitude 
of  woods  ruined  his  morals,  require  refutation.  As  for 
the  long  list  of  contradictions  between  the  conduct  and 
professions  of  this  alleged  sophist,  we  know  that  we  are 
dealing  with  the  original  author  of  the  plan  for  crcatmg 
a  false  reputation  for  the  prophet  of  sincerity  and 
simplicity  by  painting  liim  as  au  "  artificial  scoundrel. 


348  APPENDIX 

Diderot's  note  kindled  widespread  indignation.  Dorat 
answered  it  in  the  Journal  de  Paris,  25tli  January 
1779. 

"  Nous  ne  finirons  pas  cet  article,"  he  wrote,  ''  sans 
parler  d'une  note  qui  fait  la  plus  forte  sensation  et  qui 
contribue  a  donner  a  cet  Essai  de  la  celebrite.  On  y 
designe  clairement  le  vertueux  citoyen  de  Geneve,  puis- 
qu'il  s'agit  d'un  ecrivain  qui  a  laisse  des  memoires,  ou  il 
ne  s'epargne  pas  lui-meme.  On  le  traite  *  d'ingrat,'  de 
'  lache,'  '  d'liomme  atroce,'  et  '  d'artificieux  scelerat,' 
qui  '  s'est  cache  pendant  cinquante  ans  sous  le  masque 
le  plus  epais  de  Thypocrisie  ! '  II  parait  que  I'auteur 
craint  d'etre  maltraite  dans  les  memoires  dont  il  est 
question.  On  ne  pent  expliquer  autrement  celle  vio- 
lente  diatribe.  Mais  il  aurait  du  prevoir  que  de  telles 
allegations  auraient  peine  a  faire  fortune.  C'est  ce 
philosophe  la  lui  dira-t-on,  qui  a  veritablement  supporte 
la  pauvrete  avec  courage  :  c'est  lui  qui  1'  a  preferee  a  des 
bienfaits  qui  lui  semblaient  deshonorants, — qui  ayant  a 
peine  le  necessaire  a  trouve  le  moyen  d'etre  utile  a  ses 
semblables.  C'est  ce  philosophe  qui  a  rendu  a  I'enfance  le 
lait  maternel,  qui  I'a  debarrasse  des  entraves  destines 
a  la  defigurer — qui  a  ete  vraiment  eloquent :  qui  a  su 
peindre  la  vertu  et  la  faire  aimer.  Si  I'exces  de  sa 
sensibilite  I'a  egare  quelquefois,  ses  ecrits  suffiront 
pour  prouver  son  honnetetd.  Un  '  scelerat '  pent  etre  un 
bel  esprit  :  mais  un  scelerat  ne  parle  pas  de  la  vertu 
comme  J.  J.  Rousseau.  Plaisante  '  hypocrisie  ' !  plaisante 
adresse  c[ue  celle  cjui  aboutit  a  I'indigence,  au  malheur 
et  a  de  si  cruelles  persecutions.  L'auteur  de  V Essai  sur 
la  vie  de  Seneque  a  voulu  qu'il  ne  manquat  a  son  livre 
aucune  espece  de  bizarrerie  ;  ce  n'etait  pas  assez  de  temoi- 
gner  la  plus  fougueuse  tendresse  pour  un  rheteur  mort 
depuis  cleux  mille  ans  ;  il  fallait  qu'il  dechirat  la  memoire 
du  plus  eloquent  de  nos  ecrivains,  d'un  philosophe 
presqu'  encore  vivant  au  milieu  de  nous,  et  dont  I'in- 
fiexible  probite  aussi  reconnu  que  ses  talents,  sera 
long-temps  I'objet  de  la  veneration  universelle." 


NOTE    B  349 

Diderot's  "note"  was  indignantly  condemned  hy  a 
crowd  of  writers  ;  in  the  Amies  Litteraire  by  Madame  do 
la  Tour  de  Franqueville  and  by  Deleyre  ;  by  De  Longue- 
ville  in  the  Mercure ;  by  Begue  de  Presle  in  the 
Journal  de  Paris ;  and  even  by  Pierre  Rousseau  in  the 
Journal  EncycloiJedique.  It  was  apologized  for  rather 
than  justified  by  Diderot's  admirers.  As  for  the  im- 
pression it  produced  on  the  general  public,  one  can  dis- 
cover what  it  was  by  the  complaints  made  by  the 
Encyclopaedists,  that  critics  of  Rousseau  were  "  perse- 
cuted." "  Les  etrangers  ont  dit,"  writes  Naigeon, 
Diderot's  editor,  "  que  M.  Rousseau  avait  fait  secte  parrai 
nous ;  ils  auraient  pu  aj  outer  que  cette  secte  si  aveuglement 
d^vouee  et  soumise  a  son  chef,  est  plutot  religieuse  que 
philosophique.  En  effet,  il  n'y  a  guere  que  des  opinions 
religieuses,  mal  entendues,  et  portees  a  I'exces,  qui 
puissent  inspirer  cet  esprit  d'intolerance  dont  tous  les 
partisans  du  citoyen  de  Geneve  sont  plus  ou  moins 
animes.  Quiconque  ose  avoir  sur  ses  ecrits,  et  sur 
sa  personne,  un  sentiment  contraire  au  leur  s'expose 
infailliblement  k  une  espece  de  persecution,  qui  a  tous  les 
effets  de  la  haine  theologique." 

Here,  there  is  certainly  some  exaggeration ;  one  never 
heard  of  the  martyrdom  of  any  Encyclopsodist ;  nor 
even  that  the  admirers  of  Rousseau  excited  the  popu- 
lace to  stone  his  calumniators.  But  we  may  accept 
their  own  testimony  that  the  behaviour  of  these  "  honest 
men  "  in  attacking  the  memory  of  their  "  old  friend," 
immediately  death  had  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
reply,  did  not  command  the  admiration  of  their  con- 
temporaries. Here  is  La  Harpe's  complaint  in  the 
same  strain,  uttered  in  the  Mercure,  Oct.  1792:  "II 
faut  d  abord  avouer  que  depuis  la  mort  de  Rousseau  il 
s'est  declare  en  sa  faveur  une  sortc  de  fanaticisme 
pousse  jusqu'a  I'intolerance.  On  cut  dit  qu'il  n'etait 
pas  permis  d'attaquer  une  de  ses  opinions,  ni  de  lui 
trouver  un  tort,  ni  de  mettre  la  moindre  restriction  dans 
les  louanges  qu'il  avait  merites." 


350  APPENDIX 

4. 

D'Alemherfs  false  [charge  made  against  Rousseau — 
of  ingratitude  to  Lord-Marshal  Keith. 

In  Feb.  1779,  cTAlembert  published  his  Eloge  de 
George  Keith,  Grand  Marechal  d'Ecosse.  There 
seemed  no  special  reason  why  this  Eloge  should  ever 
have  been  delivered.  Lord-Marshal  Keith  was  an 
excellent,  but  in  no  sense  a  famous  man ;  d'Alembert 
had  no  intimate  acquaintance  with  him ;  the  French 
nation  had  no  reasons  to  feel  any  lively  interest  in  his 
career ;  and,  in  short,  no  motive  can  be  discovered  for 
the  choice  of  this  subject,  except  the  opportunity  it 
afforded  the  secretary  of  the  Academy  to  insert  an 
offensive  and  a  false  charge  against  Eousseau.  After 
enlarging  upon  the  fact  that  Lord-Marshal  Keith  not 
only  protected  Rousseau,  but  accorded  him  a  pension, 
d'Alembert  continues : — 

"  La  v^rite  nous  oblige  de  dire,  et  ce  n'est  pas  sans 
un  regret  sincere,  que  le  bienfaiteur  eut  depuis  fort  a  se 
plaindre  de  celui  qu'il  avait  si  noblement,  et  si  prompte- 
ment,  oblige.  Mais  la  mort  du  coupable  (!)  et  les 
justes  raisons  que  nous  avons  eues  nous-meme  de  nous 
en  plaindre,  nous  obligent  de  tirer  le  rideau  sur  ce 
detail  affligeant,  dont  les  preuves  sont  malheureusement 
consignees  dans  des  lettres  authentiques.  Ces  preuves 
n'ont  ete  connues  que  depuis  la  mort  de  Milord  Mardchal. 
II  gardait  toujours  le  silence  sur  les  torts  qu'on  avait 
avec  lui ;  et  son  coeur  indulgent  ne  lui  permit  jamais  la 

m^disance  ni  meme  la  plainte Une  personne 

tres  estimable,  que  Milord  honorait  avec  justice,  de  son 
amitie,  et  de  sa  confiance,  nous  a  ecrit  ses  propres 
paroles  '  Milord  m'avait  donne  sa  correspondance  avec 
Rousseau,  en  me  recommandant  de  ne  I'ouvrir  qu'apr^s 
sa  mort.  Je  dois  rendre  cette  justice  a  sa  memoire 
que  malgre  les  justes  sujets  de  plainte  qu'il  avait 
contre  Rousseau  jamais  je  ne  lui  ai  entendu  dire  un  mot 
qui  fut  a  son  desavautage :  il  me  montra  seulement  la 


NOTE    B  351 

derniere  lettre  qu'il  en  recut,  et  me  conta  historiquement 
I'affaire  de  la  pension.'  'Cette  lettre,'  ajoute  la  mAme 
personne  '  etait  rem2jlie  d'injures.  '  II  faut/.'dit  le  bou 
Milord,  en  la  recevant,  'pardonner  ces  ecarts  dun 
homme  que  le  malheur  rend  injuste ;  et  cju'on  doit 
regarder  et  traiter  commc  un  malaclc'  Aussi  pardonna- 
t-il  si  hien  d  M.  Rousseau  que  j9ar  son  testament  il  lui 
Ugua  sa  montre  qu'il  portait  toujours.  Elle  a  ete 
envoy ee  d  sa  veuve." 

To  bequeath  the  "  watch  he  always  wore  "  to  a  man 
who  had  repaid  his  benefits  with  ingratitude  and  insults, 
would  have  been  an  unintelligible  action,  but  it  becomes 
not  only  intelligible,  but  touching  and  full  of  affection, 
as  an  appeal  for  pardon,  when  one  recollects  the  true 
circumstances  :  viz.  the  withdrawal  of  the  old  man,  of 
eighty-two  years  of  age,  from  a  painful  position,  where 
he  saw  himself  compelled  to  decide  between  David 
Hume  and  Jean  Jacc|ues  (to  both  of  whom  he  was 
warmly  attached)  in  a  quarrel  where,  to  his  mind,  both 
his  friends  were  wrong-headed,  and  to  blame.  The 
circumstances  will  be  fully  stated  (see  vol.  ii.  p.  231), 
but  it  will  be  useful  to  reproduce  here  the  documents 
which  establish  the  absolute  falsity  of  d'Alembert's 
charges :  that  Rousseau  wrote  an  insulting  letter  to 
Lord-Marshal,  or  was  ever  ungrateful  to  him  ;  that  Lord- 
Marshal  ever  accused  Rousseau  of  insolence  or  ingrati- 
tude ;  or  excused  him  from  these  offences,  on  the 
grounds  that  he  was  ''malade,"  in  other  words,  "mad." 

We  owe  the  production  of  these  documents  in  1779 
to  Madame  de  la  Tour  de  Franqueville.  They  were 
published  in  a  long  letter  from  her,  printed  in  the 
An7iee  Litteraire,  20  May  1779,  under  the  title  of 
Lettre  d'une  anonyme  d  un  aiionyme  ou  Proces  de 
r esprit  et  du  cceur  de  M.  d'Alemhert,  reproduced  with 
other  important  articles  and  letters  consecrated  to  the 
refutation  of  Rousseau's  calumniators  in  the  28th  volume 
of  the  edition  of  his  works  published  in  1793.  Later 
biographers,  and  editors  of  Rousseau's  works,  have 
decided  that  it  was  "  superfluous "  to  inquire  into  the 


352  APPENDIX 

value  of  Madame  cle  la  Tour's  testimony,  because,  by 
her  enthusiasm  for  Rousseau,  she  is  proved  to  have 
been  a  "fanatic."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  "fanatic" 
represents  the  chief  person  amongst  Rousseau's  contem- 
poraries, who  hunted  up  historical  documents,  and  who 
established  by  the  evidence  of  indisputable  and  undis- 
puted facts  the  fabulous  character  of  the  charges  made 
against  him,  rejected  by  his  other  devoted  admirers  in 
this  epoch,  as  too  outrageous  to  deserve  serious  consider- 
ation :  just  as  later  on  they  were  to  be  accepted  because 
there  was  no  "inherent  improbability"  in  any  charge 
that  went  to  prove  Jean  Jacques  an  impostor,  or  insane, 
or  ungrateful  to  his  benefactors.  Madame  de  la  Tour 
writes : — "  Revoltee  de  toutes  les  faussetes  cpe  M.  d' 
Alembert  accumule  dans  son  eloge  du  marechal  d'Ecosse, 
pressee  par  le  besoin  de  les  detruire,  j'ai  ecrit  au  plus 
digne  ami  du  marechal  et  de  J.  J.  Rousseau  pour  lui 
demander  des  lumieres  que  ma  position  ne  m'avoit  pas 
permis  d'acquerir  par  moi-meme :  non  que  j'aie  eu  le 
malheur  de  balancer  un  instant  entre  Jean-Jacques  et 
son  detracteur,  mais  parceque  I'ardeur  de  servir,  toujours 
subordonnee  a  I'amour  de  la  justice,  bien  diffe rente  enfin 
de  I'ardeur  de  nuire,  n'avance  rien  dont  elle  ne  veuille 
administrer  la  preuve.  Cet  ami,  d'une  espece  trop  rare 
pour  le  bonheur  de  la  societe,  est  M.  du  Peyrou,  dont  le 
nom  seul  fait  palir  les  fauteurs  de  la  calomnie,  tant  il 
annonce  de  candeur  et  de  probite.  II  a  daigne  favoriser 
mon  projet ;  il  m'a  fait  une  reponse  ou  la  justesse  de  son 
esprit,  la  purete  de  ses  intentions,  la  beaute  de  son  ame, 
se  developpent  avec  un  egal  avantage.  II  a  bien  voulu 
m'envoyer  des  extraits  de  lettres,  tant  du  lord  Keith 
que  de  Jean-Jacques,  qui  donnent  le  dementi  le  plus 
formel  aux  scandaleuses  assertions  de  M.  d' Alembert,  et 
rectifient  les  idees  que  fait  naitre  celle  qui  est  la  moins 
temeraire.  A  I'abri  de  la  reputation  de  M.  du  Peyrou, 
monsieur,  la  fidelite  de  ces  extraits  est  inattaquable ; 
aucun  de  ceux  cjui  le  connoissent  n'osera  les  suspecter. 
Je  vais  vous  transcrire  ces  pieces  interessantes ;  observez- 
en  s'il  vous  plait  les  dates. 


NOTE   B  353 

R^PONSE   DE   M.    DUPEYROU. 

"  NeucMtel,  9  mai,  1779. 

"  Depuis  vendredi  matin,  moment  de  la  reception  de 
votre  lettre  du  3  de  ce  mois,  je  n'ai  cesse,  madame, 
de  m'occuper  des  eclaircissemens  que  vous  desirez  de 
moi.  Mon  etat  de  foiblesse,  qui  ne  me  permet  pas 
encore  de  quitter  le  lit,  n'a  pu  ralentir  mon  zele.  La 
nature  des  questions  que  vous  m'adressez  interesse  mon 
coeur  autant  que  le  votre.  Je  vois  que  vous  etes 
indignee  comme  moi  de  Y imputation  calomnieuse  contre 
Jean-Jacques  Rousseau,  dont  M.  d'Alembert  a  ose  pro- 
faner  Yeloge  pretendu  d'un  homme  digne  en  efFet  de 
tous  les  eloges,  mais  au-dessus  de  ceux  que  M.  d'Alembert 
peut  lui  donner.  J'ignore  si  M.  d'Alembert  a,  dans  son 
eloge,  etaye  son  accusation  contre  Jean- Jacques  de 
quelques  temoignages  plus  probans  que  le  sien ;  ou  s'il 
s'est  flatte  que  sa  simple  assertion  auroit  en  Europe  le 
meme  poids  qu'elle  peut  avoir  dans  quelques  cercles  de 
Paris  ;  je  sais  seulement  que  M.  d'Alembert,  avant  de 
publier  son  eloge,  avoit  dans  des  conversations  de  societe 
cherche  a  accrediter  son  accusation  contre  Rousseau  en 
s'etayant  d'un  secretaire  de  lord  marechal.  Or  ce 
secretaire  ne  peut  etre  cjue  le  sieur  Junod,  mort  depuis 
quelques  annees.  Sans  doute  que  M.  d'Alembert  ne 
cite  le  temoignage  d\m  mort  conty^e  un  mort,  qu'appuye 
de  preuves  par  ecrit  ou  incontestables.  En  attendant 
qu'il  les  produise,  comme  il  y  est  appele  par  I'honneur, 
s'il  en  a  encore  un  germe,  je  vais,  madame,  mettrc  sous 
vos  yeux  les  eclaircissemens  que  vous  me  demandez,  ceux 
du  moins  que  je  me  suis  mis  en  etat  de  vous  fournir 
aujourd'hui.  J'ai  compulse  une  centaine  de  lettres, 
toutes  originales,  ecrites  de  la  main  de  milord  marechal, 
dont  les  deux  tiers  adressees  a  Jean-Jacques,  depuis 
juillet  1762  a  octobre  1765,  epoque  du  depart  de  celui- 
ci  pour  passer  en  Angleterre.  Les  autres  me  sont 
adressees  depuis  juin  1765  a  juin  1767.    Vous  ne  recevrez 

VOL.  I.  23 


354  APPENDIX 

cet  ordinaire  que  les  extraits  de  quelques  unes  des 
premieres,  qui  vous  appendront  en  quel  temps  et  a  quelle 
occasion  la  rente  viagm^e  de  six  cents  livi^es  fut  con- 
stituee  entre  mes  mains.  Au  lieu  de  cinquante  livres 
sterling  que  lord  marchal  avoit  destinees  d  son  Jils 
che'ri,  celui-ci  le  su^ypla  de  homer  ce  hienfait  d  la  somme 
ci-dessus  de  six  cents  livres.  Les  extraits  de  quelques 
unes  de  ces  lettres  vous  feront  surement  regretter  comme 
a  moi  que  des  considerations  d'honnetete  ou  de  con- 
venance  ne  permettent  pas  la  publication  entiere  d'une 
collection  si  precieuse,  si  honorable  a  deux  coeurs  ver- 
tueux  et  sensibles,  tels  que  ceux  de  lord  mar^chal  et 
de  Jean-Jacques.  II  n'y  a  pas  une  de  ces  lettres  qui 
n'ofFre  des  traits  interessans  de  generosite,  de  delicatesse, 
de  sensibilite,  de  bonte,  de  raison  et  de  vertu ;  pas 
une  qui  ne  caracterise  par  les  expressions  et  par  les 
clioses  cette  tendre  et  paternelle  affection  de  lord  mare- 
chal  pour  son  Jils  cheri.  Plusieurs  contiennent  des 
anecdotes  liistoriques,  qui  la  plupart  prouvent  combien 
etoient  vifs  et  fondes  I'attachement,  le  respect,  I'admira- 
tion  de  lord  marechal  pour  le  souverain  qui  Thonoroit 
de  sa  bienveillance  et  de  son  amitie.  Je  ne  puis  me 
refuser  la  satisfaction  de  vous  transcrire  ici  le  morceau 
suivant,  extrait  d'une  lettre  de  Jean-Jacques  ecrite  au 
noble  lord  le  21  aout  1764  :  vous  jugerez  du  reste  par 
ce  leger  ecliantillon.  Ce  que  vous  Wba'p'prenez  de 
Vaffranchissement  des  paysans  de  Pomei'anie,  joiyit  d 
tous  les  autres  traits  pareils  que  vous  m'avez  ci-devant 
rapportes,  me  montre  par-tout  deux  choses  egalement 
belles,  savoir  dans  Vohjet  le  genie  de  Feederic,  et  dans 
le  clioix  le  cceur  de  George.  On  feroit  une  histoire 
digne  d'immortaliser  le  roi  sans  autres  memoires  que 
vos  lettres. 

"  Parmi  ces  anecdotes  liistoriques  M.  d'Alembert  ne  se 
doute  pas  peut-etre  qu'il  est  quelquefois  question  de  lui, 
etqu'avec  une  f agon  depenser  aussi  aisee  que  la  sienne, 
on  pourroit  le  chagriner  un  peu  en  rendant  le  public 
confident  de  quelques  discours  echappes  d  la  liberte 


NOTE    B  355 

philosophique  dont  il  jouissoit  d  Potsdam.  Mais  Tim- 
punite  du  mediant  n'a  qu'un  temps,  et  Fexacte  probity 
est  compagne  de  la  justice.  Tant  que  les  detracteurs  de 
Jean-Jacques  ne  s'affichent  que  comme  de  vils  calomnia- 
teurs  aupres  des  gens  senses,  on  ne  leur  doit  que  le 
mepris.  Qu'ils  produisent  les  preuves  de  leurs  odieuses 
imputations,  on  leur  en  promet  d'avance  une  refutation 
victorieuse  d'un  cote,  fletrissante  de  Fautre. 

"  Non,  madame,  Jean- Jacques  n'a  pu  donner  d'autres 
chagrins  a  lord  mareclial  que  sa  querelle  avec  M.  Hume; 
et  si  a  cette  epoque  la  correspondance  du  lord  s'est 
ralentie,  elle  na  jamais  cesse  totalement.  Je  sais  de 
Jean-Jacques  lui-meme  qu'il  recevoit  quelquefois  des 
nouvelles  de  ce  respectable  ami  :  je  sais  de  lord  mareclial 
qu'en  ralentissant  sa  correspondance  par  des  raisons 
pleines  de  sagesse  et  fondees  sur  son  age,  il  desiroit  et 
demandoit  des  nouvelles  de  son  Jean-Jacques.  J'ai  vu 
celui-ci  "k  mon  passage  a  Paris,  en  mai  1775,  m'exprimer 
avec  plenitude  de  coeur  les  seiitimens  de  tendresse  et  de 
veneration  pour  I'liomme  qu'^7  aimoit  et  respectoit  au- 
dessus  de  tous  les  hommes.  Je  I'ai  vu  s'attendrir  au 
recit  que  je  lui  faisois  des  preuves  multipliees  que  j'avois 
eues  a  Valence  en  Espagne  du  souvenir  plein  de  tendresse 
et  de  respect  que  Ton  y  conservoit  pour  la  personne  et 
les  vertus  de  cet  homme  vraiment  fait  pour  inspirer  ces 
sentimens. 

"  Malheureusement  notre  ami,  avant  sa  retraite  a 
Ermenonville,  a  briile  la  majeure  partie  des  papiers  qui 
lui  restoient :  il  na  j^cos  dependu  de  lui  que  ce  qui  etoit 
entre  mes  mains  n'ait  suhi  le  meme  sort;  tayit  il  attachoit 
pen  d'importance  aux  litres  les  plus  precieux  qu'il  eilt 
d  opposer  d  la  rage  de  ses  calomniateurs !  Ses  ecrits 
subsisteront ;  c'est  son  coeur  c[ui  les  a  dictes  :  la  posterity 
le  jugera  d'apres  ces  ecrits  ;  et  ses  Inches  enncmis,  qui 
assouvissent  sur  un  cadavre  une  fureur  trop  longtcmps 
contrainte,  seront  trop  lieureux  d'ecliapper  par  I'oubli  a 
I'execration  qui  les  attend. 


356  APPENDIX 

"  Je  me  suis  peut-etre  trop  abandonn^  aux  mouvemens 
de  mon  coeur.  Je  n'en  desavoue  poiirtant  aucun  ;  et 
vous  pouvez,  madame,  faire  de  cette  lettre  et  des  mor- 
ceaux  qui  V accomj)ag7ient  et  la  suivront  Vusage  que 
vous  jugerez  d>  proj^os  d'en  faire.  Voils  pouvez  me 
nommer  sans  scriqnde  ;  vous  pouvez  meme  assurer  que 
je  suis  p>ret  d  communiquer  a  qui  le  voudra  les  pieces 
originates,  ou  leurs  copies  authentiques,  et  defier  les 
accusateurs  de  Jean-Jacques  d^en  produire  d'equiva- 
lentes."^ 

EXTRAIT   d'uNE   LETTRE   DE   LORD   MARilCHAL   d'eCOSSE   A 
M.    J.    J.    ROUSSEAU. 

^'  Edimbowrg,  6  mars,  1764. 
"  J'ai  acliete  pour  la  somme  de  trente  mille  guinees 
une  de  mes  terres.  J'ai  eu  le  plaisir  de  voir  le  bon  cceur 
de  mes  compatriotes ;  personne  ne  s'est  presente  a  Ten- 
can  pour  acheter,  et  la  salle  et  la  rue  retentissoient  de 
battemens  de  mains  quand  la  terre  me  fut  adjugde. 
Ceci  cependant  me  jette  dans  des  affaires  que  je  n'entends 
pas  et  que  je  deteste.  L'unique  profit  qui  me  revient 
est  de  pouvoir  par  le  profit  que  je  pourrois  retirer  de 
mon  achat  faire  quelque  bien  a  des  gens  que  j'estime 
et  que  j'aime.  Mon  bon  et  respectable  ami,  vous 
pourriez  me  faire  un  grand  plaisir  en  me  p>ermjettant 
de  donner,  soit  d  present,  ou  par  testament,  cent  louis 
d  mademoiselle  le  Vasseur ;  cela  lui  feroit  une  petite 
rente  viagere  pour  I'aider  a  vivre.  Je  n'ai  pas  de 
parens  procbes,  personne  plus  de  mafamille  ;  je  ne  puis 
emporter  dans  1' autre  monde  mon  argent ;  mes  enfans, 
Emetulla,  Ibrahim,  Stepan,  Mutcho,  sont  d(ija  pourvus 
suffisamment.  J'ai  encore  un  fils  cheri,  c'est  mon  bon 
sauvage ;  s'il  etoit  un  peu  traitahle,  il  rendroit  un 
grand  service  d  son  ami  et  serviteur." 

^  Si  vous  d^sapprouviez,  monsieur,  remploi  des  lettres  italiques 
qui  se  trouvent  dans  cette  lettre  et  dans  les  extraits,  ce  seroit  a  moi 
qu'il  faudroit  vous  en  prendre,  M.  du  Peyrou  n'en  ayant  indiqu6 
aucun.     (Note  de  Madame  de  la  Tour.) 


NOTE    B  357 


R^PONSE   DE   J.    J.    ROUSSEAU   DU   31    MARS,    1764. 

"  Sur  racquisition,  milord,  que  vous  avez  faitc  et  sur 
I'avis  que  vous  m'en  avez  doune,  la  mcilleurc  repoiiso 
que  j'aie  a  vous  faire  est  de  vous  transcrire  ici  ce  que 
j'ecris  sur  ce  sujet  a  la  personne  que  je  prie  de  donner 
cours  a  cette  lettre,  en  lui  parlant  des  acclamations  de 
vos  compatriotes." 

'  Toics  les  j)lcdsirs  ont  beau  etre  2^our  les  mechans., 
en  voild  2^ourtant  mi  que  je  leur  defie  de  goitter.  Milord 
na  rien  de  plus  presse  que  de  me  donner  avis  du 
changement  de  sa  fortune  ;  vous  devinez  aisement 
pourquoi.  Felicitez-moi  de  tous  mes  malheurs,  niadame ; 
ils  mont  doniiepour  ami  milord  marechal' 

"  Sur  vos  offres  qui  regardent  Mademoiselle  le  Vasseur 
et  moi,  je  commencerai,  milord,  par  vous  dire  que,  loin 
de  mettre  de  I'amour-propre  a  me  refuser  a  vos  dons,  j'en 
mettrois  un  tres  noble  a  les  recevoir.  Ainsi  la-dessus 
point  de  disputes :  les  preuves  que  vous  vous  interessez 
a  moi,  de  quelque  nature  qu'elles  puissent  etre,  sont  plus 
propres  a  m'enorgueillir  qu'a  m'humilier  ;  et  je  ne  my 
refuserai  jamais,  soit  dit  une  fois  pour  toutes. 

"Mais  j'ai  du  pain  quant  a  present,  et,  au  moyen 
des  arrangemens  que  je  medite,  j'en  aurai  pour  le  reste 
de  mes  jours  :  que  me  serviroit  le  surplus  \  Rien  ne  me 
manque  de  ce  que  je  desire  et  qiion  ijeut  avoir  avec  de 
Vargent.  Milord,  il  faut  preferer  ceux  qui  ont  besoin  a 
ceux  qui  n'ont  pas  besoin  ;  et  je  suis  dans  ce  dernier 
cas.  D'ailleurs  je  n'aime  point  qu'on  me  parle  de  testa- 
ment. Je  ne  voudrois  pas  etre,  moi  le  sachant,  dans 
celui  dun  indifferent;  jugez  si  je  voudrois  me  savoir 
dans  le  votre. 

"Vous  savez,  milord,  que  Mademoiselle  le  Vasseur  a 
une  petite  pension  de  mon  librairc  avec  laquelle  ellc 
pent  vivre  quand  elle  ne  m'aura  plus.  Cependant 
j'avoue  que  le  bien  que  vous  voulcz  lui  faire  m'est  plus 
pr^cieux  que  s'il  me  regardoit  directemeut;  et  je  suia 


358  APPENDIX 

extremement  touche  de  ce  moyen  trouve  par  votre  cceur 
de  contenter  la  bienveillance  dont  vous  m'honorez. 
Mais  s'il  se  pouvoit  que  vous  lui  appliquassiez  plutot  la 
rente  de  la  somme  que  la  somme  meme,  cela  m'eviteroit 
Tembarras  de  la  placer,  sorte  d'affaire  ou  je  n'entends 
rien." 

Dans  une  lettre  adressee  a  M.  Eousseau,  datee  de 
Keith-liall  le  13  avril  1764,  milord,  apres  avoir  rendu 
compte  de  son  plan  de  vie  et  d'arrangemens  lorsqu'il  sera 
de  retour  a  Berlin,  ajoute  : 

"  Ja  n'aurai  que  deux  choses  a  regretter,  le  soleil  de  la 
hendita  Valencia,  et  mon  fils  le  sauvage.  Dans  ma 
derniere  je  lui  fais  une  proposition  tres  raisonnable :  je 
ne  sais  ce  qu'il  me  repondra  ;  rien  qui  vaille ;  j'ai  peur. 
Bon  jour  ;  je  vous  embrasse  de  la  plus  tendre  amitie." 

LORD    MAEiCHAL    EN    EEPONSE    A    LA    LETTRE    DE 
M.    ROUSSEAU   DU    31    MARS. 

'■'^  Londres,  6juin,  1764. 

"  Je  ne  puis  vois  exprimer  le  plaisir  que  votre 
indulgence  en  ma  faveur  ma  donne ;  fen  sens 
vivement  la  valeur.  Je  n'ai  c[ue  le  temps  de  vous 
assurer  combien  je  suis  votre  serviteur  et  fidele  ami. 
Je  suis  comme  dans  une  tempete  sur  mer,  les  cours  a 
faire,  les  visites,  les  diners,  etc.  Je  me  sauve  ;  on  fait 
mon  cofFre  ;  je  pars  demain  pour  Brunswick,  et  puis  pour 
Berlin,  d'ou  je  vous  ecrirai  avec  plus  de  loisir ;  en 
attendant  je  vous  embrasse  de  tout  mon  coeur." 

EXTRAITS   DE   LETTRES   DE   LORD   MARECHAL   A 
M.    J.    J.    ROUSSEAU. 

^^  Potsdam,  le  ^  fevrier,  1765. 

"  Apres  avoir  discute  sur  la  clierte  des  vivres  en 
Angleterre  oil  il  etoit  cleja  question  pour  Kousseau  de  se 
retirer,  milord  ajoute :  '  Mon  bon  ami,  si  vous  n'etiez 
plus  sauvage  que  les  sauvages  du  Canada,  il  y  auroit 


NOTE    B  359 

remede.  Parmi  eux,  si  j'avois  tue  plus  de  gibier  que  jc 
ne  pourrois  en  manger  ni  emporter,  je  dirois  au  premier 
passant,  Tieus,  voila  du  gibier.  II  I'emporteroit ;  mais 
Jean  Jacques  le  laisseroit :  ainsi  j'ai  raison  de  dire  qu'il 
est  trop  sauvage,  etc'  " 

'^Potsdam,  le  22  mai,  1765. 

"  Ce  qui  me  fache  est  la  crainte  que  I'impression  de 
vos  ouvrages  a  Neuchatel  ne  se  faisant  pas,  il  ne  vous 
manque  un  secours  necessaire  :  car  item  il  faut  manger, 
et  on  ne  vit  plus  de  gland  dans  notre  siecle  de  fer. 
Vous  pourriez  me  rendre  bien  plus  a  I'aise  que  je  ne 
le  suis,  et  il  me  semble  que  vous  le  devriez.  Vous 
m'appelez  votre  pere,  vous  etes  bomme  vrai ;  ne  puis  je 
exiger,  par  I'autorite  que  ce  titre  me  donne,  que  vous 
permettiez  que  je  donne  a  mon  Jils  cinquante  livres 
sterling  de  rente  viagere  f  Emetulla  est  ricbe,  Ibrahim 
a  une  petite  rente  assuree,  Stepan  de  meme,  Mutcho 
aussi.  Si  mon  fils  cberi  avoit  quelque  chose  assure  pour 
la  vie,  je  n'aurois  plus  rien  a  desirer  dans  ce  monde  ni 
aucune  inquietude  a  le  quitter :  il  ne  tient  qu'  a  vous 
d'aj  outer  infiniment  a  mon  bonheur.  Seriez-vous  a 
I'aise  si  vous  etiez  en  doute  que  j'eusse  du  pain  dans 
mes  vieux  jours  ?  Mettez-vous  a  ma  place,  faitcs  aux 
autres  comme  vous  voudriez  qu'on  vous  fit.  Ne  croyez- 
vous  pas  que  la  liaison  d'amitie  est  plus  forte  que  celle 
d'une  parente  eloignee  et  sou  vent  chimerique  ?  moi  je  le 
sens  bien. 

"  Je  n'ai  plus  personne  de  ma  famille  ;  une  terre  qui 
j'ai  de  pres  de  30,000  liv.  de  rente,  avec  une  bonne 
maison  toute  meublee,  va  a  un  pn.rent  fort  eloigne  qui  a 
deja  a  lui  une  terre  de  pres  de  40,000  liv.  de  rente. 
J'ai  encore  une  petite  terre  a  moi,  et  de  I'argent  comptant 
considerablement.  Je  voudrois  sur  ma  terre  vous 
assurer  cinquante  livres  sterling ;  rien  n'est  sur  que  sur 
les  terres.  Soyez  hon,  indidgent,  genereux ;  rendez 
votre  ami  heureux.     Adieu." 

Je  croirois,  monsieur,  faire  injure  a  votre  intelligence 


36o  APPENDIX 

si  j'entreprenois  le  rapprochement  de  ces  extraits  et  des 
passages  de  V  eloge  qu'ils  dementent.  II  suffit  de  vous 
mettre  a  portee  de  juger  par  vous-meme  quel  est  le 
degre  de  confiance  qui  est  du  a  M.  d'AlemlDert  sur 
Tarticle  de  la  rente.  En  merite-t-il  davantage  sur  celui 
des  injures  ?  C'est  sur  quoi  les  extraits  suivans  vont 
vous  decider. 

EXTRAITS   DE   LETTRES   ADRESS^ES   A   M.    DU   PEYROU    PAR 
MILORD   MARECHAL. 

"  Potsdam^  fin  de  juillet,  1766. 

"  Notre  ami  Jean- Jacques  est  resolu  de  se  retirer 
encore  plus  du  commerce  des  liommes :  il  se  plaint  de 
David  Hume,  et  David  de  lui.  J'ai  i^eur  que  Vun  et 
V autre  n^ait  quelque  tort;  David  d' avoir  ecoute  avec 
trop  de  comj^laisance  les  ennemis  de  notre  ami ;  et  lui 
j^eut-etre  a  pris  cette  indolence  de  David  d  ne  pas 
prendre  assez  vivement  son  pa^^ti  comme  une  associa- 
tion contre  lui  avec  ses  ennemis.  J'en  suis  afflige  ;  car 
David  est  si  bon  homme,  et  notre  ami  a  tant  d'ennemis 
d^ja  que  hien  des  gens  seroyit  portes  d  lui  donner  tort. 
Mais  comme  il  est  dans  la  plus  grande  retraite  et  qu'il  se 
borne  a  une  correspondance  de  deux  ou  trois  personnes, 
le  mieux  est  de  ne  plus  parler  de  cette  nouvelle 
tracasserie,  etc." 

'■'■  Dit  19  septembre,  1766. 

"La  mallieureuse  querelle  de  notre  ami  contre  M. 
Hume  me  donne  tons  les  jours  plus  de  peine :  tout  le 
monde  en  parle.  Je  ne  puis  justifier  son  procede  ;  tout 
ce  que  je  puis  faire  est  de  justifier  son  coeur,  et  de  le 
separer  d'une  erreur  de  son  jugement  qui  a  mal 
interpr^te  les  intentions  de  David.  J'ai  vu  une  lettre 
de  d'Alembert  la-dessus,  qui  se  plaint  aussi :  il  dit  c[u'il 
avoit  parle  tr^s  favorablement  de  M.  Kousseau  ici  a  la 
table  du  roi,  ce  cjui  est  vrai ;  mais  je  n'assurerois  pas 
qu'il  n'ccvoit  pas  change  d'avis  mSme  avant  cette 
dernier e  affaire,  etc.^' 


NOTE    B  361 

"Z>t«  28  novemhre,  1756. 

"  J'ai  une  lettre  de  M.  Eousseau  ;  des  j)lctintes  contre 
moi;  avec  hien  de  la  doucew,  d'avoir  mal  interprete  son 
refus  de  la  pension.  L'autre  est  sur  ce  que  je  vous  ai 
ecrit.  Comme  j'ecris  de  memoire  et  que  la  mienne  mc 
manque  beacoup,  je  ne  sais  pas  du  tout  ce  que  je  vous  ai 
dit  dans  cette  lettre  dont  il  est  question  ;  bien  sais-je 
que  je  ne  vous  ai  ecrit  que  dans  I'intention  et  dans 
I'esperance  que  vous  pourriez  lui  6ter  ses  soupcons  contre 
M.  Hume,  qui,  je  voyois,  seroient  trouves  injustes  de 
tout  le  monde  :  j'avois  tache  de  les  lui  oter  longtemps 
avant  que  la  querelle  n'eclatat ;  et  vous  pouvez  vous 
meme  jugersi  ce  que  je  disois  etoit  d'un  ami  ou  ennemi. 
t/e  le  regarde  toujours  comme  un  homme  vertueux, 
mais  aigri  par  ses  malheurs,  emporte  par  sa  passion, 
et  qui  n  ecoute  pas  assez  ses  amis.  Je  ne  puis  lui  donner 
raison  jusqu'a  ce  qu'il  me  paroisse  I'avoir.  Si  dans  la 
suite  il  fait  voir  des  preuves  que  M.  Hume  est  un  noir 
scelerat,  certainement  je  ne  lui  donnerai  pas  raison  ;  mais 
jusqu'a  cette  heure  je  ne  vois  pas  apparence  de  preuves 
solides. 

"  II  est  bien  affligeant,  pour  moi  sur-tout  qui  aime  la 
tranquillite  et  point  les  tracasseries,  d'etre  quasi  force 
d'entrer  dans  une  querelle  entre  deux  amis  quefestime. 
Je  crois  que  je  prendrai  le  parti  necessaire  a  mon  repos 
de  ne  plus  parler  ni  ecouter  rien  sur  cette  malheureusc 
affaire.     Adieu  ;  je  vous  embrasse  de  tout  mon  coeur. 

"  Comme  je  ne  me  souviens  pas  de  ce  que  je  vous  ai 
(5crit,  que  je  n'ai  pas  copie  de  mes  lettres,  examinez-lcs. 
M.  Rousseau  ne  me  dit  ni  vos  paroles  ni  celles  de  ma 
lettre  a  vous,  que  pour  bien  juger  je  devois  savoir. 
Voici  comme  il  finit :  Mais  si  je  n'ai  j^ccs  eu  le  tort  qne 
vous  ^nimjnitez,  souvenez-vous  de  grace  que  le  seul  ami 
sur  lequel  je  compte  apres  vous  me  regarde,  sur  lafoi 
de  voire  lettre,  comme  un  extravagant  au  moins. 

"  Je  vous  envoie  copie  de  ce  que  je  lui  ecris  par  ce 
courier.     Bon  soir." 


362  APPENDIX 


LORD   MARECHAL   A   M.   ROUSSEAU. 

Apres  avoir  discute  quelques  articles  relatifs  a  des 
ecrits  precedens,  le  lord  ajoute : 

"  Je  suis  vieux,  infirme,  trop  peu  de  memoire.  Je  ne 
sais  plus  ce  que  j'ai  ecrit  a  M.  du  Peyrou,  mais  je  sais  tres 
positivemcnt  que  je  desirois  vous  servir  en  assoupissant 
une  querelle  sur  des  soupcons  qui  me  paroissoient  mal 
fondes,  et  non  pas  vous  oter  un  ami.  Peut-etre  ai-je  fait 
quelques  sottises  :  pour  les  eviter  a  I'avenir,  ne  trouvez 
pas  mauvais  que  j'abregc  la  correspondance,  comme  j'ai 
deja  fait  avec  tout  le  monde,  meme  avec  mes  plus 
proclies  parens  ct  amis,  pour  finir  mes  jours  dans  la 
tranquillite.     Bon  soir. 

*'  Je  dis  ahreger,  car  je  desirerai  toujours  savoir  de 
temps  en  temps  des  nouvelles  de  votre  sante  et  qu'elle 
soit  bonne." 

"  Eh  bien !  monsieur,  le  ton  de  milord,  en  parlant  de 
Jean- Jacques  et  a  Jean- Jacques,  est-il  celui  que  prend  un 
bienfaiteur  vis-a-vis  d'un  ingrat  a  qui  il  a  des  injures 
d  pardonner  f  Estime-i-on  un  ingrat  ?  le  regarde-t-ow 
comme  un  homme  vertueux  ?  s'y  interesse-t-on  assez 
pour  desirer  toujours  de  savoir  de  temps  en  temps  de 
ses  nouvelles  ?  ou  plutot  n'y  a-t-il  pas  une  noirceur  abo- 
minable dans  les  louanges  que  M.  d'Alembert  donne  au 
liberal  Ecossois,  quand  il  s'agit  d'un  desinteresse  Gene- 
vois,  sur  Yindulgence  qui  ne  lui  permit  jamais  la 
mcdisance  ni  meme  la  plainte  ?  Helas  !  ce  fut  le  protec- 
teur  qui  en  eut  besoin  ^indidgence;  et  le  protege 
s'acquitta  en  vers  lui,  en  lui  pardonnant,  en  faveur  de  la 
justice  qiiil  n'avoit  cesse  de  rendre  d  son  cceur,  Tin  justice 
qu'il  lui  faisoit  en  accusant  son  jugement  d'erreur  et  son 
esprit  de  prevention.  Oui,  monsieur,  je  I'avouerai  sans 
detour^  (les  amis  de  Jean-Jacques  ne  combattront  jamais 
une  verite,  quelque   affligeante  qu'elle  puisse  etre,)  la 

1  J'ai  plus  fait,  j'en  ai  fourni  la  preuve  en  produisant  les  trois 
derniers  extraits. 


NOTE    B  363 

gravite  des  torts  de  M.  Hume  lui  en  sauva  la  punition  : 
le  digne  lord  le  crut  innocent ;  aveugle  par  la  louguc 
habitude  de  I'estimer,  il  ne  s'aj)percut  point  que  les 
circon stances  ne  permettoient  pas  que  les  torts  fussent  du 
cote  de  Jean- Jacques/  Si  George  Keith  avoit  eu  autant 
de  sagacite  que  de  bonte  et  de  franchise,  la  seule  publica- 
tion de  V Expose  succmct  lui  auroit  decille  les  yeux.  .  .  . 
Mais  on  doit  I'excuscr  sur  la  foiblesse  attachee  a  son 
grand  age,  sur  I'int^ret  personnel  qui  le  portoit  a  eloigner 
la  cruelle  idee  d'avoir  consomme  le  malhcur  de  son  fits 
cheri  en  le  liant  avec  son  compatriotc  ;  enfin  sur  ce  qu'il 
en  clevoit  moins  couter  a  son  coeur  de  plaindre  Ve7-reur 
du  sensible  Rousseau  que  do  detester  la  perfidie  de 
I'adroit  Hume.  D'ailleurs  si  milord  n  a  pas  eu  assez  de 
lumieres  et  d'energie  pour  sacrifier  David  a  Jean-Jacques, 
il  n'a  pas  eu  non  plus  assez  d'aveuglement  et  de  mollcsse 
pour  sacrifier  Jean-Jacques  a  David,  comme  on  pourroit 

1  C'est  ce  qu'il  rend  palpable  dans  une  lettre  datee  de  Wootton 
le  2  aout  1766,  dont  j'ai  vu  I'original.  Voici  ce  qu'il  y  dit :  "  Je  me 
bornerai  a  vous  presenter  une  seule  reflexion.  II  s'agit  de  deux 
hommes,  dont  I'un  a  etc  amene  par  I'avitre  an  Angleterre  presque 
malgr6  lui,  L'6tranger,  ignorant  la  langue  du  pays,  ne  pouvant  ni 
parler  ni  entendre,  seul,  sans  amis,  sans  appui,  sans  connoissances, 
sans  savoir  meme  a  qui  confier  une  lettre  en  surete,  livrc  sans  r6serve 
a  I'autre  et  aux  siens,  malade,  retire,  ne  voyant  personne,  ccrivant 
peu,  est  alle  s'enfermer  dans  le  fond  d'une  retraite,  ou  il  herborise 
pour  toute  occupation.  Le  Breton,  homme  actif,  liant,  intrigant,  au 
milieu  de  son  pays,  de  ses  amis,  de  ses  parens,  de  ses  patrons,  de  ses 
patriotes,  en  grand  credit  a  la  cour,  a  la  ville,  repandu  dans  le  plus 
grand  monde,  a  la  tete  des  gens  de  lettres,  disposant  des  papiers 
publics,  en  grande  relation  chez  I'dtranger,  sur-tout  avec  les  plus 
mortels  ennemis  du  premier.  Dans  cette  position  il  se  trouve  que 
I'un  des  deux  a  tendu  des  pieges  a  I'autre.  Le  Breton  crie  que  c'est 
cette  vile  canaille,  ce  scelcrat  d'etranger,  qui  lui  en  tend.  L'etranger, 
seul,  malade,  abandonne,  gcmit  et  ne  repond  rien.  La-dessus  le  voila 
jug^.  II  demeure  clair  qu'il  s'est  laiss6  mener  dans  le  pays  de  I'autre, 
qu'il  s'est  mis  a  sa  merci  tout  expr^s  pour  lui  faire  piece  etjiourcon- 
spirer  centre  lui.  Que  pensez-vous  de  ce  jugement  ?  Si  j'avois  etc 
capable  de  former  un  projet  aussi  monstrueusement  extravagant,  ou 
est  I'homme,  ayant  quelque  sens,  quelque  humanite,  qui  ne  devroit 
pas  dire,  Vous  faites  tort  a  ce  pauvre  miserable;  il  est  trop  fou 
pour  pouvoir  etre  un  scelerat.  Plaignez-le,  soignez-le,  mais  ne 
I'injuriez  pas." 


364  APPENDIX 

le  croire  d'apres  les  insidieuses  assertions  de  M.  d'Alem- 
bert :  c'est  ce  dont  les  extraits  rapportes  n'ont  pu 
manquer,  monsieur,  de  vous  convaincre.  lis  constatent 
tons  ce  que  j'avois  le  plus  a  coeur  d'etablir,  c'est-a-dire 
que  Jean- Jacques  n'a  jamais  m^rite  de  reproches  de  la 
part  de  milord  ;  et  que  milord,  en  ne  lui  en  addressant 
point,  en  ne  se  plaignant  point  de  lui,  n'a  jamais  cru  lui 
faire  grace.  Mais  s'il  vous  falloit  une  preuve  de  plus  des 
tendres  egards,  de  I'estime  respectueuse,  de  I'affectueuse 
reconnoissance  qui  Jean- Jacques  a  toujours  conservdes 
pour  riiomme  vertueux  qu'il  appeloit  son  pere,  j'oserai  le 
dire,  monsieur,  vous  la  trouveriez  dans  la  veneration 
dont  nous  sommes  penetres,  M.  du  Peyrou  et  moi,  pour 
la  memoire  de  George  Keith  ;  nous  qui  avons  nourri  pour 
J.  J.  Rousseau  un  attachement  unique  comme  son  objet ; 
un  attachement  que  sa  mort  n'a  pu  affoiblir,  et  qui  pro- 
longera  nos  regrets  jusqu'au  moment  de  la  notre. 

''Le20mail779." 


NOTE   C  (p.  32) 

D'Holbach's  account,  as  related  by  Cerutti,  of  the 
"  scene  tvhich  determiiied  Rousseau's  ruj^tuo^e  with 
himself  and  his  friends^'  is  proved  false  by  the 
history  of  this  scene  related  by  Grimm  in  the 
Correspondance  Litter  aire,  August  1755 — that  is  to 
say,  a  few  days  after  the  actual  incident — and  in 
an  epoch  before  there  was  any  open  quarrel  with 
Rousseau.  The  story  has  to  do  with  the  very  malicious 
"  pleasantry  "  of  these  more  witty  than  kind-hearted 
*'  Holbachiens,"  played  off  upon  an  unlucky  country 
cure,  seized  with  the  ambition  to  shine  in  the  domain 
of  letters.  The  Cure  of  Monchauvet  had  tormented 
Diderot  to  give  him  his  literary  opinion  upon  a  play 
entitled  Batlishcha.  To  make  sport  of  the  would-be 
dramatist,  Diderot  invited  the  Cure  de  Monchauvet 
to  read  his  play  to  the  assembled  society  of  the  Baron 
d'Holbach,    the  company  being  warned   beforehand  to 


NOTE   C  365 

flatter  tlie  foolish  author's  vanity  by  simulated  ecstasies. 
In  Grimm's  original  story  it  is  related  how  this  cruel 
"  persiflage "  of  the  country  cure  aff'ords  amusement 
to  these  gay  Holbachiens;  and  how  Jean  Jacques  is 
the  only  person  in  the  company  who  refuses  to  enter 
into  the  spirit  of  the  thing.  "Le  seul  citoyen  de 
Geneve,"  wrote  Grimm,  in  1755,  ''avec  sa  probite  a 
toute  epreuve,  etait  resolu  de  faire  le  role  d'honnete 
homme  et  a,  en  efi'et,  si  bien  reussi,  que  le  cure 
I'a  pris  dans  une  haine  inexprimable."  That  is 
all,  in  the  first  account ;  one  is  conscious  of  a  sneer 
at  the  citizen  of  Geneva,  who  conceives  himself  bound 
to  be  more  honest  than  his  neighbours ;  but  it  is  not 
maintained  that  Jean  Jacques  made  any  exhibition 
of  disapproval,  or  that  he  broke  up  the  merry  party. 
In  the  account  given  in  1789,  of  an  incident  that  had 
happened  thirty-four  years  earlier,  Eousseau  is  accused 
of  offensive  rudeness  to  the  cure  himself;  of  having 
told  him  frankly  that  he  was  being  made  a  fool  of; 
that  his  play  was  rubbish  ;  and,  in  short,  "  qu'il  ferait 
mieux  de  sortir,  et  d'aller  vicarier  dans  son  village." 
On  the  strength  of  this,  a  violent  altercation  ensues 
between  the  would-be  poet  and  Jean  Jacques,  and 
in  the  end  they  come  to  blows,  and  have  to  be  separated, 
and  Jean  Jacques,  ^^  foaming  at  the  mouth  andjmious  " 
(in  short,  exhibiting  himself  in  his  legendary  character 
of  a  maniac),  dashes  from  the  room,  and  henceforth 
refuses  all  the  advances  made  to  him  by  the  Baron  and 
his  friends.  Musset-Pathay  commented  excellently  upon 
the  flagrant  blunders  in  this  clumsy  history. 

"II  me  parait  evident," — wrote  the  author  of  rilis- 
toire  de  J.  J.  Rousseau,  "  que  IvL  d'Holbach  a  lui-meme 
arrange  cette  histoire  comme  il  convenait  a  ses  interets. 
La  date  donnee  par  Grimm  le  prouve  sans  repliquc. 
Le  fait  arriva  dans  le  mois  d'aout  1755,  puisquc  la 
lettre  dans  laquelle  on  le  raconte  est  du  15  de  ce  mois. 
S'il  s  etait  passe  comme,  longtemps  apres,  le  Baron  voulut 
le  faire  croire,  il  en  faudrait  conclure  que  Jean  Jacques 


366  APPENDIX 

et  lui  ne  se  sont  plus  revus  depuis  1755.     Or  ils  ont  eu 

des  rapports  ensemble  posterieurement  a  cette  epoque. 
En  1757,  le  Baron  vint  a  la  Chevrette,  pour  voir  Rousseau 
moins,  il  est  vrai,  par  plaisir,  que  par  curiosite,  puisque 
c'etait  pour  voir  Jean  Jacques  amoureux — mais  Madame 
d'Epinay  aurait  evitd  de  les  faire  trouver  ensemble  si'ls 
eussdnt  cte  brouilles  a  Foccasion  du  cure  de  Monchauvet. 
Les  lettres  de  Madame  d'Epinay  a  Jean  Jacques  et 
celles  de  ce  dernier,  datees  de  la  Chevrette,  et  de  1757, 
prouvent  que  tous  les  deux  allerent  chez  le  baron  d' 
Holbach  ;  enfin  Diderot  y  mena  Rousseau  diner  dans  le 
meme  temps  .  .  .  Ce  mensonge,  bien  demontre,  suflSt 
pour  faire  reduire  le  temoignage  de  M.  d'Holbacli  a  sa 
juste  valeur ;  et  me  donne  I'occasion  de  rdpeter  une 
remarque  deja  faite  :  c'est  que  toutes  les  fois  qu'on 
verijie  une  accusation  contre  Jean  Jacques  lorsqu'il 
existe  des  materiaux  pour  le  faire,  on  arrive  an  meme 
resultat,  cest-d-dire  d  une  imputation  calomnieuse,  et 
ce  fait  est  sa^is  exception^ — Musset-Pathay,  Hist,  de 
J.  J.  Rousseau,  III  Partie  Biographic,  p.  132. 

NOTE  0  0  (p.  50) 

The  articles  of  La  Harpe,  selected  by  A.  A.  Barbier 
from  the  Mercure  de  France  and  reprinted  in  his 
Nouveau  Supplem^ent  au  Cours  de  Litterature  de  M.  de 
la  Harpe,  are  not  the  only  libels  the  editor  published 
against  Rousseau.  The  obituary  notice  of  October  1778, 
already  signalized,  was  followed  in  November  1778  by 
another  malicious  article,  where,  behind  the  pretence  of 
opening  a  subscription  for  Therese,  it  was  attempted 
to  establish  that  Rousseau  had  degraded  himself  in  the 
character  of  a  distinguished  man  of  letters,  by  making 
himself  a  copyist  of  music,  and  that  as  a  result  of  his 
vainglorious  independence,  he  left  his  widow  dependent 
upon  public  charity.  The  treacherous  assumption  of  a 
sympathetic  tone  belonged  to  the  methods  of  the  editor 
of  the  Mercure^  who,  as  the  director  of  a  printed  news- 


NOTE   CC  367 

paper  open  to  the  public,  could  not  allow  himself  the 
same  licence  in  attacking  a  revered  author  as  Orimin 
used  in  his  secret  manuscript  journal.  La  Ilarpe's 
professed  motive  was  to  start  a  subscription  for  the 
purchase  of  some  "  Musical  Airs  "  left  by  Rousseau,  and 
described  by  the  editor  of  the  Mercure  as  "  the  only 
inheritance  bequeathed  his  widow." 

"  On  aime  a  se  reprcjsenter  I'eloquent  et  profond 
auteur  du  Contrat  Social,''  writes  this  adroit  defamer, 
whose  mask  of  sympathy,  however,  does  not  conceal  his 
malice,  "  modulant  sur  un  clavier  des  airs  champctres, 
des  vaudevilles  et  des  romances ; — mais  on  s'etonne  de 
voir  ce  vehement  ecrivain,  ce  genie  libre  et  fier,  accout- 
ume  a  mediter  sur  les  interets  des  souvcrains,  et  des 
peuples,  et  ne  ce  semble  pour  leur  faire  adorer  la  justice, 
oubliant  tout  k  coup  sa  destinee  glorieuse,  pour  embrasser 
la  profession  des  mcrcenaires  et  devenir  un  simple  copiste 
de  musique  ! — celui  qui  consacra  des  hymncs  a  la  vertu, 
qui  sut  reveiller  en  nous  Tinstinct  sublime  de  la  liberte, 
qui  fait  encore  retentir  la  voix  do  la  nature  dans  le  ca3ur 
des  meres,  n'a-t-il  done  pas  pu  subsister  des  produits  de 
ses  chefs-d'ceuvre  ?  .  .  .  II  ne  laisse  pour  heritage  il  sa 
respectable  veuve  que  des  Memoires,  dont  elle  ne  pout 
tirer  aucun  parti,  parceque  des  convenances  socialcs  en 
arretent  la  publicite.  L'unique  ressource  de  Madame 
Rousseau  consiste  en  un  recueil  de  ijetits  airs,  composed 
par  I'auteur  d'Emile  et  d'Heloise :  elle  offre  ce  recueil 
au  public,  moyennant  une  souscription  d'un  louis." 

[This  imposture  was  exposed  by  Madame  do  la  Tour, 
and  by  other  writers  in  the  Annee  Litteraire,  the 
Journal  de  Paris,  and  elsewhere.  It  was  pointed  out 
that  it  was  not  to  follow  a  "  mercenary  profession,"  to 
earn  one's  bread  by  labour,  instead  of  obtaining  it  by 
flattery  and  favour ;  and  it  was  established  also  that 
Rousseau's  widow,  who  had  settled  on  her  two  pensions, 
and  for  whom  the  Count  de  Girardin  had  arranged  that 
she  should  receive  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  a  new 
general  edition  of  her  illustrious  husband's  works,  stood 


368  APPENDIX 

in  no  need  of  the  assistance  of  his  "  benefactors  and  old 
friends,"  whose  services  and  friendship  had  taken  the 
shape  of  persecutions  and  calumnies.] 


NOTE  D.     THE  MSS. 
NOTE   TO   MS,,    AK CHIVES   AND   ARSENAL 

Comparison  of  the  old  cahiers  and  new  cahiers  that 
replace  them  in  the  Arsenal  Manuscript,  where  some  of 
the  alterations  made  in  the  original  narrative  to  carry- 
out  the  suggestions  of  the  Notes  can  be  traced. 

ARSENAL  MANUSCRIPT 

NOTES  OF  SOME  OLD  CAHIERS  THAT  ARE  REPLACED  BY 

NEW  ONES 

Old  cahier  142  replaced  by  new  cahier  137 
155  „  „  147 

157  „  „  149 

158  „  „  150 

159  „  „  151 
161              „               „  153 

COMPARISON   OF   THE   MANUSCRIPTS 

(It  has  been  said  that  all  the  "  changes  "  made  in  the 
corrected  cahiers  of  the  Archives  and  Arsenal  Manuscripts 
are  to  be  found  faithfully  reproduced  in  the  copy  which 
is  the  manuscript  of  the  Historical  Library  of  Paris,  in 
the  Rue  de  Sevigne.  Here  is  an  assertion  that  must  be 
verified  by  a  comparison  of  the  manuscripts  themselves. 
But  among  the  cahiers  of  the  Arsenal  Manuscript  there 
are  several  old  ones  that  can  be  compared  with  new 
ones  which  replace  them.  I  am  about  to  point  out 
several  corrections  in  the  first  narrative,  which  this 
comparison  enables  one  to  discover.) 

Cahier  142  of  the  Arsenal  Manuscript  is  an  old  one 


NOTE    D  369 

which    is    replaced    by   cahier    137    of    the   Archives 
Manuscript. 

The  differences  one  perceives  between  the  first  version 
and  the  corrected  narrative  serve  to  show  (1)  what  were 
the  real  sentiments  of  Madame  d'Epinay  towards  her 
cousin,  Madame  d'Houdetot ;  (2)  the  care  taken  by  the 
author  to  obey  the  instructions  contained  in  one  of  the 
Notes  (127) — ''Reject  all  j^ccssionate  letters  in  the  first 
love  affair :  these  must  have  a  tone  of  esteem,  of 
confidence;  make  the  mother,  the  children,  and  all, 
appear  relatively  to   Volx." 

Letter  of  Mdme.  d'Epinay  to  M.  Grimm,  old  cahier 
142,  new  cahier  137.  Brunet  Manuscript,  vol.  vii.  ; 
Memoires,  vol.  iii.  p.  6. 

(It  will  be  seen  that  this  note  has  been  obeyed.  In  the 
letters  to  Volx  the  expressions  of  love  are  replaced  by 
others  that  signify  "confidence"  and  "esteem."  The 
mother,  the  children,  and  all,  appear  relatively  to  Volx.) 

End  of  a  letter  from  Volx  to  Mdme.  de  M. : — 

Old  cahier  142.  New  cahier  137. 

"  I  kiss  these  eyes  which         "  Adieu.     I  beg  you  to 

are  to  my  soul  what   the     offer  my  homage  to  your 

sunshine  is  to  the  plants."       mother,    and    to    embrace 

Erased  and  corrected  as     the  children  for  me,  if  this 

in  cahier  137.  should   not   offend   Mdlle. 

Pauline's  dignity." 

Reply  of  Mdme.  de  M.  to  M.  V.  :— 

Old  cahier  142.  New  cahier  137. 

"  I  come  to  speak  with  "  I  thank   you   for   the 

you,  my  tender  friend.     I  explanations  you  give  me 

cannot  forget  your  position,  alwut  that  tone  of  reserve 

Oh,  my  friend,  how  sorry  which,  I   admit,    has   tor- 

I  feel  for  you  !     You  will  niented  mc  a  little.     I  fall 

never  be  able  to  bear  all  at   your   feet,  and    render 

24 

VOL.  I.  ''^ 


370 


APPENDIX 


your  sorrows  alone.  Let 
me  share  them.  If  I  were 
the  mistress  of  fate  you 
would  only  have  happiness, 
and  you  should  always  be 
happy.  I  should  begin  by 
making  you  return  to  me. 
But,  look  at  me  from  where 
you  are.  You  will  see  that 
your  Emilie  is  neither  sad 
nor  gay  with  her  friends 
— only  a  little  distraite.  If 
you  see  her  alone,  you  will 
see  her  in  a  jDrofound 
reverie,  with  damp  eyes,  a 
smiling  mouth,  sighing  at 
times  and  calling  to  you  as 
though  you  could  hear  her. 
Yes,  my  friend,  solitude — 
your  letters — your  image 
— that  is  what  can  save 
me.  I  take  pleasure  in  my 
melancholy:  everything  that 
diverts  me  from  it  annoys 
me  and  makes  me  im- 
patient." 

Marked  out.  Note 
written  in  the  margin  as  in 
cahier  137. 


justice  to  your  sublime 
prudence.  Yes,  my  friend, 
not  for  the  first  time  can 
I  say  that  I  feel  that  one 
can  be  led  by  you  in  all 
security.  Every  day  you 
inspire  me  more  and  more 
with  the  sense  of  security 
felt  by  a  child  who  sleeps 
on  his  mother's  knees.  I 
am  neither  sad  nor  gay, 
but  somewhat  distraite. 
This  condition  has  its 
charm,  and  I  cannot  easily 
forgive  any  one  who  at- 
tempts to  wrest  me  from 
it." 


Conclusion  of  the  letter  :- 
"You  ask  me  if  I  keep 
my  heart  for  you  ?  How 
could  I  not  keep  it  for 
you,  0  my  adorable  friend  ? 
Does  it  belong  to  me  ?  And 

o 

if  it  did  belong  to  me,  would 
I  not  give  it  to  you  ?     It 


"  I  have  read  Pauline 
the  passage  in  your  letter 
in  which  you  speak  of  her 
and  her  brother,  and  in 
which  you  beg  for  permis- 
sion to  embrace  her.  She 
looked  at  my  mother  and 


NOTE    D 


;7i 


waited  for  you  to  love 
— to  love  uniquely,  to  love 
for  ever." 

Marked  out.  Note 
written  in  the  margin  as  in 
cahier  137. 


said,  '  I  think  we  may 
give  him  permission.'  My 
mother  laughed  and  re- 
plied, '  Yes,  but  only  up 
to  the  time  of  his  return.' 
Pauline  said,  '  Certainly. 
And  afterwards  we  will 
see  ! ' "  (Pauline  was  six 
years  old.) 


Letter  of  Madame  Montbrillant  to  M.  Volx 


Old  cahier  142. 

"  I  was  obliged  to  leave 
you  yesterday  as  the  Com- 
tesse  de  Lange  arrived.  She 
was  TYiore  haggard  and 
excited  than  ever,  and 
screeched  like  a  blind 
ivoman;  I  believe  she  is 
going  mad.  ^  My  companion 
remained  silent  and  I  was 
bored.  She  threatened  ^  to 
come  here  on  a  few  days' 
visit.  /  shall  do  all  I 
can  to  ^wevent  this.  The 
Countess  wishes  to  meet 
Milord  and  his  Avife.  I 
shall  not  meddle  with  that. 
Ladi,  who  has  seen  little  of 
her,  does  not  like  her.  If 
Milord  speaks  to  me  about 
the  matter,  I  shall  beg  him 
not  to  consider  me.  While 
praising  the  heart  and  soul 
of  the  Countess,  I  shall  not 
hold  my  tongue  about  her 
insufferable  character.^'  ^ 


New  cahier  137. 
Changes. 


^  She  was  gayer  and  more 
excitable  than  ever. 


^  She  led  us  to  hope  that 
we  should  see  her  here  for  a 
few  days  with  la  Blainville. 
I  shall  do  all  I  can  to 
prevent  this,  if  I  can  do 
so  tvithout  ivounding  her, 
for  her  sister  is  dull  and 
insupportable. 


^  While  praising  the  heart 
of  the  Countess,  I  shall  not 
remain  silent  about  the 
ir7'egularity  of  this  liaison. 


372  APPENDIX 

Cahier  155  is  an  old  one  replaced  by  cahier  147,  which 
has  served  as  a  copy. 

Brunet  Manuscript,  vol.  viii.  page  29.  Mem.,  vol. 
iii.  page  143. 

In  these  cahiers  there  is  a  letter  from  Volx  to  Mdme. 
de  Montbrillant,  written  after  her  departure  for  Geneva. 
The  letter  gives  an  account  of  what  has  taken  place 
during  the  eight  or  ten  days  since  she  left.  In  the 
old  cahier  Volx  says  that  Garnier  has  sent  him  a  letter 
from  Rene.  This  incident  is  mentioned  neither  in  cahier 
147,  nor  in  the  Brunet  Manuscript. 

Volx  writes  :  "  You  did  very  well  in  not  replyiyig 
to  Rene}  It  is  my  turn  to  give  information  about 
him.  Since  your  departure,  strange  things — incredible 
things — have  taken  place.  I  myself,  who  witnessed 
them,  do  not  know  what  to  think.  0?i  the  day  of 
your  departure  I  received  a  letter  from  him  which 
was  full  of  madness  and  malice.  I  replied  as  he 
deserved,  and  as  you  always  should  have  done.  He 
returned  my  letter — so  that  there  is  an  open  rupture 
between  us.  Entre  nous,  I  have  seized  this  opportunity 
of  exposing  him  to  Garnier,  and  I  have  also  sent  him 
the  letter  he  lurote  you  on  the  day  of  your  departure. 
These  papers  have  at  least  justified  you  in  part  in  the 
eyes  of  Garnier  [and  /  have  done  the  rest  ^],  and  without 
knowing  it  Rene  himself  has  done  the  rest."^  But 
Garnier  has  sent  me  the  letter  which  Rousseau  gave  you 
to  deliver  to  him  (Garnier).     Do  you  know  what  this 

1  Brunet  knew  that  Madame  d'Epinay  had  replied  from  Geneva 
on  November  12  to  this  letter  of  Kousseau's  by  a  letter  which 
commenced — "  I  only  received  your  letter  of  October  29  upon  my 
arrival  here  on  November  9."  He  also  knew  that  this  letter  of 
October  29  from  Rousseau  to  Madame  d'Epinay  was  provoked  by 
the  first  reply  of  Grimm  on  October  28  to  a  long  letter  of  Rousseau's 
written  on  October  26  :  a  letter  which  Grimm  tried  to  show  was 
only  received  by  him  on  the  day  of  Madame  d'Epinay's  departure, 
November  1.  Brunet  attempts  to  get  out  of  the  dilemma  by  thus 
altering  the  phrase :  ^'Afew  days  before  yoiir  departure  I  received  a 
letter  from  Rousseau." 

2  Cahier  155.  3  Cahier  147. 


NOTE    D  373 

pretended  letter  of  justification  contains  ?  It  accuses 
you  of  having  opened  his  letter.  And  from  this,  he 
says,  has  resulted  a  trouble  which  may  go  very  far  ;  for 
he  is  not  in  a  mind  to  pass  over  in  silence  the  falseness 
and  intrigues  of  his  pretended  friends,  and  thus  have 
their  wrong- doings  attributed  to  him."  ^ 

Cahier  157  is  an  old  one  replaced  by  cahier  149; 
the  Brunet  Manuscript,  vol.  viii.  page  38 ;  Mem.,  vol. 
iii.  page  154. 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  a  Volx :  "  /  want  to  ash  you 
what  is  this  printed  letter  hy  Rene,  of  ivhich  Voltaire 
has  heard.'^  He  accuses  a  friend  herein  of  the  most 
abominable  treachery.  It  is  said  that  he  refers  to  Gamier 
in  a  manner  that  makes  his  identity  unmistakable. 
What  does  this  fresh  outrage  mean?  On  what  is  it 
founded  ?  Is  it  what  you  wrote  to  me  about  the  Marquis 
Dulaurier  ?  " 

In  the  old  cahier  157  this  question  is  inserted  as  a 
note  in  the  margin,  ivhich  proves  that  it  did  not  form 
'part  of  the  original  letter.^  And  this  explains  itself 
when  one  remembers  that  the  Letter  to  d'Alemhert  only 
appeared  in  October  1758  ;  that  it  was  only  in  May  1758 
that  Rousseau  heard  from  Madame  d'Houdctot  of 
Diderot's  treachery  ;  and  that  Madame  d'Epinay's  letter 
was  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  December 
1757. 

In  the  same  letter  Tronchin  is  stated  to  have  shown 
a  letter  of  Rene's,  which  was  certainly  not  written  by 
Rousseau.  (Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  page  155.  New  cahier  149, 
old  cahier  157,  Brunet  Manuscript,  vol.  viii.  page  38.) 

"  '  Madame,  only  a  monster  could  think  and  write  thus 
of  his  friend.  Beware  of  him  :  /  am  making  a  great 
mistake  if  he  is  not  a  knave.'  Then  I  told  Tronchin  of 
everything  concerning  me  in   the  matter ;  of  the  last 

1  In  cahier  155  only.     Totally  omitted  from  cahier  147. 

2  The  editor  of  the  Memoirs  has  thus  altered  the  phrase  :  "  What 
is  this  letter  of  Rousseau's  to  D'Alenibert,  which  is  appearing  % 

2  See  facsimile  of  this  pa^e  from  cahier  157. 


374  APPENDIX 

troubles  we  have  had  with  this  man  ;  and  he  is  indignant, 
but  not  surprised.  He  showed  me  a  letter  which  a  M. 
i\r. ,  a  j^rettc/icr,  received  yesterday  from  Garnier." 

Old  cahier  157 — "  .  .  •  which  he  recently  received 
from  Gar7iier." 

Cahier  158  is  an  old  one  replaced  by  cahier  150.  In 
the  old  cahier  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  in  telling  Volx  of 
the  illness  that  overtook  her  before  arriving  at  Geneva, 
observes :  "I  remembered  that  already  upon  a  previous 
occasion  Costa  ^  had  tried  to  persuade  me  to  abandon  the 
journey  on  the  grounds  that  it  would  be  too  fatiguing." 
This  phrase  is  marked  out  in  cahier  150.  Probably  her 
critics  told  Madame  d'Epinay  that  she  had  said  before 
that  Tronchin  refused  to  treat  her  unless  he  had  her 
under  his  eyes. 

Cahier  159  is  an  old  one  replaced  by  cahier  151. 
Grimm  disliked  Madame  de  Montbrillant's  son.  He  is 
extremely  maltreated  in  the  Memoirs.  In  the  old  cahiers, 
in  speaking  of  her  illness,  she  says  :  "  The  indifference  of 
the  little  Montbrillant  contributed  a  good  deal  to 
sadden  my  soul."  Above  "the  little  Montbrillant,"  in 
Madame  d'Epinay 's  handwriting  is  "  my  son."  And  it 
is  "  my  son"  that  figures  in  cahier  151. 

Cahier  161  is  an  old  one  replaced  by  cahier  153. 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  gives  an  account  of  her  relations 
with  Voltaire. 

The  old  cahier :  "  I  am  so  frightened  of  going  too 
far  that  I  prefer  to  go  slowly ;  that  was  why  I  did  not 
show  myself  eager  to  accept  the  advances  of  Voltaire. 
I  did  well ;  for,  according  to  my  oracle,  he  treats  me 
very  differently  from  the  way  he  treats  others."  ("  Ac- 
cording to  what  every  one  tells  me."  Cahier  153.)  "  Until 
now  he  has  only  met  women  who  threw  themselves  at 
his  head  or  ivho  ivere  co7itent  to  disjpe7ise  ivith  all 
formality ;  and  as  he  does  not  care  to  be  troubled,  and 
has  not  much  consistency  and  sequence  in  his  wishes, 
he  has  got  to  behave  more  freely  thayi  he  should 
^  In  the  old  Cahier  "  Costa  "  figures  instead  of  Tronchin. 


NOTE    D 


375 


toivards  ivomen  ivho  are  not  his  mistresses — thus  he 
keeps  ^  them  tvcdtiiig  tivo  hours,  receives  them  iyi  his 
dressing-gown,  or  tells  them  sharjdy  that  they  have 
arrived  inopportunely.  But  mc  he  receives  with  the 
greatest  respect."  (Cahier  153.) 

Cahier  153  (corrected) :  "He  wrote  them  verses,  then 
he  made  fun  of  them.  I,  who  do  not  care  for  verses  or 
for  compliments,  assumed  a  very  different  tone  with  him. 
He  felt  it.  He  receives  me  with  the  greatest  respect 
and  courtesy." 

Old  cahier  161:  "I  have  been  polite  to  his  niece 
— but  I  allowed  the  uncle  to  understand  that  it  was 
for  him  that  I  came,  and  expressed  this  with  a  charm 
that  you  have  sometimes  known  in  your  Emilie." 

New  cahier  153  :  "I  get  on  very  well  with  the  niece, 
but  I  have  let  the  uncle  know  that  it  is  to  him  that  I 
am  paying  homage.  This  I  think  I  have  done  prettily, 
and  with  great  success." 

Old  cahier  161:  "I  admire  my  tender  friend. 
With  what  delicacy  you  bring  foward  all  that  can  please 
me  !  You  only  arc — you  !  But  you  don't  speak  any 
longer  of  the  Marquis.  Tell  him  how  much  I  like  him. 
And  tell  me  in  detail  of  the  effect  produced  by  my 
accident,  especially  at  Milord's.  The  little  one  (herself) 
is  sensitive.  She  is  even  a  little  vain ;  she  believes 
herself  cherished  by  all  these  good  people ;  she  says 
she  deserves  it — and  she  awards  any  one  a  place  in  her 
heart  according  to  her  inclination  and  to  the  reward 
she  will  get  in  return." 

New  cahier  153:  "Tell  me  about  Pauline  and  also 
about  my  mother,  and  let  me  hear  of  the  effect  caused  by 
my  accident,  especially  on  my  daughter.  Do  not  forget 
to  tell  the  Marquis  how  much  I  like  him,  also  Milord. 
I  admit  that  I  feel  somewhat  vain  at  being  cherished  by 
all  these  good  people." 

Cahier  163,  an  old  one,  is  much  corrected. 

Was  Grimm  jealous  of  Voltaire's  attentions  to  his 
(Grimm's)  mistress  ?     In  any  case,  we  sec  that  Madame 


376  APPENDIX 

d'Epinay  made  an  effort  to  convince  Grimm  that  she 
was  indifferent  to  the  great  man. 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  to  Volx :  "I  am  going  to 
make  an  effort  to  tell  you  what  I  think  of  Voltaire, 
before  summing  up  the  courage  to  speak  to  you  of 
myself.  Well,  my  friend,  I  do  not  like  him  at  all. 
Everything  is  su])e7'ficial  in  him."  (Marked  out.  Written 
above.)  "  I  should  not  like  to  live  incessantly  with 
him."     (See  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  page  196.) 

Among  the  old  cahiers  at  the  Arsenal,  between  154 
and  168,  one  notices  that  two  are  missing:  156,  which 
would  have  given  the  first  narrative  of  Madame 
d'Epinay's  accident  during  her  journey  to  Geneva, 
related  in  cahier  149  ;  and  cahier  167,  which  would  have 
mentioned  Madame  de  Mont])rillant's  second  malady, 
which  occurred  so  unfortunately  at  the  moment  of  the 
accouchement  of  her  maid,  related  in  cahier  166. 

NOTE   ON   THE   TITLE    'HISTORY  OF   MADAME   RAMBURE  * 

This  title — "  History  of  Madame  Rambure  " — appears 
at  the  head  of  a  loose  page  of  the  Arsensal  Manuscript. 
The  name  "  Rambure  "  has  been  marked  out  and  that  of 
"  Montbrillant "  written  in  its  place.  I  give  it  as  it 
stands.  The  page  is  numbered  4.  "  The  Announcement 
of  the  Editor,"  on  this  page,  is  in  Madame  d'Epinay's 
handwriting. 

"The  misfortunes  that  overwhelmed  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  are  known  to  everybody.  The  tears  shed 
by  the  sensitive  on  her  tomb  are  not  yet  dry.  But  few 
people  are  acquainted  with  the  details  of  the  sad  events 
that  so  tried  her  courage  during  a  space  of  forty  years.  ^ 
The  attachment  I  have  had  for  her  since  childhood,  the 
cares  and  interests  that  were  confided  me  upon  the 
death  of  her  father,  the  friendship  and  entire  con- 
fidence she  had  in  me,  have  made  known  to  me  the 
most  intimate  movements  of  this  unfortunate  woman.^ 

1  Fifteen  is  written  above  the  number  forty. 

2  "  Woi'thy  "  is  written  above  the  word  "unfortunate." 


NOTE    D  ^^'j 

I  consider  it  a  duty  to  her  memory  to  give  them  to  the 
public  to-day.  My  aim  in  publishing  the  history  of  her 
misfortunes  is  to  justify  her  in  the  eyes  of  the  public, 
who  suspect  her  of  frivolity,  of  coquetterie,  of  lack  of 
character — charges  occasionally  brought  against  her 
memory  (correction)  ...  is  less  to  hold  her  up  as  an 
example  of  virtue  and  of  constancy  than  to  clear  her 
name  of  the  reproaches  of  weakness  and  of  cowardice. 

"  From  these  details  one  will  learn  not  to  condemn  too 
hastily.  These  Memoirs  should  also  serve  as  a  lesson  to 
mothers.  They  will  perceive  there  the  danger  of  an 
education  that  is  timid  and  uncertain.  The  one  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  received  rendered  her  timid — so  that  it 
took  a  number  of  years  of  misfortune  to  restore  to  her 
her  natural  firmness  of  character. 

"As  I  am  fearful  of  spoiling  the  colours  of  the  tableau 
I  am  about  to  lay  before  jt'ou  in  all  their  exactness,  I 
shall  content  myself  with  publishing  the  collection  of 
letters  I  have  scrupulously  kept,  both  those  by  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  herself  and  those  by  different  people 
who  corresponded  with  her  on  business  matters  or  as 
friends.  The  great  facility  with  which  she  wrote,  her 
naturalness,  her  sensibility,  her  credulity,  and  the  beauty 
of  her  soul  are  exhibited  in  her  correspondence.  It 
would  be  easy  for  me  to  supplement  by  fictitious 
letters,  those  that  are  wanting  to  complete  the  account 
of  liaisons  told  in  this  correspondence  ;  but  as  I  have 
already  said,  I  do  not  wish  to  depart  from  the  strict 
truth.  I  shall  rest  content,  therefore,  with  narrating 
myself  all  that  happened  to  my  friend.  It  is  for 
these  parts  alone  that  I  crave  indulg<^nce.  As  for  the 
letters  themselves,  since  they  are  original,  the  truth 
makes  .  .  .^  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  have  not  omitted 
the  smallest  details.     Madame  de  Montbrillant  was  the 

daughter  of  M.  de  G .     She  lost  her  father  at  the 

age  of  ten.     I  was  appointed   her  guardian,  together 

with  the  Marquise,  her  mother.   The  Marquis  de  G , 

1  ProbaLly  "  their  value,"  but  the  MS.  is  torn. 


378  APPENDIX 

the  father  of  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  was  a  sub- 
lieutenant ;  and  after  the  battle  of  X,  in  the  year  Z, 
he  was  given  the  command  of  Falzburg.  In  17 — ,  he 
started  to  establish  himself  in  Paris  with  his  wife  and 
daughter,  Emilie,  in  order  that  she  might  receive  an 
education  worthy  of  her  birth.  He  died  during  the 
journey.  The  Marquis,  who  had  always  led  an  honour- 
able life,  only  left  to  his  daughter  debts  and  an  income 
of  8000  livres.  During  their  marriage,  the  Marquis 
and  Marquise  only  possessed  an  income  of  2000 
livres.  .  .  ."     (Here  the  MS.  breaks  off.) 

NOTE  DD 

Arsenal  Notes — where  directions  are  given  for  entirely 
re-writing  the  story  of  Rene  ;  and  where  we  discover 
accordingly  what  does  not  belong  to  Madame  d'Epinay's 
original  narrative. 

These  Notes  are  on  loose  scraps  of  paper — the  fac- 
similes given  of  the  two  most  important  amongst  them 
(see  facsimiles  8  and  9)  show  how  they  are  drawn  up. 
The  number  that  accompanies  each  note  indicated  the 
cahier  where  the  alteration  had  to  be  made.  It  has 
been  already  said  that  these  numbers  do  not  always 
now  show  the  number  of  the  altered  cahier,  because  as  a 
result  of  all  these  changes  the  manuscript  became  dis- 
arranged from  the  original  ordering.  But  in  the  case  of 
the  old  cahicrs  still  belonging  to  the  MS.  the  numbering 
of  the  references  still  corresponds  with  that  of  the 
cahiers. 

This  list  does  not  give  all  the  notes,  but  only  those 
which  refer  to  the  alterations  of  Eousseau's  history. 

NOTES    DES    CHANGEMENTS    A    FAIRE    DANS    LA    FABLE 

1.  On  the  general  descriptive  portrait  of  Rousseau. 

1.  Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  123. — Note  directing  re- 
writing of  story  of  Rousseau. — See  facsimile  9.  Re- 
prendre  Rene  des  le  commencement  il  faut  le  mettre 
dans    leurs    promenades   ou   conversations   a   defendre 


NOTE    DD  '  379 

quelques  theses  bizarres :  il  faut  qu'on  apprecie  qu'il  a 
cle  la  d^licatesse  beaucoup  de  gout  pour  les  femmes. 
Galamment  brusque  certain  terns  sans  le  voir.  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  en  demande  raison — il  repond  en  faisant 
le  portrait  de  tous,  beaucoup  d'honnetete  et  point  de 
moeurs,  demande  ce  qu'il  pense  d'elle — il  repond  ce 
qu'on  en  ditet  ce  qu'il  en  pense. 

Arsenal  Note,  Bef.  79. — Mettre  I'liistoire  de  Kene 
en  conversation  avec  lui  pour  le  rendre  moins  posticlie. 
II  a  du  cbagrin,  de  la  peine  ;  on  debute  par  jouer  la 
piece  de  Eene ;  voila  son  entree  dans  la  maison — la 
piece  etait  mauvaise  m.ais  d'un  bomme  d'esprit.  Mile. 
Darci  fera  le  portrait  du  Poete  et  de  la  piece. 

In  the  59th  (new)  cahier  of  the  Archives  MS.  we 
have  Mile.  Darci's  portrait  of  Rene  ;  which,  reported 
by  the  editor  of  the  printed  Memoirs  (vol.  i.  p.  275)  as 
the  portrait  of  Rousseau  by  Mile.  d'Ette,  is  frequently 
quoted  by  modern  critics  as  a  life-like  picture  of  Jean 
Jacques  by  a  contemporary,  handed  down  by  Madame 
d'Epinay. 

"  Nous  avons  debute  par  une  piece  nouvelle  par  M. 
Rene,  ami  de  Formeuse,"  Madame  d'Epinay  makes  her 
heroine  write — The  officious  editor  (with  his  "  knowledge 
of  the  times  "  always  at  hand  when  historical  accuracy 
can  be  introduced)  prints  this  "Nous  avons  debute  par 
V Eyigagement  Temeraire,  comedie  7iouvelle  de  M. 
Rousseau,  ami  de  Francueil"  As  a  matter  of  fact 
L'  Engagement  Temeraire  was  composed  not  for 
Madame  d'Epinay  and  her  circle  at  La  Chevrette  but  at 
Chenonceau,  for  Madame  Dupin,  in  the  days  when  this 
lady,  by  Grimm's  account,  would  not  let  Rousseau  dine 
at  table  when  she  entertained  men  of  letters  ! — And  now 
for  the  description  of  the  "  Poet,"  which  follows  this 
first  mantion  of  Rene. 

"  Un  homme  de  beaucoup  d'esprit  et  peut-etre  un 
homme  singulier,"  affirms  Madame  de  Montbrillant. 
"  II  est  complimenteur,  sans  etre  poll ;  ou  au  moins  sans 
en  avoir  Fair.     II  parait  ignorer  les  usages  du  monde ; 


38o  APPENDIX 

mais  il  est  aise  de  voir  qu'il  a  infiniment  d'esprit.  II  a 
le  teint  brun,  et  des  ycux  plcins  dc  feu  animent  sa 
pliysionomie.  Lorsqu'il  a  parle,  et  qu'on  le  regarde,  il 
parait  joli ;  mais  lorsqu'on  le  rappelle,  c'cst  toujours  en 
laid.  On  dit  qu'il  a  des  souffrances  qu'il  caclie  avec  soin 
par  je  ne  sais  quel  principe  de  vanite :  c'est  apparem- 
ment  ce  qui  lui  donne  de  temps  en  temps  I'aii'  farouche." 
— "  Formeuse  nous  a  pr^sente  le  pauvre  diable  d'auteur," 
relates  the  vivacious  Mile  Darci, — "  qui  vous  est  pauvre 
comme  Job  mais  qui  a  de  Tesprit  et  de  la  vanite  comma 
quatre.  Sa  pauvrete  I'a  force  de  se  mettre  aux  gages  de 
la  belle-mere  de  Formeuse  en  qualite  de  secretaire.  On 
dit  toute  son  histoire  aussi  bizarre  que  sa  personne." 

We  have  only  to  compare  this  description  with  the 
model  of  the  mythical  Jean  Jacques  sketched  out  for 
Madame  d'Epinay  in  the  note  where  she  is  told  to 
entirely  re-write  her  original  sketch  of  Rene,  to  know 
with  certainty  who  are  the  true  authors  of  this 
portrait. 

The  circumstances  of  Rousseau's  first  acquaintance- 
ship with  Madame  d'Epinay  have  been  already  examined. 
As  for  the  theatricals  at  La  Chcvrettc,  the  author  of  the 
Confessions  speaks  of  them ;  but  he  does  not  say  that 
his  own  play  was  performed  there.     He  says : — 

"  Notwithstanding  my  stupidity  and  awkwardness, 
Madame  d'Epinay  wished  me  to  share  in  the  amuse- 
ments at  La  Chevrette ;  there  was  a  theatre  there,  where 
plays  were  often  acted.  They  gave  me  a  part,  which  I 
studied  incessantly  for  six  months,  and  which  I  had  to 
be  prompted  in  from  first  line  to  last,  upon  the  night  of 
the  representation.  After  this,  they  did  not  ofi'er  me  a 
part  again." 

"Pttre  ajfectation  de  gaucherie  que  ce  recit!"  ex- 
claims Saint-Marc  Girardin  ;  "  Madame  d'Epinay  dans 
ses  Memoires  7'aconte  Vhistoire  tout  autrement,"  and 
the  critic  proceeds  to  quote  what  we  know  is  not 
Madame  d'Epinay's  account,  but  one  that  affords  nega- 
tive evidence  only  of  what  she  did  not  relate. 


NOTE    DD  381 

2.    DUCLOS'  INTRODUCTION  TO  MADAME  d'ePINAY 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  104. — "  II  faut  que  Bene  parlc  de 
Desbarre  ^ — service  rendu.  Desire  le  connaitre  Formeuse 
en  fait  I'eloge  quoique  le  connaissant  peu — on  prie  Eene 
de  I'amener.  On  ne  Fa  pas  comme  on  veut,  e'est  parce- 
qu'il  ne  me  refuserait  rien  que  je  ne  veux  rien  lui 
demander — dire  enfin  j'ai  vu  Desbarres." 

This  second  note,  belonging  to  the  early  acquaintance- 
ship of  Rene  and  the  confiding  Madame  de  Montbrillant, 
refers  to  a  fictitious  history  Ren^  relates  to  his  patroness, 
gaining  thereby,  not  only  sympathy  for  himself,  but  also 
interest  in  a  personage  painted  in  the  novel  as  a  more 
dangerous,  if  not  a  more  despicable,  scoundrel  than 
himself,  viz.  Desbarres :  (a  personage  who  stands  to 
represent  Duclos) — (See  69  New  Archives  Cahier.) 

Madame  de  Montbrillant  is  writing  to  Formeuse  : — 

"  We  took  a  delightful  walk  to-day :  only  the 
presence  of  my  tenderly-loved  friend  was  needed  to 
complete  my  soul's  satisfaction.  A  conversation  I  had 
with  Rene  during  this  walk  enchanted  me.  How  is  it 
you  have  never  told  me  about  Desbarres ;  and  the 
service  he  has  rendered  Rene?  There  is  a  man  one 
should  build  altars  to  !  And  with  what  simplicity  Rene 
told  his  own  misfortunes  !  I  am  still  deeply  moved  by  it 
all. — Perhaps  you  already  know  the  whole  story  ?  and 
yet  I  feel  that  I  must  write  it  down  for  you,  just  as 
Rene  told  it  me.  I  was  curious  to  know  his  history ; 
and  to  lead  up  naturally  to  my  questions,  I  asked  him 
if  he  had  been  long  in  Paris  ? 

"'Three  years,  madame,'  he  replied. 

"  '  Dare  I  ask  you,  sir,'  I  said,  '  what  brought  you 

here  ? ' 

^  "  E.en6  must  be  made  to  speak  of  the  service  rendered  him  by 
Deshao'res.  She  desires  to  know  him.  Formeuse  praises  him,  though 
he  only  knows  him  slightly  :  they  beg  Ren6  to  introduce  him.  (He 
replies  :)  '  Owe  cannot  have  him  easily :  and  just  because  he  would  not 
refuse  me  anything,  I  should  not  ask  anything  of  him.^  When  she 
has  seen  him,  she  should  say :  'Well,  I  have  met  Desbarres.'" 


382  APPENDIX 

" '  The  necessity  of  enduring  an  injustice ;  and  the 
prospect  of  being  hanged.' 

*'  '  Sir  !  is  it  possible  ? ' 

"  '  Yes,  madame  ;  and  if  this  did  not  come  about,  I  owe 
it  to  M.  Desbarres,  who,  to  save  me,  ran  the  risk  of 
involving  himself  in  serious  troubles.' 

" '  You  awaken  my  curiosity  as  much  as  you  inspire  me 
with  interest;  and  if  I  did  not  fear  to  be  indiscreet, 
I  .  .   .  .' 

"  '  Fear  nothing  of  the  sort,  madame  ;  the  only  way  I 
can  repay  M.  Desbarres  is  by  acknowledging  my  own 
faults,  and  his  benefits.' 

"  '  You  wish  to  know  how  I  came  to  be  in  danger  of 
hanging  ?  Well,  because  I  happen  to  be  an  honest  man ; 
and  because  for  once  in  my  life  (!)  I  was  true  to  myself, 
and  a  faithful  friend.' 

"  '  I  w^as  in  Spain  as  attached  to  M.  le  Due  de  P , 

and  I  was  very  intimate  with  the  secretary  of  the 
English  ambassador.  He  was  honest  and  virtuous  : 
and  could  thus  expect  as  little  as  I  could  to  be  for- 
tunate. It  is  true  that  his  simplicity  almost  amounted 
to  stupidity  :  but  he  played  chess  well ;  and  at  this 
time  chess  was  my  chief  pleasure.  He,  on  his  side,  was 
very  intimate  with  a  Portuguese  Jesuit.  On  several 
occasions  I  had  dined  with  them  and  heard  their  con- 
versations, invariably  devoted  to  their  private  business 
enterprises — the  Jesuit  having  interested  my  friend  in  a 
trade  he  was  carrying  on  with  India.  I  had  often  joked 
with  them  about  their  ambitious  projects,  and  had  told 
them  they  would  certainly  conquer  the  world,  if  they 
did  not  get  hanged  before  accomplishing  it.  One  day 
this  worthy  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  arrived  with 
an  important  air,  to  request  my  friend  to  write  at  once 
a  letter  of  which  he  brought  him  a  copy.  He  had  the 
stupidity  to  write  it,  without,  as  he  afterwards  assured 
me,  having  understood  what  it  was  about ;  and  also  to 
sign  certain  bills  of  exchange.  A  few  days  later  the 
Jesuit  disappeared   and   my  friend  was   arrested  as  a 


NOTE    DD  383 

forger  !  They  produced  his  letter  as  proof  against  him  : 
and  his  ambassador,  who  at  first  had  reclaimed  him, 
then,  by  a  policy  often  practised  by  the  great,  left  him 
to  his  fate.  I,  who  knew  how  it  had  all  come  about, 
considered  myself  bound  to  bear  witness  in  my  friend's 
favour,  I  presented  myself  in  court,  and  I  gave  an 
absolutely  truthful  account  of  all  I  knew  :  and  I  did  not 
spare  the  monk.  I  offered  to  confirm  my  statement  by 
oath.  My  testimony  was  accepted.  I  had  the  im- 
prudence to  make  known  to  my  friend  by  writing  the 
steps  I  had  taken  ;  and  to  promise  him  success.  The 
next  day  I  was  denounced  to  the  Inquisition  as  an 
impostor,  the  calumniator  of  the  reverend  fathers,  and 
my  friend's  accomplice.  I  was  thrown  into  prison,  and 
M.  le  Due  de  P.,  who  was  a  pious  Catholic,  and  who  owed 
me  money  he  could  not  pay,  felt  conscientious  scruples 
against  defending  me.  By  general  consent,  I  was  con- 
demned to  be  hanged.  M.  Desbarres,  who  was  travelling 
with  the  Cardinal  X.,  happened  to  be  then  in  Spain.  I 
had  been  in  literary  correspondence  with  him ;  and 
hearing  of  my  case,  he  obtained  permission  to  see  me. 
He  decided  that  I  was  innocent ;  and  not  being  able  to 
get  the  judgment  altered,  he  used  every  effort  to  induce 
the  French  ambassador  to  claim  me  and  get  my  case 
judged  in  France.  This  was  made  difiicult  by  my  im- 
prudent letter  to  my  friend,  which  seemed  to  justify  the 
suspicion  that  I  was  his  accomplice.  M.  Desbarres  first 
of  all  thought  to  get  me  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Inquisition  by  bribery.  It  cost  him  a  hundred  thousand 
crowns  ;  I  have  since  discovered  that  this  meant  half  his 
yearly  income.  At  length,  as  a  result  of  his  credit  and 
exertions,  I  was  sent  to  France  to  be  tried  over  again, 
and,  very  likely,  condemned  over  again,  if  M.  Desbarres, 
instead  of  continuing  his  travels,  which  were  to  have 
lasted  two  months  longer,  had  not  left  the  cardinal  in 
Spain;  and  returned  for  the  sake  of  a  wretched  man 
brought  back  as  a  criminal.  His  credit  and  reputation 
for  uprightness  in  Paris,  and  the  interest  his  talents  and 


384  APPENDIX 

merits  have  made  for  him  at  court,  hardly  sufficed  to 
obtain  the  revision  of  my  case.  It  was  a  year  before  I 
was  at  length  declared  innocent,  and  free  to  earn  my 
bread  by  the  sweat  of  my  brow.  I  then  made  the 
acquaintance  of  M.  de  Formeuse,  who  found  me  a  post 
in  his  father's  house ;  whence  I  derive  my  livelihood. 
Here,  madame,  you  have  the  story  of  my  misfortunes, 
and  of  M.  Desbarres'  benefits.' 

"  '  You  give  me,  sir,  the  strongest  desire  to  know  this 
worthy  man  ;  I  confess  that  it  would  be  one  of  the  great 
privileges  of  my  life  :  could  you  not  persuade  him  to  do 
me  the  honour  of  coming  to  see  me  ? ' 

*'  'Madame,  what  you  ask  is  most  difficult — one  cannot 
have  him  easily,  he  is  so  much  sought  after ;  besides , 
precisely  because  he  would  not  refuse  me  anything,  I 
ivould  not  ask  him  to  do  anything.  He  has  already 
done  too  much  for  me,  since  I  can  never  do  anything 
for  him.' 

"  Oh,  my  friend !  how  happy  his  own  conduct  must 
have  made  Desbarres !  What  a  satisfaction  to  have 
saved  the  life  and  reputation  of  a  worthy  man." 

It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  motive  of  this 
incredible  fable  was  to  imply  that  Rousseau  entertained 
Madame  d'Epinay  with  falsehoods ;  or  whether  it  was 
thrown  in  as  other  patently  fictitious  episodes  are,  to 
keep  up  the  pretension  that  the  author,  whilst  founding 
her  story  on  facts,  is  not  responsible  for  the  conclusions 
her  readers  may  draw  as  to  the  original  persons  and 
events  she  has  in  view,  when  utilizing  her  own  ex- 
periences for  her  novel.  This  deliberate  falsification  of 
historical  and  well-known  events  leads  those  editors  of 
the  work  who  have  pledged  themselves  to  the  theory  of 
its  "  veracity "  to  strange  devices.  In  this  case  the 
editor  Brunet  escapes  the  necessity  of  explanations  by 
suppressing  the  story  altogether ;  and  by  referring  his 
readers  to  Rousseau's  own  account  of  his  quarrel  with 
M.  de  Montaigu,  French  ambassador  at  Venice,  given 
in  the  seventh  book  of  the  Confessio7is.     The  authors  of 


NOTE    DD  385 

La  Jeunesse  de  Madame  d'Ejnnay  reproduce  the  story, 
hut  permit  themselves  to  change  the  phrase,  "fetais  en 
Espagne  attache  d  M.  le  Due  de  P."  into  "fetais  d 
Venise  attache  d  M.  le  Comte  de  Mo7ita{gu,"  without 
esteeming  it  necessary  to  inform  their  readers  that  they 
have  made  this  alteration.  They  take  the  opportunity, 
however,  to  remind  their  readers  in  a  note  that  the 
author  of  the  Co7ifessions  acknowledges  that  in  his 
young  days  in  Savoy  he  passed  himself  off  as  an  English- 
man upon  the  more  charming  than  estimable  lady, 
Madame  Larnage,  whom  he  met  on  the  road  to  Mont- 
pellier ;  and  consequently,  they  suggest,  he  may  have 
lied  to  Madame  d'Epinay.  E.  Scherer  also  settles  the 
difficulty  in  this  off-hand  manner.  The  just  solution  is 
that  the  "  some  one  "  who  lied  in  this  case  was  neither 
Kousseau  nor  Madame  d'Epinay,  but  the  author  of  the 
plot  to  revise  her  story  from  the  commencement. 

3. 

Supposed  false  charges  against  Madame  d'Epinay 
after  Madame  de  JuUy's  death.  Grimm's  supposed  duel 
and  Rousseau's  (supposed)  novel. 

(This  fable  is  fully  examined  vol.  ii.  pp.  0)^-7 Q.) 

Arsefial  Note,  Ref.  125. — "Madame  de  Menil  aura 
donne  un  diamont  a  Volnex  pour  ses  dettes,  il  part  elle 
meurt — Madame  de  Montbrillant  est  soup^onnee  de 
I'avoir  pris — les  uns  la  defendent,  les  autres  I'accusent 
— on  se  bat. 

"  Elle  dit  en  mourant :  II  est  a  Constantinople.  Je 
vais  dans  un  serail  ou  je  ne  lui  serai  pas  infidiile.^ 

"  E,61e  de  Rene  qui  prend  tons  ces  gens  la  pour  une 
caverne  de  fripons.    II  fit  un  roman  sur  les  bruits  publics 

^  Madame  de  Menil  shall  have  given  a  diamond  to  Volnex  to  pay- 
Ms  debts  with.  He  leaves.  She  dies.  Madame  de  Montbrillant  is 
suspected  of  having  taken  it.  Some  defend  and  others  accuse  her. 
They  fight. 

She  says  when  dying,  "  He  is  at  Constantinople.  I  am  entering  a 
harem  where  I  shall  never  be  unfaithful  to  him." 

VOL.  I.  25 


386  APPENDIX 

sur  Finjustice  des  reputations.  Cet  ouvrage  fut  donne 
sans  qu'il  se  nomme,  fit  grande  impression.  Eene  ou  Volx 
— alors  c'est  Rene  qui  se  nomme — tout  est  detruit,  avec 
beaucoup  de  talent,  il  n'en  peut  soufFrir  a  personne. 

"Dites  ce  qui  I'etonne  le  plus  c'est  de  voir  combien  on  est 
presse  de  deshonorer.  J'ai  peu  I'honneur  de  la  connaitre — 
je  sais  qu'elle  est  ricbe,  elle  a  de  I'esprit — on  dit  qu'elle 
est  honnete.  Je  ne  sais  si  elle  est  coupable  ou  non — cela 
n'est  pas  vraisemblable  mais  ma  foi  cela  me  donne  un 
souverain  mepris  j)our  ceux  qui  sont  si  presses  a  croire — il 
faut  avoir  peu  de  moeurs  pour  avoir  besoin  de  deshonorer 
les  autres  si  vite — et  il  se  bat  chez  le  Comte  de  G. 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  envoit  tons  les  jours  savoir  de 
ses  nouvelles.  Impression  de  cette  histoire  sur  le  mari, 
m^re,  toute  la  famille. 

"  Donnez  le  nom  de  Chevalier  a  Volx. 

"  Faites  une  lettre  oil  elle  peigne  Tefifet  que  son  malheur 
a  fait  sur  tous,  et  sur  Rene,  ce  n'est  pas,  dit-il,  le  moment 
que  les  gens  sont  a  plaindre  qu'ils  sont  malheureux — 
lorsqu'on  lui  reproche  qu'il  a  detruit  I'efFet  du  livre — ^je 
n'aime  pas  qu'on  me  donne  I'oeuvre  d'autrui,  ils  sont  trop 
bons  ou  pas  assez  pour  moi. — Note  I. 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  126. — "  Desbarres  veut  d^nigrer 
le  service  de  Volx — cela  n'a  servi  qu'a  faire  un  eclat  du 
diable." 

2.  (The  role  of  Rene,  who  describes  all  these  people  as  a 
den  of  thieves.  He  writes  a  novel,  about  public  gossip 
and  the  unjust  reputations  founded  upon  it.  This  book 
was  given  without  his  name  and  made  a  huge  impression. 
Was  it  by  Rene,  or  by  Volx  ?  Then  Rene  gives  his 
name :  the  whole  effect  is  spoilt :  with  any  amount  of 
cleverness  himself  he  can't  endure  that  other  people 
should  be  supposed  to  have  any. 

Say  that  what  astonishes  him  most,  is  to  see  in  what 
a  hurry  people  are  to  dishonour  others.  I  have  not  the 
honour  of  her  acquaintance.  I  know  she  is  rich  and 
clever,  and  passes  for  honest.  Whether  she  is  guilty  or 
no  I  don't  know,  but  it  doesn't  seem  probable  she  should 


NOTE    DD  387 

be,  and  on  my  faith !  I  feel  a  sovereign  contempt  for 
those  who  are  so  prompt  to  believe  it.  One  can't  be 
very  moral  oneself  if  one  is  so  ready  to  condemn  others. 
And  he  fights  at  the  house  of  the  Count  de  G. 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  sends  every  day  for  news  about 
him.  The  impression  made  by  this  story  on  the 
husband,  mother,  and  on  the  whole  family. 

Give  the  name  of  "  knight "  to  Volx.  Write  a  letter 
where  she  paints  the  effects  of  her  misfortune  on  every 
one — and  on  Rene. — "  It  is  not,"  he  says,  "  in  the 
moment  when  people  are  to  be  pitied  that  they  are 
unhappy" — when  people  reproach  him  with  havino- 
destroyed  himself  the  good  effect  his  book  had  made 
— "  I  don't  like  that  the  works  of  other  people  should 
be  attributed  to  me ;  either  they  are  too  good  for  me 
or  else  they  are  not  good  enough." 

Desbarres  seeks  to  depreciate  Volx'  services  : — all  this 
has  only  served  to  make  the  devil  of  a  fuss !) 

4.    THE  OFFER  OF  THE  HERMITAGE 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  130. — "Rene  est  triste,  la  vie  de 
Paris  I'ennuie,  I'injustice,  la  re  volte.  Arrive  de  Tronchin 
— Rene  le  presente. 

Ref.  134. — *'  Rene  vient  confier  les  propositions  de  la 
republique.  Ce  qu'on  lui  repond  on  en  fait  un  myst^re 
h,  Volx.  L'histoire  de  Rene  apprise  par  Costa  faire  a  ce 
sujet  la  conversation  sur  cette  partie  du  journal  entre 
Costa  et  Madame  de  Montbrillant — il  faut  que  Volx 
ignore  la  proposition  des  Roches,  quand  il  I'apprend — 
mon  ami,  repondit  elle,  ne  me  dites  pas  cela  deux  fois 
car  je  me  suis  toujours  si  mal  trouvee  de  faire  le  bien 
c[u'il  me  prendrait  peut-etre  envie  de  faire  le  mal  pour 
voir  si  je  ne  m'en  trouverais  pas  mieux. 

"  C'est  par  la  lettre  de  Costa  qu'il  I'apprend — porter  la 
vieille — faire  I'installation  de  Rene  aux  Roches.  Voir 
dans  une  lettre  de  Rene  ce  que  c'est  que  I'echange  des 
manteaux." 


388  APPENDIX 

The  translation  of  these  notes  is  given  and  the  facts 
are  fully  dealt  with,  vol.  i.  pp.  187-198. 

5.    FIRST  QUARREL  WITH  DIDEROT 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  134. — "Preparez  les  plaintes  de 
Rene  sur  Garnier,  e'est  Madame  Eloi  et  sa  fille  qui 
faisait  agir  Garnier  et  qui  jouait  Rene — on  apprend  par 
Volx  que  Rene  ne  met  de  I'insistance  a  cette  querelle 
que  vis  a  vis  de  Madame  de  Montbrillant — et  point  avec 
Garnier. 

"  Dites  que  Garnier  payait  I'entretien  des  Elois  ce  qui 
fait  qu'il  n'avait  plus  de  quoi  aller  voir  Rene.  " 

(Prepare  Rene's  complaints  about  Garnier.  It  was 
Madame  Eloi  and  her  daughter  who  stirred  up  Garnier 
to  act  and  who  imposed  upon  Rene :  Volx  affirms  that 
Rene  makes  this  quarrel  an  important  affair  only  with 
Madame  de  Montbrillant  and  not  with  Garnier. 

Say  that  Garnier  paid  for  the  support  of  the  Elois 
and  that  for  this  reason  he  could  not  afford  to  go  to  see 
Rene.) 

The  Archives  cahier  134  shows  that  pages  have  been 
inserted  where  this  new  version  of  the  story  appears. 

The  story  of  the  first  quarrel  with  Diderot  is  fully 
dealt  with,  vol.  ii.  pp.  14-23. 

6.   THE  ANONYMOUS  LETTER  AND  THE  FIRST  QUARREL 
WITH  MADAME  d'ePINAY 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  145  neuf  or  149  vieux. — "  Voir  si 
apres  la  lettre  commencee  il  ne  faut  pas  un  narre  du 
tuteur  qui  explique  tout  I'intrigue  de  Rene — il  faisait 
semblant  d'accuser  Madame  de  Montbrillant  d'avoir  pour 
le  detacher  de  la  comtesse  ecrit  une  lettre  anonyme  k 
Dulaurier  pour  accuser  Rene  et  elle  d'un  commerce  secret 
— il  est  certain  qu'il  y  eut  une  lettre  anonyme  a  Du- 
laurier ecrite,  et  il  y  a  lieu  de  croire  qu'il  fut  de  Rene 
lui  meme  peut-etre  faut  il  commencer  des  lors  I'intrigue 


NOTE    DD  389 

avec   Garnier  peut-etre  fliut  il  pour  cela  fairc  repartir 
Dulaurier." 

(The  translation  of  this  note  and  all  facts  of  this  libel 
are  given,  vol.  i.  pp.  241,  233.) 

7.  Rousseau's  visit  to  diderot  and  the  story  of 
garnier's  wife 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  141. — "La  femme  de  Garnier  qui 
n'est  qu'  une  bonne  femme  mais  qui  a  une  penetration 
peu  commune  voyant  son  mari  desole  Ic  lendemain  lui 
en  demande  la  raison  et  I'ayant  appris  lui  dit :  vous  ne 
connaissez  pas  cet  homme  la,  il  en  devore  d'envie  :  il 
fera  un  jour  quelque  grand  forfait  plutot  que  de  se 
laisser  ignorer.  Tiens,  je  ne  jurerais  pas  qu'il  ne  prit  le 
parti  des  Jesuites.  La  femme  de  Garnier  a  senti  juste 
mais  ce  n'est  pas  cela  que  Kene  fera ;  c'est  centre  les 
philosophes  qu'il  prendra  parti  et  finira  par  ecrire  centre 
ses  amis,  tournez  cela  a  la  fagon  de  Wolf." 

See  facsimile,  and  page  93  for  translation. 

For  complete  treatment  of  this  libel  see  vol.  ii.  pp. 
24-25. 

8,   Diderot's  letter  insisting  that  rousseau  should 

accompany  MADAME  d'ePINAY  TO  GENEVA 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  153. — "  Lorsque  Rene  se  devoile 
par  la  lettre  de  Garnier  trouvee  a  voila  done  I'enigme 
explique  ce  n'etait  done  pas  seulement  Debarre — c'etait 
Rene  qui  I'eloignait. 

Arseyial  Note,  Ref.  153. — "  II  ne  faut  pas  que  Madame 
de  Montbrillant  sache  encore  ce  que  contenait  la  lettre 
dont  elle  etait  chargee  par  Rene.  C'est  Volx  qui 
I'explique  au  154  cahier.  Refairc  la  petite  querelle 
avec  Volx  le  jour  du  depart.  Qu'elle  y  fait  moins 
I'enfant. 

*'  Pas  un  mot  Rene  a  Madame  de  Montbrillant  sur  ce 
que  Volx  a  ecrit ;  pas  de  reponse  de  lui,  il  faut  remplacer 
tout  cela."     {Note  also  ivritten  by  Diderot.) 


390  APPENDIX 

The  translation  and  explanation  of  these  notes,  which 
trace  the  story  that  Madame  d'Epinay  has  to  substitute 
tor  her  own  account  of  the  events  which  preceded  her 
departure  for  Geneva,  are  given  vol.  i.  pp.  274-295. 


9.    DIDEROT  S   SUPPOSED   COUNSELS   TO   ROUSSEAU   ABOUT 
HIS   LETTER   TO   SAINT-LAMBERT 

Arsenal  Note,  Ref.  155. — "II  manque  quelque  chose 
sur  I'afFaire  dc  Dulaurier,  Rene  et  Garnier, — cela  n'est 
pas  assez  clair — " 

The  reference  here  to  cahier  155  happens  to  enable 
us  to  discover  in  a  corrected  old  cahier  in  what  way  the 
affair  of  Dulaurier,  Rene  and  Garnier  has  been  added  to 
in  order  to  make  more  clear  the  version  of  the  story 
imposed  upon  Madame  d'Epinay.  Facsimile  No.  6 
reproduces  a  page  where  Diderot's  account  of  his  good 
advice  to  Rousseau  and  of  Rousseau's  deceitful  pretence 
of  having  followed  it  is  made  to  explain  his  betrayal  of 
Jean  Jaccjues  to  Saint-Lambert.  The  full  story  is  told 
vol.  ii.  pp.  28-29. 

10. 

Arsenal  Note,  BeJ.  155. — "  A  mettre  a  la  fin  de  tout  ce 
qui  regarde  Rene.  Voila  cet  horame  qui  faisait  une 
code,  il  y'avait  a  lui  pardonner  toute  la  journee.  II  se 
detachait  de  ses  amis  meme  involontairement  lorsqu'ils 
acqueraient  quelque  superiorite." 

This  phrase  is  found  in  Volx's  letter  in  the  147tli 
new  cahier,  which  replaces  the  corrected  cahier  155. 
See  also  printed  Memoirs,  vol.  iii.  p.  149. 

If  we  attend  carefully  to  the  directions  given  in  con- 
nection with  the  special  incidents  that  have  been 
arranged  by  this  plan,  we  shall  discover  that  these  ten 
notes  establish  that,  in  effect,  Madame  d'Epinay's 
original  story  of  her  introduction  to,  her  relations  with, 
her  sentiments  towards,  her  recollections  about,  and  her 


NOTE    DD  391 

quarrel  with,  Rousseau  has  been  "re- written  from  the 
commencement. " 

In  other  words,  accepting  as  undeniable  the  fact  that 
the  notes  suggesting  changes  in  her  story  prove  to  us 
what  did  not  originally  exist  m  it,  we  have  discovered 
that  in  no  single  case  did  Madame  d'Epinay's  account  of 
these  events  agree  with  the  account  given  by  Diderot  in 
his  Tablettes,  the  one  now  faithfully  reproduced  in  the 
Mewjoirs. 

D.  NOTE  TO  Brunei's  ms. 

Changes  that  have  been  made  in  the  MS.  by  the  editor 
of  the  printed  Memoirs  published  in  1818. 

These  alterations  can  be  verified  in  the  MS.  by  any 
one  who  examines  it,  at  the  Bibliotheque  Historique, 
in  the  Rue  de  Sevign^,  Paris. 

In  the  accompanying  list  of  these  alterations,  the 
volume  of  the  MS.  where  they  will  be  found  is  indicated 
on  the  right,  and  the  volume  and  page  of  the  printed 
book  where  the  falsified  passage  will  be  found  on  the 
left. 

1.  Des    supposes    services    rendus   ^    Rousseau   par 

Duclos. 
{MS.  Hi.  195.)    Siqjpressed  and  a  note   {Mem.  i.  185.) 

inserted. 

2.  De  la  mort  de  Mme.  de  Jully,  des  soup9ons  contre 

M.  d'Epinay,  le  duel  de  Grimm,  et  le  roman  de 
Rousseau. 
{MS.  vi.  246.)     Chayiged,  roman     {Mem.  ii.  122,  123.) 
sujjpressed. 

3.  De  Toffre  par  le  Consistoire  de  Geneve  de  la  poste 

de  Biblothecaire  a  Rousseau. 
{MS.  vi.  361.)  Changed.  {Mem.  ii.  228.) 

4.  Des  supposes  obligations  de  Rousseau  a  Madame 

Levasseur. 
{MS.  vi.  235.)  Suppressed.  {Mem.  ii.  234.) 


392  APPENDIX 

5.  De  la  lettre  cle  Rousseau  a  Mmc.  d'Epinay  oil  il 

est  suppose  n' avoir  jamais  vu  la   demeure  de 
I'Ermitage  avant  de  Taccepter. 
{MS.  vii.  121.)  Clianged.  (Mem.  ii.  240.) 

6.  Lettres  inserees  par  TEditeur  qui  n'appartiennent 

pas  au  manuscrit. 
(MS.  vii.  8.)  Inserted.  (Mem.  ii.  252.) 

7.  Sur  les  occupations  de  Rousseau  et  Talldgation  que 

son  metier  est  celui  de  dessinateur  et  de  peintre. 
(MS.  vii.  9.)  Changed.  (Mem.  ii.  254.) 

8.  Sur  la  pension  supposee  faite  par  Grimm  et  Diderot 

aux  Levasseurs. 
(MS.  vii.  15,  16.)  Chayiged.       (Mem.  ii.  260,  262.) 

9.  Sur  les  raisons  donn^es  par  Rousseau  pour  motiver 

son  refus  de  quitter  Montmorency  et  de  retourner 
passer  Tliiver  ^  Paris. 
(MS.  vii.  22.)  Clianged.  (Mem.  ii.  269.) 

10.  Sur  la  mort  (supposee)  de  GaufFecourt  en  1757. 
(MS.  vii.  75.)  Changed.  (Mem.  ii.  314.) 

11.  Sur   la   supposition    que    Madame    d'Epinay   ne 

connaissait  pas  Tronchin  en  1757. 
(MS.  vii.  149.)  Clianged.  (Mem.  Hi.  93.) 

12.  Sur  la  grossesse  et  raccoucliement  a  Geneve  de 

la  femme  de  chambre  de  Madame  d'Epinay. 
(MS.  via.  5,  141.)         Omitted.  (Mem.  Hi.  114.) 

13.  La  lettre  de  Diderot  en  reproche  parce  que  Rous- 

seau  ne  s'ofFre  pas  pour  accompagner  Mme. 
d'Epinay  a  Geneve. 
(MS.  via.  6.)  Changed.  (Mem.  Hi.  116.) 

14.  La  premiere  reponse  de  Grimm  a  la  lettre  de  Rous- 

seau 26  Oct.  1757.     Suppressed  hy  the  author. 
(MS.  via.  21.)      Reference  to  letter       (Mem.  Hi.  135.) 

inserted. 


NOTE    DD  393 

15.  La  lettre  de  Rousseau  a  Madame  d'Epinay,  29  Oct. 
(3IS.  via.  21.)    Rectification  of  dates.    {Mem.  Hi.  135.) 

16.  La  maladie  faite  par  Madame  d'Epinay  en  route 

pour  Geneve. 
(MS.  via.  47.)  Suppressed.      {Mem.  Hi.  149,  150.) 

17.  Les  reponses  faites  par  Madame  d'Epinay  a  la 

lettre  de  Rousseau  de  29  Oct.,  et  a  sa  lettre 
annongant  qu'il  avait  quitte  I'Ermitage. 
{MS.  viii.  38.)  Changed,  and  Rousseau's  {Mem.  Hi.  183, 
true  letter  inserted.  184.) 

18.  200  pages  du  manuscrit  apres  une  note  qui  affirme 

i9i  finissent  les  Mdmoires  de  Madame  d'Epinay. 
{MS.  ix.  38.)  Suppressed,  {Mem.  Hi.  235.) 

THE    OBJECT   OF   THESE   CHANGES   AND  SUPPRESSIONS 
TO    CONCEAL   HISTORICAL   INACCURACIES 

1.  Duclos — Desbarres  suppose  avoir  sauve  Rene 
d'etre  p)endu. 

Memoir es  de  Madame  d'Epinay,  i.  185. — On  lit 
dans  une  note  a  propos  des  services  que  Duclos  est 
allegue  avoir  rendus  a  Rousseau,  "  comme  il  s'agit 
\q\  de  I'affaire  de  Rousseau  avec  M.  de  Montaigu 
ambassadeur  de  France  a  Venise  aupres  duquel  il 
fut  accuse  d'avoir  vendu  le  cliifFre  da  I'ambassade, 
et  que  malgre  les  efforts  de  Madame  d'Epinay  pour 
conserver  I'originalite  du  recit  de  Rousseau  le  fait  est 
rapporte  avec  toutes  ses  circonstances  dans  le  vii°  livre 
des  Confessions,  il  vaut  mieux  y  renvoyer  le  lecteur 
ainsi  qu'a  la  lettre  de  M.  Dutiieil  inseree  dans  la 
Correspondance  de  J.  J.  Rousseau  annee  1744. 

MS.  Brunet,  Bibliotheque  de  la  Ville,  iii.  195. — Au 
3®  tome  du  Manuscrit  de  Brunet  on  trouve  qu'un 
morceau  de  papier,  avec  la  note  citee,  a  ete  colle  au- 
dessus  d'un  long  narratif  sur  les  services  que  Desbarres 
avait  rendus  a  Rene  dans  le  temps  qu'il  ^tait  attache  a 
M,  le  Due  de  P.  en  Espagne. 


394  APPENDIX 

MS.  des  Archives. — La  meme  liistoire  se  trouve  dans 
le  manuscrit  brouillon  caliier  60,  aux  Archives — un 
cahier  mis  au  net. 

LaJemiesse  de  Mme.  d'Epinay,  p.  266. — M.  M.  Perey 
et  Maugras  imprime  ce  narratif  en  y  ajoutant  nne  note 
ou  ils  insinuent  que  probablement  ce  fut  Rousseau  qui 
avait  menti  a  Madame  d'Epinay  en  lui  racoutant  une 
liistoire  "  qui  ne  concorde  en  aucune  fa9on  avec  les 
Confessions."  Cependant  ces  auteurs,  pour  donner  plus 
de  vraisemblance  a  cette  supposition  injurieuse,  se  per- 
mettent  de  faire,  sans  avertir  leurs  lecteurs  "  un  change- 
ment  dans  la  fable."  Au  lieu  d'imprimer,  d'apres  le  MS. 
des  Archives,  J'etais  en  Espagne  attache  ^  M.  le  Due 
de  P.  .  .  .  ils  impriment :  "  J'etais  k  Veyiise  attache  a 
M.  le  comte  de  Montaigu." 

Le  motif  de  cette  fable  sur  les  supposes  services  rendus 
par  Duclos  k  Rousseau  est  d'imposer  a  ce  dernier  un 
nouveau  "  bienfaiteur,"  a  qui,  plus  tard,  on  s'efforcera 
de  montrer  qu'il  fut  ingrat :  c'est  aussi  de  rendre  Rous- 
seau responsable  pour  les  liaisons  de  Mme.  d'Epinay  avec 
un  homme  dangereux,  qu'un  ami  judicieux  m'aurait  pas 
introduit  dans  la  maison  d'une  jeune  femme  sans  pro- 
tecteur.  Or  ce  ne  fut  pas  Rousseau  qui  presenta  Duclos 
a  Mme.  d'Epinay,  mais,  au  contraire,  ce  fut  chez  Mme. 
d'Epinay  que  Rousseau  fit  connaissance  avec  Duclos.^ 
Mais  Madame  d'Epinay  n'etait  pas  responsable  pour 
cette  fable.  Dans  le  cahier  du  manuscrit  brouillon  on 
voit  que  c'est  une  intercalation  et  parmi  les  Notes  de 
I'Arsenal  se  trouve  celle-ci,  qui  se  rapporte  a  cet  in- 
cident : — 

"  II  faut  que  Rene  parle  de  Desbarres, — service  rendu. 
Formeuse  en  fait  I'eloge  ;  quoique  le  connaissant  peu. 
On  prie  Rene  de  I'amener.  On  ne  Va  p)as  comme  on 
veut :  c'est  parce  qu'il  ne  me  refuserait  rien  que  je  ne 
veux  rien  lui  dema7ider.^  Lorsqu'on  le  voit,  dire  :  enfin 
j'ai  vu  Desbarres." 

^  Con/.,  Part  ii.  iv.  vii. 

2  Cette  phrase  se  retrouve  dans  le  recit  des  MSS. 


NOTE    DD  395 

2.  La  mort  de  Madame  de  (Mcnil)  Jully. — Les  faux 
soupgons  contre  Madame  de  Montbrillant  (d'Epinay)  a 
propos  des  papiers  briiles ;  I'absence  de  Formcuse  (de 
Francueil)  parce  qu'il  vient  de  perdre  sa  femme — la 
lachete  des  parents,  et  des  calomnies  des  pretendus  amis 
de  Madame  de  Montbrillant :  le  roman  de  Ren^,  et  sa 
vanite  qui  en  detruit  I'efFet ;  le  courage  chevaleresque 
de  Volx  (Grimm)  qui  prend  la  defense  de  Mme.  de 
Montbrillant  quoique  "la  connaissant  peu  " ;  et  qui  se 
bat  en  duel  pour  elle,  par  le  sentiment  noble  et  genercux 
d'indignation  contre  des  calomniateurs  d'une  jeune 
femme  honnete  et  sans  protecteurs,  voila  les  circon- 
stances  qui  dans  le  roman  expliquent,  et  excusent,  les 
liaisons  de  I'heroine  avec  son  "  chevalier  "  Volx.  On  a 
pris  I'habitude  d' accepter  comme  faits  authentiques  les 
accusations  contre  Madame  d'Epinay  apres  la  mort  de 
Mme.  de  Jully ;  et  le  duel  de  Grimm  en  sa  faveur : 
tout  porte  a  croire  cependant  que  ces  incidents  sont 
legendaires. 

MS.  de  Brunei,  vi.  24. — Voici  ce  que  Ton  lit  dans 
le  manuscrit  au  sujet  du  roman  de  Ren^. 

"  Huit  ou  dix  jours  aprfes  le  conbat  de  M.  Volx  il 
parut  dans  le  public  une  esp^ce  de  petit  roman,  aussi 
agreablement  que  fortement  ^crit,  sur  le&  bruits  publics 
et  sur  I'injustice  des  mauvaises  reputations.  L'auteur 
de  ce  livre  ^tait  inconnu ;  cependant  il  ne  pouvait  etre 
attache  qua  peu  de  gens.  Get  ouvrage  fit  une  tres grande 
sensation.  Soit  que  le  roman  eut  converti  bien  des  gens, 
soit  qu'on  se  lassfit  de  parler  de  Mme.  de  Montbrillant, 
des  que  ce  livre  parut  on  nc  parla  plus  d'elle,  que  pour  la 
plaindre,  et  ensuite  pour  faire  son  «loge.  Desbarres  crut 
avoir  fait  une  combinaison  indubitable  en  attribuant  ce 
roman  a  Volx.  II  s'^tait  battu  pour  Madame  de  Mont- 
brillant, il  devait  avoir  ecrire  pour  elle.  II  eut  beau 
proteste  qu'il  n'y  avait  aucun  part,  Desbarres,  enchant^ 
de  sa  d^couverte  le  d^bita  par  tout.  Mais  bientot,  Rene 
se  d^clara  le  veritable  auteur ;  et  I'amiti^  qu'il  professa 
pour  Madame  de  Montbrillant   rendit  tout  a  coup  ses 


396  APPENDIX 

vues  et  son  ouvrage  suspect,  et  d^truisit  par  la  une 
grande  parti  de  son  effet  dans  le  public.  Madame  de 
Montbrillant  lui  temoigna  la  plus  grande  sensibilite  sur 
le  motif  qui  I'avait  porte  a  ecrire  indirectement  dans  sa 
faveur.  Mais  je  ne  pus  m'empeclier  de  dire  a  Kene,^ 
que  j  etais  etonne  qu'ayant  si  bien  reussi  dans  ses  vues, 
il  se  fut  tant  presse  de  se  declarer.  II  me  repondit  qu'il 
ne  pouvait  souffrir,  ni  qu'on  lui  donnat  un  ouvrage  qui 
ne  lui  appartenait  pas,  ni  qu'on  attribuat  les  siens  aux 
autres.  '  Je  ne  me  soucierais  pas  d'adopter  le  plus  part 
de  ceux  qu'on  me  donne,  et  je  ne  crois  pas  les  miens 
dignes  de  porter  un  autre  nom.'  Je  me  souviens  que 
je  dis  alors  a  Madame  de  Montbrillant  que  je  n'etais 
pas  le  dupe  de  cette  modestie :  et  que  je  soupgonnais 
qu'avec  beaucoup  de  talens  il  n'en  pouvait  souffrir  a 
d'autres."  ^ 

L'editeur  des  Memoires  imprimes,  sachant  qu'il  ne  se 
trouvait  pas  de  roman  parmi  les  ecrits  de  Rousseau,  "  sur 
I'injustice  des  reputations,"  a  cru  devoir  supprimer  cette 
histoire. 

Mem.,  ii.  122. — On  lit  dans  les  Memoires  a  propos 
du  duel  de  Grimm.  "  M.  Grimm  porta  a  son  adversaire 
un  coup  qui  lui  effleura  legerement  les  cotes  el  il  en 
regut  un  en  meme  temps  dans  le  bras.  Le  Baron  qui 
se  crut  fortement  blcsse  dit  qu'il  etait  content.  Alors 
M.  Grimm  jeta  son  epee,  et  aida  son  adversaire  a  etan- 
cher  son  sang  avant  de  songer  a  lui-meme.  Le  Comte 
de  Friese  ramena  le  Baron  chez  lui.  Heureusement  leurs 
blessures  ne  sont  iioint  dmigereuses. 

Cette  derniere  phrase  est  de  I'Editeur  Brunet. 

Dans  le  MS.  on  reconnait  1' alteration  faite  et  que 
d'apres  le  roman,  le  chevalier  "Volx"  fut  au  contraire 
gravement  blesse.^  "  On  craint,"  dcrit  M.  de  Montbril- 
lant, "que  M.  Volx  n'ait  le  bras  estropie,  le  point  de 

^  C'est  le  tuteur  qui  parle. 

2  Voir   note  de  TArsenal  cite  p.  386.     MS.  des  Archives,  cahier 
115,  ou  rhistoire  de  Rene  est  inseree. 
^  MS.  de  Brunet  vi.  238,  aussi  MS.  des  Archives. 


NOTE    DD  397 

I'epee  ayant  offense  un  nerf.  La  quantite  de  sang  qu'il 
a  perdu  I'afort  affaibli.  0  mon  ami !  pourrai-je  jamais  me 
consoler  de  cette  aventure  s'il  faut  qu'un  honnete  liomme 
en  soit  toute  sa  vie  le  victime." 

L'editeur  de  1818  a  aussi  supprime  la  phrase  suivante. 

"  M.  Volx  et  le  Baron  d'Elva  auront  besoin  de  tout  le 
credit  du  comte  de  Friese  pour  arreter  les  suites  que 
pourrait  avoir  leur  combat." 

On  comprend  que  le  motif  de  ces  suppressions  fut 
d'amoindrir  Timportance  de  ce  singulier  duel,  si  peu  dans 
les  moeurs  de  I'epoque,  entre  le  secretaire  du  comte  de 
Friesen,  et  un  Baron  de  sa  society.  On  pent  affirmer  que 
si  un  tel  combat  aurait  eu  lieu  les  chroniqueurs  de  scan- 
dales  mondains,  Metra,  Besenval,  ou  Colle,  en  auraient 
certainement  parle ;  mais  eii  dehors  des  Memoires  on  ria 
jamais  rien  su  d\n  duel  de  Grinim  avec  un  calomnia- 
teur  de  Madame  d'Epinay;  Mercier,  le  biographe  de 
Grimm,  ^crivant  en  1808  (liuit  a^is  avant  la  mise  e^i 
vente  du  m^anuscrit  depose  avec  Lecoui^t  de  Villiere) 
evidemment  ne  savait  rien  de  ce  pretendu  duel. 

Le  manuscrit  revele  que  cette  histoire  est  un  "  cliange- 
ment "  fait  dans  le  recit  de  Madame  d'Epinay  :  une  note 
dit  de  Volx  "  il  se  hat  chez  le  comte  de  G."  ^  une  seconde,^ 
"  Donnez  le  nom  de  chevalier  a  Volx." 

Une  autre  note  nous  apprend  a  douter  de  I'histoire 
des  papiers  de  Mme.  de  Jully  brules  par  Madame 
d'Epinay.  Dans  cette  note  on  decouvre  que  I'accusation 
faite  contre  I'heroine  aprfes  la  mort  de  la  belle  soeur 
aurait  pu  avoir  un  tout  autre  caractfere. 

"  Mrae.  de  Menil  aura  donne  un  diamant  a  Volnex 
(chevalier  de  Vergennes)  pour  ses  dettes — il  part — elle 
meurt.  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  est  soupconnd  de  I'avoir 
pris ;  les  uns  la  defendent,  les  autres  I'accusent ;  on  se 
bat." 

3.  MS.   de  Brunei,  vi.  ;   MS.  des  Archives,  cahier 
130. — Au  sujet  du  propositions  supposdes  faites  t\  Rene 
1  Notes  de  1' Arsenal,  125.     See  p.  386.  -'  Ibid.,  137. 


398  APPENDIX 

par  La  Republique  de  Geneve  en  1756  avant  son  install- 
ation par  M.  de  Montbrillant  aux  Roclies,  on  lit  dans 
le  MS. 

"  On  lui  propose  une  chaire  de  Professeur  en  philoso- 
phie." 

Changement  fait  par  Brunei. 

Mem.,  ii.  228. — "  On  lui  propose  une  place  de  Bihlio- 
thecaire." 

Le  motif  du  changement  est  que  dans  les  Confessions 
(partie  ii.  liv.  viii.)  Rousseau  dit :  "  Tronchin  m'^crivit 
meme  ajires  son  retour  d  Geneve  pour  me  proposer  la 
place  de  bibliothecaire  lionoraire." 

A  propos  de  la  Chaire  de  Philosophic  offerte  ^  Rene, 
I'auteur  ajoute  : 

MS.  de  Brunei,  vi.  ;  Archives,  cahier  130. — "  Saint 
Urbain  (Gauffecouri)  dit  qu'elles  sont  remplies  par  des 
liommes  distingues  et  vraiment  savants.  A  cet  egard 
personne  n'y  convient  mieux  que  Rene  :  "inais  il  esi  cL 
craindre  quHl  ne  se  fasse  p)rofesseur  de  sophisnie  ei  de 
misanthrojne." 

Mem.,  ii.  229. — L'editeur  supprime  la  derniere  phrase 
et  par  cette  suppression  on  perd  la  preuve  de  la  malveil- 
lance  qu'on  attribue  a  I'heroine  envers  son  protege  Rene. 

4.  Les  obligations  supposees  dues  par  Rousseau  aux 
Levasseurs. 

Dans  le  roman  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  veut  engager 
Ren^  a  sacrifier  son  orgueil  egoiste  aux  interets  des 
deux  "Elois." 

MS.  Brunei;  MS.  des  Archives,  \.  130.— "  J'ai  tache 
de  persuader  a  Rend  que  ses  principes,  qui  seraient  tres 
estimables  s'il  etait  libre,  devenaient  trfes  condamnables 
dans  sa  situation,  puisqu'il  ne  pouvait  pas  se  permettre 
d'exposer  a  la  misere  deux  femmes  qui  Ven  avaient 
tire  et  qui  avaient  tout  sacrifie  pour  lui.  .  .  .  J'ai  peu 
gagnd  sur  son  esprit.  Je  suis  done  esclave  ?  m'a-t-il 
rdpondu ;  et  parce  qu'il  a  plu  a  deux  femmes  que  je  ne 


NOTE    DD  399 

connaissais  pas  de  me  conserver  ma  vie  dontje  nefais 
mil  cas  ilfaudrait  que  fassujetisse  mon  sort." 

Mem.,  ii.  235. — Comme  I'Ecliteur  savait  que  Ton  ne 
pouvait  persuader  aux  lecteurs  que  Madame  Levasseur 
et  Therese  avaient  tire  Rousseau  de  la  misere,  ou  lui 
avait  conserve  la  vie,  il  a  raye  ces  phrases. 

5.  Lettre  de  Rene  qui  est  tenu  n'avoir  jamais  vu  la 
petite  maison  qu'on  lui  donnait  a  Montmorency. 

MS.  de  Brunei ;  MS.  des  Archives. — "  Si  votre  sante 
vous  le  permet  je  vous  proposerais  me  mener  dimanche 
aux  Roches,  pour  reconnaitre  les  lieux." 

Mem.,  240. — Brunet  qui  savait  que  Rousseau  n'avait 
pas  besoin  de  reconnaitre  les  lieux,  puisque  la  retraite 
qu'on  lui  donnait,  il  I'avait  choisie,  a  raye  cette  phrase. 

6.  (Apres  I'^tablissement  de  Rene  aux  Roches  T^diteur 
a  insere  dans  le  MS.  7  lettres  de  Rousseau  qui  n'appar- 
tenaient  pas  a  Touvrage  ;  on  trouve  ces  lettres  en  face  des 
pages  8  et  9,  vol.  vii.  du  MS.  de  la  Bibliotheque  de  la  ville.) 

7.  Les  "  occupations  "  de  Ren^. 

Quand  elle  a  etabli  son  prot^g^  aux  Roches,  Mme. 
de  Montbrillant  lui  demande  qu'elles  seraient  ses 
occupations  ? 

MS.  Brunet,  vii.  9  ;  MS.  des  Archives,  cahier  131. 
— II  me  dit  qu'il  comptait  se  remettre  d  dessiner  et  d 
peindre  d  gouache,  si  Ton  me  fache,  disait  il,  firai 
jusqu^d  peindre  les  dessus  de  porte  en  camayeux. 

L'editeur,  qui  veut  donner  a  Rene  les  occupations  de 
Rousseau,  fait  ce  changement. 

Mem.,  ii.  254. — II  me  dit  qu'il  comptait  se  remettre 
d  copier  la  musique. 

C'est  le  meme  changement  quelques  pages  plus  loin 
quand  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  raconte  la  "  plaisanteric  "  de 
Volx  au  sujet  du  metier  de  Rene. 

MS.  Brunet ;  MS.  des  Archives ;  Mem.,  vol.  ii.  p.  2 GO. 
— II  s'est  eleve  hier  a  la  promenade  une  discussion  entre 
Volx  et  Rene  qui  n'etait  au  fond  qu'une  plaisanterie.    Rene 


400  APPENDIX 

a  en  I'air  de  s'y  preter  de  bonne  grace  ;  mais  il  souffrait 
interieurement  on  je  suis  bien  trompee.  II  avait  rapporte 
a  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  quelques  iiajpiers  d'eventails  et 
quelques  ecrayis  (les  copies  qu'il  avait  faites  pour  lui)  ^ 
celui-ci  lui  demanda  s'il  ^tait  liomme  d  entreprendre 
quelques  dessus  de  portes  e^i  camayeux  (a  lui  en  livrer 
autant  en  quinze  jours). ^  II  repondit  peut-etre  que  oui, 
peut-etre  que  non,  c'est  suivant  la  disposition,  I'humeur, 
et  la  sante.  En  ce  cas,  dit  M.  de  Montbrillant,  je  ne  vous 
donnerai  que  six  a  faire  parce  qu'il  me  faut  la  certitude  de 
les  avoir.  Eh  bien,  reprit  Rene,  vous  aurez  la  satisfac- 
tion d'en  avoir  six  qui  depareront  les  six  autres.  Voyez 
vous,  reprit  Volx  en  riant,  cette  pretention  de  peintre 
(de  copiste)  ^  qui  le  saisit  deja.  Si  vous  disiez  qu'il  ne 
manque  pas  une  virgule  a  vos  ecrits  tout  le  monde  serait 
d'accord,  maisjeparie  qu'il  y  a  bien  quelques  feuilles  ou 
quelques  queus  de  travers  dans  vos  ecrans  (quelques  notes 
de  transposees  dans  vos  copies). 

8.  La  ''  gmerosite''  de  Volx  et  de  Gamier. 

Mme.  de  Montbrillant  a  deja  signals  la  generosite  de 
Volx  et  Garnier  en  ce  que  n'ayant  guere  le  necessaire 
ils  font  neanmoins  une  pension  a  la  vieille  Eloi  a  I'insu 
de  Rene.     Elle  ajoute. 

MS.  Brunet,  vii.  16  ;  MS.  des  Archives,  caliier  131. — 
"  A  peu  pres  vers  le  meme  temps  M.  Volx  se  trouva 
oblige  par  un  arrangement  de  famille  a  sacrifier  pour 
une  annee  le  peu  de  revenue  que  son  patrimoine  lui 
procurait.  M.  Garnier  se  cliargea  pour  cette  annee  de  la 
pension  entifere  qu'ils  payaient  a  eux  deux  a  Madame 
Eloi  a  I'insu  de  Rene,  ce  qui  le  forca  a  une  plus  grande 
economic  et  k  faire  des  voyages  de  Paris  aux  Roches  a 
pied.  Madame  de  Montbrillant  qui  le  sut,  prit  souvent 
pretexte  d'avoir  a  envoyer  sa  voiture  k  Paris  ou  a  la  faire 
revenir  a  Montbrillant  afin  que  Garnier  pent  en  profiter 
sans  lui  en  avoir  obligation." 

Mem.,  ii.  263. — L'editeur  a  senti  que  cette  pension 

1  Changement  de  I'Ed.  ^  Changement  par  Brunet. 


NOTE    DD  401 

supposee  avoir  ete  faite  a  Madame  Levasseur  par  Grimm 
et  Diderot,  "  a  Tiusu  de  Rousseau  "  paraitrait,  si  nori  in- 
croyable,  trcs  suspecte  a  I'egard  du  motif  qui  aurait  inspired 
une  generosity  si  deplacee  envers  une  vieille  femme  qui 
recevait  dejd  des  mains  de  Rousseau  et  de  Madame 
d'Epinay  jplus  que  le  necessaire ;  le  passage  a  ^te  raye. 

9.  Le  refus  de  Rousseau  a  demenager  de  I'Ermitagc 
Thiver. 

D'apr^s  le  recit  des  Memoires,  Rene  n'etait  gu^re 
etabli  aux  Roches,  que  Volx  ne  commenca  ses  repre- 
sentations a  Madame  de  Montbrillant  sur  les  inconven- 
ients  qu'il  y  aurait  a  lui  laisser  passer  I'hiver  dans  sa 
retraite.  On  doit  reconnaitre  que  Rousseau  avait  bien  \ 
se  plaindre  de  cette  inconstance  qui  lui  faisait  batir  une 
demeure,  pour  vouloir  Fen  chasser  quelques  mois  apr^s. 

MS.  Brunei,  vii.  ;  MS.  des  Archives,  132. — "  Dcpuis 
deux  jours  que  Rene  est  ici,  nous  n'avons  cesse  de 
le  detourner  de  passer  I'hiver  aux  Roches.  II  en  a 
d'abord  plaisante  ;  ensuite  il  s'est  fache.  Hier  il  nous  a 
ecoutes  en  silence  ;  et  il  a  fini  par  me  dire  qu'il  nous 
donnerait  aujourd'hui  sa  reponse.  Ce  matin  il  est  parti 
avant  que  personne  ne  fut  leve  et  il  m'  a  ecrit  en  arrivant 
chez  lui. 

"  Lettre  de  Reiie. — Je  commence  par  vous  dire  que  je 
suis  resolu,  determine,  quoiqu'il  arrive  il  passer  I'hiver 
aux  Roches ;  que  rien  ne  me  fera  changer  de  resolution  ; 
et  que  vous  n'en  avez  pas  le  droit  vous-meme,  parce 
que  telles  ont  ete  nos  conventions  quand  je  suis  venu, 
ainsi  n'en  parlous  plus  que  pour  vous  dire  en  deux  mots 
mes  raisons.  II  m'est  essentiel  d'avoir  du  loisir  et  de  la 
tranquillite  pour  achever  cet  hiver  mon  grand  ouvrage ; 
il  s'agit  ijeut-etre  de  2,000  ecus  de  iirofit,  songez  vous  d 
cela."  etc. 

Mem.,  ix.  269.— L'editcur  transforme  cette  dernierc 
phrase.  II  est  essentiel  d'avoir  du  loisir,  de  la  tranquil- 
lite,  et  toutes  mes  commodites  pour  travailler  cet  hiver : 
it  s'agit  en  cela  de  tout  pour  moi. 

VOL.  I.  26 


402  APPENDIX 

Le  cliaiigement  peut  avoir  ete  fait  non  seulement 
parce  que  c'eut  ete  difficile  de  faire  croire  aux  lecteurs 
que  Rousseau  aurait  ecrit  la  phrase  sur  les  "  2,000  ecus 
de  profit,"  mais  aussi  tres  probablement  parce  que  1  edi- 
teur  possedait  la  veritable  lettre  de  Rousseau.  Cependant, 
I'editeur  s'etant  engag^  aupres  de  ses  lecteurs  que  dans 
les  Memoires  il  ne  publiait  rien  que  Madame  d'Epinay 
n'eiit  ecrit,  manquait  a  sa  parole  quand  il  y  insera  sa7is 
avertir  ses  lecteurs  des  veri tables  lettres  de  Rousseau 
qui  ne  faisaient  pas  parti  de  I'ouvrage ;  c'etait  la 
commettre  la  faute  precisement  que  nous  lui  avons 
reprochees  :  attribuer  d  Vouvrage  mie  authenticite  gu'il 
n^a  pas.  .  . 

10.  La  Mort  de  Saint  Urbain. 

MS.  de  Brunei,  vii.  75. — D'apres  le  roman,  Saint 
Urbain  (de  GaufFecourt)  meurt  au  mois  d'Avril  1757,  le 
jour  apres  le  depart  de  Volx  pour  la  guerre. 

^'  M.de  saint  Urhain  mourut  le  lendemain.  On  each  a 
sa  mort  a  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  pendant  vingt-quatre 
heures.  II  fallut  enfin  la  lui  apprendre,"  etc.  L'editeur 
Brunet  savait  que  GaufFecourt  nest  pas  mort  en  1757. 
Que  Rousseau  etait  en  correspondance  avec  lui  en  1765, 
du  temps  des  persecutions  qui  forcerent  Rousseau  de 
quitter  Motiers.  Done  il  substitua  au  recit  du  roman 
cette  remarque  qu'il  attribue  a  I'heroine ; 

Mem.,  ii.  314. — "  Graces  au  del  les  medecins  ont 
declare  que  notre  cher  Gauffecourt  etait  tout  d  fait  hors 
de  danger.  Pour  moi  je  crains  bien  qu'il  ne  se  ressente 
de  cette  attaque  le  reste  de  ses  jours  :  au  moins  nous  le 
conserverons." 

11.  Troncbin  et  Madame  d'Epinay. 

Le  motif  allegue  pour  la  visite  de  Madame  d'Epinay  a 
Geneve  etait  qu'elle  desirait  consulter  Troncbin.  Rous- 
seau avait  presente  Troncliin  ci  Madame  d'Epinay  en  1756 
{Conf.,  Part  ii.  liv.)  mais  comme  on  ne  voulut  pas  lui 
laisser  cet  honneur,  on  pretendit  que  ce  furent  les  con- 


NOTE    DD  403 

sells  de  M.  de  Jully  et  de  Grimm  qui  la  decida  a  fairc  le 
voyage  a  Geneve  en  1758  et  qu'clle  ne  connaissait  pas 
Tronchin.  L'Editeur  Brunet  qui  savait  que  I'amitie  de 
Madame  d'Epinay  avec  Tronchin  etait  un  fait  etabli  par 
leurs  lettres,  a  cru  devoir  transformer  ou  supprimcr  ccs 
passages. 

MS.  de  V  Arsenal,  cahier  142  (new);  MS.  de  Brunet 
vii. ;  Mem.,  iii.,  93  ;  Mme.  de  M.  a  Volx.— "  J'ai  re9u  aussi 
des  nouvelles  de  M.  de  Menil,  il  est  dans  I'enthousiasmc 
de  Geneve  et  des  Genevois  ;  il  porte  son  enthousiasme 
jusqu'd  me  persecuter  de  nouveau  pour  consulter  M. 
Tronchm  qui  est  selon  lui  aux  miracles.  II  pretend 
qicon  vient  de  tous  les  pays  7'echercher  son  avis.  Enjin 
c'est  U7i  dieu.  J'ai  tant  vu  de  ces  reputations  loin- 
taines  s'evanouir  quand  on  les  aptj^rocke." — Raye  par 
I'editeur. 

Reponse  de  Volx.  Je  ne  suis  point  etonne  que  M.  de 
Menil  soit  entliousiaste  pour  M.  Tronchin,  je  me  joindrai 
a  lui  en  temps  et  lieu  pour  vous  engager  a  le  coa^ulter  ; 
je  le  connais  unp>eu,  assez  meme  ^jour  lui  adresser  voire 
lettre,  mais  il  est  cependa^it  plus  naturel  de  le  faire 
passer  par  M.  de  Menil. — Raye  par  Fed. 

Mme.  de  M.  a  Volx. — Je  ne  saurais  prendre  confiance 
dans  un  medecin  qui  est  a  cent  lieues  et  que  je  n'ai 
jamais  vu. 

Je  n'ai  pas  assez  de  confiance  en  Tronchin  pour  me 
determiner  jamais  a  aller  le  trouver. 

Journal  de  M.  de  M. — "  J'ai  cede  enfin  aux  persecu- 
tions que  m'ont  faites  ma  mere  et  M.  Volx  pour  que  je 
voie  Tronchin. 

"  J'ai  regu  la  reponse  de  M.  Tronchin.  Si  elle  ne  me 
console  pas  beaucoup,  elle  me  donne  dans  ses  lumieres 
et  dans  sa  prudence  plus  de  confiance  que  je  n'en  avals. 
II  y  a  certalnement,  dit  11,  une  cause  immediate  aux 
frequens  derangemens  de  ma  sante  ;  mais  quand  meme 
11  prendrait  sur  lui  de  prononcer  de  si  loin  sur  cette 
cause,  jamais  il  noserait  entreprendre  d'y  remedier 
sans  rn  avoir  sous  les  yeux." 


404  APPENDIX 

On  pent  comparer  avec  cette  affirmation  une  phrase 
dans  U7i  vieux  cahier  158  do  F Arsenal,  Mme.  de  Mont- 
brillant  ecrivait  a  Volx  les  details  de  la  maladie  qu'elle 
avait  faite  avant  d'arriver  a  Geneve  elle  dit  :  "  Je  me 
rap2)elai  que  Costa  [Tronclmi)  avait  tente  dejd  unefois 
de  me  detourner  d'un  voyage  dont  il  paraissait  redouter 
la  fatigue.''  Cette  phrase  disparait  du  caliier  neuf  150 
qui  remj^lace  le  cahier  158  sans  doute  parce  que  Ton 
avait  remarque  I'indiscretion  de  cet  aveu. 

12.  La  Femme  de  Chamhre  Duhuisson. 

On  a  accuse  Rousseau  d'avoir  dit  que  le  motif  du 
voyage  de  Madame  d'Epinay  a  Geneve  etait  de  cacher 
une  grossesse  que  ses  relations  avec  Grimm  et  le  fait 
connu  de  sa  separation  de  son  mari  rendaient  embarras- 
sante.  On  ne  doit  que  relire  les  Confessions,  part  ii. 
liv.  ix.  et  la  lettre  de  Rousseau  a  Grimm  pour  s'assurer 
que  Rousseau  ne  dit  rien  qui  aurait  pu  reveler  quels 
etaient  les  faits  dont  se  composait  le  "  secret,"  qui 
"  nen  etait  un  dans  toute  la  maiso7i  de  Madame 
d'Ejnnay  que  pour  lui^  Mais  les  defenseurs  pretendus 
de  Madame  d'Epinay  ont  eu  soin  de  mettre  les  points 
sur  les  i's ;  Dans  les  Memoires  les  affirmations  sur  I'etat 
de  la  femme  de  chambre  paraissent  avoir  pour  motif  la 
necessite  d'admettre  qu'il  y  avait  toujours  une  voyageuse 
de  la  compagnie  qui  devait  accoucher  d  Ge7ieve.  C'est 
sans  doute  pour  cette  raison  que  I'Editeur  des  Memoires 
supprime  toute  mention  de  I'interessante  Femme  de 
Chambre. 

L' Arsenal  cahier  145  ;  note  Mem.  iii. ;  MS.  de  Brunet, 
viii.  p.  iii.  (raye). — Mme.  de  M.  a  son  Tuteur. — "  J'ai 
quelque  inquietude  sur  I'etat  de  ma  femme  de  chambre. 
Je  crains  que  la  condition  que  j'ai  mise  au  consentement 
de  son  mariage  ne  I'a  engage  a  me  cacher  une  grossesse. 
Je  lui  en  ai  parle  :  elle  m'assure  qu'elle  n'est  pas  grosse. 
Dans  ce  cas  elle  est  tres  malade.  Dans  I'un  et  I'autre 
cas  elle  pent  me  causer  un  grand  embarras." 

MS.  de  Brunet,  viii.  5  ;  cahier  145,  raye. — Le  Tuteur 


NOTE    DD  405 

ecrit,  "  Je  parlai  h  sa  femnie  dc  chambrc  commc  ellc  Tavait 
desire  ;  cette  fcmme  nous  trompa,  autant  par  attaclie- 
ment  pour  sa  maitresse  que  pour  son  intcrOt  ct  nous 
assura  qu'clle  n'etait  pas  grosse." 

Vieux  cahier  dc  V Arsenal,  16G  ;  MS.  de  Brunei,  viii. 
141,  raye. — Lettre  de  Mme.  de  M.  a  Volx,  de  Geneve. — 
Mon  dicu  que  ce  Balbi  (Linant)  est  insoutenable  !  II  vient 
m'interrompre  avec  une  scene  qu'il  avait  bien  voulu 
rendre  touchante,  mais  elle  n'etait  que  ridicule ;  comme 
je  n'etais  pas  en  train  de  rire  elle  ne  m'a  caus(^  que  I'im- 
patience.  Imaginez  qu'il  est  entre  dans  ma  cbambre  avec 
son  air  patbetique  et  miclleusement  appretee  couduisant 
la  Dubuisson  sur  le  poing  qui  avait  Fair  tremblante  et 
deconcertee.  .  .  .  Mile.  Dubuisson,  Balbi  me  dit,  a  une 
confidence  a  vous  dire  et  jugeant  par  mon  attachement 
et  par  mon  zele  des  egards  que  vous  voulez  bien  avoir 
pour  moi,  elle  a  bien  voulu  que  je  I'accompagnasse.  Et 
tout  de  suite  voila  une  tirade  sur  mes  vertus,  mes  bontes 
etc.  accomj)agnee  des  larmes  de  Dubuisson.  La  fin  de 
tout  cela  est  qu'elle  est  grosse  et  que  malgre  tout  ce  que 
je  lui  ai  dit  avant  mon  de23art  pour  m'en  assurer,  elle 
s'etait  acbeminee  de  me  tromper  afin  de  me  suivre — le 
tout  par  amour  de  moi  comme  vous  pensez  bien  !  Si  je 
ne  la  connaissais  pas  pour  honnete  femme  je  croirais 
Balbi  le  pere  de  cet  enfant  par  Fattendrisscment  que  lui 
causait  Fetat  de  Dubuisson.  Mon  irremier  mouvcment 
etait  de  la  renvoyer,  mais  comment  dans  Vttat  ou  je 
suis  prendre  une  inconnue  ? 

"  Toute  reflexion  faite  je  garde  la  Dul)uisson,  et  je 
prends  a  ses  frais  une  seconde  fcmme  de  cbambre  que  me 
donne  une  parente  de  M.  Troncliin  a  qui  je  puis  m'en 
rapporter.  Je  la  prends  des  a  present  afin  qu'elle  soit  au 
fait  de  mon  service  lorsque  Mile.  Dubuisson  sera  malade 
et  ne  pourra  pas  me  servir." 

{Done  d'a2:>res  le  recit  du  rom^an  Mile.  Dubuisson  a 
du  accoucher  d  Geneve.) — Que  devient  alors  Fargument 
triomphal  de  MM.  Percy  ct  Maugras  centre  Fassertion 
attribute  ^  Rousseau  (qu'il  n  apasfaile)  que  Madame 


4o6  APPENDIX 

d'Epinay  allait  a,  Geneve  pour  "  caclier  une  grossesse  et 
mettre  an  monde  un  enfant  dont  Grimm  etait  le  pere  ? 
L'argument  est "  les  Archives  de  Vetat  civil  de  Geneve, 
soigneusemeyit  examines  d,  trois  reprises  differentes,  ne 
contienneyit  j^as  trace  d'u7ie  naissance  d' enfant  etranger 
d  cette  epoque} 

(Mais,  d'apres  le  recit  de  Madame  d'Epinay,  Mile. 
Dubuisson  a  du  "mettre  au  monde  un  enfant  a  cette 
epoque,"  et  il  ne  faut  pas  oublier  que  ces  auteurs  "tien- 
nent  a  affirmer  "  la  veracite  de  ce  recit.) 

13.  Sur  la  Lettre  de  Diderot  ci  Rousseau  pour 
Vengager  d^accompagner  Madame  d'Ejnnay  d  Geneve. 

Dans  les  Memoires  cette  lettre  (sauve  quelques  petites 
differences  de  phrases),  est  essentiellement  semblable  a  la 
lettre  authentique  des  Confessions,  copiee  par  Rousseau 
d'apres  la  lettre  autograplie  de  Diderot,  possedee  par  la 
Bibliotheque  de  Neuchatel.^ — On  va  voir  que  s'il  en  est 
ainsi,  c'est  parce  que  I'Editeur  a  change  la  lettre  offen- 
sante  de  Garnier  qui  se  trouve  dans  le  manuscrit,  pour 
tacher  de  la  donner  le  meme  ton  que  la  lettre  authentique. 

MS.  de  V Arsenal:   Lettre  de  Garnier,    cahier  145; 

MS.  de  Brunet,  viii.  17. — '' J'apprends"  ecrivait  Garnier, 

"  que  Madame   de   Montbrillant   part  pour   Geneve   et 

je    n'entends   pas   dire    que   vous    I'accompagnez.     Ne 

voyez   vous   pas  que  si  elle  a  avec  vous  les  torts  que 

vous  lui  supposez  c'est  la  seule  manifere  de  vous  acquitter 

de   tout   ce  que  vous  lui  devez  et  de  pouvoir  rompre 

ensuite  deccmment  avec  elle  ?     Si  vous  n'en  faites  rien 

et  que  vous  la  laissez  partir  seule  dans  I'etat  ou  vous  la 

voyez,  etant  aussi  mal  intentionee  quelle  est  pour  vous 

elle  vous  fera  un  tort  dont  vous  ne  vous  laverez  jamais. 

Vous  ne  cessez  de  dire  que  vous  voulez  retourner  dans 

votre  pays.     Que  peut  done   vous   retenir,   d   moins 

qu'il  7i'y  ait  un  mot  de  vrai  d  tout  ce  que  vous  mavez 

dit." — (cette  phrase  est  rayee  par  I'Editeur,  qui  ajoute  : — ) 

^  Preface,  p.  xxii,  Jeunesse  de  Mme.  d^Einnay. 
-  Publiee   par  INI.  Streckeisen-Moultou  dans  J.  J.  Rousseau,  ses 
Amis  et  ses  Ennemis. 


NOTE    DD  407 

"  Et  puis  ne  craignez  vous  point  qu'on  interprete  mal 
votre  conduite  et  qu'on  ne  vous  soupconne  ou  d'ingrati- 
tude  ou  d'autres  motifs.  Je  sais  bien  que  vous  aurez 
toujours  pour  vous  votre  conscience  mais  cela  suffit-il  ? 
Et  est  il  permis  de  negliger  le  tdmoignage  des  autres 
hommes." — Mem.,  iii.  117. 

14.  La  j9remzere  response  de  Grimm  cl  la  lettre  de 
Rousseau  du  29  Oct.  1757. 

On  connait  pas  les  Confessions  qu'avant  d'ecrire  a 
Eousseau  la  lettre  "de  sept  a  huit  lignes  "  dont  Rousseau 
dit ;  "  c'etait  une  rupture  mais  dans  des  termes  tels  que 
la  plus  infernale  haine  peut  les  dieter ; "  Grrimm  avait 
repondu  par  une  lettre  ^nigmatique  qui  commencait, 
"  Le  depart  de  Mme.  d'LJpi7iay  est  recule.  Son  fits  est 
Tnalade,  ilfaut  attendre  qitil  soit  retahli.  Je  reverai  d 
votre  lettre,  etc.,'"  voir  Conf.,  part  ii.  liv.  ix.  Ce  fut  apr^s 
la  reception  de  cette  lettre  que  Rousseau  dcrivit  a 
Madame  d'Epinay  la  lettre  du  29  Oct.  qui  commence  : 
"  J'a'j)pre7ids,  Madame,  que  votre  depart  est  differe  et 
votre  Jlls  malade,"  etc.  Mais  dans  le  recit  de  Madame 
d'Epinay,  I'auteur  stipprime  cette  premiere  reponse  et 
fait  apprendre  d  Rene  par  la  Comtesse  de  Lange  que 
le  depart  de  Mine,  de  Monthi^illant  est  differe.  Cest 
ainsi  que  Von  veut  expliquer  V assertion  que  Volx  et  Mme. 
de  Mo7ithrillant  recoive^it  le  m^me  jour  (jour  du  depart 
de  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  pour  Geneve)  leurs  lettres 
de  Rousseau.  Cette  alteration  de  dates,  et  surtout  la 
suppression  de  la  premiere  reponse  de  Grimm,  exerca 
les  talents  de  I'Editeur  des  M^moires  qui  veut  retablir 
I'exactitude  historique. 

Volx  a  Garnier. — Tenez,  mon  ami,  lisez  et  apprenez 
enfin  a  connaitre  I'homme.  Vous  trouverez  ci-joint  une 
piece  d'eloquence  que  m'adressa  Rene  le  jour  du  depart 
de  Madame  de  Montbrillant,  avant  le  depart  de  Mme. 
d'Epinay.^  J'avais  evite  d'y  repondre  directement 
(ajoute)  sentant  bien  que  ce  que  j'avais  £t  lui  dire  oc- 
1  MS,  viii.  (changement  fait). 


4o8  APPENDIX 

casionerait  une  rupture  et  un  eclat ;  mais  il  m'y  force 
aujourd'hui  en  me  pressant  de  lui  rdpondre :  et  avec  un 
homme  de  ce  caracterc  il  ne  faut  pas  tergiverser.  Je 
me  garderai  bien  de  communiquer  sa  lettre  a,  Mme.  de 
Montbrillant ;  je  craindrais  dans  I'etat  ou  elle  est  qu' 
une  ingratitude  aussi  monstrueuse  lui  fit  une  trop  forte 
impression;  mais  je  ne  lui  caclierai  pas  qu'elle  n'a  plus  rien 
a  menager  avec  un  si  grand  fourbe.  Je  vous  envoie  aussi 
la  copie  de  la  seconde  (ajoute)  reponse  qui  je  lui  ai  faite. 

15.  La  lettre  de  Rousseau  d  Madame  d'Epinaydu 
29  Octohre. 

Elle  fut  ecrite  apres  qu'il  avait  recu  la  premiere 
reponse  de  Grimm  qui  lui  apprit  que  le  depart  de 
Madame  d'Epinay  etait  retarde.  Pour  expliquer  com- 
ment Rene  est  venu  a  savoir  cc  delai,  on  lui  fait  ecrire. 

Arsenal  et  cahier  145  ;  MS.  de  Brunet. — "  La  Com- 
tesse  de  Lange  qui  m'apprends  ce  delai  me  parla  beau- 
coup  de  ce  voyage."  ^ 

"■  Madame  d'lloudetot  me  parla  beaucoup  de  ce 
voyage." 

16.  La  fiialadie  que  fait  Madame  d'Epinay  en 
route  pour  Geneve. 

L Arsenal  cahier  148 ;  MS.  de  Brunet,Y\\i. — L'Editeur, 
craignant  que  cet  accident  pourrait  faire  croire  a  une 
fausse  couclie,  a  soin  de  supprimer  cet  incident :  sur 
lequel  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  revient  plus  tard  dans  une 
longue  description  (cahier  160  vieux,  153  neuf),  ou  elle 
raconte  a  Volx  son  etat  dame,  aussi  bien  que  ses 
souffrances  physiques.  Dans  la  description  faite  au 
cahier  neuf  153,  on  constate  un  changement  du  recit 
donnde  dans  le  vieux  cahier  160,  ou  probablement  nous 
avons  les  vrais  sentiments  de  Madame  d'Epinay,  qui 
n'etait  pas  aussi  "  philosophe  "  en  religion  que  Grimm  le 
voulait. 

Vieux  cahier  160. 

^  Changement  fait,  Mem.,  iii.  124, 


NOTE    DD  409 

Sur  sa  foi  en  Dieu,  vicux  cahier  160,  Madame  d'Epinay 
dit :  "  Quant  a  la  Creation  de  I'Univers,  je  crois  qu'il 
faut  reconnaitre  un  Auteur  et  je  Le  rcconnais." 

Caliier  neuf  153  et  MS.  de  Brunei. — "  Quant  a  la 
creation  je  serais  portee  a  croire  qu'il  y  faut  un  Auteur 
mais  je  n'en  suis  pas  tres  sure  :  s'il  y  en  a  un  je  suis  trtis 
persuadee  que  nous  ne  pouvons  ricn  avoir  h,  demeler 
ensemble." 

(Cost  ainsi  aussi  que  dans  le  caliier  151  et  dans  le  MS. 
de  Brunei  elle  raconte  que  Balbi  avait  envoye  chercher 
un  pretre,  mais  qu'elle  sut  echapper  aux  sacraments.) 

151.  "  Ce  pretre  arriva  ivre-mort :  ce  qui  me  mit  fort 
a  mon  aise.  Je  lui  parlai  en  consequence  de  son  etat.  II 
cut  I'effronterie  de  m'exhorter  ^  recevoir  les  sacraments 
et  je  lui  representa  que  vomissant  sans  cesse  je  ne  le 
pouvais." 

(Cepeudant  dans  le  vieux  caliier  157  elle  dit,  en 
parlant   de   son   arrivee  a  Geneve  apres  cet  accident.) 

"...  J'oubliais  de  vous  dire  que  M.  de  Voltaire  est 
venu  au  devant  de  nous.  II  voulait  nous  retenir  a 
diner,  mais  quoique  je  fus  assez  bien  je  m'y  suis  refus^e 
trouvant  une  sorte  de  ridicule  d,  diner  cliez  Voltaire 
cinquante  heures  apres  avoir  ete  administree." 

17.  La  reponse  de  Madame  d'Epinay  cl  sa  lettre  du 
29  Ociohre. 

C'est  la  reponse  dont  Rousseau  parle  dans  les  Co7i- 
fessions,  elle  est  parmi  les  autograplies  conserves  a 
Neuchatel  et  imprimes  par  M.  Streckeisen-Moultou  ;  dans 
cette  lettre  Mdme.  d'Epinay  dit  navoir  regu  celle  de 
Rousseau  qua  son  arrivee  d  Geneve  le  9  Novemhre. 
Dans  le  roman  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  recoit  la  lettre  de 
Rene  le  jour  de  soil  depart,  et  elle  Teuvoit  ix  Volx  en  lui 
disant  qu'elle  na  j^cts  repondu  et  qiCelle  ny  repondra 
pas.  Effectivement  dans  les  Manuscrits  on  ne  trouve 
nulle  mention  de  cette  lettre  ;  et  la  lettre  de  Rousseau 
("  s^  Vo7i  mourrait  de  douleur,"  etc.)  est  tenue  avoir  ele 
ecrite  par  Rene  sans  provocation  recue  de  sa  "bien- 


4IO  APPENDIX 

fai trice."  Plus  tard  la  lettre  de  Madame  d'Epinay  du 
17  Janvier  en  reponse  a  la  lettre  du  17  Decembre,  est 
aussi  omise  du  roman :  et  il  est  probable  que  Madame 
d'Epinay  a  ecrit  cette  lettre  a  I'insu  de  Grimm. 

MS.  de  Brunet,  viii.  47  ;  MS.  Arsenal,  caliier  149. — 
L'editeur  du  manuscrit  a  travaille  a  rectifier  tout  cela. 
Ainsi  dans  le  manuscrit  on  lit  dans  la  premiere  lettre  de 
Mme.  de  Montbrillant  a  Volx  apr^s  son  arrivee  a  Geneve. 
"J'ai  trouve  ici  une  lettre  de  mon  concierge  qui  me 
marque  que  Rene  lui  fait  dire  de  venir  reprendre  les 
meubles  des  Roclies  parce  qu'il  va  en  sorter.  Je  lui 
repoiids  tout  simplement :  si  M.  Rene  quitte  les  Roclies 
retirez  en  les  meubles  le  lendemain  qu'il  en  sera  sorti 
et  pas  avant.  Vous  verrez  M.  Volx,  vous  saurez  de  lui 
ce  que  devicnnent  les  dames  Eloi  et  si  ellcs  ont  besoin, 
de  quelques  uns  de  mes  efFets  vous  leur  laisserez  ce  que 
M.  Volx  vous  dira  de  leur  donner.  Vous  porterez  le 
surplus  chez  ma  mere.  En  effet,  tnon  ami,  Rene ne ma 
2)as  eerit  et  ne  ma  rien  fait  dire!^ — Raye  dans  le  MS. 

Sur  la  lettre  oil  Rene  informe  Mme.  de  Montbrillant 
dans  les  mots  de  Rousseau  que  "  rien  n'est  si  simple  ni 
si  necessaire  que  de  sortir  de  sa  maison  du  moment 
qu'elle  n'approuve  pas  qu'il  y  reste  "  Mme.  Montbrillant 
ecrit  a  Volx  : — 

MS.  de  Brunei,  viii.  75  ;  Arsenal  caliier  153  neuj,  161 
vieux. — "  J'ai  recu  une  lettre  de  Rene  en  reponse  a  ma 
derni^re  lettre,  eomme  elle  nen  exige  jkis,  je  ne  repli- 
querai  point."  L'editeur  a  colle  un  morceau  de  papier 
audessus  du  passage  ou  se  trouve  ecrit  ''je  vous  Venvoie 
avec  la  reponse  que  j'ai  faite  tontde  suite" — et  il  insere 
la  lettre  de  Mme.  d'Epinay  du  17  Janvier.^ 

Dans  la  confusion  qui  resulte  des  changements  faits 
soit  par  Madame  d'Epinay  elle-meme  soit  par  ses  diffe- 
rents  editeurs  dans  I'liistoire  il  est  utile  d'etablir  I'ordre 
des  Lettres  vdritables.^ 

1  3fem.,  iii.  184,  185. 

"  Dans  une  6tucle  d'une  grande  valeur  par  Professeur  Hitter  intitu- 
les Nouvelles  Eecherches  sur  les  Confessiotis  1880  se  trouve  un  tableau 


NOTE    DD  411 

1.  24  ou  25  Oct.  Lettre  de  Rousseau  a  Grimm  (Dites 
moi  Grimm). 

2.*  27  ou  28  Oct.  1^  reponse  de  Grimm.  (Le  depart 
de  Mme.  d'E.  est  recule.) 

3.  29  Oct.  Lettre  de  Rousseau  a  Mme.  d'Epinay. 
(J'apprends  Madame.) 

4.  8  Nov.  2^  reponse  de  Grimm  (une  rupture  mais  dans 
les  termes  que  la  plus  infernale  liaine  peut  les  dieter). 

5.*  Reponse  de  Mme.  d'Epinay  re9u  16  Nov.  (Je  n'ai 
re^u  ^'otre  lettre  du  29  qu'a  mon  arrivee  ici  c'est  a  dire 
le9.) 

6.  Reponse  de  Rousseau  a  Mme.  d'Ep.  23  Nov.  (Si 
Ton  mourrait  de  douleur  je  ne  serais  pas  en  vie.) 

7.  Reponse  deMme.  d'Epinay  10  Decembre  (lettre  de 
conge). 

8.  Reponse  de  Rousseau  17  Decembre.  (Rien  n'est  si 
simple.) 

9.*  Reponse  de  Mme.  d'Epinay  17  January.  (Je  n'ai 
re9u  votre  lettre  du  17  Decembre  que  liier.) 

10.  Dernifere  lettre  de  Rousseau  Fev.  (Je  vois  Madame 
que  mes  lettres  ont  toujours  le  malheur  de  vous  arriver 
fort  tard.) 

De  ces  lettres  le  2*,  5*,  et  9*  sont  supprimees  dans 
i'histoire  de  Rene,  le  1^  et  3*"  sont  supposees  avoir  eterefz^es 
par  Grimm  et  Madame  d'Epinay  le  meme  jour  et  les 
lettres  de  reproclies  6"*  et  lO*"  sont  supposees  etre,  non 
des  reponses  a  des  lettres  recues,  mais  des  injures 
adressees  par  Rousseau  d  Madame  d'Ep)inay  sans 
aucune  provocation  recue. 

[18.  Vediteur  fait  terminer  Vouvrage  ajwes  une 
lettre  de  Vlieroine  d  "Madame  de  H." — Dans  le  manu- 
scrit  la  lettre  est  a  "  Madame  Mellot "  la  femme  du 
Genevois  avec  qui  Volx  doit  avoir  plus  tard  une  corres- 
pondance  confidentielle  qui  fut  la  cause  des  soupcons 

chronologique  des  principales  lettres  6chang6es  par  llousseau, 
Madame  d'Houdetot,  Grimm,  Saint-Lambert,  Didei'bt  et  Madame 
d'Epinay  depuis  le  26  Oct.  jusqu'au  17  Janvier.  C'est  Prof.  Patter 
qui  le  premier  a  essay^  de  presenter  sea  lettres  dans  leur  vraie  urdre. 


412  APPENDIX 

eveilles  centre  liii  d'etre  un  espion.  Cette  lettre  se 
trouve  page  136  du  9^  tome,  qui  a  358  pages;  en  face 
de  la  page  136  est  collee  une  feuille  de  papier  bleu,  sur 
lequel  est  ecrit  la  note  suivante,  qui  termine  les 
Memoires ;  dans  I'edition  de  Brunet.] 

Id  fmisseyit  les  Memoires  de  Madame  d'Epinay} 
"  II  parait  quelle  etait  revenue  de  Geneve  sans  avoir 
trouv^  aupres  de  Troncliin  le  remede  quelle  etait  allee 
chercher  a  des  maux  auxquels  des  retours  d'anciens 
symptomes  firent  juger  qu'il  y  avait  mallieureusement 
peu  d'espoir  de  guerison. 

"  Quoique  la  vie  d'une  personne  souvent  malade,  et 
sortant  rarement  de  cliez  elle,  doive  offrir  peu  d'interet, 
et  que  ]\Tadame  d'Epinay  ait  passe  les  vingt  dernieres 
annees  de  la  sienne  seulemcnt  au  milieu  d'un  petit 
nombre  d'amis,  nous  regrettons  qu'elle  ne  nous  ait  pas 
laisse  le  tableau  d'une  existence  sur  laquelle  cependant 
elle  avait  su  repaudre  plus  d'une  sorte  d'agr^ment. 
Nous  I'eussions  vue  tantot  achevant  I'education  de  ses 
enfants,  les  etablissant  lionorablement  et  composant  pour 
sa  petite  fille  un  des  meilleurs  traites  de  morale  a  I'usage 
de  I'enfance  qui  existent,  ou  bicn  prenant  la  plume 
de  Grimm,  continuer  en  son  absence  la  Correspond- 
ance  Littm^aire  qu'il  entretenait  avec  plusieurs  princes 
de  I'Allemagne.  Elle  nous  eut  encore  entretenus  de  cette 
parfaite  Madame  d'lloudctot,  de  Saint-Lambert,  du 
Baron  d'Holbacb,^  du  Marquis  de  Croismare  a  qui  le 
surnom  de  hon  convenait  peut-etre  encore  mieux  que  celui 
de  charma7it  qu'on  lui  avait  donne  dans  la  societe.  Mais 
avec  quel  plaisir  surtout  ne  nous  serious  nous  pas  vus 
admis  a  ces  conversations  dans  lesquelles  brillaient  tour 
k  tour  la  chaleur  du  Diderot,  I'esprit  de  I'Abbe  Galiani 
et  I'urbanite  de  Saint-Lambert.^     Le  talent  avec  lequel 

1  Note  de  I'Editeur. 

-  Elle  le  fait :  en  peignant  ces  personnages  comme  de  faux  amis 
qui  abandonnent  I'h^roine  quand  elle  perd  sa  fortune. 

2  Gamier  le  prototype  de  Diderot  a  beaucoup  de  conversations 
avec  Mme.  de  Montbrillant  et  ecrit  sur  elle  de  longues  lottres  au 
tuteur  M.  de  Lisieux. 


NOTE    D  D  413 

Madame  d'Epinay  a  rendu  dans  ses  Memoires  plusieurs 
dialogues  charmans,  doit  nous  faire  regrettcr  qu'elle  n'ait 
pas  cherclie  I'occasion  de  le  reproduire  plus  souvcnt. 
Diderot  etait  trop  ami  de  Grimm  pour  ne  pas  devenir  a 
la  fin  celui  d'une  femme  qu'il  n'avait  jugee  longtcmps 
que  d'apres  des  preventions  suggerees  plutot  a  son  esprit 
qu'a  son  coeur.  II  faut  croire  qu'il  reconnut  son  tort  et 
qu'il  clierclia  autant  qu'il  fut  en  lui  de  reparer,  car  la 
liaison  qui  s'etablit  entre  eux  ne  finit  qu'a  la  mort  de 
Madame  d'Epinay,  arrivee  le  17  Avril  1783.  Grimm  qui 
conserva  toujours  pour  Madame  d'Epinay  le  plus  tendre 
attachement,  a  consacre  a  sa  memoire  quelques  pages 
de  sa  Correspondance  Litteraire.  Or  comme  il  nous 
serait  impossible,  faute  de  nouveaux  renseignemens  de 
dire  autre  chose  et  surtout  de  le  dire  mieux  que  lui,  nous 
renvoyons  le  lecteur  a  la  troisieme  partie  de  cet  ouvrage."  ^ 
Dans  r  Introduction  a  La  Jeunesse  de  Madame 
d'Epinay  xxvii.,  les  auteurs  ecrivent :  On  a  reproclie  a 
Madame  d'Epinay  le  cynicisme  des  aveux  qu'ils  con- 
tiennent  sur  elle  et  les  siens.  Nous  n'avons  qu'une  chose 
a  repondre  :  Us  {les  Memoires)  netaient  pas  destines  d 
la  puhlicite  .  .  .  elle  ne  les  a  lus  qu'd  un  i^etit  cercle 
d'amis;  sa  lettre  d  Sedaine  en  fait  foi.  .  .  (Apres  avoir 
cite  la  lettre  a  Sedaine,  ecrite  par  Madame  d'Epinay  a 
propos  des  petits  volumes  qu'elle  fit  imprimer  a  Geneve, 
ces  ecrivains  continuent :— ) 

1  L'^dition  de  la  Correspondance  Litteraire  a,  laquelle  I'Editeur 
renvoit  ses  lecteurs  est  celle  de  1814  donnee  chez  Colburn,  Londres, 
le  meme  libraire  Anglais  dont  on  trouve  le  nom  en  titre  (avec  celui 
de  Brunet  a  Paris,  a  la  premiere  page  des  "  Memoires  de  Madame 
d'Epinay.'^  Cette  premiere  edition  de  la  correspondance,  assez  rare, 
mais  que  j'ai  eu  le  bonheur  de  ramasser  a  Londres,  est  en  sept 
volumes, — les  quatres  volumes  de  1770  a  1790  ayant  etc  publies  avant 
les  trois  volumes  de  1753  a  1769.  D'apres  I'annonce  en  titre  de 
I'ouvrage,  I'edition  est  faite  d'apres  la  correspondance  adressee  au 
Due  de  Saxe  Gotha  ;  elle  est  presqu'  identique  avec  I'edition  publiee 
par  M.  Maurice  Tourneux,  en  ce  qui  regarde  La  Correspondance 
Litteraire,  il  manque  necessairement  a  cette  edition  beaucoup  de 
lettres  personnelles  et  surtout  les  notes  du  savant  Editeur  de  Grimm 
et  de  Diderot). 


414  APPENDIX 

"  S'il  etait  besoin  d'un  nouveau  temoignage  nous  le 
trouverions  dans  la  jDage  suivante  entierement  ecrite  de 
sa  main  (Note,  p.  10)  et  qui  existe  dans  une  liasse  de 
ses  papiers  inedits  que  nous  avons  depouillee." 

Les  italiques  qui  accentuent  raffirmation  que  la  page 
citee  est  entierement  ecrite  de  la  main  de  Madame 
d'Epinay  sont  de  MM.  Perey  et  Maugras.  Cependant 
la  page  qui  se  trouve  parmi  les  feuilles  detachees  du  MS. 
de  r Arsenal  n'est  2^^^  ecrite  jiar  Madame  d^Epinay 
mais  ^>ar  le  copiste  dont  on  voit  Vecriture  dans  les 
facsimiles  des  vieux  cahiers  des  Archives^  Mais  ce 
n'est  pas  ici  la  scule  preuve  du  peu  d'exactitude  mise 
par  ces  auteurs  dans  leur  travail  de  critique  ;  en  citant 
le  passage  ils  s'arretent  avant  la  derniere  phrase,  qui 
prouve  que  cet  ecrit  apparticnt  a  une  epoque  anterieure 
d  sa  rup)ture  avec  Rousseau  et  a  la  querelle  avec  Duclos ; 
done  que  ses  affirmations  sur  les  motifs  de  son  travail 
en  1756  ne  decident  rien  par  rapport  a  la  question 
apres  1770  quand  I'ouvrage  recrit  et  corrige  avec  Fas- 
sistance  de  Grimm  et  Diderot  etait  destine  a  la  publicite. 
La  phrase  supprimee  par  ces  auteurs  est  a  la  fin  de  la 
citation  donner  ci-dessous. 


ARSENAL   MS. 
Page  detachee.  No  74.  ecriture  du  copiste.     (No.  1.) 

CAHIER    TROUVE   DANS    LES    PAPIERS    DE 
MDME.    DE    MONTBRILLANT 

"Ma  sante  s'altere  de  jour  en  jour,  et  ne  me  laisse 
que  peu  d'esperance  de  parvenir  a  la  retablir.  Je  me 
sens  affaiblie  et  je  crains  que  la  mort  ne  me  surprend 
plutot  qu'on  ne  croit,  et  que  je  le  voudrais  a  present  que 
je  suis  heureuse.  Je  me  dois,  et  je  dois  a  ceux  qui 
m'honorent  encore  de  leur  estime  et  de  leur  tendresse, 

^  Handwriting,  No.  1. 


NOTE    DD 


415 


de  leiir  laisser  les  moyens  dc  detmirc  apres  moi  la 
calomnie,  par  le  recit  Ic  plus  sincere  de  differents  evene- 
ments  dans  lesqiiels  j'ai  eu  presque  toujours  Ics  ap- 
parences  centre  moi.  La  timidite,  la  honte,  et  quelque- 
fois  riionnetete  et  I'indulgence  pour  les  autres,  m'ont 
impose  silence,  et  m'ont  porte  a  me  laisser  condamner 
sans  me  plaindre.  C'est  a  vous  surtont,  6  mon  tuteur  ! 
que  je  veux  paraitre  telle  que  je  suis,  et  aux  yeux  de 
qui  il  m'importe  a  me  justifier.  Si  je  vous  ai  cache  ma 
tendresse  pour  M.  Volx  c'est  que  j'ai  craint  votre  censure, 
et  que  vous  ne  jugiez  mal  d'une  femme  de  28  ans,  qui 
apres  avoir  essaye  deux  fois  tous  les  mallieurs  attaches 
a  une  passion  malheureuse,  se  laissait  seduire  de  nouveau 
par  Fespoir  de  trouver  a  la  fin  un  coeur  digne  de  toute 
sa  tendresse.  Je  I'ai  trouve  enfin  le  bonheur  qui  jusqu'a 
present  m'avait  fuit,  mais  quel  effort  il  fallait  faire  sur 
moi  meme  pour  y  reussir.  Mais  sans  autre  preambule 
lisez  ces  lettres  que  j'ai  soigneusement  gardees.  Quelques 
mots  de  liaison  vous  instruiront  de  ce  qui  n'est  pas 
assez  clairement  explique.  Si  je  reviens  de  I'etat  oil  je 
suis,  je  continuerai  chaque  jour  de  meme  jusqu'a  ce  qu'il 
plaise  a  ma  destinee  de  prendre  fin,  ce  qui  pourrait  bien 
n'etre  pas  long.  Comme  tout  ce  qui  vient  de  mes  amis 
rn'est  cher,  j'ai  conserve  egalement  leurs  lettres  et  je  les 
ai  piacees  a  leurs  dates.  .  .  .  hon  !  voila  Desbarres  qui 
revient  me  voir, — 6,  cet  homme  est  odieux !  Bon  jour, 
cher  Tuteur,  venez  demain  diner  avec  moi,  vous  y 
trouverez  St.  Urhain,  Rene,  et  M.  Volx.  Rene  peut-etre 
nous  lira  quelque  chose." 

NOTE  E 

THE    LEGEND    OF    IlOUSSEAU's    CHILDREN. 

(See  Vol.  i.  p.  140-181.) 

A  critic  who  claims  respectful  attention  from  all 
students  of  Kousseau — Professor  Ritter  of  Geneva — 
has  made  some  objections  to  the  evidence  put  forward 


4t6  appendix 

in  my  study,  in  connection  with  the  negative  proofs 
afforded  by  the  registers  of  the  Enfants  Trouv^s, 
that  no  infant  was  ever  received  there,  having  in  its 
clothing  the  marked  card  prepared  by  Rousseau  for 
the  identification  of  his  eldest  child.  My  argument 
was  based  upon  my  personal  examination  of  these 
eighteenth  century  registers,  still  preserved  at  the 
Hospice  des  Enfants  Assistes,  Rue  de  L<5nfert  Rochereau, 
Paris.  These  registers  afford  evidence  of  the  scrupulous 
care  taken  to  notify  in  the  ])roces-verbal  that,  by 
obligation,  had  to  record  the  reception  of  every  child, 
the  most  exact  and  minute  description  of  any  token 
or  mark  found  upon  the  child,  or  in  its  clothing, 
which  might  help  to  identity  it  if  it  were  reclaimed. 
I  maintained,  and  I  still  maintain,  that  in  1761,  La 
Roche,  supplied  with  the  duplicate  of  the  marked  card, 
and  well  instructed  by  Rousseau,  could  not  have  failed 
to  find  in  these  registers  the  record  he  was  in  search 
of,  if  the  record  were  really  there ;  that  is  to  say,  if 
this  infant  had  ever  been  deposited  at  the  Enfants 
Trouves  in  the  way  Rousseau  supposed  and  has  described 
in  the  Confessioiis.  Professor  Ritter's  objection  is  that 
in  my  study  (as  it  was  published  in  1895)  I  made  the 
date  of  the  supposed  birth  of  Rousseau's  first  child  the 
last  months  of  1747  or  the  first  of  1748,  following  in 
this  the  Confessions;  whereas  in  Rousseau's  letter  of 
the  12th  June  1761  to  the  Duchess  of  Luxembourg 
asking  her  to  help  him  in  his  efforts  to  reclaim  the 
child,  he  gives  the  date  as  between  1746  and  1747  : 
and  that  we  have  the  evidence  of  a  letter  to  Madame 
de  Warens,  proving  that  Rousseau  had  paid  a  visit  to 
Chenonceau  in  1746.  Accepting  gratefully  Professor 
Ritter's  correction  upon  this  question  of  dates,  I  would 
wish  to  point  out  that  my  argument  remains  entirely 
unafi'ected  by  it ;  for  it  is  not  based  upon  my  own 
examination  of  the  special  records  of  children  received 
in  1747  or  1748,  but  upon  my  personal  testimony 
(after  examination)    of   the  careful   keeping   of    these 


NOTE    E  417 

records ;  and  consequently  of  the  certitude  tliat  La 
Roche,  well  instructed  by  Rousseau  as  to  what  he  had 
to  look  for,  and  the  months  where  he  had  to  look  for 
it,  could  not  have  failed  to  find  the  notification  of  the 
reception  of  this  child,  if  it  had  ever  been  received. 
Nevertheless,  as  Professor  Ritter  still  insisted  upon  his 
view  that  to  establish  my  case  I  ought  to  examine  the 
registers  belonging  to  the  last  months  of  1746  and 
the  early  months  of  1747,  I  resolved  to  undertake  this 
inquiry ;  although  I  felt  it  was  foredoomed  to  be 
fruitless  in  its  results — and  for  evident  reasons  : — for  if 
even  we  accept  the  story  told  in  the  Confessions  not 
merely  as  a  true  account  of  what  Rousseau  believed,  but 
as  a  true  account  of  what  actually  happened,  we  can 
hardly  think  that  Madame  Gouin  would  have,  when 
depositing  the  child  at  the  Enfants  Trouves,  given  the 
correct  name  of  the  parents.  So  that  we  have  no  clue 
in  this  direction.  Nor  do  we  possess,  as  La  Roche  did, 
the  double  of  the  marked  card  prepared  by  Rousseau; 
consequently,  a  researcher  who  explores  these  iwoces- 
verhaux  to-day  can  hardly  expect  to  make  any  useful 
discovery,  because  he  does  not  know  what  he  is  looking 
for  !  Nevertheless,  I  have  to  thank  Professor  Ritter's 
difi'erent  opinion  upon  this  point  for  what  may  be 
described  as  a  discovery,  although  it  does  not  throw 
any  fresh  light  upon  the  facts  as  they  were  stated  by 
me  in  1895,  but  that  does  aff'ord  me  an  opportunity  of 
preventing  the  possible  introduction  of  a  new  fable 
based  upon  unsound  foundations.  The  discovery  is  that 
there  does  exist  in  these  registers  an  entry  that  might 
very  readily  he  accepted  by  a  careless  investigator  as 
the  very  one  tve  are  in  search  of! 

Number  2975,  in  the  register  for  the  year  1746, 
month  November,  refers  the  researcher  to  a  proces- 
verbal  signalized  by  the  same  number,  and  dated  21st 
November,  which  records  the  reception  of  "  un  enfant 
du  sexe  masculin,"  certified  as  having  been  baptized  at 
the  Hotel  Dieu  on  the  20th  November,  under  the  name 

VOL.  I.  ^' 


4i8  APPENDIX 

of  Joseph  Catherine  Rousseau.  The  signature  of  the 
j^erson  who  deposited  Joseph  Catherine  is  very  in- 
distinct; but  above  the  original  signature  is  written 
Veriseau. 

Now,  although  Eousseau  is  a  very  common  French 
name,  and  although  it  seems,  as  has  been  said,  extremely 
improbable  that  in  a  case  like  this  the  real  name  would 
have  been  given,  the  coincidence  of  dates  between  this 
entry  and  the  supposed  birth  of  Therese's  first  child 
might  lend  some  colour  to  the  supposition  that  one  really 
had  found  the  true  entry.  But  even  as  a  supposition 
this  theory  cannot  be  entertained,  for  the  irrefutable 
objection  is  that  La  Roche  must  have  seen  this  entt'y 
in  1761,  that  he  hiew  from  Rousseau  under  ivhat 
name  the  child  was  sujyposed  to  have  been  registered, 
that  he  held  in  his  hands  the  duplicate  of  the  token 
prep)ared  for  its  identification,  and  that  Joseph 
Catherhie  Rousseau,  baptized  at  the  Hdtel  Dieu  on 
the  20th  November,  evidently  did  not  answer  to  the 
deserij^tion  of  the  child  he  ivas  attempting  to  trace. 

In  the  face  of  these  facts,  it  should  be  affirmed  and 
recognized  that  the  modest  claims  of  Joseph  Catherine 
Rousseau  to  sleep  undisturbed  in  the  registers  of  the 
Enfants  Trouves  ought  to  be  respected.  And  for  myself, 
I  claim,  as  his  first  and  original  discoverer,  a  right  to 
protest  against  any  fresh  discovery  of  him  ;  or  any 
attempt  to  introduce  him  to  modern  times  as  the 
newly-found  eldest  son  of  Jean  Jacques,  and  Therese 
Levasseur. 


END    OP   VOL   I 


Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited, 

bread  street  hill,  e.c,  and 

bungay,  suffolk. 


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